IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^ 1.0 IS" 28 I.I 25 2.2 iM 1.25 U IIIIII.6 6" vQ > y Photographic Sciences Corporation i\ S V s signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, charts, etc., mey be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right end top to bottom, as msny frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, plenches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre fiim6s A des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est filmA A partir de i'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche k droite, et de haut en bas. en prenant le nombre d'images nicessaire. Les diagrammes suivants iilustrent la m6thode. I 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 I se I :'■' MI ■DcUve SPEECH OF I MR. COLUMBUS DELANO, OF OHIO, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. .Delivered in the House of Representatives, U. S., February 5, 1846. WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY J. AND G. S. GIDEON. 1846. , \ yn -' ^ The Com tion reportec Britain to at August 6th, Stony mour Mr. Dl inittcc as i Mr. C; of saying am I vain •wish to sf members. It will a(} ought. ] tion. 5 It is pn subject, I confident it is my p this separi the reasoi it for then that is wil I What, we give C of twelve venlion o west of tb and navig •tions, witl It will orations, i liot seclioi centre to i these viev in my pci my vote. I aiYi subject hi to these, 1 whether t ■ First , t "Oregon C( giving, or upon our «idered ar SPEECH ' The Committee of thf Wliole on the state of the Union huvin^j under consideration a resolu- tion reported by tlie Committee on Foreign AtFuirs, entitled " A resolution of tiotiee to Great Britain to annul and abrogate the convention between Great Britiiin and the United Stated of August 6tli, 1827, relative to the country on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony mountains, commonly called Oregon" — Mr. DPiLANO, of Ohio, having obtained (he floor, addressed the com- mittee as follows: i Mr. Chairman: I have not sought, nor obtained, the floor widi the hope of saying any thing new upon the subject now before the committee; nor am I vain enough to believe that it will be in my power to express wliat I wish to say, in such a manner as to deserve or obtain the attention of its members. I Fiave, therefore, no objections to make against tlie hour rule. It will allbrd me time to say more than I desire, and probably more than I ought. I consider it a labor-saving, as it certainly is a ^i/zic-saving, inven- tion. i It is probable, sir, that in the vote wliich I shall shortly give upon this subject, I may difler with many persons, in whose judgment I have great confidence, for whose opinions I entertain a deep respect, and with whom it is my pride and pleasure, generally, to act. I cannot consent to make this separation, be it right or wrong, without briefly giving my constituents the reasons which induce it. This being done, I shall be satisfied to leave it for them to decide whether I have, or not, a good reason for ''the hope that is within me." i What, Mr. Chairman, is the precise question before us? It is this: Shall we give Great Britain notice of our intention to terminate, (at the expiration of twelve months after such notice has been given,) the 3d article of the con vention of 1818, which was renewed in 1827, and by which the country west of the Stony mountains, called Oregon, with its harbours, bays, creeks, and navigable rivers, was declared free and open to the subjects of both na- 'tions, without prejudice to the rights of either. It will be seen at a glance, that this question rises above all party consid- erations, as it does above all local and individual interests. It is national — liot sectional. This Union , from east to west, from north to south, from «jentre to circumference, is every whcs interested in its decision. With these views in regard to it, I have given the question the best examination in my power, and by the results of this examination I shall be governed in my vote. I am of opinion, sir, that many foreign considerations not germain to the subject have been introduced into this debate. I will not pause here to refer to these, but will st^ite at once what I consider the true criteria for deciding whether this notice had better be given, or omitted. First, Uien, as it appears to me, the nature and validity of our title to the "Oregon coimtry should influence our action; and, secondly, the effects of giving, or fading to give the notice, as well upon the country, generally, as upon our rights to the territory in controversy, ought carefully to be con- sidered and estimated. 'i '' *i .• 4 ^rhe latter coiL-iitleration, I coiipider full of importance. The welfare, prospt'rily, peace of the country, are involved in it, or 1 am greatly in error. To it 1 !«hall principally direct my observations. It io by no moans my purpose, in reference to the title, to detain the com- mittee by a minute or full examination of the subject. It has been exhaust- ed already, in the hands of gentlemen far more competent to analyse it than myself. I mention it for the sake of order in my remarks, and because 1 desire brielly to refer to it, for the purpose of stating the conclusiorjs which niv mind has arrived at , in regard to the nature and extent of our title, rather than for the jiurpose of spreading out all the reasons which have produced these conclusions. 