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32X

SPEECH

DELn'EB£l) BT THE

HON. J. AY. JOHNST

IN THE

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY OP NOYA SOOTIA,

OV TXn lOth VXBB.VAB.Y, 1864.

Oa HktrodatinK Resolutions affirming the benefit of the Un'.on or Coufedeiat^on

oi th0 British Noith Americao Colon'.es; sni recommending mtasuies

for inducing the consideraf v ot the sabject by the several

Provincial Oevemmeriu under sanction of the ,

Imperial Authorities : and a recent

LETTER

Of that gentleman on the proposal to republish the Speee'a.

#ttr first, best Conutrg tbn is at f »mfr

HAUFAX, N. S.

PRINTED BY MACNAB & SHAFFER,

1865.

'i i

Ob ir
<

SPEECH

DELUVERBD BY TUB

HON. J. W. JOHNSTON,

IN THE

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY OE NOYA SCOTIA,

ON THB lOtb ^PXBBirABY. 1864.

On introducing Resolutions afBrming the benefit of the Union or Confedera ion

of the British North American Colonies; and recemmending measures

for inducing the consideration of the subject by the seyeral

Provincial Gevernments under sanction of the

Imperial Authorities : and a recent

LETTER

Of that gentleman on the proposal to republish the Speech.

far first, best Couutig tbtx is at f onw.

HALIFAX, N. S.
PRINTED BY MACNAB & SHAFFER,

1865.

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6 34 7/

^tlUx m (tmMmikn.

Halifax, Feb. 27, 1805.
Sir, — The " Union League" have considered that it might
be of benefit, under the present circumstances of the country,
to publish a speech delivered by you in 1854 on the subject of
a Union of the Colonies ; but they do not feel at liberty to do
80 without your concurrence, as your sentiments may have un-
dergone change since that period — in which case the republi-
cation might not be agreeable to you.

I have the honor to be.

Your obedient servant,

P. S. Hamilton,

Acting Sec'y.
To His Honor the Judge in Equity.

Halifax, March 2, 1865.

My dear Sir, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of a note
from you in which, as acting Secretary of the Union League,
you inform me that they think it might be of benefit under the
present circumstances of the country to publish a speecli deli-
vered by me in 1854, on the subject of Union of the Colonies,
but do not feel themselves at liberty to do so without my con-
currence, as my sentiments may have imdergonc change since
that period, — in which case the re-publication might not be
agreeable to me.

The scheme for the Confederation of the British North
American Provinces offers to their Legislatures a question of
supreme importance, standing apart from party issues, and
transcending temporary interests. In relation to such a sub-
ject, I see no occasion to hesitate in saying that my senti-

Bion and elevai i ^.^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^f

Ta ml f under the authority of the Piovineial Government,
rnarosverd years past it has. in varied forms, been pre-
and foi f ™™ •> J . t,,^ Legislature and the press and
sented to pubhc notice in tne = . j ^i„g p„bUc

toTthTBrmsh Cabinet should, in Parliament, now use in
IsLn to SI present scheme of Confederation, and those

who advocate it, such language ^^^^^ ^^^ „,, ^o form,

..They have conceived a noble ambxUonthe^^^ ^^^^^^^^^

lventuretosay,a nahon butnota na^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ institutions

they owe to the British rhrone, nor sepa^ ^^^

under which it is their pride to ^^^f^^^^yS" Country. In a spirit of
Ld attachments that bind them to t^^Mo^^^^^^^^^^ J^^^^^ attachment

the most fervent lo^^^^ ^?^H«,Sn to British institutions they have

into one Great Confederation."
In i .dWng of the probability of a Union of all the provinces

J:/„nsrmatedthe obstacle -"-1^ -- -™"n th^
Sable, was the indifference that might be ^'^P^*^-;" *^^
part of Canada, to nnite with communities much feebler than

lavc not
will give
vsiire 80

(leliber-

far as I

rislature.

at union
Colonies
I attain a
e expan-
uced the
urpose of
J, and en-
s3 than in
under the
Archibald
vernment,
been pre-
press and
ing public
;hest grati-
irham pro-
tiould meet
it a Minis-
now use in
and those

inei to form,
he allegiance
e institutions
i associations
In a spirit of
le attachment
ons they have
eastern coast

16 provinces
ed most for-
cted, on the
feebler than

herself. Hence the Union of the maritimo provinces was an
object that appeared (though probably m ithout reason) more
easily attainable. It was a measure valuable in itself, and
also as a means towards the ultimate and higher object ; but
was not the fulfilment of all the requirements of the case ; for
this the combination of the whole was rcijuisite.

The apprehended indifference of Canada has been removed
in a very striking and unexpected manner ; but so far from
seeing reason for prejudice against the measure, because Ca-
nada seeks Union from an appreciation of its benefits to her-
self, that fact would seem to be an element of strength in the
compact.

Were this letter to be silent on the comparative schemes of
legislative and confederate union, my sentiments would be
liable to mis-apprehension, because in 1854 I expressed a
strong preference for the former ; but it will be seen that the
resolutions then submitted, by leaving the choice between the
two plans open for deliberation, excluded the idea that Legii-
lative Union was deemed a sine qua non. The reasons which,
in 1854, induced my preference for this form of Union, have
lost none of their force ; although I may not then have given
quite as much consideration to the obstacles to its accomplish-
ment as I have, since the question has come practically more
near. Then, however, the necessity of supplying some mode
for meeting the wants of the country, more convenient than
legislation in a distant parliament, was felt ; and it will be
remembered that I introduced about the same time for this
purpose, a Bill for the municipal incorporation of the countiet »
carefully elaborated from the best precedents I could procure.
Its fortunes were inauspicious. The Legislature gave it but a
dubious existence, making its operations dependant on accep-
tance by the counties. The counties courteously declined the
boon of self-government it proffered ; half a county alone ac-
cepted the gift, and after a few years rejected it.

Thus, unacceptable proved a measure which is essential
should the perfect political amalgamation of the Provinces be
effected ; and it is probable that greater obstacles would be
found opposed to Legislative than to Confederate Union.

.;i

But if, ftftcr Confedmllon, the Legislatures of the Bovcral
ProvinceB should deoin a closer coimectiou desirable, the way
would 1)0 as open thou as now.

At present, however, the alternative is not before us. It i8
known that Legislative Union is impossible, and the compari-
son between the two systems is without object. Ihe choice
oflfered to the Legislature of the rrovinco is :

On the one hand,— « . . ^ vt * t«

Union uiKicr one goveniment, giving to British subjects in
their confederate and growing strength a nationality worthy
of their origin, and a theatre of action such as national cxpan-
Bion demands ; where-acknowledging the sovereignty-main-
tainlng the institutions-cultivating and perpetuating the prin
ciples of the parent state-and putting forth the energies of
free men, they and their descendents may, under a gracious
Providence, have the opix>rtunity of rising to degrees of poll-
tical influence, material prosperity, intellectual and literary
attainment, religious, educational, and moral progress, and
refinement of taste and manners, which cannot be reached in
small and contracted communities.
On the other hand is—

The perpetuation of the present isolated condition of the
province ; and rich as she is in material benefits, and pros-
nerous within the limits which small communities may attain,
vet few in numbers, weak in strength, unequal to the develop-
ment of her own resources, unable to furnish to her sons pro-
fessional education, or to retain at home her enterprising
youth, she has little prospect for the future beyond a dwarfed
existence and ultimate absorption intx> the neighboring re-

^"ont of these must be chosen, the other rejected. There is
no other alternative. My sentiments formed and publicly
adToeated through a quarter of a century, leave me no room
for deliberation now. To an old man, individually, any dm-
8ion is of small moment ; but as a member of the community,
in the exercise of my best judgment, on a question of vital
interest to all of us and those who come after, I dare not deny
a national existence with its privileges and duties to my de-
scendants and my countrymen.

I therefore occcpt Confederation rs a great benefit, what-
ever my tendencies In favor of Legislativo Union, and though
they were greater and more fixed than they arc.

There in anotlicr point rccjuiring explanation In connection
with the re-publication of my speech.

The example of the United States was urged by me in '54
as strongly illustrative of the advantages of Confederation.
The civil war that has since arisen, has been supposed to af-
ford an argument in the opposite direction ; but, as I think,
without reason. If history can teach anything, no lesson is
more plain than that taught by the great contrast between the
imbecility of the United States, after their indepcndanco was
acknowledged and the bond ^vas dissolved that during the
war had held them together, and their wonderful progress and
power after the constitution was Adopted by which they were
united.

