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Mapa, plataa. charta. ate., may ba filmad at diff arant raduction ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba antiraiy inoludad in ona axpoaura ara filmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand comor, laft to right and top to bottom, aa many framaa aa raquirad. Tha t>')llowing diagrama illuatrata tha mathod: Laa cartaa, planchaa. tablaaux. ate. pauvant Atra filmte i daa taux da reduction diff Arants. Loraqua la doeumant aat trap grand pour itra raproduit an un soul cliche, il aat filmi A partir da i'angia sup4riaur gaucha. da gaucha k droita. at da haut it baa, an pranant la nombra d'Imagaa n^caaaaira. Laa diagrammaa suivants iliuatrant la mAthoda. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 8 6 .1 ON THE INTENTION OF THK BRITISH GOVERNMENT TO Initr tdf ^rooinrn of ^ritiaj) Itortli pimnta AND A REVIEW OF SOME EVENTS WHICU TOOK FLAOB DVRINU LAST SESSION OF THE PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENT. A BBYUW OF SOME EVENTS WHICH HAVE TAKEN PLACE IN THE HON. HOUSB OF ASSEMBLY OF UNITED CANADA, IN ITS LAST SESSION. I>-A.R,T II- OBSBBTATIONS ON THE SUPPOSED INTENTION OF THE IMFBBIAL OOVBBNMKNT, or FORMINO A FEDERAL UNION OF ALL THE PROVINCES OF BRITISH NORTB AMERICA, BT RBPBE8XNTAT10N IN THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. E>-A.I^T III- bomk remarks on the hon. mr. hincks' answer to the hon. j08bfb Howe's (of nova sootia) plan on this subject; and remarks, ALSO, on the conclusion OF THE RUSSIAN WAB. BY HENRY TAYLOR. HAMILTON: PBINTBU AT THK "sl'IiirrATOB" OKFIOK, COURT HOUSE BQUARB. /^^.K/-"' 1 ■; i I f ( U(l( opi out pui all Coil a(l\ €Ull| seen Fral ■-vyiT'rfi^H'r^' ■-7'', I PREFACE. f The publication of this work, has chiefly originated from the following circumstances : Public opinion, as to the conduct of the Honourable Legislatiye Council of tiie Province, having of late years, from various causes, i sunk to a very low ebb, so much so, that the Honourable House of : Assembly was at length led to propose and carry out the very extraordinary measure, namely, that the constitution of that branch of the Legislature should be shorn of the high honor it had hithorto possessed, of being nomitiated by mandamus of the Crown, and that it should be now rendered elecjixa. The author of the present work, feeling, and being convinced that any deficiency in the energy and zeal of the Legislative Council of the present day, is not a eutheient reason for depriving the future of the Province of u constitution which had been founded on the well tried one of the British Nation, and which has hitherto preserved the union of these Provinces with the powerful empire of Great Britain, and thereby aecured the permanency of their prosperity under that constii.utiuii. The author |)roposes, therefore, in this work to support these opinio!i8, and to »hew in what manner the Legislative Council could be bronchi sufficiently under the influence of public opinion, with- out depriving it and the Province of the high honor it has hitherto possessed of being nominated by the Crown. This forms the first part of tliirt work. * The seconii part contains the plan for the futyxe represQiitiatioa of i all the Hi'iiish North American Provinces in the British House of ( Commons, which the author believes the present- advanced and advancini^ conilitioii of the Provinco8_re^u]re8, would be the mosr contUicive to their welfare, and would meet the wishes of both sections of the Province. , The third part of the work consists of remarks on the Hon. Francis llincks' answer to the Hon. Joseph Howe's plaa for the reprMen^Ation of th«fle Coloiu«8 in the Imperial Parliament, and alicTremarks on the conclusion of the war with Ruesia. I now conclude this preface with observing, that perhaps thft reader, after duly considering the ideas we have brought forward in this work, shewing the high advantages a modified representation of the Colonies in the Imperial Parliament would confei* on them, may consider the idea a good one, it having being also sanctioned by every party in the House of Commons of Great Britain at the time of the Reform Bill, and by some of the highest authorities; and I myself, certainly believe, that not only does the present advanced and advancing state of these Colonies justly claim such a measure, but that none would tend more to promote the strength and security of the empire and its vast dominions. I have now to notify the reader that the manuscript of this work "was composed six or eight months before the Peace. On the •abject of the then existing War, the reader will find that I have stated my opinion in the work, and trust to have proved it, that the Russian power was not competent to overturn the liberties of Europe, which was one great cause of the popularity of that War. The Peace has proved the truth of that opinion ; and I oan« not but conceive that a solid and honorable Peace might have been given to our country long before that event happened, and thereby thousands and hundreds of thousands of brave and noble men •Rved. grea vexf so that! in fsl this Clerl for theii coulj FaitI I %. , ','vt t PART I. I Hi A review of some important events which hove taken place in the Honourable House of Assembly of United Canada^ in its last Session : Since the publication of the second edition of my last work on the Present Condition of United Canada, Toronto, 1850, the Clergy Reserves have been secularized by the Legislative Assembly of the Province. In chat second edition, I stated my ideas on that subject, and in pages 182-3 I stated that — "At all events, should it be made apparent to the Provin- cial Legislature, in the case of the question of the Re- serves being re-referred to them, that the quantity of land is greatly more than sufficient for the due maintenance of the Protesi.^nt religion, would it not be just and proper to leave as much of these Reserves in the hands, and for the service of the Protestant Churches, as the Provincial Parliament, should in its wisdom deem sufficient for that purpose ? Bu^ to deprive these Churches entirely of every prov' "on for their maintenance would, it appears to me, be a most 3 rious attack and obstruction on the religious practice of a very great part of the Province. " I have now only to remark on this long pending and vexed question of the Clergy Reserves, which has occasioned so much irritation among the various sects of Protestants, that it appears to me to furnish a very powerful argument in favor of the plan I have proposed in the first edition of this work, to these various sects, and to their respective Clergies, namely, the calling of a convocation of these last, for the purpose )f trying ' whether such modifications of their various creeds and forms of Church Government could not be effected, so that one great national Protestant Faith and Government might be established?'" I have now only to add in this subject, that it is possible i 1, \t i\ 6 that had the Church of England taken up some such plan, as I have recommended in that work, for the formation of a National Union of Protestants, I have little doubt that many of the other Protestant sects would have joined in the endeavor to produce such a Union of all Protestant Churches, and in that case I say it is possible that the secularization might have been prevented. The secularization of these lands has taken place from two causes : First, from the large quantity of land, suffered for so many years to remain unimproved, and thereby to occa- sion much inconvenience to the settled parts of the country for want of roads through it; and, secondly, (by the unceas- ing endeavors by persons inimical to those Churches for whom these lands were reserved, or otherwise from political motives), to excite the people to seek this secularization. It is true, indeed, that a popular idea has prevailed in the Province, that the proceeds of these Reserves has been ap- plied to erect Churches and to supply Clergy to some com- munities who could afford to do so of themselves, and t^at this was not according to the real design of the Royal appropriation. How well founded this idea may have been I am unable to say, but, as it is certain the original intention of the donation of lands by Geo. III. was to supply those congregations who should be unable to do so themselves, I hold it therefore as positively consistent with justice, that such portion of these Reserves as would be required to enable such congregations to be duly supported, should have been held intact and sacred, from all invasion ; and moreover, I feel convinced that a great majority of the good and respect- able people of this Province would coincide in this opinion. As it is, one branch of the Legislature has secularized all of these Reserves, absolutely designed for that pious pur- pose, without providing for such congregations or bodies of people, who may be hereafter found totally unable to provide Clergy or places of worship for themselves — namely, poor emigrants, coming to the Province ; and, as to one miserable argument I have heard on the subject, namely, that there was no direct Grant, I say, as there was a direct and positive Reserve of one-seventh of the lands for the purpose of aid- ing the Protestant Churches, it superceded the necessity of any Grant from the then owner of the lands, namely, the Crown of G. B. Now we have yet another branch of the Legislature for im- ff mediate reference to on this subject, namely, the Legislative Council. This Council has, indeed, fallen low, very low in public opinion of late years, though in former times they have boldly supported their rights of legislation. We have now to see whether they will do so on the present occasion, and whether the rights of religion will find in them true defenders. As a friend to these rights, and as I hope — a true born Canadian — I shall here exercise my right to give my opinion that the Council should not pass that Bill for secularizing the Reserves without an amendment, to the effect that those congregations or bodies of Protestant subjects, who could prove they are not competent to erect Churches or Chapels, or to maintain a Clergy for the purpose of divine service in them, shall be enabled so to do by proceeds of these Clergy Reserves. In my work on the Present Condition of United Canada, Toronto, 1850, 1 have addressed the Clergy of the Church of England, and of all other sects of Protestants, on the sub- ject of establishing a convocation of all Protestant Churches, for the great purpose of forming a National Union of all of them, by ascending to the source and fountain head of Christianity, and founding a National Protestanism on the simple and sublime words of the Saviour alone, without recurrence to any other authority whatever. I have stated in that work, that I did not believe the reformation complete without this National Union of the Churches ; that with it, the reformation would be perfect and durable, and that by those transcendent minds who should be found to have capacity and zeal to enable them to effect this great purpose, a fame would be acquired, as great if not superior to that of the founders of the reformed religion itself. Now we find by some of the English prints, there is a design of calling a convocation of the Church of England, but that alone would not effect the accomplishment of the great purpose I contemplate, unless they invited the other Protestant Churches to combine with her in the great attempt. She has not yet done so, and therefore, I now appeal to the Church of England in Canada, to call a convo- cation for this great purpose. The Church of England ministers, for many years, have suffered much annoyance by the animosity of other sects of Protestants. Now, whether the Bill for secularizing the 1 1 9 Clergy Reserves passes or not intx) law, it appears to me a most favorable opportunity for forming such a convoca- tion, and thereby endeavouring to effect this glorious union of all Protestant Churches presents itself; for if the Bill passes into law the inveterate source of animosity on the part of those sects will be removed, and one great cause of disunion would be overcome. The Churches of England and Scotland should now show a willing mind to conform and carry out the real spirit of the founder of their religion, as shewn in the 17th chapter of St. John's Gospel, verse 20th : " Neither pray I for these alone, but for them who believe in me through their word." And verse 21 st: "That they all may be as Thou Father, art in me and I in Thee ; that they also may be one of us ; that the world may believe that Thou hast sent me." It appears to me, that this passage gives an undeniable proof that the Saviour contemplated and designed the unity of His Churches. All the humane and wise feelings of our nature speak in favor of such a union, and let no feelings of party spirit oppose it, for the time is come for its comple- tion, when we find that such is the divine will, and it cannot then be opposed without a great sin. By all the accounts I have met with for some years pastS, it appears to me that all sects of Protestants are well aware that the Church of Rome is making great strides against their religion : witness the proceedings of the Propaganda, and it is from the unity of that Church that it derives its power. The same unity among Protestant Churches would give them equal strength, which event would be incom- parably more to their advantage than any difference of forms of worship that yet exists among them. This day, the 9th December, 1854, it appears the Legis- lative Council has passed the Clergy Reserve Bill without any amendment. By this Bill, the entire remaining body of the Clergy Reserves, which was destined by the Crown of the reign of Geo. III. for the support of the Protestant faith and practice, have been swept away, with one condition only, and made compulsory by the Imperial Parliament, that the incomes of the present incumbents should be paid them by the Provin- cial Government during their natural lives. The Clergy of the present day are therefore secure in that respect. But how will it be after their demise ? I 4 \ ' - The congregations of the various churches or ehapels of the towns and villages will then be under the necessity of remunerating their Clergy themselves. They may perhaps be competent to do so. But what is to be the case with those bodies of poor settlers, who will be annually coming out to the Province 1 The Clergy Reserves are all swept away. The congregations of the towns and villages will have enough to do to pay Clergy for themselves ; and thus the poor settler who is just able to build a shanty for him- self and family, must be without the means of public decent religious service. The Legislative Council has, therefore, failed in remedying the evil, by passing this Bill without an amendment referring to the future of the Province, and insisting on a certain por- tion of the Reserves being retained for the purpose of assist- ing those poor settlers ajid