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 ^^^H 
 
THRHE LETTERS 
 
 OJS 
 
 CANADIAN INDEPENDENCE 
 
 BY 
 
 THE HON. JOHN YOUNQ, 
 
 OF MONTREAL. 
 
 MOJVT^£'AZ .' 
 
 HEHA.LD STEAM PRESS, 51 & 53 ST. JA'IES STREET. 
 
 186 9. 
 
If 
 
 i 
 
 w^ 
 
( 
 
 \- 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 CANADIAN INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 r 
 
 4 
 
 7b the Editor of the Daily News : 
 
 Sir, — Your correspondent, "A Canadian," in your issue of 
 Saturday, stated that at a dinner-party lately, the question of 
 "Canadian Independence" was mooted by a "certain disap- 
 pointed politician," whose name the writer sent to you, with, 
 the remark that " it is about time that ihe few traitors we 
 have amongst us should be unmasked and exposed to the: 
 scorn they merit." 
 
 Will you give me the space to ask your correspondent the 
 question, why any one should be scorned for advocating Cana- 
 dian Independence, if it is for the interest of the people of 
 Canada that we should be independent ? The question is, no 
 doubt, a serious one, and should be respectfully discussed ; 
 but it is no new question, nor is it one which was first mooted 
 in Canada. 
 
 In the discussion which took place a few years ago in the 
 Imperial Legislature on the Defences of Canada, a state of 
 opinion and feeling on the part of British statesmen was dis- 
 closed, which surprised us. The speakers om that occasion 
 felt that the relation of Canada to the Mothe Country was a. 
 peculiar one, and did not give satisfaction. — All acknowledged^ 
 that Canada was to all intents and purposes independent, so. 
 far as the management of her internal affairs was concerned,, 
 and yet not independent if any strain of war should come- 
 British statesmen seemed to feel that in such a relation the 
 Mother Country had the heavy end of the lever to work, 
 involving immense sacrifices, without any corresponding^ 
 tangible ?dvantage. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe saw in such 
 a discussion *' the period when the Mother Country would 
 have to separate from her Colonies." In the House of Com- 
 mons on the same occasion the people and parliament of 
 Canada, were well rated by some members while others benev- 
 olently apologized for them. One member characterized the 
 relation between Canada and Britain as " rotten and mutually 
 deceptive." Another, and a cabinet minister, said " he looked 
 forward without apprehension and without regret to the sepa- 
 ration of Canada from England." Now, this was plain speech, 
 but no " scorn '' was expi ssed here for such opinions, al- 
 though we were all surprised at the utterance of such senti- 
 ments. The fact, however, is, that the motto of " Ships, 
 
4 
 
 .Colonies, and Commerce" is no longer the policy of England 
 as a nation. The radical change which has taken place in her 
 'Commercial policy, has involved a change in her colonial 
 policy, of which we in Canada have had a large experience. 
 The logical result of that policy is now upon us, and we should 
 meet it manfully, but every thing points to the result of it being, 
 Separation and Independence. Bear in mind that this is no 
 new thought with British statesmen, as far back as 1828 Mr. 
 Huskisson, then colonial minister, thought that the time had 
 come for the separation of Canada trom the Mother Country 
 and her assumption of the position of an independent state. 
 In 1854 the Earl of Ellenborough in the House of Lords, ad- 
 duced Mr. Huskisson's testimony in support of the views of 
 separation which he then urged, and he referred to the change 
 which had taken place in the relations of Canada and Great 
 Britain, arising out of the changed commercial policy of the 
 Mother Country. "What was the use," asked his Lordship, 
 ** what the practical advantage of continuing our connection 
 ■with the Colonies, the connection might be of some small 
 use in time of peace, but on the other hand consider the dan- 
 ger arising from it in matters relating to war : there could be 
 no doubt that the chances of collision between this Country 
 and the United State j were greatly increased by our connec- 
 tion with the North Americen Colonies. It was equally cer- 
 tain diat in the event of war occurring with the United States, 
 on grounds totally unconnected with the Colonies, they must, 
 irona their connection with us, be drawn into the war, and 
 their whole frontier exposed to the greatest calamities. Un- 
 der these circumstances it was a matter worthy of serious 
 'Consideration whether we should not endeavor in the most 
 "friendly way, to divest ourselves of a connection which must 
 prove equally onerous to JDOth parties. Under these circum- 
 stances, he hoped that the Government would communicate 
 with the North American Colonies with the view of separation. 
 We should consult with them in the most friendly spirit as if 
 'they were members of the same family in which we felt a deep 
 concern." These were Lord Ellenborough's views, expressed 
 fourteen years ago. Lord Brougham followed Lord Ellen- 
 borough, and "declared he was one of those who desired a 
 separation of Canada from the Mother Country, and that the 
 idea was not novel. I quote his own words : " It had been 
 entertained and expressed by many eminent men. It was an 
 opinion shared in by Lord Ashburton and Lord St. Vincent ; 
 and those whc held the doctrine of separation did so, not be- 
 cause they were disposed to undervalue the importance of 
 Canada, but rather because they highly estimated the impor- 
 tance of that country. They believed that after a certain 
 
