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SVCOSSaOBS TO OASBT AND CO.

1839.

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Entered accordinjf to the act of Congress, in the year 1839, by .>

*« J. FENIMORE COOPER,

In the Clerk's ofBce of the District Court of the United States, in and
for the Northern District of New York.

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AN IMPUriQT KKM^ Ot TBI

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SERVICES, PRIVATIONS, HAZARDS AND SUFFERINGS OF THEMSELVES

AND THEIR PREDECESSORS,

IS orriRBO AS a tribute or PRO^rovMO respect,

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THE OFFICERS OF THE NAVY,

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THE MARINE CORPS,

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WHO IS fVIXT SBlfSIILE OF ALL THEIR CLAIMS ON THE REPUBLIC

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PREFACE.

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While biographies of naval men are usually replete
with interest, on account of the hazards and stirring in-
cidents of the sea, few general records of nautical events
have been found to attract attention, bb;yond the value
that is attached to naked facts. If such has been the
case with most of the histories of even the marine of
Great Britain, a service that admits of the unity and
interest that belong to the operations of flecfts, still
more may it be looked for in the records of the isolated
and simpler incidents of a navy like that of the United
States. The difficulty of overcoming this great ob-
stacle has been foreseen from the commencement of
this work, and some attempts, that are connected with
the arrangements of the subject, have been made to
obviate it. The writer is far from flattering himself
with entire success, for a history of detached combats
is, in truth, a series of episodes, the mind scarcely be-
coming concentrated on one, when it is required to
give its attention to another, while the connecting ma-
terials, according to the ordinary practice, are merely
a dry detail of documents. -^.- >

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PREFACE.

In order to overcome, in some measure, this beset- ,,i
ting difficulty, as little reference as possible is made to '
documents, in the body of the work.

The first, and great desideratum of history, is
truth; the second, just reflections on it. If the dif-
ficulty of obtaining truth for the more important lead-
ing events of the world be universally admitted, this
difficulty is increased when the subject by its essen- '.
tial character, requires an infinity of detail. Bat-
tles, whether by sea or land, are never seen by the
contending parties, from the same point of view, and
their descriptions are usually more conflicting than ^
any other portions of history. Of course, a work that
contains little more than a narrative of combats, is pe-
culiarly liable to errors. Great anxiety has been felt
to remove, as much as possible, this objection from the
present book, and, while the writer is far from flatter-
ing himself with entire success, he trusts his honest
endeavours have not been altogether useless. That
there are many omissions is highly probable, but in no
instance can he reproach himself with the commission
of intentional faults of any kind.

Authorities being of so much moment to the histo-
rian, it was intended to quote them, but it was soon
found that it would require nearly as much room to
cite these names, and all the minute circumstances by
means of which information has been gleaned, as to
relate the events themselves. It is hoped that the
best authorities have been consulted, and many officers
of the highest rank and reputation have consented to
add their oral information to that which was to be ob-

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^ tained from official reports, public documents, and
other sources.

To the latter gentlemen, the writer wishes to make
his public acknowledgments, for the liberality, pa- ^
tience and clearness with which they have favoured
him with their explanations. Witnesses of what they
have related, their accounts have been given with a
caution, modesty and fairness that lend a double value to
their authority. Much liberal assistance has also been
received from the Department, and from the eminent
citizen at its head. To James E. De Kay, M. D., the
writer is under peculiar obligations, for the friendly
and handsome manner in which he put at the disposal
of the latter, many notes taken with care, and which
have proved of the greatest service, in the course of
the investigations. To the library of the American
Philosophical Society, in Philadelphia, the writer
is equally indebted for much valuable and inter-
esting matter, and he would be wanting in sensibility
were he not publicly to express his gratitude for
the generous manner in which its stores ol'information
have been thrown open to him. To the City Library
of Philadelphia, also, though established on a principle
that allowed him more claim to ask for aid, he is under
great obligations, its shelves usually supplying the re-
quired authorities when other sources have failed. He
desires also to mention his obligations to the Naval
Chronicle of Mr. Goldsborough, in which book he has
found much accurate and useful matter.

Some of the greatest writers of the age have im-
paired the dignity of their works, by permitting the

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PREFACK.

peculiarities of style that have embellished their hgnter
labours, to lessen the severity of manner that more
properly distinguishes narratives of truth. This dan-
ger has been foreseen, in the present instance, though
the nature of the subject, which seldom rises to the
level of general history, offers a constant temptation to
offend. A middle course has been adopted, which it
is hoped, while some defects of execution may proba-
bly be detected, will be found on the whole to be suit-
ed to a recital of facts, in the familiar form that, in a
measure, the incidents have demanded. Without some
concessions to details, sufficient interest could not have
been secured, while those that were too minute might
have thrown discredit on the truth.

It will be seen that some vessels are rated in this
work differently from what the public has been accus-
tomed to consider accurate. Every mode of rating is
liable to some objections, and nothing is more fallacious
than to estimate the power of a ship by the number of
her guns. Two great elements of force enter into the
composition of a vessel of war : the ability to annoy,
and the ability to endure. A ship of one thousand
tons burthen, armed with one heavy gun, might resist,
for a long time, a dozen vessels of thirty tons, each
armed with the same species of gun. This advantage
would arise from the greater ability of the large vessel
to endure. On the other hand, the same ship, armed
with one heavy gun, would probably capture a similar
?i(»sel armed with twenty very light guns, her ability
to annoy being the greatest. A 32, according to the
old mode of rating, carries 26 twelves on her gun-

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deatf llnd a 36 carries 26 eighteens on her gun-deck,
both vessels often possessing the same armaments on
their quarter-decks and forecastles. Here are two
ships of the same number of guns, but of very unequal ^, ^.
force, the one being a twelve-pounder frigate, and
the other an eighteen- pounder frigate. With a view
to give an accurate idea of comparative forces, the old
English mode of rating has been carried through the
American navy, in this work, in order to make one
vessel properly compare with another. Thus the
"New- York frigate was properly called a 36, while
the Adams was improperly called a 32, her true rate
having been that of a 28, &c. &c. Some apparent
discrepancies, however, will be seen in this book. The ^

Enterprise, for instance, is at first called a 12, and »
subsequently a 14. The difference is owing to altera-
tions in the piercing of the vessel, and in the nature
of her armament, as this schooner underwent repairs.
Other small vessels were similarly altered.

With these few explanations, a task that has long
been meditated, but which, after all, has been hur-
riedly accomplished, is submitted to the world, with
quite as much apprehension as hope.

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INTRODUCTION.

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As in a ' 'n<Tle life, man passes through the several stages
of his physical and moral existence, from infancy to age, so
will the American of the present generation. Witness the
advance of his country, from the feebleness, doubts and
caution of a state of conscious weakness, to the healthful-
ness and vigour of strength. So rapid, however, have been
the transitions, that opinion has not kept pace with the facts
of the country. Thus it is, that we so often find even states-
men reasoning on the policy of the republic, after the man-
ner of their youth, in apparent ignorance of all the important
changes that have occurred within the last forty years;
for, to adapt the argument to the level of circumstances, in a
-country like this, requires a mind of incessant activity, and
one accustomed to reason in advance, rather than in the
rear of events.

In no great interest connected with the welfare of the
United States are these truths more apparent, than in all that
relates to the navy. While those who have reflected, hav«
clearly foreseen that the republic must assert its place in
the scale of nations, defend its territory, and maiiltain itf

Vol. I 2

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XIV

IHTRODUOTIOir.

rights,, principally by means of a powerful marine, all are
compelled to acknowledge that the growth of this branch
of the public service has been slow, uncertain, and marked
by a policy as timid as it has been fluctuating. Three
several times did the national legislature authorize the con-
struction of vessels of force, before they were built ; and
they were finally put into the water, at a period when they
could not be rendered available against an enemy. Thirty
years since, the opinion that there was something unsuit-
ed to American policy, in the employment of two-decked
ships, appears to have been as general in the country, as
it was erroneous. Because the nation had recently been
too feeble to employ agencies that implied so much force,
it was secretly fancied that the obstacles were permanent.
Id other words, opinion had not kept au even pace with facts.
It has long been confessed that America possessed every
qualification for the creation of a powerful navy, but men
and money. The necessary skill, the required aptitude for
sea-service, and the other requisites have always been ad-
mitted; but it has been asserted that neither the finances,
nor the population would allow of the drain on their resour-
ces, that is unavoidably connected with a strong marine.
The two deficiencies, if they actually existed, would cer-
tainly be fatal. ri4>>^..5rV'if-?iKVf,

In the years 1812, 1813, and 1814, the republic expended
considerably more than $50,000,000, on its current military
operations, without reference to the large sums that were
lubsequcntly paid on the same account. This war lasted but-
V^9 yS^^9 aud ^ight months, and during the first season its

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operations were very limited. Thus 930,000,000 more were
paid on account of military charges, in the two years of
peace that immediately succeeded, making a total of
$80,000,000. It is known that even this large sum ^lls ma-
terially short of the truth. During the «ame five years, the
money expended on the navy amounted to only $30,000,000,
although the peculiar nature of the service on the lakes in-
volved an enormous and an unusual expenditure, and a war
with Algiers occurred, during which the country maintain-
ed afloat a much larger force than it had ever previously
employed. In addition, the greatest part of this expendi-
lure, was the cost of new constructions. It follows, that
America expended nearly two dollars on her army, and its
military operations, in the war of 1812, for every dollar
expended on her navy, including the expense of building
most of the costly vessels of the service. Had the fact
been precisely reversed, it is probable that the proportions
required by true policy would have been better observed,
and there can be but little doubt that the country would
have reaped the advantage, for, no serious invasion of Amer-
ica will ever be attempted in the face of a strong fleet, aAer
the country shall be provided with docks and arsenals, by
means of which accidental reverses can be remedied. By ^'■
dividing the large sum expended on the army and navy,
between the years 1812 and 1816, inclusively, $40,000,000

would have fallen to the share of each branch of the ser- .

vice, which would have given $8,000,000 a year to the
navy. This sum would be amply sufiicient to maintain a" .
force of twenty sail of the line, with a suitable number

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XVI

IlfTBODUOTIOir.

of small vessels, to cruise in company. Against such a fleet,
no European power could have attempted an invasion of a
coast so distant from its own resources.

This fs an outline of the facts of 1812. Those of the
present day, in no degree impair the principle, though the
introduction of steam may modify its application. Nor can
it be objected that these statements are liable to the deduc-
tions which practice is usually found to make in estimates,
since they are, in truth, results and not premises. The only
departure ijrom a known fact, is to transfer a portion of the
actual current expenditure of the country, a quarter of a cen-
tury since, from one branch of its public service to another.

It may be taken as a rule, that wherever there is money,
men will not be wanting. But the government of the United
States has never resorted to the most obvious means of
manning a large marine. Until the effort shall be properly
made, it is weak to assume the impossibility of the measure.
The number of actual seamen necessary in a large ship is
much smaller than is commonly supposed, and it is probable
that there was not a moment, during the year 1814, when
the public and private armed vessels of the country, did not
contain people enough of all sorts, with a proper addition
of landsmen, to man a fleet of sufficient strength to have
swept the American seas. The impressed American sea-
men, who were put into the prisons of England, after the
declaration of war in 1812, would, of themselves, have fur-
nished nearly all the petty officers and seamen of ten sail of
the line, and had only those ten sail of the line existed a few
years previously, it is probable not one of these men would

".I

iiTTRODDcrnoir.

XTii

have been the subject of the outrage by which he was depriv-
ed of liberty. Whenever the government of the United States
shall be engaged in a war with any great naval power, and
shall see fit to withhold commissions from privateers, grant-
ing, at the same time, the proceeds of all prizes to the offi-
cers and men of their public cruisers, it will be found that
adventurers will not be wanting. In the contest of 1818,
the vessels of war were directed to destroy the ships they
took, because the enemy was known so closely to infest
the coast, that it was almost impossible to get a prize
in, whereas a strong force would put an end to all sorts of
blockades. Most of the prizes taken by Capt Porter in the
Pacific, and which made the attempt to get to America,
traversed the immense distance between Valparaiso, or the
Marquesas, and the American coast in safety, to fall into
the hands of their enemy, when a few days, or a few
hours run from port. It should be remembered, that, in
political measures, as in all the other interests of life, weak-
ness is the parent of misfortune, while the results of energy
and force, are in an arithmetical proportion to their means.
There can be no reasoning more unsound, than to assume
that the consequences of a defective policy, are to be taken
as the premises of a wise policy.

A careful review of these facts and principles, must
satisfy all who study the subject, that the United States of
America have never resorted to the means necessary to
develope, or even, in a limited sense, to employ their own
naval resources. As a consequence, they have never yet
eajoyed the advantage of possessing a powerful marine in

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a lime of war, or have felt its influence in sustaining their
negotiations, and in supporting their national rights, in
a time of peace. As yet, the ships of America have
done little more than show the world what the republic
might do with its energies duly directed, and its resources
properly developed, by demonstrating the national aptitude
for this species of warfare. p.' n^ --'•

;, But the probationary period of the American marine
. is passing away, and the body of the people are begin-
ning to look forward to the appearance of their fleets on
the ocean. It is no longer thought there is an unfitness in
the republic's possessing heavy ships ; and the opinion of
the country, in this as in other respects, is slowly rising to
the level of its wants. Still many lingering prejudices re-
main in the public mind, in connexion with this all-impor-
tant subject, and some that threaten the service with se-
rious injury. Of these, the most prominent are, the
mode in which the active vessels are employed; a ne-
glect of the means of creating seamen for the public ser-
vice ; the fact that there is no force in commission on the
American coast ; the substitution of money for pride and
self-respect, as the aim of military men ; and the impairing
of discipline and lessening the deference for the justice of
the state, by the denial of rank. ; • .... (^i,-; > Vfeilf^i
■<« Under the present system of employing the public ves-
sels, none of the peculiar experience that belongs to the
higher objects of the profession is obtained. While ships
may be likened to regiments, as regards the necessity of ma-
nosuvring together, there is one important feature in which

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IlTTRODVOTIOir.

they are totally dissimilar. It may be pretty safely thought
that one disciplined regiment \vill march as far, endure as
m.uch, and occupy its station as certainly as another, but
no such calculation can be made on ships. The latter are
machines, and their qualities may be improved by human
ingenuity, when their imperfections have been ascertained
by experiment. Intelligent comparisons, are the first step
in this species of improvement. ■ — -■

It will be clear to the dullest mind, that the evolutions of
a fleet, and, in a greater or less degree, its success, must
be dependent on the qualities of its poorest vessels ; since
its best cannot abandon their less fortunate consorts to the
enemy. ' The naval history of the world abounds with in-
stances, in which the efforts of the first sea captains of their
respective ages, have been frustrated by the defects of a
portion of the ships under their command. To keep a
number of vessels in compact order, to cause them to pre-
serve their weatherly position in gales and adverse winds,
and to bring them all as near as possible up to the stand-
ard that shall be formed by the most judicious and careful
commander, is one of the highest aims of naval expe-
rience. On the success of such efforts depend the results
of naval evolutions more frequently than on any dexterity
in fighting guns. An efficient fleet can no more be formed,
without practice in squadrons, than an efficient army with-
out evolutions in brigades. By not keeping ships in squa-
drons, there will also be less emulation, and consequently
less improvement. .•->-.'. '>■ ^ 'v;"^ ^ -,<;«!>. i*<-ri^# v.- ^-v;^
.#, Under the present system, three principal stations are

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IlfTMkDOOTIOII*

mtintained; two in tho Atlantic, and one in the Mediterra-
nean. On neither of thege stations would the presence of a
vessel larger than a sloop of war be necessary, on ordinary
occasions, provided a force of heavy ships could periodically
and unexpectedly appear on all. It is seldom that a single ship
of the line is required on any service, and it is certain that a
solitary two-decked vessel could have no great influence on
those important interests which it is the practice of the rest
of Christendom to refer to the agencies of fleets. By putting
in commission six or eight two-decked ships, and by caus-
ing them to appear, from time to time, on all the more
important stations this side of the two great southern capes,
the country, at no material additional cost, would obtain
the several objects of practice in fleets, of comparative
trials of the qualities of the most important class of ves-
sels in the navy, of a higher state of discipline, and of a
vast improvement in the habits of subordination, on the
part of commanders, a defect that all experience shows
is peculiar to the desultory mode of service now in use,
and which has produced more naval disasters in the world,
than probably any other one cause. In a word, the prin-
cipal ends of a navy can no more be obtained, by the
services of single ships, than wars can be decided by
armies cut up into battalions. Small vessels are as indis-
pensable, for lower schools of practice, as company drills in
an army; but squadrons alone can produce the highest class
of oflicers, the steadiest discipline, or the desired objects. <
In addition to this neglect of accustoming the service to
the use of the particular sort of force necessary to render

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V V

a marine eflfective for groat ends, the history of the vrorld
cannot probably supply a parallel to that forgetfulness which
the American government has manitestod of all the known
incentives of human exertions, n the managoment of the
navy. A portion of the inducements, that, under other
forms of government, are freely used for this purpose, un-
der a system like that of the United States, are necessarily
withheld, as they are believed to be opposed to the govern-
ing principles of the institutions. To this class of incen-
tives belong all those rewards that are connected with
personal and hereditary social rank. That the power to
confer honours of this nature, is a vast increase to the
influence of a government, is incontrovertible ; and in dis-
carding it for objects that are thought to be of still greater
importance, the utmost care should be taken not to neglect
its substitutes. The man who, refusing to adopt re-
medies that he believes unsuited to his constitution, is dis-
creet, when he carries his system so far as to forget to
look for others to supply their places, becomes careless

and culpable. .• " -^ -*--

Next to personal reputation, military rank is the highest
stimulus of a military life. Its possession enters into all the
day dreams of the young aspirant for fame and honours,
is inseparable from self-respect, and is indissolubly con-
nected with discipline. With these indisputable truths in
full view, they who have had the care of graduating and
regulating this important interest, for the American ma-
rine, have simply selected that part of the system of the
mother country, that did not conflict with popular institu-

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IITTRODDOTIOir.

tions, without adverting to its fitness for the peculiar stat«
of things to which it was to be applied. This was like re-
jecting the heart of the fruit because it was unhealthy,
and carefully preserving the rind. But a few explanations
will render our meaning more clear. . .«. .

The nature of the English government is no secret. A
territorial aristocracy, promotion, in both the army and the
navy, is the inevitable fruit of favour, or of personal power.
In the army, the mode of purchasing rank has been adopt-
ed, by means of which the affluent are at all times enabled
to secure the most desirable stations for their children ; but,
professional knowledge being indispensable to a sea-officer,
a different plan was introduced into the marine. Accord-
ing to this system, the name of a boy was entered on the
books of a ship, and after he had been thus rated a cer-
tain number of years, it was competent for the admiralty to
raise him, at pleasure, as high as the rank of captain, when
his career became more regular. As this rank of captain,
however, afforded most of the opportunities for acquiring
reputation and money, it was the first great object of
all aspirants, and it ^ited the policy of such a form of go-
vernment to make the intermediate steps, between the con-
dition of probation, and that when the officer obtained his
permanent relative rank for life, as few as possible. Thus
were found in the British navy but two commissions between
the midshipman and the captain ; that of a lieutenant, and
that of a master and commander. When the narrow po-
litical system under which these probationary ranks were
established was in full activity, the sons of men of influ-

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XXUl

ence oAen passed through the stations of lieutenant and
master commandant, in two or three years. Nothing was
more common than to find captains in command of fri-
gates, who had served but eight or ten years in the navy,
with lieutenants to take care of their ships, who had passed
double the time under that one commission alone.

Although this system, so far as the regulation of the
ranks is concerned, was adopted entire into the American
service, nothing can be more unsuited to our state of
society, to policy, and to the actual wants of the navy.
For many years, all the promotions of the American ma-
rine, were limited to three! Even at this day, with full ex-
perience of the evils of a system of incentives so meagre, and
of a concentration of rank so destructive of self-respect and
discipline, the life of the American naval officer is cheered
by only four promotions, two of which are little more than
the changes that nature herself demands, by transferring
the officer from the duty of a boy, to duty more becoming
a man. — ^ "^ v

He who lives without the inspiriting view of preferment
constantly before his eyes, literally lives without hope, and
necessarily without ambition. It is a singular fact, that in a
country where so many social consequences of the last im-
portance are justly traced to the elasticity of a hope of ad-
vancement that is denied to no American, this cruel neglect
should have been manifested to the interests and character
of a branch of the public service which all admit to be of
the last importance. As events are stronger than the human
will, the evil consequences of this indifference to the feel-

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IlfTRODDCTIOir.

iiigs and rights of the navy, are easily to be traced;
facts having forced from the government substitutes for the
legitimate incentives of military life, that are dangerous to
the military character. Money has been made to supply
the place of ambition, and a new pay-bill is thought to be a
sufficient corrective of all the evils of a great moral neglect,
and of a most crying injustice !

It is time that America began to think for herself on a
subject as important as that of her marine, and to frame a
system of discipline and incentives, of resources and prac-
tice, better suited to her political, social and moral condi-
tion, than the factitious and exclusive state of things which
has so long served her for a model. Personal influence
availing nothing in procuring promotion, in the American
marine, all its officers are obliged to pass through the same
stages of probationary service, and, with the exception
of the cases in which the expediency of rewarding suc-
cess prevails, each individual is obliged to pass an equal
portion of his life in the same rank. A wise policy
would impress the government with the importance of add-
ing as many stimulants to this period of professional life as
comports with convenience; but an examination of facts
will show that, while practice has exacted concessions to
necessity, the opportunity of adding the incentives of pro-
motions has been strangely neglected. Thus it is that we
find the lower ranks of the service separated in practice,
by stations unknown to the laws, while the commission is
withheld from the individual who temporarily performs
the duty.

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XXV

It is not easy fully to impress on the minds of civilians
the immense results that are dependent on a due division
of military rank. The commission, which represents the
power of the state, in a short time gets to be the substitute
for personal qualities, and produces that prompt and nearly
passive obedience which are indispensable to the success of
military movements. The common man, or the officer,
who at any moment is required to risk his life under
the orders of another, has need to strengthen his habits
of submission, by all the auxiliaries which human inge-
nuity can devise, without injustice. To prevent a resort
to abject dread, nations have introduced the substitute of
respect. Equality of rank is uniformly destructive of sub>
ordination, and it should be one of the aims of a wise admi-
nistration of the navy, to place in a ship as many different
grades of officers, as may comport with simplicity and
convenience. A regiment has always six, and sometimes
seven distinct classes of commissioned officers, in its fight-
ing department ; and there is no reason why a ship should
not be equally well protected against the evils of insubordi-
nation, though it is usual to limit the number to three.

The moral effect of a frequent recurrence of promotions,
also, is incalculable. Each step is an incentive to exertion
and improvement, and a corrector of habits. When young
men, in particular, are condemned to pass fifteen or twenty
years in the same rank, the spirit grows weary, the charac-
ter loses its elasticity, the ambition is deadened, and the duty
that, with a proper attention to these details, might be ren-
dered attractive, becomes monotonous and discouraging.

Vol. I.— 3

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IITTRODiraTIOir.

By minute divisions of rank, those personal sensibilities
which are apt to seek relief in personal quarrels, are as-
suaged by the habitual deference that is paid to the com-* \
mission. The whole history of the navies of the world
furnishes very few instances of duels between sea-officers
of diiferent ranks, while, unhappily, too many cases may be
found of meetings between equals. - .■'*::< .• • ,' ; •

While the American service, without the same motive,
has adopted the naked system of the English, for the infe-
rior stations of the marine, it has stopped at the rank of
captain, where, in truth, the great incentives and rewards
of the British navy really commence. In England, while
there are only two commissions below that of a captain,
there are nine superior. In addition to these different mili-
tary commissions, must be enumerated several professional
dignities, with the incentives offered by knighthood and
social rank. • ^ w.^;, ,. , . . ,; , >

The rank of a captain in the navy never can be a suffi-
cient inducement to attract the highest talents, in a country
in which every species of preferment is open to competi-
tion. Hope has, hitherto, kept the service together, the
want of fleets furnishing an apparent apology for trusting
to the future. To pretend, however, to manage fleets with
officers of the same rank as the commanders of single ves-
sels, infers as great an absurdity as to pretend to manage
ships with no other rank than that of a midshipman. There
is, indeed, a greater connexion between rank and discipline,
as applied to fleets, than between rank and discipline, as
applied to ships. In the latter case, there is the constant

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xxvii

personal inspection of the superior to aid authority ; while
in the former, obedience arises purely from deference to
the commission, and the obligations of duty. It is as much
the nature of man to pay respect to the instructions of one
clothed with an authority superior to his own, as it is to
cavil at the opinions and instructions of his equals. It is
idle to expect the implicit and confiding obedience on the
one hand, and the self-relying exercise of authority on the
other, that are indispensable to certain and combined mili-
tary operations, without imparting to the superior all the
power that habitually attaches itself to the possession of
professional rank. . . ' , : , " i^'* : -^^

There is a necessary denial of some of the cheapest and
most available incentives to public service, in republican
forms of government. Personal rank is withheld, on a
general and wise principle ; but to increase this compara-
tive feebleness, by denying professional rank, is to add wil-
fully to those peculiar defects of a political system, that
wisdom would teach us to repair by all practicable means.
It is a rule of morals, that a high class of service must meet
a high scale of rewards, and that a low scale of rewards
will produce a low class of service.

In addition to the considerations of policy, come the
claims of justice. There is no stronger hold on the services
of its citizens, than a perfect reliance on the justice of a
state. It is the quality that most binds a man to his coun-
try; which most elevates that country in the eyes of the
world ; which, in truth, renders it the most worthy of re-
spect, obedience and love. If the community that ceases

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to protect the characters, persons and property of its mem<
bers, loses all moral claim to their allegiance, so does the
state that denies the rewards due to its servants, weaken its \
right to expect extraordinary and profitable exertions. It
may, moreover, be laid down as a safe rule, that the mili-
tary man who does not desire military rank, is deficient in
that generous ambition which courts responsibility and is
willing to encounter danger. *. - v - • ■>:-■ i 'F' >?

The claims of justice cannot be dispensed with, in the
case of the navy, with the same impunity as in most other
instances connected with the public service. Seamen go
abroad ; they appear in their professional stations before the
observation of foreign states, and are placed in constant
contrast with the servants of other systems. Republicanism
itself is brought into disrepute, in denying the just rewards
of long services to officers, by attaching to it the weakness
of a neglect of incentives, an ignorance on the subject of
the general laws of discipline, and the odium of injustice.
It is by forgetting the latter quality, more through the indif-
ference of a divided power, than from any other cause, that
republics have obtained their established character of being
ungrateful. They are ungrateful because they neglect those
means of security that are connected with a just system of
reward^', which other states respect from apprehension. '

The necfc-^sity of creating higher rank in the navy, on
account of its influence on other services, more especially
when acting in concert with American fleets, has often
been pointed out. The answer to this practical argument,
has usually been a high pretension in behalf of the republic,

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IITTEODUOTIOir,;^

XXIX

to act agreeably to its own policy, and a right to insist that
any notion of superiority that it may choose to attach to
the station of a captain in its own navy, shall be recognised
by the agents of other governments. This extravagant
idea can be supported by neither usage, reason, nor common
sense. In the first place, all international questions should
be settled by the general consent of states, and not by the
peculiar policy of any particular community. As well
might America pretend to say that its charges d'affaires
shall have the rank of ambassadors at foreign courts, as to
say that its captains, under any circumstances, shall have
the rank of admirals on foreign stations. It is true, a nation
has a right to say that a rank equivalent to that of an ad-
miral shall exist in its marine, under another appellation;
but it has no right to say that a rank recognised by itself
as merely that of a captain, shall be entitled to receive the
honours and to claim the authority of an admiral, among
other people. The usages of nations must control this
interest, as well as all others that equally affect different
states; and, as there is nothing new, or peculiar, in cap«
tains occasionally commanding squadrons, under the tem-
porary title of commodores, among all the naval powers
of Christendom, other people may object to America's
attaching a new importance to an old commission. The
pretension might as well be set up in behalf of a lieutenant
as in behalf of a captain ; and foreign services will be as
likely to object to the one as to the other. It is no answer
to say, that we attach the consideration of an admiral to
the commission of a captain, since the fact is not so. If it

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were, the question would be altogether unworthy of con-
troversy, for it would be a discussion merely about a name.
If a captain were in reality an admiral, there would be no
sufficient reason for calling him a captain, since it would be
rejecting all the moral aid that is associated with establish-
ed language, without a corresponding object. There can
be no more certain sign of the ignorance of a people, or of
their unfitness for self-government, than the practice of con-
founding the substance with the reality, and an enlightened
nation should not hesitate to use the name when it pos-
sesses the thing. Other people have a right to insist on this
frankness, as it is the simplest means of preventing mis-
takes, and is answering the plainest ends of language. He
is no friend of liberty, who is not the friend of sincerity;
and the politician who is afraid of simplicity and frankness,
manifests his distaste for truth.

Without gradations in military rank there would be no
subordination or discipline. There can be no equality in an
army or navy. One must always command, and the rest
must obey. It is true it might be possible to establish a
system, by which all the officers of a fleet should have the
same titular rank, commanding according to seniority; but
no good could come of it. In the first place, the appella-
tion would not, at once, indicate the relative station of the
individual, as at present, and much would be lost in time
and simplicity. There would be no general rule by which
to regulate pay and emoluments, and the laws to this effect
would become complicated and difficult of interpretation.
Foreigners would not know whom to address as the supe-

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*■ IITTROOUOTlOir. ,. XXXI

rior and whom to address as the inferior, nor vrould the
government of the country itself be able to understand its
own arrangements, without a constant recurrence to re-
cords and registers. There is the same reason for calling
the commander of a ship a captain, as there is for calling
its disbursing officer a purser, and its medical officer a sur-
geon. These terms explain their own meaning, which is
one of the great ends of language. What is true of a cap-
tain, is equally true of an admiral. The substitution of the
term commodore for that of admiral is liable to the same
objection as the substitution of the term lieutenant for that
of captain. It does not mean what is expressed. A com-
modore fills a brevet rank of the highest utility, fpr it
enables the government to avail itself of the peculiar talents
of any active partisan captain, by detaching him for tem-
porary service, with a small squadron, usually of light
ships, placing it in the power of those who control naval
movements, to overlook seniority, in the search of peculiar
merit. He exists as a beneficial exception, and in converting
the rank into the rule, an authority that is highly useful to
the department is lessened. Admirals are as necessary to
fleets, as captains to ships. The thing must exist, under
some appellation or other, and if the old term brings with
it additional dignity, respect, authority, and adds fresh in-
centives to exertions, it is utter imbecility to discard it.
There is no more fitness in calling the commander of a
fleet a captain, or even a commodore, than in styling the
first magistrate of the republic, a justice of the peace.

It is often asserted that the superior ranks have been
withheld from the American marine, because there exists no

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UrTRODUOTIOir.

corresponding military titles in a community that is sensi-
tively jealous of every appearance of superiority. Generals
can be tolerated, because generals abound in common life;
but admirals will not be tolerated, because admirals cannot
argue before courts, and hope to escape ridicule. This,
indeed, would be subjecting the policy of a great nation,
and that too in one of its highest interests, to the envious
and absurd feelings of a village rivalry. The objection is
unworthy of a reply, and that it is false, is proved by the ex-
cessive number of another peculiar rank that does actually
exist, the navy fast tending towards becoming a service of
commodores ! Indeed, one of the evils of withholding the
superior rank of admiral, is the disposition it creates to con-
vert the brevet and peculiar station of commodore into a
permanent and common station, defeating its object.

The propriety of adopting for the navy, a brevet rank
corresponding to that of the army, has been frequently dis-
cussed, and, in one instance, it was seriously recommend :-^
to Congress, by the department. While there is a peculiar
fitness in an American army's receiving brevet rank, it is a
mode of preferment entirely unsuited to all navies. The
American army is unavoidably broken up into small de-
tachments; commands of companies, where brevet rank be-
comes available; but the lieutenant who held the brevet
rank of commander would still be obliged to act as a lieu-
tenant, since ships' companies must be entire. The acting
appointments that now exist, are the best substitutes for
brevet rank in a marine, if it be thought they ought not to
be replaced by commissions. ^* ' " ■: v*"^'

The necessity of possessing a powerful marine, appears

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xxxiii

now to be generally conceded. While all parties are ready
to admit the expediency of creating a formidable naval
force, however, there is a division of sentiment as to the
method and the means. Those who reason for the future
from the past, are disposed to limit the national efforts, should
another war occur with England, to predatory hostilities
directed against her commerce; while the bolder and more
original thinkers believe that the time has come when
America is as fully able to protect all her interests at sea,
as any other naval power of Christendom. They contend,
that nothing is wanting but the will, and the necessary
preparations.

There is an opinion becoming prevalent that the use of
steam will supersede the old mode of conducting naval
warfare. Like most novel and bold propositions, this new
doctrine has obtained advocates, who have yielded their
convictions to the influence of their imaginations, rather than
to the influence of reflection. That the use of steam will
materially modify naval warfare, is probably true; but it
cannot change its general character. No vessel can be
built of sufficient force and size, to transport a sufficiency
of fuel, provisions, munitions of war, and guns, to contend
with even a heavy frigate, allowing the last to bring her
broadside to bear. It may be questioned if the heaviest
steam vessel of war that exists could engage a modern two-
decked ship even in a calm, since the latter, in addition to
possessing much greater powers of endurance, could proba-
bly bring the most guns to bear, in all possible positions.
Shot-proof batteries might indeed be built, that, propelled by

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Steam, would be exceedingly formidable for harbour de-
fence, but it is illusory to suppose that vessels of that des-
cription can ever bo made to cruise. Even in estimating
the power of steam-vessels in calms, as opposed to single
ships of no great force, there is much exaggeration, as his-
torical facts will amply prove. The wars of this country
afford several instances of frigates carrying eighteen poun-
ders, lying exposed to the cannonade of fifteen or twenty
gun-boats, for two or three hours, and yet, in no instance,
has any such vessel been cither captured or destroyed. It
is a heavy sea-steamer that can bring six guns to bear at a
time, and yet frigates have resisted twenty guns, advan-
tageously placed, for hours. It may be said, that steamers
would dare to approach nearer than gun-boats, and that,
by obtaining more favourable positions, they will be so
much the more formidable. There is but one position in
which a ship can be assailed, without the means of resist-
ance, and that is directly ahead, and from a situation near
by. Large ships can hardly be said to be defenceless, even
under these circumstances; as the slightest variation in
their position, would always admit of their bringing three
or four heavy guns to bear. The expedients of seamen
offer a variety of means of changing the direction of a
ship's head in calms, even did not the sea itself perform that
office for them. Nothing, for instance, would be easier
than to rig, temporarily, wheels to be propelled by hand,
out of the stern or bow ports, or even on the quarter, that
would bring a large ship's forward, or after guns, to bear,
in a way to beat off, or destroy, a steamer.

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INTRODUOTIOir.

XXXV

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There are certain great principles that are unchangeable,
and which must prevail under all circumstances. Of this
class, is the well established fact, that a ship which pos-
sesses the efficiency which is contained in the double power
to annoy and to endure, must, in all ordinary circumstances,
prevail over a ship that possesses but one of these advan-
tages, and that too, in a smaller degree. Steam may be,
and most probably will be made a powerful auxiliary of the
present mode of naval warfare, but it is by no means likely
to supplant it. Fleets may be accompanied by steamers,
but their warfare will be conducted by the present classes
of heavy ships, since it is not possible to give sufficient
powers of annoyance, or endurance, to vessels propelled by
steam, to enable them to lie under the batteries of the latter.
Even as active cruisers, the efficiency of steam-vessels is
probably overrated, on account of the consumption of fuel,
though it remains to be proved by experience, whether their
employment may not induce a change in the armaments of
light vessels of war. The history of the war of 1812,
shows that ships have often cruised months without having
fallen in with convoys, and it is certain that no steamer, in
the present state of science, can remain at sea thirty days,
with efficiency as a steamer.

In a word, while the introduction of steam into na-
val warfare, will greatly modify maritime operations, it
is, by no means, likely to effect the revolution that is sup-
posed. In those portions of the art of seamanship that it
will influence, steam will meet steam, and, in the end, it will
be found that the force of fleets will be required, in settling
the interests of states, as to-day. Perhaps the greatest

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XXXVl

INTRODUCTION.

agency of this new application of a steam-power is yet to
be seen, in the adoption of an invention of an officer of high
rank in our own navy, that of the steam-prow. For the pur-
poses of harbour-defence this idea promises more than any
other, though it is by no means certain that the resources
of seamen may not yet discover the means of resisting even
this threatening means of destruction.

Another of the provisions necessary to the efficiency of
a marine, that has been neglected by the American govern-
ment, is the construction of dry docks. It is hardly ex-
ceeding the bounds of a just discrimination to say that the
state which possesses a fleet of twenty heavy ships, with a
sufficient number of dry docks, is better provided with the
means of carrying on an active and vigorous naval war,
than the state which may possess double the number of
ships, and no dry docks. Indeed, a constant examination
of the copper of vessels, to say nothing of injuries received
in battle, is necessary to sailing well; and, as has been said
already, a fleet composed of vessels of unequal qualities, is
at once reduced to the level of its poorest ships. The great
extent of the American coast requires an unusual provision
of this nature. Crippled vessels are compelled to make the
first port, and no important naval station should be without
at least one dock capable of receiving any thing that floats.

The consideration of all these subjects, will teach any re^
fleeting man how little has yet been done for this great na-
tional interest, through the agency of foresight, precaution
and wisdom, while so much has been done by circum-
stances. " . .

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CHAPTER I.

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The empire of Great Britain, much the most powerful
state of modern times, has been gradually and progressively
advancing to its present high degree of maritime prosperity,
and its actual condition ought to be considered the result
of moral instead of physical causes, though the latter is pro-
bably the more prievalent opinion. Notwithstanding the
insular position of its seat of authority, its naval ascendency
is of comparatively recent date; Spain, and even the dimin-
utive communities of Portugal and Holland, manifesting as
great, if not a greater spirit of lofty nautical enterprise,
during the century and a half that succeeded the important
discovery of the western hemisphere, and that of a passage
by sea to India. While these three nations were colonizing
extensively, and laying the foundations of future states, the
seamen of England expended their energies in predatory ex-
peditions that were rapacious in their objects and piratical
in spirit. Familiar political causes, beyond a question, had

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Vol. I— 4

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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an influence in bringing about these results; for, while the
accession of the House of Hapsbourg to the throne of Spain
and the Indies, created a power able to cope with Europe,
as it then existed, England, driven entirely from her conti-
nental possessions, had Scotland for a troublesome neigh-
bour, and Ireland for a discontented and turbulent sub-
ject, to check her efforts abroad. It is probable, too, that
the civil contests, in which England was so long engaged,
had a serious effect on her naval advancement, and the
struggle that succeeded the dethronement of the family of
Stuart, could not fail to lessen exertions that were directed
to interests without the territory more immediately in dis-
pute. As a consequence of all these causes, or of that por-
tion of them which was in existence at the commencement
of the seventeenth century, when England seriously com-
menced the business of colonization, Spain, France and
Portugal were already in possession of what were then con-
sidered the most favourable regions on the American con-
tinent When, indeed, the experiment was finally and
successfully made, individual enterprise, rather than that
of the government, achieved the object; and for many years
the power of the crown was exercised with no other aim
than to afford an ill-regulated, and frequently an insufficient
protection. It was Englishmen, and not England, that
founded the country which is now known as the United
States of America.

It would exceed the proper bounds of a work of this
nature, were we to enter into a detailed account of the
events connected with the settlements in Virginia and Mas-
sachusetts. The first permanent establishment was made
in the former colony, during the year 1607, and that at
Plymouth followed in 1620. Nothing could be less alike
than the motives which influenced the adventurers in these
two enterprises, out of which has virtually arisen, within

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the short space of little more than two centuries, a Republic
that has already taken its place among the great powers of
Christendom, and which has only to be true to itself and to
its predominant principles, to stand foremost in the ranks of
nations. Those who cast their fortunes on the fertile shores
of the waters of the Chesapeake sought worldly advance-
ment for themselves, and affluence for their posterity, while
the Pilgrims, as it has become usual to term the parent
stock of New England, landed in quest of an asylum, where
they might erect their altars, undisturbed by the temporal
power that profaned the rites of the church in the old world.
Natural affinities attracted like to like, and for quite a cen-
tury the emigrants from Europe partook of the distinctive
traits of the original colonists ; the one portion of the coun-
try being distinguished for the gay and reckless usages of
successful pecuniary adventure, and the other for the more
sobered and reflecting habits of severe moral training, and
an industry that was stimulated by necessity and tempered
by prudence. The distinction did not end here. If the one
carried liberality and thoughtlessness to the verge of indis-
cretion, the other substituted fanaticism and bigotry for the
mild and affectionate tenets of Christianity. It is not easy
to say what might have been the consequences of the prox-
imity of two establishments influenced by characters and
modes of thinking so antagonist, had not the conquest of
the Dutch territories of New York bound them together,
by the means of a people who came from England at a
later day, and who brought with them most of the national
traits, less influenced by exaggerations and accidents. The
result has been an amalgamation that is fast wearing off
asperities, and which promises, at no distant period, to pro-
duce a homogeneity of character that it is not usual to find
in any great and numerous people.
« . The vessels employed in the earliest communications be-

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NAVAL HISTOBV.

tween the colonies and the mother country, were small,
varying from fifty to two hundred tons in burthen. The
expedition to Plytnouth was first attempted in the May
Flower, a barque of one hundred and eighty tons, and the
Speedwell of sixty tons ; but the latter proving leaky, after
twice returning to port to refit, was abandoned, and the
voyage w^as made in the former vessel alone. That to
Virginia under Newport, consumed four months, a delay
that was owing to its steering south until the trades were
struck, a practice which prevailed among most of the
navigators to the new world, for a long time subsequently
to the discoveries of Columbus, who had himself been
favoured by those constant winds. The May Flower sail,
ed from Plymouth, in England, on the 6th of September,
and, after a stormy passage, made Cape Cod on the 9th of
November. As it had been the intention of those on board
to go further south, it is probable that they met with south-
west winds and currents, with a north-easterly set, in the
American seas.

The first conflict that took place between the colonists
and any of their civilized neighbours, occurred in 1613,
when an expedition from Virginia, under the orders of
Capt. Samuel Argal, arriving on the coast of Nova Scotia,
made an attack. on the new French post of St. Sauveur,
which was reduced without difficulty. Argal had eleven
vessels with him, most of which, however, were quite small,
and his armament amounted in the whole to fourteen light
guns. The French were entirely without artillery. The
avowed object of this enterprise was fishing, but the arma-
ment has induced a suspicion that the end actually effected
was also kept in view. Whatever might have been the inten-
tion in fitting out the first force under Cupt. Argal, it is
quite certain, that, on his return to Virginia, he was formally
sent against the French in Acadie, with three vessels, better

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prepared, and that he laid waste the whole of their posses*
sions. Both of these occurrences took place in a time of
profound peace, and grew out of a pretension in the Eng-
lish, to the possession of the whole coast, as far north as the
46th degree of latitude. if*: •'■. < ;,^!;'

On his return to Virginia, Capt. Argal entered the bay of
New York, and demanded possession of that territory also,
under the plea that it had been discovered by an English-
man. Hendrick Christaens, whom Argal styled "a pre-
tended Dutch Governor," had no force to resist such a
claim, and was compelled to submit. On the return to Vir-
ginia, one of the three vessels employed in this expedition
was lost, and another having been driven as far east as the
Azores, prooeeded to England, while Capt. Argal alone got
into the Chesapeake. The prisoners taken on this occasion
narrowly escaped being executed as pirates !

This was the first warlike maritime expedition attempted
by the American colonists, if a few parties sent in boats
against the savages be excepted. The Dutch were not dis-
possessed by the useless attempt on their settlement, which
appears to have been viewed more as a protest than a con-
quest, for they continued to increase and to govern them-
selves for near half a century longer. The first decked
vessel built within the old United States, of which we have
any account, was constructed by Schipper Adrian Block,
on the banks of the Hudson, and probably within the pre-
sent limits of New York, during the summer of 1614. This
vessel De Laet terms a " yacht," and describes as having
been of the dimensions of thirty-eight feet keel, forty-four
and a half feet on deck, and eleven feet beam. In this
"yacht" Block passed through Hell Gate, into the Sound, and
steering eastward, he discovered a small island, which he
named after himself; going as far as Cape Cod, by the way
of the Vineyard passage. ."J ;

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According to the same authority, the Dutch at New
Amsterdam, who had constructed a fort, and reiyiforced
their colony, soon after built many more small vessels,
sloops and periaguas, opening a trade with the savages,
by means of the numerous bays, sounds, and rivers of their
territory.

It was also in 1614 that the celebrated Capt. John Smith
arrived from England, and sailed on a coasting voyage,
with the double purpose of trade and discovery. He went
himself in a boat, having a crew of only eight men, and the
profits, as well as the discoveries, abundantly rewarded the
risks.

It may serve to give the reader a more accurate idea of
the condition of trade in this part of the worlcl* if we state
that in 1615 the English alone had one hundred and seventy
vessels engaged in the Newfoundland fisheries, while the
French, Portuguese, and Spaniards had altogether about
three hundred. v > : "

Many attempts were made about this time to discover a
north-west passage to China; the well known expedition
in which Baffin was employed, occurring in 1616.

After the settlement at Plymouth the English colonies
began to increase regularly in population and resources,
while the Dutch, at New York became firmly established.
The Swedes also commenced a settlement in the Delaware,
and the entire coast, from Acadie to North Carolina, was
more or less occupied, from point to point. There was a
good ileal of trade with the Indians, with whom wampum
was exchanged against peltries. As early as in 1629 the
New England Company employed five ships of respectable
size, in the trado with the colonv. Most of these vessels
were armed, and all took colonists in their outward pass-
ages. The May Flower appears to have been retained in
this business for many years, after her first voyage. A

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NAVAL HISTORY. 48^

small ship was built at or near Boston, in 1633, which was
one of the first vessels, if not the first vessel of any size, con-
structed in New England. But the progress of the colony
of Massachusetts-Bay, in navigation, was so rapid, that in
1639 laws were passed to encourage the fisheries, which
may be considered as the elementary school of American
nautical enterprise. The fishetmen during the season, and
the shipwrights at all times, were exempted from military
duty, a great privilege in an infant community that was
surrounded by savages. Among those who gave an im-
pulse to trade and navigation in this colony, was the cele-
brated Hugh Peters, subsequently executed for treason in
England, who actually caused a vessel of three hundred
tons burthen jto be constructed at Salem, in 1641.

Within twenty years after the settlement of Plymouth,
ship-building and navigation began to occupy much of the
attention of New England, and as every vessel of any size
carried many light guns, the navigation of the period had
most of the characteristics of an armed trade. In addition
to the ships and barks that crossed tlie ocean, many decked
boats, or small sloops, were used on the coast, especially by
those who dealt with the Indians for skins. The first engage-
ment that probably eVgr occurred between inhabitants of
the American colonies, and enemies afloat^ was a conflict
between John Gallop, who was engaged in a trade of this
nature, in a sloop of twenty tons, and some Narragansett
Indians, who had seized upon a small vessel belonging to a
person of the name of Oldham, known to have been simi-
larly occupied. As this, in a certain sense, may be deemed
the earliest sea-fight of the nation, we consider it worthy
to be related.

Some time in May, 1636, Gallop, in his little sloop, manned
by two men and two boys, himself included, was standing
along the Sound, near Plum Island, when he was compelled

NAVAL HISTORY.

fr.\.

to bear up by stress of weather, for a refuge, to leeward,
among the islands that form a chain between Long
Island and Connecticut. On nearing the land, he discovered
a vessel very similar to his own, in size and equipments,
which was immediately recognised as the pinnace of Mr.
^ Oldham, who had sailed with a crew of two white boys
4 \: ' and two Narragansett Indians. Gallop hailed on nearing
the othp ' craft, but got no answer, and, on running still

l^ nearer, no less than fourteen Indians were discovered lying

p. on her deck. A canoe, conveying goods, and manned by In-

dians, had also just started for the shore. Gallop now began
*'■ to suspect that Oldham had been overpowered by the sa-
vages; a suspicion that was confirmed by, the Indians slip-
ping their cable, and running off before the wind, or in the
direction of Narragansett-Bay. Satisfied that a robbery
had been committed, Gallop made sail in chase, and run-
ning alongside of the pinnace, in a spirited manner, he fired

ll^^ a volley of duck-shot at the savages. The latter had swords,

spears, and some fire-arms, and they attempted a resistance,
but Gallop soon drove them below to a man. Afiaid to
board in the face of such odds, Gallop now had recourse to

kT a novel expedient to dislodge his enemies. As the pinnace

was drifting with no one to manage her, she soon fell to
leeward, while the sloop hauled by the wind. As soon as
the two vessels were far enough asunder, Gallop put his
helm up, and ran directly down on the weather quarter of
the pinnace, striking her with so much violence as to come
near forcing her over on her side. The shock so much

,^ alarmed the Indians, who were on an element and in a craft

they did not understand, that six of them rushed frantically
on deck, and leaped into the sea, where they were all
drowned. The sloop again hauled off, when Gallop lashed
an anchor to her bows in such a manner, that by running
down on the pinnace a second time, he forced the flukes

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NAVAL HISTORY.

through the sides of the latter, which are represented as
having been made of boards. Th** ♦wo vessels were now
fast to each other, and the crew ot the sloop began to fire
ihrough the sides of the pinnace, into her hold. Finding it
impossible, however, to drive his enemies up, Gallop loosen-
ed his fasts, and hauled up to windward a third time, when
four or five more of the Indians jumped overboard and
shared the fate of those who had preceded them. One
Indian now appeared on deck and offered to submit. Gallop
ran alongside, and received this man in the sloop, when he
was bound hands and feet, and put into the hold. Another
soon followed this example, and he was also received on
board the sloop and bound, but, fearful that if two of his
wily foes were permitted to commune together, they would
liberate themselves, the second prisoner was thrown into
the sea. But two Indians now remained in the pinnace.
They had got into a small apartment below, and being
armed, they showed a disposition to defend themselves,
when Gallop removed all the goods that remained into his
own sloop, stripped the pinnace of her sails, took her in tow,
and hauled up for the islands again. But the wind increas-
ing, the pinnace was cut adrift, and she disappeared in the
direction of Narragansett Bay, where it is probable she was
stranded in the course of a few hours.

On board the pinnace. Gallop found the body of Mr. Old-
ham. The head had been cleft, the hands and legs were
much mangled, and the flesh was still warm. The corpse
was thrown into the sea.

Thus terminated this extraordinary conflict, in which
Gallop appears to have shown as much conduct as cou-
rage, and which in itself illustrates the vast superiority that
professional skill gives on an element that requires practice
to be rendered successfully available. As it was of the
last importance to create a respect for the English name,
that might protect small parties while trading with the sa-

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NAVAL HISTORV.

vages, the report of the conqueror on this occasion induced
the government of Massachusetts to send an expedition
against the offenders, under Mr. Endecott, one of the assist-
ants, which did the Indians much injury in the destruction
of their dwellings and crops, though the savages themselves
took to flight. This expedition, however, was followed up
by others that met with greater success.

The French in Acadie, also, gave rise to two or three
unimportant armaments, which led to no results worthy of
being recorded.

Notwithstanding the frequency of the Indian conflicts,
and the repeated visits to the settlements of the French, the
first regular cruisers employed by the American colonists
tippear to have owed their existence to misunderstandings
with the Dutch of the New Netherlands. The colony of
New Haven had so far increased as to cause a vessel of one
hundred and fifty tons to be built in Rhode Island, as early
as the year 1646, but this ship was lost at sea on her first pas-
sage. Shortly after, a small cruiser, carrying ten guns, and
forty men, was employed by the united colonies of Hartford
and New Haven, to cruise in Long Island Sound, with a
view to prevent the encroachments of the Dutch, and to
keep open the communication with the settlements they had
made on the opposite shore. In 1654, orders were received
from Parliament to treat the Dutch as enemies, but both
communities were still too young and feeble to engage in a
warfare that was not considered of paramount necessity.
Nothing eflective appears to have been done under these
instructions.

At a later day, or in 1665-6, Connecticut kept another
small vessel cruising off" Watch-Hill, in order to prevent the
Narragansett Indians from crossing to attack the Montauk
tribe, which had been taken under the protection of the
colony. ^ ,

In 1645, a ship of some size was built at Cambridge,

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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Mossachusetts, and receiving an armament of fourteen guns,
and a crew of thirty men, she sailed for the Canary Isles.
This vessel fell in with a rover, supposed to belong to Bar*
bary, of twenty guns, and seventy men, when an action took
place that continued the entire day. The rover receiving
some serious injury to her rudder, the New England ship
was enabled to escape. Although the conflict between Gal-
lop and the Narragansetts is, in one sense, entitled to the
precedency, this action may be set down as the first regular
naval combat in which any American vessel is known to
have been engaged. ' •

An important change occurred, in 1664, in the situation
of the American colonies, by the capture of New Nether-
lands from the Dutch. The vessels employed on this ser-
vice were under the orders of Sir Robert Carr, while Colo-
nel Richard Nicoll commanded the troops. No resistance
was made. In consequence of this accession of territory,
and the submission of the Swedish settlements on the Dela-
ware, the English colonies now had entire possession of the
coast, between the Bay of Fundy and the Floridas. It had
been computed, in 1660, that the English settlements con-
tained about eighty thousand souls, and this increase of
numbers now made a total of more than one hundred thou-
sand inhabitants of European extraction. New England
paid the most attention to navigation, however ; and it ap-
pears by Hutchinson, that in 1676, or just a century before
the declaration of independence, the following vessels had
been constructed in Boston, or its vicinity, and then belong-
ed to the ports of that neighbourhood, viz :

.-?r^ 30 vessels between 100 and 250 tons. ;'•"

200 vessels between 50 and :00 tons. '^''

200 vessels between 30 and 60 tons.
300 vessels between 6 and 10 tons.
Most of the small vessels were employed in the fisheries.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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and the ordinary communications between the settlements
on the coast were kept up by water. The principal build-
ing stations were Boston, Charlestown, Salem, Ipswich,
Salisbury, and Portsmouth, and there were at that early
day, even, thirty master shipwrights.

While the English were thus occupying the coast, the
French were gradually extending themselves along the
chain of Great Lakes in the interior, drawing a belt around
the territories of their rivals. In the course of events of
this nature, de la Salle launched a vessel of ten tons on
Lake Ontario, in 1078, which was the first decked boat that
ever sailed on those waters. The following year, he caused
a vessel of sixty tons to be launched on Lake Erie.*

In 1080, according to Trumbull, Connecticut possessed
twenty-four vessels, with a total of 1050 tons, trading be-
tween that colony and Boston, Newfoundland, the West
Indies, &c. &c. The succeeding year, ibrty-nine vessels
entered the harbour of Portsmouth alone. The well known
navigation act, a law to confine the carrying trade to Eng-
lish ships, had been passed as early as 1051, but it had been
little regarded by the colonists; and this year Edmund
Randolph came a second time to Boston, where he made a
vigorous but unsuccessful effort to enforce the obnoxious sta-
tute. In Massachusetts, in particular, this law had been
almost a dead letter from the first, though the Dutch in
New Netherlands had thought it necessary to insert a
clause in their articles of capitulation, to permit them to
trade with Holland for six months after the surrender.

The buccaneers began to commit depredations in the
American seas, about the year 1000; and piracies on a
smaller scale, were not infrequent at a much earlier

, * ■ • The seeo.id vessel is differently stated to have been of ten and of sixty
torn. We have chosen what has appeared to be the best authority.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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day. These buccaneers were originally, mere outlaws in
the West India Islands. Compelled at length to unite, they
assembled at the Tortugas, and began to plunder such ves-
sels as approached the shore; most of their robberies being
committed "by means of open boats. The Spanish vessels,
in particular, became the objects of their assaults; and en-
couraged by success, they began to venture farther from the
land. Their numbers rapidly increased, and ere long they
ventured to make descents on the coasts, more especially on
those of the Spanish settlements, in quest of plunder. It is a
mark of the peculiar character of the age, that these free-
booters often commenced their enterprises with prayer ! —
They spent their ill-gotten wealth as profligately as it had
been obtained, and like more powerful bodies of men, were
finally destroyed by the excesses engendered by their own
prosperity.

We do not know that there is authority for believing
these freebooters ever had any material connexion with the
English continental possessions, though Jamaica, at one pe-
riod, was thronged by them. There are, however, too many
traditions on the coast, not to suspect that some of the ex-
cesses, to which the loose condition of the western world
gave rise, were less ostentatiously committed by those who
irequcnted the country. The same odium was not then at-
tached to piratical acts, as in our own times; and what even
we ourselves have seen done on the land, by men styled
heroes, was then committed on the water, almost without
comment.

The first authentic account we possess of a regular at-
tempt to suppress piracy on the American coast, is found in
Winthrop's Journal, and it occurred as early as in the year
1632. A bark of thirty tons burthen had been launched the
year previous, at Mislick, which was called the Blessing of
the Bay, and which was converted into a cruiser for the oc-

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casion to which we allude. Information had reached the go-
vernment of the colony that one David Bull, who had fifteen
more Englishmen with hifn, had committed divers acts of
piracy among the fishermen at the eastward, and that he
also had plundered a settlement on shore. This expedition,
however, was suspended in consequence of intelligence
having been received that the people of the coast had manned
several pinnaces and shallops, and gone in quest of the ma-
rauders themselves. Several months elapsed before any
thing conclusive could be ascertained concerning Bull and
his party, and in January, 1633, another fruitless expedition,
that had been sent after them, returned, as did a third in
May. One of the proofs of a lawless disposition adduced
against Bull, is to be found in a report of his conduct,
wherein it is stated that, at the hour when the people of
other ships wore accustomed to assemble for prayer, his fol-
lowers would meet on deck, to sing songs and utter sense-
less phrases. It is probable that this party was composed
of fur-traders from Virginia, and that their conduct appear-
ed to the puritans of the east so light, in general, that some
trifling excesses were misconstrued into piracy.

Another insignificant affair that occurred at the New
Netherlands was turned into piracy; a Capt. Stone having
been seized, and bound over to appear at the Admiralty
Court in England; but the proceedings were dropped in
consequence of the belief that the whole transaction would
turn out to be little more than a mere assault. This oc-
curred also in 1633 ; and there is some reason to believe
that the exaggerations of the puritans had misled them,
from the fi\ct that this Capt. Stone was arrested for adultery
before he left the colony, and that the grand jury returned
the bill ignoramus.

It appears by the Journal of Governor Winthrop, that in
1642, one Edward Bedall, of Boston, used the Diving Beii,

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to weigh a vessel called the Mary Rose, which had sunk
the previous year. Bedall made use of two tubs, ** upon
which were hanged so many weights (GOO lbs.) as would
sink them to the ground." The experiment succeeded
perfectly, and the guns, ballast, goods, hull, &c., were all
transported into shoal water, and recovered. The first
instance of a diving bell's being used, was at Cadiz, we
believe, in the presence of Charles Vth; the notion, so pre-
valent in this country, that it was an invention of Sir
William Phipps', being an error.

Towards the close of the seventeenth century, the ship-
ping of the American c6lonies had so far increased, as to
supply the mother country with many transports, and to con-
duct no small part of the trade between the t^vo great divi-
sions of the empire. The Whale Fishery at Nantucket,
appears to have been established in 1690 ; and in 1606, it
is said that the ship{>ing of New York amounted to 40
square rigged vessels, 62 sloops, and 60 boats.

In consequence of the great number of privateers that
sailed out of Acadie, the general court of Massachusetts
sent an expedition against Port Royal, in 1600. The forces
were commanded by Sir William Phipps, and amounted
to between 700 and 800 men, who were embarked in
eight small vessels. This expedition sailed on the 28th
of April, and returned on the 30th of May, having been suc-
cessful. The good fortune that attended this enterprise, in-
duced the government of Massachusetts to attempt another
against a place as important as Quebec. Sir William Phipps*

• Sir William Phipps was bom at Pemaquid, in 1650. Until eighteen
years of age, he was principally employed in agricultural pursuits, and
subsequently he was apprenticed to a ship-wright. When of age, he
built a ship at Sheepscote; he afterwards followed the sea, and hearing
of a Spanish wreck near the Bahamas, he gave such accounts of it in

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NAVAL HISTORY.

again commanded, having between 30 and 40 vessels,
the largest of which was of 44 guns and 200 men, and the
whole number of the troops and seamen employed was
about 2000. These forces reached Quebec October the 5th,
1690, and landed October the 8th. The force disembarked
was about 12 or 1300 men, but it was repulsed without
much fighting. On their return to Boston, the ships were
dispersed by, a gale, and little credit was gained by the
undertaking.

The Falkland, a fourth rate, was launched in the Piscata-
qua, in 1690, and was the first ship of the line ever built in
America. "

Much alarm existed along the American coast, about this
time, from an apprehension of the French, who were un-

England, that be was sent out with a frigate, .to obtain its treasure. In
this affair, he was unsuccessfuL The Duke of Albermale, however, sent
him out a second time, (1687,) when be brought home near £300,000, of
which his own share amounted to £16,000. This transaction brought
him into notice, and he was Knighted by James II. He had been
made High Sheriff of New England previously, and he was made Gover-
nor of his native colony in 1691) but having had a quarrel in 1693, with
a Capt. Short, of the Nonsuch frigate, about the extent of his Vice Admi-
ralty jurisdiction, he had-that officer arrested and sent to England. On
the representation of Capt. Short, the Governor was summoned to
Eogland in person, to answer for his conduct in this affair, and having jus-
tified himself, he was about to return to his government, when he was
seized with a malignant fever, and died in London. Some accounts place
his death in 1694, and others in 1695 ; we believe the latter to be the
most correct. He is said to have been honest, well-meaiup^ and reli-
gious, though passionate and imperious. He was uneducated of course,
not knowing how to read and write, until he had become a man; but ac-
quaintance with the world, considerable native abilities, and a restless en-
terprise had early brought him into conspicuous stations, where he usually
acquitted himself with credit. The popular American opinion, that the
Mulgrave family, of which the present head is the Marquess of Normanby,
is descended from Sir William Phipps, is a mistake.

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KAVAL HISTORY. '

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derstood to be cruising in those seas. We learn, indeed,
from the whole history of that period, how nearly balanced
were the naval powers of Europe, England, France, Spain
and Holland, all standing in awe of each other, on the
high seas. ' ' , ^ ' v^ ' ,

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CHAPTER II.

The close of the seventeenth century found the Ameri-
can coast, in a great measure, occupied from the Bay of
Fundy to the Savannah river. The war, which terminated
with the peace of Ryswick, had greatly alarmed the colo-
nists, and many small cruisers and galleys had been built and
armed, at different ports, principally with a view to cruise
against the privateers that sailed out of Acadie and the
West Indies, but no action appears to have occurred at
sea. The two expeditions of Sir William Phipps, were the
most important military operations that had then taken
place in the colonies, if the Indian wars be excepted ; and
they led to nothing worthy of commemoration, in a naval
point of view. The royal cruisers that occasionally ap-
peared in the American seas, at that remote period, were
usually light frigates, of a class between the present sloops
and two-and-thirties, and in point of armament, and even
size, were probably unequal to contending with the largest
of the former. We have seen that one of Sir William
Phipps' ships, in the expedition against Quebec, carried 44
guns and 200 men, a disproportion between the crew and
the armament, that proves the latter to have been exceed-
ingly light. In that age, the importance of metal was not
appreciated ; and the decks of vessels were crowded with

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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guns, which did so little execution, that great naval battles
frequently continued days at a time, without producing
decisive results.

The close of the sevent'^enth century was also the period
when the piracies had got to be the most serious, and when
Kidd was guilty of those acts that have since given him a
notoriety that would seem to be altogether disproportioned
to his deeds. During the wars of that day, the seas had
been much infested with a species of privateers, that often
committed aggressions, and even piracies, on neutral ves-
sels. Most of these rovers were English ; and it is said
that they sombtime*; plundered their own countrymen. New
York was not entirely exempt from the suspicion of having
equipped several vessels of this description, and very un-
pleasant surmises affected the characters of some distin-
guished men of the colony, the governor, Fletcher, among
others. In appreciating such charges, it is necessary to
remember the character of the age, there being no disgrace
attached to adventures in private armed ships, and the tran-
sition from fighting for plunder, and plundering unlawfully,
is very trifling, in remote seas, where testimony is not easily
obtained, and the law is impotent. That which men can
practice with impunity, they are apt to undertake, when
tempted by cupidity; and that which is frequent, ceases to
shock the sense of right. It is by no means probable that
either Governor Fletcher, or any distinguished colonist,
deliberately engaged in piratical adventures, but it is quite
possible that such men may have been concerned in the
equipment of private cruisers, that subsequently committed
acts that the laws condemned. It is possible, that when
such vessels have returned, a rigid inquiry into the origin
of the plunder they brought with them, was not always
made. Such, in some measure, was the case with Kidd,
whose subsequent notoriety appears to have been as much

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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owing to ihe Scht with which he sailed, sanctioned by-
government, and supported by men of character, and to
some striking incidents that accompanied his return, as to
any extraordinary excesses as a pirate. The facts of his
case appear to have been as follows : —

Much odium having been cast on the colony of New
York, in consequence of the number of piracies that had
been committed by rovers sailing from the port of that
name, the government in England deemed it necessary
to take serious measures to repress the evil. This duty
was in particular confided to the Earl of Bellamont, who had
been appointed the governor of several of the col(Niies. Mr.
Robert Livingston happening to be in England at the time
when the subject was under discussion, and being a man of
influence in the colony of New York, he was conferred
with, as to the most advisable means of putting an end to
the practice. Mr. Livingston advised that a cruiser of force
should be sent out expressly to seize all lawless rovers, and
he introduced to Lord Bellamont, Capt. Wm. Kidd, whom
he recommended as a seaman qualified to be put at the
head of such an adventure. Capt. Kidd was said to have
a knowledge of the pirates, and of their places of resort; and
at the same time, to be a man on whose integrity and ser-
vices full reliance might be placed. The first proposition
was to employ a king^s ship of 30 guns and 150 men on
this service; but the war requiring all the regular cruisers,
it is a proof of the spirit of the times, that the matter was
referred to private enterprise, although the sanction of
government was not only promised, but obtained. Mr.
Livingston took one-fifth of the shares, and became the
usual security for the lawfulness of Kidd's proceedings.
The Lord Chancellor, and several other distinguished noble-
men, took shares in the adventure also, and the crown
reserved to itself a tenth of the proceeds, as a proof that it

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NAVAL HISTORY.

approved of the enterprise. Kidd received his commission
and his orders from the Earl of Bellamont, whom he fol-
lowed to America for that purpose, sailing from Plymouth
in England, April 1696, for New York. There is much
reason for thinking that Capt. Kidd was not guilty of any
illegal act himself, until he found that his more legitimate
enterprise was not likely to be successful. In the endy how-
ever, he went to tho *^ st 1. of the Cape of Gc : ^ Hope,
where he certainly cuminl. . piracies, though tO what
extent is now questionable. He was accused of ravaging
the sea between Madagascar and the coast, from Babel-
mandel to Malabar, and of committing the usual excesses,
though it is probable that there was much exdggeration
mixed up with the histories and rumours of the day. Some
accounts confine his piracies to a single ship, though it is
more than probable that he had a disposition to the voca-
tion, and that he was easily diverted from the object with
which he had sailed, even if he did not contemplate piracy
on quitting port. After an absence of about three years,
Kidd returned to the American coast, first appearing off
the east end of Long Island. About thirty miles to the
westward of Montauk, protected from the ocean by the
southern branch of the island just mentioned, is a capacious
bay that obtains its name from another small island, which
is so placed as to defend it against the north-east gales.
The latter island contains about three thousand acres of
land, and ever since the country has been settled, or for two
centuries, it has been the property of an honourable family
of the name of Gardiner, which has given its name to both
the island and the bay. The latter has an anchorage that
has long been known to seamen, and into Gardiner*s Bay,
Kidd sailed on this occasion. Anchoring near the island,
he landed, and buried some treasure ; entrusting Mr. Gardi-
ner with his secret, and making the life of the latter tho

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NAVAL HISTORY.

pledge of his fidelity. This effected, the pirate again sailed,
and made similar deposits on other parts of the coast.

After a short interval, Kidd paid and discharged his
crew, and it is said burned his ship. He appeared in Bos-
ton in 1699, and was immediately seized by the order of
Governor Bellamont. Among his papers was found a
record, containing lists of his several deposits, which it is
probable he held in reserve for his own share of the booty,
when he had made his peace with those in power with the
remainder. The authorities, however, were inflexible, and
commissioners w^ere immediately sent in quest of the buried
booty. When these persons presented themselves to Mr.
Gardiner, as soon as assured that Kidd was iii confinement,
that gentleman led them to the spot where the box was con-
cealed, and it was recovered. The papers of the Gardiner
family show that the contents of the box were bags of
gold dust, bags of gold bars, the latter to a considerable
amount, coined gold and silver, silver bars, precious stones,
silver lamps, &c., &c., in all to the amount of near twenty
thousand dollars. Most, if not all, of the other deposits
were also obtained. Kidd was sent to England, tried and
condemned. He was not executed, however, until May
the 9th, 1701.

It followed, almost as a matter of course, that suspicion
rested on those who were concerned in sending Capt. Kidd
to sea. The usual profligacy of party was exhibited by an
attempt to impeach several noblemen concerned in the
afl!air, and one or two men of note in the colony of New
York were also involved in legal proceedings, in conse-
quence of these piracies ; but nothing was ever established
against any of the accused, though Governor Fletcher fell
into disgrace at home. The known fact that Kidd buried
treasure, gave rise to rumours that he had buried much that
was never discovered. With the blindness usual in matters

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of this sort, it vias believed that he secreted his gold in spots
that he had probably never visited, and to this day it is not
an unfrequent thing for diggings to be made on the coast,
under the influence of dreams that have been occasioned
by meditating on the subject, and in the hope of finding
some of the long lost riches.

The same year that Kidd was sent to England, seven
pirates were executed in Charleston, South Carolina, that
coast having been much infested with these robbers.

In 1701 the population of the American colonies was
estimated at 262,000, while the Newfoundland fisheries
were said to employ 121 vessels, 2,700 men, and nearly
8,000 tons. , . •; *t -r^r

Another war soon occurring, the troubles on the coast
were revived, and as the colonics grew in importance, the
mother country not only extended her care towards them, in
a greater degree, but the people of the provinces themselves,
felt a disposition to participate more largely in the struggles.
Still, so little heed was taken against the ordinary dangers,
that the port of New York, in 1705, was totally without
defence, or so nearly so, that a solitary French privateer
entered it, and caused the greatest consternation. ^fc^^v

The Spaniards, with whom England was at war, con-
ceiving that South Carolina properly belonged to the Flo-
ridas, undertook an expedition against Charleston, in 1706,
with four ships of war and a galley, commanded by a French
admiral. A commission of vice-admiral was immediately
given to Lieut. Col. Rhett, a gentleman who possessed the
public confidence. Mr. Rhett hoisted his flag in the Crown
galley, and several ships that happened to be in port, were
hastily manned and armed. In the mean time the enemy
had arrived and surrounded the place, but meeting with
some repulses on shore, Mr. Rhett got under way to engage
the hostile squadron, when the latter retired with precipita-

■ ^.

,>-■ >•

haval history.

tion. Tlio Spaniards arc said to have lost near half their
men in this unsuccessful undertaking.

Hearing of a large enemy's ship on the coast, a few days
after the fleet had disappeared, Mr. Rhett went in quest of «.
her with two small vessels, and succeeded in capturing her,
and in bringing in 00 prisoners.

From an early day the possession of Port Royal in
Acadie, appears to have been a favourite object with tho
colonists, most probably from the great interest they felt in
the fisheries. We have already seen that expeditions were
sent against this place, in the earlier wars, while we are
now to find no less than three undertaken, with the same
object, in the war of 1702-12. The first of these expeditions
was set on foot in 1707, being almost purely of colonial
origin. It sailed in May, in 23 transports and whale boats,
under the convoy of the Deptford man of war, Capt. Stuck-
ley, accompanied by the Province, galley, Capt. Southack.
This expedition effected nothing. The second attempt was
not made until the year 1709, when an enterprise on a
larger scale was planned. According to Trumbull, the
colonies east of Connecticut were now ordered to raise
1,200 men, for this undertaking, and to provide transports,
pilots, and. provisions for three months, while Connecticut
itself, and the more southern provinces were to send a force
of 1,500 men, by land, against Montreal. The maritime
part of the expedition was abandoned, after waiting three
months in the port of Boston for the British ships that were
to convoy it, and to aid in subduing the place. The attack
on Montreal was also given up, for want of the expected '
co-operation. The third attempt was made in 1710, when
a Col. Nicholson, of the English service, wns entrusted with
the command. On this occasion the preparations were
made conjointly by the crown and ihe provinces, the latter
furnishing the transports and several cruisers. The fleet

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NAVAL HISTORY.

consisted, in all, of 3tt sail ; viz. three fuurth'rates, two fifth-
rates, five frigates, a bomb ketch, the Province, galley,
and 34 transports. In these vessels were embarked a regi-
ment of marines, and five regiments of provincials. The
expedition sailed from Boston on the 18th of September, ar-
rived ofif Port Royal on the 24th, and on the Ist of October
the place submitted. Its name was changed to Annapolis,
by which appellation it is yet known. 3timulated by this
success, a still more important attempt was got up in 1711,
against the French possessions on the banks of the St Law-
rence. England now appeared disposed to put forth her
power in earnest, and a fleet of 15 sail, 12 of which were
sent directly from England, and 3 of which had been
stationed on the coast, was put under the orders of vice-
admiral Sir Hoveden Walker, for that purpose. In this
fleet were several ships of the line, and it was accompanied
by 40 transports and 6 store vessels. Five of the veteran
regiments that had served under Marlborough, were sent
out with the fleet, and two regiments raised in New "Eng-
land being added to them, the land forces amounted to
between 6,000 and 7,000 men.

After considerable delay, the fleet sailed on the 30th of
July, 1711, when the Governor of Massachusetts ordered a
fast to be observed every Thursday, until the result should
be known. On the 14th of August the ships entered the
St Lawrence, and on the 18th the admiral, in order to col-
lect his transports, put into the bay of Gasp^. Here he
remained until the 20th, when the fleet proceeded. On the
20th the ships were off soundings, out oi sight of land, and
enveloped in a fog, with a gale at E. S. £. The fleet now
brought to with the ships' heads to the southward. Not-
withstanding this precaution it was soon discovered that
the whole of them were in imminent jeopardy among the
rocks, islands, and currents of the north-shore, which was,

Vol. I.— 6

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VP'f

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ITAVAL HISTORT.

moreover, a lee shore. Some of the veiieli saved them*
selves by anchoring, among which was the Edgar, 70, the
admiral's own ship; but eight transports were lost, together
with a thousand people, and the expedition was abandoned
The admiral now dismissed the provincial troops and ves-
sels, and sailed for England with the remainder of the fleet.
These signal disasters led to loud complaints and to bitter
recriminations between the English and the American
officers. To the latter was attributed a fatal loss of time,
in raising their levies and making other preparations, which
brought the expedition too late in the season, and they were
also accused of furnishing incompetent pilots. It is proba-
ble that the first accusation was not without foundation,
since it has been a known national failing to defer all mili-
tary preparations to the latest possible moment, since the
country has been peopled ; though the last was no doubt
unmerited, as there could be no motive for supplying any
other than the best pifots that the colonies possessed. On
the part of the Americans, the admiral, and the English
commanders in general, were snid to be opinionated and
indisposed to take advice; a charge quite as likely to be
true, as it also accords with national character, and more
especially with the superciliousness with which the English
were known to regard thw provincials. The admiral threw
the responsibility of having hove-to the fleet on the pilots,
who,an their turn, declared that it was done contrary to.
their advice. Some French pilots are said, by Charlevoix,
to have warned the admiral of his danger also, but he
equally disregarded their information. It is in favour of the
provincials, that none of their own vessels, one small victual-
ler excepted, were lost, and that the crew of this victualler
was saved. Many of the pilots were sent to England to
be examined before the Privy Council, but no investigation
into the aflair took place. The loss of the admiral's pa-

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KAVAL HISTORY.

