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 DISCOURSB, 
 
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 IIELi^£RED AT MILFOHD, 
 
 AUGUST 20th, 1812, 
 
 THE DAT 
 
 RECOMMENDED BY THE PRESIDENT 
 
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 NATIONAL HUMILIATION. 
 
 BY HUMPHREY MOORE, 
 
 f AITOR OV THB CHUKCH IM MILVORD* 
 
 AMRfiRST, Vli H«- 
 IrIMTSD by RICHARD BOYLSTON. 
 
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 DISCOURSE. 
 
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 THIS d: 7 is recommended by the President of 
 the United States, as a convenient time for this nation to 
 humiliate themselves before God, " on the solemn occa- 
 sion, produced by the war, in which he has been pleased 
 to suffer the injustice of a foreign power to involve these 
 United States/' Our Chief Magistrate has not, on this 
 day, recommended fasting. He has not recommended 
 the assembling of ourselves together for the purpose of 
 uniting in our supplications to Almighty God. He has 
 not recommended abstinence from labor and recreation. 
 But from what he has said, we are highly gratified that we 
 are enabled to observe this, as a day of humiliation, fasting 
 and social worship. It was r ot till after the judgment 
 of war was declared and sent upon our land, we were 
 requested to humble ourselves } to seek divine direction. 
 It was not recommended to us to present our petitions 
 before Almighty God to prevent the calamity of war ; 
 but now we are requested to beseech him to ** bestow 
 his blessing on our arms." j 
 
 When any of the judgments of Heaven falls upon a 
 nation, it is a sure token of divine displeasure. National 
 calamities denote national sins. Nineveh, when their 
 destruction impended^ fasted, humbled themselves, and 
 sought the pardoning mercy of Heaven. God saw their 
 penitence ; heard their prayers ; and turned from h'ls fierce 
 anger. If we had been directed to humble Ourselves as 
 a nation, and had humbled ourselves while tht judgments 
 only appeared with threatening" aspect, who knows but 
 Goo. would so have disposed the hearts of our enemies^ 
 and overruled the councils of our government, that the 
 present calamity would have been averted ? 
 
 War is undoubtedly the heaviest judgment that ever 
 was sent upon a nation. It is a great calaonity that the 
 jjrodvctions of the ground, reared by oar hands forour 
 
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 luhsistencc, should be ravaged by an enemy, or he appro- 
 priated to the support of our own soldiery. It is a great 
 calamity to see our tieaiiest conneiuons called to the 6eld 
 of action to meet the weapons of death. It is a great 
 calamity to be called nurB«lv«>ii to meet our enemy ; to 
 slay our fellow creatures, or to (Al victims by their hands. 
 When three judgments, famine, pestilence, and the 
 sword, were ottered to the choice of David, he desired 
 that he might not fall into the hands of men. Although 
 he was a man of war and of great success in battle ; yet he 
 'Was unwilling to encounter Uie enemy, when the anger of 
 God was kindled against him. Any other judgment he 
 chose in preference to this. 
 
 The solemnities of this day invite our attention to the 
 natural causes of the war, which has begun to afflict us ; 
 to its expediency, and to its probable effects. 
 
 In a government like ours, rulers derive their polver 
 from ih6 people ; and they are accountable to them for 
 the use of the authority, with which they are vested. 
 People have a right to examine the official conduct of 
 their riders i and to judge whether they have been faithful 
 to the trust, reposed in their hands. They have a right, 
 by fair Qnd conatJtutionul tn«iin«, to cdntinue, or discon- 
 tinue them in office, according as their administration 
 appears, in their judgment, to promote, or injure their 
 general interest. They have a right to the freedom of the 
 press for the circulation of political truth ; and they have 
 a right to the freedom of speech for the same purpose. 
 Of this latter right, the right of freedom of speech in the 
 cause of political truth, we avail ourselves this day. if 
 any regret the privilege, they regret one of the most 
 essential privileges of a republican government. They 
 fail in one point. It is in poUticar as in the moral law, 
 he, that faileth in one point, is guilty of all. 
 
