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1 2 3

'ZJ93

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DISCOURSB,

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IIELi^£RED AT MILFOHD,

AUGUST 20th, 1812,

THE DAT

RECOMMENDED BY THE PRESIDENT

?0»

NATIONAL HUMILIATION.

BY HUMPHREY MOORE,

f AITOR OV THB CHUKCH IM MILVORD*

AMRfiRST, Vli H«-
IrIMTSD by RICHARD BOYLSTON.

• ••*

181^

. ! ! I

>.xvi

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■\

DISCOURSE.

THIS d: 7 is recommended by the President of
the United States, as a convenient time for this nation to
humiliate themselves before God, " on the solemn occa-
sion, produced by the war, in which he has been pleased
to suffer the injustice of a foreign power to involve these
United States/' Our Chief Magistrate has not, on this
day, recommended fasting. He has not recommended
the assembling of ourselves together for the purpose of
uniting in our supplications to Almighty God. He has
not recommended abstinence from labor and recreation.
But from what he has said, we are highly gratified that we
are enabled to observe this, as a day of humiliation, fasting
and social worship. It was r ot till after the judgment
of war was declared and sent upon our land, we were
requested to humble ourselves } to seek divine direction.
It was not recommended to us to present our petitions
before Almighty God to prevent the calamity of war ;
but now we are requested to beseech him to ** bestow
his blessing on our arms." j

When any of the judgments of Heaven falls upon a
nation, it is a sure token of divine displeasure. National
calamities denote national sins. Nineveh, when their
destruction impended^ fasted, humbled themselves, and
sought the pardoning mercy of Heaven. God saw their
penitence ; heard their prayers ; and turned from h'ls fierce
anger. If we had been directed to humble Ourselves as
a nation, and had humbled ourselves while tht judgments
only appeared with threatening" aspect, who knows but
Goo. would so have disposed the hearts of our enemies^
and overruled the councils of our government, that the
present calamity would have been averted ?

War is undoubtedly the heaviest judgment that ever
was sent upon a nation. It is a great calaonity that the
jjrodvctions of the ground, reared by oar hands forour

^t:

luhsistencc, should be ravaged by an enemy, or he appro-
priated to the support of our own soldiery. It is a great
calamity to see our tieaiiest conneiuons called to the 6eld
of action to meet the weapons of death. It is a great
calamity to be called nurB«lv«>ii to meet our enemy ; to
slay our fellow creatures, or to (Al victims by their hands.
When three judgments, famine, pestilence, and the
sword, were ottered to the choice of David, he desired
that he might not fall into the hands of men. Although
he was a man of war and of great success in battle ; yet he
'Was unwilling to encounter Uie enemy, when the anger of
God was kindled against him. Any other judgment he
chose in preference to this.

The solemnities of this day invite our attention to the
natural causes of the war, which has begun to afflict us ;
to its expediency, and to its probable effects.

In a government like ours, rulers derive their polver
from ih6 people ; and they are accountable to them for
the use of the authority, with which they are vested.
People have a right to examine the official conduct of
their riders i and to judge whether they have been faithful
to the trust, reposed in their hands. They have a right,
by fair Qnd conatJtutionul tn«iin«, to cdntinue, or discon-
tinue them in office, according as their administration
appears, in their judgment, to promote, or injure their
general interest. They have a right to the freedom of the
press for the circulation of political truth ; and they have
a right to the freedom of speech for the same purpose.
Of this latter right, the right of freedom of speech in the
cause of political truth, we avail ourselves this day. if
any regret the privilege, they regret one of the most
essential privileges of a republican government. They
fail in one point. It is in poUticar as in the moral law,
he, that faileth in one point, is guilty of all.

It could be wished that a brief view of the history of
our nation, since the adoption of the federal constitution,
might be exhibited. When these United States were
formed into one confederate republic, they had many
difficulties to encounter. Having just emerged from the
oppression of a monarchical government, their minds
were scaiccly prepared for rational liberty. In view of

''iiip»»..,.

