^> ^.'^~'^> <^y. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4 // (■/ './.. ts Q>- Zl ^ 1.0 I.I i;^!^ 12.5 t 1^ 12.0 2.2 1.8 11.25 il,4 11.6 V] & h % /a ^?\ ?^ y w w ^o'^":^<^5> CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 1980 Technical Notes / Notes techniques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Physical features of this copy which may alter any of the images in the reproduction are checked below. L'Institut a microfilmd le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Certains d^fauts susceptibles de nuire d la quality de la reproduction sont notds ci-dessous. D D n Coloured covers/ Couvertures de couleur Coloured maps/ Cartes g^ographiques an couleur Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages ddcolor^es, tachetdes ou piqudes Tight binding (may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin)/ Reliure serr6 (peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge int6rieure) D D D Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur Coloured plates/ Planches en couleur 0Show through/ Transparence Pages damaged/ Pages endommagdes D Additional comments/ Commentaires suppl^rr. jntaires Bibliographic Notes / Notes bibliographiques n n n Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque Plates missing/ Des planches manquent Additional comments/ Commentaires suppl6mentaires D D D Pagination incorrect/ Erreurs de pagination Pages missing/ Des pages manquent Maps missing/ Des cartes gdographiques manquent The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de ia condition et de la nettetd de I'exemplaire film6, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. The last recoi^ded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol —^-(meaning CONTINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants appara?tra sur la der- nidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: (e symbole -^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole y signifie "FIN". The original copy was borrowed from, and filmed with, the kind consent of the following institution: Library of the Public Archives of Canada Maps or plates too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grfice d la g6n6rosit6 de I'dtablissement prdteur suivant : La bibliothdque des Archives publiques du Canada Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour dtre reproduites en un seul clichd sont filmdes d partir de i'angle supdrieure gauche, de gauche d droite et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n^cessaire. Le diagramme suivant illustre la m6thode : 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 letorm(iobeni incut IM Hon EDWARD BLAKE UKFXmK HIS CON8TITl!KM>i OK THE SOUTH RIDING OF BRUCE, BPEECH DELrVERED BY HIM AT TEKSWATER.^IONDAY, SKPr. !4th. 1877. j Ab the within Speech la printed from the stereotype forms used in the pamphlet of Plc-Nlo Bpeeohea of the Reform Leaders, the reader will undei stand why the pasrlnfiT begrlns at 134 inatecul of 1. enter with confidence on the investigation to which we have been challenged. It is quite true $ that in 1867, when the number of Departments was fixed a» thirteen, I objected to the arrange- ': ment as too extensive, arguing that for the Federal work of the Dominion, then comprising only j four Provinces, a 'ewer number would probably suiSce ; that it would be easy to increase the number should experience demonstrate 'ts insufficiency, but almost impossible to reduce it, even if it should be found too large ; that the principle of sectional and proportional representation avowed as the groimdwork of tiie Cabinet of thirteen was most mischievous, incapable of appli- ca' ion in case of the addition of new Provinces, and yet extremely difficult to ignore once it should have obtained for any length of time ; and on these grounds I contended that our first Cabinet after Confederation ou>^ht to have been fewer in number than it was. It is cqualiy tru>^ that since the present Administration took office in the close of 1 873 no proposal has been made for a re- duction in the number. For this, we are charged with inconsistency. Sir, the charge is uucandid, anfair, and baseless. Altogether apart from the diffi'^nlties enj/eudered by the creation and coa- tinued existence for more than six years of the Cabinet on tlie principle to which I have re- ferred, the circumstances had in the interval wholly changed. Independent of the growth of the original Provinces, not less than tour or five new Provinces had been added to the Dominion ; British Columbia, Prince Edward Island, Manitoba, and tho great No December, 187(1, there were 9,000 iJageu, showing that the work had more than trebled. (H^^ar, hear, and cheers.) These figures are independent of the arduous and complicated business connected with the \'ovth-west Police, which was for a short time conducted in the office ; an(i of the very serious extr I labour involved under the reorganization of the Penitentiary administration. On the whole, I an. confident that the work of the office has more than trebled since 1872 ; and this increase, I repeat, necessarily indicates a very largo increase in the work of the other heavy offices. Now, sir, I turn to the question of expense ; and I ask you confidently whether, having regard to the results I have established, it would not be in the last degree unfair to complain of an increase in the expense of administration ? (Hear, hear. ) If there had been no needless expense in salaries and contingencies in managing the smaller volume of business done in 1872, is it not reasonable to conclude that the work could not be trebled without, to a considerable extent, increasing the cost t Could any of you, whether farmer or tradesman, treble your operations without at the same tim« increasing the charge for management of your farm or your trade ? Tae answer is obvious. (Hear, hear.) Work Dreadfully in Arrears Under Late Government. But what I have stated i.s only half the truth ; for I have been assuming that the work was formerlv kept up to the mark, but in truth it wa« dreadfrl'v behind-hand, the arrears in some ewes exxeno.ir:^ oacK lor yeavb, ana a /no.n ptuniui system oi delayd tina giown up ; so tftai, not merely had the work inorea«ed, but the existing arrangements were inadequate to the efficient (onduct of the smaller Tohnne of bnciness which formerly liowed in. You will see, therefore, that there api)eared to be no alternative but to propose a very large increase in the cost of manage- ment. But l3efore I point out how the exigency has been met, a sense of justice — in which I hope I shall nvjver be w inting — impels me to say that my predecessors were circumstanced some- what differently from myself. The first incumbent of the oifice held also the post of First Minister, which necessarily alworbed a large portion of his time and attention, and my more immediato predecessors each held oflTice for but a short period, insufficient for the accomplishment 136 of any large measure of reform. It was not till my second year that I was able to complate the work of roorganizatiun, involvinc; as it did, among other ditiiuulties, the retirement or transfer of various officers, which could be accomplished only by degrees. Eoonomlcs Effected. Now 1 will give you the results of that reorganization. The staff had been increased in 1878, and in November of thntyear, at llie resignation of the late Government, the annual rate of charge for salaries, including bonuses and an officer charged on contingencies, was over 513,500. Several changes subsequently took place, and the rate of charge when I took office in May, 1876, was over 815,750. 1 wus, as I have said, unable to make a reduction in salaries during the first year ; but the reorganization whicfc, with the assistance of my colleagues, I was enabled to effect was such, that in June last, when I left the office, the rate of charge tor salaries was only $10,750— (loud cheers) — a reduction of over $5,000, or about one-third of the rate when I took ofHce, and of $2,800, or about one-fifth of the rate when the late Government resigned. (Renewed cheers.) This great reduction in the annual charge upon you for salaries has b en effected, you will bear in mind, notwithstanding the enormous increase in the work, to which I have already called your attention. