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 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
^ 
 
 I I 
 
TRUE PICTURE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMEJRICA? 
 
 BEINO 
 
 A BRIEF STATEMENT 
 
 OF 
 
 THE CONDUCT OF THE GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE ' 
 
 OF 
 
 THAT COUNTRY, 
 
 . TOWARDS 
 
 GBE AT ^BRITAIN, 
 
 From the Peace concluded in 1 783, to the present Time, 
 BY A BRITISH SUBJECT. 
 
 m 
 
 ii 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Oh freedum, freedom, how I hate thy cant! 
 Koi Eastern bombast, or the sava;e rant 
 Of purpled madmen, were they number'd all, 
 ?rum Roman Nero, down to Russian Paul, 
 Could grate upon mine ear so mean, so base, 
 A% the rank Jargon cf this factious race ; 
 Who, poor of hearts, and prodigal of words. 
 Burn to be tlares, and struggling to be lords ; 
 
 Who pant for licence, while they lourn controul. 
 
 And shout for riEhts with rapine in their tout. 
 
 Who can with patience fbr > moment see 
 
 This medley mass of pride and misery t 
 
 Of whips and charters, manacles and rights, 
 
 Of slaying blacks and democratic whites j 
 
 And all the pye-bald polity that reigns 
 
 In free confusion o'er Columbia's plains? MOORX« 
 
 JLonlron: 
 
 Printed by W. M'OowaU, Fembertoo Row, Cough-square, Flett-st^-eet. 
 
 yOB JORbAN AND MAXWELL, 331, STRAND, OPPOSITE 30MSRSET HOCSS; 
 
 AND BLACKLOCK, ROYAL EXCIIANQEJ 
 
 A:ix> SOLD BY ALL THE BOOKSELLERS IN LONDON AMD LIV£i(P00t.> 
 
 1807. 
 
 tPric< Three ShiUings.\ 
 
 it 
 
 f\ 
 
 i'l--^ 
 
li 
 
TO THE 
 
 COMMERCIAL WORLD IN GENERAL, 
 
 AND MORE ESPECIALLY 
 
 THE AMERICAN MERCHANT^ 
 
 u 
 
 AND 
 
 
 i 
 
 THE AMERICAN STOCK HOLDER, 
 
 THE 
 
 FOLLOWING PAGES, CONTAINING MANY IROOFS 
 
 OF* THE 
 
 <(y,> 
 
 =1 
 
 INVETERATE HOSTILITY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE 
 
 or 
 
 THAT COUNTRY, 
 
 I 
 
 TOWARDS 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 m 
 
 ARE RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. 
 

 ■n 
 . 1 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
 ^S^'li 
 
 I if 
 
 c \ 
 
 » r -,'■ <.\ 
 
 /CD 
 
 ■■W BllHm ' .UtlJ I .LLJ_ ' -^ ri 
 
THE F RE FACE. 
 
 'X 
 
 .3 
 
 
 No apology at this time is deemed necessary for 
 an intrusion of the following statement on the pub- 
 lic attention. The sentiments it contains render 
 one needless ; the execution of it will claim forbear- 
 ance. The reason of this is the haste with which 
 it has been compiled. For the writer to say he is 
 not an author by profession is needless — the work 
 itself will speak the fact. The only merit it can 
 have, will be its intention and object. When these 
 are considered, he flatters himself the execution 
 will be overlooked. 
 
 
1 
 
 "^ 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 ; 
 
 VI 
 
 THE PRKFACE. 
 
 Me cannot dismiss the subject witliout Saying, 
 that ho is fearful he may be charged with intempe- 
 rance ; nay, some may say, with intemperance equal 
 !:o American. His hmgungc may be warm, but, 
 consistently with tlie opinion he has formed of the 
 preponderating majority of the people of America, 
 ilicre is no one picture exaggerated. 
 
 Sfioi'Li) it appear to the minds of p.ny of his 
 readers, that the intention and object of the follow- 
 ing pages are to excite such fervour in the public 
 mind, as to make it look upon a war with America 
 as an object hi wliich its feelings would be gra- 
 tified, he is obliged to declare the intention and 
 object essentially different. These pages proceed 
 from one who is unknown to either the present or late 
 administrations. His opinions have not been form- 
 ed upon the sentiments of either of those parties; 
 nor have they been thus communicated to the pub- 
 lic to forward the views of eldier, more than those 
 
THE PREFACE. 
 
 vTi 
 
 t Saying, 
 intcmpc- 
 icc c(]iml 
 irm, but, 
 xl of the 
 /Vmcrica, 
 
 ny of Ills 
 le fol low- 
 he public 
 America 
 d be gra- 
 tition and 
 5 proceed 
 jentorlatc 
 een form- 
 ic parties ; 
 the pub- 
 han those 
 
 views arc subservient to what the writer conceives 
 to be the real interests of Great Britain as a politi- 
 cal body, and a commercial nation. The American 
 people, it may be said, are illiberally and harshly 
 treated : in reply, the writer has only to allcdge, that 
 the portrait he has drawn of America, is not origi- 
 oal. Chief Justice Marshall is the artist who exe- 
 cuted it. The writer of the following pages is only 
 the Engraver from a very fine picture; the produce 
 of his labours he thus tenders to that part of the 
 public, whose inclination and ability do not allow 
 them to purchase the former. Furthermore, he 
 cannot avoid saying, that had not that work fallen 
 into his hands, this never would have appeared. — 
 Hence, should the American reader feel himself in- 
 jured in the representations given of the national 
 character, the only alleviation the writer can offer 
 is, to request his perusal of a work written by one of 
 his own countrymen. It will then remain for a dis- 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 
 ::.\ 
 
VUl 
 
 THE PREFACi?. 
 
 
 ccrning public to say, whether the one docs not jus- 
 tify the other. 
 
 Before he conchules this subject, the writer 
 cannot forbear alluding to another circumstance.-— 
 This is, that we are at present in a state of actual 
 peace with America; and that this publication may 
 be deemed premature, and contemplative of war. 
 It is true, that there has not, as yet, been any decla- 
 ration on the part of either government, which will 
 lead immediately to war; but there is now in exist- 
 ence an act of the American legislature, declaring 
 that no English manufactures shall be received into 
 the ports of the United States after the 14th of De- 
 cember next. This of course is with the reserva- 
 tion of arrangements which may be madfc in the in- 
 terim. This, in the writer's opinion, is one strong 
 ground of justification. There is, however, another, 
 which he considers equally tenable. This is a pub- 
 lication which has appeared in most of the public 
 
THE PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 cs not jus- 
 
 llic writer 
 nstance. — 
 2 of actual 
 cation may 
 r'c of war. 
 any decla- 
 which will 
 w in exist- 
 , declaring 
 :eived into 
 4tb of De- 
 le reserva- 
 t in the in- 
 one strong 
 ir, another, 
 is is a pub- 
 the public 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 prints. It is extracted from " Tbe Richmond En- 
 cjuirer," an American newspaper, which in that 
 country is pretty well known to be the demi-official, 
 as the " National Intelligencer" is the official, print 
 of the administration. " It is a fact, that the paper 
 « so denominated, will not be sent back, out of 
 " respect to the British government. Our ministers 
 " have been directed to proceed as if no such treaty 
 " had been draughted." It then proceeds to a detail 
 about the non-importation act, and quotes a letter 
 from the secretary of state to Mr. Monroe, in which 
 that gentleman is informed, " That no pretext can be 
 found for the British practice of making impressments 
 on the high seas." There are then many comments 
 which go to prove, that, to obtain a relaxation of 
 what has been so long the practice of Great Britain, 
 is the sole objection " to the paper denominated tlie 
 Treats/:' Here, then, is the ground the writer stands 
 upon. He calls on his readers to state their opi- 
 nion of this paragraph, and at the same time to re. 
 
 r 
 
 If ... 
 
 ■ « 
 
 ^v. 
 
P'fh 
 
 i ! 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 $! 
 ! f 
 
 i! 
 
 X THE PREFACE. 
 
 collect, that it comes from a source, the genuineness | 
 of which cannot be doubted. Will not this be pro- 
 nounced a justification ? Is Great Britain to be told 
 hy the United States, that a treaty which has cost 
 so much trouble and time to form, is to be consi- 
 dered as waste paper? Is this a return for the dis- 
 tinguished attention paid the United States, in no- 
 minating two noblemen, of high rank, and as great 
 talents, for the special purpose of negociating with 
 her ministers r Is tlie government to be told that 
 they had better say nothing about the past, but be- 
 gin de novo i 
 
 It would be unjust not to avow, that amongst the 
 minority (a minority indeed) of the people of Ame- 
 rica, there are characters who would do honour to 
 any country. It does not, however, diminish the 
 charges against the majority, to say, that the efforts of 
 the Adamses, the Ameses, the Trumbulls, the Kings, 
 the Morrises, the Pinckncys, the Smiths, and the 
 
THE PREFACE. 
 
 XI 
 
 genuineness 
 this be pro- 
 in to be told 
 ich has cost 
 to be consi-* 
 for the dis- 
 :ates, in no- 
 ind as great 
 :iating with 
 DC told that 
 ast, but be- 
 
 Rutledges, have been unavailing. America has been 
 " deaf to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so 
 " wisely," since the death of the illustrious Washing- 
 ton, and the destruction of his system of govern- 
 ment. Flis loss, to her irreparable, may be well 
 described in the words which the elegant Tacitus 
 applies to Germanicus, " In doluerc extera; natio- 
 " nes regesquc ; tanta illi comltas in soclos, man- 
 " suetuclo in hostes; visuque et auditu juxta ve- 
 " ncrabilis, cum magnitudinem ct giavitatem sum- 
 " ma: fortuna: rctincret, invidiam ct arro^antlam 
 « efTugcrat." 
 
 
 imongst the 
 )le of Ame- 
 D honour to 
 iminish the 
 he efforts of 
 , the Kings, 
 IS, and the 
 
 i 
 

 
 1 
 
 ) 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 ' 
 
 
 ' 
 
 li: \ 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
TRUE PICTURE 
 
 OF TMfi 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 
 
 ■m 
 
 c. 
 
 c. ^c. 
 
 
 JL HE situation of Great Britain and the United 
 States of America seems now so fast approaching 
 to that period when the question will be pnt of 
 peace or war, that the author of these reflections 
 has been induced, from an urgent and pressing con- 
 viction of the truth of the opinion, to call the atten- 
 tion of his fellow countrymen to the circumstanfces 
 that thus threaten to involve us either in an extend- 
 ed degree of war, or, should {which God avert!) 
 the season of forbearance not be passed, in a sur- 
 render of those great rights and means to which we 
 are indebted for our naval power j in short, to set 
 
 B 
 
 'i 
 
 i»i 
 
iti: 
 
 14 
 
 the seal on an instrument, avowing ourselves not 
 able to contest with a weak, and therefore not wor- 
 thy to retain our rank with the great nations of the 
 world. 
 
 Among the most extraordinary acts of this ex- 
 traordinary period, there is no one which causes 
 greater surprise, than the general apathy of the in- 
 habitants of this country to the conduct of Ameri- 
 ca, since the peace of 1783. That this apathetic 
 system has arisen from that magnanimity which has 
 ever distinguished the British character, I will not 
 deny j but, as an Englishman, as one who is ardent 
 and zealous in the support of that system that has 
 given political consequence to our country, I can- 
 not avoid thus entering my protest against it ; and 
 at the same time calling, in the most urgent man- 
 tier, the attention of my fellow subjects to the real 
 situation with reigard to each other that the two 
 governments are in at this moment. 
 
 I SHALL endeavour to shew, with candour and 
 truth, the causes which are likely thus to terminate^ 
 in hostility, or suspension of intercourse j for hostt» 
 lity or suspension of intercourse must take place» 
 uiiless disgraceful concession on the part of Greal 
 Britain is made. 
 
15 
 
 urselvfs not 
 ore not wor- 
 ations of the 
 
 of this ex- 
 vhich causes 
 by of the in- 
 ct of Ameri- 
 lis apathetic 
 ty which has 
 r, I will not 
 vho is ardent 
 tern that has 
 intry, I can- 
 ainst it ; and 
 urgent man- 
 ts to the real 
 that the two 
 
 candour and 
 to terminate, 
 se J for hostH 
 [ take place^ 
 art of Greal . 
 
 Here, however, it is necessary to declare, that 
 my language is not that of a partizan j it is not the 
 language of the supporter of this or that admini- 
 stration ; but that of a Briton who has the good of 
 his country, its honour, its glory, its safety, and its 
 happiness at heart. The author knows the Ameri- 
 can character; he is acquainted with that deadly 
 hatred, which is cherished in the majority of Ame- 
 rican breasts towards this, their mother country.-— 
 He knows also, the fellow feeling, the ardent affec-. 
 tion that the majority of that people have for 
 France, whether she be governed by king, con- 
 vention, consul, or emperor. He is also aware of 
 their ignorance of true policy; and is too well ac^ 
 quainted with them not to know that malign jea« 
 lousy that makes them look with envious eyes oa 
 the proud and elevated station which this country 
 now holds; and the unutterable joy they would feel 
 in seeing the arch fiend now ruling continental Eut 
 rope, wielding upon it his pestilential sceptre. — 
 This they would hail as an epoch when happiness 
 was to commence, although their destruction is 
 sure to succeed it^ nrid that too, with the utmost 
 rapidity. 
 
 Before, however, the author proceeds to prove 
 what is the object of these remarks, he thinks it ne- 
 cessary to take notice of the great ignorance which 
 
 
 
 
 ■ '''V^l 
 
 \ > 
 
■ %■ 
 
 •>■ 
 
 16 
 
 prevails in this country, relative to the American 
 disposition and character. This has however arisen 
 from representations coming in such a way, and 
 through such respectable channels, that it is more 
 to be regretted than difficult to be accounted for. — 
 It has been an amiable error on the part of the 
 people of this country: it has nevertheless been 
 an error, and a great one*. But it is one which 
 will speedily be developed; it is one which has 
 been felt and dreaded by the few discerning men 
 in that country, from the earliest periods of the 
 French revolution. The mania for French connec- 
 tion; the attachment, through all the scenes of 
 blood, carnage, and devastation, to the perpetrators 
 of those scenes of blood, carnage, and devastation ; 
 the palliation of every atrocious act of the more 
 atrocious convention ; the avowed wish that has at 
 all times existed, and, by the great majority of peo- 
 ple been expressed, for the subjugation of Great 
 
 * -This observation arose from a remark in that highly respec- 
 table pubUcation " The Monthly Review." In a critique on Mr, 
 Jansen's " Stranger in America," a work which is infinitely valu- 
 able for the just representations it contains, the Reviewers allow 
 him due praise, but still seem to cling to an old opinion of theirs, 
 " that there was not a determined aversion existing in that coun- 
 " try towards Great Britain." They may rest assured Mr. Janscn 
 is right. Their opinion is much to the credit of their hearts, but. 
 will not give that class of their readers who know the American 
 character, a very e.xalted idea of their information on the subject. 
 
 im 
 
 tmnfmsmm 
 
e American 
 vevcr arisen 
 a way, and 
 t it is more 
 unted for. — 
 part of the 
 hcless been 
 one which 
 which has 
 erniiig men 
 riods of the 
 nch connec- 
 e scenes of 
 perpetrators 
 devastation ; 
 d( the more 
 I that has at 
 ority of pco- 
 3n of Great 
 
 t highly respec- 
 critique on Mr, 
 3 infinitely valu- 
 [leviewers allow 
 >inion of theirs, 
 ng in that coun- 
 iired IMr. Jansen 
 heir hearts, but. 
 r the Anmerican 
 >n the subject. 
 
 17 
 
 Britain, and the domination of France ; the patron- 
 age granted for the past six years to every one who 
 could bring proofs of his having rebelled against his 
 king, or plotted the devastation of his country * ; all 
 these loud and declared facts have been so notori- 
 ous, that to doubt the settled, the inveterate hosti- 
 lity of the American people, were to doubt the 
 most self-evident proposition in nature. 
 
 The object of the writer will now be an endea- 
 vour to lay before his readers a succinct account of 
 the conduct of the United States towards Great 
 Britain, since the peace of 1783; and the conduct 
 observed to her in return. It may seem extraordi- 
 nary to recur to events that have happened at a 
 period so distant, but it will be found to be neither 
 irrelevant nor upleasing, in as much as the result 
 will be favourable to a long-acknowledged fact, 
 that the conduct of this country, viewed in any 
 light, and under any administration, has been as 
 friendly and conciliating as theirs has been perverse, 
 hostile, and malignant. 
 
 * The law which requires a residence of five years to obtain the 
 liohts of citizenship, was dispensed with in the case of Thomas A. 
 Emmet. He was admitted td the bar in New York as a barrister, 
 within two years from his discharge from another bar in Dublin, as 
 a culprit. The " no quarter" proclamation, was doubtless of as- 
 fiietance to him in America. 
 