That, alter three quarters of a century, when thirteen States
had increased to thiity and three, and four millions of people
had grown to thirty millions, a powerful section possessing
individuality and extensive powers of State Legislation should
desire separation, was quite within the operations of human
passions and interests ; and if it was necessary to meet this
desira with cannon balls then the civil war might be an argu-
ment against all confederations. But a peaceful separation
might have taken place ; two prosperous states might have
occupied the place held by one before ; and in a few years the
parent state renewed by natural increase and foreign acces-
sions, have been prepared to give off— when the necessity
arose— as it almost inevitably will arise— fresh offshoots, and
become a mother of nations. The system of confederation
would then have proved itself adapted for progression such
as the world had never geen, and adapted equally, when reason
and justice demanded it, for contraction. It must not there-
fore be charged with consequences which forbearance and a
regard for justice and equal rights would have averted ; and
we may hope that if in distant time a great confederate nation
of Britons should be placed in like circumstances, better re-
gulated dispositions and the warning lessons of this terrible

civil war stamped on the page of history may lead to the bap-
pier result of p«aceful adjusjtment, and the formation of new
states.

The delegates have, I thiuk, improved on the American
model m the distribution of legislative powers, between the
general and local Governments.

It being my purpose to do little more than make such ex-
planations as the republication of my speech requires to pre-
vent iDj being misunderstood, the details o^ the plan are not
within the purpose of this letter. I may, however, say that,
as far as I can judge, the scheme propounded manifests an
earnest desire, with no 9mall measure of success, to secure
solidity and endurance to ibe constitution and harmony in its
action and to do impartial justice among the constituent mem-
bers, and I sensibly feel that the delegates have well earned
the praise for moderation, fore-thought and ability in a case of
great complication, delicacy and difficulty whioh has been
freely accorded to them by the British Government, and in
leading journals in England. It would not b*" surprising that
some of the details should be liable to criticism, or to improve-
ment. It wo'ild be surprising were it otherwise — the most
perfect plan would not commend itself alike to all minds, and
no plan can be perfect when diversified interests, prejudices,
feelings, and judgments require to be accomodated and har-
monized.

In a case of such momentous and enduring importance, it
is well for each one, before touching the details, to settle firm-
ly in his mind, the great question — Isolation or Confedera-
tion. If Confederation be thought beneficial, then the details
will be considered in relation to the importance of the object
to be attained, and the difficulties of adjusting conflicting
views. Matters temporary, or comparatively inferior, or that
may be subsequently adjusted, or that must be sacrificed for
the sake of attaining the object, will not be allowed to disturb
the judgment ; and finally, it is a great security that the whole
will undergo the scrutiny and revision of sagacious and far-
seeing statesmen in England having no interest but the public
good, aided by the local knowledge of able colonial public men.

This is no small affair, the influences of which will die away
with the excitement of its discussion — no thing of petty poli-
tics, reaching no further than personal interests — no matter of
party strife. Our country and its destinies, our descendants
and their future, are the subjects— and the consideration should
be approached with an earnestneis, and the decision made
under a sense of responsiblity not to be exceeded in the most
solemn religious duty.

I am, dear sir,

Very truly yours,

J. W. JOHNSTON.
To P. S. Hamilton, Esq.

Chief Commissioner of Mines, &c.

ADDBESS

ON THE

UNION OF THE COLONIES,

DELI\T:KED in the house of assembly, FEB. 10, 1854.

Hon. J. W. Johnston said, Mr. Chairman, before availing
myself of the privilege with which the House has indulged me
of expressing my views on the Union of the British North Am-
erican Colonies, permit me to read the Resolutions I propose to

move.

I do this, Sir, that at the outset it may be seen to be my de-
sire that the Imperial and Colonial Governments should be
drawn to consider the great question, and to mould it after full
deliberation into some form fit to be presented for the consider-
ation of the several Legislatures ; aud that I presume not at
this stage of the enquiry to offer any specific scheme of my
own.

The Resolutions are as follows : —

Resolved, That the union or confederation of the British
North American Provinces, on just principles, while calculated
to perpetuate their connexion with the parent state, will pro-
mote their advancement and prosperity, increase their streijgth
and influence, and elevate their position.

Resolved, That His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor
by address be respectfully requested to make known to her
Majesty the Queen, and to the Governments of the sister Pro-
vinces of Canada, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island,
this opinion, and the desire of the House to promote the ob-
ject ; and that His Excellency by correspondence with the Im-
perial and Provincial Governments, and by all means in Hia
Excellency's power urge and facilitate the consideration of a
measure, which if matured on principles satisfactory to the sev-
eral Provinces and calculated to secure their ht^rmony, and
bring into action their consolidated strength, must result in
lasting benefits of incalculable value.

Mr. Chairman, if the desire to improve his circumstances and
raise his condition be a sentiment natural to a man, having
under proper control beneficial effects upon the race — the same
principle when applied to national elevation must rise to a high-
>er order, and become a duty of greater obligation just as tho ob-

ject is freer from selfishness and the benefits are more extensive
and more enduring.

That the disposition and tendencies of nations are moulded
and directed by their Government and institutions, is a truth
which reason approves and nature confirms. Yet national
characteristics being but the concentration of the prevailing
propensities of individuals they become the reflex of each other,
and alike derive tone aud complexion from the habits of
thought and feeling, and action engendered by the laws.

I do not forget that religion is the great minister — the effect-
ive agent in the amelioration of man, and the exaltation of na-
tions. Yet do her influences like rays of light passing from one
medium into another fall more or less directly and powerfully
According to the moral atmosphere that surrounds the subjects
of her action.

But, Sir, I freely admit that the obligations resulting from
these truths are controlled by a duty no less plain, — which for-
bids needless alterations in the Government and laws. The oc-
casions which call for fundamental changes should be

grave

and the conclusions, sought, free from reasonable doubt.

If therefore a view of the condition and prospects of the Brit-
ish N. A. Provinces does not justify the conviction that in all
their relations, political and material, social and moral — their
union is called for, or at least is a measure demanding deliber-
ate examination, then, Sir, the objects for which I solicit the
favor of the Committee are unwise and ought to be rejected
promptly and decisively. But if the condition and prospects of
these Colonies do force that conviction, then is it the duty of
every man according to his influence and ability to be an in-
strument in urging the accomplishment of their union.

This is a question that reaches beyond the present moment
and oversteps the boundaries of sectional claims. Not that I
would be taken to mean that the palpable interests of the pres-
ent are to be sacrificed to the visions of o distant and uncertain
future ; or any rights however small disregarded for the sake
of theory and speculation. No, sir, the future of these Colonies
that we have especially to deal with, is that which the shadows
of the past distinctly pourtray ; and which the analogies of na-
ture, and the testimony of experience with clearness reveal ;
the interests to be sacrificed, if there shall be such are those
that shall be compensated by larger benefits and greater good.

The adage that " Union is Strength," and the homily illus-
trative of that adage in the bundle of sticks, lie at the founda-
tion of the proposal before the Committee, — the beginning —
the middle, and the end of the argument.

Henco they who oppose the measure should rightly assume

-Ill iim-nrriii— la— —

'b'

the burtlen of sustaining their views— unless there be some
thing in the nature, situation, and circumstances of the several
parties to be amalgamated, unsuited for effective union.

If nothing be found to show that the Provinces are unsuited
for union, then the way is clear for the question ; and the com-
parison will present itself between.

The Provinces severed and dis-united, and

The Provinces combined and one.

In the preliminary enquiry, the obstacles to union, arising
from distance, dissimilarity of race and habits— the difference
in their public debt — opposing interests of trade and revenue
—geographical obstructions — seem the most obvious and

serious.

The impediments resulting from distance, and from the un-
happy circumstances of both the Canadas, at the time, were
those chiefly felt by Lord Durham in 1837, when the subject
was discussed at Quebec by that distinguished and acute States-
man and his able advisers— among whom were the late Charles
Boiler, and Mr. Turton ; and the Delegates attending from
the Provinces. ,

These impediments have passed away. Since that time Kail-
roads have been introduced into Canada, and the time I believe
will not ha long before the works of the Grand Trunk Railroad
Company will unite Sarnia on Lake Huron, with River De
Loup on the banks of the St. Lawrence, below Quebec.

I hold in my hand a prospectus and plan of the vast under-
takings of that Company.

Behold here their lines of Railways — running a distance of
1100 miles, and traversing the whole extent of Canada, by an
unbroken line, and with an almost undeviating course, bringing
the distant Huron nearly to the border of New Brunswick.

