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'Eyw ^a / Oiolx, oTt rmirx i*tt Vf/.^*, tx ^iKxr^i^ici rut irp®^ aMti^ot; ^t )t(%>aj> tc- 1 ^tUTtj^ia tt;; --»-V. y^ 'i vV •1 - V r 'V \ i S ■i*-., REMARKS, &c. ii .^ Ik: S" P jt * 1 1 .4 V ■y r k*" ■ ^ g- 1 '/ ■i Ml W'- 1 m f i'- «»» ^ «,'. i/ arc inexhaufliblc, and his labours find no other period than the termination of his life. But that love of our country, which, according to ancient ethics, tomprchcndcd aU (lie virtues and endearments of humanity, is unfelt by the Nev^^ Whigs. They retire from Parliament, dur- ing a period of national didrcfs, and aflign reafons for their conduft, of the moft pernicious tendency. Their apology (if it will fubmit to fuch an hum- ble name) is a dire£l and open declaration to the country, that we are without" an effective and law- ful government, at this perilous juncture. It is nothing lefs than a public exhortation to the peo- ple to realTume the reins of government. If the ftate of our reprefentation j unifies thofe who are chofen into Parliament, in dcferting their Ration, the ele£tors of Great Britain ought not to make any return. The conftituents cannot authorife a6ts, which the reprefentative cannot in con- fcience perform. The " impodure" ouglit not to continue, and the whole body of the people fliould rife up as one mafs, and wreil the [lowers of the tliird eftate from thofe who have ufurpcd its func- tions*. B 3 Language * This Is the very language of a fpecch made in the Whig Club, 5th December, 1797, as given in the Morning Chronicle. It is there faid, that to attend Parliament, is " to hold o\it falfc hopes to the country; that it is abetting impofture, and only approving things 6 Language and conduft like this is always preg- nant with anarchy and ruin. But the danger is more imminent, becaufe the New Whigs plough in the fame furrow, and deepen the very line of diftinftion, which France now draws between the government and people of thefe kingdoms, for the utter deftru61ion of both. Nothing can purge a party a6ling thus, from the charge of rafli and injurious violence. The fecefllon deferves a much worfe appellation^ unlefs the motives which gave rife to it are unqueftionably pure, and the rea- fons upon which it is founded are, to appear- ance at lead, convincing and fohd. Let us examine both. Our reprefentative fyftem has undergone but little change fmce the revolution. Every partial alteration which has taken place in particular bo- roughs, has contributed to extend the privilege of voting more widely. For the laft twenty years, the prefcnt leader of the New Whigs has been at the head of a party in fyftematic oppofi- tion to each fucceeding cabinet. No one admini- ftration, no one parliament, no one meafure, has l- ]■ things radically wrong." It is farther declared, that the oratqr is *' ready to adl as foon as the people are unwilling to fufFer this de- lufion." This is not the fpeech of a wild democratic baronet, but pfthe head of the party. efcaped i '% fiakf-:>.. efcaped his unquiilified cenfure. He unceafingly xlenounced the influence of the crown, the vveak- nefs of minilters, and the corrupt fcrvihty of par- liament. Thofe who read his invectives agaiiifl: Lord North and his majorities, and compare them with his more recent fpeeches, may find fome change in his poHtical fentiments, but they will meet with none in the warmth of his per- fonal philippics. The counfels of Mr. Fox, and of a much larger oppofition than the prefent, were rejected as uniformly in thofe times *, as during Ihe laft feffion. Yet neither Mr. Fox, nor any other member, retired then * om his duty, bc- caufe he could not effedt a reform in parliament. So far as any thing can be inferred from th(t conduft of Mr. Fox, during that period, it was more in praife than in condemnation of our reprefentative fyftem as it now (lands. He ad- mitted its imperfeftions, by fupporting the gene- ral principle of reform ; but he gave it a moll ef- fectual fuppori, by difapptoving of every fpeciiic plan propofed to fuperiede it. It is utterly im^ poflible, then, that he could have confidcrcd our reprefentation as inadequate to the ends of gcj- vernment, during the be ft and moft vigorous pt«- riod of his political life, fmce he could neither devife nor feleCt a fyftem to adopt in its place, * Thefe remarks are, of courfe, confined to the perloJ of Mr, Fox's being in oppofjuop. • r .. .,| b4 To 8 To what recent event, therefore, are we to at- tribute it, that while the ftiape and form of our reprefentation remains unchanged, Mr. Fox has changed his opinions ? It would be injuftice to that gentleman to fuppofe, that he had formed his prefent refolution at the clofe of the laft Par- liament, much as he declaimed againft its wicked acls, and unconftitutional opinions. If he had done fo, he was bound to have difclofed to his conftituents the unufual terms upon which he meant to accept of nis feat. It was the manifeft duty of every one of the New Whigs to have done the fame *. If they had determined to fe- cede prior to the general election, they have de- ceived the eleftors by whom they were returned. If they have embraced the refolution fmce that C * It would be difficult to juftify them now for not refigning their leats, fmce they have ftubbornly refolved to negleft their duty. It feems, however, that they conftrue the filence of their conftituents into an approbation of their conduft. I queftion the right of the elcdors to give this leave upon any conftitutional principle. But if we admit thus much to oppofition, they muft, in return, admit, that the general filence of the country gives a like fandion to the ufual meafures of Government. The fituation of Mr. Fox is ftill more aukward and whimfical than that of his coadjutors. He lays, that his conflituenfj dcfired his attendance to oppofe the affeffed taxes. Since they command him to oppofe a mea- fure which they difapprove, it may be fairly urged, that when they acquiefce in his abfence, they condemn his oppofition. Into fuch abfurdities will men of the greateft talents fall, when thsy deviate from the plain onward track of liie. ■' " > " time. 1 time, they have done fo at a moft fufplciehis fea. fon. The parliamentary meafures of the hft fef- fion were much fewer in number and Icfs im- poirtant in their nature, than thofe of the forego- ing. But, during the fpring, a few panic-ftruck, and fome difappointed gentlemen wifhed to place a refpeftable nobleman at the head of a new adminiftration. The llipulated bafis of this ar- rangement was, the exclufion of Mr. Fox from powe- ; and Mr. Sheridan was too wife to defert him, for the cold hope of employment under a miniftry much too feeble to laft *. The fcheme was fdly ; but though a mere bubble, fliort-livcd and empty, it fliewcd, as it played upon the furface, how firong the current of opinion ran againlt the New Whigs. Since the above was written, a letter has appeared in the public prints, giving an account of this tranfaClion, and figned with the name of the noble Earl alhidcd to. The narrative fliews that coquetry is not confined to the lovelier fcx. It is impoflible not to fmile at -" Tlie cnnfcience of his worth, That would be woo'd, and not unfoughlbe won ; Not obvious, not obtrufive, but rctir'd." The animadvcrnons upon the Duke of Portland's conduij}, and the panegyric upon Mr. Vox, might call for fome remark ; but I would not unneceflarily offend the feelings of a gallant foloier, and a molt liberal and accompliflicd gentleman. The letter from Mr. Fox, which is fubjoined, is a model for thofe to copy, who would fccni to anfwcr, and yet wilh to lliy nothing. Was i /\ 10 » Was it the cackling of thcfc few poor geefc which alarmed our politicians for the fafety of their country, as it deftroyed their delufive dreams of place and emolument ? Certain it is, that the plan of reform was introduced foon after this change was propofed, and the rcfolution was then taken to fecede from Parliament if it failed offuccefs. But let the motives of the fecelTion be what they m.ay, a defect in the caufe of reprefentation could form no ground to juftify it. The very cir- cumftance upon which the oppofition urged the necefTity of the meafure, fails them in point of fa6l. It is not true that the prefent houfe of Commons do not fpeak the fentiments of the Country — I fay this with the means of proof at hand — There never was a time in which the con- du£t of the legiflature was more fully and hear- tily approved by the great body of the people. I will not refort to that filence which the oppofi- tion interpret into an unequivocal approbation from their immediate conftituents. They have given us a more decifive teft of the popularity of Parliament in their eagernefs to obtain ad- dreffes for the removal of his Majefly's Minifters. In moft counties they did not venture to call a meeting of the people, as being well affured that the meafure would be negatived. In many where they — fWW g! I«RI 11 they did hazard the attempt, they were out- numbered and obHged to retire. Let us fuppofe, however, that the fentiments of the people are at variance with thofe of their reprefentatives, and that nothing can reftore their falutary influence upon the meafures of govern- ment but a reform in ParHament. Still I Hiould contend upon Mr. Fox's own conceflions in the debate upon that meafure, that Mr. Gray's plan was utterly unfit to remove the mifchief which it propofed to remedy. Its leading principle was to reduce the feveral modes of reprefentation which exift under the prefent conftitution, to one nearly fimilar to that which obtains in coun- ties at prefent. Now, it was declared by Mr. Fox, that the body of the people are averfe from the war j but the fame gentleman admitted, that this inclination for peace had made no change in the members returned by the different counties to Parliament at the laft eleflion *. If, then, the great body of country gentlemen who are chofen upon a fimilar plan to that which is pro- pofed by Mr. Gray, adhere to the miniflry in contradI£lion to the people's wifiies, from whence is it collected, that an extenfion of the * The ftate of reprefentation in Wcftminrter, Norwich, Brif- tol, &c. bears a more near refcniblance to the reform propofed. But Mr. Fox's remark applies as dircdly to them as to the Counties. very 12 very fame mode of elettion, would give a differ- ent tone to the opinions and meafures of the Houfe. Neither vi^ill I afk you, my dear Sir, to fet bounds to your conccffions here. Let us alTume for a moment that this fcheme would ^^ffeft all that it purpofes to accomplifti. Let us grant that it contemns every poflible blefling which an upright and able llatefnian can devife for the empire. Still the Houfe of Commons reje£t it. Is a Member of Parliament to negleft the inte- reds of his country altogether, becaufe he can- not pay her every poflible fervice ? It is the boaft of Mr. Fox, that he oppofed our war with the Colonics, and that his labours were finally crowned with fucccfs. Whether the part which he took in that unhappy bufmefs furniflies an ho- nell fource for exultation, is a queftion which hillory mull folve. But if the oppofition of Mr. Fox was of fuch fervice in the war with Ame- rica, why fliould he refufe it in the conteft with France ? The praife of rectifying the Minifters financial miftakes is claimed by Mr. Sheridan. If he has done this, the glory devolved on him, but the ad- vantage redounded to his country. It may feem a poor and vulgar bleffing in contraft with thfc imperial gift of a regenerate conftitution. But fiill maumuKKaiSB 13 ftill it is a blefling, and upon what principle arc we called upon to make a lumping bargain, and told that if one is above our price, we fliall not be permitted to acquire the other ? If the mif- takes of adminiftration were to fall on minifters alone, they might be left to reap the fruits of their own folly. But the errors of government are misfortunes to the people. It is the duty of our conftitutional guardians utterly to avert, where they can, all meafures injurious to our profperity : but an unfuccefsful ftruggle to do fo, does not difpenfe with what is not lefs their duty ; to cor- rect and foften thofe mifchiefs which they find it impoflible to remove altogether. They are retain- ers of the people, pledged and fworn to watch over their interells both day and night. While they continue upon the honourable poll, nothing can exempt them from the fatigues of duty. When they are once rhofen into the Co vnmons Houie of Parliament, they are reprefentativcs, not of a particular diftrift, but of the whole Brithh peo- ple ; and it is beyond the power of a borough, or county, to difpenfe with fervice that is due to the nation at large *. * It '" obvious that if fuch a power does exift, it Is bottomed on the principle, that Members of Parliament are boimd to obey their Conftituents. Yet Mr. Fox, in the very fpeech In which he declared his intention to fecede, controverts thjt opinion. His words are — " It has often been a queftion both within and wlth- *' out thefe wall?, how far rcprefentatives ought to be bound by •* the inltruclions of their conftituents. It is a (jueftion upon which "my ■I m p|>iiiiiiiaii*iii ! ■( \l 14 If the impcrfcttion of the Houfe of Common^ could form an excufe for the abfence of its mem- bers, flill what are we to do with thofe noblemen who defert their duty in the Houfe of Peers? We have not heard^ at leaft, hitherto, that fome infane, or fchool-boy lord, has devifed a reform in that augufl: aiTembiy. It is not yet propofed to purify the Houfe by decimation, or to tear from the crown its prerogative of calling indivi- duals of merit, and of fortune, up to its heredi- tary council. Flimfy, and patched up, as this vindication is, it leaves the oppofition Peers to Hand fliivering before their country, bare, naked, and deftitute of all apology. If they can be of any ufc to their country, it is not the conftitu- tion of the Houfe in which they ought to fervc it that can prevent them. The reafons of their condu8:, (if they have any,) are at leaft diftin61: from, if not contradictory to thofe alledged in the Houfe of Commons. Decency forbids me to conje£lure, that they have with the zeal of new converts, outftripped their aflbciatcs, and as the New Whig Commoners, by their fecelTion, pro- nounce the Houfe of Commons to be an ufelefs incumbrance in its prcfcnt ftatc, fo the New Whig Peers by a fimilar ftep, fignify their opinion that •' my mind is not altogether made up, although I ovn I Icdn to tlie '* opinion that having to legiflate for the empire, they ought not to *' be altogether guided byinltruiftions that may be didated by local *' interefts.