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Les diagrammes suivants lllustrent la mAthode. errata to pelure, >n A n 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 s Oa u< SPEECH DELn'EB£l) BT THE HON. J. AY. JOHNST IN THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY OP NOYA SOOTIA, OV TXn lOth VXBB.VAB.Y, 1864. Oa HktrodatinK Resolutions affirming the benefit of the Un'.on or Coufedeiat^on oi th0 British Noith Americao Colon'.es; sni recommending mtasuies for inducing the consideraf v ot the sabject by the several Provincial Oevemmeriu under sanction of the , Imperial Authorities : and a recent LETTER Of that gentleman on the proposal to republish the Speee'a. #ttr first, best Conutrg tbn is at f »mfr HAUFAX, N. S. PRINTED BY MACNAB & SHAFFER, 1865. 'i i H Ob ir < SPEECH DELUVERBD BY TUB HON. J. W. JOHNSTON, IN THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY OE NOYA SCOTIA, ON THB lOtb ^PXBBirABY. 1864. On introducing Resolutions afBrming the benefit of the Union or Confedera ion of the British North American Colonies; and recemmending measures for inducing the consideration of the subject by the seyeral Provincial Gevernments under sanction of the Imperial Authorities : and a recent LETTER Of that gentleman on the proposal to republish the Speech. far first, best Couutig tbtx is at f onw. HALIFAX, N. S. PRINTED BY MACNAB & SHAFFER, 1865. /U5" (70 S be to p aUi 80 \^ derg cati< To J froE you pres ven but curi thai agr ? Am Bup trai ject 6 34 7/ ^tlUx m (tmMmikn. Halifax, Feb. 27, 1805. Sir, — The " Union League" have considered that it might be of benefit, under the present circumstances of the country, to publish a speech delivered by you in 1854 on the subject of a Union of the Colonies ; but they do not feel at liberty to do 80 without your concurrence, as your sentiments may have un- dergone change since that period — in which case the republi- cation might not be agreeable to you. I have the honor to be. Your obedient servant, P. S. Hamilton, Acting Sec'y. To His Honor the Judge in Equity. Halifax, March 2, 1865. My dear Sir, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of a note from you in which, as acting Secretary of the Union League, you inform me that they think it might be of benefit under the present circumstances of the country to publish a speecli deli- vered by me in 1854, on the subject of Union of the Colonies, but do not feel themselves at liberty to do so without my con- currence, as my sentiments may have imdergonc change since that period, — in which case the re-publication might not be agreeable to me. The scheme for the Confederation of the British North American Provinces offers to their Legislatures a question of supreme importance, standing apart from party issues, and transcending temporary interests. In relation to such a sub- ject, I see no occasion to hesitate in saying that my senti- 1 M Bion and elevai i ^.^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^f Ta ml f under the authority of the Piovineial Government, rnarosverd years past it has. in varied forms, been pre- and foi f ™™ •> J . t,,^ Legislature and the press and sented to pubhc notice in tne = . j ^i„g p„bUc toTthTBrmsh Cabinet should, in Parliament, now use in IsLn to SI present scheme of Confederation, and those who advocate it, such language ^^^^^ ^^^ „,, ^o form, ..They have conceived a noble ambxUonthe^^^ ^^^^^^^^^ lventuretosay,a nahon butnota na^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ institutions they owe to the British rhrone, nor sepa^ ^^^ under which it is their pride to ^^^f^^^^yS" Country. In a spirit of Ld attachments that bind them to t^^Mo^^^^^^^^^^ J^^^^^ attachment the most fervent lo^^^^ ^?^H«,Sn to British institutions they have into one Great Confederation." In i .dWng of the probability of a Union of all the provinces J:/„nsrmatedthe obstacle -"-1^ -- -™"n th^ Sable, was the indifference that might be ^'^P^*^-;" *^^ part of Canada, to nnite with communities much feebler than lavc not will give vsiire 80 (leliber- far as I rislature. at union Colonies I attain a e expan- uced the urpose of J, and en- s3 than in under the Archibald vernment, been pre- press and ing public ;hest grati- irham pro- tiould meet it a Minis- now use in and those inei to form, he allegiance e institutions i associations In a spirit of le attachment ons they have eastern coast 16 provinces ed most for- cted, on the feebler than herself. Hence the Union of the maritimo provinces was an object that appeared (though probably m ithout reason) more easily attainable. It was a measure valuable in itself, and also as a means towards the ultimate and higher object ; but was not the fulfilment of all the requirements of the case ; for this the combination of the whole was rcijuisite. The apprehended indifference of Canada has been removed in a very striking and unexpected manner ; but so far from seeing