1 entertain the opinion, then, Mr. Chaiiman, that l)y discovery, explora- tion, and settlement, (without adverting to the Spanish purchase.) my coun- try has acquired an indisputahle , and ought to enjoy an undispiUed title to Oregon as far north as 49, and probably as far as 49.V degrees. An Amer- can citizen, Capt. (»ray, was the first to explore the eastern coast Of Queen Charlotte's, or Washington's island, situate between the ;>2d and 54th de- grees north latitude; and I presume it may be said, without danger of suc- (•essful contradiction, that an American citizen, Kendrick, ''was the first ])erson who sailed through the Strait of Fuca after its discovery by the Greek pilot in 1592." Without pausing, however, to inquire into the extent, or effects of the discoveries ;md explorations here alluded to, 1 proceed to say, that in 1792 an American citizen, Capt. Gray, did discover the mouth of the Columbia river — that he entered it, and anchored in it. ten miles above its month — that he remained several days in this river, trading with the natives, and that this discovery was made at a period when all the British navigators en- tertained the opinion that no svich river existed — and after Meares and Van- couver had both abandoned all farther search for it, as vain and useless — and after Vancouver had declared '■^tliat no openinac harbor, or place ofre- Jv^e for V ssels, was to be found between Cape Mendocino and the Straii nf F?/ca." The British plenipotentiaries, during the negotiation of 1826, admit that Capt. Gray, finding himself in the bay formed by the discharge of the waters of the Columbia into the Pacific, '■^ was the first to ascertain that this b((i/ formed the outlet of a '^reat river. ^^ When to thie is added the exploration of Lewis and Clark in 1805, during which the Columbia was traced from its sources to its mouth, it will scarcely be doubted, by an Ameri- can citizen, at least, that our title to so much of Oregon as is drained by this river is indisputable . These discoveries have been followed by settlements, sufficiently prompt and extensive, to perfect and maintain the rights resulting from discovery. I have, therefore, concluded that our tide to the valley of tlie Columbia is beyond dispute — that it is not only the best, as compared with the title of Great Brilahi, but that it is )iow, the best on eartlt : in short, that it is a good title; such an one as I woidd be willing to risk in an action of ejectment, and upon the strength of which I should expect to recover before any im- partial tribunal, without reference to the weakness of my ixdvevsnries^ claim. But, Mr. Chairman, we have riarhts in the Oregon country bevond these; rights upon which 1 lay some stress; and which, 1 think, have not been fully appreciated by many gentlemen who have participated in this debate. I will briefiy state them: •* ' In 177 high as t( tion was : which, at ^on of its 1774, a c in referer .awakenei west coixi explorati( sions in r ages of 1 pursued Bodega . west coa all other; which Wi Jier just ( this, time the seizure b Sound; tion. T It is cl settle ihi ty. I d right to 3iierit in Now, >Spain to certain it by some the date In ans by the g treaty, S then ma fully cxt Jike it. sovereigi cd, or yi or to the on the CI tion will Its 3(1 tiotbedi. the Paci seas in [ <;ommer< this beiii in the tr e welfare, y ill error. II the com- n rxlmust- ys^e it than heraiise 1 oris which i(le, rather ; produced ,•; explora- my coun- ted title to An Anier- of Queen d 54th de- ger of sue- as the first the (jlreek 3cts of the at in 1792 Columbia s vwuth — itives, and ig^ators en- ? and Van- 1 useless — dace of re- the Strait \ of 1826, ; discharge ascertain ic is added Lunbia was an Ameri- [1 rained by lly prompt discovery, olumbia is the title of it is a good ejectment , re any ini- ies' claim, ond these ; not been lis debate. ■ In 1774 and 177.'>, Siuiiu explored the northwest roast itf Anierioa aj? high as to the 5>Sih,irnot to the (ilst, degree north latitude. This explora- tion was made by (Spain, with a view to discover and settle this country, which, at tluit tinie.^he claimed under die decree of the Pope, and by rea- son of its conligvityXo her actual dominions. IJetween llic years 1770 am' 1774, a controversy arose, and was settled between (ircat Hritain and Spain in reference to the Falkland islands. This controversy, beyond all doubt, .awakened Spain to the danger of her then pietended rights upon the north- west coast, from the ambition of (Jreat Hritain, and (piickened her to artu of exploration and discoveiy, calculated to ascertain and luaintaiu her preten- sions in and to tbatcoimtry. Thus stinuilated, Spain set on foot the voy- ages of 177'1, nmler IVrez, and 1775, under Heceta and Hodega, which she pursued in 1779, by an expedition, under the coMnnand of Areteaga arul Bodega. These explorations and discoveries embraced the entire north- west coast as far as til-* north latitude. In point of lime, they wexa prior to all others. They wore followed by r/c/ur// settlement at \ootka. All of which was done by Spain in order to dofme and dcfuml what she considered Jier just dominion. This, then, was the \mc position of both Spain auil (neat