-Woodfali's Tarl. llcp. of !alt Scflion, Vol. III. p. 329. the mmmmmmmmmmmmmm 'I 15 the^ Houfe of Lords is a fcnfelefs inftitutlon, which nothing can render produaive of advan- tage to the country. Such, my dear Sir, L the famous juftification of this extraordinary proceeding. Its abfurdities are eafily fum'd up. It infifls upon applyijig a remedy to an evil which does not exifl. The remedy it fuggefts would be too feeble to remove the malady if it was really felt. If the afTertions of the New VVhigs were allowed as fafts, they would form no juftification for their conduft, and if their juftification were valid, it would extend only to half their party. If the New Whigs had been ftncere in their tfcape from public bufinefs, it would be ufelefs to expofe the weaknefs and incongruity of their reafons. I Ihould fcorn to hunt pufillanimity down to its obfcure retreat. Condemning the profefl-ed motives of their feceflion, the public would applaud its effeas, and admire the infcru- table ways of Providence, which works good to its creatures from mean and foolilh inftruments. The people left to their own virtuous impulfe, would ceafe to be the viaims of delufive hopel and injurious fufpicions. They would prepare to meet their ancient and implacable enemy with their ancient unanimity and courage. Thev would deem no facrifice of wealth, of comfort, or r ■-*. Si 16 or of labour, too great in fupport of thofe ho- nourable objcfts of living, which are infinitely more precious than life itfelf. Thefe cheering confequences would refult to the people without doors from the fecelfion of the party, if it were really to take place. They have given it as their own opinion, that their attendance in parlia- ment is of no fervice to .c country. i 't i t \ But you, my dear Sir, are well aware that the New Whigs entertain defigns far different from what they profefs. The leaders of oppofition are relllefs and turbulent fpirits, equally impatient of obfcurity and repofe. Pinioned down in the Earth's centre, they would ftruggle to regain the political ftation they had left, though fin, and death and all the plagues of hell, fliould follow at their heels. They talk of flight while they plant an anibufcade. They will not appear in the conflitutional councils of the country to fuperin- tend the general bufinefs of the fl:ate. But if a particular meafure is difrelilhed by the people, liowever conducive to tlie real interefts of the Itute, they are eager to grafp at injurious po- pularity, by coming down to oppofe it*. * I cannot forbear quoting the opinion of one, who, was if poillble, more of a patriot and ftatefman than an oraitor, upon condutft like this. Eqi yi^, £siv vi(7i»%ia ^inui'a nut f ecXXo ri Srjffnohov yiyove' (toAXa Jf t« «vflf«(«r/v«') «1it' iiri touIw t« ncti^u |viT«p> i^afCpvviS en riig ^au%/«;, wirxep Tvcu/xa, e^av»j# mat ice 27 The third le£t are, the Roman Catholics. They are fpread over the remaining provinces of Ireland, and are defcended from the ancient inhabitants of that country, and from the firfl: Englifli fettlers who arrived among them. For thefe two centuries, until the prefent reign, thefe poor people were /lefTed only as Iflachar was bleffed. They were confidered as mere flaves and vi6^ims, turned out to labour, or ufed in facrifice as public convenience required, or prejudice prompted. No Roman province, no colony in the Eaft or in the Weft, no dependency of ancient Lacedemon or Athens, no ally of modern France, were ever more keenly and fyf- tematically fleeced and pillaged than thefe un- happy people. Every thing was made a pretext for plunder. They ftruggled for liberty under Charles I. and were plundered. They ftruggled for royalty againft the rebellion, and were plun- dered. They fought for James II. and were plundered. The robberies of the rebellion were legalized at the relloration. The robberies of the revolution were fecured by a long and grievous train of pains, penalties, and difabilities, too weighty for any people to ftir under. Englifli ad- venturers, Scotch adventurers, Dutch adventur- ers, were let loofe to fatten at their expence, and their faireft pofleirions were torn from the owners I- m 28 owners to enrich pimps, parafites, minions, gene- rals, (late creditors and land furveyors. But a new and happier order of things has arifen during the prefent reign. The Catholics were firft admitted to participate the bleflings of that cup which the revolution beflowed upon the Englifh people by that fovereign who is now upon the throne. If they are grateful, as I am well af- fured they are, it is their prefent king whom they muft praife as the father of their liberties. The only difabilities that now remain of that long catalogue which formerly feparated them in rights from their fellow-fubjefts, are, that they can neither fit in parliament, nor fill the higher offices of government. The Britifli Cabinet, in advifing the former mea- fures of humanity and juftice, have departed very far from thofe maxims of government, which have influenced their predeceflbrs for two centuries paft. I cannot blame them for paufing to examine the effefts of what has been accomplilhed, before they hazard what remains to be done. Having once ftirred the ballaft of the veffel, it is wife and prudent to try how Ihe fails and fettles, be- fore they again venture to alter her trim. If any thing were wanting to imprefs this great political truth on our minds, the woeful experience of our 29 our neighbours fhould teach us, that political in- novations, however plaufible, muft be made with trembling cautio.!. God forbid, however, that I fhould become the advocate of galling diftinftions, which uphold no great political good. It is ralh prefumption in any individual to pronounce decifively upon a meafure which may be viewed in fo many lights, and involves a variety of weighty confiderations. 3ut fo far as I can fee this momentous queftion in all its bearings, it appears to me, that there will be little danger in concluding what has been fo well commenced. The political relaaon of this country and Ireland, as affefted by religious differences, has been fundamentally changed by the creation of a republic in France, and by the total want of religion among her rulers. Thefe events have diffolvcd that alarming connection which formerly united the Irifh Catholics to the French Government. If the union of thefe king- doms is to be hereafter fhaken through any attach- ment to French manners, and a novel conftitution, the ftorm which is to convulfe the empire will not come from the Catholics. It will arife amidft that " old leaven" who have been fo laviflily praifed for rebellion and regicide, and upon whom the temperate glories of the revolution have been moft untruly beftowed *. * Mr. Fox's fpeech on the afTairs of Ireland. Woodfall'S re- ports of the Debates of laft Sefllon, Vol. II. p. 498. The 'H'. • 30 The wiflies of every man, who does not fee fln abfolute neceflity for thofe degrading reftraints, muft be, witli me, that fuch opprobrious and mercilefs badges of guilt fliould be removed from the flioulders of the Catholies, vi^holly, radically and promptly. The boon has been w^ell earned by the patience and long fuffering, by the conftancy and uniliaken loyalty of the upper ranks among them. It is a facriiice, if it can be called a fa- crifice, not lefs agreeable to policy, than grateful tojuflice. A noble mind difdains to be debarred from hopes which are thrown open to his rivals, how- ever remote his profpc£l to enjoy them. The people feel that they are degraded by the dif- tin61:ion made between them and the refl of his Majcfty's fubjcfts. It is here that the chief Iting of thefe dlfabilitics fellers. The immediate ad- vantages of unbarring the avenues to thofe pla- ces which are now fliut againfl: them, would be ex- tremely trivial. They are not in a ftate to profit by the privilege which they claim. It would be very fallacious to eftimate the grievance, as if a fimilar reftraint were impofed upon three fourths of the people of Great Britain. Thofe who are to govern or to ferve the ftate in its higher offi- ces, muft poftefs fome rank, education, and means of life. In Ireland, perfons of this defcription are almoft wholly confined to the reformed religions. A few 1 51 A few noblemen and gentlemen of landed pro- perty, fome rich leafeholders, and not many opu- lent perfons who have realized money by fliop- kecping and trade, conftitutc the entire Catholic gentry. It is from the loweft orders of the peo- ple that this religion derives its greateft ftrength of numbers j from farmers of a few acres of land at a rack rent, from labourers, menial fervants, and handicraftmen. To talk to fuch poor per- fons of their wretchednefs, in being fuperfeded and cut out by law from all chance and hope of becoming Members of Parliament, Revenue Commiflioners, Vice Treafurers, Chancellors, and Judges, would be to infult, not to pity them. It fo happens, however, that the upper ranks of the Catholics, who are alone direttly intereftcd in the attainment of this enfranchifement, are well afTefted to adminiftration ; while the inferior claf- fcs to whom it is of little importance, are in fome counties extremely unquiet. I do not urge this as a reafon for witholding conceilion ; I do it to fliew, that we mufl: trace thofe difcontents which exift to fome other caufes. Thefe caufes are to be found in the machina- tions of France ailing upon the " old republican leaven" in Belfaft, and other places, long previ- ous to the commencement of hoftilities. Dazzled by I 32 I 'i> by the progrcfs of the Fi'ench revolution, which has raifed in its violent and giddy whirls fo many wicked and obfcure men to the top of public af- fairs, a fet of needy and abandoned individuals have planned the moft dangerous and fipgular confpiracy that is to be found in the annals of mankind. Its obje6t is to effeft a feparation be- tween Ireland and this country, and to form a republican government under the protection of France. Its refources are the fedu£tion of the loweli: orders of the people, under the falfe, and now ftale pretext, of equality and freedom. Eve- ry ftratagcm which cunning and want of principle could fugged, has been adopted to detach them from the prefent conftitution. Seditious newf* papers, pamphlets, and treafonable hand bills have been circulated among them. In public, frequent affemblies, violent refolutions, and more violent fpeeches, were employed to inflame the paflions even to madnefs. In private, every arti- fice was attempted which could work upon the weaknefs of the human mind. DiflTenters in Dublin, in Belfaft, and in the remainder of the North, were the firfl: movers and principal fup- port of this confpiracy. But they were aware how impofllble it was to move fociety from its foundations, as they wiflied to move it, unlefs the great mafs of the people were feduced to affift their defign. For this purpofe, the Catholics were to be gained. Forth- 1' 38 t^ortlnvith, a new and unheard of cry was fct Up, by thefe profligate innovators, of commifcration and regard for a fe6t whofe principles of govern- ment they abhorred, and whofe tenets of religion they defpifed. Emancipation of their Catholic bre- thren, and a Reform in Parliament, went forth a3 the public watch-words. But the hopes held up to private converts were an agrarian diftribution of property, and a total exemption from tithes. Senfi- hle that they had to operate upon a brave but vola- tile people, they purfucd the fame plan which has fuceeeded '.n France, but has fortunately fail- ed in Great Britain. They proceeded to aug- ment, unite, and difcipline their converts by afli- liated clubs. Thefe venomous and baneful weeds W'cre trained to creep and climb until they (liould fill the country, and choak up the growth of every thing that was noble and generous in the foil. Nothing was negle6ted to enfure fuccefs, and to prevent difcovery. The wretched confpi- rators were bound to each other by horrid and myftic oaths. The matter of their tremendous pledge, was to be faithful to France, to preferve inviolable fecrecy, and to propagate their princi- ples by encreafmg their converts. Aflalfination and maflacre were added as precautions more fla- gitiousand fecure. Friends, brethren, fathers, every endearing relation of life, were to be fcru- puloufly immolated to this dreadful object. Any attempt to expiate crime by a difclofure of guilt, D was I 1 {■ \h I I 34 was followed by inevitable deftru^ion. If the murderers of an informer had Icifure to indulge their fportive feelings, the terrors of diflblution were aggravated by cruel and lingering tortures. Every magiftratc who ftepped forward to dif- charge his duty, and prefcrve the peace ; who ventured to fupprefs their meetings, to caution the wavering, and apprehend the guilty, was marked and written down for death. He was lliot from behind fome wall or hedge, and fome- tinies in the open day. But if chance or pru- dence preferved him, for a little fpace, from the aim of thefe impatient lurkers for his blood, his houfe was befet, and^forccd by a numerous ban- ditti, who murdered him amidft the cries, and in the very embrace and bofom of his family. Notlefsa6live to fecure weapons than to prevent difcovery, they alTcmbled in large bodies during the night, they furrounded every houfe where arms were kept, and tore them from the owners under menaces of fword and fire. In fome pla- ces they laid the opulent farmers under contribu- tion ; in many more they committed a6l:> of vio- lence the moil atrocious and irreparable. It was impoflible for any individual to rclill their attacks by the mere ftrength of his private family. The enemy ftood as often within his doors as without. Servants fed by their mailer's bounty, and brought up under his roof, were fworn into the confpi- racy ; l!' 35 racy; and have been known, in feme inilances, to plan the attack, and to point out the opportu- nity for affalTination. Againft outrages fo exten- tcnfive and enormous, there was no remedy but in flight, or the interference of a military force. Before they did interfere, many quiet and re- fpe£lable families were expelled from their habi- tations by terror of thofe ruffians. During thefe no61:urnal arrays and domiciliary vifits, every other means were purfued which could advance their treafonous defigns. At- tempts were made to corrupt the foldiery. A correfpondence was kept up with France to ex- pedite an invafion. A large quantity of arms was tranfmitted from thence. Fortunately a principal confignment was feized before it reach- ed the intended place of debarkation. A plan was fet on foot to feize the perfcn of ihe Lord Lieutenant ; and, in fome counties, it was defign- ed to maffacre every individual who w^as deemed hoftile to that revolution which the confpirators were refolved to promote. Thefe charges againft the United Iriflimen and Defenders do not reft upon vague rumour, or in- dividual affertion. They are authenticated by the moft clear and confiftent evidence, openly de- livered at various trials which have taken place in Ireland, from the period of Jackfon's con- viction, to that of Lord Carhampton's tenants D 2 for I! •It 'I ,',, I ri ••^"^mimmmmmm ;■ n ! 36 for confpiring his murder. The witneflcs were numerous, confident in their narratives, and un- conne£lcd with each other. Their teftimonics have been fanftioned by the verdi6t of juries, in every county where thefe troubles have prevailed. Many of the guilty have fuffered the penalty of the law. Many more have received life from the mercy of the crown, and not a few have re- tired to America, anticipating conviction in a fenfe of their crimes. When the fchemes of the United Iriflimen, in the North, and of the Defenders in the counties of Meath, Dublin and Kildare, were thus un- eauivecally proved by their condu6l, and the con^^efl'on of their accomplices, what other mea- fures could a wife and prudent government pur- fue, but thofe which have been einoloycd ? Were they to tolcate feditious meetings and conven- tionSjalTembled notorioufiy for promoting rebellion and over-thruwing the conftitution ; or to reprefs them by vigorous and wholefomc ftatutes ? But It is cop.tended, that the fole objcft of thefe meetings was to exa6t a Reform in Parliament, and to procure Emancipation for the Catholics j and that the laws paffed to fupprefs them were new ".nd tyrannical encroachments upon the national fr<^edoni. k Illl llliyilllllilllll ii ., ■a:.j:A>fejlaa!