THE CRISIS OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
FROM THE oniatNAl PAINTING flv ANDRE. IN THE POeSESBION OF J. W. BOUTON EBQ. , NEW VORK. 
 
THF: CRISIS OF THE 
 Rl- VOLUTION 
 
 i^' r- !Mt-. Sroi't OF 
 
 w::\»)l,D AND ANDRE 
 
 * V. ' i-rU-.i l-l?i )V AM. S( il fi'CJS -NL' ll.-,|.- r"\ 1' 
 
 .' ^1 \: )- Pi \(.i:- i;<i:Nii) ii L- wi i '■ ■ i 
 
 VVlLLiAM ABBATT 
 
 II.fJJSTRAI l(K\S I ROM ORI(.i.\\l /'//.'' \ ,.v //'// . I.) 
 
 EDWIN S. BENNETT 
 
 Issued Under (he Au>t'i.t'S <A Wv. 
 
 Nfc'W VOHK 
 WILLIAM AP.BaTI V) / 
 
 •»''■ A 
 
 / v\ 
 
fi:: 
 
 / 
 
 '^4 
 
 •!«■,•■» •"'•1 
 
THE CRISIS OF THE 
 REVOLUTION 
 
 Being the Story of 
 
 ARNOLD AND ANDRE 
 
 Now FOR THE First Time Collected from all Sources, and Illustrated 
 WITH Views of all Places Identified with it 
 
 BY 
 
 William Abbatt 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS FROM ORIGINAL PHOTOGRAPHS BY 
 
 EDWIN S. BENNETT 
 
 issued Under the Auspices of the 
 
 re Statt %m% Sons of i\t %mi\m ^xSMm 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 WILLIAM ABBATT 
 
 1899 
 
Copyright, 1899 
 
 ByMVILLIAM ABHATT 
 
 All Rights Reserved 
 
 Edition limited to 250 copies, of which this is No 
 
 c 
 
/ conceive that every circumstance connected with it cannot fail of' bein^ interesting- 
 
 to Americans — 
 
 Captain Alden Partridge, U. S. A., 
 
 suprrintendent of the united states military academy, 
 
 West Point, N. v., 
 
 1818. 
 
TO THE DESCENDANTS OF THE MEN OF "SEVENTY-SIX," AS REPRESENTED IN 
 
 OUR PATRIOTIC-HEREDITARY SOCIETIES, THIS RECORD OF THE 
 
 MOMENTOUS EVENTS ALONG THE HUDSON FROM 
 
 SEPTEMBER 21 TO OCTOBER 2, 1780, 
 
 IS DEDICATED. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 IN putting forth a new book on so familiar a subject as the conspiracy of Benedict Arnold 
 with Major Andre, I am not unmindful of the opening words of Lossing's Field-Hook, 
 "The story of the Revolution has been well and often told." My excuse for again 
 telling this part of it must be, first, to again quote Lossing : "A large proportion of our 
 people are but little instructed in many of the essential details of that event, so important for 
 every intelligent citizen to learn," and secondly, that while so much has I'een printed that I 
 cannot add much new material, it has not been published in any complete form. Hence the 
 student who seeks for all its details has been obliged to consult a wearisome succession of 
 books, periodicals, newspapers, and some MSS., many accessible only to the favored few 
 living within reach of our great libraries. 
 
 Finally, no complete itinerary of Andre's journey has been published,' nor has any 
 authority given more than a few illustrations of the various places identified with him. In 
 this last respect I flatter myself I have left no scene of any interest unrepre.sented ; and to 
 this feature I trust in part for popular endorsement of my work. To ot)tain the photographs 
 Mr. Bennett and myself visited almost every site, and traveled over the greater part of 
 Andrd's path. 
 
 The map showing his route has been carefully drawn from authentic surveys, and 
 shows every detail. I am greatly indebted for their aid in preparing it, and for valuable 
 topographical information, to Mr. I,avalette Wilson, of Haverstraw ; Rev. Amos C. Requa, 
 of Peekskill ; Judge J. O. Dykman, of White Plains ; Mr. William H. Bleakley, of Verplanck's 
 , Point ; Rev. David Cole, of Yonkers, and Mr. Edward Hagaman Hall, of New York ; and 
 for access to their libraries, to Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet and Mr. William L. vStone. 
 
 If my book shall increase interest in Revolutionary history and lead to further investi- 
 gation of the many events for which genern' histories cannot afford adequate space, it will 
 not have been written in vain. In that hope it is now confided to the individual whose 
 qualifying adjective, in view of the numerous membership of ladies in our patriotic societies, 
 assumes a new and pleasing significance — the ' ' Gentle Reader. ' ' 
 
 W. A. 
 West Chester, N. V., tS^g. 
 
 Save Judge Dykman's Last Twelve Days of Afajor Andri, in 1889. 
 
Dramatis Person. e 
 
 ANDRE - - 
 
 ARNOLD 
 
 ARNOLD, Mrs. 
 
 ABBOT, Bl'.NJAMIN DniiiiiiRr, — Regiment. 
 
 ABKRCROMBY, LiKUT. Coi.. ROBERT ,^7tli Regiment. 
 
 ACKER, Benjamin I'lmrtli N, Y. Cdiiliiiciitiils. 
 
 ALLEN, Capt. William - SlcoihI KIukIc Islaml. 
 
 ALLEN, Lieut. Solomon Col. Setli Murray's Mass. Militia. 
 