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) A Comparison of Contlngenoles Aocounts. "But," it may be said, "you have accomplished this by transferring to contingencias the regular charge for salaries." That is not so. I quite agree with the argument which is frequently preunted, that the contingency account should be jealously lookeu to, and as it is one of which a great deal has he«n made by the Opposition, and it has been alleged that in every department of this Government the contingent expenses have been enormously increased by scandalous waste and incapacity on the part of Ministers, 1 propose to show you the working of the contingent account of the office of Justice. In the fiscal year 1872-3, which 1 shall call for shortness 1873, the whole contingeucMB for that office were $9,470 39 ; in 1876, they were reduced to $4,990 37, and in 1877 they were rednce Now, with reterenco to the patronage which belongs to my late offi(,'e, yon car not have failed to observe that from time to time the basest motives have been insinuated as the grounds for ap- pointments, the merits of which could not be disputed. 1 shall make no long comment nor en'-.age in any retort on this accusation. 1 have simply to say that these ap|iointnients were made with the most earnest desire on the part of my colleagues and myself to choose the very best and fittest e(loin, or good uamn, of any one of ur, this man holds his otiice by a tenure pniRtically not far removed from life. He may be a oleaaing, but again he may be a curse, to his country for twenty or thirty years ; and therefore it is a most sacred duty on the part of a Government to Hcarch for v/ the very best men to administer these tremendous re8|X)nsibilities. Now, I say that the very l)eat men have been sought, and I believe that as a rule ^'le very best men have been found, and 1 urn 'j,la'i to kn(.w that the appointments have given general Hatisfaction. I may add that the saiiio iirinciple has been a|)plied in the selection of the otiter puV)lio olHuers whom I have been called ou to recommend, and that I have in no case permitted political claims to auperuede tlie consideration of efhcienryf which should, in my opinion, be the one thing needful in a candidate for the puL''o service. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) Commutation of Sontenoes. Another ground of attack, out of session, on the administration of justice, was as to the ex- iTcif' of the j)rerogative of mercy in capital cases. I am spared the necessity of any vindication of my course in that regard, because my ticcusers, bold and blatant as they were behind my back and belbre the session, did not when we met venture, although rejieated opportunities occurred, to re- peat the gross charges which had been made that the prerogative had been sold for money ; or to question, I do not say the integrity, but even the discretion, with which that prerogative had been administered in any one case. No less than three bills were introduced, and one or more returns were moved for, on the subject of capital punishment, each furnishing fair ground for the discussion ; besides this the ([uesiion might have been raised any day on a motion; but no man was found to say a single word, or utter .^ single whisper, of coouemnation or disapproval, or even of enquiry. (Hear, hear.) The pain and anxiety attendant on the decision of these cases is very great ; indeed it is hardly conceivable to those who have not been called onto deal with them ; and 1 do not dis- guise from you that that paiu and anxiety was aggravated by these unworthy charges. But, as 1 have told you, they were not heard in that place in which they could be met ; I am vindicated by the silence of my opponents ; and having now no attack to answer, I pass from the subject. (Hear, hoar, r.nd cheers.) Legislative Work Aooompllsbed. Without detaining you by a more extended reference to the executive and administrative work, departmental and general, of the last two years, and being anxious to turn to the legislative work, I tnink I have said enough to show you that we have been fully engrossed with the pressing duties of our offices, and that there is reasonable cause for our inability to be much amongst our con- stituents, Of to engage in the discussiou of topics which, I am free to say, would be much more to my taste than the work which was before us. As to the legislative business of Parliament during the last two se.ssionn, I proiwse to conftne my remarks to some of those measures with which I was more immediately connected, without touching at all on the many important Acts passed during those sessions under the auspices of other Ministers. I must in the first place remind you that in previous sessions the Government had dealt with three capital pieces of legi^laticB — namely, the l''leciion Law, the Insolvent Law, and the Supreme Court Law. Tory Claims to Election Act. All the merits of the Election Law are now claimed by our predecessors. They say they gave most of them, and were quite prepared to gi"<) the rest. Now, we had proposed these improve- ments several times before the election of 1872. We proposed the trial of election petitions by judges; they voted it down. (Hear, hear.) Wo proposed simultaneous polling; they voted it down. We proposed the ballot ; they voted it down. We proposed the appointment of certain classes of permanent officials as returning officers, instead of the system of the late Government, by which they chose whom they pleased to act as returning-officer, as arbiter and judge between themselves and their adversaries ; they voted it down. (Hear, hear.) All these reforms which are now embodied in your law were proposed in Parliament before 1872, and were, on one pretext or another, voted down by the late Government. They were forced after that election to give the trial of election cases by judges. As I happen to know, several of their own candidates were obliged to pledge themselves to that reform during the election, and the Government was thus > forced to yiehl. They now t»dl us they would have given the rest in good time. Well, I don't doubt that tliey would have given you the rest as soon as they found themselves compelled to do 80. (Hear, hear. ) Having held olf as long as they could, I have no doubt that we should have ex- torted as the price of their continuance in office the surrender of some of those means by which they were used to maintain themselves in power. But to claim your gratitude and confidence for good intentions so ViTy tardy, and produced by such inrtuenoes, is too audacious. You owe these reforms to the Liberal party, and to them alone. (Cheers.) The Ballot -Its Satlsfitotory Operation. SVith reference to the ballot. I told vnu in 1874 that I believed it was not reouired excent for a small minority of eur people, but that it was mipoitunl to all of as that the vote of each ot us shooldbe free, and whiw, for my own part, I have never wnccal'^d n\y desire for the open vote when the st ite of society and of public feeling shall be so improved that the open vote shall be free, 1 am still of opinion that, in ou.- present condition, the ballot tends more than the open vote to that result, and theriJfore is a benefuual reform. (Hear, hear. ) It has been whispered, indeed, thaX for a considerable class of our fellow-citizens the ballot does not insure secrecy. That, however, has not been established, and the discussion of the serious consequences which might flow from such a state of tilings would be at present premature. As things stand, I believe the working of the ballot so far has shown that it is, upon the whole, suited to the present condition of the oonntry, and that it is likely to stand for some time as a political institution. (Hear, hear.) f 140 The Kleotoral Franoblae. . It was and is the policy of our opponents to frame a uniform franchise all over thli wide otfoiitry, and to enf^i^e a honle of Uovemraent employees, at a gn^at expanse, to make thq lista and (liitermine who nhould be the voters. We, on the other hann, by the law which is now in force, nave to each Province the franchise which that Province comiiilcrs best suited to its circnrastancee, iindthiaat comparatively no expense, tlie local lists boin^i used for the Commons elections. (Hear, hear.) This talk of uniformity of franchise is to my mind i)repo8terous. Uniformity in words would moan diversity in fact — (hear, hear) — for the circumstances and occupations of the people, and the form and distribution of wealth in each of the Provinces, is very different. To lay down one uniform rule would suit the condition of no one Province accurately, and would thufe dissatisfy nil ; it would create two different franchises in the same Province ; it would cause enormous ex- pen.se ; it would place the control of th . 'is-s in the hands of Government employees ; and it would i>o to my mind on all grounds a mistake. Ucmombcr, too, that if at any time Parliament ii dis- satisfied with a local franohi.se, it retains power to frame one according to its own views. Mean- time it is ihe. policy nf the Liberal party to adopt the frauchi.