 It could be wished that a brief view of the history of 
 our nation, since the adoption of the federal constitution, 
 might be exhibited. When these United States were 
 formed into one confederate republic, they had many 
 difficulties to encounter. Having just emerged from the 
 oppression of a monarchical government, their minds 
 were scaiccly prepared for rational liberty. In view of 
 
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the field 
 
 4he eviUf which attended a new nnd infant ffovernmcnt, 
 there were some, like the Israelites in the wilderness, who 
 would have turned, and subjected themselves to their old 
 task'inasters* At this period, the nation wns burdened 
 with in immense debt. It required groat efforts of wis- 
 dom to invunt sources, and systematize methods of 
 revenue, by which the interest might annually be paid ; 
 the debt be diminished ; and the expenses of government 
 be defrayed. Sources of wisdom appeared in the admin- 
 istration ; and they foand sources of revenue in almost 
 every part of the world. They moved the wheels of the 
 new government with a skill, which indicated not only 
 wisdom, but the experience of years. 
 
 At this period an Indian war ravaged our frontier. 
 The savages made considerable depredations ; and excited 
 no small alarm through the nation. Instead of carrying 
 war among them, and provoking their everlasting revenge, 
 treaties of peace were formed with them ; their claims 
 were adjusted, and their friendship restored. About this 
 time, the late King of France was driven from his throne 
 and from the world. The little horns, which successively 
 rose from the ruins of his empire, pushed, by various 
 methods, to implicate this nation in their difficulties and 
 commotions. Their wiles were discovered and discon- 
 certed ; their aggressions upon our commerce were 
 bravely resisted and adjustments were made. Commer- 
 cial treaties were formed with many of the European 
 powers, which, while they preserved peace, excited and 
 promoted our commercial interest. Arrangements were 
 made for restoring to their country many of our seamen, 
 who were retained in the most cruel bondage. Insurrec- 
 tions, which were excited in our country by foreign'^rs and 
 by the enemies of our constitution, were happily quelled 
 and tranquillity restored. 
 
 In this golden age of our country, our commerce 
 extended to sdmost every part of the world. From every 
 climate we received the delights of life. In almost every 
 sea we found sources of wealtii. Agriculture received a 
 stimulus, which animated the hearts of our citizens ; 
 which gave life and energy to industry. Arts, sciences 
 and manufactures flourished. Instiiutio ij, of the most 
 useful naiurC) wwrv' cstablislicj, and prospered. Our 
 
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 government, at the early age of twelve years, had acauired 
 (he maturity, the wisdom, and firmness of manhood. A 
 few individual errors* had not 8TO^<rn into habit ; nor 
 nfTccted its general character. They only proved that 
 " to err is human/' 
 
 At this prosperous era of our country, it might have 
 been expected she would hiavc been contented and happy, 
 liiit in tne political, as in the physical world, what is rapid 
 in its growth, and sudden in its maturity, is rapid in its 
 decline, and soon becomes extinctt The restless mind of 
 man is ever prone to change ; :md it delights in producing 
 change. Human nature, even in paradise, was not satis- 
 fied. It sought a change ; and it experienced a fatal 
 change* 
 
 At the commencement of the second twelve years of 
 oar government, a material alteration took place in its 
 administration. The former rulers, like fruit imtimely 
 ripe, were shaken off by the storm of opposition. Here 
 conimences a new era in our political history. New 
 men, elevated to the first offices in the nation, adopted new 
 measures ; and pursued almost a new syKtem. They 
 began, by reniovincr from honorable and profitable offices 
 men, whose political characters differed from their own. 
 Without attempting to conciliate parties by blending both 
 in the government, they monopolized the whole, or sdmost 
 the whole of the authority, which lay within the scope of 
 their power. The repeal of the judiciary law is consider- 
 ed an invasion upon the independence of that department, 
 vhich in a republican government is considered a grand 
 support of civil freedom. The repeal of taxes on the 
 luxuries, and retaining or imposing them on the necessa- 
 ries of life, favored tlie wealthy, while it burdened the 
 poor ; favored the rich of the southern, while it threw 
 expense upon the peasantry of the northern states. This 
 alteration in the source of revenue appeared to savor more 
 ot monarchical, than of republican principles. The 
 adopted country beyond the Missisippi, it is confidently 
 believed, has not nearly paid the interest of the sum, 
 