emigrants, who may be found totally incompetent to erect places of divine worship fur themselves and families. The Council has thus entirely failed in sufficient energy to protect the just claims of the Protestant religion, which brings to my mind a conviction that some part of the insti- tution of that Council requires a change. They are appointed by the Crown. That is an honour to themselves and to the Province, which I consider they should not be deprived of, as I moreover believe it to be a great guarantee for the existing and happy union of the Colonies with Great Britain. But referring to the peculiar case of this Province, I do think they should hold their stations during " good behavior only." At the same time, in order to insure the indepen- dence of this branch of the Legislature, I think that a num- ber of members of the Council, quite sufficient for the business of the Province, should be appointed, and that being done, the executive should not then have the power to increase that number in order to carry any party measure. By these means the independence of the Council would be secured, and would also be brought to a sufficient depen- dence on a decided majority in public opinion, for if that opinion should be found by the Crown to be decidedly against their conduct, they could be displaced. And having been thus led by my reflections on the con- duct of that Council, in not insisting on some provision being reserved in the bill for these poor settlers who will be com- ing out yearly, to enable them to erect pi per buildings for 1 , .1 \ * 10 the practice of divine worship ; and, having been led also to point out how 1 conceive the future independence of the Council may be secured, I have now to present my opinion on a subject of perhaps greater importance. I refer to attempts which have been for some time mak- ing to destroy the constitution of one branch of the Legislsr ture of this Province by another branch, namely, the House of Assembly. Now from what sort of persons this attempt has origi- nated I am not aware ; there were few if any petitions from the great body of the people on the subject, that I know of, still there may be many disposed for the measure, as a majority of the members of the House voted for it. It was well known that the estimation of that Council had sunk low, very low, in consequence of their agreeing to the pass- age of the Rebellion Losses Bill,, and their subsequent con- duct has also been censured. This will possibly account for the displeasure of a large body of the ople with that Council. But it is not by any means a sufficient reason that because the Council of the present day have failed in their duty, that both the present and future of the Province should bo deprived of the honor, advantages, and strength of the British constitution, which in the recent requirement of the Provincial Legislature, has been extended and confirmed to them. This British constitution has enabled Great Britain to maintain her liberties and independence for ages, in the midst of surrounding despotic nations. But this was not effected by abandoning that constitution on evei-y internal or external attack, but by upholding and adhering to it through every difruuilty. But to my great astonislnucnt, the liritish Ministry ap- pears to have sanctioned tins attempt to overthrow so important a part of the constitution of the Province. (Jno man — and one nuui on'v, 1 believe — namely, the Karl of Derby apj)oars to have foreseen and foretold in PaiTiament the probable ellec^t which such an act would have. He gave his opinion that if an act were passed rendt'i'ing the Counc'l elective, it would probably cause a republican government in a few years in Canada. It is true that the British government has agreed to let the Legislature of the Province nnmage its own atfairs, without of on 11 interference on their part, so long as that management does not affect the great interests of the empire. But, as to the constitution of the Province under which it has safely arrived at its present prosperous condition, I consider, they have no more right to destroy it, than they would have to destroy the British constitution, should any contingency arrive, to excite part of the people of England to demand it. The value of the British constitution greatly depends upon its stability, and the persevering maintenance of that stabi- lity, and the reason why the people of England do maintain that stability is that they know it is in the nature of that constitution, that all errors or improvements respectively can be corrected or adopted by it. So precisely is it in this Province. I have shewn above how, in my humble opinion, the Legislative Council could be amended and brought sufficiently under the influence of public opinion, and, I trust, this safer course than the one proposed by the intended Bill, would be sanctioned by that portion of loyal and intelligent people, who, I verily believe, . constitute a great and influential part of the Province. It is therefore to be hoped, that on mature consideration, our Legislature may discover, that by a due infusion of energy and independence into that Council, it may be brought much more under the influence of a well authenticated public opinion, without depriving it and the Province of its highest honor — the nomination to its high office by the Crown as the fountain of honor. The representatives of the people in the Provincial Par- liament have before them the great question, whether the constitution of the Provinces as regards one of its branches, shall bo invaded and overthrown or not. I attended at some of these debates, and I proceed to make some observations on what I heard there": Monsieur Cauelion, I believe, l)egan the debate. This gentleman is ehurged, if 1 reeollect, by one or more of the debaters, to have been formerly much against the ovv»r- throw of the institution of the Legislative; Council. Thi; Freneh inhabitants of this part of the Province, have no doubt, reason \o bo glad of the transfer that has been made to them of the free constitution of Great Britain, in exchange for the rather despotic power of the government of Canada when under the French dominion; and 1 believe a groat majt)rity of them is grateful lor the change. j :} ^ 12 But it is not to be expected that they should have the same strong attachment for the British constitution as a Briton has. This attachment of a Briton is owing to the long experience he has derived from the past history of his country. There he finds that this constitution had been for ages perverted and almost destroyed by the despotism of some of its sovereigns. But the innate principles and force of that constitution at length arose, and re-established itself on its present firm and unshaken basis by the glorious revolution of 1688. And it is the constant and immoveable attachment to this constitu- tion of true liberty, which has enabled the British people to maintain that liberty against the assaults of foreign and sometimes internal foes. And yet there was the notorious Mr. McKenzie, who during this debate, this Mr. McKenzie, who by the lenient nature of this constitution, has been permitted to return here to enjoy its blessings, after having largely assisted in their destruction, — here is this man returned to Parliament to legislate under this constitution, presuming to compare it' with, and as it appeared to me, to prefer to it the constitu- tion of the American States. Let it be noticed, however, that this constitution of the States has yet to go through many of the phases and attacks, similar perhaps to those which the British constitution has gloriously survived. It is yet to be seen whether the vjist divisions in that country, one-seventh or one-eighth of its population remaining to this day in a state of slavery, whether the selfish interests and licentious manners they indulge in are not capable of destroy- ing those qualities of the heart and mind, which can alone maintain true liberty. The British constitution has, I say, survived these attacks and others -jually great. Let not then any man compare it with the paper constitution of the States, which has yet to undergo its own trials. In the debate, this man after vninly boasting of the great advantages conferred on the Province by the Rebellion of 1836-7, observed truly enough, that perhaps he had erred by want of patience. Yes, if McKenzie had been ns profoutidedly acquainted with the (qualities and nature of the British constitution as he ought to have been, his attachm(^nt to that constitution would have given him and his coadjutors that patience he * ing the G>ui the lowe insta reap( attei will una!) Fain i»Ilf(HM|.l!J,.,i,JtJ.,.t,Wi!AiW< ...... .■^~:^,^_,.. --y- f-j^>',-- :-,.^— ■'*■>;"■,■; 13 I fiiiled in. He >.ild have considered that if the grievances he had complained of, and for which they were about to throw the Province into civil war — if these grievances were really considered to be a sufficient ground of war — that there were constitutional means by which the majority of the people could have procured the redress of these grievances peaceably ; and if tiie majority of the people did not con- sider them a ground of war, which the discomfiture of that Rebellion i»y me people, and by the people alone, clearly proved; then the Kebellion was wrong and liable to the dreadful consequences of producing civil war. This same member of Parliament, in reply to Mr. Brown's assertion, that there were no petitions from the people for overthrowing the Legislative Council, was appar- ently much nettled at the observation, and in a violent tone of voice and manner, recapitulated the various attempts that had been made by the Legislative Assembly for this pur- pose. But, attempts made by the House of Assembly or parts thereof are not petitions from the people. The people or the majority of them at least seldom petition, unless the grievances they complain of are of great and real importance to their welfare or security of their rights. Now it is well known how gentlemen w1k> wish to have the representation of the people in their hands, contrive to turn the complaints of a few to their own ends: only pro- mise to their constituents that if they allow them to repre- sent them, all complaints shall be removed and great advantages secured to the constituency, — and the business is done. The Hon. Hilliard Cameron, a speaker of considerable ora- torical powers, said, that whatever might have been the con- duct of the Legislative Council in former times, in obstruct- ing the acts of the lower branch of the Legislature, yet sino« the acquisition of responsible government, the case with that Council was much changed, and that it was rather liable to the charge of too easy a complianoo with these acts of the lower Ilousc than the reverse, which in one importj»nt instau(!e, 1 trust I have above shewn to be tlie fait, with respect to their passing the Clerg} lieserve Bill, without attempting to procure in it a clause to aid those settK-rs who will lu'unnnally coming out to the Provinct', perhaps totally unable ti) build Churches or C'liap«'ls for themselves and Families, I 14 Mr. Ferrie, although professing in his speech great re- spect for the Britlsfli constitution and for Conservative principles, proposed a plan for electing the Council, which I confess surprised me much, considering the high Tory prin- ciples he advocated, when concerned in the Montreal Herald^ some years since, when edited by his friend Robt. Muir, and I believe, by himself since in the Montreal Gazette. This plan, if I rightly understand it, was to divide the Province into six divisions, and to allow everybody who voted for the House of Assembly, to vote also for the mem- bers in the Elective Legislative Council. What could this mode of election produce but two Houses of Legislative Assembly. The danger of such a plan was well pointed out by the famous lawyer and statesman. Lord Brougham, who cau- tioned the government, that if they did ratify the Bill, the qualification to vote should be much greater for the Council than for the Legislative Assembly. For my own part, I am of opinion that when a country has obtained a constitution which has for many years secured its prosperity, it ought to be considered too sacred by its people, to be upset especially as it can be by constitutional means reformed and amended. On the 21st March, there was a call of the Legislative Council, on the subject of the Bill sent to them from the Lower House, for changing the constitution of the Council \ by rendering it elective. i attended the meeting and am glad to say the result was glorious for the HonbJe. Council, for after a long debate in which Col. Tache, the French Canadian Minister in a long speech, implored the Council not to pass the amendment moved by the Hon. Mr. Mathewson to postpone the reading of the Bill until the next Session, and warning them against the danger of the motion, declaring that if the amendment were carried, he would enter his protest in the Journals, so that the responsibility would rest on the Council. But, not- withstanding this threat, the Council firmly carried the amendment, I believe, with a great majority, an(^, to this point, they did maintain their rights and privileges. In his speech, Col. Tache observed that the Council would be more Conservative by Election than now, as they were now nominated by the Executive Council, who were under pressure of the House of Assembly, and that if they were in \ u future nominated by the Governor solely that would be con- trary to what he called the Provincial ( 'onstitution giving responsible Government. Now it is true that while the Council as it is now nomina- ted by the Executive, may be considerably under their influ- ence, therefore, not so independent as they ought to be ; but, if the plan I have proposed or advocated in the former part, of this W()rk,to fix on a sufficient number of members of the Council to perform the Provincial business, and, after that is done, not to allow the Executive to increase that number for carrying any particular measure, the independence of the Council would then be secured. But there is much more to be said on the eifects of the Council passing the Rebtllion Losses Bill, which was the first step to that loss of public opinion by the (Council. The Up- per Province did not, indeed, proceed to rebellion. The Conservatives of ( anada have a good deal of the horror of rebellion which was so remarkable among the Tories of the time of James 2nd in England, although the Page of History leaves no doubt thpt he intended to have overthrown both the religion and liberties of his people ; the Tory party con- tinued long to maintain their objections to resistance by force and it is astonishing to read the absurd and unceasing argu- ments they used to justify their nonresistance, which nothing but the ultimate, infatuated, conduct of James at length overcame, as shewn by McCaulay's beautiful History ofthose times. - < ol. Tache may rest assured that Vjut for this great repug- nance to rebellion of that ( onservative party in the Upper Province, on the passing of the Rebellion Losses Bill by the Legislature, a rising might have taken place there, to which the rebellion in the Eastern part would have been but as a drop in the bucket. I was, at that time, an eye-witness to the public feeling. The idea that, after risking their own lives and pn)perty in defence of the Government, that that Gov- ernment should consent to grant that indemnity to rebellion, produced that degree of feeling in Western Canada. Thus, it would appear that it had more cause to complain of that Council than the Lower I^rovinee. The misct)nduet of the Council of the present day, how- ever great, is no just reas«»n, why it and the Province should be, on that account, deprived of the advantages end honors of the constitution granted to it, and under which it has signally thrived. ii 16 I myself, remember when a boy, that Upper Canada tlieiii consisted almost entirely of woods, rocks and lakes. There was a small settlement at Kingston or Cataraqui, of French people, and another along the banks of the Thames, as may be seen by Guthrie's Geographical Grammar, at the years 178576. Now it has been observed, by certain persons in their public speeches of late, that there can never be an aristocracy in Canada. I should consider a priori, that those who sup- pose so are not only democrats, and unfriendly to the feritish constitution, but that they must be entirely ignorant of the human mind in society. There can be no country on earth where there exists not some species of aristocracy. Examine the society of the United States, who really seem to believe themselves to possess the only country where Freedom exists in perfection, and there, do we not behold the worst kind of aristocracy, that of money, at least I have never heard it denied to exist there. The fact is, that any twelve men could not assemble to discuss political or other subjects, but you will soon discover among them, the germs of tne aristocracy of the mind. .