Still shorter will be "the time that will suffice to show St.
John connected by the iron road with Shediac. For this we have
the high authority of Sir Edmund Head in his opening speech
to the Legislature of New Brunswick, and I assume as an in-
evitable concomitant of the Union a continuation of the railroad
from River de Loup to Halifax. Thus Montreal situated not
very far from a central position, will be but a few days journey
from the extremest points of the Provincial lines.

Since 1857 the almost magic power of the Electric Telegraph
has been called into use, to annihilate time and distance in the
communication of thought and intelligence : — and thus the ob-
jection from the distances that separate the inhabitants of these
Provinces no longer oiFers any sound reason against their
Union.

The condition of Upper and Lower Canada was in 1857 un-

e some
5 several
1.

unsuited
the com-

, ansiDg

ifference

revenue

)U3 and

I the un-
06, were
s subject
;e States-
! Charles

from

ime Rail-

I believe

Railroad

iiver De

ic.

.st under-

3tance of
:ia, by an
bringing
3wick.
show St.
8 we have
ig speech
as an in-
e railroad
jated not
s journey

relegraph
nee in the
lis the ob-
s of these
inst their

1 1857 un-

able for Union — while the circumstances of these Colonies con-
duced to make a Union most desirable if not necessary.

Both Provinces still heaving and agitated under the effects of
recent troubles, and divided into parties embittered by a strug-
gle of no ordinary character, were in a condition the worst im-
aginable for adjusting a new constitution, or carrying a Union
into operation.

Besides — differences in language, laws, habits, and modes of
thinking and feeling — and the rivalry naturally growing out of
these differences, placed an obstacle in the way of the Union
of Lower Canada with the Upper or the Lower Provinces,
which in the nature of things, is perhaps the most difficult to
be overcome.

This barrier was not sufficient to prevent the amalgamation
of the Canadas, and the successful result of that measure not
only proves adequately that no dissimilarity that exists in the
iiabits and feelings of different sections of the population of the
various Provinces, is a just reason against entertaining the
question of their Union ; but affords encouragement to its ex-
tension to the other Provinces.

The geographical relations of the Colonies can I think be no
hindrance.

The line separating Canada and New Brunswick creates no
separation between the people inhabiting on either side. The
Canadian inhabitants there have long found it to their advan-
tage to deal principally with New Brunswick, and to avail
themselves of the conveniences afforded by that fine river the
St. John.

The people of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia (once united
in the same Province) know no distinction.

Some of the finest portions of Nova Scotia, — Cumberland,
Digby, Annapolis— parts of King, Hants, and Colehester, are
more closely united by business relations with New Brunswick
than with sny part of their own Province, — while the north east-
ern coast of that Province — with resources of great value, de-
rived alike from the land and the water, are drawn by the facili-
ties of navigation to Halifax rather than to St. John.

The Gulf of St. Lawrence brings us all together. There Ca-
nada, New Brunswick, P. E. Island, Nova Scotia and Cape
Breton, and Newfoundland unite in encircluig the estuary of
the great river of thtj north, and there, as to a common centre,
the traders from a)^ he Colonies are every season brought to-
gether.

The hindranee to a Union which probably will be found the
most difficult of removal will result from real or supposed dif-
ferences of interest in relation to the regulation of commerce

.1;

and tarifif. But if arrangements of this nature necessary for the
common good, should oppose in some particulars the policy of
a portion of the Union, it may well be supposed that more than
compensation will be found in the advantage of a uniform sys-
tem, embracing all the Colonies, and conferring on each the
privileges and benefits of unfettered intercommunion which at
present is not, and cannot easily, be eiyoyed.

It does not however appear to be necessaiy or expedient to
deal at large with this question now. If on general and en-
larged views a Union be desirable or necessary, I cannot but
think that all such questions will be found capable of a solution
consonant with the general welfare — and besides they requke
to be brought into definite form after interchange of opinion
and discussion among the several governments, before they can
be practically dealt with in open debate in the Legislature.

The same remarks are applicable to the present disparity in
the liabilities of the several Provinces, which I have made in
reference to the disparity in the rates of their several tariffs,
and supposed differences of commercial policy.

The debt of Canada is very large— but the works for which
it was incurred remain ; and her abundant revenues, after
meeting the expenses of Government — the interest of her debt
— the contingent of her sinking fund — and liberal allowance for
education and other objects of public benefit — leave still a large
surplus.

Lord Elgin's despatch, of the 16 th August last, states the net
revenue of 1852 to be greater than the expenditure including in-
terest on public debt and sinking fund, by £188,553. Gentle-
men may see the statistics at large, in the very useful compi-
lation I have under my hand — Mr. Scobie's Canadian Almanac
for the present year.

But, sir, when I reflect on the immense resources of Canada,
I apprehend the obstructions to the Union may arise from causes
very different from the fastidiousness of the Lower Colonies, in
view of the Canadian debt.

Let us then assume that if the Union of the British North Am-
erican Provinces be a measure calculated to consolidate their
strength — improve their institutions — accelerate their progress,
and promote their well-being — there exists no insuperable ob-
jection to that Union — either in the distance that separates —
the diversities of races and of habits and sentiments — from
geographical impediments, or financial or fiscal difficulties, or
other causes of an individual nature.

This places us on the broad field of enquiiy to which the
subject invites. The difficulties are to select and arrange the
materials within a reasonable compass, rather than to find mat-
ter for observation.

The Union of the Colonies of Great Britain in North America
is a familiar idea, of which their history before and after the
Revolution furnishes many instances.

As early as 1643 occurred the Confederaton of the New Eng-
land Colonies, and it is not uninstructive to notice the causei
and the motives of that Union — by which, to use the language
of the day, the Colonies of New England were " made all af>
ONE." Bancroft, from whom I quote, says — " Protection against
the encroachment of the French and Dutch — security against
the savages — the liberty of the gospel in peace, were the mo-
tives of the confederacy."

The Union embraced Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut,
and New Haven. Its affairs were conducted by Commissioners,
two from each Colonj', irrespective of their size or population.
The Commissioners who were to meet annually, or oftener if
necessary might deliberate on all things which are ' the proper
concomitants or consequents of a confederation." Peace and
war, and especially Indian affairs, exclusively belonged to them
— they were authorised to make internal improvements at the
common charge, and they were the guardians to see equal and
speedy justice to all the confederates. The common expenses
were to be assessed according to the population. But the Com-
missioners were in reality little more than a deliberative body ;
they posssessed no Executive power, and while they could de-
cree a war, and a levy of troops, it remained for the Colonists,
themselves to carry the vote into effect. " Thus remarkable"
—Bancroft notices — " for unmixed simplicity was the form of
the first federated Government in America."

Among the active agents in forming this Union, and its first
Plresident, was Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts — a name
distinguished in the early annals of New England for the wis-
dom and virtue of its possessors — and which at the present day
has been borne to situations of high elevation and made con-
vicious bj'^ the integrity, ability and eloquence of the patriotic
Statesman — and the refined taste of the scholar.

I refer to one known publicly to us all for the wisdom, and
moderation of his course in Congress on the Oregon boundary
question — while those who have the pleasure of his ac(|uaint-
ance personally have found him the courteous and mbane
gentleman.

The next instance is the proposal of "Wm. Penn in 1697, for
an annual Congress of all the Provinces on the Continent of
America, with power to regulate commerce — but which does
not^appear to have issued in any practical result.

This is followed at the distance of more than half a century
by another proposal for Union which reached greater maturity,
although it failed in ultimate adoption.

i'l

I •!

The celebrated Albany Convention is a well known historical
fact, and I shall beg the attention of the committee to this case,
both as showing the motivei that incited to union at that time,
and also for tlie purpose of enquiring at another stage of my
argument into the probable effect that Union, had it gone into
operation would have had on the connection between England
and the Colonies, which not very long afterwards revolted from
her sway.

The dread of approaching hostilities with France, and the ne-
cessity of increased contributions from the Colonies, induced
high Colonial officials to entertain the idea and to desire
to see it enforced by act of Parliament. Intelligent Colonists
preferred a voluntary Union, and they used a significant argu-
ment — " It would be a strange thing if six nations of ignorant
gavages should be capable of forming a scheme for such an
Union, and be able to execute it in such a manner as that it has
subsisted for ages, and appears indissoluble, and yet that a like
Union should be impracticable for ten or a dozen English
Colonies, to whom it is more necessary, and must be more
advantageous."

