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The Hakluyt Society has now completed the thirteenth year of its existence, and has, during that period, issued twenty-five valuable volumes relating to early voyages and travels in every part of the world. The number of sub- sciibers has been steadily maintained at a point which has enabled the Council to ensure the efficiency of the Society ; and they now have the satisfaction to report that the funds continue in a prosperous condition. The Council have given their best consideration to the price at which new subscribers during the present year should be allowed to receive the i)ast publications of the Society, the earlier scries of which have become scarce, and have fixed it at Nine Guineas, that sum not including the subscription for the year. Since the last General Meeting the following volumes have been delivered to members : " Expeditions into the A^alley of the Amazons during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ;" containing the Journey of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso Inca do la Vega; the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, from the General History of Herrera ; and the Voyage of Christoval dc Acufia, from a narrative written by himself in 1641. Edited and translated, with an Introduc- tion and a descriptive list of the principal Tribes in the Valley of the Amazons, by Clements R. Markham, Esq. ^ " Early Voyages to Australia/' a collection of documents showing the early discoveries of Australia to the time of Captain Cook. Edited by E,. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum, F.S.A. Two volumes will be delivered to members during the course of the present year, one of which is completed and will be issued immediately, and the other is in a very for- ward state, viz. : " The Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzales dc Clavijo to the Court of Timour at Samarcand, a.d. 1403-6." Translated for the first time, with Notes, a Preface, and an Introductory Life of Timour, by Clements K.. Markham, Esq. " A Collection of Documents forming a Monograph of the Voyages of Henry Hudson." Edited, with an Intro- duction, by George Aslier, Esq., LL.D. In addition to the above works, five others have been undertaken by Editors, and some of them arc now in pro- gress, viz. : The Fifth Letter of Hernando Cortes ; being that describing his Voyage to Honduras in 1525-6. To be translated and edited by E. G. Squier, Esq. The Voyage of Vasco de Gama round the Cape of Good Hope in 1497 ; now first translated from a contem- poraneous manuscript, accompanied by other documents forming a Monograph of the Life of De Gama. To be translated and edited by Richard Garnett, Esq., of the British Museum. The Travels of Ludovico Vartema, in Syria, Arabia, Persia, and India, during the sixth century. To be trans- lated and edited by Count Pepoli. Narrative of the Voyage of the" Tyrant Aguirre," DOWN the r'iver OF THE Amazons, by Fray Pedro Simon. To be translated for the first time by W. BoUaert, Esq. 1\ The Voyages of Mendana and Quiros in the South Seas, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. To be translated from Figueroa's " Heclios del Marques de Cancte," and Torquemada's " Moiiarquia Indiana," and edited by Clements E, Markham, Esq. The following six Members retire from the Council, viz. : The Right Hon. Lord Broughton. John Barrow, Esq., F.R.S. Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill. Egerton Harcourt, Esq. The Right Hon. Lord Taunton. His Excellency the Count de Lavradio. Of this number, the three following are recommended for re-election, viz. : Lord Broughton. Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill. The Count de Lavradio. And the names of the following gentlemen are proposed for election, viz. : Sir John Bowring, LL.D. The Right Hon. Lord Wensleydale The Rev. W. Wh^well, D.D. The Council have also to report that the Honorary Secretary, Mr. Clements R. Markham, having been sent to South America on a Government Mission, which will entail an absence of a year and a half, Mr. Major has kindly undertaken to perform the ordinary duties of Honorary Secretary during that period. As Mr. Markham has prc- n-ed works for publication, which will meet the demands iubscribers during his absence, the Council have resolved i w 4 that he shall retain the Secretaryship, if his duties do not detain him from England later than April 1861. Statement of the Accounts of the Society for the year 1859-60. linlniire iil hist Audit lu peivod by bnukers during tlie year ,' ^03 Ir i; *. rf. & s. (I. 42C 12 8 Mr. Kicliards. for rriiitiiig three \V(.rl!s 202 U (i (I Mr. .). l-;. liiclianl, Cor Paper l.'i Trniisliitiiiiia luid TrauscriiUioiis .. 20 7 Advertiseiuonts '.'. 1 d Mnp 12 2 Index y (I Gratuity to AyeMt's Foroiiimi .... b Stntitiniry, I'lirccls, Postage, nnd Sundries 4 ii tcso Sn2 5 Present lialanco nt Bankers 23ii (; •'! Ditto in Petty Casli Mil ft .t(i30 Examined aiid Approved, March 5th, 1860. W. B. RYE, RICHARD GARNETT. J ' I k UKI!, M N S I E LT K D ' A V E Z A C THIS iJOOIv IS DK1>ICATKD, AS A MAIJK OF AFFKCTIONATK KEGARl), AND AS A TUKKN OF (ii{ATlTi;i)J.: lOR JIL'C Oil KIND iiNCOUItAGEAlENT. TABLE OF CONTENTS. wm Introduction Notes to Introduction Divei^_ voyages and northerne discoveries of that worthy discoverer Henry Hudson, from Purchas' Pilgrims vol. Ill, pp. 567-610: ^ ' ^ First Voyage, his discoverie towards the north pole m 1607, written partly by John Playse, one of the crew, and partly by Hudson himself Second Voyage or employment of Master Henry Hudson in 1608, written by himself . Third Voyage of Master H. Hudson in 1609, written byRobert JuetofLimehouse - Fourth Voyage in 1610. An Abstract of the Jour- nal of Master Henry Hudson - A larger Discourse of the same Voyage and the success tiicreof, written by Abacuk Pricket A note found in the deske of Thomas AVydowse, student PAOE i ccxvi 23 45 93 98 136 I TAIU,K OF CONTENTS. PAon Purchas liIs Pilgvimanjc, folio, TiOncloii, 1020, p. 817. yi. Of Hudson's discoveries and death - - 139 Hudson's first voyage (1607), from Edge's brief discovcrie of the Muscovin merchants (Purchas, v. iii, p. 4G4) - l{') Captain Fothcrby's statement concerning Hudson's Jour- nal of his first voyage (Purchas, v. iii, p. 730) - 146 Hudson's third voyage (1609) from Van Mcteren's His- toric dor Nederlanden. Folio, Hague, 1614, fol. 629a 147 Extracts relating to Hudson's third voyage (1009), from John de Laet's Nieuwe Werelt, fol., Amsterdam, 1625, 1630-1 (from book iii, chapter 7) - - 154 (From book iii, chapter 10) - - - 159 Extracts containing some original information about Hud- son's third voyage, from Mr. Lambrechtsen van Ritthem's " History of New Netherland" - - 164 Extracts concerning Hudson's third voyage (1609), from Adrian van der Donck's " Beschryvinge van Nieuw Nederlandt," 4to., Amsterdam, 1655, 1656 - 167 American traditions concerning the third voyage (1609) - 173 An Extract from Captain Luke Foxc's description of Hud- son's fourth voyage (" North- West" Fox) p. 70 - 180 Hessel Gerritz's various accounts of Hudson's two last voyages, from the Latin and Dutch edition of the " Descriptio ct Delineatio Geographica detectionis Freti ab H. Hudsono invent!." Amst., 1612, 1613: I. Hudson's fourth voyage. A summary printed on the back of the chart. An account of the voyage and new found strait of Mr. Hudson - - 181 II. Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the Prolegomena to the first Latin edition - - 183 TABLE OF rONTKNTS. rix. Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the La m edition of 1012. An Account of the Di.seovorie of the North- West Passage, which is expected to lead to China and Japan by the north of tlic American con- tinent, found by H. Hudson IV. Hudson's tliird and fourth voyage, from the second Latin edition of 1613, with notes indicating tlie variations of the Dutch edition. A description and chart of tl>e strait or passage by the north of the American continent to China and Japan - ArPENnix. Voyage of John de Verazzano along the coast of North America from Carolina to Newfoundland (con- taining the first discovery of Hudson's river) a.d. 1524. Translated from the original Italian, by Joseph G. Cogswell, Esq. Preliminary notice by the translator - Voyage of Captain John de Verazzano. Letter to His Most Serene Majesty the King of France (together witli the original Italian text) Writings of William Barentz (Barentson) in Hud- son's possession (Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. iii, pn 518-020) - . . . PACK A treatise of Iver Boty, a Gronlander Van der Donck's observations about the Wampum or bead money of the Indians, mentioned by Hudson (From the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Collection, New Series, vol. i, p. 200) Title and Prolegomena to the first edition of the " Detectio Frcti" Title and Prolegomena to the second edition of the " Detectio Freti" 185 189 197 199 229 230 235 236 242 TAIJLE OF CONTENTS. I'Aui-: A letter from President Jcannin to Henry IV of France, containing an account of his Ncgociation with Henry Hudson, through Isaac Le Mairc (with the original text in French) - - - 2 14 Extracts concerning a shipbook found at Amster- dam, by John Romeyn Brodhead, Esq. - - 254 Extracts from a charter granted to the Company of the Merchants Discoverers of the North- West Pas- sage. Apud Bledsoe, July 26th, 1012 - - 255 Two Extracts from Rafn's " Antiquitates Ameri- canso" ...... 257 Other names of Hudson's Strait : Hudson's Bay, Hudson's Touches, Hudson's Point, and Hudson's River - - - - - - 257 Bibliographical List, containing the books, maps, etc., etc., mentioned in the present work - - 258 Index - - - - - 279 ^. I INTRODUCTION. Hudsom's river, Hudson's strait, and Hudson's bay, remind every educated man of the illustrious navi- gator by whom they were explored. But though ( the name of Henry Hudson possesses these preserva- 1 tives against oblivion, little more has been done I on its behalf, and few persons have any accurate j notion of the real extent of his merits. By con- 1 sidering Hudson as the discoverer of the three I mighty waters that bear his name, we indeed both overrate and underrate his deserts. For it is certain that these three localities had repeatedly been visited and even drawn on maps and charts long before he set out on his voyages. Nor did he himself claim the discovery of the strait and bay. He was fully aware that he was but proceeding further on a track opened up by his predecessors. On the other hand, we may perhaps be too ready to overlook those parts of Hudson's achievements that have left their marks less strikingly on the geographical delineations of our globe. They are very important nevertheless. The mere extent of his voyages is sufficient to place him % 11 INTRODUCTION, very high among the explorers of the north. He surpasses in that respect all other arctic navigators, except one or two of our own days, who have en- joyed immense advantages over him. Besides his own original discoveries, he visited during the four last years of his life very nearly all the northern shores of Europe and Eastern America, which had been visited by his predecessors during the previous century, and everywhere his presence left at least some traces. To fill up the gap in geographical literature here pointed out, no plan seems to be better fitted than the one generally adopted in the publications of the Ilakluyt Society. The original records of a navigator's or traveller's exploits, if properly eluci- dated by notes and introductory remarks, constitute the most authentic portraiture of him that can be offered to the geographical reader. The example set by Marsden's 3Iarco Polo, shows how very much may be accomplished in this manner. The editor of the present volume has tried to follow this great model ; but, besides his too evident inferiority to the scholar, whom he has been trying to imitate, he has had diffi- culties to encounter, almost greater than those over- come by Mr. Marsden. The history of early northern discovery is both intricate and obscure, and it has not been thoroughly lighted up by anterior research. Many new investigations have thus become necessary ; and the editor has also to present a most complicated subject in a clear and readable form ; and this too in a language foreign to him. He hopes therefore not INTRODUCTION. Ill to be judged too severely, if lie partly fiiil in accom- plishing his aim. Tlio records of Hudson's voyages which arc here collected were originally noted down, and have been preserved by various hands. They are not all of equal authenticity. They even sometimes contradict each other ; and it is in these cases not easy to elicit the truth. We must therefore examine each record with close attention to ascertain what reliance may be placed in it. But as we purpose to render such a review of our records perfectly clear and intelligible to every reader, it is necessary first to give, as briefly as possible, a summary of Hudson's career. The whole period of his life known to us extends over little more than four years, from April 19, 1607, to June 21, 1611. The greater part of this time is filled up by four voyages, all of them under- taken in search of a short northern passage to the eastern shores of Asia. The first voyage was per- formed in 1607, for the Moscovy Company. Its purpose was the search of a north-eastern passage to China. The principal explorations made in the course of it were along the coast of Spitzbergen. The second voyage took place in 1608, also in search of a north-eastern passage, and likewise for the Moscovy Company. In the course of it, part of Nova Zembla was explored. The third voyage was undertaken in 1609, at the expense of the Dutch East India Company. Its starting place was Amsterdam, its original purpose still the search of a north-eastern route. But. IV INTRODUCTION. inocting, near NoAa Zcnibla, with an uiibiokcii barrier of ice, Hudson went to tlic west, and attempted tlie search for a north-western passage. The principal locality explored during this voyage is the North-American stream which we still call Hudson's river. In 1610, Hudson again sailed to the north-west, in search of a passage. The expenses of the ex- pedition were borne by three English gentlemen. Hudson explored the strait and part of the bay which bear his name. He passed the winter 1610- 1611 in one of the most southern harbours of the bay. On the 21st June, 1611, a few days after he had again left that harbour, a mutiny broke out among the crew, and Hudson, with eight companions, was set adrift on the waves in a small boat, and has never since been heard of The ship and part of the mutinous crew readied England in safety. For the bulk of our information respecting Hud- son's career we are indebted to Purchas. The third volume of his Pilgrims contains accounts of all tlie four voyages, written in part by Hudson himself, partly by some of his companions. The authenticity of these documents is beyond all question. Purchas states in his Pilgrimage} that he received the ac- counts of the three first voyages from Hakluyt, the various papers relating to the fourth voyage from Sir Dudley Higgs, the principal promoter of that expedi- tion. The account of tlie first yoyage,^ to Greenland and ' [Slc iiijra, ))]). 130, 110. - Pp. 1 (o 22 ol' the picscul vol. i INTIlOnUCTlON. V Spitzbcififcn is a log-book, beginning with the depar- ture from Gravesend, May 1, 1607, and concUiding with the return to Tilbury, September 15, of the same year. This log-book is described by Purchas as " tvrittcn jnirlhj hj John IHau^c} one of the compantj^ luwlhj hij Hudson himself.'" Such a divided authorship seems, however, very singular ; and on closer examin- ation we discover that it rests upon a conjecture made with some hesitation by Purchas.^ He seems to have found the name of John Playse expressly mentioned as that of the author, on the manuscript he used. But whilst he could thus not doubt that at least the beginning of the log-book was due to that sailor, he was at a loss to explain the occurrence of some pas- sages, more numerous at the end than at the begin- ning of the account, which no one but Hudson could have written.'*^ Purchas, therefore, ascribes nearly one half of the log-book (from the 11th of July to the end) to Hudson. This explanation of the diffi- culty is, however, far too bold ; and there are, besides, some positive reasons for considering it as unsatisfac- tory. No difference exists between the general tone and style of the part undoubtedly written by Playse, and that attributed, on the above grounds, to Hudson himself. Even the occurrence of passages from Hud- son's pen docs not form so distinctive a feature as would at first sight appear ; for in the first part some ^ The logbook itself calls him John Plcycc. " Sec his side note, p. 12. '■ P. 12, 1. 12 to IG, 1. 29 ; p. II, 1. 17, .3 1 ; p. 15, 1. 21 ; p. 10, 1, 2, 1, 11; p. H), 1. 7; p. 21, 1 2; p. 22, 1. ai. VI INTRODUCTION. sentences occur wliicli decidedly owe their origin to Hudson;^ ■while there are many others, the origi- nal cast of which must liavc been furnished by our navigator, which Playse probably made his own by merely turning an / mto a tvc.^ Nor is it at all sin- gular that a sailor, in composing for himself a log- book of the voyage he was engaged in, should make use of his captain's journal, which was most probably accessible to the crew of the vessel. That he should sometimes adopt, sometimes forget to make the slight alteration above referred to, and that he should in this respect be more negligent in the latter part of liis log-book, was natural enough in a sailor w-riting for his own use a journal, the publication of which, eighteen years after it was written, he could not fore- see, and woukl probably not have desired. Under these circumstances it would seem most likely that the whole account of the voyage was written by Playse, but owes the greater part of its value to the notes which Playse derived from Hud- son's journal. Any one who reads the log-book with attention will find this conjecture far more consistent than the one adoptcul by Purchas. Besides, there exist two authentic extracts from Hudson's own journal of the first voyage.^ Both these very short papers contain facts not mentioned in the log-book, some of which at least took place after the 11th of ' P. 2, 1. 15, 1. 16. ^ For instance, nearly tlic whole of p. 4 and p. C, besides many other passages. ' See pp. 1-15, MG. II '• I INTUOUUCTION. VU July, tlio date whoro Iludsoii's share of tlie log-book is said to begin. If the log-book was, indeed, partly his work, ho must have purposely omitted sume of his most important explorations. As to John riaysc or Pleyce, the probable writer of the whole log-book, next to nothing is known about him. His name oecurs only once, as one of the crew of the ship in which the first voyage was per- formed. There he ranks very low. Among Hudson's ' eleven companions (one of whom was a boy), Playse's name stands seventh. He must therefore have been a common sailor ; and it would be impossible to attri- bute to him the observations of the needle recorded in the first person on page 2 of his journal.^ These observations, like all the other important parts of Playse's account, are evidently due to Hudson him- self. H The log-book was probably intended only for Playse's private use, or perhaps also for some other sailor's. It is entirely of a professional nature. It contains, however, many passages of interest for the general reader, and principally those which reveal Hudson's ideas and plans. The descriptions of coasts, capes, harbours, and seas, arc without any literary pretension. Still they are striking enough in their simplicity. For the history of geography, the log- book is of the very highest value, although it unfor- tunately lacks some important information but imper- fectly supplied by other sources. The account of the second voyage (to Nova Zem- ' P. 2, li. 5, 1. IG. VIU INTROJ^UCTION. bla) is likewise a log-book.^ Henry Hudson himself is its author. It commences with the departure from London, April 22, 1608, and concludes with the re- turn to Gravesend, August 26 of the same year. Its character is, in almost every respect, like that of Playse's journal. Some of the descriptions, however, are more detailed, and therefore more interesting to the general reader. This log-book also contains a curious account of a mermaid^ seen by two of the sailors, which has often been quoted and reprinted. As a geographical record, the journal of the second A oyage is of less importance than that of the first ; it is nevertheless of great value. Purchas says (in a footnote to p. 25) that he also had a journal of the second voyage, written by Hud- son's mate, Robert Juet. Of this Journal only two very small fragments remain. The first, in one of Purchas' side-notes to Hudson's journal of the second voyage, on p. 30 ; the other, in the following line of " Hudson's Discoveries and Death" in Purchas' Pil- grimage. " They met, as both himself and Juet have testified, a mermaid in the sea."*^ The account of the third voyage (to Hudson's river) is a journal kept by Robert Juet,^ who had been Hudson's mate in the second voyage, and who was one of his companions in the third. It begins with the departure from Amsterdam, March 25th (April 4th, new style), 1609 ; it ends with the arrival in Dartmouth, November Tth of the same year. Juct's ' Present volume, pp. 23-41. '^ P. 28. 2 See infra, p. 109. * Present vol., pp. 4-5 to 93. INTRODUCTION. IX journal is the most satisfactory of all the remaining records of Hudson's career. The indications of lati- tudes are generally more minute than those in the otlier papers, and most of them, when tested, prove to be as correct as the state of science in those times would allow. The descriptions are full enough to assist materially in identifying the localities. The style, though concise, is pleasant throughout, and the circumstance that during this voyage alone Hudson came frequently in contact with natives of unknown regions, furnishes the opportunity for narrating in- teresting incidents. The most important as well as the most pleasing part of the journal is the descrip- tion of the journey up and down Hudson's river. There is, however, in Juet's paper, one less agreeable feature, which ought not to remain unnoticed. He speaks of the North American Indians always with distrust and often with animosity, and looks very complacently on the acts of injustice, nay, of bar- barity^ practised against them by some of the crew. With these views Hudson's very hearty and kindly appreciation of the qualities of the natives forms a most happy contrast, and it is quite certain that in this part of Juet's journal Hudson had no share. How far the astronomical observations, and, in fact, any other part of the journal may be attributed, either directly or indirectly, to Hudson, we have no means to ascertain. It is, however, probable that Juet's journal was in most respects an independent production. The scanty extract from a passage of the journal kept by Juet during the preceding voy- INTRODUCTION. age, which has been preserved in a side note to p. 80, is quite sufficient to prove that he made observations of his own, independent of those of Hudson. We have, besides, but too abundant proofs of his conceit, and of his independence of character. Also, when comparing Juet's journal of the third voyage with the scraps of information respecting the same expedition that can be traced back to Hudson, we cannot believe, as some authors have done, that Juet merely acted as Hudson's secretary. We must, on the contrary, award to Juet himself most of the praise and all the blame due to his journal. The reader may perhaps be curious to know what position Juet held on board the vessel the journal of which he has left us ; and this question is, in fact, of double importance, as it happens to involve that of Juet's nationality. Juet was Hudson's mate in the second and in the early part of the fourth voy- age. It would therefore be natural enough to sup- pose, as some writers have done, that he also had the rank of mate in the third voyage, which inter- vened between the two other ones. His own journal furnishes no clue. It only calls him Robert Juet, of Limehouse, without stating what office he held. But Van Meteren, an excellent authority, informs us that the mate on board the Half 3Ioon, the yacht that performed the third voyage, was a Dutchman. Thus, if Juet was that mate, he was a Dutchman. Now, strange to say, there are arguments of about equal strength for and against this double supposition ; and though they cannot of course lead us to a 'f INTRODUCTION. XI positive conclusion, we think it right to state t cm here. And, first, as regards the question whether Juet was the mate or no, it might seem singular that a man should accept a lower rank, after having the year before held the highest next to the captain. On the other hand, it is not only probable, but almost certain, that when the Dutch East India Company entrusted Hudson, a foreigner, with the command of one of their vessels, they obliged him to employ at least some of their own Dutch sailors. Hudson could then fill only the vacant places with his English friqnds. The mate may have been among those servants of the company, and Juet would then have been obliged to be satisfied with an inferior position. As to the question of nationality, Juet says that he is of Limehoiise. His journal is also thoroughly Englisli, without a shade of foreign idiom. But many Dutchmen were then living in England, and their nation possesses a wonderful facility in acquiring foreign languages, especially English. After carefully weighing these arguments pro and contra^ tlie writer of tlie present observations inclines to think that Juet was an Englishman, and that he was not the mate on board the Half Moon ^ but held some other position in that ship, '^ Juet's career, after the termination of the third voyage, may be told in a few lines. He again acted as mate in Hudson's fourth and last voyage, which commenced April 17th, 1610. Scarcely more than six weeks after leaving home, in the beginning of ^ June, he already showed a mutinous disposition, and Xll INTRODUCTION. threatened to turn the ship's head homeward. In tliis conduct he persisted, often " using words tend- ing to mutiny, discouragement and slander of tlie action, which easily took effect in those that were timorous,"^ and trying to persuade some of the crew to keep swords and loaded muskets ready in their cabins. These facts having been reported to Hud- son, Juet declared them to be untrue, and demanded a trial, wliich took place the 10th of September, 1610. Juet was found guilty and deposed from his office. AVhen the seed of mutiny thus sown by Juet had, nearly a year afterwards, taken effect, and Hud- son had been set adrift on the waves by his mutinous crew, the command of the captainless vessel was not entrusted to Juet, but he was often consulted by his companions. He died from sheer want, when near the end of the dreadful return voyage, and almost in sight of the Irish coast, early in September, 1611." One of his companions calls him " an ancient man."'^ He must therefore have been past middle age at the time of his death. Purchas has preserved four documents illustrating Hudson's last voyage (to Hudson's Strait and Hud- son's Bay). He calls the first of them Ati Abstract front Henry Hudson's Journal.^ This paper must, in- deed, be a mere fragment of the original journal, for it extends only over about three months and a half from the day of departure, April 17th, 1610, to ' Sec Wydhousc's note, pp. 136-138. - P. 133 ; for the date, sec p. M4. M\ 118. * J'p. 1)3 to 1)7. INTRODUCTION. Xlll August 3rcl of tlie same year. We have no reason to think that Hudson ever failed in his duty of keep^ ing a regular logbook as long as he was on board his ship, that is to say, to the 21st of Juno, 1611. More thrai ten months of his journal are therefore wanting. The origin of the deficiency is easily explained. The logbook undoubtedly contained many disclosures which the mutinous crew of the vessel had strong motives to suppress. The paper which they brought home and handed to their employers seems, indeed, most fully to deserve the name of an abstract. Omis- sions seem to have been made, not only at the end, but also in other parts of the original. The almost complete silence about the sojourn in Iceland, during which Juet's evil disposition began to show itself, looks very suspicious. Our regrets about the irre- parable loss of the main part of Hudson's journal are, however, in vain, and we must seek some conso- lation in the very great value of what is left us. The abstract reaches, as has already been observed, down to the 3rd of August, 1610. It ends with a short description of Cape Wolstenholme and its neighbourhood, and embraces, therefore, the whole voyage through Hudson's Strait to the very point where Hudson's Bay opens. Unfortunately the whole abstract forms less than five pages, the three last of which contain the description of the strait. Under these circumstances it is, perhaps, a matter rather of congratulation than of regret that these pages ofi*er but little interest to the general reader, and are filled with dry details, observations of latitudes, indications XIV INTRODUCTION. of the ship's course, and sliort desciiptions. Sucli as they are they furnish us, with the assistance of Hud- son's chart, the means of tracing Hudson's voyage through the strait ahnost better than any other part of his explorations. The second document, A Larger Discourse of the same Voyage, hg Ahaciik Pricliet} is of a very different, and, in fact, of an almost unique nature. The author was a servant of Sir Dudley Diggs, the principal promoter of the expedition, and formed part of Hud- son's crew. According to Purchas, Pricket's life was spared by the mutineers that he might intercede for them with his master.- He seems to have been very anxious to fulfil this engagement. Though the paper he has left us is in form a narrative, the author's real intention was much more to defend the mutineers than to describe the voyage. As an apologetical essay the " Larger Discourse" is extremely clever. It manages to cast some, not too much, shadow upon Hudson himself. The main ffiult of the mutiny is thrown upon some men who had ceased to live when the ship reached home. Those who were then still alive are presented as guiltless, some as higldy de- serving men. Pricket's account of the mutiny and of its cause has often been suspected. Even Purchas himself'^ and Fox speak of it w'tli distrust. But Pricket is the only eye-witness that has left us an account of these events, and we can therefore not correct his statements, whether they be true or false. Be- ' Pp. 'J« to 1135. - See p. 188. ••' \\ 135. •i IMTRODUCTION. XV sides being an apology for the mutineers, the " Larger Discourse" is not without value as a narrative. It was evidently written quietly at home ; not during the turmoil of a voyage. The author's special purpose S induces him to dwell at great length on some scenes of real life that passed on and near the ship. By far I the greater part of his discourse is devoted to these I scenes, which have always been, and will always be, perused with interest. I As a geographical record the " Larger Discourse" is most unsatisfactory. Its statements, which must in greater part have been put down from recollection only, without any reference to notes made during the voyage, are mostly vague in the extreme. Here and there, however, some more precise statement adds something to the store of reliable information sup- plied by Hudson's journal and chart. For the voy- age and wintering in the bay, and for the voyage home, the Discourse is, unfortunately, the only docu- ment of any value that is left us. The two remaining documents are of but minor importance. The first is a letter from Iceland, re- printed by Purchas without the author's name -} but apparently written by Hudson himself. This letter, dated May 30, 1610, speaks of the sojourn in Iceland and of the good shooting they got there. It men- tions incidentally the number of Hudson's crew, but contains no other valuable information. ' Purchas speaks of tlie authorship, on p. 135, in so confused a manner, that it is impossible to see whether he attributed it to Hudson, to Juet, or to Wydhouse. XVI INTRODUCTION. The last of the documents i)ublishcd in the Pil- grims, is a note found in the desk of Thomas Wyd- house,^ a mathematical student. The note records the trial of Juet, to which we have already alluded, and the changes among the officers of the ship which Hudson made in consequence of it. AVydhouse's name is also spelled Woodhouse, Wydowse, and Widowes. Of his personal history nothing is known, beyond the fact that he was one of the unfortunate men who were set adrift with Hudson. Purchas, in publishing the above documents in his Pilgrims, adds to them some side notes, foot notes, headings, and observations, the responsibility of which belongs to him alone. Two of the headings^ and the only important foot note^ have already been discussed ; the others may safely be taken on trust as correct. As to the side notes, by far the greater part of them form merely a running index to the contents of the text, accord- ing to a custom usual in those times, and which some writers of our days have very properly revived. Of the remaining side notes, some are references to other sources of geographical information, some are explanations of nautical terms used in the text, whilst two are moral reflections on the events narrated by Pricket. Only two of the side notes deserve a more particular mention. They occur on pp. 13 and 40, and both express in strong terms Purchas's opinion respecting the discovery of Spitzbergen and Nova ' I'p. 13G-lo8. ^ Playse's Journal — Hudson's Abstract. ■' Tlic note to p. 20. 1 s i INTRODUCTION. Xvil Zcnibla. Tliis opinion is so very fnr from correct, that we almost wonder how it coukl have arisen. Some exphniations of its origin will be offered in another part of these pages. AYe may, however, here observe, that Purchas soon became conscious of having been some- what severe towards the Dutch, the real discoverers of Spitzbergen, whom his notes represent as inter- lopers, lie says, in the introduction to the third volume of the Pilgrims, that his judgment was biassed by the influence of Englishmen, who took an inter- ested view of the question at issue ; that is to say, by the Company of Merchant Adventurers. Con- sidering the great number of important documents furnished to Purchas by this society, we can hardly blame him for listening for a moment to their insinu- ations, and it is highly creditable that he acknow- ledges his error. A short postscript^ is added by Purchas to Pricket's discourse. Purchas there expresses his distrust in the narrator's faithfulness, and says that for this reason he reprints the letter from Iceland and Wyd- house's statement, by which Pricket's account may in some degree be tested. Another short notice is appended to Wydhouse's paper.2 This notice contains some additional facts concerning the fourth voyage, obtained from a source which Purchas considers as authentic. They are, however, not very reliable, and part of them seem to be derived from Hessel Gerritz's book, of which we shall have ample occasion to speak. ' P. 13.5. 2 p_ 138. XVlll INTRODUCTION. Piirchas' Pihjrlnwfjo^ a Avork which is often con- sidered .IS the fifth volume of the rUgrims^ contains a remarkable chapter entitled, Of Ihidsons Discoveries and Death. This chapter is reprinted in the present collection.^ It is mainly a summary of the materials published in the Pilgrims^ and as such it is not even very complete. Its real importance consists in the additional information it furnishes. It names the source from which the documents printed in the Pilgrims were obtained, it gives a very small frag- ment of Juct's lost journal, it mentions the names of the gentlemen at whose expense the last expedition was undertaken, and it tells us on what day the mutin- ous crew of the vessel reached the Irish shore on their home voyage. It also clears up some questions of minor importance. Purchas has again added some side notes to this chapter. Only two of them are remarkable. They show how earnestly he persisted in the belief that Hudson had discovered a passage to the South Sea. After having examined the chapters in Purchas' Pilgrims and Pilgrimage which are devoted to Hud- son's life, we must now review a certain amount of fragmentary intelligence collected from various sources. These fragments enable the student to fill up many gaps left by the more detailed records ; they also, in more than one instance, throw a new light on some of the most important events of Hudson's voyages. The two first fragments are again due to Purchas. 1 Pp. 139-144. INTIIOUUCTION. XIX They do not, however, form part of those pages of his work where he treats specially of our navigator, but occur accidentally in two papers not directly bearing upon Hudson's career. Two cii plains in the service of the Muscovy Company, Edge and Fotherby, have left short accounts of their own and of some other voyages to Spitzbergen. 15oth made use of the manu- scripts deposited in the archives of their employers, and among them of tlio Journal kept hj Hudson during his First Vo//af/e. Each of them gives a short extract from this document, of which all other traces are lost. These extracts, of a few lines each, are reprinted in our collection.^ They are fortunately of very great importance, in spite of their brevity, espe- cially the one due to Edge. The naming of Whale Bay and of llakluyt's Headland, on the north coast of Spitzbergen, as well as the discovery of Jan ]\Iayen Island (Hudson's Tutclies), are here, and only here, recorded. Fotherby's extract throws some light on Hudson's explorations along the shore of Greenland. The authenticity of the two extracts is unques- tionable. Edge and Fotherby were in the service of the company for whom the first voyage was per- formed, and which was, as a matter of course, in pos- session of Hudson's logbook. Both captains wrote a few years after Hudson's first voyage ; and Pur- chas, who printed their accounts, was in the habit of receiving documents from the Muscovy Company. The remaining fragments are, with only one exce])- tion, of Dutch origin, as are also the two maps in ' Pp. \Ao, HG. XX INTRODUCTION. our collection. To make the nature of these papers understood we shall have briefly to relate some events of Dutch history that arc but little noticed, even in the Netherlands, and with which we can therefore not expect all our readers to be fully acquainted. These events had, besides, a direct and strong influ- ence on Hudson's connexion with the Dutch East India Company, and serve to explain some of the consequences of his third voyage. We believe therefore that we are justified in adverting to them here. The Netherlands, and more especially the southern provinces, were, during the latter part of the middle ages, the centre of European commerce. In their ports the ships of the north and the caravels of the south met to exchange their cargoes. The trans- atlantic discoveries which mark the beginning of the modern era, and which produced such important cliangcs in the roads of trade, did not affect the central position of the Netherlands. As the streams of wealth had long poured into Ghent and Bruges, so they now began to pour into Antwerp ; and this town was, in the middle of the sixteenth century, by far the most important emporium in Europe. The whole country shared these advantages, as is always the case under such circumstances ; and learning, art, literature, but before all industry, flourished on the favoured spot. The writings of many eminent historians have rendered all of us familiar with the terrible events which put an end to this })rospcrity. AVe all know n IMllODLCTION. XXI how the Spanish veterans, the German mercenaries, the French soldiery, pillaged the towns, hiirnt the villages, devastated the open country ; and how thou- sands suffered martyrdom by Alba's hand. To escape this persecution nearly three hundred thousand fiimi- lies left their homes, an almost incredible etliux from so small a country. It is surprising that so few writers have asked themselves the question, " What became of all this multitude V This question is, indeed, not readily answered. We can, however, trace the steps of some of the emigrants to England, of some to Sweden, of some to Russia, and of one even so far as the Azores. They went to every part of the world. The immense majority seem to have escaped for a while to the neighbouring parts of Germany, and then to have streamed into the seven northern provinces of the Netherlands, as these w-ere gradually being freed from the Spanish yoke. Most of the riches, the energy, the enlightenment of the Netherlands thus became concentrated in the northern provinces, more especially in Holland and Zealand. Amsterdam became the heir of Antwerp, and the new-born republic of the seven provinces, with its few square miles of land and its few millions of inhabitants, soon took its place among the leading European powers. It has never been well ascertained how much the emigrants contributed to this sudden growth of Hol- land and Zealand ; nor is there much hope that the question will ever be answered. Besides the great i XXU INTRODUCTION. difficulties of tlio inquiry, there is no one to whom it properly helongs. We cannot expect the Dutch to invite jealous rivals to a share in their glory, and the Belgians of the present day seem hardly to remem- ber that the illustrious Protestant emigrants of the sixteenth century were their compatriots. The fol- lowing stray facts, though bearing on this great ques- tion, are not intended as an answer to it. Tlieir purpose merely is to throw light on our own subject. Among the emigrants who settled in the northern provinces there were many merchants, especially from Antwerp, who had brought with them part of their riches, all their knowledge and experience, and even more than th.?ir usual energy. They gave an im- mense impulse to Dutch trade. The names of many of them are necessarily forgotten, and even of those which ai"e remembered a few only can be mentioned here. The most illustrious of tlicm is Balthasar de IMoucheron. lie may almost be called the father of Dutch commerce. Before any other Dutch vessels ventured out of the well-known waters, we find his ships showing the way to Ixussia and to the Arctic Ocean. He was also the principal originator of the three expeditions to the north, which made the name of the Dutch celebrated all over Europe.^ He, before all others, sent, on private account, ships to the East Indies. The great name which we have tried to ren- der familiar to our readers will meet them again in ' The expeditions described by De Veer, of which an excellent edition by Dr. Ikke forms part of the collections of the Hakliiyt iSociety. See the Iiitroduclion to tluit work, p. Iv. 1 INTRODUCTION. XXlll these pages. It also occurs in Lambreclitscn's ac- count of Hudson's life, printed among the papers of our collection.^ It would lead us too far were we to dwell on the merits of some other emigrants who rendered distin- guished service to the advancement of trade in the Netherlands, but whose career is not directly con- nected with our subject ; such as Isaac and Jacob Le IMaire, Jacques Mahu, Pieter des Marees, Samuel Godyii, Jacques I'Heremite, and many others. We must, however, introduce to our readers' notice one more great man, whose name has hardly yet been heard in England. William Usselincx, like Le Maire and Moucheron, an Antwerp merchant who settled in Zealand, was the founder of the Dutch AVest India Company. This company, though mighty enough in its day, is now very nearly forgotten. It was established in 1621, and obtained the privilege of trade to America. It thus inherited the discovery of Iludson'Si river, and peopled its banks with industrious colonists. Usselincx himself was a man of extraordinary genius. As early as 1591, at a time when the power of Spain overshadowed the world, he alone among millions saw the real weakness of the seeming giant. He proposed to the Dutch to attack Spain in her colo- nies, especially in America, and thus to undermine her power. His keen eye perceived that the Dutch could successfully undertake this task, but they would not believe him. He had to struggle thirty years ' See infra, p. 101. XXIV INTRODUCTION. before his great idea was partly realized, before the West India Company was established. The fate of the banks of the Ilndson depended upon the issue of these struggles, and we might therefore, perhaps, be allowed to devote a few more lines to them. But we are afi of losing sight of our main object, the review of our records, and we must therefore leave Usselincx for the present. The first of the Dutch fragments which we were going to review, is an extract from Emanuel van IMcte- ren's chronicle of the great war betAveen Spain and the Netherlands.^ Van Meteren was, like most of the men we have just spoken of, an Antwerp merchant. Like them he left his country for the sake of his religion. But he did not settle down in Holland or Zealand. He went to London, and tried there to serve the cause of his country. He was a man of unflinching energy and of great mental powers ; he seems also to have possessed considerable means. The young republic of the Netherlands made there- fore an excellent choice when it appointed him its consul for England. This official position, as well as his extensive business transactions, brought him into contact with many eminent personages. He was thus enabled to collect by various means an astound- ing amount of information on contemporary events. He seems to have at first accumulated his notes with- out any settled purpose : this at least is his own statement. He adds that his cousin, the celebrated Abraham Ortelius, suggested to him the idea of pub- ' Pp. 145 to 153. f INTRODUCTION. XXV lisliing these memoirs. Howsoever this may be, the work itself does not bear the stamp of an assemblage of loose papers. It is written witli great care, is better connected than any one of the numerous contempo- rary chronicl'^s, and is teeming with life. It has de- servedly obtained a place among the historical master- pieces of all ages. Not that the book is well known to tlie public. But whoever reads it for the first time, is surprised to find how familiar every page is to him. The admirable portiaiture of the principal characters in the great drama, the wonderful descriptions of preachings, pillages, sieges, and battles have been bor- rowed bv the most eminent writers, and the statements of facts have passed into the current history of the sixteenth century. They are contained in all our handbooks. It is perhaps not too much to say, that the great favour which the events in the Netherlands during Philip H's reign have found in the eyes of historians, poets, and artists, may be mainly ascribed to the ease with which materials can be borrowed from Van Meteren's inexhaustible store. The nu- merous modern researches which form a brilliant superstructure on this solid foundation, prove that the general confidence in Van Meteren's accuracy is very deservedly bestowed. Van Meteren's history, such as we now have it, consists of two very unequal parts. The first, the main work, embraces the whole of Philip IPs reign, ending with the year 1598. It was written when the author was yet in full possession of his great powers, and it was published under his caro. The second part, XXVI INTRODUCTION. a supplement, brings the chronicle down to the year 1611. It bears the most evident marks of the old man. The author, then seventy-six years of age, hurried to finish it, feeling, as he himself says, the call to another world pressing upon him. He was not even to see it in print. He died in 1612. The supplement was published for the first time in 1614. The great beauties to which we have alluded are to be found only in the main work ; but conscientious- ness and accuracy belong to both parts alike. The supplement has a character of its own, which makes the description of Hudson's voyage contained in it all the more valuable as an historical source. The latter part of Van Meteren's history is more like a collection of documents and notices chronologically arranged, and very slightly connected among them- selves, than like a regular narrative. Most of the pieces are evidently in the original state in which they were first inserted among the author's notes. This is more especially the case with regard to the account of Hudson's voyage. The account bears the stamp of having been rather hastily translated from a verbal or written communication. Its real author is most probably Hudson himself. This supposition is borne out by the circumstances in which Van Mcte- ren and Hudson were placed, and by some curious internal evidence. Van Meteren, when speaking of Hudson and of his companions, very naturally uses the words " iliey left," ''Hhey feared.," etc. But all on a sudden we meet with the following passage: "Thence INTRODUCTION. XXVU they sailed along the shore until we reached 40° 45'."^ Can there be any more natural supposition than that the old man here committed an oversight similar to those pointed out by us in Playse's logbook ^ He probably had an account of the voyage written by Hudson, and in translating it he once forgot to turn zvc into thejj. All attentive readers of early voyages will remember that this is a very common oversight. The old merchant was, besides, in Lon- don at the time of Hudson's return from his voyage. We learn from him that our navigator was pre- vented, by the commands of the English govern- ment, from going to Holland and laying his reports before his employers. It is but natural that Hudson should in this difficulty have applied to the Dutch consul, and it is probable that the correspondence between Hudson and the East India Company, which is mentioned by Van Metcren, passed through Van Meteren's own hands. But even if we hesitate to ascribe this origin to Van Meteren's account of the third voyage, it still remains a document of great importance. It cannot have been written down much more than a year after Hudson's return. The excellent opportunities which the author enjoyed, and his justly celebrated con- scientiousness, are a sufficient guarantee for the accu- racy of the facts related by him. The contents of the account coincide in many points with the statements made by Juet, and serve so far to confirm them. Van Mcteren is the only source • P. 150. XXVlll INTRODUCTION. that throws light on the events which happened be- tween the 5th and the 19th of May, 1609, on Hud- son's voyage from the North Cape to the neighbour- hood of Nova Zembla, the mutiny of the crew, Hud- son's propositions made to them, and the final deter- mination to sail to the west instead of the east. Juet preserves a suspicious silence on all these matters. His journal contains no entry, from the first arrival of the vessel at the North Cape until its return to the same point. Van Meteren further informs us that Hudson was a friend of Captain Smith, the cele- brated explorer of Virginia, and that the idea of searching for a passage under 40°, was in a great measure due to the advice of this illustrious man. We could hardly venture to enumerate here all the other important facts which can be gathered from this account of the third voyage. AVe must in this respect refer the reader to the observations on the voyage itself, which we shall offer in another part of the present introduction. Two more remarks have, however, yet to be made. Van Meteren's account opens with a reference to the preceding (the 30th) book of his chronicle. The notice to which he alludes must have dropped out of his papers before the work was sent to the press. It is not to be found in any of the printed editions. The second remark is, that the whole account, from the words, " this Henry Hudson" (Descn Ilcrrij Ilutson) down to the end, has been reprinted, but without the author's name, by Commelijn, in his celebrated work Begin m Voortgang van dc Ncdcrlandsche Oost Indischc INTRODUCTION. XXIX Compagnie, and has thence passed into Constantin de Rcncville's still 'more ; celebrated Voyages cntrepris pour la Compagnie des Jndcs, etc. The latter work is therefore often, but quite erroneously, quoted as an original source for the biography of Henry Hudson.^ The next fragments that come under our con- sideration,^ are taken from De Laet's description of America. Before speaking of them more especially, we have to make some general observations bearing as well on this as on other parts of our subject. John De Laet was one of the Directors of the Dutch West India Company. He was of Belgian origin, like Willcm' TJsselincx, the founder of the association, and like most of the men who took a leading part in it. The Company itself may, in fact, be considered as having emanated from the Belgian emigrants settled in the northern provinces, and as the principal representative of their aims and views. By the war between Spain and the Netherlands the trade of central Europe was forced out of its wonted channels. The Belgian towns, the theatre of so much violence, became unsafe depositories for the riches of all nations,^many of the most industrious merchants fled, the harbour of Antwerp was almost deserted, and tlip mouth of the Scheldt was made inaccessible ' The editor of the j resent book has refrained from introducing long titles into his text. But knowing the great importance of exact bibliographical descriptions, he is going to append, at the end of the volume, a list of all the works mentioned in it, with the necessary bibliographical details. ■ Pp. 154-166. M XXX INTRODUCTION. by vigilant cruisers, long before it was entirely closed by international treaties. By far the greater part of the commerce thus lost to Belgium found its way to Holland and Zealand. The Belgian emigrants, whose activity greatly contributed to this change, saw it, however, with the utmost regret. They had never fairly adopted Holland, Zealand, and the other northern provinces as their permanent abode, but continued to look to the south as to their own dear home. They even shrank from matrimonial alliances with the original inhabitants of tlie north, and formed in every respect a separate body, closely knit toge- ther by common interests and common longings. They felt the yoke which was pressing on the Bel- gians almost as heavily as if they had themselves still been groaning under it, and they longed with ali their hearts to drive the Spaniards from their ancient homesteads, to return in triumph, and to introduce the Protestant religion in^^o their native country. The plan by which they intended to effect this noble purpose is so grand that it hardly deserves the obli- vion with which history has punished its failure. They proposed to attack the Spaniards in all their colonies, to destroy their resources, and thus to dis- able them from holding Belgium any longer. The events of after times have clearly proved that this might have been done, had the Hollanders and Zea- landers not been prevented by opposite interests from joining heartily in these generous efforts. Among the means which the emigrants devised for the realization of their scheme, there is one which de- INTRODUCTION. XXXI serves in the highest degree the attention of the geogra- phical student. It was evident that a body of men who proposed to themselves an object like the one they had in view, must needs first possess a thorough knowledge of the configuration of the earth, so as to direct their steps safely to any point on its surface. The emigrants counted in their ranks a number of men of high scientific acquirements, and among these the idea sprang up, more distinctly in some, less dis- tinctly in others, to assist by scientific research and geographical labours in the deliverance of their country. The names of these men are familiar to the geographical student. Mercator, the De BrySjIIulsius, Bertius, De Laet, Cluverius, Peter Plancius, Jodo- cus, and Henry Hondius, are known to us all as being among the fathers of modern geography ; but it seems to be forgotten that a nobler aim than mere scientific research animated their eflforts. The Dutch AVest India Company was, first as a scheme, afterwards as a reality, the centre point of all these endeavours. They disdained the peaceful arts by which other privileged associations of the same class have grown mighty and rich. Their aim was to attack the Spaniard in his transatlantic strongholds; to sink or take the ships in which he transported his silver and gold ; to cut him off", if possible, from all connections with the New World. All the other aff'airs, which the nature of their posi- tion and the extent of their privileges forced upon them, were treated as minor matters, hardly worthy of their attention. But their main object was pur- XXXll INTRODUCTION. sued with an energy beyond all belief. In spite of all tlic difficulties they liad to contend with, they long maintained a war fleet of more than seventy sail, and almost succeeded in driving the Spaniards from the American seas. John de Laet was one of the earliest and most eminent directors of the West India Company, Ilis description of America, the work from which our extracts are taken, is marked by the same features which distinguish the company itself and the body of men from which that association sprang. As a geographical compilation it is one of the finest even among those produced by the Belgian emigrants, and for systematic treatment, precision, and general accu- racy, it may perhaps claim the very first rank among the manuals of the time. Its main portion, the de- scription of the coasts and islands under Spanish sway, is the work of a man whose eye is greedily fixed upon those lands, and who is mentally grasping them. But that part does not regard us. Our ex- tracts are derived from a chapter (the third) which is principally devoted to an account of New Nether- land, the large territory in North America claimed by the West India Company on the ground of Hud- son's discoveries, and at that time in small part occu- pied by their agents. This part of the work bears, like the rest, the stamp of the interests which the author pursued. To establish the company's title to New Netherland, and to substantiate it by all possible details, this seems to be its special purpose. Unfortunately the task is an ungrateful one. The s ■% INTRODUCTION. XXXlll claiiii of the company to New NcthovLnid was based upon specious pretences, Avliicli do not stand tlie test of close inspection. AVe .shall have again to insist n])on this fact, because it is far from being generally admitted ; and because it explains some curious features in Do I.aet's and Van dor Donck's accounts of Hudson's third voyage. The flaw in the Dutch title has besides given origin to an idle and entirely unwarranted story, Avhich has found its way into more than one biography of Henry Hudson. Wc shall resume these matters when speaking of Van der Donck. For the present we have only to call the reader's attention to the artful manner in which I)e Lact tries to connect the voyage of Henry Hud- son with the company's claim. He endeavours to establish a chain of events and arguments between the two points ; and, we are sorry to state it, he does not scruple to forge an extra link which he believes to be necessary. lie maJccs Hudson return to Amster- dam to give an account of Ids voijage. AVe know, on unquestionable authority, that this statement of De Laet is false ; and he was far too accurate to make such a blunder through negligence. His special pur- pose becomes therefore the more evident. Under these circumstances we must be extremely cautious in using any such statements of his as would tend to strcngtlum the Dutch title to New Netherland. This caution will be necessary in more instances than one. The above remarks refer only to one or two pas- sages. The rest of De Laet's description of Hudson's third voyage must be reckoned among our most reliable f XXXIV INTIIODUCTION. documents. The description of the voyaj^e occurs incidentally in two different chapters, the seventli and tenth, of the tliird hook of De Laet's Nicuwc WcreU. The second of these passages consists ahnost entirely of two fragments, the only remaining ones, of Hud- son's report to the Directors of the Dutch East India Company. The short summary of the whole voyage contained in the first passage, seems for the most part to be derived from the same source. No one will read these fragments of Hudson's journal with- out regretting the loss of the paper from which they are taken. Short as tliey are, they form the most graphic picture of the life, manners, and aspect of the North American Indians, left by any one of the early navigators. It may, perhaps, not be super- fluous to observe that we do not even possess the original cast of Hudson's words. As De Laet gives them, they are merely a translation. Hudson himself, though for a short time in the service of the Dutch, could not easily understand, and therefore certainly not write their language. He required the services of a friend to translate for him some Dutch papers, which he desired to make use of during this same voyage. A few years ago, when the writer of the present pages was staying in Holland, a rumour had got abroad, that a part of De Laet's manuscript materials had turned up. The rumour was entirely unfounded ; and for the present there appears to be no chance that the original of Hudson's report should come to light. Much may however be hoped for from future re- INTRODUCTION. XXXV searches. Little is lost in so eminently conservative a country as Holland; and attention has lately been nuicli directed to these matters. Search has also been made in the Archives of the East India Company, for any materials relating to Hudson. The scraps of in- formation gathered from these archives will be given elsewhere in these pages. Hudson's report has not as yet been discovered. It is very possible that it was, in De Laet's time, given up to the AVest India Company or lent, and thought of too little importance to be asked back. There is also some chance left of its still being found among the papers of the East India Company. This immense store of documents was till quite lately without calendars, or indices of any kind. It has, since, been entrusted to able hands ; and many important discoveries will undoubtedly be made among its dusty piles. De Laet's Nieuwe Werclt, appeared first in 1625 ; then for a second time in 1630. Copies of the earlier edition are rare; and none was to be found in this coun- try. Our reprints are therefore taken from the 1630 edition. A gentleman in Holland, however, to whose unostentatious labours historical research is greatly indebted, has been so kind as to compare for us the text of the two editions, and has found them to agree in every word ; as far at least as our extracts are concerned. A reprint both of the seventh and tenth chapter of the third book, is to be found in a very rare tract, Dcschryvinge van Virginia^ Niemv Nederlandt, etc. 4to., Amsterdam, 1651, pp. 14, 15 ; and 20 to 22. XXXVl INTRODUCTION. The next two extracts in our collection^ are taken from the account of Hudson's voynge, which forms part of Tiambrcchtsen's history of New Netherland. Some of the statements in that account cannot be traced back to printed sources, and there is every reason to believe that they were borrowed from early documents, then existing at INIiddelburg. The facts in question all relate to Hudson's intercourse with the Dutch East India Company. At the time when Lambrechtsen wrote, a remarkable collection of documents belonging to tliat Company was preserved at Middelburg: and Lambrechtsen, as might be ex- pected from his high standing, had access to them. He quotes repeatedly in his history from the '^JVotuien van (h xvii"; that is to say, the minutes of the proceed- ings of the seventeen East India directors. It can- not, however, be positively asserted, that the state- ments whicli we are discussing were taken from this important source. Nothing certain can be said on this point, as long as the above mentioned collection of documents remains inaccessible. It was for a long time in private hands at Middelburg, was then, about eight or nine years ago, surrendered to the East India Company in Amsterdam ; and, has still more recently been transferred to the royal archives at the Hague. But as there has never been a calendar, or any other kind of list made, there is but too good reason to fear chat some of the papers may have been lost on the way. Some inquiries made by the writer of the present pnges, both by correspondence and ' Pp. 101 to IGO. ■ INTRODUCTION. XXXVU verbally, during a short sojourn on tl ^ -^pot, have led to no results. We are thus, for the present, obliged to take Lambrechtsen's assertions on trust. We have already alluded to the extracts from Van dcr Donck's description of New Netherland ; which follow next in the order of our documents.^ Van der Donck speaks, in several passages of his work, of Hudson's third voyage, and he makes several state- ments respecting it, which disagree more or less with the earlier and better sources. These statements might seem to deserve implicit credit, on account of the opportunities for obtaining information which the author possessed ; and some conscientious writers have indeed fully trusted them. We consider all these statements as spurious, not only because they are not borne out by contemporary evidence, but more especially because they all tend to strengthen the Dutch title to New NcLherland, which Van der Donck had a strong interest to defend. The following was Van der Donck's position with regard to this title. The title itself was little better than a shadow. It was entirely founded on the boldest, the most obstinate, and most extensive act of sqiiaHmcj^ recorded in colonial history. The territory called New Netherland, wliich the West India Company claimed on account of Hudson's discovery, belonged by the best possible right to England. It formed part of a vast tract of country, the coasts of which iiad been first discovered by English ships, on which settlements had been founded ^ Pp. 1()7 to 172. XXXVlll INTRODUCTION. by English colonists, and which had been publicly claimed by England, and granted to an English Company, before Hudson ever set foot on American ground. But the wilds and wastes of primeval forests, were thought of so little value, that the Dutch were for many years allowed to encroach upon English rights, without much more than passing remonstran- ces of the British government. Some Dutch adventurers, induced by the favour- able accounts of Henry Hudson, and of some Dutch mariners who followed in his track, first founded a factory and built a fort on an island in the mouth of Hudson's river — the beginning of New York. The adventurers afterwards obtained, as a protection against the commercial opposition of their own coun- trymen, the exclusive privilege of trading to those parts. Both the privilege and the settlement passed into the hands of the Dutch West India Company, who enlarged the fort till it gradually became a town, made vast grants of land, sent out colonists, and commissioned some of their servants to rule over the colony. This rule of the West India Company lasted for more than forty years. But it is a remarkable fact, that during nearly all that time the Dutch government could not be induced to acknowledge New Netherland openly and distinctly as a Dutch dependency. This singular state of affairs led, as may easily be imagined, to ardent contentions between the English and Dutch colonists in New England and New Netherland, neither of which sets of men was naturally disposed to yield. Of these contentions Van INTRODUCTION. . XXxix der Donck. IIo resided in New Nethcrland from 1()41 to 16-19, first as a law officer (scbout fiscael) ill the colony of llensselaerswyck ; afterwards as a settler near New York. He quarrelled with the somewhat despotic governor of the country, and headed a faction opposed to the colonial government. He, at last, returned to Holland, as the leader of a deputation of influential settlers, who were to expose at home all the wrongs by which they believed the colony and themselves to be oppressed. Van der Donck wrote two books in support of the cause which he represented, both of which contain short descriptions of Hudson's voyage. The first of them, called Vertoogh van Niemo Nederland^ and published in 1650, is mainly an account of the misrule of the colony, with a short description of the country, and other similar matters. It contains the germs of the ingenious inventions concerning Hudson's voyage, which are further developed in the second work, Beschrijvinrjlie van Nieim Nedcrland^ from which our extracts are taken. Van der Donck's reason for makinoj these inventions is obvious enouyh. He wished to induce the Dutch government to take strong measures against the New England ers in de- fence of the pretended right of the Dutch settlers. His reason for being more explicit in the second work than in the first is also very obvious, The war between England and Holland (1552 to 1551) in- tervened between the two publications. After its termination several delegates were sent out from Holland to England, to arrange tlic numerous dif- Xl INTRODUCTION. ferences Avhich existed between the two countries. These delegates were urged by the West India Com- pany to bring the North American disputes to a peaceable arrangement. But they failed, and wrote to Holland, that thc>j themselves did not consider the claim of the Company as siihstantiatcd hj the evidence adduced ; and that^ unless letter evidence ivas hrought forivard^ they could not 2'>ossihly press the claim on the English government. This correspondence was going on at the very time when Van der Donck was en- gaged upon the compilation of his work. The fictions in which Van der Donck has indulged, are of so serious a character, that we have been obliged to make this digression to put them in their true light. He represents Hudson as having taken possession for the Dutch, of a tract of country, which belonged to England. Nothing however could be fur- ther from Hudson's intention, and even from that of liis employers, the Dutch East India Company, who looked with anything but favour on the endeavours to esta- blish the rule of the Netherlands in the New World. Hudson's long stay in Holland, for which Van der Donck is the only authority, seems likewise to be an invention, made to render the taking possession of New Netherland for the Dutch a less unlikely act. This residence in Holland is not an absolute im- possibility. It may, however, be observed, that Hud- son was in 1607 and 1608 in English service ; and that he was not sufficiently acquainted with the Dutch language to understand, without an English transla- tion, some papers of Barents, which had been lent to -*«»■ INTRODUCTION. xVl liim. It was, on the other hand, not an uncommon practice among English captains, to enter the Dutch service, as is shown by the examples of Davis, Adams, and Hudson himself. We are on the whole inclined to think, that Van der Donck possessed no informa- tion concerning our navigator, which is not existing at the present day ; and that the startling new flicts which he adds, had their origin in his fertile imagina- tion. The sources which he made use of were Do Laet and Van Metercn, and in copying the latter author, he has made a most ludicrous mistake, which must at once deprive his assertions of all credit.^ Van dor Donck,- and, a century and a half after, Dr.IIeckewelder^ and Dr. Barton,^ noted down on the spot, a sort of legend of Hudson's arrival in America, handed down by the American Indians. There is a considerable discrepancy between the earlier and the later accounts. A scene of drunkenness, which really happened, is dwelt on at great length in the more modern story, without being even mentioned in the old one. We are not inclined to attribute much w^eight to this tradition, cither in its simple or its adorned state. A tale of this kind is very likely to be elicited from the imaginative aborigines, by the eager questioning of the white man. The tale, whe- ther true or false, has the merit of being well told. The etymological argument by which Dr. Ilecke- welder attempts to support it, ought rather to de- tract from, than to increase its credit. The name of ' Sec t'n/nt, p]), 152, note 1 ; 167, note 1. * Pp. 169-170. ■' Pp. 173-179. ' P. 179. g Xlii INTRODUCTION. the island Manhattans is not^ as he asserts, derived from a scene of drunkenness. It is taken from a tribe of Indians, and is ah-eady mentioned by Hudson himself. Another American tradition, concerning Hudson's first landing place, does not seem entitled to much more credit. The early settlers in those regions had other cares than these historical recollections to attend to. AVe possess several remarkable books written by some of them, and it does not seem that they paid much attention to subjects of the kind. The tradition is probably of a comparatively modern origin, having its source in a guess. The locality mentioned is not by any means the most likely one for Hudson's first landing. Our next fragment^ is taken from Luke Foxe's North West Fox. Tlie book which bears tliis singular title is the description of Captain Foxe's voyage in search of a north-west passage, performed in the year 1631. Foxe has therein set an example, which has been very generally followed in later accounts of north-western expeditions. Before describing his own voyage he gives a summary of the exploits of his predecessors. Most of the statements contained in that part of his book are, however, of little im- portance, being merely extracts from sources whicli we still possess. Such is also his account of Hudson's voyage. The only notice in it that is really original, is the one reprinted among our fragments. It is not of a pleasing nature, throwing, as it does, a most ' P. 173. - r. 180. INTRODUCTION. xliu unfavourable light on Hudson's character. A certain master Colburne (or Colbert, or Coolbrand) was sent out with Hudson on his fourth voyage. Colburne seems to have been attached to the vessel as a kind of official adviser, without any special functions. Hudson soon got tired of this control, and sent Col- burne home again. So far the facts are authentic. But Foxe adds that Colburne was a better man than Hudson, and insinuates that it is to the former, not to the latter, that the plan of searching for a passage in latitude 61° was due. This malicious insinuation is devoid of all truth. * Abundant proof is still extant that Hudson had, years before, matured the idea here ascribed to Colburne. The name of this sailor is also not otherwise mentioned in the records of maritime discovery, and his having been a man of conspicuous merit thus becomes very doubtful. We can, therefore, hardly hesitate to ascribe Foxe's calum- nious insinuations to the desire to depreciate the merits of a great predecessor whom he had vainly tried to outrival ; an explanation fully consistent with the character of Foxe, who had all the conceit and self-complacency observable in little minds. We have now to speak of the most important documents in our collection — Hudson's chart of the fourth voyage, and the explanations added to it by its publisher, Hessel Gerritz.^ Gerritz belonged to a class of persons, to whom geographical science is very deeply indebted. He was, like the Arrowsmiths, Petermanns, Van der Maelens, and Johnstons of our ii ' Pp. 181-194. / : ,^^, ^. ^ ^ xliv INTRODUCTION. day, a geographer, map maker, and publisher of geo- graphical works. His labours, though few in number, arc of the most genial nature. Fixing his eyes on the boundaries of the known world, he followed with enthusiasm the first rays of light that began to pene- trate into regions of darkness and mystery. Hudson's chart of the fourth voyage was Gerritz's first publica- tion, and around it grew, in a very remarkable manner, the most interesting of the many collections of voy- ages and travels printed in the early part of the seventeenth century. Hudson's chart, of which we give an exact fac- simile, was at first published by itself, w^ith a short explanation in Dutch on its back,^ probably in autumn 1612. The chart was republished a short time afterw'ards, as part of a pamphlet in Latin, ^ the first edition of the collection of voyages and travels '.o which we have alluded. This collection also contained an explana- tion of the chart, somewhat ampler than the one given at first \^ and besides this information on the far north-west, it brought before the public Fernan- dez de Quiros's explorations in the far south, and Massa's account and map of the regions about the mouth of the river Oby in the far north-east. The ' introduction or prolegomena to the pamphlet, which '' contain some other valuable materials and throw a ' light on the plan of the work, are reprinted in the \\ appendix to the present volume.^ ii» 1 Pp. 181-1^3. ;'B "~ Sec appendix, p. 23G. 3 Pp. 185-169. * Pp. 236-212. J I INTIiODUCTlON. xlv Tl)c same pamphlet was ajj;-ain issued in 1()12, with a new title page, and with some slight changes in the arrangement ; but without any additions. In the same year, 1612, a Dutch edition was pub- lished; being in almost every respect a translation from the Latin. The explanation of Hudson's chart^ is however both corrected and enlarged, and is in several important points at variance with the preced- ing editions. Early in the year 1613 a revised Latin edition was published, differing in many important points from its predecessors. A new, and much shorter intro- duction,- took the place of the valuable prolegomena. The explanation of Hudson's chart was translated from the Dutch edition, with important additions and alterations at the end."^ The voyage of Cornells Nai to the north-east and north-west, to which allusion is made in the prolegomena to t.iO first edition, is here described in full ; the navigator having returned in the interval. Some corrections of doubtful value are also introduced into Massa's map. The last edition of the work was also published in 1613. It is in every respect identical with the one just described ; but contains at the end Peter Plan- cius's observations on the dispute between the Eng- lish and Dutch, with regard to the discovery of Spitzbergen. This edition is extremely rare. The chart published by Gerritz had originally been drawn by Hudson himself. This fact, which is clearly ' Pp. 189-193. 2 Appendix, pp. 211-212. '' Pp. 193-194. '11 Xlvi INTRODUCTION. stated by the publisher,^ is also borne out by other cir- cumstances. We learn from Pricket that Hudson had drawn a chart of the strait and bay, which the muti- neers consulted on their home voyage.- The delinea- tion before us is evidently based on a knowledge of the localities ; and it contains only such places as Hudson himself had visited. Siill it might surprise us that the chart was published in Holland, not in England. This somewhat singular circumstance can, however, be readily explained. Holland was at that time the centre of all geographical research, owing to the impulse given to these studies by the Belgian emigrants. These scholars made ample use of the facilities afforded them by the dispersion of so many friends over all parts of the civilised world. They entertained more especially a lively intercourse with England, as can be seen by a glance thrown on the labours of the most prominent among them. We can thus guess how Hudson's chart was obtained, and we may, perhaps, even be fortunate enough to divine the very channel through which it reached Hessel Gerritz. The chart seems to have been first sent from Eng- land to Peter Plancius, one of the most eminent geographical scholars among the Belgian emigrants, and who was,like the late Sir John Barrow, universally known to take a special interest in the search for a short northern route to China, a subject which he had also been discussing with Hudson himself Hessel Gerritz's publication was at least made with r. 194, note 1. - Pp. 124 and 12G. INTRODUCTION, xlvii tlic sanction, and, to a certain degree, under the auspices of Peter Plancius; as appears from Plancius's supplement to the hist edition, and from many re- marks in Gerritz's explanations of the chart. The delineation \vhich we have before us may seem a poor work to modern eyes, and many persons might think that the engraved copy did not do full justice to the original draught. But when we apply the standard of Hudson's time instead of our own, we find this chart to be far superior to many contempo- rary productions, and decidedly the facile princeps of all the then existing delineations of the arctic regions. The elementary state of geographical science, the imperfections of the instruments, the entire want of any previous data, the fogs, the storms, and the ice of those inhospitable regions, fully explain the un- avoidable defects of the work. The engraving of the chart is very probably by Ilessel Gerritz's own hand. The ornamental additions are in the same fine bold style which distinguishes an exquisite and rare engraving representing tvah'usscs signed by him. The style in which the chart itself is engraved is not unlike that of Hessel Gerritz's map of Russia in Bleau's great atlas. The fidelity with which most English terms are copied, and, on the other hand, the occasional Batavianisms (such as lioope for hope^ Yslandt for Iceland, etc.), need, therefore, not surprise us. Our own engraving of this remark- able chart is of course somewhat inferior to the origi- nal ; but it is nevertheless an exceedingly good copy. Lucidity of style is not among Gerritz's good points. Xlviii INTRODUCTION. as liis explanations to Hudson's chart too well show. They are made up from two different elements, neither being presented in the most acceptable shape. The explanations contain, first a sunmiary of Hudson's and Plancius's discussions about the search for a north- western passage in the locality where Hudson after- wards discovered his strait. The account of these con- versations seems to be correct in all main points, though somewhat confused in certain details. Far greater, unfortunately, is the confusion which prevails in the other part of llessel Gerritz's explanations. His account of the voyage is confusion itself. The vari- ous versions in the different editions even contradict each other in some important points. The fiicts in which all the editions agree are of but minor import- ance. Some of them seem to owe their origin to a reliable source, some to be based on hearsay. The whole work of Hessel Gerritz has been re- peatedly reprinted in Germany. The best known of these counterfeits forms part of the great Dc Bry collection. It is easy to distinguish, both in the originals and in the reprints, the text of the first from those of the later Latin editions. The following are the most cliaracteristic marks. In the original edi- tions the date, 1612 for the first, 1613 for the others ; i secondly, the greater length of the prolegomena in '\ the first edition, eight pages in one case, two in the other ; lastly, a very curious difference. George Weymouth, whose expedition is repeatedly referred i to in the explanations to Hudson's chart, is in the 1^ first edition called Whmood, the name of the English 4 INTRODUCTION. xHx ambassador at the Hague. This mistake is corrected ill tlie later editions. It is, of course, copied in the reprints. lH The last one^ of our documents is another chart, Avhicli serves to illustrate Hudson's two first voyages. It is taken from Pontanus's history of Amsterdam, published in that city in 1611, and illustrated with maps by the publisher, the celebrated Josse, or Jodocus, Ilondius, to whom we have repeatedly al- luded. Pontanus's work contains in several of its chapters the history of the voyages of the Dutch, and among tliem an account of Barentz's three expedi- tions to the north. The present chart is intended to illustrate the third of these voyages ; and it would thus seem not to bear special reference to Hudson. Hondius had, however, come in contact with our navigator in 1()()9, and appears to have obtained from him some details about his two first voyages. The conscientious geographer thought it his duty to introduce this information into his chart of arctic regions, and this chart is therefore almost as much an illustration of Hudson's as of Barentz's voyages. Colitis Cape, one of the localities discovered ^ Besides the printed sources which we have reviewed, there exist some manuscript notices among the documents of the Dutch East India Company. Considerable efforts have been made to obtain fac-similcs of these ; but as yet without result. "\Vc have, however, full reason to hope, that we shall be able to make this important addition to our collection before we finally close it. The printing of the present part of the work could not be any longer delayed ; we must therefore review these manuscript docu- ments in another part of our introduction. h 1 INTRODUCTION. in 1607, and the Banqmse, or continuous icebank, ■which hindered Hudson's progress to the north, arc to be found in no other map or chart, either ohi or new. The words on this chart, Glacies ah II. Iliid- sono detecta anno 1608, also contain the first mention publicly made of our navigator. The appendix to our collection consists of several pieces, not strictly bearing on Pludson's career, but illustrating points of collateral interest. The first of them is Verazzano's voyage along the North Ame- rican coasts, and his discovery of Iludson'i^river.^ This voyage is already well known from Ramusio and Ilakluyt. But Verazzano's original letter, preserved in the Magliabecchian library in Florence, has never yet been printed in Europe. It is, however, of great interest, not only on account of the verve and fresh- ness prevailing in it, but more especially on account of a valuable appendix, which Ramusio has not given. This appendix is of special importance for our subject, because it restores one of the connecting links in the history of arctic discovery. The reasons which we give for inserting this somewhat extensive document in our collection are not, however, meant as excuses for printing it. It undoubtedly deserves, on its own merits, a place among the collections of the Ilakluyt Society, and it will better repay an attentive perusal thpn any other part of the present volume. AVe have purposely adopted Professor Cogs- well's excellent translation, which preserves in most respects the character of the original. AVe have also > Pp. 197. INTRODUCTION. H boiTowcd from him the introduction and the notes by which his translation is accompanied. The appendix further contains the English trans- lations of two papers which had originally been writ- ten in Dutch by the celebrated William Barentz, had then passed into the hands of Peter Plancius, and then into those of Henry Hudson, who got them trans- lated into English.^ The translations were first in Hakluyt's, then in Purchas's possession. The latter published them, as he says, for Barentz's sake. They are not less important for the biography of our navi- gator, and furnish some of the few existing materials towards his personal history. The next piece- in our appendix is an extract from Van der Donck, about the wampum or bead money of the Indians, as an illustration to a passage in Juet's Journal, p. 86, note 2. Then follow, as the concluding pieces, the pro- legomena to the first and to the second Latin editions of Hessel Gerritz's work.^ Of this book we have spoken at sufficient length, and on reference to the papers themselves, it wall easily be seen that they are interesting and important. Having concluded our review of the sources, we now proceed to give a short account of the existing researches respecting Henry Hudson that have come under our notice. Summaries of our navigator's career are contained in many cyclopedias and biographical handbooks. They generally convey some idea of his purposes and ' !'• 229. '' P. 235. 3 pp_ 336, 242. lii INTRODUCTION. principal discoveries, but are inexact in their details ; being mostly based on a somewhat superficial ac- quaintance with the documents collected by Purchas, without those preserved by other hands. Of the articles examined by us, those in the BlograpMe Uni- versclle and Biographia Bntannica are the best. None of them, however, contain anything that can be pro- perly called original research. To the same class of labours belongs also a sketch of Hudson's life, among the collection of biographies edited by Mr. Jared Sparks. This sketch is well written ; and one or two other sources, besides those collected by Purchas, have been made use of. We also notice here and there an original observation. But the research is not of sufficient depth to render it useful for a special purpose like ours. Another class of short biographies of Hudson is contained in general and special works on arctic dis- covery ; such as Adelung, Forster, Barrow, etc. The authors of these works are better acquainted with the arctic regions than the contributors to handbooks of a more general nature. Still, few of them have thought it worth their while to inquire, with any- thing like diligence, into Hudson's career ; and it may perhaps be observed without injustice, that the histories of arctic discovery are all of them some- what below the present standard of critical research. Little, if anything for our purpose, can be learned from the more general works. They contain rapid, and sometimes even hasty, summaries of the most accessible sources ; this being, indeed, the avowed INTRODUCTION. liii plan of the best known of these histories, that of Sir John Barrow. It would be unjust to pass the same criticism on Mr. llunclall's Voijagcs towards the North- Wcst. But tlie purpose of this diligent scholar is more to lay before his readers as yet unknown sources, drawn from archives and libraries, than to indulge in geographical details. His sketch of Hud- son's last voyage is, therefore, more an interesting link in a chain of valuable evidence, than an independent production ; and we cannot blame the author for its having proved of little advantage for our purpose. It is not Mr. llundall's fault that he has been unable to find any new documents concerning Hudson's career. More satisfactory researches are to be found in some works of a more special character. Captain Beechey, in his well-known appendix to his arctic voyage, dwells at some length on Hudson's first and second expeditions. Captain Beechey has used only Playse's description of the first, and Hudson's description of the second voyage, without the other fragments. But he is himself thoroughly acquainted with the -ocali- ties, and his observations are of very great value. They have often been quoted and extracted by more recent writers. One passage in Hudson's account of his second voyage has also been examined with much critical acumen by Dr. Beke, in the introduction to his edition of Dc Veer. None of the four voyages has, however, been more specially investigated and commented upon than the liv INTRODUCTION. third, which led to the discovery of Hudson's river. The inhabitants of the United States have, with a most laudable zeal and energy, embraced the task of inquiring into their own antiquities ; and the task being in itself of a limited nature, these researches have already been brought to greater completeness than perhaps those concerning any part of the Old World. The State of New York has, in this respect, been both more zealous and more successful than any other. The New York Historical Society, an associa- tion formed for this kind of research, has been flourish- ing for the last half century; and it may look back with pride on its past career. Besides the labours, both at public and at private expense, which the society has encouraged, they have themselves published in their collections many of the most important documents concerning their national history. To these collec- tions we arc largely indebted. We have borrowed from S em the translations from De Laet, Van der Donck and Lambrechtsen, and Dr. Ileckewelder's observations, as well as the original and the trans- lation of Verazzano's letter. The collections also con- tain a reprint of the chapters in Purchas's Pilgrimage^ which form pp. 1-138 of our volume; so that by far the greater part of what we have reprinted is also to be found in various places of those American collections. The collections also contain the first special essay on Hudson's third voyage, written in 1810 by Dr. Miller, a member of the society. This essay is other- wise not very remarkable. Some of its observations '^ INTRODUCTION. Iv seem, however, to be good, and have been approved of by later American historians, who were, like the author, acquainted with the localities. Still more light is thrown on Hudson's third voyage by other researches, indirectly connected with the New York Historical Society. The most important of them, at least for our purpose, is the His torn of the State of Neio York, begun, but never terminated, bv Yates and Moulton. This book de- votes more than sixty pages to Henry Hudson. The voyage along the American coasts and up and down Hudson's river is investigated with great minuteness ; and so little seems in this repect to be left undone, that the more recent American historians have added but little to Yates's and Moulton's researches. A different kind of importance belongs to the re- searches made in the European archives by Mr. John Romeyn Brodhead. This gentleman was charged by the government of the State of New York, at the instigation of the Historical Society, to collect in Europe all such documents as might be bearing on the history of the state. The mission was crowned with eminent success. Partly by his own exertions, partly by the liberal and sometimes enthusiastic assistance aftbided him by European scliolars, Mr. Brodhead was enabled to carry home a most valuable collection of papers. He was, of course, desirous to obtain some MS. documents concerning Henry Hud- son ; and his almost complete want of success in this respect might lead us to the conclusion that really nothing exists. We must, however, hesitate to take so Ivi INTRODUCTION. gloomy a view of tlic question. We have already had occasion to observe, tliat there are distinct traces still extant of papers concerning Hudson ; which were preserved in Holland, some in the seventeenth, and some as late as the beginning of the present century. We have also observed, that a long time must elapse before an insight can be obtained into the treasures of the Dutch East India archives. Mr. Brodhcad was in this respect still more unfavourably situated than he would have been at the present day. He seems not even to have been acquainted with the Middelburg collection, which was then in private hands and almost forgotten. Still we owe to Mr. Brodhead the knowledge that, at least among the more accessible papers, nothing was to be found, except an entry of a few lines in a ship register. We are also under another obligation to Mr. Brod- head. He has compiled from the materials collected by him, a work which forms the first volume of a Ilistoru of the State of Nciv York. He there treats of our navigator. Some of his observations are import- ant. But the chief value of the book for our sub- ject consists in a very complete enumeration of the sources for the history of the third voyage. Between Yates and Moulton's and Brodhead's histories, another work of the same kind made its appearance in New York, under the title History of New Netherlands by Dr. O'Callaghan. This book also describes, in about ten pages, Hudson's third voy- age. The analysis contains a few original observa- tions. We seize this opportunity for recommending 4 INTRODUCTION. Ivil ■'■); Dr. O'Callaglian's charming work to those few of our readers who might feel interest enough in Henry Hudson to follow up the subject of his splendid dis- covery. The history of the banks of Hudson river has here been chronicled, in a manner not the less attractive for being entirely unassuming and natural. The other works on the same subject, though in some respects more exact, are somewhat tedious for persons not specially interested in this matter. There arc also two Dutch treatises on the History of Ihc SUde of New York. We have already spoken at some length of the first of them, and have extracted all the interest'ng portions of the descriptions of Hudson's voyage. The other one contains very little of any importance for our subject.