 "BALDWIN" ... - Unknown Private of Col. Jcdutliun BalcUvin's Rc^jiini-iit, — Massacliusetts. 
 
 BARLOW, Joel Cliaplain Gen. Poor's nrit,'aile. 
 
 BEEKMAN, Gerard G. 
 
 BEEKMAN, Mrs. Gerard G. (Cornelia) 
 
 BOWMAN, Ensign Samuel Third Mass;iolmsetts. 
 
 BOYD, Captain EbEnezer Tliird Westchester Militia. 
 
 BRONSON, Isaac, M. D. Assistant S'.irKioii Si-cmid Dragoons. 
 
 BRUNDAGE, Sylvanus Second Westchester Militia. 
 
 BURNET, Major Robert Aid to Gen'l Greene. 
 
 BURR, Aaron . . . - 
 
 BURROWES, Major John Col. Spencer's New Jersey Regiment. 
 
 CILLEY, Col. Joseph - I'irst New Ilaniiishire. 
 
 CLINTON, Gov. Georob 
 
 CLINTON, Sir Henry 
 
 CLINTON, Gen'l James 
 
 COLQUHOUN, Joseph 
 
 COLQUHOUN, Samuel 
 
 COOLEY, Capt. John Fourth Westchester Militia. 
 
 COX, Major James Ordnanc- Pepartnieiit. 
 
 CROSBIE, Lieut. Col. William 22d RcKinient. 
 
 DEAN, Sergeant John First Westchester :Mililia. 
 
 DEARBORN, Lieut. Col. Henry First New Haini)shire. 
 
 DEWEES, Samuel - - . pifer Tenth Pennsylvania. 
 
 DWIGHT, Rev. Timothy Chaplain First Conn. I'iriKade. 
 
 EUvSTIS, William, M. D. Surgeon K.iox's Artillery. 
 
 FOOTE, Captain EbenezER Connnis,s;irv Department. 
 
 FRANKS, Major David S. Aid to Arnold. 
 
 GARDINER, Nathaniel, M. D. Surgeon Fir.st New Hampshire. 
 
 GILBERT, John 
 
 GLOVER, Gen'l John 
 
 GOUVION, COL. J. B. Chief of Rochanil)eau's Artillery. 
 
 GREENE, Gen'l Nathanael 
 
 HALL, Timothy, M. D. Surgeon Fiftli Massachusetts. 
 
 HAMILTON, Alexander 
 
 HAMMOND, David 
 
 HAMMOND, Sally 
 
, , . . . . SereeiJt First Westchester Militia. 
 
 " • ,. Sixth Massachusetts. 
 
 II \!<\V()<lI), Majok I'KTi'.!i „ . ,,•,•.• 
 
 HAY. Col. Ann IIAWKIW Ilaverst.aw Regiment. Orang-. Cou.ity Mihtia. 
 
 I'l'.ATII. (".HN'I. WlI.I.IAM 
 
 iii';k().n', wiii.iAM ' ,_ 
 
 . _ ..„ .... Second Dragoons. 
 
 Iloor.i.ANi), Caitain Jhronkmus '"="• '^ 
 
 UOWl' (".ICNKRAI. RdIIKRT ,„',',,• 
 
 inr.HKS, Capt. JOHN Second Canadian Regiment. 
 
 IirNTl.SC.TON, GKNKRAT. JKOKDIAH „.'",., I ', 
 
 JXCKSC.N, C„... HKNRV Sixteenth Massachusetts. 
 
 AMKS..N, Um'T, CO,.. JOHN Second Dragoons. 
 
 ■' ... — Regiment. 
 
 KIHKS M.uoR (IC.) W.I.UAM Haverstraw Regiment, Orange County Mihtia. 
 
 , , ■' , Second Dragoons. 
 
 KI.N(., I,iki;t. Joshua " 
 
 KNOX, C.I'.N'i. Hknry 
 
 I.Al'AYlTrU o 'j aI-i, ' 
 
 I.AMU, Coi.. JOHN Second Artillery. 
 
 I \MlU;ur, CoRNic.n.s l'"™^t'' N- Y. Continentals. 
 
 I,\MIU:KT. 1Ii!NKV - first Westchester Mihtia. 
 
 I,\.M1U-KT, I,A.MHKRT First Westchester Mihtia. 
 
 I,AR\ICY, J.MK,s Pift'' Massachusetts. 
 
 I.AII.N-IC, I'liTKR - - ^""^'^'^ ^'"^"\- 
 
 I.AIKANCI', Coi.. John J»dge Advocate General. 
 
 MYINGSTON, C<.i.. Jamk,S Second Canadian Regiment. 
 
 M\S(IN Kiv John Chaplain to Hud.son River Posts. 
 
 Mel'lliNKY.'jAMKs! M. D. Aid to Lafayette. 
 
 MiKlNIJsY, .Vi.K.XANnKR, Dri'm-Major ~" Regiment. 
 
 Mcknight, Chari.K,s, M. D. ------ - Surgeon Gen'l of Hospital, Middle Dep't. 
 
 Ml-ADK, I.llCiT. Coi.. R. K. Aid to Wash..igton. 
 
 MI-IGS. Coi.. Rkturn J. - S'^'th Connecticut. 
 
 MI';KI:i;L, I.ikuT. John Second Westchester Militia. 
 
 MII.I.ICR, AniirRas 
 
 Gl.^I'XU, Rrv. John " ' 
 
 OGDKN, Captain Aaron Lafayette's Light Infantry. 
 