-^ This is a gift of nature to the individual, or more frequently acquired by him by superior education and consequent re- flection. The first wants of man being obtained, namely, sufficiency of good food, clothing and housing, he proceeds, by patient industry, to acquire the means of enjoying the com- forts and luxuries of life. Having obtained these, he natur- ally seeks to obtain civil honors among his fellow citizens. The mind in all stages of its existence must be employed, and fortunate it is, for the society he lives in, that instead of confining himself to the mere acquisition of wealth, his desire of elevation, natural to the human mind, leads him to seek those honors which public talents and opinion can procure for him. This is what i consider the true formation and origin of aristocracy in a young country ; and to suppose that these generous and noble ideas can never exist in such a country as Canada, is an unmerited degnidation of its character, its patriotism, and its intcUigcnco. The Legislative Coiuieil has, in answer to the opening speech of Lord Elgin, on the subject of the constitution of that Council, acknowledged their assent that inq)rovement8 IT in it will be required, &nd to which they would duly attend. I have above given my ideas, how these improvements could be effected, without depriving the Council and the Pro- vince of the honors of the British constitution. One chief objection to this Council, with a considerable part of the population is, that it is not sulliciently under the influence of public opinion. But, by rendering the members of it, who shall bo hereafter appointed by the Crown, en- abled to hold their seats in that Council only "during good behaviour," — a sufficient influence of public opinion must ensue, because should it be found that the Council opposed and prevented measures manifestly for the public good, then the unanimous voice of the country being duly made known to the Crown and its executive on the subject, the Legislative Council could then be removed from power. It was, therefore, with great satisfaction I found, that the Hon. Legislative Co\mcil had shewn firmness and wisdom sufllicient, to resist the attempts of the lower branch of the Legislature, to deprive them and the Province of the honors the British constitution had conferred on them, by deferring the present consideration of the hostile Bill. It has moreover been said, by some advocates for this radical change in the Legislative Council, that under respon- sible government it is not from the Crown members receive their nomination, but from the existing Ministry, who may have a majority in tiie House of Assembly. But the govern- ment and his executive are impowered by the Crown^ under mandamus to make that nomination. Now, in order to prevent the effect of undue influence of this executive over the independence of the Legislative Council, I have proposed above, that a certjiin number of members for the due transaction of business of the Province being thus appointed ; that that number should not be allowed to be incireased by any Ministry ; raid, I conclude this subject by stating my humble opinion, that the members of the (/ouncil should be recommended by the government and his ext^ciitive to the Oown, to hi" nominuted by its man- dannis "during pleasure," in order, as shewn above, how that Council may he brought under sufficient influence of a well ascertained pul)lic opinion. Since the above was written, it appears that the Council, 2 M A »t iK i ii i M iiii ■■--'.'fi^r, .\-Kr\:r'rF7.-i '-.^/'if-7'n"'"?'-in.' 'T"i*rw';F 18 in an ensuing Session, has actually passed the Bill for ren- dering themselves elective. They have thus, in my opinion, given up their highest honor; for the Crown, by our British constitution, is the fowitain of honor. I I t . en- on, ;ish •Ji' I AuL i y.i.'t/ .:. ■;;»jio ■-itii; ■.; • "♦' f '■ ■ ',■ PART II. I NOW proceed to the consideration of the supposed inten- tion of the Imperial Government to form a federal union of all the British North American Province?. And, having considered this subject many years since, and the arrangements and plans for this purpose of many emi- nent English authors, I shall first present in this work, a part of their arguments for the reader's information ; shall notice an idea, conceived by some persons in this Province, of a general government of all the North American Provinces, to be carried on in some part ot Canada ; and then endeavor to shew, that by far the most eligible plan would be to have representatives deputed from the various Legislatures of the Province, to sit and vote in the House of Commons on all subjects in which the welfare and interest of the Provinces may be concerned, and whereby their present state may be elevated to those honors and consideration in the Parent Country, which their advanced and advancing condition entitle them. \ iil t EXTRACT FROM "CONSIDERATIONS ON THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF CANADA."— CnAPTEr Y. A consideration of a Representative Union of all the British North American Provinces and the Parent State, by re- presentatives chosen by the separate Legislatures of each Province, to sit in the Imperial Parliament, as an efficient means of securing the permanent Union of those Colonies with Great Britain and their ultimate advancement. \ In the fifth page ot our preface I have stated that about the I year 1822, in an article I then published in the Montreal I Herald, "I first mentioned the idea to the public, of the necessity that would probably arise for a representative union of these North American Colonies with the Parent ■ n 20 State," and 2 engaged to resume the subject at a future period; and, I have also stated in the preface what took place between Mr. Joseph Hume, M. P. and myself on this important subject, to which I beg leave to refer the reader. During the sixteen years wluch have elapsed since the above mentioned year, the very serious events which have lately taken place in these Provinces have all, in my opinion, been gradually proving the necessity of a closer union with the Parent State, and I have now to redeem the pledge I then gave on this important subject. And in order to introduce the subject properly to the reader's attention and in proof of its importance, I shall first make some extracts from previous writers of eminence on this subject, in Great Britian ; and following them up with such observations as they present, I shall tiien present the plan of such representation as has appeared to me most practicably suited for these Provinces, supported by the arguments which in my humble opinion may serve to call the public attention, and that of the British Government, to the formation of this Union, as an efficient means of securing their permanent connection with G. Britain and her interests. The first writer we shall quote is Governor Pownal, some account of whom is given by Mr, Chisholm, of this city, in his well written and meritorious work, entitled. Observa- tions on the Rights of the British Colonies to Representation in the British Parliament. *'0f the advocate (he says of this salutary and constitu- tional measure) the first and best was Governor Pownal, no common man, one who had served his country in the Colo- nies, both in a civil and military capacity long and faithfully, and who almost on every occasion, both foresaw and foretold the result of that fatal policy adopted in his time with respect to the Colonies." The Governor's scheme was as follows, in his own words : " It is therefore the duty of those who govern us to carry forward this state of things to the weaving of this load into our system, that Great Britain may be no more considered as the kingdom of this Isle only with n;any appendages of provinces, colonies, settlements and other extraneous parts, but a Grand Marine Dominion^ consisting of our Possessions in the Atlantic and in America united into one Empire^ in one centre where the seat of Oovernment is. " If it should be thought difficult and hazardous to extend ., I ,^ IT i 21 the Legislative rights, privileges and preeminences, the true imperium of Government, to wheresoever the dominion of the same extends, the administration must be content to go on in this ptolemaic system of policy as long as the various centers and systems shall pftserve their due order and sub- ordination, or to speak in a more apposite idea, if we would keep the bases of the realm confined to this Island, while we extend the superstructure, by ext-ending our dominions, we shall invert the pyramid (as Sir William Temple expresses it) and must in time subvert the Government itself. If we choose to follow the example of the Romans, we must expect to foll6w their fate; would statesmen on the other hand doubt the predetermined modes which artificial systems prescribed, would they dare to look for truth in the nature of things, they would soon adopt what is right, as found- ed upon fact. They would be naturally led into the true system of government, by following with the powers of the state, where the actual and rv dl powers of the system of things lead to. They would see that by the various and actual inter-connections of the different parts of British Dominions, throughout the Atlantic and in America, by the inter-communion and reciprocation of their alternate wants and supplies, by the combination and subordination gf their several interests and powers, by the circulation of their com- merce, revolving in an orbit which hath Great Britain for its center; that there doth exist in fact, in nature a real union and incorporation of all these parts of the British Domin- ions, an actual system of dominion, which wants only to be avowed and actuated by the real spirit in which it moves and has its being; by that spirit from which the British Govern- ment hath arisen to what it is; by the spirit of extending the basis of its representative legislature, through all the parts to wheresoever the rights, interest or power of its dominions extend, so as to form (I cannot too often inculcate the idea,) a Grand Marine Dominion, consisting of our possessions in the Atlantic and in America, united into one Empire, in one center where the seat of Government w." So far we have given Governor Pownal's opinion on this great subject, and we have to remark on his first and second paragraphs, that he has there struck out a very strong and impressive argument in favour of the Union of the Colonies with Great Britain "a Grand Marine Dominion, consisting of our possessions in the Atlantic and in America, united Ml 1; n ;-i(^-,i^Tr"'«r 22 into one Empire, in one center where the seat of Govern- ment is." The conclusion he draws in subsequent parts of hia discourse it is true, was meant to apply to the system of laws and trade, as then relating *o all the old Colonies ; and although the same extent of evil effects might not ensue from them with respect to the present North American Colonies, still, the same argument will serve to prove that much good will result to both Colonies and Parent State, from a Union, and, that the evils foretold by Governor Pownal may be prevented thereby from arising in future. The opinion of so respectable a person as Governor Pow- nal appears to have been, is of much weight in favour of the Union of the Colonics that still .remain to Great Britain, yet as the principle, his plan of union is based upon, appears to be that the Colonies, after being united to the British Parlia- ment are then to be subject to Taxation by it, and as that principle is diametrically opposed to the plan of Union, I have all along contemplated as the one most suitable to, and consistent with the present Provincial constitution, and in- deed, with the capabilities of these Provinces, and as we shall shortly introduce this plan to the reader's consideration, we shall defer our observations on the principle of this tax- ation to that period. We shall now extract from the profound author of the " Wealth of Nations," Adam Smith, a part of his opinions on the Union of the Colonies by representation in the Par- liament of Great Britain. This great author is thus described by his biographer, Dugald Stewart : " He has not only ex- tended the boundaries of science, but enlightened and re- formed the commercial policy of Europe." It is true it has been said, " that the practical experience of modern times has corrected and modified some oi the theo- retical positions of this great economist," but ^ b;^v., V:\le doubt that by far the greater part of the profouxid commer- cial truths he has developed, will never be controverted, but that, b^ing founded on the nature of things, they will derive confer i/iation from increasing experience ; and, in the well merite , i^raise of his system of political economy, I beg. leave h.