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pers is thought to have put an end to the contemplated in-
quiry, the Edgar having been, blown up, by accident, at
Plymouth, shortly after her return, by which event 400 men
lost their lives; thus terminating a most disastrous expedi-
tion by a dire calamity. It ought to be mentioned, that the
colonies met the charge of delay, by showing that the
orders, to raise troops, and to make the other requisite pre-
parations, were received only sixteen days before Sir Hove-
den Walker arrived in port with his fleet.

As late as the year 1718, Trumbull enumerates the
shipping of Connecticut at only 2 brigs, 20 sloop* and a
number of smaller craft. The seamen he estimates at 120!
On the other hand, the commerce of Massachusetts, as ap-
pears by the Custom-house returns, taken between the
years 1714 and 1717, employed 25,406 tons of shipping,
402 vessels, and 8403 sea-faring persons. The first schooner,
a description of vessel now so much in use in America as
almost to be deemed national, is said to have been built at
Cape Ann, by Captain Henry Robinson, in 1714. Her
name has been unfortunately lost.

The pirates rather increased than diminished after the
peace of 1718, frequenting the American coast much more
than had been their practice in the preceding century.
They had reached to New Providence, whence they pro-
ceeded both north and south, in their predatory excursions.
Samuel Bellamy, in the ship Whidah, of 28 guns and 180
men, was one of the most formidable of these T n'^hooters,
and he even had the audacity to come off the cou:. of New
England, in 1717, where he made several prizes. At length
he was wrecked, with his captured vesselr, on Cape Cod,
and most of the gang were lost. More than a hundred
bodies washed ashore, and six of those who escaped were
seized, tried at Boston and exe?.uted. The following year,
the celebrated Captain Woods Rogers, so well known for

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NAVAL 'HISTORY.

his exploits on the Spanish Main, was sent against New
Providence, with a small squadron of King's ships, carrying
a proclamation of pardon to all those who would abandon
their lawless practices, and return to honest industry. The
island was captured without resistance, and possession taken
for the English crown. Most of the freebooters accepted
of the amnesty, though a party of ninety, under the com-
mand of one Yane, seized a sloop, and made their escape.
One gang, about thirty in number, repaired to the coast of
the Carolinas, where they established themselves near the
mouth of Cape Fear River, and continued their depreda-
tions. Mr. Wm. Rhett, who has already been mentioned
for his gallantry and enterprise, was sent out against them
by Governor Johnson of North Carolina, in a vessel of some
force. This officer captured a sloop commanded by Steed
Bonnet, and manned by thirty of the freebooters. Shortly
after, the Governor himself went in person against the re-
mainder, and falling in with another sloop, a desperate en-
gagement took place, in which, it would seem, it was the
intention not to give quarter, as nearly all in the sloop were
slain. Those who escaped death in the action, were imme-
diately tried, and, with the exception of one man, hanged.
These severe blows did much towards clearing the coast of
freebooters, though we find that a gang of twenty-five more
were taken into Rhode Island in 1723, by a British sloop of
war, and sentenced to be hanged. How many were exe-
cuted, is not known.

The peculiar condition of America, where land of the
greatest fertility abounded, while manual labour was diffi-
cult to be obtained, early introduced the traffic in slaves
into the colonies, though it speaks favourably for the people
of the country, that they generally received this species of
succour with reluctance ; and a long period elapsed before
the trade became important. It would exceed our proper

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vaVal history.

office were we to enter into a continuous history of this
branch of American commerce, and we shall confine our
remarks, therefore, to the few facts that were connected
with its navigation.

The first negro slaves brought into the country, were
landed from a Dutch man of war, at James Town, in 1620.*
Where these poor Africans were obtained is not now
known, but they were most probably the victims of per-*
fidy. The increase among the blacks was very slow, how-
ever; for thirty years later the whites o*" Virginia were
said to outnumber the negroes, in the proportion of fifty to
one; and even when the colony had been settled seventy
years the slaves were not at all numerous.!

Thb first American vessel engaged in the slave trade, of
which we have any account, sailed from Boston, for the
coast of Guinea, in 1645, having been fitted out by Thomas
Keyser and James Smith.| The last of these worthies was
a member of the church. To the credit of the people of
Boston, their sense of right revolted at the act, the parties
concerned were arraigned, and the slaves were ordered to
be restored to their native country at the public expense.

Redemptioners were also early introduced into the coun-
try as servants, as well as the prisoners taken in the battles
of the civil wars. Thus the John and Sarah, which arrived
at Boston in 1652, brought with her freight for the Scotch
prisoners taken at Dunbar.§ Many of the Royalists taken
at the battle of Worcester were also transported and sold
into servitude. The leaders of the insurrection of Penrud-
dock shared the same fate. Many of the prisoners taken
in Monmouth's rebellion were sentenced to transportation
in turn. Indeed, at this period, England appeared to think

» Beverly. f Bancroft. i Bancroft. ^

S Suffolk County Recorda, as given by Bancroft.

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If AVAL HISTORY. ^

America the best receptacle of her discontented, whether
in religion or politics.

As late as 1724, the importation of slaves into the Caro-
lines amounted to but 439 souls. The trade was entirely
in British ships. At a later day, however, Rhode Island,
and some of the other colonies, engaged extensively in this
traffic. -^t'^ *'•" ■-^■•■iM*-^:-^?--'-^^..

We turn with satisfaction to the whale fisheries. The
commencement of this manly, lucrative and hardy pursuit
dates from an early period in the history of the country.
The whale frequenting the American seas, at that time, the
people of the coasts kept boats, organised themselves into
gangs, and whenever a spout was seen, they would launch
in pursuit. This irregular system prevailed many years,
until sloops, and other small crafl, began to be employed in
the offing. These vessels would range the coast, as far
south as the West Indies, and north to Davis' Straights.
They occasionaly crossed to the Azores, where a rich
booty was sometimes obtained in the spermaceti. ' ~

The whale fishery on a larger scale, dates from about
the middle of the eighteenth century, when Massachusetts
in particular, engaged extensively in the enterprise. This
colony alone is said to have had no less than three hundred
vessels employed in the northern and southern whale fishe-
ries previous to the war of the Revolution. Her vessels led
the way to the South Atlantic, to the African coast, and
to the Pacific Ocean. ' " ^« ; =, ,

In 1731, Pennsylvania owned 6000 tons of shipping, and
Massachusetts near 38,000, of which about one half were
in the European trade; vhile the entrances into New York
in 1737 reached to 211 sail, and its clearances to 220.
About the same time Philadelphia had 211 of the former,
and 215 of the latter. At this period in the history of the
country (1739,) Newport had a hundred sail of shipping of
different sizes.

.-J ' i

■ 1 "

%i NAVAL HISTORY.

After the war which was terminated by the peace of
Utrecht, most of the maritime colonies employed a species
ofguarda-costas, small armed Vessels, that were maintained
for the suppression of piracies, and for the general protec-
tion of the coasts. Some of these vessels were commanded
by young officers, who afterwards rose to more or less dis-
tinction, either at home, or in the British service. Among
others was Lieut. Wooster, afterwards Captain Wooster, who
commanded the armed vessel employed by Massachusetts.
This gentleman was subsequently killed at Danbury, during
the Revolution, holding the rank of a Brigadier General in
the militia of his native state. i*i^^ ' ; -

England declared war in 1789 against Spain, and the
American Colonies became the seat of many of her prepara-
tions and levies. Natives of the country were much em-
ployed in the different expeditions, and it is well known that
the estate which has since acquired so much celebrity on
account of its having been the property of Washington,
obtained the appellation of Mount Vernon from the circum-
stance that an elder brother, from whom that great man
inherited it, had served in the celebrated attack against
Carthagena, under the admiral of that name. In 1741, the
colonies supplied many of the transports sent against Cuba.

The year 1744 became memorable in the history of the
colonies, by a declaration of another war against France.
By this time the importance of all the American provinces,
whether English, French, or Spanish, were certain to ren-
der them, more or less, the seat of the contests; and the
great European states interested, were now found seriously
exhibiting their power in the Western hemisphere. . The
short duration of the war, probably, alone prevented Aaier-
ica from being the scene of those severe struggles that were
deferred a few years by the peace of Aix la Chspelle.
Short as was the contest, however, it afforded the colonists

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an opportunity of manifesting both their spirit and their re-
sources, by an expedition against Louisbourg.

The French had long been aware of the importance of a
port that commanded the entrance of the St. Lawrence, as
Gibraltar commands the approach to the Mediterranean,
and vast sums of money had been expended on the fortifi-
cations of Louisbourg. It is said that no less than $6,000,000
were appropriated to this object, and a quarter of a century
had been consumed in the preparations. The place was so
formidable as to be termed a second Dunkirk. So conscious
had Massachusetts become of her strength, however, that
no sooner was the declaration of war known, than Gover-
nor Shirley laid propositions before both the English ministry
and the colonial legislature, for the reduction of this great
naval and military station. The General Court of Massa-
chusetts, at first, was afraid to embark in so serious an en-
terprise without assurances of support from home, as Eng-
land was then uffectionately termed, but the people of the
colony getting a knowledge of the Governor's wishes,
seconded him so strongly with petitions, that the measure
was finally carried by a majority of one. Connecticut,
Rhode Island and New Hampshire lent their aid, and by the
25th of March, 1745, the expedition was ready to sail. Not
a British soldier was employed, and when the fleet left
Boston, it was with very uncertain hopes of being supported
by any of the King's ships.

The land forces, all levies of New England, no other
colony joining in the enterprise, were led by Col. William
Pepperel, of Kittery, in Maine, and the fleet wa? commanded
by CapL Edward Tyng, of the Massachusetts colonial ma-
rine. The naval part of these forces consisted principally of
vessels equipped, or hired, for this especial service. There
appear to have been twelve in all, besides the transports,
the largest carrying but 20 guns. The land forces amounted

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NAVAL HISTORY.

to 4070 men. From the various and contradictory accounts
of this armament we gather the following list of the colonial
cruisers engaged in the expedition, viz: Ships, Massachu-
setts, 20, Commodore Tyng; Caesar, 20, Captain Snelling; —
Snows, Shirley, 20, Captain Rouse; Prince of Orange, 16,
Captain Smethurst; — Brig Boston Packet, 16, Captain

Fletcher; and Sloops, ^ 12, Donahue ; 8, Saunders;

Bosch; — a Ship hired by Rhode Island, 20, Captain

GrifTen, and two vessels of 16 guns each, belonging to Con-
necticut. .;■■"•■■.■.. '.' , r •' ji '• .;.: .-; ^ s'':- -

h is a circumstance worthy of being mentioned, as char-
acteristic of the manners of the day, and of the habitual
thrift of the New England colonists, that Governor Shirley,
in his written instructions, lays great stress on an order for
the ships to go well provided with cod-lines, in order to
subsist the troops and seamen, as much as possible, on the
products of the sea.

The fleet reached Canseau on the 4th of April, where it
remained some weeks, to be joined by the levies of New
Hampshire and Connecticut, as well as to allow time for
the ice to dissolve in the neighbourhopd of Cape Breton.
For the first time, probably, in the history of the colonies,
large military preparations had been made in season, and
the result triumphantly showed the benefits of this unwonted
alacrity. Here also Commodore Warren, of the British
navy, joined the expedition, with a part of the West India
squadron, in which seas, and on the American coast, he
had long commanded. This excellent and efficient officer,
than whom there was not a braver in the British marine,
brought with him the Superb, 60, and three ships of forty
guns; his broad pennant flying in the former. Of course,
he assumed the command of the naval operations, though
great distrust appears to have existed between him and
Colonel Pepperel to the last. After a conference with the
latter, he went off Louisbourg, which he blockaded.

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WAVAL HISTORY.

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^ Louisbourg was invested by land on the 30th of April, and
after a vigorous siege of forty-seven days, during which
time a severe, cannonade was carried on, the place sub-
mitted. After th" surrender the' French flags were kept
flying for some time, by which rust two East India men
and a South Sea ship, all richly laden, were decoyed into
the mouth of the harbour and captured. The value of these
three vessels has been estimated as high as $3,000,000.

While cruising ofi'the port. Commodore Warren captured,
with no great resistance, the French man of war Vigilant,
60, with troops and supplies for the garrison This import-
ant event, no doubt, was of great moment to the result
of the siege.

Although the naval part of the colonial expedition could
have been of no great account after the arrival of Commo-
dore Warren,* it took the sea with creditable vigour, as soon
as Louisbourg had submitted. The Shirley, G>^lley, 20,
Capt Rouse, or as the vessel is sometimes calhi, the Snow,
Shirley, captured eight French vessels, and, in one instance,
she brought in two after an obstinate and gallant resistance.
For this exploit, that oflicer received the commission of a
captain in the King's service. . •' >

v^ No less than 400 privateers are said to have been out
from the colonies in this war, but the number is so incredible
as to give rise to the conjecture that the estimate includes
letters of marque and boats on the coast. Nothing worthy
of much notice occurred in Amercia, however, during
this short war, besides the capture of Louisbourg, and this
place was restored to the French, at the peace.

* It bu been pretended that the Vigilant 60, was captured by the co-
loiual ship Massachusetts 30, Com. Tyng; but this statement, besides be-
ing highly improbable in itself, is not properly sustained by the histories
oftheday. v ,,.^- , ....... ,.>. ;. _ .,^^ ^.s^,^y,_. ^„. ■^^^.^}

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Previous, however, to this event, the French menaced
the whole of the American coast, from Cape Breton to the
Delaware, with two serious invasions, both of which were
fortunately defeated; the first by the elements, and the.
second by the victory obtained by Admirals Anson and
Warren in 1747. The peace did not take place until the
following year, when Acadie was finally ceded to the
British crown and took the name of Nova Scotia.

The general interest felt in the fisheries, and the desire to. ^^
extend' the commerce of the country, caused a company in
Philadelphia to undertake the discovery of a North West
Passage. With this object the schooner Argo, Captain '
Swaine, sailed for Hudson's Bay, March 4th, 1753. After
an absence of several months the Argo returned to Phila-
delphia, having effected little more than obtaining a better .
knowledge of the coast, and of the inletc of the great bays.
The following year the attempt was repeated with still less
success, the vessel having lost three of her people in an en-
counter with, the Indians.

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' CHAPTER III. ^ ':

The peace of Aix la Chapelle found the navigation of the
American colonies in a very flourishing condition. More
than a century had elapsed since the settlements had passed ^
the ordeal of their infant struggles, and although distant
from each other, and labouring under the disadvantages of
a scattered population^ they were fast rising to the dignity
and power of states. The necessity of maintaining all their
more important communications by water, had a direct
tendency to encourage a disposition to the sea, and although ^--
without a regular warlike marine, their mercantile tonnage
probably equalled that of the mother country, when con- * •
sidered in reference to population. The number of soi^ in
all the provinces, at that period, did not much exceed a
million, if the Indians be excluded from the computation.
Of the tonnage it is not easy to speak with accuracy,
though we possess sufficient authority by which to form
some general estimates. The year of the peace, 500 vessels
are said to have cleared from the single port of Boston, and
430 entered ; this was exclusively of coasters; and fishing
vessels. At Portsmouth, New Hampshire, there were 121
clearances and 73 entries, besides 200 coasting vessels in
regular employment. The trade of New York and Phil-
adelphia was less than that of Boston, but still respectable.
Thus in 1749, or the year succeeding that of the peace, the

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NAVAL HISTORY.

clearances at Philadelphia were 291, and the entries 303;
while Boston, during the same period, had 604 clearances
and 489 entries. In 1750, a year in which the navigation
had sensibly diminished, the clearances of the former port
were 286, and the entries 232. Many ports, which have
since lost most of their navigation, then enjoyed a respect-
able trade, among which may be mentioned Newport,
Rhode Island, and Perth Amboy in New Jersey, '

The settlements extended nowhere to any great distance
from the ocean, the entire population being virtually ranged
along the coast, of which the Amerrcan colonies then pos-
sessed rather more in extent than that of the entire coast of
the Island of Great Britain. Some of the writers of the
^day boast that the tonnage and guns employed in privateers
out of the colonies, during the late war, exceeded the ton-
nage and guns of the royal navy of England, in the reign
of Queen Elizabeth. Although many of the clearances and
entries just enumerated, were, unquestionably, those of ves-
sels owned by the mother country, there is no doubt that a
very fair proportion belonged to the provinces. The num-
h|tf||^coasting and fishing vessels, in particular, was already
^^^P Massachusetts alone owning nearly one vessel, of
saMvdescription or other, for each hundred inhabitants.

Up to this period, the common white oak of the forest
was the wood principally used in naval constructions,
though the chestnut was also found serviceable in particular
parts of the frames. The white oak of North America
varies very much in quality, according to the latitude, and
other circumstances ; that which grows in the southern dis-
tricts, as well as that which grows near the sea, being gen-
erally more esteemed than that which is found further
north, or remote from the coast. The trees, moreover,
which have been left in the open lands, have a value that
does not belong to those which have acquired all their pro-

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perties in the shades of the forest. But a new era in ship
building was at hand, through the introduction of a wood
that greatly abounded in the more southern maritime regions
of British America. In 17.50, a vessel called the Live Oak
arrived in Charleston, South Carolina, having been built of
the invaluable timber, after which she was named, which
was now discovered to be one of the best materials for
naval architecture known. The Live Oak is said to have
been the first vessel la which this wood was ever used.

It also, about this time, became a practice among the
gnntry of the American provinces, to cause their sons to be
entered as midshipmen in the royal navy. Occasionally an
American had been transferred from the colonial marine
to that of the king, but, hitherto, very few boys had been
regularly entered or rated in the service, with a view to
adopting it as a profession. The circumstance that Wash-
ington was intended for such a life is generally known, and
we now look back at the tender affection of his mother,
which alone prevented it, as to a Providentisfl interference
in behalf of the nation. Many of those who were thus rated
in the English marine rose to high stations, and
have been, or still are, classed among the ablest anl
useful of^cers in the employment of the British
We might even point to a painful notoriety that a few ob-
tained, by their activity against the land of their birth,
during the war of the Revolution.

The tranquillity established by the treaty of Aix la Cha-
pelle, like that produced by the peace of Utrecht, was of
but short continuance. Disputes early commenced between
the English and French provinces, in relation to their boun-
daries; and an inland war actually broke out between
them in 1754, though the peace of Europe was not imme-
diately disturbed by this remote and local contest. This
singular state of things continued throughout 1755, and

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VAVAL HUilORY.

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the campaign of that year was one of the most import-
ant that had then occurred on the American continent.
Both nations reinforced their troops from Europe, and
strong squadrons were employed to protect the convoys ;
but there being no technical hostilities, commissions were
not issued to letters of marque and privateers. After many
ineffectual attempts at an accommodation, however, the
King of Great Britain made a formal dccla. ation of war
on the 17th of May, 1756.

Such was the commencement of the struggle that in
America is familiarly called "the old French war." Al-
though this contest was of the last importance to the colo-
nies, by driving the French from their part of the conti-
nent and by leaving the savages without an ally, its events
were more properly connected with the movements of
armies, than with any naval operations of magnitude, so far
as the latter belong to the subject of this work. The
beginning of the war was disastrous, but in the end, the
celebrated £arl of Chatham succeeded in infusing a por-
tion of his own energy into the councils of the King, and
from that moif ent the most brilliant success rewarded his
efforts. * '

An expedition against Louisbourg was attempted in 1757,
under Admiral Holbourn, but it was abandoned on ascer-
taining that, besides ifs regular garrison and important
works, the place was defended by a fleet of 17 sail of the
line, which was moored in the harbour. We learn the
growing importance of the colonies in the forces employ-
ed on this occcasion; Louisbourg having a garrison of
6000 regulars, while the army destined to attack it, mus-
tered something like 1^,000 English troops, besides provin-
cials. The failure apipaars to have arisen out of the supe-
riority of the French in ships.

It is worthy of mention, that, while the English fleet was

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NAVAL mSTORV.

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cruising off Loulsbourg it met with n heavy gnle, in which
one of its ships, the Tilbury, was wrecked, and more than
two hundred of her crew were drowned. The remainder
fell into the honds of the French, who, with the humanity
and courtesy of a great and polished nation, sent the suf-
ferers to Halifax, under the protection of a flag of truce.

Although Spain became a party to the war in 1702, on
the side of France, it did not materially vary the nature of
the exertions of the colonies, which were mainly directed to
the reduction of the Canadas, by means of expeditions in-
land. Martinique and the Havanna were both captured,
but the fleets employed by the English were on a scale too
large to require the aid of the light vessels of the provinces.
Many Americans served in these enterprises, both by land
and by water, but, as is always the case, when there is me-
tropolitan power to claim the glory, the credit due their
exertions was absorbed in the renown of the mother
country. . *

Peace was signed on the 10th of February, 1663, and
from that day France ceased to claim any portion of the
American Continent north of Louisiana, with the excep-
tion of two insigniflcant fishing stations, near the outlet of
the St. Lawrence. The conquests of this war were an in-
cipient step towards the eventual independence of the colo-
nies, since the latter found themselves without any enemy
in their vicinity, to cause them to lean on England for suc-
cour, or to divert their policy from those domestic mea-
sures which were more immediately connected with their
internal prosperity.

The northern colonies gained much credit by their ex-
ertions in the late war, having raised a respectable army,
but less mention is made of their pri^^tcers than might have
been supposed, from which we are led to infer, that the en-
terprises of this nature did not attract as much attention as

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ITAVAL RISTORT.

those which had characterized the earlier struggles of the
country. -.l^w. . • .« . .

At the close of this great contest, the original Ameri-
can colonies, or those which have since constituted the
United States, without including the Floridas and Louisi-
ana, are supposed to have contained more than 1;200,000
souls, exclusively of Indians. Censuses were actually taken
in one or two of the provinces. That of Massachu.'ietts
gave a return a little exceeding 246,000; including 6000
people of colour. That of Maryland, taken in 1766, gave
a total of 107,208 whites, a number considerably exceeding
the estimates after the peace. -

This war, while, on the part of the colonists, it was so
much confined to expeditions by land, afforded, notwith-
standing, some instances of hardihood and gallantry on the
part of the privateers, of which, as usual, more or less
wore at sea. One of these actions deserves to be noticed,
as it was among the most obstinate of which we possess any
authentic accounts. It was in January 1758, that the priva-
teer Thurloe, 14, Captain Mantle, fell in with the French
privateer Les Deux Amis, 10, Captain Felix. The Thurloe
had a crew of 84 men, and Les Deux Amis a crew of
08. Perceiving the superiority of his antagonist in guns,
the Frenchman endeavoured to escape, but finding this im-
possible, he ran him atwhart hawse, and made a noble
effort to carry him by boarding. He was met by a resolu-
tion equal to his own, and for more than two hours these
small vessels are said to have remained foul of each other,
their crews contending for victory, with all the implements
of destruction known to the warfare of the day. The
Thurloe alone, is said to have thrown no fewer than 300
powder-flasks, and 72 stink-pots on board her enemy, besides
making a liberal use of her guns and small arms. The
Deux Amis struck, probably subdued by the guns of her

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NAVAL HISTORY.

adversary, but not until she had rendered the combat one of
the bloodiest in naval annal:?, by the obstinacy of her re-
sistance. The Thurloe had 12 men killed, and 25 wound-
ed; Les Deux Amis had more than 80 of her people in the
same situation. ' " , ■ .■ . . i^ >• ^« -^

Although the history of this action is liable to the distrust
that accompanies all accounts that are not subjected to tho
investigation of official forms and official scrutiny, it ap-
pears to be given with a particularity, in the accounts of
the day, that renders it worthy of credit.

Immediately after the peace of 1763, commenced that
legislative usurpation on the part of the mother country,
which twenty years later terminated in the independence
of the colonies. It would exceed the proper limits of a
work of this character, to enter into the details of that
eventful period, or minutely to trace the progress of a sys-
tem of encroachments that gradually undermined the alle-
giance of a people, whose confiding affection still resists
the animosities of two wars, and, the jealousies and compe-
tition of commerce.

America, at the period of which we write, had that men-
tal dependence on the mother country, which the province
is known to feel for the metropolis; exaggerating its virtues,
palliating its defects, and substituting its own images for
reason and truth. The temporary alienation that succeeded
was the work of time, and it required more than ten years
of progressive innovations, on the part of the parliament of
Great Britain, before the more daring and far-sighted of the
American leaders could bring the body of the people up to
the point of open resistance. All this time, however, the
provinces were rapidly increasing in numbers, in resources,
and in a spirit of nationality, as opposed to the ancient sen-
timent, which identified the children of the colonists with a
land that they still loved to term "home." As the causes
which led to the great results that followed lay deeper than

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NAVAL HISTORY,

I I

it was usual for the writers of the day to consider, a passing
word on so grave a subject may not be thrown away.

In the age when the American colonies were founded, ^
and received their different charters from the crown, the
prerogative of the King of England was active, the monarch
effectually ruling the empire, checked by the other branches
of the government. The relation between a prince and his
subjects is simple, and, when not diverted from its legitimate
direction, it is fostering and paternal. Under such circum-
3tances, and especially when there exist no unusual sources
of irritation, the several parts of an extended empire may be
governed equitably and on a common principle of justice. V^
The monarch of one portion of the territories is the monarch
of another, and he is supposed equally to respect the rights
and interests of all. But, when the revolution of 1668 put
the House of Hanover on the throne, a svstem of ministerial
responsibility was established, that gradually reduced the
power of the crown, until the ministers, who, in effect, form
the executive of Great Britain, got to be the creatures of
parliament, instead of the real servants of the prince. It is
true, that the king named his cabinet, or rather its head; but
he was compelled to name those that parliament selected, or
the latter stopped tlie supplies. This was effectually substi-
tuting the power of parliament, in all the more important
relations of the empire, for that of the king; and, as parlia-
ment was composed of the representation, direct and indirect,
of a small part of the territory nominally subject to the
British Crown, it followed as a consequence, that this portion
of the empire, by extending its legislation unduly over the
others, was substituting a new and dangerous master, for a
prince who might be supposed to know no difference in his
affection for his subjects.

While, however, this was probably the principle that lay
at the root of the difficulties with America, few saw it in

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VAVAL HISTORY.

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theory; f^cts invariably preceding opinion in a country as
purely practical as this. Legislative usurpation, in the
abstract, was resisted ; while few perceived the difference
between a legislation that was effectually checked by the
veto of an independent monarch, bearing an equal relation
to all the parts of a vast empire, and a legislation that not
only held this, but all the other material powers of the crown,
directly or indirectly, in subjection.

Empires may be held together when the several parts are
ruled by a central power that has a common, just, and obvious
interest in all; but nothing short of force can compel the
possessors of one detached territory to be subservient to the
interests of the possessors of the seat of authority. This
great obstacle, then, lay at the root of ihe difficulties, and,
keeping out of view the questions of the day, which arose
as consequences rather than as causes, it is now clear that
the connexion could not have been perpetuated, while so
small a fragment of the empire controlled so absolutely the
great and moving power of the state.

Among the offensive measures adopted by parliament was
a du' on stamps, and another on tea. By the first, vessels
could not regularly proceed to sea, unless furnished with
the required stamps; yet so strong was the opposition that
ships actually ventured on the ocean without the necessary
papers; nor is it known that any serious consequences re-
sulted from so bold a step. In the end, the stamp-officers
having resigned, and no one being willing to incur the
odium of filling their places, the courts of justice them-
selves, transacted business without regard to those forms
that the acts of parliament had rendered necessary. This
tax was finally abandoned, and substitutes were sought for,
that were believed to be more manageable.

Fresh attempts to enforce the navigation act, which had
virtually become a dead letter, were made in 1768, and a

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sloop from Madeira, loaded with wine, was actually seized
in Boston, and placed under the guns of the Romney man
of war. A mob followed, and the public officers were
driven to seek protection in the castle.

Great Britain had never maintained a body of troops in
her colonies, except to protect them against the French and
Indians. These soldiers had hitherto been principally kept
on remote frontiers ; but regiments were now sent to Bos-
Ion, evidently with a view to enforce the assumed ascen-
dency of the British Parliament. This step added greatly
to the discontent, and eventually was the direct cause of
the commencement of hostilities.

The first overt act of resistance that took place in this
celebrated struggle, occurred in 1772, in the waters of
Rhode Island. A vessel of war had been stationed on the
coast to enforce the laws, and a small schooner, with a light
armament and twenty seven men, called the Gasp6, was
employed as a tender, to run into the shallow waters of that
coast. On the 17th of June, 1772, a Providence packet, that
plied between New York and Rhode Island, named the
Hannah, and commanded by a Captain Linzee, hove in
sight of the man of war, on her passage up the bay. The
Hannah was ordered to bring to, in order to be CAiMTiined;
but her master refused to copiply; and being fovoured by a
fresh southerly breeze, that was fast sweepintj liim out of
gun-shot, the Gasp6 was signalled to follow. For five and
twenty miles the chase continued, under u press of sail,
when the Hannah coming up with a bar, with which her
master was familiar, and drawing less water than the
schooner, Captain Linzee led the latter on a shoal where she
struck. The tide falling, the Gasp6 sewed, and was not in a
condition to be removed for several hours.

The news of the chase was circulated on th3 arrival of
the Hannah at Providence. A strong feelincr was excited

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NAVAL HISTORy.

among the population, and towards evening tiie town drum-
mer appeared in the streets, assembling the people in the ordi-
nary manner. When a crowd was collected, this man led his
followers in front of a shed that stood near one of the stores,
when one disguised as an Indian suddenly appeared on the
roof, and proclaimed a secret expedition for that night, in-
viting all of " stout hearts" to assemble on the wharf, pre-
cisely at nine, disguised like himself. At the appointed
hour, most of the men in the place collected at the spot de-
signated, when sixtyvfour were selected for the bold under-
taking that was in view.

■ This party embarked in eight of the launches of the dif-
ferent vessels lying at the wharves, and taking with them a
quantity of round paving stones, they pulled down the river
in a body. The commander of these men is supposed to
have been a Captain Whipple, who afterwards held a oom-
mission iu the service of Congress, but none of the names
were publicly mentioned at the time. On nearing the
Gasp^, about two in the morning, the boats were hailed by jf^
a sentinel on deck. This man was driven below by a volley
of the stones. The commander of the Gasp6 now appeared,
and warning the boats off, he fired a pistol at them. This
discharge was returned from a musket, and the officer was
shot through the thigh. By this time, the crew of the Gasp^
had assembled, and the party from Providence boarded. ^
The conflict was short, the schooner's people being soon
knocked down and secured. All on. board were put into
the boats, and the Gaspd was set on fire. Towards morn-
ing she blew up.

This bold step naturally excited great indignation in the
British officers, and all possible means were taken to dis-
cover the offenders. The Government at home offered a
reward of £1000 sterling for the leader, and £600 to any
person who would discover the other parties, with the

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NAVAL HISTORY.

promise of a pardon should the informer be an accomplice.
But the feeling of the times was too high for the ordinary
means of detection, no evidence having ever been obtained
sufficient even to arraign a solitary individual, notwithstand-
ing a Commission of Inquirji, under the Great Seal of Eng-
land, sat with that object, from January to June, during the
year 1773. • '

Although this affair led to no immediate results, it doubt-
less had its influence in widening the breach between the
opposing parties, and it is worthy of refmark, that in it was
shed the first blood that flowed in the struggle for American
Independence ; the whole transaction being as direct a re-
sistance to oppression, as the subsequent, and better known
fight at Lexington.

The year 1773 is memorable in American history, for the
resistance made by the colonists to the duty on tea. By
.^^ means of some management on the part of the British min-
istry, in permitting the East India Company to export their
t,teas free of charges, it was now possible to sell the article
^*at a lower rate in America, subject to the duty, than it
^ could have been sold previously to the imposition of the tax.
• Fancying that this circumstance would favour the views of
all the parties in Europe, for the warehouses of the com-
pany were glutted in consequence of the system of non-im-
portation adopted by the colonists, several cargoes were
sent to different ports, including New York, Philadelphia,
Charleston and Boston. The inhabitants of the two former
places compelled the ships to return to London, without un-
loading, while the people of Charleston caused their vessel
to be discharged, and the tea to be stored in damp cellars,
where it finally spoiled.

Three ships loaded with the offensive article had been
sent to Boston, and the inhabitants succeeded in persuading
their masters to consent to return to London, without dis-

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NAVAL HISTORY.

charging, but the consignees refused to release them from
their charter-parties, while the authorities denied the neces-
sary clearances. The governor even withheld the permit
necessary to pass the fort. This conduct produced great
excitement, and preparations were made to destroy the tea,
under an apprehension that it might be gradually and clan-
destinely landed. Suddenly, in the dusk of the evening, a
party disguised as Indians, and which has been differently
represented as composed of twenty men up to eighty, ap-
peared in the streets, marching swiftly in the direction of
the wharves. It was followed by a mob, and proceeded to
one of the tea-ships, which it boarded, and of which it took
poEiOssion without resistance. The hatches were broken
ope ;, and the chests of tea were struck on deck, staved, and
tlieir contents were thrown into ihe water. The whole pro-
ceedir gs were conducted in the most /rderly manner, and
with little or no noise, the labourers seldom speaking. So
much mystery attended this affair, that it is not easy, even
at this remote day, to ascertain all the particulars ; and,
although the names of the actors have been mentioned '
openly of late, for a long period apprehensions are said to
have been entertained, by some engaged — men of wealth —
that they might yet be made the subjects of a prosecution
for damages, by the East India Company. Three hundred
and forty two chests o( lea were destroyed, which was
probably rhe cargo of a single ship, the two others quitting
the port soon after.

This daring act was followed by the Boston Port Bill, a
political measure that wa equrTy high-handed, since it
denied the people of the town all direct r-^.rticipation in
commerce. This sudden v iixk, in twenty days notice, to
the trade of a place that had seen, the previous year, 411
clearances, and 587 entries, to and from foreign ports, pro-
duced much distress in the town itself, and

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nation throughout the country. It had been the misfortune
of England, never to understand the character of the people
^p'. of the American colonies; for, accustomed to dependencies

that had been humbled by conquest, she had not yet learned
'■ to appreciate the spirit of those who were rapidly shooting

i'^ up into political manhood by their own efforts, and who had
only placed themselves in the situation they occupied, be-
cause they had founa the liberty of England herself, insuf-

4' dcient for their opinions and wants.

The people now began seriously to prepare for an appeal
to force, and they profited by the liberty that was still left
them, to organize military corps, with a view to recover that
which they had lost. A Congress of representatives from
the different colonies convened, and a system of organiza-

^ tion and concert was adopted, that served to unite as many
as possible in the struggle that was fast approaching.

Towards the close of the year 1774, various steps were

taken in different parts of the country, that had a direct

bearing on the civil war that was known to be at hand.

jflpi. Laws had been passed in England, prohibiting the exporta-

%■ tion of arms and military supplies to America, and the can-

' ' non and powder of Ihe crown were seized at various points,
either by the local governments, or by private individuals.
Twenty-six guns, of different calibres, were found on Fort
Island and carried to Providence, and the people of Rhode
Island, are said to have got possession, in the whole, of quite
forty guns, by these bold measures. Af Portsmouth, New
Hampshire, a body of 400 men proceeded to the castle, at

'* the harbour's mouth, kept the garrison in check, and break-
ing open the magazine, they carried ofTone hui^red barrels
of powder. "^ "" %.

,. While means like these were used to collect the neces-

sary military equipments, provisions, as well .as arms, were
collected in different parts of the country, in readiness for a
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campaign. Among other d^pdts of this nature, one had been
made at Concord, a small town at the distance of eighteen
miles from Boston, and General Oage, who commanded the
British forces in America, deemed it essential that it should
be destroyed. A strong detachment was sent on this ser-
vice, and it fell in with a small body of American minute-
men at Lexington. These militia were dispersed by a
volley, in which a few men were killed. This affair has
always been considered the commencement of the War of
the Revolution; and justly, as the hostilities which were
then commenced did not cease, until the Independence of
the Colonies was acknowledged by treaty. The British
proceeded to Concord, where they effected their object,
though not without resistance. The people now began to
collect in force, and as soon as the British resumed their
march on their return to Boston, they were assailed by the
former, from behind the walls and fences. So vigorously
were the troops pressed on this occasion, that it is thought
they must have surrendered, had they not been met by a
strong reinforcement, commanded by Lord Percy, which
enabled them to halt and recover their breath. As soon as
the march was begun again, however, the provincials
renewed the attack, and the British did not succeed in
gaining a place of security, until they reached Charlestown
neck. In this affair the loss of the Americans has been
ascertained to have amounted to 50 killed, 34 wounded, and
4 missing; that of the British to 73 killed, 174 wounded,
and 26 prisoners.

The intelligence of this important event circulated like a
raging fire throughout the country, and it everywhere was
received as a call to battle. Reserve was thrown aside; the
population flew to arms, and the military stores of the crown
were seized wherever they could be found. An irregular
body of 20,000 men appeared before Boston, with incredible

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rapidity, and formed a line confining the royal army to the
occupation of the town. With a view to reduce their enemy
to still narrower limits, Breed's Hill, a height that commands
the inner harbour of Boston, was seized, and a redoubt
commenced. This step brought on the combat that has
since been termed the Battle of Bunker's Hill, one of the
'^ most extraordinary conflicts of modem times, and which
may be said to have given birth to American Indepen-
dence. Washington was now appointed Commander in
Chief by the Congress of the United Colonies, and the war
commenced under the usual laws of civilized nations, with
the exception of the formality of a declaration. .,,>

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CHAPTER IV.

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The thirteen United Colonies that now commenced a
struggle with the mother country, not to obtain a political
independence, for few thought of so great a change when
blood was first shed, but to regain rights that were inherent
in the governing principles of the institutions under which
they had long lived, and which were assured to them for-
mally in a variety of ways, possessed but scanty means to
contend with a power like that of Britain. Their popula-
tion was less than three millions, their pecuniary resources
of no great amount, ^nd their military preparations were
insignificniii. But the fire of true patriotism had been
kindled, and that which in other nations is eflbcted by means
of laboured combinations and political management, the
people of America were bent on doing of their own volun-
tary motion and united efforts. The colonies of New Eng-
land, in particular, which possessed a population i.:;ined to
liberty ; hardy, simple, ingenious and brave, rose as it might
be to a man, and as this was the part of the country in which
the flame broke out, thither we must first direct our atten-
tion in order to find the earliest evidences of its intensity.

On the ocean, the preparations for the struggle were even
smaller than those which had been made on the land.
Congress had done nothing, and the provisions for naval
defence w'lich, from time to time., had existed among the

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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different colonies, had never amounted to more than main-
taining a few guarda-costas, or to the temporary exertions
for some expedition. As soon as the struggle commenced
in earnest, however, the habits of the people, their aptitude
for sea service, and the advantages of both a public and a
private nature, that were to be obtained from successful
cruising, induced thousands to turn longing eyes to an ele-
ment that promised so many flatteri esults. Nothing
but the caution of Congress, which b wa indisposed at
first to act as if general warfare, inst' ' of a redress of
grievances, was its object, prevei ed a wing towards the
private cruisers, that would probably have given the com-
merce of England a heavier and a more sudden blow, than
it had ever yet received. But a different policy was pursued,
and the orders to capture, first issued, were confined to
vessels bringing stores and supplies to the British forces in
America. It was as late as the 10th of Nov. 1775, before
Massachusetts, the colony which was the seat of war, and
which may be said to have taken the lead in the revolt, es-
tablished courts of admiralty, and enacted laws for the en-
couragement of nautical enterprises. Washington followed
this example by granting commissions to vessels to cruise
in the vicinity of Boston, with the object already stated.
But a due examination of the practical measures of that
day, will render it necessary to separate the subject into
three branches ; viz, one that refers solely to the exertions
of private, and frequently of unauthorized adventures;
another that shall speak of the proceedings of the different
colonies; and a last, which more properly comprises the
theme of this work, that shall refer to the policy pursued by
Congress, in behalf of the entire nation. In making these
distinctions, we shall be compelled to use brevity, as but few
authentic documents now exist for authorities, and because
the sameness and unimportance of m^^ny of the details de-

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prive the subject of any interest beyond that which is con-
nected with a proper understanding of the true condition of
the country.

The first nautical enterprise that succeeded the battle of
Lexington, was one purely of private adventure. The in-
telligence of this conflict was brought to Machias in Maine,
on Saturday the 0th of May, 1775. An armed schooner
called the Margaretta, in the service of the crown, was
lying in port, with two sloops under her convoy, that w#e
loading with lumber on behalf of the King's government.
Those who brought the news were enjoined to be silent, a
plan to capture the Margaretta having been immediately
projected among some of the more spirited of the inhabitants.
The next day being Sunday, it was hoped that the officers
of the latter might be seized while in church, but the scheme
failed in consequence of the precipitatioh of those engaged.
Capt. Moore, who commanded the Margaretta, saw the as-
sailants, and, with his officers, escaped through the windows
of the church to the shore, where they were protected by
the guns of the schooner. The alarm was now taken,
springs were got on the Margaretta's cables, and a few
harmless shot were fired over the town, by way of intimi-
dation. After a little delay, however, the schooner dropped
down below the town, to a distance exceeding a league.
Here she was followed, summoned to surrender, and fired
on from a high bank, which her own shot could not reach.
The Margaretta again weighed, and running into the bay
at the confluence of the two rivers, anchored.

The following morning, which was Monday, the 11th of
May, four young men took possession of one of the lumber
sloops, and bringing her along side of a wharf, they gave
three cheers as a signal for volunteers. On explaining that
their intentions were to make an attack on the Margaretta,
a party of about thirty-five athletic men was soon col-

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VAVAL BISTORT.

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e«tdd. Afrnfng tfteniiefves with fire-arms, pitck-forks, and
axes, and throwing a small stock of provisions into the
sloop, these spirited freemen made sail on their craft, with a
light breeze at north-west When the Margaretta observed
the approach of the sloop she weighed and crowded sail to
avoid a conflict, that was every way undesirable, as her
commander was not yet apprised of all the facts that had
occurred near Boston. In jibing, the schoonor carried
a\i^ay her main-boom, but continuing to stand on, she ran
into Holmes' Bay, and took a spar out of a vessel that
was then lying there. While these repairs were making,
the sloop hove in sight, and the Margaretta stood out to
sea, in the hope of avoiding her. The wind now freshened,
and the sloop proved to be the better sailer, with the wind
on the quart<er. So anxious was the Margaretta to avoid a
collision, that Captain Moore now cut away his boats; but
finding this inefiectual, and that his assailants were fast
closing with him, he opened a fire/ the schooner having an
armament of four light guns, and fourteen swivels. A
man was killed on board the sloop, which immediately re-
turned the fire with a wall piece. This iJ&icharge killed
the man at the Margaretta's helm, and cleared her quar-
ter-deck. The schooner broached to, vfhen the sloop gave
a general discharge. Almost at the same instant the two
vessels came foul of each other. A short conflict now
took place with musketry. Captain Moore throwing hand
grenades with considerable efiect, in person. This officer
was immediately afterwards shot down, however, when the
people of the sloop boarded and took possession of the
Margaretta.

The loss of life in this aflair was not very great, though
twenty men, on both sides, are said to have been killed and
wounded. The force of the Margaretta, even in men, was
much the most considerable, though the crew of no regular

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NAVAI. HlflTORY.

cruiser can ever equal in spirit and energy a body of volun-
teers assembled on an occasion like this. There was origi-
nally no commander in the sloop, but previously to engaging
the schooner, Jeremiah O'Brien was selected for that station.
This affair was the Lexington of the seas, for like that cele-
brated land conflict, it was a rising of the people against a
regular force, was characterized by a long chase, a bloody
struggle, and a triumph. It was also the first blow struck
on the water, after the war of the American Revolution had
actually commenced.

The armament of the Margaretta was transferred to «i
sloop, and Mr. O'Brien made an attack on two small Eng-
lish cruisers that were said to have been sent out from
Halifax, expressly to capture him. By separating these
vessels, he took them both, with little resistance, and the
prisoners were all carried to Watertown, where the pro-
vincial legislature of Massachusetts was then assembled.
The gallantry and good conduct of Mr. O'Brien was so
generally admired, that he was immediately appointed a
captain in the marine of the colony, and sent on the coast
with his two last prizes, with orders to intercept vessels
bringing supplies to the royal forces.

Many adventures, or enterprises, more or less resembling
these of Captain O'Brien, took place on different parts of the
coast, though none of so brilliant and successful a charac-
ter. By way of retaliation, and with a view to intimidate,
the English Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Graves, sent a
force under the orders of Captain Mowat, to destroy the
town of Falmouth, and four hundred buildings were burn-
ed. An attempt to land, however, was repulsed, when the
ships retired. This and simi* iOps, produced the law
of Massachusetts, already mentioned as having been passed
in Nov. 1775, granting commissions and directing the
seizure of British vessels under certain circumstances, and

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which consequently put an end to the expeditions we have
classed among the unauthorized.

The colony of Massachusetts had recourse to energetic
measures for annoying the enemy on the coast, and for
procuring military supplies. Many small vessels were
fitted out by that as well as by other colonies, and ships
were sent in different directions with a view to purchase
the stores that could not be seized.

The want of powder, in particular, was so severely felt,
that all practicable means were adopted with a desire to
obtain it Among others, Greneral Washington borrowed .
two schooners of Massachusetts and sent them into the
gulf of St Lawrence, under the orders of Captain Brough-
ton, to intercept two brigs, that were known to be bound to
Quebec, with military stores. The brigs were not seen, but
ten other English vessels were captured by Captain Brough-
ton, and all released as not coming within the hostilities
meditated by Congress.

That body, however, was by no means blind to the im-
portance of naval means of defence, without which no war
can ever be conducted with credit and success by a country
situated like America; and we now have properly arrived
at the point where it is necessary to advert to the acts and
legislation of the General Grovernment on this interesting
subject.

Soon after he assumed the command of the troops before
Boston, General Washington, who so deeply felt the want of
munitions of war of nearly every description, issued several
commissions to different small vessels, giving their com-
manders instructions to cruise in or near Massachusetts
Bay, in order to intercept the British store ships.

The first vessel that got to sea under this arrangement,
was the schooner Lee, Captain John Manly, which sailed
from Marblehead near the close of November. On the

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S9th, Captain Manly fell in with and captured the English
brig Nancy, having on board ordnance stores, several brtsv
guns, a considerable supply of fire-arms, and various military
sapplies. Among other things of this nature, was a large
mortar, which was justly deemed an important addition to the "
means of a besieging army; for up to this time, the Ameri-
cans before Boston were greatly in want of artillery of
every sort. On the 8th of December, Captain Manly cap-
tured three more store-ships, and succeeded in getting all
hm prizes safely into port

Although it may not be strictly true to term the Lee, and
other small cruisers similarly employed, the first vessels
that ever belonged to the General Government of this
country, they may be deemed the first that ever actually
sailed with authority to cruise in behalf of the ^tire
country. , But, while we accord this precedency to Captain
Manly and his associates, who acted under the orders of
Washington, Congress itself had not been altogether idle,
and it is probable that the Commander-in-Chief took the step
he did in accordance with the expressed views of that body.

The first legislation of Congress on the subject of a navy,
preceded the law of Massachusetts, in point of time, though
the act was worded with greater reserve. On the 13th of
October 1775, a law passed ordering one vessel of 10 guns,
and another of 14 guns to be equipped as national cruisers, .
and to be sent to the eastward, on a cruise of three months,
to intercept supplies for the royal troops. On the 29th of
the same month a resolution passed denying to private
ships of war and merchant vessels the right to wear pen-
nants in the presence of "continental ships, or vessels of
war," without the permission of the commanding officers of
the latter. This law was framed in a proper spirit, and
manifested an intention to cause the authorised agents of
the public on the high seas, to be properly respected; it

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HAVAL HISTORY.

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excites a smile, however, when we remember that the
whole marine of the country consisted, at the time, of two
small vessels that were not yet equipped. The next day
another law passed, authorising the fitting out of two more
^cruisers, one to carry 20, and the other 86 guns.

A change in this cautious policy was. produced by the
depredations committed by the vessels under the command
of Captain Mowat When the intelligence of that ruthless
proceeding reached Philadelphia, it produced a general
prize law, with authority to capture all British vessels that
were in any manner connected with the pending struggle.
As the country still acknowledged its connexion with
the crown, perhaps this reserve in conducting the war,
was, in a measure, due to sound policy. This law was
followed by another passed December 13th, ordering thir-
teen sail of cruisers, to be constructed. Of the latter
vessels, three were to be of 24 guns, five of 28, and five of
3f. Thus Congress, previously to the end of the year 1775,
had authorised a regular marine, to consist of seventeen
cruisers, varying in force from 10 to S2 guns. The keels of
the ships alluded to in the last law, were ordered to be laid,
in the four colonies of New England, in New York, Penn-
sylvania and Maryland, and the following is a list of their
names and respective rates, as well as of the colony where
each was built, viz:

32 — Pennsylvania.

32 — New Hampshire.

32 — Massachusetts.

32 — Pennsylvania.

32 — Rhode Island.

28 — Maryland.

28 — Connecticut.

28 — Pennsylvania.

28— New York.

Washington,

Raleigh,

Hancock,

Randolph,

Warren,

Virginia,

Trumbull,

Effingham,

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VAVAL WSTOIir.

28— Rhode Island.
24 — Massachusetts.
24 — Pennsylvania.
24— New York.

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These vessels aj^ar to have been judiciously appointed
in order to effect the object in view. The resources of
America did not admit of the construction of ships of a size
fit to contend with the fleets of England, and had the colo-
nies been in a condition even to make such an exhibition of
their power, H^ie time necessary to organize a proper ma«
rine, the want of navy yards, and the impossibility of pro-
curing in season, naval stores of the required quality, would
have prevented them from attempting it. The ships ordered
were large enough to resist the small cruisers of the crown,
and were well adapted to destroy convoys, and to capture
transports and store-ships. We are not, however, to esti-
mate their force by the manner of rating, as compared
with similar rates in our own time, the art of ship-building
and the mode of equipping vessels of war, having undergone
great changes since the commencement of the American Re-
volution. Frigates, at that day, were usually vessels varying
from six hundred to a thousand tons, and rarely carried on
their main deck batteries, guns of a metal heavier than
eighteen pounders. There was usually no spar-deck, but
the forecastle and quarter deck were connected by gang-
ways, with gratings to cover a part, or even all of the in-
termediate space. The armaments above were light
sixes, nines, or twelves, according to the respective rates,
but were commonly of trifling amount. Carronades had
not then been invented, though they first came into use
during this war. This gun obtains its name from the cir-
cumstance of its having been been first made at the village
of Carron, in Scotland, a place celebrated for its foundries.

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as the bayonet derivei its appellation from BayootMr in
France. We believe it was first used with effect, in the
battle between Lord Rodney and the Comte de Grasset
when it was found to be an arm of more efficiency than had
been generally anticipated. For some time its use was con-
fined to the English, nor did it make its way into the Ameri-
can marine» untilthe commencement of the present century,
or the very dose of the last. Most of the ships mentioned
in the list we have given, were armed with nines and
twelves, having sixes, and even fours, on their quarter>^
decks and forecastles. Vi e beUeve there was no eighteen
pounder frigate constructed under tife laws of 177ft.

Bad as was the condition of the Colonies, as respects
naval stores, and the munitions of war, the country
might be said to be e^en worse off for persons suited to
form a navy list There was no lack of competent naviga-
tors, or of brave seamen, but the high moral qualities which
are indispensable to the accomplished officer, were hardly
to be expected atjnong those who had received all their
training in the rude and imperfect schools of the merchant
service. Still, as a whole, the merchant seamen of America
were of a class superior to those of most other nations; the
very absence of a regular marine, which induced young
men of enterprise to incur the dangers of the seas in this
mode in preference to remaining on shore, ar^^ the moral
superiority of the level of the population, producing such a
result. It has been said that the gentry of the country had
begun to place their sons in the British marine, previously
to the commencement of this war; but, while many instan-
ces occurred in which Americans threw up their commis-
sions in the British army, in preference to serving against
their native land, very few of those who had taken service
in the navy, followed their example. The second nature
that the seaman acquires in time, appears to have drawn
the cord too tight to suffer it to be snapped even by the

Vol. I— 9

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violent struggles of a civil wir, and most of the young men
who were born in the colonies, and who found themselves
arrayed against their proper country, on board the ships of
the king, continued to serve with the undiminished zeal and
singleness of purpose, that is apt to distinguish the fidelity
of a seaman to his flag.* The Committee of Congress, to
which the duties of a Navy Department were assigned, was
compelled, in consequence of these diflSoulties, to select the
new corps of officers, principally, from such conspicuous
persons among the masters and mates of merchant ships as
the country afforded; a few of those who had been trained
in the English marine, but who had left it previously to the
struggle, excepted. The result was such as might have
been anticipated. While many gallant and suitable men
were chosen, some of the corps had little to recommend
them besides their practical knowledge of seamanship.
These were valuable qualities, certainly, but the habits of
subordination, the high feelings of personal pride and self-
respect that create an esprit de corpsy and the moral courage
and lofty sentiments that come in time, to teach the trained
officer to believe any misfortune preferable to professional dis'*
grace, were not always to be expected under such circum-
stances. In short, 'a service <:reated in this informal manneri
must necessarily depend more on accidental and natural
qualities for its success, than on that acquired chariacter
which has been found to be so competent a substitute, and
which is altogether indispensable when there is a demand
for the complicated and combined movements that can
alone render any arm efficient throughout a series of years.
It is true, that the colonies had possessed an irregular
school for the training of officers, in their provincial crui-
sers, or guarda-QfMtas, but it was neither sufficiently ex-

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* We dkn discover but a single instance of an American's quitting the
Snglish navy on account of the war, though it is probable more occurred.

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KAVAL HISTORT.

tended, nor sufficiently disciplined, to afford the supply that
was now demanded by the extraordinary exigencies of the
times.

The documents connected with the early history of the
navy of the oouhtry, were never kept with suffioient method,
and the few that did exist have become much scattered and
lost, in consequence of there having been no regular navy
department ; the authority of this branch of the government
having been exercised throughout the whole war, by Com-
mittees and Boards, the members of which have probably
retained many documents of interest, as vouchers to authen-
ticate their own proceedings.

Among other defects it has become impossible to estab-
lish, in all cases, who did and who did not actually serve in
the marine of the United States, officers so frequently pass-
ing from the privateers into the public vessels, and from the
public vessels to the privateers, as to leave this important
branch of our subject involved in much obscurity. Before
we enter more fully into the details on which reliance can
be placed, it may be well, also, to explain that the officers
in the navy of the Confederation derived their authority
from different sources, a circumstance that adds to the diffi-
culties just mentioned. In a good many instances Congress
made the appointments by direct resolutions of its own, as
will appear in the case of the officers first named. Subse-
quently, the Marine Committee possessed this power; and,
in the end, not only did the diplomatic agents of the Go-
vernment abroad exercise this high trust, but even the com-
manders of squadrons and of ships were put in possession of
blank commissions to be filled at their particular discretion.
It will easily be Understood, how much this, looseness in
managing an interest of so much mooient, increases thew
embarrassment in obtaining the truth.

The brave men who acted under the authority of Wash-
ington, at the commencement of the contest, were not in the

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WAVAL HISTORT.

ntvy, ai ii evident from the oircumitance that aeveral o(
them obtained rank in the aervice, ai the reward of their
conduct, while cruising in the sort of semi-official veaaelt
that have already been mentioned. It has been said, that
the first regular legislation of Congress, in reference to a
marine, with a view to resist the aggressions of the British
Parliament, dates from a resolution of that body, passed the
18th of October, 1775. This resolution directed a com-
mittee of three, Messrs. Deane, Langdon and Gadsden, to
fit out two swift sailing vessels, the one of ten, and the other
of fourteen guns, to cruise to the eastward, to intercept the
suppliea and transports intended for the British army at
Boston. Under this law it is believed that a brig called
the Lexington, and a sloop named the Providence were
equipped; though it does not appear that either went on the
particular duty named in the resohition. On the 80th of the
same month, the committee was increased to seven, and a ship
of 36 guns, and another of 20, were ordered to be provided.
Under this law ihe Alfred and Columbus were purchased,
though neither was of the force implied by the highest rate
named. The first of these ships is said to have had a main-
deck battery of 20 nines, while her armament on the quar-
ter-deck and forecastle, varied in the course of her service,
from ten guns to two. At the end of her career she carried
no guns above. Less is known of the Columbua|but she is
believed to have had a gun deck battery of 18 ninaa. Both
were clumsy and crank ships, and neither proved to be a
very good sailer.

On the 18th of December, of the same year. Congress
directed thirteen ships of war to be built, and the next
day the Marine Committee was increased, so as to contain
one member from .each colony; all the proceedings that
have yet been mentioned, having been directed rather to a
redress of grievances, than to independence.

It will aid in understanding how complicated the busio

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If AVAL HISTORT.

101

nesi of the navy became, if we here give a brief outline of
the various modes that were adopted in managing iti
affain. To the committee last named, very extensive
powers wf(re given; but in November, 1776, a *< Cdntinental
Navy Board," of three competent persons, was established
as subordinate to this committee; and soon after, this "Navy
Board'* was divided into two; one being termed the '* East-
ern Board," and the other the " Board of the Middle Dis-
trict." A large portion of the executive functions of the
"Marine Committee" devolved on these two "Boards."
In October, 1779, this mode of proceeding was changed,
and a " Board of Admiralty" was established, consisting of
three commissioners who were not in Congress, and two
that were. Of this board any three were competent to
act In January, 1781, James Reed was appointed, by
special resolution, to manag<f the afiairs of the "Navy
Board" in the "Middle Department;" and in February of
the same year, Alexander McDougall, a Major General in
the army, who had been a seaman in his youth, was chosen
"Secretary of the Marine." In August of the same year,
the entire system was changed, by the appointment of an
"Agent of the Marine," who had full control of the service,
subject to the resolutions of Congress, and who superseded
all the committees, boards, and agents, that had been pre-
viously established by law. Here closed the legislation of
Congress on this branch of the subject, though we shall add
that the duties of " Agent of Marine," subsequently devolved
on the "Superintendent of Finances," the celebrated
Robert Morris, a gentleman, who appears, throughout the
war, to have had more control over the affairs of the navy,
than any other civilian in the country. To return to the
order of time.

On the 22nd, of December, 1775, Congress passed these
resolutions, viz : —

"Resolved, that the following naval officers be appointed :

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NAVAL HISTORr.

Ezekiel Hopkins, Esquire, Commander-in-Chief. ' • ,0.

Dudley Saltonstall, Captain of the Alfred.

Abraham Whipple, do. do. Columbus.

Nicholas Biddle, do. do. Andrea Doria.

John B. Hopkins, do. do. Cabot. - ..r v.. . . t

First Lieutenants, John Paul Jones, Rhodes Arnold,

Stansbury, Hoysted Hacker, Jonathan Pitcher. j^

Second Lieutenants, Benjamin Seabury, Joseph Olney,
Elisha Warner, Thomas Weaver, McDougall.

Third Lieutenants, John Fanning, Ezekiel Burroughs,
Daniel Vaughan.

" Resolved, that the pay of the Commander-in-Chief of
the fleet, be one hundred and twenty-five dollars a month.''

By this law it will be seen that Mr. Hopkins was not made
a captain, but the ** Commander-in-Chief,'' a rank that was
intended to correspond in the navy, to that held by Wash-
ington in the army. His official appellation, among seamen,
appears to have been that of '^Commodore," though he was
frequently styled "Admiral," in the papers of the period.
The captains were particularly named to the respective
ships, and the construction put on the law was, that the
lieutenants should be attached to the different vessels^ in the
order in which both were named. > ■• • '

By this resolution, or law, it would appear that two brigs,
the Andrea Doria, and the Cabot, had been purchased,
most probably by the Marine Committee, previously to its
passage. Of the precise force of the latter vessel no authen-
tic account can be found, but it is thought to have been 16
sixes. It appears by a letter of Paul Jones, however, that
the armament of the Doria was 14 fours, and the Cabot may
have been of the same force.

The equipment of all the vessels mentioned, as well as of
two or three more of less size, was going on in the autumn
of 1775, the appointment of their officers was made at the
close of the year, and the first ensign ever shown by

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NAVAL RldTOHir.

108

a regular American man of war, was hoisted in the Dela-

ware, on board the Alfred, by the hands of Paul Jones,
sometime about the last of December. This event could
not have occurred previously to the vote appointing
a commander in chief, as we are expressly told that the
flag was shown when that officer first impaired on board his
ship. What that ensign was, is not now certainly known,
but it is thought to have been a device representing a pine
tree, with a rattlesnake about to strike, coiled at its root,
with the motto " don't tread on me." It is certain that such
a flag was used, at the commencement of the Revolution,
and on board some of the vessels of war, though whether
this was the flag worn by the Alfred is not quite so clear.
Most of the privateers of the period either wore the arms
of the colony from which they sailed, and by which they
were authorized to cruise, or they also showed devices of
their own, according to the conceits of the different cap-
;:ins and owners. It was not until 1777, that Congress
formally adopted the present national colours.
. The first regular cruisers that ever got to sea under the
new government were the Hornet 10, and Wasp 8, a sloop
and a schooner that had been equipped by the Marine Com-
mittee in Baltimore, and which sailed in November, to join
the squadron under Commodore Hopkins, in the Delaware.
This passage, however, cannot properly be called a cruise.
For the first of these we must refer to the Lexington 14, a
little brig, the command of which had been given to John
Barry, a ship-master of Philadelphia, of credit and skill.
By other statements, the squadron under the orders of Com-
modore Hopkins, got out before the Lexington; but we
are disposed to believe that this is an error; not only because
the sailing of the Lexington appears to be asserted on the
most probable authority, but because it is more reasonable
to believe, that, as between vessels fitted in the same place,
and nQar the same time, a single cruiser could precede a

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KAVAL HISTORT.

squadron. The Lexington was purchased earlier than the
Alfred, and, in the nature of things, was more readily
equipped. The honour has long been claimed for Capt.
Barry, and, on as close an examination of the facts, as our
means will allow, we believe it to be his due. The Lex-
ington must have left the Gapes of the Delaware late in
January, or early in February, 1770, and her orders were
to cruise to the southward. ,^

The plans of Congress had changed between W6 time
when the vessels were ordered and that on which they
were ready for service. Commodore Hopkins was accord-*
ingly directed, also, to proceed to the southward, with a
view to act against the naval force, which was then rava^
ging the coast of Virginia, under Lord Dunmore. The
squadron had got into the Bay, and rendezvoused under
Cope Henlopen, early in February. It consisted of the
Alfred 24, Columbus 20, Doria 14, Cabot 14, Providence
12, Hornet 10, Wasp 8, and Fly despatch vessel. With
this force Commodore Hopkins got to sea on the 17th of
February. On the night of the 10th, as the squadron was
steering south with a fresh breeze, the Hornet and Fly
parted company, and did not join again during the cruise.
No vessel of any importance was met until the ships reached
Abaco, in the Bahamas, where the squadron had been or-
dered to rendezvous. Here Commodore Hopkins determined
to make a descent on New Providence, where it was under-
stood a considerable amount of military stores were col-
lected. For this purpose, a body of 300 men, marines and
landsmen, under the command of Capt. Nichols, the senior
marine officer of the service, were put into two sloops, with
the hope of surprising the place. As the squadron approached
the town, however, an alarm was given, when the sloops
were sent in, with the Providence 12, and Wasp 8, to cover
the landing. This duty was handsomely performed, and
Capt Nichols got complete possession of the forts, and entire

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VAV4L HISTORT.

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command of the place, in the course of the afteraoon, and of
the following morning, after a very insignificant resistance.
Unfortunately, the governor, aware of the motive of the
descent, found means to send away a considerable quantity
of powder, in the course of the night. Near a hundred
cannon, and a large quantity of other stores, however, fell
into the hands of the Americans. On this occasion, the
first th^ ever occurred in the regular American Navy, the
marineti under Capt Nichols, appear to have behaved with
a spirit and steadiness that have distinguished the corps,
from that hour down to the present moment

After retaining possession a few days. Commodore Hop-
kins left New Providence on the 17th of March, bringing
away the governor and one or two men of note with him,
and shaping his course to the northward. Some of the
smaller vessels appear to have left him, as he proceeded
along the coast, but, with most of his force in company, he
arrived off the east end of Long Island, early in April. On
the 4th, he captured a tender of six guns, commanded by a
son of Commodore Wallace, and on the 5th he fell in with
and took the British Bomb Brig Bolton 6, Lieut Snead.

About one o'clock of the morning of the 6tfa of April, the
squadron being a little scattered, a large ship was discovered
steering towards the Alfred. The vfitid was light, and the
sea quite smooth, and about two, the stranger having gone
about, the Cabot closed with her, and hailed. Soon after the
latter fired a broadside. The first discharge of this little ves-
sel appears to have been well directed, but her metal was
altogether too light to contend with an enemy like the one
she had assailed. In a few minutes she was compelled to
haul aboard her tacks, to get from under the guns of her
antagonist, having had her captain severely wounded, her
master killed, and a good many of her people injured.

The Alfred now took the place of the Cabot, ranging
handsomely along side of the enemy and delivering her

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NAVAL HttTORY.

fire. Soon aAer, the Providence got under the stern of the
Coglish ship, and the Andrea Doria was enabled to come
near enough to do some service. The Columbus was kept ,
at a distance for want of whid. After a smart cannonade
of near an hour, the block and wheel rope of the Alfred
were shot away, and the ship broached to ; by which acci-
dent the enemy was enabled to rake her with effect. Being
satisfied, however, that victory was impossible, the^PJikglish
commander profited by this accident, to put his helm upr
and brought all the American vessels astern. Sailing bet-
ter than any of the squadron, most of which were deep, as
well as dull, in consequence of the cannon and stores they
had taken on board, the enemy slowly but steadily gained
on his pursuers, though a warm cannonade was kept up by
both parties until past day-light By six o'clock the ships
had got so far to the eastward, that Commodore Hopkins
felt apprehensive the firing would bring out the Newport
squadron against him, and seeing little chance of overtaking'
the chase, he made a signal for his vessels to haul by the
wind. Capturing a tender that was in company with the
ship that had escaped, the squadron now went into New
London, the port to whieh it was bound.

The vessel that engaged the American ships, on this occa-
sion, was the Glasgow 20, Capt Tyringham Howe, with a
crew of about one hundred and fifty souls. In every thing
but the number of her men the Glasgow was probably supe-
rior to any one ship in the American squadron, but her
close encounter with, and eventual escape from, so many
vessels, reflected great credit on her commander. She was
a good deal cut up, notwithstanding, and had four men
killed and wounded. On the other hand, both the Alfred
and the Cabot suffered materially, the former from having
been raked, and the latter from lying close along side &
vessel so much her superior in force. The Alfred and

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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Cabot lost 23 men killed and wounded, and one man on
board the Columbus lost an arm while in chase.

The result of this first essay of the American navy, when
announced, caused much exultation in the country. The
affair was represented as a sort of victory, in which three
light vessels of war had been taken, and one of force com-
pelled to ruUi A short time, however, served to correct
these.OBprs, dnd public opinion probably went as far in the
opposi^ettreme, where it would seem to have been perma-
nently fixed, by subsequent historians. The g/eat error of
Commodore Hopkins was in sufiering so small a vessel as
th6 Cabot to run close along side of a shif) of the Glasgow's
furce, when the first attack should have been made by the
Alfred. Had the Cabot delivered two or th^ree as efficient
broadsides from a favourable position, as the first she fired,
while the Glasgow was occi^ied by a heavier ship, it is
highly probable the enemy would have been capturedJ^*
Commodore Hopkins betrayed no want of spirit, but hi^
crew and vessel were much inferior to the regularly and
loqg-trained people of a cruiser, and to a ship properly con-
structed for war. The lightness of the wind, and the ob-
scurity of a night action, contributed to the disasters, as,
in such circumstances, when the ship broached to, it
required time to get her under the command of her helm
again. The reason for not continuing the chase was suffi-
cient, and it is now known that the English squadron did
come out of Newport as soon as the Glasgow appeared,-
and there can be little doubt that Commodore Hopkins
would have lost all his dull sailing vessels^ had he gone
much farther in pursuit. It ought to be added, thatUhe
small pox, then a malady of fatal effect, had broken out in
the ships while they were at New Providence, and it proba-
bly had an influence on their efficiency. The Doria, in
particular, was known to be nearly useless, from the num-
ber of cases she had on board.

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HAVAL HltTORT.

This was hardly the feeling of the country, notwithstand-
ing, for nations are seldom just under disgrace, imaginary or
real. Commodore Hopkins was left in command some
time longer, it is true, and he carried the squadron to Rhoide
Island, a few weeks after his arrival, but he never made
another cruise in the navy. On the 16th of October, Con-
gress passed a vote of censure on him, for not performing
the duties on which he had been sent to the southward, and
on the 2d of January, 1777, by a vote of that body, he was
formally dismissed from the service. No commander in
chief was subsequently appointed, though such a measure
was {^commended to the national legislature by a commit-
tee of its own body, August 24th, 1781.

As an offset to the escape of the Glasgow, the^ Lexington,
Capt Barry, a small brig with an armament of 16 four
pounders, fell in with the £dward, an armed tender of the
''Liverpool, on the 17th of April, off the capes of Virginia,
and after a close and spirited action of near an hour, ca^
tured her. The Lexington had four of her crew killed and
' wounded, while the Edward was cut nearly to pieces, and
met with a very heavy comparative ioss in men.

It may better connect the history of this little brig, if we
add here, that she went to the West Indies the following
October, under the command of Capt. Hallock, and on her
return was captured near the spot where i^he had taken
the Liverpool's tender, by the Pearl frigate. It was blow-
ing fresh at the time« and, after taking out of his prize a
few officers, and putting a crew on board her, the com-
mander of the Pearl ordered her to follow his own ship.
Tlvit night the Americans rose, and overpowering the prize
crew, they carried the brig into Baltimore. The Lexington
was immediately recommissioned, under the orders of
Capt. Johnston, and in March of the succeeding year, she
sailed for Europe, where we shall soon have ooeasion to
note her movements.

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100

CHAPTER V.

Whek the American squadron had got into Newport it
became useless, for a time> from a want of men. Many of
the seamen had entered for the cruise only, and Congress
having authorized the capture of ail British vessels in
March, so many persons were now induced to go on board
the privateers, that crews were not to be obtained. It is «
singular feature of the times, too, that the sudden chedt to
navigation, and the delay in authorizing general captures,
had driven a great many of the seamen into the army. It
is also easy to imagine that the service was out of favour,
after the affair with the Glasgow, for by events as trifling as
this, are Jlhe opinions of ordinary men usually influenced.

It has been said that the vessels were carried to Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, and soldiers had to be borrowed from
the' army, in order to effect even this. At Providence,
courts martial, the usuieil attendants of military misfortunes,
were assembled to judge the delinquents. Capt. Whipple,
of the Columbus was tried for not aiding the Alfred in the
action with the Glasgow, and seems to have been acquitted.
Capt. Hazard, of the Providence, was cashiered, though it
does not appear on what charge. ^

The day after the dismissal of her former commander,
or May the 10th, 1770, Paul Jones was directed by Com-
modore Hopkins to take charge of the Providence, and to
carry the borrowed soldiers to New York, there to enlist a
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If AVAL MISTORy.

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regular orow, and return to the station. This duty having
been successfully performed, the sloop was hove out,
cleaned, refitted, armed and manned for a cruise. On the
18th of June, Capt. Jones sailed from Newport with a con-
voy loaded with military stores, which he saw into Long
Island Sound, a service attended with risk on account of
the numerous cruisers of the enemy. While thus employed,
Capt. Jones covered the escape of a brig from St. Domingo,
laden also with military stores, and bound to New York.
This brig.was soon uAer bought into the servjce, and be-
came the Hamden 14. After performing this duty, the
Providence was employed iu cruising between Boston and
the 'Delaware, and she even ran as far south as Ber-
muda. On the 1st of September, ivhile on the latter ser-
vice, this little sloop made five sail, one of which was mis-
taken for a large merchantman. On getting near the latter
vesiel, she proved to be a light English frigate, and a fast
sailer. After a chase of four hours by the wind, and in a
cross sea, the enemy had so far gained on the Providence
as to be within musket shot, on her lee-quarter. The stran-
ger had opened with her chase guns from the first, and the
Providence now returned the fire with her light four poun-
ders, showing her colours. Perceiving that capture, or
some bold expedient must soon determine his fate, Capt.
Jones kept edging away, until he had got rather on tAa lee
bow of the enemy, when the Providence suddenly went off
dead before the wind, setting every thing that would draw.
This unexpected mancBUvre brought the two vessels within
pistol shot, but the English ship having been taken com-
pletely by surprise, before she could get her light sails set,
the sloop was nearly out of reach of grape. The Provi-
dence sailed the best before the wind, and in less than an
hour she had drawn quite beyond the reach of shot, and
finally escaped. This affair has been represented as an en-
gagement of several hours with the Solebay 28, but, as has

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been said, it was little more than a clever artifice, in which
Capt Jones discovered much steadiness and address. Not a
shot touched the Providence, though the Solebay fired a
hundred.

Capt Jones now went to the eastward, where he made
several prizes. Here he was chased by the Milford S3, and
finding he could easily outsail her, he kept just out of gun
shot for several hours, the enemy, who measured his dis*
tance badly, firing most of the time. This afiair has also
been exaggerated into a running fight.

Afler this chase the Providence went upon the coast, off
Canseau, and did much damage to the enemy's fishermen,
taking no less than twelve sail. Having made sixteen
prizes, in all, some of which were valuable, Capt. Jones re-
turned to Newport.

Ere the return of the Providence, independence was de-
clared, and Congress had set about a more regular organi-
zation of the navy. October the 3d, it ordered another
frigate and two cutters to be built; and November the 0th,
a law was passed, authorizing the construction of three
74's, five more frigates, a sloop of war, and a packet In
January qf the succeeding year, another frigate and another
sloop of war, were commanded. Eight of the prizes were
also directed to be taken into the servico, in the course of
the years 1776 and 1777, while, as the war proceeded, di-
vers small vessels were directed to be built, or purchased.

But the most important step taken by Congress, at this
time, was a law regulating the rank of the different officers,
which had hitherto been very uncertain, and had led to
many disputes. By a resolution passed, April the 17th, 1776,
Congress had declared that rank should not be regulated by
the date of the original appointments, reserving to itself the
power to say who should command, when it had ascertain-
ed who were disposed to serve. But it had now declared
the nation independent of the King of Great Britain, and

M MAVAL nsTa&r. <;'

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thert wai a long and blood/^Mrar in perapeotive, before that
independence could be rebognised. It wai time to reduce
the confused elements of the service to order, and to quiet
the disputes and claims of individuals, by an exercise of
sovereign power. A resolution was accordingly passed on
the 10th of October 1776, directing that the captains in the
navy should take rank in the following order, viz:

1. James Nicholson,

2. John Manly,

3. Hector McNiel,

4. Dudley Saltonstall,

5. Nicholas Kddle,

6. Thomas Thompson,

7. John Barry,

8. Thomas Read,

0. Thomas Grennall,

10. Charles Alexander,

1 1. Lambert Wickes,

12. Abraham Whipple,

18. John R Hopj^ns,

14. John Hodge,

15. William Hallock,
10. Hoysted Hacker,

17. Isaiah Robinson,

18. John Paul Jones,
10. James Josiah,

20. Elisha Hinman,

21. Joseph Olney,

22. Jamea Robinson,
28. John Young,
24. Elisha Warner.

The Marine Committee was empowered to arrange the
rank of the inferior officers. At this time Commodore
Hopkins was commander-in-chief, and he continued to
serve in that capacity until the commencement of the fol-
lowing January, when Capt. Nicholson became the senior
officer of the navy, though only with the rank of captain.
When the law regulating rank was passed, the, vessels of
the navy, in service, or in the course of construction, were
as follows; the word building, which is put after most of
them, referring as well to those which had just been launch-
ed as to those that were still on the stocks; a few of the for-
mer, however, were nearly ready for sea.

List of vessels in the United States Navy, October, 1776.
Hancock, 82, building at Boston.
Randolph, 32, do. Philadelphia.

•V

•i(

<«*■■

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VAVAI. HISTOKf

Raleigh,

88,

*>.

Portsmouth, N. H.

Washington,

sa.

do<

Philadelphia.

Warren,

82,

do.

Rhode Island.

Trumbull,

88,

do.

Connecticut

Effingham,

88,

do.

Philadelphia.

Congresi,

88,

do.'