^.g=!AJ'^^^^ 37 I c- 'i -'9 I '■ ^.i ] The conduct of the New Whigs, in judgmg of motives and meafures, is in open violation of all the ufual rules which regulate the opinions of mankind. Where all legiflators have found it ne- ceflary to innovate, by making new laws framed to meet new exigencies, and to keep pace with the progrefs of human crimes, thefe ftatefmen are ij enemies to innovation. They are venerators of antiquity, and hold it facrilege to deface the pil- lars of the conftitution. But in the eflential form '\f I of government, which e/ery wife legillator trem- bles to break in upon, they are eager to dabble with their dirty experiments. They feel neither doubt, nor remorfe, nor fcruple, but rip up, and cut, and patch, and disfigure the conftitution, to their own idle, capricious, new-fangled, flrmfy tafte. For the laws of treafon and feditijn. as they were pafled fome centuries ago, they are in- r jired with facred awe, and they kindle w'th pious zeal againft thofe who would depart from the cuf- toms of their Fathers. But they feel no fuch en- thufiafm for that veneriible altar of liberty upon which thefe portions of our rights were infcribed i and confecrated. They will not fpare, nor do ihey pardon thofe who wiih to fpare fiom their \ unhallowed hands,the holy edifice iifelf, in which, and through which, this cour " ry has been fo of" ten blefteu. • P 3 Thev ] I \m ( ; i I $8 They are eager to attribute the moft injurious intentions to government, and the friends of the conftitution. Neither proteitations, nor proofs, nor the very nature of things, can fatisfy their doubts, or allay their fufpicions. But in balance to this want of charity, they yield their aflfcnt to the profeffions of the French Republic, and of its friends in thcfe kingdoms, with the moft liberal credulity. Whatever is weak in them, they are fe- dulous to make ftrong. On the one fide, every meafure is corrupt, wicked, infincere, and infti- tuted on a itudicd dclign to deftroy the liberties of the empire ; on the other, all is humanity, fin- cerity, virtue, peace, and the facred love of order, freedom and the conftitution. The treafonable defigns of the United Irifhmen have been proved by wri "^igs, by oaths, by confeflions, by every means of proof through which convi£tion can be brought home to the human heart. But the New Whigs will difregard what is proved, and believe what is profefled ! It has been made another charge againft the pf^miniftration of Ireland, that they have impri- foned many innocent perfons upon accufations of treafon, without proof, or fufpicion of their guilt. It cannot be fairly contended, from the circum- fiance of an acquittal, that there was no groimd tQ accufe fuch a$ have mvcij arraigned. The jury who ^j^^^^mm — ^ 39 who tries the indldment may negative, by their verdi6t, the abfolute conclufion of guilt. But the jury who found that indi6lment, afcertained by the very fame forum, a probable ground to ac- cufe. It certainly may have happened that fome innocent perfons have undergone a temporary Gcmfinement. This might neceffarily enfue from the artful conftitution of the confpiracy. It was fubtle and extended in its nature. The inftru- ments were obfcure, illiterate and defperate men. Its plan was carried on by fiibordinate and li- mited focieties, in detached parts, and at differ- ent meetings. No perfon could have feen the .vhole of their tranfaftions in a regular feries, and the mod aftive muit, in fome inftances, have re- lied upon the teftimony of others. Hence it might happen that fome individuals did fuffer the legal confequences of fufpicion upon ill- founded grounds of accufation. But hence it did alfo happen, that many who were deep in guilt were enabled to efcape. The principle, which allows of fufpending the Habeas Corpus A61, ad- mits >■ jrrefts upon proofs and fufpicions too fee- ble ' xnvift upon trial. AH that can be re- quired . f chofe to whom, for the common good, this high power is entrufted in dangerous times, is, that it riiould be ufed with confcientious dif- cretion. It is not pretended by the moll malig- nant croaker, that innocent and unhappy men hrve been malicioufly crufhed by this authority D 4 to ',«' M€ in *}? . n \ ,U ( i 1 1 t .1 II f! 40 to gratify private rcfcntments. A fpeedy libera-* tion, without the expence or ha:^ard of a trial, is the very reverfe of proof that it was exercifed in wantonnefs and oppreffion. The fa£ts, therefore, which are fitted in this inculpation of the Irifli Go- vernment uiigiit be admitted, and the imputation of blame drawn froni them, would ftill be unjuft. But there is no man who has taken fait at the fame table with a Republican, who does not feel that many of the liberated had more reafon to thank the mercy of Govei - it in their deliver- ance, than to arraign its julu in their confine- ment. In fome inftanccs the prooftj were du- bious. In others a difclofure of the evidence would have furthered the efcape of more capital and daring offenders. The obje6l of conviction was not to flied human blood, but to make an impref- five example upon a deluded people ; and it is the wife and wholefome lenity of Government, which the New Whigs convert into the accufation of rancorous and mercilefs oppreffion. Another charge which has been made againft the prefent Government is, that they have difarm- ed particular diftri6ts, and fuperfeded the civil adminillration of the country, by introducing a military police. Infteadofperverting the political maxims of tran- quil times to critical lltuations for which they were aever 41 never framed, let any honell man fay what he Ihould think of the folly and debility of a govern- ment, which, when the country was threatened with invafion, left arms in the hands of thofe pa- tricides, who were eager to join the invaders. Arms, in which the pofleffors had no property, but through robbery or treafon. Arms, which were originally forced from loyal owners, or elfc procured by French gold and French afliftance. Ought not the military to have been called in to oppofe a force which the civil power was found too feeble to quell ? A force, formidable from its numbers, it^ object, its ferocity, its accu- rate and prompt intelligence, and its being defti- tute of all viilble and permanent ftation. When the ufual and common arm of the law had been tried, and was found too weak, either the country was to be undone, or means of more than common ftrength were to be called forth to quell this power of darknefs, which fpead univerfal terror and difmay under cover of night, and was fcat- tercd by the approach of morning. When a military force afts over an extenfive diftri£t, fome cafes of particular hardftiip, and even of ourrage may poflibly occur. A brave difciplinarian, whofe lituation is fubordinate, can- not always diltinguilh between the letter and the fpirit of his orders. Individuals, when fluflied witji power newly acquired, will fometimes reel beyond i I 1 : ' 1 illl jiii 42 beyond the fobcr boundary line, to which difcre- tion limits the application of force. I am well affured, however, that the inftances of oppreflion, which have been recently brought forward by a noble Earl in the Houfe of Lords, have been grofsly mifreprefented to him *. That gallant officer is too well acquainted with the Britifh fol- diery, to charge them with indifcriminate and wanton outrage in the execution of their orders. If his high rank and general refidence in this country could have allowed him the opportunity of being well acquainted with the fituations of the difaffe61:ed dHtri£ts, the temper of the inhabi- tants, and the treatment which the army has in general received, he would find every reafon to indulge his inclinations in applauding th'' ^eady, temperate, loyal, and forbearing condf A of his Majefly*s troops, But if we were to admit all the unfortunate cafes which have been alledged to their utmoft extent, — if we were to emblazon them with cir- • A poor word-fplnnlng democratic Baronet has dated in the Houfe of Commons, that he has been informed that 4000 families were burnt out of their habitations in the county of Armagh. As he is a member of the Correfponding Society, we may give a good guefs at the fource of his information. It is fortunate, that when his correfpondent wa» fo wicked as to tell a delibei.^:- and malig- nant faliliood, he was fa foolifh as to exceed all bounds of credibi- lity. cumftancos ii!I£i ' £ ' . W J g *l-liJ . ' l^ ' ULJ.". (W> 43 cumftances of ten-fold aggravation, lllll they would fink into infignificance when contrafted with the favage and frequent barbarities prac- ticed by United Irifhmen and Defenders previous to the introdu£lion of the prefent police. It is true, that if it had not been brought forward, the perturbed diftri£ts could not now complain of domeftic regulations, which the Irilh peafantry tiave ufually followed as the habitual and falu- brious law of an induftrious life ; nor of coercions applied to prevent opportunities of guilt ; nor of force oppofed againft aftual violence and open crime. But all Ireland muft have deplored, that a French confpiracy had raifed its audacious front, and marched throughout the kingdom with giant ftrides ; — that the nobility, the gentry, the yeomanry, and every one who had a permanent jntereft in the fafety of their country were difarm- ed and defencelefs, while i difordered and mif- guided peafantry paraded the land, arrayed in the very arms of which they had defpoiled their fuperiors, inflicting death, robbery, confifcation, violation, and oaths of fealty upon whomfoever they pleafed ; public juftice eluded, infulted, and openly beaten down ; no fafety for property, for confcience, or for life ; timid men forced either to contravene their allegiance by treafonable af- fociations, or to violate involuntary oaths at the hazard of their lives j while the honourable and refolutely 1i , 1 i Hi um 44 refoiutely good, mud either determine to aban- don tlieir d'vclliii^'r^ ana tlieir property for an at- tachment ^'j thei '.ovLreign, the conftitution of the coun' y, and ^ne integrity of the empire, or elfe to lay their head each night upon the pillow, counting on a melancholy chance of life until morning, only from the doubtful fucccfs of a ftruggic to preferve it. Evils fo rapid and alarming in their progrefs required a countercheck unufually vigorous and a6live. The remedy may be fevere, but it k efficacious ; and its operation is mild compared with the tortures of the malady it is applied to cure. A rabid Haver everlive of reafon, and poi- fonous to life, overruns and infe6ls the country. The cauftic, which fearches out and cauterizes the venom, may infiitl: a deep and burning wound. , But if it be not applied, the inevitable refult is madnefs and death. To withdraw it in the moment of operation, would be mercilefs barbarity; and bleffed be that humane and fteady fkill, which works out lading health from tempot rary pain. Thefe are not the cold fentiments of a flranger felicitous to preferve the dominion of Ireland to this country, and regardlefs of the means. They are feen and felt by the yeomanry and gentry of that iiiand, whofe deareit interefts arc involved in tlie m t ^ the event ; they arc now in arms to give eflfe^l: to the fyllem, and to co-operate with that military who are denounced as the bane and ruin of the country. The difturbed ftate of Ireland, and the attach- ment of the confpirators to France, is at length admitted by the New Whigs ; but they perverfc- ]y attribute the evils which fubfift to the very re- medies introduced to fupprcfs them. It is not eafy to conceive upon what falfe principle of ar- gument they Itrive to remove the odium of crimi- nality from acknowledged rebels, and impofe it upon government. The Itrong prefumption of guilt lies heavy upon thofe who rife againft legi- timate power, which they are bound by the law and by their oaths to obey. A£is of tyrannous and grinding opprefTion may undoubtedly excufe fo- ciety in fhaking off that government which abu- fes the great objeft of its creation. But it fliould be the awful work of a whole nation, roufed be- yond the ultimate pitch of human endurance, by flagrant and fubftantial crimes againft the public weal. It is not the denial of fome theoretical innovation, demanded by a club of fhort-fighted men, that can juftify a recourfe to arms by their profelytes. Fair and fober liberty is not to be defiled and defecrated by barbarous ceremonies, in which the ungirt votaries celebrate their orgies by frightful wounds and frantic gaflies, Unlefs the !i M.:i 46 the want of a Reform in Parliament can juftify z rebellion in 40, or 50,000 perfons, againft the wiflies of the reft of the nation who exceed three millions in their aggregate numbers, there can be no juftification for the prefent confpirators. Moft afTuredly they are not to cxtraft a palliation of infurgcncy from the confcquences of their own infurre(Stion. Nor arc they to enumerate the reftraints ufed to reprefs rebellion, amongft thofe hardftiips which have caufed their revolt. But miniftcrs are held up to public obloquy bc- caufe they do not now concede a Parliamentary Reform to the United Iriflimen and Defenders as certain means to allay thofe difcontents which agi- tate the country. Mr. Fox, " good eafy man," knows no other principle of government but to concede. To oppofe uniformly whatever is fuggefted by adminiftration, and to concede as uniformly whatever is demanded of them, confti- tutes the great maxim of his politics. Thofe who recollect by whom this clamour for a re- form in Parliament was raifed, will perceive that the conceffion, if made, would be of little avail. It is to Hamilton Rowan, Napper Tandy, and others of that caft, to whom their country is indebted for the excellent device. The New Whigs are mere fecond hand agents to promote a plan, which met its firft great patrons in the accomplices of Mr. Jackfon, and the part- ners mmm^mmm ners of his correfpondcnce with the French Re- public. Wliat tenets are the difciples of that fchool likely to hold, whofe principal mafters huve been guilty of trcafon ? The condu6t of thofe who are at liberty to indulge their hopes and their willies without difguife, may give a clue to the fentiments of the gang that are at home. Thofe tried patriots, Meflrs. Muir and Paine, were likewife advocates of a reform in Parliament *. Free from perfonal motives, they had nothing more in contemplation than the glo- ry and intereft of the empire. Exile has allay- ed the patriotifm of Themiftocles, of Cimon, Dcmofthenes, and Camillus, in contradi6tion to a fentence of condemnation paffed by their fel- low citizens. But our patriots fcorn to manifeft their integrity by heaping new fervices upon their ungrateful country. The precious hours of their relegation, are confumed in devifmg fchemes for the fubjugation and plunder cJthe people w^hom they profefs to love. They applaud that iava- fion, of which tlie avowed obje6t is, to tear from us the dominion of the feas, and to eftablifli the commerce of France upon the ruins of our own. • Paine's Rights of Man, were diffufed over Ireland with un- wearied induftry. — Muir correfponded with the United Iriflimen. He circulated their addrefs throughout Scotland. He propofed, ia one of the Scots affiliated Societies, to make a cooimon caufe with their Brethren in Ireland, and to anfwer an addrefs in which the latter had invited them fo to do. As ^■'" T ' " hi Ijill 4!l As the rcprefentalive flaves of this imperial ftate, they crouch down at thofe very fcafts which prematurely celebrate the triumphs of France in the humiliation of Great Britain. They fawning- ly lick the feet of thofe tyrants to whom they look up for the offals of that bipod and devafta- tion which may efcape from iheir hands. II kil Examples, however, are unneccflary to afcertain the fentimcntsof the United Iriflimcn. There isno man who is acquainted with th( Hate of Ireland, who Is not well afllired that they would dcfpife the meagre concelTion, except, fo far as it might prove the means of frelh and more decifive changes; that they are rank, decided, incurable republicans, whofe turbulence mildnefs cannot appeafe, whofe notions of Government no alteration can fatisfy, fliort of a conllitution eftabliflied under the in- fluence and guarranteed by the power of Repub- lican France. \ s« We are not bound to feek for other reafons to reje6t this meafurc, than its inability to effeft the purpofe for which it is preffed upon us. It might ferve to animate the hopes of the Republi- cans, but it would not reconcile them to the prc- fent conllitution. Let us, however, affume for an inflant, that this Reform would w jrk all thofe fpecious won- derSj 49 ders, which Its advocates profcfs ; that, fubdued by this potent fpell, the United Irilbnien and De- fenders would forget their oaths of rebellion, and their habits of 'nfurre£iion, and quietly fub- fide into the peaceable mafs of the induftrious cr.nmunity. Let us alfo fuppofe, that the So- lons, the Lycurgi, the Minos's and Pompilii, of this enlightened fraternity, had unanimoufly con- certed a determinate plan, for renovating the Commons Houfe of Parliament. That thefe patient fages, having completed their toilfome refearch into ancient inftitutes, their accurate furveyof the information and political ftate of their . country, and their fevere fcrutiny of its cuftoms and manners, had felt an infpired concordance of opinions, and, refting from their holy labours, ^ad exultingly proclaimed the conftitution they ^ant to bellow upon their fellow-citizens, the Deft which they had capacity to receive. Let us further fuppofe, that it is wife to follow the dan- gerous precedent of conceflion, made in times of diftrefs and danger j a feafon which ftrips liberali- ty of its genuine grace, and makes the largefles of benevolence refemble the offerings of fear. Let us concede ftill further, fmce concelfion is to be the ruling principle, that government can loofe no- thing of that reverence, which gives fuch a light, but firm hold upon its fubje£ts, by an uncondi- tional furrender to the haughty demands of an armed rebellious aflbciation. Still, my dear Sir, E objections i^' I I I |!i 50 objednons would remain behind, which it foems impoflible to furmount. 