 -M 
 
 m 
 
 W 
 
 i 
 
Ill 
 
 V 
 
 i\ 
 
 i 1 
 
 ! 
 
 ! 
 
 ^ rr! t 
 
 > 'iff- 
 
 fir: ^ 
 
 '• Im^'^ 
 
 18 
 
 It must be recollected, that the confederation of 
 States, which was formed at the commencement of 
 the revolution, continued for some time after the 
 peace. The nature of this compact will also be 
 recollected. It was a pure (if this is not a contra- 
 diction in terms) democracy. The government 
 was not placed in the hands of even a few individu- 
 als, but remained in possession of the representatives 
 of the States. 
 
 Consider A FLE difficulties existed in the object* 
 prescribed by the treaty of peace. These difficul- 
 ties arose from the impediments which were placed 
 in the way of His Majesty's subjects, which opera- 
 ted so as to prevent their recovery of debts which 
 had been owing previous to the revolution. These 
 debts it was not possible to recover. This, and 
 other circumstances, sanctioned the British govern- 
 ment in the retention of posts, &c. which, had the 
 terms of the treaty been strictly complied with on 
 the part of America, ought to, and would have 
 been surrendered. 
 
 Impelled by a sense of justice to British sub- 
 jects, who had thus been sufferers from the conduct 
 of America, as well as a knowledge of the inefficacy 
 of the American system of government, and its 
 inability to give actual effect to any measures they 
 
 
?deration of 
 mcemenl of 
 le after the 
 vill also be 
 ot a centra- 
 government 
 w individu- 
 resentatjveB 
 
 i the objects 
 ese difficult 
 were placed 
 hich opera* 
 ebts which 
 on. These 
 This, and 
 :ish govern- 
 :h, had the 
 ed with on 
 ivould have 
 
 British sub- 
 the conduct 
 le inefficacy 
 nt, and its 
 jasurcs they 
 
 19 
 
 might assent to by treaty or otherwise, it seems to 
 have been the determination formed by the King*s 
 (then) ministers, not to commit themselves in any 
 intimate political transaction, unless they had a fuJi 
 conviction that there existed on the part of the 
 American government, to reciprocate any advan- 
 tages which might be granted to them. In this 
 sentiment we are sanctioned b)*the opinion of Mr. 
 Adams, then minister at our court : " If the United 
 « States," said that gentleman, " become respec- 
 " table, it must be by more energy in the govern- 
 « ment." 
 
 Here it will be necessary to revert to one fact, 
 which will impress itself strongly on the mind of 
 every Englishman, and more particularly those 
 who are concerned in its shipping interest, the uni- 
 formity with which the popular party in America 
 ;has pursued its system relative to their trade with 
 the West Indies. The government, then the con- 
 gress, sent Mr. Adams to London with particular 
 instructions, that he should keep this object in 
 view. Indeed, to make Great Britain relax from 
 her colonial system seems to have been the prin- 
 cipal motive of thi'- -ntleman's appointment. H 
 seems also to have induced them to turn their 
 thoughts towards strengthening their government, 
 ,by lodging the power in a smaller compass. They 
 
 'y4 
 
 ;4y| 
 
 '■I 
 
 
 ,)%..;e 
 
r 
 
 ) ■ 
 
 20 
 
 wore, it seems, weak enough to think they could, 
 thus strengthened, obtain the end that Great Bri- 
 tain in their actual state denied them ; for, in the 
 " Life of Washington," we find the following obser- 
 vations: — " The latter country (America) expected 
 ♦* great relaxations in the Navigation Act, and a 
 " free admission into the colonies of the former ; and 
 " believed their coj.vnerce of sufficient importance to 
 ^* obtain these objects, if it could be irgulated bi) a 
 •* single legislature,'* 
 
 1 
 
 I- i 
 
 i^ t 
 
 I i 
 
 Before I proceed any farther in this discussion, 
 a digression must be made, in order that a line of 
 distinction may be drawn relative to the different 
 parties in America ; and that these observations 
 may not involve the character of one whose con- 
 duct, in whatever light it may be viewed, will be 
 found to have reflected honour on human nature. 
 Washington seems, from principle, to have resisted 
 what he deemed encroachments on the part of the 
 mother country. The resistance made, and the ob- 
 ject obtained, his sword was sheathed, and with it 
 every degree of animosity. His mind seems then to 
 have bent its powers to communicate to the system 
 of government a tone, and to give to its acts energy, 
 that should not only form a durable basis for its 
 glory, but its happiness. He seemed to be well 
 acquainted with the nature of the population among 
 
21 
 
 they could. 
 
 Great Bri- 
 
 for, in the 
 
 nving obser- 
 
 ca) expected 
 
 Act, and a 
 
 fonncr; and 
 
 nportance to 
 
 ulated hi) a 
 
 IS discussion, 
 at a line of 
 he different 
 observations 
 whose con- 
 ned, will be 
 man nature, 
 lave resisted 
 part of the 
 and the ob- 
 and with it 
 iemsthen to 
 3 the system 
 acts energy, 
 )asis for its 
 to be well 
 ition among 
 
 «< 
 
 <« 
 
 « 
 
 ^ivhicH it was his lot to live. The tendency of that 
 population (froro the materials of which it was 
 composed) to unlicensed and uncontrouled depra- 
 "vityy he well knew. Of the great difficulty of put- 
 ting rn. practi<ie any of the speculative republican 
 theories^ Ti^ith which the world at that moment 
 aboulndcd, be was well aware. No one felt more 
 strongly than himself the truth of the opinion, that, 
 intestine commotion and domestic calamity gene- 
 rate general vice, in as great or greater proportion, 
 as they call forth patterns of individual virtue." 
 Acting upon such principles, the course he seems to 
 have steered appears to have been unvaried by the 
 guits of popular clamour which assailed him. He 
 had however to exert all his influence to keep the 
 scales tolerably even between the contending parties. 
 His system survived him but a very short period. 
 At the very first election after his death, the popular 
 party succeeded in gaining the ascendancy they had 
 sought after with the most persevering activity fot 
 nearly twelve years. Subsequent to this event, it 
 would be a satisfaction if we could see the rem- 
 nant of ; his party following the example, and co- 
 pying the conduct of their illustrious leader. This, 
 however, we have to regret, has not been the case. 
 The contagion of abuse and violence seems to have 
 reached ihem. However, there is at all events 
 to be said in their vindicatLan, thaugh their conduct 
 
 c 
 
 H 
 
 \ y*j!' 
 
It 
 
 iljil! 
 
 212 
 
 cannot but be regretted, we must recollect wbat 
 the party is to which they are opposed, and the 
 materials of which it is composed. Finally, it is only 
 candour to allow, that, however the moderate party 
 may have forgotten themselves in their language, 
 their intentions have been pure; and they possess 
 the property, the rank ; in short, the respectability of 
 America. The popular party, with a few excep- 
 tions, have nothing to boast of but numbers. These 
 numbers have now obtained the most uncontroula- 
 ble strength. 
 
 i 
 
 
 H'i 
 
 To resume the narrative. — In December 1785, 
 we find Mr. Adams at our court, " urging the 
 complaints of America, and pressing for a full com- 
 pliance with the treaty." In reply, we hear the 
 Marquis of Carmarthen observinp, 'o him, that, 
 ** the engagements entered ir^o 'ty :• ireaty ought 
 to be mutual, and equally binding on the respec< 
 tive contracting parties. It would therefore he 
 the height of folly, as well as injustice, to sup- 
 nose our party alone obliged to a strict obser- 
 vance of the public faith, while the other might 
 remain free to deviate from its own engage- 
 ments, as often as convenience might render such 
 ** deviation necessar}', though at the expence of iU 
 ** own credit and importance." And he concluded 
 with assuring the American minister, that as soon 
 
 «< 
 
 «( 
 
 4( 
 
 *S 
 
 t( 
 
 l( 
 
:ollcct what 
 >cd, and the 
 illy,itibonIy 
 iderate party 
 ir language, 
 they possess 
 pectability of 
 I few excep- 
 bcrs. These 
 uncontroula- 
 
 ember 1785, 
 urging the 
 r a full com- 
 ve hear the 
 him, that, 
 ireaty ought 
 1 the respec' 
 therefore be 
 :ice, to sup- 
 strict obser- 
 other might 
 wn engage- 
 render such 
 :pence of its 
 e concluded 
 hat as soon 
 
 23 
 
 as his government should evince on their part a 
 disposition to fulfil the treaty, Great Britain would 
 co-operate with her. For the justice of the noble 
 Marquis's allegations, we need only refer to a letter 
 of Mr. Jay's to General Washington, in which he 
 confesses, « // is too true, the trealij has been vw- 
 ** lated:* In reply, we find General Washington 
 exclaiming, « what a misfortune it is that the Bri- 
 '* tish should have so well grounded a pretext for 
 ** their palpable infraction : and what a disgrace^ 
 " ful part, out of the choice of difficulties, are rve to 
 « act. 
 
 In no measure is the American system more evi- 
 dent, than the predicament in which the creditor 
 was placed. Session after session, in the state 
 kgislatures, were acts, called instalment acts, pas- 
 sed, defining the different periods to which the 
 payment of instalments on debts were to be de-, 
 ferred. This, it was to be recollected, was done 
 in actual defiance of the treaty. The conduct of 
 the popular party on this occasion is well de- 
 scribed by the learned biographer of Washing- 
 ton. ** These contests were the more animat- 
 ** ed, because, '2W the state goverjments general- 
 " /y. no principle had been introduced lohick could 
 ** resist the wild progress of the moment, give ike 
 " people an opportunity to rejiect, ajid alloxv the 
 
 j 
 
 ■m 
 
 
 ■:,:d': 
 
 ■■•■ !.; 
 
'^Hfn 
 
 I til Ml 
 
 n!M! 
 
 HI- 
 
 i( 
 
 a 
 
 24 
 
 « ^^^</ sense of the nailon time for reflection^ Such 
 was the want of principle at that time /would to 
 God, for the honour of humanity, it had terminated 
 then i ) existing, that <* it was impossible to ne- 
 gociate bonds even where the creditor? jwere unr 
 questionably competent, but at a discount of 30, 
 '• 40, or 50 per cent/* From their legislatures 
 they expected other acts favourable to the prcN 
 longation of payments, and made their election 
 of such men as would pledge themselves to vote 
 for these measures. They even threatened " to 
 <^ suspend the administration of justice by priw 
 « vate violence." As to private debts, however, 
 we are bound not to express much surprise, when 
 we find, from the authority of Washington himself, 
 that ** requisitions" (from the government) ** are 
 « actually little better than a jest and a by-word 
 « throughout the land." Its authority, from; Mr, 
 Jay's description of it, seems in general cases to be 
 as weak, as in that of requisition for pecuniary ad- 
 vances. " Private rage for pr-operty," says that 
 gentleman, '^ suppresses public consideration j and 
 « personal, rather than national interests, have be*- 
 « come the great objects of attention. Ripresent*-.^ 
 ** tive bodies will ever be faithful copies of their 
 originals, and generally exhibit a chequered 
 assemblage of virtue wid vice, of ability a«d 
 '* weakness/* 
 
 « 
 
 cc 
 
25 
 
 »> 
 
 ion" Such 
 e Uvould to 
 [ terminated 
 isible to ne- 
 )r^ ^'ere uny 
 count of 30> 
 
 legisUtures 
 to the pro^ 
 eir election 
 Ives to vote 
 jatened " to 
 ice by pri^ 
 :s, however, 
 prise, when 
 jton himself, 
 iment) ** are 
 d a by-tvord 
 r, from; Mr, 
 1 cases to be 
 'cuniary ad- 
 ," says that 
 eration j and 
 5ts, have be*' 
 R^presenta-t 
 )ie§ of their 
 I .chequered 
 
 ability a«d 
 
 *, JT w^s under these circumstances that they were 
 compelled to form a stronger government. Such 
 w^s the critical ;situation in which th«y iwere placed, 
 that -we find Washington expressing his wish, that, 
 " any thing, nay every thing should be essayed to 
 *^ prevent the effusion of blood, and to avert, the 
 " humiliating and contanptibk,/igure \it ^re about 
 ** to make in the annals of mankinds" Here wc 
 see the great danger they were in, not from British 
 stamp acts or Boston port bills ; not from British 
 armies or British navies; but, from American sedi- 
 tion, fro^i American vice. We find that such was 
 the height t<? which not only opposition to order, 
 butopen violation of law, reached, as to compel a 
 judge (who had been an officer) tp declare at the 
 h(?ad of 300 men, " That he would die as a general 
 ** .pr sit as a judge." Such was the "licentious 
 ♦* spirit," the '* desire of change," the ** wish to 
 ** annihilate all debts," to exert the force of the 
 poor and the numerous to bear away the property 
 of the few and the more wealthy, that they combined 
 an organised body of twelve or fifteen thousand 
 men, To such a height did this spirit of insubor* 
 dination reach, that it appears open eivii war was 
 expected, and upon the best ground, for the insur- 
 rection was not quelled without a recourse to arms, 
 in >yhich several rioters were filled, It was under 
 
 
 
 ■'iS 
 
r 
 
 i 
 I' 
 
 1: ■; 
 
 i 
 
 III 
 
 i ■ 
 
 ! It 
 
 ill 
 
 It ' ■ 
 
 2^ 
 
 such circumstances, circumstances that had not the 
 magnanimity, the honour, and the devoted attach- 
 itient of the British Government to its engagements 
 been so exalted and so firm, held out the fairest op- 
 portunity of regaining the footing it had lostj it 
 was, I say, under such circumstances, that these 
 people formed a determination to frame a govern- 
 ment that could act, and vi^ith effect. 
 
 On the government which vras the result of their 
 deliberations, it may not be amiss to observe, that 
 the experiment it had tried upon it for the first 
 twelve years, proved it susceptible of being rendered 
 a blessing to the people. But as it was the work of 
 human hands, the framers of it could provide no 
 barrier to abuse. It is highly aristocratical. The 
 power of the president when he acts with the 
 senate, is as great or greater than that of the King 
 of England*. From our government it was avow- 
 
 ■ ' i^'" ■'''■■'■ ' ' 
 
 * Within the last twelve months, President Jefferson has proved 
 he has more power thin George III. nay as much as *' his great and 
 good friends," the Emperor of Trance or King of Holland.— 
 Under the sanction of the present administration, persons have been, 
 seized at New Orleans,, the habeas corpus of the civil judge has 
 been spurned by the military, by whom they were seized and car- 
 ried to Washington, (a distance of 1000 miles) where they have, 
 been discharged. This is the land of " free doings," with a 
 vengeance. 
 
 I 
 
had not the 
 otcd attach- 
 ngagements 
 e fairest op- 
 lad lost; it 
 , that these 
 2 a govern- 
 
 jsult of their 
 bserve, that 
 for the first 
 ng rendered 
 the work of 
 provide no 
 itical. The 
 :s with the 
 yl the King 
 t was avow- 
 
 fson has proved 
 
 *' his great and 
 
 of Holland.— 
 
 rsons have been 
 
 ;ivil judge has 
 
 seized and car- 
 
 lere they have 
 
 oings," with a 
 
 27 
 
 edi/ modelled. One of its framers, (Dr. Frankh'n) 
 was accustomed to express his opinion of the old 
 adage, that it depended more on the administration 
 than the mere letter of a constitution, whether it 
 should produce ^vil or good. This, the work of 
 his and his compatriots' hands, will fully prove the 
 truth of the sentiment. 
 
 At this critical period, at a ir.cment when the 
 fever of ^« sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion," 
 had nearly inflamed the popular mind to its utmost 
 height, it was that Washington was called to take 
 9harge of the helm of government, by a people who 
 in their choice of him seemed unanimous, al< 
 though the reason of this unanimity (when we 
 consider their past and present conduct) seemj dif- 
 ficult, if not impossible to be given. As notwith- 
 standing this apparent miaijjmity in their choice of 
 him as president, there still seemed to exist in their 
 minds an inveterate hostility to a government which 
 should be invested with the power necessary to 
 ensure respect in its foreign and domestic relations. 
 The states still clung to their individual supremacy. 
 Fortunately, however, the preponderance of talent 
 and character which had been in the convention, 
 appeared in the first congress, and assured for a 
 short time a fair trial to a system of government, 
 which was now to undergo the experiment. Thi^',. 
 
 r , 
 
 ': 1' 
 
lipNl^ 
 
 
 I, I 
 
 It 
 
 f '.'• 
 
 11^ 
 
 »•! 
 
 28 
 
 howeven seems to have been an object, tlie attairf- 
 mcRt of which was attended with no little difficulty. 
 A fear was at one time entertained, that the refrac*- 
 tory states would endeavour to have a second con- 
 vention. Had this been the case, the crisis, tvhJch 
 by the letters to and from General Wafihington, 
 seemed by himself and his friends to be thought 
 approaching, would have advanced with rapidity, 
 and the prophecies of European statesmen, by 
 -whom their existence was considered ephemseral* 
 would have been promptly fulfilled. ;'-;>vrr ; ' -^ 
 
 -f. 
 
