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X 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 •r 
 
 MR. CHALMERS, OF MISSISSIPPI, 
 
 ON THE RESOLUTION'S 
 
 GIVING NOTICE TO (JREAT BRITAIN 
 
 OF THE ABROGATION 
 
 OF THE CONVENTION OF JOINT OCCUi ANCY. 
 
 Dbhvered i\ the Senate of the United fe ates, Makcu 24, 1846. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 rRINTED BY JOHW T. TOWERS. 
 1846. 
 

I*r,v 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 MR. CHALMERS, OF MISSISSIPPI 
 
 Mr. CHALMERS, being entitled to the floor, rose and addressed 
 the Senate as follows : 
 
 Mr. PuKsiuFNT : The question before us for consideration is 
 viewed by Senator^ on all sides as involvino^ vast consequences. 
 Whatever we may have ihouj^ht of it when iis recommendation was 
 first announced in (he annual message of the President, it is now 
 manifest to yon, sir, to the Senate, and the country, that wide and 
 conflicting views are entertained here and elsewhere as to the objects 
 expected to be attained by giving the notice <o annul and abrogate 
 the convention for the joint occupancy of the Oregon territory. For, 
 sir, notwithstanding all who advocate giving notice proclaim to the 
 world that it is a peace measure, the ends and objects expected and 
 desired to be accomplished are wholly incompatible. The Senators 
 from Ohio, (Mr. Am.kn,) Indiana, (Mr. Hannf.gax,) and Illinois, 
 (Mr. Breese,) tell us that they are for demanding a surrender of 
 the whole territory up to the boundary line established with Russia, 
 upon the parallel of 54° 40'; and that we have only to give the 
 notice, demand firmly and boldly, and the whole will be peaceably 
 surrendered. The Senator from Georgia, (Mr. Coluuitt,) and 
 others who are for giving the notice, tell us that they vote for it with 
 a view to expedite a settlement of the question upon principles of 
 just and hononible compromise ; and that to give the notice, and 
 demand a surrender of the whole territory, will be tantamount to a 
 declaration of war. Such being the state of the question, and made 
 so by those who advocate giving the notice, it is obviously one of 
 the giavest character; and this contrariety of opinion only the 
 more deeply convinces me of the importance of the issues involved. 
 None can be greater than one which involves the peace of two of the 
 most powerful nations in the world. A question so momentous de- 
 mands of us deliberation, firmness, circumspection, and decisive 
 action. The country expects it of us, and our duly to ourselves 
 and it, requires that we should not disappoint that just expectation. 
 
 Before proceeding. Mr. President, to say what I desire on the im- 
 mediate question before us, I feel bound to notice a remark which 
 fell from the Senator from Maine, (Mr. Evans,) upon the subject 
 
I 
 
 of our negotiation with Russia in 1824, when the boundary between 
 tliai Government and ours was fixed. 
 
 The Senator referred to a portion of the diplomatic correspon- 
 dence from which the injunction of secrecy has not, I believe, been 
 removed. I hope I may have misunderstood the Senator. If I 
 have not, a remark of his is calcuhited to create great misapprehen- 
 sion, and do infinite injury to our title to any portion of Oregon. 
 It was this : tliai our negotiators in their correspondence asserted 
 that the northwest coast was open for the occUf>ation of all the 
 worUl to settle at pleasure ; and treated the title which we had de- 
 rived from Spain by the treaty of ISIU, with entire disrespect, and 
 as valueless. I have looked into that correspondence, and, although 
 I may not state iiie grounds assumed, I must say that, to my appre- 
 hension, they placed the matter on totally dilfcrent grounds. 
 
 [Mr. Evans said, in explanation, that he had not read from the 
 correspondence, but had only used a newspaper paragraph, in which 
 it was stated that our Government, in interpreting die Nootka sound 
 convention, had placed it on the ground he had. stated.] 
 
 I do not say that he quoted fiom the correspondence improperly. 
 What 1 wish to sa)', is, that it was scarcely possible that our negoti- 
 ators should have disregarded the Spanish title, while they were, at 
 the very time, fixing the limits between Russia and our Government 
 at the parallel of 51° 40', up to which line our title was derived 
 solely and entirely from Spain. 
 