Reverses in contests with the French at length hastened for-
ward the project ; and at Albany to use the words of Bancroft
the 19th Jan,, 1794, assembled the memorable Congress

of Commissioners from every Colony north of the Potomac.

" America had never seen an assembly so venerable for the
States that were represented, or for the great and able men
who composed it. Every voice declared a Union of all the
Colonies to be absolutely necessary ;" and it adds interest to
this transaction, that at its commencement, the representatives
of the six nations were present.

Franklin's project was the badis, and after great debate and
deliberation was modified and adopted. Philadelphia was
deemed conveniently sii. ited for the site of the Federal go-
vernment, because it could be reached from the most distant
parts in 15 or 20 days.

The constitution was a compromise between the prerogative
and popular power. The King was to name and support a
Governor General, who should have a negative in all laws ;
the people of the Colonies, through their legislatures were to
elect triennially a grand Council, which alone could originate
bills. Each colony was to send a number of members, in pro-
portion to its contributions, yet not less than two nor more
than seven.

The Governor General was to nominate military oflScers,
subject to the advice of the Council, which was to nominate
all civil officers. No money was to be raised but by their

Joint order. Each Colony was to retain its domestic constitu-
tion — tlie Federal Government was to regulate all relations of
peace or war with the Indians ; affairs of trade, and purchases
of lands not within the bounds of particular Colonies : to es-
tablish, organize, and temporarily to form new settlements ;
tx) raise soldiers, and equip vessels of force on the seas, rivers,
and lakes, to make laws, and levy just and equal taxes. The
Grand Council were to meet once a year ; to choose their own
Speaker, and neither to be dissolved, nor prorogued, nor con-
tinue to sit more than six weeks at any one time but by their
own consent.

" The Board of Trade," adds Bancroft, " on receiving the
minutes of the Congress was astonished at a plan of general
Government, complete in itself. Reflecting men in England
<lreaded American Union as the keystone of independence."

It is well Avorthy of note that Franklin's mind took a wider
range, and comprehended " the great country back of the
Apalachian Mountains," where he predicted in less than a
century would grow up a populous and powerful dominion ;
and through Thos. Pownell, who had been present during the
ileliberations at Albany, he advised the immediate organization
of two new Colonies in the West.

The whole of this transaction offers so much incident for re-
flection and application, that I make no apology or presenting
it so much at large to the Committee.

This was the scheme devised bj'" svise and practical men for
protection against foreign invasion, and for internal improve-
ment.

England rejected it, and reflective men there, as Bancroft
says, were jealous lest it should lead to the independence of
the Colonies.

May we not well doubt the reasonableness of the apprehen-
sion ; as surely we may question the liberality and generosity,
and I will add the justice of the principle that sought to keep
the Colonies weak that they might be preserved dependent.

Let it be remarked that the thirteen Colonies whose Union
was projected, contained at that time less than one million and
a half of people, including the coloured population.

I reserve, as illustrative of a later part of my argument, the
Union of the American States after their independence ; and
now take up Lord Durham's report of 31st Jan., 1839.

In this we find that in 1814, the project of a Union of the
North American Colonies had been formed by the late Chief
Justice Sewall of Lower Canada ; and by him submitted to hi»
late Royal Highness the Duke of Kent — the father of our
Sovereign — and approved by that Prince, whose personal

•l!

knowledge of these Colonics, and whoae deep interest in their
welfare are well known facts.

The report of Lord Durham gives the'Duke's letter in answer
to Chief .rustice Se well's proposal. So interesting a document,
coming from such a quarter, the House will excuse me for
reading : —

*' Kensington Palace. November Ifith 181i.

" My Dear Sewkll : — I have thig day liad the pleasure of receiving
your note of yesterday, with its enclosure ; nothing can be better ar-
ranged than the whole thing is, or more perfectly I cannot wish ; and
when I see an opening, it is fully my intention to hint the matter to Lord
Bathurst, and put the paper into his hands, without, however, telling
him from whom I have it, though I shall urge him to have some conver-
sation with you relative to it. Permit me, however, just to ask you
whether it was not an oversight in you to state that there are five Houses
of Assembly in the British Colonies in North America, for if I am not
under an error, there are six, viz : Upper and Lower Canada, Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick, the Islands of Prince Edward and Cape
Breton. Allow me also to beg of you to put down the proportions in
which yoii think the 30 members of the Representative Assembly ought
to be furnished by each Province; and to suggest whether you would not
think two Lieut. Governors, with two Executive Councils sufficient for
the Executive Government of the whole, viz : one for the two Canadas^
and one for Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, comprehending the small
dependencies of Cape Breton and Prince Edward's Island ; the former
to reside at Montreal, and the latter at whichever of the two situations
may be considered most central for the two Provinces, whether An-
napolis Royal or Windsor. But at all events, should you even con-
eider four Executive Governments and four Executive Councils requi-
site I presume there cannot be a question of the expediency of compre-
hending the two small Islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence with Nova
Scotia. Edward."

Lord Durham's report has been in every body's hand and
need only be referred to. That able statesman believed a Union
of the North American Colonies to be most desirable for their
progress and advancement, and after much deliberation, and it
would seem some change of opinion, adopted the conclusion
that the Union should be legislative, and complete to secure
the full attainment of its advantages. The reasons by which
his Lordship's views are sustained are given succinctly, but
powerfully in the report. So clearly and conclusively indeed
that it seems as if the best advocacy of the measure might be
confined to the reading of those passages of His Lordship's
report which relate to this point.

Next and last in the order of time, is the scheme of the Brit-
ish American League, adopted at its second Convention at
Toronto in November, 1849. I hold in my hand a full report
of the speeches and proceedings on that occasion, and I may
say that the knowledge, abilit}', and eloquence, displayed well
entitle to our respectful consideration, the opinions of the gentle-

!t in their

in answer
locument,
e me for

Ith 1814.
f receiving

better ar-
wish ; and
Iter to Lord
er, telling
me conver-
to ask you
ive Houses
f I am not
iiula, Nova

and Cape
)ortion8 in
nbly ought
I would not
ifficient for

Canadas^
g the small
the former

1 situations
lether An-

even con-
cils requi-
of corapre-
with Nova

DWARD."

hand and
d a Union
I for their
on, and it
inclusion
to secure
by which
ictly, but
ly indeed
might be
Liordship's

f the Brit-
-ention at
full report
ad I may
[lyed well
;he gentle-

men who adopted the conclusion that a Union of all the Pro-
vinces WHS desirable and proper. Tliey were stronj; in num-
bers as in talent— of varied engagements in life, and being se-
lected from all parts of the Province may be considered us ex-
pressing sentiments widely diffused.

The plan they agreed to submit for the consideration of the
Provinces is set out in detail, and occupied considerable space.
I will notice the leading portions.

The Canadas, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, P. E. Island,
and Newfoundland, to be joined in a Federal Union under the
name of British North America— with a Secretary, and office in
Downing Street— and a Vice Regent, and Federal Legislature.

Each Province to have its local Legislature, the Legislative
Council of which to be elected.

The Federal Government to be vested in a Vice Regent or
Governor General — a Legislative Council appointed by th«
Crown, or elected by the Legislature of the Provinces, for six
years, one-third returning every second year, — and an As-
sembly chosen by the Provincial Legislatures fi-om their own
members, or by a special election— a deputation of members
from the Legislative Council, and fi-om the House of Assembly
to have seats in the House of Commons.

The powers of the General Government were to be the im-
position of taxes, duties, and imports, which should be uniform
throughout the Province— to assume and pay the debts of the
several Provinces, and provide for the peace and welfare of the
Union — to establish uniform commercial regulations between
the different Provinces and foreign countries, not repugnant to
the laws of the United Kingdom — determine disputes— regulate
navigation of the Rivers and lakes — promote internal improve-
ments — regulate Post Office — militia, &c. A Supreme Court,
being also a Court of Appeals, &c., &c. A subsequent reso-
lution passed against the election of the Legislative Council.

Here is presented a scheme of confederation, evidently pre-
pared with care, and worthy of consideration, which it is to be
regretted had not been pressed upon the notice of the different
Provinces.

I turn next, sir, to a significant and pregnant example drawn
from the history of the United States, after their independence,
of the necessity of an Union of an energetic character, for the
prosperity and advancement of communities bearing many re-
semblances to the British North American Provinces — and if
history be philosophy teaching by example, the lesson will
probably be not uninstructive.

Examine the condition and prosperity of the States collect-
ively after the peace that ensured their independence, and we

I'!

arc presented with a Inmcntablo picture of national weakness —
both mnterial and moral.