reason for prejudice against the measure, because Ca- nada seeks Union from an appreciation of its benefits to her- self, that fact would seem to be an element of strength in the compact. Were this letter to be silent on the comparative schemes of legislative and confederate union, my sentiments would be liable to mis-apprehension, because in 1854 I expressed a strong preference for the former ; but it will be seen that the resolutions then submitted, by leaving the choice between the two plans open for deliberation, excluded the idea that Legii- lative Union was deemed a sine qua non. The reasons which, in 1854, induced my preference for this form of Union, have lost none of their force ; although I may not then have given quite as much consideration to the obstacles to its accomplish- ment as I have, since the question has come practically more near. Then, however, the necessity of supplying some mode for meeting the wants of the country, more convenient than legislation in a distant parliament, was felt ; and it will be remembered that I introduced about the same time for this purpose, a Bill for the municipal incorporation of the countiet » carefully elaborated from the best precedents I could procure. Its fortunes were inauspicious. The Legislature gave it but a dubious existence, making its operations dependant on accep- tance by the counties. The counties courteously declined the boon of self-government it proffered ; half a county alone ac- cepted the gift, and after a few years rejected it. Thus, unacceptable proved a measure which is essential should the perfect political amalgamation of the Provinces be effected ; and it is probable that greater obstacles would be found opposed to Legislative than to Confederate Union. .;i yi But if, ftftcr Confedmllon, the Legislatures of the Bovcral ProvinceB should deoin a closer coimectiou desirable, the way would 1)0 as open thou as now. At present, however, the alternative is not before us. It i8 known that Legislative Union is impossible, and the compari- son between the two systems is without object. Ihe choice oflfered to the Legislature of the rrovinco is : On the one hand,— « . . ^ vt * t« Union uiKicr one goveniment, giving to British subjects in their confederate and growing strength a nationality worthy of their origin, and a theatre of action such as national cxpan- Bion demands ; where-acknowledging the sovereignty-main- tainlng the institutions-cultivating and perpetuating the prin ciples of the parent state-and putting forth the energies of free men, they and their descendents may, under a gracious Providence, have the opix>rtunity of rising to degrees of poll- tical influence, material prosperity, intellectual and literary attainment, religious, educational, and moral progress, and refinement of taste and manners, which cannot be reached in small and contracted communities. On the other hand is— The perpetuation of the present isolated condition of the province ; and rich as she is in material benefits, and pros- nerous within the limits which small communities may attain, vet few in numbers, weak in strength, unequal to the develop- ment of her own resources, unable to furnish to her sons pro- fessional education, or to retain at home her enterprising youth, she has little prospect for the future beyond a dwarfed existence and ultimate absorption intx> the neighboring re- ^"ont of these must be chosen, the other rejected. There is no other alternative. My sentiments formed and publicly adToeated through a quarter of a century, leave me no room for deliberation now. To an old man, individually, any dm- 8ion is of small moment ; but as a member of the community, in the exercise of my best judgment, on a question of vital interest to all of us and those who come after, I dare not deny a national existence with its privileges and duties to my de- scendants and my countrymen. I therefore occcpt Confederation rs a great benefit, what- ever my tendencies In favor of Legislativo Union, and though they were greater and more fixed than they arc. There in anotlicr point rccjuiring explanation In connection with the re-publication of my speech. The example of the United States was urged by me in '54 as strongly illustrative of the advantages of Confederation. The civil war that has since arisen, has been supposed to af- ford an argument in the opposite direction ; but, as I think, without reason. If history can teach anything, no lesson is more plain than that taught by the great contrast between the imbecility of the United States, after their indepcndanco was acknowledged and the bond ^vas dissolved that during the war had held them together, and their wonderful progress and power after the constitution was Adopted by which they were united. That, alter three quarters of a century, when thirteen States had increased to thiity and three, and four millions of people had grown to thirty