 Mr. President, I listened with great attention, and, I hope, profit, 
 to the argument, suggestions, and illustrations of the Senator from 
 Maine, (Mr. Evans;) and I regret — and I say so in no unkind 
 spirit of complaint — thai while suggesting difiicidties in the way of 
 our tide, he should have thought it his duty to say nothing on the 
 adverse pretensions of Great Britain. 1 shoidd have been much 
 pleased if he had done so, because, from what fell from the Senator, 
 it is manifest that he is quite familiar with the rrinciples of ilie law 
 of nations. I should have been glad to hear so great a master of 
 the principles of the public law, as the Senator proved himself upon 
 the occasion, test the rights, claims, and pretensions of Great Britain, 
 which, she contends, are "fixed and defined,'' "in the text and 
 stipulations of the Nootka Sound convention," by the piinciples of 
 the public law. Nay, further, I should have been glad if the Sena- 
 tor from Maine had suggested the difficulties that surround the Bri- 
 tish Government in making out her claims and pretensions, upon 
 the known and acknowledged principles of public law, to any por- 
 tion of the nordiwest coast of America. These pretensions are 
 founded, not upon discovery — for so far sis that is concerned, the facts 
 are against her — but based upon occupation and settlement, which 
 can never ripen into title or exclusive sovereignty under the Nootka 
 convention, which fixed and defined these pretensions. This con- 
 vention she has tried to inieipolaie into die public law, and arro- 
 gantly claims to be the law of nations, for the northwest coast of 
 America. This position presents diflicultics far more insurraounta- 
 
 I 
 
6 
 
 ble than any suggested by the Senator to our title to any portion of 
 the territory of Oregon. I do not pioposc, Mr. President, to go into 
 the question of title; all iliiii has been said by nie on ilial point has 
 been extracted by the lemnrks which fell from the Senator from 
 Maine, (Mr. Evans,) who omiitod to stale or notice the insuperable 
 difficulties which (Jreat Britain meets at every step in showing her 
 title to any portion of the territory, and contented himself with sug- 
 gesting the (liflicnllics in our way. 
 
 Before entering upon the discussion of the qucstifiU of notice, I 
 must be permitted to submit a few remarks upon the courfe of the 
 President in this whole mailer. It was said by (he Senator fronj 
 Kentucky, (Mr. Chittkndkx,) and the S<uiator from Delaware, 
 (Mr. Clayton,) that the President would be held to the strictest 
 responsibility by them; that he would " encounter a responsibility 
 weighty enougji to sink a navy," if war should grow out of this 
 matter. Now, with all the due submission to the opinions of older 
 and ablet Senators, I may be permitted losay, that if war shall corr.e, 
 the responsihiliiy of it will not and cannot rest upon the President of 
 the United States. In all that he has said in his message, in all the 
 measures that he has recommended, he lias done what his official 
 position re(|uired at his hands. Not only did he do that which was 
 right in itself, but in doing it, he followed in the footsteps of his il- 
 lustrious predecessors. The language employed by him is almost 
 identical with diat used , 'y one of the most eminent of all our Secre- 
 taries of Stale, (Mr. Clay.) In speaking both of our own title and 
 of the British claims, Mr. Clay uses nearly the same words. That 
 this may not rest upon mere assertion, I will compare a few of the 
 passages in the documents of both. The President, in his message, 
 tells us that this " like all the previous negotiations, ivas based 
 upon principles of ' compromise ;' " that when he came into 
 office, though " entertaining tke settled conviction that the British 
 pretensions of title cotdd not be maintained to any portion of the 
 OrcfTon territory upon any principle of public law recognised by 
 nations ;" yet, in " dcfervnce to what had been done by his prede- 
 cessors, a?id especially in consideration that propositions of compro- 
 mise had heen thrice made by two preceding administrations to 
 adjust the t/ucstion on thr parallel of 49°,'' and notwithstanding 
 "Me extraordinary and wholly inadmissuble demands of the British 
 government,'^ and the rejection of the proposition made in deference 
 alone to what had been done by his predecessors, and " the implied 
 obligation which their acts seemed to impose,'" afford satisfactory 
 evidence " that no compromise which the United States ought to 
 accept can be effected.^' With this conviction, the pioposition of 
 compromise which had been made and rejected, was by his " di- 
 rection subsef/uenily withdrawn, and our title to the whole territory 
 asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable fad and 
 arguments.^'' 
 
 Here we have the declaration that the Piesident feels himself 
 bound by the acts of diose who had gone before him, as the acts of 
 
his country, and binding upon him ns its chief executive magislriUe; 
 and in the despatch in which is made the oflVr of the 4Uth par-dlel 
 na a compromise, the Secieiary of State s:\ys, that ^' the Preaifient 
 does it Itcaiusc he felt hiiiisvlj'iinbarrdsscd, ij not committed^ by 
 the acts uf his piedcccs.siirs.''^ As much .strnsii has been hiid on the 
 President's claiming the wliole territory, and as.-^ertinuthat the claims 
 of (Jreal Britain are exiraoidinary and inadniissilde, 1 will turn to the 
 huigtiatre of his predecessors, and we shall see whether, in the use 
 of Tliis language!, he has not been following th»; cxaniple of those 
 who liad handed down to him this (luestion with the landmarks so 
 clearly defined that he could neither mistake, niisnndeistand nor 
 overleap lliem. 
 