Poughkeepsie, N. Y.

Virginia, ^

88,

do.

Maryland.

Providence,

88,

do.

Rhode Island.

Boston,

84,

do.

Boston.

Delaware,

84,

do.

Philadelphia.

Montgomery,

84,

do.'

Poughkeepsie.

Alfred,

34, in service

•

Columbus,

80,

do.

Reprisal,

10,

. do.

Cabot,

16,

do.

Hamden,

14,

do.

Lexington,

14,

do.

Andrea Doria

, 14,

do.

Providence,

18,

do.

Sachem,

10,

do.

Independence

, 10,

do.

Wasp,

do.

Musquito,

do.

Fly,

—

do.

To these vessels, many of which never got to sea, must
be added several small cruisers, that were employed by the
American Commissioners in Europe; the histories of which
will be given in their proper places; and the vessel that
parted company from Commodore Hopkins' squadron, on
its way to New Providence. This vessel, the Hornet, suf-
fered much before she got in, and it is believed she was
employed very little afterwards.

When the squadron, under Commodore Hopkins, broke
up, all the ships did not remain idle, but the Columbus 80,
made a cruise, under Capt Whipple, to the eastward, and

10*

.-«.•,

114

R AVAt HlSTCNir.

took « few prizes. The Andrea Doria 14, Capt. Biddle^
went in the lame direction, also, and wai tven more luc-
ceuful than the Providence in annoying the enemy. Thia
veiiel, a little brig, carrying 14 fours, actaally took two
armed transports filled with soldiers, and made prises of so
many merchantmen, that, it is affirmed on plausible autho-
rity, when she got back into the Delaware, but five of the
common men who composed her original crew were in her;
the rest having been put in the prizes, and their places sup-
plied by volunteers from among the prisoners. Capt. Biddle
gained much credit for this cruise, and on his return, he was
appointed to the command of the Randolph 32, then recent-
ly launched. One of the transports, however, was retaken
by the Cerberus frigate.

While the (Jnited States' cruisers were thus active in
intercepting the British transports on the high seas, the
colony cruisers and privateers were busy in the same way
in-shore. Boston had been evacuated by the enemy on the
17th of March, of this year; but vessels continued to arrive
from England until midsummer ; the fact not having been
known in England in time to prevent their steering towards
the wrong port. No less than thirty sail fell into the hands of
the Americans, in consequence of these mistakes. As one
of the occurrences of this nature was, in a measure, con-
nected with a circumstance just related in the cruise of the
Doria, it may be properly given here. i

The Connecticut colony brig Defence 14, Capt. Harding,
left Plymouth, Massachusetts, eorly on the morning of the
17th of June, and, on working out into the bay, a desultory
firing was heard to the northward. The Defence crowded
sail in the direction of the cannonading, and about dusk, she
fell in with four light American schooners, which had been
in a running fight with two British transports, that had
proved too heavy for them. The transports, after beating
dflf the schooners, had gone into Nantasket Roads and an-

-s.

)/■

)-:/

■*'' %.

ITAVAL HUTMY.

116

if-

% ''" ..

chor«d. One of the schooners was the Lee 8, Capt Wtttrs,
in the service of Massachusetts, the little cruiser that had
so successfully begun the maritime warfare under Capt.
Manly. The three others were privateers.

After laying his plans with the commanders of 'the
schooners, Capt. Harding stood into the roads, and about
eleven o'clock, at night, he anchored between the trans-
ports, within pistol shot. The schooners followed, but did
not approach near enough to be of much service. Some
hailing now passed, and Capt. Harding ordered the enemy
to strike. A voice from the largest English vessel, answered,
*'Ay, ay — I'll strike," and a broadside was immediately
poured into the Defence. A sharp action, that lasted more
than an hour, followed, when both the English vessels struck.
These transports contained near two hundred soldiers of the
same corps as those shortly after taken by the Doria, and
on board the largest of them was Lieut. Col. Campbell, who
commanded the regiment

In this close and sharp conflict the Defence was a good
deal cut up aloft, and had nine men wounded. The trans-
ports lost eighteen killed, and a large number wounded.
Among the slain was Major Menzies, the ofiicer who had
answered the hail, as just stated.

The next morning the Defence, with the schooners in
company, saw a sail in the bay, and gave chase. The
stranger proved to be another transport, with more than a
hundred men of the same regiment on board. Thys did
about five hundred men, of one of the best corps in the
British army, fall into the hands of the Americans, by
means of these light cruisers. It should be remembered
that, in this stage of the war, every capture of this nature
was of double importance to the cause, as it not only weak-
ened the enemy, but checked his intention of treating the
American prisoners as rebels, by giving Jhe colonists the
means of retaliation, as well as of exchange. Col. Campbell

* i .■^-

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i .

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€

•*■.

NAVAL HISTORY.

■«

».

l^^'

WM subsequently made use of by Washington, to compel the
English to extend better treatment to the Americans who
had fallen into their hands.

To return to the vessels left at Rhode Island: — When
Capt. Jones came in from his last cruise in the Providence,
a project was formed to send a small squadron under his
orders to the coast of Nova Scotia, with the double view of
distressing the British trade, and of liberating about a hun-
dred Americans who were said to be confined in the coal
pits of that region. For this purpose the Alfred 24, Ham-
den 14, and Providence 12, were put under the orders of
Capt. Jones; but not having men enough for all three, that
officer selected the two first for his purpose. While clear-
ing the port, the Hamden got on a ledge of rocks, and had
to be left behind. The crew of the Hamden were now
transferred to the Providence, and in the month of Novem-
ber Capt. Jones got to sea, with both vessels rather short
manned. A few days out, the Alfred made one or two small
captures, and soon after she fell in with, and took, after
a short combat, the armed ship Mellish, loaded with- sup-
plies for the army that was then assembling in Canada, to
form the expedition under Gen. Burgoyne. On board this
vessel, in addition to many other articles of the last import-
ance, were ten thousand suits of uniform clothes, in charge
of a company of soldiers. It was said, at the time, that the
Mellish was the most valuable English ship that had then
fallen jnto the hands of the Americans. Of so much im-
portance did Capt. Jones consider this capture, that he an-
nounced his intention to keep his prize in sight, and to sink
her in preference to letting her fall into the enemy's hands
again. This resolution, however, was changed by circum-
stances.

The Providence had parted company in the night, and

having taken a letter of marque, from Liverpool, the Alfred

'was making the best of her way to Boston, with a view to

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NAVAL HISTORY.

117

*^"

■^1^'

get the Meliish in, when, on the edge of George's Banks,
she made the Milford 32, the frigate tha:t had chased Capt.
Jones the previous cruise, while in command of the Provi-
dence. The enemy was to windward, but there was not
time for him to close before dark. The Alfred and the letter
of marque hauled up between the frigate and the other
prizes, in order to cover them, and directions were given
to the latter to stand on the same tack all night, regardless
of signals. At midnight the Alfred and letter of marque
tacked, and the latter showed a top light until morning.
This artifice succeeded, the Milford appearing in chase of
the Alfred when the day dawned, while the Meliish and her
consorts had all disappeared in the southern board.

The Milford had run to leeward in the course of the
night, and was now on the Alfred's lee quarter. Some
manoeuvring took place to ascertain the stranger's force,
for it was not then known that the ship in sight was actually
a frigate. In the course of the day, the Alfred was com-
pelled to carry sail hard, but she escaped, though the letter
of marque fell into the enemy's hands* After eluding her
enemy and covering all her prizes, but the one just men-
tioned, the Alfred now went into Boston, where she found
the rest of the vessels, and where she landed her prisoners.
Another officer took charge of the ship, and Capt. Jones,
who had been flattered with the hope of having a still
larger force put under his orders, was placed so low on the
list by the new regulation of navy rank, as to be obliged
to look round for a single ship, and that, too, of a fofce in-
ferior to the one he had just commanded.

While this service was in the course of execution at the
north, several small cruisers had been sent into the West-
Indies, to convoy, in quest of arms, or to communicate
with the different public agents in that quarter. We have
seen the manner in which the Lexington had been captured
and retaken on her return passage from this station, and ^

•*,-

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NAVAL HISTORY.

Mtre have now to allude to a short cruise of the Reprisal,
Capt. Wickes, in the same quarter. Thlk ship sailed early
in the summer for Martinique, capturing several prizes by
the way. When near her port, the English sloop of war
Shark 16, Capt. Chapman, laid her close alongside, and
commenced a brisk attack, the Reprisal being both lighter
than the enemy, and short handed. Capt. Wickes made so
gallant a defence, however, that the Shark was repulsed
with loss, and he got into the island with credit, hundreds
having witnessed the affair from the shore. As this oc-
curred early in the season, and before the declaration of
independence, the Shark followed the Reprisal in, and her
captain demanded that the governor should deliver up the
American ship as a pirate. This demand was refused of
course, and shortly after Capt. Wickes returned home.
With a view to connect the train of events, we will now
follow this excellent officer to the European seas, although
we shall necessarily precede the regular order of time in
doing so ; but we deem it preferable to concentrate the inte-
rest on single ships uS much as possible, whenever it does
not seriously impair the unity of history.

The Reprisal was the first American man of war that ever
showed herself in the other hemisphere. She sailed from home
not long after the Declaration of Independence, and appeared
in France in the autumn of 1776, bringing in with her seve-
ral prizes, and having Dr. Franklin on board as a passenger.
A few privateers had preceded her, and slight difficulties
had occurred in relation to some of their prizes that had
gone into Spain, but it is believed these were the first Eng-
lish captured ships that had entered France since the com-
mencement of the American Revolution. The English am-
bassador complained of this infraction of the treaty between
the two countries, but means were found to dispose of the
prizes without detection. The Reprisal having refitted, soon
sailed towards the Bay of Biscay, on another cruise. Here

►*

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NAVAL HISTORY.

119

she took several vessels more, and amoi||; the rest a king'g
packet that plied between Falmouth and Lisbon. When the
cruise was up, Capt. Wickes went into Nantes, taking his
prizes with him. The complaints of the English now be-
came louder, and the American commissioners were se-
cretly admonished of the necessity of using more reserve.
The prizes were directed to quit France, though the Reprisal,
being leaky, was suffered to remain in port in order to refit.
The former were taken into the offing, and sold, the state of
the times rendering these informal proceedings necessary.
Enormous losses were the consequences, while it is not im-
probable that the gains of the purchasers had their influence
in blinding the local authorities to the character of the
transaction. The business appears to have been managed
with dexterity, and the proceeds of the sales, such as they
were, pi'oved of great service to the agents of government,
by enabling them to purchase other vessels.

In April the Lexington 14, Capt. Johnston, arrived, and
the old difficulties were renewed. But the commissioners
of the government at Paris, who had been authorized to
equip vessels, appoint officers, and do other matters, to an-
noy the enemy, now planned a cruise that surpassed any
thing of the sort that had yet been done in Europe under the
American flag. Capt. Wickes was directed to proceed to
sea, with his own vessel and the Lexington, and to go
directly oft' Ireland, in order to intercept a convoy of linen
ships that was expected to sail about that time. A cutter
of ten guns, called the Dolphin, that had been detained by the
commissioners to carry despatches to America, was divert-
ed from her original destination and placed under the orders
of Capt. Wickes, to increase his force. The Dolphin was
commanded by Lieut. S. Nicholson, a brother of the senior
captain, and a gentleman who subsequently died himself at
the head of the service.

Capt. Wickes, in command of this light squadron, sailed

* t^

■*

%■

■■*.-

X',

♦.

..*"

120

NAVAL HISTORY.

'»

from Nantes about the commencement of June, going first
into the Bay of Biscay, and afterwards entirely around Ire-
land, sweeping the sea before him of every thing that was
not of a force to render an attack hopeless. The linen
ships were missed, but many vessels were taken or destroy-
ed. As the American cruisers approached the French coast,
on their return, a line of battle ship gave chase, and follow-
ed them nearly into port. The Lexington and Dolphin
appear to have escaped without much difficulty, by sepa-
rating, but the Reprisal was so hard pressed, as to be
obliged to saw her bulwarks, and even to cut away some
of her timbers ; expedients that were then much in favour
among the seamen of the day, though their utility may be
questioned.

This was the first exploit of the kind in the war, and its
boldness and success seem to have produced so much sen-
sation in England, that the French government was driven
to the necessity of entirely throwing aside the mask, or of
taking some more decided step in relation to these cruisers.
Not being yet prepared for war, it resorted to the latter ex-
pedient. The Reprisal and Lexington were ordered to be
seized and held, until security was given that they would quit
the European seas, while the prizes were commanded to leave
France without delay. The latter were accordingly taken
outside the port, and disposed of to French merchants, in
the same informal manner, and with the same loss, as in
the previous cases, while the vessels of war prepared to re-
turn home.

In September the Lexington, a small brig armed with four
pounders, sailed from Morlaix, in which port she had taken
refuge in the chase, and next day she fell in with the British
man-of-war-cutter Alert, Lieut. Bazely, a vessel of a force
a trifle less than her own, when an engagement took place.
The lightness of the vessels, and the roughness of the
water, rendered the fire, on both sides, very ineffective, and

♦v

NAVAL HISTORY.

121

after an action of two hours and a half, the Lexington had
expended nearly all her powder, without subduing her gal-
lant opponent. The Alert, however, had suffered so much
aloft, as to enable the brig to leave her. Notwithstanding
this advantage, so much activity was shown on board the
English vessel, that, after a chase of four hours, she was
enabled to get along side of the Lexington again, while the
latter was herself repairing damages. A one-sided battle
now occurred, the Lexington not having it in her power to
keep up a fire of any moment, and after receiving that of
his persevering antagonist for another hour, Capt. Johnston
was compelled to strike, to save the lives of his crew.
Thus closed the brief history of the gallant little cruiser
that is said to have first carried the American flag upon
the ocean. Her career was short, but it was not without
credit and usefulness. When taken, she had been in service
about one year and eight months, in which time she had had
three commanders. Captains Barry, Hallock, and Johnston ;
had fought two severe battles with vessels of war; was twice
taken, and once recaptured, besides having several times
engaged armed ships, and made many prizes. The English
commander received a good deal of credit for the persever-
ing gallantry with which he lay by, and captured this brig.

The fate of the Reprisal, a vessel that had even been more
successful than her consort, was still harder. This ship
also sailed for America, agreeably to the conditions made
with the French government, and foundered on the banks
of Newfoundland, all on board perishing with the exception
of the cook. In Capt. Wickes the country lost a gallant,
prudent, and efficient officer, and one who promised to have
risen high in his profession had his life been spared.

To the untimely loss of the Reprisal, and the unfortunate
capture of the Lexington, must be attributed the little 6clat
that attended the services of these two vessels in Europe.
They not only preceded all the other national cruisers in

Vol. L— 11

.;% ■ ,

^.•

122

NAVAL HISTORY.

-^'

the European seas, but they did great positive injury to the
commerce of the enemy, besides exciting such a feeling of
insecurity in the English merchants, as to derange their
plans, and to produce other revolutions in the course of
trade, that will be adverted to in the close of the chapter.

It being our intention to complete the account of the pro-
ceedings of the American commissioners at Paris, so far
as they were connected with naval movements, during the
years 1770 and 1777, we come next to the affair of Capt.
Conyngham, which, owing to some marked circumstances,
made more noise than the cruises of the Reprisal and Lex-
ington, though the first exploits of the latter were anterior
as to time, and of not less consequence in their effects.

While the commissioners* were directing the movements
of Capt. Wickes, in the manner that has been mentioned,
they were not idle in other quarters. A small frigate was
building at Nantes, on their account, and we shall have
occasion hereafter to speak of her services and loss, under
the name of the Queen of France. Some time in the spring
of 1777, an agent was sent to Dover by the American
commissioners, where he purchased a fine fast-sailing Eng-
lish built cutter, and had her carried across to Dunkirk.
Here she was privately equipped as a cruiser, and named
the Surprise. To the command of this vessel, Capt. Gusta-
vus Conyngham was appointed, by filling up a blank com-
mission from John Hancock, the President of Congress.
This commission bore date March 1st, 1777, and it would
seem, as fully entitled Mr. Conyngham to the rank of a
captain in the navy, as any other that was ever issued by
the same authority. Having obtained his officers and crew
ia Dunkirk, Capt.' Conyngham sailed on a cruise, about the
1st of May, and on the 4th he took a brig called the
Joseph. On the 7th, when within a few leagues of the

* Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane.

^ \

1 1
P'.

•^

-*-

NATAL HISTORY.

123

coast of Holland, the Surprise ran along side of the Har-
'wick packet, the Prince of Orange, Tvhich she boarded and
took with so little previous alarm, that Capt. Conynghun),
on stepping upon the deck of his prize, walked coolly down
into her cabin, where he found her master and his passen-
gers at breakfast. The mail for the north of Europe being
on board the Prince of Orange, Capt. Conyngham believed
his acquisition to be of sufficient importance to return to port,
and accordingly he reappeared at Dunkirk in a day or two.

By referring to the dates, it will be seen, though both
the Reprisal and the Lexington, especially the first, had cruis-
ed in the European seas prior to the sailing of the Surprise,
that the latter vessel performed the exploit just mentioned,
shortly before Capt Wickes sailed on his cruise in the Irish
and English channels. Coming as it did so soon after the
capture of the Lisbon packet, and occurring on one of the
great thoroughfares between England and the continent,
coupled with the fact that the cutter had been altogether
equipped in a French port, the loss of the Prince of
Orange appears to have attracted more attention, than the
transactions before described. The remonstrances of the
English ambassador were so earnest, that Capt. Conyngham
and his crew were imprisoned, the cutter was seized, and
the prizes were liberated. On this occasion, the commis-
sion of Capt. Conyngham was taken from him, and sent to
Versailles, and it seems never to have been returned.

So completely was the E[.glish government deceived by
this demonstration of an intention on the part of the French
ministry to cause the treaty to be respected, that two sloops
of war were actually sent to Dunkirk to carry Capt. Co-
nyngham and his people to England, that they might be
tried as pirates. When the ships reached Dunkirk, the birds
had flown, as will be seen in the succeeding events.

The commissioners had the capture of some of the trans-
ports with Hessian troops on board, in view, and they were

':^\..

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^•' -wK

♦•

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124

KAVAL IIISTORT.

no sooner notified of the seizure of the Surprise, than Mr.
Hodge, an agent who was of great service to the cause,
was directed to procure another cutter. One was pur- i
chased accordingly at Dunkirk, and was fitted, with all
despatch, for a cruise. Means were found to liberate Capt.
('onyngham and his people, and this second vessel, which
was called the lie vengo, sailed from Dunkirk on the 18th of
July, or about the time that Capt. Wickes returned from his
cruise with the three other vessels. A new commission
liad been obtained for Capt. Conyngham, previously to
putting to sea, which bore date May 2nd, 1777. As this
second commission was dated anterior to the seizure of the
old one, there is no question that it was also one of those in
blank, which had been confided to the commissioners to
fill at their discretion.

The Revenge proved exceedingly successful, making
prizes daily, and generally destroying them. Some of the
most valuable, however, were ordered into Spain, where
many arrived; their avails proving of great moment to the
agents of the American government in Europe. It is even
aillrmcd that the money advanced to Mr. Adams for travel-
ling expenses, when he landed in Spain from the French
frigate La Sensible, a year or two later, was derived from
this source. ;v

Having suflered from a gale, Capt. Conyngham disguised
the Revenge, and took her into one of the small English
ports, where he actually refitted without detection. Short-
ly after, he obtained supplies in Ireland, paying for them by
bills on his agents in Spain. In short, after a cruise of
almost unprecedented success, so far as injury to the Eng-
lish merchants was concerned, the Revenge went into Fer-
rol, refitted, and finally sailed for the American seas, where
it would disturb the order of events too much, to follow
her, at this moment. • • ,, -,

The characters of the Surprise and Revenge appear

«•'

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'^-^

If AVAL HISTORT.

125

ear

novor to have been properly understood. In all " the
accounts of the day, and in nearly, if not in quite all Oi the
subsequent histories, these vessels are spoken of as priva-
teers, authorized to act by the commissioners at Paris.
It is not clear that the commissioners sent private-armed
vessels to sea at nil, though the act may have come within
the scope of their powers. That the two cutters com-
manded by Capt. Conyngham were public vessels, however,
is proved in a variety of ways. Like the Dolphin 10,
Lieut. Nicholson, an officer who may be said to have almost
passed his life in the navy, the Surprise and Revenge were
bought and equipped by agents of the diplomatic commis-
sioners of the United States, on public account, and the
commissions granted to Capt. Conyngham were gifts of
personal authority, and not powers conceded to particular
vessels. It is known that Dr. Franklin, at a later day, and
with an especial object in view, granted temporary com-
missions in the navy, but there is no evidence that either
of those bestowed on Capt. Conyngham possessed this con-
ditional character. The Revenge was finally given up to
the Navy Board, in Philadelphia, and was sold on public
account. It is certainly competent for a government to
consider its public vessels as it may see fit, or to put them
in the several classes of vessels of war, revenue cruisers,
packets, troop-ships, transports, or any thing else, but it
would, at least, be a novelty, for it to deem any of its own
active cruisers privateers. The very word would infer a
contradiction in terms. Paul Jones speaks of his desire to
obtain Capt. Conyngham as a member of a court martial,
as late as 1770, and in a remonstrance against the treat-
ment shown to Capt. Conyngham, then a prisoner of war,
made by Congress, through its Secretary, Charles Thomp-
son, of the date of July 1770, that officer is termed, " Gus-
tavus Conyngham, a citizen of America, late commander
of an armed vessel in the service of said States, and taken

"*"w'; ->!;.

11*

■ ■*'

NAVAL HISTORY.

Hero the dis- '

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on board a private armed cutter," &c. &c.
tinction between public and private armed vessels is une-
quivocally made, and the fact, that Capt. Conyngham had
served in both, is as clearly established, it being admitted
that he was acting in a privateer at the precise moment
when captured. The latter circumstance, in no degree af-
fected the rank of Capt. Conyngham, officers of the navy
quite frequently serving in private armed ships, after
the first two or three years of the war, in consequence of
there not having been public vessels to afford them
employment. That there was some irregularity in giving
Capt. Conyngham two commissions for the same rank,
and bearing different dates, is true, but this arose from
necessity; and want of regularity and system was a fi'ilt
of the times, rather than of those who conducted the aiTui^s
of the American marine, during the Revolution. Thsre
can be no reasonable doubt that both the Surprise and the
Revenge were public vessels of war, and that Gustavus
Conyngham was a captain in the navy of the United States
of America, in virtue of two commissions granted by a
competent authority; and that, too, subsequently to the
declaration of independence, or after the country claimed
all the political rights of sovereign power.

The sensation produced among the British merchants,
by the different cruises in the European seas, that have
been recorded in this chapter, is stated, in the diplomatic
correspondence of the day, to have been greater than that
produced, in the previous war, by the squadron of the cele-
brated Thurot. Insurance rose to an enormous height,
and, in speaking of the cruise of Capt. Wickes in particu-
lar, Mr. Deane observes in one of his letters to Robert
Morris, that it *' eflectually alarmed England, prevented
the great fair at Chester, occasioned insurance to rise, and
even deterred the English merchants from shipping goods
in English bottoms, at any rate, so that in a few weeks,
/orty sail of French skips were loading in the Thames on

.**

NAVAL HISTORY.

197

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freight; an instance never before known." In the same
letter, this commissioner adds, — " In a word, Cunningham
(Conyngham) by his first and second bold expeditions, is
become the terror of all the eastern coast of England and
Scotland, and is more dreaded than Thurot was, in the
late war."

Insurance, in some instances, rose as high as twenty-
five per cent., and it is even affirmed that there was a short
period when ten per cent, was asked between Dover and
Calais, a distance of only seven leagues.

Having now related the principal maritime events that
were connected with the policy and measures of the
commissioners in France, during the years 1776 and 1777,
we shall return to the American seas, and resume the
thread of our narrative, where it has been interrupted, or
towards the middle of the former year. We shall shortly
have occasion, however, to revert to the subject that we
are now temporarily quitting, this quarter of the world
having been the theatre of still more interesting incidents
connected with the navy, at a later day. Before returning
to the year 1776, and the more chronological order of
events, however, one other fact may be well recorded
here. With a view to increase the naval force of the
country, the commissioners had caused a frigate of extra-
ordinary size, and of peculiar armament and construction
for that period, to be laid down at Amsterdam. This ship
had the keel and sides of a two decker, though frigate
built, and her main deck armament was intended to con-
sist of thirty-two pounders. Her name was the Indien. But
in consequence of the apprehensions of the Dutch govern-
ment, and the jealousy of that of England, Congress was
induced, about this time, to make an offering of the In-
dien to Louis XYL, and she was equipped and got ready
for sea, as a French vessel of war. In the end, the manner
in which this frigate was brought into the service of qne
of the new American States, and her fate, will be shown.

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CHAPTER VI.

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We shall now return nearer home, by reverting to events
that will require the time to be carried back more than a
twelvemonth. In renewing this branch of the subject, it
may be well to take a brief notice of the state of the regular
marine of the country, in the spring of the year 1776, or
soon after the law for capturing all British vessels had
passed, and at a moment when the independence of the
country was seriously contemplated, though not yet for-
mally declared.

None of the vessels ordered to be built, by the laws of the
previous year, were yet launched, and every public cruiser
of any size that was actually afloat had been bought into
the service. Of these, the largest were little suited to war,
as they were necessarily selected from among the merchant
vessels of the country, while the smaller had been chosen
principally from among the privateers. Copper, for ships, was
just coming into use, and it is not believed that a single cruiser
of the United States possessed the great advantage of having
this material on its bottom, until a much later day.

Philadelphia being the seat of government, the largest
town in the country, and naturally strong in its defences,
more than usual attention was paid to the means of pre-
venting the enemy from getting possession of it by water.
Thirteen galleys had been provided for this purpose, as well
as a heavy floating battery, and several fire rafts. An officer
of the name of Hazlewood was put in command, with the

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title of commodore, his commission having been issued by
the State of Pennsylvania. Similar arrangements were made
in the Chesapeake, whore a gentleman of the name of Bar-
ron, the father of two officers who have subsequently risen
to high I ank in the service, received the same commission
from the State of Virginia. James Nicholson, who so shortly
after became the senior captain of the navy, filled a corres-
ponding station in the colony of Maryland, and performed
some acts that did him credit.

Most of the colonies had their respective cruisers at sea,
or on their own coasts, while the ocean literally began to
swarm with privateers from all parts of the country ; though
the New England States took the lead in this particular
species of warfare. Robert Morris, in one of his official
letters of a date a little later than this precise time, remarks
that the passion for privateering was so strong in this part
of the country, that even agriculture was abandoned, in
order to pursue it.

The English evacuated Boston on the 17th of March of this
year, retiring to Halifax with their fleet and army. From
this place, they directed their movements for a short period,
or until they were enabled, by the arrival of powerful rein-
forcements, to choose the points which it was believed would
be the most advantageous to possess for the future manage-
mentof the war. Charleston, South Carolina, was soon selecS
ed for this purpose, and preparations for a descent on that coast
were made as early as April, or immediately after the eva-
cuation of Boston. It is not improbable that this step was
held in view, when the British quitted New-England, as the
occupation of that town would enable the English govern-
ment to overrun all the southern colonies. Luckily, some
despatches, that were intercepted by Com. Barron, of the
Virginia State service, betrayed this design to the people of
Charleston, who were not slov^ in making their preparations
to meet the enemy.

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In furtherance of this plan,'*which is even said to have
emanated from the British ministry itself, though some as-
cribe the attack that occurred to the officers immediately
in command, the main object being a seoure footing in the
southern States at any eligible point that might offer, a
squadron consisting of several sail, under the orders of
Com. Sir Peter Parker, arrived on the coast of North Caro-
lina as early as May. Here it was joined by a fleet of
transports from Halifax, having on board nearly three thou-
sand troops, at the head of whom was Lieutenant General,
afterwards Sir Henry, Clinton.

On the 4th of June this imposing force appeared off
Charleston Bar, and made immediate preparation for a de-
scent and an attack by sea ; buoying out the channel for
the latter purpose, without delay. A portion of the troops
were landed on Long Island, which is separated from Sulli-
van's Island by a narrow channel that is fordable in certain
states of the tide, with a view to pass over and take a strong
work made of palmetto logs that the Americans had erected
for the defence of their harbour, and which it was thought
might easily be reduced from the rear. Happily for the
Americans, a long continuance of easterly winds drove the
water up into the passage between the two islands, convert-
ing the channel into a ditch that effectually kept the forces
of Gen. Clinton from crossing. On the 7th, the frigates
passed the bar, and on the 10th, a fifty gun ship succeeded,
with great difficulty, in accomplishing the same object.
The delay occasioned by the want of water, and the inde-
cision of the English general, who acted with less vigour
than his associate in command, was eagerly improved
by the Americans, and a considerable force collected
in and about the town, though the fort on Sullivan's island,
which was subsequently named after its gallant commander,
Col. Moultrie, did not admit of much enlargement or addi-
tional fortifying. This work contained twenty-six guns,

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NAVAL HISTORY.

131

eighteen and twenty-six pounders, and it was garrisoned by
about four hundred men, of whom more than three hundred
were regulars. Other troops were at hand to watch the party
on Long Island, and to resist any attempt to land. Major
Gen. Lee, of the United States' service, commanded in chief
on the side of the Americans. Preparations, however, were
made to save the garrison, though it appears to have been
the opinion of Col. Moultrie, that he could have maintained
the island even had the enemy crossed and landed.

On the 28th of June, Sir Peter Parker, being joined by an-
other fifty, and having completed his preparations, moved his
ships to their respective stations, in order to commence the
attack. Between ten and eleven in the forenoon, the Thun-
der began to throw shells at the fort, to cover the approach
of the other vessels, though without much effect. The shells
were well directed, and many fell in the centre of the fort ;
but they were received in a morass, and the fuses were
extinguished. But few exploded. The Bristol 50, Sir Peter
Parker's own ship, the Experiment 50, which had joined but
a day or two before, both vessels of two decks, the Active
28, and the Solebay 28, anchored in front of the fort, with
springs on their cables; while the Acteon 28, Siren 28, and
Sphinx 20, endeavoured to get into positions between the
island and the town, with a view to enfilade the works, to cut
off the communications with the main body of the American
forces, and to intercept a retreat. The latter vessels got
entangled among the shoals, and all three took the ground.
In the confusion, the Sphinx and Siren ran foul of each
other, by which accident the former lost her bowsprit. The
Acteon stuck so fast, that all the efibrts of her crew to get
her afloat proved unavailing ; but the other two succeeded
m getting oflf in a few hours. In consequence of these mis-
takes and accidents, the three vessels named were of little
or no use to the British during the engagement.

Of the vessels that came up in front, the Active 26, led.

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132

NAVAL HISTORY.

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As she di:ew near, the fort fired a few guns, as if to try the
range of its shot, but the battle did not properly begin until
the frigate had anchored and delivered her broadside.
The other vessels followed, when they all commenced as
severe and well supported a fire, as was probably ever kept
up for so long a period, by ships of their force. ■

The. cannonade began in earnest about twelve o'clock,
and it was miiintained throughout a long summer's after-
noon, and, with short intervals, until nine o'clock at night,
with undaunted resolution, on both sides. The fire of the
ships was rapid; that of the fort deliberate, but of deadly aim.
The first, owing to the peculiar nature of the wood of which
the works were composed, did but little injury, while the
heavy shot sent from the fort, passed through and through
the sides of the enemy's ships. At one period, the garrison
had nearly expended its ammunition, and its fire ceased for
so long a time, that it was the impression of the enemy it
had evacuated the works.* A fresh supply arriving, how-
ever, this error of the English was soon corrected, the
fire that was renewed being, if possible, more destructive
than that which had preceded the pause. In the heat of
the engagement the springs of the Bristol's cable were cut.

* Some curious errors appeu* in Sir Peter Parker's report of this affair,
arising out of the distance at which he was placed, and the confusion of
a hot conflict. Among other things he says that larg^ parties were driven
out of the fort by the fire of the ships, and that they were replaced by
reinforcements from the main land. He also says that a man was hanged
on a tree, in the rear of the fort, by a party that was entering it. Nothing
of tho sort occurred. Colonel Moultrie explains the affair of the man in
the tree, by saying that a shot took a soldier's coat and carried it into the
branches of a tree, where it remuned suspended during the rest of the
day. So far from any confusion or disorder having existed in the fort, when
General Lee visited the works during the height of the action, the offi-
cers lud aside their pipes in order to receive him with a proper respect.
Twelve hundred shot were picked up in and about the fort, after the
affair, besides many sheila. ' r ""> ■*" ■

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NAVAL BISTORT.

188

and the ship swung round, with her stern to the embrasures.
That deadly deliberate fire, which had distinguished the
garrison throughout the day, now told with awful eflect on
this devoted vessel. In this scene of slaughter and destruc-
tion, the old seaman who commanded the British squadron,
displayed the high resolution which has distinguished so
many other officers of his name in the same service^ during
the last oentury. At one time, he is said to have stood almost
alone on the quarter deck of his ship, bleeding, but deliver-
ing his orders calmly and with discretion. By the applica-
tion of a new spring, the vessel was extricated from this
awkward position, and her firing was renewed. ^

But no courage or perseverance on the part of the assail-
ants could overcome the cool resolution of the garrison,
and when night set in Sir Peter Parker made the signal for
the ships to retire. All the vessels effected their retreat but
the Acteon, which remained too firmly grounded to be moved.
From this frigate the enemy withdrew her people next
morning, when they set the ship on fire, leaving her with
her gUns loaded and colours fiying. She was immedi-
ately boarded by the Americans, who hauled down her en-
sign, fired a few shot at the retreating ships, and leA her.
In a short time her magazine exploded.

This was the most hotly contested engagement of the
kind that ever took place on the American coast, and it
goes fully to prove the important military position that ships
cannot withstand forts, when the latter are properly con-
structed, armed and garrisoned. General Moultrie, in his
Memoirs, states that he commenced the battle with only
twenty-eight rounds of powder. The supplies received
during the fight amounted to but seven hundred pounds in
gross, which, for guns of so heavy calibre, would scarcely
make a total of thirty-five rounds. He is of opinion that
the want of powder alone prevented th^ Americans from
destroying the men of war. t7"i> >;

Vol. I.— 12 •"■■■. ^'.' . '' '\y.>.r ■ '•

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134

NAVAX. HISTORY.

On this occasion the Americans had only thirty-six
killed and wounded, while the loss of the British was
about two hundred men. The two fifty gun ships sufiered
most, the Bristol having the (Commodore himself, Captain
Morris, who died of his injuries, and sixty-nine men wound-
ed, besides forty killed. Among the former was Lord
William Campbell, a brother of the Duke of Argyle, who
had recently been governor of South Carolina, in which
province he had married, and who had taken a command
on the Bristol's lower gun deck, with a view to animate her
men. The Experiment suffered little less than the Bristol,
several of her ports having been knocked into one, and
sevepty-nine of her officers and crew were killed and
wounded. Among the latter was her commander. Captain
Scott. The frigates, attracting less of the attention of the
garrison, escaped with comparatively little loss. A short
time after this signal discomfiture, the British temporarily
abandoned their design on Charleston, carrying off the
troops, which had been perfectly useless during the opera-
tions. .nC'^i* ■ '

Quitting the south for the present, we will now return to
the north, to mention a few of the lighter incidents that oc-
curred at different points on the coast Soon after the Bri-
tish left Boston, a Captain Mugford obtained the use of a
small armed vessel belonging to government, called the
Franklin, and getting to sea, he succeeded in capturing the
Hope, a ship that had on board fifteen hundred barrels of
powder, and a large quantity of entrenching tools, gun car-
riages, and other stores. This vessel was got into Boston,
in sight of the British squadron. Attempting another cruise
immediately afterwards. Captain Mugford lost his life in
maiung a gallant and successful effort to repel some of the
enemy's boats, which had endeavoured to carry the Frank-
lin and a small privateer that was in company, by boarding.
On the 6th of July, or two days after the declaration of

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independence, the Sachem, 10, Captain Robinson, sailed
■from the Delaware on a cruise. The Sachem was sloop
rigged, and one of the lightest cruisers in the service.
When a few days out she fell in with an English letter of
marque, a Jamaica-man, and captured her, after a sharp
contest Both vessels are said to have suffered severely in
this affair, and to have had an unusual number of their
people killed and wounded. Captain Robinson was now
compelled to return to refit, and arriving at Philadelphia
with his prize, the Marine Committee%ewarded him for his
success by giving him the command of the Andrea Doria,
14, then recently returned from her cruise to the eastward
under Captain Biddle, which officer had been transferred to
the Randolph, 32. .

The Doria sailed shortly after for St. Eustatia, to bring
home some arms; and it is said that the first salute ever
paid to the American flag, by a regular government, was
fired in return for the salute of the Doria, when she went
into that island. For this indiscretion the Dutch governor
was subsequently displaced.

On her return passage, off the western end of Porto Rico,
the Doria made an English vessel of war, bearing down
upon her with a disposition to engage. On ranging up
abeam, the enemy commenced the action by firing a broad-
side, which was immediately returned by the Doria. A
very sharp contest of two hours followed, when the Eng-
lishman struck. The prize proved to be the Racehorse, 12,
Lieut. Jones, who had been sent by his admiral to cruise
expressly for his captors. Lidut. Jones was mortally
wounded, and a very large proportion of the Racehorse's
officers and crew were either killed or wounded. The
Doria lost twelve men, including all the casualties. Captain
Robinson and his prize got safely into Philadelphia, in due
season. The Doria never went to sea agjiin, being shortly
after burned by the Americans to prevent her falling into

*».;

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186

KAVAL KIST<my.

the hands of the British fleet, when the evacuation of Fort
Mifflin gave the enemy the commancl of the Delaware.

The galleys in the Delaware had a long and well con-
tested struggle with the Roebuck, 44, Captain Hammond, »
and the Liverpool, 20, Captain Bellew, about the first of May
of this year. The cannonade was handsomely conducted,
and it resulted in driving the enemy from the river. During
this affair the Wasp, 8, Captain Alexander, was active and
conspicuous, cutting out a tender of the English ships from
under their guns. ^

A spirited attack was also made on the Phcenix, 44, and
Rose, 24, in the Hudson, on the third of August, by six
American galleys. The firing was heavy and well main-
tained for two hours, both sides suffering materially. On
the part of the galleyef, eighteen men were killed and wound-
ed, and several guns were dismounted by shot. The loss
of the enemy is not known, though both vessels were re-
peatedly bulled.

But by this time the whole coast was alive with adven-
tures of such a nature, scarcely a week passing that did not
^ive rise to some incident that would have interest for the
reader, did the limits of our work permit us to enter into
the details. Wherever an enemy's cruiser appeared, or at-
tempted to land, skirmishes ensued ; and in some of these
little affairs as much personal gallantry and ingenuity were
displayed as in many of the more important combats. The
coast of New England generally, the Chesapeake, and the
coast of the Carolinas, were the scenes of most of these
minor exploits, which, like all the subordinate incidents of a
great struggle, are gradually becoming lost in the more en-
grossing events of the war.

October 12th, of this year, an armed British brig, fitted
out by the government of the Island of Jamaica, the name
of which has beei^ lost, made an attempt on a small convoy
of American vessels, off Cape Nicola Mole, in the West In-

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VAVAL HISTORY.

187

dies, then in charge of the privateer Ranger, 18, Capt. Hud-
son. Perceiving the aim of the enemy, Capt. Hudson ran
under her stern, and gave her a severe raking fire. The
action thus commenced, lasted nearly two hours, when the
Ranger boarded, and carried the brig, hand to hand. The
English vessel, in this affair, reported thirteen men killed
and wounded, by the raking broadside of the Ranger alone.
In the whole, she had between thirty and forty of her peo-
ple injured. On her return from this cruise, the Hanger
was purchased for the navy. ||^

While these events were occurring on the ocean, naval
armaments, and naval battles, took place on those lakes,
that witnessed the evolutions of squadrons of force in the
subsequent war between the two countries.

Iq order to command the Lakes Champlain and George,
across which lay the ancient and direct communication
with the Canadas, flotillas had been coniSitructed on both
these waters, by the Americans. To resist this force, and
with a view to co-operate with the movements of their
troops, the British commenced the construction of vessels
at St. Johns. Several men-of-war were laid up, in the St.
Lawrence, and their officers and crews were transferred to
the shipping thus built on Lake Champlain.
; The American force, in the month of August, appears to
have consisted of the following vessels, viz: —
Schooner, Royal Savage, 12, Wynkoop,
Do. Enterprise, 13, Dixon.

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Do.

Revenge,

10, Laman,

Do.

Liberty,

10, Plumer.

Gondola,

3, Simmons.

Do.

3, Mansfield.

Do.

3, Sumner,

Do.

3, listens.

To this force were added several more gondolas, and a
few row galleys. These vessels were hastily equipped, and in

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138

H AVAL H»T<AT.

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most of the instances, it is believed, that th()y were com-
manded by officers in the army. Their crews were prin-
cipally soldiers. At a later day, the American force was
materially changed, new names were given and new vessels
substituted, but so much confusion exists in the accounts as
to render any formal attempt at accuracy in enumerating
the craft, difficult, if not impossible.

On the other hand, the British constructed a force, that
enabled them to take the lake in October, with the follow-
ing vessels, viz : — »

Ship,

Inflexible,

16,

Lieut. Schank.

Schooner,

Maria,

14,

" Starke.

Do.

Carleton,

12,

" Dacres.

Radeau,

Thunderer,

14,

« Scott.

Gondola,

Royal Convert,

" Langcrofi

To these were added twenty gun boats, four long boats,
each armed with a gun, and twenty-four other craft,
loaded with stores and provisions. The metal of this
flotilla was much superior to that of the American force,
the Inflexible carrying twelve pounders, the schooners sixes,
the radeau twenty-fours and twelves, and the gun boats,
pieces that varied from eighteens down to nines. The
British accounts admit that 706 officers and men were
drafted from the Isis, Blonde, Triton, Garland, &c., in order
to man these vessels, and artillerists and other troops were
also put on board to aid in fighting them.

October 11th, General Arnold, who commanded the
American flotilla, was lying ofi* Cumberland Head, when at
eight in the morning, the enemy appeared in force, to the
northward, turning to windward with a view to engage.
On that day the American vessels present consisted of the
Royal Savage, 12, Revenge, 10, Liberty, 10, Lee, cutter, 4,
Congress, galley, 10, Washington, do., 10, Trumbull, do.,
10, and eight gondolas. Besides the changes that had been
made since August, two or three of the vessels that were
on the lake, were absent on other duty. The best accounts

AJ'

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KAVAL HISTORT.

139

State the force of this flotilla, or of the vessels present, as
follows, viz:

Guns, 90

\ Metal, 647 lbs. '

'f . . Men, 600, including soldiers.

On this occasion, the British brought up nearly their
whole force, as it has been already stated, although having
the disadvantage of being to leeward, all their vessels could
not get into close action. Capt. Douglas, of the Isis, had
commanded the naval movements that preceded the battles,
and Lieut Gen. Sir Guy Carleton, was present, in person,
on board the Maria. The first officer, in his official report
of the events, mentions that the kiflexible was ready to sail,
within twenty-eight da3rs after her keel had been laid, and
that he had caused to be equipped, between July and Octo-
ber, " thirty fighting vessels of different sorts and sizes, and
all carrying cannon.*' Capt. Pringle, of the Lord Howe,
was the officer actually in charge, however, of the British
naval force on the lake, and he commanded in person in

i the different encounters.

The action of the 11th of October commenced at eleven,
in the forenoon, and by half past twelve it was warm. On
the part of the British, the battle for a long time, was prin-
cipally carried on by the gun-boats, which were enabled to
sweep up to windward, and which, by their weight of metal,
were very efficient in smooth water. The Carleton, 12,
Lieut. Dacres, was much distinguished on this day, being
the only vessel of size, that could get into close fight. After
maintaining a hot fire for several hours, Capt. Pringle judi-
ciously called off the vessels that were engaged, anchoring
just out of gun shot, with an intention to renew the attack
in the morning. In this affair the Americans, who had dis-
covered great steadiness throughout the day, had about 60
killed and wounded, while the British acknowledged a loss

^ of only 40. The Carleton, however, suffered consideraUy.

■^ -

140

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KAVAL HMTOHr.

Satiified that it would be impossible, suooiltfully, to^resist'
so great a superiority of force, GeAeral Arnold got under
way, at 2 P. M., on the 13th, with the wind fresh aheitd.
The enemy made sail in chttie, as soon as his departure was
discovered, but neither flotilla could make much progress on
account of the gondolas, which were unable to turn to
windwanl. In the evening the wind moderated, when the
Americans gained materially on their pursuers. Another
change occurred, however, and a singular variation in the
currents of air, now favoured the enemy; for while the
Americans, in the narrow part of the lake, were contending
with a fresh southerly breeze, the English got the wind at
north'Oast, which brought, their leading vessels up within
gun shot at 12, meridian, on the 13th. - . ' . <<

On this occasion Capt. Pringle, in the Maria, led in per-
son, closely supported by the Inflexible and Carlcton. The
Americans were much scattered, several of their gondolas
having been sunk and abandoned, on account of the impos-
sibility of bringing them oflf. General Arnold, in the Con-
gress galley, covered the rear of his retreating flotilla,
having the Washington galley, on board of which was
Brigadier General Waterbury, in company. The latter had
been much shattered in the flght of the 11th, and after re-
ceiving a few close broadsides, she was compelled to strike.
General Arnold now defended himself like a lion, in the
Congress, occupying the three vessels of the enemy so long
a time, as to enable six of his little fleet to escape. When
further resistance was out of the question, he ran the Con-
gress on shore, set Are to her, and she blew up with her
colours flying.

Although the result of this action was so disastrous, the
American arms gained much credit, by the obstinacy of
the resistance. General Arnold, in particular, covered him-
self with glory, and his example appears to have been
noblv followed bv most of his oflicers and men. Even the

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NAVAL HISTORY.

141

enpm/ did jutitittl to the resolution and skill with which the
American flotilla was mahaged, the disparity in the force ren-
de^ng victory out of the question from the first. The manner
in which «the Congress was foilght until she had covered
the retreat of the galleys, and the stubborn resolution with
which she was defended until destroyed, converted the dis-
asters of this part of the day, into a species of triuipph.

In these affairs, the Americans lost eleven vessels, prin*
cipally gondolas, while on the part of the British, two gon-
dolas were sunk, and one blown up. The loss of men was
supposed to be about equal, no less than sixty of the enemy
perishing in the gondola that blew up. This statement
diJTors from the published official accounts of the English,
but those reports, besides being meagre and general, are
contradicted by too much testimony on the other side, to
command our respect. .. ' ^ . '" -Mj'^ - . v

We have had occasion, already, to mention Mr. John
Ma;.ly, who, in command of the schooner Lee, made the
first captures that occurred in the war. The activity and
resolution of this officer, rendered his name conspicuous at
the commencement of the struggle, and it followed as a
natural consequence, that, when Congress regulated the
rank of the captains, in 1776, he appears as one of them,
his appointment having been made as early as April the
17th, of this year. So highly, indeed, were his iervices
then appreciated, that the name of Captain Manly stands
second on the list, and he was appointed to the command
of the Hancock, 32. When Capt. Manly was taken into the
navy, the Lee was given to Capt. Waters, and was present
at the capture of the three transports off Boston, as has been
already stated. This little schooner, the name of which
will ever remain associated with American history, in con-
sequence of her all important captures in 1775, appears to *
have continued actively employed, as an in-s|iore cruiser,
throughout this year, if not later, in the pay of the new

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NAVAL HISTORT.

State of Massachusetts. Capt. Waters, like his predo*
cessor, Capt. Manly, was received into the navy, on the
recommendation of Washington, a commission to that
effect having been granted'by Congress, March 18th, 1777.

Much enterprise and gallantry were exhibited in the en«
counters between the American privateers and heavily
armed merchant-ships of the enemy, at this period, and
England appears to have been so completely taken by sur- '
prise, that they were of almost daily occurrence. The dif-
ferent colonies, also, fitted out more cruisers, principally
vessels purchased for that purpose, and some of them were
commanded by officers who also bore commissions in the
service of Congress, or of the United States of America, as
the confederation was called after the declaration of inde-
pendence. South Carolina, on the 16th February, 1776,
had three of these vessels; a ship of 26 nine pounders; a '
brig of 18 sixes ; and a schooner jf 12 sixes. One of these
cruisers drove a sloop of war from her convoy, and cap-
tured four transports loaded with stores. Massachusetts
was never without several cruisers, and Pennsylvania,
from time to time, had more or less. Virginia had her little
marine, too, as has been already mentioned, though its.
attention was principally directed to the defence of her '
numerous rivers and bays.

Some of the English accounts of this period state that
near a hundred privateers had been fitted out of New-Eng-
land, alone, in the first two years of the war, and the num-
ber 01 bcamen in the service of the crown, employed against
the new States of America, was computed at 26,000.

The colonies obtained many important supplies, colonial ,'
as well as military, and even manufactured articles of ordi- ^
nary use, by means of their captures, scarce a day passing
that vessels of greater or less value did not arrive in some
one of the ports of their extensive coast. By a list published
in the Remembrancer, an English work of credit, it appears

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WAVAL HISTORY.

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that 342 sail of English vessels had been taken by American
cruisers in 1770, of whioh number 44 had been recaptured,
18 had been released, und 4 were burned.

On the other hand, the Amerteans met with their disas-
ters; many privateers were taken, principally by the fast-
sailing frigates of the enemy, and valuable merchantmen
fell into their hands, from time to time. In short, the war
became very destructive to both parties, in a commercial
sense, though it was best supported by the colonists, as the
rise in colonial produce, in a measure, compensated them
for thoir losses.

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HAVAL HISTORr.

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CHAPTER VII.

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The year 1777 opened with new prospects on the Ame-
rican cause. The hardy movements of Washington in
New Jersey had restored the drooping confidence of the
nation, and great efforts were made to follow up the advan-
tage that had been so gloriously obtained. Most of the
vessels authorized by the laws of 1775 had been built and
equipped, during the year 1776, and America may now be
said, for the first time, to have something like a regular
navy, although the service was still, and indeed continued
to be throughout the war, deficient in organization, system
and unity. It could scarcely be deemed a regular service*^^
at all, for after the first efibrt, connected with its creation,
the business of repairing losses, of increasing the force, and
of perfecting that which had been so hastily commenced,
was either totally neglected, or carried on in a manner so
desultory and inefficient, as soon to leave very little of
method or order in the marine. As a consequence, officers
were constantly compelled to seek employment in private
armed ships or to remain idle, and the discipline did not
advance as would otherwise have been the case, during the
heat of an active war. To the necessities of the nation,
however, and not to its foresight and prudence, must be at-
tributed this state of things, the means of raising and main-
taining troops being obtained with difficulty, and the cost of
many ships entirely exceeding its resources. It is probable
that had not the public armed vessels been found useful in

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NAVAL BISTQRY.

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145

conveying, as well as in convoying the produce by means of
which the loans obtained in Europe were met, and perhaps
indispensable in keeping up the diplomatic communica-
tions with that quarter of the worlds the navy would have
been suffered to become extinct, beyond its employment in
the bays and rivers of the country. This, however, is anti-
cipating events, for at the precise moment in the incidents of
the war, at which we have now arrived, the exertions of the
republic were perhaps at their height, as respects its naval
armaments. ' ::^:! '^V-'V^' f •'f. ''■-.';■-'■. .< •.:■;•■>-•.• ./:»• •*

One of the first, if not the very first of the new vessels
that got to sea, was the Randolph 32. It has been said that
Capt. Biddle had been appointed to this ship, on his return
from his successful cruise in the Andrea Doria 14. The
Randolph was launched at Philadelphia in the course of the
season of 1776, and sailed on her first cruise early in 1777.
Discovering a defect in his masts, as well as a disposition to
mutiny in his people, too many of whom were volunteers
from among the prisoners, Capt. Biddle put into Charleston
for repairs. As soon as the ship was refitted, he sailed
again, and three days out, he fell in with and captured four
Jamaica-men, one of which, the True Briton, had an arma-
ment of 20 guns. With these prizes, the Randolph returned
to Charleston, in safety. Here she appears to have been
blockaded, by a superior English force, during the remain-
der of the season. The state authorities of South Carolina
were so much pleased with the zeal and deportment of
Capt. Biddle, and so much elated with their own success
against Sir Peter Parker, that they now added four small
vessels of war of their own, the Gen. Moultrie 18, the Polly
16, the Notre Dame 16, and the Fair American 14, to his
command, with which vessels i i company, and under his
orders, Capt. Biddle sailed in quest of the British ships, the
Carrysfort 32, the Perseus 20, the Hinchinbrook 16, and a
privateer, which had been .ruising off Charleston for some

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NATAL HISTORY.

time. The American squadron, however, had been detained
so long by foul winds, that no traces of the enemy were to
be discovered when it got into the offing. For the further
history of the Randolph, we are unhappily indebted to the
British accounts. '•.,».";'

By a letter from Capt. Vincent, of his Britannic Majesty's
ship Yarmouth 64, dated March 17th, 1778, we learn that,
on the 7 th of that month, while cruising to the eastward of
Barbadoes, he made six sail to the south-west, standing on
a wind. The Yarmouth bore down on the chases, which
proved to be two ships, three brigs,'and a schooner. About
nine o'clock in the evening she succeeded in ranging up on
the weather quarter of the largest and leading vessel of the
strangers ; the ship next in size, being a little astern and to
leeward. Hoisting her own colours, the Yarmouth ordered
the ship near her to show her ensign, when the American
flag was run up, and the enemy poured in a broadside.
A smart action now commenced, and was maintained with
vigour for twenty minutes, when the stranger blew up. The
two ships were so near at the time, that many fragments of
the wreck struck the Yarmouth, and, among other things,
an American ensign, rolled up, was blown in upon her fore-
castle. This flag was not even singed. The vessels in
company now steered different ways, and the Yarmouth
gave chase to two, varying her own course for that pur-
pose. But her sails had suffered so much in the short action,
that the vessels chased soon run her out of sight. In this
action the Yarmouth, by the report of her own commander,
had 5 men killed and 12 wounded. On the 12th, while
cruising near the same place, a piece of wreck vf&z disco-
vered, with four men on it, who were making signals for
relief. These men were saved, and when they got on board
the Yarmouth, they reported themselves as having belonged
to the United States' ^hip Randolph 32, Capt. Biddle, the
vessel that had blown up in action with the Englishman on

•*i.

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KAVAL HISTORY.

147

ihe night of the 7th of the same month. They had been
floating ever since on the piece of wreck* without any other
sustenance than a little rain water. They stated that they
were a month out of Charleston.

We regard with admiration the steadiness and spirit with
which, according to the account of his enemy, Capt. Biddle
commenced this action, against a force so vastly his supe-
rior ; and, although victory was almost hopeless, even had
all his vessels behaved equally well with his own ship, we
find it difficult, under the circumstances, to suppose that this
gallant seaman did not actually contemplate carrying his
powerful antagonist, most probably by boarding.*

* Nicholas Biddle was descended from one of those respectable fami-
lies that first peopled West-Jersey, in the last quarter of the seventeenth
century. He was the sixth son of William Biddle, of that colony, who
1. '^. removed to the city of Philadelphia previously to lus birth, and
^i.\ this child was bom, in 1750. Young Biddle went to sea at thirteen,
"^ i iMm that early ag^ appears to have devoted himself to the calling
with ardour and perseverance. After several voyages, and suffering much
in the way of shipwreck, he went to England, and by means of letters,
was rated as a midshipman on board a British sloop of war, commanded
by Captain, afterwards Admiral, Sterling. It is a singular fact in the life
of this remarkable young man, that he subsequently entered on board one
of the vessels sent towards the North Pole, under the Hon. Capt. Phipps,
where he found Nelson, a volunteer like himself. Both were made cock-
swains by tlie commodore. This was in 1773, and the difficulties with the
American colonies were coming to a head. In 1775, Mr. Biddle returned
home, prepared to share his country's fortunes, in weal or woe.
' The first employment of Mr. Biddle, in the public service, was in com-
mand of a galley, called the Camden, fitted out by the colony for the de-
fence of the Delaware. From this station he was transferred to the service
of Congress, or put into the regular marine, as it then existed, and given
the command of the brig Andrea Dona 14. In this vessel he does not
appear to have had much share in the combat with the Glasgow, though
present in the squadron, and in the expedition against New-Providence.
His successful cruise to the eastward, in the Doria, has been related in the
body of the work, and on his return he wns appointed to the Randolph 32,
the vessel in which he perished.

In the action with the Yarmouth, Capt. Biddle was severely wounded in

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148

KAVAL HtSTORT.

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In March, 1777, the United States' brig Cabot, Capt.
Olney, was chased ashore, on the coast of Nova Scotia, by
the British frigate M ilford, which pressed the Cabot so hard
that there was barely time to get the people out of the brig.
Capt. Olney and his crew retreated into the woods, and
subsequently they made their escape by seizing a schooner,
in which they arrived safe at home. The enemy, after a
long trial, got the Cabot off, and she was subsequently taken
into the British navy.

Shortly after this loss, or on the 19th of April, the Trum-
bull 28, Capt. Saltonstall, fell in with, off New York, and
captured, after a smart action, two armed transports, with
stores of value on board. In this affair the enemy suffered
severely in casualties, and the Trumbull herself had 7 men
killed and 8 wounded.

The Hancock 32, Capt Manly, with the Boston 24, Capt.
Hector McNiel, in company, fell in with the Rainbow 44,
Sir George Collier, accompanied by the Victor brig. It
would seem that Capt. Manly had at first intended to en-
gage the enemy, but the Boston making sail to escape,
the Hancock was compelled to imitate her example. The

the thigh, and he is said to have been seated In a chair, with the surgeon
examining his hurt, when his ship blew up. His death occurred at the
early age of twenty-seven, and he died unmarried, though engaged, at the
time, to a lady in Charleston.

Thertf is little question that Nicholas Biddle would have risen to high
rank and great consideration, had his life been spared. Ardent, ambi-
tious, fearless, intelligent, and persevering, he had all the qualities of a
great naval captain, and, though possessing some local family influence
perhaps, he rose to the station he filled at so early an age, by personal
merit. For so short a career, scarcely any other had been so brilliantt for
though no victories over regular cruisers accompanied his exertions, he
had ever been successful until the fatal moment when he so gloriously
fell. His loss was greatly regretted in the midst of the excitement and
vicissitudes of a revolution, and can scarcely be appreciated by those who
do not understand the influence that such a character can produce on a
small and infant service. . , .. ,r. .

■II. • ,

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

140

Rainbow pursued the latter, when that ship, after a long and
arduous chase, in which much seamanship was displayed
on both sides, was compelled to surrender. Capt Manly
was tried for the 1o^ of his ship, and honourably acquitted,
while Capt. McNiel was dismissed the service for quitting
the Hancock. The Hancock had previously captured the
British frigate Fox 28, after a sharp contest, which vessel
was in company on this occasion, and was recaptured by the
Flora 32, though we regret that it is not in our power to
furnish any authentic details of the action in which the Fox
was taken.

The occupation of Philadelphia by the British army in this
year, wrought a material change in the naval arrangements
of the country. Up to this time, the Delaware had been a
safe place of retreat for the different cruisers, and ships had
been constructed on its banks in security and to advantage.
The largest town in the United States, Philadelphia offered
unusual facilities for such objects, and many public and pri-
vate armed cruisers had been equipped at her wharves, pre-
viously to the appearance of the British forces, under Sir
William Howe. That important event completely altered
this state of things, and the vessels that were in the stream
at the time, were cbmpelled to move higher up the river, or
to get to sea in the best manner they could. Unfortunately,
several of the ships constructed, or purchased, under the
laws of 1775 were not in a situation to adopt the latter ex-
pedient, and they were carried to different places that were
supposed to offer the greatest security. - ^ ':

Asa part of the American vessels and galleyis were above,
and a part below the town, the very day after reaching the
capital, the English commenced the erection of batteries to
intercept the communications between them. Aware of
the consequences, the Delaware 24, Capt. Alexander, and
Andrea Doria 14, seconded by some other vessels, belonging
to the navy, and to the state of Pennsylvania, moved in front

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190

NAVAL HISTORT.

of these works, and opened a cannonade, with a view (o
destroy them. The Delaware was so unfortunately placed,
that when the tide fell, she took the ground, and her guns
became unmanageable. Some field pieces were brought to
bear on her, while in this helpless situation, and she neces-
sarily struck. The other vessels were compelled to retire.
As the command of the river was' now indispensable to
the British, they turned their attention at once to the de-
struction of the American works below the town. An
unsuccessful land attack was made by the Hessians, on
Red Bank, and this was soon followed by another on Fort
Mifflin, which, as it was entrusted to the shipping, comes
more properly within our observation. With a view to effect
the reduction, or abandonment of Fort Mifflin, the British
assembled a squadron of ships of a light draught of water,
among which was the Augusta 64, which had been partially
stripped, and fitted in some measure as a floating battery.
As soon as the troops advanced against Red Bank, as stated,
the ships began to move, but some chevaux de frise anchored
in the river, had altered its channel, and the Augusta, and
the Merlin sloop of war, got fast, in unfavourable positions.
Some firing between the other vessels and the American
works and galleys now took place, but was soon put a stop
to by the approach of night. The next day the action was
renewed with spirit, the Roebuck 44, Isis 32, Pearl 32, and
Liverpool 28, being present, in addition to the Augusta and
Merlin. P'ire ships were ineffectually employed by the
Americans, but the cannonade became heavy. In the
midst of the firing, it is said, that some pressed hay, which
had been secured to the quarter of the Augusta, to render
her shot-proof, took fire, and the ship was soon in flames.
It now became necessary to withdraw the other vessels, in
order to escape the effects of the explosion, in so narrow a
passage, and the attack was abandoned. The Augusta
blew up, and the Merlin having been set fire to by the

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HAVAt HISTORY.

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161

■/

^'British, shared the same fate. A number of the crew of the
Augusta were lost in that ship, the conflagration being so
rapid as to prevent their removal. A second and better
concerted attack, however, shortly after, compelled the
Americans to evacuate the works, when the enemy got
command of the river from the capes to the town. This
state of things induced the Americans to dijstroy the few
sea vessels tint - lined below Philade'"H«n. among which
were the t . ". hr \ndrea Doria 14, a. schooner Wasp
8, and it is believed the Hornet 10, though the galleys, by
following the Jersey shore, were enabled to escape above.

While these important movements were occurring in the
middle states, the Raleigh, a line twelve pounder frigate, that
had been constructed in New Hampshire, under the law of
1775, was enabled to get to sea for the first time. She was
commanded by Capt. Thompson, the officer who appears
as sixth on the line, and sailed in company with the Alfred
24, Capt. Hinman. These two ships went to sea, short of
men, bound to France, where military stores were in waiting
to be transported to America.

The Raleigh and Alfred had a good run off the coast, and
they made several prizes of little value during the first few
days of their passage. On the 2d of Sept. they overtook
and captured a snow, called the Nancy, which had been
left by the outward bound Windward Island fleet, the
previous day. Ascertaining from his prisoners the position
of the West Indiamen, Capt. Thompson made sail in chase.
The fleet was under the charge of the Camel, Druid, Weasel
and Grasshopper, the first of which is said to have had an
armament of twelve pounders. The following day, or Sept.
3d, 1777, the Raleigh made the convoy from her mast heads,
and by sunset was near enough to ascertain that there were
sixty sail, a» well as the positions of the men of war. Capt.
Thompson had got the signals of the fleet from his prize,
and he now signalled the Alfred, as if belonging to the con-

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153

NAVAL HISTORY.

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voy. After dark he spoke his consort, and directed her
commK.nder to keep near him, it being his intention to run
in among the enemy, and lay the commodore aboard. At this
time, the two American ships were to windward, but nearly
astern.

In the course of the night the wind shifted to the north-
ward, and the convoy hauled by the wind, bringing the
American ships to leeward. At daylight the wind had
freshened, and it became necessary to carry more sail than
the Alfred, (a tcndor>sided ship) could bear. Here occurred
one of those instances of the unfortunate consequences which
must always follow the employment of vessels of unequal
qualities in the same squadron, or the employment of officers
not trained in the same high school. The Alfred would not
bear her canvass, and while the Raleigh fetched handsomely
into the fleet, under double-reefed topsails, the former fell to
leeward more than a league. Capt. Thompson did not dare
to shorten sail, lest his character might be suspected, and
despairing of being supported by the Alfred, he stood boldly
in among the British ships alone, and hove his ship to, in
order to permit the merchantmen astern to draw more ahead
of him. ■■; ■■\, ■■ ,:■■'•'>■ ^v •-. '. , "- \.-''. '^v"-;::-'-^'-^;!!&^:;' m^'-L'^
. When his plan was laid, Capt. Thompson filled away, and
stood directly through the convoy, lufling up towards the
vessel of war that was most to windward. In doing this he
spoke several of the merchantmen, to which he gave orders
how to steer, as if belonging himself to the fleet, repeating
all the commodore's signals. Up to this moment the Raleigh
appears to have escaped detection, nor had she had any
signs of preparation about her, as her guns were housed,
and her ports lowered. " /. . ^ ^..•r^vA^

Having obtained a weatherly position, the Raleigh now
ran along side of the vessel of war, and when within pistol
shot, she hauled up her courses, run out her guns, set her
ensign, and commanded the enemy to strike. So completely

^•;s'-

?\-.'.*

ITAVAL HISTORT.

158

was this vessel taken by surprise, that the order threw her
into groat confusion, and even her sails got aback. The
Raleigh seized this favourable moment to pour in a broad-
side, which was feebly returned. The enemy were soon
driven from their guns, and the Raleigh fired twelve broad-
sides into the English ship in twenty minutes, scarcely re-
ceiving a shot in return. A heavy swell rendered the aim
uncertain, but it was evident that the British vessel suffered
severely, and this the more so, as she was of inferior force.

A squall had come on, and at first it shut in the two ships
engaged. When it cleared away, the convoy was seen
steering in all directions, in the utmost confusion, but the
vessels of war, with several heavy well armed West India-
men, tacked and hauled up for the Raleigh, leaving no doubt
of their intentions to engage. The frigate lay by her adver-
sary until the other vessels were so near, that it became
absolutely necessary to quit her, and then she ran to lee-
ward and joined the Alfred. Here she shortened sail, and
waited for the enemy to come down, but it being near dark,
the British commodore tacked and hauled in among his con-
voy again. The Raleigh and Alfred kept near this fleet
for several days, but no provocation could induce the ves-
sels of war to come out of it, and it was finally abandoned.

The ship engaged by the Raleigh, proved to be the
Druid 30. She was much cut up, and the official report of
her commander, made her loss six killed, and twenty-six
wounded. Of the latter, five died soon after the action, and
among the wounded was Capt Carteret. The Druid was
unable to pursue the voyage and returned to England.

In this aflfair, Capt. Thompson discovered a proper spirit,
for he might easily have cut out of the fleet half a dozen
merchantmen, but he appears to have acted on the princi-
ple that vessels of war should first seek vessels of war. The
Raleigh had three men killed and wounded in the engage-
ment, and otherwise sustained but little injury.

104

If AVAL HISTORr.

The commerce of England suflered a loss of 467 sail of
merchantmen, during the year 1777, some of which were of
great value, though the government kept a force of about
seventy sail of men of war on the American coast alone.
Manly American privateers fell into their hands however,
and a scarcity of men began to be felt, in consequence of
the numbers that were detained in the English prisons. It
was on the 14th of Juno of this year, that Congress finally
established the stars and stripes as the flag of the nation.

During this year, Bushnel made several unsuccessful at-
tempts to blow up the ships of the enemy by means of tor-
pedoes, a species of warfare that it can hardly be regretted
has so uniformly failed.

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CHAPTER VIII.

■«

The year 1778 opened with cheerful prospects for the
great cause of American Independence. The capture of
fiurgoyne, and the growing discontents in Europe, render*
ing a French alliance, and a European war, daily nore
probable. These results, in truth, soon after followed, and
from that moment, the entire policy of the L^nited States, as
related to its marine, was changed. Previous to this great
event, Congress had often turned its attention towards the
necessity of building or purchasing vessels of force, in
order to interrupt that absolute control which the enemy
possessed, in the immediate waters of the country, and
'which even superseded the necessity of ordinary costly
blockades, as two or three heavy frigates had been able, at
any time since the commencement of the struggle, to com-
mand the entrance of the different bays and sounds.

The French fleet, soon after the war between England
and France broke out, appeared in the American seas, and,
in a measure, relieved the country from a species of war-
fare that was particularly oppressive to a nation that was
then so poor, and which possessed so great an extent of

coast. ' •'-. '"-'^ '■ ", , ■: '■ • "■■ ■'■' ' ■■ • • . ..' --'■> r-^:

■* As the occupation of New York and Philadelphia pre-
vented several of the new frigates from getting to sea at
all, or occasioned their early loss. Congress had endea-
voured to repair lliese deficiencies by causing other vessels
to be built, or purchased, at points where they would be out
of danger from any similar misfortune. Among these ships

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iTAVAi. liHrroiiy.

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were the Alliance 32, Confederacy 82, Deane 32, (afterwards
called the Hague,) and Queen of France 28, all frigate«built,
and the Ranger, Gates, and Saratoga sloopi of war. To
these were added a few other vessels, that were either
bought, or borrowed in Europe, which will be mentioned in
their proper places. The Alliance, which, as her name in-
dicates, was launched about the time the treaty was made
with France, was the favourite ship of the American navy,
and it might be added, of the American nation, during the
war of the Revolution ; filling some such space in the public
mind, as has since been occupied by her more celebrated
successor, the Constitution. She was a beautiful and an
exceedingly fast ship, but, as will be seen in the sequel, was
rendered less efficient than she might otherwise have
proved, by the mistake of placing her under the command
of a French officer, who had entered the service, with a
view to pay a compliment to the new allies of the republic.
This unfortunate selection produced mutinies, much discon-
tent among the officers, and, in the end, grave irregulari-
ties. The Alliance was built at Salisbury, in Massachu-
setts, a place, that figured as a building station, even in the
seventeenth century. ,. : . „<

The naval op. -ations of the year open with a gallant
little exploit, achieved by the United States sloop Provi-
dence 12, Capt. Rathbone. This vessel carried only four
pounders, and, at the time, is said to have had a crew of but
fifty men on board. Notwithstanding this trifling force,
Capt. Rathbone made a descent on the Island of New Provi-
dence, at the head of twenty-five men. He was joined by
a few American prisoners, less than thirty, it is said, and,
while a privateer of sixteen guns, with a crew of near 50
men, lay in the harbour, he seized the forts, got possession
of the stores, and eflectually obtained command of the
place. All the vessels in port, six in number, fell into his
hands, and an attempt of the armed population to overpower

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him, was put down, by a menace to burn the town. A
British sloop of war appeared off the harbojr, while the
Americans were in possession, but, ascerttining that an
enemy was occupying the works, she retir jd, after having
been fired on. The following day, the people assembled in
such force, as seriously to threaten the safety of his party
and vessel, and Copt. Rathbone caused the guns of the fort
to be spiked, removed all the ammunition and smoll arms,
burned two of his prizes, and sailed with the remainder,
without leaving a man behind him. In his daring little
enterprise, the Americans held the place two entire days.

Capt. John Barry, whose spirited action off th^j cap'^jj of
Virginia, in the Lexington 14, has been n.entione ^ and
whose capture of the Edward, on that occasion, is worthy
of note, as having been the first of any vessel of war, tha;
was ever made by a regular American cruiser ip I'.ttle,
was placed on the regulated list of October, 1776 as the
seventh captain, and appointed to the command of the
Effingham 28, then building at Philadelphia. The Effing-
ham was one of the vessels that had been taken up the
Delaware, to escape from the British army; and this gallant
officer, wearied with a life of inactivity, planned an expedi-
tion down the stream, in the hope of striking a blow at
some of the enemy's vessels anchored off, or below the
town. Manning four boats, he pulled down with the tide.
Some alarm was given when opposite th" town, but dashing
ahead, the barges got past without inju- j . Off Port Penn
lay an enemy's schooner of ten guns, and four transports,
with freight for the British armv, The schooner was
boarded and carried, without loss, and the transports fell
into the hands of the Americans also. Two cruisers ap-
pearing soon after in the river, however, Capt. Barry des-
troyed his prizes, and escaped by land, without losing a
man.

Following the order of time, we now return to the

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VAVAL HISTORY.

movremcnts of the two ships under the command of Gapt.
Thompson, the Raleigh and the Alfred. After taking in
military stores in France, these vessels sailed for America,
making a circuit to the southward, as was then quite usual
with cruisers thus employed, in order to avoid the enemy's
vessels of force, and to pick up a few prizes by the way.
They sailed from TOrient in February, 1778, and on the
9th of March, were chased by the British ships Ariadne
and Ceres, which succeeded in getting along side of the
Alfred, and engaging her, while the Raleigh was at a dis-
tance. Believing a contest fruitless, after exchanging a few
broadsides, the Alfred struck, and the Raleigh, though hard
pressed, in the chase that succeeded, made her escape.
Capt. Thompson was blamed in the journals of the day,
for not aiding his consort on this occasion; and he appears
to have been superseded in the command of his ship, to
await the result of a trial.

The British accounts state the force of the Alfred, at the
time of her capture, at twenty nine-pounders, which will
give us a more accurate idea of the real character of a
vessel that filled so prominent a situation in the navy, at its
formation. Twenty nine-pounders, would not probably
raise her above the rate of an English twenty gun ship,
even allowing her to have had a few sixes on her quarter-
deck and forecastle; and this, probably, was the true class
of both the Alfred and Columbus, ships that figure as
twenty-eights, and even as thirty-twos, in some of the earlier
accounts of the war. But, it should always be remembered,
that a disposition to exaggerate the power of the country,
by magnifying the force of the ships, a practice peculiar to
an infant and aspiring ))cople, was a fault of the popular ac-
counts of not only the Revolution, but of a still later period
in the history of the United States. ^*

Among the frigates ordered by the act of 1776, was one
called the Virginia 28, which had been laid down in Mary-

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HAVAL HISTORT.

159

land. To this vessel was assigned Capt. James Nicholson,
the senior captain on the list, an officer who had already
discovered conduct and spirit in an affair with one of the
enemy's tenders off Annapolis, while serving in the local
marine of Maryland. The great embarrassments which
attended most of the public measures of the day, and a vigi-
lant blockade, prevented the Virginia from getting to sea,
until the spring of this year, when, having received her crew
and equipments, she made the attempt on the 30th of March.

The frigate appears to have followed another vessel down
the Chesapeake, under the impression that the best pilot of
the bay was in charge of her. About three in the morning,
however, she struck on the middle ground, over which she
beat with ^e loss of her rudder. The ship was immedi-
ately anchored. Day discovered two English vessels of
war at no great distance, when Capt. Nicholson got ashore
with his papers, and the ship was taken possession of by
the enemy. An inquiry, instituted by Congress, acquitted
Capt. Nicholson of blame. The peculiarity of a com-
mander's abandoning his vessel under such circumstances,
gave rise to some comments at the time, but the result ren-
ders it probable that considerations of importance, that
were not generally known, induced the step. A trial was
not deemed necessary, and Capt. Nicholson subsequently
fought two of the most remarkable combats of the war,
though successful in neither.

But merit in warfare is not always to be measured by
success, and least of all, in a profession that is liable to so
many accidents and circumstances that lie beyond the con-
trol of man. An unexpected shift of wind, the sudden loss
of an important spar, or the unfortunate injury occasioned
by a single shot, may derange the best devised schemes, or
enfeeble the best appointed ship; and it is in repairing these
unexpected damages, in the steadiness, and order, and sub-
mission to authority, with which casualities are met, as well

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160

IfAVAL HISTORY.

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as in the greater effect of their attack, that the trained offi-
cers and men manifest their vast superiority over the hurried
and confused movements of those who are wanting in these
high qualities of discipline.