 I'ARSGNS, GUN'I, Samuei. H. 
 
 1'ATI':RS()N', Ghn'i. John ■ 
 
 r.M'LDING, John ^'if^' Westchester Militia. 
 
 nn'TINGlLL, iSlAjoR Thomas Ninth Massachusetts. 
 
 ROliKUTSON, LiKl'T. GUN'l. JAME.S 
 
 ROIUNSON, Coi.. Bi:vrri.v "Loyal Americans." 
 
 ROGICUS, LiRL'T. JRI.RDIAII Second Dragoons. 
 
 RO.MIUi, 'AMRS First Westchester Militia. 
 
 R()Mi:U, Mrs. Jacoii 
 
 R0MI:R, John 
 
 Rl'SSliLL, lii'NjAMiN Worcester County Regiment, Massachusetts Militia. 
 
 SCAMMEI.L, Col. Ai.rxandkr Adjutant General U. S. A. 
 
 SCOTT, Grn'i. John Morin - 
 
 SKE, Isaac First Westchester Militia. 
 
 SHAW, Major Sami'EI. Aid to Knox. 
 
 SHUl."ON, Col. Klisha Second Dragoons. 
 
 SHUT ARD, LliUTT. Samukl First New Jersey. 
 
 SHREVK, Col. Israel Second New Jersey. 
 
 SIMCOE, Colonel John G. Queen's Rangers. 
 
 SMITH, Captain Edenezkr Thirteenth Ma.ssachusetts. 
 
 SMITH, Joshua Hett 
 
 SMITH, Richard 
 
SMITH, Thomas 
 
 SMITH, LiElT Coi,. \Vm. S. Aid to WasliiiiKton. 
 
 STARK, Gkn'l John 
 
 ST. CLAIR, Gen'l Arthur 
 
 STEUBEN, GRN't Baron 
 
 STIRLING, Gkn'l Lord 
 
 SUTHERLAND, LlEUT. Andrew Roval Navy. 
 
 TALLMADGE, Major Benjamin .Sccuiul Drat,'i'oiis. 
 
 THACHER, James, M. D. Surgeon Sixteenth M.issachu.selts. 
 
 THORNE, Jesse 
 
 THORNE, Stevenson 
 
 TOMLINSON, Ensign Jabez H. Ninth CoiiiRoticiit. 
 
 UNDERBILL, Mrs. Isaac 
 
 VAN DYK, Captain John Second Ailillcry. 
 
 VAN WART, Isaac I'irst Westchester Mihtia. 
 
 VAN WART, Wli.UAM 
 
 VARICK, Col. Richard Aid to Arnold, 
 
 WADE, Col. N.aThaniel Essex County Regiment Massachusetts Militia. 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 WAYNE, General Anthony - 
 
 WEBB, Captain John Second Dragoons. 
 
 WEBB, Col. Samuel B. Ninth Connecticut, 
 
 WELLS, Lieut, Col. Jonathan Nineteenth Connecticut. 
 
 WILLIAMS, Abraham First Westchester Militia. 
 
 WILLIAMS, David First Westchester Militia. 
 
 YERKS, John First Westchester Militia. 
 
 YOUNGS, Lieut, Samuel Second Dragoons. 
 
THE CRISIS OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 New York to King's Ferry — Safety. 
 
 The aspiring youth that fired the Ephesian dome 
 OiUhves in fame the pious fool that reared it. 
 
 COLI.EY ClBBKR — A';VAii/-(/ ///. 
 
 S' 
 
 KIP IIOISE. 
 
 I OMETHING like Gibber's cynical words might be 
 applied to the men of the Revolution. Many a 
 brave patriot is less remembered than Arnold, 
 and distinguished British officers than Andre. Of the 
 latter's prototype in misfortune, the heroic Nathan Hale, 
 Thacher, the Revolutionary surgeon, quoting Hannah 
 Adams' History of New England, says : " Whilst 
 almost every historian has celebrated the virtues and 
 lamented the fate of Andr6, Hale has remained un- 
 noticed,' and it is scarcely known that such a character ever existed ; " and 
 Fenimore Gooper says, "Arnold has acquired a notoriety that promises to be 
 as lasting as that of Erostratus." 
 
 The reason for this is not far to seek. Hale's story is exceedingly brief, 
 and almost entirely lacking in details, while Andre's is just the reverse. 
 Hence it has always been invested with a peculiar degree of interest, height- 
 ened by the personal and social attractions which he possessed to such an 
 extent as won friendship and admiration from enemies no less than friends. 
 
 It is no part of ray plan to repeat the familiar story of how Arnold, the 
 hero of Quebec and Saratoga, came to plan the surrender of West Point and 
 the betrayal of his country, to which in 1778, only two years before, he had 
 solemnly sworn allegiance. Nor shall I give any detailed account of Andre's 
 life. Both are to be had in general histories and oiaer works easily accessible 
 to the reader. 
 
 1 I am glad to know that a geiiUenian in New York has long been gathering materials for a new life of Hale 
 which may be published in two or three years. o & 6 «=>» "le naie. 
 