^ We have found no researches of any value for the investigation of the fourth voyage, and have, with regard to tliis difficult subject, been thrown almost entirely on our own resources. From tlie time of Luke Fox down to our days, it has been almost invariably the custom to prefix to every special account of one or more arctic expedi- tions, a general summary of what had been done by the predecessors of the navigator und(}r review. This custom has been followed as well by autobiographers as by those who have described the voyages of others, whether living or dead ; in order to place their heroes ^ Mr. Ch. Murphy, the United States' Minister at the Hague, has recently issued to his friends a small pamphlet on Henry Hudson ; but, to the editor's regret, has declined to afford him a sight either of a printed or a MS. copy. i Iviii INTRODUCTION. in their proper light, by showing how much had been achieved before them, and how much new informa- tion they added to the okl stock. We liavo, besides, another still more cogent reason to adopt this method. If we fail to do so, some of the most important pas- sages, and often the whole context of the sources which we have collected, would remain obscure. For, Hudson and his companions could, of course, not have been previously acquainted with the real fea- tures of the regions among which their explorations lay. Had ley been so, their labours would have been superiluous. They entertained, on the contrary, notions which were more or less wide from the trutli. These notions, though shared by Hudson's contem- poraries, for whom the various journals and logbooks were kept, have long since given way to better know- ledge, and have disappeared from the memory of man. Thus the journals and logbooks are, in some respects, as if they were written in an obsolete tongue. To make them fully understood, we shall have to restore the geographical ideas concerning the nortli which prevailed in Hudson's time. They were based partly on arctic expeditions, more or less imperfectl) known ; partly on rumours, which the most ancient of these voyages had engendered ; partly on the state- ments of Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and other classic writers ; partly even on fantastical and entirely groundless imaginations, that had sprung up during the middle ages. All these elements, singularly mixed as they were, had in some degree been ar- ranged and digested by the geogra])liical critics of V '' m INTRODUCTION. Ux the tlay, 'svlio, unfortunately, however, had hut imper- fect nietliods of research at their disposal, and no true standard to guide them. The ohject of the following pages will, then, he a douhle one : first, to assign to Hudson his proper place among arctic navigators, by showing what knowledge he had received from his predecessors, and what he added to the store collected by them ; secondly, to define his own geographical notions, as clearly as their nature may allow. For the sake of clearness we shall treat of the two branches of this sub- ject separately ; speaking first of the actual achieve- ments of arctic navigators up to Hudson's time, and then of the results which science had drawn from their labours. In so doing, it cannot be our purpose to give a complete and critical history of arctic exploration up to the year 1607. Our aim simply is, to restore a chain of events, many parts of which are now scat- tered and scarcely noticed ; so as to be able to attach to it, without constraint or violence, the links fur- nished by the labours of our navigator. A great part of the arctic shores that have been visited in modern times were already known to the Scandinavians during the middle ages. The exact limits of their discoveries cannot well be ascertained ; nor would the present place be fit for such inquiry ; but the great influence which these early exploits exercised on more recent navigators, particularly on Pludson, gives them a special claim on our attention. It is sufficient for our purpose to observe, that the IX INTRODUCTION. Scandinavians, sailing from the regions tliey still in- habit, occnpicd and colonized Iceland, that they also fonnded colonies in Greenland, and tliat steering still fiirther to the west they reached North America. These discoveries, and the lasting intercourse to which they gave rise, were materially facilitated by the geographical position of the localities themselves, which seem to form a chain of stages thus placed by nature for the convenience of human exploration. The advantages drawn from these splendid oppor- tunities by the discoA crers themselves were, however, but scanty ; and mainly so on account of their situa- tion, which both confined them to their own limited resources, and ])recluded any influence their know- ledge might otherwise have exercised on more south- ern nations. Fear of these northmen's savage energy, the distance and wildness of their home, and chielly the hostile efforts of the Ilanseatic confederacy, whose main purpose it was to oppose them, proved so strong a barrier, that tliere seemed hardly to exist any bond between them and the rest of Europe. Thus it happened that a treasury of knowledge the most important existed for centuries in Europe with- out reaching those nations to whom it w^ould have proved the greatest boon. It cannot, however, be said that this knowledge remained entirely without its effect. The records of these early exploits were carefully kept, and repeatedly translated from one northern tongue into another. The Scandinavians also constructed, from the results they had obtained, geographical systems of their own, which included i I INTRODUCTION. Ixi Iceland, Greenland, and North America. These records and systems continned to he preserved in Iceland even when Scandinavian navigation had al- most ceased to exist. Althongh wc now possess slight fragments only of these important historical docnments, wc arc, nevertheless, enabled to say wath perfect certainty, that even at the end of the fifteenth centurff the Scandinavians, at least those in Iceland, had a vivid r(>uiembrance of the early achievements, and sufficiently clear notions of the results, that had thus been obtained. It was not before the middle of the sixteenth cen- tury that anything like a distinct knowledge of these important materials reached the more southern nations of Europe. Ihit a number of vague rumours seem to have spread through various channels, and travelled southward, long before that time. INIany of the early and rude portolani and of the first geographical works that appeared in print contain indications of Green- hmd. The extreme vagueness of the information thus derived caused that j^reat arctic continent to be variously drawn on maps, and also its name to be variously spelled. We ought not to lose sight of this important fact; for when the critical geographers in Hudson's time and shortly before him compiled their books, maps, and charts, they were thus led to suppose the existence of several vast arctic tracts, with very similar though not identical names, such as Greenland, Grocnland, Groneland, Engroneland, Grocland. Two, sometimes even three, of these appear upon the same maps, in every kind Ixii INTRODUCTION. of shape and position; to the north, north-east, and north-west of Europe. The searcli for these various, more or less imaginary territories, constitutes one of the characteristic features of early northern voyages. Henry Hudson suffei'c:d greatly under these delu- sions, and contributed to dispel them. AVe can, under these circumstances, entertain no doubt that some geogra,- lical comnuinications re- specting tlie northern discoveries of the Scandina- vians must have reached tlic south of I'iUropc before the time when the voyages of Columbus, Cabot, and Vasco de Gama opened a new era in the history of maritime explorations. Nor is it quite impossible that the early discoveries of the northern nations exercised some influence on the ideas of the great Italians, Columbus and the Cabots, who discovered, the one the West Indies, the others North America. It is a well known and often discussed fact that Columbus visited Iceland, the great storehouse of Scandinavian information, respecting the north-west, fifteen years before his first voyage across the Atlan- tic. John Cabot resided for some time in Bristol, a town which then carried on an active trade Avith Iceland, and which he and his son Sebastian after- wards made their starting place for their expeditions to the north-west. It is further certain that Sebastian Cabot went to North America in 1498 by way of Iceland, and that, some time in his life, he made him- self thoroughly acquainted with that country, most probably by personal investigation. Several other indications, on which wc cannot here dwell, contri- INTRODUCTION. Ixiil butc to make it pvo])ablc that somo connexion existed between the discovery of North America during the middle ages and that wliich constituted tlie com- menecment of tlie modern era of arctic explorations. Tiiis observation, which an impartial inquiry lias led us to make, by no means implies a slur on the memory of the C'abots. Their merits will admit of the most critical investigation ; and they would, indeed, shine out more briglitly, if the attention which both geograpliers and historians might profitably bestow iipon them were not witldield, partly from neglect, partly from prejudice. However tempting the pre- sent opportunity might seem for paying that debt of gratitu{h% both the nature and the limits of tins essay preclude the attempt. It belongs, however, to our subject, to take a short review of the efforts and achievements of the Cabots, the originators of all modern navigation in the north, whose footsteps were implicitly followed by all their successors for more than a century. Henry Hudson himself may, perhaps before all others, be styled a disciple of the Cabots. The search for a north-western and for a north- eastern way to China, the two schemes upon which all Hudson's energies were engaged, originated with John and Sebastian Cabot. The various efforts made in botli directions, from the time of the Cabots down to that of Henry Hudson, will be the main facts for our consideration. To understand how these schemes of the Cabots arose, it is necessary to realize for a moment the geo- gra[)hical i.otions prevailing at the end of the fifteenth ■m Ixiv INTRODUCTION. century. The geographical dogma of that time re- cognized one great continent, comprising Europe, Asia, and Africa, and surrounded by sea. This con- tinent, with the Occanus by which it seemed to be encompassed, was believed to form the whole surface of our earth. The earth itself was, by the great majority, thought to be flat ; a few only knowing it to be a globe. Of the continent no part had been in- vestigated with anything like the accuracy of modern times. Even the shores that were iiimiliarly known, were most imperfectly delineated on the best maps. This incorrectness grows with the distance, and is often so great as to destroy all resemblance between the supposed and the real outline of the more distant lands. The sources from which these notions were drawn could, indeed, not yield any more accurate knowledge. The systems of cosmograpliy tlien recog- nized were almost entirely based on the writings of the ancients, the study of which had recently been resumed. Into these systems such scraps of informa- tion were intr')duced as could be gathered from the accounts of more modern travellers, chiefly Italians, Arabs, and Spanish Jews, with here and there a vague indication of the northern discoveries of the Scandi- navians. Let us imagine a terrestrial globe constructed ac- cording to these ideas. We perceive one great mass of land, composed of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; Europe very imperfectly, Asia and Africa almost flmcifully drawn. All the remaiaing surflicc of the globe con- sists of one vast expanse of water, nearly unbroken, INTRODUCTION. IxV except by a few islands near the continent. The eastern shores of Asia and the western shores of ]'>iiropc are separated by nothing but a wide sea. The records of the intercourse of the ancients Avith India and China, winch were eagerly studied by the eminent men of thr age, and still more the accounts of medianal travellers, especially of Marco Tolo, hiid long fixed the attention of Europe on the east and south-east of Asia, Alexandii's march to the furthest boundaries of the known world was a fa- vourite^ theme of mediicval poetry. Tlie accounts of the civilization, population, and riches of China and Japan, surpassing anything to be found in Europe in INFarco Eolo's time, shine forth with almost fabulous splendour in tlic description of his travels. Some of the commodities produced in the far cast had from time immemorial formed part ot the choicest luxu- ries of European magnates. The circuitous channels througli which alone they could be obtained still further enhanced their value. Most of them were brought by the hands of the Arabs, and the wonder- ful tales in which these sons of the desert described the glories of the land of spices and emeralds were carried westward, together with the merchandise which formed their theme, 'i'lius everything con- tributed to make the east and south-east of Asia appear as the very ideal of fairy land. It is therefore verv naturni that in some minds the idea arose of crossing the ocean, which alone seemed to separate Europe from these wonderful shores ; and w(^ all kno^^■ how Columbus attempted it and wliat " Ixvi INTRODUCTION. he found. The sume object was also pursued by the Cabots. But instead of sailing like Columbus through the tropical regions, John and Sebastian Cabot di- rected their course to the north-west. It would be interesting to ascertain why they adopted this road. The reason which they themselves put forth is suffi- cient to explain tlieir proceedings. They said that the nearer to the North Pole the nliorter the course v 'd necessarihj he. Tliis reason has been powerful en . j.i to induce so many liardy adventurers to follow in the footste[)s of the Cabots ; and it must have seemed much more plausible before the existence of the new continent, which blocks up the passage, and before the difficulties and horrors of arctic navigation were known. Still it is not im])robable that John Cabot had, during liis stay in Bristol, received some hints from the Icelanders wlio traded to that port. For, having this opportunity to become acquainted with tlieir records, it would be a strange coincidence had he merely by chance trodden in the very foot- steps of the ancient Scandinavians. Like them, he reached North America by way of Iceland ; and like them, in a region which some Icelandic scholars were, at the very time of his expedition, describing in their geographical manuals.^ But even if we suppose Cabot to have been ac- quainted with the voyages to Vinland, these events did not appear to him in their true liglit. They did not lead him to surmise the existence of a continent different from the one which contained Euro[)e and ^ Sec note A, at the end of the introduction. INTRODUCTION. Ixvii Asia. He was as yet completely convinced that nothing but the ocean divided England from China. The fact tliat the ocean had been crossed, and that land had been discovered on the other side, would simply prove to him that China might be reached by that route. The Cathay of Marco Polo and the vaflfuelv described Vinland of the Scandinavians, would appear to him as identical ; and he would conclude, that by following in the footsteps of the Northmen, he must also arrive in Cathay. Stupen- dous as these mistakes may appear to us, they were natural in a time when the term latitude was yet almost unknown, and they form the simplest expla- nation of John Cabot's first north-western voyage. Some recently discovered documents serve to dispel part of the obscurity which surrounds the history of the Cabots ; so that the main facts of their career may now be stated with tolerable clearness, leaving, how- ever, still several very important points open to doubt. John Cabot, a Venetian miles Jiiraim, or gold- spurred knight, resided for some time in Bristol, following mercantile pursuits, like many other Italian gentlemen of that age. He returned to Venice, and, after a long absence from England, we find him again here in 1496. Tlie country from which he started on his first ^ex- pedition to America, as well as the date of the disco- very, remain uncertain. Sebastian Cabot, John's son and companion, asserts that the exjledition took place in 1494, and that land was first seen the 24th of June of that year. It is difficult to conciliate this Ixviii INTRODUCTION. statement witli some tlioroiiglily reliable details of the Cabots' cx^x-ditiou to America in 1497, wliicli appears in every way as if it had been their Jir^l voyage of discovery. Our doubts are still increased by the following fact. The statement to which we allude was made on a large nuip or planisphere by iSebastian Cabot ill 1544 and 1549, when he was an old man, perhaps of feeble memory. This same map was afterwards copied by Clement Adams, a geographer of that time, who was undoubtedly acquainted with Cabot. Adams deliberately alters the date of 1494 into 1497. Many important questions connected with this first expedition must thus remain in abeyance. Sebastian Cabot has described it in a few lines, and from the description we learn the day of the first landing, and, pcrha[)s, the locality where it took place. Does this really apply to a voyage undertaken in 1494, or must it be referred to the expedition of 1497 ? Further, under what impressions did John Cabot act when he took out his letters patent in 149() ? Cabot obtained in jNIarch 1490, from Henry VII, letters patent for the discovery of new lands, for him- self and his sons, Sebastian, Lndovico, and Sanzio. He sailed from Bristol in spring 1497, and returned to England about the 10th of August of the same year. The vo) age is described in the following words by the Venetian Pasqualigo, who was in London at the time of Cabot's return.^ ^ Extract from a letter writlen by Lorenzo Pasqualigo, son of the late Messcr Filippo, dated London, August 23rd, addressed INTRODUCTION. Ixix '•' This Venetian of ours, who went with a ship from Bristol ill quest of new isLinds, is returned, and says, that seven liundred leagues hence he discovered * terra firnia,' which is tlie territory of the (jirand Cham ; he coasted for three hun- dred leagues and landed ; he saw no human being whatso- ever, but he has brought hither to the king certain snares, wiiich had been set to catch game, and a needle for making nets ; he also found some felled trees, wherefore he sup- posed there were inhabitants, and returned to his ship in alarm. " lie was three months on the voyage it is quite certain ; and coming back he saw two islands to starboard, but would not land, time being precious as he was short of provisions. Tlie king is much pleased with this intelligence. He says that the tides are slack, and do not flow as they do here. " The king has promised that in the spring he shall have ten ships, armed according to his own fancy, and at his rc(|uest he has conceded him all the prisoners, except sucli as are confined for high treason, to man them Avitli. lie has also s^iven him inonev wherewith to amuse himself till then, and he is now at Bristol with his wife, who is a Venetian woman, and with his sons ; his name is Zuan Cabot, and they call him the great admiral. Vast honour is paid him, and he dresses in silk ; and these English run after him like ma-^ people, so that he can enlist as many of them as lie pleases, and a number of our own rogues besides. " The discoverer of these places planted on his new-found land a large cross, with one flag of England and another of S. jNIark, by reason of his being a Venetian ; so that our banner has floated very far afield." This letter is a fit subject for much speculation. to his brothers, Alvisc and Francisco Pasqiuvligo, in Venice. Re- ceived on the 2ord of September, 1497. — Collections of the I'/iilo- hiblon Society, vol. ii. IXX INTRODUCTION. Only two of the questions to wliich it gives rise seem, however, to belong to our province. The coxintrij of the Great Chan^ of whicli Pasqualigo speaks, is the Cathay of llubruquis and Marco Polo, that is to say, northern China. The vague terms in which geogra- phical information was published in the middle ages, had engendered a signal and very momentous mistake. The Cathay of tlie early travellers was supposed to lie very much furtlier to the north-east than it really does, and densely populated kingdoms were tliouglit to exist in the extreme north-east of Asia, where only some dreary Kamtchadalian village breaks the soli- tude of a hundred miles of snow. The Cathajj towards which the Cabots, Verazzano, "Willoughby, Frobishcr, Barentz, and Hudson directed their efforts was an imaginary country, without any real existence. It is worthy of notice, that the Cabots were thought to have reached that far famed coast. The existence of a continent between Europe and Asia had thus either not yet been understood, or, at least, not yet been publicly acknowledged by them in the year 1497. On the other hand, it is only fair to observe that the discovery of the new continent, as a real though not yet as an acknowledged fact, must be numbered among the results of the 1497 expedition, unless we are inclined to attribute it to the doubtful one of 1494. It is impossible to sail, as the Cabots did, three hundred leagues along the coast of any part of North America, north of the tropics, without ftilling in with the terra firma. The vexed question, whe- ther Newfoundland or Labrador was the first land INTRODUCTION. Ixxi touched by tlic Cabots, becomes, therefore, entirely niiavailing", as regards the first discovery of the main- land of America, which discovery belongs to the Cabots beyond all doubt and cavil. The controversy that has been carried on with much zeal and some unfairness between the partisans of Columbus and those of John and Sebastian Cabot, may, therefore, at last be set at rest. And this is the more desirable, as the dispute is utterly at variance with the \ iows of those great men. No one was readier than Sebas- tian Cabot to acknowledge the real and immortal merit of Columbus, namely, that of having first crossed the Atlantic Ocean. Neither Columbus nor Cabot claimed the discovery of America. Colum- bus never recognised that a new continent had been found, and supposed his own explorations to lie among the islands of Japan. Cabot did discover America, and did recognise the existence of a new continent; but he only considered it as a hateful bar- rier, which he made lifelong efforts to break through. For that is the aim of his voyages in search of a north-western and of a western passage to Asia. It seems not to have struck any one of the numer- ous writers on this topic, that the search for a passage through the new continent is an obvious acknow- lodgment of its existence. It involves the scientific discovery of the New World. This merit belongs to Sebastian Cabot. lie was the first to recognize that a new and unknown continent was lying, as one vast barrier, between Western Europe and Eastern Asia. Sebastian Cabot's expedition in the year 1498 was Ixxii INTIIODUCTION. tlic first voyage in search of a north-west passage. It Avas performed by Sebastian alone, withont the companionship of his father.^ AVe possess a certain nnmber of contemporary acconnts of this expecUtion ; but all of them very short, and written by men un- acquainted with the localities. The fact of the search for a i)assage, and some minor details of tlH> expedition, arc thus rendered perfectly certain, whilst the locality where the search was first made remains doubtful. The following arc the ascertained facts. King Henry VII took an active interest in the expedition, granted a new charter for it, contributed towards its expenses, and was to share in its gains. Cabot was the con\,ma.nder of a small squadron, some Bristol merchants having joined him, and he had three hun™ dred men under his orders. lie sailed from England about the beginning of May 1498, and directed his course towards North America by way of Iceland. He tlien attempted the search for a north-western passage ; and having failed in finding it, went south- ward along the North American coast down to 38° N. Sebastian Cabot afterwards undertook another voy- age in search of a north-west passage, at Henry VlII's expense, either in 1516 or in 1517. The failure of that expedition is ascribed to the faint-heartedness of Cabot's companion, Sir Thomas Perthe. The records of these two voyages are so mixed up, tluit it is im- possible to make out what belongs to the one, what ' John Cabot is therefore supposed to have (lied in 1497 or 1-198, a conclusion which is by no means necessary. INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii to (lie otlier. It is, liowcvcr, tolerably certain that Cabot discovered the two straits, one of which now bears Davis's, the other Hudson's name. The west coast of Davis's strait up to GT' 30' is figured on Cabot's great planisphere of 1544.^ The opening of Hudson's strait seems to be indicated on the snme innp. This strait is besides so minutely described from one of Cabot's charts by Uicliard Willes, that we cannot for a moment hesitate to attribute that discovery to the originator of tlie search for a north- Avestern passage. Tlic following are Willes' words. " You may read in his card, drawn with his own hand, that the mouth of the North ^V'estern Straight lietli near the 318 meridian (00 Greenwich) between Gl and 64 degrees in Uie elevation, continuing the same breadth about ten degrees west, where it ojiencth southerly more and more." Sebastian Cabot has, therefore, the merit of having not only started an idea which has occupied the (>fforts of more than three centuries ; but of having also indicated the only possible roads for carrying it out. To do more was beyond the means which his time aft'orded.- Sebastian Cabot started in liis old age another idea, which has become almost equally momentous 1 This fact puts an end to the controversy, as (o wlictlicr Cabot (lid or did not reacli that high Uititudc. The observation itself is due to Mr. D"Avc/,ac, the eminent French geographer, who was kind enough to communicate it to the writer of the present pages a few years ago, when examining with him the planisphere of Sebastian Cabot in the Paris library. - Sec note B, at the end of the introduction, for a statement of the sources from which the account of the Cabots has been drawn. I Ixxiv INTROnUCTION. in the liistory of arctic discovery — the search for a north-eastern route to China. ISfore tlian half a century elapsed between the origin of the first and that of the second scheme. For the present we confine ourselves to the history of the search for a north-western passage down to Hudson's time, and shall afterwards take up the liistory of that north eastern route. The early expeditions in search of a north-western passage may be; divided into two distinct epochs. The aim was identical in both ; but the methods were different. All the early navigators who sought for a passage through the new continent wished to break through the unwelcome barrier between the west of Europe and Calhay, and thus to reach Asia by a short road. The difference between the two epochs consists in the amount of knowledge of the real nature of that barrier, which the one and the other possessed. The first attempts may, perhaps, be likened to a blind rush at an obstacle, the extent and diffi- culties of which were not yet understood. These at- tempts ended in despair, and in a temporary aban- donment of the grand scheme. But they also brought about incidcntallv, and almost to the regret of those who made them, extensive explorations of the ob- stacle which would not yield to their efforts ; that is to say, of the New World. Some unexpected advantages were also discovered, and 1(h1 to a regular intercourse with the shores of North America, and by means of these voyages a more accurate know- ledge of the North American coasts was obtained. INTRODUCTION. Ixxv The systems of geogni[)liical criticism were at the same time developed, the various scraps of informa- tion weie collected, confronted and arranged by indus- trious scholars, and an immense progress was made in gc()grn[)hical science. The explorers of the second e[)()eh, Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hudson, and his successors, had the labours of Mercator, Ortelius and of other geographers to gu't'o them. They had the means of knowing the real shape of America, at least in all its principal features, and had thus a sound basis for their efforts, and a more confined space towards which to direct them ; whilst, to their eurly })redccessors, the very existence of a New AVorld was a startling and unexpected fact. This is the reason for the vaguer aims of one class, and for the more distinct aims of another class of hardy ma- riners, both of whom deserve in an equal degree our admiration and our gratitude. The search for a short route from Western Europe to China, belonged naturally to those European states that would most profit by its being discovered; namely, to those bordering on the Atlantic Ocean, to England, France, Spain, and Portugal. Each of these kingdoms took a share in the search for a pas- sage, but the French, Spaniards, and Portuguese only during the first epoch. It is one of the glories of England to have alone persevered in this great unitertaking. The Portuguese were the first nation that followed in Sebastian Cabot's footsteps. Within four years after his expedition of 1498, two Portuguese voyages IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ,56 1^ ti^ 125 il.4 M 1.8 1.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14560 (716) 873-4503 ■1>' ,v N> • j^., tude 63° 8', three degrees and a half further south. >'"\.^^ ., ' But before he reached that inlet he fell in with ^^ •'vt^'' > ' another more northern opening, named by him Cum- berland Strait, and which seemed to offer a good chance of a passage. He arrived at the mouth of that strait the 11th of August, and having explored it for six days, he met with a cluster of islands, " with many fair sounds between," and concluded by an admirable course of reasoning that the strait does , lead to the Pacific. His opinion has not yet been <^['.'- '" disproved, and further exploration may show it to ' ''- ' have been correct. The charts of those regions are j J • still in the highest degree unsatisfactory. We know as little as the first discoverers did, whether Fro- ' ( bisher's and Cumberland's Straits do or do not com- municate with the more western waters. In bare justice to those great men, the information which intelligent whalers must have gained in that long 1 ; INTRODUCTION. CXIU interval might be collected and inserted in the Admi- ralty charts. After so much has been done for the higher regions, something might be done for the west of Davis' Strait, and for the channels that lead into it. " There are many intelligent whaling cap- tains," says Captain M'Clintock, " who possess much valuable knowledge of these lands and seas ; and even in the terra incognita of Frobisher's Straits whalers have wintered, whilst our charts scarcely afford even a vague idea of the configuration of these extensive islands. . . A surveying vessel would be usefully employed for a couple of summers in tracing the general outline of these possessions of Her IVIa- jesty." Davis sailed homewards the 24th of August. lie brought his two frail barks safely home the 30th of September, 1585. Davis sailed again the 7th of May, 1586. He had with him four vessels, the Sunshine and Moonshine^ which he had the year before ; the Meermaid^ a vessel of a hundred tons ; and the North Star, a pinnace of ten tons burden. The 7th of May he was south of Iceland in 60°, and despatched the Sunshine and North Star to search between Greenland and Iceland. He himself proceeded westward with the 3Ieermaid and Moonshine, and reached the south of Greenland the 15th of June. But he had arrived too early in the season. A huge mass of ice encumbered the Greenland shore. To round it he had to stand out of the strait, and to sail as far south as 57". The ice, at present also, often forms regular fields and packs out of Davis' Strait, such as he encountered in q ' f, CXIV INTRODUCTION. the beginning, and the Basse, of Bridgcwatcr, met with at the end of summer, in hititude 57°. Having rounded the pack, Davis reached Gilbert's Sound the 29th of June. Stormy weather, and the wish to be- come- thoroughly acquainted with the country, de- tained him till tlie middle of the month of July. The 17th we meet him again at sea, not far from Gil- bert's Sound, but a little to the south, in G3° 8'. Davis had now to encounter a new and a fiercer struggle with the pack. A fortnight's sail carried him only a few degrees farther north and a very small distance farther west. Many of the sailors in his larger vessel had probably never seen the arctic regions before. Their courage fell, and at last Davis met with that obstacle, worse than storm and ice, a mutiny among his crew. Subdued by his imposing presence, his sailors did not break out into the ex- cesses which troubled Weymouth and cost Hudson his life ; but they represented in earnest language that " he might not, through his over-boldness, leave their widows and little children to give him bitter curses." He obeyed, and after little more than one day's south-eastern sail he reached land on the Green- land shore, in latitude 66° 33', the 1st of August. He was now constrained to send the 3Iecrmaid home, the crew being unwilling to encounter any longer the dangers of navigation among the ice, which are appalling enough even for those who have spent many years in those regions, and whose vessels are specially fitted for this dangerous navigation by every contrivance that ingenuity can invent. But Davis INTRODUCTION. CXV was not shaken in his purpose. He now entrusted himself to tlie Moonshine^ more a fishing smack tlian a ship. A few days were spent in j)r(^pariug lier for her arduous task, and the 5th slic started by herself. She crossed the strait in nearly a due westerly direc- tion. The 14th of August she was near Cape AVal- singham, in latitude 60° 19', on the American side. It was too late for anything more than a summary search along the coast. The rest of the month, and the first days of September, were spent in that search. Besides the already known openings, namely, Cumberland Strait, Frobisher's Strait, and Hudson's Strait, two more openings were found, Davis Lilct in 56°, and IvuctoJcc Inlet in 54° 30'. Davis now had to cross the Atlantic in his miserable craft, and he per- formed the voyage through the equinoctial gales in little more than three weeks. He reached England again in the beginning of October, 1586. The 19th of June, 1587, Davis began his third north-western voyage with three vessels, one of which was the SunsJiine^ always his faithful companion. He had besides brought out, in frame, a pinnace, intended for exploration in shallow water. After he had reached Gilbert's Sound, the 16th of June, he was about to set up the pinnace, when the Esquimaux of the neighbourhood, seeing the many fine pieces of iron which were used as nails and spikes, could not resist the temptation of tearing the whole fabric to pieces to obtain those treasures. This singular race exhibited from the very first the same cha- racteristics which have now become so familiar to ■■; CXVl INTRODUCTION. arctic explorers. The cheerfulness and good nature of the Esquimaux are praised by those who first came in contact with them, and some of these early mari- ners put these qualities in contrast with the fierceness / and the gloom of the Indian warriors. Still such depredations as those here noted too often occur, proving that low standard of morality which belongs to the savage. These occurrences, and the partial restoration of the pinnace, delayed Davis till the 21st of June. From that day to the 30th of the same month he sailed to the north along the Greenland shore, and arrived on the 30th of June, 1587, in lati- tude 72° 12', nearly four degrees farther north than any one had been before him in that sea. He found to the north " no ice, but a great sea, free, large, very salt and very blue," and " it seemed most manifest that the passage was free and without im- pediment toward the north." Northern gales and the wish to proceed to the west prevented his sailing farther in this northern direction, or he would have forestalled some of his most distinguished follow- ers. Baffin's Bay would now bear the name of John Davis. A few days before, when he was off the Green- land coast in latitude 67°, he believed that he saw the American shore. But he was evidently deceived. The distance is two hundred miles, and the feat is impos- sible. None of the phenomena of the arctic regions ' f can render it likely. What Davis really saw was { the almost solid ice field, with which he had soon to / engage in a most desperate struggle. He never I reached the latitude of (57° on the American side, and INTRODUCTION. CXVII was therefore unable to correct his mistake. To this mistake Davis' Strait probably owes its name — a name singularly inappropriate for a passage of such im- mense width. Davis now tried to sail westward with- out giving up the high latitude he had reached. But this proved impossible. lie met with the eternal enemy of arctic exploration, the ice. In spite of this obstacle he advanced, on the 1st of July, forty -four miles in nearly a western direction, deflecting but slightly to the south. But he was obliged to give up that advantage. Westerly and north-westerly winds drove the ice straight against him. He had to retreat to the Greenland coast. The 13th of July he was in about the same place as he had been sixteen or seventeen days before, in latitude QT 50', off Green- land. Now he found the sea sufficiently open to proceed at least in a south-westerly direction. He crossed the strait in five days, from the 14th to the 17th of July. On the 17th he was off the American shore, in latitude 65° 30'. Remaining in that neigh- bourhood he reached, the 19th, Mount Raleigh, the 20th, the mouth of Cumberland Strait. From the 20th to the 23rd he explored Cumberland Strait, hoping to find there the passage. But he met with a solid barrier of ice, and had to return. This voyage out of the strait was partly impeded by calms, and re- quired six more days, to the 29th of July. They now sailed to the south, along the American side of Davis' Strait, and passed the 30th across the mouth of Fro- bisher's Strait, the 31st of July and the 1st of August across the mouth of Hudson's Strait. " Which inlet CXVni INTRODUCTION. or gulfe this afternoone (31st) and in the night (31st ' — 1st of August) we passed over, where, to our great admiration, we saw the sea falling down into the gulfe with a mighty overfall and roaring, and with divers circular motions like whirlpools, in such sort as forcible streams pass throu^^h the arches of bridges." His further progress d- i to 52° 40' offers no new geographical interest. Davis reached home the 15th of September, 1587. After his return lie expressed the liveliest hope of finding a passage to the north, beyond the latitude of 73°. But the attack of the Armada in 1588, and the death of Walsingham, which occurred soon after- wards, deprived him of the opportunity to follow up his discoveries. Davis' journals are the only ones of all those left by early north-western explorers, where, with a little attention, every point can be clearly made out. Had they, like the confused descriptions of Frobisher's voyages, been published immediately after the navi- gator's return, he would soon have found a successor. They appeared in print in 1599, and in 1601 George Weymouth offered to the East India Company to undertake for them a north-western expedition. So confident was he of success, that in case of failure he waived all claim to pay or remuneration. Weymouth sailed the 2nd of May, 1602. He reached the south of Greenland the 18tli of June, crossed Davis' Strait in a westerly and north-westerly direction, and arrived the 28th off the American shore, in latitude 63° 53'. Weymouth now sailed to (,Y' y^'ib w > INTRODUCTION. CXIX the north, hoping to find the open water indicated by Davis, and resolved to winter between 68° and 70° should it be required. He had arrived in lati- tude 68° 53', when a mutiny broke out among his ^V? ^ ' ^ crew, who refused to advance any further. Wey- t^-^'- ''^^ mouth had committed the mistake of accepting the companionship of a clergyman named John Cart- wright, who possessed the rejputation of being fami- liar with geographical matters, and who gained great influence over the crew. The presumption and cowardice of this man have blighted Weymouth's fame. Unable to proceed as he judged best, Wey- mouth had to retrace his steps. The 25th of July he arrived at Hatton's Headland, in 61° 40', the north- ern entrance to Hudson's Bay. According to his own words, he sailed " an hundred leagues west and by south" into the strait. There must be either a slight exaggeration in the distance, or the statement as regards the course must be slightly incorrect. The latter is, indeed, the case ; this the journal clearly shows. But there is no reason to pass on Weymouth the severe verdict, that he pretends to have done a thing which is impossible; a verdict first pronounced by Fox, whose acquaintance with the south of Hudson's Strait was very imperfect ; then confirmed by Sir John Bar- row, who probably did not take the trouble to look into a map, and then repeated by others. That Wey- mouth really sailed a considerable distance into Hud- son's Strait does not allow of a doubt, nor is it doubtful that he "lighted Hudson into the strait," as Fox, with greater justice, expresses it. Weymouth's later pro- ceedings are not of any geographical interest. CXX INTRODUCTION. After Weymouth, and before Hudson, only one more voyage in search of a north-west passage was undertaken. It was performed by John Knight, in 1606. It led to no result whatever. We have now to go back a period of more than half a century, and to speak of the opening and progress of the search for a north-cast passage, down to the time when Hudson was engaged in the realization of this idea. We have already re- peatedly had occasion to allude to this matter, and especially to point out the principal circumstances which afforded Sebastian Cabot the opportunity again to exert himself in behalf of English com- merce. On a former page of the present introduc- tion we have narrated the first events in Sebastian Cabot's life. There we left him. It will, perhaps, be best to give in a few lines a summary of his career, until he finally fixed his residence in England. We have seen that he arrived in this country with liis father; that in 1497 he found North America ; that in 1498 he began the search for a north-west passage, and probably discovered Hudson's Strait. From 1498 to 1512 his movements are uncertain. In 1512 he entered the Spanish service, became a mem- ber of the Council of the Indies, and was to under- take voyages for the Spaniards. Preparations were made for an expedition in spring 1516. But the politi- cal changes which took place at the time prevented it, and Cabot again went to England. He undertook a second voyage in search of a north-west passage, pro- bably in 1517, and then discovered Davis' Strait, up INTRODUCTION. CXXl to 67° 30', After his return Cardinal Wolsey wished to empk)y him. The negociations led to nothing, and he again returned to Spain, resuming his old dignity and becoming in addition pilot-major. In 1523, tired. as it seems of the Spanish service, he secretly made overtures to Venice. Though very anxious to serve that city, which he considered as his home, insur- mountable difficulties prevented his doing so, and he remained the pilot-major of Spain. In 1526 he undertook, for the Spanish crown, an expedition to the Moluccas ; but he only reached the La Plata river, where he remained for five years exploring the surrounding country. From 1531 to his final return to England, no voyages of his are on record, nor docs he seem to have performed any during that time. In 1548 he arrived in England. Edward VI, a prince of great promise, who, in spite of his youth, fully comprehended tliat England, to become a great power, must have its fair portion of the world's com- merce, very gladly received Sebastian Cabot into his service and granted him a salary, liberal for those days, of £166. When Cabot, in 1522 and 1523, made overtures to the Venetian government, it was his intention to point out to them what he then believed to be by far the most advantageous route to the Indies. All the roads to India which are followed at the present day "Nvere then considered the special properties of Spain and Portugal ; and these two powers, the most com- manding in Europe, had the means and the will to defend that property. The scheme of the north-west mm CXXU INTRODUCTION. passage had probably been given up by Cabot as hopeless, at least in a commercial point of view. But there yet remained one chance of a short way to eastern Asia, namely, by the north-east. Even now, knowing, as we do, the great northern elevation of the coast of Siberia, the shortest line across sea that we could draw from any part of Europe to China would pass by Nova Zembla, and would lead us to the north-east. But those north-eastern parts were absolutely unknown to Cabot. Misinterpreting some passages in Pliny, Cornelius Nepos, and other ancient writers, then the only available sources of in- formation with regard to the north-east, Sebastian Cabot concluded the distance from Europe to China by that route to be much shorter than it really is. He was, moreover, convinced that the north-eastern seas were not only navigable, but had, in fact, been navigated by the ancients. On these erroneous assump- tions, he founded the plan of searching for a route to China by the north-east. His wish thus to benefit Venice remained, however, a pium desiderium. The Venetian ambassador Contarini, with whom he en- tered into negociations, plainly told him that Venice could not venture to make opposition to the Spanish and Portuguese commerce, because these powers commanded the Strait of Gibraltar, and could pre- vent both the departure and the return of the Vene- tian vessels should they attempt any such under- taking. Cabot, therefore, stored up the idea in his mind. It was after his return to England that the necessities of English commerce, which we have 1 INTRODUCTION. CXXlll already described, offered him an opportunity of carrying out his favourite pUm : if not for Venice, at least for a country which he viewed with less repugnance than he must have harboured towards Spain. The commercial association to which his scheme gave rise, that of the Merchant Adventurers, has passed through a most brilliant career and is still in existence. Tlieir earliest proceedings, and those of the Dutch who followed them, have met with more attention from geograpliical scholars than perhaps any other similar subject has done. We possess espe- cially two excellent works, one by Dr. Von Hamel, the other by Dr. Beke : tlie latter among the collections of the Hakluyt Society. There is now hardly left room for any new investigations. It will therefore be easy for us to do what we shall attempt in the next few pages, namely, to point out how the way wliich Hud- son followed in his first voyages had been prepared by his predecessors. The first north-eastern expedition which was sent out by the Company of Merchant Adventurers sailed from Ratcliff, the 10th of May, 1553. It consisted of three ships, all with equally auspicious names, the Bona Esperan:3a^ Bona Confidential and Edward Bonavenhire. But the names of the two first ships were sadly to be belied. Sir Hugh Willoughby, captain-general of the fleet, was driven with these two ships far out to sea, and at length put into a small haven on the coast of Lapland, near the mouth of the river Warsina, where the entire crews of both CXXIV INTRODUCTION. vessels, amounting in all to seventy souls, perished from cold and hunger. Before meeting with his untimely end, Willoughby, on the 14th of August, " descried land, which land (he says in a note found written in one of the two ships) we bore with all, hoising out our boat to dis- cover what land it might be ; and the boat could not come to land, the water was so shoule, where was very much ice also, but there was no similitude of habitations ; and this land lyeth from Seynam east and by north 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 de- grees. Then we plyed to the northward." Dr. Beke, whom we have literally followed in this description of ^Yilloughby's voyage, goes on to show that the land discovered by AVilloughby was a part of Nova Zembla, now called the Goose Coast. For a long time English geographers contended that Willoughby had discovered Spitzbergen. This most indefensible theory has found its way into Purchas' notes to Hudson's voyages. We shall speak of its origin in our geographical review. llichard Chancellor, pilot-major of Willoughby 's fleet, was far more fortunate than his hapless chief In the third vessel, the Edtvard Bonavcnturc^ commanded by Stephen Burrough, he succeeded in entering the Bay of St. Nicholas, since better known as the White Sea, and on the 24th of August, 1553, reached in safety the western mouth of the Dwina, whence he proceeded overland to the court of the Emperor of Muscovy. The result was the foundation of the com- mercial and political relations between England and INTRODUCTION. CXXV Russia, which have subsisted with but brief inter- ruptions up to the present day. Shortly after Chancellor had brought his section of Willoughby's expedition to so successful an issue, the Company of Merchant Adventurers, by whom the three ships had been fitted out, received a charter of incorporation, bearing date February 6tli, 1 and 2 Ph. and ]Mar. (1554-1555); and subsequently, in the eighth year of (iueen Elizabeth (156()), they obtained an act of Parliament, in which they are styled " the Fellowship of English Merchants for Discovery of New Trades," a title under which they still continue incorporated, though they are better known by the designation of the " Muscovy" or " Russia Company." It is not here the place to discuss the general pro- ceedings of the Russia Company, important tliough they be, and highly deserving of being made the sub- ject of special investigation All that we have to do is to notice the expeditions which were undertaken under the auspices of that company, for the purpose of exploring the seas bounding the Russian empire on the north, with a view to the discovery of a north- east passage to China. Of these expeditions, the first was that of Stephen Burrough, who had, in 1555, been the master of Richard Chancellor's ship, the Edward Bonaventure, and who was, in 1556, dispatched in the pinnace Searchthrift^ to make discovery towards the river Ob. Dr. Beke, whom we have again literally followed \ for the whole of the preceding page, now goes on to describe in detail the voyage of the Searchthrlft. But ; !i ! I CXXVl INTRODUCTION. tliis expedition is of much less importance for our subject than for his. The following summary is suf- ficient for our purpose. Burrough left Gravesend the 23rd of April, passed the North Cape the 23rd of May, reached Kola the 9th of June ; and then pro- ceeded, in company with some native boats, to explore Nova /embla. For the sake of greater clearness, it is, perhaps, best to observe, that Nova Zembla, or Novaya Zemlya, is a group of islands in shape of a crescent. The crescent has on its outer (western) side the Spitzbergen Sea, on its inner (eastern) side the Sea of Kara, and forms the boundary between those two seas. The southern end of the crescent bends towards the mouth of the river Petchora. The northern extremity points towards Cape Taimyr. This northern extremity is in latitude 77°, and in nearly the same longitude with the mouth of the river Oby. The Nova Zembla group consists of four larger and several smaller islands. The names of the larger ones are, according to Dr. Beke's nomencla- ture, Vaigats for the most southern,^ Novaya Zemlya Proper for the next, Mattb^^w's Land for the fol- lowing, and Liitke and Barents' Land for the most northern. These islands are separated from each other by straits, more or less narrow. The ex- ploration of the islands, and the discovery of the straits between them, is the principal point of in- terest in most of the early north-eastern voyages ; for the Nova Zembla group forms a natural barrier f; ^ Dr. Bcke docs not consider Vaigats as part of Nova Zembla, but Mr. Scoresby does. ■'■ I i\ INTRODUCTION. CXXVll upon wliich the navigator must strike when he wishes to penetrate to China by a north-easterly route, and liis first efforts must be towards the crossincr of tliis barrier. All the seamen of whom we have to speak were obliged to make that attempt. The first of them, AVilloughby, merely touched Nova Zembla. Others, like Brunei and Hudson, made useless efforts to penetrate through frozen straits and bays, and then returned. The most successful navioators discovered the open passages between the islands, and the bold- est of all, WilHam Barents, sailed along the western side of the whole group, rounded its northern point, and wintered on the north-eastern shore. But even tiiose who were fortunate enough to penetrate beyond Nova Zembla and into the Sea of Kara, made after- wards but little progress. That sea is, by Polar cur- rents, continually filled with close packed ice. Only two or three ships are known to have penetrated through it and to have reached the mouth of the Oby. The Russians themselves, though at home in those waters, and of notorious courage and expe- rience in this kind of navigation, have as yet been unable to explore the whole east coast of Nova Zembla. Stephen Burrough's north-eastern explorations be- gan, as we have said, the 9th of June, 1556. Nothing memorable happened to him before the 25th of July, when he discovered a small island between the main- land of Russia, and Vaigats, the most southern of the four larger Nova Zembla islands. His new discovery was called St. James's Island. Then sailing to the north, he found Vaigats the 31st of July. He coasted CXXVlll INTllODUCTION. along' the western side of Vaigats, and the 3rd of August he reached its northern point. Tlic 4th, he sailed through the strait between Vaigats and Nova /embla Proper, which is therefore called Burroagh's Strait. lie had now entered the Kara Sea. But there his success ended. lie could not advance against the ic "d had to return the 5th of August, 1556. He ar. ,ed at Archangel the Iltli of September, 1556. A long time elapsed before the search was renewed. The Muscovy Company had so unexpected a success in the country they were trading- with, that they found full employment and a satisfactory reward for their labours. Their agents also learned in Russia that an overland route to China existed, and carefully noted down its different stages and stations. All this diverted their minds from the purpose for wliich the cr )any had originally been established. Still the s ' for a north-east passage w^as not entirely given up. In 1568 a commission was issued to three ser- vants of the company who were then in Russia, Bassendine, Woodcock, and Browne, to search to the east and to the west of Nova Zembla. Nothing is known of the success of this expedition, nor even ■whether it started. Twelve years elapsed before the next expedition was undertaken of which we have any record. The 31st of May, 1580, Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman, two captains in the service of the Muscovy Company, started from Harwich, in two small barks, of forty and twenty tons burden. Having sailed toge- ther as far as Wardhuus (Lapland coast), Pet and INTHODUCTION. CXXIX Jackman separated the 24th of June, appointing the island of Vaigats as their meeting phice. Pet reached, on the 4th of July, Nova Zembla Proper, in latitude 71° 38'. He then sailed to the south, and was, on the 10th of July, off Vaigats Island. There he remained till the 14th. He then tried for a passage by the north of Vaigats, but failed to discover the strait which Burrough had found. He now steered to the south-west, and reached the mouth of the Petchora on the 17th. Thence he started again to the east. He kept close to the Russian shore, and discovered the strait between Vaigats and the mainland, which is therefore called Pet Strait. The 19th of July, Pet was in the Kara Sea. But the pack was again as close as it had been in Burrough's time, and it was impossible to move through it. After five days of vain struggle with that obstinate enemy, Pet was joined by his companion, Jackman, who had also found his way into the Sea of Kara. The two barks, of forty and twenty tons, now united their eff'orts, and tried to force their way onward to China. Three more days were spent in this vain labour. On the 28th of July Pet and Jackman resolved to return to Vaigats, and then to deliberate on their future proceedings. But they were now in the middle of the pack, some of the floes of which were so large that their boun- dary could not be seen. It required the unremitting labours of seventeen anxious days to carry them back the small distance they had advanced into the Sea of Kara. They reached Vaigats on the 15th of August, and had passed back through Pet Strait by the 20th I I < CXXX INTRODUCTION. of the same month. Pet reached home on the 26th of December. Jackman wintered in Norway, and perished on his homeward voyage the following spring. This is the last well authenticated English voyage in search of a north-east passage, anterior to those of Hudson in 1607 and 1608. There is, however, strong reason to believe, that before the year 1584 an Eng- lish vessel actually sailed through the Kara Sea and reached the mouth of the Oby, where she suf- fi.';ed shipwreck. The crew are said to have been slain by the natives, who thought them to be robbers. The agents of the Muscovy Company also obtained some extremely interesting information with regard to the routes usually followed by the Russians from the Petchora to the Oby, both along the Russian shore and across Nova Zembla ; and their hope of a passage was maintained, in spite of repeated failures. No actual attempt of theirs is, however, on record, between 1584 and 1607. But almost at the very time when the long lapse of their efforts in this direction begins, another nation appears on the scene, namely, the Dutch. This nation was destined to be, for two hundred years, the rival of England's mari- time power, and their rivalry first began in the frozen seas off Nova Zembla. The explorations which they made there at the end of the sixteenth century are still, and very justly, reckoned among the national glories of the Dutch. Other nations have not failed to acknowledge their title to universal admiration. The Hakluyt Society, in especial, has devoted to them one INTRODUCTION. CXXXl of its most remarkable volumes. These explr '^tions were the principal lights on Hudson's way to the north-east, and we must therefore again dwell upon them, although they have been so thoroughly inves- tigated by Dr. Beke in the work repeatedly referred to. AVe have, on a former page, spoken of the tide of emigration from the southern provinces of the Nether- lands, caused by Alba's persecutions. We have also said that many of the most vigorous elements of that stream, after having been scattered over all parts of Europe, gathered again and settled in the northern provinces, especially in Holland and Zealand, when these parts became free from the Spanish yoke. One of the men who thus left Belgium, strayed far abroad, and afterwards went to Holland, was Oliver Brunei, a native of Brussels, whom we meet, in 1580, at the mouth of the river Petchora, bent on the search for a north' east passage. Alba's persecutions began in 1567 and lasted till 1573. During the same period, and for several years afterwards, the frontier provinces of Russia and Swe- den were desolated by the fierce contentions between those two empires. The Swedes called to their flags a number of foreigners, mostly, or perhaps all, Pro- testants. Scotch and Germans they were said to be, but under these names there were also comprised adventurers from other countries. Among these probably was Oliver Brunei. He was made a prisoner by the Russians, and had, in 1580, been for several years in the service of two Russian merchants, the CXXXU INTRODUCTION. one called Yakow, the other Anikyi. A Swedish shipwright, probably also a prisoner, was likewise in the service of these Russians. At that time the factors of the English Muscovy Company were con- tinually making inquiries about the roads to the mouth of the Oby, and beyond it to Cathay. This roused the attention of the Russians, and the two merchants whom we have named hurried to follow the example as soon as the opportunity offered. They employed the skilful prisoners to construct and navigate for them two vessels, fit for sailing in shal- low water. Oliver Brunei, a man, as it seems, of no very high scientific attainments, but of good powers of observation, explored the whole coast of Russia, from the mouth of the Petchora to the mouth of the Oby. He also went to Vaigats and to Nova Zembla Proper. Having thus made himself useful to his masters, he was sent by them to Antwerp to hire a number of clever sailors for further exploration of the north-eastern route. On this journey he arrived, in February, 1581, on the island of Oesel, in the gulf of Livonia. In Arensburg, the capital of that island, there lived a man called John Balak, who was learned in geography. Balak, much interested by Brunei's account, requested him to call on Gerard Mercator, the great geographer, a Belgian by birth, who was living at Duisburg, in Cleves. Mercator had left his home much before Alba's time ; but already well aware that his liberal opinions in matters of religion (he was nominally a Roman Catholic, but iiad singu- lar notions of his own) would expose him to danger. nn INTRODUCTION. CXXXIU The letter of introduction which Brunei received from Balak was afterwards communicated by Merca- tor to Richard Hakluyt, in whose collection it is to be found. It is not clear whether Brunei ever went to An- twerp for his employers. He may not have known, when he left Russia, that Alexander of Parma had recently made an end to the reign of the friends of independence in Belgium, and that it would, perhaps, be hazardous to return there. However this may be, we afterwards find Brunei connected with the town of Enchuysen, in West Friesland.^ He undertook a voyage to the river Petchora, in a vessel from Enc- huysen. After having collected much valuable merchandize, he lost his ship, and perhaps his life, in the mouth of the river. The town of Enchuysen thus became engaged in the north-eastern scheme. This town chanced to possess at the time a number of distinguished men, who required but an impulse to engage their ideas in this new direction. Among these were Jacob Valck, the treasurer of the town ; Dr. Francis Maelson, the syndic of West Friesland, a man of much geo- graphical learning ; Cornelis Corneliszoon Nai, also called Menscheter, or Anthropophagus, a seaman of considerable experience ; and several other seamen, whom we shall have occasion to notice. Distinguished before all his fellow citizens was Jan Huighen van Linschoten, whose great work on the East Indies is * West Friesland borders on Holland, and forms part of the same province ; it may almost be considered as a part of Holland, CXXXIV INTRODUCTION. still a standard book in public and private libraries. Linschoten lived for years in the Portuguese posses- sions in the east, and made himself thoroughly ac- quainted with their resources. He, better than any one else, was able to understand how great an advan- tage it would be for any country to enter into com- mercial connection with those opulent regions. The northern provinces of the Netherlands, so small a spot on the map of Europe, had at that time much more than their own share of energy, intelli- gence, and riches. The exiles from Belgium and other refugees were crowded together in their new home, and were anxiously seeking a vent for their pent up energies. Such a vent the north-eastern scheme afforded. In the chief towns of Holland and Zealand two men arose, both Belgian emigrants, who led the minds of their fellow citizens towards these ideas. Dalthasar de Moucheron, an Antwerp mer- chant, settled in Middelburg, the capital of Zealand, had long been trading with Russia. The route to the White Sea was familiar to his captains and pilots. The above-mentioned Enchuysen sailors were all in his service. He also communicated with Maelson and Valck, and between these men the plan of a north-eastern expedition was brought to maturity. At Amsterdam there lived the celebrated geographer Peter Plancius, the very centre of the Belgian emi- gration, an ardent Calvinist preacher and divine, and one of the great geographical scholars of the age. He, before all others, formed with deliberate inten- tion the design of crippling the Spanish power by mm IiNTRODUCTION. CXXXV rival commerce, and for that purpose he founded at Amsterdam a school of navigation, in which the heroes of the northern and of the first eastern voy- ages of the Dutch acquired the greater part of their theoretical knowledge. The most distinguished among his pupils were Willem Barents and Jacob van Heemskerk, the Davis and the Drake of Holland. It was in the year 159J: that these movements yielded their first great result. Moucheron and his Enchuysen friends fitted out two vessels, the Stvan, from Ter Ver, in Zealand ; the Mercurij, from En- chuysen. Both were commanded by Enchuysen men; the Swan^ by Cornclis Nai, who had as under-pilot Pieter Strickbolle. With them went, as Mouche- ron's commercial agent, Francois de la Dale, a rela- tive of Moucheron, who had resided several years in Russia ; and as interpreter a Slavonian, named Splindler, who had been studying at Leyden. The Merciirij was commanded by Brant Tetgales, with Claes Cornelizoon as mate, both of Enchuysen. Jan Pluyghen van Linschoten accompanied them as " commis,"^ or coopman, filling, on board the Mer- I f I ^ The signification of this word seems not to be generally under- ^ stood. Even Dr. Beke has been somewhat unjust towards Hul- ' sius, because he supposes him to have translated it very incorrectly. The title commis, and the identical one of coopman, is generally ' translated supercargo. This is correct enough in one sense, though very incorrect in another. The functions of a commis were prin- cipally commercial, but his position was infinitely superior to that of a supercargo of the present day. When ships were sent out to open commercial intercourse with foreign nations, the men who were specially charged with these ncgociations held necessarily a high rank CXXXVl INTRODUCTION. cury^ the same position which De la Dale held on board the Swan. Peter Planciiis and his friends at Amsterdam roused the public spirit in that city, and the Amsterdammers likewise fitted out a vessel for the north-eastern search, under the command of Plancius' pupil, Willem Barents. The vessels under the two Enchuysen men, and that from Amsterdam, sailed together from home and returned home together ; still the two expedi- tions may almost be considered as distinct, so different were the plans which they followed. Maelson and his friends seem to have been intent on adopting in every respect the indications of Oliver Brunei. They instructed the two Enchuysen captains to sail through Pet Strait, between the mainland of Russia and Vai- gats ; then along the coast of the Sea of Kara, and in the expedition. Generally they had full powers from their govern- ment, and were diplomatic as well as commercial agents. They were neither the subordinates of the skipper, nor absolutely his superiors. Each disposed of the resources of the ship for the special business with which he was entrusted ; the skipper on sea, the commis in port. The noble nature of the men employed on the arctic expeditions prevented the else almost unavoidable con- flicts between these two kinds of authority. Linschoten and Tet- gales, Nai and De la Dale, Heemskerk and Barents, always agreed. But during the voyage where Cornelis Houtman was commis on board the Hollandia, there was a long scries of struggles be- tween the two authorities. Cornelis Houtman was at last, by general consent, made captain of the whole fleet. This fact, with which Hulsius was acquainted, seems to have induced him to translate Linschoten's title of commis by Ohcrster ; a translation which is not quite correct when applied to Linschoten, but not by any means so erroneous as Dr. Beke seems to think. INTRODUCTION. CXXXVU then to the Oby. Plancius, on the other hand, must have known that the English had repeat- edly tried that road without success. He consi- dered it as impracticable, and liis pupil was in- structed to sail along the Nova Zembla group, then to round it by the north-east, and thus to reach Cathay. Each party followed its own instructions. They all sailed together to Kilduyn, on the Lapland coast, where they separated. The Enchuysen captains then took their course through Pet Strait, which they named Nassau Strait, as if it had been a new discovery of their own. They now found even the strait pestered with ice, and had some difficulty in penetrating through it. Still greater were their difficulties in the Sea of Kara. After a vain attempt to follow their instructions literally and to keep the coast in sight, they had to return to the strait. Thence they afterwards started again, induced by the promising aspect of the ice, and in fact succeeded in crossing the Sea of Kara in a north-easterly direction. They mistook Kara Bay for the mouth of the river Oby, and tried to convince themselves and others that they had sailed beyond that river. Satisfied wdth that imaginary result, and unable to penetrate any further, they returned. Near the Russian coast they met Willem Barents, who had also followed his instructions. He had sailed along the whole of the Nova Zembla group, had rounded its north-eastern point, and had reached a cluster of islands, called by him the Orange Islands, off the north-eastern extremity. This exploit has never been repeated, except afterwards by Barents himself. The CXXXVlll INTRODUCTION. northern and north-eastern parts of Nova Zembla are yet laid down from his surveys. Still, when the two parties arrived at home, it Avas to the men from Enchnysen that the greater success was attributed ; simply because they advocated their claims more loudly and more eloquently, and because Linschoten, Nai, and their friends, possessed much more weight than Plancius and his pupils, who were sneered at as theorists. The reports brought home by the Zeeland and Enchuysen ships caused a general commotion through- out the country. It was now thought certain, that China could be reached by a north-eastern route ; and a much larger venture was made than the former one. Seven ships were fitted out, with the assistance of the government ; two from Amsterdam, two from Zealand, two from Enchuysen, one from Rotterdam. The command of the whole fleet was entrusted to Nai. Barents commanded the two Amsterdam ves- sels. The .ships sailed by the same route, which had so often been followed without success. Thcv entered the Kara Sea through Vaigats Straits. After a protracted struggle with the ice, they were obliged to ret'irn without even having made any new discoveries. Moucheron and the Enchuysen men now wisely gave up the scheme, as one which could not produce any satisfactory result. But the hopes of the nation had been too much roused to die away at once. Plan- cius, at Amsterdam, especially, thought that a fair trial had not been given to his plan of sailing much farther north than the Enchuysen and Zealand men ii INTRODUCTION. CXXXIX liad done. Barents was of the same opinion. Their friends at Amsterdam supported them, perhaps in some degree from opposition to Enchuysen and Mid- delburg. But the government were unwilling again to risk the resources of a new and dangerously placed community, and refused to grant them any assist- ance. They afforded them, however, some encourage- ment in a new manner, which has since been success- fully imitated in England. Large rewards were pro- mised to any vessel that would accomplish the voyage to China by the north-east. This was sufficient to induce moneyed men to risk their property, sailors to risk their lives, on this adventure. Two vessels were fitted out at Amsterdam, the one under Jacob van Heemskerk and Willem Barents, the other under John Cornells Kyp. Both vessels left Amsterdam the iOtli of May, 1596. In the begin- ning of June, shortly after they had passed the North Cape, disputes arose between Ryp and Barents. Ryp ' would not sail towards the north point of Nova Zem- bla, but kept a more north-western course ; peihaps [ with the intention of steerin"; straight across the ' ! North Pole, perhaps merely from opposition to Barents. Barents followed Ryp, and their course brought them to Bear Island, in latitude 74° 80', longitude 18° 40', which they discovered on the 9th ol June. Their voyage from the 9th to the 30th is not very clearly indicated in the logbook. Indeed, as it is there described it is impossible. ' According to Dr. Beke's and Mr. Peterman's interpretation, they sailed round Spitzbergen from south-east to north-west, i- Cxl INTRODUCTION. then to the west, and at last back to Bear Island from north-west to south-east. This feat seems highly improbable, and no one but these enthusiastic ad- mirers of Barents ever imagined it. According to the opinion of all other writers, Barents and Ryp explored merely the western side of Spitzbergen up to its most northern point, and perhaps a very small part of the northern shore. Then they returned to Bear Island. This view of the case is borne out by the almost contemporary map of Hondius, which forms part of the present collection. Hondius' map was specially intended as an illustra- tion of the voyage under review. Its statements were, at least tacitly, accepted as correct by Plancius and others, who had means of knowing the facts of the case.^ After their return to Bear Island, the 1st of July, Ryp and Barents separated ; Hyp to renew the search fro^ii the north-west of Spitzbergen east- ward, Barents to round the northern point of Nova Zembla, as he was ordered to do ; of Hyp's fur- ther proceedings, no satisfactory account remains. Barents succeeded, on the 15th of August, in round- ing the north-point, and in sailing a short distance to the south-east. But the ice of the Kara Sea soon ^ See the map : Tabula Geogr. in qua ndmirandee navigatioiiis cursiis et recursus cleHujnatur, The admiranda navigatio is Barents' third voyage, the course of which is indicated on the map. The work in which the map first appeared, Pontamis' Description of Amsterdam, was first .published in 1611; a Dutch translation, loith the same majjs, appeared in 1614. Pontanus himself had paid very considerable attention to northern discoveries, and was one of the most strenuous advocates of the north-eastern passage. INTRODUCTION. CxH arrested his progress. On the 2Cth of August, he had to seek refuge on the north-eastern coast of Nova Zembla ; and unable either to advance or to return through the ice, he was obliged to winter in this dreary region. Entirely unprepared for so highly dangerous an undertaking, both he and his crew had to undergo the severest sufferings, to whicli Barents succumbed the 20th of June, 1597. The return voyage of the crew under the able command of Jacob Heemskerk, is a deservedly celebrated adventure, which, however, offers no new fact of geographical interest. No more north-eastern expeditions were under- taken before the year 1607. The history both of the north-western and north-eastern search has thus been brouglit down to Hudson's tim_e. We have now to sum up the result of all these expeditions, and to see when and by whom the various coasts had been discovered and explored. Afterwards we shall have to inquire how the geographical results gained by these voyages presented themselves to the minds of Hudson and of his contemporaries. The voyages which we have recorded were nearly all directed to the arctic regions. In summing them up, we shall have to wander half round the North Pole. It seems best to begin where our review of the voyages ended, namely, on the north-eastern extremity of Europe. The Nova Zembla (/roup and the adjoining waters had formed the scene of frequent voyages. Some of the mariners had penetrated into the Sea of Kara, and had fought glorious battles against its redoubt- Cxlii INTUODUCTION. able icefields. Oliver Brunei had, about 1580, even passed beyond the Kara Sea, exploring the Rus- sian shore on the land side, from the mouth of the Petchora to the mouth of the Oby. A still more extraordinary feat is recorded of an English vessel, which, about the same period, performed the voyage from the Petchora to the Oby by sea. The eastern shore of the Kara Sea had, besides, been touched by the Enchuysen and Zeeland vessels of the first Dutch expedition in 1594. These are the explorations in the southern and south-eastern part of the Kara Sea. Its northern, or rather north-western, part had been entered in 1594, and still farther in 1596, by William Barents. Thus a part of the south-eastern and of the north-eastern shores of Nova Zembla had been visited. The remaining part of the east coast had never been touched by Europeans. The only navi- gable strait between the islands, that between Nova Zembla Proper and Vaigats, had been discovered by Burrough in 1556. The strait between Vaigats and the Russian coast had become perfectly familiar both to the English and the Dutch. It had been disco- vered by Pet and Jackman in 1580, and about the same time by Brunei. Nine Dutch vessels passed through it in 1594 and 1595. Some vague know- ledge of other straits and bays had also been acquired, mostly by indirect information. The west coast of Nova Zembla had been visited, in its northern part, by Burrough and Pet, in its southern part by Barents, who had also rounded the northern point, and had, as already stated, entered the Kara Sea by INTRODUCTION. CXlUl the north-cast. He liad thcro discovered the Orange Ishmds, off the north-east coast of Nova Zembla. The whole Russian coast, along the Spitzbergen and White Sea, had frequently been visited. Kolguev Island, west of the Petchora, had been touched by most of the eastward bound mariners. The group of inhospitable islands on the boundary line of eternal ice, between 80° and 76", which we call SpiLvhcrgcn^ had been found in 1596, and the western shores of the two western islands had been explored. In the same year, 1596, Bear Island, south of the western islands of the S[)itzbergen group, had been touched on its western, and again on its eastern side. Iceland, the next country we fall in with, had been colonized by the ancient Scandinavians. In more recent times, it had very frequently been visited by Englishmen and other mariners from the south, though the expeditions which we have narrated had not touched it, because it lies out of the track both of the north-western and the north-eastern search. Two vessels, dispatched on this special service by Davis in 1586, had sought for a passage to the North Pole between Iceland and Greenland, and had thus sailed along the east side of the great arctic con- tinent. They had, however, not touched Greenland itself. Greenland had been colonized, on its eastern side, by the Scandinavians. These colonies had been lost, and their inhabitants had perhaps not even left any descendants. They seem to have been visited by John of Kolno, in 1476, and in the sixteenth I II '' t i f Cxliv INTRODUCTION. century by their bishops and by Blefkenius. No recent navigator had touched any part of the east- ern shore, except near the southern point. John Davis explored the south-eastern coast of Green- land, between 60° and 61°. He also rounded the southern point, and sailed up along the western side to about 61°. This portion of the west coast had also been touched by Frobisher, ten years before Davis. Between 61° and 64° the west coast had never been seen since the time of the Scandinavians. From 64° up to 73° it had been surveyed by Davis in 1585, 1586, and 1587. Davis' Slrait had first been crossed by the ancient Scandinavians, at a very remote period. It had again been discovered by Sebastian Cabot in 1517. The American side of Davis' Strait was known to the Scandinavians. Cabot also found it when he entered the strait in 1517. The shore between 64° and 67° 30' is laid down upon his map. Davis had reached nearly the same latitude, at least within a degree. He had also explored the whole American coast down to 52°, had entered three of the inlets: Cumberland Inlet in 63° ; Davis' Inlet in bQ° ; Ivuc- toke Inlet in 54° 30' ; he had also surveyed the mouths of Frobisher's and of Hudson's Straits. Frobisher s Strait and the surrounding islands had been found by the seaman whose name the strait bears. Hudson's Strait had been disco veied by Sebastian Cabot in 1498. The Portuguese had sailed through it and had become acquainted with part of Hudson's Bay between 1558 and 1569. In 1577 Frobisher '.\ INTRODUCTION. Cxlv had by chance entered the strait. In 1602 Wey- mouth had sailed nearly a hundred leagues into it, from Ilatton's Headland to the neighbourhood of Hope's Advance Bay. The whole east coast of North America from 38° north to the mouth of Hudson's Strait, had been surveyed by Sebastian Cabot in 1498, and part of it before, in 1497, by his father and him. Others had rediscovered various parts. Thus the east of Newfoundland had been explored by Cortereal in 1501 ; the south coast, by some fishers from Nor- mandy and Brittany in 1504 and 1508. The mouth of the St. Lawrence had also been visited by Corte- real and by these French mariners. The river, nearly up to the lakes, and all the surrounding country, had been thoroughly explored by Jacques Cartier in 1534 and 1535, and afterwards by Roberval and Cartier. The sandhanJcs near the mouth of the St. Latv- rence, and the fishing stations along the Newfound- land coast, were frequented by the English, Portu- guese, French, and Spaniards. From the mouth of the St. Lawrence down to 38° of latitude various ' { navigators had explored the coasts. Verazzano, in 1524, sailed from latitude 34° to latitude 50°, always along the shore. Gomez, in 1525, explored the coast of Rhode Island, New York, and New Jersey. Both Verazzano and Gomez found the mouth of Hudson River. The Spaniards afterwards sailed along that shore, and marked some of its principal points as con- venient stations. Two of the islands along the same coast were also found ; Martha's Vineyard (which the 41 CXlvi INTRODUCTION. ancient Scandinavians are also said to have visited) by Vcrazzano ; Nantucket by the Spaniards. It docs not belong to our purpose to proceed any further. But we may observe, that on the west side of North America, the whole coast, from the isthmus up to 45°, had been explored by the Spaniards. It had also been satisfiictorily ascertained that no strait or passa(;e across America exists, between the Strait of Magellan and the regions of which we have spoken. When thus reviewing the labours of the early navigators, we may well admire the activity that had been displayed during the first century of modern exploration. We must not, however, suppose that these navigators had acquired a complete knowledge of the conformation of the coasts explored by them, and had communicated this knowledge to their con- temporaries, making it the common property of the civilized world. Had they been able and willing to do this, little would have been left for after times to accomplish. But their method and means of obser- vation were very different from those which have since been developed, and the narrow and selfish ten- dencies of the age led to secresy and isolation. The immediate results which they themselves obtained, though doubtless of the very greatest importance, were not nearly so satisfactory as would be imagined by any one not acquainted with the state of science in those times. The principal obstacle against which all the early geographers had to struggle, was the impossi- bility of observing longitudes. This difficulty has not even yet been completely conquered, and we find ■-- ■ ^' INTRODUCTION. CxlvU in this respect very considerable discrepancies between the surveys of different navigators of the present day. But in those times longitudes were hardly calculated at all. Many journals of early voyages, those of Hudson among others, do not contain a single indi- cation of longitudes. Davis made one or two calcu- lations of this kind ; yet even he committed such mistakes, that he was wrong by at least ten degrees. The nearest approach to correct longitudes is to be found in some of Sebastian Cabot's surveys. He himself affirmed that these calculations were based on his observations of the variation of the needle ; but his assertion can hardly be strictly true. His ex- perience, great though it was, cannot have furnished him with a sufficient number of facts to base upon them complete and satisfactory conclusions with re- gard to this absorbing question. As regards his sys- tem itself, he has left a few vague indications, which prove that he had observed the dip of the needle as well as its variation, and had tried to account for both. But how the system which he had formed could enable him to calculate the longitude of the mouth of Hud- son's Strait correctly, within one or two degrees, as he has done, cannot well be explained. Perhaps this correctness was obtained merely by chance. However this may be, Cabot certainly did not im- part any such knowledge to others, and even now the navigator is unable to ascertain longitudes by the variation and dip of the needle. As regards lati- tudes, the system of calculating them is so simjile, that we find nearly correct observations made in tlic Cxlviii INTRODUCTION. very earliest times. Still the imperfect state of the instruments which the early navigators made use of caused mistakes of several minutes to be committed in perhaps every instance. Errors even of half a degree can be distinctly proved. Besides, in the high lati- tudes, it was often for days impossible to make any observations, on account of the almost permanent clouds and fogs. Then we have only the dead reckon- ing left, which is perfectly unreliable in a region noted for its strong, varying, and often unaccountable cur- rents. These were not the only obstacles to correct geographical knowledge. The modern discoveries could only be regarded as improvements upon the ancient stock of information. The vague indications of classic and mediaeval writers had, as we have above stated, been made the foundation for geographical sys- tems, for maps and charts, in which as implicit faith was placed, in spite of mutual contradictions, as we now place in our best surveys. These mediaeval de- lineations could not fail to exercise their influence on modern geography. There are also to be found, on the maps of the sixteenth century, such territories as the Island of Demons^ and other fantastic lands. From all these discordant elements, and under these dis- advantages, the maps that were current in Hudson's time had been made up. Before we enter upon our review of these delineations, we must state who were the men to whom they are due. The modern system of map making may be said to have originated in Belgium, about the year 1550. It is a combination of two different methods, both of INTRODUCTION. Cxlix which had sprung up during the memorable period which forms the transition from the middle ages to the modern era. The intellectual movement of that epoch had, among other new births, also produced the first majis and the first charts. These two kinds of geographical delineations were, in the beginning, as different from each other as they both differed from the rude geographical drawings of the middle ages. The maps were the work of landsmen, the charts almost exclusively of seamen.^ There were also other con- siderable differences between the maps and charts. The maps answered purposes somewhat similar to those forwhich maps of towns are now designed. They were confined to limited tracts of country, and were intended to show the relative positions of well-known cities, villages, rivers, and mountains. Degrees of latitude and longitude were not strictly needed, and were also not to be found in them. They were all isolated productions, without any connexion or har- mony among them. These maps had already be- come very numerous ; in 1570 nearly a hundred had been engraved ; many more were then probably in ' » ^ manuscript. The charts, on the contrary, embraced an immense expanse of sea and land. Few of them could be the isolated productions of single geogra- phers, for they necessarily were based on collections of various materials. In Portugal and Spain, the two principal countries to which we owe the import- ant early charts, the profession of making them was ' This observation, and some of the following details, arc due to M. Lclcwel's Gcoyrapfiie du Moyen Aye. Cl INTRODUCTION a privilege confined to a few highly placed indivi- duals, who were bound to secresy. They received from the arriving explorers such new communica- tions as might serve to correct the charts, and they made admirable use of their opportunities. Such men as D-L la Cosa, Sebastian Cabot, Ribeiro, Homem, are among the Spanish and Portuguese chart makers. Their position was similar to that now held by the hydrographers to the European and American admi- ralties. In France the position of chart maker seems not to have been an official one ; yet there are also some great names among those of the French who followed this occupation.