Leaving the ocean for a moment, we will now turn our
attention to the proceedings of the enemy again, in the De-
laware. Early ia May, an expedition left Philadelphia,
under the command of Major Maitland, and ascended that
river with ^ view to destroy the American shipping, which
had been cnrried up it to escape the invading and success-
ful army of the enemy. The force consisted of the schoon-
ers Viper and Pembroke; the Hussar, Cornwallis, Ferret
and Philadelphia galleys; four gun boats, and eighteen flat
boats, under the orders of Capt. Henry, of the navy. The
2nd battalion of the light-infantry, and two field pieces
composed the troops. Ascending the stream to a point
above Bristol, the troops landed, under cover of the guns of
the flotilla, without opposition. Indeed, there does not ap-
pear to have been any force to oppose the British on this
occasion, or, if any, one of so little moment, as to put a
serious contest out of the question. The Washington 32,
and Efilngham 28, both of which had been built at Phil-
adelphia, but had never got to sea, were burned. These
ships had not yet received their armaments. At this
point several other vessels were destroyed, privateers and
merchantmen, and the party proceeded to Croswell creek*
where the privateer Sturdy Beggar 18, and eight sail of
other vessels were set on fire and consumed. The next
day the British ascended to Bile's Island, and burned six
more craft, foui of which were pierced for guns. On des-
cending by land lo Bristol, a ship and a brig were destroy-
ed. After this, four new ships, a neW brig, and an. old
schooner were burned by the galleys^ the party returning to
Philadelphia that night, without losing a man. By thig
coup de main, the Americans lost two more of the frigates

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161

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authorized by the law of 1775; and though it is not now
easy to ascertain facts so minute, it is believed that two or
three of the smallest of the cruisers that appear on the list
of the navy, at its formation, were destroyed by the Eng-
lish on this occasion. The Hornet, Sachem, Independence
and Musquito, are not to be traced subsequently to this
period, and if not burned when this expedition occurred, it
is probable that they all were burned with the Wasp, in
1777. To compensate for these losses, not a single frigate
of the enemy had yet been brought into port, though the
Fox 28, had been captured.

About this time the celebrated Paul Jones, whose conduct
as a lieutenant in the Alfred, and in command of that ship,
as well as in that of the Providence 12, had attracted much
attention, appeared in the European seas in command of the
Ranger 18. Qo cautious had the American government got
to be, in consequence of the British remonstrances, that
orders were given to the Ranger to conceal her armament
while in France. This vessel, which is described as having
been both crank and slow, was not thought worthy of so
good an officer, by the marine committee, and it had pro-
mised him a better ship; but the exigencies of the service
did not admit of its fulfilment of the engagement, and Capt.
Jones, after a long delay, had been induced to take this
command, in preference to remaining idle. It is said, how-
ever, that he came to Europe in the hope of obtaining the
Indien, but that vessel had been presented to the King of
France previously to his arrival.

After going into Brest to refit, Capt. Jones sailed from
that port on the 10th of April, 1778, on a cruise in the Irish
Channel. As the Ranger passed along the co&sl, she made
several prizes, and getting as high as Whitehaven, Capt.
Jones determined, on the 17th, to make an at'ompt to burn
the colliers that were crowded in that narrow port. The
weather, however, prevented the execution of this project,

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162

NAVAL HISTORY.

<*«

and the ship proceeded as high as Glentine bay, on the coast
of Scotland, where she chased a revenue vessel without
success.

Quitting the Scottish coast, the Ranger next crossed to
Ireland, and arriving off Carrickfergus, she was boarded by
some fishermen. From these men Capt. Jones ascertained
that a ship which lay anchored in the roads was the Drake
sloop of war, Capt. Burden, a vessel of a force about equal
to that of the Ranger, and he immediately conceived a plan
to run in and take her. Preparations were accordingly
made, and darkness was only waited for, to make the
attempt.

It blew fresh in the night, but when the proper hour had
arrived, tl)c Ranger stood for the roads, having accurately
obtained the bearings of her enemy. The orders of Capt.
Jones w^ere to overlay the cable of the Drake, and to bring
up on her bows, where he intended to secure his own ship,
and abide the result. By some mistake, the anchor was not
let go in season, and instead of fetching up in the desired
position, the Ranger could not be checked until she had
drifted on the quarter of, and at distance of half a cable's
length from, the Drake. Perceiving that his object was de-
feated, Capt. Jones ordered the cable to be cut, when the
ship drifted astern, and, making sail, she hauled by the wind
again as soon as possible. The gale increased, and it was
with difficulty that the Ranger weathered the land, and re-
gained the channel.

Capt. Jones now stood over to the English coast, and be-
lieving the time more favourable, he attempted to execute
his former design on the shipping in the port of Whitehaven.
Two parties landed in the night ; the forts were seized and
the guns were spiked; the few look-outs that were in the
works being confined. In effecting this duty, Capt. Jones
was foremost in person, for, having once sailed out of the
port, he was familiar with the situation of the place, ^n

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163

accident common to both the parties into which the expedi-
tion had been divided, came near defeating the enterprise in
the outset. They had brought candles in lanterns, for the
double purpose of lights and torches, and, now that they
were about to be used as the latter, it was found that they were
all consumed. As the day was appearing, the party under
Mr. Wallingford, one of the lieutenants, took to its boat
without effecting any thing, while Capt. Jones sent to a de-
tached building and obtained a candle. He boarded a large
ship, kindled a fire in her steerage, and by placing a barrel
of tar over the spot, soon had the vessel in flames. As this
ship lay in the midst of more than a hundred others, high
and dry, the tide being out, Capt. Jones flattered himself with
the hope of signally revenging the depredations that the
enemy had so freely committed on the American coast.
But, by this time, the alarm was effectually given, and the
entire population appeared on the adjacent high ground, or
were seen rushing in numbers towards the shipping. The
latter were easily driven back by a show of force, and re-
maining a sufficient time, as he thought, to make sure of an
extensive conflagration, Capt. Jones took to his boats and
pulled towards his ship. Some guns were fired on the re-
tiring boats without effect ; but the people of the place suc-
ceeded in extinguishing the flames before the mischief be-
came very extensive. v •, '

The hardihood and character of this attempt produced a
great alarm along the whole English coast, and from that
hour, even to this, the name of Jones is associated, in the
minds of the people of Whitehaven, with audacity, destruc-
tion, and danger.

While cruising, with the utmost hardihood, as it might be
in the very heart of the British waters, with the coasts of
the three kingdoms frequently in view at the same moment,
Capt. Jones, who was a native of the country, decided to
make an attempt to seize the Earl of Selkirk, who had a seat

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164

If AVAL HISTOJRT.

on St. Mary's Isle, near the point \rhere the Dee flows into
the channel. A party landed, and got possession of the 1. ouse,
but its master was absent. The officer in command oi the
boats so far forgot himself as to bring away a quantity of
the family plate, although no other injury was done, or any
insult oflered. This plate, the value of which did not exceed
a hundred pounds, was subsequently purchased of the crew
by Capt. Jones, and returned to Lady Selkirk, with a letter
expressive of his regrets at the occurrence.

After the landing mentioned, the Rangeronce more steered
% towards Ireland, Capt. Jones still kc;:ping in view his design
on the Drake, and arrived off Carrickfergus again, on the
24th. The commander of the latter ship sent out an officer, in
one of his boats, to ascertain the character of the stranger.
^ By means of skilful handling, the Ranger was kept end-on
to the boat, and as the officer in charge of the latter could
merely see the ship's stern, although provided with a glass,
he suffered himself to be decoyed alongside, and was taken.
From the prisoners, Capt. Jones iearned that intelligence of
his descents on Whitehaven and St. Mary's Isle had reached
Belfast, and that the people of the Drake had weighed the
anchor he had lost in his attempt on that ship. ' ;

Under these circumstances, Capt. Jones believed that the
commander of the Drake would not long defer coming out
in search of his boat; an expectation that was shortly real-
ized, by the appearance of the English ship under way.
The Ranger now filled and stood off the land, with a view
to draw her enemy more into the channel, and there lay to,
in waiting for the latter to come on. Several small vessels
accompanied the Drake, to witness the combat, and many
volunteers had gone on board her, to assist in capturing the
American privateer, as it was the fashion of the day to
term the vessels of the young republic. The tide being un-
favourable, the Drake worked out of the roads slowly, and
night was approaching before she drew near the Ranger.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

1 1,

IP'

The Drake, as she got nigher, hailed, and received the
name of her antagonist, by way of challenge, with a request
to come on. As the two ships were standing on in this
manner, the Drake a little to leeward and astern, the Ran*
ger put her helm up, a manceuvre that the enemy imitated,
and the former gave the first broadside, firing as her guns
bore. The wind admitted of but few changes, but the battle
was fought running free, under easy canvass. It lasted nn
hour and four minutes, when the Drake called for quarter,
her ensign being already down.

The English ship was much cut up, both in her hull and
aloft, and Captain Jones computed her loss at about forty
men. Her captain and lieutenant were both desperately
wounded, and died shortly after the engagement. The
Ranger suffered much less, having Lieut. Wallingford and
one man killed, and six wounded. The Drake was not only
a heavier ship, but she had a much stronger crew than her
antagonist. She had also two guns the most.

After securing her prize and repairing damages, the Ran«
ger went round the north of Ireland, and shaped her course
for Brest. She had several chases, but arrived safely at her
port, with the Drake, on the 8th of May.

Whatever may be thought of the conduct of Capt. Jones,
in turning a local knowledge acquired in his youth, in the
manner mentioned, to such an account, there can be no
doubt that the course pursued by the enemy on the Ameri-
can coast, would have fully justified the act in any other
officer in the service; and it is due to Capt. Jones, to say,
that he bad, personally, been so much vilified by the British
press, as quite naturally to have weakened any remains of
national attachment that he may formerly have entertained.
The natives of Great Britain, that served on the American
side, in this great contest, were not essentially in a position
different from that of those who had been born in the colo-
nies. The war, in one sense, was a civil war, and the con-

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166

NAVAL HISTORY.

duct of all who took part in it, was to be measured by the
merits of the main question. The Englishman actually es-
tablished in the colonies, when the struggle commenced,
was essentially in the situation of the native; and if the latter
had a moral right to resist the encroachments of the British
Parliament, it was a right that extended to the former,
since it was not a question of birth place that was ai issue,
but one of local and territorial interests. By transferring
himseli* to England, the native of America would have
avoided the injuries, and shared in the advantages of the
ofiensive policy; and by transferring himself to America,
the native of England became the subject of its wrongs.
Both steps were legal, and it follows as a legitimate conse-
quence of such premises, that all the moral as well as legal
rights dependent on their exercise were carried with them.
Mr. Silas Talbot, of Rhode Island, who had been a
seaman in his youth, had taken service in the army, and
October 10th, 1777, he had been raised to the rank of a
Major, to reward him for a spirited attempt to set fire to
one of the enemy's cruisers in the Hudson. In the autumn
of the present year, (1778) Major Talbot headed another
expedition against the British schooner Pigot, 8, then lying
in the eastern passage between Rhode Island and the main
land, in a small sloop that had two light guns, and which
was manned by 60 volunteers. Major Talbot carried the
schooner without loss, and for his conduct and gallantry
was promoted to be a Lieut. Colonel. The Pigot had 45
men, and one heavy gun in her bows, besides the rest of her
armament. The following year this officer was transferred
to the navy, Congress passing an especial resolution to that
eflfect, with directions to the marine committee to give him
a ship on the first occasion. It does not appear, however,
that it was in the power of the committee, to appoint CapL
Talbot to a government vessel, at that period of the war,
and he is believed to have served, subsequently, in a private

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If AVAL HISTORY.

107

armed ship. The commander of the Pigot showed groat
bravery, actually fighting alone on deck, in his shirt, when
every man of his crew had run below.

It has already been intimated, that the appearance of a
French fleet, in July, 1778, off Newport, materially changed
the character of the war, so far as the American marine
was concerned. On this occasion, the enemy destroyed
the following ships at, or near Newport, to prevent their
falling into the hands of the French, viz : the Juno, 32 ; Or-
pheus, 32; Cerberus, 32; Lark, 32; Flora, 32; and Fal-
con, 18.

It will give some idea of the condition of the American
marine at that time, if we state that a month previously to
the arrival of the French, the following vessels were lying
at Boston. They appear to have composed most of the
disposable naval force of the United States, in the American
seas, viz: Warren, 32, Capt. John Hopkins; Raleigh, 32,
Capt. Thompson; Deane, (afterwards Hague,) 32, Capt. S.
Nicholson; Tyrannicide, 14, colony cruiser, Capt. Harding;
Independence, 14, Capt. Hazard; Sampson, 20; Hancock,
20, (formerly Weymouth, a packet:) and Speedwell, 10.
The four last were colony cruisers, or privateers. Of this
force, Capt. Thompson was the senior officer. Several
private armed ships were cruising off the eastern coast, at
the same time, among which was the Mars, 24, Capt.
Truxtun. ■ ;,> :'■■ .. ..: ^-,!-''' ■ '^.>.-./ --_.,: >

It has been said that many officers of the navy, previ-
ously to the period of the war at which we have now
arrived, had been compelled to seek service in thie priva-
teers, for want of more regular employment, and among
others was Capt. Daniel Waters. While in command of
the private armed ship Thorn, 16, out of Boston, Capt. Wa-
ters engaged the letter of marque. Governor Tryon, 16,
Capt. Stebbins, and the Sir William Erskine, 18, Capt.
Hamilton, both full manned. After a sharp action of two
hours, the Tryon struck, and the Erskine made sail to es-

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NAVAL HISTOnr.

I r

cape. Instead of stopping to take possession of his prize,
Capt. Waters pursued the Erskine, and getting along side,
compelled her to surrender also. Throwing a crew on
hoard this ship, the two vessels now went in quest of the
Tryon, which had profited by the situation of the Thorn, to
endeavour to escape. Favoured by the night, this vessel
succeeded in getting oH) and the next day the Erskine was
sent into port. The Thorn had now but 60 men left, and
in a few days, she fell in with the Sparlin, 18, with 07 men,
which she succeeded in taking after a fight of near an hour.
The Thorn, and both her prizes, arrived safely in Boston.

In consequence of the investigation connected with the
loss of the Alfred, or, at the time that Capt. Thompson
was relieved from the command of the Raleigh 32, that
ship was given to Capt. Barry. Under the orders of this
new commander, the Raleigh sailed from Boston on the
25th of September, at six in the morning, having a brig and
a sloop under convoy. Tho wind was fresh at N. W., and
the frigate run olf N. E. At twelve, two strange sail were
seen to leeward, distant fifteen or sixteen miles. Orders
were given to the convoy to haul nearer to the wind, and
to crowd all the sail it could carry, tho strangers in chase.
After dark the Raleigh lost sight of the enemy, as by this
time the two ships were ascertained to be, and the wind
became light and variable. The Raleigh now cleared for
action, and kept her people at quarters all night, having
tacked towards the land. In the morning it proved to be
hazy, and the strangers were not to be seen. The Raleigh
was still standing towards the land, which she shortly after
made ahead, quite near. • About noon, the haze clearing
away, the enemy were seen in the southern board, and to
windward, crowding sail in chase. The weather became
thick again, and the Raleigh lost sight of her two pursuers,
when she hauled off to the eastward. That night no more
was seei) of the enemy, and at day light Capt. Barry took

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NAVAL HISTORY.

169

is,
re

in every thing, with a view to conceal the position of the
ship, which was permitted to drift under bare poles. Find-
ing nothing visible at 0, A. M., the Raleigh crowded sail
once more, and stood S. £. by S. But at half past 1), the
two ships were again discovered astern, and in chase.
The Raleigh now hauled close upon a wind, heading N. W.,
with her larboard tacks aboard. The enemy also came to
the wind, all three vessels carrying '^ard with a staggering
breeze. The Raleigh now fairly outsailed the strangers,
running 11 knots 2 fathoms, on a dragged bowline.

Unfortunately, at noon the wind model ated, when the
leading vessel of the enemy overhauled the Raleigh quite
fast, and even the ship astern held way with her. At 4, P.
M., the Raleigh tacked to the westward, with a view to dis-
cover the force of the leading vessel of the enemy, and,
about the same time she made several low islands, the
names of which were not known. At 5, P. M., the leading-
vessel of the enemy having nearly closed, the Raleigh edged
away and crossed her fore foot, brailing her mizzen, and
taking in her staysails. The enemy showed a battery of 14
guns of a side, including both decks, and set St. George's
ensign. In passing, the Raleigh delivered her broadside,
which was returned, when the stranger came up under the
lee quarter of the former, and the action became steady and
general. At the second fire, the Raleigh unfortunately lost
her fore-top-mast, and mizzen-top-gallant mast, which gave
the enemy a vast advantage in manoeuvring throughout the
remainder of the affair. Finding the broadside of the Ra-
leigh getting to be too hot for him, notwithstanding, the
enemy soon shot ahead, and, for a short time, while the peo-
ple of the former ship were clearing the wreck, he engaged
to windward, and at a distance. Ere long, however, the Eng-
lish vessel edged away and attempted to rake the Raleigh,
when Capt. Barry bore up, and bringing the ships along
side each other, he endeavoured to board, a step that the

Vol. I.— 15

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Other, favoured by all hia canvass, and his superiority of sail'
ing in a light breeze, easily avoided. By this time, the second
ship had got so near as to render it certain she would very
soon close, and, escape by flight being out of the question
in the crippled condition of the frigate, Capt. Barry called
a council of his officers. It was determined to make an
attempt to run the ship ashore, the land being within a few
miles of them. The Raleigh accordingly wore round, and
stood for the islands already mentioned, her antagonist
sticking to her in the most gallant manner, both ships main-
taining the action with spirit. About midnight, however,
the enemy hauled ofT, and left the Raleigh to pursue her
course towards the land. The engagement had lasted
seven hours, much of the time in close action, and both
vessels had suffered materially, the Raleigh, in particular,
in her spars, rigging and sails. The darkness, soon after,
concealing his ship, Capt. Barry had some hopes of getting
ofT among the islands, and was in the act of bending new
sails, for that purpose, when the enemy's vessels again came
in sight, closing fast. The Raleigh immediately opened a
brisk fire from four stern guns, and every human effort was
made to force the ship towards the land. The enemy, how-
ever, easily closed again, and opened a heavy fire, which
was returned by the Raleigh until she grounded, when the
largest of the enemy's ships immediately hauled off, to avoid
a similar calamity, and, gaining a safe distance, both vessels
continued their fire, from positions they had taken on the
Raleigh's quarter. Capt. Barry finding that the island was
rocky, and that it might be defended, determined to land,
and to burn his ship; a project that was rendered practica-
ble by the fact that the enemy had ceased firing, and an-
chored at the distance of about a mile. A large party of
men landed, and the boats were about to return for the re-
mainder, when it was discovered that, by the treachery of
a petty officer, the ship had surrendered.

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The officers and men on the island escaped, but the ship
was got off, and placed in the British navy. The two ships
that took the Raleigh were the Experiment, 50, Capt. WaU
lace, and the Unicorn, 22. The latter mounted 28 guns, and
was the ship that engaged the Ruleigh so closely, so long,
and so obstinately. She was much cut up, losing her masts
after the action, and had 10 men killed, besides many wound-
ed. The Americans had 25 men killed and wounded in the
course of the whole affair.

Capt. Barry gained great credit for his gallantry on this
occasion. He escaped to the main, with a considerable
portion of his crew, though not without great suffering, and
a new ship was given to him on the first opportunity.

Thus terminated the year 1778, so far as it was connect-
ed with the services of the regular marine, though like all
that had preceded, or which followed it, in this war, it gave
rise to many handsome exploits among the colony cruisers
and privateers, some of which we may have occasion to
mention in a separate chapter, that will be devoted to that
branch of the subject.

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CHAPTER IX.

The year 1779 opens with the departure of the Alliance,
32, for France. It has already been stated that the com-
mand of this ship had been given to a Capt. Landais, who
was said to be a French officer of gallantry and merit.
Unfortunately thu prejudices of the seamen did not an-
swer to the complaisance of the marine committee in this
respect, and it was found difficult to obtain a crew willing
to enlist under a French captain. When General Lafayette,
after a detention of several months on the road, in conse-
quence of severe illness, reached Boston near the close of
1778, in order to embark in the Alliance, it was found that
the frigate was not yet manned. Desirous of rendering
themselves useful to their illustrious guest, the government
of Massachusetts offered to complete the ship's comple-
ment by impressment, an expedient that had been adopted
on more than one occasion during the war ; but the just-
minded and benevolent Lafayette would not consent to the
measure. Anxious to sail, however, for he was intrusted
with important interests, recourse was had to a plan to man
the ship, which, if less objectionable on the score of prin-
ciple, was scarcely less objectionable in every other point
of view.

The Somerset, 64, had been wrecked on the coast of
New-England, and part of her crew had found their way
to Boston. By accepting the proffered services of these

ITAVAL HISTORY.

173

men, those of some volunteers from among the prisoners,
and those of a few French seamen that were also found in
Boston after the departure of their fleet, a motley number
was raised in sufficient time to enable the ship to sail on the
11th of January. With this incomplete and mixed crew,
Lafayette trusted himself on the ocean, and the result was
near justifying the worst forebodings that so ill-advised a
measure could have suggested.

After a tempestuous passage, the Alliance got within two
days' run of the English coast, when her officers and pas-
sengers, of whom there were many besides Gen. Lafayette
and his suite, received the startling information that a con-
spiracy existed among the English portion of the crew,
some seventy or eighty men in all, to kill the officers,
seize the vessel, and carry the latter into England. With a
view to encourage such acts of mutiny, the British Parlia-
ment had passed a law to reward all those crews that should
run away with American ships; and this temptation was too
strong for men whose service, however voluntary it might
be in appearances, was probably reluctant, and which had
been compelled by circumstances, if not by direct coercion.
1 The intentions of the mutineers appear to have been of
the most ruthless and blood-thirsty character. By the ori-
ginal plan, the cry of " Sail-ho !" was to be raised about
day-light on the morning of the 2d of February, when, as it
was known that the officers and passengers would imme-
diately appear on the quarter-deck, the attempt was to com-
mence by seizing them in a body. The mutineers were di-
vided into four parties, of which one was to get possession
of the magazine, the second of the wardroom, the third of
the cabin, and the fourth of the upper-deck aft. In the event
of resistance by the officers at the latter point, the four nine-
pound guns on the forecastle were to be pointed aft, and to
sweep the quarter-deck. • With this view, a gunner's mate,
who was a rinsleadcr,

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KAVAL HISTORY.

of cannister-shot. Some fire-arms had also been secretly
obtained by a sergeant of marines, Tvho belonged to the
mutiny. .,.:-• ..^v::- >:\: /^ -s ^■< v'^'-'- '-'■/■'■ -.v>

On the night of the 1st of February, the execution of this
plot was postponed until four o'clock of the afternoon of the
ad, instead of the hour of day-light, as had been previously
arranged. It had been determined to put Capt. Landais,
who was exceedingly oflfensive to the conspirators, into a
boat, without food, water, oars or sails, heavily ironed, and
to turn him loose on the ocean. The gunner, carpenter, and
boatswain were to have been killed on the spot. The marine
officer and surgeon were to have been hanged, quartered,
and their bodies cast into the sea. The sailing-master was
to have been seized up to the mizzen-mast, scarified, cut into
morsels and thrown overboard. To each of the lieutenants
was to have been offered the option of navigating the ship
into the nearest British port, or of walking a plank. The
passengers were to have been confined, and given up as
prisoners, in England. With these fell intentions in their
hearts, the conspirators fortunately decided to defer the
execution of their plot until the hour last named. ?

Among the r.rew of the Alliance, was a seaman of more
than usual knowledge of his calling, and of great decency
of exterior. By his accent, this man, though regularly en-
tered as a volunteer and an American, was supposed to be
an Irishman, and the mutineers were desirous of obtain-
ing his assistance, under the impression that he might di-
rect them, and take sufficient charge of the ship to prevent
the lieutenants from deceiving them as to their position,
should the latter consent to navigate her into England. To
this person, then, in the course of the morning of the very day
set for the execution of their murderous plan, the mutineers
revealed their conspiracy, and invited him to take a conspi-
cuous part in it. The seaman was in fact an American,
who bad lived a long time in Ireland, where he had acquired

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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the accent of the nation, but where he had lost none of the
feelings of country and kindred. Affecting to listen to the
proposition with favour, he got most of their secrets out of
the mutineers, using the utmost prudence and judgment in
all his proceedings. It was near three o'clock in the after-
noon, before this new ringleader could manage to get into
the cabin unseen, where he made Capt. Landais and Gen.
Lafayette acquainted with all he knew. Not a moment was
to be lost. The officers and other passengers were apprised
of what was going on, such men as could certainly be relied
on were put on their guard, and a few minutes before the
time set for the signal to be given, the gentlemen rushed in
a body on deck, with drawn swords, where the American
and French seamen joined them, armed. The leading mu-
tineers were instantly seized. Between thirty and forty of
the English were put in irons, it being thought impolitic to
arrest any more, for at this inopportune moment a large
vessel hove in sight, and was soon made out to be an ene-
my's twenty gun ship.

As is usual in such cases, some of the ringleaders betray-
ed their companions, on a promise of pardon, when all the
previous arrangements were revealed. Believing the mo-
ment unfavourable to engage even rn inferior force, Capt.
Landais, after a little manoeuvring, | ermittcd the ship in
sight to escape. On the 6th of Febriaiy, the Alliance ar-
rived safely at Brest.

This is the only instance tha' I as ever tru/.;pired, of a
plan to make a serious mutiny, under the flag of the United
States of America.* A few cases of momentary revolts have
occurred, which principally arose from a defective mode of
enlistments, and in all of which the authority of the officers
has prevailed, after short and insignificant conte'sts. It may

• English prisoners who had enlisted in the nav/, were frequently
troublesome, but no other direct mutiny was plotted.

.•4'v

176

NAVAL HISTORY.

be added, as a just source of national pride, that, in nearly
every emergency, whether on board ships of war, or on
board of merchant vessels, the native American has been
found true to the obligations of society; and it is a singular
proof of his disposition to submit to legal authority, however
oppressive or unjust may be its operation in his particular
case, that in many known instances in which English sea-
men have revolted against their own officers, and in their
own navy, the impressed and injured American has prefer-
red order, and submission to even the implied obligations of
a compelled service, to rushing into the dangers of revolt
and disobedience. In opposition to this respectable charac-
teristic, may be put in high relief, the well ascertained fact,
that when left in captured vessels, or placed in situations
where the usages of mankind tolerafe resistance, these very
men have required as vigilant watching as any others,
it being probable that more American ships have been re-
taken from their prize crews by American seamen left on
board them, within the last sixty years, than have been re-
taken by the seamen of all the remaining captured vessels
of Christendom. Quiet, prudent, observing, hardy, and bold,
the American seaman is usually ready to listen to reason,
and to defer to the right; traits that make him perhaps the
most orderly and submissive of all mariners, when properly
and legally commanded, and the most dangerous when an
occasion arises for him to show his promptitude, intelligence,
and spirit.

On reaching Brest, the mutineers were placed in a French
gaol, and, after some delay, were exchanged as prisoners
of war, without any other punishment ; the noble minded
Lafayette, in particular, feeling averse to treating foreigners
as it would have been a duty to treat natives under the cir-
cumstances.

We shall next revert to the more regular warfare of the
period at which we have now arrived. .,

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NAVAL HISTORY.

177

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One of the first nautical engagements of the year 1779,
occurred to the Hampden, 22, a ship that sailed out of Mas-
sachusetts, though it is believed on private account. The
Hampden was i^ruising in the Atlantic, lat. 4?°, long. 28°,
when she made a strange sail to windward. A small armed
schooner was in company with the Hampden, and a signal
was made by tha latter, for the former to join. Night com-
ing on, however, the two vessels separated, when the Hamp-
den stood towards the stranger alone. At day-light, the
American and the Englishman were a long gun-shot apart,
when the former crowded sail, and at seven in the morning,
drawing up under the lee quarter of the chase, gave him a
broadside. Until this moment, the stranger had kept all his
guns housed, but he now showed thirteen of a side, and de-
livered his fire. It was soon perceived on board the Hamp-
den that they were engaged with a heavy ship, and one of
a force altogether superior to their own. Still, hoping that
she might be badly manned, and receiving no material dam-
age at the commencement of the fight, the commander of
the Hampden determined to continue the action. A hot
engagement followed, which lasted three hours, within pistol
shot, when the Hampden v. as compelled to haul off, being
in momentary danger of losing her masts. The American
lost a Capt. Pickering killed, — but whether he was a marine
officer, or her commander, does not appear, — and had twenty
men killed and wounded. The Indiaman was much injured
also, though her loss was never ascertained. This was
one of the most closely contested actions of the war, both
sides appearing to have fought with perseverance and gal-
lantry.

On the 18th of April, the U. S. ships Warren, 32, Capt. J.
B. Hopkins, Queen of France, 28, Capt. Olney, and Ranger,
18, Captain Simpson, sailed from Boston, on a cruise in
company ; Capt. Hopkins being the senior officer. When a

;se vessels captured a British priva-

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teer of 14 guns, from the people of which they ascertained
that a small fleet of armed transports and store-ships had
just sailed from New-York, bound to Georgia, with supplies
for the enemy's forces in that quarter. The three cruisers
crowded sail in chase, and off Cape Henry, late in the day,
they had the good fortune to come up with nine sail, seven
of which they captured, with a trifling resistance. Favoured
by the darkness, the two others escaped. The vessels taken
proved to be, his Britannic Majesty's ship Jason, 20, with a
crew of 150 men ; the Maria armed ship, of 16 guns, and 84
men; and the privateer schooner Hiberni:i, 8, with a crew
of 45 men. The Maria had a full cargo of flour. In addi-
tion to these vessels, the brigs Patriot, Prince Frederick,
Bachelor John, and schooner Chance, all laden with stores,
fell into the hands of the Americans. Among the prisoners
were twenty-four British officers, who were on their way
to join their regiments at the south.*

The command of the Queen of France was now given to
Capt. Rathburne, when that ship sailed on another cruise in
company with the Ranger, and the Providence, 28, Capt.
Whipple ; the latter being the senior officer. In July, this
squadron fell in with a large fleet of English merchantmen,
that was convoyed by a ship of the line, and some smaller
cruisers, and succeeded in cutting out several valuable
prizes, of which eight arrived at Boston, their estimated
value exceeding a million of dollars. In the way of pecu-
niary benefits, this was the most successful cruise made in
the war.

Capt. Manl\ vas ^ .inpelled to seek service in a? privateer
called the Cumberland, owinrr 'o the want of ships in the
navy. In thi v essel he was captured by the Pomona fri-
gate, and, obtaining his exchange, he went on a cruise in

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• A Col. Campbell was the highest in rank, and if this v/ere the officer
•iL, ' of the same name and rank taken off Boston, in 1776, he was twice made
a prisoner on board transports, during thia war,

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NAVAL HISTORY.

179

the Jason private armed ship, in which vessel, in July of
the present year, he was attacked by two of the enemy's
privateers, one of 18, and the other of 10 guns, when, run-
ning boldly between them, the Jason poured in her fire,
larboard and starboard, with so much effect, that both sur-
rendered.

Quitting the American seas, we will once more return to
the other hemisphere.

. Paul Jones had obtained so much celebrity for his cruise
in the Ranger, that he remained in France, after the de-
parture of his ship for America, in the hope of receiv-
ing a more important command, the inducement, indeed,
which had originally brought him to Europe. Many dif-
ferent projects to this effect had been entertained and aban-
doned, during the years 1778 and 1779, by one of which a
descent was to have been made on Liverpool, with a body
of troops commanded by Lafayette. All of these plans, how-
ever, produced no results, and after many vexatious repulses
in his applications for service, an arrangement was finally
made to give this celebrated officer employment that was
as singular in its outlines, as it proved to be inconvonicnt,
not to say impracticable, in execution. , --, ,^

By a letter from M. de Sartine, the minister of the ma-
rine, dated February 4th, 1779, it appears that the King of
France had consented to purchase and put at the disposi-
tion of Capt. Jones, the Duras, an old Indiaman of some
size, then lying at I'Oricnt. To this vessel were added
three "nore that were procured by means of M. le Ray de
Chaumontj a banker of eminence connected with the
court, and who acted on the occasion, under the orders of
the French ministry. Dr. Franklin, who, as minister of the
United States, was supposed, in a legal sense, to direct the
whole affair, added the Alliance, 32, in virtue of the au-
thority that he held from Congress. The vessels that were
thus chosen, formed a little squadron, composed of the Du-

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NAVAL HISTORY.

ras, Alliance, Pallas, Cerf, and Vengeance. The Pallas
was a merchantman bought for the occasion; the Ven-
geance a small brig that had also been purchased expressly
for the expedition; the Cerf was a fine large cutter, and,
with the exception of the Alliance, the only vessel of the
squadron fitted for war. All the ships but the Alliance were
French built, and they were placed under the American flag,
by the following arrangement.

The officers received appointments, which were to re-
main valid for a limited period only, from Dr. Franklin,
who had held blank commissions to be filled up at his own
discretion, ever since his arrival in Europe, v hile the ves-
sels were to show the American ensign, and tk other. In
short, the French ships were to be considered as Ameri-
can ships, during this particular service, and when it was
terminated, they were to revert to their former owners.
The laws and provisions of the American navy were to
govern, and command was to be exercised, and to descend,
agreeably to its usages. Such officers as already had rank
in the American service, were to take precedence of course,
agreeably to the dates of their respective commissions,
while the new appointments were to be regulated by the
new dates. By an especial provision, however, Capt. Jones
was to be commander-in-chief, a post he would have been
entitled to fill by his original commission, Capt. Landais of
the Alliance, the only other regular captain in the squadron,
being his junior. The joint right of the American minister
and of the French government, to instruct the commodore,
and to direct the movements of the squadron^was also
recognised. ^ • : ■

.V From what source the money was actually obtained by
which this squadron was fitted out, is not exactly known,
nor is it now probable that it will ever be accurately ascer-
tained. Although the name of the king was used, it is not
impossible that private adventure was at the bottom of the

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enterprise, though it seems certain that the government >vas
so far concerned as to procure the vessels, and to a certain
extent to use its stores. Dr. Franklin expressly states, that
he made no advances for any of the ships employed.

As every thing connected with this remarkable enterprise
has interest, we shall endeavour to give the reader a better
idea of the materials, physical and moral, that composed the
force of Commodore Jones, in his memorable cruise.

After many more vexatious delays, the Duras, her name
having been changed to that of the Bon Homme Richard,
in compliment to Dr. Franklin, was eventually equipped
and manned. Directions had been given to cast the proper
number of eighteen pounders, but, it being ascertained that
there would not be time to complete this order, some old
twelves were procured in their place. With this material
change in the armament, the Richard, as she was familiarly
called by the seamen, got ready for sea. She was, properly,
a single decked ship, or carried her armament on one gun
deck, with the usual additions on the quarter deck and
forecastle; but Commodore Jones, with a view to attacking
some of the larger convoys of the enemy, caused twelve
ports to be cut in the gun room below, where six old
eighteen pounders were mounted, it being the intention
to fight all the guns on one side, in smooth water. The
height of the ship admitted of this arrangement, though
it was foreseen that these guns could not be of much use,
except in very moderate weather, or when engaging to
leeward. On her main, or proper gun deck, the ship had
twenty eight ports, the regular construction of an English
38, agreeably to the oid mode of rating. Here the twelve-
pounders were placed. On the quarter deck, forecastle,
and in the gangways, were mounted eight nines, making in
all a mixed and rather light armament of 42 guns. If the
six eighteens were taken away, the force of the Bon Homme
Richard, so far as her guns were concerned, would have

Vol. I.— 16 . .

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183

If AVAL BISTORT.

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been about equal to that of a 82 gun frigate. The vessel
was clumsily constructed, having been built many years be-
fore, and had one of those high old fashioned poops, that
caMsed the sterns of the ships launched in the eurly part of
tho eightu'onlh ceujwry to resemble towers.

To manage a vessel of this singular armament and doubt-
ful construction, Commodore Jones was compelled to re- f
ceivc on board a crew of a still more equivocal composition.
A few Americans were found to fill the stations of sea offi-
cers, on the quarter dock and forward, but the remainder of
the people were a mixture of English, Irish, Scotch, Portu-
guese, Norwegians, Germans, Spaniards, Swedes, Italians .
and Malays, with occasionally a man from one of the islands.
To keep this motley crew in order, one hundred and thirty-
five soldiers were put on board, under the command of some
officers of inferior rank. These soldiers, or marines, were
recruited at random, and were not much less singularly
m'xed, as to countries, than the regular crew.

As the squadron was about to sail, M. Le Ray appeared
at I'Ori nc, and presented an agreement, or concordat as it
^van termed, for the signature of all the commanders. To .
this singular compact, which, in some respects, reduced a
naval expedition to the level of a partnership. Commodore
Jones ascribed much of the disobedience among his cap-
tains, of which he subsequently complained. It will be found
in the appendix.*

On the 10th of June 1779, the ships sailed from the an-
chorage under the Isle of Groix, off TOrient, bound to the
southward, with i few transports and coasters under their
convoy. The transports and coasters were seen into their
several places of destination, in the Garonne» Loire, and
other ports, but not without the commencement of that course
of disobedience of orders, unseaman-like conduct, and ne-

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gleet, which so signally marked the whole career of this ill
assorted force. While lying to, off the coast, the Alliance,
by palpable mismanagement, got foul of the Richard, and
lost her mizzen mast; carrying away, at the same time, the
head, cut-water, and jib-boom of the |(itter. It now be-
came necessary to return to port to refit.

While steering northerly again, the Cerf cutter was sent
in chase of a strange sail, an' parted company. The next
morning she engaged a si . English cruiser of 14 guns,
and after a sharp conflict 'no,'^ than an hour, obliged
her to strike, but was corr lo abandon her prize in

consequence of the appearance ot a vessel of superior force.
The Cerf, with a loss of several men killed and wounded,
now made the best of her way to TOrient.

On the 22nd, three enemy's vessels of war came in sight
of the squadron, and, having the wind, they ran down in a
line abreast, when, most probably deceived by the height
and general appearance of the Richard, they hauled up, and,
by carrying a press of sail, escaped.

On th*^ 30th, the Alliance and Pallas parted company with
the Richard, leaving that ship with no other consort than the
Vengeance brig. On reaching the Penmarks, the desig-
nated rendezvous, the missing vessels did not appear. On
the 29th, the Vengeance having made the best of her way
for the roads of Groix by permission, the Richard fell in
with two more of the enemy's cruisers, which, after some
indications of an intention to come down, also ran, no doubt
under the impression that the American frigate was a ship
of two decks. On this occasion Commodore Jones ex-
pressed himself satisfied with the spirit of his crew, the
people manifesting a strong wish to engage. On the last of
the month, the Richard returned to the roads from which
she had sailed, and anchored. The Alliance and Pallas
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Another delay occurred. A court was convened to in-
quire into the conduct of Capt. Landais of the Alliance, and
of other officers, in running foul of the Richard, and both
ships underwent repairs. Luckily a cartel arrived from
England, at this impment, bringing with her more than a
hundred exchanged American seamen, most of whom join-
ed the squadron. This proved to be a great and important
accession to the composition of the crew of not only the
Richard, but. to that of the Alliance, the latter ship having
been but little better off than the former in this particular.
Among those who came from the English prisons, was Mr.
Richard Dale, who had been taken as a master's mate, in
the Lexington, 14. This young officer did not reach France
in the cartel, however, but escaped from Mill prison earlier,
and joined the Richard. Commodore Jones had now be-
come sensible of his merit, and in reorganising his crew, he
had him promoted, and rated him as his first lieutenant.
The Richard had now nearly a hundred Americans in her,
and, with the exception of the commodore himself and one
midshipman, all her quarter-deck sea-oificers were of the
number. Many of the petty officers too, were of this class.
In a letter written August the 11th, Commodore Jones
states the crew of the Richard, all told, at 380 souls, inclu-
ding 137 marines, or soldiers.

On the 14th of August, 1779, the squadron sailed a second
time from the roads of Groix, having the French privateers
Monsieur and Granville in company, and under the orders
of Commodore Jones. On the 18th a valuable prize was
taken, and some difficulties arising with the commander of
the Monsieur in consequence, the latter parted company in
the night of the 19th. This was a serious loss in the way
of forcd, that ship having mounted no less than forty guns.
•A prize was also taken on the 2l8t. On the 23d, the ships
were off Cape Clear, and, while towing the Richard's
head round in a calm, the crew of a boat manned by £n-

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HAVAL HISTORY.

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gtishmen, cut the tow-line, and escaped. Mr. Cutting Lunt,
the sailing master of the ship, manned another boat, and
taking with him four soldiers, he pursued the fugitives. A
fog coming oq» the latter boat was not able to find the ships
again, and her people fell into the haiMs of the enemy.
Through this desertion and its immediate consequences, the
Richard lost twenty of her best men.

The day after the escape of the boat, the Cerf was sfsnt
close in to reconnoitre, and to look for the missing people,
and owing to some circumstance that has never been ex-
plained, but which does not appear to have left any re-
proach upon her commander, this vessel never rejoined the
squadron.

A gale of wind followed, during which the Alliance and
Pallas separated, and the Granville parted company with a
prize, according to orders. The separation of the Pallas is
explained by the fact that she had broken her tiller; but that
of the Alliance can only be imputed to the unofficerlike, as
well as unseamanlike, conduct of her commander. On the
morning of the 27th, the brig Vengeance was the only ves-
sel in company with the commodore.

On the morning of the 31st of August, the Bon Homme
Richard, being off Cape Wrath, captured a large letter of
marque bound from London to Quebec, a circumstance that
proves the expedients to which the English ship-masters
were then driven to avoid capture, this vessel having ac-
tually gone north-about to escape the cruisers on the beaten
track. While in chase of the letter of marque, the Alliance
hove in sight, having another London ship, a Jamaica-man,
in company as a prize.

Capt. Lahdais, of the Alliance, an officer, who, as it has
since been ascertained, had been obliged to quit the French
navy on account of a singularly unfortunate tamper, now
began to exhibit a disorganizing and mutinous spirit, pre-
tending that as his ship was the only real American vessel

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VAVAL HISTORt.

in the squadron, he was superior to the orders of the com-
modore, and that he would do as he pleased with that
frigate. i

In the afternoon a strange sail was milde, and the Richard
showed the Alliance's number, with an order to chase. In<
stead of obeying this signal, Capt. Landais wore and laid
the head of his ship in a direction opposite to that necessary
to execute the order! Several other signals were disobeyed
in an equally contemptuous manner, and the control of
Com. Jones over the movements of this vessel, which, on
the whole, ought to have been the most efficient in the
squadron, may be said to have ceased.

Com. Jones now shaped his course for the second rendez-
vous he had appointed, in the hope of meeting the missing
ships. On the 2d of September, the Pfillas rejoined, having
captured nothing. Between this date and the 13th of Sep-
tember, the squadron continued its course round Scotland,
the ships separating and rejoining constantly, and Capt.
Landais assuming powers over the prizes, as well as over
his own vessel, that were altogether opposed to discipline
and to the usages of every regular marine. On the last day
named, the Cheviot Hills were visible.

Understanding that a twenty gun ship with two or three
man-of-war cutters were lying at anchor off Leith, in the
Frith of Forth, Com. Jones now planned a descent on that
town. At this time the Alliance was absent, and the Pallas
and Vengeance having chased to the southward, the ne-
cessity of communicating with those vessels produced a
fatal delay to a project which had been admirably con-
ceived, and which there is re to think might have suc-
ceeded. After joining his twv. ^jbordina^, and giving his
orders. Com. Jones beat into the Frith, and continued work-
ing up towards Leith, until the 17th, when, being just out of
gun shot of the town, the boats were got out and manned.
The troops to be landed were commanded by M. de Cha-

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VAVAL HISTORY.

187

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milliard, while Mr. Dale, of the Richard, was put at the
head of the seamen. The latter had received his orders,
and was just about to go into his boat, when a squall struck
the ships, and was near dismasting the commodore. Finding
himself obliged to fill his sails, Com. Jones endeavoured to
keep the ground he had gained, but the weight of the wind
finally compelled all the vessels to bear up, and a severe
gale succeeding, they were driven into the North Sea, where
one of the prizes foundered.

It is not easy to say what would have been the result of
this dashing enterprize, had the weather permitted the at-
tempt. The audacity of the measure might have insured
a victory; and in the whole design we discover the decision,
high moral courage, and deep enthusiasm of the officer who
conceived it. It was the opinion of Mr. Dale, a man of
singular modesty, great simplicity of character, and pru-
dence, that success would have rewarded the effort.

Abandoning this bold project with reluctance. Com. Jones
appears to have meditated another still more daring ; but his
colleagues, as he bitterly styled his captains in one of his
letters, refused to join in it It is worthy of remark, that
when Com. Jones laid this second scheme, which has never
been explained, before the young sea-officers of his own
ship, they announced their readiness as one man to second
him, heart and hand. The enterprize was dropped, however,
in consequence of the objections of Capt. Cottineau, of the
Pallas, in particular, an officer for vvhose judgment the
commodore appears to have entertained much respect.

The Pallas and Vengeance even left the Richard, proba-
bly with a view to prevent the attempt to execute this name-
less scheme, aiHllhe commodore was compelled to follow
his captains to the southward, or to lose them altogether.
Off Whitby the ships last named joined again, and on the 21st,
the Richard chased a collier ashore between Flamborough
Head and the Spurn. The next day the Richard appeared

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WAVAL HISTORY.

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in the mouth of the Humber, with the Vengeance in com-
pany, apd several vessels were talien or destroyed. Pilots
were enticed on board, and a knowledge of the state of
things in-shore was obtained. It appeared that the whole
coast was alarmed, and that many persons were actually
burying their plate. Some twelve or thirteen vessels in all
had now been taken by the squadron, and quite as many
more destroyed ; and coupling these facts with the appear-
ance of the ships on the coast and in the Frith, rumour had
swelled the whole into one of its usual terrific tales. Per-
haps no vessels of war had ever before excited so much
local alarm on the coast of Great Britain.

Under the circumstances, Com. Jones did not think it
prudent to remain so close in with the land, and he stood
out towards Flamborough Head. Here two large sail were
made, which next day proved to be the Alliance and the
Pallas. This was on the 23d of September, and brings us
down to the most memorable event in this extraordinary
cruise.

The wind was light at the southward, the water smooth,
and many vessels were in sight steering in different direc-
tions. About noon, his original squadron, with the excep-
tion of the Cerf and the two privateers, being all in com-
pany. Com. Jones manned one of the pilot boats he had de-
tained, and sent her in chase of a brig that was lying to, to
windward. On boaid this little vessel were put Mr. Lunt,
the second lieutenant, and fifteen men, all of whom were
out of the ship for the rest of the day. In consequence of
the loss of the two boats off Cape Clear, the absence of this
party in the pilot boat, and the number of men that had been
put in prizes, the Richard was now left 'mm only one sea-
lieutenant, and with but little more than three hundred souls
on board, exclusively of the prisoners. Of the latter, there
were between one and two hundred in the ship.

The pilot boat had hardly left the Bod Homme Richard,

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when the leading ships of a fleet of more than forty sail
were seen stretching out from behind Flamborough Head,
on a bowline, evidently with the intention of turning down
towards the Straits of Dover. From previous intelligence
this fleet was immediately known to contain the Baltic ships*
under the convoy of the Serapis 44, Capt. Richard Pearson,
and a hired ship that had been put into the King's service,
called the Countess of Scarborough. The latter was com-
manded by Capt. Fiercy, and mounted 22 guns. As the
interest of the succeeding details will chiefly centre in the
Serapis and the Richard, we will give a more minute ac-
count of the a .itual force of the former.

At the period of which we are now writing, forty-fours
were usually built on two decks. Such, then, was the con-
struction of this ship, which was new, and had the reputa-
tion of being a fast vessel. On her lov/er gun-deck she
mounted 20 eighteen-pound guns ; on her upper gun-deck,
20 nine-pound guns; and on her quarter-deck and fore-
castle, 10 six-pound guns; makmg an armament of 50 gunr
in the whole. She had a regularly trained man-of-war's
crew of 320 souls, 15 of whom, however, were said to have
been Lascars.

When the squadron made tliis convoy, the men of war
were in-shore astern and to leeward, probably with a view
to keep the merchantmen together. The bailifls of Scarbo-
rough, perceiving the danger into which this little fleet was
running, had sent a boat oflfto the Serapis to apprise her of
the presence of a hostile force, and Capt. Pearson flred two
guns, signalling the leading vessels to come under his lee.
These orders were disregarded, however, the headmost
ships standing ||p^^until they were about a league from
the land. *

Com. Jones having ascertained the character of the fleet
in sight, showed a signal for a general chase, another to
recall the lieutenant in the pilot boat, and crossed royal

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190

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KAYAL HISTORY.

yards on board the Richard. These signs of hostility alarmed
|he nearest English ships, >vhich hurriedly tacked together,
fired alarm guns, let fly their top-gallant sheets, and made
other signals of the danger they were in, while they now
gladly availed themselves of the presence of the ships of
war, to run to leeward, or sought shelter closer in with the
land. The Serapis, on the contrary, signalled the Scarbo-
rough to follow, and hauled boldly out to sea, until she had
got far enough to windward, when she tacked and stood in- ':
shore again, to cover her convoy.

The Alliance being much the fastest vessel of the Ameri-
can squadron, took the lead in the chase, speaking the
Pallas as she passed. It has been proved that Capt. Lan-
dais told the commander of the latter vessel on this occasion,
that if the stranger proved to be a fifty, they had nothing to .
do but to endeavour to escape. His subsequent conduct
fully donfirmed this opinion, for no sooner had he run down
near enough to the two English vessels of war, to ascertain
their force, than he hauled up, and stood off from the land '
again. All this was not only contrary to the regular order
of battle, but contrary to the positive command of Commo-
dore Jones, who had kept the signal to form a line abroad,
which should have brought the Alliance astern of the
Richard, and the Pallas in the van. Just at this time, the
Pallas spoke the Richard and inquired what station she
should take, and was also directed to form the line. But
the extraordinary movements of Capt. Landais appear to
have produced some indecision in the commander of the
Pallas, as he too soon after tacked and stood off from the
land. Capt. Cottineau, however, was a brave man, and
subsequently did his duty in the action, n0d this manoeuvre
has been explained by the Richard's hauling up suddenly
for the land, which induced him to think that her crew had
mutinied and were running away with the ship. Such was
the want of confidence that prevailed in a force so singu-

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101

larly composed, and such >vere the disadvantages under
which this celebrated combat was fought I %

So far, however, from meditating retreat or mutiny, the
people of the Bon Homme Richard had gone cheerfully to
their quarters, although ev^ry man on board was conscious
of the superiority of the force with which they were about
to contend ; and the high unconquerable spirit of the com-
mander appears to have communicated itself to the crew.

It was now getting to be dark, and Commodore Jones was
compelled to follow the movement's of the enemy by the aid
of a night glass. It is pr jbable that the obscurity which
prevailed added to the indecision of the commander of the
Pallas, for from this time until the moon rose, objects at a
distance were distinguished with difficulty, and even after
the moon appeared, with uncertainty. The Richard, how-
ever, stood steadily on, and about half past seven, she came
up with the Serapis, the Scarborough being a short diitance
to leeward. The American ship was to windward, and as
she drew slowly near, Capt. Pearson hailed. The answer
was equivocal, and both ships delivered their entire broad-
sides nearly simultaneously. The water being so smooth,
Com. Jones had relied materially on the eighteens that
were in the gun-room ; but at this discharge two of the
six that were fired bursted, blowing up the deck above, and
killing or wounding a large proportion of the people that
were stationed below. This disaster caused : li ^he heavy
guns to be instantly deserted, for the men had no longer
sufficient confidence in their goodness to use them. It, at
once, reduced the broadside of the Richard to about a third
less than that of her opponent, not to include the disadvan-
tage of the mamMr in which the metal that remained was
distributed amonp light guns. In short, the combat was
now between a- twelve-pounder and an eighteen-pounder
frigate ; a species of contest in which, it has been said, we
know not with what truth, the former has never been

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NAVAL HISTORY.

known to prevail. Com. Jones informs us himself, that air .'\

bis hopes, after this accident, rested on the twelve-pounders

that were under the command of his first lieutenant. •<

The Richard, having backed her topsails, exchanged se-
vera 1 broadsides, when she filled again and shot ahead of
the Serapis, which ship luffed across her stern and came up
on the weather quarter of her antagonist, taking the wind
out of her sails, and, in her turn, passing ahead. All this
time, which consumed half an hour, the cannonading was j^" '
close and furious. The Scarborough now drew near, but
it is uncertain whether she fired or not. On the side of the
Americans it is affirmed that she raked the Richard at least
once ; but, by the report of her own commander, it would ' <

appear that, on account of the obscurity and the smoke, he
was afraid to discharge his guns, not knowing which ship ^:

might be the friend, or which the foe. Unwilling to lie by, '^ \
and ttf be exposed to shot uselessly, Capt. Piercy edged away «

from the combatants, exchanged a broadside or two, at a %-

great distance, with the Alliance, and shortly afterwards
was engaged at close quarters by the Pallas, which ship
compelled him to strike, after u creditable resistance of
about an hour.

Having disposed of the inferior ships, we can confine our-
selves to the principal combatants. As the Serapis kept her ,
luff, sailing and working better than the Richard, it was the
intention of Capt. Pearson to pay broad off across the latter's ,
forefoot, as soon as he had got far enough ahead; but mak-
ing the attempt, and finding he had not room, he put his
helm hard down to keep clear of his adversary, when the
double movement brought the two ships nearly in a line,
the Serapis leading. By these uncertain evolutions, the
English ship lost some of her way, while the American,
having kept her sails trimmed, not only closed, but actually
ran aboard of her antagonist, bows on, a little on her weather
quarter The wind being light, much time was consumed

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NAVAL HISTORY.

193

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in these diflferent manceuvrcs, and near an hour had elapsed
between the firing of the first guns, and the moment when the
vessels got foul of each other in the manner just described.

The English now thought that it was the intention of the
Americans to board them» and a few minutes passed in the
uncertainty which such an expectation would create ; but
the positions of the vessels were not favourable for either
party to pass into the opposing ship. There being at this
moment a perfect cessation of the firing, Capl. Pearson de-
manded, "Have you struck your colours?" "1 have not
yet begun to fight," was the answer.

The yards of the Richard were braced aback, and, the
sails of the Serapis being full, the ships separated. As soon
as far enough asunder, the Serapis put her helm hard down,
laid all aback forward, shivered her after-sails, and wore
short round on her heel, or was box-hauled, with a view,
most probably, of luffing up athwart the bow of her enemy,
in order to again rake her. In this position the Richard
would have been fightfhg her starboard, and the Serapis
her larboard guns ; but Com. Jones, by this time, was con-
scions of the hopelessness of success against so much heavier
metal, and after having backed astern some distance, he
filled on the other tack, luffing up >vith the intention of
meeting the enemy as she came to the wind, and of lay-
ing her athwart hause. In the smoke, one party or the
other miscalculated the distance, for the two vessels came
i, foul Bgain, the bowsprit of the English ship passing over
the poop of the American. As neither had much way, the
collision did but little injury, and Com. Jones, with his own
hands, immediately lashed the enemy's head-gear to his
mizzen-mast. The pressure on the after sails of the Serapis,
which vessel was nearly before the wind at the time, brought
her hull round, and the two ships gradually fell close along-
side of each other, head and stern, the jib-boom of the Se-
rapis giving way with the strain. A spare anchor of the

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English iblp now hooked in the quarter of the American, and
additional lashings were got out on board the latter to se*
cure her in |his position.

Capt. Pearson, who was as much aware of his advantage
in a regular combat as his opponent could be of his own
disadvantage, no sooner perceived the vessels foul, than he
dropped an anchor, in the hope that the Richard would drift
clear of him. But such an expectation was perfectly futile,
as the yards were interlocked, the hulls were pressed close
against each other, there were lashings fore and aft, and
even the ornamental work aided in holding the ships toge-
then When the cable of the SSerapis took the strain, the
vessels slowly tended, with the bows of the Serapii and the
stern of the Richard to the tide. At this instant the Eng-
lish made an attempt to board, but were repulsed without
loss.

All this time the battle raged. The lower ports of the
Serapis having been closed, as the vessel swung, to prevent
boarding, they were now blown off, in order to allow the
guns to be run out; and cases actually occurred in which
the rammers had to be thrust into the ports of the opposite
ship in order to be entered into the muzzles of their proper
guns. It is evident that such a conflict must have been of
short duration. In effect, the heavy metal of the Serapis,
in one or two discharges, cleared all before it, and the main-
deck guns of the Richard were in a great measure aban-
doned. Most of the people went on the upper-deck, and a
great number collected on the forecastle, where they were
safe from the fire of the enemy, continuing to fight by throw-
ing grenades and using muskets.

In this stage of the combat, the Serapis w )s tearing her
antagonist to pieces below, almost without resistance from
her enemy's batteries, only two guns on the quarter-deck,
and three or four of the twelves, being worked at all. To the
former, by shifting a gun from the larboard side. Com. Jones

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■ucceeded in adding a third, ail of which wert used with
eflect, undet his immediate inspection, to the close of the
action. He could not muster force enough to get over a
second gun. But the combat' would now have soon termi-
nated, had it not been for the courage and activity of the
people alofu Strong parties had been placed in the tops, and,
at the end of a short contest, the Americans had driven every
man belonging to the enemy below ; after which they kept
up so animated a fire, on the quftrtor-deck of the Sorapis in
particular, as to drive nearly every man off it, that was not
shot down.

Thus, while the English had the battle nearly all to them-
selves below, their enemies had the control above the uppers
deck. Having cleared the tops of the Serapis, some A me-
rican seamen lay out on the Richard's main-yard, and be-
gan to throw hand-gren:^des upon the two upper decks
of the English ship ; the men on the forecastle of their own
vessel seconding these efforts, by casting the same combus-
tibles through the ports of the Serapis. At length one man,
in particular, became so hardy as to take his post on the
extreme end of the yard, whence, provided with a bucket
filled with combustibles, and a match, he dropped the gre-
nades with so much precision that one passed through the
main-hatchway. The powder-boys of the Serapis had got
more cartridges up than were wanted, and, in their hurry,
they had carelessly laid a row of them on the main-deck, in
a line with the guns. The grenade just mentioned set fire
to some loose powder that was lying near, and the flash
passed from cartridge to cartridge, beginning abreast of the
main-mast and running quite aft.

The effect of this explosion was awful. More than twenty
men were instantly killed, many of them being left with no-
thing on them but the collars and wristbands of their shirts,
and the waistbands of their duck trowsers ; while the official
returns of the ship, a week after the action, show that there

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'were no Ipss than thirty-eight wounded on board, still alive,
who had been injured in this manner, and of whom thirty
were said to have been then in great danger. Capt. Pearson
described this explosion as having destroyed nearly all the
men at the five or six aftermost guns. On the whole, near
sixty of the Serapis' people must have been instantly dis-
abled by this sudden blow.

The advantage thus obtained, by the coolness and intre-
pidity of the topmen, in a great measure restored the chances
of the combat, and, by lessening the fire of the enemy, ena-
bled Com. Jones to increase his. In the same degree that it
encouraged the crew of the Richard, it diminished the hopes
of the people pf tb3 Serapis. One of the guns under the
immediate inspection of Com. Jones had been pointed some
time against the main-mast of his enemy, while the two
others hud seconded the fire of the tops, with grape and
cannister. Kept below decks by this double attack, where a
scene of frightful horror was present in the agonies of the
wounded, and the effects of the explosion, the spirits of the
English began to droop, and there was a moment when a
trifle would have induced them to submit. From this de-
spondency they were temporarily raised, by one of those
unlookcd for events that ever accompany the vicissitudes of
battle.

After exchanging the ineffective and distant broadsides
already mentioned, with the Scarborough, the Alliance had
kept standing off and on, to leeward of the two principal
ships, out of the direction of their shot, when, about half
past eight, she appeared crossing the stern of the Serapis
and the bow of the Richard, firing at such a distance as to
render it impossible to say, which vessel would sufier the
most. As soon as she had drawn out of the range of her
own guns, her helm was put up, and she ran down near a
mile to leeward, hovering about, until the firing had ceased
between the Pallas and Scarborough, w'hen she came within

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107

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hail and spoke both of these vessels. Capt. Cottiaeau of the
Pallas earnestly entreated Capt Landais to take possession
of his prize, and allow him to go to the assistance of the
Richard, or to stretch up to windward in the Alliance him-
self, and succour the commodore.

After some delay, Capt. Landais took the important
duty of assisting his consort, into his own hands, and
making two long stretches, under his topsails, he api)eared,
about the time at which we have arrived in the narration
of the combat, directly to windward of the two ships, with
the head of the Alliance to the westward. Here the latter
ship once more opened her fire, doing equal damage at
least, to friend and foe. Keeping away a'^Iittle, and still
continuing her fire, the Alliance was soon on the larboard
quarter of the Richard, and, it is even affirmed, that her
guns were discharged until she had got nearly, abeam.

Fifty voices now hailed to tell the people of the Alliance
that they were firing into the wrong ship, and three lan-
terns were shown, in a line, on the off side of the Richard,
which was the regular signal of recognition for a night ac-
tion. An officer was directed to hail, and to order Capt.
Landais to lay the enemy aboard, and the question being
put whether the order was comprehended, the answer was
in the affirmative. ^^ ■ ' ^ ' ' rv* r ' -V : .^,

.1 As the moon had been up some time, it was impossi-
ble not to distinguish between the vessels, the Richard
being all black, while the Serapis had yellow sides, and the
impression seems to have been general in the former vessel,
that they had been attacked intentionally. At the discharge
of the first guns of the Alliance, the people left one or
two of the twelves on board the Richard, which they had
begun to fight again, saying that the Englishmen in the
Alliance had got possession of the ship, and were helping
the enemy. It appears that this discharge dismounted a
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NAVAL HISTORT.

gun or two, extinguished several lanterns on the main deck,
and did a good deal of damage aloft.

The Alliance hnuled off to some distance, keeping always
on the offside of the Richard, and soon after she re-appear-
ed edging down on the larboard beam of her consort,
hauling up athwart the bows of that ship and the stern of
her antagonist. On this occasion, it is affirmed that her
fire re-commenced, when, by possibility, the shot could only
reach the Serapis through the Richard. Ten or twelve
men appear to have been killed and wounded on the forecas-
tle of the latter ship, which was crowded at the time, and
among them was an officer of the name of Caswell, who,
with his dying breath, maintained that he had received his
wound by the fire of the friendly vessel.

After crossing the bows of the Richard, and the stern of
the Serapis, delivering grape as she passed, the Alliance ran
off to leeward, again standing off and on, doing nothing, for
the remainder of the combat.

The fire of the Alliance added greatly to the leaks of the
Richard, which ship, by this time, had received so much
water through the shot-holes, as to begin to settle. It is
even affirmed by many witnesses, that the most dangerous
shot-holes on board the Richard, were under her larboard
bow, and larboard counter, in places where they could not
have been received from the fire of the Serapis. This evi-
dence, however, is not unanswerable, as it has been seen
that the Serapis luffed up on the larboard-quarter of the
Richard in the commencement of the action, and, forging
ahead, was subsequently on her lurboard-bow, endeavouring
to cross her fore foot. It is certainly possible that shot may
have struck the Richard in the places mentioned, on these
occasions, and that, as the ship settled in the water from other
leaks, the holes then made may have suddenly increased the
danger. On the other hand, if the Alliance did actually fire
while on the bow and quarter of the Richard, as appears by

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NAVAL HISTORY.

100

a mass of uncontradicted testimony, the dangerous shot-
holes may very well have come from that ship.

Let the injuries have been received from what quarter
they might, soon after the Alliance had run to leeward, an
alarm was spread in the Richard, that the ship was sinking.
Both vessels had been on fire several times, and some diffi-
culty had been experienced in extinguishing the flames, but
here was a new enemy to contend with, and as the infor-
mation came from the carpenter, whose duty it was to
sound the pump-wells, it produced a good deal of conster-
nation. The Richard had more than a hundred English
prisoners on board, and the master at arms, in the hurry of
the moment, let them all up from below, in order to save
their lives. In the confusion of such a scene at night, the
master of a letter of marque, that had been taken off* the
north of Scotland, passed through a port of the Richard into
one of the Serapis, when he reported to Capt. Pearson, that
a few minutes would probably decide the battle in his favour,
or carry his enemy down, he himself having been Uberated
in order to save his life. Just at this instant the gunner,
who had little to occupy him at his quarters, came on
deck, and not perceiving Com. Jones, or Mr. Dale, both of
whom were occupied with the liberated prisoners, and be-
lieving the master, the only other superior he had in the
ship, to be dead, he ran up on the poop to haul down the
colours^ Fortunately the flag-staff had been shot away,
and, the ensign already hanging in the water, he had no
other means of letting his intention to submit be known,
than by calling out for quarter. Capt. Pearson now hailed
to inquire if the Richard demanded quarter, and was
answered by Com. Jones himself, in the negative. It is
probable that the reply was not heard, or, if heard, supposed
to come from an unauthorized source, for encouraged by
what he had learned from the escaped prisoner, by the
cry, and by the confusion that prevailed in the Richard,

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KAVAL HISTORY.

the English captain directed his boarders to be called away,
and, as soon Ai mustered, they were ordered to take posses-
sion of the prize. Some of the men actually got od the
gunwale of the latter ship, but finding boarders redcfy to
repel boarders, they made a precipitate retreat. All this
time, the top-men were not idle, and the enemy were soon
driven below again with loss. •. ». , .i \ ■. r ji ~,

In the mean while, Mr. Dale, who no longer had a gun
that could be fought, mustered the prisoners at the pumps,
turning their consternation to account, and probably keep-
ing the Richard afloat by the very blulider that had come
so near losing her. The ships were now on fire again,
and both parties, with the exception of a few guns on each
side, ceased fighting, in order to subdue this dangerous
enemy. In the course of the combat, the Serapis is said to
have been set on fire no less than twelve times, while,
towards its close, as will be seen in the sequel, the Richard
was burning all the while.

As soon as order was restored in the Richard, after the
call for quarter, her chances of success began to increase,
while the English, driven under cover, almost to a man,
appear to have lost, in a great degree, the hope of victory.
Their fire materially slackened, while the Richard again
brought a few more guns to bear; the main-mast of the
Serapis began to totter, and her resistance, in general, to
lessen. About an hour after the explosion, or between three
hours and three hours and a half after the first gun was
fired, and between two hours and two hours and a half after
the ships were lashed together, Capt. Pearson hauled down
the colours of the Serapis with his own hands, the men re-
fusing to expose themselves to the fire of the Richard's tops.

As soon as it was known that the colours of the English
had been lowered, Mr. Dale got upon the gunwale of the
Richard, and laying hold of the main brace pendant, he
swung himself on board the Serapis. On the quarter deck

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If AVAL HISTORY.

201

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of the latter lie found Cap! Pearson, almost alone, that
gallant officer having maintained his post, throughout the
whole of this close and murderous conflict. Just as Mr.
Date addressed the English captain, the first lieutenant of
the Serapis came up from below to inquire if the Richard
had struck, her fire having entirely ceased. Mr. Dale now'
gave the English ofiicer to understand that he was mistaken
in the position of things, the Serapis having struck to the
Richard, and not the Richard to the Serr< pis. Cajit. Pear<
son confirming this^ account, his subordinate acquiesced,
offering to go below and silence the guns that were still
playing upon the American ship. To this Mr. Dale would
not consent, but both the English officers were imme-
diately passed on board the Richard. The firing was
then stopped below. Mr. Dale had been closely follow-
ed to the quarter-deck of the Serapis, by Mr. Mayrant,
a midshipman, and a party of boarders, and as the former
struck the quarter deck of the prize, he was run through the
thigh, by a boarding pike, in the hands of a man in the
waist, who was ignorant of the surrender. Thus did the close
of this remarkable combat, resemble its other features in sin-
gularity, blood being shed and shot fired, while the boarding
officer was in amicable discourse with his prisoners !

As soon as Capt. Pearson was on board the Richard, and
Mr. Dale had received a proper number of hands in the
prize. Com. Jones ordered the lashings to be cut, and the
vessels to be separated, hailing the Serapis, as the Richard
drifted from along side of her, and ordering her to follow
his own ship. Mr. Dale, now had the head sails of the Se-
rapis braced sharp aback, and the wheel put down, but the
vessel refused both her helm and her canvass. Surprised
and excited at this circumstance, the gallant lieutenant
sprang from the binnacle on which he had seated himself,
and fell at his length on the deck. He had been severely
wounded in the leg, by a splinter, and until this moment had

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202

KAVAL'^ISTORY.

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been ignorant of the injury. He was replaced on the bin*
nacle, when the master of the Serapis came up dnd ac-
quainted him with the fact that the ship was anchored.'

By this time, Mr. Lunt, ^he second liedtenant, who had
been absent in the pilot boat, had got along side, and was
'on board the prize. To this officer Mr. Dale now consigned
the charge of the Serapis, the cable was cut, and the ship '
followed the Richard, as ordered.

Although this protracted and bloody combat had now
ended, neither the danger nor the labours of the victors
were over. The Richard was both sinking and on fire. The
flames had got within the ceiling, and extended so far that
they menaced the magazine, while all the pumps, in con-
stant use, could barely keep the water at the same level.
Had it depended on the exhausted people of the two com-
batants, the ship must have soon sunk, but the other vessels
of the squadron sent hands on board the Richard, to assist
at the pumps. So imminent did the danger from the fire
become, that all the powder was got on deck, to prevent an
explosion. In this manner did the night of the battle pass,
with one gang always at the pumps, and another contend-
ing with the flames, until about ten o'clock in the forenoon
of the 24th, when the latter were got under. After the
action, eight or ten Englishmen in the Richard, stole a boat
from the Serapis, and ran away with it, landing at Scarbo-
rough. Several of the men were so alarmed with the con-
dition of their ship, as to jump overboard and swim to the
other vessels.

When the day dawned, an examination was made into
the condition of the Richard. Abaft, on a line with the guns
of the Serapis that had not been disabled by the explosion,
the timbers were found to be nearly all beaten in, or beaten
out, for in this respect there was little difference between the
two sides of the ship; and it was said that her poop and upper
decks would have fallen into the gun-room, but for a few fut-

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tocks that had been missed. Indeed, so largo was the vacuum,
that most of the shot fired from this part of the Serapis, at the
close of the action, must have gone through the Richard
without touching any thing. The rudder was cut from the
stern-post, and the transoms were nearly driven out of her.
All the after part of the ship, in particular, that was belowv
the quarter-deck, was torn to pieces, and nothing had saved
those stationed on the quarter-deck, but the impossibility of
elevating guns that almost touched their object.

The result of this examination was to convince every one
of the impossibility of carrying the Richard into port, in the
event of its coming on to blow. Com. Jones was advised to
remove his wounded while' the weather continued moderate,
and he reluctantly gave the order to commence. The fol>
lowing night and the morning of the succeeding day were
employed in executing this imperious duty, and about nine
o'clock, the officer of the Pallas, who v/as in charge of the
ship, with a party at the pumps, finding that the water had
reached the lower-deck, reluctantly abandoned her. About
ten, the Bon Homme Richard wallowed heavily, gave a
roll, and settled slowly into the se^, bows foremost, ,, ,,^ v-

The Serapis suffered much less than the Richard, the
guns of the latter having been so light, and so soon silenced;
but no sooner were the ships separated, than her main-mast
fell, bringing down with it the mizzen-top-mast. Though
jury-masts were erected, the ship drove about, nearly help-
less, in the North Sea, until the 6th of October, when the
remains of the squadron, with the two prizes, got into the
Texel, the port to which they had been ordered to repair.

In the combat between the Richard and the Serapis, an
unusual number of lives was lost, though no regular authen-
tic report appears to have been given by either side. Capt
Pearson states the loss of the Richard at about 300 in killed
and wounded ; a total that would have included very nearly
all hands, and which was certainly a great exaggeration.

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If AVAL HISTORY.

or, at least, a great mistake. According to a muster-roll of
the officers and people of the Richard, excluding the ma-
rines, which is still in existence, 42 men were killed, or died
of their wounds shortly after the battle, and 41 were wound-
ed. This would make a total of 83, for this portion of the
crew, which, on the roll, amounted to 227 souls. But many ;
of the persons named on this list arc known not to have
been in the action at all; such as neither of the junior lieu-
tenants, and some thirty men that were with them, besides
those absent in prizes. As there were a few volunteers on -^
board, however, who were not mustered, if we set down
200 as the number of the portion of the regular crew that
was in the action, we shall probably not bo far from the
truth. By estimating the soldiers that remained o\. board at
120, and observing the same proportion for their casualties,
we shall get 49 as the result, which will make a total of ^'
132, as the entire loss of the Richard. It is known, how- '-
ever, that, in the commencement of the action, the soldiers,
or marines, suffered out of proportion to the rest of the
crew, and general report having made the gross loss of the
Richard 160 men, we are .disposed to believe that it was not
far from the fact.

Capt. Pearson reported a part of his loss at 117 men,
admitting, at the same time, that there were many killed
and wounded whose names he could not discover. It is
probable that the loss of the two ships, in men, was about -
equal, and that nearly or quite half of all those who were
engaged, were either killed or woundied. Com. Jones, in a
private letter, written some time after the occurrence, gives
an opinion, however, that the loss of the Richard was less
than that of the Serapis. That two vessels of so much
force should lie lashed together more than two hours, mak-
ing use of. artillery, musketry, and all the other means of
annoyance known to the warfare of the day, and not do
even greater injury to the crews, strikes us with astonish-

r> .

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KAVAL HISTOnr.

906

mont ; but tho fact must be ascribed to the peculiarities of
the combat, which, by driving most of the English under
cover so early in the battle, and by driving the Americans
above the line of fire of their enemies, in a measure protect-
ed each party from the missiles of tho other. As it was, it
proved a murderous and sanguinary conflict, though iti
duration would probably have been much shorter, and its
character still more bloody, but for these unusual circum-
stances.*

* The writer has given the particulars of this celebrated sea-fight in
detail, on account of the gvtuX interest that has always been attached to
the subject, no less than from a desire to correct many of the popular
errors that have so long existed in connexion with its incidents. In fram-
ing his own account, he has followed what to him have appeared to be
the best authorities. Scarcely any two of jthe eye-witnesses agpree in all*
their facts, but by dint of examination, the writer has been enabled to
discover, as he believes, where the weigfht of credible testimony and pro-
bability lies, and has used it accordingly. Com. Dale, a witness every way
entitled to respect, so far as his position enabled him to note occurrences,
was kind enough while living to describe to the writer the manosuvres of
the ships, which it is hoped have now been given in a way that will ren-
der them intelligible to seamen. There are but two leading circumstances
of this sort that, to the writer, appear doubtful. The Alliance thrice p-
proached, each time firing into both the combatants; but the accounts, or
rather testimony, — for there are many certificates given by the oflicers
not only of the Richard, but of the Alliance herself, Pallas, &c., — is so
obscure and confused, that it is diflicult to get at the truth of the .nanner,
order, and exact time in which these attacks were made. With ;he view
to give no opinion as to the precise time of the last firing of the Alliance,
'the writer has condensed the account of all her proceedings into one,
though he inclines to think that the second attack of this ship may
have occurred a little later in the contest than would appear from the
manner in which it is told in the narrative. The word may is used from
uncertainty, most of the testimony, perhaps, placing the occurrence in
the order of time given in the text. Capt. Pearson says, or is made to
say, in his official report, that the Alliance " kept sailing ronnd us the
whole action, and raking us fore and aft," &c. This statement is contra*
dieted by the formal certificates of nearly every officer in the Richard,
by persons on board the Alliance, by spectators in boats, as well as by
officers of the other vessels near. The first lieutenant and master of

Vol. I.— 18

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the Alliance henelf adnit that they were nercr on the off tide of tk«
Serapia at all, and of courae their ship never could have gone round her.
They also say that they engaged the Scarborough, at very long ihot, fbr
a ihort timet a fact that Capt. Piercy Af the Scarborough corroborate*.
They add, moreover, that their ship was a long time aloof fVom the com-
bat, and that the only fired three broadsides, or parta of broadsides, at
the Richard and Serapis. From the testimony, there is little doubt that
the Alliance did materially more injury to the Richard than to the Serapist
though, aa Capt. Pearson could not have known this fact at the time, it is
highly probable that her proxitnity may have influenced that officer in
inducing him to lower his flag.

The second point is the fact whether the Scarborough raked the Rich-
ard before she was herself engaged with the other ships. The writer ia
of opinion that she did, while he admits that the matter is involved in
doubt.

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CHAPTER X.