On the night of Monday, the i8th of September, 1780, there was a 
 brilliant military assemblage in New York City, then occnpied by the British 
 anny under General Sir Henry Clinton. The place was the ancient stone house 
 of the Kip family, built in 1696 (and standing as lately as i<S5o), where is 
 now the comer of Second Avenue and Thirty-fourth vStrcet. At the time it was 
 the quarters of Colonel Williams,' of the Soth regiment. The occasion was a 
 dinner given by him to Clinton and his staff. Andre, as Adjutant General 
 and Clinton's favorite, was prominent among the guests." At the close of the 
 festivities he sang the song attributed to General Wolfe, and then very popular,'' 
 the second and best-known verse beginning: 
 
 Why, soldiers, why, 
 Should we Ih! nieliincholy hoys? 
 
 Though officers of the Highland regiments were present, no soothsayer 
 like he of Clan Ivor was there, to see the winding sheet almost as high on 
 Andre's breast as the Taishatr had seen it on Colonel Gardiner's the day before 
 Preston pans. Little thought any of the party that just two weeks later he 
 would be a corpse, buried at the foot of an improvised gibbet in a little hamlet 
 of Orange County (the present Rockland County was formed out of Orange). 
 
 From New York he went the next day, Tuesday, by way of King's 
 Bridge to Dobbs' Ferry, and thence to the sloop-of-war riilture,'^ then probably 
 at anchor off North Point, Tell>"r's Point.'^' Reaching her about 7 P. M., he 
 waited all the next day (Wednesday) without message or news from Arnold." 
 The next point of interest in the drama — its opening scene, in fact, regarding 
 the Williams dinner as the prologue, — is the spot where the interview with him 
 occurred. At the period we are noticing, the correspondence with Arnold liad 
 continued for eighteen months,' or from about the spring of 1779, under the guise 
 of proposed mercantile transactions. His letters, in a disguised hand, were 
 
 * It is sinnificaiit that so early in the story I have to note that while I insert this name on the strength of Lossing, 
 I can find in Mr. Worthington C. Ford's valuable I.isl of liiilish Officers, /yy^-So, no Williams who was a 
 Colonel, nor any Williams amoti^ the 8otI- officers. I'rom whom diil Ivossing <niote? 
 For the view of the Kip House I am indebted to Mr. S. Victor Constant, of New York. 
 
 J Los.Htnf; ( T/ic Two Spies) says Clinton had intimate<l that he was alraut starting on a mis.sion of importance, 
 and openly declared he would become Sir John Andr^ if he successfully accomplished it. 
 
 ' See Appendix. 
 
 < She was a third-rate, carrying fourteen guns, and commanded by Lieutenant Andrew Sutherland, R. N. " If any 
 omen might be derived from her name and history, she was a fortunate ship for the enterprise, having been 
 very successful in avoi<ling our privateers. Thirty-five years before (1745) a band of prisoners, .some of 
 them detained as spies (comprising not only Home, in whose tragedy of Don.' las Aiidr^ had delighted to 
 bear a character, but Witherspoon, now active for the Congress, and Barrow, in arms for the King,) had 
 escaped from Charles Edward's hands, and flying from Doune Castle by Tullyallan, were received on board 
 her." — Sargent. 
 
 ' See map, post. 
 
 The meeting planned by Arnold for September 11 at Dobbs' Ferry Imd failed, owing to his never-explained 
 neglect to provide his boat with a flag of truce, and its coiisecjuent hostile reception by the British. He 
 then wrote again, September 15 : "I will send a person to meet you at Dobbs' Ferry, at the landing on the 
 east side, on Wednesday, the 20th, who will conduct you to a place of .safety, where I will meet you. It 
 will be necessary for you to be disgui-sed »***». Smith {see post.) failed to get one of the Colquhoun 
 brothers as boatman, hence the delay until Thursday. " It became necessary, page 3. 
 
(Rector of St. Mary's Cluircli. lUirlinKl<»ii. N. J.) 
 
 I FROM THt COLLECTION OF DR. THOMAS ADDIS EMMtT, ) 
 
signed " Gustavus," and addressed " Mr. John Anderson, merchant, to the care 
 of Mr. James Osborne, to be left at Rev. Mr. Odell's."' 
 
 Aboard the I'ulture Andrd found Beverly Robin.son, and after fruitlessly 
 waiting over Wednesday wrote thus to Clinton : 
 
 On board the Vulture, 
 
 2 J September. 
 Sir : As the tide was favorable on my arrival at the sloop yesterday, I determined 
 to !« myself the bearer of your Excellency's letters as far as the Vulture. I have suffered 
 for it, having caught a very bad cold, and had so violent a return of a disorder in my 
 stomach which had attacked me a few days ago, that Captain Sutherland and Colonel 
 Robinson insist on ray remaining on board till I am better. I hope to-morrow to get down 
 again. 
 
 In this letter he enclosed one meant for Clinton only : 
 
 Sir ; I got on board the Vulture at about seven o'clock last evening ; and after 
 considering upon the letters and the answer given by Col. Robinson,' "that he would 
 remain on board, and hoped I should be up," we thought it most natural to expect the 
 Man I sent into the Country here,' and therefore did not think of going to the Ferry. 
 Nobody has appeared. This is the second expedition I have made without an ostensible 
 reason, and Col. Robinson both times of ihe party. A third would infallibly fire su.s- 
 picions. I have therefore thought it best to remain here on plea of sickness, as my 
 enclosed letter will feign, and try further expedients. 
 