^:.'e to ouote tha remark made by Lord Kenyon, at a trial >*luch >3ame bef;re him in the King's Bench; several extracts were made by the counsellor in the case, from works on political economy, written since Mr. Smith's " Wealth of t as t I-' Nations." His Lordship said, he had read Adam Smith's work and he had read all the works on that subject, since his time, and that he found them ail Adam Smith, hashed up. We now proceed ^o the extract from this great work. "Towards the declension of the Roman Republic," says Mr. Smith, " the Alliens of Rome, who had borne the princi- pal burden of defending the State and extending tiie Empire, demanded to be admitted to all the privileges of Roman citizens; upon being refused, the social war broke out. During the course of that war, Rome granted those privileges to the greater part of them, one by one, and in proportion as they detached themselves from the general Confederacy." The Parliament of Great Britain, insists upon taxing the Colonies, and they refuse to be taxed by a Parliament in whom they are not represented. If to each Colony which would detach itself from the general confederacy. Great Britain should allow such a number of Representatives as suited the proportion of what it contributed to the public revenue of the Empire, in consequence of its being subjected to the same taxes, and in compensation admitted to the same freedom of trade with its fellow subjects at home ; the num- ber of its Representatives to be augmented as the propor- tion of its contributions might afterwards augment ; a new method of acquiring importance, a new and more dazzling object of ambition would be presented to the leading men of each Colony. Instead of peddling for the lit 'e prizes which are to be found in what may be called the paltry raffle of a Colony faction, they may then hope from the presumption which men naturally have in their own ability and good for- tune, to draw some of the great prizes which sometimes come from the whole of the great state lottery of British politics. Unless this, or some other, method is fallen upon, and there seem to be none more obvious than this of preserv- ing the importance and of gratifying the ambition of the leading men in America, it is not very probable that- they will ever voluntarily submit to us, and we ought to consider that the blood which must be shed in forcing them to do so ii^ every drop of it — the blood — either of those who are, or if those whom we wish to have for our fellow citizens, ^ey are very weak who flatter themselves, that in this state h) which things are come, our Colonies will be easily con- quered b' *brce alone. The persons who now govern the resolutiou» of what they call their Continential Congress, M 24 feel in themselvee at this moment a degree of importaxioe which perhaps the greatest subjects in Europe scarce feel. From shopkeepers, tradesmen and attornies, they are become Statesmen and Legishitors, and are employed in contriving a new form of government for an extensive Empire, which Uiey flatter themselves will become, and which indeed seems very likely to become on»? of thr greatest and most formid- able that ev»'r was in the world. Five Imndred different people perhaps, who in diilert-nt ways act immediately under the Contiiit iitial Ojngress, and live hinidred thousand perhaps, who act under those five hundrL-d, all feel in the same man- ner, a proportionable rise in their own importance. Almost every individual <>f the governl»ig party in America fills, at prt'seiit, in liis dwii fanoy. a station superior, not only to what he had e.w.v filled beftire, but ttj what he had ever expected to fill, and unless sonu^ new object of ambition is presented eitlier to him wn in ancient times. When the people of ont'. State were admitted to the right of citizenship in another, they had no other means of exercising their right hut by coming in a body to vote and deliberate with the people of that other State." The admission of a greater part of the Inhabitants of Italy to the privileges of Roman citizens, completely ruined the Roman Republic. It was no longer possible to distinguish between who was and who was not a Roman citizen. No tribe could know its own numbers, a rabble of any kind could be introduced into the assemblies of the people, could drive out the real citizens, and decide upon the affiiirs of the Republic as if they themselves had been such. But though America were to send fifty or sixty Representatives to Par- liament, the doorkeeper of the House of ('ommons could not find any great difficulty in distinguishing who was and who was not a member. Though the Roman constitution, there- fore, was necessarily ruined, by the Union of Rome with the allied states of Italy, there is not the least probability that the British constitution would be hurt by the Union of Great Britain with her Colonies. That constitution^ on the con- trary^ would be completed by it. and seems to be imperfect withovt it. The assembly which deliberates and decides con- cerniny the affairs of every part of the Empire^ in order to he properly informed, ought certanly to have Representatives from every part of it. That this I'nion, however, could be easily effoctuited,, c^r that difficulties and great difficulties might not occur in the execution, 1 do not pretend. I have yet heard of none however which appeared insurmountable. The principal perhaps arise not from the nature of things, but from the prejudices and opinions of the people, both of this and the other sid(^ of the Atlantic. We on this side of the water are afraid least the multi- tude of American Representatives should overturn the bal- ance of the constitution, and increase too much, either the influence of the Crown on the one hand, or the tbrce of the democracy on the other. But if the number of American Repn'sentatives were to be in proportion t«> the produce of American taxation, the number of people to be managed would increase in proportion to the means of managing them, and the means of nuuiaging to the number of people to be managed. The monarchial and demcuTatical parts of the constitution, alter the Union, would stand (exactly in the same degree of relative force with regard to tine another as they had done before. The people on the other side of the water are afraid, that their distance from the seat of empire miglit expose them to many oppressions. But their Representatives in Parliament, t !l .1: MMH of which the number ought from the first to be considerable, would easily be able to protect them from all oppression. The distance could not much weaken the dependency of the Representative upon the constituent, and the former would still feel that he owed his seat in Parliament and al) the con- sequence which he derived from it, to the good will of the latter. It would be the interest of the former, therefore, to cultivate that good will by (!om]>lainiiig, with all the authority of a member of Parliament, of any outrage which any civil or military officer might be liuilty of in that remote part of the Empire. The distance of America from the seat of government besides, the natives of that (tountry might flatter themselves, with some appearance of reason too, would not be of long continuance. Such has hitherto been the rapid progress in that country of wealth, population ajid improve- ment, that in the course of little more than a century, per- haps the i)roduce of the American might exceed that of the British taxation. The seat ot Empire would then naturally remove itself to that part of the Empire which contributed most to the general defence a!id support of the ^\hole. Such were the opinions in favor of, and the high authority conferred on the scheme of representative Union of Great Britain with her former and present Colonies in North America, by Mr. Smith, a Union which, had it been adopted in due time, would very probably have prevented the separ- ation of the present Staios of America from the Parent Country. I have, however, to repeat the same observation with respect to this great author, that I stated with respect to Governor Pownal's plan of Union, at the close of my obser- vations on the extract from it, namely, that the idea of tax- ation of the Colonies after the Union by the Parliament of Great Britain, is diametrically opposite to the plan of Union I have formed and will shortly be laid before my readers. The Colonies are already subject to taxation by the Provin- cial Legislatures, and I feel persuaded that no plan of Union by which they would also become liable to a second taxation by the Parent State, would be ac(piiesced in by these countries. The observations of Mr. Smith in the first and third para- graph which wv have quoted, are admirably ciilcuiated to shew the utility of Hepreaentative Union in an extensive Empire, iniismuch as we conceive it may bi> fairly inferred, 27 that had the allies of Rome, when admitted by her as Roman citizens, been duly represented by deputies sent from each State to sit in the Roman Senate or National Council, we say it may be fairly inferred in that ease that the Roman Em- pire instead of being ruined by her allies would probably have endured for numerous ages longer than she did. Mr. Chisholm, in the work I have above mentioned, has therein quoted the objections of the celebrated Edmund Burke, to this Union of the Colonies with the British Parlia- ment, and has I think, very well answered and refuted these objections, independently even of the newly acquired acces- sion of steam power in crossing the Atlantic, which it seems Mr. Chishohn had predicted in his work, and has now the satisfaction of seeing those predictions pretty nigh realized. In corroboration of the idea mentioned above respecting the probably greater duration of the Roman Empire, had it possessed the discovery of i epresentation, we shall now men- tion instances of some countries which have derived solid advantages and durability therefrom. Ancient Greece itself, is almost a sullicient j)roof of this, and had she had the foresight to have prevented the fatal influence of Macedon in her National compact and to have preserved her National virtues, she might perhaps have descended in her former glory to the present day. The Germanic Diet, and more particularly the United Provinces and the Swiss Cantons, are strong proofs of the capacities of Union in preserving the liberties of Nations even when surrounded l)y powerful and despotic Nations. The United Provinces in the midst of every difficulty, be- came at one time one of the greatest commercial countries in the old World, and have even sometimes been able to dispute the Trident of the ocean with Great Britain. England herself affords a brilliant example of the strength and power of Representative Union. In her fertile land o/.' liberty this species of Union has been gradually im})roving since the completion of the Heptarchy by our renowned Alfred, up to the recent establishment oi' Parliamentary reform, by which she proved the fact that her glorious Con stitution is competent to purify itself froni all corruptions. And it is devoutly to be hoped that the prosperous a(H^[uisi- tion of this reform, may not destroy that moderation for "which the British Nation, in her political character, has been so conspicuous, jud that she will soon perceive that the I i 28 extension of Representafave Union, to all her Colonies, in a manner adapted to their circumstances, must not only pro- mote their peace, security and prosperity in a degree hitherto unknown, but eventually consolidate the power of her Empire. Scotland, by the great advances she has made since her Union with England, in agriculture and in several branches of manufacture and in commerce, is a proof of the advan- tages of Union by Representation. The industrious spirit, the mechanical talent, the enterprising genius of the Scotch might perhaps have otherwise lain dormant for ages. Ireland, though last, will not be the least who will reap advantages from her Representative Union with England. She is sufficiently represented there by able advocates of her interests and fair demands. And she now probably requires little more than an efficient and wise code of poor LaWs to introduce peace and security into her country ; and the ad- vantageous employment of her labour and talents by British capital will then ensue, and produce a new career for her agriculture, manufactures and commerce. The United States may certainly be considered as having presented to the World a prominent instance of the advan- tages of Representative I'nion; although it must be con- fessed that the rise and gradual increase of late years of a most licentious spirit among that people both in their do- mestic concerns and most especially in tne late treatment of these Provinces by a part of her population, gives strong indications to believe, that unless they retrace their steps, by the enactment of wise and salutary laws for the accomplish- ment of chat ()Hsessions belonging to this country, in order that they migh trear up a miserable inter- est, not a thousandth ]>art so important to the kingdom. But thci new constitution was going to pieces from its magni- tude. Every day o])ened a page of levity and folly, of injustice and luifiiiniess, of inconsisten<'y and weakness, in the measure. The principle adopted l.y the Romans in their conquest was to re. rive in tlu'ir Senate the Represent atives of the con<|uered Colonies, lie proceedi'd to argue that the Colonies being deprived of the ac<'(^ss they fornu'i'ly had to representation in this Legislature, ought to have some new avenue thrown open to them. 39 Sir Charles Forces rose, sin i ply to express his cordial approval of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, for the repre s^tation which was enjoyed by the Colonists under the present system of returning Members to Parliament being about to he taken away from them by the Reform Bill, which he wished, and hoped, and believed, would not pass into a law, he was quite satisfied that the interests of those highly important and valuable possessions of England, the Colonies, ought not to be overlooked. Sir (xeorge Murray said that he felt extremely glad to find such attention had been paid by the Hor.se to the proposal of the Member for Middlesex, and also that the important observations with which the Hon. Member had introduced his motion, had received so full a consideration. It had cer- tainly appeared to him, during the long debates which had taken place on the Reform Bill, that the House had altogether forgotten that the British Empire did not entirely consist of the immediate islands of Great Britain and Ireland, but that it partly consisted of some highly important and valuable possessi(»ns in the East and West hidies, and other parts of the globe ; of the importance of these possessions he wjis always, however, fully impressed; and he must tiike leave to express the satisfaction with which he had heard the Hon. Member for Middlesex express his opinions, as he had feared, from the general tenor of the Hon. Mem}>er's arguments in the House, that he did not entertain any high estimate of the value of the Colonies. It had been clearly and incontrover- tibly shown by that Hon. Member, and