 * Annies, stamp act, taxes ^ sS'c, 
 
expended in its purchase* Besides, it renders the country 
 unwieldy for a republican government ; and it renders 
 our public debt also unwiefdly. The sale of our public 
 vessels destroyed the little bulwark, which had been raised 
 fer the defence of our maritime rights ; and invited the 
 aggression of foreign powers upon our unprotected com- 
 merce. A system of economy was projected, and put in 
 operation. It was formed upon narrow, shortsighted 
 principles ; and executed upon a broad scale. While it 
 abolished offices and dried up sources of revenue, it never 
 diminished the salaries of the administration. It fed 
 upon the treasury, which had been fattened by twelve 
 years of plenty ; and in leaa than twelve other years, it 
 had eaten it all up ; and like the lean kine, which Pharaoh 
 saw in vision upon the brink of the river, it was lean, and 
 hungry, and illfavored still. These measures remotely 
 affected our national interest, and our republican princi- 
 ples. But it was reserved to a later period, that tho 
 measures of the administration should affect the vital 
 fluids of the nation. 
 
 The time had come, when the Emperor of France 
 had projected, and begun to carry into effect hia conti- 
 nental system ; a system, which was designed to injure 
 the commercial interest of Great- Britain* He had gained 
 the assistance of the powers of Europe to aid his designs. 
 He was not indifferent to America. He used means to 
 draw her into his views ; and to persuade her to cooperate 
 vrith him in accomplishing his ambitious projects. 
 
 At this time France and England were in the highest 
 degree of collision ; and they were saturated with a spirit 
 of retaliation. They both strove for the mastery in 
 the art of revenge. So extensive were the British Orders 
 and the French Decrees in their application, that they 
 affected the commercial interest of neutral nations. They 
 essentially affected the commercial interest of America. 
 Neither admitted this t<J be their object j nor did they 
 attempt, by the laws of nations, to vindicate their infringe- 
 ment upon neutral rights ; but maintained, that it must 
 be submitted to as a necessary result, arising from their 
 restrictive and retaliating systems. France maintained 
 that she would not relax her decrees, unless we would 
 
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 enter tn|o Keir vlevrt in oppoftition to Engtend* Greaf^ 
 Britnin maintained that ihe would not irescind lier orders* 
 unless France repealed her decrees. Both^ Jedbus for 
 their honor, were slow to be first in relaxation of their 
 systems. We, like a stripling by the side of these two 
 contending champions, received part of the blow* of ench* 
 Our remonstrances, our negotiationa for yearst proved 
 fruitless. 
 
 Instead of vindicating our maritime rij|htB by a manly 
 renstance, as we did some years since with success, our 
 government remanded our vessels from the ocean ; and 
 closed them in port* Because we could not ei\)oy unmo* 
 lested all the commercial privileges of neutrality, our 
 government prevented us from the enjoyment of any* 
 We assert it upon high authority, that ** the field of com* 
 mercial enterprize, after allowing to the decrees and 
 orders their full and practical effect, is still rich and ex- 
 tensive.** Because wc are deuied die use of one right of 
 ten, shall we not improve the nine ? Because our ftelda 
 suffer some damage from the elements, uid we do not 
 gather so much ns we might odterwiBedo,8haU we not plant 
 and sow ? Because we could not go to every foreign port 
 with safety, should we not, therefore, go to any i Thia 
 was a system of ret«l&tion, wmdK ttiij^t liave provoked 
 the enemy, even to laughter. After a longtnal of this 
 experiment upon our enemies, and upon ourselves, it was 
 relinquished) not having produced die desired effect. In 
 lieu of this, the non«intereourse act waa estahlished { an 
 act, if not more efficacious abroad, was less vexatious at 
 home. All these polidcal experiments proved meffectual. 
 
 The impressment of our seamen by the British, is a 
 just cause of complaint ; and one cause of the present 
 declared war. MHien our citizens are taken from their 
 honest emplojrment, and eaimpeUed into British service, 
 American indignation rises in our breasts. We sympa- 
 thize with the unfortunate sufferers. We would use eveiy 
 effectual measure for then* restoration. But this subject, 
 at first view apparently so plain, is not free from difficulty* 
 Great-Britain asserts her rig^t to take her own seamen 
 upon the ocean wherever she can find them } and that our 
 flag shall not secure then) from her service* She pretends 
 