 From the vessel, a letter dated "Morning ^ P r^:,^^^i>^t^ 
 
 of 2 ist September," and written by Andre though A^ (X^i-V^'^-i^ 
 
 signed by Sutherland, was sent to Colonel James /y ^ 
 
 1 It became necessary at this instant that the secret correspondence under feigned names, which had so long been 
 
 carried on, should be rendered into certainty ; both as to the person being General Arnold, commanding 
 at West Point, and that in the manner in which he was to surrender himself, the forts and troops, to me, 
 it should be so conducted under a concerted plan between vs, as that the Kii;g's troops sent upon this 
 expedition should be under no risk of surprise or counterplot ; and I was determined not to undertake the 
 attempt but under such particular security. I knew the ground on which the forts were placed, and the 
 contiguous country, tolerably well, having been there in 1777; an.1 I had received many hints touching 
 both, from General Arnold. But it was certainly necessary that a mteting should be held with that officer, 
 for settling the whole plan. » » • General Arnold had also his reasons, which must be so very obvious 
 as to make it unnecessary for me to explain them. Many projects for 1 meeting were formed, and conse- 
 quently several attempts made, in all of which General Arnold seemed extremely desirous that some 
 person who had my particular confidence might be sent him ; some man, y& he described it in writing, 
 of his own mensuration. 
 
 I had thought of a person under this important description who would gladly have undertaken it, but his 
 peculiar situation at the time, from which I could not release him, prevented. ♦ » * General Arnold 
 finally insisted that the person should be Major Andr^, who had been the person wlio managed and carried 
 on the secret correspondence. — CLINTON, in Sparks. 
 
 The "Hon. and Rev." (as he is generally styled ) Jonathan Odell was bom in Newark, N. J., September 25, 1737, 
 and died in Fretlericton, N. B., November 25, 1818. He studied medicine, and became a surgeon in the 
 British army, but by 1767 had studied theology, and eventually became rector of the Episcopal church at 
 Burlington, N. J. His Toryism obliged him to le: ve the state, and he settled in New York, where he 
 became chaplain of one of the Loyalist regiments. He was possessed of considerable musical ability, and 
 one of his songs is said to havi: suggested the tune of Hail Columbia. He left the United States wiih the 
 British army, and settled in New Brunswick, where, and in Nova Scotia, his descendants still live. 
 
 2 To Arnold. 
 
 That Arnold or his messenger would come aboard. 
 
Livingston, of the Additional Continentals,' who commanded at both Verplanck's 
 and Stony Points. It complained of a violation of a flag of truce the day before.' 
 Wlien the letter was shown Aniold, the handwriting of course showed him that 
 his currcsi)()ndcnt " Anderson" was aboard the vessel. Having previously had his 
 own l)arge go up Canopus Creek, above Peekskill, and bring thence to Crom 
 Island, in Haverstraw Creek, a rowboat, he was now ready to have / . dre and 
 Robinson' brought ashore. To do this required a third person, as confidant. 
 Such an one he had found not long before, in Joshua Hett Smith, of Haverstraw. 
 This man's character is of great interest. He was very well connected, rich, if 
 not wealthy, intimate with prominent patriots, and was a lawyer by profession, 
 as were also two of his brothers.* He was bom May 27, 1749, being a brother 
 of William Smith, the Chief Justice of New York, and in 1770 married Elizabeth 
 Gordon, of Belvedere, South Carolina.' 
 
 When General Robert Howe turned over the command of West Point to 
 Arnold, the previous third of August, he recommended Smith to him as a man 
 who could be very useful in securing important news of the enemy's plans. 
 Having secured his consent to aid in the desired interview, Arnold gave him 
 an order on Major Kierse" for the rowboat, furnished him with the necessary 
 passes, and left him to get the two rowers for the boat. Two tenants of his 
 own, the Colquhoun brothers, Samuel' and Joseph, were asked to serve. Refusing 
 at first, Arnold threatened then with arrest as persons disaffected to the 
 American cause, and they reluctantly yielded. 
 
 ' James LIvlnKSton, not Henry B,, as Lossing says. (See Washington's letter to Lamb, Chap. II.) He 
 is alsi) foiiiul as Colonel of the First Canadian regiment, and was with Montgomery at Chambly and 
 yiict>ec. lie was liorn in Canada, March 27, 1747, and died in Sarato a County, N. Y., November 29, 1832. 
 Wi\shington, after these events, wrote him : " I am gratified that the post was in the hands of an officer so 
 devoted as you were to the cause of your country." Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton is his granddaughter. 
 
 ^ To this occurrence a good deal of invention attaches, with ihe necessary result of confusing history. A 
 careful examination of all authorities leads me to summarize it thus : On the 20th, Moses Sherwood and 
 Jack Peterson ( a nmlatto soldier of Van Cortland's — the 3d — regiment of Westchester militia, who had been 
 ii prisoner in the/crjcv ship, and who died at 103, in Tarrytown), concealed in the underbrush at North 
 Point, fired on a boat— presumably a flag — from the Vulture. 
 On this one fact a mass of traditionary and legendary romance has been built. As a specimen : So practical a 
 man of business as Freeman Hunt (Letters about the Hudson) states that the eveut was on the 22d ; that 
 the Ixjat was filled with men, but that they had only one musket among them (!) ; that it was to take 
 abo.ird Aiidid, who, soon after its repulse, came down near the shore, but had to go back to Crompond (!!) 
 where he spent the night at the house of Mr. Smith (!!!) 
 Such is history "as she is wrote," even forty years nearer Andr6 than are we to-day. 
 The firing of Livingston's cannon, on the 22d, was an entirely separate affair. 
 
 ' There is no doubt he expected and wished to see Robinson. 
 