^ These hydrographers of the sixteenth century were mostly seamen. Their works consist principally of two kinds, planispheres, and the so-called ijortolwu. Both of them were still, in many parts, based upon the system of Ptolemy, of which they professed to be improvements. The planispheres were laid down upon somewhat uncer- tain principles of projection. The same may be said of the portolani^ which corresponded in their charac- ter, and even, in some respects, in their execution, with the sea atlases which the Dutch produced in the seventeenth century. The jportolani consist of several charts, the first of which generally are plani- spheres. Afterwa^'ds follow charts of single coun- tries, or of tracts of coast. Sometimes the soundings ' The French charts have the merit of uniting the information furnished by various nations. They arc, perhaps, more important tho'i any other class as sources for the history of geography. Some intercisting facts with regard to early Frencli charts are to be found in Mr. Major's recent work on Australia. INTRODUCTION. cll are given. A history of geographical science may be traced by the comparison of these charts, wliich ex- ercised considerable influence upon each other. Most important in that respect are two delineations, of ^vhicll \ve may be allowed to speak in some detail. The first of them is the planisphere of Diego E-ibeiro, geographer to Charles V. This great work furnished the foundation for nearly all the later delineations of America. It was composed in 1529; an earlier draught of 1527 is also in existence; but there the outline of the New World is much less correct. In all the early charts which we have been able to com- pare with that of Ribeiro,^ America is either copied from it, with or without improvements, or at least large sections from Hibciro are inserted. This is especially the case with regard to the neighbourhood of Hudson's lliver, a region laid down by Ribciro from Estevan Gomez' survey, and which has been copied from him by all the early map makers whose works we have been able to confront with his plani- sphere, with the only exception of Lok, whose out- line of the same region is taken from a manuscript chart of Verazzano. The other chart we were going to speak of, that of Sebastian Cabot, is also a planisphere. It was first published in 1544, with a text in Latin and Spanish; afterwards again in 1549, with a reprint of tlie Latin text. Much later, probably after Cabot's death, a copy was made by Clement Adams, in which the ' Wc have not been able to compare Sebastian Cabot's map ■with it. I t ! Clii INTRODUCTION. Latin text is corrupted, and a simple and not inele- gant style turned into a bombastic and unbearable one. If we can at all trust the descriptions given of some parts of that chart by "VVilles and Gilbert, the chart itself must likewise have been altered, for their details are in flat contradiction with the 1544 edition, a copy of which is preserved in Paris. These alterations exercised a very considerable influence on the scheme of the north-western search, as we have had occasion to notice. The charts^ almost without exception, and especially those of Ribeiro and Cabot, have both latitudes and longitudes. Little reliance can be placed in the longitudes. It was by a combination of the early maps and the early charts, that some Belgian scholars of the six- teenth century founded the modern system of map making. Placed, as they were, in the centre of trade, and in a country eminent both in art and industry, they were best able to undertake this mission. The first notable man who distinguished himself in this manner was the Frisian Gemma, who passed nearly the whole of his life in Belgium. His works are, however, of no importance for our subject. Far more celebrated and of real importance for us, are his two great successors, Gerard Mercator and Abra- ham Ortelius, whose method, like that of Gemma, consisted in the combination and arrangement of the various geographical materials which they procured from all parts of Europe, paying an equal attention to charts and to maps. The works of Ortelius and Mercator that come under our consideration, are the INTRODUCTION. cHii great planisphere, In imim naviganthim^ published by INIercator in 1569, and the maps of America and Asia, which form part of Ortelius' Orlis tcrrariim, first published in 1570. Of these we shall presently have occasion to speak. We must, however, first conclude our observations on the maps and charts available when Hudson sailed, by mentioning the last and most important class. Ilndson's imme- diate predecessors in the arctic search, Frobisher, Davis, Linschnten and Barents, had, during their voyages, not only made the usual written notes, but had also made draughts of the coasts they had ex- plored. Frobisher's draught had been published with one of the accounts of his voyage. Davis' sketch iiad been inserted in the celebrated Molyneux globe, which is mentioned by Hakluyt, and of which there is still a copy in existence in the library of the Middle Temple. Linschoten's illustrations of Vai- gats Strait and southern Nova Zembla adorned his , descriptions of the two first arctic voyages of the Dutch. Barents' chart of Nova Zembla appeared in , ! the account of his voyages, and he seems also to have left a sketch of Spitzbergen, which Hondius after- wards made use of. Having now become familiar with the geographical delineations at Hudson's disposal, we are able to ex- amine them as it were with his own eyes, and to see what he found in them. In doing so we shall avail ourselves of the two charts in the present work, the one of which w^as drawn by Jodocus Hondius in 1611, the other by Hudson himself in 1610 and 1611. Cliv INTRODUCTION. They do not embrace all the coasts which wo sliall have to travel over, and \\c must, for the rest, refer the reader to other sources. As far as the two cliarts do reach, they furnish a true and plastic expression of Hudson's geographical notions. Hudson's ideas, as far at least as they are known, were all concentrated on the searcli for a short nortli- ern route to China. If we, therefore, wish to identify ourselves with him in exanuning the geographical delineations that were at his dis[)osal, we must, in doing so, always keep in view the chances of a north- eastern or north-western passage, wliicli these maps and charts seemed to promise. AVe must principally bear in mind that both the north-eastern and the north-western passage are in reality impracticable, and that only mistaken notions with regard to the conformation of the arctic shores could lead to hopes of realizing these schemes. AVhen we compare the chart of Ilondius in our collection with a modern map, we find nowhere greater discrepancies than in the nnrth-cast. These discrepancies are the worthier of notice, as they ex- actly re})resent Hudson's mistakes, and explain why he thought the north-eastern passage possible. Hon- dius' delineation of those parts is so erroneous, that a minute comparison with a modern map could not be seriously undertaken. The two most striking errors are, however, these. He places, in latitude 73°, a promontory called Cape Tabin^ for the exist- ence of which, according to Hondius' statement, Pliny is the only authority. Hondius adds, that the INTRODUCTION. clv real situatior. of Capo Tabin is unknown, and that its existence is iir.iirobable. " According to the most recent information," says he, " that has been brouglit from China, it seems likely that Asia does not reach farther northward than to the fiftieth degree of lati- tude." Now, in reality, there are two capes close to each other in the region where Cape Tabin is here placed, namely. Cape Taimur, about 75" 30', and Cape Severo-Vostochnoi, about 78°. The whole north coast of Siberia, with the only exception of its most east- , ern part, lies above the seventieth degree of latitude. So there is in Hundius' estimates a mistake of twenty- eiglit degrees as regards the most northern point, and a mistake of twenty degrees as regards the general line of coast of Siberia. Hudson's mistakes with respect to these regions were perhaps not so exaggerated. His ideas were , most probably in conformity with those of Mercator and Ortelius, who place Cape Tabin even farther i north than Cape Taimur really lies. Beyond Cape Tabin there is, however, even in their maps, no , I serious obstacle for an eastward bound vessel. The ,, ' coast slopes rapidly southwards to Japan and China, j and the whole difficulty of the north-eastern passage seems therefore conquered when once Cape Tabin is passed. This notion, which is almost as erroneous as that which Hondius entertained, was undoubtedly shared by Hudson.^ The second glaring mistake consists in the erro- ' Hudson calls Cape Tabin the North Cape of Tartary ; Ortelius calls it Promontoritim Scythicum. See p. 36, note 1. Clvi INTRODUCTION. neous situation of the mouth of the Oh>/. This river was generally considered as a kind of first stage in the north-eastern search, and to reach or pass it was justly thought a great achievement. Now Linschoten and his companions had spread the erroneous notion that the mouth of the Oby is situated in the bottom of Kara Bay, at a small distance from the south of Nova Zembla. The mouth of the Oby seemed, there- fore, to be in a recess, which need not be touched by the navigator on his way to the east. This error has been adopted by Hondius. Hudson also shared it, as appears clearly from an observation in the de- scription of his second voyage.^ The place where the Oby empties itself into the Arctic Ocean lies, however, in reality three or four degrees eastward from the Sea of Kara, and five de- grees farther north than the bottom of that sea. It is separated from the Kara Sea by a peninsula, which none of the early navigators was able to double, al- though many attempted it. One of the most diflficult parts of the road to the east was thus suppressed in the intelligence which Hudson received. Had he known how much the geographers were mistaken with regard to these two points, he would scarcely have wasted so ranch of his energies on his hopeless under- taking. We now leave the extreme east of Hondius' map and proceed westward. AVe arrive at the northern shore of Russia, the outline of which Hondius seems to have borrowed from Ortelius, who again had ob- ^ P. 36, the passage to which note 1 refers. INTRODUCTION. clvil taincd it from one of tlic ciuly maps wo have been speaking of. This outline, though of course fiiulty, is yet far from being so incorrect as to give rise to serious errors. Hudson, moreover, never visited this sliore. To the north of the Kussian coast we perceive, on Ilondius' chart, the Nova Zcmhla group. \\c have aheady called attention to the fact, that the ice in the Sea of Kara had prevented the exploration of the greater part of the east coast of Nova Zembla. 'V\n% explains the want of a coast line on that side.^ There are, besides, some other momentous defects in this delineation, which is a reduced copy of the above- mentioned chart of Nova Zembla left by Willem Barents. The principal defect is that Nova Zembla appears as one island, not as a group of islands with straits between them. The frozen straits north and south of Matthew's Land are not even indicated. I Burrough's Strait appears as a bay (St. Laurent's « Bay.) On the other hand a real bay, that of Kostin Shar (here called Kostintsarck) looks like a partly explored strait. If we would understand Hudson's < second voyage, we must not lose sight of the fact that jn, in 75°, and Willoughhys Land^ in 72°. Neither of these islands has a real existence. They are, as it were, delu- sive duplicates of Matthew's Land and Nova Zem- bla proper, two of the islands of the Nova Zembla group. These duplicates owe their origin to a delusion, which the impossibility of calculating longi- tudes necessarily engendered. It was, in fact, un- avoidable, that sometimes, at least, the same coast should appear twice in the sLm.8 map, once farther east, once farther west, though in the same latitude. For how could it be proved that two points, both under nearly the same degree, that had been touched by two different vessels, really belonged to the same shore ? Matsyn Island is thus nothing more than a western repetition, a Doppelgiinger, as Germans would say, of Matthew's Land. The latitude is identical, so is also the name. Matsyn is a corruption of the Russian 3Iathugshin (Matthew's). It does not clearly INTRODUCTION. clix appear when INIatsyn Island was first introduced into maps and charts. WillDughbu s Land is cveii with greater certainty to be considered a kind of western du[)licate of Nova Zeinbla Proper. Tliis has been proved over and over again by recent writers, the most satisfactorily by INIr. Uundall.^ On tlie chart wliich Hudson used during- liis second voyage, '>Villoughby's Land seems to have been laid down in the same latitude as it is here, but somewhat nearer to the coast of Nova /em- bla. Hudson had some doubts with regard to the correctness of this information, but he wit's certainly very far from imagining how extraordinary a tlieory would soon spring up, to be made use of in a note to his words in the printed copy of his journal. " AVil- loughby's Land," says Purchas in his note, " a con- ceit of cardmAers, it seeming to be no other than Newland."^ Purchas is as much mistaken as the cardmaJcers. The idea that the country discovered by Willoughby in 15j3 is Ncwland (Spitzbergen), did not, however, originate with Purchas. Its origin must be placed between the years 1608 and 1G13. At the time of Hudson's second vo) age, in 1608, a notion similar to the one expressed on Hondius' chart still prevailed in England. In 1613 the new notion that Willoughby had discovered Spitzbergen had already become the foundation of the claim of the Muscovy Company to the exclusive right of fisli- 1 Introduction to his Vuyugcs to the North-west, edited for the Hakhiyt Society, pp. i-viii. - P. 40, and marginal note to the same page, Ncivland is Spitz- bergen. I i Clx INTRODUCTION. ing along the Spitzbergen coast. The precise date when the discovery was invented seems to have been the year 16 12, and its inventor^ a man named Daniel^ perhaps (?) the poet and historian, Samuel Daniel. To the west of the llussian coast we find on Ilon- dius' chart the northern parts of Scandinavia. No better proof of the progress which geography liad already made could possibly be offered. This nearly correct outline is a combination of various sources, maps and charts. The following points on the shore ^ Willoughby's pretended discovery was got lip to furnish a snfficicnt ground for the English claim to the exclusive possession of the Spit/.bergen fisheries. Tlie abundance of morses and whales near Spitzbergcn had been first pointed out by Hudson in 1607. Three years afterwards, in IGIO, Poole went there to fish for morses. In the following year, 1611, Edge founded the whale fisheries. In 1612 the Dutch made their appearance at these fisheries to have tlicir share in them. In 1613 the English Mus- covy Company obtained a roj-al charter excluding all others, natives and foreigners, from the Spitzbergcn fisheries, on the ground of AVilloughby's pretended discovery. There is every reason to be- lieve that the discovery had been invented for the occasion. The following circumstance points to Daniel as the inventor. In the celebrated Dutch collection of voyages, Begin ende Voortgang von lie Oust Indlsche Cunipayniv, there is a copy of a map of Spits- bergen by Daniel, published in London in 1612. Now the Dutch writers, Hessel Gerritz and Peter Plancius, replied in 161.3 to some English work where the discovery of Spitzbergcn by Willoughby was maintained ; and it is therefore but natural to suppose, that the map of Spitzbergcn of 1612, and the book or writing replied to by the Dutch, had both the same author, namely, Daniel. How- soever this may be, it is certain that the idea originated between Hudson's second voyage (1608) and 1613. Samuel Daniel died in 1619. He is not known to have written about Spitzbergcn, nor about any similar subject. ...L. INTRODUCTION. clxi deserve particular notice : Wardhuys (Wardliuus) in Lapland ; the North Kien and North Cape, the two most northern points ; Sanien, an island in latitude 69°, which is here placed in latitude 70" (it is gene- rally called Seynam by the early navigators) ; Loftbet, one of the group of islands which we now call Lof- foden Islands, probably from a generalization of the name, which at first belonged only to one of them. All these places are mentioned in Hudsoa's log- books. North of Scandinavia we find Bear Island, and to the north of Bear Island, Nleiiland (Spitzbergen). Bear Island, or t'Beeren Island, as it is here called, was discovered by Barents in 1590, and visited by Stephen Bennett in 1603. Bennett, claiming a new discovery, gave it a new name, and called it Cherie's Island, after his patron, Francis Cheric. Under the latter name it is known to Hudson. The relative position of Bear Island and Spitzbergen is faulty. Bear Island ought to have been farther east. The error has arisen from a mistake made by Barents and Ilyp in estimating the course they were sailing. The same mistake has also found its way into the de- scription of their voyage, and has induced Dr. Beke and Mr. Petermann to ascribe to them the circumna- vigation of Spitzbergen. The delineation of Bpitzbergen on Hondius' map is, for our purpose, the most important part of it, and for a double reason. A number of passages in the logbook of Hudson's first voyage, prove that he made use of a chart of Spitzbergen. The country had, up to 1607, y \ » <; Clxii INTRODUCTION. been visited only once, namely, by Barents and Ryp in 1596; and we have therefore cause to think that there existed but one chart of it, and that Hudson's chart must have been like the one which Hondius has copied. The second point of interest is still stronger. Some of Hudson's own discoveries have been introduced into this part of Hondius' map ; namely, Colin's Cape, Hakluyt's Headland, part of the northern shore of Spitzbergen, and the great ice barrier between Spitzbergen and Greenland. There is so much vagueness and error in the way in which the information received from Hudson has been em- bodied in the map, that the communication between him and Hondius must have been merely oral. The outline itself embraces but the western and part of the northern shore of Spitzbergen. It is correct enough in its general features, but sadly defective in its details. Charles' Island, the western foreland, seems to form part of the mainland. The strait be- tween the two lands is represented as a bay. These two principal mistakes had alone a considerable influ- ence on Hudson's explorations. It would be an ungrateful task to dwell on the numerous minor defi- ciencies. In the south-western corner of Hondius' chart we find Denmark, Holland, part of England and Scotland, the Shetland and the Faroer Islands. They are all drawn with approximative accuracy. The faults which do exist in their position and outlines had no influence on Hudson's movements. We now arrive at the nortli-western border of ■i*a INTRODLXTION. clxiil ' Ilondius' chart. The same coasts that we find there \ are also drawn on the chart of Henry Hudson. Hud- • son's chart is only by a few months later than the | one of Hondius, and yet the improvements are very great. They are mostly due to Hudson's last voyage, during which the chart was laid down. Nowhere, indeed, were improvements more urgently needed. Hondius' draught of these north-western parts is combined from the most incongruous materials. It represents, however, the geographical dogma of the age, and agrees with the notions which Hudson him- self entertained before his own explorations procured him better insight. It is impossible to understand the meaning of these indications, and their influence on Henry Hudson, without throwing a cursory glance over the past history of the geography of those regions. This history is so curious that it deserves, on its own account, the reader's attention. I We have before observed that many arctic shores , had been visited by the ancient Scandinavians, and that colonies had been founded in Iceland and Green- * land. The Iceland colony still exists. The Green- i • land settlements, however, on the eastern side of the great arctic continent have not been visited for cen- turies, and the last descendants of the ancient colo- nists are likely to have perished many long years ago. Still there is some exaggeration in the prevailing opinion, that no communication between those parts and the rest of Europe has taken place since the end of the fourteenth century. There is reason to think that down to the first half of the sixteenth century clxiv INTRODUCTION. the shore of East Greenland was occasionally visited by the Scandinavians. The testimony which tends to prove these occasional visits has the appearance of being reliable. That intercourse was entirely limited to Scandinavians. The rest of Europe was little acquainted with the existence of the arctic coun- tries, and it is only in much later times that accurate accounts of the early northern discoveries were introduced into the general stock of European knowledge. But these great facts could not, even during the middle ages, remain entirely hidden. Various rumours respecting Greenland reached the south of Europe before the end of the fifteenth cen- tury. Their influence on the geographical deline- ations of the arctic regions and on early expedi- tions was very considerable. By far the most im- portant geographical communication of this kind is the celebrated chart which was published with the account of the voyage of the brothers Zeni. Every reader of geographical researches knows that, in 1558, a small volume was published in Venice, con- taining a most romantic narrative of the voyage of two Venetian brothers, belonging to the great Zoni family. They are reported to have visited, in lf387, several arctic countries, among which Frisland^ En- groncland, Iceland^ and Fstottland aro the most notable. This curious book was, as we have said, accompanied by a chart, on which the above-mentioned countries were drawn. The original of that chart was in ex- istence at a recent period, and it is certain that it was an old portolano belonging to the Zeno arcl lives. i'\ intkoi)U(;tion. clxv ''rl On its origin, as well as that of the book, and the \ authenticity of both, various conflicting opinions '\ have been advanced, and defended with very consi- ] derable learning and ingenuity. No very satisfactory i result has as yet been obtained. For our purpose ■ this question of authenticity is entirely unavailing. What, however, deserves our most serious considera- tion is this. The Zeni chart, whether authentic or not, exhibits a far better outline of Greenland and Iceland than any other known map published or drawn before 1558. The Zeni chart was of Scandinavian origin. It has never been, and, indeed, cannot be, considered as a mere fiction. Of tliis the reader of the present volume has the proof before his eyes. Ncarhj the ■whole north-tvestcrn part of Hondiiis' map is cxactbj copied from the chart of the Zeni. On comparing, especially the outline of Greenland with a modern map of that country, the reader will be struck with surprise at the accuracy of the ancient delineation. If the Zeni chart be really a work of the fourteenth century, the delineation of Greenland upon it can, without hesitation, be pronounced the best geographical drawing that was then in existence. When examin- ing this remarkable production, we are strongly re- minded of the narratives of modern explorers, in which tlie wonderful capacity of the Esquimaux for tracing the courses of rivers and the lines of a coast is extolled. To this source we probably owe, of course indirectly, the outline of Greenland on the Zeno chart. TViis outline has been found sufficiently I ■(■ Clxvi INTRODUCTION. accurate to serve as a basis for later improvements, and on it all modern maps of the country are founded. Some parts of the east coast are even now drawn on all maps from the medicBval survey, having never since been approached. But the old Zeni chart seems to have been a compilation made up from materials of very unequal value. The outline of Iceland is in- ferior to that of Greenland. Frisland is so strangely drawn, that only the name of the country and of some places upon it, and the fact that no other country can be meant, have led geographers to iden- tify it with the Faroer Islands. The relative posi- tion of these countries, and their position also with relation to Scandinavia, Britain, and Iceland, is ex- tremely defective. When the Zeni chart was pub- lished, degrees of longitude and latitude were to be found upon it. They had not been on the original, and had, according to the opinion of a most compe- tent judge, Mr. Lelewel, been but recently introduced. These degrees added very considerably to the errors of the chart. The influence of the new source of mistake was, however, less strong in some parts, stronger in others. Iceland is but one degree too far north. Frisland, however, is entirely out of its place. The southern point of Greenland is in latitude 65", instead of latitude 60°. This last mistake has had such singular consequences that too much attention cannot be paid to it. The chart of the Zeni, such as it was, was received as perfectly authentic by all contemporary geogra- phers. Ortelius and Mercator made use of it. It is ■\i INTRODUCTION. clxvii ] also expressly stated that Frobishcr took it with him 1 on his north-western voyages. He was, by means of this chart, led into great mistakes. He fell in with Greenland, the 4th of July, 1577, and the 20th of June, 1578, both times under about 61°. Having but the Zeni cliart to guide him, he could not suppose that the country was Greenland. He mistook it for F/'island, and put down, in 1577, after four days exploration, that the coast and the chart agreed very well. This he further confirmed the next year, and Frisland had in this manner acquired a legitimate existence. Davis also fell in with Greenland in 61°. He at once recognized that this was not Frisland. But having no reason to think that this country, which was several degrees farther south than the Engrone- land of the Zeni chart, was really identical with it, he considered it as his own new discovery, and called . it Desolation. We have seen, in the narrative of his » voyage, that his course along the Greenland shore was always nearly the same. He first approached : ' the coast near the southern promontory, then left it, i. and again approached it under 64°. He seems never to have been conscious of the continuity of coast between the 62nd and 64th degree. He tlierefore considered Desolation as an Island south of Grone- land. Another source of mistakes, furnished by the vagueness of Frobisher's accounts, enabled Davis to give the finishing stroke to this singular web of errors. The finished picture has been copied into Clxviii INTRODUCTION. Hondius' chart from the great AFolyneiix globe, where it was first drawn by Davis. On both delineations we find, to the south of Groncland, a strait, and to the south of that strait the Island of Desolation. The strait is called Frobisher's Fret, and on both sides of it are marked tlie places whicli Frobisher had ex- plored. So Frobisher's Strait had been carried to Greenland, and was now leading from the Atlantic into Davis' Strait.^ This egregious mistake had been committed by one of the greatest arctic explorers. Can it be wondered at that Hudson, when sailing along the east coast of Greenland in 63° N., believed himself to be athwart Frobisher's Strait "? This, then, is the shape in which Greenland ap- peared. Between 60° and 62° the Island of Desola- tion ; between 62° and 63° Frobisher's Strait, leading from the Atlantic to Davis' Strait ; from 63° to 75°, the Engroneland of the Zeni. Close to Engroneland, Iceland. West of Desolation, Frisland. We have here again the same country (South Greenland) laid down twice, from modern exploration alone ; as Frisland from Frobisher's, as Desolation from Davis^ survey. South Greenland, moreover, appears a third time as the south of Engroneland, from the misunder- stood mediceval survey of the Scandinavians. We must now again refer to the Zeni chart. Hondius has not copied the whole of it. In the ^ There can be no doubt as to the real locality of Frobisher' a Strait, which is where modern maps place it. Every doubt must be removed by a comparison oi Best's delineation of the strait with Ortelius' map of America. iNTUonucTiois. clxix i original delineation, the coast of Engroncland stretches far eastward, to those regions where Hudson's ice bar- ^ rier and where the Spitzbergen islands are situated. ' The discoverers of Spitzbergen were thus induced to think that theirs was no new discovery ; but that they had simply touched a part of the Greenland or Entjrone- land which they found indicated on their charts. Ac- cordingly, they called these coasts Greenland. Hudson, who made use of a Dutch chart of Spitzbergen, pre- served the appellations, which soon became general ; though two other names were also received, Spitz- bergen and Newland, or King James his Newland. The two iormer names, Greenland and Spitzbergen, are still applied to the group. As to the real, or Avestern Greenland, Hudson designates it by a name nearly identical with the Engronelp id of the Zeni map. He calls it Groneland. We cannot understand his logbooks without bearing in mind that this Grone- land is Greenland ; whilst his Greenland is Spitz- bergen. To the south-east of Frisland, we meet on Hudson's chart Bus Island, the offspring of an illusion different ,, from those which have occupied us so long. The Busse of Bridgewater, one of Frobisher's ships, had met in latitude 57° one of the immense icefields which annually drift out of Davis' Strait. Mistaking it for an island, they had given it the name of Busse island. For this country both Hudson and John Knight sought in vain. When we round the southern point of Greenland and arrive on the w estern side, we pass from illusions. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // /^ ^ i^^ '/ 1.0 I.I If Ha la t 1^ 12.0 1:25 i 1.4 1.6 <^ "t^ 4; /; :> .? .p ■<•»■ .V Photographic Sciences Coriwration 23 WB$T MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 * clxX INTRODUCTION. conjectures, and misunderstandings, to good, though perhaps not yet entirely accurate, knowledge. The southern part of Greenland, up to 61°; and, again, the west coast between 64° and 73°, had been explored by Davis, and drawn by him for the Molyneux globe. From this globe, or from other copies of Davis' survey, the outline of these shores had passed into all good maps and charts. These shores appeared to Hudson in the almost correct shape which Davis had given them. The same maybe said with regard to the American side of Davis' Strait, from 66° southwards. The mouths of the inlets, and the configuration of Cumberland Strait, especially, are drawn with great accuracy on the Molyneux globe. Hudson's Strait, which Hudson had then not yet explored, is by Davis called The furious overfall; an allusion to the currents in its mouth, which he likens to streams of water, violently rushing through the arches of a bridge. Frobisher's Strait is called Lumleifs Inlet; for Davis thought that the real Strait of Martin Frobisher cut off Desolation from Greenland. Both these names, The furious overfall^ and Lumleifs Inlet^ are to be found in Hudson's logbooks. AVe would now gladly pass over all the other maps and charts of these regions which were at Hudson's disposal. But we must allude to two of them, which undoubtedly exercised some influence on his thoughts, namely, Cabot's planisphere and Ortelius' America. Of neither of these could we give a full idea by mere description. But the leading features can easily be described. Two points are to INTRODUCTION. clxXl be noticed in Ortelius' map of America. The first is the great fact which we have repeatedly mentioned — the fact that Hudson's Bay is drauni upon that map^ — very imperfectly, it is true, but still clearly enough to convince contemporaries of its existence and later times of its anterior exploration. It is called by Ortelius Baia dos Mcdaos. Out of it leads, to the northward, into a broad western passage, a wide strait or stream, called Rio de Tormenta. The passage itself runs out into the Pacific, very nearly under the same degree where the western mouth of the real north-west passage is situated. This, how- ever, has its origin in a singularly happy guess. No vessel had ever approached so high a latitude. We may, perhaps, also mention that Grocland, the Greenland of John of Kolno, is, by Ortelius, drawn as an island in the north-west passage. As to Cabot's planisphere, two facts only need be mentioned. Part of the western shore of Davis' Strait was drawn upon it, even up to a higher lati- tude than Davis himself had reached on the Ameri- can side of his strait. Further, it appears that in the adulterated copy of Cabot's map, which Clement Adams had caused to be engraved, Hudson's Strait was indicated as a passage across America, opening into the Pacific under about 40° or 45°. One of these adulterated maps was, in Hudson's time, hung up in Whitehall Gallery. It had been seen there in Elizabeth's reign by Hakluyt, and was afterwards inspected by Purchas. Attention had so frequently been drawn to this celebrated planisphere, by Gil- clxxii INTRODUCTION. bert, Haklii) t, and others, that a man like Hudson would not lose the opportunity of examining it. The coasts of Labrador^ Newfoundland^ Canada, Nova Scotia^ and Neiv Brunszvick were, on the maps and charts of this period, laid down from Portuguese and French surveys. The importance of these shores consisted alone in the codfisheries. Great attention was therefore paid to the sandbanks and shoals, many of which had French names. The term of Netu- foundland (Terre Neuve, Terra Nova) was somewhat vaguely applied to most of these fisheries. Juet, Hudson's companion in the third voyage, applies it to a part of coast as far south as 43° 20'. The New England shore was drawn by Ortelius from a very imperfect Spanish delineation, into which some French materials had been introduced, alto- gether a most unsatisfactory combination. Hudson doeii' not seem to have had a better chart at his dis- posal, although Juet, his companion, makes mention of Gosnold's voyage (1602). The very terms in which he speaks of it prove how vague was his knowledge. Finally, as regards the shores in the immediate neigh- bourhood of Hudson's river, we have repeatedly stated that they had been drawn by Estevan Gomez, copied by llibero, and, from Ribero, with additions by other geographers. From such a copy, probably from a French compilation, Ortelius' outline of the region is taken. This process of copying from copies, which is known to be dangerous to pictures, could not fail to exercise a bad influence on geographical drawings ; especially at that period, where all the ^ INTRODUCTION. clxxiu methods of mapmaking were yet in their infancy. Such is, in fact, the case here. The neighbourhood of Hudson's river on Ortelius' map is in outline, hiti- tude and longitude so incorrect, that it requires the comparison with the sources and a knowledge of its history to convince us that it is based on a careful survey. It could offer no assistance to the navigator who proceeded to these coasts, and the whole labour of exploration had again to be undergone. Hudson seems to have had at his disposal another chart of the same region, which is not by any means of greater accuracy, though also, and more directly, based on an original survey. In Hakluyt's Divers Voyages^ is to be found a planisphere, drawn by Michael Lok, the well known geographer, who aided Frobisher with money and advice. This planisphere is partly based on the explorations of Verazzano, whose original chart of these coasts had fallen into Lok's hands. Verazzano had been in England after his great voyage of discovery ; and is supposed to have joined the two vessels sent out from here in 1527, as we have had occasion to observe. A copy of Lok's planisphere is to be found in Mr. J. Winter Jones' edition of Hakluyt's Divers Voyages. Lok's chart has one very remarkable feature. The continent of America appears, in the neighbourhood of Hudson's river, as a mere strip of land, on the other side of which the broad Pacific opens. Had Lok heard of the great Canadian lakes, or had such information even reached Vet-azzano X This singular notion, whatever its origin may have been, seems to clxxiv INTRODUCTION. have led to Hudson's voyage along these shores, and to the discovery of Hudson's river. We have now concluded the geographical review of the coasts which Hudson visited, and have shown how they appeared to him and to his contemporaries, before his own explorations increased the stock of knowledge, and rectified some of the numerous errors. We have only two more observations to add to this part of our subject. The continuity of the American coast from 35° N. down to the strait of Magellan, was an undoubted and long established fact. The search for a strait must, therefore, be confined to the parts north of 35° on the eastern side. On the western side an accurate search had been made by the Spaniards, up to 45° N., and no strait from west to east had been dis- covered. A vague rumour was current, that some- where in the north the A merican and the Asiatic shore are separated merely by a strait. This notion, which later explorations have confirmed, had its origin in a misinterpretation of a passage of Marco Polo. The celebrated Strait of Anian^ which lias been identified with the real strait of Cook and Behring, was originally a mere delusion. It was placed much too far south- ward ; and the Spanish explorations along the western coast of North America, caused Hondius to doubt whether there really was a Strait of Anian. Some geographers, however, (Frobisher among them), entertained the very curious notion that the arctic parts of America formed a continuation of Asia, so that the Pacific ran out into a bay on its northern ^4 INTRODUCTION. clxXV side. Frobisher and his companions thought, that Frobisher's Strait, which they identified with the Strait of Anian, divided America from Europe. In the foregoing pages of this introduction, such explanations have been furnished to the reader as will enable him to estimate the value of the journals in which Hudson's doings are recorded. An attempt has also been made to explain the antiquated geographical terms and notions which are to be found in these journals, so as to render them fully in- telligible to the student of the present day. We might then consider our task as performed. But the fragmentary nature of the intelligence which we have collected, makes it binding upon us to assist the reader in arranging these fragments, and to clear away for him the difficulties which may arise from their mutual contradictions. We have, besides, some minor points to examine, and to gather those ^ few biographical details which are scattered here and * there in our sources. These are the objects to which the last pages of our introduction will be devoted. To give some kind of unity to these various inquiries, '■ ] we are going to connect them as much as possible with Hudson's life. Still we would request the reader not to mistake these last pages for an intended biography of Henry Hudson. The records which we have collected embrace Hudson's career, from the 19th of April, 1607, four days previous to his departure on the first north- eastern voyage, to the 21st of June, 1611, when he was exposed in an open skiff on the inland sea which ii Clxxvi INTRODUCTION. he liad explored. His ultimate fate, concerning •which hut too little doubt can exist, has not heej? ■witnessed by human beings that lived to relate it. We know still less of his birth than of his death. His doings before the 19th of April, 1607, his family connections, his social position, are equally unknown to us. Of his private life we learn but one fact, namely, that a son of his, a boy named John, accom- panied him on his voyages and died with him the same cruel death. The name which he has made illustrious is not uncommon either among the higher or the lower classes of this country. Though not borne by any one of the great territorial families, it belongs to a number of persons of good estate, especially in the northern counties. There are clergymen of the name of Hudson in almost every county in England. We have no means of knowing whether Henry Hud- son himself was a gentleman by nature only, or also by birth. He is repeatedly called " Master Henry Hudson" in the logbooks ; this would mean as much as '• Henry Hudson, Esquire," does in our days, were it used of any one but a seaman. But in Hudson's case it may, and probably does, mean "Captain Henry Hudson." The whole question is, however, so trivial, that it is scarcely worth the space we have devoted to it, and it need not even be regretted that our sources leave it without an answer. When we say that no event of Hudson's career, before the year 1607, is known, we put entirely aside the testimony of Adrian van der Donck. This author relates some events of our navigator's life, iNTUODUCTiox. clxxvii uliicli, if they were true, must have taken place before 1607 ; namely, a prolonged residence in Hol- land, and several years service on board Dutch vessels. But wc have above shown that Van der Donck's account contains a whole tissue of idle inventions, put forward to prove the Dutch title to New Nether- land, and that the notice here alluded to is probably amonii- the number of these inventions. Hudson's first real appearance on the scene is in IGOT. The position in which we first meet him was a most honourable one. He was, in 1007, a captain in the service of the Muscovy Company, an association distinguished by the high aims it pursued, the services it had rendered to the country, and the eminence of the men who commanded its vessels. This company s'dW bore the stamp impressed upon it by Sebastian Cabot. The evils against which the aid of Cabot's genius had once been invoked, had indeed ' long since been removed. There was now no fear of < the privileges of the Hanse, nor any ^^nguor in English commerce. The vast enterprise f the Muscovy Company itself, and other similar under- takings for which that company had served as the model, were carrying England rapidly forward in that glorious career, in which she was destined to outstrip all other nations. The company had wisely adhered to Cabot's precepts. All their enterprise was still directed towards that quarter of the globe with which the name of Cabot is so intimately bound up, namely, [ the north. They had not even renounced the idea I of finding a short northern route to China, although n a Clxxviii INTRODUCTION. the ample returns of the East India Company which traded by the ordinary route, rendered that discovery less urgently desirable than it had been in Cabot's time. The Muscovy Company had also remained faithful to the new method which Sebastian Cabot had, for tlieir benefit, introduced into the science of naviga- tion. The logbook^ the most admirable of all the inventions for the furtherance of that science, owed its origin and development to the Muscovy Com- pany. IIow greatly navigation and geograpliy are in- debted to them for this service, appears clearly wdien we compare Verazzano's account of his voyage to Hudson's river, with Juet's journal of Hudson's expedition to the same coasts. We observe Verazzano, a man of great talent, making painful efforts to convey a clear meaning, and succeeding but in- differently ; whilst Juet, a man of ordinary abilities, furnishes us with an account in which every step can be clearly traced. Nor is Verazzano's failure, or Juet's success, at all isolated. Verazzano's narrative is very nearly the best maritime re^jord of its period ; whilst Juet's journal is in every respect surpassed by many anterior logbooks. The difference between Juet and Verazzano, as far as it is to the disadvantage of the latter, consists not in their respective talent, but in the methods they made use of. Juet's journal is modelled on the logbooks of his predecessors, such as Barents, Davis, and others ; and these men are followers of Willoughby, Chancellor, Burrough, Pet, and Jackman, and other captains of the Muscovy IM'RODUCTION. clxxix Company. The captains of tlic company again were but carrying out one of the commands contained in the instructions given to Willougliby and Chancel- lor by Sebastian Cabot,^ the real originator of the logbook. One of the most remarkable features in these log- books of the Muscovy Company was tlie attention paid to magnetic variations. This kind of research was first of all systematically pursued by the Mus- covy Company, and doubtless at Cabot's instigation, although no positive proof of this fact has been pre- served. We have made the preceding statements in order to place Hudson's journals in their true light. These journals are very remarkable. Yet it would be unfair to exaggerate, at the expense of others, Hudson's merit in writing them. Were we to look at Hud- son's journals separately, and not in connexion . with otlier logbooks of the same period and of the * same company, we might consider them as still ' " Item, that tlie niarclumts and otlicr skilful persons in writing i shall daily write, describe, and put in mcmi)irc the navigation of every day and night, with the points and observations of the lands, tides, elements, altitude of the sunnc, course of the moon and starrcs, and the same so noted by the order of the master and pilot of every ship to be put in writing, the captains generall assembling the masters together once every week (if windo and weather shall serve) to confcvre all the observations and notes of the said ships, to the intent it may appear wherein the notes do agree, and wherein they dissent, and upon good debatement, deli- beration, and conclusion, determined to put the same into a common ledger, to remain as record for the company." — CahuCs Inf.t ruc- tions, § 7. llakluyt i, p. 220. clxXX INTIIODUCTJON. greater achievements than they really are. They contain, in fact, no original feature. It is only by mistake that the first observations of tlie dip and variation of tlie needle, at least among arctic navi- gators, have been attributed to Hudson. Sucli obser- vations are to be found in Cabot's chart, in the log- books of the men who followed his instructions, and also in the papers of those who imitated his follow- ers. The system of Hudson's logbooks seems to have been adopted in obedience to a standing order of the Muscovy Company. It is not, however, our inten- tion to depreciate these writings of our navigator. They possess every merit except that of originality, and are perfect models of their kind. Another peculiar feature of the logbooks of the Muscovy Company was the great number of observa- tions of the heavenly bodies made by their captains. In this respect Hudson offers a very bright example, and we might therefore expect a very great accu- racy in his latitudes. But such accuracy is not to be found. This is owing, not to any want of care on his part, but to the imperfection of the instru- ments he made use of. It would be easy to describe these instruments in detail. There was published in London, in the very year when Hudson first started, a mariner's manual, by the celebrated John Davis. In that extremely remarkable volume we find, not only descriptions of all the mariners' instruments and explicit directions for their use, but also wood- cut figures illustrating them, such as have been introduced into popular manuals of the present INTIIOUUCTION. clxxxi day. The reason why wc have refrained fiom givhig extracts from that voUiine is obvions. Our intro- duction ah'eady exceeds the usual limits, and that subject does not strictly belong to it. ^^'e must therefore refer the reader to Uavis' work, a copy of which is in the British Museum Library. As to the accuracy or want of accuracy in Hud- son's observations, it is in most cases impossible to test it. Most of tlic shores which he visited, sucli, for instance, as Nova Zembla, Spit/bergen, Jan Mayen, Greenland, Hudson's Strait and Bay, are even now very imperfectly known. Even now errors of several minutes with res])cct to almost every part of these shores may, with too good reason, be suspected in the charts. We therefore lack the most important of all the means of testing the accuracy of anterior statements. A still greater difficulty is that nearly all the points mentioned by Hudson are for us little better than mere names. The Islands of God's Mcroj^ Hold zvith Ilope^ Ilakluyfs Headland, and other names given by Hudson, are still tn be found on the maps and charts ; but whether the places so named by him and those now called so are really identical, cannot be establislied by any satisfactory evidence. It is, moreover, certain, that some of Hudson's lati- tudes which we can check are wrong. Such is the case with regard to the most northern and most southern part of Spitzbergen, with regard to Cape Farewell and Cape Wolstenholme. The errors which must have been made in these instances amount to at least seven or eight minutes in each case. These posi- Clxxxii INTRODUCTION. live proofs of incorrectness must render us suspicious even where such positive proofs are wanting. When we add to this the entire absence of longitudes in Hudson's journals, tlie deceptive influence exercised on the dead reckoning by the varying currents of the arctic regions, and the want of good modern charts, it becomes obvious that it would be a mere delusion were we to trace Hudson's course with pre- ciseness, and to point out as certain the latitude and longitude of every locality mentioned by him. We have, on this account, been extremely sparing with geographical notes to the text of Hudson's journals. The precise localities mentioned by him seem to us dubious in almost every instance, and it would sciircf^ly have been right to enter into long discussions, with the conclusion that, after all, we are not able to settle the matter. It is not our in- tention to commit, in these last pages, the mistake that we have tried to avoid in our notes ; and we shall here refrain from this kind of discussion, except in a few isolated instances. In defence of the some- what exceptional course we are thus pursuing, we may perhaps be allowed to state it as our opinion, that the importance of a navigator's career consists, not so much in the coasts he touched, as in the new know- ledge acquired and conveyed by him. Many great men attempted, before and after Hud- son, to solve the problem of a short northern route to China. But he surpasses all his predecessors and all his followers in the variety of means he employed to obtain that great end. This variety of devices INTllODUCTION. clxxxill wiihin a narrow scope, the very test of an ener- getic mind, was perhaps in part due to liis singular and exceptional situation. Each of his predecessors had confined his efforts to only one direction, trying the chances that might be offered within a com- paratively limited area, and these chances had thus been reduced to a small number of seeming proba- bilities. The probabilities would have appeared still fewer, had the explorations been made and chronicled with modern accuracy. As it was, there remained in every direction some delusive hopes, which it still required a renewed search to dispel. One of Hud- son's many great merits consists in having proved several of these delusions to be what they w'ere, and thus to have further limited the area of the search for a short road to China. The efforts of all those after him, like those of each of his predecessors, were then more confined than his own. Hudson himself tried within the last few years of his life, first the Avay across the North Pole, then the way by the north of Spitzbergen eastwards ; he attempted to penetrate through the Nova Zembla group, and having failed to do so, undertook another expedition to the same quarter. He afterwards tried to cross what seemed a narrow isthmus, between the Atlantic and Pacific, in latitude 40°. He at last sailed far westward through his strait and bay, and perished in the midst of his hopes and plans. It is curious that he missed the only real chance, namely, the way through Davis' Strait and Baffin's Bay. But, if we may conclude from what he had done up to his death, it is proba- Jl clxXXiv INTRODUCTION. blo enough that ho wouhl not have left that way untried had he lived longer. He was one of those men who, whether successful or not, will not leave to any one auci tl^^m the right to boast of having accomplished what tliey had despaired of. Hudson's first attempt was to sail across the North Pole, a plan started in 1527 by Robert Thorne, but not yet acted upon by any one during the eighty years that had since passed. The voyage to which this idea gave rise is well described in Playse's log- book, where the reader will find all its details. A short summary of the main points may, however, prove useful. Hudson left London the 23rd of April, 1607, with the intention of sailing across the North Pole to China and Japan. His course carried him to the Shetland Islands. Thence he sailed to the north- west, passing, as it seems, close by Iceland without perceiving it. He arrived on the 13th of June off the Greenland coast, in latitude 67° 30', doubting whether the land he saw was an island, or the En- groneland, or Groneland of the Zeni. To this ques- tion he had received no satisfactory answer, even after six days' stay in that neighbourhood. It does not appear how great was his distance from the coast during these six days ; but he certainly never landed. To a prominent cape, and to a mountain near it, he gave the names of Young's Ccq^e and Mount of God's Merc?/. These are, for us, nothing more than mere names. The coast of Greenland in 67° 30' has never been well explored, and Hudson's own indication is INTRODUCTION. clxXXV vague in the extreme. Iludsoii himself continued to be in doubt as to the real nature of the coast near him. lie even thought it possible that it might be an island, at the north-eastern point of which he had arrived. lie was thus exposed to an error very similar to the one committed by Davis, who con- sidered the south of Greenland as an undiscovered island. Hudson's farther course alonii: the east coast of Greenland also offered striking analogies with Davis' explorations aloag the western shore. Davis had lost sight of the coast, had unconsciously followed its bend, and had again fallen in with it. In a like manner Hudson now left the Greenland shore with the intention of steering to Spitzbergen ; and his north-eastern course brought him, after two days sailing, on the 21st June, 1607, again to the Greenland coast, which on its eastern side trends to the north-east, as on its western side it trends to the north-west. He again reached the Greenland coast in latitude 73°, and called his new discovery Hold zvith Ilope^ a name still to be found on maps of the arctic regions, althougli it would be impossible to point out the exac,; locality to which it was first given. Following his north-eastern direction Hudson tried, during the last days of June, to sail northwards, wher- ever he might be able to do so. But he seems to have been prevented from progressing towards the pole by the well-known ice barrier between Green- land and Spitzbergen, which has been so well de- scribed by Dr. Scoresby. This barrier generally III, clxXXvi INTRODUCTION. forms at that time of the year an undulating line between the 74th and 80th degrees of latitude, reach- ing furthest to the south near the Greenland coast, and being nearest to the pole in the neighbourhood of Spitzbergen. Hudson was the first modern navi- gator who sailed along this barrier. His logbook does not, however, contain a sufficient number of data to enable us to trace the line of the ice as it was in June 1607. When Hudson was approaching the Spitzbergen coast, he looked out for a cape, discovered by Barents, and called by him Vogel Ploeck, a point which was, as it seems, indicated on the chart used by Hudson.^ This point is probably identical with the Vogel Iloeck of the later and more accurate maps of the country, though such identities of name are not always suffi- cient proofs of identit7 of iilace. It would be inter- esting to settle this question, but this cannot be done from the materials now in existence. Supposing that identity to exist, we find Hud- . (j son on the 28th of June, 1607, near the western point of Charles' Island.^ For the Vogel Hoeck of the later Dutch maps is the same cape which Dr. 1 Scoresby calls Fair Foreland, and which he places, ^ Vogel Hoeck is expressly mentioned by Hudson as the point he Avas looking out for. The point is also to be found on Hon- dius' chart. The locality where the Vogel Hoek of later maps (English charts call it Fair Foreland) is situated, namely, the north-west point of Charles' Islands, seems in every respect to agree with what we know of the Vogel Hoeck of Barents. ' * Charles' Island is the most western of the forelands by which the mainland of Spitzbergen is surrounded, A INTRODUCTION. clxXXVii according to his own survey, in 78° 53' N., 9' 17' E. The last two days of June were spent off the coast of Charles Island. From the 1st to the Gth of June, Hudson seems to have sailed backwards and forwards in the Foreland Fiord, between Charles' Island and the mainland of Spitzbergen. This at least is the most consistent result that can be derived from his notes, in wiiich every kind of vagueness is accumulated. The chart he used was very imperfect, he was con- tending with ice and fog, and his observations of latitude, though there are three in five days, are not thoroughly reliable. But in spite of these drawbacks, the above mentioned course seems to be marked out with sufficient certainty and clearness. Hudson then sailed into the Foreland Fiord on its northern side, the 1st of July, and left it, on its southern side, the 6th of the same month, having passed the intervening six days in the Fiord. From the 9th to the 11th of June, Hudson sailed back, on the opposite, or outward side of Charles' Island, the distance he had sailed within the Fiord. He continued this northern course on the 12th, and arrived on the 13th, off the north-eastern part of Spitzbergen ; that part of the country, to which Barents and his companions had more parti- cularly applied the name of Nleuland^ or the land under 80 degrees. From the 13th to the 15th of July, Hud- son sailed eastwards along the northern coast, explor- ing sorr^c of its fiords, islands and harbours, and giving the names of Hakluyt's Headland, Colin's Cape, and "Whale Bay, to three localities. Of these names the first only has been preserved on charts. Whether J. clxXXViii INTRODUCTION. the point now &o called, and the one so named by Hudson, are absolutely identical, cannot be shown from the existing evidence. It does not appear whether any of the sailors who accompanied Hudson afterwards revisited Spitzbergen, and then recognised the points marked out by him. This would be the only satisfactory manner of establishing such an identity of place, as latitudes, longitudes, and dead reckoning, as well as the charts based upon them, arc all equally deceptive. The 23rd of July, Hudson was by observation in latitude 80° 23', the highest observation ever made by him. After two more days of north-eastern sail- ing, he reckoned himself to be in latitude 81°. Much doubt has, with good reason, been thrown on this assertion of Henry Hudson. The localities which he described do not bear it out, and considerable mis- takes are likely to have occurred to a man judging by his dead reckoning only, without knowing the currents that set in those parts. Sir Edward Parry vainly tried, in this very region, to make head against a violent north-easterly current, which eventually frustrated his boat- sledge expedition towards the North Pole. This current may have deceived our navigator. On the 16th he believed that he saw land, "trending north in our sight, by means of the clearness of the weather, stretching far into 82°, and by the bowing or shewing of the side much further." It is unfortunately now impossible to say how far he was right or wrong in these estimates ; nor to point out the exact spot he INTRODUCTION. clxxxix reached, and it would lead to iiotliing were wc to build some futile theory on the loose evidence at our dis- posal. Hudson's own conclusion was : " that between 78 degrees and a half and 82 degrees by this way, there is no passage"; a conclusion which is practically correct, though geographically somewhat exaggerated. He returned westwards on the IGtli of July, was the same day near Collin's Cape, and seems to have rounded the north- eastern peninsula of Spitzbergcn the following or the next day. The 20th of July, he had already sailed some distance down the west coast, and was entering Bell Sound, in latitude 77° 26', which he explored. From the one-and-twenticth to the five-and-twentieth, Hudson seems to have hesitated, and to have been uncertain about his future movements. We find him steering in various directions without any apparent object ; nor can this be wondered at, considering how new Sj)itzbergcn was to him. The chart he had witli him indicated scarcely more tlian the mere existence of these remarkable islands. On the five-and-twentieth we find Hudson near the west coast, in 78°. He then again sailed north- wards, and was on the seven- and-twentieth near Collin's Cape, one of the points of the north coast, discovered by him ten or eleven days before. Tlie same day he again returned to the south ; having first ascertained that the ice barrier between Spitzbergen and Greenland was as firm as it had been in June. Otherwise he would have tried to pass through it, and to return home by the north of Greenland, through CXC INTRODUCTION. Davis' Strait. The latter plan proves his ignorance of the real conformation of Greenland ; a fact upon which we have already had ample occasion to dwell. Thus hemmed in on three sides, he was again obliged to return to the south. He sailed southwards along the whole west coast of the group ; from 80° to 76° 30', during the last days of July. Having been on the 28tli, by observation, in latitude 76° 36', Hudson accounted himself, on the thirtieth, in lati- tude 76°. He tells us, however, at the same time, that he was then near the coast, which he describes as mountainous. Now Spitzbergen does not reach down farther than to 76° 30', and Hudson's latitude was therefore faulty. This error was certainly in part due to the currents to which we have alluded. Yet it cannot have entirely arisen from that source. Had the observation of the 28th been correct, and had Hudson really then been only a few miles from the southern point of Spitzbergen, this fact could not possibly have escaped him during the two days he remained in that neighbourhood. We then arrive at the painful but complete conviction, that his observa- tion also was faulty. It is of the greater importance to ascertain this fact, because few only of Hudson's latitudes can be tested in a similar manner. Having left Spitzbergen, Hudson continued his course, and arrived on the 31st of July off Bear or Cherie Island. The home voyage, after the departure from that spot, was accomplished in a month and a half. The 15th of August Hudson reached the Faroer Islands ; and exactly a month afterwards he INTRODUCTION. CXCl arrived at Tilbury in the Thames. So much we learn from Playse's logbook. But we find too good reason to regret the loss of Hudson's own journal, from which the following notice^ has been extracted : " And in ranging homewards he discovered an island lying in seventy-one degrees, which he called Hudson's Tutches." We have,in our note to this passage, already observed that there is but one island in latitude 71° which can here be meant, namely, Jan May en ; and tliat Jan Mayen in fact is identical with Hudson s Touches. This opinion is still further confirmed by a document which had then escaped our notice. We have ad- verted to the claims to the first discovery of Spitzber- gen advanced by the English and the Dutch. These rival claims gave rise to armed struggles in tne Greenland waters, and in consequence of them, to applications for protection, together with bitter protests, and complaints addressed by the aggrieved ^ persons to their respective governments. Some of these protests of the Muscovy Company have been pre- served in the State-paper office ; and in one of them we find the following passage : " Further, William Johnsonne Millworth, captain of the Angell of Home, certified us that the States had given the country of Greenland unto the Zealanders, and Hudson^s Touches, and those islands adjoining, unto the Hollanders to fish therein, warning them that they should not come within the privileges of each other, and that they were animated and urged by the States themselves for their fishing voyage this yearc 1618, otherwise they had not attempted it." 1 P. 146. CXCll INTRODUCTION. This testimony of Jolinsoinic Millwoith is borne out l)V the facts of the case. The States General of the United Provinces had, in UilT, granted the fislieries of Jan Mayen to the Ilolhmders, excluding the Zealanders from them. It is, besides, very remarkable that we find on Jan Mayen, almost exactly in latitude 71^ a point called by Dr. Scorcsby Hudson s point. Anyone acquainted with the writing of the period, will at once remember how easily an H of that time could be read as an R. The point was, we may say certainly, called Hudson's point. Ano- ther locality on Jan Mayen, namely, its north-eastern cape, is called Yowif/'s Foreland. James Young, one of Hudson's companions, was the man who had first espied the Greenland coast. The north-eastern cape of Jan Mayen, is the very point which must have first presented itself to Hudson's crew as the ship was sailing home from Bear Island ; and the man wlio first saw the Greenland shore was the most likely to forestall here also, his less zealous, or less sharp- sighted companions. There is no reason why the name of Hudson s Touches should not be replaced on maps and charts ; and the now meaningless Hudson s pointy might also be fairly restored to its original meaning, and be called Hudson s point. The islands adjoining Jan Mayen, are Egg Island to the south, and a num- ber of small rocky islets scattered along the coasts. Should the writer of the present pages have suc- ceeded beyond his hopes in placing the geographical notions of Hudson's time, and the anterior endeavours in search of a passage, clearly before the reader's A — INTRODUCTION. CXClll eye ; it would then be easy to explain to tlu; loader the original plan of Hudson's first voyage, and the ideas which the experience collected in the course of it, developed in his mind. Hudson first started with the plan of sailing straight across the North Pole, by the north of the Engrone- land of the Zeni. He found that land stretching farther eastwards than he expected ; and joining it, he found a firm barrier of ice, which offered no opening in its whole breadth between Greenland and Spitzbergen. This barrier Hudson sailed along, vainly spying out for a passage to the Pole. When he had reached the neighbourhood of Spitzbergen, he knew well that he was near the country discovered by Barents in 1596, and he was looking out for some of the points noted by that navigator. But though Barents' explorations had been so far useful to Hud- son, they had not been chronicled with sufficient accuracy, to enable Hudson to recognize beforehand the real conformation of Spitzbergen. There seemed to exist a hope of passing through what has since been proved to be a firm body of land ; or at least by the north of it. These attempts Hudson made ; and he . left no means untried which seemed to offer a hope of succeeding in this really hopeless undertaking. When he had at last recognized how hopeless it was, he once more sailed northwards to the great ice barrier, with the intention of finding a way by the north of Engroneland to the west ; and of thus entering Davis' Strait by a northern route. He soon perceived that this undertaking, too, offered no chance of success, at c c CXf'lV INTRODUCTION. least, if begun in the neighbourhood of Spitzbcvgen ; so he sailed again to the south. It is not unhkcly that he renewed tlie attempt in a lower latitude, and nearer Greenland, on his homeward voyage ; and that he arrived in this manner in the somewhat too westerly longitude, in which Jan Maycn and the Faroer Islands are situated. The discovery of the former island was made by chance. In tlie course of this voyage Hudson made two observations, the one interesting, tlic other of tlie highest importance. The first observation is that of the changing colour of the sea near Spitzbergen. He found it sometimes blue, sometimes green, sometimes dark, sometimes clear and transparent. "The colour of the Greenland sea varies from ultramarine blue," says Dr. Scoresby, " to olive green ; and from the most pure transparency to striking opacity. These appearances are not transitory but permanent ; not depending on the state of the weather, but on the quality of the water. Hudson, when he visited this quarter in 1607, II noticed the changes in the colour of the sea, and I made the observation that the sea was blue where there was ice, and green where it was most open. This circumstance, however, was merely accidental." The other observation is that of the existence of a vast number of whales and morses in the waters Hud- son had visited. This observation raised Spitzber- gen and Jan Mayen Island to the importance which they have since assumed. Hudson's second voyage offers fewer subjects for comment than the first. Its plan is very simple. INTUODUCiloN. C\CV Having found by experience tiic inipractibility of Kobei't Thome's scheme, Hudson now followed in the track of those of his predecessors wlio had tried to find a way to China by the north east. But he was acqtiainted with their failure's as well as with their hopes, and he knew the difficulties which a passage through or beyond the Nova Zembla group, and then through the Kara Sea, presented. Three chances for passing beyond or through Nova Zembla seemed to exist, namely, to sail through Vaigats Straits, south of Nova Zembla ; to pass by the north of the group, as Barents had done ; and thirdly, to pass through the group by way of Costin Shar, a bay which appeared on Barents' chart as a strait. Hudson was ignorant of the existence of the real straits between i those islands. His plan then was either to go by ' the north or by the south of Nova Zembla, or through Costin Shar. Should he thus succeed in entering ' the Sea of Kara (which he calls the Sea of Tartary), '' he would, according to his notions, have had two farther stages to reach or pass ; first, the mouth of the Oby ; then Cape Tabin. He knew that this would not be easy, but he was fully prepared to encounter the dangers of what he considered as a short though severe struggle. Beyond Cape Tabin the way to China seemed to him perfectly smooth. The second expedition, then, consists of the follow- ing parts. Hudson's voyage out until he arrived in latitude 75° 24', between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla (April 22nd to June 11th, 1608): his vain attempts to pass to the north-east beyond the Nova CXCVl INTRODUCTION. Zembla group, and his struggles with the ice, where he sometimes gains, sometimes loses a few minutes of latitude (June 18th to 23rd) : the voyage south- wards along the group, but not always near its shore (June 24th to 29th) : exploration of Costin Shar, and discovery that it is a bay, not a strait (June 29th to July 6th) : the voyage home (July 6th to August 26th). As to th'i voyage through the Vaigats Strait, the chance still left opeii in that quarter, Hudson says that for it he was not " fitted to trie or prove." We call the reader's particular attention to a passage near the end of the logbook, entered under the 7th of August. Hudson must at that time have been about in latitude 62° or 63°, not very far from the south of Greenland, and therefore per- fectly able to enter into Davis' Strait before the close of the season. He says that he for a moment intended to do so, in order to sail a hundred leagues either into Lumlcys Inlet (Frobisher's Strait) or into The Furious Overfall (Hudson's Strait) ; but that he sacrificed his ambition to his duty. This notice, |i' curious in itself, is doubly so as an answer to the nt motive for them not to favour it ; and the East India Company never claimed any of the advantages which Hudson's discovery soon began to yield. But some other Dutchmen, following in Hudson's footsteps, began to trade in furs with the natives, and then to build a fort on Manhattan island, in Hudson river. The fort became the germ of a village, the village became a town. The town was first called ^Vew Amsterdam. Its name now is New York. The last events narrated by Van Meteren took place in January, 1610. Then already it was ru- moured that Hudson would again be sent out by an English company. Soon afterwards an arrangement of this kind must have been definitively made. The names of Hudson's three principal employers are to be found in Purchas' Pilgrimage} They are all now inscribed on some well known localities in the Arctic regions. Sir Thomas Smith's name has been given to what was called a sotmd^ north of Baffin's Bay ; but is now known to be a strait, leading into the northern waters. Cape Wolstenholme and Cape Diggs form the entrance to Hudson's Bay. The plan which gave rise to this fourth voyage had long been present to Hudson's mind. Already, in September 1608, he had intended to search for a passage through the strait which he was now going ^ The names of all his employers will be found in the extract from the charter granted to Button's employers, at the end of the appendix. e c ■t ccx INTRODUCTION. to explore. He had earnestly discussed that same plan with Peter Plancius in 1608 and 1G09, and had been coiiiinncd in his resolution by George Wey- mouth's experience, which Plancius had communi- cated to him ; although this passionate advocate of the north-eastern search had tried to dissuade Hud- son from his north-western undertaking. On the seventeenth of April, 1610, Hudson started from London. As to the events of his voyage, they are described in the diiferent papers that have come down to us ; and we have tried to render these docu- ments more clearly intelligible by our notes. Still there is so much difficulty in the geographical in- vestigation of this voyage, that we cannot hope to make the reader's path quite easy, even by the assist- ance which our notes may afford, and by the synoptical arrangement of the materials, to which the following table is devoted. FACTS. Names of Adventurers. Vessel - De^jarture . . . . Colburn sent back Wcstiiinii Islands OtF Iceland . . - . Breda Bay (Lousie Bay), Hud- si n's letter . . . - 1)( i^arture from Iceland Greenland K. 05° ( Groneland) - Greenland E. (i;J° (Frobisher's Strait) Cape Farewell (Desolation) Greenland S.W. ti()° ■i-Z' (Desola- tion) . . . - - Resolution Island Ungava Bay, S.E. 5U° 10' - ]Mutiny . . . . . Alqnitok ( Desire Brovoketh ) Saddle Buck lslands( God's Mercy) Juckman's Sound DATES. April 17, l(il(; Ap.'>-»,l(ilO May 15 Mayir),:JO May ;}0 June 1 June -4, 5 June i) June 15 June 20 June L>i July 5 July(i,?(?) JulyH July 11 (■•') DOCUMENTS. BAGES. Bnvchas 140 H., Br. O.'i, 1)0 II., Br., Foxo 93,0ft,lH0 H., Br. !i4, !)8 H., Br. U-L, 00 H. Il.'s letter. Br. 04, 00, Burch. i;i.}, 110 H., Br. 04, 00 H., Br. 04, 00 H. 04 H., Pr., Burch. 05,00,140 H. '.)5 II., Br. 95, 100 H. 05 Br. 101 II., Br. 05, U)'i 11., Br. 00, 10;! Br. i();j ,^^ INTRODUCTION. CCXl FACTS. DATES. DOCUMENTS. BAGES. Ungavft B. S.W. ns" 50' Jiilv Hi H. 9(1 Lnrit? Island (IIoUl witli Hope) - July lU H. 0(! Southern shore of llndson's Strait, from Hope Advance liny to Deception Bay (Mni,'iia Ihi- tannia, I'rince Henry's Cape, no, 07, Kin<,' James Cape) - July 20. 51 H., Br. 104, 105 Nortliern sliore, N. of Cliarles Is. Aug. 1 H., Br, !)7,1()5.1()(; Salisliury Island Aug. '2 H., Br. 97, 10(1 Cape Wolstenlndme, Capo Diggs Aug. :$ H., Br. i)7, 10(i Voyage, down the cast coast of Aug. 4, Br. 105 110 Hudson's ]3ay - . . . Oct. ;!l .Tui't's trial - - . - . Sept. 10 Wydhouse 1 ;!()-] .-is Wintering in James Bay - Nov.:!,] 10. Br., Hess. Gerr. IIO-IK!, Jue.l8,l()ll 1H4.7,1!)2 Antiscorbutic medicine Dec. 1010 Br., Burch. 114, 141 Visit of a savage (?) Br.,Burch.,H.Gr. 114,142, 1H7, 1!):'. Green's antecedents - Br. lll-ll.'l Departure from winter quarters - Juc.l8,l(ill Br. 110 Conspiracy — Hudson's exposure Jue.21,1011 Br.,Burch.,II.Ge. 117-1 2:f, 142, 1H4, l!);l Voyage back to Diggs' Island June 21- Br., Burch, 123-120, July 2.5 142 Fight with Esquimaux near July 2'J Br., Burch. B27 BU, Diggs' Island - . . . 14:1 Voyage homo .... July no- Br., Burch. l:n-].35. Sept. (i 144 Return Sept.(i,10]l Burch,, H. Ger. 144, IHH, l!t;j Imprisonment of conspirators (?) H. Ger. 18H,l!):l Button sent out in seai'cli of H. Ger, 15S,1H!), Hudson li)3 I It will not be necessary to add any long comments to this table. On reference to the documents, it will be seen that the geographical information is to be found almost exclusively in Hudson's own journal, and in his chart, whilst the scenes and events of the voyage form the main portion of Pricket's account. The few pages which may be gathered from other sources contain stray facts, the insertion of which our table will facilitate. It will not be easy, even with the assistance of the maps in the present volumi\ to CCXll INTRODUCTION. follow Hudson through the Strait. Few readers take sutHcient interest in such matters to attempt tliis labour. To those who wish to undertake it, sve re- commend the Admiralty Chart of the Arctic regions (1856) as a very useful guide. The remaining part of Hudson's voyage, the ex- ploration of Hudson's Bay, the wintering in James Bay, the conspiracy of the crew, the exposure of Hudson in an o^en shallop, are strikingly told by Pricket. But his account, though very remarkable as a narrative, is most unsatisfactory as a geogra- phical record, and leaves almost every question of this kind without a conclusive answer. We cannot even fix the spot where Hudson wintered and where he died. The wintering place which seems to us the most likely is indicated in the map of his voyages which accompanies this volume. The place where he was exposed cannot have been at a great distance from his winter quarters, considering the short time which elapsed between his departure and that tragical event. But in this respect our uncer- tainty is still greater. The conspirators pleaded as an excuse for their guilty deed, that Hudson had withheld some of the victuals, storing them up in his own cabin ; and they have tried to throw in this manner a blemish on his character. But even if the charge be a true one, Hudson's motives were certainly honourable ; with such men as he had under his orders it was danjierous to deal openly. Their crime had no other cause than the fear that he would continue his search and expose f! INTRODUCTION. CCXUl them to new privations ; and it seems that in pro- viding for this emergency, he had even increased his dangers. Another calumny has aheady been dis- proved ; and Hudson's character stands free from all blemish. Partly to search for Hudson, partly to improve his . discoveries, an expedition was sent out the following year, under Sir Thomas Button. Allusion is made to it by Hessel Gcrritz ; and we have besides added, at the end of the appendix, the contents of a charter granted to the company by whom Button was sent '■ out. Those who risked their capital on that enter- | prise, firmly believed that Hudson had found an opening for a commercial route to China and Japan. Such was also the belief of Hessel Gerritz, of Purchas, and of all those who first began to spread Hudson's fame. This belief has now vanished, and we know that all the attempts of Henry Hudson,- in ' the north, in the north-east, and in the north-west, \ have proved complete failures. ? Yet, Henry Hudson's name is not forgotten. It j is borne by his Strait and by the Bay in which he wintered and died. It is inscribed on the vast ter- ritory between the Bay and the Pacific Ocean. It is affectionately remembered by the millions of human beings now living on those banks, which he found scantily inhabited by savage races. Kor have his j| labours been fruitless : he has given to his own country the fisheries of Spitzbergen, and the fur trade of the Hudson's Bay territories. The Dutch owed to hicn their North- American colony, which has after- N CCXIV INTRODUCTION. wards fallen into English hands ; and is now peopled and ruled over by the united descendants of both nations. Thus, in spite of his failures, Hudson has erected himself a far prouder monument than he would have dared to hope for. These successes may well be held out as an encouragement to those, who, like him, labour earnestly and steadfastly in some great cause that may seem hopeless. Such labour is never cast away, if only they, like Henry Hudson, prescribe to themselves the rule : To achieve what THEY HAVE UNDERTAKEN, OR ELSE, tO USC llis OWU words, to give reason wherefore it will not be. In laying the present volume before the members of the Hakluyt Society, the editor owes them more than one explanation. The book has, long ago, been announced as nearly ready. Mr. Hamilton, of the manuscript department in the British Museum, was then named as the editor, whom the writer of the present pages was merely to assist by furnishing part of the introduction. This arrangement was after- wards rendered impossible, by the present editor's leaving London, and retiring to the country. The present editor had not at first the courage to ask Mr. Hamilton to give up his rights. When he at last did so, the request was most kindly and courteously granted. But a delay of more than a year had before taken place. It would be useless to enume- rate the other causes of delay, except the principal one ; namely the difficulty the editor felt in writing English. This difficulty could never have been INTRODUCTION. CCXV surmounted without the extreme kmdness of the editor's friend, Mr. R. H. Major, who has examined every line of the present book before it was sent to the press. From this kindness, the editor has derived more than passing benefits. The corrections became fewer as the work proceeded, and have in its latter half been limited to a few minutiiE here and there. Mr. Major has also taken upon himself the tedious and ungrateful task of correcting the extracts from Purchas. During the journey which the editor undertook to inspect the Cabot map in Paris, he received the kind attentions of the celebrated Mr. Jomard, and of the equally distinguished scholar to whom the present volume is dedicated. Mr. Bouillet, the author of two justly esteemed manuals, has also been kind enough to assist the editor in tracing the Anskoeld Myth back to its origin. In Holland the editor has been less fortunate ; yet he has there received some kind assistance from Mr. Frederic Muller in Amsterdam, and from Mr. Spanier, the lithographer, at the Hague, to whom the excel- lent copies from the two old Dutch charts are due. He has especially to thank Mr. Campbell, the deputy librarian at the Hague, for an act of very great kindness, alluded to on p. xxxv of the present volume. i \ NOTES TO INTRODUCTION. A., B. The questions to which these two notes refer have been made the subjects of special investigation, by the writer of the present pages, whilst the book was going through the press, and by a new and more accurate examination of the original documents he has been induced to modify very considerably the opinions expressed in the text. The following are the principal new views he has arrived at : 1. That Sebastian Cabot was born in Venice, not in Bristol; that he arrived in England with his father when a child, and lived here till he went out on his voyages. 2. That the voyages of the Scandinavians exercised no percepti- ble influence upon John and Sebastian's opinions. 3. That John Cabot died most probably shortly after his son's second departure. 4. That the discovery of Hudson's Strait in 1496 must be con- cluded from Galvano's account, not from the spurious one of Willes. The editor is now preparing for the press a memoir on the north-western voyages of the Cabots, in which these matters will be more clearly explained than could be done in the short space here afforded. The notes on Cabot's map will be found in the bibliographical list, under Cabot. The following are the sources which the editor has consulted : I. As regards the Scandinavians, his notes are taken from Rafn's celebrated work, where it is stated in various places that the re- 'I NOTKS TO INTRODUCTION. CCXVll nitiining Icelandic documents respecting the north-western voyages of the Scandinavians are extremely numerous, and belong to almost every age, from the beginning of the voyages themselves down to the sixteenth century ; so that it is evident how very familiar the Icelanders must have been with these matters in Cabot's and Columbus' time. This seems to us even more clearly proved by the geographical manuals of the Icelanders than by the remain- ing fragments of their ancient records. These geographical sys- tems prove that the discovery of America, such as it presented itself to their minds, formed part and parcel of their general ideas, from which it can therefore not have been easily effaced. The interesting extract which we give (at the end of the Appendix) is taken from the Gripla, one of those geographical manuals which would seem, if we understand Mr. Rafn right, to belong on exter- nal evidence to the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the six- teenth century. We cannot perceive the weight of the reasons adduced by northern scholars for the fact, that on intrinsic evi- dence the Gripla must be much anterior to Columbus' and Cabot's voyages. II. John Cahufs arrival in England. — Sebastian's birth. Mis- cellanies of the Philobiblon Society, ii. The paper on Cabot quoted in our Bibliographical list, p. 262. Peter Martyr, p. 232. Eden's Peter Martyr, p. 255. III. Influence of the Scandinavians. This idea was principally based on Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31), which we have since learnt to consider as a compilation made up from Peter Martyr, and from | some fictions introduced by Gomara. IV. First Voyage, Charter granted by Henry VII, Hakluyt, iii, 4. Extract from Henry VII Book of Privy Purse, Biddle, Cabot, p. 80, note; Miscellanies of Philobiblon Society, as reprinted in the text. Ramusio, Viaggi, V. i, p. 414, 415. (In the treatise on Spices, edition quoted in our Bibl. List). The History and Anti- (juiLies of Bristol, p. 172. Cabot's Map; Chytracus, p. 773 ; Hak- luyt, iii, 5. V. Events between First and Second Voyage. Book of Privy Purse, Cabot, p. 80. Ramusio, loco citato. VI. Privilege granted to John Cabot, Biddle, Cabot, p. 76 ; Hakluyt, iii, 5. ft' t V' >.lili. CCXVlll NOTES TO INTRODUCTION. VII. Second Voyayc. Fabian's Chronicle, a notice occurring in three different shapes : a. Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, Ajipenilix specially devoted to Sebastian Cabot; h. Stow, Annals, p. 481, edition quoted in Bibliographical list ; the same before in IIol- Hnshed Chronicle, edited by John Hooker, 1587 : date 1498 ; c. Hakluyt, Collections, iii, p. 9. Peter Martyr, p. 232 ; Galvano, p. 32; Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31); Willes (Hakluyt, iii, p. 25.) VIII. Third Voyage. Eden, Treatise of New India, 1553, Dedi- cation ; llamusio, Viaggi, iii, Introduction ; Thome's Letter to Henry VIII, loco citato. C. For the two Portuguese expeditions, see chapters i to iv in the second book of Mr. Bidd^e's Cabot (pp. 225-248) and the docu- ments quoted there ; and also, Discorso d'un Gran Capitano Francese, Ramusio, iii, 423 b. D. Sec Discorso d'un Gran Capitano Francese, llamusio, iv, 423 b. „■...., and Vincent Lc Blanc, Voyages (Paris, 1G48) iii" partie, p. 6G. I,."" DIVERS VOYAGES AND NORTHERNE DISCOVERIES. ,' k i ih m r-'-T, i^ n B WSl. J ()<; miin '~Tn — •Ji'i' >'-''! .'>! I ('/' Make ''\M UiNVM ,ll> ^ I/'' llxiiljltllO Ffrtmiiin ^J ' bT- (h ' IXt? 19 )3 ft ^ . j^i x / la'f ■f-^ f/lrft/nt/ij'Ji . fC I'lujiwi /i 7\ i'iiih>r/.i H ' r'ifiHtinrii M VCJt ^ .i>iiii\t C , .•^ n. \ jivtlj'orlun /, ^i.. ■'■<. ■y ,r'> I « V_p< H*^ tO HMewith -^ ^ -^ f .\onga nuin.r Ion " -mud .75 % I Jwulii ucquvre Scras, ^ "wT-jt^"""*^'^'"""' '""""" '"" t' '^'lAxtt,eti.\t.iiiii4Uffetit imfnTlirril4i.\ Irulos ^ ^Uudsonus. lit iitetUodi>rcin brei'lOtv parci . i^'tnJ, jrctum jupefttrc novtivi, jam cwprnit ami^ Prcetnta jpondfre ac uieiu vtJere ^ juts -^' " L tun retno/iim tariiis in/ccU ruii/iua rfbi'.r 1 Lurba/,'it' iii/onti iiavirre ^iiara t'lra . "\ j niiver Pruifif'c dare, dtem . ^ '^■" iS'^ •/' ,.Tr i'" ■ ^ — -}-}^ [II ■t ' 4 ■•i // y ----. 6 •J i^ \ \ 60 \ w n \ ^?roTnBray. and on Tuesday, the sixe and twentieth day, in the morn- ing, we made the lies of Shetland,''^ and at noon m'c were in '','"' ,"'^"'' 00 degrees 12 minutes, and sixe leagues to the eastward of ^ Son of Henry Hudson. [Ed.] " Shetland. [E.I.] ) I i. % i\ 2 IMASTI'.R IIKNIIY irL'T)S()N. ^ them : the compass hatl no variation. Wo had sixty-foiire fathomes at our sounding, hhickc, ozie, sandie, with some yellow shels. Our ship made more way than we did sup- pose. On Saturday, the thirtieth of May, by our observa- lioiiTfii iio- ^^"^^ ^^'^ were in Gl degrees 11 minutes. This day I found mfiiutes. the needle to incline TO degrees under the horizon. For '/il|[j"j''i'i'","'' foure daycs space we made very little way by contrary needle. • i Winds. June. (),^ Thursday, the fourth of June, we were, by our obser- vation, still in 01 degrees and 14 minutes, eight and twentic or tliirtie leagues from the norther part of Shotland : the land bearing by our accompt east and by north off us. I found variation in five degrees westerly. The seventh of Juno, wee were in G3 degrees 25 minutes. The eighth, all the forcnoone we had a fresh gale southerly; we steered away north and by west : and by observation r;-Miogioes -^ye Were in G5 decrees 27 minutes. ' The elctcnth, wee saw sixe or seven whales neei'e our .'in illhiuu-^s. shippc : we were in sixtie-sevcn degrees, thirtie minutes. About five of the clocke, the winde came up at north-cast and by east ; we atecred aAvay north north-Avest with a fresh gale all the night at cast. The twelfth, the winde was at east north-east, a stiffe gale ; wee steered away as afore, and accounted wee had runne by this day noone thirtie leagues. In the after-noone we steered away noitli and by west fifteenc leagues ; all the night proved a great fogge with much wind. » The thirteenth, betwecne one and two in the morning, we saw some land^ on head of us, and some ice ; and it being ^ Hudson arrives :it the const of Grceiilaml, along which he sails until the 2211(1 of .June. So much we learn from his remarks. But it is im- possible to ascertain with exactness the situation of the places indicated, J or even to identify those named, such as Young's Cape, the Jlount of God's Mercy, and Hold ^vith Hope. His own statements arc vague, and the broad ice-ficlds, by which the coast has been encircled since his time, have prevented modern investigators from furnishing us with I ' I ', FIRST VOYAGE (1G07). S a thickc foggc wc steered away northerly, and having much Avind, wee stood away south and by cast six or eight leagues. Our sayle and shroudcs did freeze. At eight in the morn- ing it cleered up, the wind being at north-east and by cast, with much wind wee were hardly able to maintaync a sayle. This was a very high land, most part covered with snow. The neather part was uncovered. At the top it looked reddish, and nnderncath a blackish clay, witli much ice lying about it. The part which we saw when wee cast about, trended east and west ; and the norther part Avhich "f^"' wc saw, trended north-east and by north and north-east ; »hh, and the length Avhich wee saw Avas nine leagues : wee saw ""J much fowle. Also wee saw a whale close by the shoare. AV^ce called the head-land which we saw Youngs Cape : and vount,'3 ' ♦ necrc it standcth a very high mount, like a round castle, which Avce called the Mount of Gods Mercie. All the after- The :\roiiiii of tloils any correct outline. The contemporary maps give but little assistance ; the ancient chart of the Zeni having been used as the basis for the de- lineation of Greenland, and that chart, although superior to the gene- rality of its time, is nevertheless very imperfect. When, as iu the account before us, we find various additional places incorporated into it, we can, of course, place but small reliance upon the real accuracy of such materials. [Ed.] noone and all the evening it rained. At eight in the even- ^leicio. I_^ ing we cast about, and steered all night north and by west, ^« and sometimes north north-west. 4, The fourteenth, being neere the land, we had snow. At suow. fourc in the morning, the wind vering northerly, we cast "^^ about and stood south-east and by south. This day wee had ^ much wind and raine : wc shorted sayle, being neere the ^ land. 'Th.e fifteenth, in the morning, it blowed so much wind '^ at north-east, that wee were not able to maintayne any sayle ; wee then strooke a hull, and let our ship drive, wayting for T f a litter wind : this night was very much raine. The sixteenth * was much wind at north-east. The seccntccnth, we set sayle ••, at noone, we steered away east and by south, and east south- I ! 4 MASTKR HENRY HUDSON. east. The ciyht couth, in the afternoonc, a fine gale south- east, which toward the evening increased, and we steered north-east three watches, twelve leagues. The nineteenth, we steered away north north-cast sixtecne leagues. At noone wee had raine Avith fogge. From twelve to foure we steered north north-cast eight leagues, and did account ourselves in scventie degrees neerest hand, purposing to see whether the land which we made the thirteenth day were an Hand or part of Groneland.' But then the fogge increased very thicke, witli much wind at south, which made us alter our course and to shorten our saylc, and we steered away north- east. Being then, as we supposed, in the meridian of the same land, having no observation since the eleventh day, and lying a hull from the fifteenth to the seventeenth day, wee perceived a current setting to the south-west. This day wee saw three whales neere our ship, and having steered away north-east almost one Avatch, five leagues, the sea was grownc every way : we supposed wee were thwart of the north- cast part of that land which we made the thirteenth day, and the current setting to wind-ward. The reason that mooved us to thinke so, was, that after we had sayled five or sixe leagues in this sea, the wind neither increasing nor dulling, Avee had a pleasant and smooth sea. All this night was foggie with a good gale of wind ; we steered away north- east untill the next day at noone, and sayled in that course tAventie leagues. The twentieth, all the morning was a thicke fogge, with the winde at south ; Avee steered north-east till noone. Then ^ In the charts of this date, Greenland, as stated in the preceding note, Avas laid down from the map of the Zeni, Avhere it is called Engroneland, and from it the Groneland of Hudson is derived. We must not con- found this Avith Avhat he calls Greenland, by which he means the Greenland of Barcntz, that is to say, Spitzhergen. In short, it is worth remembering, that wherever Hudson mentions Groneland, he intends G reenland, and when he speaks of Greenland we must understand Spitz- herfjen. [Ed.] -4 FlllST VOYACJK (1007). 