millions, a powerful section possessing individuality and extensive powers of State Legislation should desire separation, was quite within the operations of human passions and interests ; and if it was necessary to meet this desira with cannon balls then the civil war might be an argu- ment against all confederations. But a peaceful separation might have taken place ; two prosperous states might have occupied the place held by one before ; and in a few years the parent state renewed by natural increase and foreign acces- sions, have been prepared to give off— when the necessity arose— as it almost inevitably will arise— fresh offshoots, and become a mother of nations. The system of confederation would then have proved itself adapted for progression such as the world had never geen, and adapted equally, when reason and justice demanded it, for contraction. It must not there- fore be charged with consequences which forbearance and a regard for justice and equal rights would have averted ; and we may hope that if in distant time a great confederate nation of Britons should be placed in like circumstances, better re- gulated dispositions and the warning lessons of this terrible a civil war stamped on the page of history may lead to the bap- pier result of p«aceful adjusjtment, and the formation of new states. The delegates have, I thiuk, improved on the American model m the distribution of legislative powers, between the general and local Governments. It being my purpose to do little more than make such ex- planations as the republication of my speech requires to pre- vent iDj being misunderstood, the details o^ the plan are not within the purpose of this letter. I may, however, say that, as far as I can judge, the scheme propounded manifests an earnest desire, with no 9mall measure of success, to secure solidity and endurance to ibe constitution and harmony in its action and to do impartial justice among the constituent mem- bers, and I sensibly feel that the delegates have well earned the praise for moderation, fore-thought and ability in a case of great complication, delicacy and difficulty whioh has been freely accorded to them by the British Government, and in leading journals in England. It would not b*" surprising that some of the details should be liable to criticism, or to improve- ment. It wo'ild be surprising were it otherwise — the most perfect plan would not commend itself alike to all minds, and no plan can be perfect when diversified interests, prejudices, feelings, and judgments require to be accomodated and har- monized. In a case of such momentous and enduring importance, it is well for each one, before touching the details, to settle firm- ly in his mind, the great question — Isolation or Confedera- tion. If Confederation be thought beneficial, then the details will be considered in relation to the importance of the object to be attained, and the difficulties of adjusting conflicting views. Matters temporary, or comparatively inferior, or that may be subsequently adjusted, or that must be sacrificed for the sake of attaining the object, will not be allowed to disturb the judgment ; and finally, it is a great security that the whole will undergo the scrutiny and revision of sagacious and far- seeing statesmen in England having no interest but the public good, aided by the local knowledge of able colonial public men. 9 This is no small affair, the influences of which will die away with the excitement of its discussion — no thing of petty poli- tics, reaching no further than personal interests — no matter of party strife. Our country and its destinies, our descendants and their future, are the subjects— and the consideration should be approached with an earnestneis, and the decision made under a sense of responsiblity not to be exceeded in the most solemn religious duty. I am, dear sir, Very truly yours, J. W. JOHNSTON. To P. S. Hamilton, Esq. Chief Commissioner of Mines, &c. i I ADDBESS ON THE UNION OF THE COLONIES, DELI\T:KED in the house of assembly, FEB. 10, 1854. Hon. J. W. Johnston said, Mr. Chairman, before availing myself of the privilege with which the House has indulged me of expressing my views on the Union of the British North Am- erican Colonies, permit me to read the Resolutions I propose to move. I do this, Sir, that at the outset it may be seen to be my de- sire that the Imperial and Colonial Governments should be drawn to consider the great question, and to mould it after full deliberation into some form fit to be presented for the consider- ation of the several Legislatures ; aud that I presume not at this stage of the enquiry to offer any specific scheme of my own. The Resolutions are as follows : — Resolved, That the union or confederation of the British North American Provinces, on just principles, while calculated to perpetuate their connexion with the parent state, will pro- mote their advancement and