 < While jireviously living in New York, he is said to have been one of the "Sons of Liberty," with Marinus 
 WiUett and other Whigs. Jones (A'. }'. in the Revolution^ says Smith was one of tlie mob which, in 
 1775, tried to seize Rev. Dr. Myles Cooper, President of King's (now Columbia) College, and maltreat 
 him for his Tory sympathies. In 1776 he and his brother-in-law. Colonel Hay (of whom more hereafter), 
 were members of the New York Convention, which drafted the State Constitution. He always asserted 
 his ignorance of Arnold's design^!, but Dr. Thacher (Military Journal) says he "had long been suspected 
 of a predilection for the British interest." Compare Lamb's opinion of him, post. 
 
 '< They had three children— Joshua Gordon, Sarah and Laura Sophia (the latter by his second wife, see Chapter 
 v.). Sarah married Thomas Hay, probably son of Colonel A. H. Hay. Laura married — West, and 
 a daughter of Thomas Smith (Joshua's brother) married John C. Spencer, Secretary of the Navy in 1842, 
 and became the mother of the unfortunate Midshipman Philip Spencer, of the brig Sotners. 
 Dr. Thacher, who had met her at West Point, at the house of Major Bauman, says: "Mrs. Smith was an 
 accomplished and interesting woman." « Major and Quartermaster, 1 
 
 ^ Samuel had previously, J P^S^ 5- 
 
t^^ta^^i^^^^^ 
 
 FROM THE ORIGINAL CY TRUM8ULL. 
 
The passes read : 
 
 Headquarters, 
 
 Robinson House, 
 
 Sept. 20, 1780. 
 IVnuission is given to Joshua Smith, Esquire, a gentleman, Mr. John Anderson, 
 wlio is with him, and his two servants, to pass and repass the guards near King's Ferry 
 
 at all times. •• 
 
 B. Arnold, M. Gen'l. 
 
 Headquarters, 
 
 Robinson House, 
 
 Sept. 21, 1780 
 IVnuission is granted to Joshua Smith, Esq., to go to Dobbs' Ferry with three 
 men and a Hoy with a Flag to carry some Letters of a private Nature for Gc.itlemen in 
 
 New York, and to return immediately. 
 
 B. Arnold, M. Gen'l. 
 
 N. B. He has iiermi.ssion to go at such hours and times as the tide and his 
 business suits. B. A. 
 
 To protect him still further he was given a letter to Beverly Robinson, 
 who had previously written Arnold for an interview on the subject of his con- 
 fiscated property:' 
 
 " This will be delivered to you by Mr. Smith, who will conduct you to a place of 
 .safety. Neither Mr. Smith nor any other person shall he made acquainted with your 
 projx)sals. If they (which I doubt not) are of such a nature that I can officially take 
 notice of them, I .shall do it with pleasure. I take it for granted that Colonel Robinson 
 will not propose anything that is not for the interest of the United States as well as 
 himself." 
 
 The start was made at about midnight of Thursday, the 21st. By Arnold's 
 orders the oars were muflfled with pieces of sheepskin. As the moon did not 
 rise until six o'clock Friday morning, the flag of truce could not have been seen, 
 had it been used that night — a fact which had an important bearing on the 
 results of the trip. The countersign, to pass the American guard-boats, that 
 night, was "Congress,"^ The boat was allowed to come alongside, or seems to 
 have done so almost unperceived by the sentinel, and Smith got aboard by 
 a convenient rope, only to be received — as he says — with threats from the watch- 
 
 « Major and Quartermaster William Kiers (Kierse or Kierce), seems to have been in charge at Stony Point. 
 It is to be presunied he was of Livingston's regiment, though the only record of him in the State's 
 archives is as a captain of the Haverstraw militia, in 1778. This regiment was commanded hv Colonel 
 Hay. I have found it impossible to find his de.scendants, or to obtain any definite information about 
 him. 
 
 7 Sanuiel had previously refused to row Smith to the Vulture on the twentieth, and Smith sent him on 
 horseback to Arnold, with a letter to that effect, which brought the traitor at once to Haverstraw. 
 
 1 On the seventeenth, when Washington and Arnold were together at Smith's house, Arnold showed the Chief 
 a letter from Robinson about his confiscated estates, addressed to General Putnam, or the officer com- 
 manding at West Point. The writer requested an interview, which Washington discouraged, adding that 
 Arnold might send a trusty representative if he chose. In telling the story to Luzerne he added : " I had 
 no more susjiicion of Arnold at the time than of myself." -' The question of, page6. 
 
officer, who evidently had not been taken into his superiors' confidence. He was 
 allowed to enter the cabin, where he found Sutherland and "old Colonel 
 Robinson.'" The third person, who was to play so important a part in the 
 events of the week — Andre himself — was in his berth at the moment, but soon 
 came out and joined the party. After Smith liad given Robinson the letter from 
 Arnold and announced his errand, Andre offered to go ashore with him, as 
 Robinson refused. vScveral authorities agree that both Robinson and Sutherland 
 expected Arnold, though it is difficult to understand why, in view of his letter. 
 In fact each party to the transaction seems to have expected the other to take the 
 risk of coming to him. Robinson and Arnold were each too cautious to run into 
 danger, but not so Andre. Though both Robinson and Sutherland opposed him, 
 he was tired of inaction aboard ship, and was not to be dissuaded from trying to 
 dose the long correspondence by a personal interview. Entering Smith's boat, 
 both were soon on shore, at a spot at the foot of Long Clove Mountain, about two 
 miles below Haverstraw. It is now identifiable only by the remains — visible at 
 low tide — of " Andre's dock," on the beach at the terminus of a road extending 
 from the Clove to the river. The slope is steep, and the road itself, many years 
 disused, is overgrown with trees and underbrush, yet its course, northeast from 
 the old liighwa}'," is still fairly plain. In the view of the landing-place" the large 
 boulder on the left stands almost on a line with the north side of the dock, and 
 is the most prominent object on the shore. Suitably inscribed, this would con- 
 stitute an admirable monument for the spot identified with an event of so miich 
 historic importance. 
 