..::r..va.»;.

the field

4he eviUf which attended a new nnd infant ffovernmcnt,
there were some, like the Israelites in the wilderness, who
would have turned, and subjected themselves to their old
task'inasters* At this period, the nation wns burdened
with in immense debt. It required groat efforts of wis-
dom to invunt sources, and systematize methods of
revenue, by which the interest might annually be paid ;
the debt be diminished ; and the expenses of government
be defrayed. Sources of wisdom appeared in the admin-
istration ; and they foand sources of revenue in almost
every part of the world. They moved the wheels of the
new government with a skill, which indicated not only
wisdom, but the experience of years.

At this period an Indian war ravaged our frontier.
The savages made considerable depredations ; and excited
no small alarm through the nation. Instead of carrying
war among them, and provoking their everlasting revenge,
treaties of peace were formed with them ; their claims
were adjusted, and their friendship restored. About this
time, the late King of France was driven from his throne
and from the world. The little horns, which successively
rose from the ruins of his empire, pushed, by various
methods, to implicate this nation in their difficulties and
commotions. Their wiles were discovered and discon-
certed ; their aggressions upon our commerce were
bravely resisted and adjustments were made. Commer-
cial treaties were formed with many of the European
powers, which, while they preserved peace, excited and
promoted our commercial interest. Arrangements were
made for restoring to their country many of our seamen,
who were retained in the most cruel bondage. Insurrec-
tions, which were excited in our country by foreign'^rs and
by the enemies of our constitution, were happily quelled
and tranquillity restored.

In this golden age of our country, our commerce
extended to sdmost every part of the world. From every
climate we received the delights of life. In almost every
sea we found sources of wealtii. Agriculture received a
stimulus, which animated the hearts of our citizens ;
which gave life and energy to industry. Arts, sciences
and manufactures flourished. Instiiutio ij, of the most
useful naiurC) wwrv' cstablislicj, and prospered. Our

..-,._u.

'■/

i
\1

I i

government, at the early age of twelve years, had acauired
(he maturity, the wisdom, and firmness of manhood. A
few individual errors* had not 8TO^<rn into habit ; nor
nfTccted its general character. They only proved that
" to err is human/'

At this prosperous era of our country, it might have
been expected she would hiavc been contented and happy,
liiit in tne political, as in the physical world, what is rapid
in its growth, and sudden in its maturity, is rapid in its
decline, and soon becomes extinctt The restless mind of
man is ever prone to change ; :md it delights in producing
change. Human nature, even in paradise, was not satis-
fied. It sought a change ; and it experienced a fatal
change*

At the commencement of the second twelve years of
oar government, a material alteration took place in its
administration. The former rulers, like fruit imtimely
ripe, were shaken off by the storm of opposition. Here
conimences a new era in our political history. New
men, elevated to the first offices in the nation, adopted new
measures ; and pursued almost a new syKtem. They
began, by reniovincr from honorable and profitable offices
men, whose political characters differed from their own.
Without attempting to conciliate parties by blending both
in the government, they monopolized the whole, or sdmost
the whole of the authority, which lay within the scope of
their power. The repeal of the judiciary law is consider-
ed an invasion upon the independence of that department,
vhich in a republican government is considered a grand
support of civil freedom. The repeal of taxes on the
luxuries, and retaining or imposing them on the necessa-
ries of life, favored tlie wealthy, while it burdened the
poor ; favored the rich of the southern, while it threw
expense upon the peasantry of the northern states. This
alteration in the source of revenue appeared to savor more
ot monarchical, than of republican principles. The
adopted country beyond the Missisippi, it is confidently
believed, has not nearly paid the interest of the sum,