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i\n cUiiu to our seamen ; and none are taken by the spirit 
 of her uuthnrity. But upon the ocean, the great hi(;h\vray 
 of nations, there are pillaijers of men, as well as of prop* 
 erty. The wilful outrage of an individual ought not to 
 btigtnatizQ his government, unless it countcnancev such 
 aggression. There is such a similarity between Ameri- 
 Ciin and F.iiglish blood, language, manners, aiKl cuscoms 
 tliut it is dimcult to distinguish the diflfcrence. The Brit- 
 ish, in tlie eager search of her own seamen, have Home- 
 times taken our own native marines, who, for want of 
 credentials of their American citizenship, have been rC> 
 tained in the British service. But when has then- been 
 one retained, after he had, before suitable authority, given 
 proof of hiH American citizenship i Mistakes like these ; 
 and lawless aggressions like these by lawless individuals, 
 will take place ; and if this be a proper cause of offensive 
 war, we shall be in everlasting war with some foreign 
 power. The claim of Great Britain to her seamen in 
 time of war is not peculiar to her. Other European 
 powers claim the same right. Nor is this a new claim ; 
 she has maintained it for ages. Should she relinquish 
 this claim, the direct consequence would be the legal right 
 of America to employ British seamen to the neglect of 
 h'jr own. How would this benefit the United States ? 
 Would it be better to encourage foreigners than our own 
 sons of the ocean i Do wc need foreign skill and bravery 
 to navigate our vessels ; and defend the honor of our flag ? 
 Will not the number of our seamen increase as fast as 
 the number of our vessels i Shall we not give employment 
 and wages to our own citizens in preference to any other i^ 
 Should we compel Great-Britain to give up her right to 
 her own seamen, in time of war, it would be more dam> 
 age, tkan benefit to this nation. Why then should we 
 make war to compel her to relinquish this claim i 
 
 Wc are not inscnsil>le of the injuries we haVe received 
 from Great-Brit;iin ; nor do we wish to conceal them IVom 
 public view. We wish not to check a patriotic glow of 
 indignation for the wrongs we have suffered. Our /^resent 
 evils are not the only evils we have suffered from that 
 maritime power ; but adjustments were then made, which 
 j)reserved our national hgn-ir, and promoted our commer- 
 
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 cial Interest. Could not similar adjustments again have 
 been made ? A treaty, similar in principle to the one, 
 which had expired, and under which our commerce pros- 
 pered, was formed by oar ministers, who were sent to 
 England for that purpose ; and transmitted to our govern- 
 ment for ratification ; a treaty, which the present Secretary 
 of State declared, " might be accepted wkh honor and 
 consistent with our interest." But alas, out cup of suffer- 
 ings was not then full. This treaty was not even submit- 
 ted to the consideration of the Senate ; by the will uf one 
 . man it was l-epressed. 
 
 In consequence of the aggressions of the British nation 
 upon our unprotected commerce and in consequence of 
 her adherence to the claim of her seamen in time of war, 
 an OFFENSIVE WAR has been declared by our government 
 against, thac power. Whether th^se are a sufficient cause 
 for the commencement of hostilities the poople will judge 
 for themselves. 
 
 So great are the calamities of war that a nation ought 
 not to be precipitated into it without the strongest reasons. 
 Every mean of negotiation should be used before the fatal 
 remedy of war be applied. 
 
 However different people may be in their opinion 
 respecting the merits of the came of the present war, they 
 may, perhaps, be more unanimous respecting its expcdkn- 
 cy. The present war cannot be expedient, unless it pre- 
 sents a probability, a high probability that it will occasion 
 a removal of the evils we suffer ; and that it will not pro- 
 duce greater evils than those we already experience. Our 
 government has pushed a war into one of the colonies of 
 England. It is presumable that wc have a sufficient mili- 
 tary force in this country, but not in operation, to obtain 
 it by conquest. Without saying any thing about the 
 justice of shedding the blood of the Canadians (a consid- 
 erable proportion of whom went from these States) for 
 depredations, made upon ua by the inhabitants of the isle 
 of Great-Britain, we ask, how will the conquest of Canada 
 remove the evil of the impressment of our seamen ? Will 
 this conquest enable the English to make a more accurate 
 distinction between the appearance of an American and a 
 British seamaa ? Will this conquest dispose England to 
 
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 pie to the one, 
 pomnierce pros- 
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 Itoourgovern- 
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 'nsequcncc of 
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 ^government 
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 nation ought 
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 '^'*" opinion 
 'It war, thev 
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 withhold the power she has of impressing our scarncn i 
 Will our inroads upon her territorial property prevent her 
 from making aggressions upon our commercial interests ? 
 or will they dispose her to friendship and peace; and divest 
 her of maritime power ? Will the conqaest of Canada dis- 
 pose her to relinquish her maritime principles, Avhich she 
 considers essential to her existence, to regain, by cession 
 from the United States, the lumber and fur of tliis 
 rorihern province ? 
 