 Mr. Clay, when Secretary of State, in lii^ despatch to Mr. Galla- 
 tin, dated JnJie 10, lS2G,says : 
 
 "h is not thouglit necessary t(i add iiincli to the iirgiaiieiif advanoerl on 
 this |n)iiit in tlic iiistriictioiis ^jiven ti> .Mr, Kiisli, and tliat which was em. 
 |)l(iM'(l hy him, in tlic coiirsf nl' his negotiation, to sii|i|)ort our tide, as 
 derived from pi'ior discovcrv and setllcmcnt at the nionili tifllHi Coinndtia, 
 and from the treaty with Spain, concluded on the 'i'M ol' Fi'hniai-y, lHl9. 
 That arginnent is Relieved to have conclnsivelv estalilished our title on 
 hoth grounds. .Nor is it conceived tiiat (iieat Ihitain has, or can make 
 out, even a colorable title to any portion of flii! northwest coast." 
 
 " By the renunciation and transfer continued in the treaty mth 
 Spain of lSl9, ourriirht extended to the {]0/h dvti;rce of north lati- 
 tude." This was Mr. Clay's opinion, oHicially expressed as Secre- 
 reiary of State, of the validity of our title to the parallel of 6U°, 
 prior to the treaty with Russia. Are there any expressions in the 
 President's message stronger than these, eidier as to the invalidity 
 of the title of Great Britain, or the validity and strength of our own 
 to the whole territory of Oregon '{ In another despatch of Mr. 
 Clay, dated February 24, 1827, in characterizing the claims of 
 Great Britain to ilie territory of Oregon, he uses language almost 
 identical with that of the President's message. He speaks of these 
 claims as "//ew and extraordinary,'" and says, " that they certainly 
 have not yet produced any conviction in the mind of the President 
 of the validity of the pretentions bionghi forward, nor raised any 
 doubts of the strength and validity of our own title." Mr. Clay 
 further says, in speaking of the offer of the 49th parallel, that " it is 
 conceived in a frenuive spirit of concession and conciliation.^^ He 
 also instructs Mr. Gallatin to say that the 49ih parallel «' is onr ut- 
 tamatutn, and you may so announce it.'^ When the proposition 
 was declined, Mr. Clay directs Mr. Gallatin to declare "that the 
 American Government does not hold itself bound hereafter in con- 
 sequence of any proposal which it has heretofore made to agree to 
 the line which has been so proposed and rejected, but will consider 
 itself at liberty to contend for the full extent of our just claims;" 
 "which declaration," he says, "you must have recorded in the protocol 
 of one of your conferences, and, to give it more weight, have it 
 stated that it has been done by the express direction of the 
 President." 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
When the proposition of compromise was rejected by Mr. Pnken- 
 ham, the President (hrected Mr. Rachatiaii to withdraw i(, aiid as- 
 sert our title to the whole of the Oregon territory ; and claims that 
 "the civilized world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal 
 concession on the part of the United Slates ;" and that " this govern- 
 ment will be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the 
 failure to settle the controversy." Is there anything, Mr. President^ 
 in these declarations, or in the claims on the part of our government 
 to the whole territory of Oregon, stronger or more extensive tiian had 
 been made by those who preceded the I'residcnt in the high office 
 he now tills? And it must be borne in mind, sir, that these claims 
 liad not only been asserted in the despatches of our negotiators, but 
 they had lieen published to the world. I ask, then, in justice to the 
 President, if he could, consistently with the honor and dignity of 
 the country, have claimed less, or gone finther, than he has done, 
 in "a spirit of liberal concession," to settle this controversy ? What 
 parly in this country, what Senator on this floor, what President 
 would dare go further ? I'o liave done so would have lowered ouc 
 national character before the nations of the earth, and been an insult 
 to the national pride of our own people. When the President of 
 the United States was elevated to bis present exalted station, he 
 found himself charged with the conduct of this negotiation, involving 
 the questions of peace and war, the lives and fortunes of twenty 
 millions of freemen, and the honor of his country. The responsi- 
 bility was fearful ; and, in the language of the legislature of the State 
 which 1 have the honor in part to represent, "his efl'orts to adjust the 
 controversy were marked by a spirit of liberal concession, firmness, 
 patriotism, and signal ability." In fact, sir, it was the sentiment of 
 the whole country, and no message has ever been promulgated in 
 my time which was received with such a universal shout oi appro* 
 baiion. You remember, Mr. President, our pleasure in listening to 
 the just and patriotic remarks of the distinguished Senators from 
 North Carolina, (Mr. Manoum,) from Virginia, (Mr. Akcheii,) and 
 Delaware, (Mr. J. M. Clayton,) in the debatij upon the resolutions 
 moved by the Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass.) Why, sir, are 
 we divided now, when all was harmony then ? In that discussioa 
 there was not a dissenting voice in regard to the President's course 
 upon the Oregon question. A very different opinion seems to have 
 grown up in this discussion ; new readings have been given to the 
 President's message ; and i ew and very different objects discovered 
 in his recommendations. On one side, it is made a test of willingness, 
 to dissever the Union for a Senator to avow himself in favor of compro* 
 mise, and a test of patriotism to go for 54° 4t/ ; and on the other aide 
 to be for the notice is to be for war It is from discussions such as 
 these that our present want of harmony proceeds. If Spsnalors 
 give to the message a construction which it does not wariaui, purely 
 the President is not responsible for it. 
 