* Annies, stamp act, taxes ^ sS'c,

expended in its purchase* Besides, it renders the country
unwieldy for a republican government ; and it renders
our public debt also unwiefdly. The sale of our public
vessels destroyed the little bulwark, which had been raised
fer the defence of our maritime rights ; and invited the
aggression of foreign powers upon our unprotected com-
merce. A system of economy was projected, and put in
operation. It was formed upon narrow, shortsighted
principles ; and executed upon a broad scale. While it
abolished offices and dried up sources of revenue, it never
diminished the salaries of the administration. It fed
upon the treasury, which had been fattened by twelve
years of plenty ; and in leaa than twelve other years, it
had eaten it all up ; and like the lean kine, which Pharaoh
saw in vision upon the brink of the river, it was lean, and
hungry, and illfavored still. These measures remotely
affected our national interest, and our republican princi-
ples. But it was reserved to a later period, that tho
measures of the administration should affect the vital
fluids of the nation.

The time had come, when the Emperor of France
had projected, and begun to carry into effect hia conti-
nental system ; a system, which was designed to injure
the commercial interest of Great- Britain* He had gained
the assistance of the powers of Europe to aid his designs.
He was not indifferent to America. He used means to
draw her into his views ; and to persuade her to cooperate
vrith him in accomplishing his ambitious projects.

At this time France and England were in the highest
degree of collision ; and they were saturated with a spirit
of retaliation. They both strove for the mastery in
the art of revenge. So extensive were the British Orders
and the French Decrees in their application, that they
affected the commercial interest of neutral nations. They
essentially affected the commercial interest of America.
Neither admitted this t<J be their object j nor did they
attempt, by the laws of nations, to vindicate their infringe-
ment upon neutral rights ; but maintained, that it must
be submitted to as a necessary result, arising from their
restrictive and retaliating systems. France maintained
that she would not relax her decrees, unless we would

' 'I

(

enter tn|o Keir vlevrt in oppoftition to Engtend* Greaf^
Britnin maintained that ihe would not irescind lier orders*
unless France repealed her decrees. Both^ Jedbus for
their honor, were slow to be first in relaxation of their
systems. We, like a stripling by the side of these two
contending champions, received part of the blow* of ench*
Our remonstrances, our negotiationa for yearst proved
fruitless.

Instead of vindicating our maritime rij|htB by a manly
renstance, as we did some years since with success, our
government remanded our vessels from the ocean ; and
closed them in port* Because we could not ei\)oy unmo*
lested all the commercial privileges of neutrality, our
government prevented us from the enjoyment of any*
We assert it upon high authority, that ** the field of com*
mercial enterprize, after allowing to the decrees and
orders their full and practical effect, is still rich and ex-
tensive.** Because wc are deuied die use of one right of
ten, shall we not improve the nine ? Because our ftelda
suffer some damage from the elements, uid we do not
gather so much ns we might odterwiBedo,8haU we not plant
and sow ? Because we could not go to every foreign port
with safety, should we not, therefore, go to any i Thia
was a system of ret«l&tion, wmdK ttiij^t liave provoked
the enemy, even to laughter. After a longtnal of this
experiment upon our enemies, and upon ourselves, it was
relinquished) not having produced die desired effect. In
lieu of this, the non«intereourse act waa estahlished { an
act, if not more efficacious abroad, was less vexatious at
home. All these polidcal experiments proved meffectual.

The impressment of our seamen by the British, is a
just cause of complaint ; and one cause of the present
declared war. MHien our citizens are taken from their
honest emplojrment, and eaimpeUed into British service,
American indignation rises in our breasts. We sympa-
thize with the unfortunate sufferers. We would use eveiy
effectual measure for then* restoration. But this subject,
at first view apparently so plain, is not free from difficulty*
Great-Britain asserts her rig^t to take her own seamen
upon the ocean wherever she can find them } and that our
flag shall not secure then) from her service* She pretends

'4 s]