The arrival of. Paul Jones in Holland, with his prizes,
excited a great deal of interest in the diplomatic world.
The English demanded that the prisoners should be released,
and that Jones himself should be given up as a pirate. The
Dutch government, though well disposed to favour the Ame-
ricans, was not prepared for war, and it was induced to
temporize. A long correspondence followed, which termi-
nated in one of those political expedients that are so com-
mon, and in which the pains and penalties of avowing the
truth are avoided by means of a mystification. The Sera-
pis, which had been re-masted and equipped, was transferred
to France, as was the Scarborough, while Com. Jones took
command of the Alliance, Capt. Landais having been sus-
pended, and was ordered to quit Holland.

It would seem that there were two parties in Holland :
that of the prince, and that of the people. With the latter
the American cause was popular; but the former employed
an admiral at the Texel, who, after a vexatious course,
finally succeeded in forcing the Alliance to put to sea, in th6
face of a fleet of enemies, which was anxiously awaiting
her appearance. The Alliance went to sea on the 27th of
December, 1779, and reached the roads of Groix again, in
safety, on the 10th of February, 1780. She passed down the
Channel, was near enough to the squadron in the Downs to
examine its force, was several times chased, and made a
short cruise in the Bay of Biscay, after having touched in

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Spain. Capt. Conyngham, who had been captured in a
privateer, had joined the Alliance, and went round to
]*Orient in the ship.

Ahhough it will bo anticipating the events of another
year, we shall finish the history of this vessel, so far as she
was connected with the officer who first commanded her,
Capt. Landais. This gentleman had been sent for to Paris,
to account for his conduct to the American minit^er, and
subsequently his claim to command the Alliance was refer-
red to Mr. Arthur Lee, who was on the spot, and who had
long been in Europe as a conspicuous agent of the govern-
ment. The decision of this commissioner restored Capt. Lan-
dais to the Alliance, on the ground that his command having
been given to him by the highest authority of the country, a
vote of congress, he could not legally be deprived of it by
any subordinate authority. In June, Capt. Landais sailed in
the ship for America, where she was given to an officer
better fitted to show her excellent qualities, and who, in the
end, succeeded in redeeming her character. During the
passage home, Capt. Landais was deposed from the com>
mand, under the idea that he was insane, and soon after he
was discharged from the navy. It is thought that the ab-
sence of Com. Jones, alone, prevented his receiving severer
punishment.

Com. Jones, anxious to get back to America, took com-
mand of the Ariel 20, a little ship that the king of France
lent to his allies, to aid in transporting military supplies;
and, in this vessel, with a portion of the officers and men
who had belonged to the Richard, he sailed from under
Groix on the 7th of September. The Ariel encountered
a severe gale, when a day or two out, in which she came
near being lost. The ship was so pressed upon by the wind
that her lower-yard-arms frequently dipped, and though an
anchor was let go, she refused to tend to it. In order to
keep her from foundering, the fore-mast was cut away, and

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NAVAL HISTORY.

SOO

the hoel of the main-mait having worked out of the step,
that spar followed, bringing down with it the mizzen-mast.
Returning to L'Orient to reht, the Ariel sailed a second
time for America, on thu 18th of December. During the
passage, she foil in with an enemy of about her own size, in
'^ the night, and after much conversation, a short combat fol-
lowed, when the English ship intimated that she had struck,
but taking advantage of her position, she made sail and
escaped. Some unaccountable mistake was made by, or
an extraordinary hallucination appears to have come over,
Com. Jones, in reference to this affair, for, in his journal, he
speaks of his enemy as having been an English twenty-gun
ship called the Triumph, and the result as a victory. The
Triumph, if such was truly the name of the English ship,
was probably a letter of marque, unable to resist a vessel of
war of any force, and, though not free from the imputation
of treachery, she escaped by out-manoeuvring t^e Ariel.**
On the 18th of February, 1781, after an absence of more than
three years, Paul Jones reached Philadelphia in safety .f

» ■'

* Private communication of the late Com. Dale, to the writer.

f John Paul was born on the 6th of July, 1747, at Arbig^land, on the
Frith of Solway, in the kingdom of Scotland. His father was the gardener
of Mr. Craik, a gentleman of that vicinity. At the age of twelve, the boy
was apprenticed to a ship-master in the Virginia trade, and he made his
appearance in America, in consequence, when in his thirteenth year. An
elder brother had married and settled in Virpnia, and from this time
young Paul appears to have had views of the same sort. The failure of his
master induced him to give up the indentures of the apprentice, and we
soon find the latter on board a slaver. The master and mate of the vessel
he was in dying, Paul took charge of her, and brought her into port; and
from that time he appears to have sailed in command. About the year 1770,
he caused a man named Mung^ Maxwell to be flogged for misconduct, and
the culprit made a complaint of ill-treatment, menacing a prosecution.
The complaint was rejected by the local authorities (West Indies) as frivo-
lous; but, not long after, Maxwell went to sea in another ship, and died
rather suddenly. When the fact became known, the enemies of Paul
circulated a report that the death of this man was owing to the ill-treat-

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IVAVAL BISTORT.

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Before we return to the American seas, and to the more
regular incidents of the year 1770, we will add that, after
an inquiry into the conduct of Capt. Jones, as it was con-
>^ected with all his proceedings in Europe, Congress gave ;^'

■ ■• • • ■ . • .. ■•■ ''^"S ^

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ment he had received when punished by his former commander. AUhoug:h
this rumour was completely disproved in the end, it raised a prejudice
af^nst the young seaman, and, at a later day, when he became conspicu- ^
ous, it was used against him, for political effect, by those who ought to
have been superior to injustice of no low a character. T

Mr. Paul was soured at this ill-treatment, and, in a manner, abandoned :_
his native country. In 1773, his brother ^ied, and he went to Virginia to %
settle, with the intention of quitting the seas. Here, for some reason
that is unknown, he added the name of Jones to his two others. The,
hostilities of 1775, however, brought him forward again, and he was the ,.
senior lieutenant ever commissioned regularly, in the service of Congress.
As this was before the declaration of independence, the relative rank was
not established; but in October, 1776, his name appears on the list as the
eighteenth captain.

His first cruise was in the Alfred 24, Capt. Saltonstall, the ship that bore
the broad pennant of Com. Hopkins, and his first engagement was that
with the Glasgow. From the AlH-ed, he wis transferred to the sloop Pro-
vidence 12, as her captain, lie then commanded the Alfred 24. In 1777
he was appointed to the Hanger 18, a crank, clumsy ship, with a gun-
deck, but no armament above, and a dull sailer. In 1778, aflcr the cruise
in the Irish Channel, in which he took the Drake, he gave up the com-
mand of the Ranger, and in 1779, obtained that of the squadron, under
the celebrated concordat. His subsequent movements, until the peace,
are to be traced in the text.

In 1782, Capt. Jones w.as launched in the America 74, and the same
day delivered her up to the Chevalier de Martigne, the late commander
of the Kagnifique, the ship she was now to replace. After this he made
a cruise in the French fleet, as a volunteer, in which situation he was
found by the peace. In November, 1783, he sailed for France with a
commission to negotiate for the recovery of prize-money in different parts
of Europe. In 1787, he returned to America on business, but was
back again in Europe in the course of tite same season. He now went
to the north on biLsiness connected with his prizes. About this time he
received some proposals to enter the Russian navy, and in the spring of
1788, he obtained the rank of rear-admiral accordingly. Shortly after, he
was placed in an important command against the Turkii, in which situation

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NAVAL HISTORY.

211

him a vote of thanks, and, by a formal rosohuion, bestowed
Oil him the command of the America 74, the only one of the
six ships of that class that was ever laid down under the law
of 1776. In order to dispose of this branch of the subject a^

he is said to have rendered material services. But personal hostility
.drove him from Russia in 1789. He returned to Paris, retaining his rank,
^ and pensioned. From this time tie remained in France and the adjacent
countries of Europe, until his death, which occurred at Paris, on the 18th
of July, 1792. A commission appointing him the agent of the American
government to treat with Algiers, arrived after he was dead.

That Paul Jones was a remarkable man, cannot justly be questioned.
' He had a respectable English education, and, after his ambition had been
^"Awakened by success, he appears to have paid attention to the intellec-
tual parts of his profession. In his enterprises are to be discovered much
of that boldness of conception that marks a great naval captain, though his
most celebrated battle is probably the one in which he evinced no other
very high quality than that of an invincible resolution to conquer. Most of
the misfortunes of tlie Bon Homme Richard, however, may be very fairly
attributed to the insubordination of his captains, and to the bad equipment
of his own vessel. The expedient of running tlie Serapis aboard was one
like himself, and it was the only chance for victory that was left.

Paul Jones was a man rather under than above the middle size, and his
countenance has been described as possessing much of that sedateness that
marks deep enthusiasm. There is no doubt that his eminence arose from
the force of his convictions, rather than from his power of combining,
though his reasoning faculties were respectable. His associations in Paris
appear to have awakened a taste which, whenever it comes late in life, is
almost certain to come attended with exaggeration. Personally he would
seem to have been vain: a very excusable foible in one of his education
and previous habits, that was suddenly exposed to the flattery and seduc-
tions of Parisian society. He never married, though he was not averse to
the sex, as appears from his letters, po>^tic effusions, and gallantries. An
affectation of a literary taste, that expended itself principally in homage
to those he admired, formed indeed on^ of his principal weaknesses.

In battle, Paul Jones was brave; in enterprise, haidy and original; in
victory, mild and generous; in motives, much disposed to disinterested-
ness, though ambitious of renown and covetous of distinction; in his pe-
cuniary relations, liberal; in his aifections, natural and sincere; and in his
temper, except in those cases which assailed his reputation, just and for-
giving. He wanted the quiet aeif-respect of a man capable of meeting

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oncc, it may be well to say here, that the America never
got to sea under the national colours, Congress presenting
the ship to their ally, Louis XVI., to replace the Magnifique
74, which had been lost in the port of Boston. This friendly
offering was made by resolution, September the 3d, 1782,
and, as it was now near the end of the war, Paul Jones never
got to sea again in the service. In consequence of the AmC'
rica's having been presented to France, while still on tho^
stocksj the United States properly possessed no two-decked,
ship during the war of the Revolution.

To return to the more regular order of events.

During the summer of 1779, the Deane 32, Capt. Samuel
^^ Nicholson, and the Boston 24, Capt. Tucker, made a cruise
in company. In August of that year, these two ships took
many prizes, though no action of moment occurred. Among
others were the Sandwich, (a packet,) 16, two privateers,
with the Glencairn 20, and the Thorn 18. The two last
vessels were letters of marque.

In the sprijg of this year, the Providence 12, Capt.
Hacker, took a vessel of equal force, called the Diligent,
after a sharp action. The particulars of this engagement'
are lost, though they are known to have been highly credit-
able to the American officer. The Diligent appears to have
been taken into the service.

A bloody action also occurred, about the same time, be-
tween the Massachusetts state cruiser Hazard 14, Capt.

acts of injustice with composure and dignity; and his complaints of ill-
treatment and neglect, for wliich there was sufficient foundation, pro-
bably lost him favour both in France and America. Had circumstances
put him in a situation of high command, there is little doubt that he would
have left a name unsurpassed by tliat of any naval captain, or have perish-
ed in endeavouring to obtain it.

From the American government, Paul Jones received many proofs of
commendation. Louis XVI. created him a knight of the order of Merit,
and Catharine of Russia conferred on him the ribbon of St. Anne. He also
received other marks of distinction, with a pension from Denmark.

4. •

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John Foster Williams, .and the Active 18, a vessel that is
supposed to have belonged to the king. The combat lasted
half an hour, and was determined in favour of the Hazard.
'iA|k The Active is said to have had 33 killed and wounded, and
, the Hazard 8. Shortly after this handsome affair, Capt.
» IWilliams was appointed to the ship Protector, 20, belonging
to the same state, and in June he hud a severe action with
^ne of those heavy letters of marque, it was much the cus-
tom to send to sea, at the period of which we are writing,
called the Duff; a ship said to have been quite equal in force
to the Protector. After a sharp contest of more than an
hour, Jlhe Duff blew up. The Protector succeeded in saving
55 *6f her crew, having had 6 of her own people killed and
wounded in the battle. Taking and manning many prizes,
the Protector had a narrow escape from capture, by falling
in with the enemy's frigate Thames 38, from which ship,
however, she escaped, after a sharp running fight, in which
the Thames was much crippled aloft. On returning to
port, Capt. Williams, who bore a high reputation as an offi-
cer and a seaman, was immediately engaged in the expedi-
tion that it is our duty to record next, and which proved to
be much the most disastrous affair in which American sea-
men were ever engaged. ■;
4 . The enemy having established a post on the Penobscott,
^ and placed a strong garrison in it, the state of Massachu-
setts determined to drive them from its territory, without
calling upon Congress for assistance. As the country was
then nearly a wilderness, it is probable a feeling of pride
induced this step, it being worthy of remark, that, after
General Gage was expelled from Boston, the enemy had, in
no instance, attempted to maintain any other post than this,
which lay on a remote and uninhabited frontier, within the
territories of New England. For this purpose, Massachu-
setts made a draft of 1500 of her own militia, and got an
order for the U. S. ship, Warren 32, Capt. Saltonstall, the

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Diligent 14, Capt. Brown, and the Providence 12, Capt.
Hacker, to join the expedition, these being the only regular
cruisers employed on the occasion. Three vessels belong-
ing to Massachusetts were also put under the orders of
Capt. Saltonstall, and a force consisting of thirteen priva-
teers was added. In addition there were many transports ,
and store-vessels. Gen. Lovel commanded the brigade.

This armament made its appearance off the Penobscott ^
on the 25th of July. While the militia were making their
descent, the Warren, and another vessel of some force, en-
gaged the enemy's works. The cannonading was severe,
and the Warren is said to have had 30 men killed and
wounded, in the action with the batteries, and in landing the
troops. The latter duty, however, was successfully per-
formed by General Lovel, with a loss of about a hundred '^
men, including all arms. Finding it impossible to carry
the place with his present force, the commanding officer
now sent for reinforcements. On the 13th of August, while
■waiting for a return of the messenger, information was re-
ceived from the Tyrannicide, the look-out vessel, that
Sir George Collier, in the Rainbow 64, accompanied by
four other vessels of war, was entering the bay. The
troops immediately re-embarked, and a general, hurried and
confused flight ensued. The British squadron, consisting of
five vessels of war, quickly appeared, and a pursuit up the
river was commenced, and continued for a long distance.
The enemy soon got near enough to use their chase guns,
and the fire was returned by the Americans. It was un-
doubtedly the wish of Capt. Saltonstall, to reach the shallow
waters before he was overtaken, but, finding this impracti-
cable, he run his ship ashore, and set her on fire. Others
followed this example, and most of the vessels were des-
troyed, though three or four fell into the hands of the
enemy. . fi

Cnpt. Saltonstall was much, and, in some respects, per-

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219

haps, justly censured, for this disaster, though it is to be
feared that it arose more from that habit of publicity, which
is peculiar to all countries much influenced by popular
feeling, than from any other cause. Had a due regard Ij^en
paid to sftcrecy, time might have been gained to effect the
object, in that remote region, before ft sufficient ftirce could
lave been collected to go against the assailants. In a mili-
try sense, the principal faults appear to have been a mis-
calculation of. means, at the commencement, and a neglect
to raise such batteries, as might have protected the shipping
against the heavy vessels of the enemy. It could not surely
have been thought that privateers, armed with light guns, ■
could resist two-deckers, and the fact, that the English had '^
a fleet of such vessels on the coast was generally known. -
The Warren, the largest vessel among the Americans, was
a common frigate of thirty-two guns, and had a main-deck
battery of twelve pounders. Whatever might have been
attempted by a regular force, was put out of the question
by the insubordination of the privateers-men, each vessel
seeking her own safety, as her captain saw best.

The troops and seamen that landed, found themselves in
the centre of a wilderness, and taking diflerent directions,
their sufferings, before they reached the settlements, were of
the severest kind. It is a fact, worthy of being recorded,
that, on this occasion, the Warren being short of men at
the commencement of the expedition, and finding it difficult
to obtain them by enlistment, in consequence of the sudden
demand for seamen, Capt. Saltonstall made up the deficiency
by impressment.

The disastrous result of this expedition inflicted a severe
blow on American nautical enterprises. Many privateers
and state vessels, that had been successful against the
enemy's commerce, were either captured or destroyed.
Among the vessels blown up, was the Providence 12, one of
the first cruisers ever sent to sea by the United States, and

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

which had become noted for exploits greatly exceeding her
force. As far as can now be ascertained, we find reason
to believe, that this little cruiser was both sloop-rigged and ■
brig-rigged, in the course of her service. She had been a ,
privateer out of Rhode Island, at the commencement of the
war, and- was bought of her original commander, Capt.
Whipple,* who was himself admitted into the service, as the
first commander of the Columbus 20, and who subsequently^'
was numbered as the twelfth captain, on the regulated list '
of 1776.

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* This officer is supposed to have commanded at the burningf of the
Gasp^ in 1772.

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v. CHAPTER XI. . -r'm^l '

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At the commenoement of the year 1780, the French fleet
under Comte d'Estaing retired to the West Indies, leaving
the entire American coast, for a time, at the command of
the British. Sir Henry Clinton profited by the opportunity
to sail with a strong force in ships and troops, against
Charleston, which town he reduced after a short but vigour-
ous siege. Several American ships of war were in the
harbour at the time, under the command of Capt. Whipple,
and finding escape impossible, this officer carried his squad-
ron into the Cooper, sunk several vessels at its mouth, and
landed all the guns and crews, for the defence of the town,
with the exception of those of one ship. The Providence
28, Capt. Whipple, the Queen of France 28,* Capt. Rath-
burne, the Boston 24, Capt. Tucker, Ranger 18, Capt Simp-
son, and several smaller vessels, fell into the hands of the

enemy. • >'^m ';;v:^ - ^ .^ • •■ ..^-■fv-rv-' , ^.^j .

., The English government, by this time, found the system
of privateering so destructive to their navigation, that it
had come to the determination of refusing to exchange any
more of the seamen that fell into their power. By acting
on this policy, they collected a large body of prisoners,
sending them to England in their return ships, and sensibly
affected the nautical enterprises of the Americans, who, of

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• This ship is supposed to have been a small frigate built at Nantes, by
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course, had but a limited number of officers and men fit to
act on the ocean. v ,, , ,,/

By the fall of Charleston, too, the force of the regular
American marine, small as it had always been, was still
more reduced. Of the frigates, the Alliance 32, the Hague
(late Deane) 32, Confederacy 32, Trumbull 28, and a ship
or two bought or borrowed in Europe, appear to be all that
were left, while the smaller cruisers, like the pitcher that is
broken by going too often to the well, had not fared much
better.

In consequence of all these losses, the advanced state of
the war, and the French alliance, which had brought the
fleets of France upon the American coast. Congress appears
to have thought any great efforts fur increasing the ma-
rine unnecessary at the moment. The privateers and state
cruisers were out and active as usual, though much reduced
in numbers, and consequently in general efficiency. In con-
trast to these diminished effnrts we find the British Parlia-
ment authorizing the ministry to keep no less than 85,000
men employed in the English navy, including the marines.

The first action of moment that occurred this year be-
tween any United Slates' vessel and the enemy, notwith-
standing, has the reputation of having been one of the most
holly and obstinately contested combats of the war. June
2d, 1780, the Trumbull 28, then under the command of
Capt. James Nicholson, the senior officer of the navy, while
cruising in lat. 35° 54', long. 66° W., made a strange sail to
windward from the mast-heads. The Trumbull immediately
furled all her canvass, in the hope of drawing the stranger
down upon her before she should be seen. At eleven, the
stranger was made out to be a large ship, steering for the ,
Trumbuirs quarter; but soon hauling more astern, sail was
got on the American ship to close. After some manoeuvring,
in order to try the rate of sailing and to get a view of the
stranger's broadside, the Trumbull took in her light sails,

/ JU

NAVAL HISTORY.

81»

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hauled up her courses, the chase all this time h ^raying no
desire to avoid an action, but standing directly ,jr her ad-
versary. When near enough, the Trumbull filled, and, out-
sailing the stranger, she easily fetched to windward of her.
The chase now fired three guns, showed English colours,
and edged away, under short sail, evidently with an inten-
tion to pursue her course.

Capt. Nicholson harangued his men, and then made sail
to bring his ship up with the enemy. When about a hun-
dred yards distant, the English ship fired a broadside, and
the action began in good earnest. For two hours and a
half the vessels lay nearly abeam of each other, giving and
receiving broadsides without intermission. At no time were
they a hundred yards asunder, and more than once the
yards nearly interlocked. Twice was the Trumbull set on
fire by the wads of her enemy, and once the enemy suffered
in the same way. At last the fire of the Englishman slack-
ened sensibly, until it nearly ceased.

Capt. Nicholson now felt satisfied that he should make a
prize of his antagonist, and was encouraging his people with
that hope, when a report was brought to him, that the main-
mast was tottering, and that if it went while near the enemy,
his ship would probably be the sacrifice. Anxious to secure
the spar, sail was made, and the Trumbull shot ahead again,
her superiority of sailing being very decided. She was soon
clear of her adversary, who made no effort to molest her.
The vessels, however, were scarcely musket-shot apart,
when the main and mizzen top-masts of the Trumbull went
over the side, and, in spite of every effort to secure them,
spar after spar came down, until nothing was left but the
fore-mast. Under such circumstances, the enemy, who had
manifested no desire to profit by her advantage, went off on
her proper course. Before she was out of sight, her main-
top-mast was also seen to fiill.

It was afterwards ascertained that the ship engaged by

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KAVAL HISTORY.

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the Trumbull was a letter of marque called the Wntt, Capt.
Coulthard, a vessel of size, that had been expressly fitted to
fight her way. Her force is not mentioned in the English
accounts, but her commander, in his narrative of the afl'air,
in which he claims the victory, admits his loss to have been
92 men, in killed and wounded. Capt. Nicholson estimates
her force at 34 or 30 guns, mostly twelve-pounders ; and
he states that of the Trumbull to have been 24 twelve-
pounders and 6 sixes, with 109 souls on board when the
action commenced. The Trumbull lost 39, in killed and
wounded, among the former of whom were two of her lieu-
tenants. '

In the way of a regular cannonade, this combni is general-
ly thought to have been the severest that was tbnght in the
war of the Revolution. There is no question of the supe-
riority of the Watt in every thing but sailing, she having been
essentially the largest and strongest ship, besides carrying
more guns and men than her opponent. Owing to the difficul-
ty of obtaining seamen, that has been so often mentioned,
the Trumbull's crew was compoi id, in a great degree, of
raw hands, and Capt. Nicholson states particularly that
many of his people were suffering under sea-sickness when
they went to their guns.

This action was not followed by another, of any import-
ance, in which a government cruiser was concerned, until
the month of October, when the U. S. sloop of war Saratoga
16, Capt. Young, fell in with and captured a ship and two
brigs, the former of which, and one of the latter, were well
armed. The conflict with the ship, which was called the
Charming Molly, was conducted with a spirit and prompti-
tude that are deserving of mention. Running alongside,
Capt. Young delivered his fire, and threw fifty men on the
enemy's decks, when a fierce but short struggle ensued,
that ended in the capture of the British ship. Lieut. Joshua
Barney, afterwards so distinguished in the service, led the

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KAVAL HISTORY.

boarders on this occasion ; and the crew that he overcame
\ 4# is said to have been nearly double in numbers to his own

, party.

After malcing these and one other capture, the Saratoga
made sail for the capes of the Delaware, with the intention
of convoying her prizes into port. The following day, how-
ever, the convoy was chased by the Intrepid 74, Capt.
Molloy, which ship retook all the prizes, but was unable to
get the Saratoga under her guns. It is said, and we find
' • no evidence to contradict it, that the Saratoga never re-
turned to port, the vessel foundering, and her crew perish-
ing at sea, unheard of.

The brevity of the regular naval annals of the three last
years of the war, compels us to compress their incidents into
a single chapter, as it is our aim, except in extraordinary
instances, not to blend the exploits of the private armed
ships with those of the public cruisers. ) ' ■

It has been stated already that Capt. Landais was dis-
missed from the service soon after his return home, when
the command of the Alliance 32 was given to Capt. John
Barry, the officer who had made so gallant a resistance
in the Raleigh, not long previously. In February, 1781,
Capt. Barry sailed from Boston for France, in command
of this favourite ship, with Colonel i^aurens on board,
which well known and much regretted young officer was
charged with an important mission to the French court.
On the outward passage the Alliance captured a small priva-
teer, called the Alert, but no event of any moment occurred.
After landing Mr. Laurens, the frigate sailed from I'Orient
on a cruise, with the Marquis de la Fayette 40, in company,
bound to America with stores. Three days afterwards, or on
the 2d of April, 1781, they fell in with and captured two
Guernsey privateers, one of which, the Mars, is said to have
been a heavy vessel of 26 guns and 112 men, and the other,
the Minerva, to have had an armament of 10 guns, and a

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

crow of r»5 souls. Neither of these cruisers appears to have
made any resistance. •' , . i

After this success, the Alliance parted company with her
consort and the prizes, and continued to cruise until the
28th of May, when she made two sail, that were standing
directly for her. It was late in the day, and the strangers,
when near enough to remain in sight during the darkness,
hauled up on the same course with the Alliance, evidently
with a view to defer the action until morning. At day-light
on the succeeding day, it was nearly a dead calm, and
when the mist cleared away, the two strangers were seen
at no great distance, with English colours flying. They
were now distinctly made out to bo a sloop of war that
rated 10 guns, and a brig of 14. The sea was perfectly
smooth, and there being no wind, the two light cruisers of
the enemy were enabled to sweep up, and to select their
positions, while the Alliance lay almost a log on the water,
without steerage way. Owing to these circumstances, it
«vas noon before the vessels were near enough to hail, when
the action commenced. For more than an hour the Alli-
ance fought to great disadvantage, the enemy having got on
her quarters, where only a few of the aftermost guns would
bear on them. The advantage possessed by the English ves-
sels, in consequence of the calm, at one time, indeed, gave
iheir people the greatest hopes of success, for they had
the fight principally to themselves. While things were in this
unfortunate state, Capt. Barry received a grape-shot through
his shoulder, and was carried below. This additional and
disheartening calamity added to the disadvantages of the
Americans, who were suffering under the close fire of two
spirited and persevering antagonists. Indeed, so confident
of success did the enemy now appear to be, that when the
ensign of the Alliance was shot away, this fact, coupled with
the necessary slackness of her fire, induced their people to
quit their guns, and to give three cheers for victory. This

i :■ '

KAVAL HISTORY.

S23

occurred nt a moment when a light breeze struck the Al-
liance's sails, and she came fairly under steerage way. A
sinf;le broadside from a manageable ship changed the entire
state of the combat, and sent the enemy to their guns, again,
vv' th the conviction that their work yet remained to be done.
Alter a manly resistance, both the English vessels, in the
end, were compelled to haul down their colours.

The prizes proved to be the Atalanta 16, Capt. Edwards,
with a crew of 130 men, and the Trepassy 14, Capt.
Smith, with a crew of 80 men. Both vessels were much
cut up, and they sustained a joint loss of 41 men in kill-
ed and wounded. Nor did the Alliance escape with im-
punity, having had 11 killed and 21 wounded, principally by
the fire of her enemies, while they lay on her quarters and
across her stern. C'apt. Barry made a cartel of the Tre-
passy, and sent her into an English port with the prisoners,
but the Atlanta was retaken by the enemy's squadron that
was cruising off Boston, while attempting to enter that
harbour.

Fortune now became capricious, and we are compelled
to present the other side of the picture. Among the ships
built late in the war, was the Confederacy 32. This vessel
had been launched in 1778, at, or near Norwich, in Connec-
ticut, and the command of her was given to Capt. Setli
Harding, the officer who commanded the Defence 14, in the
action in Nantasket Roads with the two transports cap-
tured in 1776. Capt. Harding had been commissioned in
the navy, in which his first command appears to have been
this ship. The Confederacy sailed for Europe in 1779, with
Mr. Jay, the minister to Spain, on board, and was suddenly
dismasted, a little to the eastward of Bermuda. Spar fol-
lowed spar, in this calamity, until the ship lay a log on the
water, with even her bowsprit gone. This misfortune must
probably be atlribi.Uod, like so many similar, that have suc-
ceeded it, to the rigging's having slackened, after having

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NAVAL HISTORT.

been set up in cold weather at home, when the ship got into
a warm latitude. . '

After several anxious weeks, the Confederacy got into
Martinique, where Mr. Jay obtained a passage in the French
frigate I'Aurore, and the American vessel remained to refit.
From that time to the commencement of the present year,
the Confederacy was employed, like most of the large ves-
sels of the service, in that stage of the war, in keeping open
the communications between the country and the different
ports were supplies were obtained, and in transporting
stores. Early in 1781, she went to Cape Francois, and, on
the 22nd of June, while on her return, with clothing and
other supplies on board, and with a convoy in charge, she
was chased by a large ship, which succeeded in getting
along side of her. Capt. Harding had gone to quarters,
and was about to open his fire, when the en^my ran out a
lower tier of guns, and, a frigate being in company a short
distance astern, he struck. Several of the convoy were also
taken.

The British stated the armament of the Confederacy to
have been, when taken, 28 twelves, and 8 sixes, or 36 guns.
Quitting this unlucky vessel, we shall now return to the oiJy
other frigate that was built in Connecticut, during the war.

Capt. Nicholson continued in command of the Trumbull,
after his severe conflict with the Watt, and we find him at
sea again in that ship, in the summer of 1781. She left the
Delaware on the eighth of August, with a crew short of 200
men, of which near 50 were of the questionable materials to
be found among the prisoners of war. She had a convoy
of twenty eight sail, and a heavy privateer was in company.
Off the capes, the Trumbull made three British cruisers
astern. Two of the enemy's cruisers, one of which was a
frigate, stood for the Trumbull, which ship, by hauling up,
was enabled to gain the wind of them. Night was near,
and it blew heavily. The merchantmen began to diverge

.V.

NAVAL HISTORY.

■.f.

225

from the course, though, by carrying easy sail, the Trum-
bull was enabled to keep most of them ahead, and in their
stations. While standing on in this manner, hoping every
thing from the darkness, a squall carried away the Trum-
bull's fore-top-mast, which, in falling, brought down with it
the main-top-gallant mast. As the weather was thick and
squally, the vessels in company of the Trumbull took advan-
tage of the obscurity and scattered, each making the best
of her way, according to her particular rate of sailing.
The Trumbull herself was compelled to bear Up, in order
to carry the canvass necessary to escape, but with the
wreck over her bows, and a crew that was not only deficient
in numbers, but which was raw, and in part disaffected, her
situation became in the last degree, embarrassing, indeed,
her condition has been described as being so peculiarly dis-
tressing, as almost to form an instance of its own, of the
difficulties that sometimes accompany naval warfare.

About 10 o'clock at night, the British frigate Iris* 32, one
of the vessels in chase; closed with the Trumbull, which ship,
on account of the heaviness of the weather, had not yet been
able to clear the wreck. In the midst of rain and squalls,
in a tempestuous night, with most of the forward hamper of
the ship over her bows, or lying on the fore-castle, with
one of the arms of the fore-topsail yard run through her
foresail, and the other jammed on deck, and with a disor-
ganized crew, Capt. Nicholson found himself compelled to
go to quarters, or to strike without resistance. He preferred

%^-^,

• The Iris had been the United States ship Hancock 32, Capt. Manly,
and was captured by the Rainbow 44, Sir George Collier, with the Victor
16, in sight, and Flora 32, in chase of her prize, the Fox. The Hancock,
or Iris, proved to be one of the fastest ships on the American station, and
made the fortunes of ail who commanded her. Capt. Manly is thought
to have lost her, in consequence of having put her out of trim, by starting
her water, while chased. The -ship, in the end, fell into the hands of the
Frcncli in the West Indies.

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226

H^.^.

WAVAt HISTORY.

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the first, but the English volunteers, instead of obeying the
order, went below, extinguished the lights, and secreted
themselves. Near half of the remainder of the people imi-
tated this example, and Capt. Nicholson could not muster
fifty of even the diminished crew he had, at the guns. The
battle that followed, might almost be said to have been
fought by the officers. These brave men, sustained by a
party of the petty officers and seamen, managed a few of the
guns, for more than an hour, when the General Monk 18,
coming up, and joining in the fire of the Iris, the Trumbull
submitted.

In this singular combat, it has even been asserted that at
no time were 40 of the Trumbull's people at their quarters.
It was probably owing to this circumstance that her loss was
so small, for the ship herself is said to have been extensively
cut up. She had five men killed and eleven wounded. Among
the latter were two of the lieutenants, and Mr. Alexander
Murray, a gentleman of Maryland, who had been educated
to the seas, and had been in the action with the Watt, but
who was then serving as a volunteer, and who, after com>
manding several private cruisers, entered the navy, and
subsequently died at the head of the service in 1821. Mr.
Murray was particularly distinguished in this aflfair, and the
conduct of Capt. Nicholson* met with much applause. The

* As the family of Capt. Nicholson may be said to be naval, it is due to
our subject to give some account of it. The ancestor of this officer emi-
grated from Berwick-upon-Tweed, at the commencement of the eighteenth
century, and established himself in Maryland, where he obtained a grant
called Nicholson's Manor, near the passage through the Blue Ridge which
is still known as Nicholson's Gap. This property was subsequently sold,
and an estate was purchased on the Eastern Shore, where James Nichol-
son was born in 1737.

James Nicholson was the second son of a numerous family, and he was
sent to England for his education. He returned home young, however,
and chose the sea as a profession. In 1762, in common with many Ame-
ricans, he assisted at the siege of the Havana. In ^763, he married.

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NAVAL HISTORV.

-"W 227

Iris suffered more than could have been expected under
such circumstances, and reported seven men killed and
wounded. i.^-:-u.j'f ■? , . .. ;' - .■■■,■' a ;-;.--=:-■% .;. -yx *''''■ .'^

When the war broke out, in 1775, Mr. Nicholson was residing on the
Eastern Shore, and he was immediately appointed to the command of a
vessel called the Defence, that was equipped by the Colony of Maryland,
and in which cruiser he was active and useful. His appointment as cap-
tain of the Virginia 28, took place June 6th, 1776, and when the rank was
arranged on the 10th of October, of the same year, he was put at the head
of the list of captains. At this time Com. Hopkins was commander-in-
chief, but when he was dismissed, Capt. Nicholson became the senior of-
ficer of the navy, a station that he held to its dissolution.

The Virginia being blockaded, Capt, Nicholson and his cfew joined the
army under Washington, and were present, in the darkest moment of the
war, at the battle of Trenton. The manner in which the Virginia was
lost has been related.

The two battles fought by Com. Nicholson while in command of the
Trumbull 28, were sanguinary and hotly contested. In both cases the
crews were, in a great degree, composed of landsmen; and in the last ac-
tion, none but a man of the highest notions of military honour would have
thought resistance necessary. To say nothing of the condition of his
ship, the Iris (Hancock) was one of the largest frigates built by the Ame-
ricans in the Revolution, and the Trumbull was one of the smallest. The
Monk was a heavy sloop of war, for that day, as is known from her sub-
sequently falling into the hands of the Americans. '' , ' i.'; .,•-:'

Com. Nicholson was not exchanged until near the close of the war, and
there being no ship for him, he never went to sea again in service. He
subsequently settled in New-York, where he held a respectable civil ap-
pointment under the general government. He died September 2d, 1804,
leaving three daughters, one of whom married Albert Gallatin, ex-secre-
tary of the treasury, &c. &c. &c.

Samuel and John, the brothers of James Nicholson, were both captains
in the navy of the Revolution, and the former died at the head of the ser-
vice, in 1811. Com. S. Nicholson had four sons in the navy, and his brother
John, three. Indeed, the third generation of this family, as in the case of
the Perrys, are now in the service. In the whole, fifteen gentlemen of
tliis name and family have served since 1775, of whom two have actually
worn broad pennants, and a third died just as he was appointed to one.
In addition, several officers of distinction were near relatives. Com. Mur-
ray having been a cousin-german of Com. Nicholson, and Capt. Gordon
his nephew. '

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NAVAL HISTORY.

As affording some relief to the loss of the Trumbull, we
now come to a handsome exploit that occurred soon after,
which ought, perhaps, properly, to take its place among the
deeds of the private cruisers, but which is of sufficient im-
portance to be mentioned here, and this so much the more,
as a portion of those engaged belonged to the regular ser-
vice of the country. A private cruiser called the Congress
had been fitted out in Philadelphia, in the course of the
summer, and in September she was cruising on the coast of
the Carolinas and Georgia. The Congress had an arma-
ment of 20 guns, according to the American accounts, and
of 24 according to the English, and she was commanded by
Capt. Geddes. Few of her people were seamen, of which
there was now a great scarcity in the country, but her com-
plement was made up, in a great degree, of landsmen. ..>

On the morning of the 6th of September, cruising to the
eastward of Charleston, the Congress made a sail, to which
she gave chase. The stranger was soon discovered to be a
cruiser, and at first showed a disposition to engage, but,
after some manoeuvring she stood off. At half past ten the
Congress began to fire her bow guns, and at eleven being
close up on the enemy's quarter, she opened a heavy fire of
musketry, which did a good deal of execution. Drawing
ahead, the Congress now delivered her broadside, and it was
returned with spirit. At first the enemy got a cross fire
upon the Congress, and the latter ship meeting with an ac-
cident, fell astern to refit. But soon closing again, the
combat was renewed with fresh vigour, and the Congress
having got her enemy fairly under her guns, in less than an
hour, left her a nearly unmanageable wreck on the water.
Notwithstanding his condition, the Englishman showed no
disposition to submit, and the Congress ran so close along
side, that the men were said to be reciprocally burned by
the discharges of the guns. The quarter-deck and fore-
castle of the enemy had scarcely a man left on it, and his

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329

fire began to slacken in consequence of several of his guns
having been dismounted. In this stage of the engagement
shot were even thrown by hand and did execution. At
length the mizzen-mast of the English ship fell, and the
main-mast threatening to follow it, her boatswain appeared
on the forecastle, with his hat in his hand, and called out
that his commander had struck. The prize proved to be the
British sloop of war Savage 16, Capt. Stirling.

The accounts of the respective force of the vessels engaged
in this warm contest, differ essentially ; and, as is usual in such
matters, it is probable that the truth lies between them.
There is little question of the superiority of the Congress in
guns, metal and men ; but when it is remembered that the
conqueror was a private armed ship, with a raw crew, and
that the captured vessel was a regular cruiser that had been
long actively employed, it would not be just to withhold from
Capt. Geddes and his people, the credit of having performed
a handsome naval exploit. As in other things, there is a
discrepancy also in the account of the losses of the two
ships. The Congress is said, by Capt. Stirling, to have had
about fifty men killed and wounded ; and by the American
accounts, to have lost only thirty. The former makes the
loss of the Savage eight killed, and twenty-four wounded ;
while the Americans raise it as high as to a total of fifty-
four. There is a reason to question the accuracy of the
published English account of this affair, to be found in the
fact, that Capt. Stirling, while he does not state that he
was short-handed, tells us that he had but forty men left at
their quarters when he struck. By adding this number to
the thirty-two killed, or disabled by wounds, we get a total
of but seventy-two for the crew of a frigate-built sloop of
war, a fact that requires explanation to receive credit, and
which, if true, would have so fairly entered into the relation
of the defeat, as an extenuating circumstance. Official ac-
counts of defeats so often undergo changes and mutilations

Vol. I.— 20

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230

NAVAL HISTORY.

.Av^:.

between the hands of the writer and their publication, that
we are not necessarily to attribute wilful misrepresentation
to a gallunt but unfortunate officer, because the documents
laid before the world do not always rigidly coincide with
probability, or the truth as it has been derived from other
sources. The Savage was re-captured by a British frigate,
and taken into Charleston. Capt. Geddes got much credit
for this affair ; and, at a later day, we find his name among
those of the captains of the navy.

We have now reached the year 1782, which was virtu-
ally the last of the war of the Revolution, though some
events will remain to be recorded in the early part of the
year 1783. In the commencement of this year, the Deane
32, made a successful cruise, in which she took several pri-
vate armed vessels of the enemy. By some accounts, three
of her prizes were sloops of war, viz. the Regulator 18,
the Swallow 16, and the Jackall 14; bit we think it pro-
bable, that there may have been some mistake as to their
characters. On this otxasion, the Deane was commanded
by Capt. Samuel Nicholson.

The favourite ship, the Alliance* 32, Capt. Barry, was
much employed this year, her superior sailing making her a
vessel in constant demand. Among other services that she
performed, this ship was sent to the Havana for specie,
whence she sailed, in company with the Luzerne, a ship load-
ed with supplies. Shortly after quitting port, some enemy's
vessels fell in with them, and gave chase. While running
from this force, a large sail was seen on the Alliance's
weather bow, which was soon made out to be a French 50,
of two decks. Exchanging signals, arid supposing that the
French vessel would sustain him, Capt. Barry immediately

* One of Uie tnulitions of the service states that the Alliance was chased
this year, by an enemy's two-decker, and that she ran 15 knots by the
log, with the wind abeam, in making her escape !

■*. ^

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NAVAL HISTORY.

wore round, and brought the leading vessel of the enemy
to action; the others manoeuvring in a way to engage
the attention of the fifty. The latter, however, kept her
wind ; and after a sharp fight of more than half an hour, the
English ship engaged with the Alliance, finding herself hard
pushed, made signals to her consorts to join, when Capt.
Barry hauled off. The Alliance now stood for the French
ship, and speaking her, it was determined to bring the
enemy to action again, in company. On naking sail in
chase, however, it was soon found that the fifty was too
dull a sailer to give the least hope of overtaking the enemy,
and the attempt was abandoned.

In this action, the Alliance had 3 killed and 1 1 wounded ;
while it is said that the loss of the enemy was very heavy.
Some statements place the latter as high as 87 men ; but
no accounts can be discovered, that give a very clear his-
tory of this affair. Even the name of the English ship ap-
pears to be lost. One of the enemy, by some of the ac-
counts, was said to be a ship of the line, and the ship en-
gaged by the Alliance, a heavy sloop of war.

The command of the Hague, one of the two frigates
now left in the American marine, was given to Capt.
Manly, after her return from the cruise under Capt. Nichol-
son ; and this officer, who had virtually begun the mari-
time war, on the part of the United States, in a manner
closed it, by an arduous and brilliant chase, in which he
escaped from several of the enemy's ships in the West In-
dies, after being for a considerable time under the guns of
a vastly superior force. This occurrence may be said to
have brought the regular naval warfare of the United
States to an end, so far as the government cruisers were
concerned, peace haying been made early in 1783.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

■ •\ V

/ ■' '.V

CHAPTER XII.

Although wc have introduced a few of the prominent
actions in which the privateers were concerned in this war,
it has been as exceptions. Most of the accounts of such
conflicts are of a questionable nature, depending principally
on the rumours of the day, as they were written out for the
newspapers, though it is known that many of the exploits
of this description of vessels were of a brilliant kind, and
every way entitled to respect. Indeed, the private cruisers
of America have always had a character superior to those of
other countries; a fact thai is owing to the greater degree of
relative respectability that is attached to the profession of
a seaman in this country, than it is usual to find elsewhere,
and to the circumstance that the public marine has never
been sufficiently large to receive all of those who would
willingly take service in it, when the nation has been en-
gaged in war. ':^i '

Privateering, in the abstract, is a profession of which
reason and good morals can scarcely approve ; for what-
ever may be its legality, its aim is to turn the waste and
destruction of war, to the benefit of avarice. But circum-
stances may, and in the two contests that have taken
place between Great Britain and the United States, these
circumstances did offer so many apologies for engaging in
the pursuit, as almost to raise it to the dignity of a more
approved warfare. Without regular fleets, borne upon by

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NAVAL HISTORY.

288

a powerful nation that claimed to command the ocean, and
unable to assail t' .. enemy in any other manner, most of
the American seamen have found themselves reduced to
the necessity cf choosing between idleness, during struggles
that involved the dearest rights of the country, or of en*
gaging in this mode of endeavouring to bring their enemies
to terms. It is due to these brave men to say, that, as a
rule, their conduct while afloat, has generally coincided
with the sentiments here attributed to them; American pri-
vateering having in all ages, been as little stigmatized by
acts of oppression and rapine, as the conduct of most re-
gular marines.

In many instances, during the war of the Revolution, the
private armed cruisers displayed an honourable chivalry, by
engaging vessels of war, that sufficiently shows the spirit of
their commanders ; and we find them nearly always ready,
when occasions have offered, to quit their more peculiar oc-
cupation, that of assailing the enemy's commerce, in order
to lend their aid in any of the regular military expedi-
tions of the country, that required it. In short, in this war,
the officer and the common man, appear equally to have
passed, at need, from the deck of the public, to that of the
private cruiser, knowing little difference between ships that
carried the ensign of the republic, and which, in their eyes,
were engaged in the san>e sacred cause.

As respects the service of the colonial or state cruisers,
there would be less reason to regard the accounts with dis-
trust, but their records are scattered in so many different
offices, and the marines themselves were so irregular, that
it is almost impossible to obtain authentic details, at this
distant day. In many instances, these vessels did excellent
service ; and, in addition to a few tliat have already been
incorporated in this work, among the more regular inci-
dents of the war, we shall add the accounts of one or two
of their actions, as they have been obtained from the best

20*

■-.rr^j'iii^! ■

&At:>

S34

fTAVAL HISTORY.

authorities that now offer, considering them entitled to pre-
cedence, before we give an outline of the service perform-
ed by the private armed cruisers.

In March 1782, the Delaware was much infested by
barges and small cruisers of the enemy, which not unfre-
quently made prizes of vessels belonging to the Americans,
as well as molesting the people who dwelt near the water.
With a view to keep the navigation open against these
marauders, at least, the state of Pennsylvania deter-
mined to fit out a cruiser or two, at its own expense,
and with such materials as could be hastily collected.
With this object, a small ship called the Hyder Ally was
purchased. So suddenly did the local government come
to its resolution, that the vessel just named, when bought,
had actually dropped down the river, on an outward-
bound voyage, loaded with ilour. She was brought back,
her cargo was discharged, and an armament of sixteen
six-pounders was put upon her. So little, however, was
this ship ready for war, that she had to be pierced in or-
der to receive her guns. Indeed so pressing was the
emergency, that the merchants of Philadelphia anticipat-
ed the passage of the law to authorize the purchase and
equipment of this ship, by advancing funds for that purpose ;
and the act bad not actually gone through all its legal
forms, until after the exploit we are about to record had
been performed! The commissioners entrusted with the
duty of preparing the ship, selected Lieut. Joshua Barney,
of the United States navy, as her commander, a young offi-
cer of great decision of character and personal bravery,
who had already distinguished himself in subordinate sta-
tions, on board of different cruisers of the general govern-
ment, but who, like so many more of the profession, was
obliged frequently to choose between idleness, or a service
less regular than that to which he properly belonged.

A crew of 110 men was put on board the Hyder Ally;

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NAVAL HISTORY.

285

and within a fortnight after he was appointed to command
her, Cupt. Barney sailed. It was not the intention of the
state of Pennsylvania, that their ship should go to sea, but
merely that she should keep the navigation of the river and
bay open, and drive off privateers, and other small cruisers.
On the 8th of April, the Hyder Ally got into the bay with a
considerable convoy of outward-bound merchantmen. The
whole fleet had anchored in the roads ofT Cape May, in
waiting for a wind to get to sea, when two ships and a
brig, one of the former a frigate, were seen rounding the
Cape, evidently with a view to attack them. Capt. Barney
immediately run up a signal for the convoy to trip, and to
stand up the bay again, the wind being to the southward.
This order was principally obeyed, and in a few minutes,
the merchant vessels, with one exception, >vere running
off before the wind, with every thing set that would draw,
the Hyder Ally covering their retreat, under easy sail. The
vessel that remained, endeavoured to get to sea, by hauling
close round the cape, but grounded and fell into the hands
of the enemy. Another vessel got on the shoals, and was
taken by a boat from the nearest of the English cruisers.

An extensive shoal, called the " Over Falls," forms two
channels, in the lower part of the Delaware Bay, and
while the convoy passed up the easternmost of these chan-
nels, or that which is known as the " Cape May Channel,"
the frigate stood towards the western, which offered a bet-
ter chance to head the fugitives at the point where the two
united, and which had the most water. The remaining ship
and the brig, stood on in the direction of the Hyder Ally.

It was not long before the brig, which proved to be a
British privateer out of New York, called the Fair Ameri-
can, came up with the Hyder Ally, when the latter offered
her battle. But, firing a broadside, the privateer kept
aloof, and continued up the bay. Capt. Barney declined to
return this fire, holding himself in reserve for the ship astern.

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286

NAVAL HISTORT.

,*■

Q large sloop of war, which was fast coming up. When the
latter got quite near, the Hyder Ally, which had kept close
to the shoal, lufTed and threw in her broadside, and imme-
diately righting her helm, keeping away again. The ene-
my stood boldly on, and just as his forward guns were
beginning to bear, the two vessels being within pistol shot,
the Hydor Ally attempted to luff athwart his hawse, when
the jib-boom of the English ship ran into her forerigging,
and the two vessels got foul. It is said that Capt. Barney
obtained this advantage by deceiving his enemy, having
given an order to port the helm, in a loud voice, when se-
cret instructions had been given to the quarter-master at the
wheel, to put his helm hard a-starboard. The Hyder Ally
now opened a severe raking fire, and in less than half an
hour from the commencement of the action, the stranger
struck, the ships remaining foul of each other. .<. , •-, .

The frigate, which had not actually got into the western
channel, perceiving the state of things, changed her course,
with a view to get round to the combatants, and Capt. Bar-
ney had no time to lose. Throwing his first lieutenant,
with a party, on board the prize, he ordered her to continue
up the bay, while he covered the retreat with his own ship.
In the mean while, the brig had run aground above, in chase
of the convoy. There is some reason to suppose that the
commander of the frigate did not know the result of tha
action, for he made signals to the prize, and anchored about
sunset, leaving the Hyder Ally, which had been kept a long
distance astern of the other vessels, with a view to divert
his attention, to proceed to Philadelphia without further
molestation.

Up to this moment, Capt. Barney did not even know the
name of his prize. He now made sail, however, and run-
ning along side of her, for the first time he learned he had
captured his Britannic Majesty's ship. General Monk, 18,
Capt. Rogers. This vessel had formerly been the American

!',

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If AVAL HISTORY.

237

privateer, General Washington, and having fallen into the
power of Admiral Arbuthnot, he had taken her into the
king's service, given her a new name, and promoted a fa-
vourite officer to her command. The Monk mountei'
twenty nines, and is said to have had a crew of 136 men.
Capt. Rogers reported his loss at killed, and 20 wounded;
but Capt. Barney stated it at 20 killed, and 36 wounded.
It is probable that the latter account is nearest the truth, as
the commander of a captured vessel has not always as
good an opportunity as his captor, to ascertain his own loss.
The Hyder Ally had 4 killed, and 11 wounded.

This action has been justly deemed one of the most bril-
liant that ever occurred under the American flag. It was
fought in the presence of a vastly superior force that was
not engaged; and the ship taken, was in every essential re-
spect, superior to her conqueror. The disproportion in
metal, between a six pounder and a nine pounder, is one-
half; and the Monk, besides being a heavier and a larger
ship, had the most men. Both vessels appeared before
Philadelphia, a few hours after the action, bringing with
them even their dead ; and most of the leading facts were
known to the entire community of the place.* ' j

* A biography of the life of Capt. Rogers has appeared; and, in this work,
it is asserted th?^ the armament of the General Monk was of nine-pound
earronades, and that the guns were so light, that they were dismounted
by ihe i icoils. The defeat is imputed to this cause. In the subsequent
actioi. mentioned in the text, the Monk, then the General Washington,
is sale to have suffered a disadvantage, in consequence of her nines being
sixes bored out to the former calibre, the guns not having weight enough
to bear the recoil. This is a professional fact, that might well enough
occur. It is, therefore, probable that, when taken, the Monk had these
same nines, and that some may have been dismoimted by the recoil. But,
on the other hand, the Monk could have lost near half her g^ns, in this
way, and still have been equal to the Hyder Ally; and the fact appears to
be ceilain, that the combat was settled by the bold manoeuvre of Capt.
Barney. It is mentioned, moreover, in this same biography, that Capt.
Rogers had been two years very actively employed in the Monk, when

^ i

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338

NAVAL HISTORY.

The steadiness with which Capt. Barney protected his
convoy, the gallantry and conduct with which he engaged,
and the perseverance with which he covered the retreat of
his prize, are all deserving of high praise. Throughout the
whole affair, this officer discovered the qualities of a great
naval captain ; failing in no essential of that distinguished
character.

The Monk, her old name having been restored, was ta-
ken into the service of the State of Pennsylvania,* and

^ •"?

•)

she was taken; and it will be admitted as singular, that he did not under-
stand the power of his guns by that time. Reduced charges, too, would
hare obviated the difficulty in a combat in which the ships touched each
other. Carronades were scarcely known in 1782, and the Monk received
her outfit in 1779. Besides, she would have carried much heavier car-
ronades, had she carried any, the weight of an eighteen-pound carron-
ade being about the same as that of a six-pounder. The biographer has,
no doubt, confounded the light nines with carronades of that calibre, the
latteiypun being much in use when he wrote.

* The biographer of Com. Barney has assumed that, as the Gen. Wash-
ington was employed on duty in behalf of the United States, Mr. Barney
was made a captain in the navy. By the instructions published in this
biography, it appears that the commissioners of Pennsylvania put the ship
at the disposition of Mr. Robert Morris, in order to transport specie from
the Havana to this country. This fact alone would not have made Mr.
Barney a captain in the navy; or the master of every merchantman who
is employed by government might claim that rank. It does not make a
man a captain in the navy, to command a frigate even, as that duty may
be performed by a gunner, at need. The commission is necessary to
make a captain; and this, Mr. Barney, however deserving of it, does not
appear to have ever possessed until it was given to him in 1794, although
he remained a lieutenant in the service to the close of the war. The Gen.
Washington was employed by tlie United States down to the peace, it is
true; but this no more puts a ship on the list, than an officer of a mer-
chantman i ' put on the list by his vessel's being hired as a transport.
Government may put its officers in merchant-ships, and they will remain
its officers; or it may put its ships temporarily under the charge of mer-
chant-officers, and the latter will not be in the navy. It may hire, borrow, or
forcibly employ vessels, without necessarily placing either the ships or their

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NAVAL HISTORt.

289

was shortly after sent on duty in behalf of the United
States, to the West Indies. During this cruise, Capt. Bar-
ney had a warm engagement with an English armed brig,
supposed to have been a privateer, of about an equal
force, but she escaped from him, the meeting occurring in
the night, and the enemy manoeuvring and sailing particu-
larly well. The name of her antagonist is not known. In
this affair, the Washington received some damage in her
spars, but met with no serious loss.

Massachusetts and South Carolina were the two states
that most exerted themselves, in order to equip cruisers of
their own. As early as September, 1776, one of the vessels
of the former is said to have captured an English sloop of
war, after a sharp action; but we can discover no more
than general and vague accounts of the affair.

Among the vessels of Massachusetts was one named
after the state itself, and a brig called the Tyrannicide.
The latter was a successful cruiser, and made many Cap-
tures, but she was lost in the unfortunate affair in the Pe-
nobscott. It is believed that the Tyrannicide was built
expressly for a cruiser. But the favourite officer of this
service appears to have been Capt. John Foster Williams,
who commanded a brig called the Hazard, in 1779. In
this vessel, in addition to the action already related with the
Active, Capt. Williams performed many handsome ex-

officers on its regular lists. It does appear, however, that the United States
in the end owned the Washington; probably through some subsequent
arrangement with Pennsylvania; she being sold-on public account.

There is no question that Capt. Barney ought to have been presented
with the commission of a captain in the American navy, for the capture of
the Monk; and it is probably owing to the state of the war, then known to
be so near a close, and to the general irreg^arities of the service, that he
was not; but we can find no evidence that Congress ever acquitted itself
of this duty. .-'■'.■ 'v ;«

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240

NAVAL HISTORY.

^P'

ploits, proving himself, on all occasions, an officer of
merit.

After quitting the Hazard, Capt. Williams was transferred
to the Protector 20, equally a state ship. In this vessel he
had the two actions mentioned in another chapter, — that
with the Duff, and that with the Thames, — in both of which
this gallant officer greatly distinguished himself. Soon after
this brilliant cruise he resumed the command of the Hazard,
which was also lost to the state in the unfortunate expedi-
tion against the British in the Penobscott. It would proba-
bly have been better for Massachusetts had it named this
meritorious officer to the command of the naval armament
on that occasion. This unhappy affair appears, in a great
degree, to have put an end to the maritime efforts of Massa-
chusetts, a state, however, that was foremost tu the last, in
aiding the general cause.

Of the vessels of Carolina mention has already been made.
In the early part of the war several light cruisers were em-
ployed, but as the contest advanced, this state entertained a
plan of obtaining a few vessels of force, with an intention of
striking a heavier blow than common against the enemy.
With this view. Com. Gillon, the officer who was at the
head of its little marine, went to Europe, and large amounts
of colonial produce were transmitted to him, in order to
raise the necessary funds. In his correspondence, this of-
ficer complains of the difficulty of procuring the right sort
of ships, and much time was lost in fruitless negotiations for
that purpose, in both France and Holland. At length an
arrangement was entered into, for a single vessel, that is so
singular as to require particular notice.
^ At Amsterdam, Com. Gillon finally found a ship that
every way answered his purpose. This vessel was the
Indien, which had been laid down by the American com-
missioners, and subsequently presented to France. She had
the dimensions of a small 74, but was a frigate in construe-

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241

Uon, carrying, however, an armament that consisted of 28
Swedish thirty-sixes on her gun-deck, and of 13 Swedish
twelves on her quarter-deck and forecastle, or 40 guns in
the whole. This ship, though strictly the property of France,
had been lent by Louis XVI. to the Duke of Luxembourg;
who hired her to the State of South Carolina for three
years, on condition that the state would insure her, sail her
at its own expense, and render to her owner one-fourth of
the proceeds of her prizes. Under this singular compact,*
the ship, which was named the South Carolina for the oc-
casion, got out in 1781, and made a successful cruise in the
Narrow Sea$!, sending her prizes into Spain. Afterwards
she sailed for America, capturing ten sail, with which she
went into the Havana. Here, Com. Gillonj with a view
to distress the enemy, accepted the command of the nauti-
cal part of an expedition, that had been set on foot by the
Spaniards, against the Bahamas, and in which other Ame-
rican cruisers joined. The expedition was successful, and
the ship proceeded to Philadelphia. Com. Gillon now left
her, and after some delay, the South Carolina went to sea, in
December, 1782, under the orders of Capt. Joyner, an officer
who had previously served on board her as second in com-
mand. It is probable that the movements of so important
a vessel were watched, for she had scarcelv cleared the
capes, when, after a short running fight, she fell into the
hands of the British ship Diomede 44, having the Astrea
32, and the Quebec 32, in company.

The South Carolina was much the heaviest ship that ever
sailed under the American flag, until the new frigates were

■tA

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,*< ■

* It appears to be generally imagined that this Duke of Luxembourg, or
Chevalier de Luxembourg as he was sometimes called, was the sover-
eign prince of that country, but we suppose him to have been a French
nobleman of the well-known family of Montmorency, which bears this title.
Could the truth be come at, it is not improbable that the whole aflTair would
be discovered to have been an indirect species of princely privateering.

Vol. I.— 21

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NAVAL HISTORY.

constructed during the war of 1812, and she is described as
^ having been a particularly fast vessel ; but her service ap-
pears to have been greatly disproportioned to her means.
She cost the state a large sum of money, and is believed to
have returned literally nothing to its treasury. Her loss
excited much comment. . ? • "i; ; :.■'-, - ;>v . rv^>_ >,,;
» Admiral Arbuthnot reports among the "rebel ships of
war" taken or sunk at the capture of Charleston, " the Bri-
cole, pierced for 60, mounting 44 guns, twenty-four and
eighteen pounders," &c. As there never was a vessel of
this name in the navy of the United States, it is probable
that this ship was another heavy frigate obtained by the
State of South Carolina, in Europe. Although this state
had the means to equip a better marine than common, it had
neither vessels, building yards, nor seamen of any great
moment. Most of its vessels were purchased, and its seamen
were principally obtained from places out of its limits. Com.
Gillon and Capt. Joyner being both natives of Holland.

We shall now briefly allude to a few private armed crui-
sers, and close the narrative of the naval events connected
with the Revolution. Of the general history of this part of
the warfare of the period, the reader will have obtained
some idea from our previous accounts ; but it may be well
htfre, to give a short but more connected summary of its
dutlines. - . •

- The first proceedings of Congress in reference to assail-
#*i " ing the British commerce, as has been seen, were reserved
and cautious. War not being regularly declared, and an
; accommodation far from hopeless, the year 1775 was

suffered to pass away without granting letters of marque
and reprisal; for it was the interest of the nation to pre-
serve as many friends in England as possible. As the
breach widened, this forbearing policy was abandoned, and
the summer of 1776 let loose the nautical enterprise of the
country upon the British commerce. The effect at first was

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248

astounding. Never before had England found an enemy so
destructive to her trade, and, during the two first years of
the privateering that followed, something like eight hundred
sail of merchantmen were captured; After this period, the
efforts of the Americans necessarily lessened, while the pre-
cautions of the enemy increased. Still, these etiterprises
proved destructive to the end of the war ; and it is a proof
of the efficiency of this class of cruisers to the last, that
small privateers constantly sailed out of the English ports,
with a view to make money, by recapturing their own
ressels ; the trade of America, at that time, offering but few
inducements to such undertakings. • t: ' < r^' ^*' i ■ >- . .^

Among the vessels employed as private cruisers, the
Holker, the Black Prince, the Pickering, the Wild Cat,
the Vengeance, the Marlborough, in addition to those else-
where named, were very conspicuous. The first sailed
under different commanders, and with almost uniform suc-
cess. The Marlborough is said to have made twenty-eight
prizes in one cruise, and other vessels were scarcely less
fortunate. Many sharp actions occurred, and quite as often
to the advantage of these cruisers as to that of their enemy.
In repeated instances they escaped from British ships of
war, under unfavourable circumstances, and there is no
question, that in a few cases, they captured them.

To this list ought also to be added the letters of marque,
which, in many cases, did great credit to themselves
and the country. Capt. Murray, since so well known to
the service, made one of the most desperate defences on
record, in one of these vessels, near the close of the war ;
and Capt. Truxtun, whose name now occupies so high a
station among those of the naval captains of the republic,
made' another, in the St. James, while conveying an Ame-
rican agent to France, which was so highly appreciated
that it probably opened the way to the rank that he subse-
quently filled.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

The English West-India trade, in particular, sufTered
largely by the private warfare of the day. Two and fifty
sail, engaged in this branch of commerce, are stated to
have been taken as early as February, 1777. The whole
number of captures made by the Americans in this contest,
is not probably known, but six hundred and fifty prizes are
said to have been got into port. Many of the remainder
were ransomed, and some were destroyed at sea. There
can be no minute accuracy in these statements, but the in-
jury done the commerce of Great Britain was enormous ;
and there is no doubt that the constant hazards it run, had
a direct influence in obtaining the acknowledgment of the
independence of the United States of America, which great
event took place on the 20th of January, 1783.
i Thus terminated the first war in which America was en-
gaged as a separate nation, after a struggle that had endured
seven years and ten months. Orders of recall were imme-
diately given to the different cruisers, and the commissions
of all privateers and letters of marque were revoked. The
proclamation announcing a cessation of hostilities, and that
the country was in a state of peace, was made on the 11th
of April, when the war finally terminated at all points.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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": I.V'ip

CHAPTER XIII.

-r

Before we proceed to give an account of the state in
virliich the war left the American marine, a brief review of
its general condition, throughout, and at the close of the
struggle, may be found useful.

When the law of 1775 was passed, directing the con-
struction of the first frigates, for the twenty-eights and
twenty-fours are included in this class, different building
stations were selected, at points thought to be least exposed
to the enemy. The vessel that was laid down in New
Hampshire, was said to have been put into the water in
sixty days from the time the work commenced. But all
this activity was of little avail, the want of gun's, anchors,
rigging, or some material article, interfering with the rapid
equipment of nearly every one of the thirteen ships.

The vessel just mentioned was the Raleigh, and her
career can be traced in our previous pages.

The two ships constructed in Massachusetts, the Hancock
and Boston, got to sea; for this part of the country was little
annoyed by the enemy after the evacuation of Boston ; and
their fortunes are also to be found in our pages.

The Rhode Island ships were the Warren and Providence.
These vessels are described as having been the most indif-
ferent of the thirteen. They were launched in 1776, and
their services and fates have been given.

The Montgomery and Congress were the vessels ordered
to be built in New York. These ships, it is believed, were

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NAVAL HISTORr.

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constructed at, or near, Poughkeepsie, on the Hudson, and
did not get to sea, as the British held the mouth of the river
from August 1776 to November 1783. They were burned
in 1777, in order to prevent them from falling into the hands
of the enemy, when Sir Henry Clinton took the forts in the
highlands.

The name of the Maryland ship was the Virginia, and her
hard fortune has been recorded in the course of the events
of the year 1778.

Pennsylvania had the four remaining vessels, the Ran-
dolph, the Washington, the Delaware, and the Effingham.
Of the first it is unnecessary to say any thing, as her fate is
identified with the glory of the service. If the Delaware
ever got to sea, we find no traces of her movements. She
was equipped certainly, and most probably blockaded, fall-
ing into the hands of the enemy when they got possession
of Philadelphia. The other two were burned in Capt.
Henry's expedition up the river, in 1778, as has been related.

Thus of the thirteen vessels from which so much was ex-
pected, but six got to sea at all, in the service in which
they were built. To these were added, in the course of the
war, a few other frigates, some permanently, and some only
for single cruises. Of the former class were the Deane,
(Hague,) Alliance, Confederacy, and Queen of France. It
is believed that these four ships, added to the thirteen or-
dered by the law of 1775, and the Alfred and Columbus,
will comprise all the frigate-built vessels that properly be-
longed to the marine of the country, during the war of the
Revolution. The French vessels that composed most of the
squadron of Paul Jones were lent for the occasion, and we
hear no more of the Pallas after the cruise had ended. She
reverted to her original owners. ■ . > '

Of the sloops of war and smaller vessels it is now difli-
cult to give a complete and authentic account. Several
were employed by the commissioners in France, which it

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

247

is impossible to trace. Congress occasionally borrowed
vessels of the states, and generally with their officers and
crews on board. Of this class of vessels was the General
Washington, (late General Monk,) which unquestionably
belonged to the state of Pennsylvania, when first equipped,
though she appears to have been subsequently transferred to
the General Government, by which she was employed as a
packet, as late as the year 1784, when she was sold on public
account.

Under such circumstances, and with the defective mate*
rials that are now to be obtained, the difficulty uf making a
perfect list of the vessels that were in the navy during the
war of the Revolution is fully felt, and yet, without some
such record, this book will have an air of incompletenes.
One, that has been corrected with care, is accordingly
given, and as nothing is admitted into it, without authority,
it is believed to be correct as far as it goes; its defects
being those of omission, rather than positive errors. An-
nexed to the name of each vessel is her fate, as an Ameri-
can cruiser, so far as the facts can be ascertained.

List of vessels of war, in the American navy between the
years 1775, and 1783.
Alliance 32, sold after the peace and converted into an In-

diaman.* - . ' •

Deane (Hague) 32. > .

Virginia 28, taken by a British squadron near the capes

of the Chesapeake, before getting to sea, 1778.
Confederacy 32, taken by a ship of the line, off the capes of

Virginia, June 22d, 1781.
Hancock 32, taken in 1777, by Rainbow 40, and Victor 16.

Flora 32, retook her prize.
Randolph 32, blown up in action with the Yarmouth 64, in

1778. ■ . .

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* Her wreck still lies on the island opposite to Philadelphia!

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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Raleigh 32, taken by the Experiment 50, and Unicorn 23,
1778. ;..■.":»!. : ■' . .,.,v ;

Washington 32, destroyed in the Delaware by the British
army,' 1778, without getting to sea. ,. • ^ ,.

Warren 32, burned in the Penobscott in 1779, to prevent her
falling into the enemy's hands.

Queen of France 28, captured at Charleston in 1780. . - .

Providence 28, do, do. do.

Trumbull 28, taken by the Iris 32, and General Monk 18,
1781.

Effingham 28, burned by the enemy in the Delaware, 1778,
without getting to sea.

Congress 28, destroyed in the Hudson, 1777, to prevent her
falling into the enemy's hands, without getting to sea.

Alfred 24, captured by the Ariadne and Ceres, in 1778.

Columbus 20.

Delaware 24, captured by the British army in the Dela-
ware, in 1777.

Boston 24, captured at Charleston, in 1780.

Montgomery 24, destroyed in the Hudson, without getting
to sea, 1777.

Hamden 14.

Reprisal 16, foundered at sea, 1778.

Lexington 14, taken by the British cutter Alert, in the chan-
nel, 1778.

Andrea Doria 14, burned in the Delaware, 1777, to prevent
her falling into the enemy's hands.

Cabot 16, driven ashore by the Milford 32, in 1777, and
abandoned.

Ranger 18, captured at Charleston by the British army,
1780. 4s

Saratoga 16, lost at sea in 1780; never heard of.

Diligent 14, burned in the Penobscott, 1778.

Gates 14.

Hornet 10.

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

340

Surprise 10, aoized by the French government, in 1777,
Revenge 10, sold in 1780.

Providence 12, taken in .the Penobscott in 1779. ^ .<w' '
Sachem 10^ Supposed to have been destroyed in the

Wasp 8 I Delaware by the enemy, or by the

Independence 10 [ Americans, io prevent their falling into
Dolphin loj the enemy's hands.

To these vessels must be added the following ships, which
appear to have made one or more cruises under the Ameri-
can flag, commanded by American officers, and manned, in
part, by American seamen.
Bon Humme Richard 40, sunk after her action with the

Serapis44, in 1779.
Pallas 32, left the service when the cruise was ended.

Vengeance 12, do. do. do.

Cerf 18, do. do. do.

Ariel 20, borrowed by the commissioners from the king of
France, and supposed to have been returned.

These lists contain nearly, if not quite all the vessels of
any size that properly belonged to the navy of the Ameri-
can Confederation. There were several more small cruisers,
mounting from 4 to 10 guns, but their service appears to
have been as uncertain as their fates, though, like the priva-
teers, most of them, it is believed, fell into the hands of their
powerful and numerous foes. Several ships, also, appear
to have belonged to the government, such as the Due de
Lauzun, the Luzerne, Washington, &c., that we do not
think entitled to be classed among its regular cruisers.

Most of the popular accounts make the America 74, the
first two-decked ship ever built within the limits of the
United States. That this is an error, has already been
shown, in one of our earlier pages, and there is reason to
suppose that the English caused several small vessels on
two decks to be constructed in the American colonies, pre-
viously to the war of the Revolution. It would have been

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KAVAL HISTORY.

more accurate to have stated that the America was the
heaviest ship that had been laid down in the country, at the
time she was built. This vessel .was captured from the
French, by the British, in the engagement of the 1st of June.*
The management of the little navy that the United States
possessed during this long and important struggle, was ne-
cessarily much controlled by circumstances. When the
conflict commenced, it.could scarcely be termed a war, and
the country hardly possessed an organized government at
all. It had been the policy of England to keep her colonies
as dependent as possible on herself for all manufactured
articles; and when the Revolution broke out, the new
states were almost destitute of the means of carrying on a
war. Much as has been said and written on this subject,
the world scarcely seems to possess an accurate notion of
the embarrassments to which the Americans were subjected
in consequence of deficiencies of this nature. The first
important relief was obtained through the cruisers, and it is
scarcely saying too much to add, that, without the succours
that were procured in this manner, during the years 1775

1 1

^•<' #-

* We give the following outline of the description of the America, as
left by Paul Jones, to show what were then deemed peculiarities in the
construction of a ship of the line. The upper deck bulw.'u-ks are partic-
ularly described as " breast works pierced for guns," and he adds, that
all the quarter deck and forecastle g^ns could be fought, at need, on one
aide; from which it is to be inferred that the ship had ports in her waist.
The poop had a "folding breast-work," grape>shot proof, or bulwarks that
were lowered and hoisted in a minute. The quarter-deck ran four feet
forward of the main-mast, and the forecastle came well aft. The gang-
ways were wide, and on the kvel of the quarter-deck and foreeastle. The
ship had only single quarter galleries, and no stem gtiltry. She had 50
feet 6 inches beam, over all, and her inboard leng^, on the upper gun-
deck, was 183 feet 6 inches. " Yet this ship, though the largett of seventy-
fours in the world, had, when the lower battery was sunk, the air of a deli-
cate frigate; and no person, at the distance of a mile, could have imagined
she had a second battery." Unfortunately her intended armament is not
given.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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VV'

and 1770, the Revolution must have been checked in the
outset.*

In addition to the direct benefits conferred by the cap-
tures, the marine was of incalculable advantage in bringing
Europe in contact with America, by showing the flag and
ships of the new country in the old world. Notwithstand-
ing the many obstacles that were to be overcome, the high
maritime spirit of the nation broke through all restraints;
and, in defiance of an enemy that almost possessed ubiqui-
ty, as well as an overwhelminr power, the conflict between
Britain and her despised anu oppressed colonies had not
continued a twelve-month, when the coasts of the former
country were harassed and agitated by the audacity and
enterprise of the American cruisers. Insurant > rose to a
height hitherto unknown, and for the first tii j in her his-
tory, England felt the effects which » people thorouhly
imbued with a love of maritime adventuie, could produce
on a nation so commercial.

The activity and merit of the brave men who first car-
ried the war into the enemy's seas, have not been fully ap-
preciated by the present age. Foremost ought to be placed
the name of Wickes, who led the way, and who appears to
have performed the duty confided t9 him, with discretion,

'^ The following anecdote rests on the authority of the secretary of the
marine committee of Congress, the body that discharged the duties that
are now performed by the navj. " : r-»rtment. The committee was in se-
cret session, deliberating on thv- ^ auns of obtaining certain small articles
that were indispensable to the equipment of vessels of war, but which
articles were not to be had ia the country, when a clamour for admit-
tance at the door, interrupted the proceedings. Admittance was denied,
but the intruder insisted on entering. The door was finally opened, when
a gentleman appeared, with an inventory of the stores found in the Nancy,
the first V .'ssel taken by Capt. Manly, and among which were the very
articles wanted. Mr. Adams, when the fact was ascertained, arose and
said with earnestness: — "We must succeed — Providence is with us — we
must succeed!" %*>

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NAVAL HISTOllf.;

spirit and steadiness. The untimely fate of this gallant offi-
cer, who had obtained the respect and confidence of the
American commissioners, probably was the reason that he
docs not occupy as much of the public mind as his services
merit. m , -..i^-'y:;

Capt. Conyngham, also, to his other claims, adds that of
suffering. He fell into the hands of the enemy, after his
return to the American seas, while cruising in a small pri-
vate armed vessel, and was sent to England in irons, with
a threat to treat him as a pirate. His imprisonment was
long and severe ; nor was his liberty obtained, until monthtv*
of bitter privation had been passed in a gaol. ^^ ■'^' '

The naval names that have descended to us, from this
war, with the greatest reputation, are those of Jones, Bar-
ry, Barney, Biddlc, Manly, Nicholson, Wickes, Rathburne,
Conyngham, and Hacker. To these may be added that
of Williams, who was in the service of Massachusetts.
Other officers greatly distinguished themselves, either in
subordinate situations on board vessels of war, or on
board the other cruisers. Many of the latter subsequently
rose to high stations in the national marine, and we shall
have occasion to allude to their conduct in our subsequent
pages. ^ ' '

The nature of the warfare, unquestionably trammelled
the national efforts in this contest. The circumstance that -^^
only six out of thirteen new cruisers that were laid down
under the law of Oct. 1775, ever got to sea, shows theTdif-
ficulties with which the country had to contend on account
of so many of its ports having been occupied by invading
armies, of a force and discipline that no power of the young
republic could then withstand. No less than six of these
vessels fell into the enemy's hands, by means of their lan4^~
forces, or were destroyed by the Americans themselves^ Ij^"^"
prevent such a result. In New York, the British held the
port, of all others, which would have been of the greatest

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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253

service to the country, in a naval war, as its central posi-
tion, many natural advantages, difficulty of being blockaded
on account of a double outlet, and resources, will always
render it the centre of maritime operations, iiok every strug-
gle for the command of the American seas.