 Suppose the conquest of Canada will do some injury 
 to Great- Britain, how will it benefit us ? Will she make 
 a profitable exchange to us by restoring our captured 
 property for regaining this colony, which, at any time as 
 well as the present, may h^ conquered ; and must be pur- 
 chased by her as often as conquered ? In this view will 
 she make any considerable remuneration to us for the re- 
 gaining of this territory ? Is it designed to incorporate it 
 with these States ; and make it a subject of our goverjp- 
 ment? Our territory is already large, very large to 
 be subject to a lepublican government. Will the hetero- 
 geneous mass of the population of Canada add strength to 
 the bond of our national union ? Will the addition of that 
 population, a great part of which is the last scum of vari- 
 ous nations, add weight to our national honor ; or favor 
 correct principles among our citizen* ? The great 
 acquisitions of territory, which our nation is making, 
 have a direct tendency to divide the interests of the dif- 
 iereut parts of the widely extended country ; to make a 
 permanent division of the population in political senti- 
 ment ; and to hasten the dissolution of our republic. 
 
 The war, which our government has commenced 
 upon the ocean, at this particular time, appeavs to be no 
 less inexpedient. War was declared at a time, when 
 hundreds of our vessels, thousands of our seamen, mil- 
 lions of our property were floating, unprotected on the 
 seas. Our government's plea, that they had given notice 
 of the danger, that they had laid an embargo upon our 
 vessels, proves their pertinacity to their favorite system, 
 a* the risk of our property, and the lives of our seamen. 
 It i-»'oves the inefficiency of all their commercial restric- 
 tions, Our government, who expressed so much indigua* 
 
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 tJon at impressment of 0... „„, 
 
 probably never i-*>ar.f *i- . '''•"^'^ harvest thp v i- . 
 
 ftis flock among the wolves S ^^^L'nan would turn 
 «"»■= principles orp' acUct """' *" «'""i''-h K aT 
 
 Jnexped ent it an,,^ ""^f", to be procured. T* ' 
 
 \. 
 
 '>%»•««««.*, 
 
 >> 
 
 
13 
 
 ^« capture ct 
 >• at this June. 
 » and probably 
 seamen to be 
 •e taten pris- 
 taken in many 
 ees, Tvhile tve 
 .was this via- 
 'nst our prop. 
 
 "ng from our 
 e *;ngland to 
 ^'''W bQ com- 
 Hintcracis, i„ 
 ^' , Jiut the 
 >« lost giveg 
 "^ with that 
 '.would turn 
 '"g his dogs 
 "avy cannot 
 ^ ner mari- 
 
 when our 
 Jd scarcely 
 * this dec- 
 ' TOi-iifieci J 
 ft appears 
 ' '« an un- 
 y> Who is 
 
 to be an 
 this Were 
 yimercial 
 "h heart 
 lould the 
 f War be 
 inguish- 
 ' rehict- 
 se, who 
 e such 
 'ecified 
 
 detachnr.enls of militia ; an'? "pare them for their ap- 
 pointed destinations ? "Wh;ii json can be assigned for 
 this backwardness ? They do \.<nfcel the war to be neces- 
 sary and expedient ; a war spirit has not fired their breasts. 
 Let our country be invaded ; let hostilities commence on 
 the land, which is consecrated to peace and freedom ; 
 and we shall not need to wait to offer bounties ; to increase 
 the wages of the soldier ; to rake the gloomy cells of the 
 prison. War will glow i.i every heart. War will appear 
 in every hand. War, war will resound from every mouth. 
 