 In connexion with this part of the subject, I will ask the Secictary 
 to read the resolutions of the State of Mississippi : ,, 
 
8 
 
 Kejtolved by the Legislature of the Stale of Miaaissijtjn^ That the ac 
 lion of the President uf the United States, in his eti'urts to adjust the 
 Onsgon controversy, is marked hya spirit of lil)oral concoHsion, firinnesg, 
 patriotism, and signal ability, which meets the hearty a(i|)robation of this 
 Legislature. 
 
 Resolved, That whilst this Legislature commends the exercise of the 
 same spirit in subsequent negotiations, it is their deiilionite opinion that 
 every consideration of regarel tor human progress, the advanr;<>mi;nt of 
 libenil principles, and the maintenance of the national honor, demands 
 that our rights to the Oregon territory should be asserted and upheld. 
 
 Rt'solred, That, in the catalogue of national calamities, war is second 
 nnly to national <lisgrace ; that if the one becomes necessary to avert 
 iho other, let it come; and with the iuvocation of the Divine blessing 
 u|K)n a righteous cause, this F^t gislalure pledge^ » he State of Mississippi, 
 in men and money, to support thi> (leneral (iovei.mient, in asserting and 
 defendijig its rights to the territory of Oregon. 
 
 Tliese resolutions, Mr. President, were not the resolutions of a 
 party, but of the whole legislative body, irrespective of party, and 
 were adopted with but one disr^enling voice in the House, and unani- 
 mously in the Senate. From these resolutions — whicli are, perhaps, 
 ns ir^ie and faithful expressions of the sentiments of the people oi 
 the State as was ever ofiven by a legislative body, I infer most clear- 
 ly that they approve of the "liberal concession" which has marked 
 the past course of the President, in his efforts to settle the Oregon 
 controversy, and commend the exercise of the same spirit of " libered 
 concession" in future nesjoiiations; and that they look upon "war 
 as second only to national disgrace." Concurring entirely with the 
 legislature in these sentiments, and approving what the President 
 has done and recommends in relation to this matter, I shall consent 
 to nothing that will endanger the public peace, unless the honor oi 
 the country demands it at my hands. If it does, I shall move for- 
 ward fearless of consequences, and the people of the Stale will be 
 ready to go with me. 
 
 Mr. President, I am in favor of giving the notice, because I be- 
 lieve that the time has come when the Oregon question must be 
 brought to an issue either of peace or war. I deem the giving of 
 notice now imperiously detnanded as a means of preserving peace. 
 I am anxious that the difficulty should be settled, and the speediest 
 possible mode is most acceptable to me. I deem it of much impor- 
 tance that the position of the adimnistration should be sustained on 
 account of its effects both at home and abroad. Our character and 
 the spirit of our people demand it ; nnd a failure to do so will increase 
 thedifficulry and excuement in both countries. I prefer it in its sim- 
 plest form, as Ir.ist embarassing to the adniinistiation ; but as I deem 
 time of the first importance, I shall support thatform which will enable 
 the administration to give it at the earliest day. And I still indulge 
 the hope, Mr. President, that it will be given in the same harmony 
 which marked the discussion and vote on the resolutions of the Seu:.- 
 tor from Michigan, (Mr. Cass.) Its moral power and force will bo 
 immensely increased by the proud spectacle of a unanimous role 
 
of the American Senate in ita favor. I, sir, shall volo steadily in 
 favor of the notice, and if I cannot obtain it in the form most accept- 
 able, least embarrassing, and which will enable the ndminislrulion to 
 use it most speedily, I will vote for it in any form consistent with the 
 dignity and honor of the country, rather than it should fail. For this 
 reaaon I regreithe strong termsof denunciation employed by iheScnalor 
 from Connecticut, (Mr. Nitrs,) in speaking of the amendment pro- 
 posed by the Senator from Georgia, (Mr. Cfti.nui'rT.) Whatever 
 preferecne I may entertain for a more simple form, there is nothing 
 in the amendmetit to justify so harsh a representation of its spirit, 
 and iheexpresi^ion is calculated to engender ill feelings in lli'" cham- 
 ber. The more bitterly Senators may denounce those wbo favor 
 notice in a modified form, the greater the obstacles in the .'a/ of ob- 
 taining a unniunious vote; anil it may endanger its passage n any 
 form. I persuade myself that, if there shall be no indulgence nf ;nore 
 party feelih.^ ti > denouncing of each others views, that there will 
 be less diversity when we come to fulfil action upon the question. 
 I cau Aiy with truth, sir, that I listened with pleasure to much that 
 has fallen from our political opponents in this debate, and feel as- 
 sured, if a conllici shall grow out of this controversy, that ihey will 
 be as ready to sustain the rights of their country, and to meet dan- 
 gers and sacrifices in her cause, as bravely and as promptly as our 
 friends on this side of the chamber. I regret to hear denunciations 
 from either side upon the question of giving this notice. I feel 
 when I approach any subject, connected as this is, with the foreign 
 relations of the country, that all party feeling should be hushed; that 
 I should take olTmy shoes, for the ground I tread upon is holy. If, 
 when the resolutions of the Seiic>lorfrom Michigan, (Mr. C.\s.s) were 
 introduced, we were all so united in sentiment, may I not still in- 
 dulge (he hope that by treating the question of notice with moderation 
 and calmness, there will scarce be an objection to its passage. 
 