 I 
 
 We see Washington now alt the "head of a 
 government, with an exhiusted Treasury, with a 
 total loss of reputation for not having discharged its 
 debts, either to foreign nations, its own individuals 
 who have loaned it money during the period of its 
 distresses, or i.s own citizens who have fought and 
 bled in its service. To these difficulties ate to be 
 added the existing relations between Great Britarrt 
 and Spain, and the United States. These govern- 
 ments both held possessions on the same continent, 
 had not only the means of actual embarrassments, 
 but great opportunities of intrigue with the citi- 
 zens, as well as the Indian of the frontier.' Of th(* 
 disposition of one of these powers, genefalTy uiider 
 the influence of France, there has never been want- 
 iDg proofs. The last, and not the least of His diiS- 
 
 ii!J. 
 
2^ 
 
 :tle diflfkulty. 
 at the reffrac"- 
 
 second con^ 
 crisrs, tv!i!cH 
 Wafibingtcm',. 
 
 be thotigBt 
 .'ith rapidity, 
 [iatesmen, by 
 i ephemeral* 
 
 -f..:..,r 
 
 e iiead of a 
 tsury, with a 
 discliar^cd its 
 ^^n individuals 
 period of its 
 ve fought and 
 ies ate to hd 
 Great Britarri 
 rhese govern- 
 ne continent, 
 ibarrassmertts, 
 with the citi- 
 itier. Of th(j 
 Jnef alty uiider 
 er been want- 
 St of his ditS- 
 
 cukics se<imcd to arise from the nature of the po* 
 pulation he had to govern; Turbulent, restless, and 
 ignorant*, they viewed Vvith the most jealous eye 
 any of those steps taken which were necessary to 
 give to the general government ail energy and vi- 
 gour, without which no government could exist.— 
 Attached from habit and inclination to a greater 
 proportion of power being lodged in the municipal- 
 or state legislatures, they watched with lynx's eyes 
 the measures of the general government that might 
 reduce those privileges. Such were a few of the 
 difficulties with which we see the constitution, while 
 yet in its cradle. 
 
 At this period more especially, begin those mea- 
 sutcs in which symptoms of hostility to Great 
 
 * Thcrfc is a cbrhmon idea in this cbunlry, that, taken (Collective- 
 ly, the Americans a.e a clever people. This is a great error; at 
 least, if the smallest proportion of liberal or expanded knowledge is 
 supposed to accompany this " cleverness." CUnning and shrewd- 
 ness are the leading features of their national character. Their 
 shrewdness, however, goes little farther than, (to adopt a commer- 
 cial phrase) " the driving a hard bargain." The great body of 
 talent that exists in that coimtry, re^ts with inen far past the 
 prime of life, who are either indebted for it to the English system 
 of education, while America was in our possession, or to actual edu- 
 cation in Europe. There are men who have taken degrees in thff 
 American colleges of Batchelora and Masters of Arts, who cftnnofc 
 write a common letter with orthographical correctness* ' 
 
 
 ■'^^1 
 
 
 ifc 
 
 i 
 
50 
 
 ferltam were exhibited. Cherishing in their bo- 
 soms a great degree of animosity to this country and 
 her subjects, every act of the government was with 
 the most refined malignity traced up to a determi- 
 nation and disposition on the part of the King's 
 ministers to unsheath the sword, or infringe a 
 solemn treaty. That this supposition and suspicion 
 were erroneous, will not be difficult to believe, 
 when we have before our eyes, the opinions which 
 the officers of their own government furnish u* 
 with. 
 
 I'' 
 
 \ ■ 
 
 ^IP'H 
 
 Not long after this period, that, momentous 
 event, the French revolution, commenced, by the 
 lijnitation of the powers of the unforcunate Louis 
 the Sixteenth. At this period also, will more im- 
 mediately commence that series of facts, which will 
 be deduced, in order to prove the great influence 
 the French government has always endeavoured to 
 l^ain in that country, and the means by which they 
 have obtained their object. 
 
 Mr. Jay, who seems to have been always aware 
 ©f the necessity of America keeping herself clear of 
 any entangling alliances with France, appears, soon 
 after the accession of Washington to the presidency,, 
 to have expressed this in his conduct to the Fr »nch 
 minister. Baffled by the siccrctary of state, th^t 
 
\ tlieir hd* 
 country and 
 It was with 
 a determi- 
 the King's 
 
 infringe a 
 d suspicion 
 to beJievc, 
 lions which 
 
 furnish 119 
 
 momentous 
 ed, by tire 
 nate Louis 
 more im- 
 which will 
 Lt influence 
 avoured to 
 vhich they 
 
 vayt aware 
 ielf clear of 
 pears, soon 
 presidency,, 
 the French 
 state, thil 
 
 nobleman, under various pretences, obtained an in- 
 terview with General Washington, to whom he ex- 
 pressed a wish that the communications which took 
 place between himself and the government, might 
 pass immediately from himself to the president, 
 without any reference to the secretary of state.— 
 This proposition, however, met with a positive and 
 immediate refusal by the president. 
 
 The French at this early period seemed to haVc 
 framed a virtual alliance with the American people. 
 For, no sooner do we find the representatives of 
 the American nation assembled under the 'new 
 constitution, than a disposition to grant advantages 
 to France, which were denied to Great Britain, 
 appeared. Owing, however, to the good sense of 
 the controuling body, the senate, these advantageg 
 were not yielded. But still it is necessary to bear 
 in mind one facts That had the power existed in 
 the house of representatives, they would have been 
 yielded. The failure of the popular party in carry- 
 ing their measure, does not lessen the spirit of thtfw" 
 hostility to Great Britain^. 
 
 En passant, it is impossible here to omit mentioning a circum- 
 •tance which will furnish the reader who is ignorant of the true 
 character of this party, with a tolerably correct idea of it. Jjj,« 
 debate un the funding the debt, Mr. Scott said, <' {kat tk( United 
 • States mre not bound to pay thcdwncstk ertiUto)^ tha mms 4p^ 
 
 ^i^ 
 
 ,•' 1 
 
 
 •i 
 I 
 
fit 
 
 ir 
 
 !i ! ■ -J , 
 
 ■•iH 
 
 U< 
 
 m 
 
 ¥ 
 
 It Us been before observed, that tbc situation 
 and character of the government of tlie United 
 States had been such, that it appeared to have been 
 deemed prudent by Mr. Pitt, then at the head of 
 affairs, to withhold any intimate diplomatic inter- 
 course with it. This seems to have added to 
 General Washington's difficulties. To remove it, 
 ;ind to sound the British government on the subject 
 of the future relation of the two governments, he 
 desired Mr. Morris, a gentleman then in England 
 .©n' private business, to discover, if possible, the 
 sentiments of His Majesty's ministers. On this 
 DGdasion, Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Leeds seem to 
 
 •< cified in the certificates of the debts in their possession:' Ha 
 supported this opinion by urging, " not that the public had rf- 
 « ceived less value than was expressed on the face of the pap«r 
 « which had been issued, but Ma? Mo^C to vhom ?/ had hccn dc- 
 ^' liverei, hy parting viiih it at Qs. 6d. in the pound, had themselves 
 *' fixed the value of their claim, iind matiifested their willingness to 
 « add to their other sacrifices this deduction of their demand upon 
 " the nation." It weuld be possible to enlarge upon this subject ; 
 but any, one wishing tp see a? picture of Colossal iniquity, it is on|y 
 necessary to refer them to the account of the delpate op the funding 
 the national debt, as given by Judge Marshall. The character and 
 conduct of the contending parties will be developed by it. The 
 good sense of that supporting, is loudly proclaimed by the actual 
 effects of the measure, in which no man can be deceived. The op- 
 posing party were the men who now have possession of the govern* 
 ment, and had nearly succeeded in their opposition, as the bill was 
 poly carried by a very small majority. , > 
 
he situation 
 tlic United 
 to have been 
 the head of 
 jmatic intcr- 
 'c added to 
 5 remove it, 
 II the subject 
 •rnments, he 
 in England 
 possible, the 
 rs. On this 
 :eds seem to 
 
 possession."^ Ha 
 ; public had re- 
 ce of the pap«r 
 ?V /lad hccn dc- 
 J, had t/iansclici 
 eir willingness to 
 eir demand upon 
 ion this subject; 
 liquity, it is on|y 
 te on the funv^ing 
 'he chairacter and 
 ped by it. The 
 d by the actual 
 ceived. The op- 
 en of the govern* 
 1, as the bill was 
 
 33 
 
 have met this gentleman with the cKaracterlstlc 
 candour of the country, in stating to him, " that it 
 '* was their wish to be upon the best terms with 
 *' America ;" but " repeated the complaints which 
 ** had been made by the Duke oF Leeds when 
 " Lord Carmarthen, of the non-execution of the 
 ** treaty of peace on the part of the United States." 
 To the observation made by Mr. Morris, that <* the 
 " constitution lately adopted, and the judicial 
 " courts established under it, amounted to a full 
 compliance with the treaty on thq part of the 
 American governments" it was answered, ** that 
 ♦* losses had already been sqstjiiiied in consequence 
 of the obstructions given by the States to the 
 fair operation of that instrument, which rendered 
 ** a faithful observance of it at present impossible ;" 
 Jind, in a note, the Duke of Leeds ej^pressly avowed 
 the intention, " if the delay on the part of the 
 " Americc^n government to fulfil its engagements 
 " made in the treaty, should have rendered their 
 *^ final completion impracticable, to retard the ful^ 
 ^ filmcnt of those which depended on Great Bri. 
 •* tain, until redress should be granted to the sub- 
 ♦' jects of His Majesty, in the specific points of the 
 <• treaty itself, or a fair and just cpmpensation 
 ** obtained for the non-perfornriance of those stipu- 
 «* lations which the United States had failed to 
 f* pbserve," The capability of the government at 
 
 »c 
 
 i( 
 
 it 
 
 ♦f 
 
 • ' 1 
 
 
 :1].i 
 
 G! 
 
 .■) 
 
 
•*% 
 
 ' (5 
 
 S4e 
 
 this time to have had recourse to harsh and violent 
 measures, which the conduct of America would 
 have justified, is easily gathered from isn observation 
 of Mr. Morris, *' that there never was a moment 
 
 in which this country (Great Britain) felt herself 
 
 greater than at present." 
 
 « 
 
 i« 
 
 V' 
 
 AU^' 
 
 il ! 
 
 I 
 
 ! 
 
 iS' ■ 
 
 i ; 
 
 1 
 
 
 l' 
 
 ■ ;i 
 
 
 ii:: 
 
 
 
 ii ' 
 
 '■ 
 
 
 m 
 
 I'l 
 
 In the Autumn of 1701, the British governmentr 
 Influenced by those motives that had actuated it 
 ever since the peace, seized the first opportunity 
 that the minds and political arrangements of the 
 American government and people offered, to open 
 a regular diplomatic intercourse. Still, however, 
 fheir appointment of a minister, was accompanied 
 tvith the necessary caution of witholding full 
 powers to treat of final arrangements. This step 
 they seem to have been amply justified in, by their 
 knowkdge of the feeling that existed in the great 
 majority of Americans, relative to the necessity of 
 free ships making free goods, and their claiming an 
 open trade with the colonies. Many other reasons 
 might be adduced, to prove the propriety of thi» 
 conduct, 
 
 A eiRcuMsTANCE occurrcd at this moment, 
 which win more fully prove the propriety and con* 
 ttsttncy of the British government's conduct to- 
 irrards America. Contemplating, it is presumed. 
 
 (( 
 
 if 
 
***»■ 
 
 • •! 
 
 sh and violent 
 merica would 
 dh observation 
 as a moment 
 lin) felt herself 
 
 fi governmentr 
 ad actuated it 
 Jt opportunity 
 :ments of the 
 Tered, to open 
 !tilJ, however, 
 accompanied 
 itholding full 
 :s. This step 
 2d in, by their 
 ^ in the great 
 e necessity of 
 ir claiming an 
 other reasons 
 priety of this 
 
 his momenf, 
 
 iety and con. 
 
 conduct to- 
 
 is presumed. 
 
 $9 
 
 , the future connection with America, a report ap- 
 pears to, have been made by a committee of 
 the privy council on the subject. It was printed, 
 but recalled; not, however, in sufficient time to 
 prevent a copy getting into the hands of the 
 American government. " After expressing a wil- 
 ** lingness to frame a commercial treaty with the 
 •' American government, on principles of perfect 
 •^ equality, both with respect to navigation and 
 •* commerce, so far as regarded the dominions of 
 * his British Majesty in Europe. But, if it was 
 « said, Congress should propose to extend this eqiia* 
 lity to the remaining colonies on the continent, or 
 to the fVest India islands, the answer ought to 
 ** be, that the demand would not be admitted, even 
 " as a sid)ject of negociation.'' As to free bottoms 
 making free goods, the report was equally peremp- 
 tory. It concluded with recommending a treaty, 
 provided " it could be formed without a departut© 
 
 j " from those principles, which were in the pre- 
 •* vious part of the report considered as fundamen* 
 •* tal." To peruse the extracts from this report, 
 which, proceeding from the source it does, we aro 
 bound to believe accurate, where can be found, by 
 whom can be prescribed, language and conduct 
 more magnanimous, more candid, or more politic ^ 
 
 I Let us refer to their own people for what their 
 «oaduQt had beeii. What part of the treaty tha^ 
 
 
 •< 
 
 M 
 
 .'-Sill 
 
 ::i'.;K 
 
 ■ , * 
 
1 1 
 
 If 
 
 5^ 
 
 tlicy toiilcl infringe, by not fulfilling, had they not 
 done ? Was a penny of the debt which they had en- 
 gaged to pay by that treaty^ discharged? Was there 
 any means to compel its payment? Were the 
 courts of justice open to British claims; to any 
 effect at least? Contrast the conduct of Great 
 Britain — Was there any violence of expression, any 
 virulence of conduct? Was hers not rather that ot 
 an affectionate parent towards a froward and way- 
 ward child, than the conduct of one political body 
 to another, whose language had been for more than 
 eight years of the most violent nature, and whtch 
 had indicated a wish and an inclination more ma- 
 lignant than the savage of their woods, never to 
 bury the hatchet of discord* 
 
 I' 
 I-; 
 
 ^.1 
 
 il 
 
 ■V- 
 
 ¥■' 
 
 ABOtJT this period (1792), the parties in the 
 United States seemed forming, and commencing, 
 for the first time, systematic operations under their 
 respective leaders. The press was an engine too 
 easily wielded, and too powerful when wielded, 
 not to be resorted to. Assisted by it, the repub- 
 lican and the federal parties, as they are distin- 
 guished, each assailed the other, with virulence and 
 intemperance. Various domestic circumstances 
 led to their thus forming themselves. A principal 
 cause of dissatisfaction to the republican party 
 aecmed to be the success of the other, which was 
 
 \i : 
 
 u 
 
had they not 
 1 they had en- 
 d? Was there 
 ? Were the 
 aims; to any 
 act of Great 
 Kpression, any 
 rather that of 
 ard and way- 
 political body 
 for more than 
 re, and whtch 
 :ion more ma- 
 ods, never to 
 
 parties in the 
 
 commencing, > 
 
 fns under their *^f 
 
 an engine too | 
 
 ;^hen wielded, | 
 
 it, the repub- 
 
 ley are distin- 4 
 
 virulence and % 
 
 circumstances 
 
 A principal 
 
 mblican party 
 
 ler, which was 
 
 . a 
 
 37 
 
 insured to them by the countenance of Genera! 
 Washington, and the abilitiesof Col. Hamilton and 
 General Knox. The opinion of these gentlemen 
 he seems to have pretty generally coincided in, 
 and, in no circumstance more ardently it appears, 
 than a fixed determination to prevent French in- 
 fluence obtaining the ground which the disposition 
 of the people gave strong reasons to Fear it would. 
 This of course implicated him, and we find by the 
 testimony of his biographer, that now it Was dis- 
 covered that even his elevated character was, in an 
 indirect way, the subject of the attacks and libels 
 of the republican or popular party. Under the 
 pretence of attacking his levees, which were charged 
 upon him as monarchical, but which, in fact, merely 
 arose from the necessity he felt " of maintaining a 
 just medium between much state and too much 
 familiarity." In these levees, and the resolution he 
 entered into of not returning any visits, were dis- 
 covered the insidious approaches of the ambitious 
 courtier to the shrine of arbitrary power. This, 
 however, seems merely to have been a pretence.—^ 
 His predetermination to prevent undue influence on 
 the part of France, and determined support of the 
 measures that tended to that necessary end, seemed 
 to have been more the cause than any which were at 
 that time openly alledged. But an event now 
 happened in Europe, which gave strength and 
 
 E 
 
 '^ ^ 
 
 tfi. 
 