1 n 1 1 Pi Pi III lit ! 11) *! The majority of the people of Ireland, do not demand this reform, and it would be nei- tjier juft nor politic to condemn and recall the ' Icgiflature of a country for the fatisfaction of a turbulent few, to the difguft of the many who are peaceable. It is not the numerous difficul- ties which mull occur in the plan and execution of every fuch reform that would alone perplex and embarrafs us. A reform in the Irifli Par- liament involves a point of Hill greater mag- nitude and peril than the mere changes which might enfue in the civil regulation ot Ireland. U touches the connetfion of the countries and their union, as one common empire to the very heart. I need not fpecify the reciprocal ad- vantar;cs which refult to the Siller Kingdoms, from this intimate confolidation of their interells and their ftrength. Among ihe confcquences which might follow, if Ireland were to form a diftintt emj)ire, of an inferior order, proportioned to her ftrength, the moll prominent is, that llie mull lean either upon France or Great Britain for iupport. From that moment Ihe would be- come the victim of internal agitation and difquiet. lianulTed by the intrigues of the refpe61ive par- tizans of her powerful neighbours, during peace, and made the bloody theatre of their moft ob- llinato / / 51 Ainate conflicts, daring war, ilie would fuffer more than Scotland fufTf^red previous to the acceflion of Jpmcs VI. to the Englifli throne. The large fupport which (he derives from being confidered as part of a powerful Empire would immediately fmk from under her. She could no longer de- rive any direct adv.atage from the extended trade, the inimenfe capital, or the powerful navy of Great BrJ'ain. If (he looks at the prefent fituation of America, with refpeti to foreign powers, (lie will learn to appreciate thefe bene- fits at their real value. I do not urge this to di- minidi the advantages which refult to Great Britain from her union with Ireland. They are of the utmoft importance. But I do it to (hew that the connexion is at leaft as beneficial to Ireland as to her. He is an enemy to the two countries, who conliders them^is feparate pow- ers having diftin8: and rival interefts. They are fiders of the fame houfe, portions of one empire, demanding a reciprocal facrifice of partial acconv- modations and prejudices to their comuion good. When the fituation of the two Iflauds is taken up in this light, the legiflature of Ireland appears as the molt critical and complicated fyftem of government in Europe. It is not obnoxious to the majority of the people. It is fully compe 'fent to all the beneficial purpofes of aftual go- vernment, and it preferves the harmony and E 2 conne£lion I \ It ^'f i* H 9H ■ 52 connexion of the coutries. Can human under- ftanding arrogate to itfclf the power of placing the balance more happily than long experience and a fortunate concurrence of events have fixed it? What perfon can fay, he has found a more ef- fectual mean to prote6t the weaker country from fubjugation on the one hand, or the empire from breaking into pieces on the other? The hiliory of diftindl kingdoms united under one common head, and particularly the fate of thofe detached fovereignties which conilitute the prefent terri- tories of Spain and France, may teach us not to defpife and reje£t a fyllem which has been gradually fmoothed and ihaped down to the habits, the opinions, the interelts and the preju- dices of the two kingdoms. A great, and there- fore a cautious Statefman, would not at any time volunteer an experiment, which might dellroy that fubtle and attracting matter, by which the coun- tries cohere ; and thus crumble the whole frame of the empire into disjointed atoms. He would particularly deprecate innovation during the con- tinuance of a dangerous war. He would feel that he might thereby cripple the energies of govern- ment, while an artful enemy was fomenting dan- gerous divifions among the people ; and that no alteration could prove falutary, when concelTion and arrangement mult depend upon oppor- tunity and fear, ir ^d of a calm contemplation of expediency and light. The 53 Tlie New Whigs, however, wifli to hatch their reforms in a tranquil feafon. They are the declared advocates of an immediate peace. But they are filent as to the means by which we are to obtain this fair blefling from the French Republic. Lord Malmelbury's Jaft negociation has removed any doubts which could exift as to the determination of the Di- rectory to continue the war. It has, in my hum- ble judgment, given us a fatal proof of the ardour with which our cabinet are bent on peace. To prove this, let us advert briefly to the papers laid before Parliament by his Ma- jefty's command. Soon after the Negociation commenced, the French Plenipotentiaries demanded the abfolute ceflion of all our conquefts " as an indifpenfible preliminary of the negociation of the peace with Englancir They rcqucft our ambaffa- dor to explain himfclf with regard to this rcfti- tution, and to content to it, if he is fuflic" .tly authorifcd fo to do ; if not, to fend a me/jctiger to his court, in order to procure him the ne- ceflary powers *. It is replied by Lord Malmef- bur/ " that his infl:ru£tions do not authorife him !" to admit, as a preliminary principle, '* what the declarations of the French Commif- i 1 !• 56 murder, or tranfportation of part of the Execu- tive Magifiracy, and of every diftinguillied per- fon 9< \< i;!if) '■ i the total deftruaion of the morals of the Inhabitants, the ener- vation of their courage, and their final fubjugalion by Philip of Macedon. uvluv, V.XI li TO ^iXovHXKv uxOirxfj-cvuv TO iTpoSvi^Q*. 01 yzp tf rxts troXteri w^oyavTES-, (xtr' oyifjLxr^ cKXTt^oi tvnj^ezrovs, ctX^iSow t» iao)ioixtx! zjaKtriyiriS , nxi a^ifoufXTixs cu(p^o)ios zj^ori(xy\ rri tto^h ^v/x^o^tv Tt^on- Beilis, ts ^t TO exxTtpois mv xtH rthynv i-xp^ o^t^ovlts, xxi n ixtrcc \J-»)f« aoiKU y.xrxyvujciujs , -n x^'?' x''*^/*""/ to/ x^xthv, iToiixoin(TX¥ Ty>y aviiMi (itXomnixv sy^rnxttXxixt. wrs ivai^eta. fxcv »StTt^oi Evo/xi^ov, iVTrfivetx Je Xoya, olr ^vf/.'^xin ETr.fSoysuj rt ^tXTTpxI^xaQxi, xixemi riKtsov. roe. h l^^o-x rcuv ZToXiTuv inr' aixport^uv, r, In « Ivvwya'Vi^ovTo, » (pdovw T« v:i^in\>xt, ^ii.r)V()cw. KXi TO «w)6tr (ov T9 ycvvxioi TrXofo* /x£tej(;c<) JtJSTa'/s- 7ixa-6sv n^avia^-fi' to 3)= «yr/T«Ta;^^&Ji:( aXXnX»/s- Ttj 7ya'^-«;, xvi^xs, iiri- VoXv ^lyinysict. uyx^riv o iixXvauv «te Xoy©^ «X'''5'®'' **" opx@- (JJoC'if^f. xpacraf ^i oyrEJ «CT«yTis \oyi(Tixu is To aycXTT/fov T8 ^tQnta /xvj Toe- 6e^ to tw» fyjtyT/a;v ^yytToy, //,« Xoyo^y te ijirovj wo-/, k, tx tb TroXuTfOTrw aet'T^yy TYis yyu/x'.is (p^x(TU)art ■ETfOEtj/CaXtus/ynyo/. ToX/x»fa;j W^or Ta ffyot £;^wf«y. oi Ss K:xTc*(pf oyavTEj xa y 'apoxiaOiaOxi, K/ tqyu cv\v c^at Jf/y XxftSxia* ec yvuifxri f^f'-'v, aip^aitTo/ /xaXXoy S^ "*»IIIII»«I. fci.^ RWtBS^S^En-r^^JS^SSSSISIlBBffliffig mmssanmmm ? I 65 ed honour of the country, if her unexampled vic- e to the tories arc infufficient to " fcrew our courage to forward, and of which, he hinfelf will be finally afliamed. His words are, " this fuccefs originates, in a great meafure, from ^ " caufe as novel in itfelf as difgraceful to its devifers. Hitherto *' the communications laid before the public by government, on ** any negociation whatever, whether fuccefsfui or unfuccefsful, " have been merely ofKcial. The ideas of giving mlmte anil ** muttlatsd Jlatentents of private conveifations never did nor ever " could enter the head of any confiderate ftatefman". p. 8. He then proceeds to obferve, " that thefe ftatements naturally en- " creafe the exiting animolity between the two countries", p. 8. fie. The country, and the Miniltry, and Lord M.'lmeroury, b»ve a right to demand from the noble Earl upon what authority he makes this charge ; whicl), if true, is an high crime and mifde- rocanour in the guilty. I f this mutilation was wilfully committed by our AmbafTador when in France, ii may exculpate the cabi- net ; but it implicates the honour, the fidelity, and liege duty of that excellent perfon, who was entruflcd by his fovereign to nego- eijitc for the intercfts of his people. If they were made by Mi- nilk'rs at home, it is a piece of weak, unrectfifary, and dangerous forgery. The difpatches themfclves mull remain in the Trcafury, and, upcn a change of Miniftry, the detedion would be inevitably made. But whence is it that the noble Lo'd colleds the fa(5t that thofe converfatlons are mutilated and mifreprefented ? Can he fay, that their tenor contradidls the oliicial papers, and that thefe lad are not alone fufficient to prove, that, the negociation was broken off by France ? If they correfpond in fubdance with the written notes of the Minillcrs on both fides, as they moll af- furedly do, his Lordfhip mu(l have fome other fourccs of infor- mation. I had thought, that the noble Peer's correfpondcnts in France had long Gnce fuffcied the laft punlfiiment of tlicir atheifm, of their treafcn, and of their animofity agp.inft England, which can be iailiclitcd on this iif* the grave. If he has filled F up i: •\i f ' '' ?■ ),' if < i $6 the fticking pkce," let us look to the fate of Eu' rope. Let us view the ihrunk and withered finews 1 ^i^ i up the roid which the deaths of Briflbt» and Condofcet haTC left in his heart, his new French friends have mifinformed him i fince the Diredtory have never contradided thofe details given by Lord Malnjefljury, either of the firft or laft negociation. The country is entitled, therefore, to conGder our AmbafTador's ac- count of the negociation as true, at Icaft until fome grounds are pointed out to fliake its probability. Let mc a(k then, upon what principle (hould the truth be concealed from the people? Does the noble Earl wifli that England (hould be kept in the dark, upon fub- jcfts which it imports her ixt nearly to know, that his friends may deceive her with falfe accounts of the tranfaftion, and afcend into power by rendering us diflatisfied with war, when peace is unattainable. But it is faid, that this account will encreafe the animofity between the countries. "With refped to England, I deny the f^di. The country is indeed wifely and prudently determined to profecute the war, fince (he cannot terminate it with honour and with fafety ; but the King, and his Minif- ters, and his people, arc willing even now to forget their wrongs, and to conclude a treaty, if the ambition of France will (loop to it. With refped to France herfelf, it is utterly impolTible that thefe ftatements could have that efFe«5t afcribed to them in this pam- phlet. The Direflory took every poffible precaution to keep our account of the negociation fecret.from the people. They imme- diately fupprelTed what may be called the Oppofition Newfpaper^ throughout the Republic ; and prohibited the importation of Fo- reign Journals, left their fubjeds (hould be made acquainted with die truth. This hd alone is amply fufficient to prove that our ftatement of the negociation is accurate even in the mind of tho Diredory itfelf. — They did not fo much as dare to lay before tho two Councils, or to publi(h in the Redafleur, the terms of peace which we tendered in the treaty delivered to their Plenipotenti- aries. They did not tranfmit to them any one of the o(iicial Botes f 67 iiheivs fcif every country^ over which the rapa- fcious dnd deadly arm of this riecellitous republic has pafl'ed. The neutrality of Genoa and Vefiice were' fcru- puloufly obferved, at leaft with refpe£l to the enemieis of France. In return for the ina6lion of thefe governments which preferved the French in Italy, they have been utterly deltroyed upon notes which pafTed between oar Ambaffador and theirs.' It Is fair to infer from thence that the official papers were confidered by them as being alone fufficlent to prove, that the negociation waS fci a time delayed, and finally broken ofF by themfelves. They were afraid to truft the judgn-.ifnt of the French upon their grois and outrageous trfeatment of this country. I will leave it to the reader's own good fenfe to draw h' i :Iulion upon the candor and motives of the noble Au:h^ .t making fuch a rafli* mifchievous, and ill-founded aflertion. I mail take notice of fbrae other of his pofitions hereafter ; among the reft, I ihall Obfeive upon an affertion common to him and many others, viz. that the French will not make peaee with Mr. Pitt and the prefent Adminiltration. There Would be fo much abfurdityi dilgrace, and mifchief in choofing a cabin«t wrhich is to con- clude peace according to tlie pleafure of France, that it cannot admit of a fcrious argument. But I fhaU clofe this fubje<5t for the prefent with obferving, that the only documents which mani- feft a predileaion on the part of France for prticukr perfonsg are fome of the public toafts of their government. Thefe celebrate Mr. Muir, and th« diftreffed Patriots of Ireland and Scotland. If, therefore, we are to feleft a cabinet fuitcd to the inclinations of the Direftory, it is from fuch men we are to choofe thera ; in Other \l>ords, we muft tubiriit to change our goYwnn^ent as one <*f the ooiiditioofs of peace. F 2 pretexts ,1 ■ I Hi ^1 '■ •V :1 68 pretexts the moft frivolous and unjuft. The pofTeilions of the ftate, and the private property of the inhabitains, ^lave been feverally feizcd and fvvallovved up as the kwful ^rpoils of :hcfe mcrci- lefs invaders. Venice, the molt ancient power in Europe, lias been bartered to the Emperor in a ihamelefs traflie, for a part of his dominions more immediately convenient to the a'To-i-andizemcnt of France, Through the fame fatal attachment to political quietifm, Switzerland endured the murder of her fubje^ts, the violation of her frontiers, and the der.;and of a tribute. But patience and fub- miJlion confritute the vcrv woril defence asainlt the attacks of an ambitious and profligate neigh- bour. All that The has purcliafcd by ht-r endur- ance is, the certainty of war widiout the hope of an ally to fupport her ; and the i)rofpe6t of a revolution without th-.^ chance of a itru^ele to a\ ert it. There is no polTible ihape whereby diftincl potentates can connect or interfere with each otlier, in which fome exilting government has not dealt \\\ h France. Neutrality, ncgociation, treaty, alliance, fubmillion, have been feverally tried, and widi the fame fuccefs. The prefent fituation and hiflory of Europe, docs not furnifii even one folitary infiance in which that country ha;; 6g has ref])ccled her own faith or the riglits oi lier neighbours, when they flood opj^ofed to her plans of univcrfal dominion and immediate plunder. — I have already defcribed the refalt of neutrality in the cataftrophes of Genoa and Venice, and in the impending fate of the Swifs Cantons. Her inftantaneons violation of the preliminary articles figned at Udina, and her prcfcnt condu6t towards the Germanic empire, in the feizure of Mentz, are fufficient evidence of her utter difregard and contempt of treaties. Or if it be necelTary to make good the charge by other inftances, we ;nay point at Tufcany, Sardinia, and the Pope. Let thofe who in fupplenefs of fpirit \yifh to ap- peazc her by fubmillion, confider the iraprifon- ment of the AmbalTador of Portugal, and the contemptuous treatment of the Miniftcr from Sweden. Yet further, if thefe examples are in- fufficient to cool the ardor for French alliance, let us look to her condud tovvards the Dutch Pro- vinces, and the American States. She confiders America as an enemy, and m.akes prize of her (hipping for having prefumed to cxercife the rip;ht of an independent power in coiicluding a treaty with Great Britain, I ■ 1 ■l\. ;1 it But above all the reft, Holland ftands forth a confpicuous and melancholy warning to the world of the dangerous infatuation of confiding in French proteflions inRead of truflihg to the F 3 efiicacy 70 efficacy of a manly defence. The armies of France entered the United Provinces as they entered other parts of Europe. They profcfled peace and jimity to the people, ajid declared that their warfare was only dire£ted againft the govern- ment. But the frontier had been fcarcely fecur- ed, when their blood-hounds, botl) military and civil, were let loofe to hunt out wealth, property, and domeftic comfort from the top credulous nation. They have compelled thpfe unlijippy provinces to renounce their ancient conftitution, pnd have denied them the liberty of chooling a pew one. They have forced them into a war that has annihilated their fleet, deftroyed their trade, and deprived them of their Colonial pof-r feflions. They have taken pofTeiJipn of one of their provinces, of fiye of their principal frontier ^owns, and have grained and dried up the fources pf internal induftry, by levying moft enormous cqntributiqns *. |Suph are the ^bleflings whic^ * Upwards of 13 miliiqnsf fterling in money ^nd goods ii^ !efs than two years. The condyi^ of Franc? towards America pd Holland, is ably pointed out in a pamphlet intituled *.