Hritain at the. lime the dilhculty arose between these two (iovernments, in regard to the seizure by the former of a vessel owned by citizens of the latter, at .Nootka Sound; which difticulty lend to what is termed the Mootka Sound conven- tion. This position of the two countries must not be forgotten. It is clear to me, sir, that at this time Sj)ain,at least, had the riglu to settle this coiattn/, and to exclude Great Hritain. She claimed its sovereisjn- ty. I do not think it necessary to discuss this claim; !)ut the exclusive right to settle and occupy, it seems to me, she clearly had, if there be any jiierit in ])rior discovery, followed by partial occupation and setdemeiU. Now, Mr, Chairman, we acquired, in 1S19, by treaty , all the rights of iSpain to this country. If she Mew. had any title, we have it now. And certain it is that she had the best, if not a good title, unless she hiid lost it by some act done or omitted between llie IN'ootka dithculty, in 1790, and the date of our ])urchase, (1S19.) In answer to this view of the subject, I have heard it stated on this tloor, by the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Fomiks,) that by ihe Nootka treaty, Spain conceded to Great Britain any exclusive; right which she liefore then may have had to this country. I do not so understand it. I have care- fully examined that treaty, and 1 rind no such concession in it. Nothing" Jike it. During the negotiation, and before it, Spain claimed the right of sovereignty to the whole country. This she never surrendered, abamloii- . for*'., in fa iiiecLsurt's which muf-l follow tho t^iviiig of this notice will lead to war. the IMc^ii That depends upon the nature of iho.sc measures; upon what we do after nialely If the notice is given, and not upon the oci of jriving the jiotico. 1 <'uu w Let us then, sir, sweep away the enibarrasainent, the encunibranc*; of thi;? necosfsary treaty of joint occupation; let »is therrby put our feet upon firm and .^lid tion had i ground, and Uien,slatulins,'' erect, as we shall upon our just rights, let us re- not becoi solve that we will do nothing wrong, and that we will submit to nolhing gamlding which is not right. In such position what have we to fear ? During the it to pi og existence of this treaty of joint trade and conmierce wo are bound l>y its njent,wit faith. We dare not violate it, even to protect our kindred, blood, and iiiteiim, friends. We had better lose the whole of Oregon than tarnish our national going lo honor by doing any act in violation of this treaty, even to secure our citi- zens now there, or those who desire to go there. Mr. Chairman, so long as this notice remains to be given, so long this treaty will continue to be our stumbling block; and so long as this treaty continues in existence, so long we shall continue to negotiate with Cireat Britain in regiud to the Oregon country, as we have done these thirty years, selves, w without the least success. And, sir, 1 will tell you why. would hi I have alluded to the claim made by Great Britain during the negotiation of toucli ol" 1820, '7, once before dining mv remarks, but I will he; itale it more fidlv. which ne The British plenipotentiaries, Messrs. Huskisson imd Addinglon, during this height ol negotiation, annexed to the protocol of the sixth conference what they were opj)ose u: ])leas(.'d to call "a fid/, and ei-plkit expositinn of [the British] claims and terrui)led vicu's.'" This "exposition," after remarking upon the broad diHerence be- ped, and Iween the nature of 'bo rights claimed by Great Britain and those asserted by some of i the United Htates, proceeds to say: "Over a large portion of that territory, namely, from the 42° to the 4U° north latitude, the United States cVdwnfull and excliisii-e itovcrcigiUt/. (Jreat Britain claims no exdus'we sovirtiantij over any portion of that territory. Her prcsetd claim, not in respect to any part, but to the whole, is limited to a right of Joint occupancy in com- mon with odicr Stales, leaving the right of exclusive dominion in abey- ance." Now, sir, the treaty of 1818, continued in 1827, secmes to Great Britain all she claims. It secures to her, in connnon with this country, the free navigation of the Columbia, the harbor at its mouth and the joint use of all the country, .south as well as north, of the 4Ulh degree of north lati- tude. This treaty is (dl she wants, all she desires, and as long as it endmes, and is not violated, it is all that Great Britain demands. How is it with us? I believe it is conceded on all sides that we have a clear and unquestionable right '-to full and exclusive sovereioidy''^ as far north at least as the 49th degree. That we ought exclusively to possess and enjoy the country up to this j)oint. Those who are among the most elocjuent in magnifying the horrors of war, and the prowess of Hngland, seem willing to demand what they are pleased to term a "straight fence" on the 49th parallel north lati- tude. iJut permit me to incpiire, sir, how we are to obtain even this, dur- ing the continuance of the treaty of joint occupation? Jt is impossible. We should violate the treaty by attempting it. Great Britain must and will use the whole and every j)art of the country, in common with us, so long ojj this treaty exists. We cannot prevent it. And she will never negotiaie upon a fair and e(|uilable butis until this notice be given and the treaty I allud show wb; them in proachinj It is, \ With oth< say that controvci tion to a Let xxi the treat rights as not desii cupation nutted t low tha enjoy bi istence with on demand a right 1 ^aleil. \ 4 (I that tlu>. i lu war. c do ufier .