 
 U^ 
 
u 
 
 '■^f' 
 
 '■'•ill 
 
 I- ■ 
 
 i i. * 
 If- 
 
 i-i- 
 
 consistency to these charges, however frivolous and 
 ridiculous they may appear. The unfortunate 
 Louis was now consigned to the dungeons of the 
 Temple ; a republic was decreed by a nation conv 
 posed of twenty-five millions of persons. This was 
 an impulse too strong to be repelled. The repub- 
 lican flame,, which had already been lighted in 
 America, burnt with additional ardour. Such was- 
 Its effect on the party in opposition to General 
 Washington, that it seems to have given perma- 
 nent consistency to the lines of division already 
 drawn, and now decidedly to characterize the re- 
 spective parties by the term, French, and neutral, or 
 moderate. The sanguine light in which the French 
 revolution was viewed by Mr. Jefferson, and the 
 Burke-like passages which Colonel Hamilton drew 
 fi-om it, in which he seems to have been supported 
 by General Washington and Mr. Adams, gave ad- 
 ditional keenness and energy to the contending: 
 parties. 
 
 At this period Is to be dated the birth of that 
 political bantling in America, that has now arrived 
 to a Colossal size, French influence. The destruc* 
 tion of the monarchy, and the establishment of the 
 legislative powers residing in only one body, was 
 the signal for a shout of approbation on the part of 
 the American people, that resounded from one end 
 
ous and 
 
 ^rtunate 
 
 I of the 
 
 )n con> 
 
 rbis was 
 
 repub- 
 
 hted ia 
 
 Lich waa 
 
 General 
 
 perma- 
 
 already 
 
 the rc- 
 
 utraJ, or 
 
 : French 
 
 and the 
 
 on drew 
 
 pported 
 
 jave ad- 
 
 itending: 
 
 of that 
 arrived 
 destruc- 
 it of the 
 iy, was 
 part of 
 one end 
 
 59 
 
 of the continent to the other. Such was the ani- 
 mation and fervour with which the intelh'gence of 
 these events was received, that it required all the 
 strength, firmness, and vigour of Washington to 
 prevent them breaking beyond those bounds, which 
 not only poh'cy, but a common regard for the 
 treaties into which their government had entered, 
 prescribed; and which would have thrown not 
 merely into the arms of revolutionary Franjce, but 
 have introduced into their own country those scenes 
 of carnage and destruction that immediately after- 
 wards desolated the fairest part of Europe. Such, 
 it seems, was the fervent admiration with which ^ 
 they viewed the French revolution, that because 
 there had been (owing, of course, to the confusion 
 which had existed in France) some delay in the 
 payment of the debt, this very circumstance was 
 brought as a charge against the American govern- 
 ment, of being hostile to France and the revolu- 
 tionary constitution, 
 
 Washington was however unmoved. In the 
 yc'j.r 1793, he was re-elected to the presidency, and 
 we find him early in that year, acting with his usual 
 vigour and determination. Clearly foreseeing the 
 event of the French revolution, and at the same 
 time dreading the approach of any thing which 
 fhouldgive additiqnal strength to the violent spirit 
 
 f^ 
 
 '* ;-**. 
 
 I,;/ ;a 
 ■•■■"■',* 
 
( 
 
 !■■■■'*, 
 
 'I! 
 
 f tl 
 
 i 
 
 ■i - 
 
 already existing In America, he seems early toliav« 
 determined, that no endeavour on his part should 
 be wanting to establish that neutrah'ty which was 
 so necessary to her existence as a nation. In April,, 
 1793, the account of the war between Great Bri- 
 tain and France arrived. In all classes, it seemed 
 to give additional vigour to the hatred to England, 
 and, if possible, to their affection for France. The 
 few who thought differently to the many, were 
 « tools of Britain," and " satellites of despotism." 
 A pretty plain and practical comment on this text, 
 was, their fitting out in American ports, ships of 
 war under French commisions to capture British 
 shipping. 
 
 It may be necessary here to call the attention of 
 ^e reader to the fact, that, by the treaty between- 
 the United States and France, which was made in 
 1778, engagements offensive and defensive were 
 entered into by the contracting parties: with this, 
 provision, however, that, either of the parties being 
 the aggressor on a third, could not in that case call 
 for the execution of the treaty. Hence it became, 
 i^ece&sary, as soon as France was involved in war,, 
 fpr America to ascertain whether she wasi or was. 
 not the injured party? To determine this fact,, 
 Qeneral Washington put certain queries; to his car- 
 teaet^ fe)r:theiu, to consider. aii4. givft tlieiri o^inioa. 
 
)r toliav« 
 t should 
 ich was 
 [n April,, 
 •eat Bri- 
 seemed 
 England, 
 :e. The 
 
 were 
 
 •» 
 
 ;potism 
 
 this text, 
 
 ships of 
 
 e British 
 
 ention of 
 between 
 
 made in 
 ive were 
 with this, 
 ies being 
 
 case call 
 t became 
 
 in war, 
 s or waS; 
 :his fact,, 
 tohiscar- 
 
 upon. Their reply was unanimous, that France^ 
 not Great Britain, was the aggressor. la order to 
 give this opinion its full weight, as well as to check 
 the lawless spirit of privateering, he issued his pro- 
 clamation, declaring the United States to be neu- 
 tral ; and, of course, enjoining its citizens to respect 
 that neutrality. 
 
 This proclamation of neutrality seems to have 
 been a signal agreed upon, or rather received by 
 the popular party, as one for an attack on General 
 Washington, and on Great Britain, more virulent 
 than had hitherto appeared. To injure the latter,, 
 no step but what was taken, no artifice was 
 left untried. On the other hand, although the 
 streets of Paris were streaming with the best and 
 the worst blood of France; though a jacobin, and 
 a prince were indiscriminately dragged to the scaf- 
 fold, it was done in the glorious cause of liberty,, 
 against the combined despots. To aid in this in- 
 fernal conspiracy, there soon arrived an agent,. 
 *« charged with alembick from the Parisian hell." 
 who was furnished with full powers, and as great 
 inclination, to add fuel to the already dangerous 
 fi^me. Thus was a revolutionary character intro-p- 
 duced for the first time. The instructions he cam© 
 vrith were, to try and discover if the executive go- 
 vernment were well affected to the r^volutioo. If 
 
 ,f' ■■': 
 •■•V.-JI 
 
 % 
 
 
 •N(.f 
 
 .#1 
 
 I 
 
m n 
 
 
 '<.f ■ 
 
 if ,^ 
 
 •4 
 
 
 'i. 
 
 I 
 
 ■Hi ' 
 
 
 11 ■'• 
 
 J 
 
 m 
 
 
 ^B; 
 
 
 |H 
 
 1 
 
 |i 
 
 42 
 
 -he should find this part of the community t\ot wiU 
 ]in"- to become the dupes of their infernal machina- 
 tions, he was then to see whether the response of 
 the people would be more consonant to their wish- 
 ers. The former he soon found he" could not model 
 to the shape he desired. The latter he found " like 
 clay in the hand of the potter," ready to receive any 
 impression which he chose to give it. 
 
 Knowing the character of the different parts of 
 the Union, and that wild democracy was a plant 
 of luxuriant growth in the new southern latitudes, 
 he contrived to land at Charleston in South Ca- 
 roHna. In this town he was received by the Go- 
 vernor of the state, with the most marked attention. 
 In order more effectually to feel the public pulse, 
 and give animation to the rising sentiments of sym- 
 pathy 'and affection already existing in the Ameri- 
 can minds for their republican friends, he determin- 
 ed upon travelling by land to New York. The 
 slow method of travelh\ig was peculiarly favourable 
 to the object he had in view ; and we find him ar- 
 riving at the scat of the government, in more than 
 a month after his landing on the territory of the 
 United States. Nor were the mild and virtuous- 
 inhabitants of these blissful regions restrained by any 
 of the vulgar rules that, in the savage countries of 
 Europe, govern the conduct of Individuals. With 
 
43 
 
 irdour did they embrace him as the apostle of 11* 
 berty. With equal detestation did they express 
 their horror at the atrocious conduct of Great Bri- 
 tain, then at the head of a combination of despots, 
 armed against the dearest rights and privileges of 
 mankind. 
 
 n 
 
 ■.i 
 
 :. 1 
 
 The positive iiifi'ingements, upon not only the 
 law of nations, but of their treaties, were such, that 
 it became a matter of duty in the British minister 
 to call the attention of the government to the sub^ 
 ject, and to claim restitution. To this requisition 
 it will be well to notice the reply.— When the pre^ 
 sident consulted the secretaries of state, of war, 
 and of the treasury, as well as the attorney gene* 
 ral, on the subject of the restitution, the former, 
 Mr. Jefferson, and the latter, Mr. Randolph, (whose 
 intercepted correspondence v^^ill be well recollected) 
 thought the propriety of restitution was dubious.— 
 they imagined, that, " By disavowing the act, by 
 •* taking measures to prevent its repetition, by pro* 
 •* secuting the American citizens engaged in it, 
 " the United States ought to stand justified with 
 •« Great Britain; and for that power to demand 
 ♦* farther reparation would be wrong on her part. 
 ** That the vessels which had been captured on the 
 " high seas, and brought into the United States, by 
 f privateers Jilted out and covimissioned in their 
 
 't 1 
 
 ■ "■>, 
 
 ■1 
 
 • h 
 
 '•if 
 

 'i'l' '' 
 
 wm. 
 
 4 -I 
 
 Hi 
 
 "t 
 
 44 
 
 •* ports^ ought not to be restored''' To give the 
 opposed opinions of Colo: milton and Gene- 
 
 ral KnoK, with their reasons, vsrould be insulting to 
 the understanding of the reader. 
 
 Disappointed, however, by this conduct. Ge- 
 net seems determined to try whether he could or 
 could not exhaust insult, when he made replies to 
 the communications which were made to him, of 
 the general principle upon which the government 
 had determined to act. Not satisfied with this, 
 however, he boldly claims the release of two Ame- 
 rican seamen, who had entered on board a French 
 privateer, and against whom a process of law was 
 in the course of prosecution. 
 
 At this period, it is impossible to. avoid remark- 
 ing the caution the government were obliged to ob- 
 serve in their communications with Genet. The 
 motive could only have been the dread of the popu- 
 lar interference, a fear that seems to have arisen 
 with some degree of justice. All the jargon of the 
 French revolution was adopted. The red cap of 
 jacobin France passed in their civic feasts, from 
 head to head. The press was almost uniform in its 
 support. Had these acts been unaccompanied by 
 others of insult to Great Britain, they might have 
 passed unnoticed, and have been attributed to the 
 
f< 
 
 tc 
 
 « 
 
 *5 
 
 heat and Intempfefance of the moment. But simpl<j 
 silence on the subject of Great Britain would not 
 satisfy these republicans. Nothing would satiate 
 their fraternal ardor for their French friends, but, the 
 most unlimited abuse of the monarchy of the govern- 
 ment, of the subjects of Great Britain, must be 
 united with their rejoicings at the horrors of revo* 
 lutionary France^ In the animated language of 
 Mr. Marshall, " Mr. Genet was exhorted not to 
 relax in his endeavours to maintain the just 
 rights of his country, and was assured, that in 
 the qffeefiojis of the people he would find a firm and 
 " cePtUin sttpport" 
 
 In June, 1793, a circumstance occurred which 
 places American neutrality in a strong light. An 
 English ship was captured by the French^ and 
 brought into Philadelphia, where she was refitted^ 
 and armed to cruize against British commerce. — 
 The president was at his seat for a few days. CoK 
 Hamilton communicated the fact to General Knox: 
 and Mf. Jefferson. Directions were then given to 
 the municipal authorities, to report the state she" 
 was in, and the probable period of her sailing. It 
 was ascertained that she was ready for, sea. In 
 consequence of this, a gentleman was sent to Genet 
 to *equeSty that he Would delay her sailing until the 
 arrival of General Washington. He replied with. 
 
 •! 
 
 
 
 ■■■. -i 
 
 I 
 
 n 
 

 4'-^ 
 
 
 4<J 
 
 his accustomed insolence, and refusfca to givtf A 
 specific answer as to her detention. On this intel* 
 ligence, a body of troops was ordered by the 
 governor of the state to be stationed in such a 
 situation, that force, should it be necessary, might 
 be employed. The governor communicated this 
 fact to the general government. In consequence 
 of this intiniation Mr. Jefferson waited on Genet, 
 who seems to have observed the same conduct to 
 him that he did to the gentleman who had previously 
 been with him. He refused Mr. Jefferson an^ 
 direct answer as to her detention. This gentle- 
 man's report induced General Knox and Colonel' 
 Hamilton to advise that force should be recurred 
 to. From this opinion, however, Mr. Jefferson 
 dissented, and the vessd sailed on her cruize before 
 the arrival of the president. , The circumstanceis 
 ■were of course made known to him by General 
 Knox and Colonel Hamilton, on his arrival. Ex' 
 C:essively indignant at such conduct. General Wash^ 
 ington immediately sent a messenger^ desiring Mr. 
 Jefferson's attendance. He had retired indisposed 
 into the country. General Washington then ad- 
 dressed him the following letter. — What he felt oi» 
 the occasion is strongly depicted in its stile:—* 
 «* What is to be done in the case, of the Little. 
 « Sarah, now at Chester? Is the minister of th© 
 ;i French republic to set the act* of this govera-? 
 
f7 
 
 « ment at defiance with impunity, and then threafen 
 ** the execution with an appeal to the people ?~* 
 •* What must the world think of such a conduct; 
 ^* and of the government of the United States, in 
 *' submitting to it ?" Such, it seems, was th6 con- 
 duct of a French revolutionary minister. It is not, 
 however, to be wondered at, when we recollect by 
 whom he was supported. Facts proved afterwards, 
 he had tampered with a minister, ; They declared 
 now, that he was supported by the people. As a 
 proof that he might feel himself justified, it is only 
 necessary to recur to some sentiments, which were 
 expressed in the shape of toasts, given at a civic/e'/<r, 
 at which ^governor of Pensylvania and a regiment 
 of militia were preseiit, " Union and mutual confit 
 ♦* dence to the patriots of Fraijqe ; confusion and, 
 *' distress to the councils of their enemies." ** May 
 " the succeeding generations wonder that such 
 ** beings askings were ever suffered to exist." . i C 
 
 An expression of affection for France, as has been 
 before observed, never satisfied these ardent re'piil> 
 licans. They must in their more solemn characters;^ 
 asjurors, avow their support of France. We find 
 them pronouncing a verdict of acquittal on a 
 criminal, who was ah American citizen; who had 
 armed against a power with which they were at 
 peace. , Xl^isppan^guiltyjn th? fye of, the lavr of 
 patiops ai)4his.ovr»:99ijntry, was a9<q.uitte4» ; ^ 
 
 m 
 
 .t:.'d'< 
 
 "'i '*! 
 
 .'■:■< 
 
 ■ ,. t 
 
 • ..D 
 
 ■.m 
 
 
I? 
 
 
 
 
 "'I ^-^ ■ 
 
 U ; 
 
 48 
 
 The French Minister, however, judging from 
 the popular fervour and ^ardour in the cause of 
 France, and proportional enmity to Great Bri- 
 tain, seems still to pursue this violent conduct.-— 
 The American government was thus at last driven 
 to request his recal. When ho learnt that this 
 measure had been taken, he addressed a most angry 
 letter to the secretary of state, in which he charged 
 the president with having transcended the power of 
 the constitution) and of his accimUion before Co7u 
 gresshe spoke of as an act of justice, <* which the 
 ** American people, which the French people, 
 ** which all free people, were Interested to reclaim.'* 
 To Mr. Jefferson his bitterness also extended. That 
 gentleman, he said, he considered his personal 
 Jriend, — " He had," said Genet, " initiated him 
 ** into 7nysteries lohich had inflamed his hatred 
 *f against all those ivho aspire to absolute power.*'— ^ 
 Thus we see he did not confine his asperity to the 
 president, or " to those gentlemen who had been 
 ^* painted to him so often as aristocrats, partisans 
 <^ of monarchy, parti%afis of England, and conse- 
 " quently enemies of the principles which all good 
 <* Frenchmen had embraced with a religious en-. 
 <* thusiasm." He seemed to spare not a man he 
 had hitherto been led to conpeive his be&t friend . 
 
 
 Determined to drain the ctfp qt insult to ita 
 last drears, we find Genet Duttinc in force his in* 
 
 I i» ■ 
 
4^ 
 
 structi^ns relative to an appeal to tlie people, 
 against the president. With all the art of French 
 intrigue, he claims from the president, (in a letter 
 addressed to him, contrary to all rule,) a contradic- 
 tion of what had been said relative to an assertion 
 of his, about an appeal to the people. The very 
 insulting letter in wrhich this demand was made, 
 was, it seems, the act he threatened, for it was in- 
 tended for publication. 
 