* Ob- *< fervations on the Difpute between the ynite4 States and ♦* France, addreiTed by Rol^ert Goodloe Harper, E(q. a De- <« legate of South Carolina, to h,k Cqnftituents". This wor|t is well worthy of the attention of this country, as giving the opinion pf an able and dinnterefted ftranger upon the condudt of France towards Great Britain, i^nd upon the boundless extent of her am«B'*''< •71 proceed frcm this republic under the na^es oi freedom and alliance. I make no doubt, my dear Sir, that the people of this country perceive, from the manner in which all our advances towards peace have been refufed, and irom the treatment which other nations have received from France, that our fafe- ty find profperity can be fecured by no other means than by a manly and refolute profecution of the War. M Inftances foflagrant as thofc which I have pointed out, muft prevent us from erroneoufly eftimating the temper and conduct of republican France, by fuch feelings and principles as influence the fpirit of hoftilities among civilized nations. They muft imprefs moft indelibly on our minds the firm conviction of her animofity againft us, of her envy and dread of our commercial profperity, of her utter contempt of the rights of all other na- tions. Yet, even thefe acts of perfidy and injuftice are furpaffed by one, which has occurred fmce 1 ht down to write. You have anticipated me no doubt when I refer to the Directory's decree denying the ufe of their ports to any fliip that trades to Great Britain, and enacting that the poffeflion of Britifh produce or manufacture fhalt fdbieCt a neutral veffel and her cargo to confifca- tion as lawful prize. Under the exprefs title of F 4 Con(^ue- 1 '^n I! 'i^'t 72 pi Conquerors of Europe, the Grand Nation has de- termined to prefcribe a new and monftrous law to neutral ftates. She proclaims a code to fyftema- tize her piracies by fea, as flic had formerly done to regulate her robberies by land. The ordona- tion of this decree is a dirc6^ attack upon the pro- perty'and commercial rights of every other nation. It is an attempt to extend over Europe that title to levy general contributions on neutral ftstes which flie has actually enforced at Hamburgh. Already has France exafted *^wo heavy tributes from that imperial city at two different periods, to fave her from pillage. In defiance of the rights of neutrality, and of her cxprefs conven- tion with Fruilia, flie has now again fent a commiffioner to demand an additional payment in money, and a rigorous compliance with her recent decree. , • Should Europe acquiefce in this grofs infrac* tion of the common rights of nations, flie bends her neck to receive the univerfal yoke which it is the avowed determination of France to im- pofe. If flie refufes, it is a direct declaration of w^ar, and the northern powers muft take up arms to vindicate their independence. England as the firft commercial nation in Europe, could not fubmit to this decree if it had been levelled at any other ftate. But aimed as it i^ to draw the life-blood of our greatnefs, it mull teach us the true value of i; k mmmitm m I' 'A *' 73 of French profeiTions, of fraternity, philantbro- phy, and a love of peace. It marks the real ob- jeft for which we have to contend againft France. It is not for Trinidad nor Tricomale as the New Whigs pretend, but for the very fource of all our profperity and wealth. It is the com- merce of Europe, of which they labour to de- prive us. It is for the honourable opulence of our merchants, for the fupport of our people, for the very bread of induitry which this au- dacious and grafping Republic would dafli down from the Hands of the poor and of their families, that we are forced to continue the- \var. Ought it to be felt as a doubt among an enlightened people whether they fhall contribute a portion of their property to fccure the reft. To preferve what is ten thouland times more precious to us than riches,— the independence of the country, the continuance of focial order, and of domeftic tranquility. n li: Ml % '. 1 i i ^: The great body of the people, both in the ca- pital and in the country, acquiefce in the neccf- fity of raifmg large fupplies to maintain the war. The plan, however, which has been fuggefted for the purpofe has not been fo generally approved of Many parifhes in the metropolis, have con- demned, by exprcfs refolutions, the new fcheme of 4 <' I 74 of taxation propofed by the Chancellor of the' Exchequer, and recently fanftioned by Parlia- ment. Some of the obje6lions which have been thus made, were bottomed in a total mifcon* ception of the objefts and provifions of the bill. Others have been ultimately removed by thofe modifications which it received as it paffed through the committee, at a period long fubfcquent to thefe meetings. The New Whigs, however, have tried to raife the public indignation againft the meafurc by the harfheft, and moit opprobrious denunciation of its principle. The Earl of Lauderdale, alfo, has ho- noured a pamphlet with his name to expofe its impolicy and wickednefs. It is fomewhat in vindication of the noble writer that few of the fentiments which are to be found in his work originate with himfelf * He has merely lent hig pen, to record the obje£tions of his party, and there is little in the tra6t which has not appeared in the newfpaper reports of oppofitron fpeeches, and in the refolutions of a meeting of Citizens at the Crown and Anchor. Regarding the objec- * I ftiall fay nothing of the fcurrilous terms which his Lordfhip has applied to Mr. Pitt, as I am perluaded that, upon more mature refleiflion, he will wi{h to have omitled them. A man of real ta- lents fcorns to rake the kennel fbr that common filth, which the fury of erery vulgar hand can' fling with equal adfoitneft. A mag- nanimous enemy difdains to have recourfe to weapons which his •dverfary cannot defcend to haadlc. pen ■/' T5 tions, therefore, which are ftated by his Lordfhip, as thofe upon which his party rely, I (hall exa- mine them briefly. . He dates that the bill contains two principles. 1ft. " It aflerts that raifing part of the fupplies *« of the year by an afleffment on property, is pre- ♦* ferablc to the means which this country has ** uniformly pradlifed. 2nd. " It maintains that the Aflefled Taxes «* form the beft evidence of property, and afford, " of courfe, the beft criterion for impofmg fuch ♦* an alfeffment," I ftiall proceed to examine the reafoning of the noble Author on both thefe points. In objeaing to this plan, as a mode of raifmg the fupplies, he urges, that fuppofing the fyftem of funding, to be wrong, yet that we ought to per- fevere in it, with the view of " convincing the f' enemy of our means*." His Lordftiip is as ready here to aflume, for the convenience of his argument, that the French may be deceived by fuch an artifice, as he was, a few pages before, to affert their accurate knowledge of our diftrefled fituationf. But I omit to dwell upon this feeming * P. 20. t P^ H- inconfiftency •M 76 inconnftency, or to enquire whether wc might not purchafe this opinion of our refources at too high a price. It will be funicient to examine the main ground of the argument. • Me agrees with Mr. Pitt, that it is wife to im- prcfs the enemy with an idea of the great extent of our ability to carry on the war in our method of raifing the fupply . So fiMifible is he of the ufeful- nefs of doing fo, that he advifes the attempt though it were to be attended witli a pecuniary lofs to the country. His LordPnip differs only as to the means which will produce the efteft. He has not pointed out what circumftances he conceives pecuhar to the fyftcm of funding, which must implant this idea of our incalculable opulence in the minds either of foreigners or natives. So far as I can confider the queflion, the prefent fcheme of taxation feems preferable, upon this very account to that which is patronifed by his Lordlhip, fince it pofTefies, in a more eminent degree, every quality which can infpire fuch an opinion in a reflecting mind. Thefe are, the magnitude of the fupply to be raifed; the facility with which it is raifed; and the ability and willingnefs of the peo- ple to repay it. The quantum of the fupply is exa6tly the fame, to whichever fyflem we refort. The facility of borrowing fuch parts of it, as mud 77 niuft be borrowed, cannot be climlfiied but it may be encrcafed by tliis plan. This must na- turally happen, inafmuch as the prorpe6l of pay- ment is more fpeedy. Lai>tly, the ability and vviliing- nefs of the people to repay is thus rendered more manifeft fmcc they undertake to raife a third of the fupply withi!! the year, and to difcharge the whole of what is borrowed in lefs than three. His Lordfliip's next objeaion is, that, fuppo- fmg the prefent fyftem of taxation to be the bell, it lliould have been adopted before, upwards of 200,(X)0,000l. had been added to our debt*. When the noble Earl makes this obfervation, he fecms to forget the maxim of the poet, which is worn trite, from its frequent and ufeful appli- cation to the oeconomy of life. Eft modus in rebus; funt certi denique fines Quos ultra, citraquc nequit confistcre re«aum So far as Mr. Pitt has raifed the fupplies upon the fyftem of funding, his condud muft be ap- proved by Lord Lauderdale, fmce he recom- mends the meafure to his country now. But it does not follow, by any means, that reafons may not, and do not exift, which would render it 1 P. 19. highly :fe highly pernicious to purfue the fame finaiiciit pi s during the prefent crifis, which it was wifd ana falatary to adopt at the former period. In confequence of the very exorbitant terms upon which government mufl borrow, at prefent,- the following detrimental confequenc^s would refult from the immediate funding of a con- lidcrable loan, in compliance with his Lord- lliip's advice. 1ft. The high intereft given by government would render it extremely difficult, ii; not impoflible, for the industrious merchant and manufafturer to borrow money to fupport theii trade, ^nd. To aad to the quantity of public ftock, would necclTarily depreciate its value; and thi: muft operate as a very heavy tax upon transfers, without being of any fer- vice to the ftate. 3d. The terms upon which a large loan could be made at prefent, are fo very difadvantageous to the country, that the exifting inhabitants who conftitute the community, would pay the whole furn borrowed, three times over during their lives in permanent taxes, and ftill leave their poftcrity encumbered with the debt. Whether the noble Author has weighed thefe objedlions or nol, he declares it to be " his decid- ed opinion that funding Is thebeftand moft pru- dent n.eans of defraying the extended cxpences •* of modern warfare," (p. 20.*) When he forms this * His Lordfliiii has fupported his preference of the funded fyf- tcm with conf.dcratbie ingenuity. He condenfcs ih< whole of hit argument ft (C ir> 7a this opinion, he mult differ at leaft from his fnciid Mr. Fox, who fuppofes that our national d bt is the bci' ally of France. I fay this, becaufe, notwithftanding the republican toafts which dif- tinguiflied the laft commemoration of Mr. Fox's birth-day, at the Crown and Anchor, I hope that it is wholly impoflibie that his Lordfliip could fupport a fyilem, whofe operation mufi: be fa- vourable to our enemy. Having thus condemned the plan of raiding part of the fupplies within the year, by a comparative preference given to the funded fyftem, his Lord- fliip proceeds to attack 'the meafure more di- re6lly in the following argument. He ftates it to be the wifli of the Miniftcr, to fecure by hh plan, a tenth of the income of individuals. That, argument in the two following propofitions, ii\. " That money raifcd by afTuming ;i proportion of the property of all, muft occa- flon a greater 'ofs to every country, than a fum of a fimilar extent borrowed by voluntary fubfcription, except we can find a Nation V^here the whole property is fo employed as to produce equally", trtd. *■» That the rheafure of that lofs muft be a per centage on th? fum borrowed equal to the prodace of the leaft productive part of the property and the avarage produce of tbe \vi\ole," (p. 22) If the whole fum required by government from the people were to be taken in one day, his Lordfliips obfervation would be true to a confiderable extern. But when the fum is to be lakdn gra- dually, as it is by the prefcnt ad of parliament, it will, in trutJ!,^ come from that part of the national capital which is leaft produc- tive, juft as it wonld in the calc of a voluntary loan. The only difference is that private individuitls become borrowers from the leaft productive part of national capital) inftcad of GoverAiment. if !>! 5 = ft' 80 if he fucceeds, he mufl of courfe.. diminifli the na« tional expenditure in a proportional degree. Thus, fays the noble author, if the revenue depending upon confumption, is 17,400,0001. by diminifliing the income of the people, you will ftrike off a tenth of the expenditure, or 1,740,0001. which is an extravagant premium for raifmg 7,000,0001.* Tak.ng it for granted that the noble author has rigl.^tly ftated the objeft of the bill, this ar- gument is a little ^t variance with his affertion, that " the Affefled Taxes do not afford any " evidence of real cxpendituref," and his far- ther declaration, that " the midling claffes of *' merchants and manufacturers, have very ge- " nerally outlived their incomes.];." I am per- fuadcd that his Lordfliip muft give entire credit to this laft affertion, or he would not have made it. It is not a very venial tref- pafs in a man of birth and fafliion, to exceed his fortune, although he may hope to difcharge his debts by a fudden vault into fome lucrative office. But, for that induftrious clafs, againft whom the charge i« m)w made, notorioufly to exceed their income, is fuch fcandaious and difgrace^ul condu61, that no perfon who afpires to become a dcmi-flicriff of London and Mid- • P. 21. t P. 25, 26. t P. 36. dlefex ; ^m mm 81 dlefex, .would utter the remark, if it had not Ltien wrenched from him in a firm conviftion of i«:s truth. Undoubtedly, the ftatement i& as unjuft as it is injurious. But the point is to be fettled between the " middling clafles of mer- *•' chants and manufa£lurers," and his Lord- fhip. I have only to obferve, in anfwer to this argument, 1ft. That in cafes where people exceed their income, a diminution of that income does not, of neceffity, caufe a proportionate diminution of expenditure, 2d* That if the affcfied taxes are no evidence of national expenditure, the dire£l ra>:io of their augmentation, cannot af- certain the proportion of its confequential de- creafe. It is not fufRcient however, to point out the incon^iftency of this argument, with fome of his Lordfliip's other polltions. He relies upon it in mort of hi* reafonings againll the bill, and it is but candid to difcufs its inrrinfic value. Tt is dcfeftive upon no lefs than three grounds, lit. It is not proved that this preffure can not operate, as every other onerous tax has ope- rated in England, namely, to give fuch a ftimu- lus to ingenuity and induftry, as will caufe the income of individuals to increafe in a propor- tion fufficient to anfwer their increaling bur- thens. 