5 Avc changed our course, and steered away north north-east, lioping for an open sea in our course to fall with the bodic of Newland.' This day, at two in the aftcrnoonc, it cleered up, and wee saw the sunne, Avhich wee had not scene since the second of this moneth. Having steered north north- Noio. east two watches and a halfc, fiftccnc or sixtecne leagues, "^^^ wee saw land on our larboord, about four lea"rucs off us, im"'"!' ,«»v^ trending, as wee could ghess, north-east and south-west. '"""'' «y Wee steered away east north-east, the wind at south a good .:. ^ gale, but reasonable cleere : wee saw many birds with blacke ^^'"}y n .^ backcs and white bellies, in forme much like a duckc, we saw also many pieces of ice driving at the sea. AV'e loofed ;\iii'i"ii'it for one and went roomer for another. And this morning, to'k'.rp'iiosn about foure, a thicke foggc we saw ahead of us. r,',oim 1","" ' ^ ine o?ie and uvenueth, in the morning, we steered north- ^, east and east north-east two watches, five or sixe leagues. *[ Then it grew thicke fogge. And we cast about, and steered ^« north-east and east north-east two watches, sixe lea"rucs, ' finding wee were embayed. The wind came at cast south- ''' cast a little gale : wo tacked about and lay soutli. All this ^ii night was a thicke fog with little winde, east we lay with the "*,: stcmnie. The tivo and ticcntietli, in the morning, it clcercd up, being calme about two or three of the clocke : after, we had a prettie gale, and we steered away east and by north three ^ leagues. Our observation Avas in 72 degrees 38 minutes ; ^ and changing our course wee steered north-east, the wind at «, ^ Nieuland is the name given to Spitzbergen by several of the Dutch geographers, this the English afterwards converted into King James his Neidand. The most general name for the country was, however, Green- land, originating from a mistaken notion respecting the northern terri- tory discovered by the ancient Scandinavians. The first who fell into this mistake was Barentz. The name of Spitzbergen was invented by llessel Gerard, in 1G13, possibly on the authority of Barentz. Gerard, however, refers the name to the year 15!)0. See Dr. Bckc's Introduc- tion to De Veer, p. Ixxxvii. [Ed.] M^ nr^ \V» I . •• ir r'nT i - i . ^11, ,' — •• T. (I MASTKR HliMlY HUDSON. south-cast, a prctfic; gale. This morning, when it clccrcd up, wc saw the hind, trending nccrc hand cast north-cast and west south-west, esteeming ourselves from it twelve leagues. It was a mayne high-land, nothing at all covered with snow ; and the north part of that mayne high-land was 'im'iV'r'^ very high mountayncs, but we could see no snow on them. Willi snow. ^Y^ accounted, by our observation, the part of the mayne land lay nccrest hand in 73 degrees. The many fogs and calmes, with contrary winds and much ice necrc the shoare, held us from farther discovery of it. It may bee objected against us as a fault, for haling so westerly a course. The chicfc cause that moved us thereunto, was our desire to see that part of Groncland, which (for ouglit that we know) was to any Christian unknowne ; and wee thought it might as well have beenc open sea as land, and by that meanes our passage should have bcene the larger to the Pole ; and the hope of having a westerly wind, which would be to us a landcrly wind if wee found land. And considering wee found land contrarie to that which our cards make mention of, we accounted our labour so much the more worth. And, ibr ought that wee could see, it is like to bee a good land, and worth the seeing. On the ofie a?icl UventietJi day, in the morning, while we steered our course north north-east, wc thought wc had embayed ourselves, finding land on our larboord and ice upon it, and many great pieces of drift ice : we steered away north-east, with diligent looking out every cleere for land, having a desire to know whether it would leave us to the cast, both to know the bredth of the sea, and also to shape a more northerly course. And considering wee knew no The land ot nauic givcu to tliis land, wee thought crood to name it llold- 11 old with _ ° . . ' . iiniif^ro with-Hopc, lying in 73 decrees of latitude. dtgrees. t. ^ j o o The sunne was on the meridian on the south part of the compassc, neercst hand. Heere it is to bee noted, that when we made the Mount of Ciods Mcrcie and Youngs Cape, the I -4 riiisT voYAOK (KIOT). 7 land was covered with snow for the most part, and cxtrcamc cold, when wee approached necrc it : but this land was very temperate to our feeling. And this likewise is to be noted, that being two dayes without observation, notwith- standing our lying a hull by reason of much contrary wiiul, yet our observation and dead-reckoning were within eight '^u, leagues together, our shippe being before us eight leagues. V This night, untiU next morning, prooved little windc. -f The t/ircc and twcDtioth, in the morning, wc had an hard »/ gale on head of us, with much raync that fell in very great ;^^ drops, much like our thunder-showers in I'higland ; wee tacked about and stood east northerly with a short saylc ; to our feeling it was not so cold as before we had it. It was . calme from noone to three of the clockc with fogge. After ^ the winde came up at east and cast south-east, wc steered -, away north-east with the fogge and raync. About seven or s[ eight of the clockc, the wind increased with extreame fogge, U wee steered away with short saylc east north-cast and some- times east and by north. About twelve at midnight the wind came up at south-west ; we steered away north, being «• reasonable cleere weather. The /o?ry much ^ wind, so that we shortned our sayles for the space of tw o ^ ' Vogel Ilooke, (Vogcl-hoeck) — Bird Cape. According to Dr. Beke • (p. Ixxxvii), a point on the western co.ist of Spitzbergon. It is so laid down in an old map, published in the " Begin en Voortgang von de Ncderlandsche Oostindische Compagnie," 4to, Amsterdam, 1646 ; in the first part, containing the Voyages to the North, 159o to 1597. This a copy of an English map by Daniel, published in London, 1612, but which we have not been able to find. Dr. Petermann assigns to Vogel-hocck quite a diflerent place ; but the scantiness of the materials does not seem to us to warrant any decided opinion. [Kd.] " Blank in the original edition. [Ed.] 3 IK Hi t ' 'j^ii'-' — - ■■ "■' -^^ ■ "•- -r?"-i i -.n ii ili , u mL ;l' ii'. 10 MAS'l'KR Hl.NRY HIDSON. watches. Then about eiglit this e( vening wc striickc a hull, and it proved the hardest stornic that we had in this voy- age. The thirtieth, in the morning, was stormie ; about noone it ceased ; at seven in the eevening it proved almost calmc. July- The Jirst of July, all the fore-noonc the wind was at south- ;;; east ; we stood north-east for the shoare, hoping to finde an lljl open sea betwecne the shoare and the ice. About noone „ii wee were embayed with ice, lying betweenc the land and us. J.. 78 lUgices By our observation svc were in 78 deforces 42 minutes, °. 4).' niiiiutof . •' " whereby we accounted we were thwart of the great In- draught. And to free ourselves of the ice, we steered be- tweenc the south-east and south, and to the westward, as we could have sea ; and about six this eevening it pleased God to give us cleere weather ; and we found we were shot riie fjient farrc into the inlet, being almost a bay, and environed with inlet. very high mountaynes, with low land lying betwecne them ; Avee had no ground in this bay at an hundred fathoms. Then, being sure where we were, wc steered away west, the wind at south-east and calmc, and found all our ice on the norther shoare and a clcare sea to the southward. The second, it pleased God to give us the wind at north- east, a faire gale with cleere weather, the ice being to the nortliwar(^ off us, and the weather shoare, and an open sea to the southwards under our Ice. We held on our course north-west till tv.'clve of the clockc ; having sayled in that course 10 leagues, and finding the ice to fall from us to the ,' wc gave thankes to God who marvellously preserved us from so many dangers amongst so huge a quan- titic of ice and fogge. We steered away north-west, hoping 78 .incipes to bc frcc from ice ; we had observation 78 degrees, 56 minutes ; wc fell with ice againe, and trended it as it lay betweene the west and south south-east. The third, we had 78 ,if :ieps observation 78 degrees, 33 minutes. This day wee had our 33 miiuit.'s. ... shrouds frozen ; it was searching cold ; we also trended the ' Blank in original crlition. [Ed.] :,i|l 11 FiusT voVACip; (IGOTj. 11 ice, not knowing whether we were cleare or not, the wind being at north. The fourth, was very cold, and our shroudes and sayles '''''" i frozen ; we found we were farro in the inlet. The wind Ivozoi^ '"* being at north, Ave bcarc up and stood south south-east, and south and south-west by west till ten this night. The fft, was very much wind at north-easterly ; at twelve we strooke a hull, havinn; broui^ht ourselves neare the mouth'''!";"""'"' of the inlet. The sixth, in the morning, the wind was as before, and the sea grownc. This morning we came into a very greene sea ; we had our observation 77 degrees, 30 minutes. This after- rr d.Kiv.a _ ao minutea, noone the wind and sea asswaged. About foure of the clocke wc set sayle, and steered north-west and by west, the wind being at north north-east. This day proved the clear- est day we had long before. The seventh, at foure in the morning, was very cleare weather, and the fairest morning that we saw in three weekes before ; we steered as afore, beins; by our account in 78 decci'ees nearest hand, and out of /";"; '''■"'••'''^; the Sackc. We found wc were compassed in with land and """ ''""''''■■ ice, and were a^aine entred into a blacke sea, which by proofe a biiuu.! ^ . . "'"' "1"-'" we found to be an open passage. Xow, having the wind at '*'^^"- north north-east, we steered away south and by east, with purpose to fall with the southermost part of this land, which we saw ; hoping by this meane, either to defray the charge of the voyage, or else, if it pleased God in time to give us a faire wind >^o the north-east, to satisfic expectation. All this day and night afterward proved calme. The eight, all the forc-noone proved calme and very tliicke fogge. This morning we sa-,\' many pecces of drift-wood ^J^'^']' ''''"'■• urive by us ; we heaved out our boate to stop a leakc, and mended our riggin<>s. This day woe saw many scales, and ^^^^I'v two fishes which we judged to bee sea-horses or morses. At ^''^'■*''*'- twelve this night we had the winde at cast and by south ; wee stood away north-cast. X I ■■:x y ••• ■••• -r \ I., r i: V A • I: > '• ■■■' - ^•— IT l!2 MASTER HENRY HUDSON, The nitith, all the forc-noone was little wind at south-east, with thicke fogge. This day "we were in amongst ilands of ice, where we saw many scales. The tenth, in the morning, was foggie ; afterward it proved cleeic ; we found we were compassed with ice every ;;,;; way about us ; wee tacked about, and stood south and by l\l west, and south south-west, one watch, five leagues, hoping "Ml to get more sea-roome and to stand for the north-east; we ,!•• had the wind at north-west. ■r iMomiienco 'X'he elcxcnth, vcrv clccre weather, with the windc at ll soi'inelh ' ./ ' j)i' Hen" ""' south-east-south ; we were come out of the blue sea into our owneiiotes. grccnc sca againe, where we saw whales. JNow, iiavnig a fresh gale of wind at south south-east, it behooved nice to change my course, and to sayle to the north-east, by the Hiueaiid southcr cud of Ncwlaud. But being come into agreenesea, gieone sens. _ '^ '• praying God to direct mee, I steered away north ten leagues. '[ After that we saw ice on our larboord, Ave steered away east and by north three leagues, and left the ice behind us. Then wee steered away north till noone. This day wee had the ■ sunne on the meridian south and by west, westerly, his greatest height was 37 degrees, 20 minutes. By this ob- T.uiegici!:! servation we were in 79 degrees, 17 minutes ; we had a fresh I'll IV niinulcf". •"• gale of wind and a smooth sea, by meanes whereof our ship had out-runne us. At ton this cevening cleere weather, and ,11 then we had the coFipany of our troublesome neighbours, *"" ice with fogge. The wind was at south south-west. Hecre ,"lj, we saw plentic of scales, and we supposed beares had beenc hcere, by their footing and dung upon the ice. This day, I SI, k ot many of my companie were sicke with eating of beares flesh I iiiisaiii;.!. tJ^e Jjiy beiorc unsalted. I The twelfth, for the most part, was thicke fogge ; wee steered bctweene south and by east, and south south-east 2g leagues, to cleere us of the ice. Then we had the wind at south ; wee steered till noone north-east five leagues. This morning we hud our shioudes frozen. At noone, by our FlKSl VOYAGK (1()()T). 13 accompt, we were in 80 degrees, being little wind at west *' iiigiees. south-west, almost calme with thicke fogge. This after- noone we steered away north and sometimes north-east. Then we saw ice ahead off us ; we cast about and stood south-east, with little wind and fogge. Before we cast about by meanes of the thicke fogge, we were very neere ice, being |^ calme, and the sea setting on to the ice, which was very V dangerous. It pleased God at the very instant to give us a •¥ small gale, which was the meanes of our deliverance ; to »j> Him be praise therefore. At twelve this night it cleared ;p. 7J)-H1. We may call the reader's attention to the fact that Hudson docs not fall into the error of Phillip, who, misled by the ear, mistook the Dutch rot-yioisen for red geese. ',1, Heat • II FIRST VOYAGE (IGOTj. 15 tilings brought uboord a stone of the countrey. AMicn they , Avent from us it was cahnc, but presently after we had a gale of wind at north-east, Avhich came with the flood with fogge. We plyed too and againe in the bay, waiting their com- ming ; but after they came aboord we had the wind at east and by south a fine gale ; we minding our voyage, and the time to perform it, steered away north-cast and north north- cast. This night proved clecre, and we had the sunne on the meridian, on the north and by east part of the compasse ; from the upper edge of the horizon, with the crosse-stafFe, we found his height 10 degrees, 40 minutes, without allow- i^|',",l"*;,.ees ing any thing for the scmidiameter of the sunne, or i,he dis- hiJi,','abou1. tance off the end of the staffe from the center in the eye. """"''"■ From a north sunne to an east sunne, we sayled betweene north and north north-east, eight leagues. The fifteenth, in the morning, -svas very cleere weather, the sunne shining warme, but little wind at east southerly. By a south-east sunne we had brought Collins Cape to beare off us south-east, and we saw the high land of Newland, that part by us discovered on our starboord, eight or ten leagues from us, trending north-east and by east, and south-west and by west, eighteene or twentie leagues from us to the north- east, being a very high mountaynous land, like ragged rockes with snow betweene them. By mine account, the norther part of this land which now we saw, stretched into 81 degrees. All this day proved cleere weather, little wind, '^^ ''''Rf««'*' and reasonable warme. The sixteenth, in the morning warme and cleere weather ; the wind at north. This morning we saw that we were com- passed in with ice in abundance, lying to the north, to the north-west, the east and south-east ; and being runne toward the farthest part of the land by us discovered, which for the most part trendeth nearest hand north-east and south-west, wee saw more land joyning to the same, trending north in our ], sight, by mcanes of the cleernesso of the weather, stretching I.. r. in ■I i «•; (lotjrcos. r 16 MASTER TIKNRY HUDSON. farre into 82 degrees/ and by the bowing or shewing of the skie much farther. Which when I first saw, I hoped to have had a free sea between the land and the ice, and meant to have compassed this land by the nor^h. But now, find- ing by proofe it was unpossiblc, by means of the abundance of ice compassing us about by the north and joyning to the land, and seeing Cod did blcsse us with a faire wind to sayle Thpyie- |)y file south of tliis luud to tlic uortli-east. we returned, turned. *^ bearing up the hclme, minding to hold that part of the land which the Hollanders had discovered in our sight ; and if contrary winds should take us, to harbour there, and to trie what Ave could finde to the charge of our voyage, and to proceed on our discovcrie as soone as God should blcsse us with winde. And this I can assure at this present, that be- tweene 78 degrees and f^ and 82 degrees, by this way there is no passage:" but I think this land may bee profitable to those that will adventure it. In this bay before spoken of, Aimriiiniice and about this coast, wc saw more abundance of scales then ,,.1, Ol ROllll'S. "'"' wc had scene any time before, swimming in the water. At .i noone this day, having a stiffc gale of wind at north, we were thwart of Collins Cape, standing in 81 degrees and a '' halfc ; and at one of the clockc the cape bcare north-east oflf „H. us. From thence I set our course west south-west, with purpose to keepe in the open sea free from ice, and sayled in that course 16 leagues. At ten this night wc steered ',.n, away south-west, with the wind at north, a hard gale, untill eight the next morning, 18 leagues. The seventeenth, in the morning, a good gale at north ; at eight we altered our course, and steered away south till ' Captain Becclicy {Voi/ape of Discovery, p. 271), supposes this to be the Seven Islands. Tlic highest point reached in boats and sledges by Captain Parry in 1827, lies under 82° 4j'. ^ Hudson is mistaken in this respect. It is not clear, however, whe ther he was arrested by ice only or by land. If the latter were the case, some of his observations with regard to latitudes must be incorrect. »• FIRST VOYAGE (IfiOT). 17 eight in the eevcning, and rannc 12 leagues. This day proved reasonable clcerc and warmc. The ciyhtccnth , in the morning, the M'ind cncreased at soutli and by east, with thicke fogge. All this after-noone and night proved close weather, little fogge, and reasonable warme. The nineteenth, at eight in the morning, the wind at south, with thicke fogge ; we steered south-cast 4 leagues till noonc ; then the wind vercd more large ; wee steered south-east and by east four leagues till foure ; then wee vercd shctc, and steered cast and by south-easterly 15 leagues, till eight the next morning. This day, after the morning, proved hJ reasonable cleere and warmc. The twentieth, in the morning, little wind ; at eight this 'I morning wee saw land ahead of us under our Ice, and to Aveathcrward of us, distant from us 12 leagues, being part of Newland. It is very high mountainous land ; the highest that we had scene untill now. As we sayled nccrc it, we saw a Sound ahead of us, lying east and west. The land on 1* the norther side of this Sound's mouth, trendeth neerest hand west north-west, and east south-east 12 leagues, in our sight, •* being 10 leagues from us ; and the land on the souther side, •• being 8 or 10 leagues in our sight, at this time trendeth ^ south south-east and north north-west -} from eight to noonc •• was calme. This day, by observation, wc were in 77 degrees, '~ ii'creoa, 26 minutes. On the norther side of the mouth of this inlet • '' lie three ilands,^ not farre the one from the other, being very '^ high mountainous land. The fiirthcst of the three to the » north-west hath foure very high mounts, like hcapes of come. That iland next the inlets mouth, hath one very high mount on the souther end. Here one of our companic killed a red-billed bird. All this day after the morning, and nil ^ This is perhaps the best description extant of Bell Sound, on the west coast of Spitzbergcn. ^ These three islands arc not, as far as we know, marked on any map of Spity,l)crgcn. :t Hiiiii:! 18 MASTF.Il IIRNRY HUDSON. night, proved calmc, cnclining rather to hcatc then cold. This night wee had some warmc rayne. The 07ie and tiventicth, all the fore-noone calme ; at fourc in the after-noone we had a small gale of wind at south i.....„ south-cast, with fog ; we steered away cast to stand in with the land, and sayled 3 leagues untill mid-night : then the wind came at north-east, we cast about, and steered south 10 leagues till eight the next morning. The tioo and tiven- ticth, at eight in the morning much wind at east, and varia- ble, with short sayle wee steered 3 leagues south and by east : then came down very much wind ; we strooke a hull. All this after-noone and night, proved very much wind with raine. The three and twentieth, all the fore-noone was very much wind at south, with raine and fogge. At foure this after- noone wee saw land, bearing north-east of us, 6 leagues from us. Then we had the wind at south south-west ; wee steered away south-east and south-east and by east 4 leagues, the sea being very much grownc. We accounted we had hulled ' north-west and by north 22 leagues, and north 3 leagues. ^''' • Then fearing Avith much wind to be set on a lee-shoare we tackt about, and made our way good west and by north, half a point northerly all this night with much wind. The four and twentieth, in the morning, much wind as afore, and the sea growne. This morning wee strooke our mayne top-mast to ease our ship, and sayled from the last ccvening, eight, to this noone, 15 leagues west and by north halfe a point northerly. From twelve to eight, six leagues as afore, with the wind at south and by west ; at eight we tackt about with the winde at south south-west, and lay south-east and by east, with much winde, and the sea growne. The jice and twentieth was a clcere morning : we set our mayne top-mast : we saw land bearing north of us, and under our lee, we sayling south-east and by east. Then the wind scanted : we cast about, and lay south-west and by •■■"■'■ I M» I. 1*11" III" FIRST VOYAGE (1G07). 19 west 2 leagues ^ till noonc. Then it began to overcast, and the wind to scant againe : we cast about, and lay south-cast and by south, the wind at south-west and by west, and saylcd in that course 3 leagues, till foure in the aftcr-noone. Then the wind scanted againe, and we sayled S leagues south. Now, seeing how contrarie the winde proved to doe the ^N good which wee desired this way, I thought to prove our U^jJ fortunes by the west once again ; and this eevening at eight, KX wee being in the latitude of 78, with the better, and from \vf land 15 leagues, which leagues part whereof beare from the '.;3l north-cast to the east off'' us, we steered away west, with the '"^ wind at south-east, and cleere weather. The sixe and tioentictli^ all this day proved rayne with ^^^ thicke fogge, and an hard gale of wind at east and by north, 4 and east north-east. From the last eevening at eight to this ••• noone, wee ranne 25 leagues : from noone till midnight li) \ leagues, the wind at east and by south ; from mid-night till '*, two the next morning, 2 leagues west. m The secen and ticentieth, extreme thicke fog, and little ' wind at east and by south. Then it proved calmc, and the ••! sea very loftie. Wee heard a great rutte or noise with the . X FIRST VOYAGE (1607). 21 the ruttc of land, which I knew to be so by the colour of the sea. It was extreme thickc fog, so that we could hardly see a cables length from our ship. We had ground 25 fathoms, small blacke pcble stones. Wee sounded againe, and had ground at 30 fathomes, small stones like beanes ; at the next cast no ground at GO fathomes. I cast about againe and steered south-west six leagues, west and by north "K two leagues, till the next day noone. All this day and night ""^ extreme thickc fog. >K, The thirtieth, all the fore-noone very thickc fog. At ""^ noone almost calme : after we had little wind, and steered ,j north north-west till two : then it clccrcd up, so that we could see from us 2 leagues with the wind at north-we.st. '"^' Then we steered east south-east : after it cleered. At south, .,'i in the eevening, we saw an iland bearing off us north-west from us 5 leagues, and we saAV land bearing off from us 7 lca I iiiifi:: llltf » JI'll. lliiml. 22 MASTER IIENllY HUDSON. proved calmc, and so continued all the forc-noone. The af'tcr-noone wee had the wind at east south-cast : we steered south, 8 leagues. Then being like to prove much wind, contraric to our purpose, and finding our fog more thickc and troublesome then before, divers things necessaric want- ing, and our time well nigh spent to doc further good this yecre, I commanded to bcarc up for our rcturnc for Eng- land, and steered away south south-west. And this night proved a hard gale of wind at south-east and by east. We chvvK were thwart of Cheries Hand' the next morning, at foure of the clocke, being to windward oft' us 5 leagues : knowing we were neere it, we looked out carefully for the same, and it proving clcere, we saw it, being a very ragged land on the water side, rising like hcy-cockcs. The ^7st of August, a very hard gale of wind at east south-east j we shorted sayle and steered away south south- west. This night was very foggie, with a hard gale of wind at east and by south ; we steered by our account 27 leagues : and from eight this cevening till the next morning foure, 10 leagues as afore. All this night was very foggie, wet and raw cold. 3)11? The second, in the morning, calme, with a thicke fog, cold *""• and slabbie weather. About noone we had a little gale west mil n.i ..i>«" and by north : we steered away as afore. The third, in the """ morning calme and cleere weather, with a little gale east '''»• and by south; we saylcd south south-Avest: then wee had ,„,i.i the wind at south-eas% wee saylcd as afore. All this day ,,„ and night proved close weather, a little logge at noone, which continued not long. At twelve this night the wind vercd to the east and by north, wee held our course south south-west as afore. 'Wig fifteenth of August we put into the lies of rarre,'-* standing in 52 degrees ; and the Fifteenth of September I arrived in Tilberie Hodc in the Thames. ^ Discovered by Bareutz. Stephen Bennett visited it in 1C03, and called it after his j)atron, Francis Olierie. ^ The Faroe Islands. SKCOiNI) VOYAOK (1()()S). 23 I'Oll I'lNDIN'd A I'ASH.VilK TO TIIK EAST INDIKS IIY TIIK NOItTII EAST : W KITTEN HY IIIMSEU'E. A SECOND VOYAOK OR EMPLOYMENT OK MASTKll IIKXIIY HUDSON, )i« ■< •:> Theiu names employed in this action arc as followcth : '■* licnry Hudson, master and pilot ; llobcrt Juct,' the mas- '"S tcr his mate : Ludlowe Arnall ; John Cooko, boatsonne ; * Philip Stacic, carpenter ; John Barnes ; John Braunch, ,'* cooke ; John Adrey ; James Strutton ; Michel Feirce ; Tho- Jf mi!S Hilles ; llichard Tomson ; Robert Ilaynar ; John Ilud- •« son ; and ITumfrey Gilby. The courses observed in this *• journall Averc by a compasse, that the needle and the north '• of the Flye were directly one on the other. „ Anno 1608, the two and tioentieth of Ajmll, being Friday, \\»\\\. we set sayle at Saint Kathcrincs," and fell downe to Blacke- wall. The tioentieth of May, at noone, by observation wc were :\iiiy. in 64 degrees, 52 minutes ; and at this time and place the » needle declined under the horizon by the inclinatory 81 degrees, and wee had a smooth sea, by meanes whereof my observation was good. The one and tioentieth, at night, thicke fog ; wee saylod north north-east ; wee steered north north-east as afore : in the aftcr-noone little wind and thicke fog ; we accounted us in 67 degrees, the sea smooth, the needle declined 82 de- grees ; this night was calme and clcere. The three and tioen- ^ I have Robert Juetts journall also, for brevitic omitted. [Purchas.] ^ Where the St. Katherine's Docks now are. « lltMli""" iiill!"*' [.(iwfoot. f'"'" 24 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. tieth, in the morning the wind was easterly, we stood north north-east, and north and by east. All the fore-noone was foggie : in the after-noone it clcered, and the wind shortned upon us, Avc made our way good north all night. 'i\c foure and twentieth, the wind at east north-east, and east and by north, we lay as neere as wee could with a full saylc ; wee accounted Lowfoot^ from us cast northerly 16 leagues distant '""I K from us ; at fourc a clockc this after-noone, wee stood all t,, "' night as p^ re. The fice and tiventioth, the wind at cast north-east ; wc stood away north as we couh. lie : all this day was clecre w^eathcr and '•earching cold, which cold begunne the one and twentieth day, and then my carpenter was taken sicke, and so doth yet continue ; and three or foure more of our companie were enclining to sickncsse, I suppose by meanes of the cold. All the night it was calme. The sixe and twejiticth, cold but clcare weather, the wind bctwccne east . '.| and east north-cast ; we stood north-easterly till twelve a clocke at night : then wee had the wind at north-cast and north north-east, we stood south-east and east till noone the next day. The seven and twentieth, cold and drie weather, at noone we had the wind north and north north-west ; wee stood away north-east and east north-east as we could, and accounted our selves in 69 degrees, 40 minutes, and the needle inclined, having a smooth sea, nearest 84 degrees. Ail ni"ht we had wind and weather as afore. The eiffht and ticentieth, drie cold clecre weather ; the wind bctweene north north-Avest and north ; avc made our Sun r. rio. way good east north-east ; wee saw the sunne on the north iniiiuiosftt meridian above the horizon 5 decrees, 35 minutes. All this inul-iught. c ' night we had much wind as afore. The nine and tioentietJi, a hard gale at north north-west : by account we ranne from mid-night to noone 21 leagues east north-east. Wee had the sunne on the meridian 5 degrees, the latitude 73 de- ' The Luffoden Islands, west of Norway. I Kill ''.II «' %\\ lll"Mll(l ... ,ll }l r SECOXD VOYAGE (1G08). 25 grecs, 13 minutes, Avhercby wee found our ship to have out-runne us. At mid-night the wind came to south-cast : wc cast about, and stood cast north-cast. This day partly clccre weather with some snow. The thirtieth, cold clccrc weather, the wind betwecnc north-cast and cast and by north ; wc Avcnt cast south-cast, and observing, were in 73 degrees, 50 minutes. The one and thirtieth, cold and '«S clccre weather : from the last day to this day noone, we '\ stood south-cast and by south, in the latitude of 72 degjccs, "^^ 45 minutes. "^ The Jirst of June, a hard gale at east north-east, with fiino. , i snow : we made our way good south south-east. The second, a hard gale of wind at north-cast : towards night, cabne "% with foggc, our course Mas south-east all day. The third, in the morning avc had a sight of the North Cape ;' and at a N.ntu cn\v. west and by north sunne, the Cape bore ofl' us south-west, ^ lialfe a point southerly, being from us 8 lengaes : and ob- servinsf the variation, i found it to the westward 11 decrees : vminiiniis \* , . " uvst.U '. and havini? a smooth sea, the needle cnclincd under the '': -",f ^- . o ' Ni'i iiii' s Ill- horizon 84 degrees and a halfe, the neerest I could findc. s'i'XLt"'-! .! Wc had the wind at south-west, and M-ee stood away north- "'" "' '" I', east and by cast. It was cleerc weather, and wc saw Nor- '^ way fisher-men at sea. ']l\\c fourth , warme clccre sun-shine, we stood away north- cast and by cast. Now, by God's lielpe, our carpenter recovered, and made a mast for our ship-boat, and the com- panie made a sayle ; avc had iiie sunne in the sight on the north meridian, his height was 5 degrees, 40 minutes. In- clination, 23 degrees, 21 minutes : pole's height, 72 degrees, 21 minutes. The fft, in the morning, calme weather : wee sounded, and had 140 fathoms, sand oze : here wee saAV a swelling sea setting north-cast and by east, and south-west and by west, with streamc-leches : and we saw drift wood. After we had wind ; and we sayled and made our way north * The most northern point of Norway. jjiir-* ■I'C'lHt 2C) MASTKR JIKNRY HUDSON. north-east : towards night wc sounded, and found ground at 150 fathoms, sand oze. This day cleere weather, and not cold. The sixt, wee had cleere weather, the wind being at east north-east, from the last day till this day noonc ; wc shaped our way on divers courses north and by west, in the latitude of 73 degrees, 24 minutes. We found that our sliip had out-runne us, sounding in IGO fathoms : in the after- noone little wind. The sevcnt/i, in the morning, the wind at south, after at south south-east : from the last day till this day noonc, wee accounted our way from divers courses north-east, 15 leagues. This day was close but cleere weather, and we had a good gale of wind at this time. And three dayes before this, our cooke and one more of our companie were very sickc. In the morning we had ground at 150 fathoms, and at night we J4_ had no ground at 180 fathoms, which encreased hope. This |J^ . night Ave had some snow, which continued foure houres : .«3I then the wind came at north-east and by east with storme ; and with short sajle we stood north and by west: here the '"■-> needle cnclincd 8G degrees. I accounted that we were in i'*» '1 ''f-tivers, 74 degrees and a hali'e at necrest hand. This nieht we saw the sunuc on the north meridian, his height was 7 degrees, 40 minutes, wliich maketli the pole's height 74 degrees, 23 minutes. The ('!■ was come close to the ship's side, looking earnestly on the men : a little after, a sea came and overturned her : from the "" navill upward, her backe and breasts were like a woman's, as they say that saw her ; her body as big as one of us ; her skin very white : and loni^ hairc han2:ing downe behinde, j,|j.^ of colour blncke : in her going downe they saw her tayle, &■■ .. which M'as like the tayle of a porposse, and speckled like a «»'^ macrell.' Their names that saw her, were Thomas ililles and Kobcrt I'ayner. The sixteenth, cleere weather, tlie wind being at cast. W*5I From the last day till this day noone we made our way south and by east 1) leagues, and from noon to eight a clockc in the eevening (5 h;a"ues : then we cast about and stood to the northwards. 'J'lie sevcntoentli, cleere Aveathcr, the wind at south-east and by east ; from the last day till this day noone, our way was north-east and by east, at noone being in the latitude of 74 degrees, 40 minutes. At after-noonc we sounded, and had ground at 86 fathom, green oze, and our water whitish greene. Here m e saw whales, porpoises, and the sea full of fowles : from noone to mid-night, north-east and by east ; we had the sunne at lowest, on the north and by east, east- ^ Probably a seal. Dr. Kano observes that there is something in the appearance and the movements uf'thi.s animal stron. ly akin to those ot" human beings. SECOND VOYAGE (1G08). 29 crly part of the conipassc : latitude 74 degrees, 54 minutes. Sounding we had 92 fathoms water, oze as before. The ci^ucs, and south-east and by cast two leagues. And frorr. foure \ 32 AlASTKR IIRNRY HUDSON. a clockc till noonc south-east southerly, nine leagues ; sound- ' ing, we had ground in one hundred and fortic fathome. From noonc to three a clocke, we stood south-east and by south, three leagues ; from three to foure, south-west and by south, one league, and had ice from the north-east to the liiiii!!!!! south-cast off' us. From Ibure a clocke to eight we stood Mt','^!, south-west, two leagues and a halfc, southward hulfe a "••'iK league, with ice neerc us under our lead. C^^.^ The Jicc and twentieth, cold and cleare, the wind at east '"!;.", south-east ; from eight a clockc last night till foure this '" morning our way was south and by cast, foure leagues and a halfc ; sounding, we had ground in eightie fathome ; then - we had little wind till noonc at east north-east, and the "■ sunnc on the meridian on the south-west and by south point of the compasse ere it began to fall ; wee Averc in the lati- tude of 72 degrees, 52 minutes ; and had ice on our lar- boord, and our hope of passage was gone this way, by mcancs i)f our ncarncsse to Nova Zcnibhi nnd the abundance of ice. We had from noonc to eight a clocke in the cevcning the Vi iW" wind between north north-cast and north-cast ; we stood ... ,^, *i,.i„,i south-east, three leagues and a halfc, and had ice on our * "' 1 1 • • • • 1 ,„ ^1 larboord and shoaldnig sixtie-eight fathome. ■"" The sixe and lioentidli, faire sunshining weather, and little ••«.•«, wind at cast north-east. From twelve aclockc at night till JJJJ foure this morning we stood southward, two leagues ; sound - "Jill ing wee had sixtie-sixe fathome, oaze, as afore. From foure i^9<-< a clocke to noonc south-east and by south, foure leagues; and had the sunnc on the meridian, on the south-east and by south point of the compasse, in the latitude of 72 de- grees, 25 minutes ; and had sight of Nova Zcmbla foure or No passiiKo five leagues from us, and the place called by the Hollanders thai way. ° _ _ ^ ^ swartciiivo. Swart ClifFe,' bearing off" south-east. In the aftcrnooue wee ^ According to Dr. Bekc's opinion {De Veer, Introduction, p. vi) iden- tical with the Yxizhnuy G'usuiui/ Mais, or South Goose Cape of Liitke. This cape is, however, under 71" 20', whilst on De Veer's own map the Ml.. •* imm "> -nm, SFX'ONl) VOYAGE (1008). 33 had a fine gale at cast north-cast, anJ by eight of the clockc we had brought it to bcarc off us cast southerly, and sayled by the shoare a league from it. The sevoi and twentieth, all the forcnoone it was almost calme; wee being two mile from the shoare, I sent my mate, Eobcrt Juct, and John Cooke, my boatswaine, on shoare, '•'"'>■ t"^"" ' 'J ' ' ftshore. with foure others, to see what the land would yeeld that might bee profitable, and to fill two or three caskes with water. They found and brought aboard some whales finnes, two deeres homes, and the dung of deere, and they told me that they saw grasse on the shoare of the last ycere, and young grasse came up amongst it a shaftman long ; and it was boggie ground in some places ; there are many streamcs of snow water nigh ; it was very hot on the shoare, and the snow melted apace ; they saw the footings of many great beares, of deere, and foxes. They went from us at three a clocke in the morning, and came aboord at a south-cast sunnc ; and at their comming wee saw two or three com- panies of morses in the sea neere us swimming, being almost calme. I presently sent my mate, Ladlow the carpenter, and sixe others a shoare, to a place where I thought the morses might come on the shoare ; they found the place likely, but found no signe of any that had beenc there. There was a crosse^ standing on the shoare, much driftv/ood, and signes of fires that had bcene made there. They saw ^irarte Khp sccmo about a degree farther north ; 72"^ 15' to 72' 20', as far as appears by the ancient mariner's vague indications. This latitude would seem more in accordance with Hudson's observation. ' Such crosses were found both on Nova Zembla and on the opposite Russian shore by Barentz and liis companions. They seem to have been very conspicuous, for an island and a cape were called by the Dutch Cross Island and Cross Point, only !)ecause one or two sucli crosses were found on them. It is a well-known fact, that the cross is not only an object of veneration among Christians, but that it is also worshipped by some heathens, quite independently of all Christian influence. Whe- ther the signification of these crosses may be thu^ ^pxnlainedf we are. however, unable to say. 1 NORTRERN AFFAIRS & NATIONAL RESOURCES NOV 10 19C5 T •4 m Im* i •-^.^, 3-i MASTKU HKNUV UIDSON. the footing of very great deere and hearrs, and much fowle,^ and a foxe ; they hrought aboord whale finnes^ some mosse, flowers and greenc things that did there grow. They brought also two pceces of a crossc, which they found there. The sunnc was on the meridian on the north north-east, halfe a point easterly, before it began to fall. The sunnes height was 4 degrees, 45 minutes ; inclination, 2'2 degrees, So minutes, which makes the latitude 72 degrees, 12 minutes. There is disagreement betweene this and the last observa- tion ; but by mcanes of the clccrenessc of the sunne, the smoothnessc of the sea, and the necrncsse to land, wee could not bee deceived, and care was taken in it. The eight and twentieth, at fourc a clocke in the morning, our boat came aboord, and brought two dozen of fowle and some egges, whereof a iii\y were good, and a whale's finne ; Lj. and wee all saw the sea full of morses, yet no signes of their II .^, , being on shoare. And in this calme, from eight a clocke r,!3||' last evening till foure this morning, we were drawne backe to the northward, as farre as wee were the last evening at ..,, , foure a clocke, by a streamc or a tide ;~ and we chose rather so to drive, then to adventure the losse of an anchor and the spoyle of a cable. Heere our new ship-boate began to doe us service, and Avas an incouragemcnt to my companie, which want I found the last yeere. The nine and twentieth, in the morning calme, being halfe a letigue from the shoare, the sea being smooth the needle did cncline 84 degrees ; we had many morses in the sea neere us, and desiring to find where they came on shoare, wee put to with sayle and oares, towing in our boat, and rowing in our barke to get about a point of land, from whence the land did fall more easterly, and the morses did goe that way. Wee had the sunne on the meridian on the ^ This part of Nova Zembla still abounds with fowl, and has, there- fore, bean called Goose Coast by Liitke. ^ The gulf stream. .*•'' IS t sKcoNi) VOYAGE TIBOS;. 35 south and by west point, liiillb a point to the wester part of the conipassc, in the hititude of 71 degrees, 15 minutes. At two a elockc this after-noone we came to anchor in the mouth of a river, where lieth an ihind in the mouth thereof, nivpniud ilauil. foure leagues : wee anchored from the ihind in two and thirtie iathomes, blacke sandy ground. There drove much ice out of it with a streamc that set out of the river or sound, and there were many morses sleeping on the ice, and by it we w ere put from our road twice this night ; and being calmc all this day, it pleased God at our need to give us a fine gale, which freed us out of danger. This day was ^ calme, cleere and hot weather : all the niyht we rode still. The thirtieth, calme, hot, and fairc M'eather ; we Aveighed # in the morning, and towed and rowed, and at noone we • came to anchor neere the ile aforesaid in the mouth of the river, and saw very much ice driving in the sea, two leagues without us, lying south-east and north-west ; and driving to « , the north-west so fast, that wee could not by twelve a clocke at night see it out of the top. At the iland where wee rode t lieth a little rocke, whereon were fortie or fiftie morses < lying asleepe, being all that it could hold, it being so full • and little. I sent my companie ashoare to them, leaving ' none aboord but my boy with mee : and by meanes of their nccrenesse to the water, they all got away, save one which ,' 1 they killed, and brought his head aboord ; and ere they came aboord they went on the iland, which is reasonable high and steepe, but flat on the top. They killed and | i brought with them a great fowle, whereof there were manv, ' and likewise some egges, and in an houre they came aboord. | i This ile is two flight-shot over in length, and one in breadth. ; At mid-night our anchor came home, and wee tayld aground • I by meanes of the strength of the streame ; but by the i hclpe of God, wee hoved her off Avithout hurt. In short I time wee moved our ship, and rode still all night; and in l' ] the night wee had little wind at east, and east south-east. ! ■ '} IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) i A 4^ ^"^ %> fc^i t-P- C^^ /. C/j £c 1.0 I.I 1.25 Ul|28 ■50 "^^ I!: 1^ 2.0 1.4 1.8 1.6 V ■<^ ^ sV Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 1*580 (716) 872-45(3 30 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. sir* I, f ""■«■■. Hi ■■•'■•«., .Tuly, Wee had at nooiie this day an observation^ and were in the hititudc of 71 degrees, 15 minutes. 'Hic^rst of Jul//, we saw more ice to the seaward of us; from the south-east to the north-west, driving to the north- west. At noone it was cahne, and we had the sunne on the meridian, on the south and by west point, halfc a point to the westerly part of the compassc, in the hititude of 71 de- grees, 24 minutes. This morning I sent my mate Everet, and foure of our companie to rowc about the bay, to see what rivers were in the same, and to find where the morses did come on hand ; and to see a sound or great river in the bottome of the bay, which did alwaies send out a great sireame to the northwards, against the tide that came from thence : and I fou.nd the same in comming in, from the north to this place, before this. When by the meanes of the great plenty of ice, the hope of passage betwecne Ncwland lis purpose ^nd Nova Zembla was taken away; my purpose was by the Vaygats to passe by the mouth of the river Ob, and to dou- ble that way the North Cape of Tartaria,^ or to give reason wherefore it will not be : but being here, and hoping by the pientie of morses wee saw hcrCj to defray the charge of our voyage ; and also that this sound might for some reasons bee a better passage to the cast of Nova Zembla then the Vaygats, if it held according to my hope conceived by the likenesse it gave : for whereas we had a floud came from the northwards, vet this sound or river did runne so strong, that ice with the streame of this river was carried away, or I alttr Strong stream. ^ Hudson seemed to think that when he had once passed the North Cape of Tartary (Cape Tabiu?), the rest of his undertaking, to reach China by a north-eastern route, wovild be quite easy, and hardly worth mentioning. This was also Sebastian Cabot's idea, and that of all his dis- ciples down to our navigator. Ortelius's maps, the best expressions of the geographical dogma of the age, imply a similar belief. The northern coast of Asia, which is there drawn almost from fancy, is everywhere much too far south. The voyage from the Promontorium Scythicum to Cathay, or Northern China, appears on these maps as quite an easy matter. SECOND VOYAGK (1608). 37 any thing else against the floud ; so that both in fioud and ebbe, the streanie doth hold a strong course : and it floAveth from the north three houres, and ebbcth nine. The second, the wind being at cast south-east, it was rea- sonable cold, and so was Friday ; and the morses did not play in our sight as in warnie weather. This morning, at three of the clocke, iny mate and companie came aboord, and brought a great deeres home, a white locke of deeres haire, four dozen of fowle, their boat halfe laden Avith drift Avood, and some floAA^ers and greene things, that they found groAV- ing on the shoare. They saw a herd of Avhite deere,^ of ten Herdeof ° •' ' white deere. in a companie on the land, much drift Avood lying on the shoare, many good bayes, and one river faire to sec to on the north shoare, for the morses to land on ; but they saw no morses there, but signes that they had beene in the bayes. And the great river or sound, they certified me, Avas of breadth two or three leagues, and had no ground at twentie fathoms, and that the Avater Avas of the colour of the sea, and very salt, and that the streame setteth strongly out of it. At sixe a clocke this morning, came much ice from the soutliAvard driving upon us, very fearfull to looke on ; but by the mercy of God and His mightie helpe, Avee being moored Avith two anchors ahead Avith vering out of one cable and heaving home the other, and fending off Avith beanies and sparres, escaped the danger ; Avhich labour con- tinued till sixe a clocke in the eevening, and then it Avas past us, and Ave rode still and tooke our rest this night. The third, the Avind at north a hard gale. At three a clocke this morning Avee Aveighed our anchor, and set sayle, purposing to runne into the river or sound before spoken of. 'Y\\c fourth, in the morning, it cleered up, Avith the Avind at north-Avest ; Ave weighed and set sayle, and stood to the eastwards, and past over a reefe, and found on it five and a halfe, sixe, sixe and a halfe, and seven fathoms Avater : then ^ Sec p. 38, note 1. !• . V 38 MASTER HENRY III DSON. ; "-I II •■■■^ il 'A;, it ■ ■•»■ ■ "" •-tft It 'tt'inti II' , ,#||l i. "'•iH.' '"'Ill . • iF 11'*: i Tlio river soarcliocl. Ave saw tli^* the sound was full, and a very large river from the north-eastward free from ice, and a strong streamc com- ming out of it : and wee had sounding then, fourc and thirty fathoms water. Wee all conceived hope of this northerly river or sound, and sayling in it, wee found three and twen- tie fathomes for three leagues, and after twentie fathomes for five or sixe leagues, all tough ozic ground. Then the winde vered more northerly, and the streame came down so strong, that wee could do no good on it : we came to anchor, and went to supper, and then presently I sent my mate Juet, with five more of our companie in our boat, with sayle and oarcs to get up the river, being provided with victuall and weapons for defence, willing them to sound as they went ; and if it did continue still deepe, to goe untill it did trende to the eastward, or to the southwards, and wee rode still. The ^fi, in the morning, we had the wind at west : we began to weigh anchor, purposing to set sayle and to runne up the sound after our companie : then the wind vered northerly upon us, and we saved our labour. At noonc our companie came aboord us, having had a hard rought ; for they had beenc up the river sixe or seven leagues, and sounded it from twentie to three and twentie, and after brought it to eight, sixe, and one fathome ; and then to foure foot in the best : they then went ashoare, and found good store of wildc goose quills, a piece of an old oarc, and some flowers and greene things which they found growing : they saw many deere, and so did we in our after-dayes sayling.^ They being come aboord, we presently set sayle with the wind at north north-west, and we stood out againe to the south-westwards, with sorrow that our Ixbour was in ^ The existence of grass and of herbivorous animals in Nova Zembhi, whicli is flatly denied by Do Veer, is clearly proved by Hudson. Liitke's observations corroborate those of our navigator : see Dr. Bcke's De Veer, pp. .% 83. i'- SKCONl) VOYAOK (1()08). 39 value : for, had this sound held as it did make shew of, for breadth, depth, safcncsse of harbour, and good anchor ground, it might have yeelded an excellent passage to a more easterly sea. Generally, all the land of Nova Zembla novm /om- that yet we have scene, is to a man's eye a pleasant land ; '^'"^''«'^'>'^'- much mayne high land with no snow on it, looking in some places grecne, and deere feeding thereon : and the hills arc ^ partly covered with snow, and partly bare. It is no marvel '\ that there is so much ice in the sea toward the pole, so many Ciiuseof "«- imicli ice in -v sounds and rivers being in the lands of Nova Zembla and ti'':«e*^f^rt«. '* NcM^land to ingender it ; besides the coasts of Pechora, K.us- piissago"!'*^''' 4 sia, and Greenland, with Lappia, as by proofes I finde by my travell in these parts : by meanes of which ice I suppose there will be no navigable passage this way. This eeven- ing wee had the wind at west and by south : we therefore came to anchor under Deere Point ; and it was a storme at sea ; wee rode in twcntie fathomes ozie ground : I sent my mate, Ladlow, with foure more ashoare to see whether any morses were on the shoare, and to kill some fowle; for we had seen no morses since Saturday, the second day of this moneth, that wee saw them driving out of the ice. They found good landing for them, but no signe that they had bcene there ; but they found that fire had beene made there, yet not lately. At ten of the clocke in the ecven- ing, they came aboord, and brought with them neere an hundred fowles called wcllocks : this night it was wet, fogge, and very thicke and cold, the winde at west south- west. The sixt, in the morning, wee had the wind stormie and shifting ; betweenc the west and south-west, against us for doing any good : we rode still and had much ice driving by us to the eastward of us. At nine of the clocke this eeven- ing wee had the wind at north north-west : we presently weighed, and set sayle, and stood to the westward, being out of hope to find passage by the north-oast : and my pur- I i ! I ■ t 'r.i 40 INFASTER HKNRY TIUDSOX. wiiiouRh- pose was now to see whether Willoughbies Land' were, as it bies Innil . . ... n coMctit is layd in our cardes ; Avhich if it were, wee misfht findc of rani- • ■» O s'oomiii.'to niorses on it, for with the ice they were all driven from th.i'i'i^New^' hence. This place upon Xova Zembla, is another then that ,., Grcpiibimi which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discovered by .tMi.iwlll |j„ (US is before ,,,„^ observed, Olivcr Browncll : and William Barentson's observation doth M- Hi cnp. '^j as ^ ^'"' sarcii"of witnesse the same.- It is layd in plot by the Hollanders out , .^ " to'otifers'^ of his truo place too farre north : to what end I know not, f,.H K, Nova Zem- ■, i • i i n • i i unlesse to make it hold course with the compassc, not re- specting the variation. It is as broad and like to yeeld passage as the Vaygats, and my hope was, that by the strong streame it would have cleered it selfe ; but it did not. It is so full of ice that you will hardly thinkc it. All this day, for the most part it was fogge and cold. The sevoith, cleere but cold weather : in the morning the lit,, ''ii„ ' wind was at the north ; from the last eevening to this morn- 'Ai, ''' - „ ing, we set saile and kept our course west and by south, ""-'f fifteene leagues : from morninsr to eight a clocke in the "«* ■'■► ,^, • J, \ 1 bhi. Note. • eevening it was calme : then we had the wind againe at ^ ^ '^ ' ^ The fact we here learn is imiDortant. Willoiighby's land was, on the •"' ™ charts used by Hudson, laid down as part of Nova Zembla ; rather south ""**"'* than north of 72'^. When we consider how careful Hudson was in col- lecting information, and further, that he was sent out by the only per- sons in England who had an interest in north-eastern discovery (the .,0*>. Muscovy Company), it becomes almost a certainty that Willoughby's 1.^,** land was, in 1G08, b)/ the English not thought identical with Spitzbergen ".rl"^ (the Greenland of Barentz and Hudson). If commercial jealousy of ^J'*' the Dutch, the real discoverers of Spitzbergen, had not a short time '; after Hudson's voyage raised the almost absurd belief in that identity, the scholars of our time would have been sjjared much labour. Purchas himself is the most earnest, we might, perhaps, say the most insolent, defender of the erroneous idea, which has been ably disproved by j\Ir. * ' Rundail, in his work on northern voyages. Introduction, p. ix, where all i the arguments bearing on both sides of the question may be found. I 2 The mere amateur reader will hardly care about the intrinsic geo- graphical questions involved in this sentence. The geographical scholar will find them most amply and satisfactorily discussed, with special refer- ence to the present passage, by Dr. Beke in his Introduction to De Veer, pp. xxxii to 1. SECOND VOYAGE (1G08). 41 north, and wc saylctl till nine a clockc next morning west south-west, eight leagues ; then the wind being west and by south, wee went north and by west, three leagues, and wee had the sunne at the highest south south-west, in the lati- tude of 71 degrees, 2 minutes. The ei 43 MASTKR HENRY HUDSON. June : since which time wee have had a sea of a bLackc blue colour, which (both by the last and this yecres experience) , is a sea pestered with ice. The ttvclfth, faire weather : from noone to midnight wee had the wind shifting bctweene the north and west ; our "'"Si "'"*■* course was betweenc west north-west and south south-west. *'*• l! Then we had the wind at south ; we saylcd till the next day ***"" t at noone, west and by north, thirteene leagues ; wee ac- '- ...!i counted our way from the last day till this day noone west- ■■"■■C ward, eightecne leagues. This after-noone wee saw more .,«,,^ porpoises then in all our voyage afore. The tMrico?ith, close weather : in the after-noone having much wind at south, *- * with short sayle we stood away west and by north, till eight • .\; a clocke in the eevening : then we had the wind at south, but most times calme till noone the next day : wee stood i,/ ,„'"'* away as afore, foure leagues, which made in all twelve '1. K., ^ ' . ,^ il '" leagues : we had the sunne ere it began to fall, south and ^;;jf * by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 22 minutes. "^' The fourteenth, wee stood west north-west till midnight, * :: * seventecnc leaf?ues : then the wind scanted and came at U'T "" west, we stood north north-west, one league and a halfe : * '■"•».' It then the wind being more southerly, wee sayled west north- ...hT. " west five leagues. From the last till this day at noone, our « way was out of divers courses north-west and by west, foure and twentic leagues. We had the sunne beginning to fall at south and by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 54 '!'*" minutes. Thunder. Thc fftcentlf , fairc ; but towards night like to be stormie with thunder, the wind betweene south and south south- east ; from this, till the sixteenth day at noone, our course was west and by north, seven and twentie leagues, and the f. ' sunne then began to fall at south, three quarters of a point westward, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 42 minutes. The sixteenth, faire ; our way was from this till next day at noone north-west, twelve leagues, out of divers courses : and wc > j! ■• ^ «« SECOND VOYAGE (1608), 43 liatl the wincl shifting, sometimes at east, n,t west south-west, and west and by north j the hititudc, by a bad observation, 71 degrees, 44 minutes. The sevcdce7th, in the forc-noonc, faire ; the wind being at west and by north. At fourc a clocke this mon ing we saw land beare off us, west and south south-west, which Avas about Ward-house •} this after- noone wee had a storme at west and by north, we layed it to trie till eight a clocke in the eevening, and then set saylc \ Avith the wind betweene Avest north-Avest and north-Avest : 'f^ our course till the next day at noone Avas south-Avest and by -ll south, tAvelve leagues : the Cape IIopcAvelP bore off us south i south-AA'est, and we Avere foure or five leagues from land. The eighteenth, gusty, with raine all the fore-noone ; then ■^' Ave had the Avind shifting till next day at noone from south south-east to east, and south-east : our course in generall Avas north-Avest, foure and twentie leagues : then did North Kene beare off us Avest halfe a point southAvard, being from us foure leagues ; and the Norch Cape in sight bearing Avcst and by north, etc. The seven and twcntiei/i, cold, Avith raine and storme ; this nifrht Ave bofjan to burne caudle in the betacle, Avhich Ave ^■^' "'^'''t "> had not done since the nineteenth of May, by reason Avee had ahvaics day from thence till noAV. The thirtieth, Ave had the sunne upon the meridian due south, in the latitude of 08 degrees, 46 minutes ; AA^hereby Ave found us to bee afore our ship, ten or twelve leagues, and LoAvfoot^ bore east of us, but not in sight. The seventh of Attgust, I used all diligence to arrive at London, and therefore noAV I gave my companie a certificate under my hand, of my free and Avilling return, Avithout pcr- sAvasion or force of any one or more of them : for at my being at Nova Zembla, the sixt of July, voide of hope of a ^ Vardoohuus Island, 70" 35' N., 31° E, in the White Sea, close to the coast of Fiumark. ^ North-west of Vardoohuus Island. ^ The Luffodeu Islands. ! I; u MASTER HENRY HUDSON. I*, 'It,,, 'A; .•mfflSln,,, 'tihiHi. 'K -f" ll 'IW" lilt north-cast passage (except by the Waygats, for which I was not fitted to trie or prove), I therefore resolved to use all nieancs I could to saylc to the north-west ; considering the time and meanes wee had, if the wind should friend ns, as in the first part of our voyage it had done, and to make triall of that place called Lumlcys Inlet,' and the furious over-fall by Captain Davis, hoping to runne into it an hundred leagues, and to rcturne as God should enable mee. But now having spent more then halfe the time I had, and gone but the shortest part of the way, by means of contrary winds, I thought it my duty to save victuall, wages, and tackle, by my speedy rcturne, and not by foolish rashncsse, the time being wasted, to lay more charge upon the action then necessitie should compell, I arrived at Gravesend the sixe and tioentieth of August. 1 See Ilakluyt, x, 3 (Purclias). The journal of Captain Davis, to which Purchas refers, is not clear enough to allow us to fix the situation of Lumlcys inlet with any degree of certainty. The inlet was perhaps identical with Hudson's strait, or perhaps somewhat further north, Avherc modern geographers place Frobisher's strait. The maps of these regions are still too unsatisfactory to afford a fair ground for any guesses about the real meaning of the still vaguer indications of the early navigators. ,#»i I . . . J" ■ i ■.. \ TIllUD VOYAGE (1G09). 45 THE THIRD VOYAGE OP MASTEll IIENllY HUDSON, Written by Robert Jitet, of Lime-house, TOWAllD NOVA ZICMDF.A, AND AT HIS IIETUHNE, HIS PASSING FHOJI KAIIUE ISLANDS TO NKW-rOUND LAND, AND ALONO TO VOIITIE-KOUJIK DKdUEKS AND TEN MINUTES, AND THENCE TO CAl'E COD, AND SO TO TIIIKTIE- TIIliEE DEGKEES; AND ALONG THE COAST TO THE NOUTUWAKD, J TO rORTIE-TWO DEOUEES AND AN IIALFE, AND LT THE RIVEIl NEEKE TO EORTIE-TIIREE DEGREES. or On Saturday, \\ic Jlce and twentieth of Murcli, 1609, after the old account, wc set sayle from Amsterdam, and by the seven and twentieth day, we were downe at tlic Texel : and by twelve of the clocke we were off the land, it being east of us two leagues off. And because it is a journey usually hnowne, I omit to put downe what passed till we came to the height of the North Cape of Finmarke, which we did pcrformc by the fft of May (stilo novo), being Tuesday. May 5, . slilo novo. On which day we observed the height of the pole, and found it to bee 71 degrees, and 46 minutes ; and found our com- passe to vary six degrees to the west ; and at twelve of the j , clocke, the North Cape did bearc south-Avest and by south ' j | | tenne leagues off, and wee steered away east and by south i[\ and east. [ ■ After much trouble, with foggcs sometimes, and more i ' 1 dangerous of ice. The nineteenth, being Tuesday, was close ■ 1 stormie weather, with much wind and snow, and very cold : i ■ the wind variable betwcene the north north-west and north- j, I cast. A\^c made our way west and by north till noone. I ,tlll,.i<«ll k f>""^. ... .K I'uiiU. Zeiiniii. 46 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. Then wc observed the sunne having a slake,' antl found our heigth to bee 70 degrees, 30 minutes. And the ship had out-runne us twentie leagues, by reason of the set of the |;7,';;,,^,f;;;^r; streamc of the White Sea : and we had sight of Wardhouse.^ Then at two of the clocke wee tackt to the eastward : for wc could not get about the North Cape, the wind was so scant ; and at eight of the clocke at night, on the owe and twentieth, Tiirvdou- tiiQ Nortli Cape did beare south-east and by south seven Nciini (jnpc leagues off. And at mid-night Assumption Point^ did bearc south and by east, five leagues off' us. The two and twe)itieth, gusting weather, with haile and snow, the sunne breaking out sometimes : we continued our course along the land west south-west. And at tenne of the clocke at night we were thwart off"Zenam.* The bodie of it did bcare east off" us five leagues : and the course from the North Cape to Zenam is for the most part west and by iV ., ^ south, and west south-west, fiftic-foure leagues. ...jf* The three and twentieth, fairc sunshining weather; the III wind at east and by south, and east south-east ; wee steered along the land south-west, and south-west and by west, i'l!!!^. eight leagues a watch, for so we found the land to lye *""*'*^ from Zenam to Lofootc.^ And the distance is fiftie leagues •'"-> . from the bodie of Zenam to the westermost land of Lofoote.^ "* " And from the one to the other, the course is south-west and »•■«■ "'\ ^ A spot? The word sfeZ'g, as a substantive, seems to be a uorth country [.,i^i, word, meaning, according to Brocket, " an accumulation of mud or slime, "!'* from slijcl\ cocnum, lutum." If Hudson observed a spot on the sun the 21st of March, ICJ!), he was undoubtedly the earliest discoverer of this most interesting phenomenon ; the observation of Thomas Ilariot, which is considered as the first on record, being more than a year and a half later (Dec. 8th, IGIO). Hudson had the disadvantage of observing with- out a telescope. '■'■ Vardoehuus Island. ^ Evidently to the south-cast of the North Cape, probably a oajje on I one of the neighbouring islands, Maasoe, Jehnsoe, or Igenoe. 4 Probably the island of Senjen, lat. G9= 25', long. 17° E., lying west of Norway, close to the coast. " The Luffodeu Islands. « Vaoio Lslaud, lat. 07^ 40', long. 11° 36' E. •t THIRD VOYAGE (1G09). 47 by -west. For the needle of our compassc was set right to the north. At twelve of the clockc at night, the bodic of Lofoote did beare south-east, sixe leagues off. i.ofooic The foiiro and Uoentieth, faire clcere sun-shining wea- ther : the wind variable upon all points of the com passe, but most upon the south-east, and sometimes calmc. AVe con- tinued our course west south-west as before. And at eight •"* of the clocke at night the souther part of Lofoote did beare )* south-cast ten leagues oft' us. iiuuV"'^' ** The Jice a?id twentieth, much wind at north-cast, with "Ij, some snow and hailc. The first watch the wind came to the cast a fine gale, and so came to the north-east, the second watch, at fourc of the clocke, and freshed in : and at eight ' . it of the clocke it grew to a stormc, and so continued. At -i noonc wc observed, and made the ship to be in 67 degrees, •- 58 minutes. Wee continued our course south-west twelve leagues a watch. At nine of the clocke, Lofoote did bcaro cast of us 15 leagues off. And wc found the compassc to have no variation. The wind increased to a storme. The sixe mid twentieth, was a great storme at the north ' north-cast, and north-cast. Wee steered away south-Avcst afore the wind with our fore course abroad : for we were able to niaintayne no more saylcs, it blew so vehemently, and the sea went so high, and brake Avithall, that it would have dangered a small ship to lye under the sea. So we skudded seventy leagues in foure and twentic houres. The storme began to cease at foure of the clocke. The seven and twentieth, indifferent faire weather, but a good stiff'c gale of wind at north, and north north-east ; wee held on our course as before. At noone wee observed and found our heigth to be C4 degrees, 10 minutes. And wee perceived that the current had hindered us in fortie-eioht ^^ sronf mr. *■ ~ rent si'l.lin;^ houres to the number of 16 leagues to our best judgement. [4't.'""""'^' We set our maync-sayle, sprit-sayle, and our maync-top- sayle, and held on our course all night, having faire wea- ther. I 1, il ,1= I 'ill 48 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. The ci clockc. Thcu the Avind came to the ■'■^tt 1* ■ n rq|; '1., '^^... 'A;, ...,!• '4W y course; lui uissen soutli south-cast, and Ave steered away Avest south-Avest. At jourse, tore ' .' umN>^r8iooii hoouc AVC fouud our height to bee 53 degrees and 45 minutes, 'B'ii>ieH\wih- and we had made our Avay south by Ave^t ten leagues. In out tlieir ^ c i • i • i i • i n • i boiiets. the after-noone the Avind nicreascu, and continued ail niglit at east north-east and east. The tenth, fairc Aveather, the Avind variable betweene east north-east and south-cast ; avcc steered on our course as t THIRD VOYAGE (1(509). 61 before. At foiire of the clock in the aftcrnoone the wind came iip at south-east. And we held on our course as be- fore. At noone wee observed and found our height to be 52 degrees, 35 minutes. The eleventh, in the morning, Avas thicke and foggie, the winde varying betweene south south-west and north west. At foure of the clocke in the morning, wee tackt about to III" the southward : at eleven of the clocke the winde came to '«« the north-west, and so to the Avest north-west. This day « we had change of water, of a Avhitish greene, like to the ice "^ water to the north-west. At noone it eleered up, taid be- ,,j| came very faire weather : wee put out our mayne top-sayle : then we observed the sunne, and found our height to be 51 Ji' degrees, 24 minutes. We had sayled many courses and i! found our ship gone to the southward of our account ten !" leagues, by reason of a current from the north-ward.^ The A.uinut ' . . friiui tlio comiiasse varied one point to the east. >H>itii. The twelfth, faire sun-shining weather, but much wind at °|,'^'i ''"''"' the west : we stood to the southward all day, the wind shift- ing between the south-west and the Avest and by north. AV^ee made our way south halfe a point west, eight and twentie leagues. Our height at noone was 50 degrees, 9 minutes. At eight of the clock at night we took off our boncts, the wind increasing. The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather : the wind vari- able betweene the west and north north-west. AA'ee made our way south south-west, seven and twentie leagues. At noone we observed, and found our height to be 48 degrees, 45 minutes, but not to be trusted, the sea >vcnt so high. In the after-noone the winde was calmer, and wee brought to our boncts, and stood to the southward all niglit with a stiffe gale. ' , The fourteenth, faire and cleerc sun-shining weather : the , i i . Ml wmde variable betweene the north-west and south-west by i | ' Tho Arctic cunciit, from Davis' ami IIuilsou's Straits to the south. ' ' I I l.''l ' 52 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. west. At midnight I observed tlic north starre at a north- west by west guarde ; a good observation 49 degrees, 30 minutes. And at noone wee observed the sunne, and our ly'deBrees, height was 48 degrees, (5 minutes. And I made account we ranne betweene the two observations twelve leagues. "'■•I'll "' At one of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to ^■^■■■^'Hit', the westward, and stood so all night : the winde increased to '*!^:';;,!']i a storme, and was very much winde with raine. CI I"' * To spend Xlic fifteenth, we had a a^reat storme, and spent* over- ^■- '■' the )im»;, IS J J ^ O ^1 uiideisuui,! ][3QQj.(^i Q^j. fore-mast, bearing our fore corse lov/ set. The 01 ulCtlKlIlg^ * '•<> ■■■""■i ,.„. '■"—... -'«. "•''•*.. ....■ 64 MASTER HENRY HUJ)SON. The six mid twentieth, all the forepart of the day very faire weather and hot, but at foure of the clocke in the after- noonc it grew to bee much Avinde and raine : the winde was at south south-cast. At noone wee observed and found our hcigth to bee 44 degrees, SS minutes. At eight of the clocke at night the wind came to the south-west, and west south-west. Wee steered north-west, one watch, and at twelve in the night to the west, and west and by south, very much wind. So we could lye but north north-west. 'J.'he seven and twetitieth, very much winde and a soare stormc, the wind westerly. In the morning, at foure of the clocke, wee tooke in our fore-corse, and layd it a trie with ,.^..M'*, our mayne-corse low set; and so continued all the day and '■ ,, I." night, two watches to the northward. At eight of the clocke ' """■•< at night, we tackt to the southward. '*« *""^n ., The ciqht and twentietJi, faire sun-shininor Aveathcr, the jj "•* wind at west and by south ; we lay a trie to the southward till eight of the clocke in the morning. Then we set our fore-corse, and stood to the southward, a stifTc gale of wind, ■;** but faire weather and a great sea out of the wester-boord, jliwi,i*i and so continued all night. u^,f The nine and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the "[^ " wind at west and by south ; we stood to the southward untill sixe of the clocke at night, and made our way south and by east foure leagues. Then the winde came to the '""3li, south-west, and wee cast about to the westward, and made 11*" our way west north-west all night. At noone, I found the height 43 degrees, 6 minutes. The variation one point west. j The thirtieth, fixire sun-shining weather, the winde at i south-west and by west ; we steered north-west and by west, I and made our way so, by reason of the variation of the com- passe. At noone, I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 18 minutes ; wee continued our course all night, and made our ! way north-west and by west, halfe a point westerly, five and , ! 1 twentic leagues. r T THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 55 The ^rst of July, close, mystie and tliickc weather, but a luiy. fairc gale of wind at south-west, and south-west by south. We steered away north-west and by west westerly, and nuule our way so, by reason of the variation of the compasse. At eii'ht of the clocke at niyht wee sounded for the banke of ''i'^."""'^" Si'W- ..Ji S' New-found Land,i but could get no ground. '""'"' '"""'■ The second, thicke mystic weather, but little Avind, and I;i;j that at west and west and by south. At eight of the clocke ** in the morning we cast about to the southward, and when '* our ship was on stayes, we sounded for the banke, and had ''i^ ground in thirtic fathoms, white sand and shells, and pre- sently it clecred : and we had sight of a saylc, but spake not with her. In the night wee had much rayne, thunder and lightning, and wind shifting. » The third, faire sun-shining weather, with a faire gale of wind at east north-east, and wee steered away west south- west by our compasse, which varyed 17 degrees westward, viuintiuu This morning we were among a great fleet of French-men, '/47.',,X"iiioii which lay fishing on the banke ; but we spake Avith none of Ihi'bauke. them. At noone Avee found our heighth to bee 43 degrees, 41 minutes. And we sounded at ten of the clocke, and had thirtie fathoms gray sand. At two of the clocke Avee sounded, and had five and thirtie fathoms, gray sand. At eight of the clocke at night Ave sounded againe, and had eight and thirtie fathoms, gray sand as before. The fourth, at the fore-part of the day cleere, with a faire gale of Avind, but variable betAveene the east north-east and south and by east ; Avee held on our course as before. The aftcr-noone Avas mystie, the Avind shifting betweene the south and the Avest till foure of the clocke. Then Ave tooke in our top-sayle and sprit-sayle, and sounded and had no ground in seventie fathoms. The Avinde shifted still untill eight of the clocke, then it came to the north north-east and ' Probably near Ccqie Sable, the most southern point of Nova Scotia ; lat. 43" 22' N.; long. flO° 35' W. See note at p. 53. 1 'I ill 'ii;.i i.nlMi,. II ""•^■.. 1*. 'It:,, A:, ■K ''^: <'<*• "IK, ..6^.,, ••■>*, 4»r;! • ' ""KV lltf » l|M" 5(> IMA.STER HENRY HUDSON. north-cast and by north, and wcc steered away west nortli- wcst hy our varycd compassc, which made a west way half'e point north. The compassc varycd 15 degrees from the north to the west. The ^ff, fairc sun-shining weather, the wind at north-cast and by north ; we steered away west north-west, which was '••S''^ west halfe a point north. At noone we found our hciglith "'» * to be 44 degrees, 10 minutes, and sounded and had no "■^AC ground in one hundred fathoms. The after-noonc proved }"'*■■ .,. ■""■>■ cahnc sometimes, and sometimes little wind, untill nine of '■*'•.. . ' . ^ , ' .»,., _ the clocke in the night. Then the wind came to the east, and we held on our course. At midnight I observed '*''"'l and found the height to bee 44 degrees, 10 minutes, by the lirdoglccs '"loi'th starre and the scorpions heart. The compassc varycd 13 degrees. The sixth, the forepart of the day faire weather, and a stiffe gale of wind betwcene south south-east and south-west j wee steered west and by north and west north-west. The after- iM,-(;ie nnii pr^j.j pf {[^q (Xrw , froui two of tlic clockc, was all foggic and thicke weather ; the wind a hard gale, varying betweenc south-west and by south and west and by north ; we made our way north-west halfe a point northerly, ninetcenc leagues, iipon many points foure watches. At night, at eight of the • clockc, we sounded and had no ground at one hundred fathoms. '■r»f- The seventh, fairc sun-shining weather, the wind varying betwcene west and by north and west and by south. At foure of the clockc in the morning we cast about to the southward, and stood so till one in the after-noone. At noone we found our height to be 44 degrees, 26 minutes. At seven of the clockc we tackt to the northward. At cis^ht at night we tackt to the southward and sounded, and had nine and fiftie fathoms, white sand. The eight, in the fore-noone faire weather, but the morn- ing foggie till seven of the clocke. At foure of the clocke tljcr. THIRD VOYAGE (1(309). 67 in the morning we sountlcd, and had five and fortic fathoms, fine white sand, and we had runne five leagues south and by west. Then wee stood along one glasse, and went one league as before. Then we stood one glasse and sounded, and had sixtie fathoms. Then we tackt and stood backe to the banke, and had five and twentie fathoms ; and tryed for fish, and it fell calme, and we caught one hundred and eightcene great coddcs, from eight a clocke till one, and cod^takcli! and after dinner wee tooke twelve, and saw many great scoales of herrings. Then wee had a gale of wind at south ; y'oau's^^f'^' and it shifted to the west north-west, and wee stood three ''"'""s^- glasses and sounded and had sixtie fathomcs, and stood two to^tH^the* glasses and had two and fortie fathoms, red stones and shells, ihfe ana m 11 1 111 n !• nh- Icail.or So wee sounded every glasse, and had several! soundings o5, poie, etc. 33, 30, 31, 32, 33 and 34 fathoms. The ninth, faire calme weather ; we lay becalmed all day and caught some fish, but not much, because Ave had small store of salt. At three of the clocke in the after-noone wee had a gale at south-east and south south-east, and we steered away westerly; our compasse was west and by south halfe a point south. At foure of the clocke we sounded and had but fifteene, seventeene, and nineteene fathoms on a fishing banke ; and we sounded every glasse. Then we could get no ground in five and twentie fathoms, and had sight of a sayle on head oft* us. At noone our height was 44 degrees, 27 minutes. We stood to the westward all night, and spake with a French-man, which lay fishing on the banke of Sablen,^ in thirtie fathoms, and we saw two or three more. The tenth, very mystie and tliicke weather, the wind at south-west, a faire gale. We stood to the south-ward, and made our way south-cast and by east. At twelve of the clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms : againe at two we sounded, and had fiftie fathoms. And at sixe of the clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms on ^ Banc des Sables, off Mahone Bay. H H H 58 MASTKR HENRY HUDSON. ! I ■•«!!! •»^ '■'. ( 'I ("S-u I I*: L Vnriation 17 degrees. the end of the bankc. Againc at cipfht of the clockc at night Avec sounded, and had no ground in eightie fathomes, and were ovcx' 'he l)anke. So wee stood ah>ng till mid- night. The compasse varycd seventeen degrees to the west- ward. The eleventh, very thicke and mystic weather. At twelve of the clocke at niglit we cast about to the westward, and stood so all day, and mt de our way west north-west. We sounded at twelve of the clocke, but had no ground ; so wc stood to the Avestward all the fore part of the night and sounded, but could get no ground in fiftie or sixtic fathoms till mid-night. Then I sounded and had ground at fifteenc fathoms, white sand. The ticclfth was very foggie, we stood our course all the morning till eleven of the clockf^ ; at which time we had ?ow, whue^ sight of the land, which is low white sandic ground, right an sandie. ^^^ J^ead off US ', and had ten fathoms. Then we tackt to the southward, and stood off foure glasses : then we tackt to the land againe, thinking to have rode under it, and as we came ncere it the fog was so thicke that we could not see; so wee stood off againe. From mid-night to two of the clocke wo came sounding in twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathoms off the shoare. At foure of the clocke we had 20 fathoms. At eight of the clocke at night, 30 fathoms. At twelve of the clocke, 65 fathoms, and but little winde, for it deeped apace, but the neerer the shoare the fairer shoalding. The thirteenth, faire svn-shining weather, from eight of the clocke in the fore-noone all day after, but in the morn- ing it was foggie. Then at eight of the clocke we cast about for the shoare, but could not see it ; the wind being at south by our true compasse, wee steered west and by north. At 4n degreps, nooue WC obscrvcd, and found our height to bee 43 decrees, 25 minutes ; so we steered away west and by north all the after-noone. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone wc sounded, and had five and thirtie fathoms ; and at sixe of TIUKD VOYAGE (1600). 59 the clockc wcc had si<>ht of the hmd, and saw two saylcs on i?,',:',' '',"/,:„„ ami lit two licad off us. The hmd by the Avatcrs side is low land, and ahlp^. white sandic bankes risint^, full of little liils. Our sound- ings were 35, 33, 30, 28, 3J2, 3T, '6''], and 3:3 fothoms. 'Die fourteenth, full of mysts, flying and vading the wind bctwcene south and south- west; wc steered away west north- '* west, and north-west and by Avest. Our soundings were 29, I, 25, 24, 25, 22, 25, 27, 30, 28, 30, 35, 43, 50, 70, 90, 70, 64, " 86, 100 fathoms, and no ground. [[ The fifteenth, very mystie, the windc varying bctweene ilt south and south-west ; wee steered west and by north, and .J "I west north-west. In the morning we sounded, and had one Imndrcd fathoms, till fourc of the clocke in the after-noone. j; Then we sounded againc, and had seventie-fivc fathoms. Then in two glasses running, which was not above two English miles, we sounded and had sixtie fathoms, and it shoalded a great pace untill we came to twentic fathoms. Then we made account we were ncere the islands that lie oft' the shoare. So we came to an anchor, the sea being very smooth and little wind, at nine of the clocke at night. After supper we tryed for fish, and I caught fifteene cods, some the greatest that I have scene, and so we rode all night. The sixteenth, in the morning, it cleered up, and we had si^ht of five islands lying north, and north and by west from F'va , US, two leagues. Then wee made ready to set sayle, but the myst came so thicke that we durst not enter in among them. The seventeenth, was all mystie, so that we coidd not get into the harbour. At ten of the clocke two boats came off to us, with sixe of the savages of the countrey, seemin"- olad sixosavngos i i of our comming. We gave them trifles, and they eate and "^®'°' ' r ', drauke Avith us ; and told us that there were gold, silver, i ' \ and copper mynes hard by us ; and that the French-men , i doc trade with them ; which is very likely, for one of them ' ; ' spake some words of French. So wee rode still all day and ! j, all night, the weather continuing mystie. ' : i j ! I '•Hi* t f • .1 r-i |i Ul»> r 60 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. The eighteenth, faire weather, wee went into a very good harbour, and rode hard by the slioare in foure fathom water. fisct^^ The river runneth up a great way, but there is but two fathoms hard by us. We went on shoarc and cut us a fore mast ; tlien at noone we came aboord againc, and found the 44dfifrroc9, height of the pLice to bee in 41 degrees, 1 minute, and the 1 minute. n i o ' ' sunne to fall at a south south-west sunne. We mended our "^•■«» sayles, and fell to make our fore-mast. The harbour lycth ^*-^4'*'' south and north, a mile in where we rode. The 7iineteenth, we had faire sun-shining weather, we rode still. In the after-noonc wee went with our boate to looke for fresh water, and found some ; and found a shoald with many lobsters on it, and caught one and ' irtie. The people .*'*;,* coming aboord, shewed us great friendship, but we could not trust them. The tiventieth, faire sunne-shining weather, the winde at south-west. In the morning, our scute went 11 * .' out to catch fresh fish halfe an hourc before day, and rc- "*•' . ... J3|» ' turned in two houres, brmging seven and twentie great I coddes, with two hookes and lines. In the afternoone wee 3r|*' went for more lobsters and caught fortie, and returned ijljg' aboard. Then wee espied two French shallops full of the '••Wf country people come into the harbour, but they offered us il »i^.' no wrong, seeing we stood upon our guard. They brought 3 ''^"•* many beaver skinnes and other fine furres, which they would j«|jS* ule' French^ havc changed for redde gownes. For the French trade „3l» saivuges. witli them for red cassockes, knives, hatchets, copper, kettles, trevits, beades, and other trifles. The one and tiventieth, all mystie, the wind easterly ; wee rode still and did nothing, but about our mast. The tico and tiventieth, fair sun-shining weather, the winde all north- erly ; we rode still all the day. In the after-noone our scute went to catch more lobsters, and brought with them nine and fiftie. The night was cleere weather. The three and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather and very hot. At eleven of the clocke our fore mast was finished, L THIHl) VOYAGK (1601)). 61 and wee brought it Jiboord, and set it into the stop, and in the aftcr-noone we rigged it. This night we had some little niyst and raync. 'n\cfou7'c and twcnficfh, very hot weather, the winde at south out of the sea. The fore-part of the day wee brought to our saylcs. In the morning our scute went to take fish, and in two hourcs they brought with them twentic great coddes and a great holibut ; the night was faire also. Wc kept good watch for fear of being betrayed by the people, and perceived where they layd their shallops. The^t?e and twentieth, very faire weather and hot. In the morning wee manned our scute with foure muskets and sixe men, and tooke one of their shallops aiid brought it aboord. Then we manned our boat and scute with twelve men and muskets, and two stone pieces or murderers, and drave the savages i'rom their houses, and tooke the spoyle of i'^',',^'fesP°^''' them, as they would have done of us. Then wee set sayle, siivlgeg. and came downe to the harbours mouth, and rode there all night, because the winde blew right in, and the night grew mystic with much rayne till mid-night. Then it fell calmc, and the wind came off the land at west north-west, and it began to cleere. The compasse varyed ten degrees north- north-west. The sixe and tivoitieth, faire and cleere sunne-shining weather. At five of the clocke in the morning, the winde being off' the shoare at north north-west, we set sayle and came to sea, and by noone we counted our ship had gone fourteene leagues south-west. In the after-noone, the winde shifted variably betweene west south-west and north-west. At noone I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 56 minutes. This eevening being very faire weather, wee observed the variation of our compasse at the sunnes going downe, and yir'ation I o o ' 10 degrees found it to bee 6 degrees from the north to the westward. nonh!'\v'oljt The seacfi and twentieth', faire sun-shining weather, the winde shifting betweene the south-west and west and by ( ■ I i,l ",t -III! ' «. iilM < i; ->.. I i 62 MASTER HENKY HUDSON. north a stifFo gale ; we stood to the southward all day, and made our way south and by west, seven and twentie leagues. At noone, our height was 42 degrees, 50 minutes. At foure I of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to the north- ward. At eight of the clocke, we tooke in our top-saylcs I'***' *' and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sayle all night. ''''*»|:ifl. J^'he eiffht atid twentieth, very thicke and mystie, and a '*!t:^;;||' stiffe gale of wind, varying betweene south south-west and t!!r,|,i* J^ south-west and by west; we made our way north-west and by west, seven and twentie leagues ; wee sounded m'uiy times and could get no ground. At five of the clocke we cast about to the southward, the wind at south-west and by west. At which time we sounded, and had ground at .*:• seventie-five fathoms. At eight, wee had sixtie-five fathoms. At ten, sixtie. At twelve of the clocke at mid-night, fiftie- n *''^l.„ sixe fathoms, cfray sand. ^ « ,' decrees ^hc compassc varycd 6 degrees to the north point to the t ■ *• «i to tile west. . ■...-1^ ' west. L' [. *' i The 7}{nc and twentieth, faire weather, we stood to the ■J y^«' southward, alid made our way south and by west a point 4Mm» south, cightccne leagues. At noone we found our height to i,^l be 42 degrees, 56 minutes; Avee sounded oft and had these, i ^l"^" GO, 64, G5, 67, 65, 65, 70, and 75 fathoms. At night wee "tw,^ tryed the variation of our compasse by the setting of the :;jjj» sunnc, and found that it went downe ol degrees to the north- *'^|, ward of the west, and should have gone downe but 31 de- uim variiition r) gi-ees. The compasse varyed 5 and a halfe deK''. ■>'».« ^ , streame, and a great hurling and noyses. At eight of the ^ l»,^"' ' clocke at night the wind began to blow a fresh gale, and ■J i •• i continued all night but variable. Our sounding that wee ! ij;Hi,, had to the land was one hundred, cightie, seventie-foure. I •>' yf 1 i' .,^. fiftie-two, fortie-sixe, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie- • ,'' foure, nineteene, sometimes oze, and sometimes gray sand. "1^. The fourth, was very hot ; we stood to the north-west, ^1^ two watches, and one south in for the land, and came to an ,i^» anchor at the norther end of the headland, and heard the •'•^ voyce of men call. Then we sent our boat on shoare, think- ing they had beene some Christianr left on the land : but Savages, -wcc found them to bee savages, which seemed very glad of our comming. So wee brought one aboard with us, and gave him nieate, and he did eate and drinke with us. Our master gave him three our foure glasse buttons, and sent him on land with our shallop againe. And at our boats comming from the shoare he leapt and danced, and held up his hands, and pointed us to a river on the other side : for we had made signes that we came to fish there. The bodie L THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 65 of this headland lycth in 41 degrees, 45 minutes.^ We set sayle againe after dinner, thinking to have got to the west- ward of this headland, but could not ; so we beare up to the southward of it, and made a south-east way ; and the souther point did beare west at eight of the clocke at night. Our soundings about the easter and norther part of this headland, a league from the shoare, are these : at the easterside, thir- tie, twentie-seven, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-five, twentie. The north-east point, IT degrees, 18 minutes, and so deeper. The north end of this headland, hard by the shoare, thirtie fathomes : and three leagues off north north- west, one hundred fathomes. At the south-east part a league off, fifteene, sixteene, and seventeene fathomes. The people have greene tabacco and pipes, the boles whereof are made of earth and the pipes of red copper. The land is very sweet. The Jfft, all mystie. At eight of the clocke in the morn- ing wee tact about to the westward, and stood in till foure of the clocke in the after-noone ; at which time it cleered, and wee had sight of the head-land againe five leagues from us. The souther point of it did beare west off us : and we sounded many times, and had no ground. And at foure of the clocke we cast about, and at our staying wee had seven- tie fathomes. Wee steered away south and south by east all night, and could get no ground at seventie and eightie fathomes. For wee feared a great rifFc that lycth off the land, and steered away south and by east. The sixth, faire weather, but many times mysting. Wee steered away south south-east, till eight of the clocke in the morning ; then it cleered a little, and we cast about to the westward. Then we sounded and had thirtie fathomes, grosse sand, and were come to the riffe. Then wee kept our lead, and had quicke shoalding from thirtie, twentie-nine, twentie- seven, twentie-foure, twentie-two, twentie and an halfe, ^ At the south sulo of Stage Harbour, Massachusetts. I > G6 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. i twcntie, twentie, nincteene, ninetccne, nineteene, cighteene, ' eighteene, seventecne ; and so deeping againc as proportion- ally as it shoalded. For we steered south and south-east till we came to twentic-sixe fathomes. Then we steered south- west, for so the tyde doth set. By and by, it being calmc, we '"2^,„ tryed by our lead; for you shall have sixteene or seventeene Id*''"' fathomes, and the next cast but seven or six fathomes. And „«.,*"' farther to the westAvard you shall have foure and five foot ,».