Look at tlieir present national {greatness. Tlien trace the
causes of cacli result and we can, I think, be at no loss to make
tlie application to our present subject.

Lanj^uage could scarcely be stronj^er tlian tliat used to de-
scribe tlie ruinous ctlects of the weakness of the confederation
that bound tlie States together after the peace — as may be seen
on reference to Marshall's Life of Wasiiington, from which I
quote on tliis point : —

Washington earnestly deprecated these consequences, and
urged as tlic only remedy increased confed«rative powers. He
felt very strongly this necessity in relation to the connnercial
arrangements necessar}' for the national interests, and the re-
demption of debts contracted during the war, essential for the
national honor. " Amerioa" he said, " must appear in a very
contemptible point of view to those with whom sheis endeavor-
ing to form commercial treaties, without possessing the means
of carrying them into effect," and in other aspects of the case
his exin-essions are not less forcible.

La Fayette, the friend of America and of Washington gives
the opinion entertained in Europe : —

" I have often," he says, '' had the mortification to hear
that the want of power in Congress, of Union between the States,
of energy in the Government, would make the Confederation
very insignilicant."

The testimony of the historian is no less clear and positive.
Marshall's language is thus strong : —

" That the imbecility of the Federal Government — the im-
potence of its requisitions — anc* the inattention of some of the
States to its recommendations, would in the estimation of the
world, abase the American character, could scarcely be termed
a prediction. From its inability to protect the general interest,
or to comply with its political or pecuniary engagements, already-
had that course of national degredation commenced, which such
a state of things must necessarily produce "

Again, he says: — " The Confederation vmb apparently ex-
piring from mere debility. The last hopf , ; i iU: ii cinds having
i)een destroyed, the vital necessity of some measure which might
prevent the separation of the integral parts of which the Am-
erican Empire was composed became apparent even to those
who had been unwilling to perceive it."

S\fch then was the condition of the American confederation
ii^>Y thf;)r independence had been achieved by sacrifices, self-
deiiiai, and fortitude lha.t all must admire, whatever opinion as
to the merits of the contest may be entertained.

What are tho TTiiitod States now? This mfvp answers the
question. Nearly half in supeillciftl extent of the northern con-
tinent is embraeed witfiin tiieir limits — an ocean is the terri-
torial limit on either side, the (iiilfof Mexico on the Sonth
— British soil on the north — and 25 millions of pcoi)le occupy
ttn<i own this vast domain.

Harper's ]Ma<(azine lor last montn contains a very impressive
review and comparison of the several census taken in the United
States since 1 7!)0.

On the population and territory the article descants In atone
high indeed, but warranted by tile facts. We are told that the
law of growth has been remarkably uniform, Jn GO years it
v?iricd but little from 34 per cent : — in 10 years, and assuming
;13^ as the decimal increase for the next half century, at the
end of another 60 years the liepublic will contain one hundred
and thirty millions of peoi)le. Its territorial extents is statctl
at nearly ten times the size of Great Britain and France com-
bined: — three times that of the whole of France, Britain, Aus-
tria, Prussia, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Holland and Denmark
together, &c., t&o.

It would sir, be as vain as ignoble to attempt to decry the na-
tional position of the United States. America stands high am-
ong the nations ; and vigorous in youth — pressing onward and
upward, well may her sons be dazzled in the prospcction of her
destiny. Year after year the wilderness retires before the en-
ergy and endurance of her people ; and her commerce spreads
more widely over every sea. Her ^Kgis guards her humblest
citizen in the remotest lauds, until the title of an American citi-
zen is as secure a passport as of old was that of Roman.

What has achieved this great result? — Union — elfective,
confederate Union.

Would it have been thus had the state of imbecile and im-
perfect confederation continued, that La Fayette doj^lored, and
Washington mourned over, reproved and redressed ?

Assuredly not.

Let it be remembered that when Washington showed the
evils of disunion on the commercial relations of his country her
population did not very greatly exceed that of the British North
American colonies at the present day.

The dissimilarities in the circumstances of the United States,
and the British Colonies, do not, I think, prevent the applica-
tion of this example. Foreign negotiation was necessary for
the commercial arrangements required by the United States,
and with us the Imperial Parliament exercises this duty. But
it is clear that the commercial relations of the Provinces will de-
maud a special consideration controlled by their o\»'n circurn-

stances "and interests ; and Union may be found requisite to
give efficacy to these considerations.

The subject naturally leads to the enquiry whether the North
American Province.? possess a strength and capacity suited for
Union.

Scotland in 1707 at the Union, had a population of about
1,050,000.

Ireland in 1821, — 29 years after her Union — a population of
not 7 million — prooablv at the Union not more than 4 million.

The thirteen l^rovinces previous to ice Revolutionary war,
afford, hovt3\er, the best materials for coiupariso n.

In thinking of their strength and condition we areapt to be
misled by what they achieved in a struggle — for a time unassis-
ted — with a powerful nation, — as well as by what they had be-
fore done in the wars with the French and Indians,

Franklin in his examination in 1766 before the House of
Commons declared that in the French war the Colonies had
raised, clothed, and paid 25,000 men, and spent many millions
— and that Pensylvania alone disbursed £500,000.

Yet he rated the number of men from 16 to 60 years of age
in British North America at about 300,000, and estimated that
the inhabitants of all the Provinces at a medium doubled
in 25 years. In Pennsylvania the taxes annually realized, he
said, about £25,000, — and her imports from Great Britain am-
ounted to £500,000, and exports thither to 40,000.

The whole population of the thirteen Colonies at the begin-
nmg of the Revolution did not sxceed 2^ millions, and in 1770
it had not reached 4 millions — a very small advance for CEo
number of years.

Bancroft describes them thus : —

" Yet the thirteen Colonies in whom was involved the futuri-
ty of our race were feeble settlements in the wilderness, scat-
tered along the coast of a Contiueni, little connected with each
other, little heeded by their metropolis, almost unknown to the
world. They were bound together only as British America,
that pert of the Western hemisphero which the English mind
had appropriated. England was the mother of its language,
the home of its traditions, the source of its laws and the land
on which its affeotions centred.

And yet it was an offset fiX)m England rather than an integ-
ral part of it ; an Empire of itself, free from nobility and pre-
lacy, not only Protestant, but by a vast majority dissenting
from the Church of England ; attracting the commoners and
plebean sects of the parent countr}^ and rendered cosmopolitan
by recruits from the nations of the European Continent. By
the benignity of the law, the natives of other lands were re-

lisitc to

le North
lilted for

of about

ilation of
: million,
ary war,

pt to be

lunassis-

had be-

Elouse of

nies had

millions

rs of age
ated ihat
doubled
lized, he
[tain am-

lie begin-
iin 1770
e for CEo

he futuri-
88, scat-
vith each
vn to the
A.merica,
sh mind
anguage,
the laud

an integ-
and pre-
issenting
lers and
lopolitan
2nt. B}'
were re-

ceived as citizens ; and political liberty as a birthright, was the
talisman that harmoniously blended all differences, aud in-
spired a new public life, dearer than their native tongue, their
memories, and their kindred. Dutch, French, Swede and Ger-
man renounced their nationality to claim the rights of English-

»»

men.

The present population, and revenue and trade of the Britisli
North American Provinces greatly exceed that of the thirtee n
Colonies at" the Revolution. Taking the result of the last cen sus
in each Province, we have the following statement of
population : —

Population of British North American Colonies, from Hunt's Maga-
zine, January, 1854 page 181.

Year. Provinces. Populatiop. Sq. Milee,

1852, Upper Canada 953,239, 147,832-

1852, Lower Canada 890,2(51, 201.939.

1861, New Brunswick 193,800, 27,700-

1851, Nova Scotia 276,117, 18.746-

1851, P. E. Island 62,678, 2,134.

67,000.

2,500,000.

170,000.

3,125,401.

8,376.095.

1853,

Newfoundland

101,600,

1861,

Hudson's Bay Territory

180,000,

1851,

Labrador

5,000,

2,662,695,
Population of the Canadas to a squaie mile
do New Brunswick to do

do Nova Scotia to do

do P. E. Island to do

do Newfoundland about

The population may now be f lirly taken at 3 millions.

For the rate of increase in the Canadas, I avail myself of two
lectures of the Rev. Adam Lisle, before the Mechanics' Insti-
tute, Toronto, in Feb. 1852, in which with much research
and ability the Rev . gentleman has triumphantly vindicated
Canadian as compared with United States progress.