2d. Although this fliould be impra6H- Q cable, 82 cable, yet as the tax falls upon the rich, It Ihould be fhewn that it is not to be deducted from the annual increafe of national capital, but that :! muft nccefTarily produce a retrench- ment in general expenditure*. 3d. The itate- mcnt upon which his Lordfhip forms his deduc- tion, is altogether erroneous. He grounds his arf^ument upon the fuppofition, that a tenth of the whole national income will be taken away, and that the national expenditure muft confe- (jucntly be reduced in the fame proportion. But it is by no means the fa6t that every man is to be taxed In the proportion of a ter*;h of his income, although it is provided that his taxes Ihall never exceed it. The lower clafles of the community, and the J*re6t taxes upon property, are altogether exempted from the in- creafe. Thofe who are fubjctt to it, are afTeflcd in an augmenting fcale, proportioned to their prefent payments. If, therefore, the principle * In a poor country, rifing rapidly in population, there is no part of its capital which is unemployed. But in a rich country, where population is rather ftationary than progrcflivc, there is z great fum of capital which is not beneficially employed. Larger floating capitals are kept by many individuals to anfwer the de- mands of trade, than is required for its actual extent. Anyone, who has had occafion to fee how trade is carried on in the dif- ferent ends of this ifland, knows tliat much Icfs floating capital is found rcquifitc in Scotland than is deemed itecefTary in England in proportion to the as^ual capital employed in trade, were 63 Were conceded to thd noble Earl, that a pfo- j3ortional diminution of our revenues, ariling from expenditure, mull refult from this additional tax, ftill his eftimate of the confequent annual deficiency would be grofsly exceilive. For as much lefs than a tenth of the income is affumedj the expenditure cannot be diminiHied in the J)ropdrtion of a tenth. There exifts, therefore, but little chance, that thofe habits of abftinence will take place, which are fo gravely deplored and deprecated by the Right Honourable Finan- cier, as a dangerous evil. It any practice of the temperate virtues could give them the falutary controul of cuftoms over the nation, in the (hort period of " two years " and a quarter," it would be a cheap purchafe to the country, although the amount of the tax Oiould be fcattered to the winds. He is but a vul- gar Statefman, who regards the people as a mere inflrument to reproduce capital, and to fubmit to taxation. There are^ other circumftauces, upon which the energy, the ftrength, the free- dom and the happinefs of a country muft de- pend. The hardihood of a laborious life, the frugal temperance of manners, the manly fenfe of indep'^ndcnce, may be rotted away by luxury, and they are not to be compenfated by revenue. If England does not now poflefs the noble fiunnefs to facrificc her luxuries, in order to pre- c 2 ferve 84. ferve her independence, the bafis of her profpc- rity is fapped and dellroyed. We are reduced to that very ftate with which Mr. Sheridan in- faked the nation when he aflferted that our luxury left no comparifon between the inhabi- tants of England and Rome. The noble Lord next attacks what he calls the fecond principle of the bill, viz. " that the " afleffed taxes form the beft evidence of pro- " perty, and are of courfe the beft criterion for " collecting an aliquot part of mien's eftates*." Me alTerts, that to fupport this principle, three pofitions muft be maintained. 1ft. That the Aireffed Taxes form a criterion of real expen- diture. 2d. That expenditure is a criterion of income. 3d. That income affords a jufl criterion of propertyf. tk^ J ' I iliall examine thefe pofitions briefly, be- coufe, in truth, it is not necelTary to maintain any one of them, to juftify the principle of the bill. The firft pofition which \% controverted by the noble author, has no reference to the bill when it is confidcred as a general principle with- out any limitation. The error of fuch reaioning, * r. 24. t P. »5. becomes wmaams^m t ' 85 becomes immediately apparent, as foon as it is obferved that the chief inftances by which he demonftratcs the fallacy of the propofition, are exceptions provided for by the ftatute itfelf. His Lordlhip is right when he remarks, that houfes and horfes are not mere obje£ls of idle confumption. They may either be ufed and occupied as objet^s of voluntary expence, or as the inllruments and means of profit and live- lihood. But when the bill exprefsly preferves thefe articles from the general operation of the principle, by an anxious and fpecific provifion, it is neither fair nor candid in the noble author, to cite thofe very inconveniences which the bill excepts againft, as proofs of its abfurdity and injuftice. Here I cannot help remarking, that the noble financier feems not even to have con- fidered the jiature and extent of thofe Atreffed Taxes, which form the fubjeft matter upon which this act is to operate. The Printing houfe of his Lordfliip's Printer, is the molt unfortu- nate illuftration of his argument, that he could poflibly produce. If the Statefman had looked into the ftatute book, inftead of aflerting that the afleflTed taxes " formed no inconliderable " deduction from his Printer's profits," he would have learned, that a building fo occupied, was altogether exempted from the houfe and window duty. G 3 If A 86 If his Lord*''^ip's oppofitioii to his own re- nuiining propofitions is allowed to be juft, it will not advance his attack upon the meafure itfelf. Though expenditure fliould not be the criterion of income, nor income of capital, this is no good reafon to condemn a fyftem, in which the tax is not levied upon the incomings of the payer. The real obje£t of the prcfent tax Is, that a part of the means of the wealthy, pro- portioned to what they expend in idle confump- tion, fhould be applied to the exigencies of the ftate, Income is not the fubjc6t of the tax; it is only a means to prevent its partial excefs. The gains of the poor, and the return of capital, employed fblely in commerce, are exempted alto- gether. Where a man's productive income falls ihort of 2001. per annum, he cannot pay more than, in a prefcribed fcale of proportions, much below a tenth of the whole. When it rifes above 2001. the ftatute provides, that the tax (liall never exceed the proportion of a tenth, but whether the individual is to pay up to that amount, is regulated, in either cafe by the fum of his jaflefTed expenditure. k * ■.^■ The inflance, therefore, which is propofed by the noble Author, to prove the grofs impropriety pnd hard {hips of this act, namely, that the in- comes of a landed gentleman of lOOOl. per an- pym, and that of ^ merchant, which is of equal jimount^ i fmrn ?TW« •i,V "'i u k r 87 amount, are taxed by it to a fimilar extent, mud rarely oc^ur. According to the common courfe of oeconomy, individuals do not expend in idle confumption, fums proportioned to their in- come, but to the whole of their capital. When a gentleman, therefore, owns an eftate of lOOOl. a year, he may expend that entire funi in his houfe, his horfes, and his dogs. But the merchant whofe trade, yields him an income to an equal amount, is fenfible of its precarious duration. He does not expend one half of it in articles which are liable to AflefTed Taxes. He faves as much as he can, and traffics with all he can fave. It undoubtedly may, and will happen, that this tax muft fall unequally, when a man regulates his expenditure by his income, inftead of his capital. But no fcheme of tax- ation has ever been devifcd, which docs not fall with partial heavinefs upon particular per- fons. Thofe who exceed their revenue, and thofc who live up to it, when it is of a tempo- rary nature, are not intitled to particular care from the ftate. The former is injuftice to a man's family, and a fraud upon his creditors ; the lat- ter may be exempt from the fecond imputation, but is equally liable to the firft. No govern- ment is to protedt and favor extravagance by its fifcal provifions, and if the prefent law is fo far fumptuary, as to prevent or punifh thefe mif chiefs, it will produce a moil beneficial effeiSl. G 4 The * m,*f. 88 The noble Earl having thus mequlvocally cou- demned the objed and principle of the law, pro* cecds to arraign fome of its particular regula- tions. His firfl: ground of complaint, is, that it has a retrofpei^,* The time from which the ftatute begins to operate, was fixed at a date fo very little prior to that of its palling, that it hardly deferves to be noticed. I own, indeed, that the moft fpecious obje£tion which has been made againft the bill, is, that it deprives the people of the cuftomary option, to avoid the tax, by difcontinuing expenditure. This provifion, how- ever, is in perfe£l confiftence with the princi- ple of the bill. Individuals are to contribtute in proportion to their means — and their Aflefled Taxes are the meafure of their contribution. If the provifion had not been adopted, the tax would have been levied, not in proportion to the ability of the payers, but accordiug to their feveral difpofitions. Many perfons would hav« difcontinued their equipage from parfimony. Others would have fought confolation for a, facrifice of their immediate comforts, in the little triumph ot* having difappointe^ and dif- i * P. 2u treffe^ ;t ^ 4 f ;».f >'» % 81) trefled the Miniftcr. The provifion cannot be generally burthcnfome, lincethofe who put down their horfcs, carriages or fervants, muft fave more than the amount of the tax, by this di- minution of their expenditure. If the capacity of the party has decreafed yet further, it is 'in his power to exonerate himfelf by declaratioti and oath, that the aflcflment exceeds a tenth of his income. His Lordfliip, however impugns this mode of relief upon moral and religious confidera- tions, and urges that it may promote perjury and every fpecies of immoraHty*. This remark is accompanied with a fnecr againft the truly refpe£table and virtuous member for York- Aiire, fo obvious, that I cannot fuppofe the noble Lord is more ferious in the obfervation than Mr. Shern.ian, by whom it is was origi- nally made, with its prefent point. If thefe grave and auflere guardians of religion ; if thef*^ new Catos, do really conhder it <" public morals, as endangered b the temptation held out in the confequences of this oath, kt them proc ed more fundamentally and fyilematically to work. They muft, in the fame fpirit, put uown all oaths at the Cuftom-houfe. They muft reform all pro- ceedings in Courts of exclefiaftical, c suitable. • 1^ 33- and ^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // V /- £/ A< s r.V#<>>^ 1.0 I.I L£|21 12.5 |5o ■^~ IIMH -t^ 12.0 11.25 i 1.4 2.2 1.6 V] /a V /A Photographic Sciences Corporation i I WESi MAiN STREeT Wlt!«i?Tr?J,N.Y. 14580 (716^ 873-4503 4, 90 and even criminal jurlfdidion. In every one of thefe judicial tribunals, an oath is taken to re- drefs the wrongs, or recover the rights of the perfon who takes it. When our pious cenfors have furveyed th's wide extent of their projected reformation, they will perceive that to enforce a beneficial regulation by an oath, is neither irreli- gious nor immoral, provided it cannot be effc6tcd fo completely by any other means. A more ferious objeftion, which has been urged againft it is, that " it forces a pofitive " difclofure of the ftate of the affairs of thofe ** who choofe to benefit by it*." It is, in the language of the noble Lord, a public " pro- " clamation to the world of a man's folly, or his " calamity ; and, in both cafes, the downfal of '' his credit muft enfuc." It was impoffible, my dear Sir, to forbear a fmile at perufing this obje61:ion, which originated in the parochial refolutions of a great commercial city. A minute difcloiure of a merchant's affairs, at ibme particular juncture, when moft of his means are in fuppofition, would no doubt affeft his credit. An inquifitorial fcrutiny into private books and funds, would at all times prove detri- mental to commerce, and deftruftive to liberty. But it does not feem fo eafy to point out in * P. 34. what ■«• wmm. what manner a fair difclofure, by the individual himfelf, of his annual average income, for three fucceffive years, can deprive a commercial man of any credit, to which he is juftly entitled fronx his ability to difcharge his engagements. If one of our Bond-ftreet acquaintance, were to continue his curricle and fplendid retinue, in order to maintain his credit after his eftate was gone, his coachmaker, his taylor and the rernaining vi£lims to this delulive ap- pearance, would regard it as a fwindling trick. They would do fo with great juftice, whether he had loft his eftate from folly or misfortune ; by a throw of the dice, or a defeft in his title. In what refpe£t does the inftance which I have put, differ from that which a conclave of fliop- keepers, in their parifli veftry, conceive to be fuch a valuable city privilege, that they pub- licly impeach a bill which gives a collateral check to the pra£lice ? The noble Lord applies ftrongly to the human feelings, when he puts the cafe of an individual, reduced in his means by misfortune. But it has not hitherto been con- tended, either in the moral or political forum, that misfortune can juftify any man in affuming the falfe appearance of wealth, to obtain a de- gree of credit which his actual property is Un- able to fupport. His ■am 92 His Lordfhip, however, labours much more feduloufly to defend the cafe of merchants^ who exceed their income from their perfonal folly. He reprefents it as a very general evil, and afferts that the middling clafs of merchants and manufadturers, " ftruggling to fupport their credit, " have very generally outlived their income*." If the fa£t be fo, what can refult from fuch con^ duct, but bankruptcy ? Is the perfon who plunges deeper into extravagance from day to day, likely to benefit his creditors by a farther extenfion of his credit ? Is it not better that fuch a man fhould endure the natural fruits c f his folly, than that his honeft and induftrious neighbours, who live within their income, (which I will venture to fay, are 99 out of 100 of the mercantile and manufa£luring clafTes of this country) fliould become futFerers from a credit Xh^t is obtained by deceit. ■ ' ' . . i. The only remaining objection which is made in this Pamphlet, ftrikes at the profeffed princi^ pie of the meafure. His Lordlhip contends, that it does not exempt the poor from afleff- ment — that, on the contrary, they " will be at leaft common fufferers with others, and pro- bably greater fufferers, than the clafles whofc affeffments are augmented,!. "'•;»-. ,i; ; ■. 