«e of the Local Legislature. The Fanners' Sons Aot-A Word to Young Men. I am glad to know that the Ontario franchise has lately beeijnuch improved. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) One of my suggestions, in a speech in 1874 which evoKcd some discussion, has found its way into the statute book. A class of our population, which as 1 thought was entitled to the fran- iliise by its intelligence and by its real though unrecognized s'^ake in the country, but which by ite l>ractical exclusion from the benefits of the income franchise was deprived of its right, has received i' under the Farmers' Sous' Frauchi.se Act of last session. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) The I rue tests of the franchise to my mind are citizenship and intelligence. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) 1 don't think we can uphold the franchise of any of the Provinces as perfect ; but the nearer we can iip|)roach to the practical adoption of the rule that every good citizen possessing a reasonable share of educated intelligence shall have a vote, the nearer shall we approach to what is my idea at least of the true basis of the franchise. (Loud cheers.) I rejoice that thu men of this Province are ad- mitted to the franchise while still young. I have always believed that the exercise of the franchise is in itself a very great educator, and that those who were about in a very few years to wield by tlieir votes their country's destinies should be initiated into the discharge of that duty while yet their votes, though powerful, do not predominate. Being thus called on to take an early and active interest in the politics of the country, they will be the better fitted for the discharge of the duties of citizenship when they in their turn shall form a majority of the electors. (Loud cheers.) I longratulate the young men of Canada upon the right which ha^ been recognized as theirs. 1 tnist :ind believe that they will use it wisely ; that they will use it as true Canadians ought — for the in- terests of this country in which they were born, in which they expect to live and die, and which holds within its bounds what is most dear to them, whether of substantial or immaterial things. (Kenewed cheers.) The Election Aot— Penalties for Corrupt Prootioes. It soon became apparent tliat the Election Law did not secure the trial and punishment of of- fenders ngainst its provisions, and tl.at a long series of penalties on the rtatute book wsa but a solemn farce. We have, therefore, passed a law making it the duty of the judge, on finding a priviKiJacie case of breach of the Election Act, to try the supposed offender early and summarily \nthont a jury, and to inflict on the convict imprisonment as well as fine — not fine alone, because, the mere infliction of a fine might i>e no punishment to a wealthy man, and does not involve the '; disgrace which attaches even to a short term of imprisonment. I believe that those who have hitherto either reckles.sly or corruptly broken the law will be afraid to break it now, and that we mil find ourse'vci on the approaching occasion nearer a pure electior 'han ever before. (Hear, I hear, and cheers. ) It became apparent that the law was defective also in that it did not provide sufficient means for the prosecution of enquiries into certain cases where yet corrupt practices pro- ' Iwbly prevailed ; and ve have accordingly made provision by which a Parliamentary Commission may issue for a full enquiry into cases in which, by the judge's report or otherwise, it appears that ' ihe investigation before him was stopped by the action of the parties, and that there arf grounds n.r believing that further enquiry would be desirable. By these means the breakers ^ the law I will be discovered, and it will be in the power of Parliament, if the corniption shall appear wide- I spreml and an example become necessary, to resort even to the extreme and somewhat arbitrary 1 Ktep of delaying or declining to issue a new writ. (Cheers. ) I ~ An Untranunelled Vote the Highest Liberty. v You know that I have for some time favoured a change in the present system of representation, believing that it involves injustice, inequality, and chance to an extent not creditable to this coun- try, and which would not be endured but that long habit and practice have blinded us to its tfbvicns defects. Yoa are twa.re that .t did not think tlie subject lipe for Parliamentary action ; ind I should not myself have presented it at present to the notice of the House. Some progp^v bas, however, been made in that direction. A Select Committee was struck la.st session, at the instance of a member whose illness unfortunately prevE.nteJ the prosecntion of the enquiry ; but I suppose that it will be resumed next session, and I venture to believe that if that enquiry be prosecuted, facts will be disclosed which will tend to the formation of a sounder public opinion on the subject, and which will at any rate show that the present system is so defective as to re4uire amendment. Another demand of a very different character has been made from very high quarters, namely, that we should alter the law as to undue InQuence. Now, the basis of our representative institutions is that our elections shall be free. Bach of us is oalled ou to surrender his share of 141 control over the common aflTain to the majority, upon the (^pound that thia surrender it oeceMarv, for so only can we reach a decision ; but also on the liypothesis, without which the demand woold lie quite unjustifinble, tliat, all having n common interest, and each mnn speaking freely for him* self, the view of tl»« majority is more likely to be sound — is more likely accurately to represent what would be btneficial to the community tlmn tlie view of the minority. This is the ground- work. Now, that ground-work wholly fails if the vote be not the expression of the voter's own opinion, but the exjircHsion of somebody elsit'sopiuiondifTerent from his. (Heur, hear.) If, instead of its being lii.s opinion, it be the opinion of liis employer, his ' "'ord, his creditor, or his minister, \r.\y, it is not liis vote at all, it is Komcbody el.so's, and i not submitted ourselves to the free voire of our fellow-countrymen, but possibly to the vo) /ery small minority, who have dt'tcrmined what the voice of the larger number is to be. '. o tlie whole bi>nis of our re- presentative institutions would bo destroyed if we permitted the opinions of our employers, creditors, landlords, or ministers to be forcibly substituted for our own. (Hear, hear.) For this reason, besides the penalties which are enacted against the e.xercise of undue influence, we have declared that the vote of any man so unduly influenced shall bo r.all and void, and that elections csarried by such undue influences shall bo annulled. I cannot, if a landlord, say to my tenant, " Now, tenant, I shall turn you out at the end of your term if you do not vote for ray candidate." Though I may huve a legal right to turn him out at the end of the term, yet I cannot give the intim- ation that I will, on this ground, exercise this light. If I do, the voto is annulled as not fr«e. I cannot, if a crei'itor, say to my debtor, " I will exact that debt at or\ce if you do not vote as I wish," though I may b.'ve a legal right to exact my debt. I cannot, if an employer, say to my employee, " You shall leave my employment at the end of the current term unless you vote with me," though the law may not oblige mo to retain him in my service. It has been found necessary in all the^e cases to prevent the relations to which I have referred from being made the means iif unduly influencing the vote. In order that this great cardinal principle of our Constitution — the freedom of each man to vote according to his own opinion — may bo preserved intact. (Hear, hear.^ True, the landlord, and the creditor, and the employer have each the right to speak and persuade by arguments ; and the conlldenre placed in them may bo such that the voter's opinion may be changed ; but between the argument, the persunsion, the confidor je which may conduce to a dmiigo in the mind and opinion of the voter, and that coercion v nich compels him to vote con- trary to his mind on the threat of some loss or penalty, vucie is a broad and palpable distinction, and that is the distinction which the law lays down. Now, if there be a form of religion under which the minister is supposed to have the power, by granting oi refusing certain rites, or by mak- ing certain declarations to alfect the state of the voter after death, is it not perfectly obvious that the threat of such results to the voter unless he votes in ac jnrdance with the opinion of the minister, might be infinitely more potent than any of the other threats which I have nan>pd — the exaction of ^ debt, the ejection of a tenant, or the discharge of an employee ? (Hear, hear. ) And would not such a threat be obnoxious to just the some objection ? Christian and FoUtloal Prlnoiple^-Their Trae Relations. I am far indeed from implying that politics should not bo handled on Christian principle."