by the Hon. Mem- ber f<»r Taunton, that the virtual n 'presentation at present enjoyed in their House, under the jircsetit mode of election, by the (^)lonists, would he utterly and coin[)letely taken away from them by the measure now undergoing consider- ation ; and that when the Ueforni Bill had passed into a law, th(^ Ildus." would be found to be eoinposed entii'ely of Mem- hers who would be returned to support local interests alone, thus depriving the Colonists entirely of that virtual repre- sentation which had been fouml to be so beneficial to them. He rose, therefore, merely to express iiis conviction of the necessity Ministers of that House woidd lie under either of adopting or modit'ying tlu' [dans of the lion. Member for Mi(ldU'sex, or of taking the idea suggested by the Hon. Member for Taunton into their serious eousitleratioii, with a view to remedy tiie great and important evil whieh would 40 result to the Colonists. The noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) opposite, on various occasions, when Hon. Members who were otherw ise friendly to the Bill had got up to make amendments or to suggest any improvementiLn its details, had ol)served that such a proceeding evinced a desire on their part to defeat the Bill. Now, he would not admit this to he the fact, Mith respect to the proposal before the House, for both the Hon. Member for Middlesex and Taunton were direct juid warm supporters of the Bill, and not its enemies. It wjis surely the duty (tf Ministers', if the Bill must pass into a law, to endeavour to make it as bene- ficial as possible \o the country ; and we would venture to preiliet, tliist when all those ])laces which were to be fur- nished with IJepresentatives had received their allotted por- tion of inlluenee in that Hoiis*', it ^^o\dd be found that the Bill, so far fi-om givin\ere properly ilone this great measure would be carried. I have now only to |»resent to my readers the ])lan of Re- presentative Tnion with tln' lnq)erial Parliament which, I believe, wo\dd answer the purpose, and is aloju> consistent with the present condition of these Provinces. It is fikst to be observed, that all the ])huis we have extracted from the woi'ks nanuMJ in tin foregoing pages, namely, Adam Snnth and 'lovernor Pownal, appear to be based on tlu- idea of a n^presentation of the peoph' <»f the Cohmies, (by M'ndiers deputed to tlft> lirq)erial Parliament,) in no wise ditl'rent 1 41 from those sent to it by the people of Great Britain. The same entire representation was also contemplated by Mr. Hume in the motion on the subject above stated; these Colonial Representatives then having a right to vote on all questions of taxation of the people of England, the North Ameftcan Colonies would also be subject to taxation by the Imperial Parliament. Now all the North American Colonies are by the consti- tution of each Province subject to taxation by their own separate Legislatures. Each of these Legislatures is per- fectly competent to determine the quantity of this taxation, and the mode and time of levying it which is most consonant with the indispensible necessities of the Government, and with the will and capacities of the people to pay it. There is no necessity whatsoever therefore, to subject these Colo- nies to a second taxation by another Parliament. And as the people of each Colony enjoy the right of choosing their own Colonial Representatives in their House of Assembly, and thet'eby give their consent to the Colonial taxation, so likewise, there is no necessity that the Representatives who shall be deputed to sit in the Imperial Parliament should be chosen by the people at large. It will therefore, I conceive, be perfectly sufficient, that these Representatives in the Im- perial Parliament be chosen by the separate Legislature of each Colony. By this means I conceive, men of the deepest staltes in the welfare of these countries, and of the most eminent characters for integrity, intelligence and ability will be more likel / to be chosen. All that these Provinces want in the way of Rrepresentation, may, I conceive be thus com- pletely acquired. All they want is to have men perfectly acquainted with the interests of their respective Colonies to maintain those interests with zeal, judgment and abilit^y, in the House of Commons of the Imperial Parliament. But especially, I conceive this Representative I'nion must ])e so modified and managed, that while the Colonial Legislatures are allowed to send such Representatives, that at same time this Repi'esentation shall bo of such a nature as shall not render these Colonies subject to a second taxation by the Imperial Parlianjen^. Because*, I do not conceive a taxation of this kind would ever meet the wishes of, or lu! agreed to by the people of these Colonics. The Imperial Parliament cannot possibly be cipially well accjuainted with the capaljill- ties or inclination of the people of these Colonies to bear 42 taxation as the Legislatures of each 'Colony are, and the in- volving them in subjection to taxation by the Imperial Par- liament would probably produce a fruitful source of dissatis- faction and discontent. To steer clear therefore of this subjection to a second taxation is a great object of tlje fol- lowing : P: inciples of the Representative Union of British North America with Great Britain. Ist Principle, — That it is highly necessary for the future peace, security and welfare of these Provinces, that they should be em- powered by Her Majesty's Governnoent, to send a certain number of proper persons to rerresent those interests in the Imperial Par- liament. 2d. That this necessity of representation has been already advo- cated in that Parliament, and it was therein agreed to on all sides, on the discussion of this question on the 16th August, 1831, that, as the Colonies would be deprived of virtual representation in the House of Commons by the Reform Bill, that a Representative Union ought to be forthwith granted to them. 8d. The necessity of such Representative Union has also, it is conceived, been further proved by the late disastrous events which have taken place recently in two of the principal North A merican Provinces, the two Canadas. 4th. That the existence and suppression by force of arms of three rebellions in the two Provinces, and the numerous invasions in con- sequence thereof by neighbouring States, which they have suffered and repelled, appear to confirm the fact, that if Great Britain intends to preserve her posHcaaion of, and dominion over the No..'th Ameucaii v olonies, she must form such a Representative Union with them ua shall render them entirely integral parts of the British Empire. 6th. That it is therefore now proposed for the consideration of the public aiul the Imperial Government, that one Representative shall be sent by the Legislative Counoil, and one other Representa- tive by the House of Assembly of each British Korth American Province, or such number of Representatives as shall ht^reafter be determined en, to sit as Representatives thereof in the House of Commons of the Imperial I'urliiinieiit. 0th. That these Reprenentatives shall be instrueted by the Colo- nial Legislatures, aiul have a right to bring bef(»re the Imperial 48 Parliament, statementB of such grievances as may be deemed by tbem to exist in any Province, also to bring forward any measure they may judge advantageous to the security, trade, navigation, and other intereatd and political relatione of these Provinces, and to make such motions and resolutions thereon, as they shall deem proper, and to have the right to vote in favour of the same in the Imperial Parliament. 1th. That considering that the people of the British North American Colonies are already subject to taxation by their own Colonial Legislatures ; therefoi e, the Representatives of the Colo- nial Legislatures in the Imperial Parliament shall not have the right of bringing forward any motion for the future general taxation of thote Colonies by the Imperial Legislature. But should any case occur, such as the extension of any right of trade, or the granting of any new privileges of any kind to the North American Colonies, whereby it should be deemed just and proper that some additional tax or duty should be in consequence of such extension of t/ade and commerce, levied on these branches of trade, the Repref,enta- tives of each Colony shall in that case be authorized to consent to and vote for such tax or duties as may be requisite for obtaining th« said extension of commerce from the Imperial Parliament. 8th. That whereas on the seventh principle, above stated, the people of British North America do claim their constitutional righti and privilege to be subject to taxation solely by their respective Colo- nial Legislatures ; so also the said people of British North America, do not claim or expect that their said Representatives in the Im- perial Parliament shall have the right to vote in any question or motion of taxation of the people of Great Britain by the Im- perial Parliament. 9th. That the said people of British North America feeling it just, necesuary, and proper, that thefy nhould have henceforth the most adeijuate means of bringing before the Imperial Legislature any causes of grievances or complant that may hereafter occur in the said Bri '^ North America, and also to have the means of duly advocating therein the interests and advancement of these Pro- viui^es, do claim the ritjht for their said Representatives to bring forward before the said Imperial Legislature any such complaints or grievances, or interests for legislative decision upon ; and also the said people do claim fo • their said Representatives in the Im- perial Parliament, the riirhts and all the freedom of speech and debate, usually practised and enjoyed by all or any other Members ! ' I, I rf 44 of the said Parliament, on all questions or motions touching or r«lating to the aforesaid matters ; and also on all occasions in any session of the said Parliament, whereim any question, motion, or resolution shall be brought forward by any Member of the said Parliament, any way relating to the interests, welfare, or advance- ment, or in any way appertaining to the said North American Pro- vinces ; and also the said people do claim for their said Representa- tives, the right to vote freely on all such occasions, according to their free will and judgment. The aforesaid nine enumerated principles then, are those on which we conceive such a Representative Union may be founded, as shall at once give to these Provinces the most adequate means to bring forward all subjects concerning their interests, peace, security, welfiire and advancement and to advocate and maintain the same in the Imperial Legisla- ture. At the same time this mode of Union will, according to the 7th and &th principles, prevent for ever the collision of the Parent State with her said Provinces, on the impor- tant subject of their general taxation, which will thereby be left entirely in the power of the several Colonial Legislatures according to the constitution granted to the said Provinces. With respect to the appointment or deputation of an equal number of Representatives from the two branches of each Legislature as per principle the 5th ; any difference of opin- ion that may arise between the Members of any particular Province can have no bad effect, as on every subject relating to the Colo'^'co, brought before the Imperial Parliament r, commitlee will doubtless be formed by the House, consisting probably of all the Representatives of the North American Provinces. In this committee thus formed in th«^ House of Commons, every individual member will bring forward and support his own measures and arguments, which will ])e then decided on by the votes of the Majority of that committee, and their reports l)rought before the ITon. Ilouse of Ctmi- mons to be again discussed, .and if sanctioned, finally sent to the other branches of the Imperial Legislature for their discussion. Thus a truly constitutional Colonial Federal Assembly will be formed in the verij lieart of the Imperial Legislature for the full and fair discussion of every su1)ject relating to any and all of the North American Provinces, and the measures the committee may determine on, will then also be I pui) 1 , 46 put to the test of the united wisdom and justice of the Im- perial Legislature. ' We trust to have produced in the course of the foregoing pages sufficient opinions and arguments to prove the neces- sity of a Representative Union of these Colonies with the Parent State. The foundation upon which we have placed this Union, as stated in the principles enumerated, is indeed materially different from any former plan of Union advo- cated in Parliament, but as the design in making this differ- ence is, as shown in the 7th and 8th principles, to avoid r.ny collision with the Imperial Parliament on account of the taxation of these Provinces, we have great hopes that the said Parliament, in consideration of the constitution of these Provinces already established, will acquiesce in the principles of Union above enumerated, more especially as by the 8th prmciple the right of voting on any question or motion of the taxation of the people of Great Britain is not claimed. It is T^ossible, however, that the Imperial Parliament, wishing to prcnt by the knowledge and abilities of the Colonial Representatives, may allow them to debate on all questions whatever, whi ih cor e before the House, even con- cerning the taxation of the people of England, solely restrict- ing them from voting thereon. We have, therefore, now to present this important plan to the consideration of the public. We conceive it will greatly tend to the peace, security, and advancement of these Pro- vinces in every branch of prosperity. We conceive the late events in both the Provinces of Canada prove the necessity of this Union, and we believe the rapidly increasing popular tion of all the North American Colonies will render this measure indispensiblo. The sooner then, we cpn obtain its advantages, the better and the wiser. Should any future and serious differences occur in the several ])ranches of the Legislatures of any North American Colony, whereby the public peace or business should become obstructed, an effi- cient safety valve will thus be formed, by the right and privi- lege of de})utinjj Representatives to the imperial Parliament, where tiiese diftereiices aiic difficulties may be speedily dis- cussed and terminated, and where it is liighly probable the Colonial Representatives will find it their interest to combine all their zeal and talents for the general and individual advancement of the Provinces of Britisli North America. I now conclude this important eliapter, believing and 46 hoping, that the past and present evils which have so long afnicted thfese Provinces, may be happily terminated by the Union proposed in it, and offering my ardent prayer to the all wise disposer of the destinies of countries, that He will bestow His blessings on that Union, and