 4 
 
period of time— after what was called passing the youth or 
 nations, that of a colonial life, the best thing that could hap- 
 pen to a country in colonial connexion with an older state, 
 was, without any quarrel, vnthout any coldness or alienation of 
 any sort, but 7i>ith perfect avtHy and good will, and on purely 
 voluntary grounds, there should succeed to that connexion, a con- 
 nexion bet'iveen t"iV0 free and independent stages." 
 
 This, >lr. Editor, is the way in which the most eminent 
 British statesmen spoke in the highest council of the nation^ 
 and their speech directly concerns us and comes home to our 
 business and hearts, and surely such a subject may be dis- 
 cussed at a dinner-table, or in Parliament, without its 
 advocates, as your anonymous correspondent says, being 
 " traitors," or meriting " scorn." Believing that it is for the in- 
 terests of this, as well as for that of the Mother Country, that 
 a change from our pesent system should be made to that of 
 Canadian /nde/>endence, 1 for one am quite prepared to meet 
 whatever penalty may be the result of making such an ac-- 
 knowledgement. 
 
 I am your obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN YOUNG. 
 
 Montreal, 26th April, 1869. 
 
 i 
 
LirrTEU ir. 
 
 CANADIAN INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 To the Editor of the Gloiie : 
 
 Sir, — I wrote you on th^ 4th i:-!Stant, requesting you, in com- 
 mon fairness, to publish my letter on "(.anadian Independ- 
 ence," on which you conimenlcd in your issue of the 3rd 
 instant, and llieie is no doubt you have acceded to my 
 request. 
 
 You state that I have "i.it£;!y been indulging in this inde- 
 pendence talk," and " diat I had' been calhid to account for it 
 by a writer in the Daily News." Although this statement 
 floes not interfere with the point at issue, yet it is well to say 
 that I was not one of the Montreal dinner-party, where inde- 
 pendence was discussed ; neither have I '• talked " about it, 
 nor has any one ever called me to account for it, except your- 
 self. 
 
 In my letter of the 26th ult., I only contended in reply to 
 the writer in the Daily Nlws, that no one should be called " a 
 tiMitor " or " scorned " for temperately discussing questions 
 which involved the interests of the people of the Dominion. 
 In your criticism on my letter )-ou say that Britain " has 
 never expressed, in any represeniative way, her wish to get 
 quit of her colonies in general, or of Canada in particular," 
 by which you mean, I presume, that thert has b^en no formal 
 or official announcement that she wishes the connexion to 
 •cease. This is true. It could not well be otherwise. The 
 advance in such a case must, according both to wisdom and 
 good feeling, come from the dependency. But, has there been 
 no official intimation of a willingness 10 that effect? Not to 
 speak of the term Dominion (the more ominous one •' King- 
 dom," was, I understand, nearly adopted,) were not the words 
 *' New Nationality " first enunciated by Lord Monk in a 
 speech from the Throne ? Where will this nationality be if we 
 continue a Colony .'' " A colonist can never be niight but a 
 ■olonist — a better sort of backzvoodsman," says the London 
 Times in a leading article published some time ago. 
 