 2 The qiitstion of the tide on this occasion is one which apparently does not admit of solution. Sargent says 
 tile hiKit was started on 'he last of the ebb, and by the time the I'lilltiiv was reached it was young flood. 
 But Caine's A'i;i;ts/fr for 1780 siiys high tide was at three A. M. of Thursday, or about four A. M. of Friday. 
 "Tints the tide would have been against the rowers all the way down — nearly twelve miles. The Coast 
 and (leodetic Survey authorities at Washington give me the time of high water as 3,12 A. M, Friday, which 
 makes no material diflerence." ( E, H. Hai.i,, Spirit o/'y6, March, 1898.) 
 Smith's historic statement is that it was strong ebb at about that time. 
 In this connection the table from Gaine's Register will be found interesting : 
 
 Moon, September, 1780. 
 First Quarter, Tuesday 5th, .5 P. M. 
 
 I'ldl Moon, Wednesday, 13th, 8 " 
 Last Quarter, Thursday, 21st, 6 a. m. 
 
 New Moon, 
 
 " 
 
 28th, 2 
 
 " 
 
 Tides. 
 
 High 
 
 1 Water. 
 
 Sun ri.ses. 
 
 Sept. 20, Wetl. 
 
 21 
 
 ir. 2 
 
 5-57 
 
 21, Th. 
 
 3 
 
 " 
 
 5.58 
 
 22, Fri. 
 
 3 
 
 " 54 
 
 5-59 
 
 23, Sat. 
 
 4 
 
 " 50 
 
 6. 
 
 24, Sun. 
 
 5 
 
 " 48 
 
 6. I 
 
 25, Mon. 
 
 6 
 
 " 40 
 
 6- 3 
 
 26, tnes.May 
 
 rain 7 
 
 " 38 
 
 6. 4 
 
 27. Wed. 
 
 8 
 
 " 30 
 
 
 28, Thurs. 
 
 9 
 
 " 27 
 
 6. 5 
 
 29, Fri. 
 
 10 
 
 " 12 
 
 6. 7 
 
 30, Sat. 
 
 ir 
 
 " 6 
 
 6. 8 
 
 Oct. I, Sun. 
 
 It 
 
 " 56 
 
 6.10 
 
 2, Mon. 
 
 12 
 
 " 50 
 
 6.13 
 
 ' His son, Ileverly, Jr., was lieutenant-colonel of his regiment. 
 
 ■I See map, opposite page. 8 In the view, page 7. 
 
^M 
 ^ 
 
 I 
 
 'J 
 
 U3 
 
 
 /. fl 
 
 I § 
 
 5.2 
 ■ ^ *i 
 
 3J O 01 
 
 •7. .H E 
 
 — r' ^ 
 
 "rt 'So 
 
 U5 
 
 
 ■^ 3j o 
 
 3 5 £ 
 .!. — "^ 
 
 5 » !•- ^ 
 
 4= .5 « S J3 
 
 
 
 il -71 
 
 rt 
 
 SH 
 
 (-< H-« H^ 
 
y. 
 
 a: 
 
 a: 
 
 y. 
 
 y. 
 
 y. 
 
We may now return to our traveller for a brief retrospect of his career. 
 Having been captured at St. John's in 1775/ and imprisoned successively at 
 Lancaster and Carlisle, Pennsylvania, Andre was not unfamiliar with the 
 American character — in fact, by 1780 he had probably been longer in the coiu-slry 
 than most of his companions in arms. It was to Clinton's esteem he owed the 
 personal request to tlie War Office, in the previous August, which had secured 
 his promotion to the rank of Major (in the 54th Regiment), and the appointment 
 as Adjutant-General. That same esteem had won his Chief's consent when 
 Arnold asked that he be sent as the British representative ; but, in spite of his 
 personal attractions and professional attainments, his course in the important 
 business now entrusted to him clearlj' shows him to have lacked the prudence 
 and readiness vital to success under such conditions. It was a fortunate choice, 
 for the patriot cause, for, as I shall have occasion to show, Arnold's treason was 
 several times almost successful, failing only because of trifles which a cooler liead 
 than Andre's might have easily foreseen and as easily overcome. This leads me 
 to call these three weeks the crisis of the Revolution. Clinton remembered that 
 the capture of Fort Washington, the first great success of the British anus — if 
 we except the battle of Long Island — was achieved by the liberal use of gold, 
 securing the defection of the " first American traitor,"" Demont (or Dement), and 
 he naturally looked for much greater success in Arnold's case, for the stake was 
 greater, and he was as ready to buy at any cost as Arnold to sell. The time was 
 opportune, for the colonies had had five years' ceaseless fighting. Continental 
 money was practically worthless, and the future was very dark. Even Washington 
 wrote that he had " almost ceased to hope." The plan was simple enough, and, 
 so far as Arnold was concerned, was carried out — the fatal weakness lay with 
 Andre.' West Point once in British hands, what might not have been the change 
 in our national history? Could independence have been achieved — and at how 
 much greater cost of time, blood and money ?* 
 
 s In the view from Uie south showing Haverstraw in the distance. The other view shows Teller's Point, nearly 
 opposite. 
 