 War appeared inexpedient at the time of its -.leclara- 
 tion, because the prospect at that time, or about thai time, 
 appeared more favorable for the adjustment of difficulties 
 than it had appeared for a long time before. One very 
 importitot difficulty, and, in its nature the most aggravat- 
 ing, had been settled. If satisfaction had been made for 
 the dead, it might be hoped it would be made for the in- 
 jured living. If satisfaction had been made for life, it, 
 might be hoped that satisfaction would be made for prop- 
 erty. The administration had long maintained that the 
 French decrees were repealed, on whose repeal the Brit- 
 ish government engaged to rescind their orders, as they 
 respected us. While our administration maintained their 
 position, the British Minister called for documents, which 
 should prove that an official and effectual repeal had taken 
 place. Upon this evidence he declared that the Orders iii 
 Council should be annulled. No such evidence was then 
 exhibited j negotiation ceased, and war was declared. 
 Immediately after the declaration of war by our govern- 
 ment, the requested evidence of th« repeal of the decrees 
 was exhibited ; and the English government, agreeably to 
 their declaration, repealed their ordcj s. There is some 
 obscurity attending the dates and circumstances of these 
 transactions. Conjecture is alive. Time will probably 
 develope the mystery. It is regretted that these trans- 
 actions did not take place at an earlier date. It is still 
 hoped that they will lead to a ttrmination of hostilities, 
 and to a settlement of all our national difTicultioF. 
 
 In reviewing the restrictive measures of government 
 on our commerce, there is appearance cf a departure from 
 foreign impartinlity ; a departure from neutral principles. 
 
 •^WP^' 
 
 «. i- ^. J^'"*'-^* m^' 
 
14 
 
 n ■'! 
 
 Far be it from us to ,», 
 
 c'gn partiality, or vrithf^^- ®"*' «<imini«triit}«„ • u . 
 
 too plain to iJ^^dfsZVT'^u'"^"^"'^^- fe 
 
 system, which th? t ♦ *''*^ the restrictivf " '* ^ 'act, 
 
 comporMwhh th7r ^r «^'^Pt-<l for somV '°"»™«rciai 
 
 ^as unequalin it, !i°'"'"«ntal system of 7, ^^''•« P««t. 
 
 that quarter of /^ f .'^*' *°«^ard the Ttvn • .*"**P« ' and 
 
 preserved .:/ ^\^^^^^' U an ea Jl- ""^^^ P^^e" of 
 
 "HthHea^Kjl^^^''^^^^^^^ -four 
 
 ^^''"Itl not easil?h/'*''' ^*"'*^d a con^meS ?r°speritv 
 
 not easily be eLh "P!;T^^- CommSl W^'^^'^h 
 
 restrictive la«? ^"^^^^ 'o'' any other ?JS. ^^''^Jf* <^o"W 
 
 ^^t our gove^' "P? °"'- trade hasnot bee^'"? °^.'^^ '^^e 
 
 the sea ■Zl^^^'l^ '^'^rain the river, f "^^^ ^>' violated? 
 
 from thSr own'^r„iS^« t^ey m^y" resTr^i^ "^^ "^' ««^ 
 of commercid enJ! "' ' ^^^ thby mJv rf °^\^^»mm 
 has been protec^f i 'P'"!? ^ ^^ our citizens^ n '* ^'^^ »P'"t 
 destrove/. anS !?* ^^ P'-^^te^ed "m it* h. "k ^°"»»«erce 
 
 The timer doe/lo?^ ^'"^-'^ ^'« ♦eg^^^^^^^^ °^ *^« 
 
 tration when 'rsorL/reJ'^''""'-"^^^^^^^^ 
 
 to market. He be^f t ^^P ' ^"d when and wt ^'""" 
 
 interest. Oiiit ' *"°^» his own busJn- , ""^ to go 
 
 ^d ther imeTe t ';?T^ «^ S Cw M ""^.^'^ "^^« 
 '^^''h not fo be h ' ^ *^'-^ suffer iniSr '*,"'^"=«« 
 suffered m^ *»e burdened at home "ff *. ^^^^^d, they 
 
 . A position for defenr« • , 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
is 
 
 ^'on with for. 
 « 'tis a fact, 
 commercial 
 ' years past, 
 "^opej and 
 " powers of 
 =o«W not be 
 •y> and par- 
 *e our high- 
 P flot mate 
 /cct ? 
 
 w^Jch our 
 »erve, that 
 ?enius and 
 jhyofour 
 Prosperity 
 •!:«. which 
 ''ts could 
 o^theiate 
 violated? 
 ^yinginto 
 - rise and 
 
 seamen 
 the spirit 
 
 ^mmerce 
 ^ almost 
 ' of the 
 "selves, 
 rfniinis- 
 re to go 
 
 ''Sown 
 usincss 
 » they 
 obably 
 
 |e, is 
 or an 
 a the 
 ngth 
 with 
 
 them the menns of defence ; without carrying with thcnll 
 arguments, more powerful, convincing,and conclusive than 
 treaties ! Our nation has become sufficiently commerv iai, 
 and sufficiently wealthy to build and support :| navy for the 
 protection of our trade. When this is effected, then and 
 not till then, shall we be respected on the high sens ; be 
 treated with justice, and negotiate to the best advantage 
 with foreign nations. 
 