?. Whatever difficulties and dillerenccs there may be as to Christian dogma, there is, fortunately, very little difference concerning Christian morals. We are, fortunately, all united in this countiy in the theoretical recognition — however far we may fail in the practical ob.servance — of the great doctrines of Christian morality which are handed down to us in the Gospels ; and I believe it is on the basis of those doctrines that the politics of the country should be carried on. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Dim indeed would be our hopes, ond dark our expectations for the future, if they did not embrace the coming of that glorious day when those principles shall be truly, fully and practit lily recognized — if we did not look forward to the fulfilment of the promises that " the kingdoms of this world shall become t' kingdoms of the Lord ;" and that " nation shall not make war against nation, neithei shall they icam war any more ;" if we did not watch for the time when the human law of selt-interest and hate si. ail be superseded by the Divine law of self-sacrifice and love. But while we hope and stiive for the tccomplishmcnt of these things, we must not forget the lessons of the Great Teacher and Exemph.r. When interrogated upon secular thiiij^s — when asked as to rendering tribute to Caesar, He said, "Render unto Ciesar the things which ar<» Ccesar's, and to God the things which are God's." He laid down the principle, and He left t'le pcojJt— the querists —to make the application. So again when He was called upon to settle a dis- pute between two brothers about an inheritance, He said : " Man, who made Me a judge or divider over you ?" Such w. he view He took as to the duty of a minister, as to the work of the pulpit ; and while I do not nesitate to say th.at to all ndnisters I would fi'jely accord the right as riti/ens of voting, of expressing their opinions, of arguing and persuading, and influencing if they please, my own opinion is that the pastor of a flock divided on politics will be much more likely to retain the fallest 'onfidence ot all the mer^ibers of that flock, and so to discharge effectually his gi-eat ta.sk, if he abstains from active interference in those political affairs on which there •' i and will be great division of opinion among them. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) But, sir, it has been argufd in some quarters that the free exercise of one form of religion amongst us is impaired by this law. That would inde»d, if true, be a serious thing. But if it were true, we would still bo bound, in my opinion, to preserve thj fundamental principle of the freedom of the elector. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) No man, any article ot whose creed, snould make him a slave would be fit to t.icirvcry ba.se and r-vrner stone. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) But we "ire not confronted with that 142 difScnIty. The public and deliberate utterances of high dignitaries in more than one Province of Canada have shown that the assertion is unfounded, and have recognised the right of every elector to vote according to his conscience ; and the recent statement — communicated to the public through Lord Denbigh — of the head of that Church, shows tliat the United Kingdom, where the law as to undue influ'^nce is precisely the same as ours, is perhaps the only country in Europe where the pro- fessors of that religion are free to practise it. If this be the case in the United Kingdom, it is so here, and it is not true that there is any form of religion, the free and full exercise of which is im- paired by the prpservation of the great principle to which I have referred. I trust, then, that the ill-advised pretensions which have been set up will be abandoned ; but should they be pressed, I take this opportunity of declaring that for myself, whatever be the consequences, I shall stand by the principle which I have laid down — (loud cheers) — and shall struggle to preserve — so far as my feeble powers permit — to each one of my fellow-countrymen, whatever his creed, the same full and ample measure of civil freedom which he now enjoys under these laws which enable him and me, though we maj' be of diverse faiths, to meet here on the same platform, and here to differ or agree according to our own political convictions, and not according to our religious faith or the dictation of any other man, lay or clerical. (Loud and repeated cheers.) The lBdep«iidenoe of Parliament— Tbe AngUn CasA. My references to tbe Electoral Law would be incomplete without some allusion to the question of the independence of Parliament. I have been charged with beingpersonally responsible for ad- vice said to have been given, under which the late Speiker of the House, and, as it is asserted, several other members, entered into pecuniary relations with the Government. I meet that charge with the distinct declaration that it is utterly false. (Cheers. ) I never gave such advice ; I never was asked for advice, or consulted upon the subject. I think the men of Bruce are aware from what I have said to them and done amongst them what my answer would have been to any such ques- tion. You know that on two occasions I have resigned my seat for this Hiding and submitted myself for re-election, not because the letter of the law required it, but because, under the circum- stances, I thought it more consistent with the spirit of the law that I should give you an opportu- nity of determining whether I should continue your representative. That is the principle on which I have acted, and on which I shall continue to act. Had I been asked to advise in this case, I would have said it is needless to consider whether the p'-oposal is within the letter of the law ; it is wichin its spirit, and I decline to be a party to it. Bui I was not asked. The truth is, that a late member of the Government ordered this printing to be given to Mr. Anglin without the knowledge of any of his colleagues ; that the circumstance did not come to the knowledge of the Gov- eniment until January, 1876, and that as soon as possible, within tight or ten days thereafter, the Government ordered the arrangement to be entirely discontinued. These facts are not now stated for the first time. They were stated over and over again in Parliament, and have been estab- lished by the most indisputable evidence. It has been alleged that I defended this transaction in my place in the House. I did whai I believe you will approve. The SpoaKf r of the House of Commons happens to be the orly man there who, if spoken to or about, cannot speak back — who, if attacked, cannot reply. Be is debarred by his utuation from sayine a word, no matter how cruelly wounded, uo matter how unfairly aspersed, no matter how complete may be his defence to the charge against him. A Rlgbt and a Wrong Way of Disposing of t3i- Blatter. There was a mode of bringing up this matter by wliich British justice would have been satis- fied and British fair play observed, and there was another mode by which the accused might be judged without the opportunity of defence. Sir, the mode our opponents chose was not the former ; it was the latter. (Hear, hear. ) They were called on to withdraw the motion ; they were told that a Committee of Enquiry would be agreed to, before which the Speaker might appear to answer the injurious insinuation that he bad been purchased, might establish the facts, and furnish the arguments and precedents which he thought material on the legal aspects of the case — by which, in a word, enquiry and defence might precede decision. They were called on not to ask the House to condemn a man unheard ; but they declined, and I was amongst those who by voice and vote rejected such an unjust, such an arbitrary, such an unfair and un- British motion aa the one they proposed, preferring the enquiry which was promised during the debate, and which wac ordered within five minutes of the defeat of the motion. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) On that enquiry Mr. Speaker had an opportunity of defending himself. The charges which had been made against him of having sold his position, of having made a bargain uuwortny of him, were repelled by him ; the circumstancea were stated, the precedents on the strength of which he acted were quoted by him, and his case was fully and fairly brought before the public and the House. The Committee determined that the precedents did cover the case, but that they were erroneous, and tliat on the true inteipretation of the law the seat was vacated, and they reported accordingly. It has been charged against the Government that th.^y deferred the presentation of the report of tha^. Committee. Sir, tliat is a most uojust charge. In the first place, the Government had no power to defer the presentation of the report ; and secondly, the Committee themselves unanimously agreed in my presence on an instruction to their chairman to defer it to the last moment before prorogation ; and for having complied with this instruction, men who are led bv members who in Committee gave the order, say that the chairman and the Government are at l\nlt. The report aLso unanimously found that the law passed by our predeceaeora on this subject was defective and required ^mendnaent, and I have no doubt that the Minister entrusted with that duty will be prepared with such amendments as may be necessary to put the law on a proper footing. 143 The Insolvent Aot-Its AmendmentM. The next matter of logislatfon to whicli I would refer for a luomeut is the Insolvent Act. It had Ixien passed liefore I took otiice. It is a very difficult subject. It is impossible to frame an Insolvent Law which shall work satisfactorily or even tolerably, unless bj' the active and earnest co-oi)eration of creilitors. Several alterations have been effected, I trust for the better. An effort has lieen niae our duty to introduce another law placing this matter on its present footing, and providing for the disposition of such cases by that Court. The Labour Laws -Sir John's Bungling Legislation Rectified. Another subject which attracted our anxious attention was the condition of the labour laws. The old hiw with reference to combinations of working men and of employees was not satisfactory, dnd in the sesBion of 187'2 the then leader of the Government passed an Act which was claimed I by hiin, and was rmppoged by the working people of that c' ^7 to be an immense boon to thorn. ;/ No long tine passed, however, befoie they found it was a fatal gift ; "uid they became as ».:e whole or part of the reasonable expenses of calling out the troops ; but we left the resnonsibiHty and power where they were before, with the local authorities, both on the constitutional principle which for- bids out tnistiug the Executive Government with the calling out of the troops, and also on the view that in a country such as ours it would be impossible for the Executive Government, with the necessary promptitude and exactness, to ascertain whether the case were one requiring the calling out of the mihtia, or to act upon their information. In the case supposed, the mails are stopped ; ' the telegraph may be stopped ; the riots are at one or more distant points. The Executive can ■either judge nor act upon its judgment. We therefore left the power and responsibility with the local authorities. {Cheers. ) This subject has attracted renewed attention from the recent exten- sive disturbances in the United States. Some of the large centres of population in that great eonntry have been in the hands of a lawless mob fer weeSs ; some of its great hives of indus*;ry kare been broken up ; mUlions of dollars worth of property have been destroyed ; and complete H5 ■oeial disormnization aas taken place. These are most deplorable events. Let ns take wa/ning bjr them. We are a sparse community, scattered over a great expanse of territory, disabled by these circnmstances, as well as by the other demands on our limited resources, from providing bodies of trained servants for the pre8br7ation of peace throughout the land. We must trust to our own efforts as citizens for the preservation of the peace. We should therefore exhort onr magistracy, our local authorities, ana our citizens ger.erally, to learn their duty, to consider the oonftequences in case unhappily such disturbances shoidd get head amongst us. Celerity and de- cision of conduct are absolutely essential. Give the riot head, and it may grow to au indefinite ex- tent ; act at one , and it remains a trifle. Therefore it is that recognizing the possibility— ;how- ever remote — of the spread of these disorders to our shores, we should determine to disregara all appeals for misplaced sympathy. (Hear, hear. ) It is one thing for a man or body of men to say to their employers, " We are not paid enough for our labour ; our contract is ended, and we cease to work for you unless you raise our wages." That is their right — a right u-sed sometimes wisely, often imprudently, but still their right — to refuse which would make labour the slave of capital, and the exercise of which must be fully granted. But when they add to the strike violence ; when, not content with desisting from employment, they, by violence or threats, coerce others of the community not to undertake the service which they themselves refuse to perform ; when they seek by the destruction of property to obstruct the operations cf trade and commerce unless their de- mands be yielded, they place themselves wholly in the wrong ; and society should act promptly and sternly against them in its own defence, which, in such an emergency, m this country, can, aa I have said, be done only through each man's readiness to go out as a special constable or as a militia- man, in order to subdue those who are making themselves outlaws, and subverting our whole system of law and order. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) I had purposed to say something on the sub- ject of the relations of Inbonr and capital, including the machinery of strikes and the schemes for co- operation in production and distribution, and for arbitration as a mode of settling disputes between employers and employees ; but for this and some other topics of interest time and strength fail me, and I must pass on. t Onr maritime Imwb on tbe Lakes. Another important subject of legislation was that of maritime jurisdiction on the great lakes. Your county is bounded by one of these magnificent inland seas, bearing on its bosom an enor- mous commerce. For ages the relations of the commercial marine of every maritime country have been regulated by special laws applicable to the peculiar exigencieii of such affairs, comprising » prompt procedure and a lien on the ship in respect of certain classes of wrongs and contracts. This code has prevailed for many years on the United States' shores of these lakes. They have there the power of aixesting one of our ships to secure the redress of a wrong ; but we had not the like power here. A proix)sal was made to apply for legislation in the Imperial Parliament creating Imperial Vice- Admiralty Courts with jurisdiction on our lakes. I did not favour that plan, think- ing such legislation would be retrogressive ; and believing, conformably to the opinions I have already expressed, that we are ourselves quite competent to detennine what laws snould regulate OHr maritime concerns, and to interpret and adminster the laws we make, without resorting to the British Parliament for legielation. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Having been charged with the duty of representing these views, and {having come to a satisfactory understanding with Har Majesty's Government on the subject, I was enabled to promote last session the passage of an Act establish- ing maritime rights and remedies, and a Court for their execution — a law which we can jurselvea, without the difficulties and delays incident to action in the British Parliament, mould and alter from time to time as our experience may indicate ; and thus we have, at last, inaugurated a system which should have been in operation long ago. A general feeling was evinced by the House in favour of the extension of Canadian legislation to the maritime concerns of the sea-board ; and I was gratified to hear re-echoed the opinion which I had expressed, that before long these mattera also should be regulated by Canadian law. Extradition— Important Negotiations. Another subject with which we had to deal was that of extradition. The old Ashbnrton Treaty, regulating the mutual surrender of criminals between this country and the United States, is altogether too limited, many serious crimes against the person being omitted from its provisions, and a still greater number of that unfortunately increasing class which may be called commeVciai orimes. In all these omitted cases the otTender finds a safe refuge in the neighbouring country. Between two States whose border of 3,000 miles is in many places unmarked by any natural line of deaarcation, and where every facility exists for escape from one country to the other, the ab- sence of fuller provision for the surrender of fugitive criminals is simply shameful. We have no right to negotiate directly with a foreign power ; had it been otherwise, I bslieve we should long ago have concluded a satisfactory extradition treaty with the United States ; but, as things were, we took the only course in our power, namely, to make a strong representation to the British Gov- ernment. We found that after negotiations had been going on in a somewhat dilatory fashion for a number of years, they had been broken off on a point, as I judged, of no great difficulty. Soon after came the misunderstanding between the two Governments, into the details of which I have not time to enter, but which resulted in a dead-lock, the operation even of the old convention being suspended. I had been charged to discuss the subject with the British Government, and it became my duty to point out the intolerable position in which Canada was placed ; that we could not recover our own criminals from the United States, while at the same time our country was made a refuge for the rascals of over forty millions of people; and that crimes, especially on and near the border, must greatly increase from t^ie practical immunity afforded to the perpetrators. I vrgoi, therefore, the pressing necessity for ooncluding a new treaty forthwith, or of reverting U 146 y to the old one. Negotiations were re-opened for a nuw treaty, and the operation of the old con* vention was revived. While the negotiations arc pending a Commission has 'leen issued by Her Majesty's Government to make enquiry into the wnole subject, and I hope that before long our wishes may be gratified. Meantime we have succeeded in passing f >r our own puqjoses a law which provides new and imnrovt d machinery for putting in foi-ce tlie present and all lutura con- ventions; a step which haa been attempted for some years without practical result. We have thus done all that is in our power, unless we should be driven to deal with the subject by legisla- tion independent of treaty, which I hope will not be the case, Tbo Ctovemor-Goneral's Commlsslnn and Instructions. I was also charged to di'^cuss with the British Government the subject of the commission and instructions to our Governor-General. These documents are no longtr suited to our ciicura- stances. Under them the Governor is ordered nul to act on the judgment of his responsible ad- visers, but according to his own discretion, in all ca&es of commutation of capital sentences, from which it sliould follow that then might be no resi libility on the part of liis Ministers. So, also, he is instructed to act, if hb sees fit, in oppi .lon to the advice of his Council in other 'itters, with the same onsequences ; and farther, ho is instructed to reserve for Her Majesty's consideration Bills on Va.lous important claspes of subjects on which we have been granted by the Constitution power not merely to pass Bil'3, but to complete the legislation by the assent of the Governor. Ir reply to the representations made of the anomalies contained in these instruments, the Colonial Secretary announced a general concurrence in those representations, and his intention shortly to forward a commission and instructions in general accordance with the views laid before him. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) These views, as you will have observed, were all in the direction of securing to us that fuller measure of self-government which becomes our station amongst the peoples of the world. (Hear, hear, and cheers. ) Canada's Future, and its Relation wltb the Empire. And here I must seize the opportunity of saying a word or two with reference to our relations to the Empire, which were necessarily to some extent, however slightly and incidentally, involved in that discussion. You know that I have expressed the .opinion, which, I believe, is shared by most thinking men, that these relations are anomalous, and that the present form of connection is not destined to be perpetual. My opinion is that the day must come when we shall cease to be dependents, as I hope, by exchanging depiiRlcD e for association; by rising from the present position of colonists to that of partners in t freedom, the fortunes, and the responsibilities of the Empire. (Cheers.) The subject has eived a considerable impetus since its discussion thiee years ago. One of the foremost statesu of the English Liberal party, Mr. Forster, in the fall of 1875, delivered a leng address, in whit 1 fully recognized — what some people here do not feel disposed to recognize — the anomalous ch.. cter of the present relation of England and her colonies, and said that the choice was between separation and federation ; between partnership and dissociation. He gave his powerful voice for partnership ; and he invited his fellow-country- men — as I in my humble way invite mine — to look at the subject calmly from that point of view ; and — the present tie obviously lacking the elements of permanence — to prepare tneir minds for the assumption of that full measure of freedom and responsibility which belongs to us as fellow- subjects of those Britons who inhabit the United Kingdom. (Loud cheers.) But I must leave this great theme and turn again to my narrative of domestic legislation. Carrying Firearms. I am sure y ju will agree that a measure was required with reference to the use of firearms. The carrying of revolvers by the disorderly or criminal classes and by young and irresponsible persons had become a crying evil. What in former days would have been a violent, perhaps a brutal but not a fatal blow with the stick or the fist, is now only too often a deadly pistol shot. "We thought the time had come when we should cautiously, but still firmly, endeavour to repress the pra ctice of carrying these weapons. Our law does not absolutely prohibit the carrying of pistols, but places it under necessary restrictions by dealing with those who are found carrying them without reasonable cause, or when arrested for crime, or with intent to injure another. We have also made it a crime to point a firearm, whether loaded or unloaded, at another. (Hear, hear. ) You find every year perhaps as many as half a dozen cases of death arising from this • jckless practice, which will, I trust, be checkea by the knowledge that those pursuing it expese themselves to the gaol. Gambling and otber Crimes. We have also passed what I hope will bo useful laws upon the subject of gambling. Besides making it a crime to be present at, or join in, play at a common gaming house, we have provided for the summary punishment of persona gambling on trains or steaniboats, or keeping betting offices, or selling pools— arrangements which are so common on the race-course and other places of public entertainment. Those of you who live in towns will know more perhaps than thoM who live in the country of the demoralization and ruin which have resulted from the spread of those gambling institutions, and will share my gratification that something at least has been dons towards their repression — (hear, hear) — though I must express my regret that the operation sf the Pool-selling Bill has been delayed and its efi&ciency diminished by causes over which tht Ooverument Lid no controL Prison Itabour and XHsclpUns. The subject of prison discipline has also oscupied our .-.♦Mention. It is a great defect in on* present system that we have no proper y].