 But the Senators from New Jersey, (Mr. Dayton.) and Maine, 
 (Mr. Evans,) said they could see no reasons forgiving the notice. 
 The Senator from New Jersey furnished one, and a very cogent one, 
 when he moved some weeks since to postpone this question, in order 
 to dispose of the other important business before the Senate. Since 
 then I am sure the experienced and observant Senator from Maine 
 must have seen many and stiong reasons for disposing of this ques- 
 tion, and giving the notice. It is certain that we have before us but 
 two lines of policy; one is that of quietly and peaceably getting 
 possession of the territory by the gradual course of settlement ; in 
 other words, by the " masterly inactivity" which was spread out be- 
 fore us the other day in all its grand and magnificent proportions, by 
 tlie distinguishsd Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) 
 who is its oldest, most able, and devoted advocate. If that policy 
 could now be pursued, this meauuie of giving notice to dissolve the 
 convention for the joint occupancy of the territory might be wrong. 
 But the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) tells us that 
 circumstances which have occurred since 1843, rendei that policy 
 
10 
 
 dangerous, if not impracticable ; and I say, sir, to use an expression of 
 tha» Senator in reference to another matter, that lime is against such 
 a policy now. Events, Mr. President, are hurrying us forward, and 
 we must meet them by prompt and decisive action, or the question 
 "will escape from onr coniiol ; and I appeal to the able and experi- 
 enced Senator from Maine, (Mr. Evans,) and to Senators on all 
 sides, if they do not see in everything around them, even here, and 
 more than all in what they hear from day to diiy, the most cogent rea- 
 son for action, and for givingthe notice. The legi^^lation of the conn- 
 try, Mr. President, sleeps upon your table; the land bills, the trea- 
 sury, and the tariff bills, and all our domestic policy await the issue 
 of this question, and (we cannot disguise it from ourselves if we 
 wished) are dependent for (heir passage somewhat tipon giving the 
 notice. The business of the county is suspended, and business 
 men stand still, and will continue lodoso, while the country isfdled 
 with rumors of war. All is uncertain, and it produces anxiety and 
 irritation, not only with our own, but the people of Great Britain, 
 which greatly increases the chances of a hostile collision. The 
 President of the United States having proclaimed our rights, and 
 that the British minister has rejected the offerof aseitlemeiu upon the 
 only line that this country will ever consent to, and recon)meiKled 
 giving the notice as a means of asserting our just rights to the terri- 
 tory, the spirit of our people demands that it should at once be given. 
 Does the experienced Senatoi from Maine (Mr. fwAN.s,) see no 
 reason for giving the notice in the deep heavings of the public luind, 
 which is never without cause, and can never with safety be disregar- 
 ded? The controversy about Oregon has already got into the 
 hands of demagogues and party hacks, and been seized upon by 
 those who would gladly use it as a disturbing element in our politi- 
 cal contests. Every mail that leaves the Capitol is loaded down 
 with matter calculated to infiame the public mind ; and rumors of 
 war, reach us from every extremity of this wide spread Union. With 
 my limited experience and narrow vision, 1 have seen much that 
 leads me to entertain fears as to the preservation of peace ; and I feel 
 assured that if this controversy is not arrested soon, it will be be- 
 yond the power of either government to stop its course. The peo- 
 ple of both countries are proud and brave. Their governments 
 charge each other with making demands that ate unjust. Let such 
 a question once get among the luass of the people of both countries, 
 with their national pride roused by the discussions between (hem, 
 and what power could prevent them from rushi-ng to arms ? This, 
 with me, is the strongest reason for going for the notice. I have felt 
 its weight unceasingly since the commencement of (his discussion. 
 It was comparatively feeble at first, but deepened from that hour to 
 this, and I now think that speedy action is vitally important. If we 
 fail togive it, ihearm of the government will be paralysed by ouraction 
 here, and rendered less able to effect an adjustment of the contro- 
 versy peaceably and honorably to the country. And should a. con- 
 flict ensue, our refusal to give the notice will weaken our govern- 
 