prosperity, increase their streijgth and influence, and elevate their position. Resolved, That His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor by address be respectfully requested to make known to her Majesty the Queen, and to the Governments of the sister Pro- vinces of Canada, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, this opinion, and the desire of the House to promote the ob- ject ; and that His Excellency by correspondence with the Im- perial and Provincial Governments, and by all means in Hia Excellency's power urge and facilitate the consideration of a measure, which if matured on principles satisfactory to the sev- eral Provinces and calculated to secure their ht^rmony, and bring into action their consolidated strength, must result in lasting benefits of incalculable value. Mr. Chairman, if the desire to improve his circumstances and raise his condition be a sentiment natural to a man, having under proper control beneficial effects upon the race — the same principle when applied to national elevation must rise to a high- >er order, and become a duty of greater obligation just as tho ob- 11 ject is freer from selfishness and the benefits are more extensive and more enduring. That the disposition and tendencies of nations are moulded and directed by their Government and institutions, is a truth which reason approves and nature confirms. Yet national characteristics being but the concentration of the prevailing propensities of individuals they become the reflex of each other, and alike derive tone aud complexion from the habits of thought and feeling, and action engendered by the laws. I do not forget that religion is the great minister — the effect- ive agent in the amelioration of man, and the exaltation of na- tions. Yet do her influences like rays of light passing from one medium into another fall more or less directly and powerfully According to the moral atmosphere that surrounds the subjects of her action. But, Sir, I freely admit that the obligations resulting from these truths are controlled by a duty no less plain, — which for- bids needless alterations in the Government and laws. The oc- casions which call for fundamental changes should be grave and the conclusions, sought, free from reasonable doubt. If therefore a view of the condition and prospects of the Brit- ish N. A. Provinces does not justify the conviction that in all their relations, political and material, social and moral — their union is called for, or at least is a measure demanding deliber- ate examination, then, Sir, the objects for which I solicit the favor of the Committee are unwise and ought to be rejected promptly and decisively. But if the condition and prospects of these Colonies do force that conviction, then is it the duty of every man according to his influence and ability to be an in- strument in urging the accomplishment of their union. This is a question that reaches beyond the present moment and oversteps the boundaries of sectional claims. Not that I would be taken to mean that the palpable interests of the pres- ent are to be sacrificed to the visions of o distant and uncertain future ; or any rights however small disregarded for the sake of theory and speculation. No, sir, the future of these Colonies that we have especially to deal with, is that which the shadows of the past distinctly pourtray ; and which the analogies of na- ture, and the testimony of experience with clearness reveal ; the interests to be sacrificed, if there shall be such are those that shall be compensated by larger benefits and greater good. The adage that " Union is Strength," and the homily illus- trative of that adage in the bundle of sticks, lie at the founda- tion of the proposal before the Committee, — the beginning — the middle, and the end of the argument. Henco they who oppose the measure should rightly assume -Ill iim-nrriii— la— — V 'b' 12 the burtlen of sustaining their views— unless there be some thing in the nature, situation, and circumstances of the several parties to be amalgamated, unsuited for effective union. If nothing be found to show that the Provinces are unsuited for union, then the way is clear for the question ; and the com- parison will present itself between. The Provinces severed and dis-united, and The Provinces combined and one. In the preliminary enquiry, the obstacles to union, arising from distance, dissimilarity of race and habits— the difference in their public debt — opposing interests of trade and revenue —geographical obstructions — seem the most obvious and serious. The impediments resulting from distance, and from the un- happy circumstances of both the Canadas, at the time, were those chiefly felt by Lord Durham in 1837, when the subject was discussed at Quebec by that distinguished and acute States- man and his able advisers— among whom were the late Charles Boiler, and Mr. Turton ; and the Delegates attending