>. ^^.,,1 water, and see rockes under you, and you shall see the land ■ ,..!„"| K.'nnisTiffo ^^^ ^'^^ ^^P" Upou tliis riftc WO had an observation, and found Jfei'iees, in that it lyctli in 40 degrees, 10 minutes. And this is that ana iveti'i off headland which Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discovered eiist tVmn Cape Cod in the yeere 1602, and called Cape Cod,^ because of the store iiuo the sea. ./ ' i. ■- of cod-fish that hee found thereabout. So wc steered south- west, three leagues, and had twentie and twentie-fourc fathomes. Then we steered west two glasses, halfe a league, and came to fifteene fathomes. Then we steered off south- east foure glasses, but could not get deepe water ; for there the tyde of ebbe laid us on ; and the streame did hurle so, that it laid us so neere the breach of a shoald that wee were forced to anchor. So at seven of the clockc at nisjht wee '■1. .•.i»«'i ; r-*"":ii IP '"'"• » >IM I -s.. !*.yr "•*.♦ , Ml* 'O' ^ The real locality here described is probably some riff near Cape Malabar, for Cape Cod is under 42° 4', 130 miles farther north than the point mistaken for it by Hudson. Gosnold's explorations were but vaguely known to him, and this accounts for his mistake. Purchas, who edited Juet's journal sixteen years after it was written, had a better, though not an exact knowledge of the real situation of Cape Cod, which had frequently been visited in the meantime. Struck by Hudson's mistake, he makes, in his side note, the conjecture that the 40° 10' of the journal was originally meant for 41° 10'. This supposition, which would shake our faith in all the latitudes recorded in that same paper, is fortunately not borne out by the preceding part of the voyage. Hud- son was, on the 4th of August, under 41° 45' ; he sailed south and south by east the whole night of the .'Jth, and part of the 6th, and it is there- fore impossible that he should have been only 5' (about six and a quarter miles) farther south on the 6th than on the 4th. Besides, 41° 10' is still nearly a degree to the south of Cape Cod. We ought to thank Purchas for not having introduced his conjecture into the text. L THIRD VOYAGE (1009). 67 were at an anchor in tenne fathomes : and I give God most heartie thankes, the least water wee had was seven fiithomes and an halfe. We rode still all night, and at a still water I sounded so farre round ahout our ship as we could see a light ; and had no Icsse then eight, nine, ten, and eleven fathomes : the myst continued heing very thicke. The seventh, faire weather and hot, but mystie. "Wee rode still hoping it would cleere, but on the floud it fell cahne and thicke. So we rode still all day and all night. The floud commeth from the south-west, and riseth not above one fathome and an halfe in nepe streames. Toward night it cleered, and I went with our shallop and sounded, and found no lesse water then eight ftithomes to the south- east off us; but we saw to the north-west off us great breaches. The eight, faire and cltere weather. In the morning, by sixe of the clocke, at slake water, wee weighed, the wind at north-east, and set our fore-sayle and niayne top-sayle, and got a mile over the flats, ^ Then the tyde of ebbe came, so Thofluta. M c anchored againe till the floud came. Then we set sayle againe, and by the great mercie of God wee got cleere off them by one of the clocke this afternoone. And wee had sight of the land from the west north-west to the north north- Mest. So we steered away south south-east all night, and had ground untill the middle of the third watch. Then we had fortie-five fathomes, white sand and little stones. So all our soundings are twentie, twentie, twentie-two, twentie- sevcn, thirtie-two, fortie-three, fortie-thrcc, fortie-five. Then no ground in seventie fathomes. The ninth, very faire and hot weather, the wind a very stifle gale. In the morning, at foure of the clocke, our shallop came running up against our sterne, and split in all her stemme ; so we were faine to cut her away. Then wee ' There are so many sandbanks in these parts, that it is impossible to guess, from Hudson's rather vague observations, what sandbank he means. I !■ 1.' 1 l\ 68 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. tooke in our maync-saylc, and lay atrie under our forc-sayle untill twelve of the clocke at mid-day. Then the wind t ! eased to a faire gale, so wee stood away south-west. Then 'I we lay close by, on many courses a south by west way fif- ri teenc leagues ; and three watches south-east by east, ten ;■) ijliJii......" leagues. At eight of the clocke at night wee tooke in our ' iCl'**'"!! top-sayles, and went with a low sayle, because we were in .is#*«'" an unknowne sea. At noone we observed, and found our ^"^ „»»■ heigth to be 38 degrees, 39 minutes. j;;;;;-^.>«.;j.|i The tenth, in the morning, some raine and cloudle wea- ther : the winde at south-west, wee made our way south-east by east, ten Icagvics. At noone wee observed, and found our heigth to bee 38 degrees, 39 minutes. Then wee tackt ^ \-.*- 2:%- about to the westward, the Avind being at south and by east, „ •"H.^li", little wind. At foure of the clocke it fell calme, and we had ^ '•^1^" two dolphines about our ship, and many small fishes. At |i •**»•, I \ eight of the clocke at night wee had a small lingring gale. ill * ' t (^**«' , All night we had a great sea out of the south-west, and I [/"'•i I another great sea out of the north-east. I *}{»,, The eleve7ith, all the fore i^art of the day faire weather, ""*• and very hot. We stood to the west south-west till noone. Then the wind shorted, and we could lye but south-west and by south. At noone wee found our heigth to bee 39 a ,„ * A current degrees, 11 minutes, and that the current had laid us to the j '""■•» pelting to r> ' ' i • tlie north in 11 '»'* find stood to the westward till noone. And at eleven of the iid"*'' ' wiUiVwhUe ^^°^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ siglit of a low land, with a white i^audie '«-»■*•'" bhuaro. shoarc. By twelve of the clocke we were coma into five i'-^ ,p'* fathomes, and anchored; and the land was foure leagues from us, and wee had sight of it from the west to the north- ardpgrces, west by north. Our height was 31 desfrees, 26 minutes. 20 minutes '' ^ n ' f"""- ....... ..,«**" ""*•»!»* Then the wind blew so stifFe a gale, and such a sea went, that we could not weigh; so we rode there all night an hard rode {sic). The enjhtecnth, in the morning, faire weather, and little ► '^f'* winde at north north-east and north-east. At foure of the „ ••*%.; ' clocke in the morning we weighed, and stood into the shoare t i7^»' to see the deeping or shoalding of it, and finding it too j i*"^«. I deepe we stood in to get a rode : for wee saw, as it were, j| ;;i||, , I three Hands. So wee turned to windward to get into a bay, ' as it shewed to us to the westward of an ilaud. For the ii* III ' J" three ilands did beare north off us. But toward noone the wind blew northerly, with gusts of wind and rayne. So we stood off into the sea againe all night ; and running off we found a channell, wherein we had no lesse then eight, nine, ten, eleven, and twelve fathomes water. For in comming \ '"'^ ' over the barre wee had five and foure fathomes and a half'e, "'*' Barre of and it Ivctli fivc Icagucs from the shoare, and it is the barre Virginia. j a of Virginia. At the north end of it, it is ten leagues broad, ' and south, and north, but deepe water from nintie fathomes I to five and foure and a halfe. The land lyeth south and M J^!"g« north. This is the entrance into the King's River in Vir- ginia, where our EngKsh-men are.^ The north side of it ' The early settlement alluded to, the romantic history of which every schoolboy knows, was more than thirty miles farther south than the '? . THIRD VOYAGE (1G09). 71 lyeth in 37 degrees, 26 minutes: you shall know when you come to shoald water or sounding, for the water will looke greene or thicke, you shall have ninetie and eightie fathomcs, and shoalding a pace till you come to ten, eleven, nine, eight, seven, ten, and nine fathomes, and so to five, and foure fathomes and a halfe. The nineteenth, fuire weather, hut an hard gale of winde at the north-east ; Avee stood off till noonc, and made our way south-east hy east, two and twentie leagues. At noone wee cast about to the westward, and stood till sixe of^'^'"' the clocke in the after-noone, and went five leagues and a halfe north-west by north. Then wee cast about againc to the eastward, and stood that way till foure the next morning. The tioentictli, faire and cleere weather, the winde varia- ble bctweene east north-east and north-east. At foure of the clocke in the morning wee cast about to the westward, and stood till noone ; at which time I sounded, and had two and thirtie fathomes. Then we tackt to the eastward againe ; wee found our height to bee 37 degrees, 22 minutes. We ^InmS. stood to the eastward all night, and had very much wind. At eight of the clocke at night we tooke off our bonnets, and stood with small sayle. The one and twentieth, was a sore storme of winde and raync all day and all night, wherefore wee stood to the east- ward with a small sayle, till one of the clocke in the after- noone. Then a great sea brake into our fore-corse and split it ; so we were forced to take it from the yard and mend it : locality here alluded to by Hudson. Our navigator was but imper- fectly acquainted with its whereabouts, and this explains his failing to visit his friend John Smith, though the opportunity was so tempt- ing. If the latitudes in the journal are correct, the description here jriven applies to the coast of Northampton (Virginia) under 37° 26'. The tliree islands are a group to the north-east of Prout Island, and between them and Prout Island there is a sort of strait, which may be mistaken for the entrance of a river. The journal shows plainly that Hudson never attempted to explore the supposed river, and thus had no opportunity for finding out his mistake. ■ r ! '\. 72 MASTER II?:NIIY HUDSON. I wee lay a trie with our inayne-corse all night. This night our cat ranne crying from one side of the ship to the other, looking over-hoord, which made us to wonder ; but we saw nothing. The two and twentieth, stormy weather, with gusts of '^^^ ,1 rayne and wind. In the morning, at eight of the clockc, iir*ii»'' '*' ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ fore- corse, and stood to the eastward under our ,,,». (l*"" fore-sayle, mayne-sayle and misen; and from noonc to noonc, .r% ,,,.f we made our way east south-cast, fourtecne leagues. The f"*. ..►•,„ifc variiition nijrht reasonable drie but cloudie, the winde variable all day ■— i..,Ill'^ 4 derives O _ ' J "*",... • wostwani. j^j^j night. Our compasse was varycd 4 degrees westward. '**•""' ' The three and twentieth, very foire weather, but sonic thunder in the morning, the winde variable betweene east .^_ ": by north. At noone wee tackt about to the nortliNvard, the ^- *" . . Z,.'"^* winde at east by north. The after-noone very fuire, the C'Jf" wind variable, and continued so all uight. Our way wc -K^^j ; made east south-east, till noone the next day. •••' ; '\l\\efoure and twentieth, iaavc and hot weather, with the '"^,, j wind variable betweene the north and the east. The after- :.^ noone variable winde. But at foure of the clockc, the wind "*• came to the east and south-east ; so wee steered away north •*«■ by west, and in three watches wee went thirteene leagues. ,.^, At noone our height was 35 degrees, 41^ minutes, being "^' farre off at sea from the land. ,^, The Jice and twentieth, faire weather and very hot. All the morning was very calme untill eleven of the clocke ; the wind came to south-east and south south-east; so wee steered away north-west by north two Avatches and a halfe, and one watch north-west by west, and went eighteene leagues. At noone I found our height to bee 36 degrees, 20 minutes, being without sight of land. The size and twentieth, faire and hot weather, the Avinde variable upon all the points of the compasse. From two of the clocke in the morning untill noonc wee made our way ^ Off Nag's Head, South Carolina. THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 73 north by cast, seven leagues. In the after-noonc the wind came to the north-cast, and vcring to the cast soutli-cast ; wee steered away north-west fiftecne leagues, from noone till ten of the clocke at night. At eight of the clocke at night wee sounded, and had eightcene fathomes, and were conic to the banke of Mrginia, and could not see the land. AVee o,'\'irni','|'i'j'j. kept sounding and steered away north, and came to eight fathomes and anchored there ; for the wind was at cast south-east, so that wee could not get off. For the coast lycth i.v.'tifsoutu along south south-west and north north-east. At noone our n>i tie-foure, and tv/entie-two fathomes, as wee went to the northward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie fathomes. And all the third watch, till twelve of the clockc at mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and * twentie, cightccrc, two and twentie, one and twentie, cigh- 'j .J' teene, and two and twcitic fathoms, and went sixe leagues |"*«» nccre hand north north-west. i.,1^^ The second, in the morning, close weather, the windc at |jig» south in the morning ; from twelve un'ill two of the clocke [*'S we steered north north-west, and had sounding one and '^ twentie fathoms ; and in running one glasse we had but six- teene fathoms, then seventcene, and so shoalder and shoalder untill it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great fire, but ' could not see the land ; then we came to ten fathoms, whcre- ^ Twenty-six minutes farther south than according to his last observa- tion. Unacquainted with the nature of the polar current along these \\ ' coasts, Hudson had been unconsciously drifted back. " The streams had deceived hiiti/' as Juet says. '^ Still two niiiiutes farther south than they had been on the 31st of August. The polar currents made them lose two entire days. ■11 r.i. THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 77 upon we brought our taclccs aboorcl, and stood to tlie east- ward cast south- cast, foure ghisscs. Then the sunne arose, and wee steered away north againe, and saw the land from the west by north to the north-west by north, all like broken jii''',i',,',''i'^^.„ islands,^ and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. "'"'"'''■ Then wee looft in for the shoare, and fliire by the shoare we had seven fathoms. The course aloncj the land we found t'io oomso " aloiit; tlio to be north-east by north. From the land which we had ti'"'l,!'j',',',',\ first sight of, untill we came to a great lake of water, as wee loiho'.Mouth could judge it to bee, being drowned land, which made it to iicmiuibny rise like islands, which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that land hath many shoalds, and the sea breaketh on them as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that lake or bay the land lyeth north by east, and wee had a great streame out of the bay ; and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms two leagues from the land. At five of the clockc we anchored, being little winde, and rode in eight fathoms water ; the night was faire. This night I found the land to hall the compasse 8 de"rees. For to the northward vminLicm off US we saw high hils.^ For the day before Ave found not j|?,^^^' ^''° above 2 dccfrees of variation. This is a very "'ood land to ~ '^^Brpo»■ jil»» *•«►«• which we bought for trifles.^ In the night I set the varia- Variation tion of the compassc, and found it to be 13 degrees. In the '•■Nij 13 degrees. _ _ *" after noonc we weighed, and turned in with the floud, two ? leagues and a halfe further, and anchored all night; and had ,ii«»» five fathoms soft ozie ground; and had an high point of land, *"\ ,.jP^ ■ ^ According to Van der Donck maize had been first brought to these regions by the Spaniards. ■ '■^ So says Juet. Hudson himself, in the few scraps of his original log- book preserved by De Laet, and also in the communications which Van Meteren seems to have received from him, always speaks most kindly of the North American Indians. He and his crew entirely disagreed Avith regard to the treatment due to the poor natives ; and his kindness was rewarded by friendship, their sullen mistrust by acts of hostility. The poor Indian has but too often been thus both ill-treated and ill-judged by ii . prejudiced Europeans. ,:■ ' According to the opinion of Moulton, Hist, of N. Y., i, p. 238, near the point where Manhattansville now stands. ! t THIUI) VOYAGK (1()09). 83 Avhich shewed out to us, bearing north by cast five leagues off us. The fourteenth, in the morning, being very faire weather, the wind south-east, we saylcd up the river twelve leagues, and had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter lesse ; and came to a streight betweene two points,' and had eight, nine, and ten fathoms ; and it trended north-east by north, one league : and wee had twelve, thirteene, and fourtcerie fathomes. The river is a mile broad: there is very hi"h '^'.'fV^^'f land on both sides.'^ Then we went up north-west, a league and an halfe decpe water. Then north-east by north, five miles ; then north-west by north, two leagues, and anchored. The land grew very high and mountainous. The river is von- i.iRh full of fish. t"*"o»s llllUl. Thejifteeiith, in the morning, was misty, untill the sunne arose : then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at south, and ran up into the river twentie leagues, passing by high mountaines.'^ AV^ce had a very good depth, as sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteene fathomes, and "Tcat store of salmons in the river. This morning our two savages got out of a port and swam away. After wee were under sayle, they called to us in scorne. At night we came to other mountaines, which lie from the rivers side. There wcc found very loving people, and very old men: where vei7 loving people. wee were well used. Our boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good fish. The sixteenth, faire and very hot -weather. In the morn- 1 Between Stony and Vorplanck points, according to Moulton's com- putation (Hist of JV. Y. i, p. 238). ^ Xear Peakskill. The land, as described by Juet, is high and moun- tainous on both sides. The hills rise in several places to more than a thousand feet, and the most elevated side is often near the water's edge. Hudson seems to have sailed on the 14th to the neighbourhood of West Point, at present the site of the celebrated military academy. ^ Hudson now saw the highest of the mountains that border the river, the noble range of the Kaatshenge or Catskill Mountains, several peaks of which rise above 3000', the highest (the Round Top) to near 40U0'. I ' 1,1 iiii 84 MASTER HENUY HUDSON. ' I ! ing our boat went againc to fishing, but could catch but few, ! by reason their canoes had bcenc there all night. This morning the people came aboord, and brought us eares ' ^r^iz, pom- of Indian corne, and pompions, and tabacco : which wee ' pious, and ' i i ' tabacco. bought for triflcs. AVce rode still all day, and filled fresh ^*Mlk«iii«' water ; at night wee weighed and went two leagues higher, "djS*'!i' ^^^^ ^^^^^ shoald water : so wee anchored till day.^ ••C'tr' -^^6 secentcetith, faire sun-shining weather, and very hot. ••'iiiii'i' , ('>.i„iii''i In the morning, as soone as the sun was up, we set sayle, f* -^Mii" shoaids and g^d ran up sixe leasrues higher, and found shoalds in the •>*.,,. Hands. middle of the chann.ll, and small ilands, but seven fathoms ••»., "II'! water on both sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere '"^"^iii *^^ shoare, that we grounded: so we layed out our small -'- ^t anchor, and heaved off againe. Then we borrowed on the "^,«,, banke in the channell, and came aground againe ; while the ••^[^ floud ran we heaved off againe, and anchored all night.^ , "^"v \ The eighteenth, in the morning, was faire weather, and *•; . we rode still. In the after-noone our masters mate went on ; •* i land with an old savage, a governor of the countrey ; Avho car- i 'jjjup,.. ried him to his house, and made him good cheere. 'Hhoninc- ! f.*^ teenth was faire and hot weather : at the floud, being neerc ; ,!' Grape^ani elcvcn of the cloclcc, wcc Weighed, and ran higher up two [ •'^•» Beavers and Icagucs abovc the shoalds, and had no lesse water then five \ ,»'ki» otters skins. ° \ '|.iU« fathoms ; wee anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The f»«ik 1 According to Moulton, Ilist. of N. Y., i, 244, near the shoal or marsh • «■"'■ ■ in the river, between Athens, and directly opposite that and the city that now bears the name of Hudson ; according to Brodhcad, between Schadak and Castleton ; a place situated, according to Haskell and Smith's Gazetteer, in Rensselaer county, New York, 8 S. by E. Albany, 362 W., on the eastern bank of Hudson river. These American histo- rians are, better than we, able to compare Juet's account with the real features of the country, and it is impossible for us to decide between them where they disagree. ijl'i j - All this happened undoubtedly at the distance of a few miles from the spot where Albany now stands. The American authors disagree as to the exact locality, and the matter is both beyond our cogriizance and of but small interest to us Europeans. THIRD VOYAGE (1009). 85 people of the countric came flocking aboord, and brought us grapes and pompions, which wee bought for trifles. And many brought us bevers skinncs and otters skinnes, which wee bought for beades, knives, and hatchets. So wc rode there all night. ^ The liccnlicth, in the morning, was faire Aveathcr. Our masters mate with foure men more went up with our boat to sound the river, and found two leagues above us but two fathomes water, and the channell very narrow ; and above that place, seven or eight fathomes. Toward night they re- turned : and we rode still all nierht. The one and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind all southerly : we deter- mined yet once more to go farther up into the river, to trie what depth and breadth it did bcare ; but much people resorted aboord, so wee went not this day. Our carpenter went on land, and made a fore-yard. And our master and his mate determined to trie some of the chicfe men of the countrey, whether they had any treacherie in them.^ So they tooke them downe into the cabbin, and gave them so much wine and oqua vitec, that they were all merrie : and one of them had his Avife with them, which sate so modestly, as any of our countrey women would doe in a strange place, la the ende one of them was drunke, which had beene ^ It would undoubtedly be of interest to ascertain the exact locality of this point, the highest reached by Hudson's shijis. The American historians have spared no pains to arrive at a satisfactory result. But the data on which their discussions rest do not warrant any positive conclusion. The most exact statement, that of Van j\Ietcren, gives 42° 40' as *\e latitude reached ; it forms, however, part of a mere summary, in which the latitudes are but approximatively exact. For us Euro- peans it is quite sufficient to know that the Ilalf Moon reached either the very spot where Albany now stands, or its immediate neighbour- hood. The latitude of Albany is, according to Haskell and Smith's Gazetteer, 42° 39' 3" N. ^ " The prejudices," says Moulton, " which they imbibed in Europe, or on their coasting voyage, against a people whom the Europeans de- nominated savages, had given a tone of suspicion to their intercourse." See also note 2, p. 82. 8(5 MASTKIl IIKNRY HUDSON. aboord of our ship all the time tl^at wc hatl becnc there: I and that was strange to them ; (or they could not tell how to take it.^ The canoes and folke went all on shoare : but some of them came ngaine, and brought stropes of beades r some had sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten; and gave him. So ''l2^i»» he slept all night quietly. lj*jjji ' The ttoo and liccntkth was fairc weather: in the morning •■^'if °^^^ masters mate and foure more of the companie went up jr» „„• with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of f -*.w|.„ the countrey came not aboord till noone : but when they ■•Mi^ mil"*' came, and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three of the clocke in the afternoone they came aboord, and brought tabacco, and more beades, and gave them to our ^h_ ^, f)nitic.ii. n aster, and made an oration, and shewed him all the coun- .»^'^*J trey round about. Then they sent one of their companie on •^['' land, who presently returned, and brought a great platter •***>•. ' full of venison dressed by themselves ; and they caused him *•' to eatc with them : then they mafic him reverence and dc- "^•1 i parted, all save the old man that lay aboord. This night, at yjip,. ten of the clocke, our boat returned in a showre of raine ri vcKs"*^ ^''^ fi'om sounding of the river ; and found it to bee at an end ij'csso!"^ for shipping to goc in. For they had becne up eight or nine leagues, and found but seven foot water, and uncon- Ml* ■'"I* 1^1^, stant soundmgs."' jjjjjj* ^ A tradition connected with this scene of drunkenness seems to have subsisted at the end of the last century among the Dehiware and Mo- hican Indians. We reprint as part oi the present collection the observa- tions of the Rev. John Ilcrkowelder, where this fact is noted down. ^ These beads were made of some sort of shells, and strung. The strings served both as a rude sort of jewelry and as money. They were called wamjnim. The early travellers in these regions make frequent mention of them. We refer the reader to the extracts from Van der Donck's description of New Netherland, which forms part of the present collection. 'il^i 2 We refer the American reader to the interesting observations on (|!^| ,1 this passage, in Moulton, i, pp. 259 to 2GG. To Europeans, who are un- I acquainted with the localities themselves, these observations are of less ] interest. Mr. Brodhead thinks that Hudson's boat reached the place .1 THIRD VOYAOK (IGOOj. 87 The three and ticenlicth, fairc weather. At twelve of the clockc wee weighed, aiul went dowue two leaj'ues to a ' '"y i'> " ' " turn.' (l.i« 110 shoald that had two channels, one on the one side, and another '•^'' ''^''''• on the other, and had little wind, wherehy the tyde layed us upon it. So there wee sate on ground the space of an lioure till the floud came. Then wee had a little gale of wind at the west. So wee got our ship into decpe Avater, and rode all night very well. The foure and txcentielh was faire weather : the winde at the north-west, wee weighed, and went downe the river seven or eight leagues ; and at halfe ebbe wee came on ground on a banke of oze in the middle of the river, and sate there till the floud. Then wee went on land, and ga- thered good store of chest-nuts.^ At ten of the clocke wee ^,""'';"'', ~ cliustiiuts. came off into decpe water, and anchored. The /?fe and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at south a stifFe gale. We rode still, and went on land^ to walkc on the west side of the river, and found good ground for corne and other warden herbs, with great store of goodly okos.wni- ^ ' O O J ,im trees, oakes, and walnut-trees, and chest-nut trees, ewe trees, and S'!'"'''"' ' ' ^ ' ti oes, two trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of [rees'^eic!"^ slate ibr houses, and other good stones. The sixc and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at south a stifle gile ; wee rode still. In the morning our carpenter went on land, with our masters mate and foure more of cur companie, to cut wood. This morning, two canoes came up the river from the place where we first found loving people, and in one of them was the old man that had lyen aboord of us at the other place. He brought another old man with him, which brought more stropes of where the town of Waterford now stands (Brodhead, Hist, of Neic Vorl; i, p. 32). ^ According to the computation of Moulton (i, p. 2G7), near the spot where the town of Hudson now stands. ^ At or near Catskill Landing, three miles from Hudson, and about forty from Albany. 88 MASTKR HENRY HUDSON. * •« «i boadcs and gave them to our master, and slicwcd liim all the countrey there about as though it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine with him, and the old mans ■wife : for they brought two old women, and two young maidens of the age of sixtecne or seventcenc yeares with them, who behaved themselves very modestly. Our master gave one of the old men a knife, and they gave him and us tabacco. And at one of the clocke they departed downe the river, making signes that wee should come downe to them ; for wee Avcre within two leagues of the place where they dwelt. The scveti and tweyiticth, in the morning, was fairc wea- ther, but much wind at the north ; wc weir^hed and set our fore top-sayle, and our ship would not firt, but ran on the ozic banke at half cbbc. Wee layed out anchor to heave her off, but could not. So wee sate from halfe ebbe to halfe floud : then wee set our fore-saylc and mayne top-sayle, and got downe sixe leagues. The old man came aboord, and would have had us anchor, and goe on land to catc with him: but the wind being faire, we would not yeeld to his request ; so hee left us, being very sorrowfull for our de- parture. At five of the clocke in the afternoone, the wind came to the south south-west. So wee made a boord or two, and anchored^ in fouretcene fathomes water. Then our boat went on shoare to fish right against the ship. Our masters mate and boatswaine, and three more of the companic, went on land to fish, but could not finde a good place. They tooke foure or five and twentie mullets, breames, bases, and barbils : and returned in an houre. We rode still all night. ;:;i The eigJit and tioentieth, being faire weather, as soonc as the day was light, wee weighed at halfe ebbe, and turned downe two leagues belowe water ; for the strcame doth runnc * In the vicinity of Red Hook (Moulton, 267), that is to say, fourteen miles from Catskill Landing. TiiiKi) voya(;k (1()(M)). 89 ilUll- tiiinoti. the last quarter cbbc : then wc ancliorcKl till high vatcr.' At throe of the clocke in the iil'tcr-noone we Avcighed, and lurncd downe three leagues, untill it was darke : then wee anchored. The nine and twentieth was drie close weather ; the wind at south, and south and by west; we weighed early in the morning, and turned downe three leagues by a lowc water, and anchored at the lower end of the long reach ; for it is sixc leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a canoe to us, but would not come aboord. After dinner there came the canoe with other men, whereoff' three came aboord us. They brought Indian wheat, which we bought for trifles. At three of the clocke in the aftcr-noone wee weighed, as soone as the ebbe came, and turned downe to tlic edge of the niountaines, or the northermost of thu moun- m tiiines, and anchored : because the high land hath many points, and a narrow channell, and hath manie eddie winds.'"^ So we rode quietly all night in seven fathoms water. The thirtieth was faire weather, and the wind at south- cast, a stiffe gale betweenc the mountaynes. We rode still the afternoone. The people of the countrey came aboord us and brought some small skinncs with them, which we Smnii skins. bought for knives and trifles. This is a very pleasant place -^ pUnsant f J 1 1 place Icj to build a towne on. The road is very ncere, and very good [™',',e'on. for all windes, save an east north-cast wind. The moun- I'ik.iibooa (if miuerals. taynes look as if some metall or minerall were in them. For ^ Probably near the Esopus Island, twelve miles from Red Hook. ^ Below Poughkeepsie (JMoulton). Beacon Hill, in the neighbourhood of that place and opposite New Windsor, is 1G85 feet high. This part of Hudson river is noted for its heavy winds. " The banks of Hudson river, especially on the west side, as far as the highlands extend, are chiefly rocky cliffs. The passage through the highlands, which is sixteen or eighteen miles, affords a wild romantic scene. In this narrow pass, on each side of which the mountains tower to a great height, the wind, if there be any, is collected and compressed, and blows continually as through a bellows. Vessels, in passing through it, are often obliged to lower their sails" (Thompson, Geogr. Diet, of America). 13 C\t: 90 ]\IASTKH IlKNRY HUDSON. the trees that grow on them Avcre all blasted, and some of them barren^ with few or no trees on them. The people brought a stone aboord like to an emery (a stone used by October, glasicrs to cut glasse),^ it would cut iron or Steele : yet being bruised small, and Avater put to it, it made a colour like blacke lead glistering : it is also good for painters colours. ,1 At three of the clockc they departed, and we rode still all night. Tlic^rst of October, faire weather, the Avind variable be- tweene the west and the north. In the morning we weighed '.Zl* ' at seven of the clocke with the ebbe, and got downe below -*»„»,!ll'' the mountaynes, which was seven leagues. Then it feh calme and the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelve "^* . HI I 'h •» A skirmish lUlil THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 91 ]jut wcc perceived their intent, and suffered none of them to enter our ship. Whereupon two canoes full of men, with their bowes and arrowes shot at us after our pterne : in oni['e' *' recompence -whereof we discharged sixe muskets, and killed two or three of them. Then above an hundred of them came to a point of land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon at them, and killed two of them : whereupon the rest fled into the woods. Yet they manned off another canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us. So I shot at it also a falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their muskets killed three or foure more of thcm.^ So they went their way ; within a while after wee got downe two leagues beyond thot place, and anchored in a bay, cleere from all danger of them on the other side of the river, where we saw a very good piece of ground ; and hard by it there Avas a cliffe, that looked of the colour of a white o-rcene, as thou"'h it were either co])per or silver ^ ™>"^ ° inync : and I thinke it to be one of them, by the trees that '^''^''''' grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the other places are greene as gr^sse ; it is on that side of the river that is called Manna-hata.' There we saw no people to trouble t|'ey^,f""" us : and rode quietly all night ; but had much wind and imuiT raine. ' IMoiilton (i, 271) thinks that this scene took place at the upper end of the island of Manhattan (on which New York now stands), near Fort AVashington and Fort Lee, and that the next place mentioned (see note 2) was opposite Manhattan island. This assertion seems doubtful, us will be explained in the next note. " Moulton \\, 272) places this site near Ilohohen, opposite New York. This oi>inion of the else so accurate historian is very improbable. Hud- son's words, " That side of the river which is called Manna-hatUr'' , cannot possibly apply to anything but Manhattan island itself. All the early chroniclers, as well as the Ccarly maps and views, agree in giviiii? to that island the Indian name which it still bears ; whilst the opposite shore, though, perhaps, also inhabited by the ^Manhattan tribe, is never called Manhattan. It had, on the contrary, an Indian name of its own, Jlopoff/ian, now corrupted into llol ''ken. Moulton, indeed, adduces no reason for his supposition. ...HI'' I . 92 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. i The third, was very stormic ; the wind at east north-cast. j , . In the morning, in a gust of wind and rainc, our anchor came home, and we drove on ground, but it was ozie. Tlicn as we were about to have out an anchor, the wind came to ' the north north-west, and drove us off againc. Then wc "2i»«i»"" ^^^'^^ ^^ anchor, and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and di?'""' weighed the other. Wee had much wind and raine, with •«ff«'*f" thicke weather ; so we roade still all night. ,r^ ^.►"'' The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at north .*,„ij.. north-west ; wee weighed and came out of the river, into which wc had runnc so farre.' AVithin a while after, wee came out also of the great mouth of the great river, that I TiKproiU runneth up to the north-west,'~ borrowinoj upon the norther i,fc, Jl 1^6^'^''' ^^'^^ of the same, thinking to have deepe water; for wee had .»^'|*| sounded a great way with our boat at our first going in, and •"r^^f" found seven, six, and five fathomes. So we came out that ••*«.„ I way, but m'c were deceived, for we had but eight foot and ■*•' i an halfe water : and so three, five, three, and two fathomes *^%\ j and an halfe. And then three, foure, five, sixe, seven, yjj„|i eiglit, nine and ten fathomes. And by twelve of the clockc Theyioavp WC werc clcerc of all the inlet. Then we took in our boat, Iho i'oa«t of viigiiiin. and set our mayne-sayle, and sprit-sayle, and our top-saylcs, and steered away east south-east, and south-east by east off into the mayne sea : and the land on the souther side of the bay or inlet did beare at noone west and by south foia'e leao'ucs from us. The fifth was faire weather, and the wind variable be- j"p. twcene the north and the east. Wee held on our course south-east by east. At noone I observed and found our height to bee 39 degrees, oO minutes. Our compassc varied iji sixe degrees to the west. AVc continued our course toward England, without seeing ^ Hudson river, from the source to New York Bay. ^ The mouth of the Hudson treads to the north-west, where Raritou river falls into it. k "j^ AHSTRACT OF TIIK JOURNAL. 93 ;my land by the way, all the rest of this moneth of October : and on the scccnth day of November, sfilo novo, being Satur- day, by tlic grace of God we safely arrived in the range of Dartmouth, in Devonshire, in the yecre 1609. AN ABSTRACT OP THE JOURNALL OF MASTER HP]NRY HUDSON, ] OR THE msCOVEIilE OF THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, BEGINNE THE SEVKN- TEENTH OF APRIM,, KilO, ENDED WITH HIS END, BEING TKEACHEROl'Sl.Y EXPOSED BY SOJiE OF THE COIIPANIE. The seventeenth of Apr ill, IGIO, Ave brake ground, and Ainii ir. went downe from Saint Katharines Poole,^ and fell downe to Blackewall \ and so plyed downe with the ships to Lee, which was the two and twentieth day. The two and tiventicth, I caused Master Coleburne- to bee put into a pinko bound for London, Mith my letter to the Adventurars, importing the reason wherefore I so put him j out of the ship, and so plyed forth. i« The seco7id of May, the wind southerly, at eeven we were jiny. thwart of Flamborough Head. i The fft, wc were at the iles of Orkney, and here I set the rhoUosoi' •^ "^ _ . Orkney. north end of the needle, and the north of the flie all one. The sixt, wee were in the latitude of 59 degrees, 22 Note. ' Where St. Katherine's Dock now is ; near the Tower. - According to Pricket the man's name was Coll^ert ; according to Fox (N. W. Fox, p. 70) it was Coolbrand. The occurrence took place near iSheppey ishind, in the road of Lee. Fox's curious notice about this Master Coolbrand is given iu the present collection. j 94 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. I minutes, and there i)erccivcd that the north end of Scotland, ! Orncy, and ShotLand^ are not so northerly as is commonly i r,'""'? ,., set downe.' The eiqht day wee saw Farre Ilands,^ in the •.''Mnlmites. hititude of 62 degrees, 24 minutes. The elctcnth day we fell with the caster part of Ishuid, and then plying along the ;i2>k*««'" NVestmony. southcr part of the land we came to Westmony,* heing fClfJili' the fffeenth day, and still plyed about the mayne iland "^CH' 1 untill the last of May, with contrary winds, and we got f'^t„,»'"' some fowles of divers sorts. ?!ir, -"aii;; •'""*• The ^^'5^ day of June we put to sea out of an harbour, in '"**•"•',, the westernmost part Island, and so plyed to the westward in ""* the latitude of 66 degrees, 34 minutes, and the second day .plyed and found ourselves in 65 degrees, 57 minutes, with little wind easterly. The third day wee found ourselves in 65 degrees, 30 ••nI^ minutes, with winde at north-east ; a little before this we ^-<» i saylcd necre some ice. uroiieiniui. '!l\\c fouvtli day M'e saw Groneland'* over the ice perfectly, •^"^.r it ' *' i and this night the sunnc went downe due north, and rose 'i)tt%t north-north east. So jjlying the Jift day we were in 65 degrees, still cncombred with much ice, Avhicli hung upon the coast of Groneland. Kroiiisiieia ')^\\e ninth day wee were off Frobishers Streights," with the .,^^ winde northerly, and plyed unto the south-westwards untill ;«^» \\\G fifteenth day. *"% 'WxQ fifteenth day we were in sight of the land, in latitude ••*' ^ Orkney and Shetland. r- " They are often laid down on old charts nearly a degree too high. '^ The Faroer islands. ■* The Westmau or Westnianna islands, south of, and close to, Iceland. TJiey belong to the province of Iceland. ° That is to say, the northern part of Greenland. The southern part was called Desolation. Frobisher's strait, which Hudson's contempora- ries believed to be \a Greenland, was thought to separate (Sronland i'lom Desolation, x he origin of these notions is most curious. The reader will find them explained in the Introduction to the present volume, !'i. I « Sec last note. k AHSTIIACT OF THE JOUllXAL, 95 west north west. ranco inti) Iha 59 degrees, 27 minutes/ which was called by Captaync John Davis Desolation, and found the errour of the former laying Desolation downe of that land : and then running to the north-westward untill the tiventicth day, wee found the ship in 60 degrees, 42 minutes, and saw much ice, and many riplings or over- fals, and a strong streame setting from east south-east to ^^ «">"''«"* west north-west. The one and tiocntie, two and tiventie, and three and ticentie dayes, with the winde variable, Ave plycd to the north-westward in sight of much ice, into the height of 62 degrees, 29 minutes.^ '\l\\efotire and twe^itie va\A fve and tioentie dayes, sayling ''-'*st to the westward about midnight, wee saw land north, which s",'ei,4us. was suddenly lost againe. So wee ranne still to the west- ward in 62 degrees, IT minutes.^ The fft of Juhj wee jilycd up upon the souther side, "^"'y- troubled Avith much ice in seeking the shoare untill the Jift day of July, and we observed that day in 59 degrees, 16 minutes.'* Then we plyed off the shoare againe, untill the eiylit day, and then found the height of the pole in 60 de- grees, no minutes. Plere we saw the land from the north- west by west, halfe northerly, unto the south-west by west, covered with snow, a champaigne land, and called it Desire pj^vo^ijeu, Provoketh. We still plyed up to the westward, as the land and ice Avould suffer untill the eleventh day ; when fearing a storme, we anchored by three rockie ilands in unccrtayne depth, ^ This latitude, T)!)" 27', can, unfortunately, not be maintained. The most southern part, even of the islands about Cape Farewell, does not reach down farther than 59^ .35'. The cape itself is, according to the best authorities, under 59^ 45'. Hudson's mistake therefore extends to eight or nine minutes at least, and may be greater. ' Near Cape Elizabeth, coast of Labrador. '' In Hall's sound, south of Resolution island. ■* Near Ittimcnaktok island, eastern shore of Ungava bay, and south- east of Akpatok island. -•i,., 96 MASTER HENRY HUDSON. bctwccnc two and nine fathomcs ; and found it an harbour unsufficient by reason of sunken rockes, one of whicli was next morning two fathomcs above water. "Wee caUed them Ues of Gods the Islcs of Gods Mcrcios.^ The Avatcr flowcth here better Mercies. then foure fathomes. The floud commeth from the north, flowing eight the change day. The latitude in this place is 02 degrees, 9 minutes. Then plying to the south-westward the sixtceyith day, wee were in the latitude of 58 degrees, 50 minutes,' but found our selves imbayed with land, and had much ice : and we plycd to the north-westward untill tlic nineteenth day, and then wee found by observation the '*"*''^ Hold with heiafht of the pole in 61 degrees, 24 minutes, and saw the Hope. . . . land, which I named Hold with Hope.'^ Hence I plved to ^ j' the north-westward still, untill the one and twentieth day, _"*' Amightie with thc wiud Variable. Here I found the sea more iirrowne • • growue sea. " then any wee had since wee left England. The three and twentieth day, by observation the height of ^ '•' i the pole was 61 degrees, 3o minutes. The ^i^e and tiven- "■^•1 1 Magna tictk day we saw the land, and named it Maf>^na Britannia.^ The sixe and twentieth day wee observed and found the lati- tude in 62 degrees, 44 minutes. The eight and ticenticth da)- we were in the height of Qo degrees, 10 minutes,^ and plyed southerly of the west. The o)ie and thirtieth day, plying to the westward, at noone wee found ourselves in 62 degrees, 24 minutes. TYieJirst of August we had sight of the northerne shoare, from the north by east to the west by south oiF us : the north part twelve leagues, and the Avester part twentie leagues from us : and we had no ground there at one hundred and eightic fathomes. And I thinke I saw land on the sunne side, but ^ Saddle Back, and the surrounding islands, to the south of Jack- man's sound, (62° 10' N.; 70° 25' W.) 2 Between Akpatok (G9° 15') and Tessinjak (58° 50'), on the west shore of Ungava bay. •^ \ ^^ Long island (Hudson's bay); 61° 25' N.; 70° 20' W. ^^" '- ' " About 61° 25' N.; 70= 20' W. « To the N.E. of Charles island. ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. })7 could not make it perfectly, bearing east north-east. Tlcrc I found the latitude 62 degrees, 50 minutes.' The secofid day we had sight of a faire headland on the norther shoare, six leagues off, which I called Salishuries ■^.'>ii«''"iips ^ ' I' ore-land. Fore-land :~ wee ranne from them west south-west, fourteene leagues : in the midway of which M'ee were suddenly come into a great and whurling sea, whether caused by meeting a groat and wliurling of two streames or an over-fall, I know not. Thence sayling ^ca. west and by south seven leagues farther, we were in the mouth of a strcight and sounded, and no ground at one a strcii^ht hundred fathomes : the streight being there not above two into tiio drepi' liiiy eat lorcies. leagues broad, in the passage in this wester part: which, "'*^"' "■'■'-' A ' Great from the caster part of Fretum Davis, is distant two hun- ^^ drcd and fiftie leagues thereabouts.*^ The thh'd day we put through the narrow passage, after our men had beene on land, which had well observed there, tliat the floud did come from the north, flowing by the shoare five fathomes. The head of this entrance on the south side I named Cape Worsenholmej* and the head on the north- capo wo wester shoare I called Cape Digs.'' After wee had sailed with Cftpe])t3 an easterly winde, west and by south ten leagues, the land fell away to the southward, and the other iles, and land left us to the westward. Then I observed and found the slip at noone in 61 degrees, 20 minutes, and a sea to the westward. ^ The land they saw was Charles island, the most northern point of which is about G2° 47'. (Latitude 77° 20' W.) 2 Salisbury island, 63° 40' N. ; 77° W. ^ This calculation is not far wrong. The real distance, as the crow Hies, is about one thousand English miles. * Cape Wolstenholme of our present maps. The spelling of the name was not settled. That which now prevails is taken from Purchas, who follows it generally, though not always. ^ Not the cape which bears this name at the present day, but a cape on a small island, one of the Diggs' islands group, opposite Cape Wolsten- holme, and only two leagues (about six sea miles or knots) from it. The present Cape Diggs owes its name, most probably, to a mistake. On the original chart of Hudson's Bay, the names are not very carefully put down near the places to which they belong ; thus early geographers were misled, and their successors have faithfully copied them. 13 I j i 1 1 98 A LARGEU DISCOURSE OV THE SAME VOYAGE, A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, AND THE SUCCESSE THEREOF, WRITTEN BY ABACUK rmCKETT. ■• '•mi Orkney, "«»«».i«p J'lirio lies ---It- Island. •«•,. it. i: **•*•«. 1 The south- eiist piirt 1 .1 I 1 of Isliind. We began our voyage for the north-west passage, the scccn- tecnili of Apr ill, 1610. Thwart of Shcpcy,' our master sent Master Colbert back to the owners M'ith his letter. The .•»,^3f next day we weighed from hence and stood for Harwich, and came thither the eiglit and tiventieth of Api'ill. From lV»'^j|i' Harwich w'e set sayle the flist of 3Iay, along the coast to the north, till we came to the isles of Orkney, from thence to the ilcs of Faro, and from thence to Island : on which we fell in a fogge, hearing the rut of the sea ashoare, but saw not the land whereupon our master came to an anchor. Heere we were embayed in the south-east part of the land. Wee weighed and stood along the coast, on the west side towards the north : but one day being calme we fell a fish- ing, and caught good store of fish, as cod, and ling, and butte, with some other sorts that we knew not. The next day we had a good gale of wind at south-w^est, and raysed the lies of Westmonie, where the king of Denmarke hath a fortresse, by which we passed to rayse the Snow Hill foot,^ a mountayne so called on the north-west part of the land. 15 ut in our course we saw that famous hill. Mount Hecla, cnsteth out ^yliich cast out mucli fire, a signe of foule weather to come in short time. Wee leave Island a sterne of us, and met a niayne of ice, which did hang on the north part of Island, and stretched downe to the west, which when our master saw, he stood back for Island to find an harbour, which we Westmoiiio llftua. :"). . Mount Jloolii- cnsteth out Are. ,1' • \ \ mayne of ico. ' Sheppey island, in the mouth of the Thames. ^ Sneefials-Jiikull, a mountain on the west coast of Iceland, in West- land, district of Sneeficlduess, 4,500' high. WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICK KTT. 99 (lid on the north-west part, called Dcrefer.*' where wee * or uiia- killed good store of fowle. From hence we put to sea againc, hut neither wind nor weather serving, our master stood hacke for this harhour againe, hut could not reach it, but fell with another to the south of that, called by our English- men Lousie Bay :^ where on the shoare we found an hot ^ousieniiv. hath, and here all our Englishmen bathed themselves: the *^"''"'^'"''^''- water was so hot that it would scald a fowle. From hence, the first of June, we put to sea for Grone- The fust land, but to the west wee saw land as we thought, for which we beare the best part of a day, but it proved but a foggie banke. So wee gave it over and made for Gronland, which we raysed ihe fourth of June. Upon the coast thereof hung good store of ice, so that our master could not attayne to the shoare by any meanes. The land in this part is very moun- tayuous, and full of round hils, like to sugar-loaves, covered with snow. We turned the land on the south side, as neere as the ice would suffer us. Our course for the most part was betweene the west and north-west, till we raysed the Desolations, which is a great iland in the west part of JJg"',|^"^^,,jj Groneland. On this coast we saw store of whales, and at wilaies! one time three of them came close by us, so as wee could hardly shunne them : then two passing very neere, and the third going under our ship, wee received no harme by them, praysed be God. From the Desolations our master made his way north- west, the wind being against him, who else would have gone more to the north : but in this course we saw the first gieat iland or mountayne of ice, whereof after we saw store. About the latter end of June, we raysed land to the north of ' Dyre-fiord, a gulf on the north-west coast of the northern peninsula of Iceland, C6° 42' N.; 24° 20' W. '■^ Breyde Fiord (mostly called Brede Baj' on English maps), a largo Lay on the west coast of Iceland, where some hot springs rise from the bottom of the sea. (65° 20' N. ; 23° W.) \ '- a 'I _. _ >'■ <*' •;•( Iliina of •••( iie uvoi- 11-1 tunielli. 100 A LAUGKR DISCOURSE 01" Tllli SAME VOYAGE, US, which our master tookc to bco that iland which Master Davis sctteth clowne in his chart.' On the west side of his streight, our master woukl have gone to the north of it, but the wind would not suffer him : so we fell to the south of it, into a great rippling or overfall of current, the which sctteth t,„t to the west. Into the current we went, and made our way »>"' to the north of the west, till we met with ice which hung on this iland. Wherefore our master casting about, cleared himselfe of this ice, and stood to the south, and then to the west, tlirough store of floting ice, and upon the ice store of scales. "We gained a cleere sea, and continued our course till wee mcete ice ; first, with great ilands, and then with store of the smaller sort. Betweene them we made our course north-west, till we met with ice againe. But, in this our going betweene the ice, we saw one of the great ilands of ice overturnc, which was a good warning to us, not to come nigh them nor within their reach.'' Into the ice wee put ahead, as betweene two lands. The next day wee had a storme, and the wind brought the ice so fast upon us, that in the end we were driven to put her into the chiefest of the ice, and there to let her lie. Some of our men this day fell sicke, I will not say it was for feare, although I saw small signe of other griefe. ,,^ bv'l'ife!'^ "^'he storme ceasing, we stood out of the ice, where wee „^» saw any cleere sea to go to : which was sometime more and ►'■"k sometime lesse. Our course was as the ice did lye, some- yoK time to the north, then to the north-west, and then to the '*'*« west and to the south-west : but still inclosed with ice. ^ Resolution island. Two delineations taken from Davis's survey are still in existence. The one is on an engraved planisphere, in- ll sorted into a copy of Hakluyt, in the British Museum ; the other on the celebrated globe by Molyneux, quoted in Davis's summary } account of his voyages, and still preserved in the library of the Middle Temple. - According to Burrow, this ovorturniug is caused by the melting and I'j!' consequent splitting of the icebergs. WKITTKN 1»Y ABACUK PRICK F,TT. 101 AV'^hlcli when our master saw, he made his course to the south, thinking to clcere hinisclfc of the ice that way : but the more he strove the worse he was, and the more inclosed, till woe could goe no further. Plere our master was in dcspaire, and (as he told me after) he thought he should never have got out of this ice, but there have perished. Therefore hee brought forth his card,^ and shewed all the coniijunv, that hec was entered above an liundicd leacrues nudson further then ever any English was: and left it to their 'i'"-";^'' '"'■ choice, whether they would proceed any further ; yea, or '^"l^^.'"^ nay. Whereupon some were of one mindc and some of ano- ther, some wishing themselves at home and some not caring where, so they were out of the ice : but there were some who then spake words, which were remembrcd a great while after. There was one who told the master, that if he had an Diacoutouts. hundred pounds, hee would give foure-score and ten to be at home : but the carpenter made answere, that if hee had an hundred, hec would not give ten upon such condition, but would thinke it to be as good money as ever he had any, ' There is an evident blunder in Pricket's rather vague recollections. The card here mentioned must have been based on Weymouth's explo- rations, which Hudson was made acquainted with by Peter Plancius, learning, as is expressly stated, t/iat WeijmoutJi entered 100 leagues into the strait. If Hudson had really said that he had proceeded 100 leagues furtlier than any Englishman, he would be guilty either of an idle boast, or of a most enormous mistake. Desire Provokes (Akjjatok), which he leached immediately after the mutiny, is no more than 60 leagues even from the north-eastern extremity of the strait (where he entered it). Several of his statements, beside the chart, prove that he had \ very fair idea of the distances he had sailed. It is therefore imposs'' \q to suppose that he believed himself to be 200 leagues from the moulh of the strait, when he was really not more than GO. The following explanation may, perhaps, solve the difficulty. Hudson had, undoubtedly, not sailed 200 leagues into the strait, when the mutiny took place. He had, however, most probably sailed 200 leagues within it, exploring, as he did, both the northern and southern shore, which are in some places more than 4 degrees (SO leagues) distant from each other. The scene of the mutiny is in Uiigava Bay, between the soul/u-eastern shore and Akpatok island. u ( on 1 I 102 A LAUCiER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, I and to bring it as well home, by the leave of God. After I many words to no purpose, to workc we must on all hands, I to get ourselves out and to clcere our ship. After much labour and time spent, we gained roome to turne our ship in, and so by little and little, to get cleere in the sea a ,ilili»«»"' league or two off, our course being north and north-west. 'CjjfSl In the end we rayscd land to the south-west, high land and •«C*;J[^, Desire covered with snow. Our master named this land. Desire (;;^jj;j;'i ]*rovokes.' Lying here, wee heard the noyse of a great over- •-•4^3"^ fall of a tyde, that came out of the land : for now we might '***"'sit' ^^^ yve\^ that wee had beene embayed before, and time had made us know, being so well acquainted with the ice, that I'^f^'^tf when night, or foggie or foule weather tooke us, we would !"^ ,0f seek out the broadest iland of ice and there come to anchor, ""*••«' Kxerciscsof and ruunc, and sport, and fill water that stood on the ice in n, 'I'lii I'luf't ponds, both sweete and good. But after we had brou2;ht I on the ice. '^ '^ ^ this land to beare south of us, we had the tyde and the cur- Differenco ^'cut to opcn the icc, as being carried first one way and then bajea.''^ "'" another: but in bayes they lye as in a pond without moving. '.i*»i In this buy'' where wee were thus troubled with ice, wee saw many of those niountaynes of ice aground, in sixe or sevenscore fathome water. In this our course we saw a beare upon a piece of ice by itselfe, to the which our men gave chase with their boat : but before they came nigh her, Ice ftbout the tyde had carried the ice and the beare on it, and joined it , lou luliiumu. . . I'll ^j , With the other ice : so they lost their labour, and came I*' aboord againe. ' Akpatok island. There is again some confusion in the course as given by Pricket. It lies too much west and not enough south. The posi- tive statement by Hudson, that he was iu 59° IG' a few days before I'r he reached Desire Provokes, in 60°, proves beyond all doubt that the scene of these explorations was Ungava Bay, and that Desire Provokes ' is Akpatok. This is also supported by Pricket's own statement (see , note 2) that they had been embayed before they reached Desire Provokes. •■f ^ The bay in which they had been embayed before they reached [i Desire Provokes (see nine lines higher up), that is to say, Ungava Bay. »► BBB WIUTTEN HY ADACUK PRICK I/IT. 103 Wc continued our course to the north-west, and raysed land to the north of our course, toward which we made, and comming nigh it, there hung on the castcrmost point many ilands of floting ice, and a hearc on one of them, which from one to another came towards us, till she was readie to come aboord. But when she saw us looke at her, she cast her head hctweene her hindc Icgges, and then dived under the ice : and so from one piece to another, till she was out of our reach. We stood along by the land on the south side ahead of us ; wee met with ice that hung on a point of land that lay to the south, more then this that we came up by : which when our master saw, he stood in for the shoare. At the west end of this iland (for so it is) we found an har- bour, and came in (at a full sea) over a rocke, which had a '!""«"■""» two fathome and an halfe on it, and was so much bare at a low water. But by the great mercie of God, we came to an anchor cleerc of it : and close by it our master named them the lies of Gods Mercie. This is an harbour for need, but iicaof cods iMcrcio. there must be care had how they came in. Hecre our master sent me, and others with me, to discover to the north and north-west : and in going from one place to another, we sprung a covey of partridges which were young : at the ranriUgca. which Thomas Woodhouse shot, but killed only the old one. This iland is a most barren place, having nothing on it but plashes of water and riven rockes, as it were subject to earth- quakes. To the north there is a great bay or sea^ (for I know not what it will prove), where I saw a great iland of ice aground, betweene the two lands which with the spring- tide was set afloat, and carried into this bay or sea to the north-westward, but came not backe againe, nor within sight. Heere wee tooke in some drift wood that we found Drift woo.i. ashoare. From hence we stood to the south-west, to double the land , ' U- ^ Jackinan's sound. I , j^ AW^ i '^v^ I 104 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, I , to the west of us/ through much floting ice : in the endc wee found a clecre sea, and continued therein, till wee rayscd land to the north-west. Then our master made his course more to the south then before, but it was not long ere we .-^ met with ice which lay ahead of us. Our master would have „i doubled this ice to the north, but could not ; and in the end ' jiut into it downe to the south-west through much ice, and then to the south, where we embayed againe. Our master strove to get the shoare, but could not, for the great store of ice that was on the coast. From out of this bay we stood to '^.■mi^ the north, and were soone out of the ice: then downe to the south-west, and so to the west, where we were enclosed (to "" J" our sight) with land and ice. For wee had land from the •••• south to the north-west on one side, and from the east to the west on the other ; but the land that was to the north of us and lay by east and west, was but an iland. On we went till we could goe no further for ice : so we made our ship fast to the ice which the tyde brought upon us, but when the ebbe came, the ice did open, and made way ; so as in seven or eight houres we were cleere from the ice, till we came to weather ; but onely some of the great ilands, that were carried along with us to the north-west. Having a cleere sea, our master stood to the west along by the south shoare, and raysed three capes or head-lands Three cares, lying ouc abovc another. The middlemost is an iland, and maketh a bay or harbour, which (I take) will prove a good Prince ouc. Oxxv mastcr named them Prince Henries Cape or Fore- Hiiiries *-'ai'e- land. When we had layd this we raised another, which was the extreme point of the land looking towards the north : upon it are two hills,^ but one (above the rest) like an hay- 1 The Upper Savage Islands, and the lano around North Bay. (62" U'V N. ; 70" W.) 2 North Bluff. (62" 36' N.; 71° 26' W.) •* A pretty accurate description of the southern shore of the strait, from Cape Hope (or Hope's Advance) to Deception Bay. wmam' WRITTEN BY ABACUK TUICKETT. 105 cockc, which ouv master named Kinfjf James his Capc.^ To kiikt .rmiK^s the north of this lie certaine ilancls, which our master named Quecnc Annes Cape or Fore-hand.^ Wee followed the north quom , •!! -r» 11 -rr- /-i 1 • 1 Aiiiiosrnpf". slioare still. Jicyond the Kings Cape there is a sound or hay, that hath some ilands in it : and this is not to he for- gotten, if need be. Beyond this lyeth some broken land, close to the mayne, but what it is I know not, because we passed by it in the night. Wee stood to the north to double this land, and after to the west againe, till wee fell with land that stretched from the mayne, like a shewer'' from the south to the north, and from the north to the west, and then downe to the south againe. Being short of this land a storme took us, the wind at west: we stood to the north and raised land, which when our master saw he stood to the south againe, for he was loath at any time that wee should see the north shoare. The storme continuing, and comming to the south shoare againe, noip. our master found himself shot to the west a great way, which made him muse, considering his leeward way. To the south- west of this land, on the mayne, there is an high hill, which our master named j\Iount Charles.^ To the north and beyond Mount this lioth an iland, that to the cast had a faire head, and 1 Probably Cape Wcggs. ((12" 25' N. ; 7^ 40' W.) 2 Evidently north-oast of Charles's island ; about (53" 50' N.; 73" 40' W. This shore is very imperfectly known, at least according to the last Admiralty chart of the Arctic Sea (1853) ; and it wonld be hazardous to make any positive statement about this site. ' A rskewer^'' The rather confused course, before and afterwards, till they reached Charles Island, allows \\s no satisfactory guess about the position of this shever or skewer. Did they perhaps fall in with Charles Island, then sail to the north, then a little to the west, and then to the south, and thus again to Charles Island I The above description is iu accordance with the real aspect of the northern shore of the island. ■* Charles's Island. According to Bccherelle, " sitite a 30 o?/ 35 l-ilo- mi'tres de la cote iV. du Labrador, dnvs le dHrolt de Hudson, long, de 3f) kd. sur 40 ; lat. 08" 40' ; longit. 77" 20'." Hudson mistook it for part of the ma inland. 14 106 A LARGER niSCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, beyond it to the west otlicr broken land/ which maketh a bay within, and a good road may be found there for ships, burie.^"'^' ^^^"' "i^^i^^ter named the first Cape Salsburic.= AVhcn we had left this to the north-cast, we fell into a rippling or overfall of a current, which at the first we tooke to bee a shoald : but the lead being cast, M'ce had no ground. On we passed, still in sight of the south shoarc, till wc raised land lying from the mayne some two leagues. Our master tooke this to bee a part of the mayne of the -«'4«S*' north land ; but it is an iland, the north side stretching out .* to the west more then the south. This iland had a faire head to the east, and very high land, which our master '.■4"^p' Dociies named Decpes Cape :^ and the land on the south side, now ■^^i*'' falling away to the south, makes another cape or headland. Worsen- wliich our uiastcr named Worsenhams Cape.* When wee liiims C'lipe. '■ V ore nigh the North or Iland Cape, our master sent the boat ashoare, with my sclfe (who had the charge) and the car- jicntcr, and divers others, to discover to the west and north- west, and to the south-west ; but wc had further to it then '^.' - wc thought, for the land is very high, and we were over- taken with a stormc of raino, thunder and lightning. But to it wc came on the north-east side, and up we got from ^' i^ one rock to another, till we came to the highest of that part. "■« r)''"'""- Iferc we found some plaine ground, and saw some decre ; as first, foure or five, and after, a dozen or sixtcene in an » , '■> herd, but could not come nigh them Avith a musket shot. Thus, going from one place to another, wee saw to the west of us an high hill above all the rest, it being nigh us : but it proved further off then we made account ; for, when ' Pricket's statement is obsciu'C. Docs he mean that the brokcMi laiul here mentioned lies east or west of Salis))ury Island 1 '■* SaUsbury Island, 0,3° 40' N. ; 7!)^ W. It is marked as an island (not as a cape) on the chart. That clears up one part of Pricket's coufiised sentence, the other part remains obscure. •' Di(]ff/s, not Deeiies. For the real locality, see above, p. !)7, note Cu •* C. Wolstcnhohnc. ,^» :^\. ^V KITTEN «Y ABACUK IMIICKKTT. 107 Avce camo to it, the land was so stcepc on the cast and north- east parts tliat wee could not get unto it. To the south- west we saw that wee might, and towards that part wee went along by the side of a great pond of water, which licth under the east side of this hill : and there runneth out of it a streame of water as much as would drive an over-shot mill; which fallcth downe from an high clifFe into the sea on the south side. In this place great store of fowle breed, f^',Xu'na and there is the best grasse that I had scene since we came s'-'***^- from England, Here wee found sorell, and that Avhich wee ^",',pv\ "'"' call scurvy-grass in great abundance. Passing along M-ee ^^'^'"'"' saw some round hills of stone, like to grasse cockes, which at the first I tooke to be the workc of some Christian. Wee jiasscd by them, till we came to the south side of the hill ; MC went unto them and there found more ; and being nigh them I turned off the uppermost stone, and found them hollow within and full of fowles hanged by their neckcs. {i°"!!ya. Ilicn Greene and I went to fetch the boat to the south- side, while Robert Billet^ and hee got downe a valley to the sea side, where wee tookc them in. Our mas (in this time) came in betweene the two lands, and shot off some pceccs to call us aboord ; for it was a loggc. AVce came aboord and told him what we had scene, and perswadcd him to stay a day or two in this place, telling him what refreshing might there bee had : but by no meanes would he stay, who was not pleased with the motion. So we left the fowle, and lost our way downe to the south-west, before they went in sight of the land which now bearcs to the east from us, being the same mayne land that wee had all this while followed. Now we had lost the sight of it, because it fallcth away to the et^st after some five and twenty ' Robert Bylot (thus his name is written by Fox and Purchas), was jtevhaps the most active northern navigator alter Hudson had perished. lie was also, as we shall see, made captain of Hudson's ship, after Green's death, and brouglit her safely home. r i*<" 108 A LARGER DISCOUllSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, or thirty leagues. i Now we came to the shallow water, Avhercwith wee were not acquainted since we came from Island ; now we came into broken ground and rockes, through which we passed downe to the south. In this our course we had a storme, and the water did shoald apace. Our master came to an anchor in fifteene fathoms water. AVee weighed and stood to the south-east, because the land in this place did lie so. When we came to the point of the west land^ (for we now had land on both sides of us), we came to an anchor. Our master sent the boat ashoare to see what that land was, and whether there were any way through. They soone returned, and shewed that beyond the point of land to the south there was a large sea. This ,0f land on the west side was a very narrow point. Wee weighed from hence and stood in for this sea betweene the two lands, which (in this place) is not two leagues broad downe to the south, for a great way in sight of the east shoare. In the end we lost sight thereof, and saw it not till we came to the *' I bottome of the bay, into sixe or seven fathomes water. ;j!»»' Hence we stood up to the north by the west shoare, till wee K^, came to an iland in 53/'* where we tooke in water and ballast. ;,^( Diso.ird: From hence wee passed towards the north : but some two ••'n^'' '■I tiie Wiil- iiMuse his or three daves after (reasonin' •<«■, luUowiiig. iuto this bay and going out) our master took occasion to ;!jj* revive old matters, and to displace Robert Juet from being ), , his mate, and the boatswainc from his place, for the words III* spoken in the first great bay of ice. Then hee made Robert •••• ■'!,' * Somewhat to the north of the deep recess called Mosquilo Bay, the eastern shore of James Buy bej^ius to trend in a southeast direction. - Perhaps Charlton Island, in James's Bay, OiJ'' 12' N., the eastern coast being the terra firma of Labrador. '* There are several small I lands in that latitude. They have no names on the charts the editor '.as seen. ,j V ' ■^'^^'*' '^l*-'^crij)tion (''nrcsponds \cry well with a recess in the south- ' W '/ ,» east corner of James's Bay, which has no name on the charts I am ||, i ' ' acquainted with. There is an island, also without name, at its mouth. WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 109 ]3illet his mate, and AVilliam AVilson our boatswaine. Up to the north wcc stood till wc raised land, then down to the south, and up to the north, then downc againe to the south: and on Michaclmassc day came in and went out of certaine Mioiinci- uiassi! (lay hinds, which our master sets downe by the name of Michael- auUbuy. masse Bay,' because we came in and went out on that day. From hence wee stood to the north, and came into shoald water ; and the weather being thickc and foule, wee came to an anchor in seven or eight fathouie water, and there lay eight dayes : in all which time wee could not get one hourc to weigh our anchor. But the eight day, the wind begin- ning to cease, our master would have the anchor up, against the mind of all who knew what belonged thereunto. Well, to it we went, and when we had brought it to a peake, a sea tooke her, and cast us all off from the capstone and hurt divers of us. Here wee lost our anchor, and if the carpenter Anchm- lost. had not beene, we had lost our cable too ; but he (fearing such a matter) was ready with his axe, and so cut it. From hence we stood to the south and to the south-west, through a cleere sea of divers sounding, and came to a sea seuotiwo _ . colours. of two colours, one blacke and the other white, sixteene or seveuteenc fathome Avater, betweene which Ave went foure or five leagues. But the night comming we tooke in our top-sayles, and stood afore the wind with our maine-saylc and fore-sayle, and came into five or sixc fathomes, and saw no land, for it was darke. Then we stood to the east and had decpe water againe, then to the south and south-west, and so came to our westcrniost bay of all,^ and came to an anchor nccrest to the north shoare. Out went our boat to the land that Avas next us; Avhen they came ncere it our boat could not fiote to the shoare it Avas so shalloAV : yet ashoare they got. Here our men saw the footing of a man and a ducke looting of ill the snoAvy roekcs, and Avood good store, Avhereof they ' 1 ' Ilaiuiali Bay I V | '■^ Probably North Bay, the south-west coruor of Jauics'Ji Bay. I t' > ■ t- I. f " » • I I I- i» ■ • /■ ^^ ' i ; c"" ■IN »* Slic ]{.o on ^M 11 I'd •Ke. 110 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, tooke some and returned aboord. Being at anchor in this place, we saw a ledge of rockes to the south of us, some league of length ; it lay north and south, covered at a full sea; for a strong tide settcth in here. At midnight wee weighed, and stood to go out as we came in ; and had not gone long, hut the carpenter came and told the master, that if he kept that course he would be upon the rockes : the master conceived that he was past them, when presently wee ranne on them, and there stucke fast twelve houres ; but (by the mercy of God) we got off unhurt, though not unscarrcd. Wee stood up to the east and raysed three hills, lying north and south : we went to the furthermost, and left it to v^ip" ^^^^ north of us, and so into a bay, where we came to an •- ^0t anchor.^ Here our master sent out our boat, with myselfe •-•.•p and the carpenter to seeke a place to winter in ; and it was time, for the nights were long and cold, and the earth covered with snow. Having spent three moneths in a Last of labyrinth without end, being now the last of October, wc October. •' ' r> J ^ went downe to the east, to the bottome of the bay ; but rc- !Mf> turned without speeding of that we went for. The next day we went to the south and the south-west, and found a place, Avhereunto we brought our ship, and haled her aground : and Koveinbpr this was the iirst of November. By the tenth thereof wc the tenth ./ ./ J fiozeu in. ^vcre frozen in : but now we were in, it behoved us to have care of what we had ; for that Ave were sure of, but what wc had not was uncertaine. Wee were victualled for six moneths in good proportion, and of that which was good : if our master would have had more, he might have had it at home and in other places. Here we were now, and therefore it behoved us so to spend, that we might have (when time came) to bring us to the capes where the fowle bred,^ for that was all the hope wcc 1 Probably the south-eastern corner of Jamcs^ Bay. This bay cor- responds in almost every respect with the above description. ' Cape Wostcnholme and the opposite cape on one of the Diggs' Islands (see p. 107). -"•» (»*• WRITTEN I5Y ABACl'K PUICKKTT. in (litioiiH. had to bring us homo. Wherefore our master tookc order, fir^t for the spending of that wee had, and tlieii to increase it, by propounding a reward to them that killed either beast, fish, or fowle, as in his journall you have scene. About the middle of this moneth of November, dyed John AVilliams, ■i"'"' \yi'- our gunner : God pardon the masters uncharitable dealing with this man. Now for that I am come to speake of him, out of whose ashes (as it were) that unhappy deed grew which brought a scandall upon all that are returned home, and upon the action itsclfe, the multitude (like the dog) run- ning after the stone, but not at the caster : therefore, not to wrong the living nor slander the dead, I will (by the leave of God) deliver the truth as ncere as I can. You shall understand that our master kept (in his house at London) a young man, named Henrie Greene, borne in "emy Kent, of worshipfuU parents, but by his lend life and con- versation hee iiad lost the good will of all his frinds, and had spent all that hee had. This man our master would have to sea with him, because he could write well : our master gave him meatc, and drinke, and lodging, and by nicanes of one Master Venson, with much adoe got foure pounds of his mother to buy him clothes, wherewith Master A'cnson would not trust him : but saw it laid out himselfe. This Henrie Greene was not set downe in the owners booke, nor any wages made for him. Hee came first aboord at Gravcsend, and at Harwich should have gone into the field, with one Wilkinson. At Island' the surgeon and hee fell out in Dutch, and hee beat him a shoare'' in English, which set all the company in a rage ; so that wee had much adoe to get the surgeon aboord. I told the master of it, but hee bade mee let it alone, for (said he) the surgeon had a tongue that would Avrong the best friend hee had. Ihit llobert Juct (the masters mate) would needs biune his finger in the embers, and told the carpenter a long tale (when hee was ^ itt Iceland. sore 112 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, (Irunko) that our master had brought in Greene to cracke his credit that sliould displease him : which words came to the masters cares, who when hee luiderstood it, woukl have gone hackc to Island, when lie M'as ibrtie leagues from thence, to have sent home his mate Robert Juet in a fisher- man. But, being otherwise perswadcd, all was -well. So Henry Greene stood upright, and very inward Avith (Ik; master, and was a serviceable man every wav for manhood : *•"" but for reliction he would say, he was cleane pai:)er whereon IZ' ""lis t'Z**" . he miijht write what he would. Xow, when our gunner Avas •••.^Jl? dead, and (as the order is in such cases) if the company stand in need of any thing that belonged to the man de- ceased, then is it brought to the maync mast, and there sold to them that Avill give most for the same. This gunner had a gray cloth gowne, which Greene prayed the master to friend him so much as to let him have it, paying for it as another would give : the master saith hee should, and there- upon he answered some, that sought to have it, that Greene should have it, and none else, and so it rested. Greenes Now out of scasou and time the master callcth the car- penter to goe in hand with an house on shoare, which at the beginning our master would not heare, when it might havo been done. The carpenter told him, that the snow and frost were such, as hee neither could nor would goe in hand with such Avorkc. Which when our master heard, hee ferreted him out of his cabbin to strike him, calling him by many foule names, and threatning to hang him. The carpenter told him that hee knew what belonged to his place better than himselfe, and that hee was no house carpenter. So this passed, and the house was (after) made with much labour, hut to no end. The next day ftfter the master and the carpenter fell out, the carpenter tooke his peece' and Henry Greene with him, for it was an order that none should goe out alone, but one with a peecc, and another with a pike. This did ' His gun. WRITTEN RY ABACUK PRICKKTT. 113 move the master so much the more against Henry Greene, tliat Robert Billot his mate must have the gownc, and had it delivered unto him ; which when Henry Greene saw, he challenged the masters promise : but the master did so raile on Greene, with so many Mords of disgrace, telling him, that all his friends would not trust him with twenty shillings, and therefore why should he. As for wages he had none, nor none should have, if he did not please him well. Yet the master had promised him to make his wages as good as any mans in the ship ; and to have him one of the princes "'''« ~ ' diet. Vy ■•ml 114 A LAROEH DISCOL'HSE OF THE SAME VOYAOF, the powder of a post to bee much better, and the fror^^go (in his ingendring time as loathsome as a toade) was not sj)ared. lint amongst the divers sorts of buds, it pleased God that Thomas Woodhouse brought home a budde of a tree full of a turpentine substance. Of this our surgeon made a de- bualio'""'^'' coction to drinke, and applyed the buddes hot to them that were troubled with acli in any part of their bodies ; and for my part I confesse, I received great and present ease of my paine.^ Asnvnge. About tliis time, when the ice began to brcake out of the bayes, there came a savage to our ship, as it were to see and to bee scene, being the first that we had scene in all this time : whom our master intreated well, and made much of him, promising unto himselfe great matters by his meancs, and therefore would have all the knives and hatchets (which any man had) to his private use, but received none but from John King the carpenter, and my selfe. To this savage our master gave a knife, a looking-glasse, and buttons, who received them thankefully, and made signes that after hce had slept hee would come againe, which bee did. When hee came hee brought with him a sled, which hee drew after him, and upon it two deeres skinnes and two beaver skinncs. Hee had a scrip under his arme, out of which hee drew those things which the master had given him. Hee tooke the knife and laid it upon one of the beaver skinnes, and his glasses and buttons upon the other, and so gave them to the master, who received them ; and the savage tooke those things which the master had given him, and put them up into his scrip againe. Then the master shewed him an hatchet, for which hee would have given the master one of ^ The decoction here mentioned was probably an antiscorbutic medi- cine. Pricket's description of the malady, though so extremely vague, seems to justify this opinion. The editor has been unable to ascertain what tree Pricket refers to, or whether it is still applied to medical purposes. Tiirke. WRITTEN »Y AHACUK IMUCKKTT. 115 Ills (Iccrc skinnes, but our master would have them both, and so hee had, although not willingly. After many signos of people to the north and to the south, and that after so many slocpes he would come againe, he went his way, but never came more. Now the ice being out of the sounds, so that our boat might go from one place unto another, a company of men were appointed by the master to go a fishing with our net ; their names were as folio weth : William A^^ilson, Henry Greene, Michael Perec, John Thomas, Andrew Motor, Bennet Mathewes, and Arnold Lodlo. These men, the first day they went, caught five hundred fish, as big as good herrings, and some troutes : which put us all in some hope to have our wants supplied, and our commons amended : but these were the most that ever they got in one day, for many dayes they got not a quarter so many. In this time of their fishing, Henry Green and William Wilson, with some others, plotted to take the net and the shallop, which the carpenter had now set up, and so to shift for themselves. But the shallop being readie, our mastjr would goe in it himselfe to the south and south-west, to see if hee could meete with the people; for to that end was it set up, and (that way) wee might sec the woods set on fire by them. So the master tooke the sayne and the shallop, and so much victuall as would serve for eight or nine dayes, and to the south hee went. They that remained aboord were to take in water, wood, and ballast, and to have all things in a readinesse against hee came backe. But hee set no time of his returne, for he was perswaded, if he could meet with the people, he should have flesh of them, and that good store : but hee returned worse than hee went forth. For he could by no meanes meete wi':h the people, although they were neere them, yet they would set the woods on fire in his sight. Being returned, hee fitted all things for his returne, and first, delivered all the bread out of the bread roomc (which lie A LARGER DISCOURSK OF TIIR SAME VOYAOK, came to a pound a i)icce for every mans share) and delivered also a bill of retiirne, ■willing tlieni to have that to shew, if it pleased God that they came home : aiul hee wept when hec gave it unto them. But to helpe us in this poorc estate with some reliefe, the boate and sayne went to work on Friday morning, and stayed till Sunday noonc : at which time they came aboord, and brought fourescorc small fish, a TirnUB poore reliefe for so many hungry bellies. Then we wayed and stood out of our wintering place, and came to an anchor without, in the mouth of the bay : from whence we wayed and came to an anchor without in the sea, where our bread being gone, that store of cheese we had was to stop a gap, whereof there were five, whereat the company grudged, because they made account of nine. 13ut those that were left ■were equally divided by the master, although he had conn- sell to the contrarie : for there were some who having it, would make hast to bee rid thereof, because they could not govcrne it. I knew wlicn llcnrie Greene gave halfc his bread, which hec had for fourteene dayes, to one to keepc, and prayed him not to let him have any untill the next INFunday : but before Wednesday at night hec never left till hee had it againe, having eaten up his first wcekes bread before. So Wilson the boat-swaine hath eaten (in one day) his fortnights bread, and hath bcene two or three daycs sicke for his labour. The cause that moved the master to deliver all the cheese, was because they were not all of one goodnesse, and therefore they should see that they had no wrong done them : but every man should have alike the best and the worst together, -which was three pounds and a halfe for seven dayes. The wind serving, wc weighed and stood to the north- west, and on ]\Iunday at night (the ciyhtcenth day of Jiinef- ^ The vagueness of Pricket's geographicul statements, Avbich pre- cludes the satisfactory determinatiou of the spot where Hudson wintered, makes it equally impossible to ascertain his course during the few days AVHITTKN BY AMACUK I' KK'IvKTT. 117 wcc fill into the ice, and the next day, the wind being at west, we hiy there till Snnday in sight of land. Now being here, the nuvstcr told Nicholas Sinnncs that there would bo a breaking up of ehcsts and a search for bread, and willed liiin, if liee had any, to bring it to him, which hce did, and delivered to the master thirty cakes in a bagge. This deed of the master (if it bee true) hath made, me marvell what should bee the reason that hec did not stop the breach in the beginning, but let it grow to that height, as that it over- threw himselfe and many other honest men : but ** there are many devices in the heart of mail, hut the counsell of the Lord shall stand.''^ Being thus in the ice on Saturday, the one and twen- tieth of June, at night, "Wilson the boats wayne, and Henry wiiBondud •^ ' " ' _ . (iroeii, tlioir (irccne, came to mee lying (in my cabbin) lame, and told ^^'i'^"''' nice that they and the rest of their associates would shift the company, and turnc th.^ master and all the sickc men into the shallop, and let them shift for themselves. For there was not fourteen daies victuall left for all the company, at that poore allowance they were at, and that there they lay, the master not caring to goe one way or other : and that they had not eaten any thing these three dayes, and therefore were resolute, either to mend or end, and what they had begun they would goe through with it, or dye. When I heard this, I told them I marvelled to heare so much from them, con- sidering that they Avcre married men, and had wives and children, and that for their sakes they should not commit so foule a thing in the sight of God and man as that would bee ; for why should they banish themselves from their native countrie ? Henry Greene bad me hold my peace, for he knew the worst, Avhich was, to be hanged when hee came ho spent in his ship after leaving his harbour of refuge. The scene of the important events narrated on the present and the next pages was at no great distance (N.W.) from the south-eastern corner of James Bay. It seems impossible to fix the locality with any greater degree of pre- cision. 118 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THT. SAME VOYAGE, home, and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged at home then starved abroad : and for the good will they bare me, they would have mee stay in the ship. I gave them thankeir, and told them that I came into her, not to for- sake her, yet not to hurt my selfc and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told me then, that I must take my fortune in the shallop. If there be no remedy (said I) the will of God bee done. Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went about to disturbe them, and left Wilson by nic, with whom I had some t.^^ke, but to no good : for he "••-J"^ was so perswaded, that there Avas no remedie now » ut to goe on while it was hot, least their partie should faile Jiem, and '*' the mischiefe they had intended to others should li^ht on themselves. Henry Greene came againe, and demanded of him what I said. Wilson answered : He is in his old song, still patient. 'J'lien I spake to Henry Greene to stay three daycs, in which time I would so dcalc with the master that all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbeare but two day,:s, nay twelve houres ; there is no way then (say they) but out of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay till Munday, I would joyne with them to share all the vic- tuals in the ship, and would justify it when I came home; but this would not serve their turnes. Wherefore I told them, it was some worse matter they had in hand then they made shew of, and that it was bloud and revenge hee sought, or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such a deed. Henry Greene (with that) taketh my bible which lay before me, and sware that hee would doe no man harmc, and what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for nothing else ; and that all the rest should do the like. The like did Wilson sweare. s "^wid"^ ■ Henry Greene went his way, and presently came Juet, who, because hee was an ancient man, I hoped to have found some reason in him ; but hee wa. worse than Henry Greene, Seo Wid- liouscs notes. L.t .1! *^^ WRITTEN BY AIJACUK rUICKKTT. 119 for hce sware plainly that he would justifie this deed when he came home. After hi in came John Thomas and INIichael Perce as birds of one feather ; but because they are not living, I will let them goc, as then I did. Then came jSIoter and Bennet, of whom I demanded, if they were well advised what they had taken in hand. They answered, they were, and therefore came to take their oath. Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one of them that plotted with them, and that by an oath I should bind them together to pertorm what they had begun, I thought good heere to set downe to the viewe of all, how well their oath and deedes agreed : and thus it was ; — " You shall "i"^'' , sweare truth to God, your prince and countrie : you shall doe nothing, but to the glory of God and the good of the action in hand, and liarmc to no man." This was the oath, without adding or diminishing. I looked for more of these companions (although these were too many) but there came no more. It was darke, and they in a readinessc to put this deed of darkness in exccntion. I called to Ileury Greene and "Wilson, and prayed them not to goe in hand with it in the darke, but to stay till the morning. Now, everie man (I hope) would goe to his rest, but wickednesse sleepcth not ; for Henry Greene keepeth the master company all night (and gave mee bread, which his cabbin-mate gave liiui) and others are as watchfull as he. Then I asked Ilcnrie Greene, whom he would put out with the master ? he said, the carpenter John King, and the sicke men. I said, they should not doe well to part with the carpenter, what need soever they should have. Why the carpenter was in no more rc^gard amongst them was, first, for that he and John King were condemned for wrong done in the victuall. But the chiefest cause was for that the master loved him and made him his mate, upon his return out of our wintering place, thereby displacing llobert Billet, whereat they did grudge, because hec could neither write c I • I ttl fiimied, :i^ •' 120 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF TTIE SAME VOYAGE, nor read. And therefore (said they) the master and his ignorant mate woukl carry the ship whither the master pleased : the master forbidding any man to keepc account or reckoning, having taken from all men whatsoever served for that purpose. AVell, I obtained of Henry Greene and vented' Wilsou til at thc carpcutcr should stay, by whose mcanes I hojied (after they had satisfied themselves) that the master and the poore man might be taken into the ship againe. Or, I hoped, that some one or other would give some notice, cither to tlic carpenter John King or the master ; for so it might have come to passe by some of them that were thc •""^ most forward. Now, it shall not bee amisse to shew how wee were "' lodj'cd, and to begin in thc cooke roome ; there lay Bcnnct and thc cooper lame ; without the cooke roome, on the I* steere-board side, lay Thomas Wydhousc' sicke ; next to ,/ him lay Sydrack Funer lame; then the surgeon, and John Hudson with him ; next to them lay Wilson the boatswaine, and then Arnold Lodlo next to him: in the gun-roome lay liobcrt Jiict and John Thomas; on the larboord side lay Michael Ikite and Adria Moore, who had never beene well since wee lost our anchor ; next to them lay Michael Perce and Andrew rioter. Next to them, without the gun-roome, lay John King, and witli him ]vobert liillct r next to them my selfe, and next to me Francis Clements. In the mid- ship, betwecne thc capstone and the pumpes, lay llenrie Greene and Nicholas Simmes. This niyht John Kincr was late up, and they thought he had beene with the master, but he was with thc carpenter, who lay on the poope, and coni- ming downc from him was met by his cabbin-mate, as if were by chance, and so they came to their cabbin together. It was not long ere it was dav : then came Bcnnct for water ' The " student of matlieiuatics," whose "impcr fouml in his desk" foniis ])iirt of the jirescnt collection - Dylut. ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. 121 or the kettle, hee rose and went into the hold : when hce was in they shut the hatch on him (but wlio kept it downe I know not), up upon the deck went Bennet. In the racane time Hcnrie Greene and another went to the carpenter, and held him with a talkc till the master came out of his cahbin (which hce soone did) ; then came Tiioybind tlie master John Thomas and Bennet before him, while Wilson bound his armcs behind him. He asked them what they meant ? they told him he should know when he was in the sh '' n. Now Juet, while this was a doing, came to John Kin^ ,'..o the hold, who was provided for him, for he had got a sword of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might have killed him, but others came to hclpe him : aiul so he came up to the master. The master called to the carpenter and told him that he was bound, but I heard no answerc he made. Now Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute rayled at them, and told them their knaverie would shew itsolfe. Then was the shallop haled up to the ship side, and the poore, sicke, and lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabbins into the shallop. The master called to me, Avho came out of my cabbin as well as I could, to the hatch way to speake Avith him : where, on my knees I besought them, for the love of God, to remember themselves, and to doe as they would be done unto. They bade me kccpe myselfe well, and get me into my cabbin ; not suffering the master to speake with me. But when I came into my cabbin againe, hoc called to me at the home which gave light into my cahbin, and told mee that Juet would overthrow us all ; nay (said I) it is that villaine Henrie Greene, and I spake it not softly. Now was the carpenter at libertie, who asked them if they would bee hanged when they came home : and as for him- sclfc, hee said, hee would not stay in the ship unlesse they The rariien. ter let gue. would force him : they bad him goe then, for they would not stay him. I will (said hee) so I may have my chest with ir> I I I : I' 122 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, mce, and all that is in it : they said hcc should, and presently they put it into the shallop. Then hee came downc to mee to take his leave of mee, who persuaded him to stay, which if he did, he might so workc that all should bee well : hee said, hee did not thinke but they would be glad to take them in againe. For he was so persuaded by the master, that there was not one in all the ship that could tell how to carry her home ; but (saith hee) if we must part (which wee will not willingly doe, for they would follow the ship) hee prayed mee, if wee came to the Capcs^ before them, that I '"*"" would leave some token that we had been there, necre to the l^lace where the fowles bred, and hee would doe the like for .»^lii us : and so (with teares) we parted. Now Avcre the sickc ,0f men driven out of their cabbins into the shallop ; but Johu •tail ••<•' Thomas was Francis Clements friend, and Bennet was the Coopers, so as there were words bctweene them and Henric Greene, one saving that tliev should goe. and the other swearing that they should not goe, but such as were in the shallop should returnc. When Ilenrie Greene heard that, he was compelled to give piace, and to put out Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute, which with much adoe they did. In the meane time, there were some of them that plycd their worke as if the ship had been entred by force and they had fi'ee leave to pillage, breaking up chests and rifling all places. One of them came by me, who asked me, what they should doe. I answered, hee should make an end of what hee had begun ; for I saw him doe nothing but sharke up Tiienamea and doAvuc. Nowc wcrc all the poore men in the shallop, ofiliei'om- ^insni'inti, whose names are as followcth : Ilenrie Hudson, John Hud- limiK.l" '° ^^^2 Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Faner, Phillip Staffe, Thomas ^ Cape Worstenhohne and Cape Diggs. ^ Several works on arctic discovery assert that this John Hudson was the son of the gresit navigator. This is merely a conjecture, though not an unlikely one. It rests upon the fact that John was a boy when ho lest his life together with his supposed father. WlllTTKN IJY AbACUK PHlCKin'T. lUS AVoodhousc or "Wydhousc, Adam Moore, Hcnric King, INIichael Bute. The carpenter got of them a pcece, and powder, and shot, and some pikes, an iron pot, with some meale, and other things. They stood out of the ice, the shallop being fast to the sternc of the shippe, and so (when they were nigh out, lor I cannot say they were cleane out) they cut her head fast from the stcrne of our ship, then out with their top-sayles, and towards the east they stood in a clecre sea. In the end they tooke in their top-sayles, righted their helme, and lay under their fore-sayle till they had ransacked and searched all places in the ship. In the hold they found one of the vessels of meale whole, and the other halfe spent, for wee had but two ; wee found also two firkins of butter, some twentie-seven pieces of porkc, halfe a bushell of pease ; but in the masters cabbin we found two hundred of bisket cakes, a pecke of meale, of beere to the quantitie of a butt, one with another. Now it was said that the shallop was come within sight, they let fall the mainsayle, and out with their top-sayles, and fly as from an enemy. Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves ; but William AV^ilson (more than the rest) woidd heare of no suck matter. Comming nigh the east shore they cast about, and stood to the west and came to an iland,* and anchored in sixteen e or seventecne fathome water. So they sent the boat and the net ashoare to see if they could have a draught ; but could not for rocks and great stones. Michael Perse killed two fowle, and lieere they found good store of that weede which we called cocklc-grasse in our wintering- place, whereof they gathered store, and came aboard againe. Ilcere we lay that night and the best part of the next day, 1 Pricket's geographical statements about the rcti'rn voyage arc even vaguer thau those about the voyage out. A few of them only serve as foundations for guesses at the real localities touched by the returning party. The statement to which the present note refers is not of that number; and it is absolutely impossible to guess what island is hero meant. ■«aii 124 A LARGER DISCOUIISK OF TIIK SAME VOYAGE, Last Bight in all which time we saw not the shallop, or ever after. ol tho ^ ' siiuiioj). Now Hcnric Greene came to me and told mec, that it was the companies will that I should come up into the masters cabbin and take charge thereof. I told him it was more fit for llobert Juet . he said he should not come in it, nor meddle with the masters card or journals. So up I came, and Ilenrie Greene gave me the key of the masters chest, and told me then, that he had laid the masters best things together, which lice would use himselfe when time did serve: the bread was also delivered to me by tale. The wind serving, wee stood to the north-east, and this was Robert Billets course, contraric to Robert Juet, who would have gone to the north-west. We had the easternc ^f shoare still in sight, and (in the night) had a stout gale of wind, and stood afore it till wee met with ice, into the which we ranne from thinne to thicke, till we could goe no further for ice, which lay so thicke ahead of us (and the '.vind brought it after us asterne) that wee could not stirre backward nor forward ; but so lay imbaycd fourteene daies in worse ice then ever wee met to deale withall, for we had beene where there was greater store, but it was not so broad upon the ■water as this; for this floting ice contained miles and halfe miles in compasse, where we had a deepe sea, and a tide of flood and ebbe, which set north-west and south-east. Heere Robert Juet would have gone to the north-west, but Robert Billet was confident to go through to the north-east, which iiands. ^^'^ ^^^' -^^ ^^^^' being cleere of this ice, he continued his course in sight of the easterne shore till he raysed fourc islands, which lay north and south , but wc passed them sixe or seven leagues, the wind tooke us so short. Then wee stood backe to them againe, and came to an anchor betwcene two of the most northernmost. We sent the boat ashoare, to sec if there were any thing there to be had, but found nothing but cocklc-grasse, whereof they gathered 1 Probably not far from Portland Point, 58° 50' N., 79° W. WKITTEN HY AIJACUK PRICKETT. 125 store, and so returned aboord. Before we came to this place, I might well see that I was kept in the ship against Henry Greenes minde, because I did not favour their proceedings better than I did. Then hee began (very subtilly) to drawe me to take upon me to search for those things which liim- selfe had stolnc : and accused me of a matter no Icsse then treason amongst us, that I had deceived the company of thirtie cakes of bread. Now they becran to talke amongst P^e wicked •' " ° floe where themselves, that England was no safe place for them, and guetu!'"'^' Henry Greene swore the shippe should not come into any place (but kcepe the sea still) till he had the kings majesties hand and scale to shew for his safetie. They had many devices in their heads, but Henry Greene in the end was their captaine, and so called of them. From these ilands we stood to the north-cast and the ( caster land still in sight : wee raysed those ilands, that our \ master called Rumnies Hands.' Betwcene these ilands and . the shallow ground, to the east of them, our master went downe into the first great bay.^ We kept the east shoare still in our sight, and comming thwart of the low land, wee ranne on a rocke that lay under water, and strooke but once ; for if shee had, we might have beene made inhabitants of tliat place ; but God sent us soone off without any harme that wee saw. Wee continued our course and raysed land a head of us, which stretched out to the north : Avhich when they saw, they said plainly, that llobort Billet by his north- erly course had left the capes to the south, and that they were best to seekc downe to the south in time for reliefe before all was gone; for we had small store left. But Robert Ihllet would follow the land to the north, saying that he hoped in God to find somewhat to releeve us that way as ' Theso islands arc not marked on Hudson's chart ; they are, how- ■ ever, certainly near the mouth of IVIosquito Bay. Perhaps some of the islands near Cape Smith are meant. ^ INIosquito Buy. ^••**|« grussc. •i«i 12G A 1>AKGER DISCOUKSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, soonc as to the south. I told them that this hmd was the maynu of Worscnhonie Capo, and that the shallow rockie ground was the same that the master went downe hy when he went into the great bay. llobert Juet and all said it was not possible, unlesse the master had brought the ship over land, and Milled them to lookc into the masters card and their course how well they did agree. AVc stood to the cast and left the maync land to the north, by many small Hands into a narrow gut betwecnc two lands, and there came to an anchor.' The boat wxnt ashoaro on the north side, where we found the great home, but nothing else. The next day wee went to the south side, but found nothing there save cockle grasse, of which we gathered. This grasse was a jj great reliefc unto us, for without it we should hardly have got to the capes for want of victuall. The wind serving we stood out, but before we could get cleane out the wind came to the west, so that we were constrayncd to anchor on the north side. The next day, wee weighed and doubled the point of the North Land, which is high huul, and so contiuueu Lu the capes, lying north and south, some five-and-twcntie or thirtie leagues. To the north we stood to sec store of those foules that breed in the Capes, and to kill some with our shot, and to fetch them with our boat. We raised the Ca])es with joy and bare for them, and came to the ilands that lie in the mouth of the streight;^ but bearing in bctweenc the Rockie ^ They were near the eastern coast of the l)ay, and, as appears from the statements on the next page, about twenty-five leagues (seventy-five roots) south of Cape Worstenholnie. But they themselves had entirely lost their way. We see them groping about like children in a strange place, trying to find some locality the features of which they remember. The cai)es, that is to say Cai)e Worstcnholme and Cape Diggs, were their great hope. Their anxiety to reach them was so great, that they actually were afraid they had passed them and were to the north of them, whilst in reality they were more than a degree to the south of these capes. " The strait between Cape Worstenholme and Cape Diggs. The islands arc those of the Diggs' Islands group. ^MUTTEN UY ABACUK I'RICKETT. 127 lies, Avo rannc on a rocke that lay under water, and there a mcko. stuckc fast eight or nine houres. It was cbbin•'>• ^r. sent the boat to fetch some fowle, and the ship should way and stand as neere as they could, for the wind was against us. They had a great way to row, and by that meanes they could not reach to the place where the fowle bred ; but found good store of gulls, yet hard to conic by, on the rocks and cliffcs ; but with their peeces they killed some thirtie, and towards ni"ht returned. Now wee had broiiiiht our ship more neere to the mouth of the streights,' and there came to an anchor in eighteenc or twentie fathom Avatcr, upon a rilfc or shelfe of ground ; which after they had weighed their anchor, and stood more neere to the place where the fowle bred,'-^ they covild not find it againe, nor no place like it: but were faine to turne to and fro in the mouth of the streight, and to be in danger of rockes, because they could not find ground to let fall an anchor in, the water was so dcepe. The eight and twentieth day, the boat went to Digges his Cape for fowle, and made directly for the place where the foAvle bred, and being neere, they saw seven boates come about the easterne point towards them. When the savages suv.igos. saw our boatc, they drew themselves together, and drew their lesser boats into theii bigger : and when they had done, they came rowing to our boat, and made signcs to the west, but they made readie for all assayes. The savages came to ' The northern mouth of the strait. " The reader will remeniher, that on their first visit to Cape Diggs, tlicy had found there an abundance of birds and eggs. . ^* 4 1^8 A LAIUiEU DISCOUUSK OF TTIE SAMK VOYAGE. SftVflROS ijiainu'r (if I'owliiij,'. Greenes contideuce. them, and by signcs grew familiar one with anotlicr, so as our men tooke one of theirs into our boate, and they tookc one of ours into their boate. Then tJioy carried our man to a cove Avhere tlieir tents stood towards the west of the ph^ce, where the fowle bred : so they carried him into their tents, wliere he remayned till our men returned with theirs. Our boat went to the place where the fowle bred, and were desirous to know how the savages killed their fowle : he shewed them the manner how, which was thuf< : they take a long pole with a snare' at the end, which they put about the fowles nccke, and so plucke them downe. When our men knew that they had a better way of their owne, they shewed him the use of our peeccs, which at one shot would kill seven or eight. To be short, our boat returned to their cove for our man and to deliver theirs. AVhen they came they made great joy, with dancing, and leaping, and stroking of their breasts : they offered divers things to our men, but they only tooke some morses teeth, which they gave them for a knife and two glasse buttons : and so receiving our man they cuuie aboard, much rejoicing at this chance, as if they had met with the most simple and kind people of the world. And Henry Greene (more then the rest) was so confident, that (by no meanes) we should take care to stand on our guard : God blinding him so, that where bee made reckon- ing to receive great matters from these people, he received more then he looked for, and that suddenly, by being made a good example for all men: that make no conscience of doing evill, and that wc take heed of the savage people, how simple soever they seeme to be. The next day, the nine and twentieth of July, they made haste to be ashoare,' and because the ship rid too farrc off, ^ A noose. This method of the Hudson's Bay Esriuiinaux, of catching birds with a sort of lasso, has, the editor believes, not beeu rucntioued by any other voyager in these regions. 2 On Cape Diggs' Island. WHITTKN BY AUACUK PRICK KTT. If2i) I hoy weighed and stood as neere to tlic place where the lowlo bred as tliey could ; and because I was lame I was to £^o in the boat, to carry such things as I had in the cabbin, of every thing somewhat ; and so, with more haste then good s})eed (and not without swearing) away we Avent, Henry (jreene, William Wilson, John Thomas, INIichael Perse, Andrew Meter, and my selfe. When we came neere the shoare, the people were on the hils dancing and leaping : to the covo we came, where they had drawne up their boatcs : wee brought our boatc to the east side of the cove, close to the rockes. Ashoare they went, and made fast the boat to a great stone on the shoare ; the people came, and every one had somewhat in his hand to barter ; but Henry Greene swore they should have nothing till he had venison, for they had so promised him by signcs. Now when wc came, they made signes to their dogges f^nvaues fwliercof there were many like mongrels, as biggc as hounds), and pointed to their mountaine and to the sunne, clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, John Thomas, and Y.'illiam AVilson stood hard by the boate head, Michael Perse and Andrew INIoter were got up \ipon the rock a f''^ijff''f " 11 treulicrio. gathering of sorrcll ; not one of them had any weapon about him, not so much as a sticke, save Henry Greene only, who had a piece of a pike in his hand : nor saw I any thing that they had wherewith to hurt us. Henry Greene and William A\'ilson had looking-glasses, and Jcwes trumps,' and bels, Avliich they w^erc shewing the people. The savages standing round about them, one of them came into the boats head to mc to shew me a bottle : I made signes to him to get him ashoare, but he made as though he had not understood me, whereupon I stood uj) and pointed him ashoare. In the meane-time another stole behind me to the stcrne of the boat, and when I saw him ashoare that was in the head of the boat I sate downe againe, but suddenly I saw the logge ^ .Jew's harps. 17 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V /. :/ A, 1.0 I.I 1.25 •^ IM 12.2 I ^ IIIIIM Uuu 1.4 1.8 1.6 V] <^ n ^ 'c='l Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. I4S80 (716) 872-4503 iV 4U- \\ 9) V 1^ \j «' should I use words, unequall pay to him, unequall stay to .♦»' thee ?) from him, I say, so great a furtherer of the north- t* west discoverie, and of your discoverer the poore Pilgrim -.« and his pilgrimage, having received full relations, I have •■"" becne bold with the reader to insert this voyage more •"•^* largely. ^ . sii Tho. In the vcare 1610, Sir Tho. Smith, Sir Dudley Di"o:os, I, and INIaster John Wostcnholme, with other their friends, fur- nished out the said Henry Hudson, to try if, through any of those inlets which Davis saw but durst not enter, on tho westerne side of Fretum Davis, any passage might be found to the other ocean called the South Sea. There barke was named the Discoverie. They passed by Island, and saw Mount Hecla cast out fire (a noted signc of foule weather towards ; others conceive themselves and deceive others with I know not what purgatorie fables hereof confuted by A.Jo. ciy- Arnajrin Jonas, an Islander, who reprovcth this and manv other dreames related by authors, say'ng, that from the , yeere 1558 to 1592 it never cast forth any flames) they left the name to one harbour in Island, Lousy liay : they had there a bath hot enough to scald a fowle. They raised Gron- land th.G fourth of June, and Desolation after that; whence they plyed north-west among ilands of ice, whereon tlicy miglit runne and play, and filled sweet water out of ponds therein: some of them aground in sixe or seven score fadomc water, and on divers of them beares and patriches. They ^ Extracts of Arngrim Jonas, an Islander, his Chrymogsea or Historic of Island, published anno Domini 1609. — Purchas Pilgrims, iii, p. 054- G5i). ••■I ,, t oi' Hudson's discovkries and dkath. 141 gave names to certainc Hands, of Gods mercy, Prince Hen- ries Forland, K. James his Cape, Q. Annes Cai)c. One morning, in a fogge, they were carried by a set of the tide from N.E. into one of the inlets above mentioned, the depth whereof and plying forward of the ice made Hudson hope it would prove a through-fare. After he had sailed herein by his computation 300 leagues west, he came to a small strait of two leagues over, and very deepe water, through which he passed betweene two headlands, which he called, that on the south Cape Wostenholme, the other to the N.W. Digges Hand, in deg. 62, 44' minutes, into a spacious sea, wherein he saylcd above a hundred leagues south, confi- (li-ntly proud that he had won the passage. ]jut finding at length by shole water that he was embayed, "u'Iso'ih he was much distracted therewith, and committed many crrours, especially in resolving to winter in that desolate place, in such want of necessarie provision. The third of Nocemher he moored his barke in a small cove, where they had all undoubtedly perished, but that it pleased God to send them several kinds of fowle : they killed of white pitridges above a hundred and twcntie dozen. These left them at the spring, and other succeeded in their place, swan, goose, teale, duckc, all easie to take ; besides the bless- • ing of a tree, which in December blossomed, with leaves a suimgo rrtco greene and yellow, of an aromaticall savour, and being boyled yeelded an oyly substance, which proved an excel- lent salve, and the decoction being drunke proved as whole- some a potion, whereby they were cured of the scorbute, sciaticas, crampes, convulsions, and other diseases, which the coldnesse of the climate bred in them. At the opening of , i the yeere also, there came to his ships side such abundance , offish of all sorts, that they might therewith have fraught | ; themselves for their returne, if Hudson had not too dcspe ' ' lately pursued the voyage, neglecting this oportunitie of ' * Seo note to page 138. Mi-y\ y 142 OF Hudson's discoveries and death. storing themselves with fish, which hee committed to the care of certaine carelesse dissolute villaines, which in his absence conspired against him ; in few daycs the fish all for- sooke them. Once a savage visited them, who for a knife, glassc, and beades given him, returned with bevers skins, deeres skins, and a sled. At Hudsons returne, they set sayle for England. But in a few dayes, their victuals being almost spent, and hee, out of his dcspaire, letting fall some words of setting some on shore, the former conspirators (the chiefc whereof was Hen. Greene, none of their allowed company, These were but taken in bv Hudson himselfe: and one Wilson) entred tlu worst, or •' thTcom-°* ^^^ cabin in the night, and forced him the master, together i""'y- with his Sonne John Hudson, Tho. Widowes,' Arn. Ludlo, Sidrach Faner, Ad. Moce, Hen. King, Mic. Bute, to take shallop and seeke their fortune. But see what sinceritie can doe in tiie most desperate tryals. One Philip StafFe, an Ipswich man, who, according to his name, had beene a prin- cipall staffe and stay to the weaker and more enfeebled courages of his companions in the whole action, lighten- ing and unlightening their drooping darkened spirits, with sparkes from his owne resolution ; their best purveyor, with his peece on shore, and both a skilfull carpenter and lusty mariner on board ; when he could by no perswasions, sea- soned with tears, divert them from their divellish designes, notwithstanding they entreated him to stay with them, yet chose rather to commit himselfe to Gods mercy in the for- lorne shallop, then with such villaines to accept of likelier hopes. A few dayes after, their victuals being spent, the ship came aground at Digges Hand, and so continued divers houres, till a great floud (which they by this accident tookc we8't/a"\. 12, Purchas thinks that the notes from the 11th of July down to the end seem to be due to Hudson. The log- book contains, however, no mention of Hakluyt's Headland nor of Hud- son's Tutches, both mentioned in the journal which Edge saw. The observation about the distance from Greenland to Spit7,bergon, derived by Fotherby from the same journal, is likewise not to be met with in the log-book. •' The naming of Whale Bay is not mentioned in the log-book. The bay is, however, spoken of as Whale's Bay on p. 20. A description is to be found on p. 14, from which it appears that the bay is near Collins' Cape, somewhere about the north-west extremity of 8pit7,bergen, not far from 80°. Hudson saw there many whales, and lost part of his line in fishing for one. That same whale nearly upset his ship. This occur- rence is alluded to on p. 20. ■* Hakluyt's Headland appears on all the ancient maps of Spitzberger. ; I!) i 'i 146 Hudson's first voyagk. island lying in scvcnty-onc degrees, which he named Hud- son's Tutches. 1 ' me: islands CAPTAIN FOTHERBY'S STATEMENT CONCERNIN(J HUDSON'S JOURNAL OF HIS FIRST VOYAGE. (puuciiAS, III, P. 730.) Having perused Hudson's journall, writ by his own hands, in that voyage wherein he had sight of certayne land, which he named Hold-with-Hope,*^ I found that by his owne reckon- ing it should not be more than one hundred leagues from King James his Newland,^ and in latitude 72° 30'. for the first time on that of the arctic regions, of Jodocus Hondius, in- cluded in the present collection. Still it is impossible to fix the exact locality. The headland is very near Collins' Cape and Whales' Bay, but still farther north-west. Modern maps place it on the north-west extre- mity of Spitzbergen, on the mainland, or on some one of the neighbour- j 1 A direct clue to this important discovery is not furnished by the logbook. It contains no detailed entry between the ship's departuie from Bear Island (74° 3U' N., 19° E.), and its arrival at the Farcer Islands in 02°. Still there can hardly be any doubt about the fact, that Jlud- son''s Tutches is identical with the Jan Mayen Island of our maps (71° 20' N., 19° W.) The number of European islands in latitude 71° is very small. Those to the north of Norway were too well known in Hudson's time to be mentioned as new discoveries, even had he touched one of them ; but they are many degrees too far east to fall into his track. Then only Jan Mayen remained. To touch it Hudson must have sailed rather more to the west than was necessary. His purpose in doing so is, however, explained by his observations on p. 20. (See the passage to which note 1 on that page refers.) ^ According to the logbook (p. G) the latitude is 73°. ^ Spitzbergen. The logbook contains no calculations, like the one indi- cated here, as forming part of Hudson's journal. 147 HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE (1609). ruoM VAN mktkken's histokte der nedeulanden. FOL., HAGUK, 1614, FOL, 629. a. We have observed in our last book, that the Directors of the Dutch East India Company sent out in March last year, on purpose to seek a passage to China by northeast or north- west, an experienced English pilot, named Henry Hudson, in a vlie boat,^ having a crew of eighteen or twenty hands, partly English, partly Dutch.'^ This Henry Hudson left the Texel the 6th of April,"* 1G09, and having doubled the Cape of Norway^ the 5th of Wy hebben in t voorgaende Bocch gheseyt dat de Oost-Iudische Bowindthebbers in Hollandt, in Meerte lest uytghesonden hadden om passagie by het Noordt-oosten ofte Noordt-wcstcn tc socckcu luic China, te wetcn cen Kloeck Enghels Piloot Herry Hutson ^flicnoemt, met eenen Ylieboot ontrcnt aclithieu ofte twintlcli Manuen, Engelsclic ende Nederlauders op hebbcudc, wel besorcht. Desen Herry Hutson is uyt Texel uyt-ghevaren den sesten April 1009. ende hy diibbelde dc Cabo van Norweghca den vijf'dcu Mey, ^ Vlie boats were rather flat bottomed yachts, constructed for the (litTicuIt navigation of the sandy entrance to the Zuyder Zee, between the islands of Vlieland and Texel, called the Vlie. These vessels and even their name were imitated by the English, who called them fly-boats, and by the French, who called them ff/Ues. (Compare Brodhead, /list. of A\'u' York, pp. 23, 24, note.) ^ There is no such notice in the preceding book of Van Meteren. ' This is new style. Juet (p. 45) says that they sailed from the Texel on the 27th of JVIarch. The difference between the two styles was, in 1()()!), ten days. Thus the 27th of March and the 6th of April are iden- tical. ' The North Cape, (Juet, p. -ir,.) 148 Hudson's tuikd voyage. JNIay, directed liis course along the northern coasts towards Nova Zembla ; but he there found the sea as full of ice as ho had found it in the preceding year, so that he lost the hope of efl'ecting anything during the season. This cir- cumstance, and the cold which some of his men who had been in the East Indies could not bear, caused quarrels among the crew, they being partly English, partly Dutch; upon which the captain, Henry Hudson, laid before them two propositions ; the first of these was, to go to the coast of America to the latitude of 40°. Tliis idea had been suggested to him by some letters and maps which his friend Capt. Smith had sent him from Virginia,^ and by whicli he informed him that there was a sea leading into the western ocean, by the north of the southern English colony. Had this information been true (experience goes as yet to the contrary), it would have been of great advantage, as indicating a short way to India. The other proposition was, to direct their search to ende hielt sijnen cours na Nova Zembla laughs de Noortsche Kus- tcn, maer vondt uldaer de Zee soo vol ijs, als by 't voorgaende Jaer gbevonden badde, soo dat sy de hoope van dat Jaer aldaer den moet verloren : waer over om do koude, die eenigbe die wel \n Oost-Iiidieu gbesveest waren, qualijck berduren Konden, zijn sy twistigb gbeworden onder den anderen, zijude Engbelscbe ende Nederlanders, waer over de Scbipper Ilutson hun voor hiel twee dinghen, d' eeiste was te gacn op veertigb graden na de custeu van America, hier toe meest beweegbt zijnde, door Brleven ende Caerten, die een Capiteyn Smlt hem uyt Virginia gbesondcu badde, daer mede by hem aenwees een Zee, om te vaien bun Zuytscbe Colonic aende Noordt-zijde, ende van daer te gaen in een Wcsterlijcke Zee dat welcke soo alsoo gbcweest ware, (alsoo do ervaientbeyt tot nocb toe contrarie wijst,) soo sonde bet een seer vorderlijcke saecke gbeweest bebben, ende eenen korten wegh oa\ inde Indicn tc vaeren. Den anderen voorslagb was, den wegli te ' Tbe probable nature of these maps will be explained in the intro- duction. IIUUSOM S TllIKO VOYAGE. 14i) Davis's Straits. This meeting with general approval, they sailed on the 14th of May,' and arrived with a good wind at the Faroe Islands, where they stopped but twenty-four hours to supply themselves with fresh water. After leaving these islands, they sailed on till, on the 18th oi" July, they reached the coast of Nova Francia, under 44°, where they were obliged to land for the purpose of getting a new foremast, having lost theirs. They found this a good place for cod- fishing, as also for the traffic in skins and furs, Avhich were to be got there at a very low price. But the crew behaved badly towards the people of the country, taking their property by force ; out of which there arose quarrels among them.' The English fearing that they would be out-nuni- soecken door de strate Davis, dat welcke sy Generalijckcn besloten, dies sy den 14 Meyc derwaerts toe zeylden, cnde quamen met gocden Windt den lesteii Meye, aent Eylandt van Faro, ducr sy ullecnlijck vieren-twintigh uren overbrochten, met vcrsche Water in te nemen, vcrtreckende voeren sy tottcn 18 Julij tot op de Cus- ten van Nova Francia, op vier en veertich graden, daer sy moesten inloopen, cm eenen nieuwen voor-mast te bekomen, den haren vei'loorcu liobbende, die sy daer vondeu ende opstelden, sy von- dcn die plaetse bequaem om Cabbeliaeu te vanghen, als cock otn TraiRque, van goede Huyden ende Pelsen, ot'te weyeringhc dat aldaer om ecn kleyn dinghen te bekomen was, niaer het schipvolck leefden qualijck mettet landt-volck, dinghen met ghe- weldt nemende, waer over sy twistigh ondcr den anderen wcrden, de Enghelsche vreesende dat sy vermandt waren ende weeckste, ^ Juct has purposely omitted all statements concerning the voyage liom the North Oapo to Nova Zembla, and back to the North Cape. There is no eiury between the 5th and the 19th of May. For the im- portant events which passed in the interval, Van Meteren is the only authority. ^ Near Pennobscot Bay, Juet, pp. GO, 01. Juet tries to justify the couduct of the crew, saying that they distrusted the savages, and that in robbing them and firing at them, they did so as the savages would have dune to them. : I rji 150 Hudson's third voyage. bei'cd and worsted, were therefore afraid to make any fur- ther attempt. They left that place on the 26th of July, and kept out at sea till the 3rd of August, when they were again near the coast in 42° of latitude. Thence they sailed on till, on the 12th of August, they reached the shore under 37° 45'. Thence they sailed along the shore, until we (sic) reached 40° 45', where they found a good entrance, between two headlands, and thus entered on the 12th of September, into as fine a river as can be found, with good anchoring ground on both sides. Their ship sailed up the river as far as 42° 40'. Then their boat went higher up. Along the river they found sen- sible and warlike people; whilst in the highest part the people were more friendly, and had an abundance of provisions, skins, and furs, of martens and foxes, and many other commodities, as birds and fruit ; even white and red grapes. 'These Indians traded most amicably with the people from ende daeromme vrecsden sy vorder te versoecken, aldus scheydcn sy van daer den 26 Julij, ende hielden de zee tot den deiden Augustij, ende quamen by landt op twee-en veertich graden, van diier voeren sy vorder tot den 12 Augustij, sy quamen Aveder by landt, op de latitude van seven-en ertich drie quart, van daer hielden sy by lant, tot dat wy quamen op veertich en drie quart graden, aldaer sy vonden eenen goeden ingangh tusschen twee f hoofden, ende voeren daerinne den 12 Septembris, een alsoo (I , .... ' schoonen Reviere als men konde vinden, wijdt ende diepe ende , goeden ancker grondt, ende was aen bey den zijden, eyndclijck ;; quamen sy op de latitude van twee-en-vcertich graden, ende veertich \ minuten, met hun groot schip. Dan haer schips boot voer hoogcr inde Reviere. Voor inde Reviere vonden sy Kloeck end'' ' j weerbacr volck, maer binnen in t'uyterste vonden sy vriendelijck ende beleeft volck, die vcel lijftocht hadden, ende veel Vellen ende , j Pelterijen, Maertens, Vossen ende veel ander commoditeyten, vog- •-. helenvrucliten, selveWijn-druyven, witte ende roode, ende handelden beleef'delijcken metten volcke, ende brochten van als watmede : als HUDSON S THIKI) VOYAGK. 161 the ship ; and of all the above mentioned commodities, they brought some home. When they had tlius been about fifty leagues up the river, they returned on the 4th of October, and went a^ain to sea. More could have been done, if the crew had been willing, and if the M'ant of some necessary provisions had not prevented it. While at sea, they held council together, but were of different opinions. The mate, a Dutchman, advised to winter in Newfoundland, and to search the north-western passage of Davis throughout. This was opposed by Hudson. He was afraid of his mu- tinous crew, who had sometimes savagely threatened him, and he feared that during the cold season they would entirely consume their provisions, and would then be obliged to return. Many of the crew also were ill and sickly. Nobody however spoke of returning home to Holland, which circumstance made the captain still more suspicious. He proposed therefore to sail to Ireland, and winter there ; which they all agreed to. At last they arrived at Dartmouth, sy nu ontrcnt vyftich mijlcn hoogh op dc llevierc ghewecst Imddeu zijn sy weder-ghckeert den vicrdcn Octobris, cndc licbbcn liun wcdev tcr /ce bcghcvcn, dacr hadden nicer konncn nyt ghcrecht wordcn, liadde daer goedcn willo in t'sclnpvolck gliewcest, endc son mede ghebreck van eenighe nootdruft, sidcks nict haddc ver- hindert. In Zee hebben sy hmi beraedtslacght, cnde waren van verscheydcn opinien, de Onder Schipper een Nederlandcr, was van meyninghe op Terra Nova, to gaen verwinteren, ende de noordt- wcste passagie van Davis te door-soecken, daer was de Schipper Ilutson tegen, die vreesde sijn gemuytineert volck, om sy by wijlen hem rouwelijck hadden ghcdreycht, ende datse mede, voor de koudc des Winters, liun gheheel souden verterren, ende dan moeten keeren, veel van 't volck teer ende sieckelijck, niemandt nochtans sprack van t'huys nae Hollandt te varen, dat den Schipper meerder-hande achter-denckcn gaf, dies hy voorsloech nae Irlant te varen verwinteren, daer sy alle toestemden, dan ten lesten zijn sy in Enghclandt, tot Dertmouth den sevenden November ghekomen, van 152 iirnsox's thikd voyaok. in England, the 7th of Novomhor, whonco they infornird their employers the Directors of the East India Company of their voyage. They proposed to them to go ont again for a search in the north-west, and that besides the pay, fifteen hnndrcd florins should he laid out for an additional supplv •i»«"* of provisions. Hudson also wanted six or seven of his crew Cj^J» exchanged for others, and their number raised to tAventy. ^;5'^ He was then going to leave Dartmouth on the 1st of March, Zi*;',1 so as to be in the north-west towards the end of that month, r.j;;j) and there to spend the whole of April, and the first half of "",1 May, in catching whales and other fish in the neighbourhood of Panar Island ;^ thence to sail to the north-west, and there ^mii to pass the time till middle of September, and then to return *" ,0i to Holland along the north-eastern coast of Scotland. Thus ' •••t ^ "••"I this vovaLTc passed off. 1 \ I ii waer sy hacr Mccstcrs dc Bcwindt-hcbbcrs in IToUandl hcbbcn hacr reyse vcrwittiglit, voorslagb docndc dat sy van het noort-wcstc to gacn vcrsocckcn, met vijfthien hondcrt gulden in ghclde nicer in noordruft tc bcstcdcn, bencffcns den loon, onde dat sy in t' schip alrccdc baddcn, dies wilde by ses ofte seven van sijn voick verandcrt hcbbcn, tot, twintich nianncn, 't goral op makcndc, etc,, ende soiidcn van Dcrtmouth t'seylc gaen, ontrent den ecrsten Mecvtc, om in, t noort-western tc wescn, tcgen t'cyndc van Mecrtc, cnde dacr dc Macndt van April endc half Meye, over te brenghen met Walvis- scbcn cnde Bcestcn tc doodcn, ontrent bet Eylandt van Panar, cndc dan nac het noort-wcstcn tc varon, om aldaer den tijdt over te brengcn tot half September, en dacr na door bet Noortoostcn ^ No such name as Panar Island occurs on old maps. The only likely explanation is that the island meant is the Vs. de Arena of Ortelius, about 49°, near the coast of Newfoundland, then a general fishing sta- tion, and undoubtedly a most fitting starting-point for a north-western expedition. This Ys. do Arena was somehow turned into Panar Island '>y the somewhat negligent editor who published the MS. of the last books \ of Van Metcren after his death. This mistake has been rendered quite I ludicrous by Van der Donck, who actually states that Hudson touched the Canary IdamJs on his third voyage. Hudson's third voyage. 153 A long time elapsed through contrary winds before the Company could be informed of tlie arrival of the ship in England. Then they ordered the ship and crew to return as soon as possible. But Avhcn they were going to do so, Henry Hudson and the other Englishmen of the ship were commanded by government there not to leave England but to serve their own country. Many persons thought it rather unfair that these sailors should thus be prevented from laying their accounts and reports before their employers, chieHy as the enterprise in which they had been engaged was such as to benefit navigation in general. These latter events took place in January 1610, and it was then thought probable that the English themselves would send ships to Virginia, to explore the river found by Hudson. van Schotlandt, weder te keeren na Ilollandt. Aldus is die reysc afgheloopcn, ende eer de Bewint-hebbcrs hebben connen gead- verteert worden, van haer komste in Enghelandt, is het door con- trarie wint langc aengheloopen, ende hebben 't schip ende volck ontboden ten ecrsten t'huys to komcn, ende alsoo 't sclfde soudc geschieden, is den schipper Herry Hutson van wcgen die Over- licydt aklaer, belast met te moghen vertreckcn, maer dienst te mocten doei., sijn cygen Lant, also mode de andcr Engelsche die int schip waren, dat nochtans vreemt velen dunckt, datmen de schippers niet toelaten sonde reeckeninghe ende rapport te docne van haren dienst ende besoingne, &c. ; aen hun Meesters, zijndc uytghesonden voor 't gemeyne beneficie van alderhande naviga- tien, dit gheschiede in Januario, 1610, ende men achte dat de Enghelsche hem selve wilden mette Schepen nae Virginia senden, cm daer de voorsz Reviere vorder te versoecken. •io 154 EXTRACTS RELATING TO HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE (IG09), FROM JOHN DE LAET'S NIEUWE WERELT. FOL., AMSTEnT)\M, 1625, 10.10. T. (from book III, CHAP. 7.) '' As to tlie first discovery, ^hc Directors of the privileged I'*' East India Company, in 1G09, dispatched the yacht, " Half I Moon," under tlie command of Henry Hudson, captain and super-cargo, to seek a passage to China by the north-cast. i Eut he changed his course and stood over towards New France, and having passed the banks of Newfoundland in latitude 43° 23',^ he made the land in latitude 44° 15',^ with a west-north-west and north-west course, and went on shore at a place where there were many of the natives with whom, as he understood, the French came every j^car to trade. Wat dc eerste ontdccldnghc bclanght, in den jarc 1609 sondcn dc Bcwindt-hobbcvs van dc gheoctroycerdc Oost-Indische compagnie het jacht de halve mane, dacr voor scbipper ende koopman op vocr Hendrick Hudson, om in 't noordt-ooston een door-ganc naer China te soecken : dan sy verandcrden van Kours, ende stakcn over naer Nova Francia, ende de banck van Terreneuf ghepassecrt hebbende op de 43' graden ende 23 minuten gheraeckten't landt met een w. n. w. ende n. w. Kours op de 44 graden ende 1-5 minuten, ende landen daer by sckere Wilden, by dc welcke, soo sy ' Near Cape Sable, Nova Scotia : see p. 53, note 1; p. 55, note 1. 2 On the coast of Maine, a few miles to the north of Pennobscot Bay, where they afterwards cut a new foremast for their ship : see Juet, July 17th, p. 59 ; Van Meteren, p. 149, note 2. mM Hudson's thiuu voyage. 155 Sailing hence, he bent his course to the south, until running south-south-west and south-west by south, he again made land in latitude 41° 43', which he supposed to be an island, and gave it the name of New Ilolland,i but afterwards dis- vcrstondcn, dc Francoyscn jacrlijckx komcn liandclcn : van hicr kccrdcn sy zuydt-waert op tot dutsc met ccn z. z. w. cndc z. w. ten z. gangh wcdcr't landt ghcwaer wicrdcn op dc 41 gradcn cndo 43 minutcn, wclck sy mcyndcn ceii Eylandt tc wcscn, cnde gavent den nacm van Nieuvv llollandt, dan bcvondcn daer nacr dat hct * It is a question of some moment whether Hudson really called Capo Cod New Uolland. His doing so would imply au intention on his side to take possession of the country in the name of the Dutch. De Laet is the only ona of our authorities who saw Hudson's own journal of the third voyage, and if we could fully believe his statements, every doubt would be removed. But the discrepancies between him, Juet, and Pur- chas, and the luistakes committed by each of them with regard to Capo Cod, render a satisfactory conclusion impossible. De Laet believes Cape Cod to be in latitude 41° 43', Juet places it under 40° 10', whilst 1 urchas assigns to it two difleront latitudes, 41° 10' and 41° 45' (see pp. (iJ, 6G, and Purchas's side-notes to these pages). On the other hand the name of New Holland is on the old Dutch maps, not given to Cape Cod itself, but to the peninsula of Barnstaplo, of which Cape Cod forms the extreme point ; and the mean latitude of that peninsula is, indeed, about 41° 43', whilst Cape Cod lies under 42° 4', and has, on all the old Dutch maps, one or even more names of its own, viz., Cape Cod, Cape James, Statenhoek, Withock. It is also certain, from .Juet, pp. 04, ()5, that Hudson explored part of Barnstaple peninsula. Under these circum- stances it might be thought that a very small correction would set De Laet's account right, and that the peninsula of Barnstaple Avas indeed called Xew Holland by Hudson. But it is quite clear from Juet, p. (J6, that the spot mistaken by Hudson for Cape Cod was in latitude 40° 10', a reef in the sea, which he very correctly considered as an island. This reef was probably situated south of Nantucket. It is, under these cir- cumstances, to be feared that De Laet set the example, afterwards fol- lowed by Van der Donck, of tampering with his materials ; and that he made Hudson give the name of New Holland, because he desired it to be understood that Hudson wished to take possession of the country, a fact which is very improbable. The name of New Holland was given to Barnstaple before the year 1G15. It is to be found on a chart of that date preserved in the Archives of the Hague. (A facsimile in O'Callaghan's IJist. of New Netherlands vol. i.) 150 EXTRACTS KKLATING TO covered that it was Cape Cod, and that according to his observation, it hiy two hundred and twenty-five miles to the Avest of its place on all the charts. Pursuing his course to the south, he again saw land in latitude 37° 15'; the coast was low, running north and south, and opposite to it lay a bank or shoal, within which there was a depth of eight, ^•* nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, with a *<»k» sandy bottom. Hudson called this place Dry Cape.^ ^^••* Changing his course to the northward, he again discovered "''"•* land in lat. 38° 9'/ where there was a white sandy shore, and •.„;if within appeared a thick grove of trees full of green foliage. The direction of the coast was north-north-east and south- •'"'Jf south-west for about twenty-four miles ; then north and • '.'„ south lor twenty-one miles, and afterwards south-east and -i.r north-west for fifteen miles. They continued to run along ^^ *, ' the coast to the north, until they reached a point from which '^„' ; the land stretches to the west and north-west Avhere several I*' rivers discharge into an open bay. Land was seen to the Cap Cod was, cnde dat het nacr hacr besteck wel vljf-en seventich mijlen westelijcker leght als in alle Kacrten gliestclt wordt. Van hier vervielen sy tot de 37 graden ende 15 minutcn, alwaer sy weder landt saghcn, ende streckte hem z. ende n. Is een vlucke Kuste, ende daer streckt een banck langhs de Kuste hcncn, waer binnen het 8, 9, 10, 11, 7, ende 6 J vadem diep is sandt-grondt : sy noemden dese plaetse de drooglie Cacp. Daer naer noordt- waert aen loopcnde, gheraecktcn sy wtdcr't landt op acht-cii- dertich graden en neglien minuten, ende was een wit sandt-strandt, ende binnen vol groene boomen, streckte daer n. n. o. ende z. z. w. outrent acbt mijlen, ende dan z. ende n. seven mijlen, ende voort z, o, ende n. w. vijf mijlen : zeyldcn al langhs de wal noorden aeii, tot dat sy aen een punt quamcn, ende t'landt streckte doen w. I n. w. cnde was een baye daer ecnlghe ricviercn in qiiamen, van ^ Probably Cape Charles, at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 37° 10'. 2 Assatoaguc Island, near the coast of jMarylaud. Hudson's third voyage. loT cast-north-cast, which Hudson at first took to be an ishmcl, but it proved to be the main 1 ind, and the second point of the bay, in latitude 38° 5-1'. Standing in upon a course north-west by east, they soon found themselves embayed, and encountering many breakers, stood out again to the south-south-east. Hudson suspected that a large river dis- charged into the bay, from the strength of the current that set out and caused the accumulation of sands and shoals.^ Continuing their course along the shore to the north, they observed a white sandy beach and drowned land within, beyond which there appeared a grove of wood ; the coast running north-east by east and south-west by south. After- wards the direction of the coast changed to north by east, and was higher land than they had yet seen. They at length reached a lofty promontory or headland, behind which was situated a bay, which they entered and run up into a road- stead near a low sandy point, in lat. 40° 18'.^ There they dcsen hoeck sagen sy landt naei't o. n. o. welck sy meyndcn een Eylandt te wesen, dan bevonden hot vaste landt, ende den tweeden hoeck van die baye, op de hooghte van 38 gradcn ende 54 minuten: ende alsoo sy haer Kours n. w. ten n. acn steldcn, vonden sy haer sclven in een baye verscylt, ende ghemoeten vcel barninghen, soo dat sy z. z. o. \veder uyt-stonden : sy vermoeden datter een groote lievicr most uyt-loopcn, door de groote stroom die dacr uytsette, ende velc sanden ende droogten veroorsaeckte : liielcnt van hier voorts langs de wal, was wit sandt-strandt, ende binnen al ver- droncken landt, ende 't binnen landt al vol boomen, streckte n. o, ten n, ende z. w, ten z, daer naer streckte n. ten, o. ende was hooglicr landt als sy nocli ghesien liaddcn, tot aen eenen hooghcn hoeck, acliter de welckc een baye leght, alwaer sy op de rceden lieppen, acliter een leeghen saudt-hoeck, op de veertich gradcn ^ The bay and river are the Dclav.are Bay and River. The second point of the bay, in latitude 38° o4' (incorrect by a few miles;, is Cape May. ^ Hudson river. They entered near Sandy Hook and Sandy Ilook Bay. (Sec Juct, p. 77.) 158 EXTRACTS RELATING TO t'J y ii were visited by two savages clothed in elk-skins, who showed them every sign of friendship. On the land they found an abundance of blue plums and magnificent oaks, of a height and thickness that one seldom beholds; together with pop- lars, linden ti'ces, and various other kinds of wood useful in ship-building. Sailing hence in a north-easterly direction, ihey ascended a river to nearly 43° north latitude, where it became so narrow and of so little depth, that they found it necessary to return. From all that they could learn, 'here had never been any ships or Christians in that quarter before, and they were the first to discover the river and ascend it so far. Henry Hud- son returned to Amsterdam with his report, and in the fol- lowing year 1610, some merchants again sent a ship thither, that is to say, to the second river discovered, which was called Manhattes from the savage nation that dwelt at its mouth. And subsequently their High Mightinesses, the States Gene- ral, granted to these merchants the exclusive privilege ende achlhicn minuten ; dacr quamcn twee Wildcn by hacr in clandts vellen gcklcet, die hacr alio teeckenen van vrientschap bc- thoonden, vondcn daer acn't landt menichte van blauw pruymcn, en de schoonste eycken van lenghte ende dickte die men sic-n konde, poplieren, lonen, ende alderhande houdt dat van noode is tot dc schepen te bouwen ; vocren van hier n. ten o. aen, ende de rievieren op, to by de 43 gradcn by noorden de linie, alwaer de rievier heel nauw werdt ende ondiep, soo dat sy te rugghe kecrden. Naer alio 'tgene sy kondcn oordeclcn ende bevinden, soo en warcn in dit quarticr noch noyt cenige schepen ofte Christcnen geweest, soo dat sy de eerste warcn die dese rievier ontdeckten, ende soo lioog- he op voeren. Hendrick Hudson met dit raport wcder ghckceit zijnde 't Amsterdam, soo hcbbcn eenighe koop-lieden in den jare 1610 wcder een schip dcrwacrts gcsonden, te wetcn naer dcsc twecde rievier, de wclcke sy don naem gaven van Manhattes ; naer de naem van de Wildcn die acn't begin van dcse ricvicrc wooncn : ende in dc volghcnde jaren hcbbcn dc Ho. Mog. Hccron ■i Hudson's third voyage. 159 of navigating this river and trading there ;^ whereupon, in the year 1615, a redoubt or fort was erected on the river, and occupied by a small garrison, of which we shall here- after speak. Our countrymen have continued to make voy- ages thither, from year to year, for the purpose of trafficking with the natives, and on this account the country has very justly received the name of New Netherlands. Staten Generacl aen dese koop-licdcn octroy verleent om alleen op desc rieviere te mogen varcn cnde den handel te drijven : wacr over in den jare 1615 boven op de voornoemde rieviere eenredoute ofte fortjen wierdt geleght met een kleyn besettinghc, daer wy hicr naer noch sullen van spreken ; ende is dese vaert by de onse sints jacrlijcks ghecontinueert, cnde door-gaens van ons volck daer blijven Icgglien om den handel met de Wilden te drijven; wacr door dit quartier ten rechten den naem van Niew-Nederlandt beeft verckreghcn. It. (FEOM book III, CHAPTER 10.) Henry Hudson, who first discovered this river, and all that have since visited it, express their admiration of the noble trees growing upon its banks ; and Hudson has him- self described the manners and appearance of the people that he found dwelling within this bay, in the following terms: — Hendrick Hudson die dese rieviere eerst heeft ontdeckt, ende alle die naerderhandt daer hebben gbeweest, weten wonder te segghen van do schoone boomen die bier wassen : de selve beschrijft ons de manieren ende ghestalte van't volck, welck by stracx binnen do baye vondt aldus : Als ick aent land't quam, stonde alle de Swarten ^ These facts are not quite correctly stated. See Brodhead, Hist, of New York, pp. 60, 61. 160 EXTRACTS RELATING TO •' When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood around and sung in their fashion ; their clothing consisted of the skins of foxes and other animals, which they dress and make the skins into garments of various sorts. Their food is Turkish wheat (maize or Indian corn), which they cook by baking, and it is excellent eating. They all came on board, one after another, in their canoes, which are made of a single hollowed tree ; their weapons are bows and arrows, pointed with sharp stones, which they fasten with hard resin. They had no houses, but slept under the blue heavens, sometimes on mats of bulrushes interwoven, and sometimes on the leaves of trees. They always carry with thcra all their goods, such as their food and green tobacco, which is strong and good for use. They appear to be a friendly people, but have a great propensity to steal, and are exceed- ingly adroit in carrying away whatever they take a fancy to." In latitude 40° 48', where the savages brought very fine oysters to the ship, Hudson describes the country in the en songhen op hare wijse; haer kleederen syn vellen van vossen ende andere beesten die sy bereyden, ende maken kleerderen van vellen, van aller hande sorteringhcn, haer etcn is Turcxsche tarwe, daer sy koecken van backen, ende is goet eaten; quamen al temct aen boordt d'een voor d'ander naer, met haer prauwen van een heel houdt gemaeckt ; haer geweer is bogen ende pijlen met scharpe steentjens voor aen, die sy daer aen vast maken met spiegel harst; hadden daer geen huysen, sliepen al onder den blaeuwen Hemcl, sommige op mattijens aen malkanderen ghewrocht van bicsen, sommighe op bladeren van boomen, dragon altijts al haer goet met heur datse hebben, als eten ende groenen toback vvelck sterck is ende goet om nemen ; schijnt vriendelijck volck te zijn, dan is seer gheneghen tot stelen, ende subtiel om wegh te halen alles 't gheene haer aenstaet. Op de hooghte van veertich graden ende acht-en veertich minuten, al waer de Wilde seer schoone oesters aen syn schip brachten, ghetuycht de voor-noemde Hudson van 't Hudson's third voyage. 161 following manner : — " It is as pleasant a land as one need tread upon ; very abundant in all kinds of timber suitable for shipbuilding, and for making large casks or vats. The people had copper tobacco pipes, from which I inferred that copper might naturally exist there ; and iron likewise according to the testimony of the natives, who, however, do not understand preparing it for use. Hudson also states that they caught in the river all kinds of fresh-water fish with seines, and young salmon^ and sturgeon. In latitude 42° 18' he landed : — " I sailed to the shore," he says, " in one of their canoes, with an old man, who was the chief of a tribe, consisting of forty men and seventeen women ; these I saw there in a house well con- structed of oak bark, and circular in shape, so that it had the appearance of being well built, with an arched roof. It contained a great quantity of maize or Indian corn, and landt aldus ; Is soo schoonen landt als men met voeten betreden mach, over-vloedigh van alderhande houdt, om schepen te bouwen, ende om groote vaten van te makcn ; t' volck haddc daer koperen toback pijpen, waer uyt ick vcrmocde dat daer koper meet zijn, als Dock yser naer der Wilden beduydinghe, dan sy en hebben gheen wetenschap om 'tsclve te bercyden. De selve ghetuyght mode dat sy op de rievier allerhande rievier-viscb met de seghen vanghen, cock jonghc salm ende steur. Op de hooglite van twec-cn- vccrtich graden ende achthien minuten was dito Hudson acn Uuidt ; Ick veer (seght hy) met een van haer prauvvcn acn landt, met cen oudt man die daer overste was, van veertich mans ende seventhien vrouwen, die ick daer sagh ; in een buys van hasten van eyckcn- boomcn wel ghcmaeckt, ende rondtomsoo gclijck of hct een verwelft ^ This fact has been doubted. Dr. Mitchell, an American naturalist informed Dr. Miller the New York historian, that no such fish had been seen in Hudson river, as long as he could remember. But this may be caused by the extraordinary movement even then (in 1820) existing in the river's mouth. There is no reasonable ground to doubt that the Hudson was, at the time of its discovery, as rich in salmon as many other North American rivers are now. 21 IQ2 EXTRACTS RELATING TO beans of the last year's growth, and there lay near the house for the purpose of drying, enough to load three ships, besides what was growing in the fields. On our coming into the house, two mats were spread out to sit upon, and immediately some food was served in well made red wooden bowls ; two men were also despatched at once with bows and arrows in quest of game, who soon after brought in a pair of pigeons Avhich they had shot. They likewise killed a fat dog, and skinned it in great haste, with shells which they had got out of the water. They supposed that I would remain with them for the night, but I returned after a short time on board the ship. The land is the finest for cultivation that I ever in my life set foot upon, and it also abounds in trees of every description. The natives are a very good people, for when they saw that I would not remain, they supposed that I was afraid of their bows, and taking the arrows, they broke them in pieces, and threw them into the fire, etc." He found there also vines and grapes, pumpkins, and other fruits ; from all of which there is sufficient reason hadde gheweest, was overvloedigh van Maiz en boonen van 't voor- gaende jaer, ende daer lagh by het buys wel soo veel te droogben, als dry scbepcn mocbton voeren, sonder dat nocb stondt en wics ; by bet buys komende werden twee matjens gbespreyt om op te sitten, ende terstondt eenigbe gbericbten voort gbebracbt, in roodc bouten-backen wel gbemaeckt, ende sonden terstondt twee mannen uyt met boogben om wildt te scbieten, brocbten twee Duyven die sy wel baest gbescbooten badden, sloegben terstondt oock eenen vetten-bondt, ende kregben bet vel af mctter baest met scbelpen die sy uyt bet water krijgben, meenden dat ick die nacbt by baev blijven sonde, dan ginck terstondt wcder naer bet scbip ; 'tis bet scboonste landt om te bouwen, als ick oyt mijn leven met voeten betradt, ende oock van aldeibande boomen ; ende is seer goet volck, want doen sy sagben dat ick niet blijven en wilde, meenden dat ick van baev bogben vervaert was, namen de pijlen, braken die aen stucken ende worpen die int vier, etc. Sy vonden daer oock Hudson's third voyage. 163 to conclude, that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and that the natives are well disposed, if they are only well treated ; although they are very changeable, and of the same general character as all the savages in the north wijngaerden cnde druyven, pompoonen cndo andere vruchten A\ t Welches alles ghenoechsaem is af te ncmen dat hat een seer schoon cnde vruchtbacr quartier is, cndc goet volck, als het maer wel ghehandelt wordt; doch seer veranderlijck, cnde van den selven acrdt als alle liet volck van die noorder quartieren. 164 EXTRACTS CONTAINING SOME ORIGINAL INFORMA- TION ABOUT HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE. FKOM MR. LAMBRECHTSEN VAN RIXTHEm's HISTORY OF NEW NETHERLAM), 8vO., MIDDELUURG, 1818. (the EXTBACTS AKE KEl'BINTED FKOM TUE TKANSLATION IN THE COLLECTIONS OP THE N. Y. HIST. SOC, NEW SERIES, VOL. I, P. 85, FOL.) I. Thk inclinations of the directors of the East India Com- pany were much at variance upon the proposals of Hudson. The directors of Zealand opposed it ; they were probably discouraged by the fruitless results of former voyages, con- cerning which they could obtain sufficient information from their colleague, Balthasar Moucheron,^ who long before had traded to the north. It was said they were throwing money away, and nothing else. If private merchants would ruii the risk they had no objection, provided the company was not injured by it. The Amsterdam directors, nevertheless, M'ould not give up their plan, and sent Henry Hudson, in the same year 1609, with a yacht called the Half Moon. manned by sixteen Englishmen and Hollanders, again to sea. ^ Balthasar de Moucheron was a rich merchant, one of the active emigrants who had left the southern provinces of the Netherlands during the war of independance against S|)ain. He settled in Zealand, and was the principal promoter of the maritime enterprise by which the young republic rose so fast to a distinguished place among European powers. Moucheron sent on his own account ships to Russia, to America, and to the East Indies. The undertakings alluded to by Lambrechtsen arc the three voyages to the North-East, which De Veer has described. Mou- cheron was the principal instigator of these unsuccessful expeditions. (See Dr. Beke's De Veer, Introduction, p. lii.) ■i I I < EXTRACTS FROM LAMBRECHTSEN. 165 This vessel left the Texel on the 6th of April, 1609, sail- ing towards the north. Prevented by the ice from reaching the latitude of Nova Zcmbla, they went to Newfoundland, and from there to Acadia or New France, till they were driven into a bay known only to the French, who arrived there annually to purchase hides and furs from the savages. Hudson, unwilling to approach those chilling shores, re- turned to sea, and steering south-Avest discovered land, which was first considered to be an island, but which was soon discovered to be a part of the continent, named Cape Cod. This industrious navigator felt (although born in Eng- land) so sensibly his relation to the Holland East India Company, who had employed him in discoveries, that he could not have hesitated a moment to give the name of his adopted fatherland to this newly discovered country. Fie called it New Holland. But not wishing to fix his per- manent residence on this spot, Hudson preferred the sea, talcing a south-west course till he discovered a flat coast in 37° 35', which he followed in an opposite direction. At this time he discovered a bay, in which several rivers were emptying, which, no doubt, must have been the South river, afterwards named Delaware. It ha., a, projecting point, which then or afterwards obtained the name of Cape Henlopen, probably from the family name of the first dis- coverer. Now the bay was again left, and they steered north-east along the coast at 40° 18', where, between Barn- degat and Godinspunt, named thus afterwards in remem- brance of him who first discovered this cape,^ there was a good anchorage, to explore the country, and to open a com- munication with the inhabitants. But Hudson's curiosity ^ Godyn wafi one of the Directors of the Dutch West India Company. The cape was not discovered by him ; but received his name because he possessed a lar^re estate in its neighbourhood. Godyns punt is iden- tical with Colman's Point. Sec p. 80, note 3. 1G6 EXTRACTS FROM LAMBRPX'HTSEN. was not so easily satisfied. He went again to sea, following the coast in the same direction till the mouth of a large river was discovered, which then was named by the sailors the North river, and afterwards, in honour of the name of the first discoverer, Hudson's river. II. The voyage was prosperous. But when he approached the English coast a mutiny was stirring among the crew, among which were several Englishmen. They compelled the skip- per to enter Dartmouth, from which the rumour of his dis- coveries ere long reached the capital. Nothing Avas more averse from the views of king James than of allowing to the Nctherlanders any advantage from transmarine colonies, while he, in imitation of Queen Eliza- beth, desired to convert the whole to the profit of his own subjects, Hudson was considered as a person of import- ance, and he was forbidden to pursue his voyage towards Amsterdam, with the intention, ere long, to make use of his services. III. After the ship, the Half Moon, had been detained at Dart- mouth for some time, it was at length permitted to return to the fatherland, where it arrived in the beginning of the year 1610. And now did the directors obtain such favourable reports of the countries discovered by Hudson, that in their opinion these were a full compensation for their disappointment in their principal aim, the passage to India by the north. Kr EXTRACTS CONCERNING HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE (1609), FROM ADRIAN VAN DER DONCK'S BESCIIBYVINOE VAN NIEUW NEDERLANDT, 4tO, AMSTERDAM, 1655, 1656, (\UE ORIOiINAI. PIECES AKE TAKEN TROM THE FIRST PAGES OF THE VOI.rME, THE TRANSLATIONS IN (IREATER I'ART FROM THE COLLECTIONS OF THE NEW YolUv nrSTORICAI, SOCIETV, NEW SERIES, VOL. I.) I. This country was first found and discovered in the year of our Lord 1C09; when, at the cost of the privileged East India Company, a ship named the Half 3Ioon was fitted out to discover a westerly passage to the kingdom of China. This ship was commanded by Henry Hudson, as captain and supercargo, who was an Englishman by birth, but had resided many years in Holland, and was now in the employment of the East India Company. This ship sailed from the Canary Islands,^ steering a course north by west ; and after sailing twenty days with good speed land was DiT Lantschap is eerstmael gevonden en ontdeckt in den J are onses llceren Jesu Christi 1609. als wanneer tcr koste van de Geoctro- ycerde Oost-Iudische Compagnie af-gevaerdight is hct Schip do Halve Maen, cm by Westcn eenen doorgangh naer het Coningrijck van China te soecken : op dit Schip was Schipper en Coopman eeiicn Hcndrick Hudson, wel ecn Engelsman geboortig, maer lang onder de Nederlanders verkeert hebbende, ende nu in dienst en macutgelt van de Oost-Indische Compagnie. Dit Schip, van de Canarische Eylanden af t' zeyl gaende, stelde sijne cours West ten Noorden aen, hebbende so by de twintigh etmael met redelijcke 1 See p. 152, note 1. 1G8 -'c EXTRACTS FROM VAN DKR DONCK S t I (Hscovcred, which by their calculation lay 820° by west. On approaching the land, ami observing the coast and shore convenient, they landed, and examined the country as well, as they could at tlie time and as opportunity offered. spoct gczcylt, ontmoctcn landt nae hucr gissingc op dc drie hondert en twintigh gradcn bj' Wcstcn, onde mcrckendc acn vcrschcydo tceckencn, dat noyt ocnigh Christen daor tc voorcn gewccst was, macr dat nu hot lant by gcval daer ccrst ontdeckt wcrde. Onder hot landt dan nadcr komendc, en siende dc oust en strantbeqiiaeni, begaven haer daer na toe, namen bet gesicht en besit daer van sooso best kondc, naer tijdts gclcgcntbcydt. IT. The country having been first found or discovered by the Netherlandcrs, and keeping in view the discovery of the same it is named the New Netherlands. That this country was first found or discovered by the Netherlandcrs, is evi- dent and clear from the fact that the Indians or natives of the land, many of whom arc still living, and with whom I have conversed, declare freely, that before the arrival of the Dutch ship, the Half 3Ioon, in the year 1609, they (the natives) did not know that there were any other people in Soo is dan oock Nieuw Ncdcrlandt, als ecrst van Nederlandcis gevonden zijnde, mede ten aensicn, do vindingc also genaemt. Dat dit Lant eerst van Nederlandcrs gevonden is, blijckt mode klaer daer uyt, dat de Indlanen oftc Inboorlingbcn die der noch vecl in 't leven zijn, ende wy dickwils en verscheyden hebben hoorcn spreken, soo oudt datsc daer van heugen, rent uyt verklaren, dat voor bet aenkomen van ons Neerlants scbip de Halve Maen, in 't Jaer 1609. sy Inboorlingen niet wisten datter meer menschen in de werelt waren, als daer van baers ghr-lijrk ontrent haer, veel niin :'i : 1 I llESCnilYVINOE VAN NIEUW NEDKULAND. lOl) H the world than tliosc who were like themselves, much less any people who differed so much in appearance from them as we did. Their men were without hair on the breasts or about the mouth, like women, whilst our men arc hairy ; they were ' I without clothing and mostly naked, especially in summer, while we arc always clothed and covered. When some of them first saw our ship approaching at a distance, they did not know what to think about her, but stood in deep and solemn amazement, wondering whether it were a ghost or apparition coming down from heaven or hell. Others of them supposed , her to be a strange fish or sea monster. When they dis- j covered men on board, they looked upon them rather as . devils than human beings. Thus they differed about the ship r and men. A strange report was also spread about the country j concerning our ship and visit, which created great astonish- j mcnt and surprise amongst the Indians. These things we ! have frequently heard them declare, and we regard them as ' ' certain proofs that the Netherlanders were the first finders menschcn so veer van hacr slach en fatsocn vcrschillende uls hare en onsc Natie, zijiulc hare Natie op de burst cndc omtrendt den mont gantsch kacl, cndc den Vrouwen ghclijckt, dc onso heel luiyrigh, sy onghcklect, cndc mcest ontdckt, voornemclijck des Zomcrs, en wy altijt gcklect en bcdekt, so dat docn sommigc van liaer, ons Schip van verre eerst sagen acnkomen, al heel niet \visten wat daer van tc oordclen, ende in swaer beduchten stonden, of het oock spoock of dicrgclijckc wcrck was, dan of het uyt den Hcmel of uyt de Hcl moclite liomcn, andcre mcenden of het wcl een schsamc Vis ofte Zee -monster sonde moglicn wesen, cndc of die gene die daer op waren, beter nae Duyvels of nae Menschcn gek'ken, ende soo voorts gclijck yder sijn vcrscheyden gevoelcn hecft : altijt daer liep ccn heel vreemt gerucht van door tiet lant, ende 't gaf groote versslagentheydt by alle de Indianen, glielijck my dickwils verscbcyden Indianen gctuyght hebbcn, dies wy het oock voor een scker bewijs houden, dat de Nccrlanders de eerste 1*. I (i ■i 170 EXTRACTS FROM VAN DER DONCK's or discoverers and possessors of the New Netherlands. There arc Indians in the eountry whose memory carries them back a hundred years/ and if there had been any other people here before us they would have known something of them, and if they had not seen them themselves they would have heard an account of them from others. There ai'c persons who believe that the Spaniards have been here many years ago, when they found the climate too cold to their liking, and again left the country ; and that the maize or Turkish corn, and beans found among the Indians, were left with thcni by the Spaniards.'- Tliis opinion or belief is improbable, as vinders en besitters van Nicuw Nederlant zijn, want dacr zijii Wiklen die over de hondcrt Jarcn hcughcn, cndc soo der nocli eenigli volck voor d'onse gcweest waren, dacr van soudcn sy al yetwes weteu te scggen, soo sy't selfs niet gesicn hadden, soudcn ten minsten van hacr Voor-oudcrs gehocrt hebbcn. Dacr zijn cook luydcn die raeenen dat over vecle Jaren de Spangiaerts in dit lant gewccst zijn, maer hot voor liaor wat tc kout bcvindcnde, wedcr vcrlatcn licbbcn, en dat de boontjcs en Turksche tarwe of Mayes, ^ The character and purpose of Van der Donck's book is explained in the introduction to the present volume. He was anxious to prove that New Netherland (a vast tract of land, of which the States of New York and Pennsylvania form the principal part) belonged by right of dis- covery to the Dutch. Being by profession a lawyer, he is not very scrupulou"! in his special pleading. The argument drawn from the memory of the Indians must elicit a smile in any one acquainted with them. They have no means of measuring past time, they do not even know their own ages, and are therefore themselves quite unable to ascer- tain how far their memory carries them back. '■^ Notwithstanding Van der Donck's assertions to the contrary, the whole coast of New Netherland was undoubtedly known to the Spaniards. The first of their vessels that visited these shores was commanded by the Portuguese Estevan Gomez, who seems to have spent part of the spring and summer of the ye.ar 1525 in exploring them. Their ships frequently visited them afterwards, and gave names to the rivers and islands. Hudson's river was called by them Bio de Oamas (Roe river). This matter is explained at some length in the introduction to the pre- sent volume. ■1 I BESCHRYVINGE VAN NIEUW NEDKRLAND. 171 wc can discover nothin„ of the kind from tlic Indians. Tlicy say that their corn and beans were received from the southern Indians, who received their seed from a people who resided still farther south, which may well be true, as the Castilians have long since resided in Florida. The maize may have been among the Indians in the warm climate long ago ; however, our Indirais say that they did eat roots and the bark of trees in- stead of bread, before the introduction of Indian corn or maize. clacr van ondcr de Wildcn glieblcvcn sonde /ijn, maer 't is nict waevschijnclijck, heb het cock noyt van de Wiklcn konncn ver- nemen, ende dc boontjes met hct coorn, scggcnsc hacr van de zuydtse Wildcn wcl ecrtijts overgelevertte zijn, die het oock voor cen tijt, noch al vry vcel zuydelijckcr van menschen die dacr woonen, bekomen haddcn, dat wel wacr kan weson : "Want in Florida liebben aloverlangh Castilianen gewoont, ofle misscliicn is dc Mayes oock wel eerdcr in die warme landen ondcr de I idiancn gcwccst, maer onsc Wilden seggcn, ilatsc van te vooren, eersc van dc Mayes wisten, hasten van boomen, en wortclen "n plaetse van broot aten. III. When this country was, in 1G09, first found by the Dutch, they learned from the natives that no Christians had been there before ; and considering themselves as the first dis- coverers they took possession in the name of their High Mightinesses the States General ; first along the South Bay, Docn dan eerstmael in het Jacr 1609 by de Ncerlanders dit landt op-ghedaen werdt, ende aen de Jnboorlinghcn bcmerckcnde, dat sy aldaer de ecrste Christcncn ende Vindcrs warcn, namen sy op den nacm cndc van weghcn hare Ho. Mog. mijn Ilecrcn dc Staten Gcuerael der Vcrcenighde Nederlanden posscssic, ccrst by de Suyt- buy acn Cacp Hinloopcn, die sy docnmacl soo noeuidcn, ghclijck m EXTRACTS FROM VAN DER DONCK. I I near the cape, which they then called Cape Hinlopen,i the name it still bears. Thence they sailed along the coast, giving various names to rivers and places, till into the great north river, which they sailed far up. The English on this account call it Hudson's river. The first discoverers called it Mauritius- river, after Prince Maurice, who was then Statholder. Thence they sailed to Cape Cod, where they took possession, calling it Neiv Holland.^ sy den selven naem noch hccft, ende voeren so al voort langhs de custc, ende op de Rivieren de plaetsen verscheyde benaminge gcvende tot aen de groote Noort-rivier, die sy ver op voeren, soo datsc dc Engelschc noch sommighe Hutsons Rivicr, willen noemen, macr sy noemdense doen Mauritius Rivier, naer Prins Mauritis, die docnmael in Nederlandt Gouverneur was ; van daer voerensc voort tot voorby Caep Codt, daerse oock posscssie namcn, ende noemden de selve Nieuw Hollandt. ^ This taking possession is an invention of Van der Donck. They never landed near Cape IIiulo])en, (See Juet, pp. 73 to 75 ; De Laet, pp. 154, 155.) ^ Tliis is also an invention of Van der Donck. The name was given several years afterwards. ^ This is quite inconect. They sailed straight home without even seeing laud. Hudson touched the coast near Cape Cod lefore he explored Hudson river. 73 AMERICAN TRADITIONS CONCERNING THE Till II I) VOYAGE (1609). I. THE TRADITION ABOUT THE EIKST LANDING OF IlENKY HUDSON ON THE SHORES OF NEW YORK DURING HIS THIRD VOYAGE. (prom YATES AND MOULTON's HISTORY OF NEW YORK, I, P. 210.) According to tradition they first landed in Coney Island, opposite Gravescnd (Long Island), and now a part of King's County, in this state. II. the tradition of the american indians concerning Hudson's first intercourse with them, as preserved BY THE REV. J. HECKEAVELDEll. (prom NEW YORK HIST. SOCIETY, COLLECTIONS, NEW SERIES, VOL. I.) the following introductory note, as well as the explanatory foot notes, are from the n. y, h. s. collections. Note. The following paper is derived from the manuscripts deposited among the collections of the Society by the Rev. Samuel Miller, D.D., to whom it was communicated by the Rev. John Ilcokewelder, for many years a Moravian missionary to the Indians of Pennsylvania. In a letter accom- panying it, dated at Bethlehem, Jan. 2()th, 1801, Mr. Heckewelder says: " As I receive my information from Indians, in their language and style, I return it in the same way. Facts are all I aim at, and from my know- ledge of the Indians, I do not believe every one's story. The enclosed account is, I believe, as authentic as anything of the kind can be ob- tuiiied/' A Voluminous correspondence of Mr. Ilockeweldcr with Mr. Du I'ou- 174 AMERICAN TRAUITIOXS ccRii^ concerning the languages of the Indians, together with an account of the history, manners, and general character of the native tribes, de- rived from personal observation, was published by the American Philo- sophical Society, at Philadelphia, 1819, This paper, in a somewhat altered, perhaps improved, form in respect to his phraseology, was com- prehended in that publication ; but as the original draft is more likely to convey accurately the language and style of Mr. Ileckcwelder's Indian informants, there seems to be a manifest propriety in adopting it for publication in the present collection. The following account of the first arrival of Europeans at New-York Island, is verbatim as it was related to me by aged and respected Delawares, Momcys and Mahicanni (otherwise called Mohigans, Mahicandus), near forty years ago. It is copied from notes and manuscripts taken on the spot. They say : A long time ago, when there was no such thing known to the Indians as people with a white skin (their exjiression), some Indians who had been out a-fishing, and M'licrc the sea widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably large swimming or floating on the water, and such as they had never seen before. They immediately returning to the shore apprised their countrymen of what they had seen, and pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might be. These together hurried out, and saw to their great sur- prise the phenomenon, but could not agree what it might be ; some concluding it either to be an uncommon large fish or other animal, while others were of opinion it must be some very large house. It was at length agreed among those who were spectators, that as this phenomenon moved towards the land, whether or not it was an animal, or any- thing that had life in it, it Avould be well to inform all the Indians on the inhabited islands of what they had seen, and put them on their guard. Accordingly, they sent runners and watermen off to carry the news to their scattered chiefs, that these might send off in every direction for the warriors to come in. These arriving in numbers, and themselves h CONCEUNING IIUDSON's TIIIKD VOYAGK. 175 viewing tho strange appearance, and that it was actually moving towards them (the entrance of the river or hay), concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in wdiich the i\Iannitto (great or supreme being) himself was, and that he probably was coming to visit them. By this time the chiefs of the different tribes were assembled on York Island, and were deliberating on tlie manner in which they should receive their Mannittoon his arrival. Every step had been taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice ; the women were required to prepare the best of victuals ; idols or images were examined and put in order ; and a grand dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable entertainment for the ^lannitto, but might, with the addition of a sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case he was angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work, to determine what the meaning of this phenomenon was, and what the result would be. Both to these, and to the chiefs and wise men of the nation, men, women, and children were looking up for advice and protection. Between hope and fear, and in confusion, a dance commenced. While in this situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring it a house of various colours, and crowded with living creatures. It now appears to be certain that it is the great INIannitto bringing ihcm some kind of game, such as they had not before ; but other runners soon after arriving, declare it a large house of various colours, full of people, yet of quite a different colour tlian they (the Indians) arc of; that they were also dressed in a different manner from them, and that one in particular appeared altogether red, which must be the Mannitto liimself. They arc soon hailed from the vessel, though in a language they do not understand ; yet they shout (or yell) in their way. Many are for running off to the woods, but are pressed by others to stay, in order not to give offence to their visitors, who cou.ld find them out, and might destroy them. The house (or large canoe, as some will have it) 176 AMERICAN TKADITIONS stops, and a smaller canoe comes ashore Avith the red man and some others in it; some stay by this canoe to guard it. The chiefs and wise men (or councillors) have composed a large circle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance, and they return the salute after their manner. They are lost in admiration, both as to the colour of the skin (of these whites) as also to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit of him who wore the red clothes, which shone Avith something they could not account fur.^ lie must be the great jNlannitto (supreme being) they think, but why should he have a white skin ?' A large hockhack' is brought forward by one of the (supposed) Mannitto's servants, and from this a substance is poured out into a small cup (or glass) and handed to the Mannitto. The (expected) Mannitto drinks ; has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief next to him to drink. The chief receives the glass, but only smellcth at it, and passes it on to the next chief, who does the same. The glass thus passes through the circle without the contents being tasted by any one ; and is upon the point of being returned again to the red-clothed man, when one of their number, a spirited man and great warrior, jumps up, harangues the assembly on the impropriety of returning the glass with the contents in it ; that the same was handed them by the Mannitto in order that they should drink it, as he himself had done before them ; that this would please him; but to return what he had given to them might provoke him, and be the cause of their being destroyed by him. And that since he believed it for the good of the nation that the contents offered them should be drank, and as no one was willing to drink it he would, let the con- sequence be what it would ; and that it was better for one man to die, than a whole nation to be destroyed. He then ^ Lace. ^ Their owu expression. ^ Their word for gourd, bottle, decanter, etc. t I I CONCERNING IIUDSON's TTIIUI) VOYAGE. 177 took the glass and bidding the assembly a farewell, drank it off. Every eye was fixed on their resolute companion to see what an effect this would have upon him, and he soon beginning to stagger about, and at last dropping to the ground, they bemoan him. He fiills into a sleep, and they view him as expiring. He awakes again, jumps up, and declares that he never felt himself before so haj^py as after he had drank the cup. Wishes for more. His wish is granted ; and the whole assembly soon join him, and be- come intoxicated.^ After this general intoxication had ceased (during which time the whites had confined themselves to their vessel), the man with the red clothes returned again to them, and dis- tributed presents among them, to wit, beads, axes, hoes, stockings, etc. They say that they had become familiar to each other, and were made to understand by signs, that they now would return home, but would visit them next year again, when they would bring them more presents, and stay with them awhile ; but that, as they could not live without eating, they should then want a little land of them to sow seeds in order to raise herbs to put in their broth. ^ The Delawares calls this place (New York Island) Mannahattanink or Mannahacktauink to this day. They have frequently told me that it derived its name from the general intoxication, and. that the word com- prehended the same as to say the island or place of general intoxica- tion. The j\Iahicanni (otherwise called Mohiggans by the English, and Mahicandus by the Low Dutch) call this place by the same name as the Delawares do : yet think it is owing or given in consequence of a kind of wood which grew there, and of which the Indians used to make their bows and arrows. This wood the latter (Mohicanni) call " gawaak." The universal name the l\Ionseys have for New York is Laaphawack- king, which is interpreted, the place of stringing beads (wampum). They say this name was given in consequence of beads being here distributed among them by the Europeans ; and that after the European vessel had returned, wherever one looked, one would see the Indians employed in stringing the beads or wampum the whites had given them. »* ' 178 AMERICAN TKADITIONS That the vessel arrived the season following, and they were much rejoiced at seeing each other; but that the whites laughed at them (the Indians) seeing they knew not the use of the axes, lioes, etc., they had given them, they having had these hanging to their breasts as ornaments ; and the stock- ings they had made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites now in\t handles (or helves) in the former, and cat trees down before their eyes, and dug the ground, and showed them the use of the stockings. Here (say they) a general laughter ensued among them (the Indians), that they had remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so valuable implements ; and had borne with the weight of such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a length of time. They took every white man they saw for a Manitto, yet inferior and attendant to the supreme Manitto, to wit, to the one which wore the red and laced clothes. Familiarity daily increasing between them and the whites, the latter now proposed to stay with them, asking them only for so much land as the hide of a bullock would cover (or encompass), which hide was brought forward and spread on the ground before them. That they readily granted this request ; whereupon the whites took a knife, and beginning at one place on this hide, cut it up into a rope not thicker than the finger of a little child, so that by the time this hide was cut up, there was a great heap. That this rope was drawn out to a great distance, and then brought round again, so that both ends might meet. That they carefully avoided its breaking, and that upon the whole it encom- passed a large piece of ground. That they (the Indians) were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not wish to contend with them about a little land, as they had enough. That they and the whites lived for a long time contentedly together, although these asked from time to time more land of them ; and proceeding higher up the Mahicanittuk (Hudson river), they believed they would soon CONCKUNING IIUn.SON's TIIIKl) V()YA(;i': 179 want all their country, and which at this time was already the case, [Hehe ExNds this Relation.'] III. THE SAME TUADITION CONFIRMED BY DR. BARTON. (from TAXES AND MOULTON's UISTOKY OP NEW YORK, P. 257.) Mr. Heckewelder received the tradition about sixty-five years ago, and took it down verbatim, as it was related to him by aged and respected Delawares, Monseys, and Mahi- canni. Dr. Barton says the story is told in the same way by all the Indians of the tribes of Delawares, the *' Monces," and Mohiccans ; and in relating the incidents, they laugh at their own ignorance. But what still further shows (says Dr. B.) that considerable dependence may be placed upon the tradition is this, that to this day the Delawares, the INIonseys, and Mohiccans call New York Manahachtanienks, that is, the place at Avhich we were drunk, being the name they bestowed on the place immediately after the incident related. ^ At the head of this article there is a t\ ographical error in the name of a tribe of Indians — Mouieys should ' , Monseys, often written Minsis. For an exact account of this and oilier Delaware nations, see Gallatin's t^j/nopsin of the Indian Tribes, -tX work of extraordinary ability, contained in Transactions of American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii, p. 44, etc. 180 AN EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN LUKE FOX'S DESCRIP- TION OF HUDSON'S FOURTH VOYAGE. (north-avest, fox, r. 70.) In the road of Lee, in the river Thames, he caused Master Coolbrand^ to be set in a pinke to be carried backe again to London. This Coolbrand was every way held to be a better man than himselfe, being put in by the adventurers as his assistant, who envying the same (he having the command in his own hands) devised this course, to send himselfe the same way, though in a farre worse place, as hereafter fol- loweth. 1 Hudson (p. 93) calls him Colburne ; Pricket (p. 98) calls him Col- bert. Hudson's version of the name, the only one that forms part of a logbook written during the voyage, is most probably the correct one. 181 IIESSEL GERRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF HUD- SON'S TWO LAST VOYAGES. lUOM TIIK LATIN AND DUTCH EDITIONS OF THE DESCRIPTIO ET DELINEATIO GEOGRAPIIICA DETECTIONIS FRETI AB H. HUDSONO INVENTI. 