 You also tell us ^' that we have to do, not with what may be 
 
 ;in the future, when we ave gathered strength, wealth and 
 
 numbers to stand alone ; but that the question of the day is 
 
 'Our present state, capabilities and interests." Past discussions 
 
 an the Lords and Commons of England exhibit the apprecia- 
 
 
tion of our position by the informed statesman of the day. I 
 have already referred in detail to these utterances, and you do 
 not deny that they plainly point to the Independence »f 
 Canada ; but you try to detract from their force by telling us 
 that " Hritish Statesman have again and again spoken very ' 
 foolishly and ignorantly on a great many subjects," and then, 
 by way I suppose of showing how foolish they are in the 
 present instance, you drop down to the admission that " it is 
 a possible thing that some day or another some of these 
 Colonies may peaceably become new nationalities." You will 
 perceive on n rlection that there is really no ditiference between 
 the Globe and the statesman referred to upon the main ques- 
 tion. As 10 our " strength, wealth and numbers," it is strange 
 to hear an advocate of Confederation depreciating either. Is 
 it already forgotten that " v.e have more >axon.s than Alfred 
 had when he formed the English State ?' Have our millions 
 of square miles disappeared ? Our agricultural products, 
 worth at one time -5150,000,000, have they diminished ? The 
 annual yield of our Fisheries was once equal to $20,000,000 — 
 have they suddenly become less valuable? AVasit not the 
 Hon. George Brown who told the world on the 8th February, 
 1865, " that in 1793, ^o"g ^^^^^ ^^e United States had achieved 
 their independence and established a settled Government, 
 their exports and imports did not anount to one-third what 
 ours do at this moment ?" " There arc few States in Europe," 
 he continues, " that can boast of anything like the extent of 
 foreign commerce that now passes through our hands." Was 
 it not about the same time we were told that " the British 
 North America Provinces, if consolidated into one powcr^ 
 would possess not only all the materials necessary for con- 
 structing Ships of War, but also bands of skilful and hardy 
 seamen wherewith to man a powerful fleet." 
 
 The truth is we are not deficient in the necessary elements 
 to enter upon a career of national independence, and . .r 
 " strength, wealth and numbers " would thence be soon found o 
 increase in vast and profitable proportions, as has ever been 
 the result of freedom fairly obtained, and after that due pre- 
 paration which it cannot be denied Canada has undergone. 
 
 Then, again, there is the English press, to the criticism of 
 which under our present circumstances we are legitimately 
 exposed. We may think the Parliament and Press of Eng- 
 land speak with imperfect information, though their taiints 
 may provoke us, still their right to speak cannot be denied. 
 Such a relation as this is constantly liable to be disturbed. 
 When the late member for Sheffield, told the House of Com- 
 mons, and the world "that he never would vote to tax the 
 poor artisans of Sheffiela to defend the rich inhabitants of 
 