enable it to produce the fniure peace, prosperity, and happiness of these North American Provinces. Coinciding tlierefore, with the enlightened views of the profound author of the " Wealth of Nations," Adam Smith, and with those of Governor Pownal, — to whose honor I have to mention, that he has very lately been named among the many claimants to the authorship ot the renowned " Letters of J unius," — I now proceed to state my ideas in support of that kind of representation of these Colonies in the Imperial House of Commons of Great Britain best suited for them. I consider tbat the true road for the permanent advance and security of these Provinces, and for their elevation in the scale of Nations is, to draw the bonds of union closer with the vast Empire of Great Britain, and to give to that Union a more practical form and substance. The Ministers of Great Britain have indeed often declared the Colonies to be an integral part of the Empire, — (see the speeches of Lord John Russell and others in Parliament.) Now, as the best means of forming the Federal Union of the Colonies, I consider, that the formation of it in any par- ticular part of them would be a fruitful source of jealousies and dissatisfaction among them, and would in fact come short of the very object of their true elevation, namely, a certain influence and voice in the affairs of the Empire itself. With respect to Eastern Canada at least, I feel tolerably convinced, they would — (I speak of the Majority) — never willingly agree to such a Federal Union; and Western Canada does not shew any wi5;h for such a Union with the Lower Provinces, though some consider it natural enough that these should be willing. I shall now proceed to shew, that the present advanced state of these North American CVdonies requires some im- mediate steps on the part of Great Britain, to retain them as an integral part of her Empire, and thereby to meet their growing desire of elevation in the national scale by their Representative Union with the Imperial Parliament. t s] r ti S( o P o; . I 47 1 Li the year 1841. two years after the publication of the work in which I advocated this Representative Union as shewn in the foregoii:^ extracts, the population of the two Provinces amounted to little more than one million of souls, whereas by census of Eastern Canada in 1851, their popula- tion was 890,261, and of Western Canadain 1851, 952,004 souls, making a total for both East and West Canada, of 1,842,265 souls, and by calculation for this year, 1855, a population of 2,701,336. I now shew by an extract from the census of 1851-2, the gradual mcrease of the two Provinces now united, in some of the principal articles of agricultural industry. « • ! t 48 ►2 3 5 * W d C3 » i^ a I iJi'i"-'' O P B P Oi P ft «i o tc to »-' S >T Oi O to <0 M h- o if>^ -^ I- 2 «* M w «« ^ n (^ t— 05 o "-• Cd to 0» -T -T rf^ • OS 00 © o o M lf>- o to CO 00 o hO Ol 1-^ o 00 o o\ o 00 -J to to t— to •>» 00^ H-j^JIB en kO 00 "to 00 0> "Ifk. "If*. 00 O 00 OS 00 to ox 00 Ox 0» »J I— I to to I-* d CB n ^ « 3 IB O p o p OB 00 o p rt- O rt> a Q P o p a p &• p p m .00 » I 1 -- «6 * ^-*w Eft* to O •-' to -J en rfk 00 tc HJ --T -J »f>. Cn to "^"h^i.'bs oi"*-' to OJ to w to »;»• . 4^ tf»- to ti. 00 *>• -I o 03 h- ' t-' OS -a 00 H- 03 "to "Ifk OS rf^ o -q- h-i to 'O -^ "-7 Or en ^i. M "c»5'bo">(x"^"to 00 o to OS tfi. O 05 to CJ CO d a o Q o o CI o 1-* o SCI o w H IS w o [>► !«► O I O J wouk^ I'- - ^ 60 tQ i> I- 5s I- *Wheat— Acres grown, 7 98,27 5 ; average per acre, 15f bush. 4!» The French population of Eastern Canada in reference to their private affairs are a clear-headed and observing people, and pr:de themselves not a little on their " T(^te Canadienne.^^ The population of Western Canada, being mostly composed of English, Scotch, Irish, and the descendants of those from the States, may well bo called acute and discerning, and well know the value of the freedom and advantages they possess. And the United Province appears to be now on the eve of an immediate advance, bv means of the "numerous rail- 1 P^^J)'') construction. lie Ci [jQitecl Province has also lately been introduced to the no tice of the old countries, by the recent exhibitions in England and in France, and has acquired considera})le cele- brity by the productions of nature and of art we have exhibited there. What the powerful effects these events and especially the railroad movement may have in the trade and commerce of tht' (Country, it is easy to foresee. It will be mainly from these elements of prosperity that the projectors of these railroads must look for employment and business, and railroads cannot fail to encourage the increase of these elements. .Facility and cheapness of trans- port from a great extent o^-^^'.ountry is, probably, one of the greatest helps to agriculturc^'X Now, while on the " 'jjec'- f railroads I wish to state an opinion : One of the contractors or projectors of the Grand Trunk, in his application to our Provincial Government, after stating they — the Grand Trunk Company — had met with a loss or outlay by that railroad, of several hundred thousand pounds, he observed, that if it could get the American travel and traffic, the road would pay 8^ per cent., and if they could not get the American traffic it would pay only 5 per cent. This is as well as I recollect what he stated, and he concluded with a demand of a guarantee on the part of the Province, to the amount of the five per cent., and that the Company would then complete the road. This, if I understand aright, has been agreed to, and the road is to be completed. But the observation I wish to make is, that although these railroads may greatly add to the trade and facilities of transport, yet I do not by any means look upon them as the main source of prosperity of the Province. In England, it is well known, immense loss and ruin were occasioned by too 50 many having been put up, which would not pay. The pros- perity of Canada, thank God, does not depend upon our getting the traffic or carrying trade of a foreign nation. It depends and arises from the natural increase of population of our own country, and the consecpient increase of produce of all kinds — natural and artificial from the land and its waters. When last in Toronto, 1 waited on the Governor General Sir Ed. Head, und stated to him a design of publishing the present work, on the intention of the Imperial Governmo^ to unite these Provinces. Ilis Excellency asked if it / a not be as well to postpone the publication, until I ktcw it was the intention of the British Government so to do. Now it has certainly, for some time past, been stated in the Pro- vince that such was the intention ot the British Government. It was even reported before the arrival here of the present Governor, that he was coming out for this very purpose, although that does not appear to have been correct. Now, as appears by the above extracts, several of the most eminent writers of Great Britain have advocated the plan, and last though not least, the late Member of Parlia- ment, Joseph Hume, brought the subject before the House of Commons at the Reform SI sion, and it was agreed by all parties that as the Reform B had Ijeen passed for Eng- land, that therefore all her Colon les sbpidd be at least "par- tially" represented in that House. As far back as the year 1839, 1 had publishsd a small work in Montreal, advocating this measure, and I have to remark that I sent twelve copies of the work down to the Hon. Joseph Howe's brother, in Halifax, then editor of one of the Halifax papers. Since then, (only a year or two ago,) it appears the Hon. Mr. Howe has brought forward a plan for the same purpose of representation in the British Parlia- ment, which according to his opinion, is much wished for in the Province of Nova Scotia. Now if the Lower Province feel this desire and claim for representation, much more so has the more populous and extensive Province of Canada to look for it. In order then, that the present advanced and advancing' condition of this United Province, and its almost certainty of a great future one, may proceed in a right and safe direction, and believing that this advanced and advancing condition will entitle it to look for a higher station in a \ t 51 pros- [ our ,. It atioii jduoe id its jueral ig the ,1 LOW it Now Pro- iiment. present urpose, of the ted the Parlia- Ilouse i-eed by •or Eng- jt "par- a small have to n to the r of one Lwo ago,) rd a plan ih Parlia- ed for m claim for ilous and sidvancing certainty and safe advancing ation in a national point of view, than it at present possessess, I therefore consider its representation in the National Council of the Empire will give it that elevation; and I proceed to shew the necessity of this in the present position of the United Province It is true, too true, that elements of discord have abounded in this ProN'ince. Varieties of religious opinions have, in ancient times, produced most incredible bad efFecIs between the two great divisions of the Christian religion, but, unhap- pily, it is not in these two divisions alone, we fmd this to be the case. Among the numerous Protestant sects, we some- times find a degree of animosity against each other, not much less than in the above case; yet it is consoling to see that the intelligence and scientific activity of the age is gra- dually wearing out these asperities. Often it happens that people coming out from Protestant England or Scotland to Lower Canada, feel a great repug- uance to the rites, ceremonies and practice of the Roman' Catholic Church, and I doubt not if we could see into the feelings of ]riany of these persons we should find them not nnaccojupanied with alarm, and accordingly we see some- j times men of talent among them, employed in attempts to overthrow the doctrines of that (.'hurch. After remaining some years in this coinitrv, they find the futilitv of these attempts, and also that there is no cause of alarm w^hatever from that source. I was born in that part of the Province, and have lived in it for nigh forty years, a good deal of which was among the French Canadian population, and I kiVHjjiever felt the least, molestation on their part on account of religion. With respect to the discord still existing among the Pro- testant sects, 1 some years since published my ideas on the means of restoring unanimity among them, in my wol'k on the " Present Cuwdition , of Unitiid CaJiJlda,'^ LQj3dqi],,/C. W^, 1850, JUJiL^econd edition therep.f jn Toronto. I have therein shewn the weaT^Miiig effects of these divisions on the Protes- tant Faith, and suggested to the ministers and laity of the Protestant community, the necessity and wisdom of ascend- ing together to the original foundation of Christianity j^lven us by the Saviour of mankind, to try, if a concentrated code of Pratcstantism could not Ix^ formed on Ilis sublime prin- ciples of unity, peace, and goc)d will to man; and I am happy to observe, that some of the sects are already proceeding on 5d a plan of union of some of them, and I have here to recall my /eaders to what I have addressed in this present work to the Church of England in these Provinces on this subject. And I am still more happy to observe that in a late con- vocation of that Church in the Diocese of Canterbury, England, this very subject was brought forward by some Church of ^ngland Clergymen, with respect to the Metho- dist persuasion, to enable them, if 1 rightly understood, to take up Episcopal functions in that Church. It appears, however, that in consequence of the wording of the memorial or address on this subject, some of the Bishops present objected to certain observations contained in this address, and it was therefore ordered to lay on the table for the present. The idea, having however, been thus taken up, let us hope that the introduction of it will be adhered to by its supporters, and lead hereafter to a union of peace ayd good will of all sects. In fine may we not hope that Christianit;y may be in time restored to that unity, peace and good will to mankind, which there can be no possible doubt was the design of its divine founder that it should be, and I conclude this great subject with one remark. The population of the world is said to be 1,000 millions. Of these only 3 to 400 millions are Christians. Now all the Christian Churches must wish the extension of Christianity. If it were possible to fbnii a union of all Christi.'in Churches would not the po\N« r of the extension of Christianity be proportionally increased ? Now, having discussed the (piestion of the (elements of discord in the Province, I pi'oceed to consider the best means of removing them, and have foir that end the more pleasing task of cowsidt'i'ing the influence of the elements of attach- ment to its constitution. To myself, who have stated in a former work, that I re- member when a boy, that the Province of Canada consisted mostly of woods and lakes, and who now behold in it a country not only capable of supporting above two million of inhabitants, but also of exporting near one million of barrels of flour annually, — nothing nu)re should seem requisite to produce on me a great attachment to that constitution. Having been educated in England and served my appren- ticeship in its vast metropolis, I there imbibed a great admiration for its splendid constitution, for that constitu- tion which appears to be due in great part to its physical # I 53 •ecall rk to ct. 5 con- bury, some [otho- 3d, to pears, iiorial resent dress, )r the ip, let by its I good tianity )d will as the nclude illions. • all the ianity. invhes ty be ■nts of means easing attach- I ro- nsisted n it a lion of )arrels isite to ippren- great tnstitu- hysical " separation from the neighbouring continent — (wher^ despotic rule has veryjgenerally prevailed) — that noble constitution which is perhaps better calculated to preserve the true, natural, and dignified liberty of man, than any other in the world. I have therefore, from long experience, imbibed the idea, that a love and veneration for the true principles of that constituti(»u is the best foundation for the happiness of the people of these Provinces. I therefore believe, that to sup- port permanently the part of that constitution which we enjoy and under which the United Provinces has made an unexampled progress, will be a proof of the soundest wis- dom ; and, i moreover believe, that l)y far the most enlightened and worthy portion of its inhabitants will, on due reflection, be of tlie same opinion. It is true that some very singular statements have been lately advanced in the Legislative Asseml)ly. that we had not the liritish constitution in the Province, Ix-cause some of the minor parts of it were deficient. But what of that ? We have the very soul of that constitutioi, ; we have its demo- cracy in its Legislative Assembly, chosoi by the people; we have its jiristocracy, hitherto nomirated by the Crown or its representative, from among the most inllui'ntial persons of property, and who it is to b-. iiiferred would be in general chosen