( mc«; of tliis I and .olid , let 113 re- o nothing )inin^- the ind hy ltd jlood, and ir natjonid e our ciii- ong this liis treaty ith CJreat irty years, otiation of lore i'nlly. luring this th(!y were hims ami L'rence be- ssfirted by : territory, c\i\\mfull vcreiirntij respect to y in coni- in abey- to Great intry, the joint use nortli lati- endines, with us? Bsiionable 1 the 49tli )uniry up fying the and what lorUi lati- this, dur- )Ie. We I will use long as uegoiiaie le trcaiy ' abrogaled, from width ^\iv derives surh enormous advanlago. I am, there- for*'., in fu\ or of auihorizing thi.s noiict; to be given, and I wouhl empower the ['resident to give \liion-, because I believe a neglect to give it will ulti- mately lead to the most evil conse(|uences. I can well imagine a stale of things that woulil have rejxlered this notice un- necessary, and perhaps improptc, as a present measure, ff this Oregon (pies- tion had not been so imforlunate as to fall into the vortex of parly strife: had it dot b«'come connected with the business of President-making and political gambling, as an immediate measure I would not urge it. I would have sidl'ered It to progress under calm, but lirm and prudent, negotiation, without excite- ment , without ileclaniation , manufactured to order for party purposes; and , ad interim, 1 would have seen our untiruig, energetic, indomitable people, going to that coimtry,and every year, and month, and day, woultl have been ailding sirengdi to our possessions there. iSoon , and very soon , too , the country would have become the home of our friends. Our fathers woulil have been there, and our brothers, loo; our blood would liav«; been there; those hardy jtioneers, so \\orthless and useless, in the eyes of the gentlenian from Virginia, [Mr. Phndlkton,] who would exi»alriate them- selves, would have been there; and between our hearts and their hearts would have existed a chord of friendship and symi)aihy viui.tting at the toucli of each breath of intelligence passing between the tv; > coumries which ufivcr could have been severed by the distance ihiit (''vides us — the height of the mountains w hicli separate us, or the pow«.i of !• 'lions that op])ose us. But this peaceful, ipiiet, natural course of events, has been in- terrujHed and preveiiU'd. This emigration has been checked, if not stop- ped, and this riuestiou has been prematurely forced upon the counuy , by some of those persons, loo, who now seem most to dread its consetpiences. I allude to these diings, for no other reason, Mr. Chairman, than to show why I think Uns notice should be given now. 1 do not advert to them in order to make any partisan remarks, or for the purpose of re- proaching those who, in my humble judgment, have ".sown the wind."' It is. perhaps, a sufl'icient punishment for them that diey are, in common With others, so soon compelled to " reap die whirlwind." But I ilesire to say that 1 am in favor of adopting such course of action as will end this controversy; such a course as will liasten negotiation, and bring Uds (pies- tion to a full and final adjustment. . Let us then give this notice After the necessary time has elapsed, and the treaty is abrogated, wc can assert, and, if necessary, maintain our rights tis far as Uiey arc " clear and uncpiestionable;" fardier than this 1 do not desire to go. If the sovereignty of die countiy, and the right to its oc- cupation, belong to us, as far as the 4^.Kh degree north latitutle, as it is ad- niitted they do, why should we divide die country, and the use of it, be- low Uiat parallel with any nation? Why should we,souUi of this line, enjoy but one half when the whole is clearly ours? Why continue in ex- istence longer a convention which gives to Great Britain (ulvantages erjual with ourselves in a country to which she has no right. Annul this treaty; demand what clearly belongs to us; possess ami enjoy that which we have a right to, and we have nothing to fear. In diis sj)iril , the treaty being abro- .galed, we should extend our laws over our citizens in that country — giving that tU know , Hovvev of fane a sober Anoi tlie he ing iis( 10 them the aid and protection which they need in tlie country, and which war, an their safety requires in passing to and from the same. of arms Will these acts of justice, based upon the sure foundation of right, pro- suppose duce war? Will Great Britain, without just cause, and for the mere as- bad su sertion of our rights, challenge us to the conflict of arms? If so, then the willing alternative is fairly befci.e the coimtry. We must either yield that which would belongs to us, to the arrogant demands of a powerful and mighty empire, us ol or fight. sources Mr. Chairman, no one shudders at the thought of war more than myself, ness an Its bloody, desolating, withering, influence, cannot be over-wrought or over- " he estimated. It is a kind of music that has no charms for me. I dread it, certain and will do all in my power to prevent it. I will go to the brink of honor of the to avert its coining; but, sir, I