'i (< (( «< I' ' i' * P. 35. + P. 3^. w i If "^^^^rmm ^>li n. » p ^ I If this argument has any weight, it goes to prove that no part of the fuppHes fliould be raifed within the year by taxation, as the bur- then muft ultimately fall upon the poor. It muft proceed this length, becaufe it never can be contended, that when the fame amount of taxes are laid exclufivcly upon the rich, they will fall { heavier upon the pooi than if they had been « direftiy impofed upon both. The reafoning upon i which his Lordfliip founds this conclufion is, the fame which he had urged before, to prove it a molt V » extravagant fyllem of railing the (upply. He con- tends, that the tax muft caufe a redutlion of ex- penditure among the rich, to an equal amount, and, by confequence, a fimilar dcduftion from the earnings of the poor. I have already flicvvn the fallacy of fuppofmg that the confumption of the rich, will be diminilhed by any thing like the total produce of the tax. But if tl)e fuppolition werejuft, it would not follow that the earnings of the poor would be reduced in the llighteft degree. Whe- ther the fum remains in the pockets of the rich, or pafles into the hands of government, it does no more than change the perfon who diftributes it, and is ultimately laid out among the people. Such a change is to a certain extent, beneficial to the nation. It would be given, by the wealthy in general, to coach-makers, taylors, fervants, jewel- lers, pi£ture-mongers, and toy-men. It Is tranf- ferred by goveninicut, to Diipvvrights, rope- ', ; ' makers, ■"» w*'i£ v,. iftakcrs, breeders of Cattle, growers 6f corn, znd to the labouring poor ; claffes of the community whom it is of much greater importance to the country to cherifh and fupport, tfian thofe who profit by it iii the other alterpative. ^rl I dm extremely forfy to hear it fo vehemently prefled by his Lordihip, that the confequences of the ftatute will fall moll heavily upon the mid- ling clafs of merchants and manufacturers, and upon the labouring poor. The obferVations are utterly repugnant to fa£l, and i^ requires a con-< fiderable portion of charity to believe that the author can be ignorant of their obvious tendency to excite general difeontent, at a period when the efforts of every honeft man fhould be em- ployed to calm the popular mind. But although, I may acquit the noble Lord of any defign to produce, by mifreprefentatioPj a confequence thus wicked and abominable, 1 nmit allert, that his pamphlet can have no other elTlcl:, His Lordfliip is in pofleflion of confiderable talents, and private virtues. Perhaps the fiid are more congenial to any other fpecies of political difqui- fition, than that of detailed and fober calcula-' tion' which he has chofen for himfelf Certainly the laft can receive no confolation if the film of party zeal fhould ever become purged from his eyes, in reflefting that the falfe conclufions which he labours to eftablilh, might raife the moft rwn^^""^" . wik 95 moft dangerous clafTes of fociety in rebellion* againft a meafure defigned for their peculiar happinefs and proteftiori. J In a fcheme of taxation fo new and extenfive, fome imperfe£lions mult undoubtedly occur. Particular cafes of liardlhip, which contradi£t: the general principle and defign of the meafure, may poflibly be picked out by perfevering malig- nity. But as time and experience reveal any la- tent inconvenience, the wifdo.n of the legiflature will provide a remedy. In moft inftances, t^e fame experience will evince the folly of thofe objc£tions which fa£tious and felf-interefted cla- mour has raifed againft it. Confidering the ge- neral principle, and cautious provifions of the Bill, I do not hefitate to pronounce it the moft fplendid inftance of the integrity and fifcal Ikill of that Minifter, to whofe talents for finance the recent profperity of the empire is an everiafting monument. He has boldly met the perils of our fituation, and wifely extra61:ed from our danger the means of our fafety. He has nobly difdain- ed to rilk the glory of the country, and the hap- pinefs of pofterity, in a felfifh fear that his per- fonal popularity may be obfcured for a fcafon. Nor is the meafure lefs glorious to the great body of the people of Great Britain. The high- er clafles willingly fubmit to difcharge this heavy contribution ; moft afl"urcdly not lefs for the fafe- ty ii.l • i 1 ty and happlnefs of the poor, than for their o\vrt fecurity. It is a cheering proof, that neither our antient good fenfe, nor patriotifm, nor love of genuine freedom, have entirely difappearcd. — • That people are truly and alone worthy of an honourable peace, who can patiently bear thofe burthens, and hardflilps, and dangers which arci ncceflfary to procure it. . . '• ; It! w h ' You are well aware, my dear Sir, that if fuch a peace could be obtained, it muft be fought for moft earneftly byhis Majefty's Minlfters. They can reap iittie elfe, from a continuance of hollilities, than an incicafe of anxiety and Care. If private gain be an objeSt with any Member of the Cabinet, war^ which hazards his place, adds nothing to his im- mediate emolument. In the hour of viftory, they only [liare that exultation which every Englifli* man feels in the triumphant valour ot his country- men. In the day of difappointment and defeat, the whole burthen of national difploafure falls ex- clufively upon them. Every circunillance and accident which thwarts the public hope, is im- puted to their want of judgment or of honefty. The difcomfiture of foreign armies, the defe£lion ot allies, the general puiillanimity ^6( Europe, the weight of taxes, the very misfortunes and incle- mency of feafon are laid upon our Minifters, as matters of accufation, and grounds of difgrace. No man of a wife and honourable or prudent mind i /:u<3 f! f^ 97 mind could endure fuch unmerited odium for a fordid accunmlation of riches, by a wanton pro- longation of war. But it would be abfolute madnefs if he were to plunge himfelf, as our Cabinet muH: do, into fuch difliculties, for the fole purpofe of enriching contractors and clerks, who arc not fo much as known to him by name. If it be impofliblc to attribute the continuance ot hoftilities to any perfonal motives on the part of Miniftry, it is equally idle to fuppofe, that the averfion of France to peace is founded on a par- ticular enmity to the exifting Cabinet. You will, I am fure, agree with me, that no meafure can be more dangerous to our independence, than to fuf- fer a foreign power to intermeddle with our do* meftic parties. If France does confider one fet of Minifters as her particular enemies, fho muft regard another as the tool and inftrument of her aggrandifement. It appears to me, that the chief defign of the New Whigs in their prefcnt conduct, is to elidt fuch a declaration from the Republic*. But • I allude in particular to the fentiments publicly toafted at the recent celebration of Mr. Fox's birth-day. One of them, as it IS given in the Morning Chronicle, is little, if at all, fhort of being treafonable. What can the country think of men who la- bour, at the prefent period, to imprefs upon the public mind, feelings which muft deftroy the only means of refifting an im- placable enemy. It is not the firlt time in which, degenerate Englishmen have made a roluntary facrifice of the interefts of > ' tf their But until that is accompliflied^ it might be fuffi- cient to obfcrve, in anfwer to this aflertion which is now circulated with confiderable induftry, that France has never intimated fuch an opinion, or rc- fufed to treat witli his Majelly's prefent fervants. It would be wrong to facrifice, at any time, our faithful friends to the unreafonable inclinations of an enemy. It would be equally difgraceful and impolitic, to permit one fo reftlefs as the repub- lic to nominate an adminiftration for this imperial kingdom. But we fhould a£t infinitely worfe, if we were to anticipate wiflies, which our foe has no right to entertain, and to commit injuftice which flie has not required. r^ \i It [ <■ r I (hall go further, and deny both the fact and the conclufion which is deduced from it. 'The moil barbarous ages cannot fupply one inftance of perfonal animofity between the Exe- cutive Officers of different nations, unlofs it has been founded on perfonal injury. If the felfilh pride and pallions of men have not been roufed by fuch means, Minifters are only viewed as a part of the people whofe affairs they conduct, and it is the feveral countries which become reci* procal objects of friendfhip or averfion. The their country to gratify their deiperate ambition. The conflitu- tion has furvived their attacks, and they have perifhed in exile or upon the fcaflfold. Let thofe who imitate their example profit l?y the lelfon of their ill fuccefs. '- ... filence -ii",. I 99 lilence of the French Executive is a conclufii/'e proof, that upon this fubject their feelings are no£^ different from thofe of other Statefmen. They have not forborne through delicacy either to af- perfe our Government, or the conduct of our Am- baflador. Is it probable that they would have {hewn more refpect to the Cabinet if they had been influenced by fuch perfonal antipathy. Le| meaflc, alfo, what caufes can exift to excite thid implacable refentment independent of a faithful . attention to the interefts of this country ? Can that be a reafon to induce the people of Grea* Britain to withdraw their confidence. m- ■ ^ When the Directory talk of the corruption 6f Englifh Gold and our recent endeavour^ to foment confpiracies among them, they laugh { at the credulity of their own fubje6ls. It is » charge brought with the fame views, and found- ed on the fame grofs violation of truth as their wicked proclamations to the French people of our cruelty to prifoners. Suppofing the Repub- lic the moft corrupt and impoveriftied nation upon earth, the whole annual fupplies of Eng- land would be infufficient to effect the mifchiell attributed to our guineas. ^#-:- Even if the Directory did feel any perfonal dip- iike to our Mirtiftry, from whence does it app^a? ttiat it would, have jany inHuence upon the con- it 2 cli;iio;a 100 H I. ! '' I t ' cliifion of peace. If the French have taken up this dangerous fyftem of favoritifm and alliance with the adminiftration of a country inftead of its Govern- ment, they mud have (hewn it either in the hard terms of peace impofed upon fovereignties,\vhofc Minifters were conlidered as hoftile to their liber- ties, or in liberal conceffions where they were re- garded as friends. France is fa id to afcribe all her miferies to the treaty of Piinitz. If this treaty did reallv exift, it was entered into between Pruflia and the Emperor, without the concur- rence or knowledge of our Cabinet *. Yet France has concluded treaties with both thefe Sovereigns without any change of their Mi- nifters. If I remember rightly the Prime Minif- ter of Naples was publicly denounced in the Na- tional Alfembly as dangerous from his being an Englifhman. Yet the conditions of peace granted to Naples were not fo ignominious as thofe mipofed upon Spain. On the other hand, the Dire£tory have not abated a fmgle jot of their moft extravagant pretenfions in favour of Minifters, who were profcflcdly their friends. They have violated the neutrality, and raifed contributions in Tufcany notwithftanding their veneration for the Philofophic Jacobin Carletti. They have ftrangled the new-born Republic of Venice, in contempt of their pious aire6lion for * Off. Pap. p. 34, ^^. , 'li-:' .1 j I :i tiie ' I lOl the • traitor Dandolo. Will the Republic now fpare the Reverend Court of Rome from the pol- lution of blood, in pity to the friendlhip of her ambaflador with Cardinal Doria Pamphili ? Will fhe proteft the ecclefiaftical dates from violence, the country from plunder, and the Go- vernment from annihilation, in her tender fym- pathy with the congenial principles of Cardinal J3uon Campagna. >> * But I am aOiamed to wafte further time in re- futing fuch an idle opinio- . It is not propa- gated from conviction, but in the hope that it will be received without examination, into fuch minds as may be milled by an anxioas djfire of peace. The animofity of France, is to be traced to a very different, but much more rational fource. It is to be found in the uefigns of her rulers, and the genius of her people. The faults which characterized the nation under a Monarchy, are augmented fince it has become a Republic. Frenchmen have more vanity, more confidence in their own powers, and manifeft a more extravia- gant affectation of national fuperiority, than ever. Unexpected victories have made them drunk with arrogance and ambition. They afpire to the unqualified dominion of Europe, and are confokd under all their calamities, by the hopes ^-' , ^ . H 3 of w '.< ,< ■j. 1 X ( 102 of attaining it. In their purfuit of liberty, fhey have found nothing more than the name, and they feek to mitigate the wretchednefs of a mi- litary defpotifm, under the empty title of the Grind Nation. It is impoflible not to difcover in this trait, the fame vain-glorious fpirit, which gave to their fovereign, in the laft century, his appellation of the Grand Monarque ; the fame infolence of ambition, which at that time roufed all Europe, with England at its head, to chaftife , and reprefs it. The various fwarms of domeftic tyrants, which have infefted France ever fmce the Revolution, have fed and faftened upon this weaknefs of their countrymen, with inftinftive confiftency. The fame principles which prefcribed the Rhine and Alps, as the natural boundaries of France in the National Convention, dictate a general plan of fubjugation to the prefent diredtory. They are not merely ftimulated to attempt it, by the in- fatiable appetite for conqueft, and the imperious ncceflity for plunder. They urge it in their ea- ger folicitude for life, as the indifpeniible flay of , their domeftic Government, and the only means to infure their pcrfonal fafety. The popularity of conqueft, and the dread of the army, are the great caufes of tranquillity in France. Peace, in removing the terror of coercion and a common ebje£)! oi defice firom this reftkfs and volatile people. 103 people, would give rife to civil difturbances in finitely more deftru£tive than a foreign war. While the French Republic purfue the fame, plan that has been followed by every other powerful Republic, and aim at foreign conquefts to preferve domeltic tranquility, they are prompt- ed by many reafons to dire£t their attack againfl: Great Britain. Our great wealth encourages their Government with the hope of recruiting their re- fouvces ; and our folicitude for peace has taught them to defpife our military fpirit. Regarding us as the natural guardians of the balance of Europe, they do not confider their prefent con- quells as fate, unlefs they can ruin our com- merce, and break to pieces our fpirit and our pride. They are certain, that until they have cf- fefted it. they can neither deftroy the peace of Northern Europe, nor difturb the tranquility of America, ^ To the powerful motives of political intereft, we mull add the inflamed and rancorous enmity of an unfuccefsful rival. While they have been viftorious over all their oiher enemies, they have been foiled and difgraced in every confli6l with the forces of this country. They ha .e flood forth the emulous competitors of all our purfuits, and have proved unfuccefsful in all It was the fa- vorite ol^e6l of their Government, ever fmce •iJf 4 " the r 5.^ 'A, 104 the time of Colbert, to cherifli commerce and nanufaftures in the country. Both have been, utterly ruined by the revolution, while ours have increafed in a double proportion to that of their lofs. They have ftruggled v^ith us for the dominion of the ocean ; and the ftrength and glory of our Navy, is increafed by the annihila- tion and difgrace of their fleets. But, above all, they have afpired to excel the parent of our induftry^ of our wealth, of our civil liberty, and of our general pre-eminence in Europe. Writh- ing under the painful confequences of their in- temperate zeal for freedom, they behold the fe- rene afpect of this country with frantic jea- loufy, and madly attempt to dcitroy by trea- chery and force, a Conftitution, whofc bleflings they are unable to attain. Tbefe are the true caufes of their animofity againft us, as they appear in the manifeilos of the Government, and the addrcflcs of the peo- ple. They do not complain of the Englifh Mi- niftry, but of the Englifh Government ; of Eng- lifh perfidy ; of Englilh interference on the Con- tinent j of the boundlefs extent of Englifh com- merce, and of the defpotic dominion of the Englifh over the feas. It is the deflru6tion of thefe monuments of our glory, and inftruments of our profperity, which conflitute the avowed objects een urs our ea- ts 105 objefts of the war.