 Clouds of difficulty and vengeance hang over our coun- 
 try. War is commenced. Our frontiers are exposed. Our 
 sea coast is almost defenceless. Our country is distracted 
 with discord. Our public councils are bewildered. Far 
 be it from U8 to add to the evils we suffer. Far be 
 be it from us to administer fuel to the fire of faction. Far 
 be it from us to encourage opposition to the laws of the 
 j)resent administratioiu It is better to engage in any war, 
 which may be projected, howevei" unnecessary and inex- 
 pedient, than to involve ourselves in civil war and destroy 
 the wise fabric of our government. We stiUpossess the 
 supreme power of the natioti. Under Divine Providence, 
 we hold iJie means of our preservation. If our rulers 
 have not been guided by wisdom ; if their exfjerimental 
 systems have involved us in difficulty and danger, we still 
 hold the means of escape. We still possess the power of 
 electing our own rulers : and of electing them often. W^ 
 possess the power of choosing; men to office, who will fa- 
 vor our views and desires. This is our highest civil priv- 
 ilege. We ought to improve it withodt abuse. The times 
 of our elections are near. We, as a nation, can, if we please, 
 check the current of our present policy ; turn the channef 
 of our national affairs ; and pursue a system, which has 
 been proved with success. If we have lost our first love. 
 We still have a name to live. There is still wisdom anc! 
 virtue in our nation. Let new fountains of wisdom be 
 sought out. Let them be publicly opened ; and we trust 
 that their salubrious streams will give a new aspect to our 
 country ; and be for the healing of the nation. But if our 
 nation clioose to persevere in the present system ; if they 
 choose to live under the home-made restraints of trade, and 
 see the hand of industry wither for the want of support j 
 if they choose to urge the contest abroad; if our cup 
 
 y^ ' 
 
1« 
 
 must be filled ; if they tvill have it so, great God, ouf 
 sins deserve it all* 
 
 At this eventful, this glooitjy period of our country, 
 there is the highest necessity of a union of sentiment, a 
 union of heart, a union of exertion in cur nation* Our 
 cause is one ; our interest is one ; our destiny is one. 
 We need the union of all our wisdom. We need the 
 union of all our strength. We ought to look to our con- 
 stitution, under Divine Providence, for the salvation of 
 our country) as we look to the gospel for the salvation of 
 the world* 
 
 However great the evils are, which we suffer ; how- 
 ever gloomy our prospect is, and however great our fears, 
 we see rays of hope* We have ground of consolation 
 and support. Our cause is with the Lord. Though jars 
 and discords disturb our peace, and convulsions agitate 
 the state ; though civil governments rise and fall ; yet 
 the Supreme Being rules above. He moves the wheels 
 of his government with perfect regularity, and without 
 interruption. He overrules the governments of nationsk 
 With Him is the destiny of states and empires. He 
 makes them instruments of his purposes. To Him we 
 submit our cause ; to Him we look for direction* 
 
 Hi. I there been ten righteous In SoJgm, the prayer 
 of Arbaham would have prevailed* ITie place would have 
 been saved* Is diere not this small proportion of our 
 nation righteous ? Are there not prayers like those of 
 faithful Abraham, offered this day before the throne of 
 Heaven ? Will not the Load for th? righteous' sake, 
 will not the Lord for his great name's sake, deliver us 
 from judgments, and save our nation i Have faith in 
 Goo. 
 
 --^.« "\ ^1 
 
; God, oUf 
 
 mr cotmtry, 
 entiment, a 
 ition. Our 
 iny is one. 
 e need the 
 to our con- 
 salvation of 
 salvation of 
 
 iffer; how- 
 it our fears, 
 consoliition ■ 
 "hough jars 
 ions agitate 
 I fall; yet 
 the wheels 
 nd without 
 of nationst 
 pires. He 
 o Him we 
 a. 
 
 the prayer 
 would have 
 ion of our 
 ce those of 
 i throne of 
 eous' sake, 
 , deliver us 
 ve faith in 
 
 *■■■