But the greatest obstacles with which the young marine
had to contend, were a total absence of system, a looseness
of discipline, and a want of vessels of force. The irregulari-
ties of the service, it is true, grew out of the exigencies of
the times, but their evi's were incalculable. Hank, that great
source of contention in all services in which it is not clear-
ly defined and rigidly regulated, appears to have created
endless heart-burnings. The dissensions of the officers, na-
turally communicated themselves to the men ; and, in time,
this difficulty was added to the others which existed in ob-
taining crews. It is a singular fact, that, with the excep-
tion perhaps of that favourite ship the Alliance, we can-
not find that any frigate-built vessel left the country, after
the first year or two of the war, with a full crew on board
of her ; and even those with which they did sail, were either
composed, in a good measure, of landsmen, or the officers
had been compelled to resort to the dangerous expedient
of seeking for volunteers among the prisoners. We have
seen that the Alliance herself, with her precious freight,
was near being the sacrifice of this ill-judged, not to say
unjust policy. The Trumbull, when taken, was fought prin-
cipally by her officers; and, at the very moment when con-
fidence was of the last importance to success, the vessels of
Paul Jones's squadron appear to have distrusted each other,
and to have acted with the uncertainty of such a feeling.

To the lightness of the metal used during this war, is to
be ascribed the duration of the combats. Ii has been seen,
that the Pon Homme Richard had a few elghteen-pounders
mounted in her gun room; and there are occasional allu-
sions in the accounts of the day, that would induce us to

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believe that some of the larger vessels built for the service,
had a few guns of this calibre* mixed in with their more
regular armaments; but, strictly speaking, there was not a
ship in the American navy, during the whole war of the
Revolution, that was properly any thing more than a
twelve-pounder frigate. The America 74, would have
been an exception, of course, could she properly be said
to have belonged to the service, but she was transferred
to France previously to being put into the water. The Bon
Homme Richard had the dimensions of, and was pierced
for a thirty-eight, but her regular and only efficient batte-
ries, were composed of twelves and nines. The Indien, or
South Carolina, as she was subsequently called, was pro-
bably as heavy a frigate as then floated, but she sailed in
the service of the single state of South Carolina, and never
belonged to the marine of the country.

No correct estimate can be ever made of the merits
of the gallant seamen, whose acts have been recorded
in these pages, without keeping in constant view, all the
disadvantages under which they served. With vessels,
quite often imperfectly equipped; frequently with such guns,
ammunition and stores, as are known to be disposed of to
nations, the necessities of which supersede caution; with
crews badly, often dangerously composed, and without the
encouragement that power can proffer to success, these
faithful men went forth upon an ocean that was cover-
ed with the cruisers of their enemy, to contend with
foes every way prepared for war, who were incited by all
tl It can awaken ambition, and who met them with the
confidence that is the inseparable companion of habit and
a consciousness of force. ^

While pointing out the claims of the seamen of the Revo-
lution to that honourable place in history which it is our aim
to contribute in securing to them, there is another corps,
one that has so long been associated with navies as to be

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

255

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almost necessarily included in their renown, which is entitled
, to a distinct notice in our pages. It is so mu^h a matter of
course, to identify the marines with the ship in which they
serve, that we have not hitherto thought it necessary to
digress from the course of events to speak particularly of
this body of men. The corps, however, is so necessary to
the military character of every service, has ever been so ef-
ficent and useful, not only in carrying on the regular routine
of duty, but in face of the enemy, and was so all-important
to the security of the ships, during the period of - hich we
#huve been writing, that we have reserved a place for a
brief account of its organization in this chapter. In order
that the general reader may more clearly comprehend this
branch of the subject, however, and obtain a better idea of
the composition of the crew of a vessel of war, a paragraph
will be devoted to a few explanations.

The men of a public armed ship are divided into two
distinct bodies ; the portion of the people that do the ordi-
nary duty of the vessel, which includes the petty officers,
seamen, ordinary seanlen, landsmen and boys, and the ma-
rines. The former pass under the general name of sailors,
while the latter are always known by their own distinctive
appellation. The marines are strictly infantry soldiers, who
are trained to serve afloat ; and their discipline, equipments,
spirit, character, and esprit de corps, are altogether those
of an army. The marines impart to a ship of war, in a
great degree, its high military character. They furnish all
the guards and sentinels ; in battle they repel, or cover the
assaults of boarders ; and, at all times, they sustain and
protect the stern and necessary discipline of a ship by their
organization, distinctive charac^/)r, training, and we might
add, nature. It is usual to place one of these soldiers on
board a ship of war for each gun, though the rule is not
absolute. It is not, however, to be understood by this, that

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KAVAL HISTORr.

the marines arc regularly dispersed in the ship, by placing;
them at the guns, as, unless in cases that form exceptions,
they act together, under their own officers, using the mus-
ket and bayonet as their proper weapons. t v'. '4,*^:^'
Aware of the importance of such a Iwdy of men, on the
yth of November, 1775, or before any regular cruiser had
yet got to sea. Congress passed a law establishing a marine
corps. By this law, the corps was to consist of two battal-
ions of the usual size, and to be commanded by a colonel.
A resolution passed on the 30th of the same month, directing
that these two battalions should not be drafted from the
army before Boston, but regularly enlisted for the war. It
does not appear that this law was ever carried into com-
plete effect; the great difficulty which existed in obtaining
men for the arn)y, no less than the impracticability of getting
so many of the vessels to sea, most probably contributing
to defeat its objects. On the 25th of June, 1776, notwith-
standing, the corps received something like the contemplated
organization, and officers were appointed to serve in it.
That there were marines in the squadron of Com. Hopkins,
is known from the fact of their having been landed at New
Providence, where they were the assailing force ; but even
the greater portion of the sea-officers, employed on that
occasion, had merely letters of appointment, and, it is to be
presumed, that such was also the case with the gentlemen
of this arm. We give the following list of the officers of
the marine corps, who were appointed in June, 1775, as
containing the names of those who properly formed the
nucleus of this important and respectable part of the navy»
!^^; Officers of Marines appointed June 25th, 1775.

Samuel Nichols, Major.

Andrew Porter, Captain. ,

Joseph Hardy, do.

Samuel Shaw, do. • - ' -^

Benj. Deane, do.

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KAVAL HISTORY.

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Robert Mullin, Captain.

John Stewart, do.

Daniel Henderson, First Lieutenant.

.^i

David Love,

do.

Franklin Read,

do.

Peregrine Brown,

do.

Thomas Barnell,

do.

James McClure, Second Lieutenant.

William Gilmore,

doi •

Abel Morgan,

' ' • uO»

Hugh Montgomery,

do. '

Richard Harrison,

do.

Other nominations followed, from time to time, though it
is believed that in many cases, officers commanding ships,
•were empowered to give letters of appointment. In short,
the irregularity and want of system that prevailed in the
navy generally, extended in a degree to a branch of it that
is usually so trained, so methodical and certain. ' t

At no period of the naval history of the world, is it proba-
ble that marines were more important than during the war
of the Revolution. In many instances they preserved the
vessels to the country, by suppressing the turbulence of
their ill assorted crews, and the effect of their fire, not only
then, but in all the subsequent conflicts, under those cir-
cumstances in which it could be resorted to, has usually
been singularly creditable to their steadiness and disci-
pline. The history of the navy, even at that early day, as
well as in these latter times, abounds with instances of the
gallantry and self devotion of this body of soldiers, and we
should be unfaithful to our trust, were we not to add, that
it also furnishes too many proofs of the forgetfulness of its
merits by the country. The marine incurs the same risks
from disease and tempests, undergoes the same privations,
suffers the same hardships, and sheds his blood in the same
battles as the seaman, and society owes him the same re-

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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wards. While on ship-board, necessity renders him in a
certain sense, the subordinate, but nations ought never to
overlook the important moral and political truth, that the
highest lessons they can teach arc those of justice ; and no
servant of the public should pass a youth of toil and danger,
without the consciousness of possessing a tenour to a cer-
tain and honourable reward, that is dependent only on him-
self. That this reward has hitherto been as unwisely as it
has been unfairly withheld, from all connected with the
navy, it is our duty ac iiistorians to state, and in no instance
has this justice been more signally denied, than in the case
of the honourable and gallant corps of which we are par-
ticularly writing.

Before the thread of the historical incidents is resumed,
it is proper that we allude to one other branch of our sub-
ject. There may be sufficient interest connected with the
first vessel of war th?* ever carried the American flag on
the ocean, to render it important that no error be committed
in registering her name. On this point it is, perhaps, too
late to pretend to entire accuracy, for three reasons; the
want of documents, the conflicting testimony, and the cir-
cumstance that the journals of the day abstained from
alluding to movements that required secrecy to insure suc-
cess. The first notice that is taken of the squadron of
Com. Hopkins, in the papers of the town from which it
sailed, was to record its return to port. It has been said
that the Lexington i4, was the cruiser entitled to the honour
just mentioned, but it has been admitted, at the same time,
that the claim in behalf of this little brig, is met by one jn
favour of all the vessels of the squadron of Mr. Hopkins.
It is even uncertain that the Lexington and Providence
were purchased previously to the Cabot and Doria, although
there are, perhaps, more reasons for believing that they
were, than that they were not. If the authority of Paul
Jones is to be deemed conclusive, the vessels of the squad-

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NAVAL HISTORY.

250

ron in which he first sailed, composed the entire naval force
of the country, at that precise time; but Com. Jones makes
many mistakes in his allusions, and, in this particular, he is
known to have been in error. His correspondence is en-
titled to great respect as authority, though like all authority
of this nature, its facts are to be received with caution, and
collated with care. There is reason to think that the
Providence made at least one cruise under Capt. Whipple,
as a privateer, out of Rhode Island, before she was pur-
chased into the navy, nor does there appear to be any evi-
dence that a single vessel of war was ever built for the re-
gular service of the general government of the country, or
the United American Colonies, previously to those autho-
rized by the law of October, 1775. Of these, it is impos-
sible to say which was first got into the water, though there
is proof that the Raleigh 32, was one of those earliest
launched.

It remains only to say that the navy of the Revolution,
like its army, was disbanded at the termination of the strug-
gle, literally leaving nothing behind it, but the recollections
of its services and sufiferings.

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CHAPTER XIV.

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The peace of 1783 found the finances of the new republic
altogether unequal to the support of a niarine. Most of the
public cruisers, as has been seen, had fallen into the hands
of the enemy, or had been destroyed, and the few that re-
mained were sold. The Alliance, which appears to have
been the favourite ship of the service to the very last, was
reluctantly parted with ; but a survey being held on her, she
was also disposed of in June, 1785, in preference to en-
countering the expenses of repairs.

Although the United Slates now kept no vessels of war,
several of the states, themselves, with the consent of Con-
gress, which was necessary by the articles of confedera-
tion, had small cruisers of their own, that did the duties of
guarda-costas and revenue cutters. A i this period in the
history of the country, it will be remembered that each state
had its own custom-houses, levied its own duties, and pur-
sued its own policy in trade, with the single exception that
it could not contravene any stipulation by treaty that had
been entered into by Congress.

After the peace, the trade of the United States revived,
as a matter of course, though it had to contend with many
difficulties, besides the impoverished condition of the coun-
try. It has been a matter of question, what vessel first carried
the American flag into the Chinese seas, but there can be

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NAVAL HISTORY.

861

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no doubt that it was the ship Empress of China, Capt.
Green, which sailed from New- York, the 22d of Febru-
ary, 1784, and returned to the same port on the 11th of
May, 1785. This vessel, however, did not make a direct
voyage, touching in Europe, on her outward-bound pas-
sage; and the honour of going direct belongs to the Enter-
prise, Capt. Dean, a sloop of 80 tons, built in Albany,
which went and returned in 1785. It ought to be mention-
ed, to the credit of the English factory at Canton, that, not-
withstanding the jealousies and interests of trade, which,
perhaps, oftener lead to unprincipled acts, than any other
one concern of life, struck with the novelty and boldness
of the experiment, it received these adventurers with kind-
ness and hospitality. In 1787, the Alliance frigate, con-
verted into an Indiaman, went to Canton, under the com-
mand of Capt. Thomas Read, formerly of the navy. This
officer took a new route, actually going to the southward
of New-Holland, in consequence of the season of the year,
which had brought him into the unfavourable monsoons^.
Notwithstanding this long circuit, the noble old ship made
the passage in very tolerable time. Capt. Read discovered
some islands to the eastward of New-Holland.

The period between the peace and the year 1788, was
one of troubles, insurrections in the states, and difficul-
ties growing out of the defective political organization of
the country. To these grievances may be added the em-
barrassments arising from the renewal of the claims of the
British merchants, that had been suspended by the war.
All these circumstances united to produce uncertainty and
distress. Discreet men saw the. necessity of a change of
system, and the results of the collected wisdom of the nation
were offi)red to the world in a plan for substituting the con-
stitution of an identified government, in the place of the
articles of association, and of creating what has since been
popularly termed the Union, in lieu of the old Confederation.

263

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MAVAL HISTORY.

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The scheme was adopted, and in April, 1789, the new go>
vernment went into operation, with Washington at its head,
as President. ' ' ' ' ' '^ '»

The entire military organization underwent many im-
portant alterations, by this change of government. The
President became the commander-in-chief of both the army
and navy, and he possessed the civil power of appointing
their officers, subject only to the approbation of a senate,
which was also instituted on this occasion, and to a few
subordinate regulations of congress. In addition to this high
trust, was confided to him one of still heavier responsibili-
ties, by which he could dismiss any civil or military officer,
the judges excepted, however high his rank, or long his ser-
vices. The supplies were raised directly by the federal
power, without the intervention of the states ; and the entire
government, within the circle of its authority, became as
direct and efficient, as that of any other polity which pos-
sessed the representative form.

The beneficial consequences of these fundamental altera-
tions were visible, in all the departments of the country. It
was deemed premature, nevertheless, to think of the re-esta-
blishment of a marine ; for, oppressed with debt, and men-
aced with a renewal of the war with England, the administra-
tion of Washington was cautiously, and with the greatest pru-
dence, endeavouring to extricate the country from the vari-
ous entanglements that were perhaps inseparable from its
peculiar condition, and to set in motion the machinery of a
new and an entirely novel mode of conducting the affairs
of a state. While Washington, and his ministers, appeared
to be fully sensible of the importance of a navy, the poverty ,;.
of the treasury alone, would have been deemed an insuper- '
able objection to encountering its expense. Still, so evident
was the connexion between an efficient {rovernment and a
permanent and strong marine, in a country like this, that
when Paul Jones first heard of the change, he prepared to

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NAVAL HISTORY.

308

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return to Amorica, in the confident hope of being again
employed. mr , - '

In the mean time, the Dcy of Algiers, discovering that a
new country had started into existence, which possessed
merchant vessels and no cruisers, as a matter of course bl-'
gan to prey on its commerce. On the 25th of July, 1785,
the schooner Maria, belonging to Boston, was seized, out-
side of the Straits of Oibraltar, by a corsair, and her crew
were carried into slavery. This unprovoked piracy, —
though committed under the forms of a legal government,
the act deserves this reproacli, — was followed, on the 30th
of the same month, by the capture of the ship Dolphin, of
Philadelphia, Capt. O'Brien, who, with all his people, was
made to share the same fate. On the 0th of July, 1790, or
a twelvemonth after the organization of the federal govern-
ment, there still remained in captivity, fourteen of the unfor-
tunate persons who had been thus seized. Of course, five
bitter years had passed in slavery, because, at the period
named, the United States of America, the country to which
they belonged, did not possess sufficient naval force to com-
pel the petty tyrant at the head of the Algerine government
to do justice! In looking back at events like these, we feel
it difficult to persuade ourselves that the nation was really
so powerless, and cannot but suspect that in the strife of
^oarties, the struggles of opinion, and the pursuit of gain, the
sufferings of the distant captive were overlooked or for-
gotten. One of the first advantages of the new system, was
connected with the measures taken by the administration of
Washington to relieve these unfortunate persons. A long
and weary negotiation ensued, and Paul Jones was appoint-
ed, in 1792, to be an agent for effecting the liberation of the
captives. At the same time, a commission was also sent to
him, naming him consul at the regency of Algiers. This
celebrated man, for whose relief these nominations were -Hil,

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If AVAL HISTOi. <

probably made, was dead before tlie arrival of the diftercnt
commissions at Paris. A second agent was named in the
person of Mr. Barclay; but tMd genlleman also died before
^e could enter on the duties of the office. '. ' > *''

Algiers and Portugal had long been at war, and, though
the latter government seldom resorted to active measures
against the town of its enemy, it was very useful to the rest
of the Christian world, by maintaining a strong force in the
Straits of Gibraltar, rendering it difficult for any rover to
find her way out of the Mediterranean. Contrary to ail ex-
pcctation, this war was suddenly terminated in 1703, through
the agency of the British consul at Algiers, and, as it was said,
without the knowledge of the Portuguese government. This
peace, or truce, allowed the Algerine rovers to come again
into the Atlantic, and its consequences to the American com-
merce were soon apparent. A squadron consisting of four
ships, three xebccks, and a brig, immediately passed the
straits, and by the Uth of October, 1703, four more Ameri-
can vessels had fallen into the hands of these lawless bar-
barians. At the same lime, the Dey of Algiers, who had
commenced this quarrel without any other pretence than a
demand for tribute, refused all accommodation, even me-
nacing the person of the minister appointed by the Ameri-
can government, should he venture to appear within his
dominions ! During the first cruise of the vessels mentioned,
they captured ten Americans, and mddc one hundred and
five additional prisoners.

These depredations had now reached a pass when further
submission became impossible, without a total abandonment
of those rights that it is absolutely requisite for every inde-
pendent government to maintain. The cabinet took the
subject into grave deliberation, and on the 3d of March,
1794, the President sent a message to CongreSs, communi-
the facts connected with 1

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305

tions, and on the 27th of the same month, a law was ap-
proved by the executive, authorizing the construction, or the
purchase of six frigates, or of such other naval force, that
should not be inferior to that of the six frigates named, as
the President might sec fit to order, provided no vessel
should mount less than 32 guns. This law had a direct re-
ference to the existing difficulty with Algiers, and it con-
tained a paragraph ordering that all proceedings under its
provisions should cease, in the event of an accommodation
of the quarrel with that regency. Notwithstanding this limit
to the action of the law, the latter may be considered the
first step taken towards the establishment of the present
navy, as some of the ships that were eventually constructed
under it are still in use, and some of the officers who were
appointed to them, passed the remainder of their lives in
the service. , , , t

The executive was ho sooner authorized to proceed by
the law of the 27th of March, 1704, than measures were
taken to build the vessels ordered. The provision of the
first paragraph was virtually followed, and the six frigates
were laid down as soon as possible. These vessels were the
Constitution 44, laid down at Boston.

President 44,
United States 44,
Chesapeake 38,
Constellation 38,
Congress 38,

New York.
Philadelphia.
Portsmouth, Va.
Baltimore.
Portsmouth, N. H.

The most capable builders in the country were consulted,
the models of Mr. Joshua Humphreys, of Philadelphia, being
those accepted. On this occasion, an important and re-
cent improvement in ship building was adopted, by which
frigates were increased in size and in efficiency, by so far
lengthening them, as to give to ships on one deck, the metal
that had formerly been distributed on two. The three ships
first mentioned in the foregoing list, were of this class of

Vol. I.— 23

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NAVAL BISTORT.

vessels, being pierced for thirty twenty-four-poanders, on
their gun decks, while their upper deck armaments varied
with circumstances. On this account they were rated as
forty-fours, a description of vessel that had previously borne
its gunsontwo decks, besides the quarter-deck and forecastle.
The others were of the force of the common Finglish thirty-
eights, carrying 28 eighteens below, and as many lighter
guns above as was deemed expedient. From a want of sys-
tem, the Chesapeake was known in the accounts of the day as
a forty- four, and she even figures in the reports under the law,
as a vessel of that rate, owing to the circumstance that she
was originally intended for a ship of that force and size.
But, in consequence of a difficulty in obtaining the necessary
frame, her dimensions were lessened, and she took her
place in the navy, by the side of the two vessels last men-
tioned on the foregoing list. But so much inaccuracy ex-
isted at that day, and the popular accounts abound with so
many errors of this nature, that we shall find many occa-
sions to correct similar mistakes, before we reach a period
when the service was brought within the rules of a uni-
form and consistent system.

In selecting commanders for these ships, the President
very naturally turned to those old officers who had proved
themselves fit for the stations, during the war of the Revo-
lution. Many of the naval captains of that trying period,
however, were already dead, and others, again, had become
incapacitated by age and wounds, for the arduous duties of
sea officers. The following is the list selected, which took
rank, in the order in which the names appear, viz:—

John Barry, Joshua Barney, '

Samuel Nicholson, Richard Dale, •

Silas Talbot, Thomas Truxtun.

With the exception of Capt. Truxtun, all of these
gentlemen had served in the navy during the Revolu-
tion. Capt. Barry was the only one of the six who was not

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VAVAL HISTORY. 867

born in America, but he had passed nearly all his life in it,
and was thoroughly identified with his adopted country in
feeling and interests. He had often distinguished himself
during the preceding war, and, perhaps, of all the naval
captains that remained, he was the one who possessed the
greatest reputation for experience, conduct and skill. The
appointment met with general approbation, nor did any
thing ever occur to give the government reason to regret
its selection. '

Capt. Nicholson had served with credit in subordinate
situations, in command of the Hague, or Deane 32, and in one
instance, at the head of a small squadron. This officer also
commanded the Dolphin 10, the cutter that the commission-
ers sent with Capt. Wickes, in his successful cruise in the
narrow seas.

Capt. Talbot's career was singular, for though connected
with the sea in his youth, he had entered the army, at the
commencement of the Revolution, and was twice promoted
in that branch of the service, for gallantry and skill on the
water. This gentleman had been raised to the rank of a
captain in the navy, in 1779, but he had never been able to
obtain a ship. Subsequently to the war, Capt. Talbot had
retired from the sea, and he had actually served one term
in Congress.

Capt. Barney had served as a lieutenant in many ac-
tions, and commanded the Pennsylvania State cruiser, the
Hyder Ally, when she took the General Monk. This offi-
cer declined his appointment in consequence of having been
put junior to LieuL Colonel Talbot, and Capt. Sever was
named in his place.

Capt. Dale had been Paul Jones* first lieutenant, besides
seeing much other service in subordinate capacities, during
the war of the Revolution.

Capt. Truxtun had a reputation for spirit that his subse-
quent career fully justified, and had seen much service du-

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KAVAL HISTORY.

ring the Revolution, in command of diflerent private vessels
of war. • ■ .:■ -\\^> ' - ■'^-^ ■

The rank of the subordinate officers eventually appoint-
ed to these ships, was determined by that of the different
commanders, the senior lieutenant of Capt. Barry's ves-
sel taking rank of all the other first lieutenants, and the
junior officers accordingly.

All these preparations, however, were suddenly suspend-
ed by the signing of a treaty with Algiers, in Nov. 1706.
By a provision of the law, the work was not to be prose-
cuted, in the event of such a peace, and the President im-
mediately called the attention of Congress to the subject.
A new net was passed, without delay, ordering the comple-
tion and equipment of two of the forty-fours, and of one of
the thirty-eights, while it directed the work on the remaining
three ships to be stopped, and the perishable portion of their
materials to be sold. A sum which had also been voted for
the construction of some galleys, but no part of which had
yet been used, was applied to the equipment of those ves-
sels ordered to be launched.*
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• The reader will obtain some idea of the spirit which may prevail in a
nation, when it neglects to use, or does not possess, the means of causing
its rights and character to be respected, by the tone of the following ar-
ticle, which is extracted from a journal of the date of 1798, and which
would seem to be as much in unison with the temper of that day, as one
of an opposite character would comport witl) the spirit of our own times.
Algiers will not extort tribute, ag^in, from America, but other rights, not
less dear to national honour, national character, and national interests,
may be sacrificed to a temporising spirit, should not the navy be enlarged,
and made the highest aim of national policy.

f '"■'■■.'
, ,r ' , " Crescent Frigate. ^ ■

•« PoRTSMorTH, Jak. 20th.

"On Thursday morning about sunrise, a gun was discharged from the

Crescent frigate, as a signal for getting under way; and at 10, A. M., she

cleared the harbour, with a fine leading breeze. Our best wishes follow

Captain Newman, his oflftccrs and men. May they arrive in safety at the

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260

The President, in his annual speech to Congress, Decem-
ber 1796, strongly recommended laws for the gradual in-
crease of the navy. It is worthy of remark, that, as
appears by documents published at the time, the peace
obtained from the Dey of Algiers cost the government of
the United States near a million of dollars, a sum quite
sufficient to have kept the barbarian's port hermetically
blockaded until he should have humbly sued for permission
to send a craft to sea. v •

While these events were gradually leading to the for-
mation of a navy, the maritime powers of Europe became
involved in what was nearly a general war, and their meti-
sures of hostility against each other, had a direct tendency
to trespass on the privileges of neutrals. It would exceed
the limits of this work to enter into the history of that sys-
tem of gradual encroachments on the rights of the American
people, which distinguished the measures of both the two
great belligerents, in the war that succeeded the French
Revolution; or the height of audacity to which the cruisers
of France, in particular, carried their depredations, most

place of their destination, and present to the Dey of Algiers, one of the
finest specimens' of elegant naval architecture which was ever borne on
the Piscataqua's waters.

" Bhw cU ye wim/s thatJiV. the prosperous sail.
And hushed in pence oe eoary adverse gale.

"The Crescent is a piedent 'rora the United States to the Dey, as com-
pensation for delay i.) hoc fulfilling our treaty stipulations in proper time.

" Richard O'Brier, Esq., who was ten years a prisoner at Algiers, took
passage in the above frigate, and is to reside at Algiers as Consul General
of the United States to all the Barbary states.

•• The Crescent has many valuable presents on board for the Dey, and
when she sailed was supposed to be worth at least three hundred thousand
dollars.

"Twenty-six barrels of dollars constituted a part of her cargo.

'< It is worthy of remark, that the captain, chief of the officers, and
many of the privates of the Crescent fr'<a>.«, have been prisoners at Al-
giers."

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NAVAL HISTORY.

probably mistaking the amount of the influence of tiieir own
country, over the great body of the American nation. Not
only did they capture British ships within our waters, but
they actually took the same liberties with Americans also.
All attempts to obtain redress of the French government
failed, and unable to submit any longer to such injustice,
the government, iri April 1798, recommended to Congress a
plan of armament and defence, that it was hoped would have
the effect to check these aggressions, and avert an open
conflict. Down to this period, the whole military defence of
the country, was intrusted to one department, that of war ;
and a letter from the secretary of this branch of the govern-
ment, to the chairman of a committee to devise means of
protection and defence, was the form in which this high in-
terest was brought before the nation, through its represen-
tatives. Twenty small vessels were advised to be built, and,
in the event of an open rupture, it was recommended to
Congress to authorize the President to cause six ships of the
line to be constructed. This force was in addition to the
six frigates authorized to be built, by the law of 1794.

The United States 44, Constitution 44, and Constellation
38, had been got afloat the year previous. These three
ships are all still in the service, and during the last forty
years, neither has ever been long out of commission.

The United States was the first vessel that was got into
the water, under the present organization of the navy.
She was launched at Philadelphia, on the 10th of July, 1797,
and the Constellation followed her on the 7th of September.

Congress acted so far, on the recommendation of the se-
cretary of war, as to authorize the President to cause to be
built, purchased, or hired, twelve vessels, none of which were
to exceed twenty-two guns, and to see that they were duly
equipped and manned. To effect these objects $950,000
were appropriated. This law passed the 27th of April, 1798,
and on the 30th, a regular navy department was formally

NAVAL HISTORY.

271

created. Benjamin Stoddart, of Georgetown, in the Dis-
trict of Columbia, was the first secretary put at the head of
this important branch of the government, entering on his
duties in June of the same year.

After so long and so extraordinary a forgetfulncss of one
of the most important interests of the nation, Congress now
seemed to be in earnest; the depredations of the French
having reached a pass that could no longer be submitted to
with honour. On the 4th of May, a new appropriation was
made for the construction of galleys and other small vessels,
and on the 28th of the same month, the President was em-
powered to instruct the commanders of the public vessels to
capture and send into port all French cruisers, whether
public or private, that might be found on the coast, having
committed, or which there was reason to suppose might
commit, any depredations on the commerce of the country;
and, to recapture any American vessels that might have
already fallen into their hands. Additional laws were
soon passed for the condemnation of such prizes, and
for the safe keeping of their crews. In June, another law
was passed, authorizing the President to accept of twelve
more vessels of war, should they be offered to him by the
citizens, and to issue public stock in payment. By a clause
in this act, it was provided that these twelve ships, as well
as the twelve directed to be procured in the law of the
27th of April of the same year, should consist of six not ex-
ceeding 18 guns, of twelve between 20 and 24 guns, and of
six of not less than 32 guns. The cautious manner in which
the national legislature proceeded, on this occasion, will re-
mind the reader of the reserve used in 1775 and in 1776 ;
and we trace distinctly, in both instances, the moderation of
a people averse to war, no less than a strong reluctance to
break th"; ties of an ancient but much abused amity.

Down to this moment, the old treaty of alliance, formed
between France and the United States during the war of the

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KAVAL HISTORY.

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Revolution, and some subsequent conventions, were legally
in existence ; but Congress by law solemnly abrogated them
all, on the 7(h of July, 1798, on the plea that they had been
repeatedly disregarded by France, and that the latter coun-
try continued, in the face of the most solemn remonstrances,
to uphold a system of predatory warfare on the commorco
of the United States.

It will be seen that an express declaration of war was
avoided in all these measures, nor was it resorted to, at
all, throughout this controversy, although war, in fact,
existed from the moment the first American cruisers ap-
peared on the ocean. On the 9th of July, 1798, another
law passed, authorizing the American vessels of war to cap-
ture French cruisers wherever they might be found, and
empowering the President to i:;sue commissions to private
armed vessels, conveying to them the same rights as re-
garded captures, as had been given to the public ships. By
this act, the prizes became liable to condemnation, for the
benefit of the captors. *

On the 11th of July, 1798, a new marine corps was esta-
blished by law, the old one having dissolved with the navy
of the Revolution, to which it had properly belonged. It
contained 881 officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians
and privates, and was commanded by a major. On the 16th
of the same month, a law was passed to construct three
more frigates. This act was expressed in such terms as to
enable the government immediately to complete the ships
commenced under the law of 1794, and which had been
f Sfi^pei.ded under that of 1796. The whole force authorized
hy law, on the IQ' of July, consequently, consisted of twelve
irigates ; twelve ships of a force between 20 and 24 guns,
inclusive ; and six smaller sloops, besides galleys and reve-
nue cutters ; making a total of thirty active cruisers.

Such is the history of the legislation that gave rise to the
present American marine, and which led to what is com-

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273

monly called the quasi war against France. There appears
to have been no enactments limiting the number of the of>
ficers, who were appointed according to the wants of the
service, though their stations and allowances were duly
regulated by law.

While the government of the United States was taking
these incipient and efficient steps to defend the rights and
character of the nation, the better feeling of the country was
entirely in its favour. Families of the highest social and
political influence pressed forward to offer their sons to the
service, and the navy being the favourite branch, nearly all
of those who thus presented themselves, and whose ages did
not preclude the probationary delay, had their names en-
rolled on the list of midshipmen. Young and intelligent sea-
men were taken from the merchant service, to receive the
rank of lieutenants, and the commanders and captains were
either chosen from among those who had seen service in
the war of the Revolution, or who by their experience in
the charge of Indiamen, and other vessels of value, were
accustomed to responsibility and command. It may be well
to add, here, that the seamen of the nation joined heartily in
the feeling of the day, and that entire crews were frequently
entered for frigates in the course of a few hours. Want of
men was hardly experienced at all in this contest ; aad we
deem it a proof that seamen can always be had in a war
that offers active service, by voluntary enlistments, provided
an outlet be nol offered to enterprise through the medium of
private cruisers. Although commissions were granted to
privateers and letters of marque, on this occasion, compara-
tively few of the former were taken out, the commerce of
France offering but slight inducements to encounter the
expense.

During the year 1797, or previously to the commence-
ment of hostilities between the United States and France,
the exports of the former country amounted to 857,000,000,

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

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and the shipping had increased to quite 800,000 tons, while
the population, making an estimate from the census of 1800,
had risen to near 5,000,000. The revenue of the year v/m
•8,209,070. V / . '.

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WAVAL BISTORT.

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CHAPTER XV.

Although three of the frigates were launched in 1707,
neither was quite ready for service when the necessities of
the country required that vessels should be sent to sea. The
want of suitable spars and guns, and other naval stores, fit for
ships of size, had retarded the labour on the frigates, while
vessels had been readily bought for the sloops of war, which,
though deficient in many of the qualities and conveniences
of regular cruisers, were made to answer the exigencies of
the times. Among others that had been thus provided, was
an Indiuman, called the Ganges. Retaining her name, this
vessel was brought into the service, armed and equipped as
a 24, and put under the command of Capt. Richard Dale,
who was ordered to sail on a cruise on the 22d of May.
This ship, then, was the first man of war that ever got to
sea under the present organization of the navy, or since the
United States have existed under the constitution. Capt.
Dale was instructed to do no more than pertains generally
to the authority of a vessel of war, that is cruising on the
coast of the country to which she belongs, in a time of
peace ; the law that empowered seizures not passing until a
few days after he had sailed. His cruising ground extended
from the east end of Long Island to the capes of Virginia,
with a view to cover, as much as possible, the three import-
ant ports of Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New- York, and, in
anticipation of the act of the 28th of May, Capt. Dale was
directed to appear off the capes of the Delaware on the 12th

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876

ITAVAL HISTORY.

.FAi

of June, to receive new orders. On that day, instraclions /
were accordingly sent to him to f-apture all French cruisers
that were hovering on the coast v/lth hostile views on the
Air^erican commerce, and to recapture any of their prizes
he might happen to fall in with.

The Constellation 38, Capt. Truxtun, and the Delaware
20, Capt. Decatur, next went to sea, early in June, under the
last of the foregoing urders, and with directions to cruise to
the southward of Cape Ffenry, as far as the coast of Florida.
When a few days out, the Delaware fell in with the French
privateer schooner Le Croyable 14, with a crew of 70 men.
Being satisfied that this vessel had already made several
prizes, and that she was actually cruising on soundings, in
search of more, Capt. Decatur took her, and sent her into
the Delaware. As the law directing the capture of all
armed French vessels passed soon after her arrival, Lo
Croyable was condemned, and bought into the navy. She
was called the Retaliation, and the command of her was
given to Lieut. Bainbridgc.

Le Croyable was, consequently, not only the first capture
made, in what it is usual to term the French war of 1708,
but she was the first vessel ever taken by the present navy,
or under the present form of government.

The activity employed by the administration, as well as
by the navy, now astonished those who had so long been
accustomed to believe the American people disposed to
submit to any insult, in preference to encountering the
losses of a war. The United States 44, Capt. Barry, went
to sea, early in July, and proceeded to cruise to the east-
ward. This ship carried out with her many young gentle-
men, who have since risen to high rank and distinction in
the service.* But the law of the 9th of that month, occur-

* The first lieutenant of the United States on this cruise, was Mr,
Ross; second lieutenant, Mr. MuUony; third lieutenant, Mr. James Barron;

■Ai'

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NAVAL HISTORY.

277

ring immediately afterwards, the government altered its
policy entirely, and determined to send at once, n strong
t'urco among the West India islands, where the enemy
abounded, and where the commerce of the country was
most exposed to his depredations. On the 11th, instruc-
tions were sent to Capt. Bnrry, who now hoisted a broad
pennant, to go off Capo Cod, with the Delaware 20, Capt.
Decatur, whore vould find the Herald 18, Capt. Sever,
that officer pre ring active service in a small vessel, < .»
waiting for the 1 1 to to which he had been appointed, and
then to proceet .ct tly to the West Indies, keeping to
windward.

That well known frigate, the Constitution 44, had been
launched at Boston, Sept. 20th, 1707; and she first got
under way, July 20lh of this year, under Capt. Samuel
Nicholson, who, in August, with four revenue vessels in com-
pany, was directed to cruise on th' coast, to the southward
of Cape Henry * These revenue vessels were generally
brigs, between one hundred and fifty and two hundred tons
measurement, with armaments varying from ten to four-
teen guns, and crews of from fifty to seventy men. At the
close of the year, many of them were taken into the
navy, and we find some of their oflicers, soon after the
commencement of the contest, in the command of frigates.
The celebrated Preble is first seen in actual service, as the
commander of one of these revenue vessels, though his
rank was that of a lieut. com., and he had been previously
attached to the Constitution, as one of her officers.

Early in August, the Constellation 38, Capt. Truxtun, and

fourth lieutenant, Mr. Charles Stewart. Among the midshipmen wei'e
Decatur, Somers, Caldwell, &c. &c. Messrs. Jacob Jones and Crane,
joined her soon after.

* It is said that the Constitution would have been the first vessel ever
got into the water under the new organization, had she not stuck in an
abortive attempt to launch her, at an earlier day.

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HAVAL HISTORY.

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the Baltimore 20, Capt Phillips, went to the Havana, and
brought a convoy of sixty sail in safety to the United
States; several French cruisers then lying in the port, ready
to follow the merchantmen, but for this force, the presence
of which prevented ^em from appearing outside the cas<
tie. By the close of the year, the following force was at
sea ; most of the vessels being either in the West Indies, or
employed in convoying betv;een the islands and the United
States. ■■'■?'• , ./.;ufc4W> ■"-. ..v. vr^: .■"•■■.

United States' Ships at sea, during the year 1798, viz:

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♦Constitution 44, Capt. Nicholson.
> ♦Constellation 38, Capt. Truxtun.
George Wash-
ington 24, Capt. Fletcher.
♦Portsmouth 24, Capt M'Niel.

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vessels.

Merrimack

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Capt. Brown^;/ ' '•

Ganges

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Capt. Tingey. ^ ' A:;

Montezuma

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Capt. Murray.

Baltimore

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Capt. Phillips. :-

Delaware

20,

Capt. Decatur.

Herald

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Capt. Russel.

Richmond

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Capt. S. Barrom ?^

♦Norfolk

18,

Capt. Williams. - ^.

♦Pinckney

18,

Capt. Hayward. ^

Retaliation

14,

Lieut. Com. Bainbridge.

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14,

Lieut. Com. Preble.

♦Eagle

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♦Scammel

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♦Gov. Jay

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" Leonard.

♦Virginia

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« Bright, ^'

♦Diligence

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" Brown.

♦South Carolina 12,

« Payne.

^ ♦Gen. Greene

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" Price.

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370

Of these vessels, those marked with an asterisk, were
built expressly for the public service, while the remainder,
with the exception of the Retaliation, captured from the
French, were purchased. The vessels rating 20 and 24
guns, were old fashioned sloops, with gun decks, and car-
ried, in general, long nines and sixes. The smaller vessels
were deep waisted, like the modern corvette, and carried
light long guns. Even the frigates had, as yet, no carro-
nades in their armaments, their quarter-deck and forecas-
tie batteries being long twelves and nines. The carro-
nade was not introduced into the service, until near the
close of this contest. ; : ^■. , . / - %">

Besides the vessels named in the foregoing list, many
more were . already laid down ; and so great was the
zeal of the commercial towns, in particular, that no less
than two frigates, and five large sloops were building by
subscription, in the different principal ports of the country.
In addition to this force, must be enumerated eight large
galleys, that were kept on the southern coast, to defend
their inlets. - ' ■■ '' : ^ ;^

The sudden exhibition of so many cruisers in the West
Indies, appears to have surprised the British, as well as the
common enemy ; and, while the men of war of Great Bri-
tain, on the whole, treated their new allies with sufficient
cordiality, instances were not wanting, in which a worse
feeling was shown, and a very questionable policy pursued
towards them. The most flagrant instance of the sort that
took place, occurred in the autumn of this year, off the port
of Havana, and calls for a conspicuous notice, in a work of
this character. - • -^ ^ ' ^?^:/

On the morning of the 16th November, 1798, a squadron
of British ships was made from the United States sloop of
war, Baltimore 20, Capt. Phillips, then in charge of a con-
voy, bound from Charleston to the Havana. At the time,
the Moro was in sight, and knowing that the English

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cruisers in those seas, were in the habit of pursuing a vexa-
tious course towards the American merchantmen, Capt.
Phillips, as soon as he had ascertained the characters of the
strangers, made a signal to his convoy to carry sail hard,
in order to gain their port, bearing up in the Baltimore, at
the same time, to speak the English commodore. The latter
was in the Carnatick 74, with the Queen 08, Thunderer 74,
Maidstone 32, and Greyhound 32, in company. The English
ships cut oif three of the convoy, and captured them, proba- ; *
biy under the plea of a blockade, or, some of their own con-
structions of the rights of colonial trade. When the Baltimore
joined the Carnatick, Capt. Loring, the commander of the
latter ship, and the senior officer of the squadron, invited Capt.
Phillips to repair on board his vessel. On complying with
this invitation, a conversation ensued between the two offi-
cers, in which Capt. Loring informed his guest that he in- 1\
tended to take all the men out of the Baltimore, that hdd ' ^^
not regular American protections. Capt. Phillips protested
against such a violation of his flag, as an outrage on the
dignity of the nation to which he belonged, and announced
his determination to surrender his ship, should any such
proceedings be insisted on.

Capt. Phillips now returned on board the Baltimore, where
he found a British lieutenant in the act of mustering the crew.
Taking the muster roll from his hand, Capt. Phillips ordered
the Carnatick's officer to walk to leeward, and sent his bwn
people to their quarters. The American commander now
found himself in great doubt, as to the propriety of the course
he ought to pursue. Having a legal gentleman of some repu-
tation on board determined, however, to consult him, and
- to be influence his advice. The following facts appear to
have been submitted to the consideration of this gentleman.
The Baltimore had sailed without a commission on board
her, or any paper whatever, signed by the President of the "'
United States, and under instructions that " the vessels of

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381

every other nation (France excepted,) are on no account to
be molested; and I wish particularly to impress on your
mind, that should yoa ever see an American vessel captur-
ed by the armed ship of any nation at war, with whom we
are at peace, you cannot lawfully interfere to prevent the
capture, for it is to be taken for granted, that such nation
will compensate for such capture, if it should prove to have
been illegally made." We have quoted the whole of this
clause, that part which is not, as well as that which is, per-
tinent to the point that influenced Capt. Phillips, in order
that the reader may understand the spirit that prevailed in
the councils of the nation, at that time. There may be
some question how far a belligerent can, with propriety,
have any authority over a vessel that has been regularly
admitted into the convoy of a national cruiser, for it is just
as reasonable to suppose that a public ship of one nation
would not protect an illegality, by countenancing such a
fraud, as to suppose that a public ship of another would not
do violence to right in her seizures; and an appeal to the
justice of America to deliver up an offending ship might be
made quite as plausibly, as an appeal to the justice of Eng-
land to restore an innocent ship. The papers of a vessel
under convoy, at all events, can properly be examined no-
where but under the eyes of the commander of the convoy,
or of his agent, in order that the ship examined may have the
benefit of his protecting care, should the belligerent feel dis-
posed to abuse his authority. It will be observed, however,
that Capt. Phillips had trusted more to the sailing of his con-
voy, than to any principles of international law ; and when
we inquire further into the proceedings of the British com-
mander, it will be seen that this decision, while it may not
have been as dignified and firm as comported with his official
station, was probably as much for the benefit of the inter-
ests he was deputed to protect, as any other course might
have been.

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383

NAVAL HISTORY.

Whatever may be thought of the rights of belligerents in
regard to ships, there can be no question that the conduct
of the British officer, in insisting, under the circumstonces,
on tailing any of the Baltimore's men, was totally unjusti-
fiable. The right of impressment is a national, and not an
international right, depending solely on municipal regula-
tions, and in no manner on public law; since the latter can
confer no privileges, that, in their nature, are not reciprocal.
International law is founded on those principles of public
good which are common to all forms of government, and it
is not to be tolerated that one particular community should
set up usages, arising out of its peculiar situation, with an
attempt to exercise them at the expense of those general
rules which the civilized world has recognised as necessa-
ry, paramount, and just. No principle is better settled than
the one which declares that a vessel on the high seas, for
all the purposes of personal rights, is within the protection
of the. laws of the country to which she belongs; and Eng-
land has no more authority to send an agent on board an
American vessel, so situated, to reclaim a deserter, or a
subject, than she can have a right to send a sheriff's officer
to arrest a thief. If her institutions allow her to insist on the
services of a particular and limited class of her own sub-
jects, contrary to their wishes, it is no affair of other na-
tions, so long as the exercise of this extraordinary regula-
tion is confined to her own jurisdiction; but when she
attempts to extend it into the legal jurisdictions of other
communities, she not only invades their privileges by vio-
lating a conventional right, but she offends their sense of
justice by making them parties to the commission of an act
that is in open opposition to natural equity. In the case
before us, the British commander, however, did still more,
for he reversed all the known and safe principles of evi-
dence, by declaring that he should put the accused to the
proofs of their innocence, and, at once, assume that every

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NAVAL HISTORY.

383

man in the Baltimore was an Englishman, who should fail
to establish the fact that he was an American.

Capt. Phillips, after taking time to deliberate, determined
to submit to superior force, surrender his ship, and to refer
the matter to his own government. The colours of the Bal-
timore were accordingly lowered; Capt. Loring was in-
formed that the ship was at his disposal, and fifty-five of
the crew were immediately transferred to the Carnatick.
After a short delay, however, fifty of these men were sent
back, and only five were retained. . .' . -i-i ■'..••

Capt. Loring now made a proposition to Capt. Phillips,
that was as extraordinary as any part of his previous con-
duct, by stating that he had a number of Americans in his
squadron, whom he would deliver up to the flag of their
country, man for man, in exchange for as many English-
men. These Americans, it is fair to presume, had been
impressed, and the whole of these violent outrages on neu-
tral rights, were closed by a proposal to surrender a cer-
tain number of American citizens, who were detained
against their will, and in the face of all law, to fight battles
in which they had no interest, if Capt. Phillips would
weaken his crew by yielding an equal number of English-
men, who had taken voluntary service under the American
fiag, for the consideration of a liberal bounty and ample
pay.

It is scarcely necessary to say that this proposition was
rejected ; the American commander possessing no more au-
thority to give up any portion of his legal crew, in this
manner, than he had to insist on the services of the Ameri-
cans wKbm he might receive in exchange. The British
squadron now made sail, carrying with them the five men
and the three ships. Nothing remained for Capt. Phillips
but to hoist his colours again, and to proceed on his cruise.
On his return to America, this oflicer hastened to Philadel-
phia, and laid the whole transaction before the government,

fih

"yC'^'-

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384

NAVAL HISTORY.

and on the 10th January, 1700, he was dismissed from the
navy without trial. " .- / '

We look back on this whole transaction with mortifica-
tion, regret and surprise. We feel deep mortification that,
aAer the experience of the contest of the Revolution, the
American character should have fallen so low, that an oflicer
of any nation might dare to commit an outrage as violent as
that perpetrated by the commander of the Carnatick, for it
is fair to presume that no man would incur its responsibility
with his own government, who did not feel well assured
that his superiors would think the risk of a conflict with
America, more than compensated by the advantage that
would be thus obtained in manning the English fleets ; ef-
fectually proving that the prevalent opinion of the day
must have been, that America was so little disposed to in-
sist on her rights, that in preference to putting her com-
merce in jeopardy, she would not only yield her claim to
protect seamen under her flag generally, but under that
pennant which is supposed more especially to represent na-
tional dignity and national honour. This opinion was un-
deniably unfounded, as regards the great majority of the
Annerican people, but it was only too true, in respect to a
portion of them, who collected in towns, and sustained by
the power of active wealth, have, in all ages and in all
countries, been enabled to make their particular passing in-
terests temporarily superior to those eternal principles on
which nations or individuals can alone, with any due reli-
ance, trust for character and security. In 1708, the contest
with France was so much the more popular with the mer-
cantile part of the community, because it favoured trade
with England ; and some now living may be surprised to
learn, that a numerous and powerful class in the country,
were so blinded by their interests, and perhaps misled by
prejudices of a colonial origin, as actually to contend that
Great Britain had a perfect right to seize her seamen

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wherever she could find them; a privilege that could be no
more urged with reason, than to insist that Great Britain
had an equal right to exercise any other municipal power
that conflicted with general principles, on the plea of pri-
vate necessity. An act of spirited resistance at that mo-
ment might have put a stop to the long train of similar
aggressions that followed, and which, after an age of for-
bearance, finally produced all the evils of the very warfare
that seems to have been so much apprehended.

On this branch of the subject, no more need be said at
present, thau to add that while the British government did
not appear disposed to defend the principle involved in the
act of its officer, the American so far forgot what was due
to its real interests, as not to insist on an open and signal
reparation of the wrong.

The conduct of the commander of the Baltimore ought,
in a measure, to be judged by the spirit of the day in which
the event occurred, and not by the better feelings and sound-
er notions that now prevail on the same subject. Still, he
appears to have fallen into one or two material errors. The
inference put on the words "no account" in his instruc-
tions, was palpably exaggerated and feeble ; since it would
equally have led him to yield his ship, itself, to an attack
from an inferior force, should it have suited the views of
the commander of any vessel h^\X a Frenchman to make
one; and the case goes to shov. the great importance of
possessing a corps of trained and instructed officers to com-
mand vessels of war, it being as much a regular qualifica-
tion in the accomplished naval captain, to be able to make
distinctions that shall render him superior to sophisms of
this nature, as to work his ship.

The circumstance that there was no commission, or anv
paper signed by the President of the United States, in the
Baltimore, though certainly very extraordinary, and going
to prove the haste with which the armaments of 1798 were

986

NAVAL HISTORY.

made, ought to have had no influence on the decision of
Capt. Phillips, in the presence of a foreign ship. Thit officer
would not have hesitated about defending his convoy, under
his instructions alone, against a Frenchman; and, by a
similar rule, he ought not to have hesitated about defending
his people against an Englishman, on the same authority.
Any defect in form, connected with his papers, was a ques' ■
tion purely national, no foreign officer having a right to
enter into the examination of the matter at all, so long as
(here was sufficient evidence to establish the national cha-
racter of the Baltimore, which, in extremity, might have
been done by the instructions themselves; and we see in
the doubts of Capt. Phillips on this head, the deficiencies of
a man educated in a merchantman, or a service in which
clearances and registers are indispensable to legality, in-
stead of the decision and promptitude of an officer taught \
from youth to rely on the dignity and power of his govern-
ment, and the sanctity of his flag. The commissions of her .
officers do not give to a ship of war her national character,
but they merely empower those who hold them to act in
their several stations; the nationality of the vessel depend- ,^
ing on the simple facts of the ownership and the duty ofb^
which she is employed. Nations create such evidence of
this interest in their vessels as may suit themselves, nor can
foreigners call these provision in question, so long as they
answer the great ends for wh^ they were intended.

Diflfercnt opinions have been entertained of the propriety '^
of the course taken by Capt. Phillips, without reference to ^
the grounds of his submission. By one set of logicians he
is justifled in yielding without resistance, on account of th#g j,
overwhelming force of the English ; and by another con-
demned, on the plea that a vessel of war should never strike
her colours with her guns loaded. We think both of these
distinctions false, as applied to this particular case ; and the
latter, as applied to most others. When the commander of a

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

967

veuel of war sees no means of escape from capture, nothing
is gained, either to his nation or himself, by merely firing a
broadside and hauling down his colours. So far from being
an act of spirit, it is the reverse, unless we concede some-
thing to the force of prejudice, since it is hazarding the lives
of others, without risking his own, or those of his crew ; for,
to pretend that Capt. Phillips should not only have dis-
charged his guns, but have stood the fire of the Carnatick,
is to affirm that an officer ought to consummate an act of
injustice in others, by an act of extreme folly of his owot
We think, however, that Capt. Phillips erred in not resisting
in a manner that was completely within his power. When
he took the muster-roll from the hands of the English lieute-
nant, and called his people to quarters, he became master of
his own ship, and might have ordered the Carnatick's boat
to leave it, with a message to Capt. Loring, expressive of
his determintion to defend himself. The case was not one
of war, in which there was a certainty that, resisting, he
would, be assailed, hut an efiort on the part of the com-
mander of a ship belonging to a friendly power, to push ag-
gression to a point that no one but himself could know. An
attempt to board the Baltimore in boats might have been
resisted, and successfully even, when credit instead of dis-
credit would have been reflected on the service ; and did
the Carnatick open her fir^^all question of blame, as re-
spects Capt. Phillips, would lave been immediately settled.
It may bo 9iuch doubted if the British officer would have
had recourse to so extreme a measure, under such circum-
stances; and if he had, something would have been gained,
by at once placing the open hostility of a vastly superior
force, between submission and disgrace. . <

^ Neither was the course pursued by the government free
from censure. It is at all times a dangerous, and in scarce-
ly no instance a necessary, practice, to cashier an officer

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NAVAL HISTORY.

without trial. Cases of misconduct so flagrant, may cer*
tainly occur, as to justify the executive in resorting to the
prompt use of the removing power; as for cowardice in the
open field, in presence of the commander-in-chief, when dis-
grace in face of the army or fleet, might seem as appro-
priate as promotion for conduct of the opposite kind ; but,
as a rule, no military man should suffer this heavy penally
without having the benefit of a deliberate and solemn inves-
tigation, and the judgment of those who, by their expe-
rience, may be supposed to be the most competent to decide
on his conduct. The profession of an officer is the business
of a life, and tho utmost care of his interests and character,
is the especial duty of thoso who are called' to preside over
his destinies, in a civil capacity. In the case before us, we
learn the danger of precipitation and misconception in such
matters, the reason given by the secretary for the dismissal
of Capt. Phillips being contradicted by the facts, as they are
now understood. In the communication of that functionary
to tho degraded officer, the latter was charged with " tame
submission to the orders of the British lieutenant, on board
your own ship ;*' whereas, it is alleged on the part of Capt.
Phillips, that he did not permit the English officer to muster
his crew, but that the act was performed while he himself
was on board the Carnatick. ' • "^ ■ . ' „ ;

As recently as the year ISJfO, an attempt was made to
revive an investigation of this subject, and to restore Capt.
Phillips to his rank. It is due tu that officer to say, many of
the facts were found to be much more in his favour than
had been generally believed, and that the investigation,
while it failed in its principal object, tended materially to
relieve his name from the opprobrium under which it had
previously rested. Although many still think he erred in
judgment, it is now the general impression that his mistakes
were the results of a want of experience, and perhaps of the

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KAVAb HItTOftY.

869

opinions of the day, rathor thnn of any want of a suitable
disposition to defend the honour of the flag. The punish-
ment inflictjcd on him, appears to have been as unnccessa-
rily severe, as it was indiscreet in its manner; and if we
may set down the outrage os a fault of the times, wo may
also add to the same calaluguo of errors, most of the other
distinctive features of the entire proceedings.
■ It has been stated that the privateer Le Croyable 14,
captured by the Delaware 20, had been taken into the ser-
vice, under the name of the Retaliation. In November, 1798,
or about the time that the Carnatick impressed the men of
the Baltimore, the Montezuma 20, Capt. Murray, Norfolk
18, Capt. Williams, and Retaliation 12, Lieut. Com. Bain-
bridge, were cruising in company off Guadaloupe, when
three sails were made to the eastward, and soon after two
more to the Wv^^tward. Capt. Murray, who was the senior
officer, was led to suppose, from circumstances, that the
vessels in the eastern board were British, and speaking the
Retaliation, he ordered Lieut. Bainbridge to reconnoitre
them, while, with the Norfolk in company, he gave chase,
hinMelf, in the Montezuma, to the two vessels to the west-
ward. The Retaliation, in obedience to these orders, imme-
diately hauled up towards the three strangers, and getting
near enough for signals, she made her own number, with a
view to ascertain if they were Americans. Finding that he
was not understood, Lieut. BainbriHge mistook the strangers
for English cruisers, knowing that several were on the sta-
tion, and unluckily permitted them to approach so near, that
when their real characters were ascertained, it was too late
to escape. The leading ship, a French frigate, was an un-
commonly fast sailer, and she was soon near enough to
open her fire. It was not long before another frigate came
up, when the Retaliation was compelled to lower her flag.
Thus did this unlucky vessel become the first cruiser taken
by both parties, in this war. The frigates by which the
Vol. I— 25

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Ketaliation was captured, proved to be the Volontaire 36,
and the Insurgente 32, the former carrying 44, and the lat-
latter 40 guns. Mr. Bainbridge was put on board the Vo-
lontaire, while the Insurgente, perceiving that the schooner
was safe with the former, continued to carry sail in chase
of the Montezuma and Norfolk. As soon as a prize crew
could be thrown into the Retaliation, the Volontaire crowded
sail to join her consort. The chase now became exceed-
ingly interesting, the two American vessels being fully
aware, by the capture of the schooner, that they had to
deal with an enemy. The Insurgente was one of the fastest
ships in the world, and her commander an officer of great
skill and resolution. The two American vessels were small
for their rates, and, indeed, were overrated, the Montezuma
being a little ship of only 347 tons, and the Norfolk a brig
of 200. Their armaments were merely nines and sixe%;
shot that would be scarcely regarded in a conflict with fri-
gates. The officers of the Volontaire collected on the fore-
castle of their ship to witness tbe chase, and the Insurgente
being, by this time, a long way ahead, Capt. St. Laurent,
the commander of the Volontaire, asked Mr. Bainbridge,
who was standing near him, what might be the force of the
two American vessels. With great presence of mind, Mr.
Bainbridge answered without hesitation, that the ship car-
ried 28 twelves, and the brig 20 nines. As this account
quite doubled the force of the Americans, Capt. St. Laurent,
who was senior to the commander of the Insurgent^ imme-
diately threw out a signal to the latter to relinquish the
chase. This was an unmilitary order, even admitting the
fact to have been as stated, for the Insurgente would have
been fully able to employ two such vessels until the Volon-
taire could come up: but the recent successes of the English
had rendered the French cruisers wary, and the Americans
and English, as seamen, were probably identified in the
minds of the enemy. The signal caused as much surprise

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to Capt. Murray, in the Monlezuma, as to Capt Barreault,
of the Insurgente, for the latter, an excellent and spirited
officer, had got so near his chases as to have made out their
force, and to feel c<*rtain of capturing both. The signal
was obeyed, however, and the Moutezunia and Norfolk
escaped. ^'^t ^,4.^ti^

When the two French vessels joined each other, Capl.
Barreault naturally expressed his surprise at having been
recalled under such circumstances. An explanation fol-
lowed, when the ruse that had been practised by Mr. Bain-
bridge was discovered. It is to the credit of the French
officers, that, while they were much vexed at the results of
this artifice, they never visited the offender with their dis-
pleasure.

ii It is one of the curious incidents of this singular contest,
that a proposition was made to Mr. Bainbridge, by the
governor of Guadaloupe, into which place the two French,
frigates went with their prize, to restore the Retaliation, a
vessel captured from ihe French themselves, and to liberate
her crew, provided he would stipulate that the island should
remain neutral during the present state of things. This pro-
position Mr. Bainbridge had no authority to accept, and the
termination of a long and prevaricating negotiation on the
part of the governor, whose object was probably to enrich
his particular command, or himself, by possessing a mono-
poly of the American trade for a time, was to send the
Retaliation back to America as a cartel ; for, now that the
United States had taken so bold a stand, the French go-
vernment appeared even less anxious than our own, to
break out into open war. On the arrival of Mr. Bainbridge
in this country, his conduct received the approbation of the
administration, and he was immediately promoted to the
rank of master commandant, and appointed to the Norfolk
18, one of the vessels he had saved from the enemy by his
presence of mind. ^~ -

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VAVAL HISTORY.

The efforts of the governpr of Guadaloupe to obtain a
neutrality for his own island, had been accompanied by
some acts of severity towards his prisoners, into which he
had suffered himself to be led) apparently with the hope that,
it might induce Mr. Bainbridge to accept his propositions;
and that officer now reported the whole of the proceedings
to his own government. The result was an act authorizing
retaliation on the persons of Frenchmen, should there be
any recurrence of similar wrongs. This law gave rise to
some of the earliest of those disgraceful party dissensions
which, in the end, reduced the population of the whole coun-
try, with very few exceptions, to be little more than par-
tisans of either French or English aggressions.

The United States 44, and Delaware 20, captured the
privateers Sans Pareil 16, and Jaloux 14, in the course of
the autumn, and sent them in. \

Thus terminated the year 1708, though the return of the
Retaliation did not occur until the commencement of 1700,
leaving the United States with a hastily collected, an imper-
fectly organized, and unequally disciplined squadron of ships,
it is tfue.; but a service that contained the germ of all that
is requisite to make an active, an efficient and a glorious
marine. > ...,-

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CHAPTER XVI.

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^HH year 1700 opened with no departure from the policy
laid down by the government, and the building and equip-
ments of the different ships in various parts of the country,
were pressed with as much diligence as the public resources
would then allow. In the course of this season, many ves-
sels were launched, and most of them got to sea within the
year. Including all, those that were employed in 1798, those
that were put in commission early in the ensuing year, and
those that were enabled to quit port nearer to its close, the
entire active naval force of the United States, in 1790, would
seem to have been composed of the following vessels, viz:

United States

44,

Delaware

20,

Constitution

44,

Baltimore

20,

Congress

38,

Patapsco

20,

Constellation

88,

Maryland

20.

Essex

32,

Herald

18,

General Greene

28,

Norfolk

18,

Boston

28,

Richmond

18,

Adams

28,

Pinckney

18,

John Adams

28,

Warren

18,

Portsmouth

24,

Eagle

14,

Connecticut

24.

.„ Pickering

14,

Ganges

24,

■* Augusta

14,

Geo. Washington 34,

Scammel

14,

Merrimack

24,

Enterprise

12.

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To these must be added a few revenue vessels, though
most of this description of cruisers appear to have been kept
on the coast throughout this year. As yet, the greatest
confusion and irregularity prevailed in the rating, no uni-
form system appearing to have been adopted. The vessels
built by the different cities, and presented to the public, in
particular, were rated too high, from a natural desire to
make the offering as respectable as possible ; and it does
not appear to have been thought expedient, on the part of
the government, prematurely to correct the mistakes. But
the department itself was probably too little instructed to
detect the discrepancies, and some of them continued to
exist as long as the ships themselves. It may help the
reader in appreciating the characters of the different ves-
sels, if we explain some of these irregularities, as a speci-
men of the whole. \ \

The United States and Constitution, as has been else-
where said, were large ships, with batteries of 30 twenty-
four pounders on their gun-decks, and were appropriately
rated as forty-fours. The Congress and Constellation were
such ships as the English were then in the practice of ra-
ting as thirty-eights, being eighteen-pounder. frigates, of the
largest size. The Essex was the only ship in the navy that
was properly rated as a' thirty-two, having a main-deck
battery of 26 twelves, though she was a large vessel of her
class. The John Adams, General Greene, Adams and
Boston, were such ships as the British had been accustomed
to rate as twenty-eights, and the two latter were small ships
of this denomination. The George Washington, though she
appears as only a twenty-four, while the Boston figured as a
thirty-two, was, as near as can now be ascertained by the offi-
cially reported tonnage, more than a fourth larger than the
latter ship. Indeed, it may be questioned if the Boston
ought to have been rated higher than a twenty-four, the
Connecticut which was thus classed, being thirty tons lar-

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ger. It ought, however,, to be remarked, that difierences
in the rule of measuring tonnage, had prevailed in difierent
colonies among the shipwrights, as they are known still to
exist in different nations, and it is probable that some con-
fusion may have entered into these reports, in consequence
of the want of uniformity. It may be added, that the
smaller vessels generally were light of their respective
rates, and were by no means to be estimated by those of
similar rates, at the present day. - i

At the close of the vcar 1708, the active force in the
West-Indies had been distributed into four separate squad-
rons, in the following manner.

One squadron under Com. Barry, who was the senior
officer of the service, cruised to windward, running as far
south as Tobago, and consisted of the vessels about to be
named, viz:

United States 44, Com. Barry. > : ; .^4^

Constitution 44, Capt. Nicholson. • m^^ }:'0'

George Washington 24, " Fletcher, ■^'m /, ■>

Merrimack

Portsmouth

Herald

Pickering ..;

Eagle

Scammel l

Diligence

t^'

Brown.

24, « M'Niell.

18, Master Com. Russel.

14, Lieut. Com. Preble.

14, « Campbell.

14, " Adamsi

12, « Brown.

This force was now kept actively employed, the ships
passing from point to point, with orders to make a general
rendezvous at Prince Rupert's Bay. This squadron made
several captures, principally of privateers, and as none of
them were accompanied by incidents deserving of particu-
lar mention, they may be recorded together, though occur-
ring at different periods. The United States 44, Com. Barry,
captured I'Amour de la Patrie 6, with 80 men, and le Tar-
tuffe 8, with 60 men. The Merrimack 24, Capt Brown,

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la Magicienne 14, with 63 men, and le Bonaparte. The
Portsmouth 24, Capt. M'Niell, le Fripon, and TAmi 6, with
16 men. The Eagle 14, Capt. Campbell, le Bon Pdre 6,
with 52 men.

A second squadron, under the orders of Capt Truxtun,
had its rendezvous at St. Kitts, and cruised as far to lee-
ward as Porto Rico. It consisted of the

Constellafton 38, Com. Truxtun. ' ^ '.: ; .i-i*
Baltimore 20, Capt Phillips. X- *::.

\' . Richmond 18, •♦ S. Barron. ^ "^ ,"

Norfolk 18, " Williams. 1/. • -:-

Virginia 14, " Bright ..^. .> *•

The Baltimore took I'Esperance, and was present at the
capture of la Sirdne 4, with 36 men. This ship was put
under the command of Capt Barron, soon after the dis-
missal of Capt Phillips from the service, and before the
close of the season was commanded by Capt Cowper.
The Constellation took la Diligente and I'Union.

A small force under the orders of Capt Tingey, watched
the passage between Cuba and St Domingo. It consisted
of the , "^ V' "'■

Ganges 24, Capt Tingey. 1-,

Pinckney 18, •• Hay ward.

South Carolina 12, " Payne.

The Ganges took le Vengeur 6, la Rabateuse, I'Eugene,
and I'Esperance 8.

The Delaware 20, Capt Decatur, with the revenue vttl-
sels Governor Jay 14, and General Greene 10, was directed
to cruise in the vicinity of the Havana, to protect the trade
on the coast of Cuba. The Delaware captured the Marsuin
10, and the same ship, later in the season, under the orders
<^ Capt Baker, took le Renard and TOcean. The Mon-
tezuma 20, Capt Murray, after the capture of the Retalia-
tion, and the return of the Norfolk 18, to America, cruised
some time alone, taking a small privateer of six guns.

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Although the year commenced with this disposition of
the vessels, many changes occurred, as the new ships were
got to sea, and particularly on account of the great mistake
of shipping the crews for a term as short as one year. It
. followed, of course, that the vessels which sailed in July and
August 1708, for the West India station, if called there by
no other cause, were compelled to return home in the sum<
mer of 1799, to discharge their crews, and to obtain others
in their places. It was fortunate that the spirit of the times,
the absence of privateers, and an abundance of men, in some
measure, remedied this defect, and that the delays it caused
were not as material as might have been otherwise appro-
bended. ">. • h

On the 9th of February, the Constellation 38, Com. Trux-
tun, was cruising on her prescribed ground, Nevis, bearing
W. S. W., distant five leagues, when she made a large ship
in the southern board. The Constellation being to wind-
ward at the moment. Com. Truxtun ran down towards tl)e
stranger, who now set American colours, when the private
signals were shown. As the chase was unable to answer,
he seemed to think further disguise unnecessary, for he
hoisted the French ensign, and fired a gun to windward, by
way of a challenge, keeping under easy sail, to invite the
contest. This was the first opportunity that had occurred
since the close of the Revolution, for an American vessel of
war to get along side of an enemy, of a force likely to run-
c&r a combat certain, and the officers 'and men of the Con-
stellation displayed the greatest eagerness to engage. On
the other hand, the stranger betrayed no desire to disappoint
his enemy, waiting gallantly for her to come down. When
the Constellation had got abeam of the French frigate, and
so near as to have been several times hailed, she opened h^
fire, which was returned promptly and with spirit. The
Constellation drew gradually ahead, both ships maintaining
a fierce cannonade. The former sufifered most in her sails

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MAVAL HUTORT.

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and rigging, and vrhile under the heaviest of the fire of her
iiitagonist, the fore-top-mast was badly wounded* quite near
the .lower cap. The fore-top was commanded by Mr.' David
Porter, a midshipman of great promise, and finding that his
hails to communicate this important circumstance were dis-
regarded, in the heat of the combat, this young officer took
on himself the responsibility of cutting the stoppers and of
lowering the yard. By thus relieving the spar of the pres-
sure of the sail, he prevented the fall of the top-mast and all
its hamper. In the mean time the weight and effect of the
fire were altogether in favour of the Constellation, and not-
withstanding the injury received in her fore-top-mast, that
ship was soon able to throw in two cr three raking broad-
sides, which decided the combat After maintaining a
close contest, in this manner, of about an hour, the Constel-
lation shot out of the smoke, wore round, and hauling
athwart her antagonist's stern was ready again with every
gliin to rake her, when the enemy struck.

The prize proved to be the French frigate I*fiisurgente,
Capt. Barreault, the vessel that has already been mention-
ed, as having captured the Retaliation, and chasing the
Montezuma and Norfolk, and one of the fastest ships in the
world. She was much cut up, and had sustained a loss of
70 men, in killed and wounded; 29 of the former, and 41 of
the latter. The Constellation, besides the loss of the foretop-
nfast, which had to be shifted, was much damaged alp£L
suffering no material injury in her hull, however, and MH
only 3 atien wounded. Among the latter, was Mr. James
M*Donough, a midshipman, who had a foot shot off. Early
in the combat, one of the men flinched from his gun, and
he warinstantly killed by the third lieutenant, to whose di-
Xision he belonged.

The Insurgente*s armament consisted of 40 guns, French
twelves, on her main deck battery, and her compliment of
men was 400. She was a ship a little heavier than a regu-

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

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lar 82, which would probably have been her rate in (^

i<J<^ English marine, although a French twelve-pound ihot

weighs nearly thirteen English pounds. On this occasion, the

. Constellation is said to have carried but 38 guns, twelve lesi

, than have been put upon her since the introduction of carro*

nades, and she had a crew of 309 men. But the main-deck

battery of the Constellation was composed of twenty-fours,

a gun altogether too heavy for her size and strength, and

from which she was relieved at the termination of this

cruise, by exchanging her armament for eighteens.*

The result of this engagement produced great exulta-
tion in America, and it was deemed a proof of an aptitude
to nautical service, that was very grateful to the national
pride. Without pausing to examine details, the country
claimed it as a victory of a 38 over a 40 ; and the new ma-
rine was, at once, proclaimed to be equal to any in the
world; a decision somewhat hazardous when made on a
single experiment, and which was certainly formed without
^ a full understanding of the whole subject. It is due to a
gallant enemy, to say that Capt. Barreault, who defended
"^ his ship as long as there was a hope of succejs, was over-
come by a superior force; and it is also due to Com. Trux-
. tun, and to those under his command, to add that they did '
their work with an expedition and cfTecc every way pro-
I portioned to the disparity in their favour. There is scarce-
\' ^^'^ instance on record, (we are not certain there is one,)
' oi^ full manned frigate, carrying twelves, prevailing In a
contest with even a ship of eighteens ; and, in this in-
stance, we see that the Insurgente had twenty-fours to op-
pose. Victory was next to hopeless, under such circum-
stances, though, on the other hand, we are not to overlook
:^ the readiness with which a conflict with arft unknown an%

,iii

* See note B, end of Tolume.

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800

NAVAL HISTORY.

tagonist was sought, and the neatness and despatch with
which the battle was won.

The Insurgente struck about half past three in the after-
noon, and Mr. Rodgers,* the first lieutenant of the Constel-
lation, together with Mr. Porter,t and eleven men, were
thrown on board her, to take possession, and to superin-
tend the removal of the prisoners. It now began to blow,
and when the darkness rendered it necessary to defer the
duty, 173 of the prize's crew were still in her. The wind
continued to rise, and, notwithstanding every cfibrt, the
ships separated in the darkness.

The situation of Mr. Rodgers was now exceedingly cri-
tical. The vessel was still covered with the wreck, while the
wounded, and even the dead were lying scattered about
her decks, and the prisoners early discovered a disposition
to rise. The gratings had been thrown overboard by the
people of the Insurgente after she struck, and no handcuflfs
could be found. Fortunately, Mr. Rodgers was a man of
great personal resolution, and of herculean strehgth, while
Mr. Porter, though young and comparatively slight, was as
good a second, in such trying circumstances, as any one
could desire. As soon as it was* ascertained that the pri-
soners could not bo got out of the ship that night, they were
all sent into the lower hold, the fire-arms were secured,
and a sentinel was placed at each hatchway, armed to the
teeth, with positive orders to shoot every man who should
attempt to appear on deck, without permission. In this
awkwafd situation, Mr. Rodgers and his party continued
three .4ays, unable to sleep, compelled to manage a frigate,
and to watch their prisoners, with the utmost vigilance, as
the latter were constantly on the look-out for an opportu-
nity to re-take^e ship. At the end of that time, they car-

'■^■,

* Late Com. Rodgera.

t Com. Porter.

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VAVAL HISTORY.

301

ried the Insurgente, in triumph, into St. Kitts, where they
found that the Constellation had already arrived.

Mr. Rodgers and Mr. Cowper, the first and second lieu-
tenants of the Constellation, were soon after promoted to be
captains, great irregularity existing in the service, at that
day, on subjects of this nature. The rank of master com-
mandant had been established, but the government ap-
peared to think that it was still organizing a marine, and
that it was empowered to exercise its discretion, in trans-
ferring officers at will, from one grade tu another, so long
as no one was reduced from a former station. Capt. Rod-
gers was appointed to the Maryland 20, and Capt. Cowper
to the Baltimore 20.

One of the effects of the victory of the Constellation was to
render the navy still more popular, and the most respectable
families of the nation discovered greater anxiety than ever to
get their sons enrolled on its lists. The new ships were put
into the water as fast as possible, and, as soon as manned and
equipped, il^ere sent on the different cruising grounds. L'ln-
surgente was taken into the service as a thirty-six, the confi-
mand of her was given to Capt. Murray, late of the Monte-
zuma 20, and she was permitted to cruise with a roving
commission.'- i^a'- ••*•*•

In the mean time, the care of the government appeared
to extend itself, and it began to cast its eyes beyond the
hazards of the American seas. ^i^ ■ 0'^'-.'

;|wyV.t the close of the year, the Congress 38, Capt. Sever,
and Essex 32, Capt. Preble, sailed with orders to convoy
vessels as far as Batavia. The former of these vesfgls met
with an accident to which all new ships are liable on quit-
ting America in the winter. Her rigging having been set
up in cold weather, it became slack wheq^e got into th«
gulf stream, where she also encountered a strong southerly
gale, and she lost not only all her masts, but her bowsprit.
The main-mast went while Mr. Bosworth, the fourth lieu-
Vol. I.— 26

$1
*

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803

ITAVAL HISTOlir.

tenant, was aloft, endeavouring to lower the main>top-mait,
by which accident that officer was lost. The crew of the
top were all happily saved.*

The Congress returned to port, for repairs, but Capt.
Preble proceeded on his cruise, carrying the pennant, for
the first time, in a regular cruiser, to the eastward of the
Capo of Good Hope.