8 
 
 Canada," can we deny the justice of the ground he took? 
 When the London Times calls Canada a dead weight on Eng- 
 land^ can we point to any tangible benefit to the Mother 
 Country from the connexion ? There was once a meaning in 
 the words " Colonial Empire ;" but thau meanmg pass-'d away, 
 under the changed commercial policy of the Mother Country. 
 Now, looking at the matter, not as grown up children, but as 
 manly men, what are we to do ? The question is not one of 
 loyalty or disloyalty; but hew can we promote our best 
 interests and also serve those of Britain. All competent 
 authority will testify that our present position is a source of 
 weakness to England ; and shall we, a community of four 
 millions' of people, with an ample domain and multiplied 
 resources, occupy a position liable to complicate her foreign 
 policy? Is such a position worthy of us, in view of our origin 
 and ancestry ? And should our self-respec* allow us to re- 
 remain in a position which exposes us to the criticism of the 
 Parliament and Press of England ? If wc have no self-reliance, 
 we cannot have no self-respect ; and without that we are 
 nothing. With our numbers, growth and promise, we have no 
 right to hang on to the Mother Country, as a child hangs on to 
 its mother, an hour longer dian the connextion is mutually 
 advantag-jous. If it is the opinion of British statesmen that 
 we have passed " the youth of nations " and reached maturity, 
 it is not for us to deny i.. consistently with our self-respect. I 
 am quite aware that the assumption of national responsibility 
 is a matter of the grav'est importance ; but is there not spirit 
 and manhood enough in our population of ibur millions to 
 meet that responsibility ? Are we the i.rue friends of the 
 Mother Country to insist on a coryiexion which is only a 
 weakness to her ? Is it wise to maintain a relation which ex- 
 poses us to such criticisms as we have to submit to from the 
 British Parliament and Press ; and it is noi more wise, more 
 self-respecting oa our p irt, and more satisfactory for all partie.s 
 to prepare for the event indicr.tea by the late Lord Brougham, 
 when he said, that " without any quarrel without any coldness 
 or aMenation of any sort, but with perfect amity and good-will,, 
 and on purely voluntary grounds, there should succeed to the 
 Colonic',! connection, a connection between free and independ- 
 ent States." 
 
 Our Mother Country is not by any " representative act " 
 going to cast us off before ve can take care of ourselves, but 
 has that time not come, and shall we not be unworthy of our 
 parentage to hang back after it has come? It is not our doing, 
 and whether for good or ill, it has come to us in the natural 
 and inevitable order of things, fi^om our position on this con- 
 tinent. The proper calling of the people of the Dominion is. 
 
9 
 
 the development of our resources and the pursuit of industry. 
 We have an ample domain, and as fair a start as country ever 
 had. We have not, and can have no quarrel with a mother 
 whu has been so generous toward us ; for no colonial child 
 ever had such a mother. And we ought to have no quarrel 
 whatever with our neignbours and brethren in the United 
 States— sprung from the samp stock as ourselves ; nor can 
 they have with us ; and with both we are linked together by 
 the strong ties of blood and commerce 
 
 The cry, however, which you have raised, and which others 
 will r>o doubt raise, against the policy advocated, is— that an- 
 nexation to the United States will follow Independence. 
 Now, who are to be the judges of this ? Must it not be the 
 four millions who will, under Independence, be free to pursue 
 and choose such a course as they deem the best ? The design 
 of every government is, or ought to be to promote in the 
 highest degree the general happiness and welfare of its 
 citizens, and that ought to be thought the best which con- 
 duces most to this end. But it must be insisted on to the last 
 thai the peopli of this country are the most competent judges of 
 this matter ; and as the popular element must predominate m 
 our affairs, it is the part of wisdom to use, in good faith and 
 with honest purpose, the institutions we possess, and seek ta 
 hijprove them as we use them ; and in this way we shall secure 
 for ourselves and our posterity a hopeful and progressive 
 
 civilization. 
 
 I am your obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN YOUNG. 
 Montreal, May 7, 1869. 
 
 I 
 
ft* 
 
 V »' 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 CANADLVN INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 To tlic Editor uf the QihOY^Ti: 
 
 Sir, — Absence has prevented me from replying to your 
 lengthy criticism of my letter."^ on " Canadian Independence," 
 published in your issue of the 20th ult. 
 