will not step ofl' into the abyss of infamy, wiihm dishonor, and degradation. Sooner than do this, I would see my country meet the crisis, and encounter its calamities. But it is important, on account of our internal and domestic peace, and business- welfare, that this Oregon question be terminated. Left in its pre- sent condition, and it is a plaything for political parties. We are now in- volved in the disastrous consequences resulting from its long delay. The famous Baltimore convention found it necessary to create some new issues upon which to conduct a Presidential canvass. Texas was the object sought, and Oregon was its antidote — thrown in to season the dish, and make it hy a ct palatable. Thus the advocates of Texas triiunphed; thus the friends of other i Oregon were quieted and satisfied; and thus has this question been made hend, to agitate the country and endanger its peace. Omit to give this notice, been b and this question remains unseUled. At each recurring session of Congress hope a the President will direct the attention of the nation and of Congress to the "Our subject. It will continue to excite, vex, and divide the people. It will enter into your local and general elections, and constitute a new ai>d dan- gerous element there; and, if it is not settled before another Presidential ele- ction, it will again be made to feed the fury of party strife and poUtical war- fare, carrying destruction and desolation to all the business, commerce, and ■ best interests of the land. Look at its eflects upon the country already. Has it not checked commerce? Has it not stifled trade? Has it not, indeed, paralyzed all the muscles and arteries of business? It has probably furnished a rich har- vest for the " bulls' and ''bears" that job in stocks. But to every honest busi- ness man it has been an injury. In the language of the honorable Chair- man of the Committee on Foreign Relations, (Mr, C. J. L\ger«oll,) this question has thrown the country into a fever. Yes, sir, it is a fever; a most exciting, paralyzing, dangerous, fever. I think, Mr. Chairman, that frteh any good physician, judging of the symptoms from the speeches some- Admi times here delivered, would pronounce it a " bilious fever," too. Well, sir, it is our duly so to treat the patient, if we can, as to cure him. Let us remove the cause of the disease; for, if we do not, depend upon it, the complaint will return; the patient will again be afflicted, and the disease will either become '^ chronic," or'' remittant;" both of which are to be dreaded, and if possibh; prevented. To these suggestions, so imperfectly made, but which, to my mind, seem to furnish such conclusivi; reasons lor living iliis notice, I have heard bi'* one answer. That ans^wer consists in assuming that the notice will produce visions But Does t our gu the ex adopt i Thi His vi peace Great this fa we sh , a war a pott dy pt crowi advis tires the 1 wUl 1 "ivrd AJ the I ! 11 Y, and which [)f right, pro- he mere as- so, then the d (hat which glity empire, than myself. ught or over- I dread it, ink of lionor of infanjy, my country f peace, and ft in its pre- are now in- Jelay. The Jiew issues bject sought, and make it le friends of been made this notice, of Congress igress to the )le. It will ew ai>d dan- sidentiul ele- )ohtical war- iimerce, and lot checked aralyzed all cI a rich har- honest busi- lable Chair- RsoLL.) this a fever; a lirman, that 3ches some- too. Well, ni . Let us ipon it, (he I the disease h are to be mind, seem p heai'I bu* vill produce war, and in declaiming upon its horrors. But, sir, whence comes this din of arms and cry of war? Why, sir, it comes from a quarter where I had supposed men were born insensible to fear. From those who carry, (as I had supposed,) their hearts in (heir hands — from those who should be as willing to contend for our just rights with the power of England, as (hey would be with weak and distracted Mexico. These gentlemen now tell as of nothing but the dangers and disasters of war, and the power and re- sources of our enemy; together with an ample description of our own weak- ness and insignilicance. The honorable gentlennn from Virginia, (Mr. Pendleton,) in order to as- certain the full strength and military power of England, has made the circuit of the globe since this debate began; and he informs us that he was always within hearing of British drums beating the reveille. I had heard before that the military posts of Great Britain belted (he earth, but I did not know, until I heard his remarks, that they were quite so near together. However, I suppose the most of this beautiful descrip- (ion was the effect of fancy — a fine imagination — in short, sir, a kind of "dream," and not a sober reality. Another honorable member (Mr. Holmes, of S. C.) has discovered irt the heavens a dark and por(en(ons cloud, rising from Oregon, and spread- ing itself above our heads wi(h fearful aspect, threatening to annihilate us by a copious discharge of hail stones and fire," bullets and bayonets, and other drejid missiles, incident to the perilous conflict of arms. But I appre- hend, sir, that this is nc- sober earnestness either. I suppose it to have been but a "vision" of the gentleman; wherefore I have concluded, and I hope and trust without doing injustice to any one, that, in these latter days, " Our