The active measures resorted to by the American go-
vernment having better disposed that of France to nego-
tiate, and pledges having been given that new ministers
would be received with more respect than had been showii
to the last sent, who had met with insults and neglect,
the United States 44, Com. Barry, sailed from Newport,
Rhode Island, on the 3d of November, having on board
envoys to the French Directory. Notwithstanding these
measures to obtain peace. Congress proceeded in the legis-
lation necessary to establish a marine. Many of the laws
for the government of the navy were amended, and new
regulations were introduced as substitutes for such of the
old ones as were found defective. The appropriation for
the support of the navy, during the year 1800, the marine
corps included, amounted to $2,482,953 90. » ^ r^'; r* •; v

The new year consequently opened with increased efforts
to continue the singular war that had now existed eighteen
months. Many acquisitions were made to the navy, and
the following is a list of the vessels that appear to have been

* A similar accident was near occurring to the United States 44, in her
first cruise, under Com. Barry. After the ship got into the g^lf stream,
the rigfging slackened, when she was scudding ten knots in a gale, and
rolling nearly gunwale to. While all on board were trembling for the
masts, Mr. James Barron, the third lieutenant, proposed to Com. Barry to
set up the rigging, confidently declaring his ability to do so. This bold
oifer was accepted, and Mr. Barron got purchases on every other shroud,
and by swaying together at the call, under the vigilant superintendence of
the officers, this delicate undertaking was accomplished with success, and
the ship's masts were saved. It ought to be remembered that few of the
masts in this war were made, but that they were mostly single sticks.

■m'

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

808

■*^».

employed in the course of the season, principally in the West
Indies, viz :

United States 44, Portsmouth ii,

Conslitution 44, Merrimack 24,

President 44f Delaware 20, ',,

Constellation 38, Baltimore 20,

Congress 38, ,^. Maryland 20, ;

Chesapeake 36, , ,; Patapsco 20,

Philadelphia 36, Herald 16,

New- York 36, Norfolk 16,

• ,- Insurgedte 30, Richmond 16,

Essex Wf Pinckney 16,

Gen. Greene 28, Warren 16,

Adams . jpi t^ • Eagle . 14,

John Adams 28, Pickering 14,

Boston 26, Augusta 14,

Geo. Washington 24, Scmmel 14,

Connecticut 24, : ' Enterprise . 12,

Ganges 24, , , Experiment 12.

Trumbull 24,

By this time, the revenue vessels, with the exception of
one or two, appear to have been retained at home, and in
the foregoing list, no mention is made of galleys. Laws
had been previously passed for the construction of six
seventy-fours, and contracts were already made for the
collection of the necessary materials.

The cruising portion of the vessels were distributed in
two principal squadrons, the one on the St. Domingo sta-
tion under the orders of Com. Talbot, whose broad pennant
was flying in the Constitution 44, and the other on the Gua-
daloupe station, under the orders, first of Com. Truxtun, in
the Constellation 38, and next under the orders of Com.
Decatur, in the Philadelphia 36. The force of the former
varied from seven to twelve vessels, while the latter, in
April, consisted of thirteen sail. , ,

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304

NAVAL HISTORY.

Notwithstanding this exhibition of a respectable and ac-
tive force, the great facilities ofTcred by the islands, and the
strong temptations that were to be found in the American
West-India trade, then one of the most considerable of the
country, induced the enemy to be constantly on the alert,
and the sens were still swarming with French cruisers,
principally privateers. Guadaloupe, in particular, was dis-
tinguished for the number of captures made by its Vessels ;
and it was for this reason that we now find the heaviest
American squadron cruising in that vicinity.

On the 1st of February, 1800, the Constellation 38, Com.
Truxtun, was again oflT the island of Guadaloupe, alone,
Basseterre bearing east five leagues, when a sail was seen
to the south-east, steering westward. Com. 'tVuxtun at first
supposed the ship in sight to be a large English merchant-
man, from Martinico, of which he had some knowledge,
and, unwilling to be drawn to leeward of his cruising
ground, he hoisted English colours, by way of inducing her
to run down and speak him. This invitation being disre-
garded, sail was madt; in chase, the Constellation gaining
fast on the stranger. As the latter drew nearer, the ship
to windward was discovered to be a French vessel of war;
when the English colours were hauled down, and the Con-
stellation cleared for action. The chase was now distinctly
made out to be a heavy frigate mounting 52 guns. As
her metal was in all probability equal to her rate, the only
circumstance to equalize this disparity against the Constel-
lation, was the fact that the stranger was very deep, which
was accounted for by a practice of sending valuable articles
to France, at that time, in the ships of war, as the safest
means of transmission. Com. Truxtun was not discou-
raged by his discovery, but continued to carry every stitch
of canvass that would draw. Towards noon, however, the
wind became light, and the enemy had the advantage in sail-
ing. In this manner, with variable breezes, and a smooth

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NAVAL HISTORY.

305

sea, the chase continued until noon on the 2d, when the
wind freshened, and the Constellation again drew ahead.
By the middle of the afternoon, the wind had every appear-
ance of standing, and the chase was rising fast. It was
eight in the evening, nevertheless, before the two ships
were within speaking distance of each other, the stranger
having come up to the wind a little, and the Constellation
doubling on her weather quarter. Com. Truxtun was about
to speak the enemy, when the latter opened a fire from his
stern and quarter guns. In a few moments the Constella-
tion, having drawn still more on the weather quarter of the
chase, poured in a broadside, and the action began in ear-
nest. It was a little past eight when the firing commenced,
and it was maintained with vigour until near one in the
morning, the two ships, most of the time, running free, side
by side, when the stranger hauled up, and drew out of the
combat. Orders were given on board the Constellation to
brace up in chase; but, at this moment, a report was brought
to Com. Truxtun that the main-mast was supported almost
solely by the wood, every shroud having been shot away,
and many of them cut so repeatedly as to render the use
of stoppers impossible. At that time, as has been said al-
ready, masts were usually, in the American navy, of single
sticks, and the spars, when they gave way, went altogether.
Aware of this danger. Com. Truxtun ordered the men from
the guns, to secure this all-important mast, with the hope
of getting alongside of his enemy again, and, judging by
the feebleness of her resistance for the last hour, with the
certainty of taking lier, could this object be effected. But
no exertions could obviate the calamity, the mast coming
by the board within a few minutes after the enemy had
sheered off. All the topmen, including Mr. Jarvis, the
niidsliipman in command aloft, went over the side with
the spars, and, that gallant young officer, who had refused
to abandon his post, with all but one man, was lost.

20*

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KAVAL HISTORY.

The Constellation was no longer in a situation to resume
the action, and her enemy was in a far worse condition,
with the exception that she still retained spars enough to
enable her to escape. Finding it impossible to reach any
friendly port to windward, as soon as the wreck was clear
of his ship. Com. Truxtun bore up for Jamaica, where he
arrived in safety.

In this close and hard fought action, the Constellation had
14 men killed and 25 wounded, 11 of the latter dying of their
injuries. Her antagonist afterwards got into Cura^oa, dis-
masted, and in a sinking condition, reporting herself to have
had 50 of her people killed, and 110 wounded, in an engage-
ment with the Constellation, that had lasted five hours within
pistol-shot This statement is now known to be essentially
true, and it enables us to form a comparative estimate of
the merits of the action. The French vessel proved to be
la Vengeance, Capt. Pitot.

The armament of the Constellation had been changed
since her action with the Insurgente, and her main-deck
battery now consisted of 28 eighteens, and she had 10 twen-
ty-four-pound carronades on her quarter-deck, which were
among the first, if not the very first guns of this description
ever introduced into the American navy. Her crew was
composed of 310 souls.

It is said that the force of la Vengeance has been ascer-
tained to have been 28 eighteens, 16 twelves, and 8 forly-
two-pound carronades. Her crew has been variously stated
as having been between 400 and 500 men. The metal was
all according to the French mode of weighing, which adds
one pound to every twelve.*

• Various statements have been given of the construction of laVei^geance,
as well as of her armament. The papers of the day contain an account of
a Mr. James Howe, who was a prisoner on board her during the action,
and who is said to have brought in with him a certificate from Capt. Pitot,
that he and the other prisoners on board, 36 in number, refused to fight

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NAVAL BISTORT.

307

There is no question that the Constellation engaged a
materially superior force, or any doubt that she would have
brought la Vengeance into port, but for the loss of the mast.
It is even said, that la Vengeance did strike her colours
three times, during the action, but finding that the Constel-
lation continued her fire, they were re-hoisted. If such an
event occurred, it must have arisen from the fact that it
was not perceived in the obscurity of the night.

Com. Truxtun gained a great name by this action, and, on
his return to America for repairs, he was appointed to the
President 44, then fitting for sea. Congress gave him a
gold medal for his good conduct, and the gallantry of Mr.
Jarvis was approved in a solemn resolution. The Constel-
lation was now given to Capt. Murray, who had just re-
turned from a short cruise in the Insurgente, and that officer
went in her to the West Indies, where she joined the
squadron under Com. Talbot.

against their country, when the ships engaged. According to the state-
ment of this witness, la Vengeance carried on her g^n-deck 32 eighteens,
2 of w^hich were mounted aft; on her quarter-deck, 4 long twelves and 12
thirty-six-pound brass carronades; and on her forecastle, 6 twelves; making
in all 54, and a broadside of 26, guns. Her crew is stated at 400 men,
including a good many passengers, all of whom were mustered at quar-
ters. La Vengeance was described by Mr. Howe to have suffered severely,
having received 186 round shot in her hull. The slaughter on board yeas
terrible. , i ^

This account has much about it that is probable. The presence of Mr.
Howe was authenticated by the certificate; the stern-guns ag^ee with
Com. Truxtun's account of the commencement of the action; and the
armament is very much what would have been used by a heavy French
frigate of the day, on board of which carronades had been introduced.
A report that she was a ship on two decks, which was current at the
time, may very well have arisen from the circumstance of her carrying so
many guns on her quarter-deck and forecastle; but it is probable that Com.
Truxtun would have reported her as a two-decker, had such been the fact.
Tlie number of the crew is a circumstance in which a passenger might
very well be mistaken; and it is well known the French were in the prac-
tice of over-manning, rather than of under-manning tlieir ships.

■^'^Hft*" ^■Mmuuui,Msm^..mf^m^^ ,—,

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308

NAVAL HISTORY.

The latter officer had been cruising for some months on the
St. Domingo station, and about this time he planned an ex-
pedition that was quite in character with his own pdrsonal'/
enterprises during the war of the Revolution.

It was ascertained that a valuable French letter of
marque, was lying in Port Platte, a small harbour on the
Spanish side of the Island of St. Domingo, and as she was a '•""''
dangerous ship on account of her sailing. Com. Talbot de-
termined to attempt cutting her out. This vessel had been the
British packet the Sandwich, and she only waited to com-
plete a cargo of coffee, to make a run for France. The
legality of the enterprise was more than questionable, but
the French picaroons received so much favour in the
Spanish colonies, that the American officers were less scru-
pulous than they might otherwise have been. ,. % .

As soon as it was determined to make the effort, Mr. fftill,
the first lieutenant of the Constitution went in, at night, in
one of the frigate's' cutters, and reconnoitered. Com. Talbot
was compelled to defer the expedition, for want of a proper
craft to avoid suspicion, when fortunately one was found by
accident. An American sloop called the Sally had been
employed on the coast of the island, under circumstances
that rendered her liable to detention, and she was brought
out of one of the small French ports, by a boat of the
frigate. This sloop had recently left Port Platte, with an
intention of soon returning there, and she, at once, afforded
all the facilities that could be desired.

Com. Talbot, accordingly, threw a party of seamen and
marines into the Sally, and giving the command to Mr,.
Hull, that officer was directed to proceed on the duly without
further delay. The sloop was manned at sea, to escape de-
tection, and she sailed at an hour that would enable her to
reach Port Platte, about noon of the succeeding day. In the
course of the night, while running down for her port, under
easy sail, a shot suddenly flew over the Sally, and, soon

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NAVAL HISTORY.

309

after, an English frigate ranged up along side. Mr. Hull
hove to, and when the boarding lieutenant got on the sloop's
deck, where he found so large a party of men, and offi-
cers in naval uniforms, he was both startled and surprised.
He was told the object of the expedition, however, and ex-
pretHed his disappointment, as his own ship was only waiting
to let the Sandwich complete her cargo, in order to cut her
out also ! '~

The Sally's movements were so well timed, as to permit
her to arrive off the harbour's mouth at the proper hour.
The Sandwich was lying with her broadside bearing on the
approach, and there was a battery at no great distance to
protect her. As soon as near enough (o be seen, Mr. Hull
sent most of his people below, and getting an anchor ready
over the stern, to bring the sloop up with, he stood directly
for the enemy's bows. So admirably was every thing ar-
ranged, that no suspicion was excited, the Sally ran the
Sandwich aboard, the Constitution's people went into her,
and carried her without the loss of a man. At the same
moment, Capt. Carmick landed with the marines, entered
the battery, and spiked the guns.

Notwithstanding a great commotion on shore, the Amer-
icans now went to work to secure their prize. The Sand-
wich was stripped to a girtline, and every thing was below.
Before sunse^she had royal yards across, her guns scaled,
her new crew quartered, and soon after she weighed, beat
out of the harbour, and joined the frigate.

No enterprise of the sort was ever executed with greater
steadiness, or discipline. Mr. Hull gained great credit by the
neatness with which he fulfilled his orders, and it was not
possible for an officer to have been better sustained; the
absence of loss, in all cases of surprise, in which the assail-
ed have the means of resistance, being one of the strongest
proofs not only of the gallantry and spirit, but of the cool-
ness of the assailants.

f .

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310

KAVAL HISTORY.

^ -Si-,

In the end, however, this capture, which was clearly
illegal, cost the Constitution dear. Not only was the Sand-
wich given up, but all the prize money of the cruise went to
pay damages. V -^' \^

Early in May the Chesapeake 38, went to sea, under the
command of Capt S. Barron. Her first duty was to con-
vey a quantity of specie from Charleston to Philadelphia,

j^'j^ after which she proceeded to cruise between the coast and

>^" the West. India islands.

The Insurgente 36, had been given to Capt. Fletcher,
when Capt. Murray was transferred to the Constellation,
and in July she sailed on a cruise, with instructions to keep
between longitudes 66° and 68°, and to run as far south as
30° N. L. After this ship left the capes of Virginia, no au-
thentic accounts, with the exception of a few private letters
sent in by vessels spoken at sea, were ever received of
her. She had been ordered to cruise a short time in the
latitude and longitude mentioned, after which her comman-
der was left at liberty to pursue his own discretion, provided
he returned to Annapolis within eight weeks. Thirty-eight
years have elapsed and no further tidings of any belonging
to this ill-fated ship have ever reached their friends.

The Pickering 14, Capt. Hillar, also sailed in August, for
the Guadaloupe station, and never returned. As in the case
of the Insurgente, all on board perished, no information that
could be relied on ever having been obtained of the man-
ner in which these vessels were lost. Vague rumours were
set afloat at the time, and it was even affirmed that they had
run foul of each other in a gale, a tale that was substan-
tiated by no testimony, and which was probably untrue, as
the Pickering was sent to a station, which the Insurgente,
under discretionary orders, would be little apt to seek, since
it was known to be already filled with American cruisers.
These two ships swelled the list oi' vessels of war that had
been lost in this manner to three, viz: the Saratoga 16, the

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NAVAL HISTORY.

811

Insurgente 36, and the Pickering 14; to which may be
added the Reprisal 16, though the cook of the latter sloop
was saved. « " •« '. •

The nature of the warfare, which was now confined
principally to chases and conflicts with small fast sailing pri-
vateers, and a species of corsair that went by the local name
of picaroons, or with barges that ventured no great distance
at sea, soon satisfied the government that, to carry on the
service to advantage, it required a species of vessel different
from the heavy, short, sloop of twenty, or twenty-four guns,
of which so many were used in the beginning of the con-
test. Two schooners had been built with this view, and
each of them fully proved their superiority over the old
clumsy cruiser, that had been inherited, as it might be,
from the Revolution. One of these vessels was called the
Experiment, and the other the Enterprise, and they were
rated at twelve guns. The modern improvements, how-
ever, did not extend to the armaments of even these
schooners, the old fashioned six pounder being still used,
where an 181b. carronade would now be introduced. The
Enterprise, Lieut. Com. Shaw, was very active this year,
capturing la Citoyenne, privateer, of 6 guns and 47 men;
la Seine 6, and 57 men; I'Aigle 10, and 78 men; la Pauline
6, and 40 men; and la Guadaloup^enne 7, and 45 men.
Most of these vessels resisted, though neither was of a force
to aflford- much hope of success. La Citoyenne had 4 killed
and 11 wou ded before she struck; la Seine made an ob-
stinate resistance, holding out until she had 24 of her crew
killed and wounded, which was near half her complement;
and TAigle lost 12 men, among whom was her first lieu-
tenant, in an action of fifteen minutes. In the last affair the
Enterprise had three men killed and wounded.

Near the close of her cruise, the Enterprise made a
strange sail a long distance to windward, late in the day,
and hauled up for her. Night coming on, the chase was lost

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ITAVAL HISTORY.

sight of in tho darkness, when the schooner hove to, to
keep her station. When the day dawned the stranger, a

t brig, was seen to windward as before, and nearly in the
position in which she had last been observed. Both vessels
now discovered a disposition to close. At noon the Enter-
prise made the American i;ignal, which was not answered,
the brig showing English colours. The signals that had
been established between the English and American com-
mandeis were next shown, but the stranger could not re-
ply. Believing the brig to be an enemy of a force at least
equal to his own, Lieut. Com. Shaw, now set his ensign as
a challenge to come down, but, instead of complying, the
chase immediately hauled his wind. The Enterprise im-
mediately began turning to windward on short tacks, and

; sailing uncommonly fast, it was soon apparent that the ene-

^ my would be overhauled.

As soon as the French were satisfied that escape was im-
possible, they cleared for action, and, waiting until the En-
terprise was within half a mile to leeward, they began to
fire. Instead of returning a gun, Lieut. Com. Shaw kept
the schooner under all her canvass, and, about half an hour
after the brig had opened on him, he tacked in her wake, and
ranged up handsomely under her lee, within pistol shot. As
her guns bore the Enterprise now poured in a close and
destructive fire, which lasted for a little more than an 1 .ur,
when the brig's fore-top-mast being shot away, and the
vessel otherwise seriously injured, she struck.

The prize was the Flambeau privateer. She mounted 14
guns, and had more than 100 men. Her loss was very heavy,
about half her crew having been killed and wounded. The
Enterprise had 3 men killed and 7 wounded. This little affair
was considered one of the warmest combats of the war, and
it is seldom that so sharp a conflict occurs between vessels
of so small a force.

Lieut. Shaw was justly applauded for his activity while in

"•

i*;*

WAVAL HISTORY.

'.»

vv-

S18

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command of this schooner, recapt 'ig eleven American
vessels, besides taking those just mentioned, in a cruise of
only eight months. It was a proof of the greater efficiency
of this description of vessel than any other, in a warfare of
such a nature, that the Enterprise, a schoonor of only 165
tons, carrying an armament of 12 light guns, and with a
crew that varied from 60 to 75 men, destroyed more of the
enemy's privateers, and afforded as much protection to the
trade of the country, as any frigate employed in the war.

In March, the Boston 28, Capt. Little, being near the
Point of St. Marks, having a merchant brig in tow, on her
way to Port-au-Prince, nine barges were discovered pulling
towards the vessels, coming from the small island of Go-
naives, with every appearance of hostile intentions. The
barges were large, as usual, pulled 20 oars, and contained
from 30 to 40 men each. As soon as their characters wore
properly made out, the guns of the Boston were housed, and
the ship was otherwise disguised. This stratagem succeeded
so far as to draw the barges within gunshot; but discover-
ing their mistake before they got as near as could have been
wished, they turned, and began to retreat. The Boston now
cast off her tow, made sail in chase, ran out her guns, and
opened her fire. For two hours, she was enabled to keep
some of the barges within reach of her shot, and three of
them, with all their crews, were sunk. The remainder did
not escape without receiving more or less injury.

After this punishment of the picaroons, who were often
guilty of the grossest excesses, the Boston, having been
home to refit, was directed to cruise a short time, previous-
ly to going on the Guadaloupe station again, between the
American coast and the West-India islands. While in the
discharge of this duty, November, 1800, in lat. 22° 50' N.,
and long. 61" W., she made a French cruiser, which, in-
stead of avoiding her, evidently sought an encounter. Both

Vol. I.— 27

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parties being willing, the ships were soon in close action,
when, after a plain, hard-fought combat of two hours, the
enemy struck. The prize proved to be the French corvette
le Berceau, Capt. Senes, mounting 24 guns, and with a
crew a little exceeding 200 men. The Berceau was much
cut up, and shortly after the action, her fore and main masti
went. Her loss in killed and wounded was never ascer-
tained, but from the number of the latter found in her, it
was probably between 30 and 40 men. Among the former
were her first lieutenant, master, boatswain and gunner.
The Boston mounted eight more light guns than the Berceau,
and had about an equal number of men. She had 4 killed and
11 wounded. Among the latter was her purser, Mr. Young,
who died of his injuries. The Bercoau was a singularly
fine vessel of her class, and had the reputation of being one
of the fastest ships in the French marine. Like the combat
between the Constellation and Tlnsurgente, the superiority of
force was certainly in favour of the American ship, on this
occasion, but the execution was every way in proportion to
the difference.

The year 1800 was acively employed on both sides in
the West-Indies, for while the force of the French in ves-
sels of war seemed to decrease, as those of England and
America increased, the privateers still abounded. A great
many American merchantmen were captured, and the re-
captures also amounted to a number that it is now difficult
to ascertain, but which is known to have been large. Most
of the privateers were small schooners, filled with men, suf-
ficient to subdue a letter of marque by boarding ; but, as
they offered no resistance to any of the cruisers except the
smallest, a brief catalogue of the prizes taken by the differ-
ent large vessels, will at once give an idea of the nature of
the service that was performed by the West-India squadrons
during this year. The Baltimore 20, Capt. Cowper, took
la Brilliante Jeunesse 12, with a crew of 02 men, and «

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NAVAL HISTORY.

a yosRel whose name is not known; the Merrim; 84,
Capt. Brown, the Phenix 14, with 128 men; tho ( I'x'c-
ticut 24, Capt. Tryon, le Piige 2, with 50 men, rUnit^ I,
with fiO men, and le Chou Chou ; the Boston 28, Capt. Lit-
tle, la Fortune, I'Heureux, and an open boat ; Pickering 14,
Capt. Hillar, la Voitigeuse 10, with 6 men, the Fly, and I' Ac-
tive 12, with 60 men ; Boston 32, in company with different
vessels, the Flying Fish, la Gourde, le Pelican, and TEspoir ;
Herald 18 and Augusta 14, la Mutine 6, with 60 men ; John
Adams 28, Capt. Cross, le Jason, with 50 men, la Decade;
the Trumbull 24, Capt. Jewett, la Peggie, la Vengeance 10,
and la Tullie ; Enterprise 12, Lieut. Com. Sterrott, TAmour
de la Patrie 6, with 72 men; the Patapsco 18, Capt. Ged-
des, la Dorade 6, with 40 men ; the Adams 28, Capt. Mor-
ris, I'Heureuse Rencontre 4, with 50 men, le Gambeau, 4
swivels and 16 men, la Renomm^e, the Dove, and le Mas-
sena 6, with 49 men. Several of the frigates also made
prizes of diflferent small privateers, barges and boats; and
many vessels were chased on shore, and either destroyed
by boats, or were bilged in striking. The privateers taken
and brought into port, during the years 1798, 1799 and
1800, amounted in all to, rather more than fifty sail. To
these must be added sevcnl letters of marque. But few
merchant ships were taken, the French venturing but little
on the ocean, except in fast-sfliling armed vessels. Still, some
valuable prizes of this nature were made, and several ships
of the class were driven ashore among the islands.

The constant changes that occurred among the com-
manders of the different vessels, render it difficult to give
clear accounts of the movements of both. These changes
were owing to the rapidity and irregularities of the promo-
tions in an infant service, officers who went out at the com-
mencement of the season lieutenants, in many instances,
returning home captains, at its close. In short, the officers,

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like the crows, were constantly passing from vessel to ves-
sel, several serving in two or three ships in as nnany years.

The Experiment 12, made her first cruise under the com-
mand of Lieut. Com. Maley, and was much employed in
convoying through the narrow passoges, where the vessels
were exposed to attacks from large barges manned from
the shores. About the close of the year 1709, or at the
commencement of 1800, this schooner was becalmed in the
Bight of Lcogane, with several sail of American merchant-
men in company and under convoy. While the little fleet
lay in this helpless condition, a good, deal scattered, ten of the
barges mentioned, filled with negroes and mulattoes, came
out against it. The barges contained from 30 to 50 men
each, who were armed with muskets, cutlasses and pikes,
and in some of the boats were light guns and swivels. As
the Experiment was partially disguised, the enemy came
within reach of her grape before the assault was made,
when Lieut. Com. Malcy ran out his guns and opened his
Are. This was the commencement of a long conflict, in
which the barges were beaten oK It was not in the power
of the Experiment, however, to prevent the enemy from
seizing two of her convoy, which had drifted to such a dis-
tance as to be beyond protection. A third vessel was also
boarded, but from her the brigands were driven by grape,
though not until they had murdered her master and plun-
dered the cabin. ;, ,

The barges went twice to the shore, landed their killed
and vkrounded, and took on board reinforcements of men.
The second attack they made was directed especially at the
Experiment, there being no less than three divisions of the
enemy, each of which contained three heavy barges. But,
after a protracted engagement, which, with the intermis-
sions, lasted seven hours, the enemy abandoned further de-
signs on this convoy, and retreated in disorder. The Ex-
periment endeavoured to follow, by means of her sweeps,

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317

but finding that some of the more distant of the barges
threatened two of her convoy, that had drifted out of gun-
shot, she was obliged to give up the chase.

In ^his arduous and protracted engagement the Experi-
ment was fought with spirit, and handled with skill. The
total absence of wind gave the enemy every advantage;
but, notwithstanding their vast superiority in numbers, they
did not dare to close. Two of the barges were sunk, and
their loss in killed and wounded was known to have been
heavy, while the Experiment had but two wounded, one of •
whom was Lieut. David Porter.

Shortly after this affair, the command of the Experiment
was given to Lieut Charles Stewart, late of the United
States 44. Not long after he had got upon his station, this
officer fell in with, and took, after a slight resistance, the
French privateer les Deux Amis, of 6 guns, and between
40 and 50 men. The Deux Amis was sent in. r •,

About a month after this occurrence, while cruising on
her station, the Experiment made two sail, which had the
appearance of enemy's cruisers. The Frenchmen were a
brig of 18 guns, and a three-masted schooner of 16, and
they gave chase to the American. Lieut. Com. Stewart,
having soon satisfied himself of the superior sailing of his
own vessel, manoeuvred in a way to separate the enemy,
and to keep them at a distance until after dark. At length,
finding that the Frenchmen had given up the chase, and
that the brig was ahead of the schooner about a league, he
cleared for action, closed with the latter, by running up on
her weather quarter, and gave her a broadside. The at-
tack was so vigorous and close, that the enemy struck in a
few minutes. Throwing his first lieutenant, Mr. David Por-
ter, into the prize, Lieut. Com. Stewart immediately made
sail after the brig; but she had gained so much ahead, dur-
ing the time lost with the schooner, that she was soon aban-

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doned, and the Experiment returned to her prize, which she
carried into St. Kitts. Mr. Stewart probably owed his suc-
cess to the boldness of his manoeuvres, as the brig was of a
force sufficient to capture him in a few minutes.
^ The vessel taken by the Experiment, proved to be the
French man-of-war schooner la Diane, Lieut. Perradeau,
of 14 guns, and about 60 men. She was bound to France,
with General Rigaud on board; and in addition to her
regular crew, 30 invalid soldiers had been put in her, having
% served their times in the islands. Her commander had been
the first lieutenant of Tlnsurgente, and the prize-officer of
the Retaliation.

Returning to her station, the Experiment now had a com-
bat that was of a less agreeable nature. A suspicious sail had
been made in the course of the day, and chase was given
until dark. Calculating the courses and distances, Lieut
Com. Stewart ordered the Experiment to be kept in the
required direction until midnight, when, if he did not close
with the stranger, he intended to give up the chase. At that
hour, the schooner was hauled by the wind, accordingly;
but, in a few minutes, a sail was seen quite near, and to
windward. The Experiment went to quarters, ran :ip under
the stranger's lee, and hailed. Finding the other vessel in-
disposed to give an answer, Lieut. Com. Stewart ordered a
gun fired into him, which was returned by a broadside.
A sharp action now commenced, but, it blowing heavily, and
the schooner lying over, it was found impossible to depress
the guns sufficiently to hull the enemy. Planks were cut
and placed beneath the trucks of the gun-carriages, when
the shot of the Experiment told with so much effect, that her
antagonist struck. Mr. Porter, the first lieutenant of the
Experiment, was now directed to take possession of the
prize, but, on getting alongside, he was refused permission
to board. As soon as this was known in the schooner, the
boat was directed to pull out of the line of fire, with a view

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310

to recommence the action, when the stranger hailed to say
he submitted. • • . . . • ; .

This vessel proved to be a privateer called the Louisa
Bridger, out of Bermuda, with an armament of 8 nine-
pounders, and a crew of between 40 and 50 men. She wait
much cut up, and had four feet water in her hold when she
surrendered. Her captain was among the wounded.

As soon as the nature of this unfortunate mistake was
known, every aid was afforded the privateer, the Experi-
ment lying by her all next day, to assist in repairing her
damages. The Experiment received a good deal of in-tt
jury in her rigging, and had one man killed, and a boy
wounded. ; H*«ii» -

Active negotiations had commenced, and in the autumn
of 1800 the hopes of peace became so strong, that the
efforts to increase the navy were sensibly relaxed, and the
sailing of many ships, that had been intended for distant
stations, was suspended. In May of this year, however,
the George Washington 24,f Capt. Bainbridge, was ordered
to sail with tribute to the Dey of Algiers. We now look
back with wonder at the fact, that a maritime people, like
those of the United States, should consent to meet the unjust
demands of a power as insignificant as that of Algiers, with
any other answer than a close blockade, and a vigorous

f In giving' the rates of vessels, except in flagrant instances, such as
those in which the Chesapeake and Philadelphia are called forty-fours,
and the Adams, John Adams, and Boston, thirty-twos, we follow the irre-
gular rule which appears to have been laid down in the service at the
time. The George Washington was much nearer a thirty-two in size,
than most of the twenty-eights of xhe navy, though in the oificial reports
she is called a twenty-four. The tonnage of tliis ship was 624 tons, while
that of the Boston was only ^30. She had been an Indiaman, and when
sold out of service, in 1803, returned to her old employment. The pro-
per rate of this ship would have made her nearer a twenty-eight, than any
thing else. Her last service was to carry tribute to the Mediterranean,
under Lieut. Com. Shaw.

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HAVAL HISTORT.

war. No better school for the education of an efficient
corps of officers could have been desired, than a contest
with all Barbary, should the latter invite it, nor would the
expense have greatly exceeded that connected with the
support of the small naval force, that nearly all parties
now appeared to admit was indispensable to tiie country.
Opinion had probably as much connexion with this want of
spirit, as expediency or policy, for it would be easy to show,
not only in this but in all other cases, that there is no more
certain means for a nation to invite aggressions, than by
making undue concessions, or no surer method of obtaining
justice than by insisting on its rights. The great maritime
nations of Europe, with England at their head, influenced
by motives peculiarly their own, had long been in (he
practice of bribing the Barbary States to respect the laws
of nations, and it was perhaps too soon to expect that
America, a country that had so recently been a colony,
should step boldly out of the circle of its habits, and set the
first example of self-respect and wisdom. It was reserved
for that little marine, which was just struggling into exist-
ence, under all the unfavourable circumstances of a hurried
organization, defective vessels, a want of arsenals, docks,
and system, to bring the nation up to the level of its own
manliness and independence, at a later day, and to teach
the true policy of the country to those whose duty it was to
direct it.

The George Washington arrived in the port of Algiers
in September, and feeling that he had come on a duty that,
at least, entitled him to the hospitalities of the Dey, Capt.
Bainbridge ran in and anchored under the mole. As soon
as the tribute, or presents, whichever it may suit the tone of
diplomacy to term them, were put into the hands of the consul,
a request was made to Capt. Bainbridge to place his ship
at the disposal of the Dey, with a sole view to the conve-
nience and policy of that prince. It appears that the Sultan

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NAVAL HISTORY.

321

had taken offence with the regency of Algiers, on account
of a treaty it had lately concluded with France, a power
with which the Ottoman Porte was then at war, and his
anger was to be deprecated by a timely application of
presents. The good offices of Capt. Bainbridge were now
solicited in conveying these offerings, with a suitable agent,
to Constantinople. As soon as apprised of his wish, Capt.
Bainbridge sought an audience with the Dey, and having ob-
tained one, he expressed his regret at not being able to com-
ply with his request, as it would be disregarding the orders
of his superiors at home. The Dey now gave his guest to un-
derstand that both he and his ship were in his power, and
his request was put more in the shape of a demand. A
long and spirited altercation ensued, until influenced by the
representations of the consul, Mr. O'Brien, the certainty that
his ship would be otherwise seized and sent by force, the
apprehension of a war, and the knowledge that near two
hundred sail of merchantmen were exposed in those seas,
Capt. Bainbridge entered into stipulations on the subject.
He consented to carry the agent and presents of Algiers,
on condition that peace should be maintained, that the Dey
should deem the act one of friendly concession on the part
of the United States, and not one of right, and that, on his
return from Constantinople, no further demands should be
preferred.

When the ship was about to sail from Algiers a new
difficulty arose on the subject of the flag; the Dey in-
sisting that his own should be hoisted at the main, while
that of the United States should be shown forward. In
maintaining this claim, he affirmed that it was a compli-
ment always paid him by the English, French and Spanish
captains, who had been employed on similar service in his
behalf. After a strong remonstrance, Capt. Bainbridge
yielded in appearance, but as he refused to make any
pledges on the subject, as soon as he was beyond the reach

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322

NAVAL HMTORT.

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of the guns of the works, he set his own ensign as usual.
Under these circumstances, the George Washington sailed.
At this distance of time from the event, a dispassionate
opinion may perhaps be formed concerning the propriety of
the course pursued by the officer in command of the George
Washington. On the one hand was the war with France,
which might have rendered the management of a war with
Algiers more difficult than common, and the probability that
the latter would ensue in the event of a refusal. But, if
France was at war with America, she was also at war with
England, and the appearance of the George Washington in
the Mediterranean was a proof that cruisers might be em-
ployed in that sea, although the nation was without ports,
or arsenals. As opposed to the general hazards of war,
and the particular risks incurred by the crew of the George
Washington, were those common and enduring principles
of honour and right, by maintaining which nations, in the
end, assert their claims in the promptest, cheapest, and
most efficient manner. It is the peculiar province of the
officers and men of a vessel of war to incur risks equally of
life and liberty, and as no man manifested more of the true
spirit, in this respect, than Capt. Bainbridge, on all other
occasions, the consideration of his own peculiar danger, or
that of his crew, probably had no influence on his decision.
The question then is, whether an officer in his situation
ought to have taken the responsibility of producing a war
by a refusal to comply with the demand of the Dey, or
whether his duty pointed out the course pursued by Capt.
Bainbridge. No one can hesitate about saying that the first
should be the decision of a commander of a vessel of war,
in our own time. But Capt. Bainbridge was not before
Algiers in an age when America was as ready as she is to-
pay to assert all those great principles of right which na-
tions must maintain with their blood and treasure, if they
are to be maintained at all. He had himself just been em-

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ployed in transporting tribute to Algiers, under a solemn
law of his country, and it would have been a violent pre-
sumption indeed, to suppose that a government, which had
so far neglected the just feelings of national pride, and the
first and simplest principles of policy, as to expend in tribute
the money that would nearly, if not quite, extort justice by
force, would look with favour on an act that should produce
a war, on a naked point of honour. We dislike the decision
of Capt. Bainbridge, while we distinctly see, that in requiring
him to have acted otherwise, we require him to have been
in advance of the opinion of his day, and of the policy of his
government.* > v

It is understood that Capt. Bainbridge was much influ-
enced by the advice and opinions of Mr. O'Brien, the con-
sul. This gentleman had been one of the first prisoners
taken by Algiers in 1785, and he had passed many weary
years in captivity, almost abandoned by hope, and appar-
ently, though riot really, forgotten by his country. He had
probably little faith in the existence of that patriotism which
is ready to sacrifice immediate interest to future good, and
saw in perspective a piratical warfare, and captivities like
his own, which, unrelieved by any feelings of humanity,
would be nearly allied to despair. This gentleman is not
to be censured; for bitter experience had taught him how
little is the care taken of individual rights, by popular
governments, when the evil does not present itself to the
senses of bodies of men, and how strong is the desire to
shrink from responsibility in those who are subject to th'- -
judgment and clamour. This is the weak side of liit

* It has been conjectured that Capt. Bainbridge consented to go to
Constantinople, with the view to show the American flag to the Ottoman
Porte, and to open the way for a treaty, and a trade in the Black Sea; but
we know of no evidence of the truth of this supposition. It ought to be
added, moreover, that the ships of the greatest powers of Europe, often
performed offices like that required of Capt. Bainbridge, for the Dey,
and that he was perfectly aware of the fact.

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NAVAL HISTORY.

polity, and were it not redeemed by so much that is supe-
rior to the effects of all other systems, it is one that would
totally unfit a nation to maintain the respect of mankind.
Mr. O'Brien, too, had been educated as a ship-master, and
probably reasoned more like the agent of a commercial
house, than the agent of a government that wanted none of
the elements of greatness but the will. That neither he nor
Capt. Bainbridgc, frank seamen, discovered much of the
finesse of diplomacy, is evident ; for a practised negotiator,
detecting the necessity of submission, would have antici-
pated the final demand, and averted the more disagreeable
features of compulsion, by apparently conceding that to soli-
citation, which was finally yielded to menace.

When the Americans, feeble, scattered colonists, without
military stores, posts, fortified towns or navy, determined
to resist the usurpations of the British Parliament, they were
influenced by those lofty principles of right, which are cer-
tain to lead to greatness. It i& not pretended that the taxa-
tion of England bore heavily on America in practice, but
the resistance grew out of the maintenance of a principle;
and the result of sacrificing immediate interests to the true
and elevating policy of the right, is before the world. Even
many of the well-disposed, who belonged to the school of
those who are for consulting temporary good, and whose po-
litical wisdom too often savours of the expedient, thought the
contest premature; but, happily, a better temper prevailed in
the country, and the nation escaped the risks of losing its
spirit under the gradual operation of usage, as might have
attended delay. Immediate good was sacrificed to the great
objects of a more liberal policy, and we now find that Eng-
land, so far from persevering in a wish to tax colonies over
which she does not possess the right, even hesitates about
taxing those which, in the way of principle, lie at her mercy
by conquest.

It was the 19th of October, 1800, when the Geo. Wash-

.. fif

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ITAVAL HISTORT.

325

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ington left Algiers. She entered the Bosphorus with a fresh
breeze at the southward, and on approaching the Darda-
nelles, where are two castles that command the passage,
and where ships are obliged to exhibit passports in order to
proceed, Capt. Bainbridge felt some embarrassment as to
the course he ought to take. He had no firman, his coun-
try was scarcely known at the Ottoman Porte, and he
might be delayed weeks, negotiating for permission to go
up to the town. From this dilemna he relieved himself by
the happy and prompt expedient of a seaman. The castles
stand nearly opposite each other, on the European and
Asiatic shores, and guns carrying stone balls, that weigh,
in some instances, eight hundred pounds, are pointed in a
manner to command the channel. These guns, however,
are stationary like mortars, and become nearly useless the
moment a ship is out of their regulated range. The rest of
the defences, at that time, were very immaterial. The
width of the Bosphorus, here, a little exceeds three thou-
sand feet. As his ship approached the castle, Capt. Bain-
bridge hauled up his courses, clewed up his top-gallant-
sails, and made the usual preparations for anchoring. When
nearly up with them, she commenced firing a salute, which
was instantly returned from the shore, and, at this moment,
when the vessel was partly concealed in smoke, sail was
made, and before the Turks recovered from their surprise,
being totally unprepared for a thing so unusual, sht. was
beyond their reach.

Capt. Bainbridge now pursued his way to Constantinople,
where he arrived as much unexpected as he was unan-
nounced and unknown. The George Washington anchored
the 9th of November, in the outer harbour, where she was
soon visited by an officer, to demand under what flag she
sailed. The usual reply was given, and the officer took
his leave. An hour or two afterwards he returned, to say
that his government had never heard of such a nation as

Vol. I.— 28

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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the United States of Americu, and to request some more
explicit answer. The officer was now sent back with the
Information that the George Washington belonged to the
"New World," which was received as satisfactory, the
Turkish government extending to strangers much of that
polished hospitality for which it is justly esteemed.

The George Washington remained at Constantinople until
the 30th of December, when she again sailed for Algiers,
which port she reached on the 21st of January, 1801.
Though much solicited to do so, Capt. Bainbridge now
refused to carry his ship within the mole, but kept her out
of the reach of the batteries. The Dey made a new
request that he would return to Constantinople with his
agent, and, though the old threats were not exactly resorted
to, the ship being beyond his reach, war was still held in
perspective as the alternative. Capt. Bainbridge, however,
peremptorily refused to put himself and ship again at the
orders of the Dey.

Having borrowed some ballast, Capt. Bainbridge was
about to have it landed in lighters, when the Dey, affecting
to be indignant at his want of confidence, forbade the light-
ermen to undertake the job, announcing at the same time,
unless the ballast was returned, that he would declare war.
The consul again so earnestly entreated Capt. Bainbridge
to comply, that the latter, on receiving a solemn stipulation
that no more should be said on the subject of a new voyage
to Constantinople, took the George Washington into the
mole, and landed the ballast, which consisted of a number
of old guns.

Capt. Bainbridge soon after had an audience with the
Dey, when the latter got into such a rage as to threaten
personal violence. Fortunately, the Capudan t^acha had
become pleased with the manly conduct and fine personal
appearance of the American officer, while the latter was at
Constantinople, and, at parting, be had given him a firman

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of protection. This paper was now presented, and it im-
msdiately changed the savage ferocity of n barbarian into
expre!'^" js of friendship and offers of service. From that
moment the tone of the Dey was altered ; and the man,
whom a minute before he had threatened with irons, was
converted into a person of influence and authority. Such
was the effect of Asiatic despotism and a ruthless discipline.

A good opportunity now offered to relieve some of the
mortification which Capt. Bainbridge had experienced, by
affording him an occasion to be the instrument of rescuing
many christians from slavery. One of the causes of quar-
rel between the Regency and the Porte, as has been stated,
was the separate peace made by the latter with France.
To expiate for that crime, the Dey had been compelled to
cut down the flag-staff of the French consul, to declare war
against his country, and to condemn him and flfty or sixty
of his countrymen to slavery. Notwithstanding the war
which still existed between America and France, Capt.
Bainbridge interfered in behalf of these unfortunate people,
and, profiting by the unexpected influence of his firman, he
obtained a stipulation from the Dey, that all who could get
out of his dominions within eight-and-forty hours, might go
away, while those who could not, should be slaves. No other
vessel offering, the George Washington was employed in
this grateful oflice, and by great exertions she went to sea
within the stipulated time, carrying with her all the French
in Algiers. The passengers were landed at Alicant, and
the ship returned home, where the conduct of her comman-
der, throughout these novel and trying circumstances, met
with the fullest approbation of the government, and he was
immediately transferred to a much finer ship, the Essex 32.

While these events were taking place in the Mediterra-
nean, the negotiations for peace with France had been go-
ing on at Paris, and a treaty to that effect was ratified by
the Senate on the 3d of February, 1801. All the necessary

»■

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■:Ami^-,

■lat:

828

ITAVAL HISTORY.

»,' :

,>fK-*

forms having been complied with on both sides, the Herald
18, Capt. Russel, was sent to the West Indies, with orders
of recall fur the whole force. ' '' v

Thus ended the short and irregular struggle with France,
in which the present marine of the United States was
founded, most of the senior officers now in service having
commenced their careers as midshipmen during its eX'
istence.

•■./,

)rald
ders

If AVAL HISTORY.

330

v;y/

nee,

was

nng

ex-

CHAPTER XVII.

'mi

(%>!,

Evert form of government has evils peculiar to itself.
In a democracy there exists a standing necessity for re*
ducing every thing to the average comprehension, the high
intelligence of a nation usually conceding as much to its
ignorance, as it imparts. One of the worst consequences
of this compromise of knowledge, in a practical sense, is to
be found in the want of establishments that require foresight
and liberality to be well managed, for the history of every
democracy has shown that it has been deficient in the
wisdom which is dependent on those expenditures which
foster true economy, by anticipating evils and avoiding the
waste of precipitation, want of system, and a want of know-
ledge. The new government of the Union was now to ex-
perience evils of this nature, that are perhaps inseparable
from popular power, and to contend with the cry of ex-
travagance, as extravagance is usually viewed by those who
have not sufficient information to understand that, as in
ordinary transactions, the highest pay commands the best
services, so in public things, the expenditures made in a
time of peace are the surest means of obtaining economy
in a ti-Tne of war.

The commencement of the year 1801, was distinguished
by a change of administration, for the first time since the
adoption of the constitution; Mr. Jefferson and his political
friends, who were usually known by the name of the repub-

28*

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380

ITAVAL HISTORY.

^^.'
.'.">

lican party, expelling the federalists from power, with Mr.
Adams at their head, by a large majority of the electoral
votes. One of the charges brought against the federalists
was an undue love for unnecessarily largo and expensive
establishments, in imitation of the English school of politi-
cians, while the republicans were accused of a wish to de-
ceive the ignorant, by pretending to a nakedness of legisla-
tion and an absence of precautionary measures, which, while
they would save money at the moment, might involve the
country in eventual ruin, and which would unfit the people
for the great exertions certain to be required in the hour of
danger.

In this controversy, as is commonly the case, both par-
ties maintained principles that were false, and insisted on
measures, which, if not utterly impracticable, were at least
impolitic. The federalists held the doctrine that the people
ought to be taxed, if it were merely to accustom them to
pay for the support of government ; and the democrats, or
republicans, applied to the management of political interests
the notion that all that was necessary was to provide for
the demands of the day, virtually leaving the future to
attend to its own wants. The first theory was like that
which would prescribe periodical depletion to the young
soldier, in order that he might be ready to shed hi^ blood
in the hour of trial; while the other may be likened to the
folly of the agriculturist who should expect a crop, without
taking the precaution to sow the seed.

In addition to the extremes into which political struggles
are apt to push political controversialists, Mr. Jefferson is
known to have been averse to most of the measures taken
by his predecessor against France, and he probably entered
into the exercise of his duties, with a strong disposition to
erase as many of the evidences of their existence as possi-
ble, frotn the statutes of the nation. A president of the
United States, however, is little more than an executive

f!<fe.'

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-iJi--.:- JiSfeidi

NAVAL HISTORr.

aai

officer, while confined to the circle of his constitutional
powers, and the Congress that terminated on the 4th of
March 1801, the day he came into office, hod passed a law,
in some measure regulating a peace establishment for the
navy. This law gave great discretionary authority to the
president, it is true, for it empowered him, whenever he
should deem it expedient, to sell any, or all of the vessels of
the navy, with the exception of thirteen of the frigates,
which were named in the act, as in his opinion the good of
the country might require. To this part of the law no
groat objections could be taken even by the friends of an
enlarged and liberal policy, as most of the vessels not ex-
cepted had been bought into, and were unsuiled to the ser-
vice, more especially at a period, when new improvements
in naval architecture, that hud been borrowed from the
French, were fast superseding the old mode of construction.

The law also directed the guns and stores of the vessels
sold to be preserved, a provision that proved singularly un-
profitable in the end, as the carronade now began to super-
sede the small long gun, in naval warfare, and two of the
sloops would probably have supplied all the nines and sixes
that have been used in the navy for the last five and thirty
years. But the most capital error of this law was in the
limitation it set to the lists of the different ranks of officers.
The whole of the sea-officers, sailing masters excepted,
were confined to nine captains, thirty-six lieutenants, and
one hundred and fifty midshipmon; the rank of master
commandant being abolished, should the president see fit to
discharge those then in commission. The phraseology, as
well as the provisions of this law, betrayed that ignorance
of the details of the service, which has been so common in
the legislation of the country, omitting many directions that
were indispensable in practice, and laying stress on others
that were of little, or no moment.

Notwithstanding all the accusations brought against it, at

•<i^

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332

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NAVAL BISTORT.

-.-^

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the time, the administration of 1801 exercised its authority
under the statute, which, it will he remembered, was
enacted previously to its accession to office, with a reason-
able discretion, and though it may have made a few of those
mistakes that are incidental to the discharge of all such
trusts, it conformed to the spirit of the law, with a due re-
gard to liberality. Mr. Jeflerson soon discovered, as it falls
to the lot of ail strong oppositionists to discover, when they
attain their wishes, that he must follow in the footsteps of his
predecessor in managing most of the ordinary interests of
the nation, though the party that went out of power did not
appear to recognise the wholesome but unanswerable truth,
that, in the nature of things, all administrations must be
right, in their mode of treating a vast majority of the con-
cerns entrusted to their care. The selection of the officers
to be retained was one of great delicacy and importance,
as the future character of the navy depended more on the
proper discharge of this duty, than on that of any other. The
great defect of the law, indeed, was the narrow limits to which
the list of the superior sea officers was confined, it being
at all times easier to build ships, than to form professional
men fit to command them. This part of his delegated
duties, the president discharged in perfect good faith, ap-
parently altogether disregarding party considerations. We
give in notes* the names of the superior officers who were in
service, at the close of the war with France, as a subject of
historical interest with the country, and we add the names
of all the quarter-deck officers who were retained, to which
gentlemen the nation must look for those who perfected the
school which has since reflected so much credit on the
American name.

Although some meritorious officers were necesakrily dis-
missed, on this occasion, there is no question that the navy

.j;*,:

See Note C, Appendix.

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KAVAL BISTORT.

333

was greatly benefited by the reduction ; the hurried man-
ner in which the appointments were originally made,
having been the means of introducing many persons into
the service, who were unfitted for its duties. There was
also some irregularity in the mode of reduction, the name
of Capt. M'Niell not appearing on the list of the retained
captains, though it is certain that he commanded the Boston
as late as 1802. This discrepancy can only be accounted
for by supposing that a discretion was used in retaining a
few more officers than the legal number, with a view to
ascertain if all those who were first selected might choose to
serve. In the case of Capt. M'Niell, he was on foreign ser-
vice at the time the reduction was made.

The law of Congress directed that thirteen vessels, named
in the act, should not be disposed of, leaving it discretionary
with the president to sell the remainder or not. The fol-
lowing were the ships retained, viz: ,

The Constitution

44,

New York

36,

United States

44,

Essex

32,

President

44,

General Greene

28,

Congress

38,

Boston

28,

Constellation,

38,

Adams

28,

Chesapeake

38,

John Adams

28,

Philadelphia

38,

We have set down the rates of these ships at what they
ought to have been, in order to give a more accurate com-
parative idea of the true force of the different vessels, taking
the English system as a guide. The only vessel that the
president decided to retain, in addition to the ships named
in the law, was the Enterprise 12, and by adding this
schooner to the list just given, the reader will obtain an
accurate idea of the navy, as reduced in 1801.

The remainder of the ships were sold. We give a list of
their names and rates, marking those which were expressly

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334

NAVAL HISTORY.

built for the public service with an asterisk, to distinguish
them from those that were not, viz:

George Washington

24,

Herald

18,

\ ■' '

Ganges

24,

♦Trumbull

18»

'■ *Portstnouth

24,

♦Warren

18,

♦Merrimack ,

24,

^Norfolk

18,

♦Connecticut

24,

♦Richmond

18,

vv:

Baltimore,

20,

♦Pinckney

18,

Delaware

20,

♦Eagle

,14,

Montezuma

20,

♦Augusta

14,

♦Maryland

18,

♦Scammel

14,

♦Patapsco '

18,

♦Experiment

12,

And nine Galleys.

While it is certain that a navy with only one small crui-
ser, must be very insufficient for a service like that of the
United States, the government ought not to be censured for
its selection, though it was loudly condemned at the time.
In nothing had the art of naval architecture made greater
progress, within the few preceding years, than in the mode
of constructing vessels of war below the class of frigates.
The carronade was now fast superseding the light long
gun every where, and it became the aim of those who
were charged with the duty of preparing armaments, to put
guns that would throw as heavy^ shot as possible, into the
sloops of war. The ships that rated eighteen, instead of
carrying sixes, or nines, or even twelvea, began to carry
thirty-two pound carronades, and they required greater
strength, thicker bulwarks, and larger ports than it had
been the custom formerly to give to vessels of their class.
Many of the ships sold, had been constructed in a hurry,
and of inferior timber, and it is as unprofitable to continue
expending money in repairs on a vessel with a ^^efcctive
frame, as it is to waste it on a house that is known to be
without a sufficient foundation. <^

The reduction of the navy, moreover, was greatly exag-

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NAVAL HISTORY.

335

gerated at the time, so far as the vessels alone were con-
cerned. At the peace with France, the cruising vessels in
service were thirty-four in number, and of these, fourteen of
the best were retained. No frigate, unless the Geo. Wash*
ington could be considered one, was sold, and this ship had
been purchased into the service, and not built for the public.
As regards force, materially more than half, perhaps four-
fifths, was preserved, the eight largest frigates retained
being more than strong enough to contend with all the ves-
sels sold. This was not the opinion of the- day, however,
for interested political clamour was directed by ignorance,
and most men counted one gun as another, without refer-
ence to its weight, or its disposition in the vessel. The most
impolitic of the measures of the government, and it was one
of which it soon had reason to repent, was the law suspend-
ing the construction of the six ships, to carry not less than
seventy-four guns each, authorized by the act of 1798.*

The recklessness of political opposition soon made itself
apparent, in its usual inconsiderate and acrimonious forms;
a recommendation that emanated from the government, for
the establishment of dry-docks, one of the first and most
important measures in the formation of a serviceable ma-
rine, meeting with all the ridicule that ignorance and hosti-
lity could invent, even from those who professed to be the
strongest friends of the navy. Profiting by the most vulgar
association that a want of knowledge could connect with the
word "dry," the papers of the day kept ringing the changes
on this tunc, virtually accusing the administration of wish-
ing to have a navy on shore! It is, however, just to add,
that the views of the president extended a little beyond the
common practice, his recommendation going so far as to
advise docks for the preservation, as well as for the repairs,

• The materials collected for these vessels, principally live-oak timber,
were to have been preserved; but much of the latter was subsequently
used in the construction of smaller ships, and frequently to great waste.

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NAVAL BISTORT.

t^ of ships. Thus did the gallant little service, vrhich already
1^ merited so much from the nation, and which is so insepara-
bly connected with all the great considerations of national
character, national rights, and even of national existence,
find itself compelled to struggle through its infancy, equally
assailed by its nominal friends, who were injuring its vitals
while loudest in their professions of amity, and distrusted by
those who, having made the cry of economy a stalking
horse in their way to power, shrunk from the heavy charges
that this, like all other complete means of national defence,
must unavoidably entail on the public. Still it preserved its
spirit, and finding itself relieved from the association of
those who were never worthy to wear its livery, and be-
lieving, with truth, that in passing a peace without dissolu-
tion, it saw a flattering perspective of service before it,
the gallant corps that remained, prepared itself to enter
on its new duties with the confidence and zeal of men
who felt that they had fairly embarked in an honourable
profession for life.

This period may be deemed that whieb produced the
crisis in the fate of the American navy. At the peace of
178.3, the service had been entirely disbanded, and even the
preparations commenced in 1794, had been suspended when
peace was made with Algiers, leaving little besides the
name of a marine behind them. The relations of the coun-
try with Tripoli, one of the Barbary powers, doubtless, had
its influence on the fortunes of the service at this particular
moment, the government feeling the necessity of being in
readiness to resist the aggressions of another of those semi-
pirates who then infested the Mediterranean. '^

In the mean time, the proper officers proceeded to carry
out the conditions of the recent treaty entered into with
France, agreeably to the conditions of which, all the ves-
sels of war captured on either side were to be restored.
The Insurgente having been lost, this stipulation became

.^-..

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4,-

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iSSk

NAVAL HISTORY.

387

.#.*

^■-.

impracticable as regarded her; but le Berceali,' and la
Vengeance, the small cruiser taken by the TrdmbuU,
were returned to the French. In the whole, eighty prizes
had been brought into the American ports, and of these,
three were the vessels of war already mentioned. Most of
the remainder were privateers. Of the l'>tter, eight were
acquitted as illegal captures, one, le Croyable, was retaken,
and the remaining sixty-eight were condemned and sold.

The loss of American shipping in this war was consider-
able ; but fewer vessels were taken, in proportion, after hos-
tilities had commenced on the side of this country, than had
been previously seized. No vessel of war but the Retalia-
tion, fell into the hands of the French, under any circum-
stances.

On the whole, the country was satisfied with the results
of the exertions it had made during this irregular and
informal contest, and a strong feeling was awakened in
favour of a permanent navy. Whatever may have been
the private opinions of the new president on this important
branch of national policy, — and it is believed they were
neither as liberal, nor as far-sighted, as comported with
his views in general, though they were far from merit-
ing all the reproaches they received, — he put at the head
of the department, Mr. Robert Smith, of Maryland, a
gentleman who rendered himself justly popular with the
service, who continued for the long space of nine years to
serve its interests with zeal and intelligence, and who has
left behind him, in the breasts of all who then composed the
navy, a feeling that while their interests were in his care,
they were intrusted to one well disposed to serve the coun-
try and themselves. , v^v» - ,^ >. .

In the war with France, very few privateers went to sea,

that country having little trade to suffer by such enterprises,

^ thou);h scarcely a merchantman sailed without an arma-

' ment, and a crew at least double that she would have car-

VoL. I.— 29

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NAVAL BISTORT.

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ried in a iime of peace. The years 1798, 1709 and 1800,
"were Virtually years of a general maritime Avar, and the
English navy, that great drain of seamen for the entire
^» v^ivilized world, was as actively employed as at any pre-
vious or subsequent period of its teeming history. Notwith-
standing these circumstances, the American government,
while it suffered many inconveniences from the shortness of
the enlistments, found no difficulty in obtaining men during
this struggle, although a number but little short often thou-
sand must have been constantly employed during the year
1800. At that time, the tonnage of the country was about
half what it is to-day, as was also the total number of seamen.
The enemy was very active, a fact that is proved by the
circumstance that more French privateers were taken and
destroyed by the vessels of the American navy alone, in the
West-Indies, than the country sent cruisers to sea, at any
period of the war. Including the revenue vessels employed
in 1798 and 1799, America had at sea forty-two different
cruisers during the three years of this contest; and their
captures, limiting them to the vessels that were actually
taken into port, amounted within two to double this number;
and of these, considerably more than half were privateers
of the enemy. Still we find the trade but little interrupted,
after the armaments were made. In 1797, when America
had not a vessel of war in commission, the exports of the
country amounted to a little more than $57,000,000; in
1798, when the coast was cleared of the French privateers,
and the war was carried first into the West-Indies, these ex-
ports reached to $61,327,411; in 1799, to $78,665,628; and
in 1900, to $70,971,780. Some fluctuations in trade probably
produced the diminution of the latter year, as the American
coast was then nearly unapproached by the French. This
truth, indeed, quite clearly appears by the revenue on im-
ports, which, in the same three years, was as follows:
1798, $7,106,061; 1799, $0,610,449; 1800, $9,080,933.

-1^:

S-

■'"*,

;t?«

NAVAl. HISTORY.

880

This war, like every maritime contest, in whicK America
has been engaged with any civilized nation, was also dis-
tinguished by many obstinate actions between letters of
marque and cruisers of the enemy. The papers of the day
are full of accounts of this nature, and, although they ar .- not
altogether free from the suspicion of exaggerations, or worn
the boastfu! representations of most similar ex parte state-
n<^nts, it is known that some are essentially true. Among
• ^r combats of this i \:::-'^^ 'vas one which deserves to be
mentioned, not only on account of the general gallantry of
the defence, but of the presence of mind displayed at a
most critical moment by a young man of Philadelphia, un-
der age, who, we regret to add, wa^s lost at sea, in the suc-
ceeding voyage, and, becau.se the facts are derived from
a source that put them beyond dispute.

In the course of the year 1800, a lightly armed letter of
marque brig, belonging to Philadelphia, called the Louisa,
was standing into Gibraltar, when several privateers came
out of Algesiras, as was the practice of the French in that
day, to cut her off from her port. A long and desultory
action ensued, in the course of which one latine-rigged
vessel full of men pressed the Louisa hard, and made
several bold efforts to board, in all of which, however, she
was frustrated. The crew of the Louisa consisted of only
a few men, and when their captain fell, with a shot through
his shoulder, and the mate went below for a moment to lay
him in the cabin, believing that the battle was over, they
deserted their guns in a body, going down into the fore-
castle, with the exception of the man at the wheel. At
that moment the enemy was at a little distance, kee^^ing up
his fire, and, it was thought, making preparations for a fresh
attempt to board. With a view to meet this effort, the
quarter-deck guns of the brig had been properly loaded and
trained, but when the mate, after an absence of only three
or four minutes, re-appeared on deck, one passenger ex-
•4- f* '

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•-*

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840

If AVAL HISTORY.

oopted, there was not a soul to sustain him, while the enemy
Vas luffing up under his lee quarter, with his forecastle
crowded, and a long bowsprit lined with boarders, ready
to take the leap. He knew if the latter gained the brig's
decks, resistance would be out of the question, even if all
on board were at their stations. This was a critical
instant for so young a man; but be was a seaman of Phila-
delphia, the port that then furnished the readiest, the best,
and many of the bravest mariners that sailed out of Amer-
ica. He ran to the fore-scuttle and summoned the people
up, "to get a last shot at the Frenchmen, before they
should get out of their reach!'' Such an appeal admitted
of no delay. The men rushed on deck with cheers, were
instantly ordered to their guns, and were in time to meet
the enemy. A raking fire was poured in, the bowsprit
was swept of its boarders, the privateer tacked and hayled
off, and the brig was permitted to proceed without further
molestation. The Louisa entered the roads of Gibraltar in
triumph, the engagement having been witnessed by thou-
sands on the rock. , ., ,.

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MAVAL HUTORr.

*,''.»*

•*,

CHAPTER XVIII.

■■<h

;w.

Wb have now reached the period when the American
marine assumed a fixed and permanent character. No
more reductions were anticipated by thosu who understood
the necessities of the country, nor have any over been
seriously attempted. Some little time necessarily elapsed
before it could be ascertained which of the oliicers se-
lected might choose to remain in service, and resignations
I , .' were frequent for many succeeding years, in consequence
^ of the narrow limits to which the policy of the day had re-
;.,.. duced this important branch of the public service, but,
from that time to this, no officer has ever been compelled to
abandon (he profession, in consequence of the wish to re-
trench, or of a disposition to reduce the establishment
The security which this state of things tended to create has
been gradually increasing, until it would be scarcely too
much to say, that both the country and the navy, have
. got to consider the relation which exists between them as
permanent and indissoluble. Thia confidence on the one
hand, and fostering policy on the other, have not been the
work of a day, however, but are the consequences of a long
train of historical events, that it has become our duty to
record.
It has already been said that the necessities, rather than
' _ the foresight of the new government prevented it from at
,^.^ once incurring the expense of a marine, and it is probable
that, in causing such ships to be built as those which were
k ^ ■ ' • ,, • 29* -^ .• ' . , "

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342

MAVAL HISTORY.

at-

;

faid down under the law of 1704, it looked forward to their
forming the commencement of a navy suited to the wants
and dignity of a country, that all but those who were
blinded by passion and malignancy, could easily see was
destined to become powerful. Something, notwithstanding,
must be attributed to the peculiar condition of the relations
between one or two of the Barbary States and the young
republic, at the precise moment when peace was made with
France, and in pursuing the regular chain of events con-
nected with our subject, we are next to turn our eyes to-
wards the Mediterranean and to the coast of Africa, as
their scene.

As early as in 1800, the Bashaw of Tripoli, Jussuf Cara-
malli, who had deposed his brother Hamet, and now sat on
the throne of this dependency of the Porte, manifested a
disposition to war. He had learned the concessions made
to Algiers, the manner in which the Dey of that regency
had been bribed to do justice, and, by a course of reasoning
that was certainly plausible, if not true, he inferred that the
government which l^ad been induced to pay tiibute to one
pirate, might be induced to pay tribute to another. The
complaints on which this semblance of royalty grounded
his justification for war, are such as ought to be gene-
rally known. He accused the American government of
having bribed the subordinates of Tunis at a higher price
jthatl it had bribed him; he added, that Algiers had re-
:^ 'a frigate, while he had received none; and even
t|er to the president he said significantly, in reply
iso'iiriCi of the usual diplomatic professions of friendship,
•• we could wish that these your 3xpressions were follow-
ed by deeds, and not by empty words. You will there-
fore endeairour to satisfy us by a good manner of pro-
ceeding." — "But if only flattcyring words are meant, without
performance, every one will act as he finds convenient.
We beg a speedy answer, without neglect of time, as a

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delay on your part cannot but be prejudicial to youf
interests."

Shortly after, tho Bashaw informed the American coqaul
at Tripoli, that he would wait six months for a present in .
money, and if it did not arrive within that time, he would
formally declare war ajainst the United States. Jussuf
Caramalli was as good as his word. No tidings of the
money having reached Tripoli, the flag-staflf of the Ameri-
can consulate was cut down on the 14th of May, 1801, and
war was proclaimed in the act.

While Tripoli went so directly to work, difficulties exist-
ed with the other states of Barbary. Algiers complained
that the tribute was in arrears, and Tunis found fault with
the quality of various articles that had been sent to her, by
way of bribing her not to seize American vessels. Certain
planks and oars were too short, and guns of a particular
description were much wanted. Morocco was also dis-
trusted, although the prince of that country had not yet
deigned to intimate his wishes.

Timid as was the policy of the United States, and dis-
graceful as was that of all Christendom, at that period,
in reference to the Barbary powers, the former was too
much flushed with its recent successes against France, and
too proud of its infant marine, to submit to all these exac-
tions without resistance. Before it was known that Tripoli
had actually declared war, a squadron was ordered to be
fitted for the Mediterranean, with a view to awe the differ-
ent sovereigns of Barbary, by its presence. The vessels
selected for this purpose consisted of the President 44, Capt.
J. Barron, Philadelphia 38, Capt. S. Barron, Essex 92, Capt.
Baiubridge, and Enterprise 12, Lieut. Com. Sterrett. At the
head of this force was Capt. Dale, an officer whose career
we have had frequent occasion to notice, in the course of
past events, and who now hoisted his broad pennant in the
President 44. , . .

NAVAL HISTORY.

The instructions given to Com. Dale, directed him to
proceed to Gibraltar, where ho could ascertain the state of
things among the distrusted regencies, when he was to be
governed by circumstances. Had either power declared
war, he was to act against it, under certain restrictions;
otherwise he was to go off Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, in
succession, to deliver presents and promises at each place,
and in the event of his succeeding in maintaining the peace,
he was to make the circuit of the Mediterranean, in the
course of the summer, re-appear off the ports of Tripoli,Tunis
and Algiers, and the peace still continuing, he was ordered
to sail for home in October. Should either of the regencies
have commenced hostilities, however, he had discretionary
authority as to the disposition of the ships, but was ordered
to leave the Mediterranean on the 1st of December, at the
latest, it having been deemed unsafe to cruise in that sea in
the winter. -"'V v. ^ ■. .;:•■:. ,•,.:" ';v!c,»%r\<

Soon after these orders were received, the ships rendez-
voused in Hampton Roads, and sailed for their place of des-
tination. On the 1st of July they anchored at Gibraltar,
where they found the Tripolitan admiral, a rencgndo of the
name of Lisle, in a ship of 26 guns, with a brig of 16, in
company. There is no question that the timely appearance
of the American squadron prevented these two vessels from
getting irto the Atlantic, where they might have struck a
severe blow at the commerce of the country. The admiral,
however, protested there was no war, though the informa-
tion derived from other sources, induced Com. Dale to dis-
trust his sincerity. The Essex was sent along the north
shore to collect the American trade, and to give it convoy,
the Philadelphia was ordered to cruise in the straits to watch
the two Tripolitans, while the President and Enterprise
shaped their course towards Algiers, as ordered. The
latter, however, soon parted company from the President
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NAVAL HISTORY.

845

The appearance ofr* ship of the President's force at Al-
giers and Tunis, had an extromoly quieting effect on the
resentments of their two princes; and Mr. O'Brien, the
consul at the former regency, gave it as his opinion, that
the arrival of the squadron in the Mediterranean, had more
weight in preserving the peace, than if the George Wash-
ington, which vessel was soon expected, had come in with
the tribute. > • >; '■■ ■

. On the 1st of August, while running for Malta, the En-
terprise 12, Lieut. Com. Sterrett, fell in with and spoke a
pokcre-rigged ship of H guns and 80 men, belonging to
Tripoli, that was known to be out on a cruise against the
American commerce. Running close along side, an action
was commenced within pistol shot, and it continued with
little intermission for three hours, when th' Turk submitted.
During the combat, however, the Tri . lUian struck three
several times, twice rc-hoisting ^'s colours, and'O ening his
fire again, when he thought an adv intage might ue obtain-
ed by attacking the Americans unprepared. Irritated by
this treachery, on the last occasion the Enterprise resumed
her fire with an intention to sink her opponent, but after
some further though fruitless resistance, the Turkish cap-
tain appeared in the waist of his ship, and threw his ensign
into the sea, bending his body and supplicating for quarter
by signs, when the fire of the schooner was stopped.
' The name of the captured ship was the Tripoli, and that
of her rais, or commander, Mahomet Sous. Although the
Turks showed co;< ;•; o, or desperation would be a better
term, this first trial of skill with their trans-atlantic enemies
was far from creditable to them. The Enterprise raked
her enemy renealedly, and the consequences were dread-
fully apparent in the result, 60 of the corsair's people
having been killed and wounded in the battle. The ship
herself was a wreck, and her mizzen-mnst was shot away.
On the other hand, the Enterprise sustained but little injury

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346

NAVAL HISTORY.

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even aloft, and had not a man hurt Neither did she suficr
materially in her hull.

The instructions of Lieut. Sterrett did not permit him to
carry the Tripoli in, and Lieut. David Porter took posses- ,
sion, and proceeded to dismantle her. Her armament was
thrown overboard, and she was stripped of every thing but
one old sail, and a single spar, that were left to enable her
to reach port. After attending to the wounded, the prize
was abandoned, and it is understood a long time elapsed
before she got in. When her unfortunate rais appeared
in Tripoli, even his wounds did not avail him. He was
placed on a Jack Ass, paraded through the streets, and re-
ceived the bastinado. The effect of this punishment appears
to have been different from what was expected, for it is
said the panic among the sailors became so great, in con-
sequence, that it was found difficult to obtain men for the
corsairs that were then fitting for sea. One thing is certain,
that, though this war lasted three years, and in the end be-
came both spirited and active, very few Tripolitan cruisers
ventured from port during its continuance; or if they quitted^
port, they were cautious to an extreme about venturing
from the land.

By a message of Mr. Jefferson's, sent to congress on the
8th of December, 1801, we learn the reasons why the
powers given in the instructions to Com. Dale, did not ex-
tend to captures. In alluding to the action between the
Enterprise and the Tripoli, after relating the facts, the pre-
sident adds — ''Unauthorized by the constitution without the
sanction of congress, to go beyond the line of defence, the
vessel, being disabled from committiiig further hostilities,
was liberated with its crew. The legislature will doubtless
consider, whether, by authorizing measures of offence also,
it will place our force on an equal footing with that of its
adversaries."

It must be admitted that thij was carrying the doctrine

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NAVAL HISTORY.

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347

yi:

of literal construction to extremes. While, in the nature ^'^
of things, it may require the consent of two independent ,
sovereignties to change the legal relations of the people of
different countries, from those of a state of warfare to those
of a slate of peace, it is opposed to reason and practice to say
it is not competent for either of these sovereignties, singly,
to change these relations from those of a state of peace to
those of a state of war. The power to commence hostili-
ties, as it belongs to states, depends on international law,
and in no degree on the subordinate regulations of particu-
lar forms of government. It is both an affirmative and a
negative right: the first, as it is used by the party that de-
clares the war; and the latter, as it vests the nation assail-
ed with all the authority and privileges of a belligerent. It
surely cannot be contended that the American citizen who
should aid a hostile force sent against his country, would
not be guilty of treason, because congress had not yet de-
clared war, though the enemy had; and it is equally falla-
cious to maintain that one nation can carry on war, clothed
with all the powers of a belligerent, without, by the very
act, vesting its enemy with the same rights. The provision
of the constitution which places the authority to declare
war in congress, can only allude to the exercise of the af-
firmative authority; and to advance a contrary doctrine,
is to impair that absolute and governing principle of reci-
procity on which all international law depends. As it would
be possible for a nation in Europe to declare war against a
nation in America many weeks before the fact could be
known to the party assailed, the former, if the doctrine of
Mr. Jefferson were true, would evidently be enjoying a
privilege all that time, to the disadvantage of the latter,
that is equally opposed to common sense and justice. The
error of this opinion was in supposing that, by curtailing
and dividing the powers of their servants, the people of the
United States meant to limit the rights of the nation. What

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NAVAL HISTORY.

renders the course of the executive still more singular, is
the fact that Com. Dale had established a blockade, and ac-
tually captured neutrals that were entering Tripoli, as will
be presently seen. y^;. . =• - ■ ^;.. ••* 'V *i '• ^^'w, '
5 The President appeared off Tripoli on the 24th of August,
when an ineffectual attempt was made to establish a truce.
Remaining eighteen days in the vicinity of the town, and
discovering no movement in or about the port. Com. Dale
ran down the coast some distance, when he crossed over to
Malta, in order to water his ship. As soon as this necessa-
ry duty was performed, the President returned to Tripoli,
and on the 30th of August, she overhauled a Greek ship
bound in, with a cargo of merchandise and provisions. On
board this vessel was an officer and 20 Tripolitan soldiers,
besides 20 other subjects of the regency. All these persons
were taken on board the frigate, and an attempt was made,
by means of this lucky capture, to establish a system of ex-
change. The negotiations were carried on through Mr.
Nissen, the Danish consul, a gentleman whose name, by
means of his benevolence, philanthropy and probity, has be-
come indissolubly connected with the history of the Ameri-
can marine. ■ < ■'■'■:■ V ' ,

It was soon discovered that the Bashaw cared very little
about his subjects, as he declared that he would not ex-
change one American for all the soldiers. There was a
little of the arts of the negotiator in this, however, as he
agreed, in the end, to give three Americans for all the sol-
diers, the officer included, and three more for eight of the
merchants, disclaiming the remaining six merchants as his
subjects. Com. Dale appears to have become disgusted
with this unworthy mode of bargaining, for he sent his pri-
soners on board the Greek again, and allowed the ship to
go into Tripoli, relinquishing his claim on the merchants
altogether, as non-combatants, and consenting to take the
three Americans for the soldiers. . ^ ,.

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349

' Finding it necessary to go down to Gibraltar, the com-
modore now left Tripoli, and proceeded direct to the for-
mer place. He was soon succeeded by the Essex, which
also appeared off the different Barbary ports.

In the mean time, the two Tripolitan cruisers at Gibral-
tar, on its being ascertained that it was impossible for them
to get out while they were so closely watched, were dis-
mantled, and their crews were privately sent across to
Teutan in boats, to find their way home by land; just
men enough being left to take care of the ships, and to
navigate them, should an opportunity occur to get to sea.
The Bashaw complained loudly of the blockade, as an inno-
vation on the received mode of warfare, and the govern-
ments of Algiers and Tunis, which appeared to distrust the
precedent, manifested a disposition to join in the protest.
The Dey of Algiers even went so far as to ask passports for
the crews of the two vessels at Gibraltar, with a view to aid
his neighbour; but the request was denied.

While passing, in the manner described, from one port to
ahother, an accident occurred, by which the President
came near being lost. She had gone into Mahon, and the
pilot; miscalculating his draught of water, struck a rock :
on the starboard hand of that narrow passage, in quitting*
the harbour. The ship had five or six knots way on her, at
the time, and she ran up three or four feet before her mo-
tion was lost. It was a breathless instant, and the first
impression was very general, that she must infallibly go
down. Rolling heavily, the hull settled off towards the
passage, slid from the rock, and again floated. These are
moments that prove the training of the sea-officer, as much
as the more brilliant exploits of battle. The commodore
instantly appeared on dev-k, and issued his orders with
coolness and discretion. The ship stood through the nar-
row outlet, and having g )t room, she was brought to the
wind, until the extent of the danger could be ascertain-

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VAVAL HISTORY.