4to., AMSTERDAM, 1012, 1013. The following accounts are all due to the same hand ; they even form part of the ditt'ercnt editions of the same work ; and the natural suppo- sition would therefore be, that they must be repetitions of each other. This is, indeed, in a small degree, the case. But the variations between them are very great and very curious ; showing, as they do, the uncer- tainty of Gerritz's information, and how it was gradually corrected. It has, therefore, seemed advisable to reprint them all. T. HUDSON'S FOURTH VOYAGE, A SUMMARY 1>RINTKD ON THE BACK OF THE CHART. An Account of the Voijage and New Fo2ind Ki'trait of Mr. Hudson. Mr. Hudson, who has been repeatedly engaged in the search of a western passage, long intended to undertake an expedition for this same purpose through Lumley's Inlet, a channel leading out of Davis's Strait ; as we ourselves have seen pointed out on his map, which is in Mr. Plancius' hands. He hoped thus to reach the Pacific by the west of Mr. Hudson die ettclijcke malen Westwaerts eon dooi'gangh {^hesocht hecft, had zijn oogh-merck oin door Lumbleys inlet in Frctum Davis in een doorgaende Zee te comen, ghelijck wy sulcx in zijn Caerte by Mr. Plantius gesien hebben-en by westen Nova Albion in Mar del Zur tc loopc, dacr ecu Enghcls man, soo hy ghclccckcnl liad, door ghcpusseert was. Maor nac veel mocytens ■ \ 18 >) IIKSSKL (iKlUU'l/ S VARIOIS ACCOUNTS Nova Albion,! where another Englii^hinan had, according to his drawings, passed tlirough. Hudson found after many labours the way represented on our map, and he was only prevented from following it further up, by the resistance of his crew. This mutiny took place under the following cir- cumstances. They had been absent from home about ten months, being provisioned only for eight, and during their whole voyage they had met but a single man, who brought them an animal which they ate ; but ha been badly treated, the man never returned. Having tixus left the lati- tude of 52'^, where they had wintered, and having sailed up to GO", along the western shore of their bay, they fell in with a wide sea and with a great flood from the north-west. The commanders intended to proceed further. The crew then rose against him, and put all the officers out of the ship into a boat, and sailed, home to England. For this liccft hy desewech, die bier op decs Cacrte ghctccckcnt staet, gcvon- (Icu, die hy vervolclit soude hebbcn, hadde 't g^^emcen Schceps- vokk niet soo onwillich ghcwcest : want also 'el 10 maende uytgcwcest hadden, dacrse noclitans maer voox .enden gevict- alieert waron, ende op de heele week maor ccn man ghesien heb- ben, die baer een groot Dicr brocbt dat sy atcn ; die, om dat hy qualijck glietracteert wiert, niet wcer en quam, soo isset gemeen Scheeps-volck (als sy wcder vandc hoochte van 52 gr. daor sy vcrwintcrden, tot op de hoocbte van 60 grad. langbs de Wcst- zydc vandc Baye, dacr sy in geloopcn waron), op-gbeclommen, daer sy een ruymc Zee ende groote baren uyten Noordwestcn vernamcn, cndclick tcgens baer Mcesters op gcstaen, die vor- der voort wildcn, ende hebbcn d' Overheyt altesamen in ccn Sloep ofto scbuyt biiyten scbecjis gbeset, ende zijn alsoo met hct Scbip nat Enggelant gcsc}dt : Hicrom zijn sy, als sy t' buys qua- ^ Nova Albion is a vague term embracing all the possessions of the English in North America, The geographical notions involved in this passage and in the rest of Gcrritz's various accounts will be discussed in the iuti eduction. 01' Hudson's two last voyaoks. 18:3 cause they have, on tlicir arnval at home, all been put in prison; and in the course of tiie present summer (1(51;^) some sliips have again been sent to tliose regions by order of the king and of the Prince of Wales/ to discover a passage and to look for iNIr. Hudson and his companions. These have received orders that, in case the passage be found, two of them shall pass through it, the third shall be sent home with the news, which we are expecting. men, nltcsamen in prison ghcsct, ende dose Somcr zijnder op iiicus schcpe ter ordonnantie van den Coningh ende den Prince van Wallis dcrwaerts ghcsonden, om dc doorgangh vcrdcr t' ont- docken, cndo Mr. Hudson met den syncn op te soeckcn : wclcko schepcn bevel hebbcn om met him twccn, als dc passagic glicvon- dcn sal zijn, door to passcren, cndc cen t' huysto scndcn met do tydinghe die wy vcrwachtcn. II. HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGES, FROM TIIE rnOLEGOMENA TO HIE FIRST LATIN EDITION. But as even after these voyages of William Barentz"'^ the English had repeatedly tried that northern way, the Direc- tors of the East India Company resolved three years ago to QuoNiAM vero ctiam post navigationes praodictas Guilclmi Ber- nardi, viam illam aquilonarem aliquoties Angli adhuc tcntaverant, visum fuit ante triennium D.D. Indicai navigationis procfectis co ^ Henry, Prince of Wales, a young man of great promise, who died in November, 1()12. ^ The preceding passages of the Prolegomena, or Preface to Ilessel Gerritz's work, contain a short account of Barentz's voyages to the North-east in search of a short way to China. The members of the Ilakluyt Society possess Dr. Beke's excellent edition of De Veer's de- scri[)tion of these voyages. 'l-T' 184 IlKSSKL GERUTTZ S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS send there a certain Mr. Hudson, an Englishman. Pie, having found no way to the east, but, instead of it, the ocean ahnost entirely obstructed by ice, went to the west and re- turned without any profit to England. He was then sent out again by the English, and his voyage was far more prosperous, but his own fortune far worse. For, having after many labours passed beyond the Terra de Baccalaos^ for about three hundred miles- to the west, and having win- tered there in latitude 52^, and being sure to be able to go still farther; then, not only he himself, but all his officers were put into a boat by their mutinous crew i nd left to drift on the waves. The sailors returned home without delay. We have added his geographical observations to the present book. We expect more certain news by the ships which have already been sent there ; and even the much desired report that they will have passed through the strait. These ships will thus obtain eternal fame and glory. . . mittere quendam M. Hudsonum Anglum, qui cum nullam ad Ortum viam, sed ejus vicem Occanum invenesset glacie prorsus obstructum, ad Occasum dcflexit, unde sine ullo profectu in Angliam appullt. Emissus autcm de novo ab Anglis, cursu qui- dcm longo prosporiorc, at detoiiorc tamcn succe?su usus est ; cum enim post varios laboies ultra Terram de Baccalaos 300 circiter milllaria Occusum versus emensus esset, inibique ad altiiudinem graduiHu 52 jam hibernasset, et ulterius tendere certus esset, eccc non tantum ipse, sod omnis cius Senatus (ut sic dixerim) nauti- cus scaphae ab importunis nuutis impositus et in undas demissus, ipsi sine mora domum reversi sunt. Nos vero notas ejus ad cal- ceiii liujus libclli adjunximus, certiora per naves eo jam missas, imo optatum de Freto pervio nuntium expect an te^. Quae naves hoc ipso JEternam sibi famam paratura) sunt. ^ Terra de Baccalaos, or Codfish land, is a vague terra, embracing most of the codfish stations north of 49°. On tho old maps the name is generally written in latitude 05'^ or 56°. For the origin and history of the terra, see the introduction to the present volurao. ^ Prol)ably German miles. The other accounts have leucas (leagues). OF Hudson's two last voyages. 185 These news of Pludson's recently found passage to the north of Newfoundland and the hope of a strait, are con- firmed by the testimony of the Virginian and Floridan savages, who all state most distinctly that their country is washed on its south-western side by a vast ocean, in which they have seen ships similar to those of the English. Confirmatm' ha^c nuper Inventi ab Hudsono supra Terram Novam transitus sive P'reti spes, Virgiriiarum Floridanorumque concordibus testimoniis, discrte adfirmantium, terras suas ab oc- casu tcstivo vasto Oceano, in quo et naves Anglicanarum similes viderunt. III. HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGES, FROM THE LATIN EDITION OF 1612. An account of the Discovery of the North-western Passage, v:hich is expected to lead to China and Japan, by the North of the Ame- rican Continent, fo'-.md hy Mr.. II. Hudson, an Englishman. The English nation, encouraged by previous success, have grown bolder and bolder in tlicir naval enterprise. Thus, besides their frequent voyages to the cast, to Nova Zembla and to Spitzbergen,^ they have made almost uninterrupted efforts to discover a western passage or strait to China and Felicissim^e Anglicoe gentis expeditioncs maritima^, et prosper- rimi quibus in ijs usi successus, eos ad rariores quoque profccti- ones tentandas magis magisque extimularunt : nam prajter crebra suorum ad Ortum et Novam Zemlam Gra3laudiamq. itinera, per- petuo fere laborarunt in investigando ad Occidentem, Chinam * Gorritz has Groenlandiam. The curious history of this name and of the geographical ideas and discoveries connected with it, will be found ill the introduction to the present volume. 91 I 1 186 HESSEL GERTIITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS Japan. They expected that sailing by this road they would have on their left the North American shores, where they have founded their Virginian colony. Several of those who set out in search of that passage entered Davis's Straits. Their example was followed by Captain George Winwood,^ who sailed in 1602 neariy five hundred English miles up that strait, but was then forced by the ice to return. He now attempted to find the desired passage by exploring the narrows under 61°, which the English call Lumley's Inlet. But having sailed a hundred leagues into them he again turned back, partly on account of the sufferings which the great length of the voyage pro- duced among his crew, partly because he desired to explore two more bays, situated between Lumley's Inlet and Bacca- laos, whence the sea was streaming out with great might. These facTf are stated in his logbooks, which Mr. Peter Plancius, a diligent investigator of such mutters, commu- nicated to Mr. H. Hudson during his stay in Amsterdam in 1609, when Hudson was going to undertake a search for a atque Japonem versus, transitu, sivc freto, itlquc relicto ad Isevam scptcntiionali America littorc, occupata jam illic et colonijs suis insessa Virginia. Viam vero, quam eorum ploerique in freto hoc indagando ingrcssi sunt, secutus est annos 1602 Capitaneiir, quo- que Georgius Winwood, qui quingentas fere Anglicas leucas in Freto Davis sursum decorsum vagarus, et prae fiflacie tandem coactus retrogredi, tentavit num per sinum ilium, quern Angll Lumles Inlet appellant, sub gradibus uno et scxaginta positum, invenire forte posset optatam viam, sed centum in eo leucas Hypa- fircum versus progressus, pedcm et hinc quoque retulit, tum quod diuturna itinevis molestia nautioum vulgus esset attritum, tum quod statu isset lustrare et alios duos sinus inter Lumles Inlet ct Ba^ccalaos, unde cxeuntem vidissc: ingentcm fluxum pro ut constat ejus Ephemeridibus, quas M. Petrus Plancius, curiosissimus talium novitatum investigator, tradidit M. Henrico Hudsono Anglo, * George Weymouth. The mistake, is corrected in the later editions. OF Hudson's two last voyages. 187 passage to the north of Nova Zembla for the Directors of the Dutch East India Company. He did set out, but achieved nothing in the east ; he sailed therefore straight westward, to attempt again the way searched out and drawn by Captain Winwood ; which way, after passing for about a hundred leagues through a narrow channel, leads out into a wide sea. Hudson hoped to find a way through this sea, though Plancius had proved to him the impossibility of success, from the accounts of a man who had reached the western shore of that sea. Hudson achieved in 1609 nothin": memorable, even by this new way. But he was again sent out in 1610 by his own countrymen. He now followed the way through Lumley's Inlet pointed out to him by AVin- wood-^'s papers. Having passed under many labours through the strait, he reached the latitude of 52°, where he wintered. Here he fell in, for the first time during the voyage, with one of the natives of the country. This Indian brought some merchandise, and M'as armed with a Mexican or Japa- Amstcrodami per id tempus, anno videlicet 1609, agcnti, et In- tlica) navigationis prasfectis, in quserendo siipra Novam Zemlam transitu, operam impensuro, qui et ipse cum ad Ortum nil pro- fecisset, ad occasum recta defiexit, dcnuo tcntaturus ilium a Capi- laneo Winwood qua;situm delineatumque mcatum, post centum plus minus leucarum anguslias, in amplum tandem pelagus desi- nentem, quod ipsum mare hie noster Hudsonus spcraverat fore perivium, licet contrarium ei, ex relatione cujusdam, qui occiden- tale maris ipsius littus adnavigaverat, idem Plancius ostcndisset. Hudsonus, cum ne hoc quidem Itincre quidquam memoria dig- mim gcssisset, anno proximo insecuto 1610, a popularibus suis rursus emissus est, et secutus ilium in Lumles Inlet sibi a Georgio Winwood ex parte calcatum tramitem, post multas tandem moles- tias fretum hoc superavit, et ad gradus 50, et 51, progressus est. Ubi et hibernavlt, atque liic demum, cum alioqui nuUos toto itinere obvlos usquam et nescio quid pra;terea adferret in com- mcatum crisso Mexicano seu Japonensi accinctus. Unde se non 188 HESSEL GERRlTZ's VARIOUS ACCOUNTS nese cris ;^ from which circumstances Hudson concluded that he was not far from Mexico. The native, however, not being well treated, never afterwards returned. The Eng- lish thus lost this only chance of adding to their victuals, and being provided for eight months only, they left the harbour they had entered and sailed along the western shore of the bay till up to 62° or 63° north. Here they found a wide sea and more powerful tides from the north-west, which Hudson and the officers intended to examine further. But the crew, who had already been two months longer from home than their provisions had been intended for, rose against their commanders, and exposed Hudson and his friends in a boat in the open air. The crew then returned by the way they had come and reached their home in September 1611, where they were thrown into prison. They are going to be kept prisoners till their captain will have becii found. In search of him three ships have been sent out this summer (1612) by the Prince of Wales and procul a terris Mexicanis abesse noster illico suspicatus est. Vir autem ille, parum comiter tunc exccptus, nunquam-postea redijt. Quare Angli, cum pra^tcr octimestrem ilium, quem secum advexe- rant commeatum, nihil aliunde nanciscerentur, e sinu, quem erant ingressi, occidentale legcntes littus, septemtrioncm versus ex- currerunt ad gradus 62, et 63, ubi et mare invenerunt late diffu- sum, et grandiores ab Cauro impulses fluctos, qua} Hudsono quidem et scnatui nautico animus erat ulterius indagandi ; sed refragantes navales socij, quod bimestri jam spatio, ultra quam de annona prospectum esser, dome abfuissent, insurrexerc tandem in suos pra)fectos, atque Iludsonum una cum sais scapha exposuc- rvmt in mare: ipsi vero qua venerant navi, anno 1611 Scptcni- bri mcnsc, domum reversi sunt, iibi in carcerem hac de caiissa i compacti, tantispcr asservantur, dum inveniatur Pra}fectus, qucni requirerc jusste sunt tres ille naves, quas emiserunt hac ipsa icstatc ^ Thus the Mexicans call their rtarac-shaped poniards. (Gcrritz's notes.) OF HUDSON S TWO LAST VOYAGES. 189 some merchants. They are to explore the passage through- out, and when they have found the open ocean, one of them is to return with the desired news. This ship is daily ex- pected home. 3ei.sim. VVallaj Princcps et mercatores, transitum plane perlus- traturas, ac pernavigaturas, quarum iinl injunctum, ut detecto ad plenu meatu recurrat, nuntium illud tarn diu desideratum feliciter allatura, quod in lioras nunc expectatur. IV. HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGE, FROM THE SECOND LATIN EDITION (1613). WITH NOTES INDICATING THE VARIATIONS OF THE DUTCH EDITION. A Description and Chart of the Discovery of the Strait or Passage by the north of the American continent to China and Japan. The English, stimulated by the happy success of their maritime enterprise, undergo without hesitation the troubles which these expeditions involve ; and in spite of the labori- ous nature of their voyages to the east, to Moscovia, Nova Zembla and Spitzbergen, they are still bent on new dis- coveries. They have chiefly made uninterrupted efforts to find a passage in the west, where they have already occu- pied Virginia and peopled it with their colonists. This Felicissim-E Anglorum navigationcs, et prosperrlmi, carum suc- cessus, magis ac magis isti genti stimulum addidcrunt, ut facile omnia taidia devorarint et novas detcctiones suscepcrint, quic licet laboriosissima! fucrint in Orientem ad era Moscovite, Novic Zemla) ct Grocnlandia;, nihilominus desudarunt in partibus Occidentalibus (occupata jam ctiain illic, et colonijs suis inscssa Virginia) ut sibi 190 HESSEL GERRITZ S VARIOUS ACCOHNTS passage they have sought for between Greenland and Nova Francia. Their eflforts have as yet been fruitless, and through ice and snow they have in vain fought their way up to 70° or even 80° of northern latitude. The strait which they have thus explored bears the name of its first disco- verer, John Davis. The last navigator who went along that way was Captain George Weymouth, who sailed in the year 1602, and who, after a voyage of five hundred leagues, was, like his predecessors, forced by the ice to return. But on purpose to draw at least some advantage from his expe- dition, he directed his course to the bay under 61", which the English call Lumley's Inlet, and sailed a hundred leagues in a south-westerly direction into it. Having gone so far, he found himself landlocked, and despairing of a passage, he was, by the weakness of his crew and by other causes, forced to return. He, however, first explored two more bays between that country and Baccalaos, and found there the water wide and mighty like an open sea, with very great tides. This voyage, though far from fulfilling Weymouth's hopes, transitum, intra Groenlandiam, ct Novam Franciam quoererent scd frustra hactenus, seducti via in Scptcmtrionem obducta nivibus et glacie, elaboratum est, usque ad altitudinem spptuaginta, aut octaginta graduum, nomenque traxit frctum ab invcntorc primo Joanne Davis, postremus qui idem iter instituit, pra^fectus fuit Georgius Weymouth, qui anno millesimo sexcentcsimo sccundo quingentas leucas navigando emensus est, scd glaciei copia coactus est, ut et alij antecessores, in patriam redne. Sedne irritus plane esset conatus, navigans denuo, ad altitudinem sexaginta et unius gradus, per sinum quern Angli Lumles Inlet dicunt, ibi ob occi- dcnte in meridiem deflectens centum leucas, postea objectu terras, transitum non inveniens, imbecillitate sociorum, alijsque dc causis, coactus est reverti nihilominus ct duos alios sinus lustravit, non sine maxima aquarum copia maris in star, et maximo fluxu ct refluxu, intra tcrram banc, et earn quam Baccalaos appellant. I ' 4 OF Hudson's two last voyages. 191 1 r I assisted Hudson very materially in finding his famous strait. George Weymouth's logbooks fell into the hands of the Rfev. Peter Plancius, who pays the most diligent attention [ to such new discoveries, chiefly when they may be of ad- I vantage to our own country ; and when in 1609 Hudson I was preparing to undertake a voyage for the Directors of I the East India Company, in search of a passage to China and Cathay by the north of Nova Zembla, he obtained these logbooks from Peter Plancius. Out of them he learnt this whole voyage of George Weymouth, through the narrows I north of Virginia till into the great inland sea ; and thence i he concluded that this road would lead him to India. But Peter Plancius refuted this latter opinion from the accounts of a man who had searched and explored the western shore of that sea, and had stated that it formed an unbroken line of coast. Hudson, in spite of this advice, sailed westward to try what chance of a passage might be left there, having first gone to Nova Zembla, where he found the sea entirely blocked up by ice and snow. He seems, however, accord- Htec navigatio licet turn temporis, votis, non responderit, tamen cliaria Georgij Weymouth (qua? inciclerunt ip mamis D. P. Plantij curiosissimi rerum novarum investigatoris, in usum patriae hujus reique nauticsc) usui fuerunt maximo, H. Hudsoni, in investiga- tione hujus famosissimi freti, cum enim anno millesimo sexcen- tesimo et nono, ille ageret cum Prsefectis Indies navigationis, do via inquirenda in Chinam et Cathayam, supra Novam Zemlam, lisec a D. P. Plantio impetravit Diaria, ex quibus totu istud iter Georgij Weymouth per angustius supra Virginiam didicit, usque ad Oceanum qui earn alluit, hinc ista opinio invaluit, hac via sola patere aditum ad Indos ; sed quam fallax sit, docuit ilhim D. P. Plantius, ex relatu cujusdam, qui in parte Occidentali, terram esse continentem asseverarat, eamque lustrarat. Hudsonus nihilominus in Oriente, et Nova Zemla, viam sibi a glacie, nivibus, praeclusam videns, in Occidentem navigavit, ut quid spci superesset inquireret; non recto itineve (ut hie i'ertur) ut patriaj huic nostrae, et prsefectis I I' 192 HESSEL GERUITZ'S VAUIOUS ACCOUNTS ing to the opinion of our countrymen, purposely to have missed the right road to the western passage, unwilling to benefit Holland and the Directors of the Dutch East India Company by such a discovery. All he did in the west in 1609 was to exchange his merchandise for furs in New France. He then returned safely to England, where he was accused of having undertaken a voyage to the detriment of his own country. Still anxious to discover a western pas- sage, he again set out in 1610, and directed his course to Davis's Strait. There he entered in latitude 61° the path pointed out by George Weymouth, and explored all the shores laid down in the present chart,^ up to the height of 63°. He then sailed to the south, down to 54V where he wintered. When he left his winter quarters he ran along the western shore for forty leagues, and fell in, under 60°, with a wide sea, agitated by mighty tides from the north- west. This circumstance inspired Hudson with great hope prodessct, tantum in Nova Francia mercibus suis commutatis, pro pellibus, salvus in Angliam reversus est, ibique accusatus in detri- mentum Patriae Anglian navigationcs suas instituissc. Itcrum iter succepit, non minori studio de transitu investigando in Occidente, tcndens in Fretum Davis, anno millesimo sexcentesimo e dccimo, usque ad altitudincm unius et sexaginta graduum, ingressus semi- tam Georgij Weymouth, omnes eras lustravit, hac in tabula deli- neatas, usque ad gradus sexaginta tres, dcflexit in Meridiem usque ad gradus quinquaginta quatuor, sub ijs hybcrnavit, solvens istinc littus Occidentalc leges, ascendit usque ad gradum scxagesimfi, recta navigans, quadraginta leucas, amplu pclagus depreliedit, fluctibus a Cauro agitatis superbiens : Ex his non exigua spcs transeundi Hudsono affulsit, nee voluntas senatui nautico defuit, sod fastidium, et malevolcntia sociorum scrupulum injicere, ob victus inopiam, cum ijs tatum in octo menses prospectum esset, nihilque toto itinerc alimcnto dignum in manus eorum incideret, ^ His Chart {Zyne Caerte), according to the Dutch edition. " 52 degrees (52 ste. graed) Dutch edition. ^::« OF Hudson's two last voyages. 193 of finding a passage, and his oiTicers were quite ready to undertake a further search ; but the crew, weary of the long voyage, and unwilling to continue it, bethought themselves of the want of victuals, with which they had been provided for eight months only, and to which no additions had been made during the voyage, except one large animal which an Indian brought. This Indian was armed with a Mexican or Japonese cris (poniard), from which fact Hudson concluded that a place which possessed Mexican arms and productions could not be far distant from that country.^ At last the ill will of the crew prevailed. They exposed Hudson and the other officers in a boat on the open sea, and returned into their country. There they have been thrown into prison for their crime, and will be kept there until their captain shall be safely brought home.'^ For that purpose some ships have been I nisi forti Indus quidam, qui Crissio Mexicano, sou Japoncnsi armatus, fcram attulit, ex quo Hudsonus conjiciebat, se non longe a Mcxicanis abessc, qviorum arma, et commercia vidcret. Tandem pvaivaluit sociorum malevolcntia, qui Hudsonum, cum reliquispra)- fcctis scaplia oxposuerunt in mare, ipsi patriam peticre, quam cum appulisscnt, ob scclus commissum in carcercs detrusi sunt, ibique ilctincntur, donee pra^fcctus corum Hudsonus salvus suis rosti- tualur, ab ijs, quibus id nogotij superiori anno millcsimo sexcen- ^ Whcrefrom it appears that the people of that country have some communication with those along the Pacific Ocean. {Daer wt dattet schijnt die natie daer te lande (jhemeenschaii te hehben met die aen de Zwjder Zee.) Dutch edition. '^ The Dutch edition, i)ulilishcd several months before the Latin, has from this point an entirely different termination : "He is being searched for by the ships which have been sent out this summer by the mer- chants and by the Prince of Wales, who is said to assist them. These ships are not expected to return before they will have been in Mare del Zur. We wish them good luck." {Die c/hesocht ivort van de scheepens die dese somer derimert gesonden zijn van de Cooplui/den ende van den Prince van Wallis die daer de hand aen /tout, soo gheseyt wort, Welcke sc/wepens men meent niet te sidlen weder komen eer sy al heel sidien tot ill Mar del Ziir geweeat hebhen, daer lOji haer gheluck toe icenschcn.) 25 ..I f if i^ A \ I ,.. :^ i 194 HESSEL GKURITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, ETC. sent out last year (1G12) by the late Prince of Wales^ and by the Directors of the Moscovia Company, about the return of which nothing has as yet been heard. Wc may therefore hope that they have passed beyond that strait, and we do not think that we shall hear anything about them before they return to England from East India or China and Japan, by the same road by which they went out. This, we hope and pray, may come to pass. Nor has the zeal of our fellow citizens of Amsterdam cooled down. They have some months ago sent out a ship, to search for a passage or for Hudson's Strait, to try whether any convenient inter- course can be established with those places, or, if this should be found impossible, to trade on the coasts of New France.^ tesimo et duodecimo, jussu Principis Wallite pise memorise, et Prsefectorum Russise navigationis commissum est; dc quorum reditu hactenus nihil inauditum, hinc spes aliqua afFulget, eas angustias illas superasse nee judicamus quid certe nos inaudituros prius- quam ex Indise Orientali rcdierint, aut ubi cum Chinensibus, aut Japonensslbus sua transegerint, eademque via in Angliam rcdie- rint : quod felix et faustum sit precamur unice. Nee fervor iste in nostris Amsterodamensibus deferbuit plane superioribus enim mensibus ab ijs emissa est navis, eo tantum fine, ut de transitu, vcl Frcto Hudsoni inquireret, et num commercij locus sit in istis oris, si vero eventus votis non respondeat, in oris Novse P''rancise negotiabuntur. ^ Henry, Prince of Wales, died in November, 1012, between the pub- lication of the first and second editions of Hesscl Gcrritz. The ships sent out were commanded by Button, the discoverer of Button's Bay, a gentleman of Prince Henry's household. Button wintered in Hudson's Bay and returned in autumn, 1613. ^ For an account of this expedition see O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland, i, p; G8, 69. n APPENDIX. Hi f II APPENDIX. VOYAGE OF JOHN DE VEUAZZANO ALONG THE COAST OF NORTH AMERICA FROM CAROLINA TO NEWFOUNDLAND (CONTAINING THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF HUDSON'S RIVER), A.D. 1524. lUANSLATEI) FUOIM THK OUIOINAL ITALIAN, UY JOSEPH fi. COr.SAVELL, ESQ., MEMliEU OF THE N. Y. HIST. SOC, ETf. (I'UOM " N. Y. HIST. SOC. COLL.," NEW SEHIES, VOL. I.) PRELIMINARY NOTICE BY THE TRANSLATOR. The following paper is a new translation of the letter written by Vcrazzano on his return from his first voyage to the western con- tinent, giving an account of his discoveries to Francis I of France, by whose orders he had undertaken it. It is made from a copy of the original manuscript in the Magliabeccliian Library at Florence, which was presented to the New Y'ork Historical Society by G. W. Greene, Esq., now Consul of the United States at Rome. A trans- lation of part of the same letter is printed in the first volume of the Society's "Collections", which was ttiken from Hakluyt,'who followed the original as given by Ramusio ; but as that varies in substance, in some few instances, from the Magliabecchian ; and as Hakluyt's translation is throughout obscure and antiquated in language, it seems requisite to publish the one which has been made from the Society's copy. This letter is in itself highly inte- resting and important ; and is rendered still more so from the fact uf its being the earliest original account in existence of the Atlantic ' From IlakluyVs Divers Voyages, a new edition of wliicli, liy J. Winter .'I'Mos, Esq., forms part of the publications of tlh; llalduyt Society. i-M PI 198 VERAZZANO's VOYAOK, AND KIUST coast of the United States, nearly the whole extent of which was visited by Vcraziiano during the voyage described in it. It is worthy of remark that the name by which the western continent is now known, is not used by Vcrazzano in the account of his visit to it, owing probably to the recent and not universal adoption of it: it is possible even that he was ignorant of its having been applied. With respect to the comparative authenticity of the manuscript used by Ramusio, and that from which our copy is taken, we have nothing conclusive to offer : we can only say that the internal evi- dence is greatly in favour of the latter. Mr. Greene, who took up the whole subject in an article in the North American Revieiv for October 1837, remarks that there are in Ramusio such variations from the Magliabecchian manuscript as can only be accounted for by supposing that the editor must have worked the whole piece over anew, correcting the errors of language upon his own autho- rity. Something of the kind was evidently done : the language of the two is very different ; and that used in the manuscript from which the present translation is made, has strong marks of being in the very form in which it was moulded by Verazzano. It is throughout just as sailors of little education commonly write : little or no regard is paid to grammar ; the sentences run into each other ; the subjects are thrown together confusedly ; parenthetical clauses constantly break the thread of the narrative ; and there are no points from beginning to end. From such a labyrinth of words it is not easy to affirm that the precise meaning has always been unravelled ; but all possible pains have been taken to render the Italian original as exactly and as clearly as the barbarous style in which that is written would admit. The cosmographical descrip- tion at the close is not found in Hakluyt, and it was not published in the volume of " Collections" before cited. It is now added, rather on account of the curious evidence it furnishes of the state of nautical science at that time, than of any valuable knowledge to be drawn from it. J. G. C. New York, Jan. 9th, 1841. The editor of the present volume, whilst acknowledging his great obligations to Professor Cogswell, cannot share his opinion^; DISCOVERY OF HUDSON S llIVEll. 199 about the cosmographical appendix. Before that appendix was published, Verazzano's voyage seemed without a purpose. In the appendix it is clearly stated that Verazzano, like the Cabots and Hudson, and like nearly all the north-western discoverers, sought a way to Cathay. This fact, which connects the first discoverer of Hudson's river so closely with the navigator whose name the river bears, is of paramount importance for our subject. It is the prin- cipal reason for inserting the letter in this collection. VOYAGE, ETC. t Captain John de Verazzano to his most Serene Majesty THE King op France, writes : Since the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts, I have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty con- cerning the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to discover new lands, because I thought you must have been before apprized of all that had happened to us ; that we had been com- pelled, by the impetuous violence of the winds, to put into Brit- tany in distress, with only the two ships Normandy and Dolphin ; and that, after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must have heard; and also of our new plan of continuing our begun voyage with the Dolphin alone. From this voyage being now Da poi la fortuna passata nellc spiaggo scttcntrionali, Ser'"" Signore non scrissi a vostra scrcnissiina et cristianissima Macsta (piello chc era RCguito dclli quattro Icgni chc quclla mando per lo oceano ad iscoprir nuove tcrre, pensando di tutto sia stata certificata come dalle iuipetuose forze de' venti furamo costretti con sola la nave Normanda c Dalfina afflitti ricorrcre in Lrettagna dove resturate avia V. S. M. inteso il dis- corso facemmo con quelle arraate in guerra per 11 lidi di Spagna, di poi la nuova disposizionc con sola la dalfinu in sc(iuirc la prima navigazionc, I . I 200 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST returned, I proceed to give your Majesty an account of our disco- veries. On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock near the island of Madeira; belonging to his most Serene Majesty the King of Portugal, with fifty men ; having provisions sufficient for eight months, arms, and other warlike munition and naval stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze, in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 2 1th of February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of our good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the west, a little nortli- wardly, in twenty -four days more, having run four hundred leagues, we reached a new country which had never before been seen by any one either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared to be very low ; but on approaching it to within a quarter of a league from the shore, Ave perceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port dalla quale essendo ritornato dard adviso a V. S. M. di quello abbiamo trovato. Dallo dcserto scopulo propinquo alia isola di Madera del Scr'"" re di Portogallo con la detta dalfiua alii 17. del passato meso di gcnnajo ooii cinquanta uomiDi forniti di '.cttovaglic, armc ct altri strumcnti bellici c muniziono navale per otto mcsi partiramo navigando per zeffiro spirando sub.solano con dolcc e soavo levita, in venticinquc giorni correramo Icghe 800, c il di 14 di Febbrajo passammo una tormcnta tanto aspera quanto mai alcuno clic navigasse passasse. l)ella quale con lo divino ajuto c boutadc laudo, del glorioso nomo e fortunate fatti atti a sopportare la violenta oiida del mare, fummo libcri, c scguiramo nostra navigazioue contniuando verso 1' occidcnte pigliando alquanto del scttentrione, c in venti cinque altri giorni corremrao piu oltre loghc 400, dove ci apparsu una nuova terra mai da alcuno antico o niodorno vista. jNIostravasi alquanto bassa al principio, ma approssimatici a un ([uarto di lega cor.os- cemrao quclla per li grandissimi I'uochi facevano al lito del mare esserc abitata: vcdemmo correva verso I'Austro, custrandola per trovar alcnna porto dove potessimo con la nave sorgorc per invostigare la natura i-li DISCOVERY or Hudson's river 201 in which wc might como to an anchor and examine into the nature of the country ; but for fifty leagues wc coukl find none in which wc could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretched to the south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the north- ward ; and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the land, and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea-side, fled at our approach ; but occasionally stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come to us. These shewed the greatest delight on beholding us, wondering at our dress, countenances, and complexion. They then shewed us by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will relate what we saw^ as briefly as possible. They go entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small animals, like martens, fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals, hanging down to the knees. All other parts of the body and the head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds' featliers. The complexion of these people is black, not much different quella in spazio di leghc 50 uon trovammo porto prossimo alcuno dove sicuri potessimo posare e visto che contiuuo scendeva verso 1' Austro dcliberamrao tornare a rigarla verso il settentrionc Jonde il medesimo trovammo sorgendo alia costa mandando il battello a terra avemmo vista di molta gente che venivano al lido del mare ct vedendo approssimarci fuggirono alcuna volta fermaudosi si voltavano addietro con grande amndrazione risguardando, ma assicurandoli noi con varj segni, venivano alcuni di quegli, mostrando grande allegrczza a vederci maravigliandosi di nostri abiti e figure c bianchezza facendene varj scgni dove col battello dovessimo piit commodamente sccndore ofi'erondonc di loro vivande: fummo alia terra e quelle potessimo di loro vita e costumi conosccre con brevita diro a V. S. M. Vanno del tuto uudi salvochti alio parti pudi- bunde portano alcune pelli di piccoli auimali siraili a martori con una eintura d' crbe tessutu con code d' altri animali che pendono circucndo il corpo seno alle giiiocchia il resto nudo, il capo simile. Alcuni di loro portano ccrte ghirlaude simili di pennc d' ucccHi. S.u di colore ncri 202 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGK, AND FIRS''' from that of the Etliiopiana. Their hair is black and thick, and not very lonfr ; it is worn tied back upon tlie head, in the form of a little tail. In person they arc of good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own ; broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body. The only exception to their good looks, is that they have broad faces ; but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They arc not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swilt of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars they resemble the people of the East,* especially those the most remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their usages on account of our short stay among them and the distance of our ship from the shore. We found, not far from this people, another, whose mode of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills. non molto dagli Etiopi difforme i capolli neri c folti non molto lunghi i quail legano insieme dietro alia testa in forma d' una piccola coda. Quanto alia similitudiue dell' uono somo bene proporzionate di mezza statura c piu presto a noi eccedono in nel petto ampli, nolle braccia dis- postc le gambe e 1' altro del corpo bene composti : non hanno altro salvo alquanto nel viso tcndono in larghezza, non perd tutti che a molti vedemmo il viso profilato, gli occhi neri e grandi la guardatura fissa, non sono di molta forza ma di ingcnio acuti agili e grandissimi corri- dor! per quello potcmmo per esperienza conoscere. Somigliano per due estremi agl' oriental! massime a qucgli delle ultime region!. Non po- teinmo di loro costum! molto in particulare comprendere per la poca stanza faccmrao alia terra, per essere suso 1' ondc alia piaggia. Trovammo non lung! di quegl! altr! popul! dc quali pensiamo !1 vivere sia con- 1 The resemblance between the nations of the eastern shores of Asia and the abor' 'ncs of North America is a fact more and more confirmed by modern ri-'^ ^arch and travel. Still Vernzzano, the first man who asserts it, could not possibly make the comparison. His repeated assertions can only be taken as proofs of the tendency of human nature strikingly descril)ed by Ciusar : " Iloiiiines fere libcntcr quod volant, credunt," He wished to reach Catliay ; and, therefore, licri, c molto populata per li continui fuoclii, per tutto interno al lito vcdemmo clio facevano. Hattezzammolo iu nomc dclla vostra clarrissima genitvice. Nou surgendo a quclla per la opposizione del tempo vcnimmo a lui' altra terra distunto dalla isola Icghe xv tro- vammo uno hulissimo porto e prima iu qucllo cntrassimo vcdemmo circa ' It is qnito clear, from llio course of the vessel, that the river liore de- scribt'tl is the Iliulson, ami the buy, its moutli. Tlio doscripliou also is per- fectly accurate. As is stated further on, by Professor Cogswell, an American historian, Dr. ^Miller was of opini(in,that not the bny here summarily sketched, bnt the one move amply depicted on a later page of Verazzauo's journal, is Kew York harbour. Dr. iMiller was most probably misled by his patriotism. The charming description of tlie second bay cannot bo misi dien for that of the moutli of the Hudson, by any one whoso judgment is oi".iiely unbiassed. Tlio mistake has for a long time been generally acknowledged in America. The second bay, wliieli Verazzano afterwards entered, is Narrangaset Bay (Newport harbour, Piliode Island). The praise given to it by its discoverer is not by any means oxagg(!rated. - It may perhaps be allowed to hazard the conjecture that this tribe was descended from the Welsh emigrants, who had reached America in the early pnrl of the middle ages : and of whom many travellers, but most especially Mr. Catlin, believe to have found some traces. They need not huve been venj white to appear fair to a sunburnt Italian mariner. Tlie emendation introduced into the text by ^Mr. Cogswell, seems of too bold a nature. Di colore bianchissiino can hardly be interpreted into inclining to a white [lifonzc) colour. 2153 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not ap- proach nearer than within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked at the structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signifying tliat they were pleased. By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear, among them were two kings, more beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described ; one was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four, and they were dressed i, the following manner : The oldest had a deer's skin around his body, artificially wrought in damask figures, his Lead was without covering, his hair was tied back in various knots ; around his neck he wore a large chain ornamented with many stones of different colours. The young man was similar in his general app-^arance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion ( r) ; some of them incline more to a white (bronze?), and others to a tawny colour ; their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they bestow f;reat pains ; XX ba.vchette di genti che vouivano con varj gridi c maraviglie intorno alia nave non a[)prossiniandosi piu che cinquanta passi fcrmavansi vedendo lo edifizio nostro cfligie ed abite : di poi tutti insieme spanJc- lano ua altro grido, significaudo rallcgrarsi assicuratigli ahjuanto imi- tando loro gcsti si approssimurono tanto che gitamrao loro alcuni sonagH e spccclij molte fantasie quale prose con riso e riguardandole sicura- mente nclla nave entrorno. Erano inira quelli duo re de tauta bclla statura e forma quanto narrate sia possibilc 11 primo d' anni 40 in circa r altro d'anni 24, 1'abito de' quali tale era — il piu vecchio sopra il corpo nudo aveva una pcllc di ccrvo lavorata artifiziosamanto alia damaschiiui con vai'j ricanii, la testa nuda, li capelli aditro avolti con varic Icgaturo, al coUo una catena larga ornata di molte pietri di diversi colori. Jl giovane quasi nclla mcdesiina forma. Era questa la piu holla gente c la pill gontile di costumi abbiamo trovata in questa navigazionc, eccedono !i(ii di grandezza. sono di colore bianchissinio. alcuui pcndono piii in biaucliixza ma altri in colore llavo, il viso i>iolihito, i oapcgli luiighi c DISCOVEUY OF UUUSOn's KIVER. 213 their eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to your Majesty of the other parts of the body, which are all in good proportion, and such as belong to well formed men. Their women are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing appearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like thoac worn by the men ; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various ornaments iipon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang down upon their breasts on each side; others wear different ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The oUlcr and the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments, in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered by them as the most ordinary of the metals, — yellow being the colour especially disliked by them ; azure and red are those ir. high- est estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in their ears and about their necks ; they do not value or care to ncri nei quali pongono grandissimo studio in adornargli, gli occhi ncri e pronti, la aria dolce e soave iinitando molto Tantioo. Dellc altrc parti del corpo uon dir5 a V.S.M. tenendo tutte le proporzione del corpo 1' ap- partiene a uno bene composto. Lc donuc loro souo della medesima forma e belle/a uiolto graziose e di venusta aira e grato aspetto di cos- tumi e continentia, nude con solo una pelle di cervo ricamata come gli iioraini alcune alle braccia portauo pclle di lupi ccrvieri molto ricchc, il capo con varj ornamenti di trcccie composte de' medesimi capcgli che pondono dall' uno e I'altro lato del petto. Alcune hauno altro accon- ciaturc come le donue d' Egitto e di Soria usano, e (jucste sono quoile che eccedono alia ctsl e giunte in spozalizio agli orecchi tengono varie fautasie pcndcnti come gli oricntali costuuiano cosi gli uoniini come lc douno a quali vcdciumo luultc lauiinc di ramc lavoratc da quelli teuute in prcgio piii che 1' oro ; il quale per il colore non stimano ; imporocchc fra tutti i mctalle da loro per il piii vile e tenuto per il giallo colore che ahorrono, lo azzurro ed il rosso sopra ogni altro csaltando. Quello cho ila noi gli lil doiii\lo che piii tcncssino in prczzo crauo sonagli. cristal- Uui iizzuiri cd allrc tautatfic da tcucrc agli orocohj cd al collo iiou proz- 214 VKKAZZANu's ^()VAGE, A^'D FIRST have silk or gold stuffs, or other kind of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and only asked how they were made; the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, as soon as they had looked at them. They arc very generous; giv- ing away whatever they have. We formed a great friendshij) with them, and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance of a league from the shore, as the wea- ther was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. Wc remained among them fif- teen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which wc were in want, during which time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with tliciu their wives, of whom they v.ere very careful ; for although they came on board themselves, and remain- ed a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by entreaties ov any presents we could make them. One of the two Kings often came with his Queen and zano drappi di seta o di oro o di oltri goncri di drappi, no si curano quclli avere, simile do mctalli come acciajo ferro, pcrchc piCi volte m(^s- trandoli delle uostre armi non no pigliavano ammirazione e di (piellc domaudavano solo lo artifizio risguardando dolli speccbj il simile facevano Bubito quclli guardando, ridendo rcnunziavano. Sono molto liberali die tutto qucllo hanno donato. .Facemmo con loro grandc aniista cd uno giorno avauto cntrassimo con la nave ncl porto stando per li tcinpc adversi una Icga nel marc surti venivano con uu numcro di loro bar • chette alia nave puntata ed acconci il viso con varj colori mostrandoci Tcro segno di allcgrczza putandone dcUc loro vivande, facendoci segno dovo per salvazione della nave nel porto avessimo a surgere di contiuuo accoinj)agnaiidonc pcrfino a (|ucllo posammo la ancora, pel quale posaiu- ma giorni (piindici rostauraudone di molta opportuiiita, dove ogni giorno vcniva gcnte a vederc alia nave mcnando lo loro donuc dcUe (juali sono molto curiosi imperocchc cntrando loro in t|uella dimorando lungo spazio facevano Ic loro donue aspcttarc nolle barchette e con quanti prieghi li faccssimo offerendo donarc loro varic cose non era possibilo die laciah- sino (jucllc in nave cutrarc c moltc volte vencuilo uiiu dolli duo re cuii la DISCOVKUY OK HUDSON S lllVEU. :>ir> many attendants, to sec us for his amusements ; but he always stojjped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, sayinj^f they would come and see our ship, — this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around ; but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent his queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from us. while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by . , and expressing his fanciful notions about everything in the ^.'.ip, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men stayed two or three days on a small island near the ship for their various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or eight of his attendants to incjuirc about our movements, often asking us if we intended to remain long, and offering us evtiy- thing at his command ; and then he would shoot with his bow, and run up and down with his people, making great sport for us. We often went five or six Iragues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultiva- regina c molti gcntili uomiui per suo piaccre a vcdcre in prima si fer- mava scmpre a una terra distantc da noi 200 passi, mandando una barchetta, ad avisaruc della sua vonuta, dicendo volarc venire a vedoro la nave, (jucsto facendo in spezic di sicurta, c come da noi avovano la risposta sul)ito vcnivano e stati aluuanto a risguardare scntcndo il nojoso clamore della turba niarittima mandava la rogina con le sue damigelle in una barchetta molto Icggiera a riposare ad una isola distante da noi un quarto dc Icga rcstando in grandissimo spazio ragioi'ando per scgni e qucsti di varie fantasic riguardando tutto lo sostanze delUi nave domandando in particolare la propricta di quelle imitando i nostri sahiti, gustando i nostri cibi, di poi benignaraento da noi si partiva cd alcuna volta due e tre giorni stando le nostre genti ad una isola piccola vioina alia nave per varie necessita come e costume de' marinaj vcniva con 7 o 8 Jo suoi gcntili uouiini in quolla guardando nostre operazioni, doman- (lundone piu volte so volcvauio restar quivi per lungo tcnqio ofTerondone cgui sua facidta, di poi tiraudo con 1' arco corrcndo faccva coa li suoi ^eutili uomini varj giuochi per darne piacerc fumrao piii volte infra terra v o vi leghe quale trovammo tauto amcna quauto narrarc sia possi- 216 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST tion of every kind, whether of corn, wine, or oil; there .ire often plains twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed that they might all be traversed by an army ever so numerous ; the trees of which they were composed were oaks, cypresses, an'l others unknown in Europe. We found also apples, plums, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares and by bows, the latter being their chief implement ; their arrows arc wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufliciently commodious to contain ten or twelve persons ; their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circiT inference, made of logs split in halves, without any bile, atta a ogni genere di cultura frumento, vino, olio, impcrocchc in quella sono campagne larghc xxv iu xxx Icghe apcrte o nude d' ogni iuipediracnto d' arbori, di tanta fcrtilitii che qualsivoglia seme in quclla produrebbe ottimo frutto. Kntrando poi nolle sclvc tuttc a ogni uume- roso escrcito in qual modo sia sono penctrabili, dclle quali gli arbori sono qucrcic, ciprcssi, cd attri incogniti nclla Europa. Trovammo pomi luculliano prune, avcllano c molte altrc frutto. II genere di esse e dif- forcnte dalle nostre. Auimali vi sono di grandissimo numero, cervi, daini lupi ccrvieri, o di altre spezic quali nel modo degli altrc pigliauo con lacci, archi, che sono per loro principalc armo, le frcice do quali sono con molta pulchritudinc lavorate ponendo nella estreraita per fcrro smeriglio, diaspro e duro marmore cd altre taglicnti pietre dclle quali si servono per ferro ncl tagliarc albcri c fabricare le loro barchctte di uii sob fusto di Icguo con mirabilc artifizio concave, nclla quale couiiuo- damentc andra x o xii uomini, cd il remo corto nella estrcmita larga operandc quel solo con forza di braccia in pelago senza alcuno pcricolo, con tanta vclocita quanto a loro piace e stcndendoci vedemiuo loro abita- zione in forma circolare di x in xii passi di and)ito fabricate di serai- DISCOVKKY Ol" III'DSON S RlVKl!. 217 regularity in architecture, ami covered with roof's of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no doubt that they would buiUl stately edifices if they had workmen as skilful as ours ; for the whole sea- coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has posts and retreats for animals. They change their habitations from place to place as circumstances of situation and season may re- quire. This is easily done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers : in some wc saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes ; wliich is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated. In the time of sowing they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they arc long lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of the fire; and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives, making loud lamontulions in their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good circoli di legno separate 1' una dall altr.a sensa online d' architcctura, coperte di tele di paglia sottilnicnte lavorate che da vuuto c pioggia li ttifondono, non e dubbio se avissiuo la pcifczione dcgli artifizj, noi abi- amo che conducessino magni edifi/.j, imporocchc tutto il lito maritlimo ili vivc pictre d' auralee e cristalliuc e di alabastro c picno c per talo causa e copiose di porti c ricettacoli di aniniali. Pormiitauo Ic dctto cose di uno in altro luogo secondo la espcrienza del cito cd il tempo iu quello diraorati — levano solo le tele, in uno stantc hauuo altrc abita- zioni fabricate e diniora, in ciaschcduna padre e fanuglia in grandis- simo numero c in cpialchc una vedemmo xxv o xxx animc ed il viverc lore e come gli altri di legumi i (piali producono con piu ordine di cul- tura, dcgli altri asscrvando nolle scmenzo lo influsso liuiarc il nasci- lucnto delle biade e molte modi dall antichi dati — iu oltre di veriagionc c pcsci — vivono lungo tempo. In egritudiiie incorromo so da soiio opprcssi scnza floniito col fuoco da loro medesiiui si sanauo ed il fine loro b dolla ultima vccchioza quidichianio sicno di loro prossimi molto pietosi e caritativi, facondo nolle advcrsita gran lanienti, nolle iniscrio ricordando tutto Ic loro fclicita od i parenti 1' uno con 1" altro 38 I i 218 VRIIAZ/ANO S VOYAGK, AM) FIRST fortune. At their departure out of life, their rehitions mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is all that we could learn of them. Thif region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41° 40' of north latitude; but much colder, from accidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and confine myself at present to the description of its local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a league broad ; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast and north is twelve leagues ; and then enlarging itself, it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which are five small islands of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. Among these islands any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water which flow down to the sea. Tii the midst of the entrance there is a rock of freestone, formed by natarc, and suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harbour.' nel fine di loro vita usano 11 pianto siciliauo raisto con canto jier lungo tempo durando. E qucsto e qua'ito di loro potcssimo comosccre. Questa terra e situata nel paralello di lloma in gradi 41? ma alquanto piil fredila per accidcnte, non per natura, come in altra parte narrero a V.S.M. descrivendo al preseute il sito di detto posto guarda verso lo austro augusta mizza lega dipoi entrando in (|uollo infra oriente e sct- tentrione s' esteude leghe xii dove allargaudosi causa uno amplissimo seno di circuito di leghe xx in circa nel quale sono v. isolette di molta fertilita e vaghezza piene di alti e spatioso alberi infra le quali isole ogni numero di classe senza timore di tumpesta o di altro impedimcnto di fortuua secura puo quiescere. Toruando iwv vorso meridio alia cii- trata del porto all' uuo c 1' altro lato sono amcuissimi colli con molti rivi che dalla eminenza al mar j saituriscono chiare acque. Nel mezzo della hocca si trova uno scoglio di viva pietra dalla natura prodotto atto a fabbricarvi qual si vuole niacoliina o propugnacolo per custodia di quelle. 1 Tliu tibuvu doscripliun applies lo Nnnagunsot, 13iiy iind Ihn harbour of NcwjjoiM in l!li(iil( rslmiil. althoiif,'li inistukiMi by Dr. Rlillcr, in his iliscourso BISCOVKRY OV IILUSOn's UIVKH. 2l\) Having supplied ourselves witli everything necessary, on the fifth vji' May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our sight. The nature of the country appeared much the same as before J but the mountains were a little higher, and all, in appear- ance, rich in minerals. We did not stop to land, as the weather was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, and the country pre- sented no variety. The shore stretched to the cast ; and, fifty leagues beyond, more to the north, where we found a more elevated country full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses, and the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle ; but tlicsc were so rude and barbarous that we were unable, by any signs we could make, to hold communication with them, 'ihey clothe themselves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other animals. Their food, as far as we coulil judge by several visits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and iishing, and certain T'lssondo di ogni nostra oppurtuiiita rcstaurati il giorno sei di maggio partimiuo dall dctto porto continuaudo il lito uon pcrJeudo mai la vista dclla terra navigainmo Icghe loO, trovandola di una modesinui natura cd alquanto piu alta con alcune montagne che tuttc si mostravano minerali, non posammo a quella per la prospcrita del tempo ue serviva in rigare la costa pensammo fosse all' altra contbrme — correva il lito alio oriente, in spazio de Icghe 50 toiiando piu al scttentriouo trovammo una terra alta plena di sclvc molto folte dcUe (^uali li albcri furouo abeti, ciprcssi, e simili che si gcnerano in regioue frcdda, la gcnte tutf < lalle altre dif- forme e quauto i passati erano d'ogui gesto gcntili, questi erano di ruvi- dezza e visi tanto barbari, che mai potcmmo con quauti segnali 11 faces- simo avcre con loro conversazione alcuna vestono di pelle di orsi, di lupi cervieri consocore aiiJando piii volte dove avcvano la abitataziouo stemiamo Ic piii volte sia di vciiagione e pcsci c di alouni frutti che souo !■ 'I before this Society (us publislu'd in the firsl vohmio of the tVu'iiier sorios of Collections), for llie bay and harbour of New York. The latter nre briefly described in a in'ocedin;^ iiaragraph of this translation (p. 45) witii siillicient clearness to ailniit of their being easily recoj^'nizeJ. The isbnul, "of a trian- gular form, resembling the i-.laiiil of llhoiles" ( \vh it'll Vorrazzuiio mentions as fifty Icagi'.is to tile east of New York, — ji. l(i),is iloubtless Hbck l>liiiiil. — Cv/.suv//. '220 VEKA/ZANO S VUVAUK, AM) FlKSl" fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous ,t,no\vth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation. Tlic hind ai)pear3 sterile, and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. Jf we wished at any time to truilick with them, tliey came to the sea shore and stood upon the rucks, from which they lowered down by a cord, to our boats beneath, wliatcver they had to barter, conti- nually crying out to w^ not to come nearer, and instantly demand- ing from us that which was to be given in exchange. They took from us only knives, fishdiooks, and sharpened steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies. When we had nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our departure made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we penetrateii two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five men. When we came to tlie shore, they shot at us with tlieir arrows, raising the most horrible cries, and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary, except vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we inl'er from seeing that many of the l)eople wear copper earrings. Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north- east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from I'l spezie di radici quale la terra per se medisima produce. Non haimo logumi nc vedenmio segno alcuno di culturaj uemmouo farebbe la term per la sterilita nou alta a producerc frutto o some alcuno. Se da (juegli alouna volta rciiunziando volevamo dellc loro cose nc veuivauo al lito c'ol maro sopra alcuuc pietre dove, piu frangcva e staiulo uoi uel batello con una corda, quullo ciic volevan dare ci maudcvauo, contiuuo griJaudo alia terra non ci approssimassimo, domaudando subito il cauibio alio incontro, non pigliando se nou coltclli, lauu da pescare e metallo tagli- eute, ne stiinavano gentiliczza alcuna, e quaudo non avcvamo piu cho pcrmutaro da loro partendo gli uomini nc facevano tutti gli atti di dis- pregio verecondia che puo faro ogni brutta creatura. Funuiio contra loro volouto dcutio fra terra due o tre leghe xxv uouiiui e quaudo sceu- devano al lito ci tiravano con loro avchi mcttando gridi grandissimi, poi si fuggivano uclle selve. Nou coniioscomnio in (picsta tena facolta (ii mouiciito alcuno fec non gniudi.shime selve c(Hi alcuni colli jiu.^souo avcro qualchc metallo che a molti vcdeninio pater no.stri di ranie alii oreccbi. Partimuio scorcudo la cu^ta infra oriente e sctlcntrionc V ?' V ^' 3"' ^°'^ ^^^ ^'* ^^^ essendo la corda del arco del massimo circolo gradi 114-fi e la corda del paralello gradi 34, dclla prima terra da noi trovata alia raedesima proporzione gradi 9o2 5^ l^osserc si nostra I'ambito di tutto il circolo gradi 300 IV, I--.' cho daudo per ogni grado corao confermano la maggiore parte di quelli cho hanno specimentato rispondcre in terra alia proporzione del cielo miglia G2i fariano miglia 187o9J_- A quale ripartite in 360 perveneria per ciasoheduno miglio 521 9 r. e tanto vale uno grade di longitudine in detto paralello di gradi 34, Soi>ra il quale per la retta del meridcano di detti scopcrti che stauno in gradi 32 abbiamo calculata la ragiono in questo che Ic dette leghe 1200 per rctta linea in gradi 34 da occidentc in oriente abbiamo trovato, pcrvcnia adunquc perquella gradi 02-^^4-,^,^,^,^, e tanto abbi- IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) / /. 4,.. if, V MP^ y. C/a 1.0 .'fiM IIIIIM I.I •^ IM 2.2 t 1^ 12.0 1.25 mil 1.4 1.8 1.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 V ^/-^Q rv^ HKB 224: VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST to the ancients. During our voyage we had no lunar eclipses or like celestial phenomenas, we therefore determined our progress from the difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various instruments, by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by calculating geometrically the distance run by the ship from one hori/on to another ; all these observations, as also the ebb and flow of the sea in all places, were noted in a little book, which may prove serviceable to navigators; they are communicated to your Majesty in the hope of promoting science. My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme coast of Asia, expecting, however, to find in the newly discovered land some such an obstacle as they have proved to be, yet I did not doubt that I should penetrate by some passage to the eastern ocean. It was the opinion of the ancients, that our oriental Indian ocean is one, and without any interposing land; Aristotle supports it by arguments founded on various probabilities ; but it is con- trary to that of the moderns, and shown to be erroneous by expe- rience. The country which has been discovered, and wh'ch was unknown to the ancients, is another world compared with that amo navigato piu alio occidente e non fu cognito alii antichi, nel detto paralello de gradi 34, questa distanza a noi fu nota per la longitudine con varj strumente navigando senza cclissi lunari o altro aspetto per al moto solare pigliando sempre la elevazione a qual si voglia ora per la differenza faceva dall uno all' altro orizzonte correndo le nave geome- trice, ne era note lo intervallo dall uno meridiano all' altro come in un libretto tutto amplamente notato insienie col crescimento del marc in qualsivoglia clima ad ogni tempo ed ora il quale non inutile stimo abbia a essere a naviganti, spero meglio per la teorica conferilo a V. S. M. Mia intenzione era di pervenire in questa navigazione al Cathaj alio estremo oriente dell Asia pcnsaudo trovare tale impedimcnto di nuova terra quale ho trovata, e se per qualche ragione pensava quella trovare non senza qualche futo dl penetrare alio oceano oricntale essere stimava questa opinione di tutti gli antichi e stata credendo certcamente il nostro oceano orientale di India uno essere senza interpozeone di terra questc afferma Aristotile argomentando per varic similitudini la quale opinione e molto contraria a moderni e la espericnza falsa imperocche la terra e stata trovata da quegli antichi incognita un altro mondo a rispetto di quella a lorj fu note — raanifestamcnte essere si mostra e di maggiorc before known, being manifestly larger than our Europe together •with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we rightly estimate its extent. We shall now be briefly explained to your Majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south beyond the equator, on a meridian 20 degrees west of the Fortunate Islands, to the latitude of 54 ; and there still found land. Turning about, they steered northward on the same meridian, and along the coast to the eighth degree of latitude, near the equator ; and thence along the coast, more to the west and north-west, to the latitude of 21°, without finding a termination to the continent. They estimated the distance run as 89 degrees, which, added to the 20 first run west of the Canaries, make 109 degrees; and so far west they sailed from the meridian of these islands. But this may vary somewhat from truth. Wc did not make this voyage, and therefore cannot speak from experience. We calculated it geometrically from the observations furnished by many navigators who have made the voyage, and affirm the distance to be 1600 leagues, due allowance being made for the deviations of the ship from a straight course by reason of contrary winds. I hope that we bhall now obtain certain information on these points by new voyages to be made on the same coasts. della nostra Europa, della Africa e quasi della Asia se rettamente specu- liamo la grandezza di quella come sotto brevita ne faro un poco di dis- corso a V. S. M. Oltre lo equatore distante dal meridiano dalle insule fortunate verso lo occidente gradi 20 -3 2 o. ^ o. glj spani verso lo austro gradi 54, hanno navigato dove hanno trovato terra senza fine tornaudo poi al settentrione giusta la detta linea meridionale correndo il lito per- fino in 8 gradi propinqui alio equatore piu alio occidente participando pill al settentrione giusta la detta linca meridionale continuando il lito perfino in gradi 21, nou trovando termine gradi 89 2 9109 hanni na- vigato quali giunti con gradi 20 ^^ 4 ^ -6. 1^ fanno gradi 110 J. | i s e tanto hauno navigato del detto meridiano dalle isole fortunate piu alio occidente nel paralello gradi 21 della altitudine, questa distanza da noi nou e stata sperimenta per uon avere fatta detta navigazione potria variare poco piu manco abbiamo quella calcolata geouietrice per la notizia di molti navicalieri che la hanno frequentata quali affennano esscre leghe 1600 giudicando per lo arbitrio il discorso della nave sccondo la qualita del vento per la continua navigazione spero in breve ■,'n DISCOVKUY OF H UDSON S RIVEK. 225 ,^' '•{ i Ad J^ 226 VERAZZANO S VOYAGE, AND FIRST But to return to ourselves. In the voyage wliicli we have made by order of your Majesty, in addition to the 92 degrees we nm towards the west, from our point of departure, before we reached land in the latitude of 34, we have to count 300 leagues which \vc ran north-eastwardly, and 400 nearly east, along the coast, before we reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where wc turned our course from the shore towards home. Beyond this point the Portuguese had already sailed as far north as the Arctic circle without coming to the termination of the land. Thus, add- ing the degrees of south latitude explored, which are 54, to those of the north, which are 66, the sum is 120 ; and therefore more than are embraced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, — for the Jiorth point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 71 north ; and the Cape of Good Hope, which is the southern extre- mity of Africa, is in 35 south ; and their sum is only 106. And if the breadth of this newly discovered country corresponds to its extent of sea-coust, it doubtless exceeds Asia in size. In this way Ave find that the land forms a much larger portion of our globe than the ancients supposed ; who maintained, contrary to matlic- matical reasoning, that it was less than the water ; whereas actual experience proves the reverse. So that wc judge, in respect to ne avremo ottima certitudine dall' altra parte noi in questa nostra navigazionc fiitta per ordine di V. S. M. oltra i gradi 02 che dal dctto meridiano verso lo occidente dalla prima terra trovammo gradi 34 navigando leghe 300 infra oriente e settentrione leghe 400 quasi alio oriente continue 11 lito della terra siamo pevenuti per infino a gradi 50, lasciando la terra che pi\l tempo fa trovorno li Lusitani quali seguimo piu al scucentrione pervenendo sino al circulo artico il fine lasciendo incognito. Giunta aduntpie la latitudino settentrionalo con la mcridconale videlicet i gradi 54 con le gradi 66 fanno gradi 120 che tanto contieue di latitudine la Africa con la Europa perche giungendo lo estremo della Europa che sono i limiti di Norvegia che stanno in gradi 71 con lo estremo dell' Africa che e il proraontori di capo di Buona Speranza in gradi 35, faranno solo gradi 106 e se lo equestre di detta terra in parte cori'esponde al lito marittimo non e dubbio di grandezza la Asia ecceda in tal forma troviamo il globo della terra molto niaggiore non hanno tenuto gli antichi a ripugnanza matematici quelle rispetto alia acqua sia minima il che per esperienza lo opposite veggiamo e quanto alio ■Iff DISCOVEllY OF HUDSON S 111 VEIL '221 extent of surface, the land covers as much space as the water. And I hope more clearly and more satisfactorily to point out and explain to your Majesty the great extent of that new land, or new world, of which I have heen speaking. The continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain, is joined to Europe at the north, in Norway and Russia ; which disproves the idea of the ancients, that all this part had been navigated, from the Cembric Chersonesus eastward as far as the Caspian Sea. They also maintained that the whole continent was surrounded by two seas situate to the east and west of it ; which seas, in fact, do not surround either of the two continents ; for, as we have seen above, the land of the southern hemisphere, at the latitude of 54, extends eastwardly an unknown distance ; and that of the northern, passing the 66th parallel, turns to the east, and has no termination as high as the 70th. In a short time, I hope, we shall have more certain knowledge of these things, by the aid of your Majesty, whom I pray Almighty God to prosper in lasting glory, that we may see the most import- ant results of this our cosmography in the fulfilment of the holy words of the Gospel. arce corporalc, di spazio non meno la tcrre che la acqua posscdcrc giudichiamo come alia prcscnza meglio spero e con piil ragione espc- riraentare c mostrare a V. S. M. tutta quella nuova terra o nuovo mondo che disopra abbiamo narrate contienc Insicme congiungeudo alia Asia ed Africa ct che sappiamo certo porria giungcre alia Europa con la Norvegia e Russia che sarebbe false secondo gli antichi quali dal pro- montorio do cimbri quasi tutto il scttcntrionalc decono cssere state navigate alto oriente circucndo circa il mare caspio il medesimo afFer- mano restercbbe adunque solo iuterclusa da due mari situati dallo orientale ed occidentalc, e equellc due nc chiude 1' uno e 1' altro pci'che oltre a' gradi 54 della equinoziale verso lo austro s' estende alio oriente per lungo spazio e dal settentrionale passando i gradi 6G. Seque tor- nando in verso lo oriente giungende perfino a gradi 70. Spero con lo ajuto di V. S. M. ne avremo in breve migliore certitudine, la (juale Die omnipossente prosper! in diuturna fama ad causa veggiamo ottiujc fine di questa nostra cosmografia che si adempie la sacra voce dello cvau- 228 VKHAZZANO S VOYAGK, KTC. On board the ship Dolphin, in tlie port of Dieppe in Normandy, the 8tli of July, 1524. Your humble servitor, Janus Vekkazzanus. gelio' — nella nave Delphina iu Normandia in porto di Diepa a di 8 Luglio, 1524. Ilurailis Servitor, Janus Vebrazzanus. ■]W 2i?9 WRITINGS OF WILLIAM BARENTZ IX IIUDSOX'S POSSESSION. (PuucHAs HIS P1LGRIME8, V. iii, pp. 518-20.) I thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake, ccrtaine notes which I have found (the one translated, the other written hy him) amongst Master Hakhiyts Paper. This was written by William Barentson in a loose paper, which was lent mee by the Reuerend Peter Plantius in Amsterdam, March the seucii and twentieth, 1609. The foure and twentieth of August, sttlo nouo, 1595, wee spake with the Samoieds, and asked them how the land and sea did lye to the east of Way-gates. They sayd, after fiue dayes iourney going north-east, wee should come to a great sea, going south-east. This sea to the east of Way-gats they sayd was called Marmoria, that is to say, a calme sea. And they of Ward-house haue told vs the same. I asked them if at any time of the yeere it was frozen ouer ? They sayd it was. And that sometimes they passed it with sleds. And the first of September 1595, stilo nouo, the Russcs of the lodie or barke affirmed the same ; saying, that the sea is sometimes so frozen, that the lodies or bprkes going sometimes to Gielhsidi from Pechora, are forced there to winter ; which Gielhsidi was wonne from the Tartars three yeeres past. For the ebbe and flood there, I can find none ; but with the winde so runneth the streame. The third of September, stilo nouo, the winde was south-west, and then I found the water higher then with the winde at north north-east. Mine opinion is grounded on ex- perience : that if there bee a passage, it is small, or else the sea could not rise with a southerly winde. And for the better proofc to know if there were a flood and ebbc, the ninth of September, stilo [ II 230 WUITINOS OF WILLIAM IIARENTZ nouo, I went on slioarc on the soiith end of the States Hand, where the crosse standeth, and layd a stone on the brinkc of the water, to prouc whether there were a tide, and went ronnd about the iland to shoote at a hare ; and returning, I found the stone as I left it, and the water neither higher nor lowere : which prooucth, as afore, that there is no flood nor ebbe. A Treatise of Ivcr Boty a Gronlander, translated out of the Norsli langunge into High Dutch, in the yeere 15(i0. And after out of High Dutch into Low Dutch, by WilHam Barentson of Amsterdam, who was chiefe Pilot aforesaid. The same copie in Iligli Dutch is in the hands of lodocvs Hondivs, which I hauo seene. And this was translated out of Low Dutch by Master William Stere, Marchant, in the yeore IfiOB, for the vse of me Henrie Hudson. "SVilliam Barentsons Booke is in the hands of Master Peter Plantivs, who lent the same vnto me. Inprimis, it is reported by men of wiscdome and vnderstanding borne in Gronland, that from Stad, in Norway, to the east part of Island, called Horn-nesse, is seuen dayes sayling right west. Item, men shall know, that between Island and Gronland lyeth a riffe called Gombornse-skare. They were wont to haue there pas- sage from Gronland. But as they report, there is ice vpon the same rifFe, come out of the long north bottome, so that we cannot vse the same old passage, as they thinke. Item, from Lono-nesse, on the east side of Island, to the aboue- said Horn-nesse, is two dayes sayle to the Brimstone Mount. Item, If you goe from Bergen in Norway, the course is right west, till you bee south of Roke-nesse in Island, and distant from it thirtcene miles, or leagues. And with this course you shall come vnder that high land, that layeth in the east part of Gronc- land, and is called Swafster. A day before you come there, you shall haue sight of a high mount, called Huit-sarke ; and betweene Whitsarke and Groneland lyeth a head-land, called Hernoldus Hooke ; and thereby lyeth an hauen, where the Norway merchant ships were wont to come ; and is called Sound Hauen. Item, if a man will sayle from Island to Gronland, hee shall set J IN HUDSON S POSSESSION. r^*9 1 his course to Snofncsse, which is by west Roke-ncssc thirteenc miles or leagues, right west, one day and nights sayling, and after south-west to shun the ice that lyeth on Gombornse-skare ; and after that one day and night north-west. So shall hce with tins course fall right with the abouesayd Swafster, which is high land, vnder which lyeth the aforesayd head-land, called Hcrnoldus Hookc, and the Sound liauen. Item, the caster dorpc of Groneland lyeth cast from Hcrnoldus liooke, but necrc it, and is called Skagen Fovd, and is a great vil- lage. Item, from Skagen Ford cast lyeth a hai.cn called Beare Ford : it is not dwelt in. In the mouth thereof lyeth a rifFe, so that great ships cannot harbour in it. Item, there is great abundance of whales ; and there is a great fishing for the killing of them there, but not without the bishop's consent, which kcepeth the same for the benefit of the cathedrall church. In the hauen is a great swalth ; and when the tide doth runne out, all the whales doe runne into the sayd swalth. Item, cast of Beare Ford lyeth another hauen, called Allabong Sound ; and it is at the mouth narrow, but farther in very wide : the length whereof is such, that the end thereof is not yet knownc. There runneth no streame. It lyeth full of little iles. Fowles and oxen are there common : and it is playne land on both sides, growne oucr with greene grasse. Item, east from the icie ■ . ^ayne lyeth an hauen, called Fendebothcr; so named, because -Saint Olafes time there was a ship cast away, as the speach hath beene in Groneland, in which ship was drowned one of Saint Olafes men, with others ; and those tliat were saued did burie those that were drowned, and on their graues did set great stone crosses, which wee see at this day. Item, somewhat more east, toward the ice mountayne, lyeth a high land, called Corse Hought, vpon which they hunt white beares, but not without the bishops leaue, for it belongeth to the cathedrall church. And from thence more easterly, men sec nothing but ice and snow, both by land and water. Now wee shall retm-ne againe to Hcrnoldus Hooke, where we first began to come to the first towne that lyeth on the east side of o^o WHITINGS 01' WILMAM llAUKNTZ Heinoldus Hooke, culled Sliagcu Ford : and so wc will write the names of all that lye on the west side of the ford or sound. Item, west from llernoldus Hooke lyetli a dorpe called Kodos- ford, and it is well built : and as you sayle into the sound, you shall see on the right hand a great sea and a marsh, and into this sea runneth a great streame : and by the marsh and sea standeth a great church, on which the holy crosse is drawnc, of colour white : it bclongeth to Enelncsse de Ilokesong, and the land to Peters Wike. Item, by Peters Wike lyeth a great dorpe, called Wartsdale, by which lyeth a water or sea of twelue miles or leagues oucr, in which is much fish : and to Peterswiko church belongeth "Warts- dale Boy or Towne and the villages. Item, necre this boy or towne lyeth a cloyster or abbey, in which arc canons rcgnlar; it is dedicated to Saint Olafes and Saint Augustines name. And to it belongeth all the land to the sea-side, and toward the other side of the cloyster. Item, next Godosford lyeth a ford, called llompncs Ford ; and there lyeth a cloyster of nuns of Saint Benedicts order. Item, this cloyster, to the bottom of the sea, and to Wegen Nerke, was dedicated to Saint Olafe the king. In this ford lye many small iles. And to this cloyster bclongeth halfe the ford and the church. In this sound are many warme waters. In the winter they arc intollerable hot, but in the summer more moderate ; and many bathing in them are cured of many diseases. Item, between lloinpnes and the next sound, lyeth a great garden, called Vose, belonging to the king. There is also a costly church dedicated to Saint Nicholas. This church had the king before this. Neere it lyeth a sea of fresh water, called > in which is great abundance of fish, without number. And when there falleth much rayne, that the waters doc rise therewith and after fall againe, there remayneth vpon the land much fish drie. Item, when you sayle out of Emestnes Ford, there lyeth an inlet, called Soutli-woders Wike ; and somewhat higher in the same sound, and on the same side, lyeth a little cape, called Bloming ; and beyond that lyeth another inwike, called Granwike ; and aboue that lyeth a garden, called Daleth, which belongeth to the cathedrall church. And on the right hand, as you sayle out of the IN Hudson's rossrssiox. 233 same sound, lycth a great wood, which pcrtaj'tieth to the church, ■where they feede all their catlell, as oxen, kinc, and horses. And to the church pertayneth the sound of Emcstncs Ford. The hi^li land lying by Emcstncs Ford is called the Ramos hayth : so called, because that on those hills doc runne many roe dccrc, or reyne deerc, which they vse to hunt, but not without the bishops Icaue. And on this high land is the best stone in all Groneland. They make thereof pots, because fire cannot hurt it. And they make of the same stone fattes or cisternes, that will hold ten or twclne tunncs of water. Item, west from this lycth another high land, called the Long High Land : and by another called , whereon are eight great orchards, all belonging to the cathedrall church. But the tenths thereof they give to Warsedall church. Item, next to this sound lyeth another sound, called Swalster Ford, wherein standeth a church, called Swalster. This church belongetli to all this sound, and to Romse Ford, lying next it. In this sound is a garden belonging to the king, called Saint Henlestate. Item, next to that lyeth Ericks Ford ; and eutring therein lyetli an high land called Eiicks Ilought, which pertayneth the one halfe to Deuers Keike, and is the first parish church on Groneland, and lyeth on the left hand as you sayle into Ericks Ford : and Deuers Kerke belongeth all to Meydon Ford, which lyeth north- west from Eiicks Ford. Item, farther out then Ericks Ford standeth a church, called Skogel Kerke, which belongeth to all Medford. And farther in the sound standeth a church, called Leaden Kerke. To this church belongeth all thereabout to the sea, and also on the other side as farre as Bousels. There lyeth also a great orchard, called Grote Lead, in which the gusman (that is, a chlefe or bayliffc ouer the boores) doth dwell. And farther out then Ericks Ford lyeth a ford or sound, called Fossa, which belongeth to the cathedrall church : and the sayd Fossa Sound lyeth as men sayle out towards Ericks Yovd; and to the north of it lye two villages, the one called Euer-boy, and the other Forther-boy, because they lye so. Item, from thence farther north lyeth Breda Ford, and after 30 f>;]4 WRITINGS OF WILLIAM JIAKENTZ that liormont Ford from that west, and from TiOrmont Ford to the west is Ice Dorpc. All these are places built, and in them dwell people. Item, from the caster bnildcd land to the wester dorpe, is twcluc miles or leagues ; and the rest is all waste land. In the dorpe, in the west, standeth a church, which in time past belonged to the cathcdrall church, and the bishop did dwell there. But now the Skerlcngers haue all the west lands and dorps. And there are now many horses, oxen, and kine, but no people, neither Christian nor heathen ; but they were all carryed away by the enemic, the Skerlcngers. All this before written was done by one lucr Boty, borne in Gronland, a princlpall man in the Bishops Court, who dwelt there many yeeres, and saw and knew all these places. He was chosen by the whole land for captayne, to goe with shijjs to the west land, to driue away their enemies, the Skerlcngers. Bat bee comming there, found no people, neither Christian nor hcathm, but found there many shecpe running, being wilde, of which sheepe they tookc with them as many as they could carrie, and with them returned to their houses. This bcforenamed Indo Boty was himselfe with them. To the north of the west land lyeth a great wildernesse, with clifes or rockes, called Hemel Hatsfelt. Farther can no man sayle, because there lye many swalgen or whirlepooles, and also for the water and the sea. Item, in Groneland are many siluer hills, and many white bearcs with red patches on their heads ; and also white hawkes, and all sorts of fish, as in other countries. Item, there is marble stone of all colours, also zeuell stone or the load stone, which the fire cannot hurt, whereof they make many vessels, as pots, and other great vessels. Item, in Groneland runneth great streames, and there is much snow and ice : but it is not so cold as it is in Island or Norway. Item, there grow on the high hills, nuts, and acornes, which are as great as apples, and good to eate. There groweth also the best wheate that can grow in the whole land. This sea card was found in the iles of Fero or Farre, lying betweene Shot-land and Island, in an old reckoning booke, written IN HUDSON S POSSESSION. J235 aboue one huntlrcd yccrcs agoc : out of which this also was ull taken. Item, Punnus and Potharsc hauc inliabited Ishmd ccrtayne yceres, and some times hauc gone to sea, and haue had their trade in GroneUvnd. Also Punnus did giue the Islanders their lawcs, and caused them to bee written ; which lawes doe continue to this day in Island, and are called by name Punnus lawes. VAN DER DO.NX^K'S OBSERVATIONS ABOUT THE WAMPUM OR BEAD MONEY OF THE INDIANS, MENTIONED BY HUDSON. (from n. y. uist. soc, n. s., v. i, p. 20(J.) Tjiat there should be no miserly desire for the costly metals among the natives, few will believe : still it is true, the use of gold and silver, or any metallic coin, is unknown among them. The currency which they use in their places to which they resort, is called wampum, the making and preparing of wliich is free to all persons. The species are black and white ; but the black is worth more by one half than the white*. The black wampum is made from conch shells, which are to be taken from the sea, or which are cast ashore from the sea twice a year. They strike oflT the thin parts of those shells, and preserve the pillars or standards, which they grind smooth and even, and reduce the same according to their thickness, and drill a hoV- through every piece, and string the same on strings, and afterwards sell their strings of wampum in that manner. This is the only article of moneyed medium among the natives with which any traffic can be driven ; and it is also common with us in purchasing necessaries, and carrying on our trade. Many thousand strings are exchanged every year for peltries, near the sea-shores, where the wampum is only made, and where the peltries are brought for sale. 2CS TlTLli AM) rilOLKGOMENA TO THli T1TIJ-: AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE FIRST EDITION OF THE DETECTIO FRETI. Dcscriptio (ic (hUneafio Gcnyraphicn Dctectionis Freti. Sive TransltVH ad Occusum, supra terras Avwricanas, in Chlnam atq: Japoncin ducturi, Ilecens invcstKjatl ah M. Henrico Jlndsuno Aiujlo. Item, Narratio Ser^"'''. llegi HisjHmitv facia, super tractu, in quinta Orhis tcrraruni parte, cut Avstraliie Incoynifai nomcn est, rccens dctecto, per Cap'itaneum Petrum Ferdinnndez de Quir. Vnu cum descriptione Terra Sanioie- darvm et 'Finyoc&iorvni, in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Wai/yats sifa; nvpcrq : Impcrio Jiloscovitanan siihactce. Amsterodami, Ex ujicina IlesseliJ Gerardi. Anno 1612. Hue quic'inq. novas ardes cognoscere terras, Hue iuleas, atq. isto fontc levato sitini. Hie liber cxtronios Borea) Oauriq. rcccssus, Et frcta iaiu uautis pervia nosse dabit. Pervia ; quid reiiuis I possunt, qui posse videntur. Et maiora dodit sapi vidcre Deus. Si tamcn addiibitas, turn tu tc confer ad Austrum, Et lege queis ccrtam fasadliibere fidem. IN TRACTATUS SEQUENTES niOLEGOMENA AD LECTOREM. LvcKi et utilitatis spes animos hominum numquan!. non excitavit ad percgrinas rcgioncs natloncsq' lustrandas. It;'. pretiosEB like nobis (i mcrcatoribus Russis allatoc pelles mcrcatoves nostrates in- flammarunt acri quadam ciipidinc incognitas nobis ipsorum terras, si fieri posset, peragrandi. Profuit ipsis quadam tenus hac in parte iter quoddam a llussis conscriptum, Moscow ia Colmogroviam, atcpie inde Pctzorani (ubi incolaj anno Ciivisti 1518 Christiauam fidcni amplcxi sunt), liinc porro ad fluviuni Obi, pauloquc ultcrius FIUST EDITION OF DETKCTIO FUETl. 237 ducens. Quod quidem plurima falsa veils admiscet, puta de Slatibala anu ilia (ut fertur) aurea, eiusque filijs, nee non monstu- iosis illis trans ipsum Obi hominibus. Transtulit vero descrip- tionem banc Russieam, camque suis de regionibus Moscovitarum libris inseruit Sigismundus ab Ilerberstein, Impcratovis Maximi- liani Orator. Ediditque postea tabulam Russiaj Antonius quidam "Widus, adjutus ab Joanne a Latski, Principe quondam Russo, & ob tumultus post obitum Magnl Duels Joannis Basilij in Russia excitatos, in Poloniam profugo. Quic tabula J. euidam Copero, Senatori Gedaensi, dieata, Russlcisque & Latinis descriptionibus aucta, in lucem prodijt apud Wildam anno Christi 155o. Aliam quoque Russian tabulam ediderunt post modum Angli, qui in traetu illo negotiati fuerant. Atque hdc quidem tabulae, & qualescunque descriptiones, qu£)eque pra;terea do regionibus hisce comperta sunt, clicuerunt Oliverium quendam Bunellum, domo Bruxella, uti eon- scenso navigio Eucliusano, animum induxcrit eo sese conferre. Vbi aliquandiu vagatus, & pellium pretiosarum, vitri Russici, crys- tallique montani, ut vocant, adfaliin n<' :tus, omnium opum suarum scaphae commissarum in undis fluvij Pcrzora^ triste fecit naufra- gium. Qua? tum Anglorum, tum hujus Bunelli, qui & Costinsar- cam Novae Zemkc lustraverat, navigationes, cum & Batavis nostris, opum Chine nsium Catliaicarumque odore allectis, animum acccn- dissent, Nobiles ac Prsepotentes Provinciarum Fccderatarum Or- dines, duas naves, ductore Joanne Ilugonis a Linschot, versus Fretum quod vulgo Weygats, totidemque ductore Guilielmo Ber- nardi suasu D. Petri Plancij, recto supra Novam Zemblam cursu Scptcmtrionem versus ituras, destinarunt. Et Guilielmus quidem, cum pervenisset ad altltudincm graduum 77, ac apud Insulas Oran- goDas terram inter & glaciem esset obsessus, Calendis Augusti domum revcrsus est: Linschotanus vero & Fretum ipsum emesus est, & 50 ipsa milliarid ultra illud progressus, tandem & ipse, flan- tibus fere perpetuis aquilonibus, temporisquc oportunitate jam lapsa, coactus ad suos reverti. Anno proximo insecuto, qui fuit Christi 1595, iterum uterque co cursum instituit, animo signa sua ulterius proferendi, vel & navigationem banc feliciter absolvendi. Sed enim frigoris vehementia & immensis glaciei montibus impe- dlti spe sua frustrati sunt, neque vol ipsum Fretum potuere trans- mitlcre, sed ad Insulam Oidinum cum venissent domuitioneui 238 TITLE AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE parare coacti sunt, metuentcs videlicet, ne totum Frctum glacic tandem obstrueretur Gulielmus anno 1596, tertium repetito cursu non paulo quam primo itinere longius progressus, navim. coagmen- tatis e glacie montibus supcrimpositam, eo quo pervenerat loci destituit, in perpctuam cxtrema3 ad Septemtrionem navigationis mcmoriam. Cuius veri prodigiosan! Historiam, dolenduin interi- tum, turbae que nauticoo in HoJlandiamreditum, qui volet, ex ipso- rum Ephemeridibus publico extantibus discat. Nos, ut qualemcunque illam, quam mercatores nostri ex itino- ribus jam dictis consecuti sunt regionum istarnm notitiam, quo ad fieri potest, promoveamus, ex hibernis liic inirrationem quamdam super novo Russorum in Tartaria? partibus dominata, quae prajter descriptionem Siberia, situm quoquc exponit regionum longe trans Obij ad Ortum vcrgentium. Adjunximus liuic Siberi Septemtrionaliorisq. Tartaria? descrip- tioni tabulam quamdam omnium illis adjacentium regionum ex idiomate Russico versam, & multis in partibus cum accuratis Lins- cliotani locoruni aliquot delincationibus concordantem. In qua Russi delinearunt nobis universum ilium Freto Weygats ab ortu adludcntem Oceanum, & simul viam inde Mcridionalem Cathaiam ducentem. Sicci autem ilia ipsa via videbitur a?quo Septemtriona- lia, pro ut sane ex ipso tabuloj adspectu apparet : veri simili tamen est, usque ad ipsum Obi, vel alium aliquem majorem fluvium mari- timo itinere perveniri posse : cum Russi oras istas navigijs suis obnaviget, inde que vel scaphis, vel & teriestri itinere, tendaut in mcdltcrranea, ubi notabilia multa detcgi posse, veri simillimum est. Quoniam vero Fretuni Weygats per ipsam quoque anni itstatem tantum ad breve tempus apertum est, ut constat ex Linscliotani & Gulielmi naviga*^iouibus, difficilis admodum foret hicc indagatio. Videtur cnim natura cupidltari nostrse coerccnde? glaciem ibi & frigus, ceu repagula quaedam opposuisse. Nee obstantibus tamen hisce tot peritissimorum naucleorum, Gulielmi Bernardi, Jacobi Heemskerckij, Joannisque Linschotani exemplis, & parum pros- pecte itineris a Kerchovio quodam, nomine Isaaci Lemerij, in eas oras facti evontu, ausi sunt imperiti quidam homines apud illustris- simos ordines ac rerum maritimarum Consiliarios instare, pro obti- nendo itineris ad Aquilonem supra Novam Zemlam de integro reperendi commeatu atque diplomatc, temere asserentes, remissius FIRST EDITION OF DT/FECTIO FRETI. 