A single passage will serve my present purpose : —

" Taking Canada as a whole, its population has increased from 60,000
1,582.000 in 70 years. Hence in 1850 it was over 20 times what it

was in 1700; — more considerably than 2^ times what it was in 1826,
when it nu nbered 581,657."

Thus the increase in 25 years is over a million, or about 6f?
per cent, in 10 years. We have seen that the present decimal
increase of the United States is 33^ — much beneath that of
Canada.

liooking forward for a quarter of a century, the popula-
tion of the North American Colonies may be assumed

to reach over 7 millions, and in another quarter to be pressing
on to 18 millions.

As to territory we have but again to look to the map to per-
ceive that vast as is the extent of the United States, the British
domain exceeds it, — and although much of this largo territory
lies in the inhospitable region of the north, yet more than
enough for accumulated millions of people remains of lands of
the best quality for settlement. The extent of the several
Colonial limits I have already stated ; and beyond Canada to
the West onward to the Pacific and Vancouver's Island lies a
vast country destined to be the home of multitudes.

Aware that a gentleman among us, distinguished by his be-
nevolent regard for the aborignal inhabitants of Nova Scotia,
and his earnest efforts to preserve from destruction our river
fisheries, had under the influence of an energetic spirit, an en-
quiring mind, and the indomitable zeal of an ardent and scien-
tic sportsman, crossed the American Continent, and visited the
coasts of the Pacific, I sought inforrastion from hini as regards
the country to which I have last alluded.

Although his observation has been chiefly confined co the
United States side of the line, yet he crossed over^ to Vancou-
ver's Island, and had some knowledge of the coast of the British
territory extending to the northward.

Capt. Chearuley, whom the Committee will recognise as the
gentleman to whom I have made reference, has kindly favored
me with information which cannot fail to be interesting. At
Vancouver's Island the soil is good, and the country in every
way adapted for settlement — the vegetables were of superior
size and (juality, and he witnessed the importation of cattle, in-
tended to be turned out for breeding, and there coal abounds.

Nisqnally, at the South East extremity of the Straits of St.
Juan de Fuica was highly esteemed for Sheep farming, and he
there saw an establishment of the Hudson Bay Company at
which was probably not less than 3000 sheep, tended by men
from the olcl country.

The Salmon Fishery was of boundless productiveness, and
fish of great size were ordinarly sold by the Indians for the
most insignificant price— a leaf of tobacco purchasing a large
Salmon. — From what he saw of the Oregon territory where
Wheat of the finest quality is grown, and forests of magnificent
pines abound, he had no doubt that across the line on the
British side the Country which he did not visit would present
simihir cliaracteristics.

But, Sir, it is needless to pursue these observations. The
Crown of England possesses tciiitory enough in North Am-
erica to occupy centuries in filling up, and to give space for
many national communities.

je pressing

nap to pcr-
the British
;g territory
more than
of lands of
he several
Canada to
and lies a

by his be-
va Scotia,
I our river
irit, an en-

and scien-
visited the
as regards

led CO the
;o Vancou-
the British

[lise as the
lly favored
sting. At
y in every
)f superior
r cattle, in-
.1 abounds,
'aits of St.
iig, and he
)inpany at
;d by men

3ness, and
ms for the
ig a large
ory where
jagnilicent
ne on the
Id present

ons. Tlie
orth Ani-
space for

Confining ourselves to what has been allotted to the prov-
inces, the field is large enough to exercise the most ardent im-
agination in the vision of the future.

In view of the increase and trade of the Colonies, the facts
are more than sufficient for the argument.

The present revenues of the several Provinces may be set
down at l;i million.

In 1852 Caniida was 723 720

In 1853 Now Brunswick, waa ]8o'o54:

In 1853 Nova iScotia, say 120000

The Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland revenues and
the increase on the Canadian will probably bring the amount
not much below the sum I have named.

Two years ago the imports of the five Colonies reached
£8,000,000 and the exports exceeded £5,000,000.

In the Halifax Sun a few weeks ago, the imports in 1852 i
are said to have reached £5,720,000, the tons of Shipping r..
built 112,878— not much under half the amount in the United L
States ; and the tons of Shipping owned, half a million, exceed-
ed only by England and the United States.

In view of all these facts it may be assumed that the British
North American Colonies possess a strength in population,
territory, commerce and material resources that entitle them
to a higher national position than they occupy, and that would
justify their union as the means for attaining that position.
^ I shall therefore proceed to otter some remarks on the mo-
tives to union in addition to what has already been incident-
ally said.

The Union may be presented in a two-fold aspect :—

The benefits it will yield.

The evils it will avert.

Looking at each Colony as possessed of some advantages —
some resources peculiar to itself, it seems a conclusion almost
inevitable and self-evident, that combination must increase
their etlecti\'eness ; and that the whole, developed and directed
by one governing power, representing all the Colonies, must
produce a result greater than the aggregate of pioduct under
the separate unassisted agency of each separate Colony. As
an example — Nova Scotia, with her eastwardly position, and
excellent harbors, olfering the first stopping place in the navi-
gation between Europe and America — surrounded on every
side by the sea, or extensive bays — furnishing great liicilities
for commerce and navigation — possessing unrivalled mines of
wealth, in fisheries and minerals—needs a field larger, a
strength greater than her own to give full etticacy to these
elements of advancement.

Canada — ^vast in her dimensions — unexcelled in her agri-
cultural powers — equal to unlimited immigration — and teeming
with the materials and means of progress, almost without a
precedent — is shut out from navigable communication with
the sea, by the rigors of winter for a large portion of the year.

Without Union, the Colonies will not minister as they might,
to each other's benefit. At present they feel not the disposi-
tion ; if they would, they cannot without an united govern-
ment, and a common system and policy.

The small interest felt in each other by the Colonies would
be almost incredible to strangers. They confound us as one.
We as communities are not only several in fact but iu feeling.

Union giving us a common interest, and making us fellow-
workers in advancing that interest, would remedy this great
evil ; and an uniform system would remove impediments, which
the regulations and partial interests of the Colonies will, while
separate, ever be presenting.

If it be objected that Union would be distracted by opposing
interests, I answer that Union is not anticipated except on the
basis of mutual benefit, and the assumption that no large inter-
est would be sacrificed.

If again it be urged that the United States aflford to the
Colonies many of the facilities that are presented as reasons
for Union ; the reply is — that to a large extent that is impos-
sible — that as far as the fact docs extend, the continuance can-
not be relied on, — and above all that one of the chief objects
of union is to concentrate colonial interests and to augment
colonial strength, and thereby avert the otherwise inevitable
consequences of gradual absorption into that republic ; which
I believe must result from keephig our interests detached,
while each Colony is gradually drawing itself closer to the
United States.

It is impossible to enter into details — the occasion permits
only the consideration of general principles : — and on general
principles I cannot but assume that the balance of good as re-
gards each portion of the Union would predominate over partial
inconvenience.

Rising to a higher point of view — and turning from the in-
fluence of Union on the internal improvements of the Colonies,
to the effects of the Union in external aspects — the relation of
the Colonies to Great Britain and to the tFnited States present
themselves as the principal subjects of consideration.

In tliese relations the weakness of the Colonies — separate ;
their strength, united, present a contrast that strikes the mind
instantly and with irresistable force. This contrast gathers
power as it is carried forward, and let it not be forgotten that

ler agn-
teeming
itiiout a
ion with
;he year,
y might,
disposi-
govern-

Bs would
\ as one.
I feeling.
3 fellow-
lis great
is, which
11, while

apposing
it on the
•ge inter-

i to the
1 reasons
IS impos-
mce can-
f objects
augment
iievitable
3 ; which
letached,
r to the

I permits

general

)d as re-

3r partial

n the in-
IJolonies,
ilation of
3 present

eparate ;

the mind

gathers

tten that

undcviating smoothness in the progress of eventt as little cha-
racterises the existence of communities as of individuals.

Times will come and occasion will arise when these Colonies
in whole or in part will find emergencies demanding all their
strength and forcing to united efforts, when perhaps the oppor-
tunity and means of effective Union may be wanting.

We may find some illustrations at the present time, in the
cases of the navigation of the St. Lavvrence, sought by the
United States — reciprocal trade between the Colonies and the
United States — and the fisheries on our coasts.

United, the Colonies would have a common interest, sustain-
ed by consolidated strength, and promoted by undivided coun-
sel. Divided, each pursues its own views, on" its own strength,
and according to its own judgment, possibly at conflict with
the others, and it may be with results at the moment consi-
dered for the benefit of one, but which had an united interest
compelled to more enlarged views, would have been rejected
by all.