from the Provinces. , These impediments have passed away. Since that time Kail- roads have been introduced into Canada, and the time I believe will not ha long before the works of the Grand Trunk Railroad Company will unite Sarnia on Lake Huron, with River De Loup on the banks of the St. Lawrence, below Quebec. I hold in my hand a prospectus and plan of the vast under- takings of that Company. Behold here their lines of Railways — running a distance of 1100 miles, and traversing the whole extent of Canada, by an unbroken line, and with an almost undeviating course, bringing the distant Huron nearly to the border of New Brunswick. Still shorter will be "the time that will suffice to show St. John connected by the iron road with Shediac. For this we have the high authority of Sir Edmund Head in his opening speech to the Legislature of New Brunswick, and I assume as an in- evitable concomitant of the Union a continuation of the railroad from River de Loup to Halifax. Thus Montreal situated not very far from a central position, will be but a few days journey from the extremest points of the Provincial lines. Since 1857 the almost magic power of the Electric Telegraph has been called into use, to annihilate time and distance in the communication of thought and intelligence : — and thus the ob- jection from the distances that separate the inhabitants of these Provinces no longer oiFers any sound reason against their Union. The condition of Upper and Lower Canada was in 1857 un- l 13 e some 5 several 1. unsuited the com- , ansiDg ifference revenue )U3 and I the un- 06, were s subject ;e States- ! Charles mg from ime Rail- I believe Railroad iiver De ic. .st under- 3tance of :ia, by an bringing 3wick. show St. 8 we have ig speech as an in- e railroad jated not s journey relegraph nee in the lis the ob- s of these inst their 1 1857 un- able for Union — while the circumstances of these Colonies con- duced to make a Union most desirable if not necessary. Both Provinces still heaving and agitated under the effects of recent troubles, and divided into parties embittered by a strug- gle of no ordinary character, were in a condition the worst im- aginable for adjusting a new constitution, or carrying a Union into operation. Besides — differences in language, laws, habits, and modes of thinking and feeling — and the rivalry naturally growing out of these differences, placed an obstacle in the way of the Union of Lower Canada with the Upper or the Lower Provinces, which in the nature of things, is perhaps the most difficult to be overcome. This barrier was not sufficient to prevent the amalgamation of the Canadas, and the successful result of that measure not only proves adequately that no dissimilarity that exists in the iiabits and feelings of different sections of the population of the various Provinces, is a just reason against entertaining the question of their Union ; but affords encouragement to its ex- tension to the other Provinces. The geographical relations of the Colonies can I think be no hindrance. The line separating Canada and New Brunswick creates no separation between the people inhabiting on either side. The Canadian inhabitants there have long found it to their advan- tage to deal principally with New Brunswick, and to avail themselves of the conveniences afforded by that fine river the St. John. The people of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia (once united in the same Province) know no distinction. Some of the finest portions of Nova Scotia, — Cumberland, Digby, Annapolis— parts of King, Hants, and Colehester, are more closely united by business relations with New Brunswick than with sny part of their own Province, — while the north east- ern coast of that Province — with resources of great value, de- rived alike from the land and the water, are drawn by the facili- ties of navigation to Halifax rather than to St. John. The Gulf of St. Lawrence brings us all together. There Ca- nada, New Brunswick, P. E. Island, Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, and Newfoundland unite in encircluig the estuary of the great river of thtj north, and there, as to a common centre, the traders from a)^ he Colonies are every season brought to- gether. The hindranee to a Union which probably will be found the most difficult of removal will result from real or supposed dif- ferences of interest in relation to the regulation of commerce .1; p 14 and tarifif. But if arrangements of this nature necessary for the common good, should oppose in some particulars the policy of a portion of the Union, it may well be supposed that more than compensation will be found in the advantage of a uniform sys- tem, embracing all the Colonies, and conferring on each the privileges and benefits of unfettered intercommunion which at present is not, and cannot easily, be eiyoyed. It does not however appear to be necessaiy or expedient to deal at