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ed. On sounding the pumps, no more than the usual
quantity of water was found, and confidence began to be
restored. Still it was deemed imprudent to run off the
land, as the working of so large a ship, in a heavy sea,
might open seams that were yet tight. But the elements
were against the vessel, for heavy weather set in, and that
night it blew a gale of wind. Under the circumstances,
Com. Dale decided to run for Toulon, as the most eligible
port in which to repair his damages. This place was reach-
ed in safety, when the ship was stripped, lightened^ hove
out and examined. ^**\, *

' As soon as a vie\y was obtained of the stem as low
as its junction with the keel, every one became conscious
of the danger that the vessel had run. A large piece for-
ward had been literally twisted off, and a part of the keel,
for several feet, was broomed like a twig. Nothing saved
the ship but the skilful manner in which the wood-ends had
been secured. Instead of the ends of the planks having
been let into a rabbetting grooved in the stem itself, they had
been fastened into one made by the junction of the apron-
piece and the stem, so that when the piece was wrenched
off, the seams of the wood-ends remained tight. The French
officers, who discovered great science and mechanical skill
in making the repairs, expressed their delight at the mode
of fastening that had been adopted, which it is believed was
then novel, and they were so much pleased with the model
of the frigate generally, that they took accurate measure-
ments of all her lines.*

♦ On this occasion, the President was hove out on one side only. In
order to fasten, caulk and copper underneath the keel, the following in-
genious plan was adopted: A deep punt, or scow, was sunk, by means of
ballast, until its upper edge was brought nearly a-wash. This scow had
three compartments, one in the centre to hold the ballast, and one in
each end to contain a workman. When suiHciently down in the water,
the scow was floated beneath the keel, and m the workman stood erect.

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It has been said that the return of Com. Dale's squadron
was ordered to take place on the 1st of December, at the
latest, but discretionary powers appear to have been subse-
^ quently given to him, as he left the Philadelphia and Essex
behind him, and proceeded home with his own ship and the
"r Enterprise. The practice of entering men for only a twelve-
month still prevailed, and it was often imperative on vessels
vfr, to quit stations at the most unfortunate moments. The Phila-
.'tf. * delphia was left to watch the Tripolitans, making Syracuse
in Sicily her port of resort, while the Essex was kept at
the Straits, to blockade the two vessels at Gibraltar, and
guard the passage into the Atlantic. Both ships gave con-
voys when required. ,..

Thus ended the first year of the war with Tripoli. Al-
though little had been effected towards bringing the enemy
to terms, much was done in raising the tone and discipline
of the service. At Gibraltar, Malta, and other ports, the
finest cruisers of Great Britain were constantly met, and
the American ships proving to be entirely their equals,
in construction, sailing and manoeuvring, a strong desire
was soon excited to render them, in all other respects, as
good as those that w^ere then deemed the model-ships of the
world. A similar opportunity had occurred while cruising
in the West-Indies; but then a large proportion of the ves-
'1^ sels employed were of inferior qualities, and some of the

* officers were unfit to hold commissions in any service. All

the purchased ships had now been sold, and the reduction
law had cleared the lists of those who would be likely to
lessen the ambition, or alarm the pride of an aspiring and
sensitive marine. Each day added to the knowledge, tone,
esprit de corps and seamanship of the younger officers ; and

and had Hufficient room to use his limbs and his tools, it is evident that he
could execute his.task as readily as any ordinary shipwright on a staging-,
who was obliged to work above his own head.

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352

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NAVAL HISTORY.

as these opportunities continued to increase throughout the
whole of the Mediterranean service, the navy rapidly went
on improving, until the commander of an American ship
was as ready to meet comparisons, as the commander of
any vessel of war that floated. -. -m'M.*' > '• •"

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CHAPTER XIX.

Early in the year 1802, congress enacted laws that ob-
viated all the constitutional scruples of the executive, and
v«rhich fully authorized the capture and condemnation of any
Tripolitan vessels that might be found. It is worthy of re-
mark, that this law itself did not contain a formal declara-
tion of war, while it provided for all the contingencies of
such a state of things, even to empowering the president to
issue commissions to privateers and letters of marque ; and
it may be inferred from the fact, that it was supposed the
act of the enemy was sufficient to render the country tech-
nically a belligerent. One of the sections of this law, how-
ever, was of great service to the navy, by enabling crews
to be shipped for two years.

As the President and Enterprise had returned home, and
the time of service of the people of the two ships that were
left in the Mediterranean was nearly up, preparations were
now made to send out a relief squadron. For this service the
following ships were commissioned, viz. the Chesapeake 38,
Lieut. Chauncey, acting captain; Constellation 38, Capt.
Murray ; New- York 36, Capt. James Barron ; John Adams
28, Capt. Rodgers ; Adams 28, Capt. Campbell ; and Enter-
prise 12, Lieut. Com. Sterrett. Com. Truxtun was selected
to command this squadron, and he had proceeded to Nor-
folk for that purpose, when a question arising about allow-

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354

NAVAL HISTORY.

ing him a captain in the flag-ship, ho was induced to resign.*
Com. Morris was appointed to succeed Com. Truxtun, and
shortly after he hoisted his broad pennant in the Chesapeake.

• ThomM Truxtun, who Mrill appear no more in our pages, was borh on
Long Island, New-York, February the 17th, 1755, and went early to sea.
At the commencement of the Revolution, he entered on board a heavily
armed privateer, in the capacity of a lieutei ant, and was frequently en-
gaged with the enemy's letters of marque .>nd privateers. In 1777, he
commandt ' a private cruiser, called the independence, with success, and
shortly afler, he was transferred tu lUe Mars, a ship of some force, in
which he made many captures. In 1782, he sailed for France, in the let-
ter of marque St. James, with an American agent on board, and had a
combat with a heavier vessel, that had been expressly sent out of New-
York to capture him, which ship he beat off with loss. Capt. Truxtun
commanded Indiamen after the peace of 1783, and in 1794, he was com-
missioned in the navy, as the fifth captain, and ordered to superintend the
construction of the Constellation 38, then just laid down at Baltimore. In
this ship he went to sea, in the war against Franf:e, and in 1799, he cap-
tured I'Insilrgente 36. The following year, he h«d the well-known and
bloody combat with la Vengeance; and soon after, he was transferred to
the President 44. In this vessel. Com. Truxtun made cruises in the
West-Indies until the war ended.

Com. Truxtun twice commanded on the Guadalou] station; previously
to quitting the Constellation, and subsequently to his hoisting his broad
pennant in the President. At one time, he had as many as ten vevela
under his orders; a force that he directed with zeal, efficiency and
discretion. He was a good seaman, and a very brave man. To him be-
longs the credit of having fought the first battle under the present organ-
ization of the navy, in which he acquitted himself skilfully and with suc-
cess. The action with la Vengeance has always been considered one of
the w.'irmest combats between frigates that is on record; and there is not
the smallest doubt that he would have brought his enemy into port, but
for the loss of his mai.i-mast. Congress awarded him a gold medal for his
conduct on that occasion.

It is said Com. Truxtun did not intend to resign his commission in the
navy, in 1802, but simp^ the command of the squadron to which he had
been appointed. The construction put upon his communication by the
department, however, was opposed to this idea, and he consequently re-
tired to private life.

After his resignation, Com. Truxtun filled one or two civil offices. He
died in 1822, aged 67.

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The vessels fitting for the Mediterranean being in dif-
ferent states of forwardness, and there existing a necessity
for the immediate appearance of some of them in that sea,
they did not sail in a squadron, but as each was ready. The
Enterprise was the first that left home, sailing in February,
and she was followed, in March, by the Constellation. The
Chesapeake did not get out until April, and the Adams fol-
lowed her in June. The two other ships were detained until
September. There was, however, one other vessel at sea,
all this time, to which it will be necessary to make a brief
allusion.

Shortly after his accession to office, in 1801, Mr. Jeflfer-
son appointed Mr. Robert R. Livington minister to France,
and the Boston 28, Capt. M'Niell, was directed to carry the
new envoy to his place of destination. This duty perform-
ed, the ship had been ordered to join the squadron in the
Mediterranean, for service in that sea. The departure of
the Boston was so timed as to bring her on the station un-
der both commands, that of Com. Dale, and that of Com.
Morris. This cruise has become memorable in the service,
on account of the eccentricities of the officer in command
of the ship. After encountering a heavy gale of wind in
the Bay of Biscay,.in which he discovered perfect seaman-
ship, and the utmost coolness, under circumstances particu-
larly trying, Capt. M'Niell landed his passengers, and pro-
ceeded to the Mediterranean. Here he cruised for some
time, avoiding his senior officers, whenever he could, pass-
ing from port to port, appearing off Tripoli, and occasion-
ally affi)rding a convoy. After a time, the Boston returned
home, and was put out of commission, her commander quit-
ting the service under the reduction law.* The Essex and
Philadelphia also returned home, as soon as relieved.

* The eccentricities of Capt. M'Niell have become traditional in the ser-
vice. While at Sicily, during this cruise, a band belonging to one of the
regiments quartered at Messina, was sent on board the ship, and lie

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366 <f

WAVAL HISTORY.

We have now reached the summer of 1802, and must
confine the narrative of events to the movements of the dif-
ferent vessels that composed the squadron under the orders
of Com. Morris. In some respects,^ this was the best ap-
pointed force that had ever sailed from America. The
ships were well officered and manned, and the crews had
been entered for two years, or double the usual period.
The powers given to the commanding officer, appear to
have been more ample than common; and so strong was the
expectation of the government that his force was sufficient
to bring the enemy to terms, that Com. Morris was asso-
ciated with Mr. Cathcart, the late consul at Tripoli, in a
commission to negotiate a peace. He was also empowered
to obtain gun-boats, in order to protect the American trade

in the Straits of Gibraltar. ' • v

As there were but two means of bringing the Bashaw of
Tripoli to terms, blockade or bombardment, two material
errors seem to have been made in the composition of the
force employed, which it is necessary to mention. There was
no frigate in this squadron that carried a long gun heavier
than an eighteen-pounder, nor was there any mortar vessel.
Heavy carronades had come into use, it is true, and most
ships carried more or less of them ; but they are guns un-
suited to battering under any circumstances, and were par-
brought the musicians to America, it is said, without their consent. A por-
tion of these men were on their way back in the Chesapeake, in 1807,
when that ship was attacked by the Leopard. On another occasion, he is
said to have sailed from Toulon, leaving' three of his own officers on shore,
and carrying oiF three French officers who had been dining on board,
with a view to keep up his complement! The latter were carried across
to the African coast, and put in a fishing vessel; but many months elapsed
before all his own officers could rejoin their ship. Capt. M'Niell sub-
sequently commanded a revenue cutter, and performed a gptllant thing in
the war of 1812. He is said to have been the son of the Capt. M'Niell
who commanded the Boston 24, in the war of the Revolution, though we
possess no other evidence of this fact than common report. Neither his
seamanship, nor his gallantry, was ever questioned.

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ticularly unfitted for an assault on works that it is difficult
to approach very near, on account of reefs of roclis. There
was also a singular deficiency in small vessels, without
which a close blockade of a port like Tripoli, was extreme-
ly difficult, if not impossible. It will be remembered, that
the schooner Enterprise was the only vessel left in the navy
by the reduction law, that was not frigate-built, and none
had yet been launched to supply the defect. The govern-
ment, however, had uecome aware of the great importance
of light cruisers, and several were laid down in the summer
of this year, under authority granted for that purpose.

As has been seen, the Enterprise 12, Lieut. Com. Stor-
rett, was the first vessel of the new squadron that reached
the Mediterranean. She was soon followed by the Constel-
lation 38, Capt. Murray, which ship arrived off Tripoli early
in May, where she found the Boston 28, Capt. M'Niell,
blockading the port. The latter ship, in a few days, quitted
the station, and never re-appeared on it. A Swedish crui-
ser was also off the port, assisting to blockade.*

After being off the port some time, the Constellation
was lying three or four leagues from the town, when the
look-out aloft reported several small vessels to the west-
ward, stealing along shore. The wind was quite light, and
the Swedish frigate, at the moment, was a long distance out-
side. Sail was got on the Constellation, and towards noon
the strangers were made out to be seventeen Tripolitan
gun-boats, which, as it was afterwards ascertained, had
gone out at night, with the intention of convoying into port,
an American prize that was expected from Tunis, but
which had failed to appear. Fortunately, the wind fresh-
ened as the Constellation drew in with the land, and about
one o'clock, hopes were entertained of cutting off all, or a

• Sweden was at war with Tripoli, at this time, also, but peace was
made in the course of the summer.

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portion of the enemy. The latter were divided into two
divisions, however, and that which led, by pulling directly
to windward, efiected its escape. The division in the rear,
consisting of ten boats, was less fortunate, the Constellation
being enabled to get it, for a short time, under her fire.

The wind blew nearly from the direction of the town,
and the Tripolitans still endeavoured to cross the bows of
the ship, as she was standing in ; but Capt. Murray, having
run into ten fathoms, opened upon the enemy, time enough
to cut off all but one boat of the rear division. This boat,
notwithstanding a hot discharge of grape, succeeded in get-
ting to windward, and was abandoned to attend to the re-
mainder. The enemy now opened a fire in return, but the
Constellation having, by this time, got the nearest boats
fairly under her broadside, soon compelled the whole nine
to bear up, and to pull towards the shore. Here they got
into nooks behind the rocks, or in the best places of refuge
that offered, while a large body of cavalry appeared on the
sand-hills above them, to prevent a landing. Deeming it
imprudent to send in the boats of a single frigate against
80 formidable a force, Capt. Murray wore and stood off
shore, soon after speaking the Swede, who had not been
able to close in time to engage. ■'^Ih. ^^i

This little affair was the first that occurred in the war,
off the port of Tripoli, and it had the effect of rendering the
enemy very cautious in his movements. The gun-boats
were a good deal cut up, though their loss was never ascer-
tained. The cavalry, also, suffered materially, and it was
said that an officer of high rank, nearly allied to the Bey,
was killed. The Constellation sustained some trifling da-
mage aloft, but the gun-boats were too hard pressed to ren-
der their fire very serious. The batteries opened upon the
ship, also, on this occasion, but all their shot fell short.

After waiting in vain, for the re-appearance of the Bos-
ton, Capt. Murray was compelled to quit the station for

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want of water, when Tripoli was again left without any
force before it.

The Chesapeake 38, Act. Capt. Chauncey, wearing the
broad pennant of Com. Morris, reached Gibraltar May 2fith,
1802, where she found the Essex 32, Capt. Bainbridge,
still blockading the Tripolitan cruisers. The latter vessel
was sent home, and the Chesapeake, which had need of
repairs, having sprung her main-mast, continued in the
straits, for the purposes of refitting, and of watching the ene*
my. Com. Morris also deemed it prudent to observe the
movements of the government of Morocco, which had
manifested a hostile disposition. The arrival of the Adams
284 Capt. Campbell, late in July, however, placed the flag-
ship at liberty, and she sailed with a convoy to various ports
on the north shore, having the Enterprise in company.
This long delay below, of itself, almost defeated the possi-
bility of acting efficiently against the town of Tripoli that
summer, since, further time being indispensable to collect the
different vessels and 10 make the necessary preparations, it
would bring the ships before that place too late in the sea-
son. The fault, however, if fault there was, rested more
with those who directed the preparations at home, than with
the commanding officer, as this delay at Gibraltar would
seem to have been called for, by circumstances. The
Chesapeake, following the north shore, and touching at
many ports, anchored in the roads of Leghorn, on the 12th
of October. At Leghorn the Constellation was met, which
ship shortly after returned home, in consequence of a dis-
cretionary power that had been left with the commodore.*

* While the ships lay at Leghorn, it blew a g^Ie. The officers of the
Constellation were on the quarter-deck, just at dusk, and they observed a
boat of the Enterprise goings off to the schooner, carrying sail in a way
that was thought dangerous; At that moment, the gentlemen were sum-
moned to their supper, and while at table, an alarm was given, of a ^lan
overboard. A man, in fact, was found hanging to the rudder chains, and

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Orders were now sent to the different vessels of the squad-
ron to rendezvous at Malta, whither the commodore pro-
ceeded with his own ship. Here, in the course of the
month of January, 1803, were assembled the Chesapeake
38, Act Capt. Chauncey; New York 36, Capt. J. Barron;
John Adams 28, Capt. Rodgers, and Enterprise 12, Lieut.
Com. Sterrett. Of the remaining vessels that had been put
under the orders of Com. Morris, the Constellation 38, Capt.
Murray, had gone into a Spanish port to repair some dama-
ges received in a gale of wind, and she shortly after sailed
for home; the Boston 28, Capt. M'Niell had not joined, and
the Adams 28, Capt. Campbell was cruising off Gibraltar.
On the 30th of January, 1803, the ships first named left
Malta, with an intention to go off Tripoli, but a severe gale
coming on, which lasted eleven days, the commodore was
induced to bear up, and to run down to Tunis, where it i^M
understood the presence of the squadron would be useful.
On the 11th of March he left Tunis, touched at Algiers,
and anchored again at Gibraltar on the 23d of.the month.

The reason assigned for carrying the ships below, when
it had been the original design to appear off the enemy's

he was got in, nearly exhausted. All he could utter was " Stetrett's boat."
This recalled the boat that hfid been seen, and three cutters immediately
left the ship, to search for the rest of the crew. Lieutenants went in the
boats, viz., the present Com. Stewart, the present Com. J. Jones, and the
regretted Caldwell. The night was vecy dark, it blew furiously, and the
object was almost hopeless. The boats pulled off in different directions,
and Mr. Jones picked up a man, outside the ship. Mr. Caldwell, afler a
long pull, found no one. Mr. Stewart went a mile to leeward, and found a
man swimming towards the Melora, and on returning, against the wind
and sea, he met another senseless, floating with his arms over an oar.
Thus were three men almost miraculously saved, but the midshipman, Mr.
Innes, and three others were drowned. The last man picked up was found,
by the boat's accidentally hitting the oar that kept him from sinking! The
circumstance proves the usefulness of exertions, at such a moment, how-
ever hopeless they may appear.

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port, was the want of provisions, and to make the transfers
and arrangements dependant on shifting the pennant of the
commanding officer, from the Chesapeake to the New York,
the former ship having been ordered home by the navy de-
partment. The squadron was now reduced to the New
York 36, the Adams 28, the John Adams 28, and the
Enterprise 12. Act. Capt. Chauncey accompanied the
commodore to the first of these vessels, and Capt. Barron
was transferred to the Chesapeake. The Adams was des-
patched with a convoy, with orders to go off Tripoli, as
sooa,as the first duty was performed.

On the lOlh of April the New York, John Adams and
Enterprise sailed,. to touch at Malta, on their way to the
enemy's port. While making this passage, just as the music
had Been beating to grog, a heavy explosion was heard
near the cock-pit of the flag-ship, and the lower part of the
vessel was immediately filled with smoke. It was an appall-
ing moment, for every man on board was aware that a quan-
tity of powder, not far from the magazine, must have ex-
ploded, that fire was necessarily scattered in the passages,
that the ship was in flames, and that, in all human proba-
bility, the magazine was in danger. Act. Capt. Chauncey
was passing the drummer when the explosion occurred,
and he ordered him to beat to quarters. The alarm had
not been given a minute, when the men were going steadily
to their guns, and other stations, under a standing regula-
tion, which directed this measure in the event of a cry
of fire, as the most certain means of giving the officers en-
tire command of the ship, and of preventing confusion.
The influence of discipline was well exhibited on this trying
occasion; for, while there is nothing so fearful to the sea-
man as the alarm of fire, the people went to their quarters,
as regularly as in the moments of confidence.

The sea being smooth, and the weather moderate, the

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commodore himself now issued an order to hoist ont the
boats. This command, which had been given under the in-
fluence of the best feelings of the human heart, was most
unfortunately timed. The people had no sooner left the
guns to execute it, thaj the jib-boom, bow-sprit, sprit-sail-
yard, knight-heads, and every spot forward was lined with
men, under the idea of getting as far as possible from the
magazine. Some even leaped overboard and swam for
the nearest vessel.

The situation of the ship was now exceedingly critical.
With a fire known to be kindled near the magazine, and a
crew in a great measure disorganized, the chances of escape
were much diminished. But Act. Capt. Chauncey rallied a
few followers, and reminding them that they might as well
be blown up through one deck as three, he led the way be-
low, into passages choked with smoke, where the danger
was rapidly increasing. There, by means of wetted blank-
ets, taken from the purser's store-room, and water thrown
by hand, he began to contend with the fire, in a spot where
a spark scattered even by the efforts made to extinguish the
flames, might, in a single instant, have left nothing of all
on board, but their names. Mr. David Porter, the first
lieutenant, who meets us in so many scenes of trial and
danger, had ascended from the ward-room, by means of
a stern ladder, and he and the other officers, seconded the
noble efforts of their intrepid commander. The men were
got in from the spars forward, water was abundantly sup-
plied, and the ship was saved.

This accident is supposed to have occurred in conse-
quence of a candle's having been taken from a lantern,
while the gunner was searching some object in a store-
room that led from the cock-pit. A quantity of marine
cartridges, and the powder horns used in priming the guns,
and it is thought some mealed powder, exploded. Two
doors leading to the magazine passage were forced open.

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and nearly all the adjoining bulkheads were blown down.
Nineteen officers and men were injured, of whom, four-
teen died. The sentinel at the magazine passage, was
driven quite through to the filling-room door.

After the panic caused by quitting the guns to hoist out
the boats, all the officers and people of the ship, appear to
have behaved well. The order to hoist out the boats, might
be explained by natural affection ; but we have recorded the
whole transaction, as it is replete with instruction to the
young officer, on the subjects of system, submission to or-
ders, and the observance of method.*

The ships appear to have been detained some time at
Malta, by the repairs that were rendered necessary in con-
sequence of the accident just mentioned. On the 9d of
May, however, the John Adams wa^ sent off Tripoli, alone,
with orders to blockade that port. Shortly after this ship
reached her station, she made a sail in the offing, which
•he intercepted. This vessel proved to be the Meshouda,
one of the cruisers that had been so long blockaded at
Gibraltar, and which was now endeavouring to get home
under an assumed character. She had been sold by the
bashaw to the emperor of Morocco, who had sent her to
Tunis, where she had taken in supplies, ani was now stand-
ing boldly for the h^i 'i:)ur of Tripoli. The reality of the
transfer was doubted, but as she was attempting to evade a
;-^ legal blockade, the Meshouda was detained.

About the close of the mohth. Com. Morris hove in sight,

* It is a tradition of the service, we kncr.' not on what foundation,
that, when an order was given to a quarter-master to hoist the signal of
«* a fire on board," in the hurry of the moment he bent on a wrong flag,
»nd a signal for "a mutiny on board," was shown. Capt. Rodgers of the
John Adams, observing an alarm in the New York, and smoke issuing
from her ports, beat to quarters, and ranged up under the stern of the
commodore, with his guns trained, in rt tidiness to fire. The threatened
consummation to a calamity that was already sufficiently grave, was pre-
vented by explanations.

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in the New York, with the Adams and Enterprise in com-
pany. As the flag-ship nearcd the coast, several small
vescels, convoyed by a number of gun boats, were dis-
covered close in with the land, making the best of their way
towards the port. Chase was immediately given, and find-
ing themselves cut off from the harbour, the merchant ves-
sels, eleven in all, took refuge in Old Tripoli, while the gun
boats, by means of their sweeps, were enabled to pull under
the batteries of the town itself. No sooner did the vessels,
small iatine-rigged coasters loaded with wheat, get into Old
Tripoli, than preparations were made to defend them. A
large stone building stood on a bank some twelve or fifteen
feet from the shore, and it was occu^-icd by .1 considerable
body of soldiers. In the course] of the night breast-works
were erected on each side of this building, by means of the
sacks of wheat which composed the cargoes of the feluccas.
The latter were hauled upon the beach, high and dry, im-
mediately beneath the building, and a large force was
brought from Tripoli to man the breast-works.

Mr. Porter, the first lieutenant of the flag-ship, volunteer-
ed to go in that night, with the boats of the squadron, and
destroy the enemy's craft; but, unwilling to expose his peo-
ple under so much uncertainty, the commodore decided to
wait for day-light, in order that the ships might co-operate,
and in the hope of intimidating the Tripolitans by a show
of all his force. Mr. Porter, however, went in alone and
reconnoilered in the dark, receiving a heavy fire from the
musketry of the troops when discovered.

Next morning, the offer of Mr. Porter was accepted, and
sustained by Lieut. James Lawrence of the Enterprise, and
a strong party of oflicers and men from the other ships, he
went boldly in, in open day. As the boats pulled up within
reach of musketry, the enemy opened a heavy fire, which
there was very little opportunity of returning. Notwith-
standing the great superiority of the Turks in numbers, the

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party landed, set fire to the feluccas, and regaining their
boats, opened to the right and left, to allow the shot of the
ships to complete the worL The enemy now appeared as
desperately bent on preserving their vessels, as their assail*
ants, a few minutes before, had been bent on destroying
them. Regardless of the fire of the ships, they rushed on
board the feluccas, succeeded in extinguishing the flames,
and, in the end, preserved them.

This attack was made in the most gallant manner, and
reflected high credit on all engaged. The parties were
so near each other, that the Turks actually threw stones
at the Americans, and their fire was sharp, heavy and
close. The loss of the enemy could never be ascertained,
but a good many were seen to fall. Of the Americans, 13
or 15 were killed and wounded; and among the latter, was
Mr. Porter, who received a slight wound in the right, and a
musket ball through the left thigh, while advancing to the
attack, though he continued to command to the last. Mr.
Lawrence was particularly distinguished, as was Mr. John
Downes, one of the midshipmen of the New York.*

Com. Morris determined to follow up this attack on the
wheat vessels, by making one on the gun-bqats of the ene-
my. The harbour of Tripoli is formed by an irregularly
shaped indentation of the coast, which opens to the north.
The greatest depth is about a mile and a half, and the width
may be a little more. On its western side, this indentation
runs off at an angle of about 25 degrees with the coast,
while on the eastern, the outline of the bay melts into that
of the main shore much less perceptibly, leaving the an-
chorage within, a good deal exposed to northeast winds.
But at the point where the western angle of the bay unites

* It i,i worthy of remark, that this is the fifth instance in which we
have had occasion to record the g-ood conduct of Lieut. David Porter,
in four years, and the third time he was wounded.

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with the main coast, there is a small rocky peninsula that
stretches off in a northeast direction a considerable dis-
tance, forming a sort of natural mole, and, at the end of
this again, an artificial mole has been constructed in a line
extending nearly east-south-east. It is scarcely necessary
to add, that the real port is behind this mole, in which there
is water for galleys, and where vessels are sufficiently pro-
tected from any winds. The town, which is small, crowd-
ed, and walled, stretches along the shore of this port, for less
than a mile, then retires inland about a thousand feet, and
following the general direction of the wall along the har-
bour, it strikes the sea again at the distance of about a
quarter of a mile from the angle at the point of junction
between the bay and the coast. Of course, the town
extends the latter distance along the open sea. The
shore, however, is rocky, though low, and rocks lie in sight
at some distance from the beach. On one of these rocks,
in front of the end of the town that lies exposed to the
sea, a work has been built some distance off in the water,
which is called the French Fort. On the natural mole are
batteries, one of which is in two tiers; at the end of the ar-
tificial mole is another, and several are distributed along
the walls of the place.

Near the south-eastern angle of the town, and immedi-
ately on the shore of the port, stands the Bashaw's castle;
the entrance into the inner harbour, or galley mole, lying
necessarily between it and the mole-head ; the distance be-
tween the two being about a quarter of a mile. The advanc-
ed peninsula, which forms what we have termed the natural
m< '0, is surrounded by broken rocks, which show them-
selves above the water, but which suddenly cease within
pistol shot of Its batteries. At a distance of a few hundred
feet, however, the line of these rocks re-appears, stretching
ofTin a north-easterly direction, about a mile further. These
rocks are broken, and have many small passages between

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NAVAL HISTORr.

367

them, through which it is possible for boats to pull. They
form a sort of breakwater to the bay, and the eastern por-
tion of the latter being covered with shoals, the two to-
gether make a tolerably safe anchorage within.

A little east of south, from the north-easterly extremity
of the rocks, stands fort English, dii?tant rather more than
a mile, on an angle of the coast, that may be said to form
the eastern point of th^ bay, though it is by no means as
much advanced as the western. The main entrance is be-
tween the end of the rocks and the shoals towards fort
English, the water being deep, and the passage near half a
mile wide. Thus a vessel coming from sea, would steer
about south-west in entering, and would be exposed to a
raking fire from the castle, the mole, and all the adjacent
batteries, and a cross fire from fort English. There is, how-
ever, an entrance by the passage between the natural mole
and the rocks, or through the open space already mention-
ed. This is called the western, or the little entrance ; it
may be six or eight hundred feet in width; and vessels
using it are obliged to pass close to the batteries of the na-
tural and the artificial moles. As they round the mole-
head, they open those of the castle and of the town also.

In addition to the fixed batteries of the place, were the gun
boats and galleys. These boats were large vessel* of their
class, latine-rigged, capable of going to sea on emergen-
cies, as one of their principal occupations had been to
convoy along the coast. Several that were subsequently
examined by the American officers, had a brass gun 11^
feet long, with a bore to receive a shot that weigihed 29
pounds, mounted in the bows, besides two brass howit-
zers aft. The guns were fine pieces, and weighed 6600
pounds. When not otherwise engaged, the gun-boats were
commonly moored just within the rocks, and without the
artificial mole, where they answered the purpose of addi-
tional batteries to command the entrance. By this dispo-

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sition of his means of defence, the Bashaw could, at all times,
open a fire of heavy guns afloat, on any vessel that ven-
tured close in, in addition to that of his regular works.
There were two or three light cruisers moored in the
upper part of the harbour, that could be of little use ex-
cept as against attacks within the rocks, and two galleys.
On emergencies, the smaller vessels could take shelter be-
hind the rocks, where they were nearly protected from flre.

At the time of which we are writing, the gun boats were
stationed well out, near the rocks and the mole, in a man-
ner to admit of their giving and receiving a fire; and
on the afternoon of the 28th of May, the preparations hav-
ing been previously made, a signal was shown from the
New York, for the John Adams to bear down upon the
enemy and commence an attack. Capt. Rodgers obeyed
the order with promptitude, taking a position within reach
of grape, but, owing to the lightness of the wind, the two
other ships were unable to second her, as was intended.
In consequence of these unforeseen circumstances, the at-
tack proved a failure, in one sense, though the boats soon
withdrew behind the rocks, and night brought the affair to
an end. It is believed that neither party suflfered much on
this occasion.

The next day Com. Morris made an attempt to negotiate
a peace, through the agency of M. Nissen, the Danish con-
sul, a gentleman who, on all occasions, appears to have
been the friend of the unfortunate, and active in doing
good. To this proposal the Bey listened, and one of his
ministers was empowered to meet the American comman-
der on the subject. Having received proper pledges for
his safe return, Com. Morris landed in person, and each
party presented • its outlines of a treaty. The result was
an abrupt ending of the negotiation.

This occurred on the 8th of June, and, on the 10th, the
New York and Enterprise left the station, for Malta. At

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If AVAL HISTORY.

369

the latter place, Com. Morris received intelligence concern-
ing the movements of the Algerine and Tunisian corsairs,
that induced him to despatch the Enterprise, with orders to
Capt. Rodgers to raise the blockade of Tripoli, and to join
him, as soon as circumstances would permit, at Malta.

After the departure of the flag ship, the John Adams 28,
Capt. Rodgers, and the Adams 28, Capt. Campbell, com-
posed the force left before the enemy's port. The speedy
return of the Enterprise 12, which was then commanded
by Lieut. Com. Hull, who had succeeded Lieut. Com. Ster-
rett, added that light vessel to the squadron. Some move-
ments in the harbour, on the evening of the 21st of June, in-
duced Capt. Rodgers, the senior officer present, to suspect
that it was intended to get a cruiser to sea that night, or to
cover the return of one to port. With a view to defeat
either of these plans, the Adams was sent to the westward,
the Enterprise to the eastward, while the John Adams re-
mained in the offing.

On the following morning, about 7 o'clock, the Enter-
prise was seen to the southward and eastward, with a
signal flying of an enemy. At that moment, the John Ad-
ams was a few leagues out at sea, and it was 8 o'clock
before the two vessels could speak each other. Capt.
Rodgers now found that a large ship belonging to the Ba-
shaw, had run into a deep narrow bay, about seven leagues
to the eastward of Tripoli, where she had taken a very fa-
vourable position for defence, and anchored with springs on
her cable. At the same time, it was ascertained that nine
gun-boats were sweeping along the shore, to aid in defend-
ing her, while, as usual, a large body of cavalry was hover-
ing about the coast, to resist any attack by means of boats.
The ship was known to be the largest of the Bey's remain-
ing corsairs, mounting 22 guns, and she was very full of
men.

Capt. Rodgers owed the opportunity that now offered to

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attack his enemy, to the steadiness and gallantry of Lieut.
Com. Hull, who, on making his adversary at day-light, had
cut him off from the town, with a spirit that did infinite
credit to that officer. Tha Tripolitan was treble the force
of the Enterprise, and had he chosen to engage the schoon-
er, Mr. Hull would, probably, have been obliged to sacrifice
his little vessel, in order to prevent his enemy from getting
into port. Jjt

The dispositions of Capt. Rodgers were soon made. He
stood in, with the Enterprise in company, until the John
Adams was within point-blank shot of the enemy, when she
opened her fire. A smart cannonade was maintained on
both sides, for forty-five minutes, when the people of the
corsair abandoned their guns, with so much precipitation,
that great numbers leaped overboard, and swam to the
shore. The John Adams was now in quarter-less-five, by
the lead, and she wore with her head off shore. At the
same time, the Enterprise was ordered to occupy the at-
tention of the enemy on the beach, while boats could be got
out to take possession of the abandoned ship. But a boat
returning to the corsair, the John Adams tacked and re-
newed her fire. In a few minutes the colours of the corsair
were hauled down, and all her guns were discharged ; those
which were pointed towards the Americans, and those
which were pointed towards the land. At the next moment
she blew up.

The explosion was very heavy, and it tore the hull of the
Tripolitan entirely to pieces. The two after-masts were
forced into the air, to twice their usual height, with all the
yards, rigging, and hamper attached. The cause of this
explosion is unknown, though it might have been thought
intentional, were it not for the fact that the people of the
boat that had returned to her, were blown up in the ship,
none having left her after their arrival. As the shot of
the John Adams was seen to hull the enemy repeatedly,

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WAVAL HISTORY.

371

the corsair is also supposed to have sustained a severe loss
before her people first abandoned her.

The John Adams and Enterprsie attempted to cut off the
division of gun boats, but found the water shoal too far to
seaward of them, to render the fire of their guns eflective.
Knowing the whole coast intimately, the latter were enabled
to escape.

The ships bprore Tripoli, in obedience to the orders <:.{
Com. Morris, jw sailed for Malta to join that officer, wlioa
the whole sq 'ron proceeded to different ports in Italy,
together. Fro rhorn, the John Adams was sent down to

the straits wii, . convoy; the Adams to Tunis and Gibral-
tar, and the Enterprise back to Malta, in quest of des-
patches. Soon after, the New York, herself, went below,
touching at Malaga, where Com. Morris found letters of
recall. The command was left temporarily, with Capt.
Rodgers, who hoisted a broad pennant in the New York,
while Com. Morris took charge of. the Adams, to proceed
to America. Capt. Cn mpbell, late of the Adams, was trans-
ferred to the John Adams.

Com. Morris reached home on the 21st of November,
1803; and the government, which professed great dissatis-
faction at the manner in which he had employed the force
intrusted to his discretion, demanded the usual explanations.
These explanations not proving satisfactory, a Court* of
Inquiry was convened, by order of the department, dated
March 10th, 1804, and the result was an opinion that this
officer had not discovered due diligence and activity in an-
noying the enemy, on various occasions, between the 8th
of January, 1803, and the period of the expiration of his
command. In consequence of the finding of the Court

• This court consisted of Capt. S. Barron, President; Capt. Hugh G.
Campbell, and Lieut. John Caisin. Walter Jones, jun. Esquire, Judg^e
Advocate.

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of Inqwry, the president dismissed Com. Morris from the
novy. ^

Whatever may be thought of the justice of the opinion of
0. the court, there can be little question that the act of the ex:
ecutive, in this instance, was precipitate and wrong. The
power of removal from office is given to the president to
be exercised only on important occasions, and for the pub-
lic good; and it has been much questioned, whether the
power itself is salutary, in the cases of military men. The
civilian who does net do his duty, must be replaced imme-
diately, or the office virtually becomes vacant, but no such
pressing necessity exists in the army and navy, as subordi-
nates are always ready temporarily to discharge the duties
of their superiors. In the navy, this necessity is still less
striking than in the army, since officers of the same rank
are never wanting to fill vacancies.

But there is a far higher consideration, why no military
man should ever be deprived of his commission, except in
very extraordinary instances, unless by a solemn trial and a
formal finding of a court. His profession is the business of
a life ; his conduct is at all times subject to a severe and
exacting code, and dismission infers disgrace. So general,
indeed, is the opinion that every officer is entitled to be
tried by his peers, that greater disgrace is apt to attach
itself to an arbitrary dismission, by an exercise of executive
power, than to a sentence of a court itself, since the first
ought only to proceed from conduct so flagrantly wrong,
as to supersede even the necessity of trial. There was
another motive that ought to have weighed with the go-
vernment, before it resorted to the use of so high a power.
The gentlemen who composed the Court of Inquiry on Com.
Morris, were his juniors in rank, %nd one was his inferior.
Although the characters of these officers were above sus-
picion, as to motives, the accused, on general principles,
had a perfect right to the benefit of the exception, and was

"f>

•H

VAVAI. HIST(«r.

378

entitled to demand all the forms of, (he service, ^fore he
was finally condemned.

It has, more or less, been a leading defect of the civil
administration of the military affairs of the American go*
vernment, that too little of professional feeling has pre-
sided in its councils, the men who are elevated to political
power, in popular governments, seldom entering fully
into the tone and motives of those who are alive to the
sensibilities of military pride. One of the consequences
of this influence of those who have merely the habits of
civilians, on the fortunes of men so differently educated,
is to be traced in the manner in which the executive au-
thority just alluded to has been too often wielded ; presenting
on one side ex parte decisions that have been more charac-
terized by precipitation and petulance, than by dignity,
justice, or discretion; and on the other, by a feebleness that
has too often shrunk from sustaining true discipline, by re-
fusing to confirm the decisions of courts that have deliber-
ately heard and dispassionately sentenced.

The death of Com. Barry,* the resignations of Com.

* John Barry was a native of the county of Wexfonl, Ireland, where
he was bom in 1745. He came to America a youth, having adopted the
life of a seaman as a profession. Circumstances early brought him into
notice, and he was one of the first officers appointed to a command in the
navy of the united colonies. He is also supposed to have been the first
regular officer who g^t to sea on a cruise, though this honour lies between
him and Com. Hopkins. In command of the Lexington 14, he took the
Edward tender, after a smart action, in 1776. In 1777, he performed a
handsome exploit in the Delaware, at the head of four boats, carrying an
enemy's man-of-war schooner without the loss of a man. For a short time,
he also served with the army, during the eventful campugn in New Jer-
sey. In 1778, he made a most gallant resistance against a superior force,
in the Raleigh 32, losing hii^ship, but saving most of his crew. In 1781,
in the Alliance 32, he took the Atalanta and Trepassy, after a bloody
combat, in which he was severely wounded. In 1782, he fought a close
battle with an English ship in the West Indies, being driven oif by a
superior force that was in sight. At the establishment of the new marine,
Vol. I.— 33 .

'^ '*'»■ '^^

^74

NAVAL HISTORY.

Dale,* and Com. Truxtun, with t^e dismissals of Codi.

under the present government in 1794, Capt Barry was named the senior
«: officer, in which station he died. '

Com. Bany, as an officer and a man, ranked very high. His affection
to his adopted country was never doubted, and was put to the proof, as
the British government is said to have bid high to detach him from its
service, during the Revolution. He died childless and greatly respected,
Sept. 18tb, 1803, in the city of PhiUulelphia, where he had made his home,
/ • • . from the time*of his arrival in the country, and where he had married.

* Richard Dale was bom in the year 1757, n a short cHstance from Nor<
folk in the colony of Virginia. He went to sea young, and .7as mate of
a vessel in 1775. After serving a short time irreg^ularly, Mr. Dale joined
the United States brig Lexington in July 1776, as a midslupman. IVhen
the Lexington was taken by the Pearl, Mr. Dale was left in the brig, and ,
he was active in her recapture. The succeeding year ho sailed, as a mas«
. ter's mate, in the Lexington; was in her, in her cruise round Ireland, and
, was captured in her by the Alert, after a long action. BIr. Dale escaped
from Mill prison in February 1778, was retaken in London, and sent baok>
to confinement. For an entire year he remained a captive, when he escaped
a second time, and succeeded in reaching France. Here he joined the
celebrated squadron fitting under Paul Jones, an officer who soon dia>
covered his merit, and made him first lieutenant of hio own ship, the Bon
Homme Richard. The conduct of Mr. Dale in that capacity, is recorded
in the text. After the cruise in the squadron he went through the British
channel with his commander in the Alliance 32, and subsequently came to
America with him in the Ariel 20, in 1780. Mr. Dale was not yet twenty
three years old, and he appears now to have first obtained the commission
\ of a lieutenant in the navy from the government at home, that under which
he had previously acted having been issued in Europe. Mr. Dale was
appointed first lieutenant of the Trumbull 28, in which slup he served in
her action with the Iris and Monk, when the Trumbull was taken. He
was made a prisoner a second time, of course, but he was shortly after ex-
changfed.

Mr. Dale does not appear *n have served any more, in public vessels,
duringthewar of the Revoi but in 1794, he was commissioned as the

fourth captain, in the presv. larine. Capt Dale commanded the Gan-
ges 20, the first vessel that went to sea under the new organization. He
continued but a short time m this sV ;; ^, getting a furlough in 1799, to make
an East India voyage. In 1801, he made the cruise in the Mediterranean
which has been related in the body of this work, as commander of the
squadron, and the following year he resigned.

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KAVAL HISTORV.

875*

Slorris,* and Capt. M'Niell, reduced the Hst of t^ptains
tO'Oine, the number named in the reduction law, for that
act does not appear to have been rigidly regarded from the
moment of its passage. After the death of Com. Barry,

Few men passed youths more chequered with stirring incidents than
Com. Dale, and few men spent the evening of their days more tranquilly.
On quitting the navy, he remained in Philadelphia, in the enjoyment of a
spotless name, a competency, and a tranquil mind, up to the hour of bis
death, which event occurred February 24th, 1826, in thd 69th year of
his age. "*

Com. Dale had the reputation of being both a (food officer and a (pod
seaman. He was cool, brave, modest, and just. Notwithstanding his short
service in the present marine, he has left belund him a character that all
respected, wlule none envy. i . ij ,

* Richard Valentine Morris belonged to one of the historical families of
the country, which has been seated a century and a half at Morrissania, in
West Chester county, New York. He was the youngest son of Lewis
Morris, of Morrissania, who was one of the signers of the Declaration of
Independence, and he early adopted the sea as a profession. Without
haring had an opportunity of seeing much service, the g^at influence
and fair pretenuons of his family, caused him to be appointed to the sta-
tion of the ninth captun in the new navy, his commission having been
dated June 7th, 1798. Capt. Morris was probably the youngest man, among
those originally named to the rank he held, but he acquitted himself with
credit, in the command of the Adams 28, during the war with France.
At the reduction of the navy, in 1801, Capt. Morris was retuned as the
fifth in rank, and his selection to command the Mediterranean squadron
was due to his place on the list; the age and state of health of the few
officers above him, rendering them indisposed to actual service of the na-
ture on which he was sent.

The fault of Com. Morris in managing the force entrusted to him, was
merely one of judgment, for neither his zeal nor his courage was ever ques-
tioned. Had he been regularly tried by a court martial, a reprimand, in all
probability, would have been the extei\t of the punishment; and it is due
to his character, to add, that his dismissal from the navy has usually been
deemed a high-handed political measure, rather than a military condem-
nation. He lived respected, and died in his original position in life, while
attending the legislature at Albany, in 1814. He was considered a good
oflicer, in general, and was a seaman of very fair pretensions.

'^f

876

NAVAL HISTORr.

'*it.

.*,

Com. S. Nicholson, who first appears in our histo/y as the
commander of the Dolphin 10, during the cruise of Capt.
Wickes in the Irish and English channels, became the senior
officer of the service, making the second metnber of the
same family who had filled that honourable station. '^

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■ X:

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APPENDIX

■■■*.

■y^

An.

NOTB A.

AGKEEMEOT'

Between Capt. John Paul Jone$ and the Officers of the Squadron.

[Truislation.]

' Agreement between Messrs. John Paul Jones, Captain of the Bon
Homme Richard ; Pierre Landais, Captain of the Alliance; Dennis
Nicolas Cottineau, Captain of the Pallas; Joseph Varage, Captain
of the Stag (le Cerf ) ; and Philip Nicolas Ricot, Captain of the
Vengeance ; composing a squadron, that shall be commanded by
the oldest officer of the highest grade, and so on in succession, in
case of death or retreat. None of the said commanders, whilst they
are not separated from the said squadron, by order of the minister,
shall act but by virtue of the brevet which they shall have obtained
from the United States of America ; and it is agreed that the flag of
the United States shall be displayed.

The division of prizes to the superior officers and crews of said
squadron, shall be made agreeably to the American laws ; but it is
agreed, that the proportion of the whole, coming to each vessel of
the squadron, shall be regulated by the minister of the marine de<

■v.-/ - :■'; ,> . ' 32* .■ - . ••> ' ' T ' V

- ■*-*.

its

APPBITDIX.

partment of France, and the minister plenipotentiary of the United
States of America.

A copy of the American laws shall be annexed to the present
agreement, after having been certified by the commander of the
Bon Homme Richard ; but as the said laws cannot foresee nor de-
termine as to what may concern the vessels and subjects of other
nations, it is expressly agreed, that whatever may be contrary to
them shall be regulated by the minister of the French marine, and
the minister of the United States of America.

It is likewise agreed, that the orders given by the minister of the
French marine, and the minister plenipotentiary of the United States,
shall be executed.

Considering the necessity there is for preserving the interests of

each individual, the prizes that shall be taken shall be remitted to

the orders of Monsieur le Ray de Chaumont, Honorary Intendant of

the Royal Hotel of Invalids, who has furnished the expenses of the

^armament of said squadron. \\

It is agreed, that M. le Ray de Chaumbnt be requested not to give
up the part of the prizes coming to all the crews, and to each indi>
vidual of the said squadron, but to their order, and to be responsible
for the same in his own proper name.

Whereas the said squadron has been formed for the purpose of
injuring the common enemies of France and America, it has been
agreed that such armed vessels, whether French or American, may
be associated therewith, as by common consent shall be found suit*
able for the purpose, and that they shall have such proportion of the
prizes which shall be taken, as the laws of their respective countries
allow.

In case of the death of any one of the before mentioned comman-
ders of vessels, he shall be replaced agreeably to the order of the
tariff, with liberty, however, to choose whether he will remain in
his own ship, or give up to the next in order the command of the
vacant ship.

It has moreovet been agreed, that the commander of the Stag (le
Cerf) shall be excepted from the last article of this present agree-
ment, because, in case of a disaster to M. de Varage, he shall be

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APPENDIX.

870

repFaced by his second in command, and so on by the other officers
of his cutter, the Stag (le Cerf.)

J. P. Jones,
P. Landais,
De Cottineau,
Vabaob,

P. RiCOT,

Le Rat de Chaumont.

(Sparke's Diplomatic Correspondence, page 205, vol. iii.)

(P^\

■<vt-

: Note B.

: . In consequence of the infancy of the arts in America, both the
soldiers and seamen have had to contend with their enemies, in the
wars that are passed, under the disadvantages of possessing inferit^
arms, powder, and even shot. How tur these deficiencies in the
guns and shot may have been felt in the Revolution, it is not easy
to say, as a large portion of the military supplies were obtained
either from the enemy himself, or from Europe. After the Revolu-
tion, however, down to the close of the last war with England, the
navy in particular laboured under great disadvantages on account of
defective armaments and stores. In many of the actions, more men
were injured by the bursting of guns, than by the fire of the enemy,
and the shot, from imperfect casting, fre-' '..r.tly broke when they
struck. Another consequence, of this defecti' :: casting was a dimi-
nution in weight, and consequently, in momentum. The latter fact
having been allut :>d to, in the course of the war, the writer, with a
view to this work, personally weighed a quantity of shot, both Eng-
lish and American, and made a note of the tesnlts. It was found
that the old shot, or those with which the ships were supplied at the
commencement of the war of 1812, were comparatively lighter than
those which had been cast at a later day ; but in no instance was an
American shot even then found of full weight. On the other hand, the
English shot were uniformly of accurate weight. Some of the Ameri-

■ ;»; " ™-*'

APPBITDIX.

on 83 pound thot, weighed but 80 pounds; and a gentleman present
on the occasion, assured the writer that, a few years earlier, he had .
met with many which did QPiinuch exceed 20 pounds. The heaviest
weighed was II pounds 8 ounces. An average of four, all of
which were of the later eastiaigi, gave 80 pounds 11 ounces. The
average of the 18 pound shot was about 17 pounds ; but, it was un<
derstood, wkthis examination occurred several years after the peace,
that the shot, as well as the guns, were then materially better thalh
they had been previous to and during the war.

The reader will bear in mind that twelve French pounds make
nearly thirteen English. Thus, while the gun»deck batteries of Tin*
aurgente were nominally twelves, the shot weighed about 18 pounds.
On the other hand, the gun^deck batteries of the Constellation were .,
nominally twenty<fours, but the shot probably weighed about 22
pounds.

In the action with la Vengeance, the two ships had the same nO'
minal weight of metal on their gun<decks, viz. eighteen«pounder9>,
But the eighteen.pound shot of the Vengeance must have weighed
nearly 191 English pounds, while those of the Constellation did not
probably weigh 17 pounds, if indeed they weighed more than 16
pounds.

It has bem asserted that the English shot were over-weight, but
the writer weighed a good many himself, and he found them oil sur*
prisingly accurate.

NotbC.

tAtt of the Officer* cf the Navy, hefore the Peace Eetahlishment
Law (f 1901, was passed.

CAPTAINS. y

John Barry, Thomas Truxtun,

Samuel Nicholson, James Sever, .

Silas Talbot, Stephen Decatur,

Richard Dale, Christopher R. Perry,

i^^j^.

APrXITDIX.

id.

^•

i.
«
2

Richard V. Morris,
Alexander Murray,
Daniel M'Niell,
Thomas Tingey,
Patrick Fletcher,
George Cross,
Samuel Barron,
Moses Brown,
Moses Tryon,
Richard Derby,

George Little,
John Rodgers,
Edward Preble,
John Mullowil|r,
ilames Barron,
Thomas Baker,
Henry Geddes, *•
Thomas Robinson,
Williiim Bainbridge»
Hugh G. Campbell.

MASTERS COMMANDANT.

Cyrus Talbot, Charles C. Russell,

David Jewett, Benjamin Hillar,

William Cowper, ^^ John A. Spotswood.
Richard Law, Jr.

LIEVTENA

David Ross,
Charles Stewart,
Richard C. Beale,
Isaac Hull, '

Archibald M'Elroy,
Andrew Sterrett,
Thomas Wilkey,
David Phipps,
Josias M. Speake,
Joseph Strout,
Francis H. Ellison,
Ambrose Shirly,
John Shaw,
M. Simmons Bnnbury,
John M'Rea,
Isaac Chauncey,
Robert W. Hamilton,
John Cruft,
Samuel Chase,

,-r..;.

^'■

NTS. . ' ,

Wilson Jacobs,

John Ballard,

John Warner,

Zachariah Rhodes, * ,

James Burns,

Samuel Hey ward,

John Archer,

Killian H. Van Rensselaer,

John Davidson,

Henry Seton,

Richard Marner,

Thomas Laing,

Isaac B. Hichbom,

Robert Has well,

Samuel Phillips,

William Smith, ^ >

John Rush,

Robert Palmer,

William Flag,

-M-^

.^^

John Smith, \
Jeiemiah Fenner,
Samuel PArker,
John Mi^,
Cornelius ODriKoll,
Edward Meade,
Fre^lpi Banning,
Richard Somers,
Stephen Decatur, Jn
Joaeph Saundera^ ■'
Mark Fernald,
William Peterkin,
John H, Jones,
John Carson,
Joseph Ingraham,
George Cox,
Gerald Byrne,
Jonathan Titcomb, Jr.
Edward Boss,
James P. Watson,
Robert Wells,
Samuel Brookes,
John H. Dent,
Thomas Robinson, Jr.
Miles King,
John Latimer,
John Cowper,
L. S. Daubeney,
James Campbell,
John T.K. Cox,
Abraham Ludlow,
William C. Jenks,
David Porter,
Benjamin F. Knapp,
Robt. Harrison,
Wm. Penrose,

APPIlTDfX.

Charles Jewett,
John Cassin,
Saml. M*Cutchen, \
Jos. E. Collins,

f James Murdock,

Richd. Clark,

• 41 Aomas B. Davis,
Samuel EVans,
John Love,
George G. Lee,
Charles Gordon,
John W. Whidbie,
Richd. H. L. Lawson,
Thos. N. Gautier,
Godrrey Wood,
Wm. Wells,
Stephen Clough,
Edwd. Wyer,
George W. Tew.
Jos. Beale,
Henry Vandyke,
James Smith,
John Galven,
John M. Claggett,
Phil. C. Wederstrandt,
Joshua Blake,
Seymour Potter,
Edwd. Brock,
Redmond M'Clannan,
Joseph Tarbell,
John Foot,
Wm. Crispin,
James R. Caldwell,
Wm. Davis,
• Lewis C. Bailey,
Jacob Jones.

■n

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■ rA

^ APPENDIX. 982

■ AILIIfO

MASTIBi.

* Nathanial Harraden,

June* Trant,
itshua Johnaopi

Lemuel Little,

Benj. Sayer,

Nathl. Stanwood,

Loudon Bayley,

William Glovtr,

William Knight, >

, Edward Ballard,^
Levi Barden,

^ George A. Hallowell,

Shubael Downes,

John King,

Jaraea F. Ooelete,

Rich. €. Brandt,

Thos. Rodgen,

Samuel Plummer,
William Wesoott,

Josiah Hazard,

Moses Durkham,

Neils C. Rang.

XIDSHIPMBir.

James Macdonough,

John W. Duncan,

Joseph Bush,

Wm. M. Livingstcn,

William Morrell,

Sybrand Van Schaick,

' Thomas Burrows,

George W. Reed,

Robert C. Pugh,

George Boyd,

George Calder,

John Gault,

Arthur Sinclair,

Samuel Douglass,

Benj. Carpender, ' >

Daniel M'Niell, Jr.

Jacob R.Valk,

James Roache,

Richard Thomas,

Robert Warren,

Abner Woodruff, ■".

Michael Carroll,

Theodore Hunt,

Humphry Magratb,

William Lewis,

William Fleming,

James Lawrence,

Christ. Gadsden, Jr.

Arnold Whipple,

Thomas Ellis,

Benjamin Smith,

John Gallaway,

Charles V. S. Carpenter,

James T. Leonard,

Joshua Herbert, ^

Th. R. Hardenburgh,

Joseph Murdock,

William Rhodes,

James Decatur,

Samuel Ling,

Charles Ludlow,

John T. Ellsworth,

'* Thomas Truxtun, jr.

Henry Morrison,

Samuel Elbert,

Joseph Maxwell,

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364

APPENDIX.

Peter Bonnetheau,
Maurice Simons,
Thomas Deveau,
Aaron F. Cook,
Hugh K. Toler, '
Daniel Polk,
Edward Ford,
Kennith M'Kcnzie,
Charles Morris, <•
John Dubose,
Benjamin Yancy, "
William M. Miller,
Walter Winter,
Daniel C. Heath, '
George W. Coffin,
John Trippe,
Edward N. Cox,
Oliver H. Perry,
Thomas Gordon,
Robert Henley,
Joseph Bainbridge,
Isaac Cox,
William Hartigan,
Archibald Frazer,
John M. P. Gardner,
Owen Smith,
George Williamson,
I. T. Clark,
Abel Lincoln,
Joseph Cordis,
Benjamin Conant,
Joseph Richardson,
James Dick, ,',
William M. Crane,
Joseph Wil listen,
John S. Webb,
Elias Willis,

■«*-.

,'t

Simon Hart, ' .

Joseph Willitson,
Habijah Savage,
James E. West,
Richard B. Randolph
Joseph Prince,
Henry Somes,
David Service, ,' ^
George Pierce,
Timothy Pickering,
Lewis W. Henop,
Joseph Gantt, .

John E. Fisher, '
William Giddeons,
Robert Stewart,
William Ingraham,
William Neilson,
Joseph B. Hennessey,
James P. Hunt,
Samuel G. Blodgett, \,
Robert L. Tilghman,
Wm. Whitesides,
Charles Miles,
James Gibbon,
Alex. Harrison,
Samuel BuUen, .
John G. Norwood,
Fred. N. Hudson,
John Kiddall,
Archibald B. Lord,
Thomas Jones,
^noch Brown,
William M'Hatton,
Franklin Reid,
Daniel Murray,
John Garlick,
George W. Spottswood,

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■■'■■:;■■■ , ^-.i

^ i ' APPBVDIX. , 385

Richard Gantt, />

George Jewett,

L. Warfield, ,\ * : ^

John N. Chester,

.■''' John F. Fox, ^jw^

Charles Bulkley,

William Dunn, ; * , "

Edward O'Brien,

S. Leonard, , \v : "

Samuel Angus,

John Longley,

Caleb Allen,

Benjamin Shattuok,

. -f Robert Flinn, v

f? James Mulne,

J. B.Wilkinson, >^

«,-■ :

Jona. P. Hitchcock,

William F. Gist, /

?* ,.

Thomas N. Willis, ,

George Dabney,

William B. Suggs,

• Keyran Walsh,

James Cox, jf

^ Philip Henop, li^i

Thomas Homan,

Francis Patton, <^w

^' Henry Wadsworth,

James Penrose, . )

John Livingston,

Daniel Sim,

Geo. A. Marcellin,

Samuel Conant, . ,;

Benj. B. Provoost,

James H. Adams,

Joseph Dorr,

Samuel Stubbs, %, . -

■ »■

, George Tryon, ,

William Scellend,

Owen Tudor,

John Shattuck,

Matthew Talcott, ./

John Rowe, ' ,

Thomas Robinson,

George W. Ridgely,

Thomas Randall, .

John Polk, i >, r<

Samuel Clements,

John Wood,

David Deacon,

Joseph Field,

Ralph Izard,

William Butler, :

John D, Henley,

Charles Read, -

George H. Geddes,

Louis M'T<ane,

Charles G. Ridgely, >

William Smith,

Joseph B. Wharton,

Charles Wilson,

James Hite,

Clem. Lindsey,

Reuben Broiighton,

John Legg,

William Campbell, Jr.

John Goodwin, Jr. ^ .

Charles G. Cannon,

Jonathan Bulkley, /

James S. Higinbotham,

William Kean,

William Blake,

William Burrows,

Thomas M. Rogers

Westwood T. Mason,

Vol. L— 33

•

's*'"*

»% ,

■■^,

,^' .

"H^fmim

■45..

».« 2- '- •

386

^ -I.

''«:

* tl-

;t APPBITDIX. .

>>A

.►

Edward Bennett,
P. L. Ogilvio, i
Charles W. Jonest ^ ^
Lewis Warrington,
Octavius A. Page,
Allen J. Green,
James Rogers,
Darius Dunn,
William Gregory,
John Tapley, ^
Phineas Stone, v' ,,
Daniel Brown, >
George Parker,
George Merrill,
Robert Dorsey,
Johnston Blakcley,
Shinkin Moore,
Henry Page,
Winlock Clarke,
Charles Moore,
Thomas Macdonough,
John Witherspoon,
Charles Chilton,
John D. Stoat,
Clem. Biddle, Jr.
James Biddle,
Edward Biddle,
William Griffith,
Thomas T. Beall,
William T. Nicholls,
Abijah J. Henton,
Foster Perkins,
George W. Steinhauer,
William Duncanson,
James Eakin,
Thomas Hughes,
Stephen Cassin, '

1 y.

William Henderson,
Charles Coombes,
Archibald M'Call,
John Stevens,
Robert C. Rosseter,
Ephraim Blaines,
John Hartley,
Alfred Hazard, ^ •
John Rawling, v
Robert M«Connell, "
Benjamin Page,
Wm. W. Barker,
Thomas F. Pennington,
Peter Ferrall,
William H. Smith,
Isaac Whitlock,
Joseph Tuffs,
Jesse V. Lewis,
Peter E. Bentley,
Seymour Hooe,
George Gray, '

Richardson Taylor,
Mordecai Gist,
Henry Bettner,
Thomas O. Anderson,
Thomas Hunt,
Matthew French, ,.$^
Richard Carson, # '"
Samuel Child,
James Harmum, Jr.
William Whistler,
Edward Trenchard,
Wm. M'Intosh, .
John Smith,
George Mitchell,
Sloss H. Grinnel,
Archibald K. Kearney,

fj,

■'■■':

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-::^f

T-:

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-,-*

:.* ..■

I -
,' I

'Wk

s?-

Henry Geddes, Jr.
Jonathan Thoro, ' : ■•
Robert Miller,
William Thornton,
John Rowand,
David Bycrs,
William H. Allen,
Joseph Stickney,
John Nicholson,
John Palmer,
Robert N. Page,
Philip C. Blake,
George Levely,
A. D. Wain Wright,
Samuel Proctor,
Charles Neyle,
John Cochran,
Edward Giles,
M. T. Woolsey,
Daniel S. Dexter,
Wilson Elliott,
Calvin Stevens,
John Pemberton,
Alexander Laws,
Edward Attwood,
Robert T. Spence,
Philip Moses,
George D. Evans,
Leroy Opie,
James Ferguson,
Marshall Glenn,
John Harris,
Charles Morris, Jr.
John Goodwin,
James Biggs,
John Patton,
Thomas Swai-twout,

*i>

APPEITDIX.

387

'4^

John Orde Creighton,
Jacob Vickery,
Richard Harrison,
James Renshaw,
Walter Lawrence,
Samuel Aldrick,
James Bry den, "

Andrew H. Yoorhees,
Henry P. Casey, ^^
John Wood, . >

Sidney Smith,
Ezra Mantz, '
James Nicholson, <<
Charles Robinson,
Isaac B. Forman,
Wm. Miller, , ^

Wm. H. Thorn,
Walter Boyd,
John M. Haswell,
John D. Henley,
Edward Randolph,
Daniel T. Patterson,
Charles Angier,
James Mackay, ,
James Saunders,
Sewall Handv,
Robert Innes,
Benjamin Fendall,
Benjamin Turner,
John Davis,
Benjamin F. Stoddert,
Bernar.i Henry,
Montg. Newman,
Wallace Wormly,
Lawrence Keen,
William Cutbush,
John Brown,

*».■;. J

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v^;

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Samuel Allen, "

Jon. C. Shaw,
Lloyd NicoU, ,k -^
Geo. S. Hackley,
Richard B. Baker,
Jno. Provaiat,

Wm. Smith,
^^ Jos. Israel, & '
C&, George Mann,
Wm. M. Smith,
Samuel Cooper,
Charles Clarke.

'*'■■ ■#

%.r-

■V

**>'

;l ■ *. *.W

List of Officers retained on the Peace EttoMiehment.

%:■

We have set opposite to every name, the ultimate station each
individual attiined as far as cifi be ascertained, and as a means of
showing the average fortunes, of those who have been engaged in
the hardy service of the sea. " ' 'v*^

John Barry •
Samuel Nicholson
Richard Dale
Thomas Truxtun •
Richard V. Morris
Alexander Murray
Samuel Barron .,mi*
John Rodgers
Edward Preble
James Barron
William Bainbridge
Hugh G. Campbell

jf*.

GAPTAinS.

died at the head of the navy, in 1803.

do. do. do. in 1811.

resigned in 1802.

do. in 1802.
dismissed without trial, in 1804.
died at the head of the service, in 1821.
died 1810.

died at the head of the service, in 1838.
died in 1807.

at the head of the service, Nov. 1838.
died in 1833.
died in 1820. ^'•

■*-■

. I ''■ .'

Charles Stewart
Isaac Hull •
Andrew Sterrett
John Shaw •
John M*Rea •
Isaac Chauncey

LIEUTENANTS.

• second on the list of captains, Nov. 1838.

• third do. do. do.

- resigned a master commandant, in 1 805.

• died a captain, in 1823.

. resigned 1803. . ' '.

• fourth on the list of captains, Nov. 1838.

■ 'It''

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4 in

i.^^

321.
338.

38.

B38.

B05.

838.

■# ^

•m

'm:^P\x

#■•

v^*-^^

Robert W. Hamilton
^John Ballard w,
John Rush ^^ «
John Smith •
Freeborn Banning
Richard Somers -
Stephen Decatur -
Greorge Cox -
John H. Dent
Thomas Robinson, Jr.
John Cowper
John T. R. Cox -
William C. Jenks •
David Porter
JohnCassin •
Samuel EVans
George G. Lee
Charles Gordon •
Richard H. L. Lawson
Grodfrey Wood
Edward Wyer
Geo. W. Tew
Henry Vandyke -
John M. Claggett •
Phil. C. Wederstrandt
Joshua'BIake
Joseph Tarbell
James R. Caldwell
Lewis C. Bailey •

■ 'taiii' • . ■
Jacob Jones •

-■%

Wm. Henry Allen
Samuel Angus

Thos. O. Anderson

33*

\»::#:

APPBITDIX.

889

re<^igned 1802.

resigned l(M)l. «

resigned 1802. ^

died a captain, in 1815.

resigned 1802.

killed in battle, a master com., in 1604.

killed in a duel, a captain, in 1820.

resigned, a master commandant, in 1808.

died, a captain, in 1823.

resigned, a maste j commandant, in 1809.

reigned in 1801.

r^igneJIln 1804. «^

dismi8sethinl804.

resigned, a captain, in 1826

died, a captain, in 1822 «%, ' '

died, a captain, in 1824. ' ^^.^

resigned in 1805. ' ^t'

died, a captain, in l8l7 , - '

resigned in 1804. .^

resigned in 1802. « *<

resigned in 1805. * ' "

died on the Mediterranean station, 1803.

killed in a duel, in 1803. , :

lost in the Bay of Gibraltar, 1801. "

resigned, a master commandant, 1810.

resigned in 1806. ,

died, a captain, in 1815.

killed in battle, in 1804.

dropped subsequently, under the reduc

tion law.
fifth on the list of captains, Nov. 1838

KIDSHIPMEN.

killed in battle, a master com., 1814.
dismissed and subsequently pensioned

captain, in 1824.
resigned, a lieutenant, 1807.

'#■

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. *

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^.>-

.m-

89f0

William Butler
Joseph Bainbridge
William Burrows
William Blake
Samuel G. Blodgett
Clement Biddle
James Biddle
P. C. Blake
Edward Bennett
Johnston Blakely
Thomas T. Beall
Walter Boyd "
Peter E. Bentley
James Biggs
E. R. Blaine
Thos. Brown J/.*
Michael B. Carroll
George Calder
Edward N. Cox -
Aaron F. Cook •
William Campbell
William M. Crane
Stephen Cassin
J. Orde Creighton
H. P. Casey
William Cutbush
Henry J. Cobb
J. P. D. H. Craig
Richard Carey
lS * ' • '■ Mr •■
Charles Coomb
Winlock Clark
James Decatur
William Duncanson
John Dorsey
Daniel S. Dexter
John Davis •

* APPIVDIX. ^'

resigned 1807. «

died, a captain, in 1824t
killed in battle, a lieut. com., in 1819.
did not join, and was dropped. ■')•'■ i^v-
drowned, a lieutenant, in 1810.
resigned 1804.

ninth captain, November, 1838.
resigned 1804. f '-•

died, a lieutenant, in 1810. ■ -

lost at sea, a mast, com., in 1814.
resigned 1803.

disniissed in 1810. .;^' , r

resigned 1802. -Sj^i^ i*, '

re8^gned 1803. * i>; f ^i-.

resigned in 1804. v^

died, a captain, in 1828. *'**>

resigned a master commandant. ' \ i
resigned 1802.

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1809.
permitted to retire, in 1801. '-N^*

resigned 1802. ■ "^ ' '

eighth captain, November, 1838.
fideenth captain, in 1888. , '
died, a captain, in 1838.
retired in 1805. . ' *

resigned 1805.

resigned 1803. ■ • A '

retired in 1805.
retired under peace establishment law,

in 1801.
died in 1804.

drowned, a lieutenant, in 1810. '

killed in battle, a lieutenant, in 1604.
dropped from list,
killed in battle, in 1804. • ^
died, a master and commander, 1818.
died, a lieutenant, in 1818. 4 , ,«.

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David Deacon
George Dabney -
John Downea^: m».
Samuel Elbert « .
John Gallaway
James Gibbon

J. M. P. Gardner
Sloss H. Grinnell
Ed. Giles •
Allen J. Green
Jno. Goodwin, Jr.
Geo. H. Geddes
Wm. Gregory
.Jas. S. Higginbotham
Alex. C. Harrison
Bernard Henry
George Hackley -
James Height
Sewai Handy
Thos. R. Hardenburgh
Philip Henop
A. J. Hinton

John D. Henley ■
Seymour Hooe
Alfred Hazard
John Hartley
John Montresor Haswell
Theodore Hunt
Daniel C. Heath •
Robert Henley
Ralph Izard
Joseph Israel
Robert Innes
A. K. Kearney
Charles Ludlow

mM*

1 '

891

V-

J^PPBITDIX. .^

twenty-first captain, November, 1838.

resigned 1805.

twolAh captain, November, 1838.

died, a lieutenant, in 1812.

died in 1804.

burnt in Richmond theatre, a lieutenant,

in 1811.
died, a master commandant, in 1815.
retired, a lieutenant, in 1807. %

resigned 1804.
resigned 1803.
died in 1804.

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1811
did not accept. ^<

died, a lieutenant, in 1 808.
died, a lieutenant, in 1809. *- ;'
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1812. ^ * ^
died in 1805. , ^si . •

resigned 1802. « , h

resigned 1804. ^ ^^

did not join, and was dropped,
resigned 1801. i -^i *^. ^ ^ i ^

subsequently discharged under reduction

law. . -

died, a captain, in 1835. i^

resigned 1801.
dismissed in 1809.

i-esigned 1802. * . -j^

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1810.
resigned, a master commandant, in 1811.
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1805.
died, a captain, in 1828.
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1810. ^.

killed in battle, in 1804.
drowned on service, in 1802.
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808.
resigned, a mastercommandant, in 1813.

.-■*

<«*.

809

. *

Jamea T. Leonard
James Lawrence •
William Livingston
A. B. Lord •
Daniel M'Niell, Jr.
il Joseph Murdock •
Louis M*Lane

^ William Miller -.v^
Joseph Maxwell a
Charles Mills
Daniel Murray
Geo. A. Marcellin
Charles Morris, Jr.
Charles Moore
George Merrill
Archibald M'Call •
William M<Intosh •
George Mitchell •
James Mackay
' Thomas M'Donough

y Humphrey Magrath
Gcoi^ Mann
W. R. Nicholson -
Jno. B. Nicholson •

'"' James Nicholson -
William F. Nicholls
William Newman
Edward O'Brien
Peter S. Ogilvie
Francis Patton
Daniel Polk •
Oliver H. Perry
Benj.Page .
Octavius A. Page
Henry Page -
Daniel T. Patterson

'oA-}C.

wk»

s'f'

APPBR

died, a captain, in 183it.

killed in battle, a captain, in 1818. *

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1804.

unknown. ** ^

retired, a liout., in 1807.

died in service. "*

resigned in 1802 ; aAerwards secretary

of state, die. i|^'

retired in 1807.

died, a lieutenant, in 1806. . -^

resigned 1804. ■q'

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1811.'
died, a lieutenant, in 1810.
sixth captain, November, 1888.
died, in service, early,
died, a lieutenant, 1822. y
resigned 1802.

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808.
fate unknown,
resigned 1808. ^ <
died, a captain, in 1825. --'
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1800..
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1811.
killed in a duel, in 1805.
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1810.
resigned 1804.
resigned 1804.
resigned ,1808.

retired in 1804. #f

lost at sea, a lieutenant, in 1805.
resigned, a lieutenant, in 1806.
resigned 1804.

died at sea, a captain, in 1818. I
resigned 1803.

died, a lieutenant, in 1818. ' >
resigned 1808. ..^, ^i.'^>f_

eleventh captain, November, 1838.

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George Parker #•- '
Stephen Proctor •
States Rutledge •
CharM G. Ridgely
Heathcote J. Reed
George W. Reed -
Charles Reed
Benj. Franklin Read
Jos. Richardson •
John Rowe •
James Renshaif •
Charles Robinson •
Benjamin Smith -
Arthur Sinclair •
Robert Stewart
William Scallen -
John Shattuck
G. W. Spottswood
Maurice Simons •
Daniel Simms
John Shore •
H. Savage •
W. P. Smith
Sidney Smith
Thomas Swartwout, Jr.
Robert T. Spence
Simon Smith
W. M. Smith
Richard Thomas •
John Trlppe
Rob. L. Tilghman
William Thorn -
Edward Trenchard
Jonathan Thorn •
Benjamin Turner -
Jacob R. Valk
Jacob Vickery •.

'•^

^^-^'.

APflft

DtX.

%. '

308

- *■■(■■

died at sea, a master com., in 1614.

resigned 1803. • <<i»j , . h ';

resigned 1802.

tenth captain, November, 1838.

died, a lieutenant, in 1812.

died, a mastei; commandant, in 1818.

resigned 1806. . *'

died, a lieutenant commandant} In 1812

resigned 1808.

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808.

fifteenth captain, November, 1838

resigned 1807.

died, a lieutenant, in 1807.

died, a captain, in 1831. •

drowned, a lieutenant. ■ " ■ *

resigned 1806. , j^ *,

fate unknown, a lieutenant. .^

resigned 1803.

declined.

resigned 1804. : *

resigned 1803. ^ „ ,*

resigned 1801.

resigned, a lieutenant, in 1808.

died, a master commandant, in 1627.

killed in a duel, in 1801.

died, a captain, in 1827. •

died at sea, in 1806.

declined. ' ' , . .

resigned 1802.

died, a lieutenant commandant, in 1610.

resigned 1802.

retired in 1805. "^

died, a captain, in 1824.

blown up, a lieutenant, in 1810.

killed in a duel, a lieutenant, in 1807.

resigned in 1808.

declined.

■m

'«.

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804

Sybrant Vtn Schaick
A. Woodruff -
Daniel Wurts
E. Willi! .
Heory W^worth
John Wood •
Walter Winter •
Lewis Warrington
Ckarles Wi'ion •
M. T. Woolsey -
Wallace Wormley
Samuel Woodhouse

AiTBITBIX. .

retrigned, a Ueutenont, ii^ 1807. .

resigned in 1808. i

resigned in 180S>

drowned in Bay df Gibraltar, ItOO. \

killed in battle, a lieutenant, in 1604.

resigned ii^ U04. ^

dnyirned, a lieutenant, in 1818.

ieventh captain, November, 1888.

resi ;nltll03.

died, a captaiq, in 1888.

entered marine oprps. *

twentieth captain, November, 1838.

' This list contains the names of the officers who were left in the
service, after various changes, and it will be seen that, of even them,
many soon after resigned. Officers, however, were retained, whose
names do not appear here, but who declined. Among these was
Com. Talbot, dec. dec.

Of twenty-three medical gentlemen retained, but one. Dr. Cow-
dery, now the oldest surgeon, is still in service. Of thirty-cne of-
ficers of the marine corps, all have left it, or are dead, and we can
trace the public career of but one, who is still living, the present
Brig. Gen. Fenwick, of the artillery.

■J,' -■•*'>": ,

■^^
Non. — ^In describing^ Tripoli the author wu unable to procure an ac-
curate chart, though he has since been more ■uccessful. On examination*
he finds that his distances are a trifle too great. The town is also a
little larger in some directions than he had supposed. But the chart
given will correct these mistakes.

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