on account of sujiposed suflicient tah-nt and zeal to maintain the j)ublic weal and security; and we have the representative of the sovereign to preserve and jirotect that constitution, and to .srr it duly administered. Such then are the elements of attachment to the constitu- tion of the Province, and when we consider the woiuhirful progress it has made inid»'r this eonstitution, it seems to me we may say of any detieiencies In it, what Ilandet says of the ills of life : •' It is better to b^ar with them, than fly to others which we know not of." Previous to a fiirther eonsideration of tlie advantages that will ari^e t<> the Province Ity its beuig represi'iiti-d in the IJritish Legislature, I shall make one obsei'vation on a plan that is mentione(l in tlu' Quebec Gazette^ of June 7th, 1H54, l)y a Mr. Ib'uuilton, 'of llalilux. Nova Scotia, who aft^r stating that this plan had been adv(»cati'd by some mninent men iu Nova Scotia and in Canada, goes on to shew why this idea of Pnion with the niothci eountrv bv rein-esenta- tion has taki'U so lirm a Ijold on the North American mind. These stiusations, if existing to that degree In the Lower 54 Provinces, may well do so in the more extensive and popu- lous region of United Canada. The British Government having, after a struggle of many years, been compelled to abrogate the Corn Laws, (and for want of a due representa- tion of these Colonies in the Imperial Parliament.) without the precaution of granting some boon by way of compensa- tion to them, a very serious degree of dissatisfoction ensued in this Province, which added to that occasioned by the pass- ing of the Rebellion Losses Bill, alienated the minds of many of the most influential people from tlie Parent State, andled them to favor the idea of annexation to the Iiiited States, and had it not been for the singular advanci' of wheat and agricultural produce, which, notwithstanding tlie pi-omises of the advocates for this iibrogation, lias i-isen in price nearly as high as ever it was before, it is possible that the wish for that annexation would liav-' I'ontinued to this day. It is evident thtii, s(tMiig tlie existing state of things in these Colonies, and their i-ajiid advanciMneiit and desire ibr progress, that it will istand llie lni|niiid (lovernnu'nt in hand to rendei- that desire ibr atlvaiH-iiiu'nt safe, and a means of coii^"!:'''tion of the strength of the Eiupii'e by a closer Union with its Colonies, thereby elevating them to a share in the honors of representation in the |ju])erial Paivliament, whereby the zeal atid talents of thesi- Colonial Representa- tives may be enabled to bring forward such measures as they may conceive adapted for the increase of their trade, navigation, and commerce, and may also be aninuited with a due. and)ition to em])loy the |)ower of that zeal and talent for the general benefit of the (Ireat Empire itself. I shall now consider the mode by which thc^ aforesaid Halifax wi'iter j)roposes to form this Union, and thereafter to advance some fur11i(>* argunu'nts in favor of the plan I have prop(»sed in a former part of this work, Ibr forming this Federal I'nion of all the Colonies in the centre of the Imperial Parliament. It would appear then, that this writer wish(>s to have all the Nttrfh American Pro\inces luiited info one general govern- ment, which should be empowered fo levy taxes for tiiem all, as he mentions not a word as to retaining the local Legislatures of each Province. By his plan, therefore, the various Provinct-s, who jiitherto hav(! paid taxes imj)osed by their own Representatives would now b(> deprived of that, and find the Repj-esentatives ' \> . -y genej all the rovcrii- tlicm local >ri', thr nj)(Ks<'ecome ser- vile tools of the British ministry. .>n tor that purpose, by the Legislature of each Province. To send men to stand up for their t'levation and advancement, nu'rely on accoinit of theii- inlluence oi- wealth thcMvin is not sullicient. These would perhaps bi- content with tlu' enjoy- ment of the lu)nors of so high a situation. But the men required to render the trial successt'ul nnist be men of known 56 and ''»ng tried devotion to the welfare and advance of the Pro- ine«'s — and of talents, zeal, and energy to produee it. As to the latter part of the above assumption, namely, the cond" of our Kepresentatives in the Imperial Par- liament, uscpve, that their conduct would be narrowly watched our Colonial Legislatures, ;nid they could be remo\e(i ./oiii their seats if their miscoU'luet or want ol'due exert'.)!! tl»r the iiitcr'sts of the I'.-oviiicc ('c-uiaiided it. 1 iiavc little doul>t, theiefJ^re, thjit tin e would b-c found nu'Ji of talent and ztal for the jidviUiceintiit ;)f the Provinces M'ho wouh' desire no liighei' lionor than that of repi'esenting thcin in tli;' Imperial Parliament ; but although that might not be aUvjiys the case, and tliiit the ein])loymeut of their tak'Hts should hecojiie an ol)jeet witli die British Ministry, they would vit'eourse hcMwpeeted to vacate tln-ii" seats as re- preseutati\('s of tile i:>lonies. and not to sit unJeso rechosen by the Pro\ incial Legislature. , The ri'pi-e. .'utatiot! theii of these eok)iiies in the Imperial Pai'liiiment, by uumi of powerful talent, and of great zeal for their advance, is c( ]1ainly the best way to produce that elevation of them, which their rapid j)rogress seems to re- (piire; and should that Pai'liameiit agree to allow such a re- presentation as f have proposed in the f(»rmei* parts of this work, namely, to leave the taxation of these <'olouies entirely to their sepji'ate Legislatui'es. and to allow us to scud De- puties to the Impei'ial PaiTiameiit to sit tln're. and to vote solely on all (piestions I'elating in any shape oi' manner to their advancement, we may then he said to possess all the advantages of ln(h'|)endence. with the addition of a very great one. for a vouuti; countrv, namelv. that we shall have the di'fenee and jn'olectiou of one of the most ])owerful nuiri- tiuu' nations to enai»le us t(» maintain that Indej>endene«'. Such, then, is my decided o]>inion of the satest and surest mode of producing the elevation of tin- colonies. iNow as respects tln' int«>rest of (ij-iat IJritain herself in this union of all her c()lonies by re])re taxed, seeing that our phui [)roposes that the eoloviies shall be taxed by their own L' 'jislatures solely ; yet as these colonies are greatly interested in the question of Peace or ^^'ar, it does not seem um-easonalde that they should be allowed the privilege of declaring their opinions and arguments on the subject, although not allowed to vote thvi-ein in the Imperial Parliament. iJy this means wonld be derived the talent and the energy of cNcry part of her empire for the consideralion of the Councils thereof, and |>erha])s it may l>e obsei-ved that the people of the colonies, l)eing less interested and agitated on the subject, might )tossil)ly be found to form a cooler and more matured judgment on this highly important ([ueslion of Peace or War Now I niyst'lf renuMuber wars between the liiissians and Turks, many years ago, and wliieh wars did not produce the overthrow of tlu^ Turkish Empire, and even, in the begin- ning of the present war, the Tni-ks reiK'atedly repulsed the Russians. It appears also to me. that the generous desire of the Finglish pi'opK' to defend the weak against the strong, was not the only motive for tlieir interference; but that an idea prevaih'd among tliein that if the I'nssians eojKpiei'ed Tui-key tiiey woidd be aide thert .Iter, to attack our Kast hidia pos- sessions. it has, however, l)een j)retty well proved, thai lv?^ore Russia could carry an army into India it woidd cost her the loss, by that march alone, of more tlian 100,000 men. But tills is not all by any means, that is to be said on this subject of attack of our I'^ast India possessions. Great Britain has a population of above one Inmdrcd 58 millions of people in the East Indies ; and I am informed tha . a certain part of them — the Seapo} 3 — form, when incv^rpor- ated with our European troops, very good soldiers. Now, if the plan of representation of all the possessions of Great Britain, prop , 1 l\v Joseph Hume at the time of the Re- form liill. all'' ';reed to hy all parties in the British House of Commons, ,.ere now put into force and action, it would raise that East India population to a degree of freedom, and inspire them witli the coiiraire of a tree people, to defend their lilierties against any i)o\\er IJiissia cmild send to destroy them. But it would a[>poar also, that this supposed danger to our East India possessions, was not the only motive of the war on the part of England. We have been told by several writers, ihat the Russian (Jovernment is bent ou the over- throw of the lil>erties of Eiirojie. and tliat then' have the power to do so. Tliis appears to me a much more extravagant idea than the probable loss of our l^ast India possessions, and I here subjoin an account of the population of those countries, which are to he thus overthrown : POPULATION OF THE FOLLOWING COUNTRIES. (HXNTKIKS. POPULAT N. Empire of Austria, Duchy of Baden, (Limited Monarcliy,) Buvaria, " " ' Belgium, " " Denmark, " " France, (Emi>ire, hut represented in a Parliament,). . Great Britain, (Limited Monarchy, " " .. Holland, •' " Hanover, '* " Portugal, " " Saxony, " " Sweden ife Norway, " Switzerland, (Repuhlic,) Turkey, (Despotic Government,) Smaller States, say Total Population of all the above. 87,443,033 1,362,774 4,519,546 4,359,090 2,296,597 35,400,486 27,435,325 3,267,638 ], 173,711 3,412,500 1,894.431 3,667,812 2,320,000 15.500 ,000 144.()52,«48 5,000,000 149,052.943 k { * <(U of }■' w 59 I \ * " Tliis was retiised and the negotiation Thus it would appear that the population of Europe is not much less than two and a half times that of Russia ; but their mode of warfare and their scientific superiority, is probably much greater. The majority of the »i;itions above mentioned, are limited monarchies, and were they convinced that the design of the Emperor of Russia in this war, i-eally was to bring them under its despotic rule, there can be no doubt that it would inspire them with courage and means to prostrate him. It therefore appears to me, reasonal»]e to believe this could not have been his design. Accordingly, before her last Emperor died, he directed his ambassador at Vienna, not only to agree to thc^ louj' points proposed to him by the allies, but to accept their own explanation of these points. The present Enipei-or, also ga\e the same directions. Then the cause why these negociations wen? broken up, was, the demand on Russia that its fleet in the Black Sea should be retired or demolished terminated. Now the ileets i)[' (ivv:\[ lii'itain and France must be immensely more niiiuerdus and powerful than those of Russia, yet Russia has never (K'inanded a dimiunition of them, in doing which, it a[)pears to nu>, she would have had an equal i-ight as they. It has bi'cn said indeed, that the position of Russia rela- tive to Turkey, is such, that she might invade Constantinople immediatelv, without a declaration of war; but. if that were likel} t<> ])o the case a treaty offensive and defensive, migut and ought to have been made between Turkey on one part, and France, England and otlu>r Po\\ers on the other part, and fJussia wtjuld then l)e aware of the dangerous (con- sequences of such an act on her part. It certttiidy does not appear then that tlu- Hlack Sea fleet question was sutlicient to deprive the world of the blessings of peace. The world had ( njoyed these blessings f(>r nigh forty yi'ars since the last great Freneh Revolutionary War, and when we look back and see the wonderful effects that peace has produced we shall have aljundant viiusv to regret the failure of thesis negociations. The manners of society during this peace have been greatly improved. One great stain upon England has been removed by the abolition of slavery in all her dominions ; 60 and the principle of the right of man to liberty has been confirmed. Trade and commerce have been relieved from many shackles ; the power of intelUgence and combination of minds at vast distances have been given to mankind by the telegraph ; and the rapid power of locomotion by steam ; and the romantic saying of our immortal Shakespeare in his Tempest : " I will put a girdle round the earth in forty minutes," — if not yet realized, bids i.iir %ery soon to be so. The power of the sciences have also been applied to the increase of the comforts of the poor and the prevention of disease, and consequently of the duration of life. (Joudorcet, the great French philosopher, at the tiip" of the first French revoluti(jn, wrote, that longe\ity woulu in future ages be greatly increased by these means, and Sir F. Litton Bulwer in one of his late works seems to advance the sanu^ idea. In fine, there is perhaps no limit to discoveries of sciences, when inspired and animated by philosophy and scientific zeal. But when "the blast of war blows in our ears" all these fair and ahnost di\ine gifts of science soon take flif^ht. We trust tlierefore, if W(> have now shewn that there is no reasonable danger that Russia, if so inclined, could have overrun and ensliived Europe, so tlurc wcro no just grounds w^hy those negociations for peace were broken up. The prt>tracted defense of St'bastopol by the Russians has indeed shewn the great prtwer that nature bestows in a country for the defence of her f>\vn soil ; l)ut, that power W'ill be reversed against her, when that country advances into the territory of neiwhborinij Jiations with hostile intent. Lord JAaglan has told us in ont^ of his dispatches that 10,000 English and French troops, had. in the engagement he wrote of, driven back from .50 to C)0,000 TJussians ; and should it in reality prove true that that governnu>nt has formed, and is pu<^ting in practice, the design of overwhelm- ing the other powers of Eur(»pe, a reaction of those powers would take place, and very proba})ly a force would be broujjht against it suflicient, n(»t only to destroy it, but to divide its country into Stati's small enough t<» secure the safety of Europe for the future. We have seen England, in the coui-se of sonu' of her wars, reduced to a very low ebb. Fov instance, before the time of the great Eari (Chatham. That great man a])peared to be called forth by the necessities of his country, and his power- ful genius arose to restore the nation's glory which she has ever since sustained. ^^ff|^ 61 that [mcnt and has [iclni- bWCTS 1(1 be l)Ut 0, the |Nvars, time Ito be )wer- has *l But, blessed, say the scripture? of heaven, are the peace makers. And it appears to mo_ at what is now wanted in England is, a genius of perhaps a higher description than even that : a genius, who, superior to the fears of despotic conquest from any foreign nation, can scorn and defy those fears, and who can efFe(;t for England and the world, that secure, honourable, and permanent peace that shall permit them to pursue the true course of an enlightened nature, the