 
 By all these circumstances, however, the popu- 
 lar ardour was not to be cooled. No violence, no 
 insolence on the part of Genet, seems to shake their 
 fixed purpose. He might heap insult upon insult, 
 on those who held the reins of the American go- 
 vernment J and have commhted injury upon injury, 
 on the subjects and government of Great Britain: 
 nothing seemed capable of moving the resolution of 
 his republican brethren. Here^ it is impossible not 
 to qiiote the sentiments of Mr. Marshall, to which 
 a calm reflection on these circunstances now past, 
 and the heat of opinion on which has now cooled, 
 hav«^ given rise. They ought to make a deep 
 impression on every British heart. If duly consi- 
 dered, they must prove the deadly hatred the Ame- 
 rican bears the English ch^acter. *' Seldom ha:s 
 ** more conclusive testimony been offered of the 
 « ascendancy which, in the conflicts of party. 
 
 
 ,1 
 
 m. 
 
 i 
 
 •h 
 
 
■U: 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 11 
 
 ,1 :,. 
 
 50 
 
 •^ the passions maintain over reason, than wns e-x* 
 ** hibited on this occasion, by the zealous parti- 
 ** zans of the French minister. It might have been 
 " expected, tliat, content with questioning th« 
 *' fact, or diverting the obloquy attending it from 
 ♦* the French nation, no American could have been 
 ♦' found hardy enough to justify it, and but few to 
 ** condemn those gentlemen by whose means it 
 *' reached the public ears. Nothhig can he farther 
 *' removed from this expectation, than the conduct 
 •* which was actually observed. The censure raci 
 '• ritcd by the expressions themselves, fell, not on 
 ** the person who had used them, but on tho§e who 
 ** communicated them to the public, By writer! 
 of considerable political eminence, they werq, de- 
 clared to be membc^r^ of a powerful faction, who 
 f* were desirous of separating Amerka from Fr<ince^ 
 and connecting her with England, for the 
 purpose of introducing the British Qonsti(;yt,ion, 
 They had caught with eagerness, it was said, at 
 some supposed rnisunderstandnig between th? 
 minister of thr republic,, and the president; and 
 this stratagen had been used in the hope that, 
 by the popularity of the latter, the regeird for the 
 nation of tiie former might be diminished:; as if 
 no. sin cou,'d equal the crjm^ of disclosing tg the 
 people a .ruth which, by due reflection, might 
 ^ check th? flood of that pssion for Frange^ whicU. 
 
 C( 
 
 C( 
 
 «( 
 
 <f 
 
 AC 
 
 t< 
 
 €< 
 
 .*t 
 
 *C 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
6i 
 
 •• wa« deemed the surest test of patriotism. The 
 
 ** darkest motives were assigned for the disclosure; 
 
 ** and the reputation of those who made it, could 
 
 •* be rescued only by n lapse of years, and by » 
 
 •* change of the s.ibject of controversy, from the pe- 
 
 " culiar party odiim with which they were at th© 
 
 •* time overwhelmed. . 
 
 ■■'1 
 
 -I 
 
 A CiRctTMsTANCK occurrcd in France, whic!l! 
 also tended to rertove the agent Genet from Ame-^ 
 rica. It was thefaJJ cf Robespiere, whose reign, 
 whose measures,mciked as they were with blood] 
 could not divorc. the popular party in America from* 
 their idol. Theworship of this modern Nero was 
 suited to their Qaracter. They clung to the na- 
 tion of which h was the household god. They 
 lingered in the cnbraces of jacobinism and demo- 
 cracy, and provec themselves worthy children of 
 the same parent. ^ • 
 
 < 
 
 
 A CASUAL occiirence In the foreign relations of 
 Great Britain tooljplace in the year 1794, which 
 tvill add another tithe many traits already given 
 of American enmity At the commencement of 
 ^^^*i'" I'^gs, Pougal was engaged in war 
 with tlili||arbary powts. Wishing to bring the' 
 naval forc|l«6f Portuga into a more effectual ser-' 
 vi^ei Great^Britaiii dete^ixed to mediate betweea' 
 
 ■ a 
 
 •1 
 
•'« ' 
 
 !;■■' 
 
 
 ■i-r 
 
 
 ■ J 'J 
 
 (I I; 
 
 ^■:t 
 
 f-ei' 
 
 
 It 
 
 
 
 52 
 
 lier faltliful Majesty and theregencies. This mcdi;^ 
 diation was successful. The hostility of those 
 powers was then confined to depredations on Arae- 
 ^ican commerce. Will tt be beHeVed, that the 
 cause pf this mediation was traced up to the inve- 
 teracy that Great Britain possessed towards Ameri- 
 ca ? Good God ! of what dark and base materials 
 must the minds of such persons be composed, to 
 believe that the British government could mediate 
 for one. power merely to let loose the corsairs of 
 Africa on the defenceless ccmmercc of another !! — 
 The reflections of the learned biographer of Wash- 
 ington are so just, that it would ?e injuring him, 
 not to give them. " From go^srnments acqus- 
 « tomed to trust rather to artifice:han ta force,, or 
 « to reason 5 and influenced by vndictive p&ssion^j 
 « which they have not strength pr courage to jus- 
 « tify, hostility may be expecte« to exert itself in, 
 «« a cruel and insidious policy, which unfeelingly 
 « dooms individuals to chains, md involves them 
 •* in ruin, without having a tedency to effect any 
 « national object. But the Brish character rather 
 « wounds by its pride, and ofSids by its haughti- 
 « ness and open violence, tha injures by the secret, 
 « indulgence of a malignantbut a paltry and urv, 
 « profitable revenge ; and o'tainly such unworthy 
 « motives ought not to b<ligbtly imputed to ar 
 « great and magnanimous /ation, whi<?h dares t9: 
 
55 
 
 ** encounter a world, and risk its existence, for the 
 *' preservation of its station in the scale of empires, 
 •* of its real independence, and of its liberty." 
 
 From the same source we learn, that the con- 
 duct of the American people had been such, and 
 had been supported by the most powerful charac- 
 ters in the popular party, that the representation of 
 the British minister to his own government could 
 not tend to make them look to any other end than 
 war. In the opinion of the learned author of the 
 work before me, who was an eye-witness of the 
 circumstances, hostilities between Great Britain and 
 America, as the ally of France, could, from the cir- 
 cumstances which had existed in America, only be 
 contemplated. From the language of Mr. Ham- 
 mond, in his intercourse vith the government o£ 
 America, we are confirmed in this opinion. 
 
 ;i■^i 
 
 . 
 
 m 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 v4 
 
 In the dismissal of Mr. Genet from his diplo- 
 matic situation, France seems to have lost an active 
 agent. In the person of the secretary of state, who 
 resigned soon after, she lost an able advocate. — 
 The motive of his resignation seems difficult to be 
 found out: was it because he had failed in his 
 endeavours to embroil America with Great Britain, 
 and throw her into the arms of France? « His 
 popularity was great, and seemed to arise from 
 his opposirion to Colonel Hamilton's plan for 
 
 ft 
 
 <( 
 
 4 
 
 ■r. m 
 
^ 
 
 r7 
 
 
 r ' 
 
 
 
 
 , 1 '• 
 
 
 '3 
 
 
 1 "t 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 : 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 1/ 
 
 
 «( 
 
 <( 
 
 54 
 
 " paying off the debt; his ardent and undisguised 
 attachment to the revolutionary parti/ in France ; 
 aiid the dispostion zvhich he has declared to possess 
 
 ** relative to Great Britai7i.** These, it seems, were 
 
 the amiable traits which rendered his character so 
 
 popular. 
 
 Previous, however, to quitting office, he made 
 a report on the subject of American commerce. — 
 This rpport is particularly important, inasmuch as 
 it seems to have been the rule which he then 
 chalked out for himself, and which he has adhered 
 to since with great perseverance. In it will be 
 found the commercial scale by which his conduct 
 squared since his accession to the chair of state.--- 
 The colonial regulations of Great Britain, though 
 •not in immediate terms, were alluded to as those 
 that particularly called for the retaliating' system. 
 
 Faithful, however^ to their leader, his parti* 
 2ans in the .legislative body seemed to adhere to 
 his sentiments. For we no sooner find him with- 
 drawn from office, than we find them bringing for- 
 ward resolutions, which were foundecj on the re- 
 port; the ideas of which were fully embraced,—- — - 
 Mr. Madison, the present secretary of state, mo-ved 
 these resolutions. In a long and animated debate, 
 it was proved by the friends of Anierica and neu' 
 
^x*^ 
 
 lisgutsed 
 France ; 
 7 possess 
 ns, were 
 icter sa 
 
 e made 
 lerce. — 
 iitch as 
 be then 
 adhered 
 will be 
 conduct 
 state.--- 
 though 
 IS those 
 stem. 
 
 is parti* 
 here tx> 
 n with- 
 ing for* 
 
 the re- 
 ?d, r 
 
 moved 
 debate, 
 id neu- 
 
 I 
 
 55 
 
 rality, that many of the data on which his report 
 was grounded, were false; and that when there was 
 acareful examination of the commerce of America, 
 as it stood relative to Great Britain and France, it 
 was discovered, that, with the former, the advanta- 
 ges were greater than with the latter. In the de- 
 bate, the determined, the obstinate hostility to 
 Great Britain, appeared in glaring colours. The 
 friendship for France was equally conspicuous. 
 Calculations were coolly entered into to prove, that 
 if Great Britain went to war in consequence of 
 thfjse resolutions, how many workmen would be 
 thrown out of employ. And I can easily believe 
 that these philanthropists would delineate how 
 many of the wives and children of the starving me- 
 chanics would perish; the quantum of distress it 
 would occasion to the more wealthy individual ; 
 and the number of unfortunate wretches that must 
 seek an asylum in the woods of America ! Thesd 
 cool calculations entered doubtless into the hearts of 
 these philanthropists, though perhaps they were not 
 uttered by their tongues. 
 
 In the course of the de1:)ate, it was averred that 
 Great Britain and her colonies were dependent on 
 America for bread j for, in short, almost every ar- 
 ticle which was necessary to the existence of Bri- 
 tish commerce and manufacture. As an indticei 
 
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 ment, thus to enact retaliating measures toward 
 Great Britain, she was again charged with having 
 instigated the Indian to the murder of the citizen 
 of the frontier; and with having let loose the AI- 
 gerine on the defenceless commerce of America. 
 No malignant assertion, however unfounded ; no 
 accusation, however wild and incredible; but what 
 seems to have been uttered by the popular party 
 5n Congress, and received by their adherents out 
 of doors. On the other hand, in the conduct of 
 revolutionary France were exhibited proofis of a 
 magnanimity and generosity, that called for the most 
 grateful return. The hand of friendship which 
 she held out was not to be rejected, although it 
 were tinged with a ten-times deeper red, than that 
 which the horrors it had committed, had occasion- 
 ed. Fortunately for them, the more moderate 
 sentiments of the neutral party prevailed, although 
 by a small majority. It ought however to be no- 
 ticed, that it was in some measure owing to the ge^ 
 Jebrated order issued by the British government ip 
 November 1793, for the detention of provision 
 ships, that their attention was diverted from the 
 measures which were intended to be engrafted on 
 the resolutions, 
 
 In addition to the provision order of November, 
 there seems to have been just at this time 9, circum- 
 
stance, which, by inducing the people of Ame* 
 *ica to think that war with Great Britain was 
 approaching, led them to project measures of re- 
 prisal. This is an important and too prominent a 
 feature in their character to be omitted. It will 
 serve as a very good barometer to indicate how 
 high or low their spirit of hostility will arise at a 
 future period in like circumstances, There was 
 communicated to the American government a 
 Bpeech, said to have been made by Lord Porchcs- 
 tcr to the Indians, in which he said, that in his 
 opinion war was approaching between America 
 and Great Britain. This was, however, unfound^ 
 ed. But, actuated by it, a motion seems to have 
 been produced in the house of representatives, for 
 iJte sequestvatian of British debls. In th|3 debate 
 on this motion, " their invectives against the Bri* 
 *♦ tish nation were uttered with peculiar vehe* 
 ♦* mence.** A '* resistance," it was said, " of the 
 ^ feelings of the people for the cause of France, 
 * had been palatable food for British arrogance 
 ^ and presumption." Thus may the English na- 
 tion see the specie^ of hostility America is in-, 
 dined to enter into. Is it to have the enemies of 
 their country in the field? Is it to meet its foes on 
 the ocean ? No, it is that " system of cruel and 
 '* insidious policy, which unfeelingly dooms indi» 
 « vjduals to chains, and involves them in ruin. 
 
 
 s4 
 
 ■> 'if 
 
 
58 
 
 .viti 
 
 
 
 Hr 
 
 '■'t 
 
 ** Without having a tendency to efFect any national 
 ** object/' Such is the system of American hosti« 
 lity. It is thus to sacrifice private ana public ho- 
 nour on the altar of infamy, and replenish the 
 coffers of the state with the perjuries of the indi- 
 vidual. 
 
 The recal of the order of November 1793, on 
 the part of Great Britain, and the reasons which 
 were given for its issuing, as well as the discovery 
 of the error about Lord Dorchester's speech, sus- 
 pended the resolution. The open, manly, liberal, 
 and decided explanations, given on the subject by 
 Lord Grenville ; the profession of sincere friend- 
 ship made by him, seems to have awakened in a 
 few breasts some sparks of amiable feeling. On 
 the popular party no effect whatever was obtained. 
 Regarding with jaundiced eyes every measure c( 
 the British government, every one of its motives 
 continued to be traced io a malignant source ; 
 every act of its administration was misrepresented. 
 The popular feelings were excited in the most 
 Mammato7 way, through the medium of th0 
 press, 
 
 The war with Great Britain did not seem to 
 the moderate and neutral party, to be by any* 
 means the leading or greatest. evil. The state of 
 
59 
 
 .the popular mind appears to have been such as to 
 .occasion a fear that the horrors of the French re- 
 volution would have been reached over them: 
 Every atrocity of that momentous event, it seems 
 to have been feared, v^rould have found imitaticn. 
 Thus would the woods of America been moistened 
 with the blood of her citizens. For we learn from 
 the eloquent author last quoted, " That w^ar with 
 ** Britain, during the continuance of the passionate 
 '" and almost idolatrous devotion of a great majo- 
 •* rity of the people for the French republic^ 
 ** would throw America so completely into the 
 " arms of France, as to leave her no longer mis- 
 ** tress of her own conduct, was not the only 
 *' fear which the temper of the day suggested* 
 •* That the spirit zohich triumphed in that nation 
 ** and deluged it zvith the blood of its revolutionaiy 
 «* champions might cross the Atlantic, and desolate 
 ** the hitherto safe and peaceful dwellings of the 
 ** American people, was an apprehension not so e?i* 
 ** tirely tinsupported by appearances, as to be pro^ 
 " nounced chimerical. With a blind infatuation, 
 ** which treated reason as criminal, immense num' 
 <* hers applauded a furious despotism, trampling 
 *' on every right, and sporting with human life as 
 ** the essence of liberty; and the fciv zvho con- 
 V ceived freedom to be a plant ivhich did not fiou- 
 f' rish the better for being nourished zoith human 
 
 ivif 
 
 
 "•. >i 
 
 ' ■ J 
 
M 
 
 •« 
 
 €0 
 
 ** blood, ami icho ventured to disapprove of the 
 ■•• ravages of the guillotine, zvere execrated as the 
 •* tools of the coalesced despots^ and as persons, 
 •• xvho, to tee a ken the affection of America for 
 ** France, became the calumniators of that repub- 
 lic. Already had an imitative spirit, captivated 
 with the splendour, but copying the errors of a 
 •• great nation, reared up in ^wi^ry part of the 
 •• continent, self-created corresponding societies; 
 •* who, claiming to be the people, assumed a con- 
 •• troul over the constituted authorities, and were 
 " loosening the bands of government. Already 
 •* were the mountain and a revolutionary tribunal, 
 " favourite toasts; and already were principles 
 " familiarly proclaimed, which, in France had 
 " been the precursors of that trem'^ndou^ and 
 savage despotism, which in the name of the 
 people, and by the instrumentality of afliliated 
 societies, had spread its terrific sway over that 
 •* fine country, and threatened to extirpate all 
 ** that was wise and virtuous. That a great ma- 
 
 ** joritj/ of THOSE STATESMEN WHO CONDUCTED 
 •* THE OPPOSITION, WOULD DEPRECATE SUCH A 
 
 RESULT, furnished no securitjj against it. When 
 thephy&ical force of a nation usurps the place of 
 ** its wisdo7n, those who have produced such 
 " A state of things, do not alzvays retain the 
 " power of controuling it." 
 