'"^mmv Till m>ii iW0m

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i\n cUiiu to our seamen ; and none are taken by the spirit
of her uuthnrity. But upon the ocean, the great hi(;h\vray
of nations, there are pillaijers of men, as well as of prop*
erty. The wilful outrage of an individual ought not to
btigtnatizQ his government, unless it countcnancev such
aggression. There is such a similarity between Ameri-
Ciin and F.iiglish blood, language, manners, aiKl cuscoms
tliut it is dimcult to distinguish the diflfcrence. The Brit-
ish, in tlie eager search of her own seamen, have Home-
times taken our own native marines, who, for want of
credentials of their American citizenship, have been rC>
tained in the British service. But when has then- been
one retained, after he had, before suitable authority, given
proof of hiH American citizenship i Mistakes like these ;
and lawless aggressions like these by lawless individuals,
will take place ; and if this be a proper cause of offensive
war, we shall be in everlasting war with some foreign
power. The claim of Great Britain to her seamen in
time of war is not peculiar to her. Other European
powers claim the same right. Nor is this a new claim ;
she has maintained it for ages. Should she relinquish
this claim, the direct consequence would be the legal right
of America to employ British seamen to the neglect of
h'jr own. How would this benefit the United States ?
Would it be better to encourage foreigners than our own
sons of the ocean i Do wc need foreign skill and bravery
to navigate our vessels ; and defend the honor of our flag ?
Will not the number of our seamen increase as fast as
the number of our vessels i Shall we not give employment
and wages to our own citizens in preference to any other i^
Should we compel Great-Britain to give up her right to
her own seamen, in time of war, it would be more dam>
age, tkan benefit to this nation. Why then should we
make war to compel her to relinquish this claim i

Wc are not inscnsil>le of the injuries we haVe received
from Great-Brit;iin ; nor do we wish to conceal them IVom
public view. We wish not to check a patriotic glow of
indignation for the wrongs we have suffered. Our /^resent
evils are not the only evils we have suffered from that
maritime power ; but adjustments were then made, which
j)reserved our national hgn-ir, and promoted our commer-

> X

4 1»

) 1

cial Interest. Could not similar adjustments again have
been made ? A treaty, similar in principle to the one,
which had expired, and under which our commerce pros-
pered, was formed by oar ministers, who were sent to
England for that purpose ; and transmitted to our govern-
ment for ratification ; a treaty, which the present Secretary
of State declared, " might be accepted wkh honor and
consistent with our interest." But alas, out cup of suffer-
ings was not then full. This treaty was not even submit-
ted to the consideration of the Senate ; by the will uf one
. man it was l-epressed.

In consequence of the aggressions of the British nation
upon our unprotected commerce and in consequence of
her adherence to the claim of her seamen in time of war,
an OFFENSIVE WAR has been declared by our government
against, thac power. Whether th^se are a sufficient cause
for the commencement of hostilities the poople will judge
for themselves.

So great are the calamities of war that a nation ought
not to be precipitated into it without the strongest reasons.
Every mean of negotiation should be used before the fatal
remedy of war be applied.

However different people may be in their opinion
respecting the merits of the came of the present war, they
may, perhaps, be more unanimous respecting its expcdkn-
cy. The present war cannot be expedient, unless it pre-
sents a probability, a high probability that it will occasion
a removal of the evils we suffer ; and that it will not pro-
duce greater evils than those we already experience. Our
government has pushed a war into one of the colonies of
England. It is presumable that wc have a sufficient mili-
tary force in this country, but not in operation, to obtain
it by conquest. Without saying any thing about the
justice of shedding the blood of the Canadians (a consid-
erable proportion of whom went from these States) for
depredations, made upon ua by the inhabitants of the isle
of Great-Britain, we ask, how will the conquest of Canada
remove the evil of the impressment of our seamen ? Will
this conquest enable the English to make a more accurate
distinction between the appearance of an American and a
British seamaa ? Will this conquest dispose England to

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PJs again have
pie to the one,
pomnierce pros-
o were sent to
Itoourgovern-
-sent Secretary
«n honor and
. cupofsufFer-
lt even submit-
|ne will of one

- '»-'tish nation
'nsequcncc of
time of war, .