young men have dreairicd dreams, and our old men have seen visions." But wherefore all this effort to alarm the country, and awaken our fears? Does the country need these efforts? Do they furnish any argument for our guide? Must we coimt the costs of doing our duty? Must we estimate the expense of defending our rights, and om* country's honor? Ra(her adopt as our motto: " Let justice be done, if the heavens fall." This notice will not protluce warl The President has no desire for war. His views and wishes in regard to the tariff lead him to court and cultivate peace with England; and 1 have no doubt, sir, but that the Government of Great Britain is in some manner, either official or unofficial, fully advised of this fact . The war, (hen , which we have (o dread , am .ne only one which we sliall be compelled (o meet, is a war upon the industry of the country — a war upon our business — a war upon our manufacturing interests, and upon free labor. I liave no doubt, sir, but this Oregon question will be used by the Administration in conducting this war; and I presume it will be found to be a potent engine for evil in the hands of our free trade captains. It has alrea- dy performed energetic and worthy service in acquiring Texas, and in crowning widi vic(oiy a doubtful Presidendal struggle; and it is deemed advisable to niake it add new laurels to its former achievements befoie it re- tires from (he field. Oregon must still be used to prepare western ears for tiie Ijarshcr notcc of " /rce trade.''' And " free trade," it is presumed, will reconcile Great Brilahi to yield, or at least to modify, her claim in re- gard 10 (Jregon. xMi. (Jiiainiiaii, it seems to me that (his course is clearly foreshadowed as the policy of this Administration. What else, sir, can be inferred from the 12 \ article in the " organ" of the Administration of the 27ih iilt., now before i me, in wliich it is said: " We have before spoken of t!ie Jiao shape which the Oregon question has assumed," *fcc.? And again: " We then alluded to this newness of aspect, in the question, by way of suggestion as to the 7iew national duty which, in our judgment, its present position imposes on us." The same article, after alluding to a proposal contained in the London Times, in regard to Oregon, proceeds to implore the British Government to modify this proposal , so as to make it more acceptable, and then submit it to this country, and adds: '' It would not then be unreasonable lo hope , that on such a proposal, so marie and so earned out to the more ample re- cognition of our just claims, farther negotiation might yet build a peaceful tnoimment to the enlightened moderation and justice of tiro great nations . ' ' I think the whole of this is intelligible, and not dilficult to be understood; particularly when it is remembered that It has been said in a leading English journ:il, that " neither to England nor to the United States is Oregon worth six months' unrestricted traffic between them.'*'* The '•' new shape" of this question, then, is its connection with the tariff. Our •' new national duty" is to abolish this tarilf, and give England '■'■free traded Then, if she will make us another proposition '■' to die more ample recognition of -our just claims" in Oregon, " farther negotiation will build up a peaceful monument" between the two countries. Are the people prepared for this sacrifice? Is it supposed that the West is so blind to its true interest, that it will be satisfied with such bargain as tills? Does the Administration feel authorized thus to traffic with the la- bor, the industry, the business, the welfare, and prosperity of the country? If it docs, allow me, sir, to predict that there is a day coming, and it is not distant, of fearful retribution to the plotters and conductors of this political iniquity. In regard to the form, in which this notice shall be given, I desire, Mr. Chairman, to say a few words. I prefer, very decidedly, the proposition of thegenlleman from Alabama, (Mr. Hilliard.) This proposition, if I under- sand it, authorizes the President to give the notice whenever, in his opinion, the honor and welfare of the country require it. This notice, if not strictly part of the treaty-making power, is nearly allied to it. It is, at least, most directly and intimately connected with it. Many of our best constitutional lawyers consider it as belonging to the treaty-making power. They there- fore oppose the notice on die ground that it is not necessary; that the Presi- dent now has the power to give it provided he sees fit to do so. Whether this be true or not, sir, it seems to me that there is such intimacy of relation between this notice and the treaty-making power, that they ought not to be separated; and that the President should be authorized to give the notice, and Uien be left to his discretion as to the time and manner of giving it. It is not diflicult to imagine a state of things that might render the giving of this notice unnecessary, if not improper, arising aj'ter the passage of the resolution here, or if existing bej'ore, being entirely unknown to this House when the resolution was passed. We do not know what may be the present state and condition of the negotiation. We did not know, except by rumor, that negotiations had been resumed, until that fact was announced on this tloor