 •c 
 
 <« 
 
 «t 
 
 6( 
 
 « 
 
 <c 
 
61 
 
 ' Aware of this momentous fact, the prescient 
 mind of Washington determined to stem the popu- 
 lar torrent, and to endeavour to oppose a barrier 
 to the overwhelming stream of revolutionary en- 
 thusiasm. In order to attain this end, he embraced 
 the earliest opportunity that the conciliating dis- 
 positions of Great Britain held out of arrangement 
 and accommodation. This had been interrupted 
 for a short time, owing to the provision order. But 
 as soon as the cause of this order was explained, 
 €very doubt of the disposition of the British cabi- 
 net seems to have been removed. Availing him- 
 self, therefore, of this friendly disposition. We find 
 him having recourse to the solemnity of an extra- 
 ordinary embassy to the court of St. James's. In 
 his choice of a gentleman to fill this important 
 station, he seems to have consulted not only the 
 interest of his own country, but to have gratified 
 the ministers of Great Britain. The moderate 
 and conciliating conduct of Mr. Jay, his total ab- 
 straction from any of the wild schemes that at that 
 period pervaded every part of America, together 
 with his great talents, seem to have eminently 
 qualified him for the task. In proportion, however, 
 as this appointment was beneficial to the countrv, 
 and consistent with its real views, in the same de- 
 gree were the popular party opposed to it. The 
 ground they took, seems to have been that of 
 
 H 
 
 ■ ! 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 i 
 

 ■fi- 
 
 62 
 
 which they had long held possebsion. The prospect 
 of a good understanding with the despotic go* 
 vernmcnt of Great Britain, revolted their pure and 
 exalted minds» 
 
 Two days after the appointment of Mr. Jay In the 
 house of representatives, they even brought forward 
 some resolutions which went to destroy all inter- 
 course with Great Britain. These, it seems, passed 
 with a large majority, and were lost in the senate, 
 onlj/ by the casting vote of the vice president. 
 
 Such, however, was the continuing friendly dis- 
 position of the American people toward France, 
 and its proportionate hostility to Great Britain^ 
 that a bill simply to prevent the fitting out priva- 
 teers in American ports, and preventing the sale 
 of their prizes, was only carried in the senate by 
 the casting vote of the vice president. In the 
 house of representatives we find one of these 
 
 " Rabble senators and merchant kings," 
 
 Endeavouring to reject a section in the bill," which 
 " declared it to be a misdemeanour for a citizen 
 " to inlist within the United States, to serve 
 " at^ainst a friendly power." Such was the con- 
 duct of those who were well described, " as apos- 
 *' ties of anarchy," who " sQught to intoxicate th€ 
 
 <( 
 
 (C 
 
 

 •63 
 
 <« people with principles which were incompatible 
 ** with the existence of government." 
 
 Mr. Jay seems to have answered the expecta- 
 tion formed of him by General Washington. He 
 succeeded in framing a code of regulations, which, 
 though its existence was so limited, gave, during 
 that existence, ample proofs of its not only being 
 competent to its object, but beneficial in its effects 
 to both parties. The conduct of the British mi- 
 nister appears also in an admirable light. Lord 
 Grenville, aware of the irritation that existed, 
 went through his office with a dignity that inspired 
 respect, and at the same time conciliated esteem. 
 Mr. Jay seems to have adopted a line of conduct 
 also inspiring respect and esteem. Difficult as 
 was his situation, his demeanour seems to have 
 rendered it almost pleasant, The British govern- 
 ment seems, when we view its conduct in a gene- 
 ral light, to have acted with that temper and mo- 
 deration that distinguish true greatness. The effect 
 it wrought on the mind of Mr. Jay will be best dis- 
 played in his own words to General Washington. 
 «« To do more was impossible. I ought not to con- 
 « ceal from you, that the confidence reposed in your 
 personal character was v.'slble and useful through- 
 ** out the negociation."-^- -*^ If there is not a good 
 i* disposition in the hx gitater part of the cabinet 
 
 tt 
 
 
 I 
 
ii>:f: 
 
 'i 
 
 94 
 
 " and tlie nation towards us, I am exceedingly 
 ♦* mistaken. I do not mean an ostensible and 
 « temporizing, hv\ a real good disjwsition, I wish 
 « it may have a fair trial." 
 
 That this treaty was conditionally ratified, need 
 not now be said. There was reasonable gromids 
 to hope, that when it was ratified, opposition 
 would cease, and misrepresentation would not be 
 made. This expectation, however, was unfound- 
 ed. The mode in which it had been made, the 
 secrecy that had been observed relative to its con- 
 tents, were the foundation of charges against the 
 government by the popular party. Their pre- 
 determination on the subject is very evident, and 
 consequently we are not to be surprised at the in- 
 flammatory and false representations which were 
 made by the popular leaders in Congress, to their 
 adherents out of doors. The affection for France 
 was as unbounded as ever. Her victories and 
 plunder of Flanders and Holland, were links that 
 now (1795), bound the people of the two republics 
 together, in the same way that her patriotic mur* 
 ders had heretofore (179S), 
 
 •^ > exhibit how every branch of society in Ame- 
 rica co-operated to bring this treaty into contempt, 
 we find them alledging, that it was ^* an abandon. 
 
lingly 
 and 
 
 [ wish 
 
 need 
 ounds 
 3sitiou 
 not be 
 found- 
 Ic, the 
 
 S COll- 
 
 ist the 
 ir pre- 
 it, and 
 the in- 
 1 were 
 their 
 France 
 ies and 
 iks that 
 publics 
 c mur* 
 
 nAme^ 
 ntempt. 
 
 C5 
 
 «» mcnt of the ancient allies of the United States, 
 «* whose friendship had given them independence, 
 <' and ^chose splendid victories si ill protected them, 
 « for a close connection wi/h tlieir natural enemies, 
 «* and the enemies of Imman liberty:* As an ad- 
 mirable comment on this their text, it is impossi^ 
 ble to avoid mentioning one of their political 
 wishes, given in the shape of a toast, at a meeting 
 of patriotic citizens for celebrating the victories ot 
 France. This, it is to be recollected, was at a 
 period they knew a treaty between America and 
 Great Britain had been signed, and their legisla- 
 tive body about to meet, to say whether it should 
 or should not be ratified. Under these circum- 
 stances we find, that - the shores of Great Britain 
 <« might hail the tri-coloured standard, and, that 
 « the people might rend the air with shouts of 
 
 « Uv^ the republicr ^^rhis was one of their 
 
 prayers, 
 
 A CIRCUMSTANCE IS now to be mentioned, 
 which will place the character of some of these 
 virtuous republican legislators in an amiable light. 
 The treaty was sent to the senate under an injunc- 
 tion of secrecy. One of these illustrious senators 
 privately obtained a mutilated copy, and commu- 
 nicated it to the leading opposition print. Of such 
 materials is this modern republican senate com- 
 
 •■ Ml 
 
If' 
 
 li^Sr-* 
 
 
 ! ' • ' 
 
 
 66 
 
 posed ; a senate that presumes to possess a Tiber, 
 and a Capitol. A Tiber and a Capitol, truly !-^The 
 one, however, is muddied with every modern im- 
 purity ; and the other is the lath and plaster produc- 
 tion of modern fanaticism and political quackery. 
 Surely the illustrious Burke had these self^called 
 republicans in his eye, when he exclaimed, " Oh 
 <* venerable and illustrious shade, how art thou 
 <' prostrated, defamed, and degraded ! O fabric, 
 *« the labour of centuries, the mother of heroism, 
 *' cemented by the blood of patriots, how art thou 
 <« libelled and dishonoured ! As well might it be 
 «* said, that the mutilated shadows of the opera 
 <« house were the representatives of heroes, the 
 *< true and perfect Cicsars, Catos, and BrutuseJi 
 «' of Rome, as that so strange and discordant a 
 " chaos should be the representative of a real re- 
 <* public." 
 
 The public transactions which attended the ratifi- 
 cation of the treaty were such as to claim our at^ 
 tention. The concessions of Great Britain were 
 neither sufficient in effect or in avowal. She had 
 not agreed to remove the basis upon which her 
 naval strength and national glory rested. She had 
 not opened her West India ports to the vessels of 
 the United States in the same manner she did when 
 they were colonies. In short, she had not bowed 
 
 -,iitt»#,a3Miaw»» 
 
67 
 
 to America as the superior power, as the govern- 
 ment paramount in the western world. These and 
 similar charges were made against the government. 
 Meetings were held in which the most intemperate 
 resolutions w6re entered into. At Philadelphia 
 they paraded to the house of the British minister 
 and consul, and burned the treatv before their 
 faces. An American senator who had voted for 
 its ratification, was honoured with a similar mark of 
 respect. At these meetings addresses were voted 
 to the government, and the press teemed with 
 essays, addressed to the passions of the multitude. 
 
 The determination and firmness of Washington's 
 character could not be overcome by any popular tu- 
 mult or violent expression. His opinion on the sub- 
 ject remained the same. This firmness seems, how- 
 ever, to have been a signal for attacks on his cha- 
 racter, which were made in a still more undis- 
 guised way than heretofore. He was now cha- 
 racterized as a tool of Britain, and they pro- 
 claimed him a peculator. Where is the gratitude 
 of man to be met with ? Posterity will refuse to 
 believe that such baseness as this could exist. 
 *« Rank and rotten as is the soil," this, the conduct 
 of these American republicans will not be credited 
 by after ages. 
 
 ■.'.j!l 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 

 
 'W- 
 
 68 
 
 To those who are unacquai 
 
 ntcd with the Ameri- 
 
 to 
 
 can system of government, it may be necessary 
 say, that the constitution vests the treaty-making 
 power in the president and senate* The popular 
 body have no claim to any discussion on the sub- 
 ject, farther than its being necessary, as in the 
 House of Commons, for money bills to originate 
 with them. Hence, they may be supposed to have 
 a nominal influence* This estrangement of the 
 treaty-making power, has with many of the states 
 been considered a great grievance* The light m 
 which this part of their system is viewed will be 
 seen by their subsequent conduct. At the next 
 meeting of Congress the president's speech com- 
 municated to them the state of their foreign rela- 
 tions. Among the circumstances mentioned in the 
 speech was the British treaty. An address of thanks 
 was voted for the speech, but the party which was 
 opposed to the treaty was so powerful, that they 
 succeeded in publicly communicating to the presi- 
 dent, their disapprobation of it* It now became a 
 fresh point, whence they made their attacks on 
 their own and the British government. 
 
 The final step on the part of the president to 
 give, according to accustomed usage, the treaty a 
 place among the laws of the land, it was neces- 
 sary, now that the British ratification was arrived. 
 
to communicate it to the public by a proclaman 
 tion. This was 'doue, and the instrument declaring 
 it to be binding on the citizens of the United States, 
 was communicated to the House of Representa- 
 tives. The popular party in this body had received 
 an accession of strength by recent elections. It was 
 now, therefore* they thought a favourable oppor- 
 tunity to revive a subject which had heretofore ex- 
 cited warm discuscion. This was the treaty-making 
 power. The bringing forward this measure was as 
 ample a proof of folly, as of weakness, if vice may 
 not be added.. They determined to request the 
 pr,esidei)t to lay before them his " instructions to 
 <* 'the minister," the « correspondence," and " other 
 « documents relatiye to the sa d treaty," The ques- 
 tion on this, subject was carried by a majority of 
 twenty rfiye ^pices. 
 
 In thl^;?nea6ure the popular party seem to have 
 h^. many ©Injects. The nature of the power 
 g?ant)S(i to :the president and senate, at the period of 
 thf formation of the constitution, was well known 
 to them to be such that the papers not only might, 
 but ought, to be refused them. But their principal 
 object ''was obtained. This was to render the pre- 
 si^eot unpopular} to mark him as the agent of 
 Great Britain J and thus to add in the popular 
 mind additional hatred to both. The people they 
 
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 '.'■■i-iX 
 
 •9 
 
: 
 
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 ir 
 
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 ¥m 
 
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 70 
 
 knew would receive it with ardour. The firmness 
 of Washington they were; as well acquainted with. 
 This they flattered themselves would make him be- 
 lieved to be still more hostile to France,and still more 
 willing to throw the country into the arms of Great 
 Britain. The result proved the correctness of their 
 calculations. He peremptorily refused them the pa- 
 pers they asked for, and gave strong reasons for this 
 refusal. In the minds of reasonable men, opposition 
 and clamour would have been silenced. Gn these 
 factious demagogues, the effect waS contrary. The 
 little personal respect that still remahied forhitti 
 was now dissipated. The chain of thfeir Conned- 
 tion was now broken. Washington, becaiise he 
 would not obey the mandates bf ii licensed mob, 
 was unworthy the confidence of a nation, in whose 
 service he had spent the best day^of 'his'liife.^''''^ •'* 
 
 Still inflexibly adhering to the deterfiiiftatloh^of 
 breaking with Great Britain, we find the same spi- 
 rit in the popular party, when the lav(rs which were 
 necessary to carry the treaty with effect came to- 
 be discussed by them. These were only carried by 
 
 a majority of three. 
 
 , . ' ' . .. ' i' > 
 
 The period of Washington's resignation now 
 approached. It was the signal for active and ar- 
 dent contention. The moderate and neutral party 
 
 piip^ 
 
.V . 
 
 1i 
 
 were sijpported by General Washington, and 
 hi^ frieods./i,,, The other party had at this time 
 ,aa;racccs^ion of strength in the character of 
 M. , A de^^,,,. Taking advantage of the party heat 
 excited, he avows the instructions he had received 
 from the executive Directory, to suspend his func- 
 tions as minister. To communicate these, he writes 
 nn ardent and animated letter to the secretary of 
 state. A copy of this letter was sent to a printer's 
 for pubhcation. In this attempt to aid the popu- 
 lar party, M. Adet seems, however, to have been 
 disappointed. The impudence of the attack was 
 so glaring, that it silenced the most violent of the 
 popular, and gave additional vigour to the efforts 
 of the moderate party, which was successful in 
 the election of Mr. Adams. 
 
 America was now to lose her best friend. Hu- 
 man nature was also to be deprived of her greatest 
 ornament, at least in the walks of public life. The 
 treatment, however, of this great man, affords a 
 useful lesson to all those who think that appla,use 
 for real virtue can be obtained, for any length of 
 time, from that uninformed mass called " the, 
 « people." His last political act was a detail of 
 French aggression. Still, upon his political death 
 bed, did the malignant efforts of the popular party, 
 endeavour to mfEe that unclouded serenity with 
 
 M-ii 
 
 • 1 1 
 
«, 
 
 
 
 r I . 
 
 li 
 
 7i 
 
 which a consciousness of having "walked in the paths 
 ^of honour inspired him. ** To misrepresent my 
 ^* motives, to reprobate my politi(^s, arid to weaken 
 ^ the confidence \vhich has been reposed in My 
 administration, are objects which cannot be re- 
 linquisiicd by those who will be satisfied with 
 nothing short of a change in our political sys- 
 tem. The consolation, however, which results 
 " from conscious rectitude, and the approving 
 voice of my country, unequivocally expressed 
 by its representatives, deprives theit sting of its 
 poison, and places in the same point of view, 
 '* both the weakness and malignity of their efforts/* 
 Such were his words but a day before he laid 
 down his administration. Such were his feelings i 
 such the conduct of the people he had governed, 
 to a man, to whom the gratitude of the ancient 
 "world would have erected temples. 
 
 «« 
 
 x< 
 
 *< 
 
 •<€ 
 
 tk 
 
 iFC 
 
 Xt 
 
 
 
 The next event which claims our attention is, 
 the treatment of General Pinckney, whose appoint- 
 rnent as minister to Fi-ance, in the place of Mr. 
 Monroe, had been one of the last, and not one of 
 the least unpopular acts of Washington. The re^ 
 cal of Mr. Monroe seems to have given great um- 
 brage. The reception of General Fiurkney by 
 M. Talleyrand, and the pecuniary prtliminaries 
 Which were declared necessary to a treaty, at^ too 
 
 
 $■■ 
 
73 
 
 well recollected to need apy particular notice. In 
 America this seemed to have afforded a breathing 
 time to Bome of the popular party. With others, 
 the' G alio mania was only smothered for a short 
 time. It was dorirant, as the party was now pre- 
 paring for exertions at the period which they hoped 
 ■would put them into possession of power. Their 
 attentk)n being directed to this object, together 
 with their knowledge of the firm system of Wash- 
 ington, being still the guide of the government, 
 also tended to keep them quiet. Of course, the 
 tiame and the subject of Great Britain Ceased for 
 this shoi^t period to be the theme of their abuse. 
 
 Tri£'=period at length arrived, when it pleased 
 Him " by whom nations and empires rise and fall, 
 « flourish and decay," to remove a statesman, 
 whose character was as eminent, as his integrity 
 was unsullied. Washington was in the year 1799, 
 conveyed to the silent tomb. 
 