^government
ihcicnt cause
'le will judge

nation ought
?est reasons,
oie the fual

'^'*" opinion
'It war, thev
ts expcdien-
less it pre-

|1 occasion
11 not pro-
nce. Our
olonies of
=ient mill-
to obtain
»bout the
a consid-
ates) for
f the isle
^ Canada
a ? Will

accurate
m and a
;land to

withhold the power she has of impressing our scarncn i
Will our inroads upon her territorial property prevent her
from making aggressions upon our commercial interests ?
or will they dispose her to friendship and peace; and divest
her of maritime power ? Will the conqaest of Canada dis-
pose her to relinquish her maritime principles, Avhich she
considers essential to her existence, to regain, by cession
from the United States, the lumber and fur of tliis
rorihern province ?

Suppose the conquest of Canada will do some injury
to Great- Britain, how will it benefit us ? Will she make
a profitable exchange to us by restoring our captured
property for regaining this colony, which, at any time as
well as the present, may h^ conquered ; and must be pur-
chased by her as often as conquered ? In this view will
she make any considerable remuneration to us for the re-
gaining of this territory ? Is it designed to incorporate it
with these States ; and make it a subject of our goverjp-
ment? Our territory is already large, very large to
be subject to a lepublican government. Will the hetero-
geneous mass of the population of Canada add strength to
the bond of our national union ? Will the addition of that
population, a great part of which is the last scum of vari-
ous nations, add weight to our national honor ; or favor
correct principles among our citizen* ? The great
acquisitions of territory, which our nation is making,
have a direct tendency to divide the interests of the dif-
iereut parts of the widely extended country ; to make a
permanent division of the population in political senti-
ment ; and to hasten the dissolution of our republic.

The war, which our government has commenced
upon the ocean, at this particular time, appeavs to be no
less inexpedient. War was declared at a time, when
hundreds of our vessels, thousands of our seamen, mil-
lions of our property were floating, unprotected on the
seas. Our government's plea, that they had given notice
of the danger, that they had laid an embargo upon our
vessels, proves their pertinacity to their favorite system,
a* the risk of our property, and the lives of our seamen.
It i-»'oves the inefficiency of all their commercial restric-
tions, Our government, who expressed so much indigua*

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tJon at impressment of 0... „„,

probably never i-*>ar.f *i- . '''•"^'^ harvest thp v i- .

ftis flock among the wolves S ^^^L'nan would turn
«"»■= principles orp' acUct """' *" «'""i''-h K aT

Jnexped ent it an,,^ ""^f", to be procured. T* '

'>%»•««««.*,

^« capture ct
>• at this June.
» and probably
seamen to be
•e taten pris-
taken in many
ees, Tvhile tve
.was this via-
'nst our prop.

"ng from our
e *;ngland to
^'''W bQ com-
Hintcracis, i„
^' , Jiut the
>« lost giveg
"^ with that
'.would turn
'"g his dogs
"avy cannot
^ ner mari-

when our
Jd scarcely
* this dec-
' TOi-iifieci J
ft appears
' '« an un-
y> Who is

to be an
this Were
yimercial
"h heart
lould the
f War be
inguish-
' rehict-
se, who
e such
'ecified

detachnr.enls of militia ; an'? "pare them for their ap-
pointed destinations ? "Wh;ii json can be assigned for
this backwardness ? They do \.<nfcel the war to be neces-
sary and expedient ; a war spirit has not fired their breasts.
Let our country be invaded ; let hostilities commence on
the land, which is consecrated to peace and freedom ;
and we shall not need to wait to offer bounties ; to increase
the wages of the soldier ; to rake the gloomy cells of the
prison. War will glow i.i every heart. War will appear
in every hand. War, war will resound from every mouth.