large with this question now. If on general and en- larged views a Union be desirable or necessary, I cannot but think that all such questions will be found capable of a solution consonant with the general welfare — and besides they requke to be brought into definite form after interchange of opinion and discussion among the several governments, before they can be practically dealt with in open debate in the Legislature. The same remarks are applicable to the present disparity in the liabilities of the several Provinces, which I have made in reference to the disparity in the rates of their several tariffs, and supposed differences of commercial policy. The debt of Canada is very large— but the works for which it was incurred remain ; and her abundant revenues, after meeting the expenses of Government — the interest of her debt — the contingent of her sinking fund — and liberal allowance for education and other objects of public benefit — leave still a large surplus. Lord Elgin's despatch, of the 16 th August last, states the net revenue of 1852 to be greater than the expenditure including in- terest on public debt and sinking fund, by £188,553. Gentle- men may see the statistics at large, in the very useful compi- lation I have under my hand — Mr. Scobie's Canadian Almanac for the present year. But, sir, when I reflect on the immense resources of Canada, I apprehend the obstructions to the Union may arise from causes very different from the fastidiousness of the Lower Colonies, in view of the Canadian debt. Let us then assume that if the Union of the British North Am- erican Provinces be a measure calculated to consolidate their strength — improve their institutions — accelerate their progress, and promote their well-being — there exists no insuperable ob- jection to that Union — either in the distance that separates — the diversities of races and of habits and sentiments — from geographical impediments, or financial or fiscal difficulties, or other causes of an individual nature. This places us on the broad field of enquiiy to which the subject invites. The difficulties are to select and arrange the materials within a reasonable compass, rather than to find mat- ter for observation. 15 The Union of the Colonies of Great Britain in North America is a familiar idea, of which their history before and after the Revolution furnishes many instances. As early as 1643 occurred the Confederaton of the New Eng- land Colonies, and it is not uninstructive to notice the causei and the motives of that Union — by which, to use the language of the day, the Colonies of New England were " made all af> ONE." Bancroft, from whom I quote, says — " Protection against the encroachment of the French and Dutch — security against the savages — the liberty of the gospel in peace, were the mo- tives of the confederacy." The Union embraced Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven. Its affairs were conducted by Commissioners, two from each Colonj', irrespective of their size or population. The Commissioners who were to meet annually, or oftener if necessary might deliberate on all things which are ' the proper concomitants or consequents of a confederation." Peace and war, and especially Indian affairs, exclusively belonged to them — they were authorised to make internal improvements at the common charge, and they were the guardians to see equal and speedy justice to all the confederates. The common expenses were to be assessed according to the population. But the Com- missioners were in reality little more than a deliberative body ; they posssessed no Executive power, and while they could de- cree a war, and a levy of troops, it remained for the Colonists, themselves to carry the vote into effect. " Thus remarkable" —Bancroft notices — " for unmixed simplicity was the form of the first federated Government in America." Among the active agents in forming this Union, and its first Plresident, was Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts — a name distinguished in the early annals of New England for the wis- dom and virtue of its possessors — and which at the present day has been borne to situations of high elevation and made con- vicious bj'^ the integrity, ability and eloquence of the patriotic Statesman — and the refined taste of the scholar. I refer to one known publicly to us all for the wisdom, and moderation of his course in Congress on the Oregon boundary question — while those who have the pleasure of his ac(|uaint- ance personally have found him the courteous and mbane gentleman. The next instance is the proposal of "Wm. Penn in 1697, for an annual Congress of all the Provinces on the Continent of America, with power to regulate commerce — but which does not^appear to have issued in any practical result. This is followed at the distance of more than half a century by another proposal for Union which reached greater maturity, although