ii 
 
 ►ression of 
 uinst such 
 kvnrd, and 
 ! question 
 id experi- 
 5rs on all 
 here, and 
 o;^ent rea- 
 ihe coun- 
 the trea- 
 dle issue 
 ves if we 
 iving the 
 business 
 •y is filled 
 'ciety and 
 it Hrrlain, 
 )n. Tlie 
 »,'hts, and 
 upon the 
 nmeiKJed 
 the terri- 
 be given. 
 ,) see no 
 lie mind, 
 disreg'ar- 
 into the 
 upon by 
 lur politi- 
 3d down 
 umors of 
 I. With 
 luch that 
 nd I feel 
 ill be be- 
 rhe peo- 
 p^rnments 
 fiBt such 
 ouniries, 
 n them, 
 ? This, 
 have felt 
 ;cussion. 
 . hour to 
 If we 
 fraction 
 ! contro- 
 J a con- 
 govern- 
 
 ment in the eyes of the world, and the l\esident in the confidence 
 of our people, at a time when all must look lo and depend upon the 
 strong arm of th^ executive department of the government for safe- 
 ty and protection. Surely every patriot would deplore such a result, 
 and would leave nothing undone to prevent it. 
 
 But, Mr. President, the Senator from Maine, (JMr. Evans,) says 
 that he cannot vole for giving notice, unless he receives a-^urances 
 that the intentions of the President are pacific, and our title to the 
 territory to be demanded is clearly made out. Afier what fell from 
 the Senator from North Carolina, (Mr. H.vYWOOii,) in his able 
 speech on this (juesiion, I had supposed that every Senator would 
 be satisfied that, pending negotiations, it would be improper to ex- 
 pect or require the President to make any further disclosure of his 
 intentions than he has made in his message and despatches upon 
 the subject. To the territory south of the 49th parallel, the Sena- 
 tor from Maine admits our title may be clearly made out ; to that 
 extent our Govermneni has long since taken its stand, and to that 
 extent the President certainly will contend for it. Whatever I may 
 think of the extraordinary pretensions of the British Government to 
 title to any portion of the territory, in view of what our Government 
 has done by treaty stipulations, iimning through a series of near 30 
 years, and in justice to British subjects who have made settlements 
 in the territory imder the piovisions of lliose treaties, I would not 
 demand a surrender of the whole territory. I lake it that the true 
 dignity and honor of the country, a just regard for the opinions of 
 mankind, and to preserve the peace of the world, demands that we 
 should settle the controversy in a spirit of liberal concession, honor- 
 able to both countries. I have a confidence myself, perhaps, not to 
 be expected from Senators oti the other side, in the pacific intentions 
 of the President, and in his anxious desire to avoid a hostile col- 
 lision between the two countries. War,sir, is no game of his ; unlike 
 the kings of the earth, who seek war to gratify their ambition, and 
 increase their own glory, amid the blood and tears of their subjects, 
 and ihesufl'eringsof the widow and the orphan, 1.. . true glory is in 
 defending the honor of his counrry, preserving and protecting the 
 peace, prosperity, and happiness of the people. And we have a 
 sure guaranty in his character and past conduct in the negotiation 
 that he will not disappoint the destiny to which his exalted station 
 calls him. To the President, with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, the Constitution confides the adjustment of this controversy; 
 and on whatever line the parties may settle, I expect to have no 
 hesitation in agreeing, satisfied as I am that he will settle on none 
 that will lower the stand his Government has taken. 
 
 The territorial enlargement of our beloved country, unlike that of 
 monarchies or despotisms, has always been by peace. It was by: 
 peact.ul negotiation that we obtained Louisiana, Florida, and Texas, 
 thus more than doubling the superficies of the whole Union. And 
 whatever line of boundary may be now designated for Oregon, that 
 American statesman must be bhnd to the progress of events, who 
 
12 
 
 cannot foisee, (liat by continued peace and prosperity, our glorious 
 Union must jjo on extentiing her limits, until, before the close of this 
 century, our boundaries shall extend so as lo include the whole re- 
 gion between the Arctic ocean and the isthmus of Panama. War, 
 which has been called the game of kin^s, may retard, while peace 
 will certainly accelerate this <T|orious destiny. Such a territory, unit- 
 ed in soveieion and confederate States, with every variety in soil and 
 product, and with perfectly reciprocal free trade between all parts, 
 would present a spectacle at which the rest of the world would first 
 gaze in wonder, and then admire and imitate. The Slate which I 
 have the honor in part to represent, may now be called the great 
 staple State of the Union; for her exports largely exceed any other; 
 her vital interests are inseparably united with free trade. She wants 
 the world for a market.. She was looking to the present as the aus- 
 picious moment when her long deferred hope would at length be 
 gratified, and unrestricted commerce should bind together the nations 
 of the globe. l?y a consentaneous, but not. a concerted movement 
 upon both sides of the water, her long cherished views seemed about 
 to be consummated, when diis dark cloud interposed, and threatened 
 to substitute war, with all its momentous consequences, for peace, 
 and unrestricted commerce. In the maintaining of a war in defence 
 of our national honor, Mississippi will never hesitate ; but she will 
 never consent, disregarding the policy of every administration for 
 the last thirty years, to rush madly into a sanguinary conflict, reject- 
 ing those honorable terms for adjusting the Oregon f^ntroversy which 
 have been oifered by the President of her choice, >» , Polk, and his 
 predecessors, from the revolutionary patriot, James Mt* roe, down to 
 the present period. 
 