War appeared inexpedient at the time of its -.leclara-
tion, because the prospect at that time, or about thai time,
appeared more favorable for the adjustment of difficulties
than it had appeared for a long time before. One very
importitot difficulty, and, in its nature the most aggravat-
ing, had been settled. If satisfaction had been made for
the dead, it might be hoped it would be made for the in-
jured living. If satisfaction had been made for life, it,
might be hoped that satisfaction would be made for prop-
erty. The administration had long maintained that the
French decrees were repealed, on whose repeal the Brit-
ish government engaged to rescind their orders, as they
respected us. While our administration maintained their
position, the British Minister called for documents, which
should prove that an official and effectual repeal had taken
place. Upon this evidence he declared that the Orders iii
Council should be annulled. No such evidence was then
exhibited j negotiation ceased, and war was declared.
Immediately after the declaration of war by our govern-
ment, the requested evidence of th« repeal of the decrees
was exhibited ; and the English government, agreeably to
their declaration, repealed their ordcj s. There is some
obscurity attending the dates and circumstances of these
transactions. Conjecture is alive. Time will probably
develope the mystery. It is regretted that these trans-
actions did not take place at an earlier date. It is still
hoped that they will lead to a ttrmination of hostilities,
and to a settlement of all our national difTicultioF.

In reviewing the restrictive measures of government
on our commerce, there is appearance cf a departure from
foreign impartinlity ; a departure from neutral principles.

•^WP^'

«. i- ^. J^'"*'-^* m^'

n ■'!

Far be it from us to ,»,

c'gn partiality, or vrithf^^- ®"*' «<imini«triit}«„ • u .

too plain to iJ^^dfsZVT'^u'"^"^"'^^- fe

system, which th? t ♦ *''*^ the restrictivf " '* ^ 'act,

comporMwhh th7r ^r «^'^Pt-<l for somV '°"»™«rciai

^as unequalin it, !i°'"'"«ntal system of 7, ^^''•« P««t.

that quarter of /^ f .'^*' *°«^ard the Ttvn • .*"**P« ' and

preserved .:/ ^\^^^^^' U an ea Jl- ""^^^ P^^e" of

"HthHea^Kjl^^^''^^^^^^^ -four

^^''"Itl not easil?h/'*''' ^*"'*^d a con^meS ?r°speritv

not easily be eLh "P!;T^^- CommSl W^'^^'^h

restrictive la«? ^"^^^^ 'o'' any other ?JS. ^^''^Jf* <^o"W

^^t our gove^' "P? °"'- trade hasnot bee^'"? °^.'^^ '^^e

the sea ■Zl^^^'l^ '^'^rain the river, f "^^^ ^>' violated?

from thSr own'^r„iS^« t^ey m^y" resTr^i^ "^^ "^' ««^
of commercid enJ! "' ' ^^^ thby mJv rf °^\^^»mm
has been protec^f i 'P'"!? ^ ^^ our citizens^ n '* ^'^^ »P'"t
destrove/. anS !?* ^^ P'-^^te^ed "m it* h. "k ^°"»»«erce

The timer doe/lo?^ ^'"^-'^ ^'« ♦eg^^^^^^^^ °^ *^«

tration when 'rsorL/reJ'^''""'-"^^^^^^^^

to market. He be^f t ^^P ' ^"d when and wt ^'"""

interest. Oiiit ' *"°^» his own busJn- , ""^ to go

^d ther imeTe t ';?T^ «^ S Cw M ""^.^'^ "^^«
'^^''h not fo be h ' ^ *^'-^ suffer iniSr '*,"'^"=««
suffered m^ *»e burdened at home "ff *. ^^^^^d, they

. A position for defenr« • ,

^'on with for.
« 'tis a fact,
commercial
' years past,
"^opej and
" powers of
=o«W not be
•y> and par-
*e our high-
P flot mate
/cct ?

w^Jch our
»erve, that
?enius and
jhyofour
Prosperity
•!:«. which
''ts could
o^theiate
violated?
^yinginto
- rise and

seamen
the spirit

^mmerce
^ almost
' of the
"selves,
rfniinis-
re to go

''Sown
usincss
» they
obably

|e, is
or an
a the
ngth
with

them the menns of defence ; without carrying with thcnll
arguments, more powerful, convincing,and conclusive than
treaties ! Our nation has become sufficiently commerv iai,
and sufficiently wealthy to build and support :| navy for the
protection of our trade. When this is effected, then and
not till then, shall we be respected on the high sens ; be
treated with justice, and negotiate to the best advantage
with foreign nations.