 Vou stale that the language of my letters, conveys " an en- 
 tirely erroneous impression of the views held by English 
 statesmen on the colonial questions, and this you try to prove, 
 by saying that Lords Ellenborough, Brougham, Ashburton and 
 Vincent, whose opinions 1 quoted, were incapacitated by age, 
 that one of them was *' a Tory of the Tories," while another 
 had "married a Philadelphia lady in 1798," and were (I sup- 
 pose) consequently unfit to form a correct opinion on Canadian 
 affairs. Lord Brougham you state, "was born in 1778," and 
 ac the time he spoke, the toil of "seventy-six years had told its 
 tale on his mental Hiculties." But at the same time you de- 
 clare that "it was quite tiue that Lord Brougham in 1838, 
 (when he was forty years of age) spoke in favor of a gradual 
 dissolution of the conne.xion between Canada and the Mother 
 Country," and that "the memoiy of the venerable statesman, 
 when he spoke in 1854, did not mislead him as to what he 
 suggested in 1838," which, by your own showing, is a pretty 
 strong proof of the health of Lord Brougham's mental 
 faculties. 
 
 Your equanimity has, however, been most disturbed bj" my 
 having quoted Mr. Huskisson as being in favor of Canadian 
 Independence, and you "challenge me to produce proof " of 
 my assertion, "or strike Mr. Huskisson's name from the list 
 of Separationists." As 1 am not in the habit of ma^'ving a 
 statement which cannot be substantiated, I would refer you to 
 the speech of that lamented statesman in the House of Com- 
 mons, on the 2nd May, 1828, on the " Civil Goverrnnent of the 
 Lanadas," when he said, "we should be well paid for all the 
 sacrifices we may yet be called on to make, if we are to add 
 to the rich har\-est of glory we have already reaped, by being 
 the parent of countries in which the same happiness and 
 prosperity that have distinguished this country will, I trust, 
 for ages to come, be enjoyed, and that will be our reward for 
 establishing our superfluous population, not only :' America, 
 but in other quarters of the world. What can be a prouder 
 
11 
 
 feeling for Englishmen, than that England has done its duty 
 to the world by attempting, and successfully, to improve it. 
 Whether Canada is to lemain lorever dependent on England, or 
 is to become an an independent State — not I trust by hostile 
 separation, but by amicable arrangement — it is still the duty 
 and interest of this country to imbue it with English feeling, 
 and benefit it with English laws and institutions." 
 
 Again in the debate on the " Ordnance Estimates," 7th July, 
 1828. Mr. Huskisson said : " If he coukl be po.iitive that the 
 amount of the present vote was to be expended with the posi- 
 tive certainty that in fifty years to come, the Canadas were to 
 l)e free and independent, he would not hesitate as to the 
 course he should pursue, but would as heartily give his vote 
 under such circumstances, as he was prepared to give it now ; 
 and for this reason — that if the Canadas in time v/ere to throw 
 off the control of the parent Country, then independence ought 
 to be achieved by the growth of national honor, opulence and 
 population ; above all, let their independence be effected rather 
 by the course 'of natural events, than by premature and un- 
 natural separation. When the tinie of separaiion does at last 
 arrive, let it be like the severing of the members of the same 
 family, who long united by the same ties of blood and affec- 
 tion, find it at last necessary to part, but witii the kindest 
 %vishes for each other's welfare. Let it be a separation, which 
 instead of alienation would strengthen the foundation of these 
 feelings of mutual good will, whica arise from the considera- 
 tion of fiimily and blood." Lord Howick on the same occa- 
 sion said, '' that all our foreign Colonies would, no doubt, in 
 the lapse of time, become independent of tlie Mother Country, 
 that such an event must happen there was no denying, and 
 consequently this country ought in time to prepare for the 
 separation, not by fortifying the Canadas, but by preparing 
 them to become independent." 
 