 A strong effort has been made in the Senate to impre. .. the coun- 
 try with tlie belief that the President was opposed to all further ne- 
 gotiation, and would reject every proposition short of the surrender 
 of the whole territory. I am not authorized to present the opinions 
 of the President any further than they are disclosed in his inessage 
 and the despatches upon the subject ; but judging from them, I 
 draw the conclusion that the views of the President have been 
 greatly misconceived in regard to this controversy. 
 
 We have, first, the strong and decisive fact, that the President did 
 offer the 49ih parallel, notwiUistanding it had been three times be- 
 fore offered, and rejected by the British Government ; and when it 
 was again rejected by the British minister, when offered by the Pre- 
 sident, in the very despatch in reply to that rejection, the President 
 expressed his strong desire for peace, and that the amicable relations 
 between the two countries might be preserved. Thus stood the 
 caie when the President communicated his message to Congress ; 
 the offer of the 49th parallel having been rejected, and no proposal 
 made on tlie part of the British Goverementj but a requisition made 
 upon us for a proposition more favorable to them, when the Presi- 
 dent declared in his message that " no compromise which the Unit- 
 ed States ought to accept can be effected." 
 
 gives 
 
our glorious 
 close of this 
 e whole re- 
 ima. War, 
 while peace 
 ritory, unit- 
 ' in soil and 
 an all parts, 
 would first 
 He which I 
 d the ^reat 
 1 any other; 
 She wants 
 as the aus- 
 t lenf^th be 
 the nations 
 movement 
 enied about 
 threatened 
 I for peace, 
 •in defence 
 )iit she will 
 stration for 
 iict, reject- 
 ersy which 
 Ik, and his 
 e, down to 
 
 the coun- 
 further ne- 
 i surrender 
 16 opinions 
 lis message 
 m them, I 
 have been 
 
 esident did 
 ; times he- 
 ld when it 
 y the Pre- 
 
 President 
 le relations 
 
 stood the 
 Congress ; 
 proposal 
 lion made 
 the Presi- 
 
 the Unit- 
 
 tai 
 
 He does not say that no compromise ought to be made, but simply 
 announces his opmion upon the facts as they then existed, that no 
 compromise would be oflered that we ought to accept. It is true the 
 President does announce in his message his opinion of the superior- 
 ity of our title to the whole territory, but he had previously avowed 
 that opinion, and had distinctly repeated it in the very despatch of- 
 fering the 49ih parp.ilel as a compromise. 
 
 It is also true that the President does declare in his message that 
 he would never consent to the surrender of the free navigation of ihe 
 Columbia river ; but he does not also stale, in addition that he would 
 Dever consent again to the 49th parallel as a compromise, but simply 
 gives it as his opinion that no such compromise could be effected. I 
 have no doubt the President will obiain for us the whole territory, if 
 it is in his power ; but if he cannot, and the 49ih parallel should be 
 oflered to us by the British Government, or what is substantially 
 equivalent to it, there is nothing in the message or the despatches 
 indicating the opinion that the President, who is but a branch of the 
 war-making and treaty-making power, will riislily reject such a pro- 
 position, which he and three of hia predecessors have made — and 
 thus most certainly involve the country in a war, which every phi- 
 lanthropist and patriot must believe should only be invited when 
 eery fair and honorable compromise shall have proved unsuccess- 
 ful. Is the 49ili parallel an honorable compromise? The Presi- 
 dent and three of his predecessors have declared that it was; and if 
 the British ministry, governed by wiser councils, should change their 
 opinions, or disavow the rejection made by their minister, Mr. Paken- 
 ham, who can say that the President should deprive the Senate of 
 its constitutional right as a branch of the war-making and treaty- 
 making power, of advising upou such a momentous question, by the 
 unconditional rejeclioii of such a compromise? Is the majority of 
 the Senate, or of the House of Repiesenlalivps, prepared for a decla- 
 ration of war upon the rejection of such a proposition? Do they be- 
 lieve it ought to be rejected? If they do, why are they not making 
 all the preparations necessary to meet the momentous issue ? Why 
 are we not increasing our army and navy ? repairing our <briifications 
 and placing our whole country in a posture for defence, as well as 
 aggression ? Above all, why are we not preparing the great arma- 
 ments, naval and military, to defend the whole territory of Oregon, 
 which is the very subject mater of this controversy? Why are we 
 not preparing to collect a direct tax of at least fifty millions per an- 
 num, to meet the great emergency ? I cannot withhold the expres- 
 sion of my surprise and astonishment that all those who believe that 
 we must insist, war or no war, upon a surrender of the whole terri- 
 tory, should not be found laying upon our tables, and urging from 
 day to day the passage of bills for a direct tax, and the vast aug- 
 mentation of all our naval and military defences demanded by such 
 an occasion. 
 