diffusion of tlu^ discoveries of science immolested, and the progress of national improvement that shall remove the dis- tresses and increase the comforts and enjoyments of man- kind. But to return to our subject — Such then is the plan of Representative Union of all the Colonies of Great Britain, which I believe to be the most suited to obtain for them that elevation which their advanced state of population, pros- perity, and intelligence seem to require. If the Imperial Parliament will agree to such a represen- tation in it, as we in this work hp ve proposed, namely, to allow the present Legislatures of these Colonies to retain their present right and powder of levying the taxes for the support of the government of each Colony, and also to send deputies to the Imperial Parliament, there to sit as Repre- sentatives of these Colonies, and there to bring forward swell measures as may appear to them needful to redress and remove any grievances or differences that may hereafter arise therein, and also to bring forward any measures or regulations in regard to their trade, commerce, or navigation which may appear to said Representatives required and pro- motive of these interests; the Colonies will then have acquired a portion of that elevation in the national govern- ment, which all parties, in the Hon. House of Commons of Great Britain did, at the time of passing the Reform Bill for England, agree that these Colonies had a fair claim to. We have stated in our plan of representation that as that plan makes it indispensible, that the Legislaturoji of the Colonies should be exclusively empowered to levy the taxes for each of their Colonies ; so we have not claimed for our deputies to the Imperial Parliament, to vote on a question of the taxation of the people of Great Britain. But as these Colonies are greatly interested in the question of peace or war, it is perhaps possible the Imperial Parliament might allow to our Representatives the right to deliver their opin- ions on the great question of peace or war, though not to vote on it. 62 I observe further, that a very wealthy district of Upper Canada, as has been notified in the last Session of the Hon. House of Assembly, intends to petition Her Majesty either to unite all the Provinets of British North America or otherwise to dissolve the union of the Canadas, and 1 have now only to repeat my observation in the foiejifoing ])ages of this work, that the progressing state of these Provinces will probably require some movement on the part of the Imperial Parliament to meet it, if they intend to preserve the integrity of the Empire. The applause and eneoniums gained by the United Pro- vinces in the late hidustrial Exhibitions of England and France, nuiv jiive the British Ministrv a fair idea of what this country is likely to become in a few years, and although Mr. Molesworth has attempted to shew by his calculations, that the Colonies are an incumbrance on the British nation, 1 trust 1 have also shewn, in mv work on the '* Present G)n- dition of Canada," pul)lished here, that Mr. Molesworth's calculations arc founded on short sighted views, that in them he has omitted the most important one, namely, that these Provinces double in tweiitv to twentv-five vears, and some times much ofteiier, and that as the cost of their government instead of increasiiig was probably diminishing, therefore, the value ot these ('olonies to Greni Britain will be greatly increased, for their demand for manufactured goods will be doubled as the population doubles. 1 humbly conceive, therefore, that any Ministry that incurs the risk of detach- ing these Provinces from the Empire, by any such vaccilla- tion of conduct, will incur a terrific responsibility to their country; and, that on the contrary it will be their highest wisdom to unite them, integrally, by a fairly modified repre- sentation in the Imperial Parliament, and thereby secure to this Great Empire the talents, zeal, genius, and wisdom of every portion of it. ^1 V PART III. * Some remarks on (he Hon. Mr. Hi nek's answer to the Hon. Joseph Hoive's {of Nova Scotia) plan of Representation of the North American Colonies in, the Imperial Parliament. It appears that in the month of ^[arch, 1854, the lion. Joseph Howe deliveirJ a speech hi the FTouse of Assembly of Nova vScotia, or publislied a phaniphlct in Halifax of that date, containing a plan foi" procuring the representation of the Provinces and Colonies in the Imperial Parliament. This plan of Mr. Howe's he republished it seems in London, where the Hon. Mr. Hincks then was, who replifd to it [ be- lieve in another phamjihlet. Having first published my plan for getting this re|)rose)i- tation for the Canadas in 1830, 1 had forwarded twelve copies of that work to Mr. Howe's brother in Halifax, who then was editor of one of the Halifax papers. My plan of that date, 1839, was precisely the same as what I have now pre- sented in this work with some additions. The plan presented by Mr. Howe in his s[)eech or pam- phlet 1 have not seen, but in a lettJir of his ads, the charge would certainly be correct? but if that plan suffers them to remain in free force, and Legislatures are solely to \)v represented iji the 64 Imperial- Parliamjont, but without the power of taxing the Colonies, this would not overthrow the Constitution of the Provinces, but rather support and invigorate it, and the charge of ITincks on Howe would rather revert against him- self, as to overthrowing the (Constitution, for I believe he always voted and advocated, while in Nova Scotia for the overthrow of tlie Legislative Council as far as its appoint- ment went by the Crown, which 1 consider to be a great security for the L niou of these Provinces with the Parent State. Again, by the aforesaid letter to Mr. Hincks. Mr. Howe complains much, that Colonists are never advanced to Offices in the British Governjuent and claims that right equally with all other subjects. Of this claim, there can be no doubt. If Representatives, who should be deputed from the Colo- nies to sit in Parliament, or indeed any individual Colonist whatever, seek appointments, and obtain them from the Bri- tish Ministry, they certainly have as much right to accept them as any other subject. But then, these Representa- tives would have to resign those seats until re-elected by their constituents in the Colonies. Mr. Hincks seems to accuse Mr. Howe of throwing out certain threats in case of a refusal, ])y the Imperial Govern- ment, of representation of the Colonies. If any such threats have been made by him, or any one else, they must cer- tainly be considered as absurd and unauthorized by the Colony of Nova Scoti«i , and certainly not thought of by any other, that I am aware of. In some part of Mr, Hincks' pamphlet he mentions that the practice in the United States in the representation in Congress, of wha,t they name " United States Territories," is as he says " They are simply permitted to send deputies to Congress, who may speak but not vote. This practice then, may be considered as a kind of prece- dent for my plan of representation, in that Imperial Parlia- ment, naiftely, to vote on all questions relating to the Colonies, but not to vote on any question of taxation of the people of England. Mr. Hincks, moreover, referring to the representation of the Colonies in the Parliament, says, that representation of them in the Imperial Parliament, unaccompanied by our par- ticipation in all the Imperial liabilities, would be a most unreasonable demand. ') m froml on all and have Color plan Colonl ParliJ tives of the repres and tl| tion great pion 111 es, IS jrece- *arlia- the )f the Ion of )n of par- Imost 65 Now it must be allowed that if the Gilonies demanded from the Imperial Parliamejit a right to sit there, and vote on all questions of taxation of the pe(>|)le of Great Britain, and at same time that their own Colonial Tx^gislatures should have the exclusiv«^ right to raise thc^r own taxes in their Colony, Hiiicks' remark would then be correct; ])ut, in my plan of re[)re8entatioii, it is expressly stated, that as each Colony is to have their right, exclusively of the Imperial Parliament, therefore, we do not claim for oi^' Representa- tives to have the right of voting on any question of taxation of the people of England. This demand of a modified representation appears to me prefectly j\ist and reasonable ; and that it would tend to give to these Colonieo that tiova- tion which their udvaneed and advancing situations will soon require, and which it is ]>robal)le the Imperial Go^■ernment will accede to. Mr. ITiucks, it is true, has resided a long time in ( /uiaila, and displayed considerable talent in it, still he is not a Canadian ; I am, and feel that the country being now so advanced, has a fair claim and right to some voice in the' general interests and govei-nment of the Empire. I now present soirie remarks on the conclusion iA' the Russian war : Since the completion of the manuscript of this work, Sebastopol the great, has fallen by the indomitable valour of the French and British armies. The Heet — that Russian Jteet, which was the cause of the former conference for Peace, being broken up, has, as it is said, been desir.'ved i)y them, lest it should fall into our possession, and, tiiaak G(jd, a great obstacle for peace is destroyed along with it. ' Tliis Peace then, is at last concluded, and the great ques- tion I wish to consider is, how this Peace is to be rendered durable or permanent. ITiere appears to me two ways to effect the procuration of this \ast blessing. The allied powers, previously to the conclusion of Peace, seemed to have declared from what I have been able to col- lect from the speeches of the Government, and of influential Members of Parlianunit, that they must have securit}- given by Russia, that she would not in future invade the rights and liberties of other nations. Well, what kind of security is that to be ? Mere treaties and promises contained therein may be evaded, and we appear to have little faith in any such. 5 66 It is considered by those who seem to believe in the almost omnipotent power of Russia, and the ambitious designs of its government, that the conquest of Turitey is its object, in order to enable it tt) overthrow our power in the East Indies, and of course to gain possession of that country. If then a treaty, offensive and defensive were made be- tween Turkey on one part, and England, France, and any other powers that might «igree to join in it on the other. By means of such a treaty as this, and due preparation made to carry it into effect, would it not be shewn to the Russian government that the acquisition of Turkey was unattainal>lo and would it not therefore cease to attempt it I The second plan I would propose for the securing the blessings of this permanent Pesice is — That Great Britain .siiould immediately proceed to con- centrate all the power of her Empire by the principle of representative govertiment, introduced into all her Colonies, east, west, north, and south. And now I proceed to consider the consequences of such a measure on the strength and elevation of her Empire. With respect to the Representative Union of all the British Colonies with the Imperial Parliament, it will be recollected by the leader, that in a former part of this work, I have shewn that th(^ profound author of the "Wealth of Nations," Adam Smith, lias stated in that immortal work, that if the Am3rican States had been represented in the British Pai'liament, that measure would have opened a great safety valvf for the desire of promotion and ior the ambi- tion of the leading men in those States, which would pro- bably ha\e prevented the separation from Great BriUiin. So in the same way do I believe, that were all the ('olonies now duly represented in Great Britain, all the power of the Empire iu-ing thus concentnited, the strength and elevation of it would I'ise proportionably in the estimation of the Euro]>ean nations. With respect to our l^ast India possessiojis, their perfe(it security from all the power Russia could send against them, would probably be tlu' fu'st effect produced by this r(4>re- sentati\t' system of goNci'nnu'nt. The native mind of India, has often shewn itself to be huh- ceptible of an inti'lligi-Ht advancement. Iler native troops, also, when ineor[)orated withoin* lOnropean ibrces, have shewn themselves to be good soldiers, which is said to liave been the ease also, in the present Persian war. 67 almost iesigns is its in the ountry. ide be- nd any ! other, n made Russian Dainablo ing the to con- ciple ol* '(jlonies, of such ire. ' all the w'iU be is work, ealth oi' il work, i in the I a great Hi anibi- uld pro- Britoin. ('oioniea L'.r of the elevation II of the ir perfect nst them, bis r('})re- to be Hus- e troops, ive shewn lave l)een It appears therefore, to me, that when the leading men of the population of India have the advantages and honors of a Representative Government bestowed on them, and that government the right of representation in the Imperial Par- liament, that this would diffuse a spirit of liberty and attach- ment to the constitution which should confer these rights upon this immense population, and it would possibly be inspired with sufficient zeal to defend their liberties against any power that Russia could send a^qjainst them. The population of India is said to be above 100 millions of people, and it is not to be doubted that the leading and influential num of that vast population would justly and highly estimate the privilege of this Representative Govern- ment conferred on them by Great Britfiin, and would try and probably soon succeed in exciting that population to prepare to defend the boon of constitutional liberty bestowed on them. So far then, as to the defence of our East India possessions by the means of Representative (Government. The same good effects would most pro})ably ensue in all our national concerns. The entire physical force of the Empire being thus concentrated by a due participation in the Government by every part of it, every part would be inter- ested in its preservation and defence as the great Palladium of its own rights and liberties, and it would be difficult to coiceive that any nation would, without great provocation, involve itself in a war with an Em|)ire thus constituted; and therefore, wo might with good reason expect the present Peace to be durable and perhaps permanent. It is possible, however, that before these blessings could be effected, a powerful mind must arise to direct the councils of our nation — a mind superior to the ruling fancies or pas- sions of the day, and whose breast is animated with the f(^elings of humanity, love of peace and philanthrophy, worthy of th<; nineteenth century. A mind of this descrip- tion might, l)y cojicentrating all the forces of this mighty Empire, give to its people and to mankind a secure and per- manent Peace. And it is possible that the present condition of ( )1<1 England may yet generate such a mind, which that the Almighty may so l 51, « (1 60, II