\n (or the employment of our prisoners in our gaols, and the sentence of a criminal to hard labour la frequently a farce. He adds whie aenring his turn 147 Tlclons company and idleness to his former qualifications for crime, and he too often comes oat » worse man than he went in. Policy and humanity, which in tmth always chime, here do so obviously, and teach that even in order to the repression of crime the reformation of the criminal should be kept in view. Accordingly, we have made some, thoueh as yei v ery imperfect, provision for the employment of prisoners in the common gaols. Wehave alsij applied to the prisoners in the Central Prison a principle hitherto confined to the Penitentiary convicts ; we have given to the prinoner the element of hope ; we have held out to him the expectation of the remission of a definite portion of his sentence for good behaviour and industry ; and I am confident thai this provision will have a most beneficial effect, both in furthering the reformation of the prisoners, in facilitating the management of the gaol, and in increasing the value of the prison ^abonr. Much, however, remains to be accomplished in the ueld of prison piscipline ; and I hope that the next few years will see something more done in that direction. There are several other measures to which, without departing from the limited range in which I have been engaged, I might direct your attention, but I must'not trespass much longer on your time, and I have perhaps sola enough to show you that the Government cannot be fairly charged with apathy or indolence in tha performance of their duty as the initiators of practical legislation. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Personal Attacks by the Opposition. ^ I must now say a few words upon the personal attacks made on me a few weeks ago, because I did not go out of the Government altogether when I became unable, from ill health, longer to dis- charge '.he duties of Minister of Justice. I was charged by more than one speaker on that occasion n. with being guilty of dishonourable conduct because 1 did not follow the course suggested. I was -* told that 1 had committed political suicide by the acceptance of my present office. Sir, if I were disposed at this time to enter on a not unjustifiable course of retaliation and retort, the materials are plenty and convenient, and perhaps I am not altogether destitute of the power to apply them. (Hear, hear. ) I might point out to you what manner of things the men who stigmatise my action as di.shononrable have thought not dishonourable in themselves. I might show you what things the man who announces my political suicide has thought to be in his oVn case consistent with political vitality, aye, with political triumph. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But at this time I forbear ; I prefer to coi'tine myself to my own vindication. Conscious of my absolute innocence, I shall not — however .■ mazed at such langunge from such lips — I shall not enquire into the character of my accusers, or lower myself by the argument that they are guiltier than I, or close their mouths by the recital of their story. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, 1 understand that they consider all such allusions as ungenteel, irrelevant, and offensive, arguing that they make no pretence to the possession of public virtue, and that it is no part of the duty of a critic to live up to the canons he lays down for others. (Laughter.) You are well aware that I accepted office with very great reluctance, the grounds of which I am not here to particularize. That reluctance was but intensified by ',ime; and when, after a considerable interval, it happened that my health gave way, and I found myself unable longer to discharge with efficiency the duties of my position, it did appear to me that I might fairly claim that greater measure of freedom and repose which I should have enjoyed if I had been permitted to return to the position I formerly held — the only position I desired to occupy — that of your independent representative. In tnat view, sir, ! earnestly pressed on my friend Mr. Mackenzie the acceptance of my resignation. Mr. Mackenzie and my colleagues, however, thought that I ought not to leave the ship at that time if it coull be at aU avoided. I was referred to the example of a former holder of my place — an example which I do not cite in order to condemn his course — when he retained it for many .nonths while wholly dis- abli'.d by illness from discharging its duties. I felt, however, that the office required the presence of an efficient head, and that otherwise nmch of what had been accomplished woidd be lost, and I could not reconcile my.self to the adoption of that course. Yielding to the earnest wish of my colleagues, I reluctantly adopted the only alternative which presented itself, and agreed to try the experiment for a time of a change to a lighter office. But these gentlemen now condemn me because, as they say, my office is a sinecure, the holder of which has nothing to do except to sign Orders in Council and draw his salary. 1 was a lit i amused when I read that charge, and I imagined to myself the council of war at which the line of attack upon me was settled. A Council of War tbat Probably Took Place. Tliere were three generals in council, and I could almost hear one of them sajring to another, " Now, you tell the i)eoi)le that Blake's oflice is a sinecure ; that he has nothing to do except to sign the Orders in Council and draw his pay, and that it was a shame for him to take such a place." The other would doubtless rejjly, " Why, I can't very well do that ; I was First Minister, M\d crettt(!otcd for, and Messrs. Clendenning and Wilson against him. The next election in that Rid- ing In which he was concerned was in the fall of 1871, upon his accepting office, when he was elected by ace lamatlon. The next election was the general election In W72, upon which occasion Mr. Moore voted for him, while Mr. Clen- denning and Mr. Wiloon did not vote. The next election was in the fall of 1873, upon his resignation on again accepting offlce, at which time he was elected by acclamation. The next election was in January, 1874, shortly after the letter, to which reference had been made, was written, when Mr. tloore voted for, Mr. Clendenning voted against him, and Mr. Wilson did not vot«, Mr. Moore told him that he and Clendenning and Wilsop were about to tender for the work, and he (Mr. Blake) told him what was said In the letter. He was not Influence'! by the circumstanc* that Mr. Moore was a political friend. He knew that the whole of those ^>orsoiis were resiiectable citizens of his caunty, and he d^jl not conceive that the question of a man's political relation to his member or to the Government ooght in the slightest degree to affect his having every fair consideration with reference to the letting of contracts. Upon that principle he acted. Mr. Moore having been the person who came to him, he wrot« the letter for him. Had Ut. Clendenning, Mr, Wilson, or Mr. Tolton come to him, he would have done just the same thing. He was content that any letter he had written, or any expression that ho had used, wilh reference to tlie letting of any contract from the time he might be supposed to have any influence in such matters, should be made public, and it would be found that they had all been after the same fashion. He was convinced that his hon. friend (Mr. Mackenzie) would let this and all other contracts fairly, without respect to persons. He told Mr. Moore that he might depend on that, and nothing more ; and he told his honourable friend precisely what he told Mr. Moore, so that he might understand, u distinctly as Mr. Moore and hi^ !>artners, that his (Mr. Blake's) opinion was that contracts should bo let fairly, without respect to persons. That was tlio last communioitlon he had with any person in regard to this subject. He knew nothing more about it. He observed that the Order in Council awarding tlie work to Mr. Ellis was made upon the 18th February, ten days after the time bo left the Qovernment. Neither by letter nor by word of mouth had he any ether commuidcation with any person on thiii subject. Either this letter and the hon. gentleman's (Ur. Farrow's) insinuations were relevant, or they were not. He was glad to notice that the insinuations in which the hon. gentle- man had Indulged had, in effect, been repudiated by the hon. member for Kingston (Sir Jolm A. Macdonald)! The bon. gentleman introduced this letter for the purpose of supporting his argument. Inasmuch as that insinuation had Men made, he thought flt to make this short, simple, plain statement of the facts, lie saw that the hon. gen- tleman, by the course he had adopted, was endeavouring to induce the House to vote him guilty of some unworthy conduct ; and with this statement he would leave the matter in the hands of the House." What I said then I say to you now, and so far as I am personally concerned I place the matter in your hands. Had Mr. Mackenzie been here I should liave left to him the refutation of the charge made against him, that he let this contract corruptly, but as he is absent I ought perhaps shortly to refer to that charge. It is pointed out that the lowest tenderer was passed over, and it is alleged that this was done corruptly in ordei to favour Moore & Co. The