239 esse frigus ad 80 Sc 85, qimm ad 72, altitudinis gradtis, ac pvopc convcn'.ontes cum Hclistco llo9.tino doctore Hanovicnsi, qui ad cal- cem libelli, Foederutis ordinlbus apud Beigas inscripti, palam ad- firmat, a^stivo tempore, quo propius polum accesseris, eo esse cali- dius, nequc posse navigijs uUum a frigorc glacievc obstacluni adferri. Quin cxistimabant insupor nostri homines, ut quidem pvaj sc forebant, solem in extrerao Septem rione salem potuis gencra- turun esse, quam glacicm : obliti videlicet, ipsum solem, qui inibi demum operationes suas efficasissime pcvficit, ubi radios suos ex alto directe in tcrram excrit, in Aquilonaribus illis locis tota hieme, ipsisque adco 23 hebdomadis nunquam splendere : quin & bonam a-statis partem usqueadeo deprimi, ut non nisi obliquis radijs tcrram ipsam illustrct, ncque brevi illo tempore, quo ad gradus 28 in ipso tantum mcridie supra terras crepidines elcvatur, fieri posse ut illos e glacie montor, dissolvat. Hac itaque opinione imbuti, aimo superiorc 1611 anclioram illi solverunt, idque initio statim veris, ne videlicet impcdirentur a glacie per sestatem solvcnda, magnorumque flumlnum ostijs cvornenda ; (^nvc nulla quidem ipsis occurrit, sed enim mare, in quo salem se inventuros speravercnt, prajter opinionem, sua ipsius glacie tam dense invcnerunt adstric- tum ut nihil plane memoria dignum officere potuerint. Quarc glacie prajpediti, littora Nova Zemla.', ubi et Costcnsarcam lustra- runt, legere, indeqne accepto non lev! detrimento Kildunam, Lappitc Insulam pefere, resarciendae rulna; coacti sunt. Vnde rursus digressi hibernatum profecti sunt ad littora Nova3 Francia;, sub 44 graduum altitudine. Vbi quidam eorum Prsefectus, alioqui fere in triclinio nautico deletcscere solitus, cum descendisset in terram, barbarorum sagittis, una cum alijs quinquc confectus est, longe quidem extra suam opinionem, qua persuasus erat se per extrcmum Scptemtrionem longinquo supra Novam Zcmlam cursu, ad pridem quaisitas Cathatam Chinamquc, Icvi negotio perventurum. Et ex hoc comitatu altera navium cum Proofecto suo reversa est, altera vero Joannes Cornelij cognomcnto Antropophagus, valde a peritia rei nautica) commendatus, rursus ad Aquiloncm profectus est, qui oportuno tempore plura quam hactenus nobis comperta sint, detoc- turus speratur, cuj usque navigationis cvcntum nos brevi narraturos tibi confidimus. Quonia vero etiam post navigationes pra)dictas Guiliclmi Bernardi, viam illam aquilonarcm aliquoties Angli adhuc 240 TITI.K AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE tentavcrant, visum fuit ante triennium D. D. Indicsc navigationi« Praofectis eo mittere quendatn M. Hudsonum Anglum, qvii cum nullam ad Ortum viam, scd ejus vicem Oceanum invcnisset glacio prorsus obstructum, ad Occasum dcfiexit, undc sine uUo profectu in Angliam appulit. Emissus autem de novo ab Anglis, cursu quidem longc prospcriorc, at deteriorc tamen successu usus est : cum enim post varios labores ultra Tcrram de Baccalaos 300, cir- citer milliaria Occasum versus emensus asset, inibique ad altltu- dine graduum 52 jam hibernasset, & ulterius tendere certus esset, ecco non tantum ipse, scd & omnis eius Senatus (ut sic dixerim) nauticus scaphoo ab imjiortunis nautis impositus, & in undas de- missus, ipsi sine more domum reversi sunt. Nos vero notas ejus ad calcem hujus libelli adjunximus, certiora per naves eo jam missas, imo optatum de Freto prorsus pervio nuntium expectates. Quae naves hoc ipso aeternam sibi fama ac gloriam paraturae sunt : tot potentibus vitis, sagacissimisque Naucleris tot jam annos com- pendiosam ad Carthaitc, Chinee, Moluccarum, Pernanorumque populorum divitias adfectantibus viam : inter quos, praetcr nos- trates (qui in Aquilone & Oriente sua ediderunt specimina) fucrc Martinus Forbisherus & Joannes Davisius, qui annis Christi 1585, 86, 87, inter Terram novam atque Groenhxndiam Septemtrionem versus currentes pervcnerunt ad gradus 72, sed glacie praepediti, re i)lane infecta, ad sues reversi sunt. Confirmatur hsec nuper inventi ab Hudsono supra Terram Novam transitus sive Freti spes, Virginianorum Floridanorumque concor- dibus testimonijs, diserte adi'umantium, terras suas ab Occasu aestivo allui vasto Oceano, in quo & naves Anglicanarum similes viderint. Legcrc quoque est apud Josepluim Acostam cap. 12, lib. 3, natural. Indiue Occident. Ilistor. Hispanos sibi habere per- suasum, Thomam Candium Anglum ccrtam habuissc Freti istius notitiam. Et feruntur Hispani viam hanc sedulo occultare, qua eorum nonnuUi post expugnatas a se Philippinas in Hispaniam sunt reversi. Atque hinc adeo est, quod Philippus II, ut ex fide nobis relatum est extruendam curavit validam illam arcem ad mare, quod vulgo appellant Vermeis, supra Novam Granatam, quo vide- licet impedirel, ne aut nostrates, aut' alij sui hostes, opes illas immensas, quas ad marc del Zur pacifice possidet, per hanc viam aliquando vehirent direptum. Quod si ergo haec via rcsponduit TITLE AND PROLEGOMENA, ETC. 241 suis principijs, compendium sane hominibus nostris futura est, non ad Chmas duntaxat, Moluccas, atque Peruviam, sed ad eas etiam gentes, qu^ Australem Maris del Zur tractum incolunt, perlustran- das, explorandumque quosnam inibi portus & merces invenire sit Neque defuturum est usquam ijs, qui ad iter hoc se accinxerint unde refocillentur, nauseamque marinam excutiant, sive ad Insulas illas accedant, quas lustravit Antistes Quitensis (de quibus constat nobis ex relatione nautae cuisdam nostrates, Episcopi in itinere comitis. qui & Amplissimo Barneveldio, & Indict navigationis Pra^fectis multa hue pertinetia denarravit) sive ad Continentem. De quo tractu exhibemus tibi discursum seu relationem Ducis cujusdam Hispani, sperantes id non futurum ingratum ijs qui ad commercia in ultimis iUis Mundi partibus exercenda adspirant, quive tenentur globi terrestris & Incolarum ejus magis magisque cognoscendorum adfectu. Cujus quidem cognitionis studium ut in ammo tuo accrescat, donee solide perficiatur, utque & opes tibi & immortalem gloriam adferat, omnibus votis exopto. Hesselius Gerardus Assumensis Philogeographus. I. 81 I I ' ■ 1 ( ']i?lil: 242 TITLE ANT) PROLEGOMENA TO THE TITLE AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE SECOND EDITION OF THE DETECTIO FRETI. Dfiscriptio ac dclineatio GeograpMca Detectionis Freti. Sive, T'runsitus ad Occasuni supra terras Americanas, in Chinam atq : Japoneni ducturi, Mecens investigatl ah M. Henrico liudsono Anglo. Item, Exegesis Regi His2)anice facta, super tractu recefis detecto, in quinta Orbis parte, cui nonien, Avstra- lis Incognita, Cum descriptione Terrarum Samoiedarum, et Tingcrsiorum, in Tartaria ad Ortuni Freti Waggats sitarum, nuperq : sceptro Moscovitarmn adscitartim. Amsterodami, Ex ojficina Hcsselij Gerard i. Anno 1613. LIBER AD LECTOKUM. Qui cupis ignotas Lector cognoscere terras, Corpore c^uas fulgens contegit Vrsa ="0, Et simul extremos Borcac Cauriq. recessus, Et freta iam nautis pervia fluctivagis. Quasq. Samojedns commutet vellere raerces, Quam late Moschus proferat Imperium. Impiger Hudsonius freta quoe petretraverit, efc quce Restat adhuc Batavis gloria Martigenis. Me pretio parvo redimas animoq. rcvolvas, Sim licet exiguus commoda magna feram. AD LECTOREM PROLEGOMENA, IN TRACTATUS SEQUENTES. Vt antehac uovoe terrarum detectiones, laboriosissimocquc naviga- tiones, tarn Hispanorum, quam Anglorum, necnon Batavorum, maximo novitatum stucliosorum oblcctamine, in lucem editae fuerc : Non alienum a publico commodo duxi, in Theatrum orbis hac tabulam Prsefecti H. Hudsonis producere dc navigatione ipsius American!, in Chinam, & Japan : maxima cum viderem earn a proDftantissimis viris magnopcre expcti : Ne autem ob brevitatcm, VI i|l SECOND EDITION OF THE UETECTIO FRETI. 243 exiguitatenique apud nonnullos vilcsccrct opusculum hoc adjunxi historiam Ducis Petri Fernandez de Queiros, qiiam in libello sup- plici Ilegl Hispanioe exhibito, narrat de regionibus Meridionalibus, detectis in mavi del Zur ; earn nonnulli magni fccerunt, aliq li qui- bus de certitudine rei constat, veram esse asserunt. Octavius Pisanus, in sua totias Orbis tabula, quam invcrsa delincatione, circulo comprchendit, de Regionibus a Petro Fernandez dc Queiros detectis, delineationem suam se coparasse ait, t\ Nauclero quo- dam, statuitque eas a, parte occidentali, Lima?, cidado de los reyos in Peru. Viginti quinque gradus in longitudinem, qui supcrant tricenta, & quinquaginta miliaria Germanica, extcnditurque secun- dum illius delineationem, plus quam quingenta miliaria Germa- nica occidentem versus, at versus Meridiem extenditur usque £l octogesimum gradum ab ^quatore. Sed cum superiori Anno ab Illustri Viro Emanuele a figueiredo, Geographia), & Hydrograpbiaj Professore Vlixbonte, nunciatum esset, Petrum Fernandez a Quei- ros nihil Geographiae dignum prodidisse, sibiq : relationem tantum obscuram delatam esse, situ, latitudine regionum carentem : in- super hoc adderet, se diligentius inquaisiturum, num quid apud eum esset, quod usui esse possit ; & adhuc cum esse in Curia vel Aula Regia Madritij, nee quid certi de profectione ejus statutum esse ; Exemplar Octavij Pisani secutus non sum, maxime cum hie ex amicis quidam, affirmet apud se esse delineationem Regionum, aut Insularum novitu detectarum in Mari del Zur, quam brevi impetrabimus, eamq : cum Octavij Pisani delincatione conferemus. Cum vero apud Batavos ferbuerit aliquandiu studium investigandi transitum, in Chinam & Japoniam, eumque tentarint nonnulli Sep- temtrionem versus, nonnulli per Weygats & mare Tartaricum, opera) pretium duxi, in publicum proferre, quae a Russis proxima loca incolentibus detecta sunt. Tabula ab Isaaco Massa ex Idio- mate Russorum translata, ut quid de oris Somojedarum sit sentieii- dum certo constet. Assiduse etiam navigationes Cantabrorum, Batavorum, Anglorum in Septentrionum, venatione balaenarum, & euniculorum marinorum, gaudentium, quos Morsas idiomate pro- prio Russi nominant videntur quid certi promittcre, de oris Novae Semlae, Nieulandiae, usq : ad Groenlandiam adhuc incognitis, sed de futuris contingentibus non est determinata Veritas. 244 LETTER FROM PRESIDENT JEANNIN A LETTER FROM PRESIDENT JEANNIN TO HENRY IV OF FRANCE, CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS NEGOCIATIONS WITH HENRY HUDSON, THROUGH ISAAC LE MAIRE. DATED THE HAGUE, THE 21 ST OP JANUARY, 1609. Sir, — Some time ago, I made, by your Majesty's order, overtures to an Amsterdam merchant, named Isaac Le Maire, a wealthy man of considerable experience in the East India trade. He offered to make himself useful to your Majesty in matters of this kind, and intends to form (for this purpose) an association with some other merchants. He also wishes to engage the services of some mariners, pilots, and sailors, acquainted with northern navi- gation, whose services he has provisionally retained. He has now repeatedly urged me to give him an answer, and I have always told him that your Majesty could not come to any decision in this affair before it had been settled, whether the present negotiations to obtain a truce for the States General would be successful or not. Sire, — J'ai ci-devant confere par commandement de votre Majeste, et sur les lettres qu'il lui a plu m'ecrire, avec un marchand d'Amsterdara, nomme Isaac Le Maire, lequel est homme riche et bien entendu au fait du commerce des Indes d'Orient, desireux d'y servir votre Majeste, sur les ouvcrtures que je lui en ai faites, et de joindre avec lui d'autres marchands, comme aussi des pilotes, mariniers et matelots exp6rimentes en telles navigations, qu'il dit avoir empeches de prendre parti d^s le temps que je lui en parlai. Or, comme il m'en a presse plusieurs fois, je lui ai toujours dit que votre Majeste n'y pouvait prendre aucune resolu- tion qu'apr^s celle des Etats, et le traite de tr^ve qu'on poursuit k present fait ou rompu : ce qu'il juge etre bien veritable, et s'est aussi \] V TO HENRY IV OF FRANCE. 245 Le Maire considered this to be perfectly fair, and was satisfied with the answer. But a few days ago he sent to me his brother, to in- form me that an English pilot, who has twice sailed in search of a northern passage, has been called to Amsterdam by the East India Company, to tell them what he had found, and whether he hojied to discover that passage. They had been well satisfied with his answer, and had thought they might succeed in the scheme. They had, however, been unwilling to undertake at once the said ex- pedition, and they had only remunerated the Englishman for his trouble, and had dismissed him, with the promise of employing him next year, 1610. The Englishman, having thus obtained his leave, Le Maire, who knows him well, has since conferred with him, and has learnt his opinions on these subjects ; with regard to which the Englishman had also held intercourse with Plancius, a great geographer and clever mathematician. Plancius maintains, ac- cording to the reasons of his science, and from the information given him, both by the Englishman and other pilots, who have been engaged in the same navigation, that there must be in the northern parts a passage corsesponding to the one found near the south pole by Magellan. One of these pilots has been there, three contente de cette reponse ; mais il ra'envoya ici son frere, il y a quelques jours, pour me faire entendre qu'un pilote anglois, lequel a 6te deux fois en mer pour rechercher le passage du nord, auroit ete mand6 il Amsterdam par la Compagnie des Indes d'Orient, pour apprendre de lui ce qu'il en auroit reconnu, et s'il espcroit de trouver ce passage ; de la reponse duquel eux etoient demeures forts contents, et en opinion que ' cette esperance pouvoit reussir. lis n'avoient toutefois voulu pour lors j faire la dite entreprise, mais contente seulement I'Anglois, et renvoye avec promesse qu'il les viendroit trouver en I'aunee suivante 1610. Ce cong6 lui ayant ete donne, Le Maire, qui le connoit fort bien, auroit i depuis confere avec lui, et entendu ses raisons, dont il a aussi comma- ] nique avec Plancius, qui est grand goographe et bon mathematicien, le quel soutient, par les raisons de son art, et ue ce qu'il a appris tant de cet Anglois que d'autres pilotes qui ont faik la mSme navigation, tout ainsi que du c6te du midi on a trouve en la mer du Sud, approchant le p61e antarctique, un passage qui est le detroit de Magellan, qu'il y en doit pareillcraent avoir un autre du c6te du nord. L'un des pilotes, qui 246 LETTER FROM PRESIDENT JEANNIN (thirteen) years ago, engaged in the same search, and has gone as far as Nova ZcmUi, which is situated under the seventy-third degree of latitude, on the coast of the sea of Tartary towards the north. This pilot has declared that he was at that time not suf- ficiently experienced, and that instead of penetrating into the open sea, which is never frozen, on account of its depth, and of the great force of its currents and waves, he kept near the coast. He there found the sea frozen, and both he and his companions were prevented from penetrating any further, and were obliged to return. The Englishman also reports, that having been to the north as far as eighty degrees, ho has found that the more northwards he went, the less cold it became ; and that whilst in Nova Zembla, the land was barren, and there were none but carnivorous animals of prey, like bears, foxes, and the like, he had found under the eighty-first degree grass on the ground, and animals that lived on it. Plancius confirms this by scientific reasons, and says, that near the pole the sun shines for five months continually ; and, fut aussi, 11 y a trois^ ans, employe en cette meme recherche, et passa jusqu'fl Nova-Zembla, qui est ii, soixante-trcizc degrfes de latitude en la c6te de la mer Tartarique, tirant au nord, a declare que, pour n'etre lors assez experimente en cette navigation, au lieu d'entrer avant en pleine mer, ou elle n'est jamais gelee H cause de la profondeur et de la grande impctuosite de ses fiots et vagues, il se 'lontenta dc c6toyer les bords, oil, ayant trouve la mer gelee, lui et ses compagnons furent arretes et contraints de s'en retourner sans passer outre. L'Anglois a encore rapporte qu'ayant eto du c6t6 du nord jusqu'a quatre-vingt-un degres, il a trouve que plus il approchoit du nord, moins il y avoit de froidure, et au lieu que vers Nova-Zembla la terre n'etoit couverte d'herbe et n'y avoit sinon des b^tes qui vivcnt de chair et de proie, comme ours, renards et autres semblables, il avoit trouve, ^sdits quatre-vingt-un degres, de I'herbe sur la terre, et des betes qui en vivent : ce que Plancius confirme par raison, et dit que prfes du p61e, le soleil luisant sur la terre cinq mois continuels, encore que les rayons d'icelui 1 This trois ought probably to be treize. The expedition meant by Jeannin must be that of Barents in 1590, this being the last Dutch expedition to the north-east previous to 1009. TO HENRY IV OF FRANCE. 247 although his rays are weak, yet on account of the long time they continue, they have sufficient strength to warm the ground, to render it temperate, to accommodate it for the habitation of men, and to produce grass for the nourishment of animals. He compares it to a small fire, which is but lighted, and then immediately extinguished. He also adds, that one ought not to be satisfied with the opinion of the ancients, who considered the regions round the poles as uninhabitable, on account of their cold, and that they may have been mistaken in this respect, as much as they have been with regard to the tropics, which they also con- sidered as uninhabitable on account of their great heat. For the tropics have nevertheless been proved to be habitable, temperate, fertile, and favourable to the existence of man : and there is more heat on the borders of the tropics than near the line. For this reason, Plancius thinks that the cold increases (as you proceed from the north pole), and is greatest under the seventieth degree ; but that passing nearer to the pole it becomes less. Thus the Englishman and other pilots, who have gone to these regions, have found it to be ; and they conclude, that to find the northern passage with greater ease, we ought not to sail along the coasts in y soient foibles, neanmoins, a cause du long temps qu'ils y demcurent, ils out assez de force pour ochauffer le terroir, et le rendre tempere et commode pour I'habitation des horames, produire herbe etnourrir butail; alleguant cette similitude d'un petit feu qui ne feroit qu'etre allumo et aussitot eteint. II y ajoute aussi qu'il ne se faut arreter a I'opinion des anciens, qui estimoient la terre pres des deux p61cs inhabitable il cause de sa froidure, et qu'ils se peuvent aussi bien tromper qu'en ce qu'ils ont dit la zone torrido etre inhabitable a cause de sa grande chaleur, qu'on reconnait neanmoins par experience etre habitee, fort temperee, fertile, et commode pour la vie des hommes, et qu'il y a aussi beaucoup plus de chaleur sous les tropiques du Cancer et du Capricorne que sous la zone torride ; et par cette meme raison, Plancius juge que la froidure croit, et est toujours plus grande jusqu'au soixante-sixi^me degr^s, mais qu'en passant plus outre devers le p61e, elle devient moindre, et ainsi I'ont trouve I'Anglois et d'autres pilotes, les quels ont ci-devant fait tels voyages, dont ils concluent que, pour trouver le passage du nord avec plus de facilite, au lieu de rechercher les cotes de la mer a soixante-dix, I i 1 248 LKTTKR FROAI PRESIDENT JEANNIN the 70, 71, 72, and 73 degrees, as the Dutch have done; but that, on the contrary, we ought to advance into the open sea, and so go as far as to the 81, 82, and SJi degrees, or even further, if necessary; because the sea not being frozen in that latitude, they trust to be able to find the passage ; and then sailing eastwards, to pass through the Straits of Anian, and then following the east coast of Tartary, so go to the Kingdom of Cathay, to China, to the islands of Japan, and also to the Spice islands, and the Philippines. For east and west join on account of the spherical shape of our earth. This whole voyage, both out and home, can be finished in six montKs, without approaching any of the harbours and fortresses of tlie King of Spain ; \ hilst by the road, round the Cape of Good Hope, which is now in common use, one generally requires three years, and one is besides exposed to meet and to fight the Portuguese. He proposed to me in his overtures with regard to the northern passage, that your Majesty might undertake the search openly, and in your Majesty's name, as a glorious enterprise, or else under the name of some private man, whose success, if good, would not fail soixante-onze, soixante-douze ou soixante-treize degr&s, comme les Hol- landais ont fait ci-devant, il so faut avancer en pleine mer, ct monter jusqu'il quatre-vingt-un, quatre-vingt-deux et quatro-vingt-trois degrfes, ou plus, s'il est besoin, 6s quels lieux la mer n'etant point gelee, ils se promettent qu'on pourra trouver ce passage, et par icelui, en tiraut vers Porient, passer le detroit d'Anian. et suivant la c6te orientale de Tar- taric, aller au royaume du Cattay, h, la Chine, aux iles du Japon, comme aussi, attendu que I'orient et I'occident aboutissent I'un a I'autre, h cause de la rondeur de la terre, aller par meme moyen aux Moluques et aux Philippines ; lequel voyage, et toute cette navigation, tant pour aller que pour retourner, pourroient etre faits en six mois, sans approcher d'aucuns ports et forteresses du roi d'Espagne ; au lieu qu'a le faire par le cap de Bonne-Esp6rance, qui est le chemin ordinaire qu'on tient i\ present, on y met ordinairement pr6s de trois ans, et si on est sujet aux rencontres et incursions des Portugois. II me proposoit done cette ouvcrture du passage du nord pour savoir si voire Majeste auroit agreable de I'entreprendre ouvertement, et en son nom, comme chose fort glorieuse, et qui lui acquerroit une grando louange envers la posterite, ou bien sous le nom de quelque particulier, TO TIKNUY IV or FRANCE. 249 to be attributed to the kin..essus. II me mande pareillemcnt qu'aucuns de la Compagnie des Indes, ayant ete avertis que TAnglois avoit coaferc secrctement avec lui, sent entres en apprehension qu'il s'en vouloit servir et I'employer lul memo pour decouvrir ce passage, qu'a cette occasion ils ont de nouveau traitt' avec lui pour entrcprendre la dite navigation d5s cette annee, ayant ccux de la chambre d'Amsterdam ecrit a cet effet aux autres chambrcs qui sont de la meme compagnie pour le faire approuver, avec declaration, s'ils le refusent, qu'ils cntrcprendont eux seuls. Le Maire ne laisse pourtant exhortcr votre Majcstc a cettc entreprisc, memandant TO HENRY IV OF FllANX'E. 253 engage in tins enterprise, telling me that he has at his disposal a pilot, who has alrcad}' been engaged in a similar voyage,' and Avho is more experienced and more capable than the Englishman. It belongs to your Majesty to order what I am to do. I Jiave had several conferences with other men about expeditions to the West and East Indies, and I feel confident, that when it will please your Majesty to take the matter into serious consideration, with the intention of profiting by it, there will be means of ob- taining very able and experienced men. There are also many rich merchants who will gladly join in the commerce with East India, and yet more willingly if this northern passage be found ; but as to the West Indies, they all think that far greater armaments will be required. It is true that the voyage is also shorter, and those who have some knowledge of the intercourse which may be established with tliose parts, promise great success. They also prove this by such good reasons, that we may well believe them.^ qu'il a un pilote, lequel a deja fait ce meme voyage, et est plus experi- mcnte et capable que I'Anglois. C'est a elle de commander son inten- tention. J'ai eu plusieurs conferences avec d'autrcs, soit pour les voyages dos Indes d'Orient ou d'Occident, et suis assui'c, quand il lui plaira d'y penser a bon escient, et pour en tirer du fruit, qu'il y aura moycn dc lui faire avoir de trcs-bons homraes, et fort experimentos ; qu'il y a aussi de riches marchands lesquels seront de la partie pour le com- merce des Indes d'Orient, et plus volontiers encore si ce passage du nord est trouve : mais, quant aux Indes d'Occident, ils tiennont tons qu'il y faut employer un plus grand apparcil de forces. II est vrai que le voyage est aussi beaucoup plus court ; et ccux qui ont quelque connois- sance des entreprises qu'on y peut dresser, en promcttant tout bon succ^s, dont ils discoureut avec de si bonnes raisons, qu'il y a sujct d'y ajouter foi ; j'cn attendrai ses commandcmens, priant Dieu, Sire, qu'il donne h, sa Majesto et a sa Royale famille tout heur et prospcrite. Votre etc. P. JEANNIN. De la Ilaye ce vingt-cinquUme Janvier 1C09. 1 Probably Nai. 2 Tbe principal advocate of the West Indian enterprise was William Usso- linex, who at that ver}' time published several very eloquent pamphlets in its dofLnce. He is most probably the person referred to by Jeannin. 254 EXTRACTS FROM imODHEAD. I am expecting your Majesty's commands, praying God, sire, that he may give to your Majesty and to the whole lloyal family all happiness and prosperity. P. JEANNIN. The Hague, the 25th of Jaimary, 1609. EXTRACTS CONCERNING A SHIP BOOK FOUND AT AMSTERDAM BY JOHN ROMEYN BRODHEAD, ESQ. I. TROJI BRODIIEAD, REPORT TO THE ASSEMBLY OP THE STATE OF NEW YORK, QUOTED BY o'CAELAGHAN, HIST. OF NEAV NETIIERE. T, p. 33.' The only trace of this voyage that was to be discovered in the papers of the East India Company, consisted of a memorandum in one of the ship books, stating the fact that the yacht Halve MauH, of forty lasts burden, had been sent toward the north in the year 1G08. II. FROM BRODHEAn, HIST. OF X. YORK, p. 41. The subsequent career of the Half Moon may perhaps interest the curious. The small ship book before referred to, which I found in 1841, in the Company's archives at Amsterdam, besides recording the return of the yacht on the 15th of July 1610, states that, on the 9th of May, 1611, she sailed in company with other vessels to the East Indies under the command of Laurens Reael, and that, on the 6th of March, 1615, she was wrecked and lost on the island of Mauritius. ' Great efforts have been made to procure facsimiles of these two docu- ments, but in vain. The editor of the jiresent volume has, however, received from Holland a MS. copy of the first document, from the above quoted privately printed work of Mr. Murphy. But as Mr. Murphy seemed desirous not to let the writer of the present pages obtain a glimpse of that pamphlet, it would have been contrary to the rules of literary intercourse to take from liim in secret wnat he would not communicate openly. The title of Mr. Murphy's pamphlet, togetlier with a descriptive note from a catalogue of Mr. Fr. Muller, of Amsterdam, is to be found in our bibliographical list. EXTRACTS FROM A CHARTER, ETC. 255 EXTRACTS FROM A CHARTER GRANTED TO THE COMPANY OF THE MERCHANTS DISCOVERERS OF THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, apud Blctsoc, Juhj 2Q)th, 1G12. A. Beginning. James, by the grace of God king of England, etc. Whereas, we are credibly informed that our cozens and councellors Henry Charles Earl of Northampton, keeper of the privy scale ; Charles j Earl of Nottingham, admirall of England ; Thomas Earl of Suffolk, chamberlain of our own household ; our right trusty and well beloued cozen Henry Earl of Southampton ; William Earl of Salisbury, our right trusty and well beloued Theophilus Lord Walden, Sir Thomas Smith Maunscll, Sir Walter Hope, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir James Lancerote, Knights ; Rebecca Lady Romney, Francis Jones, one of the aldermen of our city of London; John Wolstenholme, Esq., John Edred Robert Sand}', William Grcenwell, Nicholas Seats, Hovet Stapers, William Russell, John Mericks, Abraham Chamberleine, Philippe Burlo- mathis, merchants of the cittie of London ; the Muscovy Company and the East India Company of the sixth voyage, did in Aprill one thousand six hundred and tene, with great charge sett fourth a shippe called the Discovcnje, and certainc persons under the com- mand of Henry Hudson to search and find out a passage by the north-west of America to the sea of Sur, commonly called the south Sea, and have in that voyage found a strcight or narrow sea by the which they hope and purpose to advance a trade to the great kingdoms of Tartaria, China, Jaj^an, Solomons Islands, Chili, the Philippins and other countrys in or upon the said sea . . . B. Summary of the grant fat the bottom of the charter J. This bill conteyneth your Majesty's grant unto the merchants of London, discoverers of the north-west passage, to be made and I. 256 EXTRACTS FROM RAFN S treated a corporate body, and to be invested witb powers and capacities thereunto incident, so that the trade through that passage may be managed with some order and government, and not loosely at the discretion of every private adventurer. The frame and constitutions of this company is not restrained to any number certain, nor confined to any particular citty, town or place, nor tending to any degree of monopoly. The Prince is the supreme protector, under your Majesty, of this company. The custom subsidy, and impost accruing to your Majesty of all goods and merchandize shipped outwards and homewards through the said passage, in the 7th year after the date of the present patent (by which time it is conceived the trade may settle and growe some- what beneficiall) are therein graunted to the first discoverers, in consideration of their charges in the discovery; and the like graunt to Captain Button, and the masters and marines in the two shippes lately sett forth for the perfecting of the said discoverye, of the customs, subsidy and impost happening in the 5th year after the date of the present patent (which as supposed will be a lessc matter), in consideration of their services therein. EXTKACTS FROM RAFN'S ANTIQUITATES AMERICAN.l^, p. 295. GRIPLA. Nunc diccndum est, quid e regione Groenlandiao objaccat ct recessibus, ante commemoratis. Furdustrandaj nomen terrae est, ubi tantum gelu est, ut quantum scire datur, inhabituri non pos- sit ; ab ea austrum versus est Hellulandia, regio Scrselingorum appellata ; inde brevi spatio abest Vinlandia Bona, quam nonnulli ex Africa protendi aestimant. Inter Vinlandiam et Groenlandiam est Ginnungayap, quod influit ex mari dicto oceano, totum terra- rum orbem ambientc. ANTIQUITATES AMKRlCANiE. 257 r. 300. DESCRIPTIO GRCENLANDI.li: AUCTORE IV ARE BARDI, folio. (treatise of IVER ROTY ) Hoc relationes servattc sunt ab arcliieplscopo Nidrosicnsi Erico Walckendorph, qui anno 1516, novam ad Grccnlandiam iterum inveniendam expeditionem molicns, varia ad hujus terroo descrip- tioncm pertinentia collcgit. Procter supra, p. 282, allata manu- scripta et editiones, quarum Extrupii ex. manuscripto Rcgitc Dresdensis Bibliothcca?, G. No. 52a, signato est dcsumta, alieo versiones quscdam adhibcrl merentur. [^Ilere /ollotvs the title in English, as to he found on pay e 230.] Quam multlfariam nominum topographicorum in Danicis manu- scriptis, et graviorem quidem in duobus horum vetustissimis editioni- bus dcpravationem consideremus, similis, et ex aliqua parte pcssima, confusio in translatione, qua} tria porro diversi generis idiomata, Germania), Belgia) et Angliae permeaverat, minime erit miranda. At nihilominus dictam versionem vetustissimo cuidarn originalis exemplari, quod bonas quasdam Icctiones servaverat, superinstruc- tam esse cernimus, quam igitur (P notatam) in hac collatione negli- gere noluimus. Addidit hujus transcript! auctor (p. 230) ipsam relationera in insulis Fiereyensibus fuissc rcpertam, in an old reckoning hook tvritten ahove one hu7idred yeeres ago. OTHER NAMES OF HUDSON'S STRAIT, HUDSON'S BAY, HUDSON'S TOUCHES, HUDSON'S POINT, AND HUDSON'S RIVER. Hudson'' s Strait: Rio Nevado (Sebastian Cabot, 1498). Hudson's Bag: Baia dos Mcdaos (Ortelius, from the Portuguese 1558-1570). Hudson's Touches : Jan Mayen Island (Jan May, 1611). Hudson's Point : Rudson's Point (a corruption ; Zurgdragcr, Scoresby.) Hudson's River: Rio de Gamas, Rio Grande (Spaniards, 1525- 1600); Cahohatatea (Indian name); Manhattan's Rivier, Grootc Rivier, Noort Rivier, Montaigne Rivier, Maurits Rivier (Dutch Maps, 1615 to 1664). 83 % 2f)8 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST, CONTAINING THE BOOKS, MAPS, ETC., ETC., MENTIONED IN THE mESEM WOKK. Adelung. Geschiclite der SchifFahrtcn und Vcrsuclie wclclic zur Entdcckung des nordostlichen Wegcs nach Japan und China von vcrschiedenen Nationcn unternommen wurden. Zum Behufe der Erdbeschreibung und Naturgcschiclite dieser Gegenden ent- worfen von Joliann Christoph Adelung. Halle, 4to, 1768. Akerly. An Essay on tlic Geology of the Hudson river, and the adjacent regions : illustrated by a geological section of the country, from the neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, in New Jersey, northward, through the highlands in New York, towards the Catskill Mountains : by Samuel Akerly, one of the Vice-Presi- dents of the New York Lyceum of Natural History. New York, 12mo, 1820. Alcedo, see Thompson. Amekican Biography. The Library of American Biography. Edited by Jared Sparks, assisted by several of the most distin- guished writers. First Series. Portraits. Ten vols., 12mo, New York. Vol. X, pp. 187-261. Life of Hudson, by R. H. Cleveland. Antiquitates Americans sive Scriptorcs Septentrionales rerum ante-Columbianarum in America. Saniling af de i nordens Oldskrifter iiuleholdte Efterretninger vmdo gamle Nordboers Opdagelsesreiser til America, fra det 10 de til det 1-L de Aarhun- drede. Edidit Societas Regia Antiquariorum Septentrionalium. Hafniaj. 1837. (Edited by C. Rafn.) Aech^.ologia Americana, see Gallatin. Barrow. A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions ; undertaken chiefly for the purpose of discovering a BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST. 259 North-east, North-west, or Polar Passage, between the Atlantic and Pacific : from the earliest periods of Scandinavian navigation to the recent expeditions under the orders of Captains Ross and Buchan, by Sir John Barrow, F.R.S. London, 1818. Beeciiey. a Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole, performed in His Majesty's ships Dorothea and Trent, imder the command of Captain David Buchan, 11. N., 1818; to which is added a Summary of all the early attempts to reach the Pacific by the way of the Pole. By Captain F. W. Beechey, R.N., F.R.S. one of the lieutenants of the expedition. Published by autho- rity of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. (With a map and many illustrations.) 8vo. London, 1843. Begin en Voortgang von de Nederlandsche Oostindischc Compagnie. 2 vols., 4to, obi., consisting of twenty-one parts with separate pagination. Amsterdam, 1646. (Daniell's Map, part i, p. 13; Hudson's Voyage, part i, p. 54.) Beke, see De Veek, Gerrit. Bescherelle. Grand Dictionnaire de Geographic universelle, ancienne et moderne. Par M. Bescherelle, aine. 4 vols., 4to, Paris, 1856-7. Beschryvinoiie van Virginia, NieuAV Nederlandt, Niew- Engelandt, en d'Eylanden Bermudes, Barbados, en S. Christoffel. Dienstelyck voor elck een derwaerts handelende, en alle voor- planten van Nieuw Colonien, met Koperen figuren verciert. 't Ams- terdam, by Joost-Hartgers, Bouckverkooper op dem Dam, bezyden 't Stadthuys, op de hoeck van de Kalverstraet, in de Boeck- winckel, anno 1651. 4to. Title, 60 pp. Map. BiBLioGRArniE Neerlando-Russe, see Ortehus. BiDDLE, see Cabot, BioGRAPHiA Britannica, or the Lives of the most eminent persons who have flourished in Great Britain and Ireland, from the earliest ages down to the present times : collected from the best authorities, both printed and manuscript, and digested in the manner of Mr. Bayle's Historical and Critical Dictionary. London, folio, MDCCE. (Volume the fourth, pp. 2691-2695. Hudson, Henry). BioGRAPiiiE Universelle, ancienne et moderne, ou Histoire, par ordre alphabetique de la vie publique et privee de tous Ics hommes qui se sont distingues par leurs ecrits, leurs actions, leurs 2G0 uiULioauAriiicAi, mst. talents, Icurs vcrtus ou Icurs crimes. Oiivrage cntierement ncuf, redigi' par unc Societe de Gens do Icttres et de Savants. Tome xxi. Paris, 1818. (Page 10-12, IIudHon Henri.) Blaku, ^Vilh. et Joh. Lc Grand Atlas, ou Cosmographic Blaviane, en lequel est exactemcnt descritte la terre, la mer et lc ciel. Amsterdam. J. Blaew. 1GG3. 12 vol , fol. Blefkin. Dithmavi Blefkenii Islandia, sive populorum & mirabilium qua; in ea Insula rcperiunter, accuratior Dcscriptio : cui de Gronlandia sub finem quondam adjecta. Lugduni Batavo- rum. Ex Typograplicio Ilenrici ab Haestens. cioiocvii. IGO. pp. 71. Brockiiaus. AUgemcine deutschc Ileal Encyklopadie fiir die gcbildeten Stiindc. Conversations Lexikon. Zchntc verbesscrte und vermehrte Aufiage in 15 Biinden. Leipzig -. 1851-55. (Vol. viii, p. 102, Hudson's bay). This edition, wliich is to be found in the reading room of the British Museum, does not contain the Anskoold Mytli ; on the contrary, tho discovery of Hudson's Strait is attributed to Sebastian Cabot. But in the earlier edi- tions, we believe down to the eighth, the Anskoeld story exists. Brodhead. History of the State of New York, by John llomeyn Brodhead. First Period, 1609-16G4. Illustrated with a Map of New Netherlands, according to the charters granted by the States General, on the 11th of October, 1G14, and the 3rd of June, 1621. Svo. New York, 1853. BucHAN, see Jeannin. Cahot (Sebastian). His great Planisphere. A copy of this celebrated work, bearing the date of 1544, is preserved in the Imperial Library in Paris. This map is pasted upon a roller. On both sides of the engraving there are pasted explanations in letter- press, on one side in Spanish and on the other in Latin. The whole map is very lar^?. The Latin letterpress alone fills more than twenty pages in a reprint which we are about to speak of. It is in one of these letterpress explanations that the date of 1544 occurs. Mr. Jomard has published part of the map in his " Monu- ments de Geographie" ; that is to say, three of the four sheets it is composed of. But the most important sheet, containing North America, is yet wanting. The letterpress also has not yet ap- peared. mHLIOGRArillCAL i ^ST. 261 There seems to have been a second edition of this map jiublishcd in tlic year 1549, probably in EngUxnd, where Sebastian Cabot was then residing. 'J'his is to be concluded from a book by Nathan Chytrajus, called " Itinerum Dcliciro." ChytroDus travelled through vai'ious parts of Europe and visited Oxford in 15GG. lie there copied a series of inscriptions, corrf^sponding, except in some very slight respects, with the Latin explanations of the Paris map ; but with that important difference, that the date is 1549 instead of 1544. These inscriptions are reprinted in the " Itinerum Delicia)." In Hakluyt's Collection we find the following heading: "An extract taken out of the Map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, concerning his Discovery of the IFest Indies, tvhich is to be scetic in Her Majesties' privie Gallerie at Westminster, and in many other ancient merchants'' Houses.^' This heading is followed by a description of Baccalaos or Terra Nova, which is evidently bor- rowed from the 1544 or 1549 edition of the Cabot map, but it is not by any means a literal copy. One important change consists in the alteration of the date of the voyage described in it, which is 1494 in the earlier edition and 1497 in that of Clement Adams. Adams has besides completely altered the phraseology of his text, which he has made most bombastic; lengthening out the passages by superfluous u Iditions, so that his text is by about one-third longer than that of the original, without containing any new information. It would seem doubtful from Hakluyt's above-quoted heading, whether Adams had copied the whole of Cabot's map or merely the delineation of Terra Nova ; because the word extract might refer to an extract made by Adams from Cabot's map, or to an extract made from Adams's map by Hakluyt. This doubt is removed by a passage in the third volume, p. 807, of Purchas' Pilgrims, where the same map is more fully described. Purchas has evidently himself seen the map, which was most likely the identical copy also seen before by Hakluyt in Whitehall Gallerv. It is not certain whether another map mentioned by Willcs as having been in the library of the Earl of Bedford, is also identical with that seen at Whitehall. This map contained a delineation of Hudson's Strait, the description of which we have reprinted in the Introduction. This description does not correspond in all its parts with the 1544 map, and there are besides some 2G2 UIULIOGUAI'HICAL LIST. more details given by Willcs, which arc in still stronger contra- distinction with the indications of the Paris copy. This circum- stance has led us to the supposition that tlic Earl of Bedford's copy also belonged to the Clem jnt Adams' edition, and that Adams had altered the lines of the chart as well as the words of the text. We cannot suppose that he would have dared to do so in Cabot's lifetime, and therefore think that Adams' map was pub- lished after Cabot's death (about 1557). A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, with a Review of the His- tory of Maritime Discovery. Illustrated by Documents from the lloUs now first published, by R. Biddlc. London, 1831. Notices concerning John Cabot and his son Sebastian ; transcribed and translated from original manuscripts in the Macrian Library at Venice, by Rawdon Brown. Communicated to the Society by Edw, Cheney. Philobiblon Society, Bibliographical and Historical Miscellanies. London, 1854-56. Catlin. Letters and notes on the Manners, Customs, and Con- dition of the North American Indians, by George Catlin. Written during eight years travel, from 1832 to 1839, amongst the Wildest Tribes of Indians in North America. With 312 Plates. 2 vols., royal 8vo, pp. 264 and 266. New York, 1841. Chytb^us. Variorum in Europa itinerum Dcliciae, seu, ex variis Manuscriptis sclectiora tantum inscriptionum, maxime re- centium Monumenta. . . .Omnia nupcr collecta et hoc modo digesta a Nathans Chytra;o. Herborna) Nassoviorum, 1594. (The same book, second edition, ibid., 159!) ; the same book, third edition, ibid., I'JOO.) Cleveland, see American Biography. Collections of the New York Hist. Soc. For the year 1809. Vol. i. New York, 1811, 8vo. P. 19. A discourse designed to commemorate the discovery of New York by Henry Hudson, delivered before the New York Hist. Soc, Sept. 4th, 1809, being the completing of the second century since the event. By Samuel Miller, D.D., one of the pastors of the first Presbyterian Church in the city of New York, and member of the Hist. Soc. P. 41. A Communication from Dr. Mitchill, with respect to the several sorts of fish to be found in the Hudson. HinMOCJHAl'IIICAI, LIST. J3B3 P. 45. The Relation of I)e Verazznno to the King of France, of the Land by lum discovered in the name of II. M. P. ()1. The Voyage of 11. Hudson towards the North Pole, anno 1G07. P. 81. A Second Voyage of 11. Hudson for finding a Passage to the East Indies by the N.E., anno 1G08. P. 102. The third Voyage of H. Hudson towards N.»va Zcm- bla, etc., and along the coast to 42 degrees and a half, and up the river (the Hudson) to 42 degrees, anno 1609. Collections of the New York Hist. Soc. Second Series. Vol. i. New York, 1841, 8vo. P. 37. Verazzano's Voyage. P. 69. Indian Traditions on the First Arrival of the Dutch on Manhattan Island. P. 75. Lambrcchtsen's History of New Netherlands. P. 125. Van der Donck, Description of New Netherlands. P. 281. Extracts from De Laet's New World. P. 317. J net's Journal o'' Hudson's Voyage. Conversations Lexicon, see Bkockiiaus. Daniel. Map of Spitsbergen, London, 1612, see Begin und Voortgang, part, i, p. 13. (The knoivledye ivhich up to the present day we have been able to obtain of this new country, which our people call Spitsbergen and the English Greenland, we are going to represent, in a small map, in ivhich tve folloiv, for the most jrnrt, the Design made in London, in 1612, by John Daniel). The map in the Begin und Voortgang, to which this notice alludes, corresponds in almost every particular with the map of Spitzbergon in the last edition of Hcsscl Gcrritz's " Hudson," which is also to be found in a special work on Spitzbergon by Hessel Gerritz, published in two editions in the year 1613. Davis. The Seaman's Secrets. Dcvidcd into two partes, wherein is taught the three kindes of sayling, Horizontall, Para- doxall, and sayling upon a great circle : also an Horizontall Tyde Table, for the easic finding of the ebbing and flowing of the Tydes, with a Regiment newly calculated for the finding of the Declina- tion of the Sunne, and many other most necessary rules and instruments, not heretofore set foorth by any. Newly corrected by ' the author, John Davis, of Sandrudge, ncere Darthmouth, in the il!^ I 264 BinLIOORArHICAL MST. countic of Devon, Gent. Imprinted at London by Thomas Dawson. 4to, 1607. De Laet. Nieuwe Weieldt of'te Beschrijvinghc van West- Indien wt veclerhande Schriftcn ende Aenteekoningcn van ver- scheyden Natien by een versamelt door Joannes de Laet, ende mit noodighe Kaerten en Tafels voorsien. Tot Leyden, In de Druckerye van Isaack Elzevier, anno 1625. Met Privilegia der IIo. Mo. Heeren Staten Gcnerael, voor 12 Jaren. Fol. Title, xxil a, 526 pages. Chapter vii to xi, pp. lt)0-109, description of New Netherland. — ^— — Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien door Joannes De Laet. Tweedc druk : In ontallycke plaetsen verbetert, vermeer- dnrt, met eenige nieuwe caertcn, beelden van verschcijden dieren ende planten verciert. Tot Leyden by de Elzeviers. Ao. 1630, fol. De Quir, see Gehritz-Hessel. De Veer Gerrit. Three voyages by the Norlh-East towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595, and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their resi- dence of ten months in Novaya Zcmlya, and their safe return in two open boats. Edited by C. T. Beke, Ph.D., F.S.A. 8vo, London, 1853 (Hakluyt Society). DoNCK (Adrian Van der). Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland, Weghens de Gheleghentheydt, en soberen Staet deszelfs. In's Graven-Hage, ghedruckt by Michiel Hael, Bouckverkooper woon- ende op 't Buyten-Hof, tegenover de Gevangc-Voort. 1650, 4to. Title, 49 pages ; a vignette in wood on the title. '■ Vertoogh van Nicu Nederland und Breedcn Raedt aende Vereenichc Nedcrlandsche Provintscn. Tico rare tracts, printed in 1649-1650, relating to the Administration of Affairs in Neiv Netherland. Translated from the Dutch hy Henry C. Murpky. 4to. New York, 1854. Beschrijvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant, ghelyck het tegenwoordigh in Staet is, Begrijpende de Nature, Aert, gele- gentheyt en Vruchtbaerheyt van het selve Lant ; mitsgaders de proffijtelijcke ende gewenste trevallen, die aldaer tot onderhout der Menschen (soo uyt haer selven als van buyten ingebracht) gevonden woorden. Als metle de maniere en onghemcyne eygen- schappen van de Wilden ofte Natureleen van den Lande. Ende BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LLST. 265 een bysonder vcrhael van den wonderlijcken Aert ende hct Wccsen der Bevers ; dacr noch by gcvoeght is eon d'scours over de gclc- gentheyt van Nieuw-Nederlandt, tusschen een Nederlandts Patriot, ende een Nieuw Nederlander. Beschreven door Adriacn van der Donck, beyder Rechten Doctoor, die tcgenwoordigh noch ni Nieuw Nederlandt is. t' Amsterdam. By Evert Nieuwhof, Bouckver- kooper, woonende op 't lluslandt in't Schrijfboeck, anno 1G55, 4lo. A second edition, under nearly the same title. Ito. Amsterdam, 1C56. Du Ponceau. Report made to the Historical and Literary Committee of the American Philosophical Society by their Cor- responding Secretary on Languages of the American Indians. By P. E. Duponceau. 8vo. Philadelphia. Eden. A treatyse of the Newe India, with other new founde landes and Ilandes, as well Eastwards as Westwards, as they arc knowen and founde in these oure days, after the description of Sebastian Munster, in his booke of Universal Cosmographie ; wherein the diligent reader may see the good successe and rewarde of noble a'.id honeste enterprises, by the which not only worldly ryches are obtayned, but also God is glorified, and the Christian faylh enlarged. Translated out of Latin into English, by Richard Eden. Prater sjoem sub spe. Imprinted at London, in Lombard- street, by Edward Sutton, 1653. The History of Travayle in the West and East Indies, and other countrcys lying eyther way, towardes the fruitful! and ryche Moluccaes. As Moscovia, Persia, Arabia, Syria, Acgypte, Ethio- pia, Guinea, China in Cathayo and Giapan. With a Discourse of the N.W. Passage. (" In the Hande of our Lord he all the corners of the Earthy — Psal, 94.) Gathered in parte and done into Englyshe by Richarde Eden. Newly set in order, augmented and finished by Richarde Willes. Imprinted at London by Richarde Jugge, 1577. Cum privilcgio. See also Martyr. FousTER. Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schiffiihrten im Norden aller Nationen, von J. H. Forster, Dr. der Medlcin und der Weltweisheit, etc. Berlin, 1 784. History of the voyages and discoveries made in the North, translated from the German of John Reinhold Forster, T.U.D., and elucidated by several Maps. London, 4to, 1786. 34 I 266 BIBLIOOIIAPHICAL LIST, FoxE. North-west Fox, or Fox from the North-west Passage, beginning with King Arthur, Malga, Octhur, the two Zenis oi Isclanil, pjstotilantl, and Dorgia ; following with briefe abstracts of the voyages of Cahot, Frohisher, Davis, Waymouth, Knight, Hudson, Button, Gihhons, Bylot, Baffin, Haivhridge : together with the Courses, Distance, Latitudes, Longitudes, Variations, Depths of Seas, Sets of Tydes, Currents, Races, and Over-Falls, with other observations, accidents, and remarJ ble things, as our Miseries and Sufferings. Mr. James Hall''- ree voyages to Gi'oynland, with a Topographicall Description of the Countries, the Salvages lives and treacheries, how our men have beene slayne by them tliere, with the commodities of all those parts, whereby the Marchant may have Trade, and the Mariner Imployment. Demonstrated in a Polar Card, wlierein are all the Maines, Seas, and Islands herein mentioned. With the author his own Voyage, being the xvith, with the opinions and collections of the most famous Mathematicians and Cosmographers ; with a Probabilitie to prove the same by Marine Ilemonstrations, compared by the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, experimented with places of our owne coast. By Captaine Luke Foxe, of Kingstone upon Hull, Capt. and Pylot for the voyage, in His Majesties' Pinnace the Charles. Printed by His Majesties' Commands. Printed by B. Alsop and Tho. Favvcet, dwelling in Grub-street. 4to Map, 1635 {quoted t^. Ivii). Fkobisher. a true discourse of the late voyages of discoverie, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the North-Weast, under the conduct of Martin Frohisher, Generall. Devided into three Bookcs. In the first wherof is shewed his first voyage, wherein also by the way is sette out a Geographicall Description of the Worlde and what partes thereof have bin discovered by the Navigations of the Englishmen. Also, there are annexed certayne reasons to prove all partes of the Worlde habitable ; with a gene- rall Mappo adjoyned. In the second, is set out his second voyage with the adventures and accidents thereof. In the thirde, is de- clared the strange fortunes which hapned in the third voyage, with a severall description of the countrey and the people there inhabit- ing. With a particular Card thereunto adioyned of Mcta Incognita, so farrc forth as the secrets of the voyage may permit. At London. Imprinted by Henry Bynnyman, servant to the Right Honourable inULlOGRAPHlCAL LIST. 2()7 Sir Christopher Hatton, viz., Chamberlaine. Anno Domini, 1578, 4to, pp. 68. Gallatin. Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North- America, by Albert Gallatin, LL.D. Archa;ologia Americana. Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society. Published by Direction of the Society. Vol. i, »vo, pp. 430. Worcester, Mass., 18^0 ; vol. ii, Map, 8vo, pp. xxx and 57!]. Cam- bridge, 18-"16; vol. iii, pp. cxxxviii and 377. Boston, printed for the Society, 1857 (vol. ii, p. 44). Galvano. Tratado dos vurios, e diversos caminhos por onde nos tempos passados a pimenta e especiaria veio do India as nossas partes, e assim de todos os descubrimentos antigos c modernos que sao feitos ate a era de 1550 com os nomes particulares das pessoas que os ficerao, em que tempos e suas alturas. 8o, Lisboa, por 1560. Galvao. Tratado dos descobrimentos antigos e modernos, feitos ate a Era de 1550, com os nomes particulares das pessoas que OS fizerao : e em que tempos, e as suas alturas, e dos desvaira- dos caminhos por vnde a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India as nossas partes ; obra certo muy notavcl, e copiosa. Composto pelo famcGO Antonio Galvao. Lisboa Occidental na Ofiicina Ferrei- riana, mdccxxxi. (We quote this edition.) Gekritz-Hessel. Detectio Freti. First Edition. Exemplar Libelli supplicis, Potentissimo Hispaniarum Regi exhibiti a Capi- taneo Petro Fernandez de Quir : super Detectione quintse orbis terrarum partis, cui Australioe Incognitac nomen est. Item, Relatio super Freto per M. Hudsonum Anglum qua3sito, ac in parte detecto supra Provincias Tcrrte Novae, novajque Hispanioe Chinam et Cathaiam versus ducturo : una cum Freti ipsius, quatenus iam detectus est. Tabula Nautica. Nee non Isaaci Massa; Harlemensis Samoiediaj atque Tingoessa; llegionum ad Orientem ultra Fretum Wcygats in Tartaria sitarum, nuperque Impcrio Moscovito adquisi- tarium descriptio. Et Tractus ciusdem Tabula Russia. Latine versa ab R. Vitellio. Amsterodami. Ex oiRcina Hesselij Gerardi, anno 1612. Contents : 1. In tractatus sequentes Prolegomena ad Lectorem : signed Hcssclius Gcrardus Assumcnsis Philogeographus. Six pages. {These Prolvyomcna are reprinted in the present book, pp. 236, 241). 2C8 lUHMOGUArinCAl. LIST. 2. Reliitio memoilulls libclli supplicis Majestati siuu oblatl, per Cupitancum Pctrum Fernamloz cle (liilr, etc. , , Eleven payos. o. Samojoilunim. . . .cfKgic's (a woocleut). One pafj;e. 4. Apograpluim Descriptionis llegionum Siberia) Samojediic et Tingoes'uo. Eight pages. 5. Itineruia attpic Eliiviorum, Ortum & Atpiilonem versus in Moseoviam & Siberian! Samojediani etc dueentiuni, Descrip- tio. Thirteen pages, one page white, one white leaf; then follows : Deseriptio ac delitieatio Geographiea Detectionis Freti. Sivc Transitvs ad Oecasuni, supra terras Americanas, in Chinam atq: Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab ]\I. lleiirieo lludsono Anglo. Item, Narratio Ser"">. Regi llispania) facta, super tractu, in ipjinta Orbis terraruni parte, cui Avstraliie Incognitic nonieu est, recens detecto, per Capitaneum Petruni Ferdinandez de Q,uir. Vna cuiu descriptioiie Terrio Sanioiedarvni et Tingoesiorvni, in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats sitio nu|)er(i : Imperio Mosco- vitarum subacta\ Amsterodami, Ex otlicina llessclij Gerardi. Anno 1G12. Three i)ages (^reprinted in the j'rcsc'if voltiine, pp. 185- 189). Second Edition. The Second Edition, or what, perhaps, may be called so, has been produced in the following manner. The first title has been cut away, and the supplement, with its title, Deseriptio ac Delinvatio, etc., has been placed at the beginning. Nearly all the existini^ copies of the 1G12 edition answer this description. In both shapes the 1612 edition ought to contain the following maps. a. The "World in two hemispheres; h. Hudson's map; c. Massa's map of Nova Zembla, etc. (a fac-simile in Dr. Rckc's De Veer). Third Edition. Deseriptio ac delincatio Geographiea Detec- tionis Freti. Sive, Transitus ad Occasum supra terras Americanas, in Chinam atq: Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab M. Henrico Hudsono Anglo. Item, Exegesis Regi Hispaniic facta, super tractu recens detecto, in quinta Orbis parte, cui nomen, Avstralis In- cognita. Cum descriptione Terrarum Samoicdarum, et Tinga'sio- rum, in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats sitarum, nuperq: sceptro Moscovitarum adscitarum. Amsterodami, Ex oflicina Ilesselij Gerardi. Anno 1G13. Ml iti.iofniAriiicAi, i,isT. 2(5!) CONTKNTS : 1. Pri)lcgomcnii. Three i)iif^eH. 12. Dearriptio, etc. (IIiuIhou'h Voyage, see present volume, 189- 104). Three jiages. ;5. lOxegc.sis Libclli sujjplicl.s ohhiti Kcgiir Mujestati l[i.s[)aniu} a Duee Petro l''eni:indez iW. (iuir, etc. Ten pages. 4. Deseriptio Jlegiomiin Siberia-, Saniojcdiu!, Tingojesia^ etc. Seven pages, one page white, C). Itrevis Descrlptio itinerum dueentiinn, & fluvioruni hihciitium e Moscovia Oricnteni &. Atpiihinem versus. (^Signed Ivj l.s(uu: 3l(isN(i, llucrlcm.) I'Ueven pages, one page while. (). In prel'ationc, etc. (^l)i-svriplion of Nai\s \''i)i/i(ij(:,) 'i'l'rec pages. 8. I)e (letcctlono terra; polaris sub latitude octoginta graduum ^by llcsad (/crri/z). Three pages. i). Balena woodeut. One l)age, one page while. ]''»r niujui and phites sen iicrt ctHlion. FouiiTii MniTioN. The lourlli edition is almost ideutieal witli the third, only it contains an appendix of I'our pages, consisting — a. 01' a preface by Jlessel Gerrit/, beginning with the t'oUovving words : Cum tcmcre v.t hwonsidvntta antca scrlpscrhii. . . .One page. b. Of a treatise by i'eter I'lancius, intitled : llefutatio rationum (piibus Angli Dominationem ])iscationis ad insulam Spitzbergen- sem. .pretenderc. .conantur. Three pages. The third and fourth editions ought to contain the following illustrations, a. The World in two hemispheres. f>. Hudson's Map. c. Massa's Maj). d. An engraving representing two sea- horses, c. In the fourth edition there ought to be a map of Spit/- bcrgen and Nova Zembla. ]Jeschryvinghe vander Samoyeden Landt in Tarta- rien Nieulijcks onder 't ghebiedt der Moscovilen gebracht. Wt de llussche tale overgheset, anno 1009. Met een verhael vandc opsoekingh cnde ontdeckinge vande nieuwc deurgang ofte straet int Noord-westen na de Rijcken van Ohina cnde Catliay ; ende cen Memorial gcpresenteert aenden Conningh van Spaengien, belanghende de ontdcckingho ende gheleghenheyt van 't Land ghenacmt Australia Incognita, 't Amsterdam, by Ilessel Ger- ritsz., Bocckvercooper opt Water ijulc I'ascaert. Anno 1612. fi 270 lUIU.lOORArillCAL LIST. Contents : 1. Tot den Leser {Preface, translation of the preface to the Latin edition of \G12.) Six pages. 2. Verhael van d' ontdeckinghe vandc nieu-ghesochte Strate in't Noord-westen, om te seylen boven langhs de Landen van America en Japan, ghedaen door Mr. Henry Hudson. Three pages, one white. 3. Copie van de Beschryvinge der Landen Siberia, Samoesia, etc. Eight pages. 4 Een Cort Verhael vande Wege ende llivieren uyt Moscovien Oostwaerts, etc. Fourteen pages. 5. Verhael Van seker Memoriael ghepresentcert aen zyne Ma- jesteyt by den Capiteyn Pedro Fernandez de Guir. Six pages, one page blank. Gilbert. A Discourse of a Discoverio for a new passage to Cataja, written by Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knight. Imprinted at London by Henry Middleton, for Richarde Thones, anno Domini 1576, Aprilis 12. (Map.) xS'ee also Hakluyt's Collections, iii, p. 16. Hakluyt. Divers voyages touching the discoverie of America, and the Islands adiacent unto the same, made first of all by our Englishmen, and afterward by the P'renchmen and Britons : and certaine notes of advertisements for observations, necessarie for such as shall heereafter make the like attempt. With two mappes annexed heereunto for the plainer understanding of the whole matter, by E-ichard Hakluyt. Imprinted at London for Thomas Woodcocke, 1582. Hakluyt (Richard, Prebendary of Bristol in the year 1582). Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America, and the Islands adjacent ; collected and published. Edited, vvith Notes and an Introduction, by John Winter Jones, Esq., of the British Museum. Svo, London, 1850 (Hakluyt Society). Hamel. Tradcscant der Aeltere, 1618, in Russland. Der Handelsverkehr zwischen England und Russland in seiner Entste- hung. Riickblick auf einige der iilteren Reisen im Norden. Geschichtliche Beitrage mitgetheilt der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg, von Dr. J. Hamel, Akade- miker, etc. Mit Tradescant's Portrait und einer Karte. 4o, 1847, St. Petersburg. Leipzig. lilHLlOGUAl'IIICAL LIST. 211 Haskei, and Smith. A complete Descriptive and Statistical Gazetteer of the United States of America, containinj^ a particular description of the states, territories, countries, districts, parislies, cities, towns and villages, mountains, rivers, lakes, canals, and railroads; with an Abstract of the Census and Statistics for 1840. By Daniel Huskel, A.M., and T. Calvin Smith. New York, 8vo, pp. 752. 1814. Heckewei.uer. a narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Delaware and Mohegan Indians, from 1704 to 1808; interspersed with anecdotes, historical facts, speeches of Indians, and other interesting matter, by John Heckewelder. 4to, Philadelphia, 1820. HoMEM. A Portolano of nine large Charts on vellum, drawn on a plane scale by D. 11. MS., British Museum. No. 4. A Chart of the Work), on a phxne scale : " Universalis Mundi figura atque Navigationum Orbis tcrrarum scitus." Dicgus Homem cosmographus fecit hoc opus anno salutis 1558. No. 10. The Eastern Coast of North America, tlie West Indian Islands, with the westernmost coasts of Europe and Africa, southward to Cupe liosse. {Quoted p. xcvii.) Jeannin. Les Negociations du President Jeannin, publiees dans les Collections des Memoires relatifs a I'Histoirc de France, depuis I'avenement de Henri IV, jusqu'a la Paix de Paris conclue en 1763 ; avec des Notices sur chaque auteur et des observations sur chaque Ouvrage, par M. Petitot, Paris, 1822. Lettre au Roi ecrite par M. Jeannin, le dit jour vingt-cinqui^me Janvier 1600, sur la recherche du passage du Nord. Vol. XV, p. 141. See also Pantheon litteraire ; Choix de Chroniqucs et Memoires, sur I'Histoirc de France, avec Notices litteraires par J. A. C. Buchon. Paris, 1838. Negociations du President Jeannin, p. 578. Jonas. Brevis Comentarius de Islandia : quo scriptorum de hac Insula errores detcguntur, et extraneorum quorundum convitijs ac calumnijs quibus Islandis liberius insultarc solent, occurritur; per Arngrimum Jonam Islandum. A briefe Commentarie of Island: wherein the errors of such as have written concerning this Island are detected, and the slanders and reproaches of cer- » r ' 272 BIBLIOGRArHICAL LIST. taine strangers which they have used over-boldly against the people of Island are confuted, by Arngrimus Jonas of Island. Written at Holen Hialtednlein Island, the yeere of our Lord 150;?, the 17 of tlic Kalends of May. See Hakliiyt's Voyages, vol. i, j). 515. Jones, see Hakluyt. Lambuechtsen'. Korte Bcschrijving van dc Ontclckking en dor verdere Lotgevallen van Nicuw-Nederland, weleer cenc volk- planting van het gcmecnebest der verecnigde Nederlanden in America, door Mr. N. C. Lambrechtsen van Ritthem. Te Middel- burg, bij S. van Benthcm, mdcccxviii. With a Map of New Nethcrland. Lele"\vel. Gengraphie du Moycn age, etudiee par Joachim Lelewel, accompagnee d'Atlas et de Cartes dans chaque volume. 4 vols., 8vo, Bruxcllcs, 1852. Atlas, 4to obi. Bruxelles, 1850. LiNSCHOTEN (van Huyghen). Itinerario Voyagie ofte Schip- vaert, von Jan Huj'ghen van Linschoten. Folio. Amsterdam, 1595, with following supplements : a. Bcschrijvinghc van Guinea. b. Rcys Geschrijft van de Navigation der Portugaluysers. c. Een seker. d. Extract vande Renten des Coninglis var Spaengien. The same, second edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1G04 and 1605. Third edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1614. Fourth edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1624. Fifth edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1644. Voyagie ofte shipvaert, van Jan Huyghen van Lin* schoten, van by Noorden vm langes Noorwcgen de Noortcaep, Laplant, Vinlant, Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Custen van Can- denoes, Swetenoes, Pitzora, etc., door de strate ofte Engte van Nassau tot voorby de Revier Oby. Waer inne seer distinctelicken verhaels ghewijse beschreven ende aenghewesen wordt, alle t' ghene dat hem op de selve Reyse van dach tot dach bejeghent en voorghecomen is. Met de afbeeldtsels van alle de Custen, Hoecken, Landen, Opdoeningen, Streckinghen, Coursen, Mijlen, ende d'ander merckelicke dingen meer : Gelijc als hy 't alles selfs sichtelicken end waerachtelicken nae 't leven uytgewerpen ende gheannoteert heeft, etc. Anno 1594 end 1598. Ghedruct tot Franekcr, by Gerard Ketel. Containing a large number of geo- graphical diagrams. Second edition. The same title. Amster- dam, 1624. Lopez de Gomaka. La Historia General de las Indias, con IMHMOOUAPIIICAL LIST. 273 todos descubrimicntos, y cosas notables que han acacscido en ellas, dcndc que se ganaron hasta agora, cscrita por Francisco Lopez de Gomara, clerigo. Afuidiose dc luicvo la dcscrij)cion y tra^a de las Indias, con una Tabla alphabetica de las Provincias, Islas, Puertos, Ciudades, y nombres de conquistadorcs y varones prin- cipales que alia ban passado. En Anvcrs. Anno M.n.i.iiii. .liiTHK (Li'iTicK). 'lcTi)ip(>i;paTiioo nyrt'iiiocTiilo wh ctiii('iiiii.iii .TcuibiitmII OiJcaiii, concpuiciiiioc no iioDp.ifeiiiio IlMiicpaTopa A.ioitcaii.ipa I, iia iiO(!iiiioMi ftpnrS "IIOBan BL-Jun," Bb 1821, 1822,1823 u 1824 rojaxi., laces and things in the Eastern parts of the World. Translated from the iailian, with notes, by William Marsden. With Maps. London, 1818, 4to. Maksden, see Marco Polo. Martvr. De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglcrii Mediolancnsis, Protonotarij, & Caroli quinti Scnaloris, Decades octo, diligent! tcmporum observatione & utilissimis annotationibus illustratcc, suoque nitori rcstituta} ; Lahore et industria Richard! Uakluyti, Oxoniensis Angli. Additus est in usum lectoris accuratus totius operis index. Parisiis, m.u Lxxxvir. The Decades of the Newe Worlde or West India, conteynyng the navigations and conquestes of the Spanyardes, with the particular description of the moste ryche and large landes and ilandes lately found in the West-Ocean perteynyng to the inheritaunce of the lunges of Spayne. In the which the diligent reader may not only consyder wluit commoditie may hereby chaunce to the hole Christian Worlde in the tyme to come, but also learne many sccreates touchynge the lande, the sea, and the starres, very 35 274 innLioGTiAriiicAT, list. ncccssario to be knowu to al such as shal attcmptc any naviga- tions, or otlicnvisc have dclite to bcholdc the strange and woonder- full woorkes of God and nature. Wryttcn in the Latine toungo by Peter Martyr of A.nglcria, and translated into Englysche by llycharde Eden. Londini. In aidibus Guilhelmi Powell, anno 1555. Meteren (Van). Emanuels van Meteren Historie der Ncder- landschcr cndc hacrdcr Naburen Oorlogen cndc Geschiedcnissen, Tot den Jarc mvicxii. Nu dc laestemael bij hem voor sijno doodt merckelyck vcrbctcrt end in xxxii Boecken voltrocken. Is mcde hier by gevocgt des Authcuvs leven. Verrijckt bencfFens de Land-Caertc met by na hondevt correcte Contcrfcijtscls vande voortreflijeste Pcrsonagicn in dcse Historie verhaelt. AUe cicrlijck na d' leven ghcdacn ende in Copcren platen gesteken. Gedruckt int' Jaer ons Hcercn mdcxiv. In s' Graven-Haghe by Hille- brandt Jacobssz, Ordinaris ende Ghcsvooren Drucker van de Hog. cnde Mo. Heeren Staten Generael, anno 1614. Met Privilegie. Folio, pp. 671. (Map.) MoLYNEUx Globe. This Globe is mentioned by John Davis, in a work called " The World's hydrographical Description," 4to, London, 1594, from which an extract, containing the passage hero alluded to is to be found in Hakluyt's Collection, vol. iii, p. 120. The following is the passage in question : " Hoiv far I proceeded and in ivhat fourme this discovery lyeth, doth appeare upon the globe ivhich Master Sander so7i to his verye great charge hath published, tvhose labouring endeavor /or the good of h's coimtrie deserveth great favor and commendation. Made by Master Henry Mtdlineux, a man icell qualified, of a good judgment, and verye expert in many excellent practises, in my selfe being the onely means ivith Master Sanderson to imply Master Mtdlineux therein, whereby he is now groione to a most exquisite perfectio)i." A later edition of the same Globe is to be found in the Library of the Middle Temple. It is about two feet high, and bears the following inscription : Lectoris. In hoc globo scribendo, amice lector, ubique sequuti sumus castigatissimas chartas marinas, qui- bus Hispani et Lusitani in suis Americis et Oricntalibus Indicis navigationibus utuntur. Nee non Anglicorum aliquot hominum excellentium probatissimas geographicas descriptioncs in septcn- muuoouArHicAi, list. 275 tiionallbus hiijus Globi dclincandis purtibus, siimma cum fide, diligentia, summaque cura imitati sumus. Anno Domini 1G03. Emerius MuUencux, Angl. sumptibus Guilelmi Sanderson! Lon- dinensis dcscripsit. There are also some other inscriptions, especially a long dedi- cation to Queen Elizabeth ; and the following note, which ia in letterpress : This glohe, helonyiiuj to the honourable Socicfi/ of the Middle Temple, ivas repaired In the year 1818 by F. ^* W. Newton, Globe makers. Chancery Lane. Sir John Barrow, who saw the globe shortly after its restoration, thought that the date (1603)must be wrong, because Davis had made mention of this globe in 1594. Sir John is, however, mistaken. The globe in the Middle Temple Library contains liarents' deli- neation oi Nova Zembla, which was drawn in 1596 and published in 1598. The date of the globe is therefore very probably correct, only the copy in the Middle Temple is not of the first edition. MouLTON. see Yates. MuiLKEUK, Mynheer Eerg van Dussen. Bydragen tot Ges- chiedenis onzer Kolonizatie in Noord-America. Two parts, with- out place or date. (Amsterdam, about 1851.) MuLLER, «eeBj[BLioGUAriiiE Neeiilando-Husse, AecMuuniY, see Ortemus. MuRPiiY. Henry Hudson in Holland. An inquiry into the origin and object of the voyage whicli led to the discovery of the Hudson River. With bibliographical notes. By H. C. Murphy. Hague, large 8vo, pp. 72. 1859. Aprhs V impression de cette feuille f at regu la notice tres-interes- sante de Mr. II. C. Murphy (^Ministre des Etats-Unis aupres de la cour des Pays-Bas), sur H. Hudson et le livre de Massa, travail hautement remarquable qui traite a fond tout ce qui se rapporte d, ce sujet. Cette notice qtti n^est tiree quW tres-petit nomhre d'ex- cmplaires et pas dans le comynerce n'cst fut distribut par I'aufeur qu^d peu de personnes. Fred. Muller, Bibliographie Neerlando- Russe, p. 172. Mr. Murphy is said to be a studious man, who bestows con- siderable pains on his researches. He is the translator of Van der Do7ick's Vertoogh {see Donck), Navaretxe. Colleccicn de los viages y descubrimientos que 270 UlUMO(iUAl'llICAL LUST. hicieron por mav los Espanolcs tlesde fines del siglo xv. con varlos documcntos incditos conccinicntes a la Historia dc la Marina CastcUana y dc los cstablecimientos espanolcs en Indias, coor- dinada e illustrada por Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, dc la orden de San Juan, etc., etc. Tom. v. Madrid., 80, 1825-37. NoKTii Amkuican Rkview and Miscellaneous Journal. Com- menced in May, 1815, at Boston. Vols, i to ix, forming the First Series, i^ublishcd from May, 1815, to September, 1819. New Series, . x to Ixxxv, from January, 18:^0, to October, 1857, and conunucd quarterly. Two parts forming a volume. O'Callagiian. History of New Netherlands; or. New York under the Dutch, by E. B. O'Callaghan. Two vols., 8vo, New York, 184G {quoted [ip. Ivi, Ivii). Oktelius. Ortulii, abr. Theatrum orbis Terrarum. Antverp. Aegid. Coppcnius Diesth. 1570, fol. [lieunprim^ par le meiiie cditeur en 1571 et en 1573, et puis chez Plimtin en 1584, 1592, 1595, IGOl, 1624, etc.) Fr. MuUer, Bibliographic Ncerlando- Ilusse, p. 118. Petitot, see Jeannin. Pj( > l -^iBLON Society Miscellanies, see Cabot. Po> Ts. llerum et urbis Amstelodamensium Historia. In qua Hoii^ tia) primum atque inde Amstelandia?, oppidique natales, exordia progressus, privilegia, statuta, cventaque mirabilia cum novis urbis incrementis comercijsque ac navigationibus longinquis, aliaque ad politiam spectiantia, additis suo loco tabulis eri incisis, ad haec usque tempora, observata annorum serie accurate omnia deducuntur. Auctore Joh. Isacio Pontano. Accedunt sub calccm auctores vetustiores duo nunquam editi. Quorum nomina et seriem versa pagella indicabit. Amstcrodami. Sub Cane vigilant! eicudit Judocus Hondius. An. D. 1011. (Folio, pp. 292 ; App., pp. 40.) Historische Beschryvinghe der seer wijt beroemde CoopStadt Amsterdam. Waerinne benevens de eerste beginselen ende opcomsten der Stadt, verscheyden Privilegien, ordonantien, ende andere ghedenskwcerdighe Geschiedenissen, met het ghene de nieuwe vergrootinghen der Stadt, als oock de handel ende verre reysen ende Politic betrcfFende is, tot desen tegenwoordighen tijt, nae het vervolch der jaercn verhaelt werdt. Eerst in Latyn lUHLIOGllAl'HICAI, LIST. 277 ghcstclt xin'd bcschrcven door Joh. Isacium Pontacum. Endc by den sclven oock vodcrhundt wcerstich ovcrsicn ende op vccl plactscn vermccrdcrt cndc verbetcrt. Ende nu wt dcs Autbcurs laetste Copijc in Nedorduyts overgbcsct door Pctrum Montanum. Allcs met copcrc Figurcn afgbcbov^U ende vcrciert. Tot Amster- dam, gliedruckt by Judocum Hondium, wooncnde in de Cilvcr Straot, in den Wackoren Hont. Anno 1G14. Met Privilcgic. PuRCiiAS. His Pilgrimage, or Relations of tbe World and the lleligions observed in all ages and places discovered from the creation unto the present. In foure parts. With bricfe descrip- tion of the countries, nations, states, discoveries, private and publikc customes, and the most remarkable rarities of nature, or humane Industrie in the same. London, by William Ilanby for Henrie Fetherstone. 1613. Folio. Contains an account of Hudson's Voyage from Gerritz. His Pilgrimage. The third edition, much enlarged, with additions through the whole work. London, 1617. Folio. This edition is, at least as regards the chapter on Hudson, like the one of 1626. The Hudson chapter is to be found on pp. 924-926. Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes. Con- tayning a History of the World, in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells, by Englishmen and others. Wherein God's Wonders in Nature and Providence, the acts, arts, varieties, and vanities of men, with a world of the world's rarities, are by a world of Eye- withnesse related to the world. Some left written by Mr. Hakluyt at his death, more since added, his also perused and perfected. All examined, abbreviated, illustrated with notes, enlarged with discourses, adorned with pictures and expressed in maps, in fewer parts, each containing five Bookcs. Purchas, his Pilgrimage. The fourth edition, much enlarged, with additions, etc. London, by William Hanby for Henry Fetherstone. 1625-6. Folio. Five vols. Rafn, see Antiquitates Americans. Ramusio. Navigazioni e viaggi raccolti gia da M. C. B. Ra- musio. Vinegia, Giunti. 3 vol. in fol. 1550-1613. RiBEEO, see Spuengel. RuNDALL (Thomas, Esq.) Narratives of early voyages under- taken for the Discovery of a passage to Cathaja and India, by the N. West; with selection from the Records of the Worshipful >sl ~78 BIHLIOGRArmCAL LIST. Fellowship of the Merchants of London trading into the East Indies, and from MSS. in the Library of the British Museum, now first published. 1849. London (Hakluyt Society). ScoRESBY. An Account of the Arctic Regions, with a History and Description of the Northern Whale-Fishery, by W. Scoresby, jun., F.R.S.E. (Maps and Illustrations.) Two vols. Edinb , 1820. Smith. Description of New England, by Capt. John Smith. London. 4to, pp. 61, and a Map. 1616. Sparks, see American Biography. Sprengel. Ueber T. Ribero's alteste Welt Charte, von M. C. Sprengel. Weimar, 1795. Containing the following Map : Charte von Ame ica aus der altesten noch unedirten Welt-Karte von Diego Ribero, Cosmograph Karls V. vom Jahre 1529, ausgehoben und nach dem handschriftlichen Originale in gleicher Grosse ge- zeichnet von F. K. Gussefeld. Stow. The Annales or Generall Chronicle of England, begun first by Maister John Stow, and after him continued and augmented with matters forreyne and domestique, auncient and modcrne, unto the ende of this yeere 1614, by Edmond Hov^^es, Gentleman. Lon- dini. Impensis Thomse Adams, 1615. Thompson. The Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West-Indies, containing an entire translation of the Spanish work of Don Antonio de Alcedo, with large additions and compilations from modern voyages and travels, and from ori- ginal and authentic information, by G. A. Thompson, Esq. In five volumes. London, ^^to, 1812-1815. (Vol. ii, pp. 263-266. Hudson.) WiLLES. For M. Cap. Furbysher's Passage by the Northwest, Or China in Cathayo, situated in the East side of Great Asy. Of the Hand Giapan, and other litle lies in the East Ocean, by the way from Cathayo to the Moluccaes, by Richarde Willes. To the ryght honourable and vertuous Ladie, the Lady Anne, Countesse of Warwyke. (Eden, History of Tnvayle in the Indies, p. 230). Winter Jones, see Hakluyx'. Yates and Moulton. History of Now York, including its Aboriginal and Colonial Annals, by John V. N. Yates and Joseph W. Moulton. 8vo. New York, vol. i, A. Goodrich. 1824 ; vol. ii, E. Bliss, 1C26. INDEX. Adams, Clement, his Map, a pre- tended copy of Seb. Cabot's Map, civ, clii, clxxi Adelung, see Bibl. list Adrey, John, one of the crew, second voyage, 23 Akerly, see Bibl. list Albany, see Hudson's river Alcedo, see Bibl. list (Thompson) American Ant. Soc, see Bibl. li.st (An- tiquitates Americana;) ; Biography, see Bibl. list Anian, Strait of, a mere delusion, clxxiv Anskoeld, !fyockbaus', corruption of the namp: of Johannes Kolnus, xcviii Antiquitate3 Americana), see Bibl. list Appendix, contents of, 1 Archcologia Americana, see Bibl. list Archives of the East India Company, search for materials relating to Hudson, XXXV Baccalaos, meaning of the term, Ixxxvi ; or cod fish, Ixxvii, Ixxviii Balak, see Belgians Barentson, see Barents Barents, Wm., see Dutch ; map- making ; papers of, 11 ; writings, 229 Barnes, John, one of the crew, second voyage, 23 Barrow (Sir John), see Bibl. list Barton, Dr., Legend of Hudson's arrival among the Indians, xli, 179 ; confirms the tradition of Ilecke- welder, 179 Bassendiue, see Moscovy Company Baxter, Thomas, one of the crew, first voyage, 1 Beacon Hill, 89 ; see Hudson's river Bear Island or Cherie's Island, see Hudson's geoj^raphical notions, clxi ; touched b}' Hudson, cxc, 22 Beechey, see Bibl. li.^t Begin en Voortgang van de Neder- landshe Cost Indische Compagnie, reprint of Van Meteren, account of Hudson, xxviii ; French translation, by Constantia de Rennoville, xxix ; see Bibl, list Beke, Dr., see Bibl. list (De Veer) Belgians, origin of their expeditions, Oliver Brunei's expedition, his an- terior adventures, cxxxi ; Brunei made a prisoner by the Russians, sent to the Oby, and to Nova Zembla, is sent to Antwerp, calls on John Balak, cxxxii ; Brunei goes to Enchuysen, sails to the Pechora, is shipwrecked, cxxxiii ; Brunei is introduced to Mercator, Balak's letter, cxxxiii ; first Dutch expedition, Brunei, Moucheron, Peter Plancius, cxxxiv ; Mouche- ron (Balthasar de), his undertak- ings ; Plancius (Peter), founds a school of navigation, his pupils, Barentz and Hceraskerk, cxxxv Belgium, emigrants from, in Holland and Zealand, xxi Bell Sound, clxxxix ; see Spitzbergen Bescherelle, see Bibl. list Beschryviuge van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, etc., xxxiv; see Bibl, list Best, see Bibl. list (Frobisher) Beuberry, James, one of the crew, first vo_v ,\ge, 1 Bibliographical materials, li Biddle, see Bibl. list (Cabot) Biographia Britannica, see Bibl. list Biographic Universelle, see Bibl. list Bird, Cape, see Vogel Ilookc Blaeu, see Bibl. list Blefkin, see Bibl. list II 280 INDEX. Boncts, meaning of the word, 50 Braunch, John, cook, second voyage, 23 Brede Bay, see Lou sic Bay Breyde-Fiord, see Lousie Bay Brockhaus, see Bil)l. list ; Conversa- tions Lexicon, see Anskoeld Brodhead, Romeyn John, researches in the European Archives for docu- ments, Iv ; History of the State of New York, Ivi ; see Bibl. list Browne, see Moscovy Company Brownei, see Brunei Brunei, Oliver, mentioned by Hudson, 40 ; see Belgians Burrough, his voyage, cxxv; discovers Burrough strait, cxxviii ; Strait, see Novaya Zembla Busse island, a geographical illusion, its origin, cix ; not to be seen, 49 Bus island, see Hudson's geographical notions, clxix Button, three ships sent out (1612) for his search for Hudson, 188 ; ex- pedition in search of Hudson, 194 Cabot, John, influence of the Scandi- navians upon him, Ixii ; his early history, Ixvii; supposed death, Ixxii J., S., Ludovico and Sancio, patent of 1496, Ixviii J. and S., start the search for a N. W. and N. E. way to China, Ixiii ; origin of this scheme, ib., Ixvi; first expedition, discovery of America, Ixvii ; first expedition, its date, Ixviii; Pascjualigo's letter, ib.; first voyage and discovery of America, Ixxi S. Search for N. W. passage, 1498, Ixxii ; voyages in 1516 or 1517, ib. ; discoverer of Hudson's and Davis' strait, Ixxxiii; his return to England in 1548, ciii ; re-enters the English service, his adventures since 1497, cxx, cxxi ; his plan to sail to the north-east, its origin, at first intended for Venice, cxxii-iii ; planisphere, Clement Adams' copy, clxxi ; the real originator cf the logbook, his precepts followed by the Moscovy Company, clxxix ; see longitude ; see map-making Canada, the coast of, clxxii Cape Charles, see Virginia Cape Cod discovered by Captain Gos- nold, 66 ; Juet's and Purchas' mis- takesabout its latitude, ^■6.; whether discovered by Hudson, 165 Cape Hopewell, Scandinavia, 43 Cape of Norway (North Cape), 147 Capo Sable, 55 Cape Severe- Vostochnoi, see Hudson's geographical notions, civ Cape Tabin, see Hudson's geographi- cal notions, cliv, civ; cxcv; (Capo of Tartary), Fromontorium Scijthi- cum, 36 Cape Taimur, see Hudson's geogra- phical notions, civ Cape Tapin, Pliny's only authority, cliv Cape Walsingham, see Davis Cape Weggs, see King James his Cape Cape Wolstenholme, 96, 106 Cartier, see French Cartwrighte, John, see Waymouth Cathay or Northern China, vaguely described by Ilubruquis and Marco Polo, Ixx ; searched for by the Cabots, supposed to be found, Ixx Catlin, see Bibl. list % CatskiU Landing, 87 ; mountain, see Hudson's river Chancellor, Richard, reaches Russia, cxxv Charles's island, clxxxvi; see Hudson's geographical notions, clxii ; see Mount Charles Cherie Island, see Bear Island Chesapeake, see Virginia ; Bay en- tered by Hudson, 73 Chytrajus, see Bibl. list Claudia Island (Maria's Vineyeard), see Verazzano Cod, crew of the Half Moon, fishing for, 57 Cogswell, Joseph, see Verrazzano Professor, translation of Ve- razzano's letter, side notes, 1 Colbert, st'e Coolbrand ; Colbert, Cole- burne, Coolbrand, see Colcburne Colburne (Colbert or Coolbrand), Master, fourth voyage, xliii, ccx, 93, 98, 180 ; see Coolbrand Coligny, t.; offers to find a north-west passage, ib. ; opposed by the king of Portugal, xc ; sails, ib.; his explorations, ib.; captures savages, ib. ; outline of Hudson's river, xci; anecdote about claDos or esclavos, ib.; did he explore the Hudson's River I xcii ; was he acquainted with Verazzano's voy- age I xciii Gosnold, Bartholomew, discovers Cape Cod, G6 Greenland, called Groenland, Grone- land, and Engroneland, Ixi ; called Groclandby Koluus, xcviii; history of its geography, Zeni chart, Hon- dius' map copied from the Zeiii, Ortelius, Mercator, Frobisher made use of it, clxiii ; exploration of, ib.; given unto the Zealanders to fish, cxci; names of, 4, 20 ; Hold with Hope, the land of, ; Moiuit of God's Mercic, 3 ; Young's Cape, | ib.; is Spitzbcrgcn, clxix ; see Hud- son's geographical notions Grocland, see Greenland Groneland, 4; is Greenland, clxix Gronland, see Groneland Gylbert, Adrian, receives letters patent for a north-west voyage, ex Hakluyt's Headland, clxxxvii ; see Hudson's geographical notions Hakluyt, see Bibl. list Half Moon, The, compelled by the crew to enter Dartmouth, Uifi; de- tained at Dartmouth, and returns to the fatherland IGIO, ib. ; sails to the Canar}' islands, 1(57 Hamel, von, see Bibl. list Haskel and Smith, see Bibl. list Heckewelder, Dr., legend of Hudson's arrival among the Indians, xli; see Bibl. list Henry VII assists Seb. Cabot, Ixxii ; patent to the Cabots in 149G, Ixviii ; privilege to the three Portuguese, Ixxvii Henry VIII, Thome's letter to him, xciv ; sends out a north-west ex- pedition in 1527, fate of that ex- pedition, xcv Herrings, near Nova Scotia, 57 Ililles, Thomas, one of the crew, second voyage, 23; sees a mermaid, 28 Hist. Soc. of New York, see Collec- tions, Bibl. list Hold with Hope, clxxxv Holland, sudden growth of, xxi; see IIudson'sgeographicalnotions,clxii Ilomem, Diego, see Bibl. list and map making Hondius, Jodocus, map of Arctic re- gions, xlix Ilopoghan, see Iloboken Ilore, Master, his expedition, xcv Hudson, Henry : i. Notices concern- ing his 2^erson : Biographical frag- ments, elxx ; he could not well understand Dutch, xxxiv ; his long stay in Holland according to Van der Donck, xl, 167 ; his and Plan- cius' intercourse, xlviii, 181, 186, 187, 191 ; his intercourse with Jeannin, cxcvii ; was he a gentle- man l clxxvi 284 INDEX. - ir. Papers left ly him: His share ill Playsc's logbook of i\vQ Jirst voy- age, vi, vii, xix, 145, 140; his own journal of the second voyage, vii, viii ; his share in Juct's journal of the third voyage, x; Van Mcteren's account of the third voyage proba- blydue to Hudson, xxviii; fragments of Hudson's own journal of the third voyage in Do Laet, xxxii, 158; ab- stract of his journal of the fourth voyage, xii, xiii, xiv, 93 ; letter from Iceland, xv, 1.35 ; chart of Hudson's Bay and Strait, xliv- xlvi. in. His geograi^hical opinions, cliv-clxxvi IV. Summary of his career, ill V. First Vogar/e, Hudson takes sacrament at Saint Ethelburga, April 19, 1G07; his crew, 1; sails to the North Pole, id. ; mentioned as author of part of the logbook of the first voyage, 1-12 ; Young's Cape discovered, clxxxiv, 3, 0; Mount of God's Mercy discovered, clxxxiv, 3, 6, 8; Hold with Hope, clxxxv, 7; Spitzbergen first seen, 8 ; the first navigator who sailed along the ice barrier, clxxxvi ; Vogel Ilooke Vogel-hoeck, Bird Cape, Fair Fore- land), clxxxvi, 9; Ch.arles Island, clxxxvii, 10; Foreland Fiord (the Great Indraught), clxxxvii, 11 ; west coast of Spitzbergen; morses; seals, 11; colour of the sea, ib., 12, 13; Collins sees the north of Spitz- bergen ; Colin's Cape ; Ilondius' chart, clxxxvii, 13; Newland of the Dutch, 13 ; Hakluyt's Headland, Hondius' chart, clxxxvii, 145; Col- man and Collins land on the north shore of Spitzbergen, 14 ; Whale Bay discovered, clxxxvii, 14, 20, 145; a whale comes under the keel of Hudson's ship in Whale Bay, 14; footprints of animals, il>.) passage to the north stopped by ice ; no passage between 7h^° and 82°, IG; highest latitude reached by Hud- son ; north-east current ? clxxxix ; discovery of Bell Sound, ib., 17 ; Ice Sound, 12; Point Lookout, 20; intends to return by the north of Greenland through Davis' Strait, ib.; southern part of Spitzbergen, cxcii, 21 ; Bear Island, cxc, 22; Faroe Island, if>., ib. ; Hudson's Touches (Jan Mayen), cxcii, 145; Hudson's Point; Young's Foreland, cxcii ; Faroe Isle, 22 ; home, ib. ; the original plan of his first voy- age developed by late experience, cxciii VI. Second Voyage. His crew. 23 ; Lowfoot (LofFoet), Loffoden Island, Norway, 24; North Cape, 35; driftwood, ib., 27; search for a passage between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, cxcvii, 27, 28; whales seen, 28; mermaid seen by Hillcs and Rayner, 28-139; bears roaring on the ice; seals, 30; Nova Zeml)hi in sight, 32 ; Swart Clifte (Nova Zembla), ib. ; Yuzhnuy Gusinuy Musi (Nova Zembla), ib. ; Cooke, Juet, and Ludlow go on shore, 33; grass in Nova Zembla, ib.; crosses in Nova Zembla, ib. ; whale fins found in Nova Zembla, 34; birds and eggs in Nova Zembla, ib. ; Cost- ing Shar river and island, cxcv, 35; Hudson intends to pass the Oby, cxcv, 3G; Juet lands, 36; deer in Nova Zeinbla,37 ; theriver searched, 38; Deer Point, 39; ice formed by the many rivers, ib. ; Ludlow Ar- nold goes ashore, ib.; Wardhuus, Cape Hopewell, North Kiene, North Cape, 43 ; Hudson unfit to go through "Vaigats Strait, cxcv ; in- tends to try for a passage through Frobisher's or Hudson's Strait, cxcv, 44; summary of his second voyage, cxciv-cxcvi • VII, Third Voyage, from Van Meteren's Hist, der Nederlanden ; Meteren's erroneous reference to 30th book, 147 ; Hudson at Am- sterdam, cxcix-ccii ; his vessel a vHeboat, 147; Half Moon, 154, 254 ; Goede Hoop, cciii ; crew partly English, partly Dutch, ccv, 148 ; mate a Dutchman, 151, ccv ; Hudson's propositions ; either to go to the coast of America, as suggested by some letters and maps sent to him by Captain Smith, or to direct their search to Davis's Strait, 148 ; directs his INDEX. 285 course northwards to Nova Zembla; some of his men had been in the East Indies; ijiuirrels between Eng- lish and Dutch, 148; John Smith's maps, ccvi, 148; North Cape, 45, 147 ; Assumption Point, Scandi- navia, 46"; sun spot, ccvii, 46; Lo- foote, ih., 47 ; Wardhouse, 46; Scn- jen (Zenam, Sanien), ib. ; Faroe Islands, Strome and Muggenes, 48, 149; Busse Island, sought for in vain, 4!) ; Nova Scotia (Nova Francia, Newfoundland), 55, 150, 154; Banc des Sables, off Mahony Bay, 57; fishing for cod and her- rings, ib.; savages, 59, 60; cuts a new fore mast, 60, 14!) ; quarrels with savages, 61, 149; Harnstaple Peninsula, savages, 64; tobacco and pipes. 65; copper, i7>.; Cape Cud (0 155 ; Barnstaple, whether Ci\llcd New Holland by Hudson, 165 ; Stage Harbour, Massachusetts, i\. ; seals seen near, ib. ; discovery of, by Sir Hugh Willoughby, according to Purchas' opinion, 13, 4(^ ; great ■warmth in 80° of latitude, 14 ; land stretching into 82°, supposed to be the Seven Islands, 15 ; no passage between 78° 30' and 82°, 16 ; Bell Sound, 17 ; Ice Sound, 18 ; Point Lookout, 20 ; Whale Bay, 14, 20 ; the southern point of, 21 ; see Ilud- soji's geographical notions Splindler, see ])utch Sprengc! see Bibl. list Stacie, Philip, carpenter, second voy- age, 23 Staten Island, see Hudson's river Stony Point, see Hudson's river Stow, see Bibl. list Strickbolle, see Dutch Stromo, see Faroe Strutton, James, one of the crew, second voyage, 23 Sturgeon, in Hudson's river, 1(11 Sun, observations on the, 12, 15, 24, •2(>, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 41, 43, 48, 50, 51 Sun's spot, 40 Tabin, see Cape Tabia Tetgalcs, see Dutch Thorne, Robert, plan of sailing across the north pole, xciv ; letter to Henry VIII, if>. Thompson, see Bibl. list Tobacco and pipes in Barnstaple Pen- insula, 05 Tomson, Richard, one of the crew, second voyage, 23 Ungara Bay, see mutiny Urdaneta, a friar, his pretended voy- age through the north-west pas- sage, cv llssclincx, William, an Antwerp mer- chant, founder of the West India Company, xxiii Vaigats Straits, cxcv Valek, see Dutch Vardoiihuus Lsland, 43 Variations, observations of, 2 ; of the needle, 23, 24; west, 25, 47, 49, 53, 54, 55, 50, 58, 61, 02, 68, 09, 72, 77, 82, 92 Verazzano, Juan de, his geographical notions, Ixxx; his letter; ai)pendix to it, Ixxxii; report to the king of France, 199; voyage and discovery of Hudson's river, 1; original letter preserved in the Magliabecchian library in Florence, 1; searches for the passage to Cathaya ; crosses 292 INDEX. Atlantic; reaches Carolina; ascends the coast; discovers the mouth of the Hudson ; enters it ; di (.overs Narraganset Bay and Claudia Is- land ; returns ; writes to Francis the First, Ixxxi, Ixxxii; probable death, xcv; see Iludsou's river Verplanck Point, see Hudson's river Vines and grapes, Hudson's river, 162 Vlie boat, called flute by the French, 147 Vogel Hoeck, clxxxvi Waigats, see Novaya Zembla Wardhuys (Wardhuus), see Hudson's geographical notions, clxi Water, colour of, in the Gulf stream, 51 Waterford red hook, 87 Wampum or bead money, observa- tions about, 235 ; see Van der Donck Waymouth, his voyage ; sails up to C8° 53'; mutiny caused by John Cartwright; returns ; enters Hud- son's Strait, cxix; Foxe and Bar- row's opinion about his voyage, cxix Weymouth's, Captain George, endea- vours of, finding the passage, and failure, 190; logbooks fell into the hands of Plancius, 191 West India Company, Dutch, its cha- racter and origin, xxix, xxx, xxxi Whale Bay, clxxxvii Whales and morses observed near Spitzbergen, cxciv Widewes, see Wydhouse Willes, see Bibl. list; see north-west passage Willoughby, Sir Hugh, Purchas' opi- nion about his discovery, 13, 40 Willoughby's Land, 13, 40 Willoughby discovers Nova Zembla ; perishes in Lapland, cxxiii-iv; see Moscovy Company Willoughby's Land, clviii; see Hud- son's geographical notions Winwood, see Weymouth, 186 Woodcock, see Moscovy Company Woodhouse, see Wydhouse Wydhouse (Woodhouse, Widowes, Wydowse), Thomas, note found in the desk of — last document pub- lished in the Pilgrims, xvi Wydowse, see Wydhouse Yates and Moulton, " History of the State of New York," Iv; see Bibl. list one of the crew, ; discovers Young's Young, James, first voyage, 1 Cape (Greenland), cxcii ; discovers Young's Foreland (Van ^ln,ycn),ib. Young's Cape or Greenland, clxxxiv, cxcii Young's Foreland (Jan Mayen), cxcii Zcni, the brothers, the chart of, clxiv- clxviii, 3 Zenam, see Senjen Zorgdragcr, see Bibl. list T. uioiiAuns, aniiAT qukkn strkkt. /