it failed in ultimate adoption. li i'l I •! V 16 The celebrated Albany Convention is a well known historical fact, and I shall beg the attention of the committee to this case, both as showing the motivei that incited to union at that time, and also for tlie purpose of enquiring at another stage of my argument into the probable effect that Union, had it gone into operation would have had on the connection between England and the Colonies, which not very long afterwards revolted from her sway. The dread of approaching hostilities with France, and the ne- cessity of increased contributions from the Colonies, induced high Colonial officials to entertain the idea and to desire to see it enforced by act of Parliament. Intelligent Colonists preferred a voluntary Union, and they used a significant argu- ment — " It would be a strange thing if six nations of ignorant gavages should be capable of forming a scheme for such an Union, and be able to execute it in such a manner as that it has subsisted for ages, and appears indissoluble, and yet that a like Union should be impracticable for ten or a dozen English Colonies, to whom it is more necessary, and must be more advantageous." Reverses in contests with the French at length hastened for- ward the project ; and at Albany to use the words of Bancroft the 19th Jan,, 1794, assembled the memorable Congress on of Commissioners from every Colony north of the Potomac. " America had never seen an assembly so venerable for the States that were represented, or for the great and able men who composed it. Every voice declared a Union of all the Colonies to be absolutely necessary ;" and it adds interest to this transaction, that at its commencement, the representatives of the six nations were present. Franklin's project was the badis, and after great debate and deliberation was modified and adopted. Philadelphia was deemed conveniently sii. ited for the site of the Federal go- vernment, because it could be reached from the most distant parts in 15 or 20 days. The constitution was a compromise between the prerogative and popular power. The King was to name and support a Governor General, who should have a negative in all laws ; the people of the Colonies, through their legislatures were to elect triennially a grand Council, which alone could originate bills. Each colony was to send a number of members, in pro- portion to its contributions, yet not less than two nor more than seven. The Governor General was to nominate military oflScers, subject to the advice of the Council, which was to nominate all civil officers. No money was to be raised but by their 17 Joint order. Each Colony was to retain its domestic constitu- tion — tlie Federal Government was to regulate all relations of peace or war with the Indians ; affairs of trade, and purchases of lands not within the bounds of particular Colonies : to es- tablish, organize, and temporarily to form new settlements ; tx) raise soldiers, and equip vessels of force on the seas, rivers, and lakes, to make laws, and levy just and equal taxes. The Grand Council were to meet once a year ; to choose their own Speaker, and neither to be dissolved, nor prorogued, nor con- tinue to sit more than six weeks at any one time but by their own consent. " The Board of Trade," adds Bancroft, " on receiving the minutes of the Congress was astonished at a plan of general Government, complete in itself. Reflecting men in England Y thf;)r independence had been achieved by sacrifices, self- deiiiai, and fortitude lha.t all must admire, whatever opinion as to the merits of the contest may be entertained. 21 What are tho TTiiitod States now? This mfvp answers the question. Nearly half in supeillciftl extent of the northern con- tinent is embraeed witfiin tiieir limits — an ocean is the terri- torial limit on either side, the (iiilfof Mexico on the Sonth — British soil on the north — and 25 millions of pcoi)le occupy ttnaratively terary at- \ alilve to e people, us to ex- nd would 5t the op- posite prmciples of monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, and there too are large classes of landholders, and men of property whose interest is alive to preserve the balance necessary for the security of the State ; while learning, refinement, and leisure abound to assist the interests of property in creating, foster- mg, and preserving those sentiments of public virtue, essential for the well-being of society,' and in guarding against and check- ing the abuses and corruptions to which governments are prone. Hence a public opinion, which through the medium of a free l)ress, is able alike to control the Crown, Nobles, Parliament, Statesmen, and the People, when strong occasion calls it forth. In such a country conflicting elements require to be combined* harmonised, and kept in check, and the means exist to effect that object. But liere we have not and cannot have the pre- sence of