Clouds of difficulty and vengeance hang over our coun-
try. War is commenced. Our frontiers are exposed. Our
sea coast is almost defenceless. Our country is distracted
with discord. Our public councils are bewildered. Far
be it from U8 to add to the evils we suffer. Far be
be it from us to administer fuel to the fire of faction. Far
be it from us to encourage opposition to the laws of the
j)resent administratioiu It is better to engage in any war,
which may be projected, howevei" unnecessary and inex-
pedient, than to involve ourselves in civil war and destroy
the wise fabric of our government. We stiUpossess the
supreme power of the natioti. Under Divine Providence,
we hold iJie means of our preservation. If our rulers
have not been guided by wisdom ; if their exfjerimental
systems have involved us in difficulty and danger, we still
hold the means of escape. We still possess the power of
electing our own rulers : and of electing them often. W^
possess the power of choosing; men to office, who will fa-
vor our views and desires. This is our highest civil priv-
ilege. We ought to improve it withodt abuse. The times
of our elections are near. We, as a nation, can, if we please,
check the current of our present policy ; turn the channef
of our national affairs ; and pursue a system, which has
been proved with success. If we have lost our first love.
We still have a name to live. There is still wisdom anc!
virtue in our nation. Let new fountains of wisdom be
sought out. Let them be publicly opened ; and we trust
that their salubrious streams will give a new aspect to our
country ; and be for the healing of the nation. But if our
nation clioose to persevere in the present system ; if they
choose to live under the home-made restraints of trade, and
see the hand of industry wither for the want of support j
if they choose to urge the contest abroad; if our cup

y^ '

1«

must be filled ; if they tvill have it so, great God, ouf
sins deserve it all*

At this eventful, this glooitjy period of our country,
there is the highest necessity of a union of sentiment, a
union of heart, a union of exertion in cur nation* Our
cause is one ; our interest is one ; our destiny is one.
We need the union of all our wisdom. We need the
union of all our strength. We ought to look to our con-
stitution, under Divine Providence, for the salvation of
our country) as we look to the gospel for the salvation of
the world*

However great the evils are, which we suffer ; how-
ever gloomy our prospect is, and however great our fears,
we see rays of hope* We have ground of consolation
and support. Our cause is with the Lord. Though jars
and discords disturb our peace, and convulsions agitate
the state ; though civil governments rise and fall ; yet
the Supreme Being rules above. He moves the wheels
of his government with perfect regularity, and without
interruption. He overrules the governments of nationsk
With Him is the destiny of states and empires. He
makes them instruments of his purposes. To Him we
submit our cause ; to Him we look for direction*

Hi. I there been ten righteous In SoJgm, the prayer
of Arbaham would have prevailed* ITie place would have
been saved* Is diere not this small proportion of our
nation righteous ? Are there not prayers like those of
faithful Abraham, offered this day before the throne of
Heaven ? Will not the Load for th? righteous' sake,
will not the Lord for his great name's sake, deliver us
from judgments, and save our nation i Have faith in
Goo.

--^.« "\ ^1

; God, oUf

mr cotmtry,
entiment, a
ition. Our
iny is one.
e need the
to our con-
salvation of
salvation of

iffer; how-
it our fears,
consoliition ■
"hough jars
ions agitate
I fall; yet
the wheels
nd without
of nationst
pires. He
o Him we
a.

the prayer
would have
ion of our
ce those of
i throne of
eous' sake,
, deliver us
ve faith in

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