 Below the 49ih parallel, or what is substantially equivalent to it, 
 no doubt th( Resident never could consent to go, be the conse- 
 
M 
 
 quences what, they may. And this, I believe, is almost the univer- 
 sal sentiment of the country, and of every Senator in ihis chamber. 
 But thia is a very different position from that of rejecting all com- 
 promise and all negotiation, and involving the country in war by 
 the mere act of the President. I know nothing of whether sucfi 
 an offer will be made or not ; but if it should be, and the President 
 should rashly reject it without consulting the Senate, he will, by his 
 own mere act, involve the country in war, or the disgrace attendant 
 upon the settlement of the question at the parallel of 49° after he 
 has rejected the proposition. 
 
 Mr. President, do those who demand that the President of the 
 United States shall reject the 49ih parallel, reflect upon the fact, which 
 it is believed no Senator will det>y, that a majority of both branches 
 of Congress would agree to settle the controversy at the 49th paral- 
 el. Must the President, in open disregard of the known will of 
 one or both Houses of Congress, reject a proposition which one or both 
 of them would accept ? Even if the President, in his own individual 
 judgment, was opposed to a seulement by the parallel of 49°, yet he 
 could not reject such a compromise in view of the opposing opinions 
 known to be entertained by both Houses of Congress, whose hearty 
 concurrence^nd cordial co-operation he must have, if such a course 
 should result in a hostile collision between the two countries. It is 
 well known, Mr. President, that four-fifths of the Senators in this 
 body, among whom are three-fourths of the President's political 
 friends, however they may vole on the question of notice, are in fa- 
 vor of settling the question upon principles of compromise ; and in 
 the House of Representatives, upon a direct vole, but ten members 
 voted against it, and, by an overwhelming majority, expressed itself 
 in favor of further negotiation. How, then, can the President be 
 asked or expected, in view of such conclusive circumstances, to re- 
 ject all compromise and refuse ail negotiation? No, Mr. President, 
 the administration has planted itself upon that parallel as the line 
 from which it caimot be driven ; and if war comes of it, in the pa- 
 triotic language of the Senator from North Carolina, Let it come: 
 and when a proud, arrogant, and grasping enemy gives a blow at us, 
 there will be found ready to resist aggression, one solid phalanx of 
 the whole American people. 
 
 By the last steamer we received an extract from the letter of Sir 
 Robert Peel, when retiring from the ministry, in which he assures 
 her majesty that lie will satisfy the King of the French that the 
 great military and naval preparations, which have been making in 
 England for some lime past, were not intended for FVance, but grew 
 out of their unsettled relations with the United States. This dis- 
 closure, coupled with the despatch of our minister, Mr. McLane, 
 which has been laid before us, in my poor opinion, is an in poriant 
 fact, and calls strongly upon us to prepare for any contingency which 
 mayariweout of these unseuled relations. But, Mr. President, aa I 
 am one of the youngest and mosi inexperienced members of ihis body, 
 surrounded by so many older, wiser, and more experienced Senators, 
 
n^ 
 
 e univer- 
 chamber. 
 all com- 
 in war by 
 iher such 
 President 
 ill, by his 
 nttcndant 
 ° after he 
 
 nt of the 
 ict, which 
 branches 
 i)th paraU 
 n will of 
 ne or both 
 ndividual 
 )°,yet he 
 f opinions 
 •se hearty 
 I a course 
 ies. It is 
 )rs in this 
 
 poliiical 
 are in fa- 
 
 ; and in 
 members 
 ised ilself 
 ndent be 
 :es, to re- 
 ^resident, 
 i (he line 
 n the pa- 
 it come ; 
 :)W at us, 
 lalanx of 
 
 terof Sir 
 e nssiues 
 that the 
 taking in 
 but grew 
 I'his dis- 
 McLane, 
 n portant 
 zy which 
 ient, as I 
 I lis body, 
 SenatorB, 
 
 I will not venture to suggest what is proper to be done ; I look to 
 them — the country looks to them — to take the proper precautionary 
 measures. 
 
 What I have said, Mr. President, has been in the discharge of a 
 duty I owed to myself and the people of the Slate I have the honor 
 in part to represent ; differing fiom a few valued political friends 
 around me, 1 could not, as I had wished to do, give a silent vote. 
 Belonging as I do to that political parly which has ever adhered to a 
 strict construction of the Consiitution and free trade, no one can de- 
 plore a hostile collision more than I would, and that this period 
 which we fondly hoped was the dawn of our deliverance and liberty, 
 shonld be obscured by "shadows, clouds, and darkness."