 Thus was the death blow given to the only sys- 
 tem that Could insure to America her political ex- 
 istence. The election succeeding his death the 
 popular party obtained the ascendancy, and ap- 
 pointed to the supreme situation a gentleman, 
 whose sentiments with regard to America, as well 
 as her foreign connections, may be arned from 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 \' 
 
 •/ 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 '1 
 
 t, 
 
 
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 iM 
 
 
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 ^'1 
 
 
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 ^^a^ 
 
 these pages. Of the popular party he had ever 
 been the leader. His earliest appointment was 
 that of an individual to the secretaryship of .the 
 treasury, who had been the avowed agent in an 
 insurrection which had cost the government, • a 
 quarter of a million. Another earl^ act of his ad- 
 ministration was, his patronage of the celebrate^ 
 Paine, to distinguish whom, he invited him to 
 take a passage in a man of war, assuring him of 
 3ns wishes that his life might be prolonged, to ena- 
 ble him to pursue " his useful labours.'* The 
 " useful labours" he had more recently been en- 
 gaged in were, the " Age of Reason," and 9- libel 
 on'General Washington. Round these standards 
 president Jefferson led him to hope the Ami^iicans 
 would rally. - 
 
 The next event to which I ihink It necessary to 
 allude, is one which, however it may be deemed 
 a repetition of past charges, will still, nevertheless, 
 be found to be an important feature in the charac- 
 ter I have attempted to draw. 1 now allude to the 
 convention of 1802, relative to the payment of the 
 debts due by America to British subjects. Such 
 was the difficulty for individuals to obtain pay- 
 ments, that government agreed to receive X60Q,O0Q 
 fls a compensaLuon for j:. 5,000,000. This Conven- 
 
75 
 
 tion was one of the earliest acts of president Jeffer- 
 son's administration. 
 
 From that period there seems to have been but 
 little difference on the part of the American go- 
 vernment. It will be well to inquire what are 
 now the subjects of her complaints. The impress- 
 ment of seamen, and the declaration of the British 
 government, relative to the blockading decree. 
 The first measure gave rise to the celebrated non- 
 importation act. By a principal member of the 
 popular party in America, it was declared to be a; 
 war measure. Notwithstanding this, it was passed 
 into a law. The discussions which took place on 
 it, were ac<?ompanied with their usual intemperate 
 violence against this country. The bill which was 
 introduced into Congress to sanction the execu- 
 tion of British officers, who were merely obeying 
 the spirit and letter of their instructions, will long 
 be remembered. The declarations about the same 
 period of a Mr. Crowninsheild, that the confisca. 
 tion of British debts was a necessary duty, will 
 not speedily be forgotten. That liberal gentleman 
 entered into a calculation, to prove how much pro- 
 perty belonging to English subjects there was in 
 America. Public funds, &c. he estimated at ten 
 millions sterling. On being reminded that this 
 was in defiance of the treaty of 1794, he very 
 
 ^l 
 1^1 
 
 1 
 
 ™ 
 

 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 
 mm*''- 
 
 
 
 r- 
 
 7^ 
 
 adroitly replied, that Great Britain could not ex* 
 pect that part of the treaty to b'» fulfilled, as by the 
 impressment of American seamen, and her hin- 
 derance to navigation under the American flag, she 
 herself had infringed it *. 
 
 Relative to the adoption of seamen, it is noto- 
 riously known, that the channels of perjury are, as 
 they have been foi years, stiJl open for the obtain- 
 ing certificates of American citizenship. It is only 
 necessary for one sailor to get another to swear for 
 him, that he was born in such a place, nnd a certi-* 
 ficate is granted. Those who know how the Ame- 
 rican ships- are manned, cannot but aver that they 
 have seen the most damning proofs of this fact. It 
 has now arisen to that height, that men speaking 
 most palpably the provincial dialects of England, 
 Ireland, and Scotland, are to be seen thus protect- 
 ed. Nay, in some instances, are the subjects of 
 her faithful majesty, who carry their nation in their 
 face, also protected. Is the British government 
 tamely to acquiesce in this robbery of her seamen ? 
 Let the question be put to any of his Majesty's of- 
 
 • To no one class of British subjects, ought these reflections ta 
 be more- especially addressed than to the stock holder, who, for a 
 little additional interest, has invested his property in the Aojfirica!! 
 iun4s. Let him stand upon his guard i 
 
77 
 
 ficerSi whose ships arc obliged to go into American 
 ports, if it is possible for them to keep iheir 
 seamen ? They will reply in the negative. 
 
 So far arc the acts of the government of the 
 same nature, as the previous principles of the party 
 holding the reins indicated they would be. The 
 dispositions of individuals remain the sanic, though 
 their Kpression of them is less felt, .s they know 
 the ascendancy which Mr. Jefferson has obtained 
 to be such as to render ( ny efforts of theirs unne- 
 cessary. 
 
 But the acts of this g wernment that have been ^ 
 80 tamely acquiesced in by the people, will claim 
 our notice. I mean the votes for noney which 
 has been advanced to France. Not two years 
 since twn r-illions of dollars were appropriated to- 
 ward the n.gocia^ion, which it : 'fl.? said, the go- 
 vernment had entered into for the Floridas. The 
 minority in America have often .ked the ques- 
 tion—To what purpose they have been applied? No 
 farther reply has been given, than an observation 
 in the president s late message, in w^hich he no- 
 tices the delay in the negociat. is with Spain, and 
 concludes by saying, that <* it will be necessary to 
 « wait, in order to see whether negociations are to 
 
■-»i4. 
 
 
 i. • 
 
 9 ' f-. 
 
 s ... 
 
 jyyk 
 ^4 
 
 ' ?/ 4 
 
 •;/-.■ 
 
 '* be protracted in Europe, while hostilities dre t(J 
 ^* be pressed in America." That this moneys if 
 gone to France, is a palpable infraction of neutra- 
 lity, cannot be doubted. That it is gone into the 
 coffers of Buonaparte, I think, there can be as lit- 
 tle doubt. Mr, Randolph declared in his place in 
 Congress, that the secretary of state told him that 
 France " wanted money and must have it*." 
 
 It is not the business of this country any more 
 than it is its inclination, to interfere with the do- 
 mestic affairs of a foreign nation. But when 
 that nation is seen as the secret ally of our enemies, 
 and is known, under pretences of purchases of 
 territory never intended to be delivered, and of 
 debts long since liquidated, to be supplying her 
 with money, it is time to spfcak out. It is tinie 
 for the nation to make itself heard, and in a way 
 
 * The last report on finance contains the following item. 
 
 " The two million of dollars, making provision for defraying 
 " an^ extraordinary intercourse between the United States an(i 
 •' foreign haf ions, 2,000;000. 
 
 * " ^. B. It is here proper to state, that under the authority 
 ** given by thsft act, a credit has been opened in Holland to the 
 ** ministei of the United States, appointed to that with Spain." 
 In America it is believed, ^hat a part of it was sent in specie, dx- 
 rect from New York to France, in the Hornet, a sloop of war, 
 which was fitted out Uhder pretehce of taking out a' Con*«^ General 
 to Paris. 
 
7p 
 
 too, that the spirit and independence fur which it 
 is ccJcbratcd, shall indite. 
 
 In the annals of independent nations, there are 
 not to be found documents, which contain such 
 " damning proofs" of the subservience of one 
 power to another, as a late comrpunication of the 
 French minister to the president of the United 
 States. A claim which arose in 1776, when 
 France and England were at peace, b^t when the 
 late unfortunate king was supplying (in a secret 
 manner and through third persons) money to the 
 American government ; this claim, in defiance of 
 the most authentic documents to prove its payment, 
 has been brought forward by Buonaparte. It was 
 accompanied with a note, which, had it been pre- 
 sented by a British minister, would have roused 
 the continent from one end to the other. The 
 claim Wfts a million of livres, 
 
 I HAVE thus detailed a series of facts Telative to 
 that genuine and fixed hostility on the part of the 
 American people, from tl\e commencement of 
 their existence as an independent nation, dowJJ to 
 the present period. In this detail, I flatter myself, 
 .1 have brought conviction to the mind of evejy un- 
 |)rejudiced reader, that my opinions are founded 
 injustice.. As, however, itjnay be possible f<>r a 
 
 t. 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
■■■V 
 
 
 
 
 
 80 
 
 supposition to arise, that I have a wish to have it 
 believed not improper to interfere in the concerns 
 of the government of that country, I think it right 
 to enter a protest against such a sentiment being 
 entertained. 
 
 A FEW questions will, on a review of these cir- 
 cumstances, arise in the breast of every reader. 
 The leading one will be — Whence arises this pro- 
 spect of hostility ? 
 
 The leading cause is, that magnanimity, that 
 rorbearance,and that moderation, which for the past 
 twenty-four years have prevailed in the British ca- 
 binet. In this magnanimity they have beheld 
 weakness, in this forbearance they have imagined 
 pusillanimity, and in this moderation they have 
 perceived fear. An apprehension that our manufac- 
 turing and colonial interests would suffer by a 
 contest with them, has been in their minds the 
 reason why no strenuous and active measures have 
 been taken, to assure them they wei e wrong. Look 
 at their newspapers, newspapers too, under the 
 immediate patronage of people of property and 
 character, (if character they can be said to pos- 
 sess), and what will be discovered but a series of 
 libels on the laws, on .the constitution, 'and on the 
 people of this country ? Whether the monarch, his 
 family, or his subjects, are the objects of this ani- 
 
 1.. 
 
81 
 
 mad version, the libellous spirit of it is the same. 
 From the highest to the lowest circumstance, their 
 hatred of the English character extends. It is 
 rooted in their minds, it is interwoven in every li- 
 gament of their hearts. Incredible as it may seem 
 to the inhabitants of this country; astonished as they 
 may be who do not know America, and are not 
 acquainted with the character of its citizens; to 
 hear of this island being the scene of anarchy and 
 confusion, and that anarchy and confusion arising 
 from French conquest, would be to them a source 
 of unutterable joy; it would be to them the ap- 
 proach of a political millenium. 
 
 In this country when these representations are 
 made, it is a common circumstance to reply, that 
 such is their accustomed violence of expression, 
 that an allowance must be made for them. Judge 
 them not therefore by their public prints, but go 
 .into their domestic circles, and where will you find 
 one that there is not some libellous aspersion on 
 the British character. It pervades the country. 
 
 There is another remark which is as frequently 
 made as the one just mentioned. This is, that it is 
 their interest to be upon the best terms with us. 
 To this 1 have to reply, that, when the human 
 mind has arrived at a certain pitch of depravitya 
 
 t^ 
 
 I 
 
m 
 
 82 
 
 Interest ceases to be consulted with necessary cau- 
 tion. That the Americans have reached this pitch 
 of depravity, in their private as well as public 
 character, is a fact too well established to admit of 
 question. This language may be deemed too strong. 
 Whether it is so or no, let any one who knows the 
 American character, who has penetrated into the 
 recesses of American hearts, pronounce. He willj, 
 I know, pronounce it not the least too forcible. 
 
 What will be the event of the present circum- 
 stances? The event will be suspension of inter- 
 course. Whether, when that intercourse is stopped, 
 and the Americans feel their great dependence on 
 Great Britain, and the little dependence which 
 Great Britain has upon them j that little depend- 
 ence rendered still less, by the avidity* with which 
 they will continue their commerce through other 
 channels, they will or will not come to a sense 
 of their true interests; remains to be determined. 
 Should, however, their affection for France induce 
 
 ♦ During the embargo in 1798, which did not apply to their 
 coasting trade, the northern and eastern vessels \wm accustomed 
 to clear out for the southern ports. As soon as they were out of 
 sight of land, there were many of them blown by a convcnieitt gale 
 ©f wind across the gnlph stream, and obliged to go in distress into a 
 AVest India island. At least the author has heard thif5 as a fact 
 ■-from their captains. - 
 
 «( 
 
 t( 
 
 I 
 
S3 
 
 them to overlook their true interests, the circum^ 
 stances will call for the "fortiter in re," on the 
 part of the British government. The " suaviter in 
 modd" has been tried for the last twenty years, and 
 by men of different opinions, sufficiently to prove its 
 inefficacy. When they feel this, when they know 
 that our constitution will not be sacrificed to out 
 commerce. Nay more, when they know that a sus- 
 pension of intercourse would oblige Great Britaint 
 to obtain other sources of supply for her manu- 
 factories and colonies ; and that these sources arc 
 already known, and do but require a small propor- 
 tion of British capital and industry to render them 
 productive in the supply of our wants: when they 
 know these things, they will perhaps pause, if it 
 be not too late. We Jearn from themselves ** That 
 •* the product of America grows in other soils than 
 " hers: The demands may be supplied from other 
 '* countries. And we may ask them what they will 
 " do with the surplus profit of the Uuited States? 
 ** Is it to remain in the country and rot upon the 
 ** hands of those who raised it?" 
 
 % 
 
 "I- 
 
 Let therefore the attention of the people of thi& 
 country be bent, not upon the idea of a temporary 
 and frail compact with a people, who will take 
 every advantage of Great Britain being involved m 
 European war, to harass and distress hers but 
 
*• 
 
 «c 
 
 (( 
 
 8* 
 
 upon a determination to render themselves inde- 
 pendent of a connection with a people as ca- 
 pricious, as unprincipled. Gracious God ! one 
 would think (to use the words of one of their own 
 legislators) " to hear their declarations, that all 
 
 men were fed at the opening of their hands; 
 
 and if they shut that hand, the nations starve ; 
 « and if they shake the fist after it be shut, they 
 « die." 
 
 No! thanks to a Gracious Providence who has 
 conferred fertih'ty throughout the habitable world, 
 there are in South America and on the coasts of 
 Africa, more especially at the Cape of Good 
 Hope, sufficient sources of supply. They want but 
 cultivation. 
 
85 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 i 
 
 The writer of the preceding remarks is appre- 
 hensive, that a complaint will be made against him, 
 which has been brought, and with great justice, 
 acrainst the majority of modem reformers and 
 pmjectors ; that of pulling down one building 
 without erecting another. In order to meet this 
 objection, which he fears will be made, m con*?- 
 quence of the conclusion being so little occupied 
 with a detail of the sources whence are to be drawn, 
 the necessary supplies for our manufactories and 
 colonies, he thinks it proper to add, that the prin- 
 cipal Object oi iii^ pamphlet was to awaken the 
 people of these islands from a dream which conti- 
 nued soells had thrown thein into, of a discovery of 
 4 land " flowing with milk and honey" on the 
 other side of the Atlantic. To clerr away these mists 
 which had enveloped their understandings, and 
 bewildered their ideas, was his principal object. 
 
 L 
 
 •■■'f 
 
 1, 
 
8^ 
 
 This wish induced him to compress this pam- 
 phlet as much as possible, in order that it might 
 be within the compass of persons whose situation 
 in Jite, either from pecuniary circumstances, or 
 from J/ttle leisure, are not enabled to purchase, or 
 to bestow the time necessary for the perusal of 
 works which would, if not so expensive and volu- 
 mmous, sufficiently open the eyes of the inhabitants 
 of this country lo the real character of the people, 
 and the nature of the government, of the United 
 States. The works he more particularly alludes to 
 are, the last volume of « Judge Marshall's Life 
 of Washington," and - Mr. Jansen's Stranger in 
 " America." "" 
 
 Hence, it is not to be inferred, that there 
 are not ample sources, which the author can 
 pomt out, and on the best authority, whence 
 our manufactories and colonies can be fully supnli 
 ed. This branch of the subject he is fully prepared 
 to lay before the public, should there appear to be 
 a disposition on their part to receive a project of 
 the sort. ^ *' 
 
 The countries whence he proposes to draw those 
 necessaries have already been mentioned. These 
 remarks will therefore, he flatters himself, excite 
 the attention of every branch of society. More 
 
I 
 
 87 
 
 especially now, that a source of great mercantile 
 enterprise, whicli occupied a large quanUty ol 
 tonnage, is closed. The African association also 
 will find their object the civilization of Africa, ni- 
 therto the abode of ignorance and object of vio- 
 lence, assisted. The ci-devant African merchant 
 and the general shipowner, will also find their in- 
 terest forwarded, as their tonnage would find em- 
 ployment in the supposed sources of supply. 
 
 lore 
 
 The treatment of Captain Love in Charleston, was 
 not known until the preceding pages had been 
 written. Hence, the reason of the tollowing 
 observations being introduced as an 
 
 ADDITIONAL POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 THE world has already seen the (a respect for 
 the common decorums of polished society precludes 
 a characteristic term) communications of an ofhcer 
 of the American government, to Captain Love, ot 
 H M S. Driver. The reply of that gentleman 
 breathes the spirit of a country, that can boast of 
 many such ardent and loyal defenders. This im- 
 potent (for the Fort from which Captain Love was 
 to be fired upon, has not ten feet of regular fortifi- 
 cation, or a gun properly mounted) insult, it seems, 
 took place Ml consequence of a proclamation oj pr.- 
 
 •3 
 
 I't 
 .if 
 
 Am 
 
 4 
 i 
 
n 
 
 * > S'"' 
 
 -■*1^ 
 
 88 
 
 sident JeffersorCs-In consequence of a prodama^ 
 Hon of president Jefferson's ! Let the reader 
 mark this. Then let him ask zvhat is the effect of 
 a proclamation of preside Jit Washington's? The ob- 
 ject of that proclamation was, not to deny the 
 rights which the hospitah'ty of nations, in conse- 
 quence of their being at peace, gives to the ships 
 of the respective powers; but to prevent America 
 becoming, in the hands of France, a meaiis of a-, 
 gression to Great Britain : it was a proclamatio'li 
 announcmg the neutrality of America, and calh'ng 
 upon her citizens to observe that neutrality. Did 
 it not require alJ the energy of the government to 
 ensure common respect to it? Was it not denoun- 
 ced by the popular partt/, the parti/ mm in pozoer, 
 as an "unconstitutional act;" as a -' stretch of 
 " power;" as a "violation of treaties that existed 
 " between America and France;" as "an edict 
 " that ought to be classed with those of royalty", 
 " and therefore, not to be tolerated in a republi- 
 « can government." Did they not give a very 
 ample illustration of their opinion on the subject 
 by acquitting an American citizen, who, contrar*^ 
 to the lata of nations and of America, had beea 
 found in arms against Great Britain? Did not a 
 grand jury refuse to find a bill against a French 
 consul, who, in defiance of the goverjunent, used 
 an armed force, in the first instance to arrest^ ftooi 
 
I 
 
 89 
 
 the hands of the American officer, and ni the se- 
 cond, to keep possession of, a British prize brought 
 into Boston, contrary to the law of nations and of 
 America f 
 
 To return to Captain Love. How In the name 
 common sense was he to be aware of the procla- 
 mation? Had Great Britain submissively registered 
 it among the laws and edicts of her government, and 
 her sovereign, whose orders and instructions only 
 a British officer is bound to obey? Is the hull of a 
 ship to be interdicted? In short, does the law of 
 nations recognize such a proclamation, as immuta^ 
 ble law ? If it does, how fortunate are we, that the 
 squadron under Captain Whitby consisted of so few 
 ships; as, upon the principle that every ship of a 
 squadron is to suffer for the act of one, a very great 
 number might be interdicted. It seems the Ame- 
 rican government would now have us to under- 
 standy that the Leander, the Cambrian, and the- 
 Driver, who ever may be their commander" or 
 crew, are neither of them to be employed in a ser- 
 vice in which there shall be a possibility of their 
 entering into the ports of the United States. For 
 if they do, whatever be their situation, whether 
 they are perishing from hunger and thirst, or are 
 the victims of a merciless ocean, the rights of hu? 
 manity are to be denied them. 
 