 These extrpxts show a state of feeling on the part of British 
 statesmen, which demands the prompt and serious considera- 
 tion of the people of this Dominion. Our Governor 
 nominated by the Crown, is the last link of Colonial Depend- 
 ence. This one link however, is as potent as a thousand for all 
 purposes of embarassment to the E^mpire. So long as this 
 •exists, we must become involved in the possible wars of the 
 Empire on this continent, and a source of weakness to the 
 Mother Country, and c*^ weakness only. Earl Grey in his 
 .book on *' Colonial Policy " addressed to Lord John Russell, 
 says: "in the North American Colonies, the necessity of 
 maintaining a considerable force, arises almost entirely from 
 their proximity to the United States, and from the fact, that if 
 we were .unfortunately involved in a quarrel with that Republic, 
 
i« 
 
 12 
 
 u 
 
 / 
 
 our. Colonies would be attacked as a means of injuring us." 
 
 Yesterday's Telegram irom London, said on that day in the 
 House of Commons, the Government declared that part of 
 its policy, " was to throw the cost of self defence on each. 
 Colony," and that measures to that effect had been partially 
 adopted, and that they would be extended next year. This 
 of course, explains the lessening this year of our military- 
 force, and of the shipment back to England of military stores. 
 As stated in a former letter, our Mother Country is not going 
 to cast us off by any " Representative Act," but is there rot 
 ample evidence that she would like us to separate from her,, 
 and take care of ourselves. 
 
 You say that the virulence of the attacks upon us in the 
 Imperial Parliament in 1862, was owing to our *' supposed su- 
 pineness in not making vigorous efforts to drill the militia" 
 and properly defend the Province from attack," but suppose we 
 placed the flower of our able-bodied population under arms 
 for Imperial purposes in view of possible wars of the empire, 
 how could our fields be tilled and our orher branches of indus- 
 try be sustained ? The present complications in reference to 
 the "Alabama" question, is an evidence of the difficulty of 
 our position as a dependency of England on this continent, 
 and the grave question which meets us, is not a question of 
 loyalty or disloyalty, but a question as to how we can strength- 
 en the position and permanently serve the interest of that 
 great nation — mother of nations — which we call our Mother 
 Country. 
 
 The leading journals in in England continue to taunt us 
 with our dependence. The London Times of the iithult., 
 says, if the people of Canada ^h©w " a desire to sever the 
 connexion between us, whether for the pnrpose of establishing 
 a condition of formal independence, or or with a view to other 
 allegiances (the italics are mine) England would do nothing to 
 put constraint upon her wishes." Again the Saturday Re- 
 view, another leading journal, in a late article says, " all classes 
 of politicians have long since made up their minds to concede 
 the independence of British America whenever it should be 
 desired by the Colonists themselves. Separation would in- 
 volve the right to join the United States at pleasure, although 
 the Canadians, themselves, have hitherto deprecated annexa- 
 tion. It is not impossible that in course of time their objec- 
 tions might be overcoine. The formation of four or five states 
 of the Union, to the north of the Great Lakes, would entail 
 no injury on England, if it were not attended with insult." 
 
 The Leeds' Mercury in a late number asks the question, 
 " when is Canada going?" and the London Times in comment-, 
 ing on Mr. Gladstone's speech in reference to Canada says^ 
 
13 
 
 '*' whatever guarantee is implied in the arrangement between 
 Canada ?nd tiie Hudson's Bay Company, is a guarantee look- 
 ing as Mr, Gladstone expressed it, towards the independence 
 of the Colony. The policy of Her Majesty's Government is 
 strictly in accordance with the matured judgment of every one 
 of Her Majesty's subjects, in desiring to siimulate rather 
 than to retard the independence of our great dependencies. 
 They now have ail the freedom of independence, and recent 
 events have shown them that they have more than the respon- 
 sibilies of self-government, for they may be called into bear 
 the consequences of acts, over which they have no control. 
 Under these circumstances we may fairly trust to the Colonies, 
 themselves, to learn the lessons wh'ch have been accepted by 
 the Mother Country. It is for the good of the world that 
 adolesence should lead to indepeijdence, and we can conceive 
 no nobler ambition for those who have the direction of the 
 policy of the great English-speaking peoples, than to lay the 
 foundation of another existence, and a separate history in the 
 communities they govern." 
 