Let us consider for a few moments the case of the fisheries
which peculiarly effects us in Nova Scotia.

Within the limits of tln-ee Marine miles the coasts of Nova
Scotia abound with fisheries of incalculable value. The law
of nations and sanctions of treaties give to the Queen's subjects
as clear a right to their exclusive enjoyment as they have to
any merely territorial possession ; and this right is essentially
colonial, because its enjoyment is inseparably incident to colo-
nial residence. Yet it may be that at this very moment this
birth-right and property of Colonists is being the subject of
treaty and of traffic at Washington— nay they may already
have been surrendered for some partial compensation, adding
insult to wrong. I will not say that Nova Scotia has not been
consulted ; but has her voice been invited or been heard as the
voice of a free people ought in such a matter?

Who has most influence in this aflfair— the manufacturers of
Manchester— sustained by a parliamentary host, on Her Ma-
jesty's loyal subjects of Nova Scotia, unaided by one vote—
whose geographical position, if not existence, is, it may be, un-
known to one half the assembled Commoners of the Parent
State.

If it shall be said that exclusive possession requires protec-
tion against encroachment beyond what we can afford, I might
in the present relations of the Colonies question the conclusion.
But admit its correctness. It is the consciousness of this
weakness that prompts me. From this injurious imbecility I
would see my country delivered by an Union that would give
the North American Colonies in matters affecting themselves

a prospect of having weight proportioned to their rights in the
Cdimcils of tlie Empire, and in the deliberations of foreign
States. 1 would see it raised to the dignity and possessed of
the ability of contributing towards expenditures incurred for
its bene lit. I attempt not to conceal the fact tiiat the United
Colonics would be called to assume burdens and responsibilities
greater than they have yet been accustomed to. No ! En-
larged privileges must bring increased obligations, and no
man worthy of the name would evade the privileges of man-
hood that he might escape its duties.

It may be objected that interests prized by some Colonies
would be lightly esteemed by others :— Canada for instance
may be sui)[»osed to care little for our fisheries. The answer is
that what promotes the common welfare cannot be presumed to
be disregarded by any of the members of the Union ; and that
what is valuable to one is an accession to the general stock,
not likely to be inconsiderately sacrificed by their United
Government,

But, liowever this might be, if any surrender should be made
after due deliberation by the Supreme Colonial Government,
none-dissatisfied though they might be with the act t)f their own
Government— could complain that their rights had been disre-
garded, without having enjoyed the privilege of constitutionally
vindicating their claims ;— and they would be relieved from the
humiliating consideration so often forced upon them in their
present condition.

No part of this subject is in my mind more important than
the bearing it has on the systems of government and adminis-
tration of justice, especially in the smaller Colonies. The con-
sequences atfect society in its vital interest— the moral senti-
ment of a people.

How far the artificial system of administratioji, through a
parliamentary majority, as in England, is well adapted to any
country free from the complications of an Imperial state, and
ancient institutions it is not necessary to enquire — as I assume
the Government of the United Colonies, if a LeqislaUve Union
should be effected, would be modelled after the British form.—
But quite sure I am that for a Colony with a small population,
scattered thinly over its surface — a large proportion of them
scantily educated — having no men of leisure— comparatively
few of much wealth, and still fewer distinguished by literary at-
tainments, such a system of administration is unsuited alike to
the moral elevation and to the material progress of the people.

That it is British proves nothing, unless to prepare us to ex-
pect that what suits a country circumstanced as England would
not be fitted for communities such as ours. There exist the op-

Ills in the
if foreign
sessed of
urred for
le United
nsibilities
^o ! En-
, and no
3 of man-
Colonies

instance
answer is
jsumed to

and that
•al stock,
r United

be made
ernment,
tlieir own
len disre-
:ntionally
from tlie
in their

mt than

adminis-

The con-

•al senti-

lirough a
d to any
tate, and
I assume
've Union
1 form. —
filiation,
of them
>aratively
terary at-
\ alilve to
e people,
us to ex-
nd would
5t the op-

posite prmciples of monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, and
there too are large classes of landholders, and men of property
whose interest is alive to preserve the balance necessary for the
security of the State ; while learning, refinement, and leisure
abound to assist the interests of property in creating, foster-
mg, and preserving those sentiments of public virtue, essential
for the well-being of society,' and in guarding against and check-
ing the abuses and corruptions to which governments are prone.
Hence a public opinion, which through the medium of a free
l)ress, is able alike to control the Crown, Nobles, Parliament,
Statesmen, and the People, when strong occasion calls it forth.
In such a country conflicting elements require to be combined*
harmonised, and kept in check, and the means exist to effect
that object. But liere we have not and cannot have the pre-
sence of the influence of monarchy or nobility, and all attempts
at imitation will but produce spurious and incongruous results.
We have and can have but one element of Government— the
democratic, and that it is our interest so to regulate and check
as to create and preserve a simple, an incorrupt, and an
economic system of government.

The great want in a small community such as Nova Scotia,
under the system of Government instituted among us, isthe free
working of a healthy public opinion. The party divisions which
will exist under this sytem, and which indeed may be deemed
necessary for its effective operation, leave no middle class to
adjust the scale and check the violation of pubhc faith and per-
sonal honor in public men ; and the circumstances of the coun-
try furnish not men of education and leisure adequate to con-
trol and direct the public sentiment.

We have but to examine the system in its operation— to
trace the influences of the Executive on the Legislature, and of
the Legislature on the Executive, and of both on the people to
perceive that its tendencies are to imbecility of Executive action,
to defective Legislation, and above all to corruption ; and that
there exists no influence to stay the evils.

It was my intention to have gone into this branch of the sub-
ject more largely but I pass over my notes on this topic— be-
cause I shall without further enlargement more than sufficiently
occupy the time of the house, and tax its patience, and because
I might awaken feelings opposed to the calmness essential to
the proper consideration of the question before us.

The evils to which 1 have alluded must reach the adminis-
tration of justice, and gradually, but inevitably deteriorate the
intelligence and professional knowledge and the independence
of the Judges, not only because the system makes to a con-
siderable extent political position the path to the Bench, but

because the causes that lead to the toleration of corruption in
private and public men, will be fruitful of evil throughout so-
ciety in all its relations.

The Union of the Provinces, with one general government
would at least diminish the evil consequences inevitable in
communities too small — too poor — too little advanced for the
advantageous exercise of the sj'stem.

A wider field would give greater scope to the aspiring, and
larger, aud perhaps more generous influences would be required
for success. Party action operating in an extended circle
would become less personal in its nature, and be consequently
mitigated in its acrimony, and less powerful in suppressing a
wholesome public opinion.

There is another consideration not yet touched, but which
lies deep in the foundations of the subject, and pervades it in
all its relations, awakening emotions too powerful not to make
themselves practically operative — the anomalous position of a
Colonist.

The Englishman, Scotchman and Irishman has a country by
whicli he call himself, and claims a nationality that commands
respect.

The United States citizen has a national character that is a
passport over the world. The eagle of his country follows him
in the remotest regions, and he is sure of the vindication of his
violated rights at all hazards and any expenditure.

The Colonial subject of Great Britain may indeed find similar
protection and redress in the case of flagrant wrong. But his
national standing as he realizes it in the ordinary occurrences
of life, is dubious and unsatisfactory.

Let him go to England and he perhaps discovers his cherished
home to be there an unknown land, or in some strange geo-
graphical confusion confounded with distant and unconnected
places ; and when his countrymen have clearly ascertained the
fact that he is indeed a Colonist, he perceives that he has punk
in estimation, and that he occupies in their consideration a.
standing of inferior order to that accorded to the citizens of
the United States, or other subjects of a foreign State. It
fares not much better with him any where else. He carries
nowhere a recognized name or acknowledged national cha-
racter.

It is true communities as well as individuals may be vir-
tuous and happy in secluded and inferior stations ; but in this
age of progress and of change, those who are pressing on onr
footsteps, and will presently occupy our places, and for whom
it is our duty to think and to act, will not be contented to
hold the equivocal and hybrid relation of Colonists, unless

•riiption in
tughout BO-

overnment
Bvitable in
ced for the

[)lring, and
lie required
ided circle
nsequently
pressing a

but which
vades it in
ot to make
)sition of a

country by
commands

jr that is a
bllows him
ition of his

ind similar
f. But his
(ccurrences

s cherished
ange geo-
iconnected
rtained the
c has punk
deration a
citizens of
State. It
He carries
iional cha-

»ay be vir-
but in this
ing on onr
for whom
n tented to
sts, unless

their own standing shall become elevated, and shall <r\ve them
au acknowledged name and at least a quasi nationality This
the United Provinces of British North America, by whatever
name denominated, are able to do.