* Worked up, and (lung into madnefs, they vaunt of overcoming the very elements in their means to fubdue us. Whilp the Republic is influenced by proJe£l» and paflions, fuch as I have defcribed, it will be vain to hope for peace upon moderate terms, and it would be madnefs to conclude it upon fuch as muft confefs our inferiority and defeat. When the New Whigs counfel their country to fubmit to peace upon any terms, their advice is as pernicious to our immediate fafjty, as it is derogatory to our honour.t We are advanced to a pitch ; • The public may confult among other abominable manifeflos, employed to influence the minds of the French people sgainft us, an addrefs to the Minifters for foreign relations, which is the term in their new jargon fur ambafladors by Citizen Talleyrand, the ci-devant " Holy Prelate of Autun. " f If the advice is good, and fuited to the digeftion of a Bri- tifli ftomach, it fhall not be loft to the nation through any fault of mine. I will therefore give the opinion of a noble author in his own words, refpedting the fituation of his country, and the terras upon which he wiflies to conclude a peace. " To me it appears " in the ftrongeft manner, tjiat the difficulty of making peace *• refts not io much with our enemy, as with ourfelves We muft *' ultimately break down the temper of our minds to the real *• nature of our fituation. We muft turn to look, not at the " proud ftateof the country, when Mr. Pitt involved us in this «• unfortunate conteft ; but at the ftate to which he has now " reduced us. For his mifconduft, wafte and Incapacity, we ** muft now, however unwillingly prepare to pay, not in our " paft m i 1 '% \ t 1 ->.,; f\m. ' V ■ ' f ;■ I , f ,1' 1 ^ r -• ' V- - r' 1 I' ?- \ i 1 i: ■ .: I I ' 106 a pitch of power and profperlty, from which wc never can recede with fafety. We muft maintain the glorious eminence in which we are placed with that fword which won it. If we retire puffiUani- motifly, we fhall be attacked as an object of plunder for our riches, and of jealoufy for the remnants of our power. The prime caufe of the grandeur of Rome, is to be found in her invariable refolu- tion, never to conclude a difadvantageous peace. She nobly adhered to this determination under dif- ficulties infinitely greater than any that furround this country at prefent. But Mr. Sheridan calls any reference to the practice and opinions of an- cient nations, a fort of fchool-boy politics. The experience of hiftory, which is the light of human wifdom, is thus extinguifhed by a compendious fentence. Thofe accounts of the great and po- lifhed people of antiquity, in which Montefquieu difcovered the grounds and the proofs of his political reflections; that ftudy from whence the fiiarp-fighted Machiavel extracted all his remarks, . i. ■ . . ■ . ^ ,- ... " paft and former burthens, however heavy tliey may be, but m ** our national importance, and national confideration. We may *• look at the rank we held in the fcale of Europe with regret ; ** but we muft prepare to ftand in the ftation to v/hich he has " reduced us, if not with fatisfadUon, at Icaft with patience.'* Earl of Lauderdale's Letter on the prefent meafures of finance ^ p^ 1 1 . The paflage is above all comment. It is well worthy the perufal of every man who wifhes well to his country, and yet de- ieiires a change in adminiftration. 107 ^ are de^ifed and put down from the view of ou^ felf-taught politicians. It is impoffible not to feel our lndignatio» fwell at fuch raih and igno- rant prefumption 1 . Thefe confiderate and modeft ftatefmen, how ever, will find the hiftory of modern times, not lefs fruitful in examples of the fatal confequences of a too ftrong attachment to peace than that of antiquity. There is not a fingle inftance, among the vaft viciffitudes of fortune experienced throughout the territories of modern Europe, where a ftate which has funk under a fenfe of her own inferiority, and ignominioufly thrown down her arms, has not ultimately fuffered more than ihe could have done from the continuance of 9. fierce and bloody war. Struck with a fenfe of fuch dangers, the legiflators and fages of antiquity, laboured with peculiar anxiety to imprefs upon the hearts of the people an ardent love for the Military fuc- ccfs and glory of their cpuntr)-. They did not t ckedly encourage it from a vain principle of ambition, but wifely from a firm conviction, that it conftitutes the only means to fecure indepen- dence and refpe6l. When the high fenfe of na- tional honour which cannot brook dcffeat, is once deftroyed and rooted out by luxury and ^varice, that fpirit is departed which gave life and .1 ii I , H SI il ?ii >i^ pi iji ,i|||iiiapii i||i V^ 108 and energy to the people. The reft is little elfe than a putrid mafs, infe61ing the foil upon which it lies. The Empire of the Ecift, Venice, Spain and more recently Holland, illuftrate and con^ firm this opinion by the hiftory of their decline. When a country has heaped its couch fo high with foftnefs, as to fliudder at the rigid deeds of war, it will foon lofe thofe effeminate comforts which have caufed its emafculation. Its wealth becomes a lure, held out for its more warlike neighbours to ftoop at, and it muft yield a fat and eafy prey to thofe who attack it. Even when fuffered to remain in peace under the pro- tection of fome more powerful ally, it gradually finks down into lethargic indolence. The tran- fition is rapid from an a£live generous ftate of emulation, which fpurs on the human mind to put its energies in competition with, and to excel its neighbours in deeds of prowefs and noble attainment, to one of liftlefs felfiflinefs, when the people are voluptuous, profligate, inert and faftious. Nunc patlmur longae pacis mala : fasvior armis • ' ' Luxuria incubuit, vidum^ue uicifcitur oibem. . .- God forbid, that our country, with the ex- ample of Holland before its eyes, fhould fink thus patiently under the weight of its owni profperity. The firft fymptom of our dechne will A 109 W4ll be manifefted in a readlnefs to fubmit to unequal conditions as the price, and for the fake of peace. In doing fo, we teach our enemies that perfeverance is tb"; grand fecret to humble and fubdue us. ,..!.■ ; - . ;• * If we fhould once fall, we cannot even hope to keep floating on the iurface, buoyed up by the jealoufy of fuperior powers, as the Dutch have done till their late Subjugation by France. The balance of Europe which preferred declining and decrepid nations from deftru6tion, is, at pre- fent, entirely overthrown. Even fuppofing it fliould be reftored, yet the fate of Antwerp may teach us what confequences enfue to a nation which allows a dangerous rival to break the heart- ftrings of its profperity. Repofing upon the lia- bility of our government and the fecurity of our laws, the fubje6ls of every prince and Itatc where the Britifli name is known, have been eager to inveft their property in our national funds. That wealth which has flowed into Great Britain, from the rank (lie has held among nations, v/ill pafs from her with the lofs of national eftimation. Foreigners will no longer truft us with their pro- perly, which, though we have the means, we want the courage. to defend. . Indeed, my dear Sir, that country does not exift, which has more dCcafion than our own to reflect ; 'i n ii u 1 a if ( • I. i* I lit refltct deeply upon the maxim of the moft pttu found politician among the ancient hiftorians.* He has obferved, that a juft and honourable peace is the moft fair and ufeful bleffing which a Nation can poffefs ; but when it is founded upon terms, of fcrvile inequality and fubmiffion, it is of all things the moft Hfgraceful and per- nicious. Upon what ground do the New Whigs found their exhortations to facrifice our reputation and endanger our fafety by making an unequal peace ? Is it from the dread of an invafion ? The very Women of Athens, in the zeal of patriotifm, de- ftroyed the family of him, who offered fimilar advice from a fimilar motive. Armed and pre- pared as tl is country is, what has fhe to fear from fuch an event ? If, regardlefs of domeflic di- wifions, the people unite as they have always done to repel the attacks of a foreign enemy, the dc* I'i I • The refleftion is in Polybius, Lib. 4, Hist. Sec. 31. Tar. This judicious hiftoriac is remarking upon the ill conduft of the MaiTenians in obfenring a ftriA neutrality between the Arca- dians and Lacedsemonians. Having remained at peace while tlie Arcadians, -who were their firiends and allies, ^were contend-* rng with the Lacedsemoniaiis, who were their implacable ene- mies, they were immediately attackedi tftcx the defeat of the former, and reduced to liil^^ti/p^ feat ^--i, Ill feat of thefe invaders is certain and will form the fureft means to facilitate peace. Do the New Whigs urge it from the hope that we may repair the loffes of war, by our induftri- ous accumulations in peace ? Looking at what has taken place, they will find that our commerc<5 has always rifen moft rapidly after the conclu- fion of a fuccefsful war. The admiration of our courage, and the opinion of our ftrength opened the markets of Europe to our merchants, after the peace of Utrecht and that of n63. If France (hould now rife upon our ruins, (he may Ihut the ports of the world againft us, and accompliih, by negociation, what (he vainly at- tempts by force. Allowing the poffibility of our emerging again, by fuch means, from that inferior ftation which Lord Lauderdale and his friends advife us quietly and patiently to take in the fcale of nations, is ic credible that France, jealous of our commerce, and eager for war and plunder, would fuffer us to creep back again into power ? The very purchafe of peace would in- vite the renewal of hoftilities, while we have any colonies, commerce, or wealth remaining. Nei- ther inoffenfive conduft, nor patience, nor fub- milTion on our parts, could preferve us from in- fult and opprelTion. The grounds of attack upon the Venetian States, not to mention Switzerland, and the late cruel and cowardly conduft towards ' the V \ \ w I 1 1 113 Iti!-:; !i iiili the Pope, may flicw thofe who need the lefTon, that France can never want a pretext for com- mencing hoftilities. It is urged, however, that the heavy burdens which are impofed upon the country are decifive and infuperable obje6lions to a continuance of the war. Undoubtedly they are heavy. But ought they to appear fo very grievous, when it is confideredi that they arc impofed to repel injury, difgrace and ruin from the Empire. In no pe- riod of our profperity has our opulence been fo immenfe as it is at this very time. Notwithftand- ing the taxes which have been impofed, I ftate it broadly, and challenge contradi£tion, there does not exift one ftate or diftrift in Europe, where the inhabitants enjoy, fo univerfally, all the comforts and conveniencies, which riches and freedom can beftow, as they now do in Great Britain, during the calamities of war. It is to enfure a continu- ance of thofe bleflings to the rich and to the poor, that the higher ranks are called upon to contribute a portion of their means. Tlie fpirit and liberality of the nation can- not be roufed to a more glorious purpofe than to protect the main fources of our profperity. Let them remember that it is for the fafety of all our invaluable colonies in the Elaft, and in the Weft ; for the employment of our manu- facturers tf i ?f -,'■♦ 1 113 fntlurers at home ; for the continuance of our com- mercial rehitions abroad; and above all, for tie fecurity of our domeilic freedom, and the untar- niflied honor of the empire. When we call to mind what other nations, What we ourfelves, what France, has endured, for much inferior ob- je6h, ought we to refufe to bear, or repine at bur- thens which leave us a greater portion of all the comforts and elegant coveniencies of life, than our anceftors had ever enjoyed. There is no alternative for this country, but inmiedia.J dell:ru6\ion, or a manly refiftance. The French Republic openly avow their in- tention to exaft retribution for our former glory, for our prefent profperity, and for the humiliation of France, ever fmce the peace of Ryfwick.* They have entered other conntrieS^^ with declarations of friendlhip, and the pierc- ing cries of the plundered inhabitants have re-echoed throughout Europe. Do her menaces found in our intatuated ears as pledges of pecu- liar tendernefs and moderation to us ? What treatment are we to expert from that enemy, when viftorious, who prefers the chances of war to all reafonable propofals of peace ? What mercy could this nation hope for, if conquered. ♦ Addrefs of Citizen Talleyrand, ai'rc..dy noticed. I ' when V n* II !il I 114 when common prudence cannot keep back the eager animofity of that Republic, from the vain fatisfa6tionof idle and empty threats againll her. We have made it fully evident, that we are de- iirous of peace on terms fcarcely compatible with our future fecurity. But when the Directory go fur- ther, and require from us what amounts to uncon- ditional fubmifllon, can an Englifliman hefitate upon the path he is to take ? The merchant, counting upon the fober round of immediate lofs and profit, mult perceive the certainty of ruin on the one hand, and the chance, at leaft, of a fuc- cefsful druggie on the other. But he who con- trails the iituatit)n of hJs country with the fate of other kingdoms ; he who has anxioudy fcrutiniz- ed the fources of their elevation, and the caufes of their decline ; mult feel the certain convi6tion, that once to admit the principle is to deltroy the energy of the nation, the ftability of the empire, and the happinefs of pofterity. If the people at home have caught one fpark of emulous valour from the glories of their navy, they cannot fubmit thus tamely to difgrace and dellruC' tion. They will never lie cowering, like a timo- rous plump of fea-fowl, fearfully and paffively expetting' upon whom the pounces of this hawk is to fallen. They will not obfcure and deface the well-earned glory of thofe illuf- trious ^f)m^ -HM'IIHI 115 in e- :h r- n- te t, fs n trious heroes who have fvvept the combined fleets of France, of Spain, of Holland from the fcas. If, through our cowardice, thofe brave failors, who died to confirm our triumphs, have expired in vain, their blood is laid upon our heads. Looking at the pad ftruggles of this country, and the recent events of the war, are we not compell'd to afk what it is that has happened, which can juftify a great and valiant people, in yielding to defpair ? In every conteft, in which our fingle ftrength has been oppofcd to that of the Republic, we have proved vic- torious. Our navy keeps every one of our enemies bound in chains upon their own ccalls. Our army is infpired with a noble emulation to rival the example they have received from our marine. Are we to fufFer the wicked and interefted flatcments of the New Whigs, to deprefs our fpirits in contradi£tion to our feelings and our reafon ? Let us look to their new and defperate coalition with the Correfponding Society for evi- dence of their motives and their views. It is not that fociety which has changed its prin- ciples. It is the Oppofition who are deter- mined to deftroy the country, or force their paf- fage to the Cabinet. Their convivial meetings I 2 are mmmmmm r ',: f ii 1)1 i i 116 are formed into Schools of Republlcanifm and Se- dition. Their toafts, their fongs, their fentimentSj breath the fame contempt for the out-lines of the Conftitution, the fame difrefpe6t fur the perfon of their Sovereign, the fame adoration of pure Democracy, i:nd the fame fealty to the French Republic^ that diftinguiflied the Revolution and Correfponding Societies. Mod afTuredly, our fituation is not deftitutc of danger, when the efforts of the country are op- pofcd and thwarted by fuch men. Neither is it to be concealed that we can not hope for fuccefs againft our natural enemy without confiderable felf-dcniai on the part of the rich. Hut what country has purchafed glory and advantage at an inferior price. When we fight for our do- meftic liberties, for our foreign independence, and for our commercial rights ; when we rife up to prote8: Europe from anarchy, barbarifm and final fubjugcition, the objc6t is worthy of the effort, and the refult is in the hinds of God. If we fall in fuch a ronteff, we fall as becomes a noble people, leaving an example to our pofterity, which piay excite them to avenge us. i r I know, my dear friend, you agree with me, in thinking that there is but little probability of fuch a melancholy event. Alone and unafllfled, pur native ftrength is more than fufficient to en- fur« 1^ . 117 fure us final fuccefs. But courage and mag- yianimity have never f-iiled to procure ajlies. A very (hort rcliilance niuft rally Europe round pur llandard. Thole powers, which are ftil| independent, cannot long endure the contemp- tuous violation of their rights, the reltlefs fpirit, the overbearing haughtinel's, and the ambitious plans of the French Republic. Her enormous exactions from her allies, and her newly ac-