to-day, by the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, (Mr. Ingeusoll,) in answer to the entjuiry of the gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Ge: ution ? abortive ' lice? ^^ IS one, si the treat proper li the subj( interests course , power ai (Mr. Ti Presider But tl to give tion; or visable t notice, dition w less the It see He has in an ofl in his h we can negotiat between per mitt i ought t( our best low before ape which en alluded II as to thft n imposes le Loudon minent to 1 submit it le f o hope , ample re- a peacefui nations.'''' iiderstood ; g English gon worth shape" of vv national Then, ognition of a peaceful , the West bargain as ith l!ie la- e country? tid it is not lis political iesire, Mr. position of if I under- lis opinion, not strictly least, most istitutional hey there- the Presi- Whcther of relation not to be Jie notice, giving it. he giving ige of (he his House lie present b}'^ rumor, id on this ions, (Mr. ^eniiessee, 13 (Mr. Gentry.) Who, then, knows what is the present state of the negoti- tition ? Who can inform us whether it is likely to prove successful or abortive ? Who can tell whether it be such as to require or forbid the no- tice? Who can answer these questions so well, at least, as the President? !None,sir; and, therefore, as this is a measure so directly connected with the treaty- ma king power, and as no one can judge so well when is the proper (ime to give the notice as he who knows all the facts connected with the subject, I would leave the President to give it whenever he thinks the interests of the country require it to be given. I do not look upon this course, sir, as giving power to the President. I do not favor the one-man power any more than does my colleague on the other side of the House, (Mr. Thlrman.) 1 desire to see the power and the patronage, too, of the President diminished, rather than increased. But the question is this: Shall we make it imperative on the Executive to give this notice, ignorant as we are of the present posture of the negotia- tion; or shall we say; you may give this notice whenever you think it is ad- visable to do so ? In either case, we confer on him \.\\q poicer to give the notice. In one event, we make it necessary for him to give it, be our con- dition what it may; in the other, we do not require him to do the act un- less the honor of the country demands it. It seems to me, sir, that the President should stand in this last attitude. He has brought this question before the country; he has given to the v/orld, in an official form, his opinion in regard to the title; the negotiation is now in his hands; he has asked Congress for this power; he knows, better than we can know, the prospect of a friendly or angry termination of the present negotiation; he can, if he chooses, in defiance of us, provoke hostilities between the two countries in regard to this question. I am, therefore, for permitting the responsibiUty to remain where i: now is— where 1 think it ought to be. I will leave the President unrestrained, and free to act for our best interests; and then, before God and the country, I will hold him responsible for his conduct. Mr. Chairman, I cannot consent to close these observations without re- ferring to a remark which I have heard during this debate, and which gave me surprise, regret, and astonishment. It has been said, sir, that the North go for this notice, and are in favor of Oregon upon sectional grounds, and with sectional feelings; that we wish to extend our population, territory ;> and power; and, therefore, that we make this our question. It is my pur- pose and design to deny and repel this charge made against the North of being sectional, and feeling hostile to the interests and institutions of the South. There is no desire in the North to disturb the rights which have been granted, or which belong, to any poition of this Union. The North is a law-loving, law-abiding community. The people of the North desire to see the laws everywhere faithfully executed, and the rights of every part of the Union fully maintained. Governing themselves by this rule, they draw no line of partition from east to west, or from north ta south; tliey have no sectional patriotism; they know but one country in which they are interested , and that , the Union . By diis, sir , they understand the entire Union, and all its parts, including every segment in this great and glorious circle of our Confederacy. I deny the charge, then, that the North is sectional. I cast it bnck, for it is unjust, as against my constitu- ents . But , sir , shall we be accused of local , sectional feelingS; in the North? u I would not otherwise have done so, but I will now call upon the South to answer, Who is most subject to this accusation? If it be the North, let her endure it. If it be the South, then let the South answer for her own con- duct before she arraigns others at the bar of public opinion. I was not a member of (his House during the last session of Congress. I did not hear the debate as it occurred on this tloor upon the exciting and ab- sorbing topic of the session; but after hearing my portion of the country traduced by this accusation of being sectional, and of acting under the influ- ence of such unworthy motives, I concluded to refer to the debates, and see what had been said, during