 These utterances of the English press and of English states- 
 men, indisputably indicate that the policy of the British 
 Government tjvs ards Canada, has been to prepare us gradually 
 to assume the duties and responsibilities of an Independent 
 State. Jt is true that England has never shewn any desire to 
 throw us off in a helpless condition, but, are we not now suffi- 
 ciently populous and wealthy to be independent ? Adam 
 Smith in his " Wealth of Nations," says that " no dominant 
 country w'l! ever voluntarily relinquish its power over a de- 
 pendencv," and it is true that there has not been hitherto any 
 instance of a dependency becoming independent by the volun- 
 tary act of the dominant country ; but situated as the 
 Dominion now is, contributing nothing to the military defence 
 of the Empire or to its expenses, adding nothing to its produc- 
 tive resources — a constant source of expense, and at any time 
 likely to involve it in war ; would it not be more satisfactory 
 in every way to prepare for the event, whenever the people of 
 the Dominion signify their desire to be independent ? " 
 
 You ask, " does the Mother Countr)- fetter us in the slightest 
 extent ? " In reply I ask, are we in possession of the Treaty 
 making power? Is it not through the political complications 
 of the Empire that we have failed to make a satisfactory 
 Treaty of Reciprocity in trade with the United States ? While 
 we as a people have had, and can have no cause of a quarrel 
 with the United States, we have suffered and are now; suffering 
 in consequence of the differences that country has 'had with 
 England. What was the origin of the Intercolonial Railway, 
 and the reason urged for its construction .'' Was it not because 
 
14 
 
 it was deemed necessary for military purposes, and a defence- 
 against the United States ? Was it not surveyed and located! 
 by an Imperial officer with this object alone in view, for no- 
 one pretends to say that the road where it is located, and. 
 where it no doubt will be built, will ever have any commercial 
 value, ind as one declared, whose opinions are of value,. 
 " that it would not command business on it, even if Govern- 
 ment carried freight for nothing and paid all expenses." 
 
 With Independence where would be the necessity of such' 
 large expenditure for militia purposes. A far better, and a 
 more permanent defence, and a far stronger bond of peace 
 between the United States and Canada, would be to secure 
 between the Eastern and Western States, a navigation through 
 the St. Lawrence from the upper lakes, by which vessels of 
 900 or 1,000 tons burthen could pass either up or down with- 
 out breaking bulk, for in such a work the people of both coun- 
 tries are alike interested. This course would have a signiri- 
 cance which would be patent to all. But with our present 
 relation, what state of things can we inaugurate which will be 
 permanent ? The^ present state of matters cannot last much, 
 longer, we have been gradually brought to our present position,, 
 and fortunately it is one from which we can advance to Na- 
 tional Independence without any organic strain on existing 
 institutions. Tf the Mother Country and people are ready for 
 the change, .surely we ought to be ready for it. But the judges. 
 of what should be done, are the four millions of people who 
 now compose the Dominion. It is for ihem to choose and 
 pursue such a course as they deem the best, and in this I am 
 glad to see yon coincide, for you say that " no doubt when 
 the four millions agree to follow a' certain course, what they 
 determine on will be done." The popular element must pre- 
 dominate in our affairs ; we have no order of society heie born 
 to hereditary privileges like the British Aristocracy, nor can 
 we have such a class. The controling influence therefore, in 
 our form of Government must rest with the people, and wheth- 
 er for good or ill, Canada is committed to political institutions, 
 where the popular voice is, and must be predominant ; and 
 the people must also be the judges of what is their true 
 interests. M One thing however, seems to me certain, England 
 can never be a party, nor should she ever be asked to be a 
 party to the annexation of Canada to the United States^^ but 
 England can not only without humiliation, but with honor — be 
 a party in carrying out a policy for which she has been gradual- 
 ly preparing us, and that is an Independent National Position. 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Your obdt. servant, 
 
 Montreal, 7th June, 1869. JOHN YOUNG.