only ground for suppos- ing that Mr. Mackenzie would be disposed to favour these persons is my letter ; and yet, that letter is acknowledged to be quite a proper letter, and not, therefore, such as to lead Mr. Mackenzie to commit a great wrong. But it is said that the fact that the lowest tenderer was passed over ia evidence of conniption. Mr. Mackenzie has answered this by showing that in scores of cases, involving millions of dollars, his accusers themselves passed over the lowest tenderers. But they reply, resorting to the curious argument I touched on a while ago, " That has nothing to do wim it. You are only makLig the pot clean by proving the kettle black. " " No, " says Mr. Mackenzie, " I don't say that this proves the kettle black. I say simply, that it proves that your inference of corruption from the passing over of the lowest tender is a false and fallacious inference. If, indeed, you tell me that in these cases of yours you were corrupt, the condition of 'ngsis clianged ; but so long as you say you acted fairly, so long you are not in a position to a. iw the suggested inference from the simple facts brought out." But Mr. Mackcnzii; points out further, by the memorandum of Mr, Page, the Chief Engineer, that the action taken was on the advice of that oflScer, and on the ground, among others, that the tender was too low — a ground which formed the sole basis of like action in several cases by the late Government.' But yet again, when the lowest tenderers were passed over, it was not in favour of Moore & Co., but of one Ellis, to whom, though only $3(X) or $403 lower than Moore & Co., the Minister recommended the giving of the contract. It was actually awarded to Ellis ; and it was only because it ap])eared tlist Ellis had left the country, and he did not come forward to accept, that the contract ultimately fell to Moore ft Go, Those facts of themselves rebut idl inference of corrupt intent. The charge against Mr. 150 Mnrlcenzie for his action after I had ceased to be » member of the Government is therefo, i M biuselnss as the charge against me for my action in writi.ig the January letter, which was my only consi'rn with the matter ; and if I were disposed to offer advice tc those who have been engaged In disseminating these attacks through the country, it would bo that they should search for dome moio plausilde subject of comnlcint, fcr 1 am sure that the reiteration of these stal" and exploded calumnies is calculated to disgust all intelligent au('. right-thinking u'on of whatever party. (Cheers. ) The Late CluuioeUoi- EUke~The Attack 9f an "Abandoned Man." I wish I conla pause here ; but, not content with asf filing ine, my opponents have attacked febe dead ; my father's ashes have been disturbed in a vain attempt to injure my reputation, and » more successful effort to wound my feelings. ' cannot describe to you the loathing and repugn&noc I entertain for the race of slanderers, of whom it has been well written that— " They that most tmpu'«a crime Are pruneat to it, aii'A impute tliomselves, Wonting the mentai range ; or low desire No*, to lee! lowest makes them level all ; Yea, they would pare the mountain to the plalo , To leave an equal baseness ; and t$ they find Some stain or blemish in a name of note, Not efrieving that their greatest arc go smaU, Inflate theniscivca with some insane delight, And Judge all nature from her feet of clay. Without the will to lift their eyes and see Her Godlike head, crowned with spiritual flr«. And touching other worlds." (Cheers.) By one of these, speaking near this place, my father was lately charged with having acted dishonourably in accepting the Chancellorship of Upper Canada. I Bholl not attempt to give in my own words the history of what ensued after Mr. Baldwin's Chancery Act was passed by the Government in which my father was Solicitor-General, though not of the Cabinet. I prefer to read you this account, published some years ago by a person conversant with the facts : — " Whtn the measure became law, the question came who should ba appointed to the seats on the Bench which had been created. There was but one answer in the profession. Mr. Blake was universally pointed out as the person best fitted for the post of Chancellor. It required considerable persuasion on the part of his colleagues to luduce Ur. Uluke to accept the appointment. lie desired to remain in public life ; his emoluments at the Bar werj far greater than they would be on the Bench, and he would have much preferred to remain at the Bar for some jeart longer. But the pressure of his friends was greater than he could resist, and on 30th September, 1849, he accepted the Ciiancellorship. There were not wanting political opponents who declared that Mr. Blake had created the office that lie might fiH it, but all wlio knew the man and the position in which ho stood were aware that it was with extreme reluctance lie accepted the place. As his great Judicial talents came to be recognized the voice of the slanderer ceased, and the services which be rendered on the Bench will, we doubt not, be now heartily acknowleilged by all parties." No doubt, sir, the writer thought, but h ' erred in thinking, that the voice of the slanderer had ceased. My father, after having, with the assistance of his brother judges, organized the Court, created an improved practice and procedure, and applied the principles of ec[uity to the conditions of this country, was obliged to retire through illness, induced by over exertion in his oflBce. Great further improvements have been made by his distinguished successors and by legislation ; and the Conrt nas thus, notwithstanding the attacks of one individual, acquired a nigh standing amongst us, flowing from a wide-spread conviction of its utility, (hear, hear.) But my father is charged with impropriety in bringing up his sons to the profession of the law, with the probability of their practising in the Court of which he was a member ; and I and my brother, who now fills a seat in that Court, are charged with indelicacy and obliquity of moral vision in practising < .ere. Sir, I am acquainted with the career of our accuser. I Know well the liigh sense of propriety and delicacy, and the exquisite rectitude of moral vision, which have for a .long course ot years distinguished him from ordinary men like ourseh "& (Laughter.) We stand, I tmite agree, on entirely different levels, and view these matters from entirely different standpoints. (Hear, hear. ) I make no pretension to act on his principles ; T altogether decline to occep; his judgment on any question of propriety, delicacy, or moral vision ; and I appeal with confidence to tnat of my fellow-countrymen, and to the examples of the illustrious persons whom I am about to name. (Cheers.) Why, sir, it has been the rule rather than the exception that sons of Upper Canadian judges should be brought up to the law, and should practise in the Courts of which their fathers were members. Three sons of Chief Justice Robinson were so brought up and so practi sed ; two sons of Chief Justice McLean ; two sons of Chief Justice Draper ; and a son of Chief Justice Hagarty, of Vice-Chancellor Esten, of Judge Jones, and of Judge Gait. And is the honour of these eminent men, who all belonged when in political life to the ranks ' my opponents — is their honour and that of their children to be besmirched for taking the cours vhich they followed In common with ourselves ? For by the same standard which is set up for m^* father and his sons they, too, must stand or fall. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I say it is perfectly preposterous to impute wiong to him for bringing his sons up to, or to his sons for following, their father's pro- fession. But it was also insinuated that our success at the Bar was due to a notion on the part of suitors that we would be favoured by the judge. For myself, sir, I would not say a syllable in reply to such a charge ; but in the name of him who is gone I have to denounce these as outrageous calumnies, which I believe the common voi^o -.f the Canadian people will condemn. (Hear, near, and loud cheers.) As a fact, I may obs'- . , L.iat my father was absent through illness during the bulk of the time between my admission and his resignation. I don't believe my brother ever appeared befoie him. I did sometimes, though, as it happened, not very frequently ; but whatever 151 mfsnre of succewi we may have attained waa due erti'">ly to other causes, and by no nieaiu to an} ^uch unworthy BUHpicion of the honour and integrity of t.ie flrat Chancellor of Upper (Janada as hf"« been 80 cruelly cast upon it by an al..nil( ae