This leads to a different branch of the sulyect— the influ-
ence which the Union of the Norlh American Colonies would
have in their connection with the parent State.

I cannot perceive that the form which the inhabitants of a
Colony may prefer as best suited for the management of their
own affairs can of itself affect their relations with the Imperial
State ; still less than ever now that the piincii)le of Colonial
«^l^-gojeruraent is clearly acknowledged and practically

The mode in which the Colonies expand tmd advance to-
ward maturity, leaves untouched the principle on wJiich the
Colonial relation depends, and in proportion to their happi-
ness and prosperity would naturally be their reluctance to dis-
solve a connection fruitful of results so desirable, while their
increasing strength and importance would give them a wei"-ht
and consideration in the councils of the Empire, that would
render improbable any unhappy and injudicious interferences
With their rigiits ; and so avert the causes of dissatisfaction.

It is interesting in this view to look back upon the past.
iiomc of the Colonies in their early history received constitu-
tions so independent as to be quite startlinir, in contrast with
the policy in after years advanced by the British GoAernment.
Ihe American historian tells us that " in Teniisylvania human
rights were respected. The fundamental law of Wm. Penn,
even his detractors concede, was in harmony with universal
reason, and true to the ancient and just liberties of the people."
But Connecticut as early as 1662 presents the most peculiar
spectacle in this respect. The charter of that State created a
simple democracy, and gave to the people, without reference
to, or control by the Imperial Government, the unmodified
power to elect all officers, enact laws, administer justice, in-
flict punishments, and pardon offences ; and "in a word to
exercise every power deliberative and executive ;" and yet
this charter was granted by Chaiies II. It is true it emanated
from no just principle on his part ; but from the unusual coin-
cidence that the favorite (a Winthrop) whom he desired to
reward, was a man of a noble nature, who unlike the ordinary
recipients of Royal bounty, sought not the advancement of his
own fortunes, but the benefit of his country.— Still the fact
that nearly two centuries ago such powers of Colonial self-
government were not imagined to infringe Colonial dependence
may make those pause, who in the present advanced state of

political science, sec in the Union of the North American
Colonics danger to British connection.

It may be said that these instances are not happ}' Illustra-
tions of my argunient, seeing that revolt and separation follow-
ed. Long previously, however, tiie early charters had been
violated, and practices introduced and claims advanced incon-
sistent with tlieir principles.

Who that regards the earnest desire to avert separation,
which at first animated many of the most distinguished actors
in the American revolution, will venture to declare that revolt
and separation would have ensued had the principles of early
charters never been interfered with.

Suppose again that the Albany Union had been effected,
under the sanction of the British Government : — May it not
be questioned whether even capricious, and inconsiderate and
obstinate statesmen would have urged the same claims — ac-
knowledged now to have been arbitrary and unconstitutional —
upon the thirteen Colonies compact and strong in Union, which
it was inadvisedly thought might safely be ventured upon with
separate Colonies, weak in themselves, and apparently without
the elements of consolidated power. This revolt and separa-
tion that union might — humanly speaking it, probably would
— have b^n averted.

Let me not forget one significant fact. — Not onl}'- has the
Union of the British North American Colonies been advocated
l)y able British Statesmen, but we have seen that it was a sub-
ject of mature consideration and found favor with a Prince of
the blood— the father of our revered sovereign. He could
have seen in it no tendencies to rend an Empire, the mainte-
nance of whose undiminished glory and power, must have been
so dear to him.

Before leaving this portion of the subject I feel myself con-
strained to express a sentiment, which I hope will not be mis-
apprehended or misapplied.

If an Union be necessary for the happiness and prosperity
of these Colonies, it is no legitimate ground for withholding it,
that it may possibly tend to a severance of the connexion with
the parent State. Justice demands alike from Imperial and
Colonial Statesmen that on such a question, the primary —
the coutroling consideration should be the essential and per-
manent well-being of the Colonies.

It only remains that a few words should be said on the
nature of the Union. This may be either by 1st, Confederation :
or 2ndly by Legislative Union, including the Lower Provinces,
with confederatioji with Canada.

In all the instances I have quoted, we do not meet with the

'4 I

A.raerican

■f illustra-
)n foUow-
Imd been
ctl incon-

'paration,
ctl actors
luit revolt
} of early

effected ,
[ay it not
u-ate and
lims — ac-
iitional —
on, which
upon with
y without
id separa-
ly would

?■ has the
idvocated
ras a sub-
Prince of
He could
3 mainte-
liave been

rself con-
:)t be mis-

(rosperity
lolding it,
xion with
erial and
)rimary —
and per-

d on the
deration :
*rovinces,

t with the

scheme of Legislative Union until Lord Durham's Report in
1838, tiud therefore example favors confederation.

I stated at the outset that I did not think this vvus the time
to spend nuieh consideration on details ; but thou}jjh tlie mode
of Union is hardly the 'luestion for present deliheration I will
not here withliold my stron<jj conviction that a Logh^lative
Union would best promote the common interests, an(' the ob-
jects to be attained.

But with this there must be connected a mature and perfect
system of Municipal Corporations — giving to the people in
every country not only the entire control and management of
their own innnediatealfairs, but much which is now the subject
of JjCgislative and Executive functions.

Thus in the concentrated strength and energy and progress
of these Colonies — in an enlarged and more wholesome public
opinion — a widei- range for talent, and more extended scope
for the aspirations of ambition, might be found a remedy for
the evils that seem inseparable from the condition of Colonists
at piesent ; and a theatre of action for British subjects be pre-
I)ared, worthy of British energy and suited to British feelings.

I cannot conclude, Mr. Chairman, without acknowledging
how far short I feel I have fallen of the capacity of the subject
— I will not say of its requirements, for the measure I have
advocated needs little aid of argument or of eloquence. The
principle on which it rests is so simple — so truthful — so prac-
tical — so acknowledged — that argument and eloquence seem
superfluous.

Union, is .sli'i'iKjUi — reason, ])hilnsoph_v and experience de-
clare, illustrate and confirm the truth. Heligion and civilization
demand its tiid.

Ttui)hol(ls the sovereignty which God has given to man over
creation, and is the bnsison which rests all the agencies for ful-
filling the Creator's designs for the amelioration of our race.

Sui)i)oi'ted on this principle, the (juestion seems no longer
open to debate, so soon as the practibility of Union is affirmed.
And yet the subject affwds ample scope for reasoning the most
rigid, aad eloquence the most exciting. Hence at one moment
the mind is embarrassed to find valid objections to oppose — at
another oppressed by emotions difhcult to utter.

I trust and believe my deficiencies will be lost in the more
perfect and able exposition the subject will receive from those
around me, and that graced by the aids of reasoning and elo-
quence it will be placed in the light it ought to occupy before
this Province, our Sister Colonies and the Empire.

I offer no apology — or if any be required, my interest as a
Colonist, my duty as a citizen, my country's welfare, and the

well being of our poHtcrity, inuat plead my excuse for inviting
this discuHHion. Culled in the providen.re ot .od to take part
in the Councils of my country, I have now tulllled a duty I
should have been ill satlHticd to have left undone, when my
public career Hhall terminate.

If it be destined that no «uch union as that contemplate<l
shall be etfected, and those who succeed us shall teel the stern
alternative of exiling themselves from the landot their birth,
because it satistles not the exigencies of their nature,— or o
transferring that land to a foreign nationality— I at least shal
have done what in me lies to avert these consequences ;— and
if it shall please God to raise up in the northern portion of this
great continent a nation of freemen, acknowledging British
sovereignty, an^l advancing with the expansive energy ot which
/Britains are capable and the age demands— rivaling— but with
' no mean jealousy— rather with a friendly and co-operative
spirit, the progress of our republican neighbors— and giving to
our children a place among men which their fathers possessed
not— then, sir, will it be reward enough for any man that his
memory shall be recalled as having been one, although among
the humblest, of the pioneers in so great a work.

I move. Sir, the adoption of the resolutions which 1 read at
commencing, and which I now present for the deliberation of
the Committee.

for lnvitin«»
to take purt
ed a (Uity I
le, wlien my

ontoinplatc<l
i'eel the stern
'their bfrth,
iture, — or of
at least shall
eiices ; — and
urtion of this
ging British
srgy of which
ig — but with
co-operative
ind giving to
era possessed
man that his
bough among

ich I read at
jliberation of