 ''1^4 
 
 ill 
 
• • 
 
 90 
 
 ADDENDUM- 
 
 SINCE the preceding pages have been with the 
 printer, accounts have reached town of the arrivat 
 at Falmouth of the American secretary of legation 
 •with the treaty not ratified. Yes, the treaty has been 
 brought back not ratified. The question will now 
 therefore be to be put, whether the terrors of the 
 non- import at ion act, zvhich takes place the \4th De- 
 cember, are sufficient to induce government to yield 
 more than has already been yielded to this people. 
 The question will be to be put to the merchant, 
 whether the naval force, the basis on which our 
 constitution now rests, is to be sacrificed to the 
 temporary convenience, for temporary it can only 
 be, of our commerce. Every patriotic man will 
 reply in the negative. Each will recollect that our 
 naval force, now that continental Europe is at the 
 feet of a merciless conqueror, is all that we can 
 look to for support, and thanks to that Gracious 
 Providence that has so often vouchsafed his pro- 
 tection to this envied island, it is a resource whence 
 ample supplies may be justly expected. This is a 
 period when an urgent appeal must be made to 
 the feeling (to their interests will not be necessary) 
 of every class of his Majesty's subjects. This ap- 
 
 peal wi 
 tants of 
 relianct 
 ciously, 
 the stn 
 of the 
 vourab] 
 of Eurc 
 
 Tha 
 ever un 
 on othe 
 can be '. 
 on the 
 he will 
 sures, t 
 concilij 
 course, 
 the wh< 
 those p 
 also w 
 such mi 
 Britain 
 estate," 
 inferior 
 not fail 
 are fals 
 weak s 
 an ener 
 
 m 
 
i! 
 
 91 
 
 peal will rnec vith a response worthy the inhabi- 
 tants of a nation, which, a firm and well grounded 
 reliance on their ability to exert themselves effica- 
 ciously, enables them to make. Hence, we have 
 the strongest grounds * believe, that the attempt$ 
 of the American go- vernment to ol ' lin more fa- 
 vourable terms in consequence of le present state 
 of Europe, will be unavailing. 
 
 That the late and present administrations, how- 
 ever unfortunately for the country they may differ 
 on other subjects, will agree on this point, there 
 can be little doubt. The conduct of Lord Howick 
 on the intercourse act, warrants the opinion that 
 he will not be backward in supporting those mea- 
 sures, to which, after having drained the cup of 
 conciliation, we are now compelled to have re- 
 course. The conduct of Lord Grenville during 
 the whole of his public life, and more particularly, 
 those periods to which the preceding pages allude, 
 also warrants our opinion, that he will support 
 such measures as shall teach America, that Great 
 Britain is not yet so « fallen from her high 
 estate," as to listen to the dictates of a power so 
 inferior. The powers of this country united, can- 
 not fail of convincing America that her speculations 
 are false. When her subjects come to look at their 
 weak and defenceless situation, and contemplate 
 an energetic system of measures on the part of this 
 
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 92 
 
 country, they will « shrink back upon themselves 
 «*• and startle at destruction." 
 
 With a possible prospect then of an extension 
 of this already extensive v/ar, let us look forward 
 to a system of vigour, which, by appalling the 
 strong, shall crush the weak.-Let the hearts and 
 hands of every class of his majesty's subjects, be 
 united in support of their household gods. Let 
 them recollect, that they are now fighting an ene- 
 my whose object is not only the annihilation of our 
 system of government, but the destruction of the 
 British name. Let them recollect that k is not 
 a magnanimous and enlightened Caesar, brmgmg 
 with him the arts that embellish life, the sciences 
 that elevate the mind, ^he courtesies tliat adorn 
 humanity; but, an Attila whose every step is mark- 
 ed with blood, who is followed as closely and me- 
 vitably by devastation and destruction as his own 
 shadow. Let them recollect, that from h^m no- 
 thing can be expected but inhumanity. From 
 his acts nothing can arise, but perfidy, cruelty, and 
 revenge. Whether it be the monarch on the throne, 
 or the peasant in his cottage, the ferocious fiend will 
 alike feed his infernal appetite, 
 
 " Increasing with what it fed on, 
 
 With the blood of the unfortunate victim. Let 
 them recollect it is now no paltry contest for an 
 
93 
 
 island in the Pacific, or a rock in the Mediterra- 
 nean j it is a contest for every thing which is dear 
 to man, whatever be his situation in life. For the 
 preservation of those invaluable blessings, let our 
 prayers be offered up to Him, to whom alone 
 belongs, 
 
 " The weak to strengthen, and confound the strong," 
 
 That He may again vouchsafe to us His Omnipotent 
 protection of our Country, our Constitution, 
 AND OUR King. 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 M 
 
m. 
 
 ■"» 
 
 ERRATA 
 
 Page 38, line 20, for passages read presages. 
 55, line 14, for delineate road calculate. 
 
 m 
 ii 
 
 « 
 
 I 
 
 (I 
 
 w'l 
 
 t 
 
 C 
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 I 
 
95 
 
 4PPEMBIX. 
 
 The following documents are added, merely to make the reader 
 acquainted, from their own language, with the two parties in Anie- 
 rica. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Gen. Washivgton, to Gov. Lee. 
 
 « That there are in this, as in all other countries discon- 
 « tented characters, I well know ; as also, that these characters 
 " are actuated by very different vie\rs. Some good, from an opinion 
 « that the measures of the general government are impure ; some bad, 
 « and (if I may be allowed to use so harsh an expression) diaboli- 
 « cal, in as much, as they are not only meant to impede the mea- 
 « sures of that government generally, but more especially to destroy 
 the confidence which it is necessary the people should place (un- 
 til they have unequivocal proofs of demerit) in their public ser- 
 vants; for in this light I consider myself, whilst I am an occu- 
 *' pant of oflice : and if they were to go farther, and to call me their 
 « slave during this period, I would not dispute the point with them. 
 But in what will this abuse terminate? For the result, as it con- 
 " cerns myself, 1 care not. I have a consolation within, of which 
 " no earthly efforts can deprive me; and that is, that neither ara- 
 
 « 
 
 (t 
 
 lit 
 
 ti 
 
 m 
 
 
96 
 
 ** bitious nor interested motives have influcrced my conduct. The 
 " arrows of ma'2volcnce therefore, however barbed and pointed, 
 '" can never reach my most vahiable i)art, though, whilst I am tip 
 ** as a mark, they will be constantly aimed at me 1 he publica- 
 " tions* in Freneau's and Bache's papers are outrages on common 
 " decency ; and they progress (proceed) in that style in proportion 
 " as their pieces are treated with contempt and passed over in silence 
 " by those against whom they are directed. Their taulaicy, ho-w- 
 " ever, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispafisionutc 
 " minds; and, in my opinion, ought to alarm them; because it is 
 " difficult to prescribe bounds to their effiects." — Mavshall's Lif^ of 
 Washington, 
 
 I\Ir. Jefferson, when the queries relative to tht; neutrality of 
 America were published, thought proper to deny that tlioy had 
 reached the public by his means. This he did in a letter to Gen. 
 Washington, and, at the same time, *' stated his total abstr'^'tion 
 " from all party questions." On the latter subject General .Wash- 
 ington thus replied to him, " As you have mentioned the subject 
 *' yourself, it would not be frank, candid, or friendly, to conceal, 
 *' that your conduct has been represented as derogating from that 
 opinion I conceived you entertained of me; and to your particular 
 " friends and connections you have described, and they have denounced 
 *' me, as a person under a dangerous injlucnce; and that, 'would I 
 listen more to some other opinions, all would be well. My 
 answer invariably has been, that I had never discovered any 
 thing in the conduct of Mr. Jetl'erson to raise suspicions in my 
 " mind of his sincerity ; that if he would retrace my public con- 
 " duct while he was in the administration, abundant proofs would 
 " occur to him, that truth and right decisions were the sole objects 
 
 * Edited by the principal clerk in the office of the secretary of state, then 
 I4r> JeffersoQ. 
 
 « 
 
 <( 
 
 (( 
 
 iC 
 
97 
 
 " of my pursuit; lliat there were as many instances within his oxen 
 <* knowledge, of my having decided against, as \n favour, of the per- 
 " son evidently alluded to; and, moreover, that I was no believer 
 " in the infallibility of the politics or measures of any man living. 
 " In short, that I was no party man myself, and that the first wish 
 " of my heart was, if the parties did exist, to reconcile them. 
 
 " To this I may add, and very truly, that until the last year or 
 " two, I had no conception that parties would, or even could go 
 " the lengths 1 have been witness to ; nor did I believe until lately, 
 <' that it was within the bonnds of probability, hardly within those 
 " of possibility, that while I teas using mij utmost exertions to estab- 
 " lish a national character of our oxai, indi pendent, as far as our 
 " obligations amljusticc xcould permit, of txery nation of the earth ; 
 " and winked, by steering a steady course, to prcsene this country 
 " from the horrors of a desolating xcar, I should he accused of being 
 " the enemy of one nation and subject to the control (f another; and 
 " to prove it, that dvery act of my administration xvould le tortured^ 
 *' and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them be 
 " made, by giving only one side of a subject, and that too in such 
 " exaggerated and indecent terms, as coidd scarcely be applied to a 
 ^^ NerOi to a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pick-pocket. 
 
 " But enough of this.— I have already gone farther in the ex- 
 « pression of my feelings than I miended:'—MarshalCs Life of 
 Washington. 
 
 A Letter from President Jeferson to Thomas Falnc. 
 
 " you expressed a wish in your letter to return to Amc- 
 " rica in a national ship. My. Dawson, who brin-s over the 
 « treaty, and will present you this, is charged with orders to the 
 « captain of the Maryland, to receive and accommodate you back, 
 *' if you can be ready at so short a warning. You will in general 
 
m 
 
 ,, ! 
 ■ \ 
 
 "• f, 
 
 i;vv 
 
 ■■■>, 1 
 
 
 
 58 
 
 "^y?«(/ W5 returned to scutkwits uvrthi/ of former times; in these it 
 *' xcill he your glory to have steadily laboured y and teith as much effect 
 •* as amy man living. That you may live long to continue your useful 
 " lakours, and reap the reward in the thankfulness of nations, is my 
 " sincere prayer. Accept the assurances of my high esteem and af- 
 *' fecfionate attachment. , Til. JEFFERSON." 
 
 Porcupine's Works. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Jefferson, xihile Secretary of State, to « 
 Publisher, -dith a copy of the 2d part of the Rights of Man. 
 
 « I AM extremely pleased to think it will be reprinted 
 " herp, and that something is at length said against the political here* 
 *' sics which have sprung up among vs." 
 
 Extract from the French Minister Faucfiet's, intercepted Dispatch. 
 
 " Thus, with some thousands of dollars, the republic of 
 " France could have decided on civil war or peace. 'J'hus the con- 
 •* sciences of these pretended patriots of America have already their 
 " prices ! What will be the old age of a government if it is thul 
 " early decrepid! Still there are patriots of whom I delight to en- 
 " tertain an idea worthy that imposing title. Consul Monroe, he 
 •' is of the number : he has apprized me of the men whom the 
 " current of events hud dragged along as bodies devoid of weight. — 
 " His friend Madison is also an honest man. Jeflerson, on whom 
 " the patriots cast their eyes to succeed the president, had foreseen 
 " these crises. He prudently retired, to avoid making a figure 
 " against his inclination, in scenes which will sooner or latey be 
 ** brouoht to light." — Porcupine's Works, 
 
mi^mm 
 
 99 
 
 Utter from Mr. Jcfcrson, late Mbiiater of the Un'ittd States in 
 France and Secretary to the Department of Funign Jfalrs, to « 
 Citizen of Virginia. 
 
 (From the Monileur of Jan. 25, 17\)7.) , 
 
 This Letter, litemlly translated, is addressed to M. Mazzei, Author 
 of Researches Historical and Political upon the United States of 
 
 America, now resident ia Tuscany. 
 
 Florence, January 1. 
 
 " Our political sitaatlon is prodigiously changed since 
 ^ you left us. Instead of that noble love of liberty, and that repub- 
 " lican government which carried us through the dangers of the 
 " war, an Anglo-monarchio-aristocratic party has arisen. Their 
 " avowed object is to impose on us the substance, as they have 
 <* already given us the>/m of the British government. Never- 
 theless, the principal body of our citizens remain faithful to 
 « republican principles. All our proprietors of lands are friendly 
 " to those principles, as also the men of talents. We have against 
 " us (republicans), the executive poxccr, the judiciary poicer, (two 
 " out of three branches of the government) ; all the officers of 
 « government, all who are seeking offices, all timid men, uho prefer 
 " the calm of despotism to the tempestuous sea of liberty; the British 
 
 « 7nerchants, and the Americans who trade on British capitals; the 
 « speculators, and persons interested in the bank and public funds.-- 
 
 « Establishments invented with views of corruption, and to assimi- 
 
 « late us to the British model in all its corrupt parts. 
 
 « I SHOULD give you a fever if I were to name the apostates who 
 
 « have embraced these heresies; men who were Solomons in coun- 
 
 « cil, and Sampsons in combat; but whose hair has been cut off by 
 
 « the \V...e' of England. 
 
 « They would wrest from us that liberty which we have ob- 
 
 « tained with so much labour and peril; but we shall preserve it. 
 
 « Our mass of weight and riches is so powerful, that we have no- 
 
 i( 
 
m 
 
 * 
 
 100 
 
 " thing to fear from an uttempt agiiinst us by force. It is sufTi* 
 
 " cieiit tliat we {.iiiird ourselves, and that we break the Lilliputian 
 
 " ties by which they have bound us, in the first sliuiibcrs that suc- 
 
 " cceded our labours. It sullices that wc arrest the progress of that 
 
 " system of ingratitude and injustice tou-ard France, from whic/t 
 
 " t/ici/ 'iiould alienate us, to liing us under British injlucnce." 
 
 . , „, , (Signed) Til. JErFERSON. 
 
 Porcupines >>orks. \ o / 
 
 , 
 
 TO frive an idea of the state of dependence in which America is 
 for the consumption of her staples, the author has tlioughv 
 proper to add the following fact: 
 
 That from llic 3d to the 24lh of June, there were imported into 
 Liverpool, in fifty-four ships — 
 
 18,337 Bags of Cotton, which, at 250lb. per bag, . 
 
 and 2s. per lb. is .£458,425 
 
 82,336 Bushels of Wheat, at 6s. per bushel, is ... . 24,000 
 
 40,935 Barrels of Flour, at 30s. per barrel, is .... 60,592 
 
 Total £ 543,017 
 
 It is to be farther observed, that the American merchants have 
 already availed themselves of two-thirds the value of this, by 
 drawing bills. Hence their great dependence upon us for a capital 
 which they obtain by this permission to draw. 
 
 THE END, 
 
 K'c WDowall, Printer, 
 

 
 ^mm^ 
 
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