the influence of monarchy or nobility, and all attempts at imitation will but produce spurious and incongruous results. We have and can have but one element of Government— the democratic, and that it is our interest so to regulate and check as to create and preserve a simple, an incorrupt, and an economic system of government. The great want in a small community such as Nova Scotia, under the system of Government instituted among us, isthe free working of a healthy public opinion. The party divisions which will exist under this sytem, and which indeed may be deemed necessary for its effective operation, leave no middle class to adjust the scale and check the violation of pubhc faith and per- sonal honor in public men ; and the circumstances of the coun- try furnish not men of education and leisure adequate to con- trol and direct the public sentiment. We have but to examine the system in its operation— to trace the influences of the Executive on the Legislature, and of the Legislature on the Executive, and of both on the people to perceive that its tendencies are to imbecility of Executive action, to defective Legislation, and above all to corruption ; and that there exists no influence to stay the evils. It was my intention to have gone into this branch of the sub- ject more largely but I pass over my notes on this topic— be- cause I shall without further enlargement more than sufficiently occupy the time of the house, and tax its patience, and because I might awaken feelings opposed to the calmness essential to the proper consideration of the question before us. The evils to which 1 have alluded must reach the adminis- tration of justice, and gradually, but inevitably deteriorate the intelligence and professional knowledge and the independence of the Judges, not only because the system makes to a con- siderable extent political position the path to the Bench, but M 80 because the causes that lead to the toleration of corruption in private and public men, will be fruitful of evil throughout so- ciety in all its relations. The Union of the Provinces, with one general government would at least diminish the evil consequences inevitable in communities too small — too poor — too little advanced for the advantageous exercise of the sj'stem. A wider field would give greater scope to the aspiring, and larger, aud perhaps more generous influences would be required for success. Party action operating in an extended circle would become less personal in its nature, and be consequently mitigated in its acrimony, and less powerful in suppressing a wholesome public opinion. There is another consideration not yet touched, but which lies deep in the foundations of the subject, and pervades it in all its relations, awakening emotions too powerful not to make themselves practically operative — the anomalous position of a Colonist. The Englishman, Scotchman and Irishman has a country by whicli he call himself, and claims a nationality that commands respect. The United States citizen has a national character that is a passport over the world. The eagle of his country follows him in the remotest regions, and he is sure of the vindication of his violated rights at all hazards and any expenditure. The Colonial subject of Great Britain may indeed find similar protection and redress in the case of flagrant wrong. But his national standing as he realizes it in the ordinary occurrences of life, is dubious and unsatisfactory. Let him go to England and he perhaps discovers his cherished home to be there an unknown land, or in some strange geo- graphical confusion confounded with distant and unconnected places ; and when his countrymen have clearly ascertained the fact that he is indeed a Colonist, he perceives that he has punk in estimation, and that he occupies in their consideration a. standing of inferior order to that accorded to the citizens of the United States, or other subjects of a foreign State. It fares not much better with him any where else. He carries nowhere a recognized name or acknowledged national cha- racter. It is true communities as well as individuals may be vir- tuous and happy in secluded and inferior stations ; but in this age of progress and of change, those who are pressing on onr footsteps, and will presently occupy our places, and for whom it is our duty to think and to act, will not be contented to hold the equivocal and hybrid relation of Colonists, unless H •riiption in tughout BO- overnment Bvitable in ced for the [)lring, and lie required ided circle nsequently pressing a but which vades it in ot to make )sition of a country by commands jr that is a bllows him ition of his ind similar f. But his (ccurrences s cherished ange geo- iconnected rtained the c has punk deration a citizens of State. It He carries iional cha- »ay be vir- but in this ing on onr for whom n tented to sts, unless 81 their own standing shall become elevated, and shall