the discussion of the Texas resolution, by gen- tlemen who come from the South. I have made this examination, and I find the record more than sustains my recollection. I am surprised, after finding such declarations as were then made by distinguished gendemen from the South, who stand so high before the country, that this charge of being sectional should now be brought forward against the North. Why. sir, the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Holmes) spoke upon the sub- ject, and on the occasion to which I have alluded; and I beg leave to call the attention of the committee and the country to some passage? from his published speech. Here they are: " Let tlic South look to it. Ho warned them th«t if tlie aren of Routliorn interest and South- ern growth was to be tlius circumscribed, wliiie the area for Northern expansion was stretched beyond the Rocky Mountains, until the Western hunter and the Northern emigrant should lave their weary limbs in the waters of the calm Pacific, the Soutli would indeed be wretched." Again : "his 7»'/ time for the South to pause, to temporize, to compromise. Tlie time for sq/e concession has gone by ; opinions are arrayed ; tlie South must imet the crisis ; Texas is the stake— . . , " Here must we stand. And breast us to the shock." These are Southern sentiments, spoken by a Southern gentlemen, utter- ed in this Hall less than twelve months since. This speech deprecates the power of the North to expand to the Pacific, "while Southern growth was circumscribed. It declares that it was then no *jme for the South to joawse — that the South must meet the crisis, for Texas was the stake. Well, sir, the crisis was met, and the stake was won; and the result is, the extension of Southern interests, and the perpetuation of slavery, I fear. I do not pause, however, to look at the manner in which the "stake" was won, nor to anticipate the consequences that are to follow. I would, for the sake of my country's honor, if it were in my power, throw the mantle of oblivion over the deed itself, and the mode of its consumma- tion; and I hope Heaven may aveit the consequences which I have ever feared would follow in the train of this event. But, Mr. Chairman, in the face of these things, still fresh and green in the recollection of all, it is impossible for me to hear, without rebuking its author, this charge against the North of being sectional. I throw it back. If it applies to any party, or any portion of the country, it is not applicable to me, or my political friends. I will add, however, sir, in conclusion, that after this strange avowal, to which I have just alluded, coming from the high source that it did, I feel that I may say, " it is no time lor the North to pause or to temporize — opinions are arrayed, and we must meet the cri- sis." Oregon is the stake. ,..\. . = • :t . ' .1 '•■f. f i' " Here must we stand, ' • .' '< And breast us to the shock." I 15 lie South to )ith , let her r own con- /ongress. I ing and ab- he cojintry ei the influ- tcs, and see an, by gen- tion, and I rised, after gentlemen i charge of th. Why, ion the sub- eave to call ? from his 'St and Soutli- was stretched nt should lave etched." concession has nen, utter- I do not desire, however, in making this quotation, to be understood as adopting or approbating the sectional sentiments which are conveyed — far from it. I predicate my action upon no such dangerous basis. I am in favor of our claim to Oregon, so far as it is jttst, no farther. To this extent, 1 am for asserting and maintaining our claim, under all circumstan- ces, and at all hazards — preferring peace always, but risking var rather than yield our soil . Mr. Chairman, after the open and undisguised avowal to which I have alluded, that this Republic must acquire territory in order to preserve and perpetuate the institution of slavery, is it not time for us all to pause and think? Certainly it is time for the free States, and the//eewen who inhabit those States, to lay aside all minor differences of opinion, and agree, at least in resisting these open encroachments upon the laws and Constitution. Let us have the courage to call for the constitutional power to make acquisitions for the object and purpose here avowed. For myself, sir, I most solemnly declare, that I am always ready to use what little of ability it has pleased the Almighty to bestow upon me in preserving the fexternal and domestic peace of the nation, and in maintaining inviolate and sacred all the rights secured by the laws and Constitution to any State, or any individual in this Union; and I am equally ready to resist, and prevent, if possible, all at- tempts of any section or interest to encroach upon the Constitution and laws of the country, whether such attempt be made in order to "extend the area" of slavery, or for the purpose of giving preponderance to that institution in the counsels of this Confederacy . I • • Note. — This speech was delivered before the recent correspondence be- tween the two Governments, on the subject of submitting the Oregon con- troversy to arbitration , was communicated lo the House by the President. he Pacific, as then no for Texas won; and iluation of r in which lo follow. ver, throw onsumma- have ever 1 d green in :buking its w it back, applicable usion,that y from the the North iel the cri-