 1 He was quartennaster of the post. His first comniission was as Second Lieutenant in the Royal Fusiliers 
 
 (7th Foot), March 4, 1771. The regiment was sent to Canada by way of Philadelphia, in 1773, so that he 
 was in the future capital of the Colonies while the first Congress wtis in session. I.os.sing ( Two Spiis) 
 says he di<l not arrive until September, 1774, and that he wore citizen's dress, visited New York and 
 Boston, and reached Quelle in November. He thinks Sir Ouy Carleton directed him to do this, to gain 
 infonnation of the patriots' plans, etc. 
 After the battle of Long Island he was exchanged, and soon iiiiide Captain in the 26th Regiment — the 
 " Cameronians." While in Philadelphia during its occupation bv the British, his fondness for social and 
 theatrical affairs brought him into the circle of acquaintance with Miss Shippen, who became Arnold's 
 second wife. 
 
 2 See W. R. Benjamin's chapter in the S. A. R.'s pamphlet. Fort H'as/iington (N. Y., 1S97). 
 
 Strictly speaking, he was not the nrst, for Dr. Church and Major Zed-.\ itz preceded jiiin and General De 
 Fertnoy followed them. Church was head of the army ho.spitil at Boston, 1775, Zedwitz was Major cf 
 McDougall's — First — New York Regiment, and was cashiered foi a treasonable correspondence with Trjon 
 after the battle of White Plains. De Fernioy set fire to his house on Mount Independence, at Ticonderoga, 
 in 1777, thereby revealing to the enemy the evacuation in progress. 
 
 3 Had Andr^ exhibited a presence of mind worthy of his reputation for sagacity, the die had been cast which 
 
 sealed the fate of the Highland passes.— /.fatf. 4 i,, the first place, page 8. 
 
Andre later acknowledged that Clinton had explicitly ordered him not to 
 enter the American lines, change his uniform or receive papers. A caution 
 against putting it out of his power to return to the Vulture would have seemed 
 superfluous — but it was just here he made his first mistake. True, part of the 
 resi)ousil)ility rests on Robinson' and Sutherland, but that he would go ashore 
 in a stranger's boat, without providing independent means of return, in the shape 
 of an armed l)oat from the Vu/lurr, cither to accompany or follow Smith's, could 
 never have suggested itself to anyone.'' We may now return to the midnight 
 conference. .Arnold awaited his visitor probably very near the centre of the spot 
 shown in the view of " The Firs." Smith says he was " hid in a clump of firs." 
 Though but few such trees are there now, there are enough to retain for the place 
 something of its original aspect. It was dim, even on a bright August morning, 
 when I visited it. At the historic hour we are concerned with, there was no moon, 
 and the stars could have given little or no light through the dense wood. 
 
 The steep ascent — nearly fifty feet — from the beach was easy for an 
 active young man like Andre, and he and his unknown correspondent were soon 
 met. Expressing surprise and regret at Robinson's non-appearance, the traitor 
 asked Smith to return to the boat. To be thus dismissed to the society of his two 
 boatmen-tenants must have been galling to the man whose aid in bringing about 
 the meeting had been sought by Arnold but a few days before. Of course he 
 could not refuse, and the two conspirators were left alone. The place was well 
 suited for a meeting which would not bear daylight — literally or figuratively. It 
 was easily accessible by either road or river, yet remote from any dwelling. Just 
 what passed during the long interview, none but the two principals ever knew. 
 Below, the tired boatmen probably slept, but Smith, suffering alike from wounded 
 pride and the ague to which he was subject, must have had a weary time of 
 waiting in the boat or on the beach. The exact length of the interview is 
 
 * In the first place, the mere acquisition of a fortress so important, with aU its dependencies, garrison, stores, 
 magazine, veascls, etc., was (would l)el an achievement of no secondary maKnitude. The supplies 
 gatlRTed here were very great, and, once lost, could not have l)eeii readily, if at all, restored. The works 
 were esteemed our tower of salvation, an American Gibraltar, inipregnal)le to an army twenty tliousand 
 strong. Though yet unfinished, they had cost three million dollars and three years' labor of the army. 
 Hut tlie ulterior conse<iuences of its possession were of even greater importance. It would have enabled 
 Sir Henry Clinton to have checked all trade between New England and the Central and Southern States. 
 It was, in Washington's eyes, the twit that locked this connnunication. The Eastern States chiefly 
 deiwnded for their breailstuffs on their sisters in the Union, were commercial rather than agricultural 
 connnunilies, and the power that at once commanded the seaboard and the Hudson might easily bring 
 upon them all the horrors of famine. From Canada to Long Island Sound a virtual barrier would have 
 shut o\it New England from its supplies, as the wall of Antonine barred the free and rugged Caledonians 
 from the Roman colonies and the south of Britain. — Sparks. 
 
 1 Colonel Robinson observed that as they had but two men in a large boat, they would find some difficulty in 
 gelling on shore, and proposed that one of ours should tow them some part of the way, to which he 
 (Sniitli) objected, as it might, in case of falling in with any of their guard-boats, be deemed an infringe- 
 ment of the flag. — Sutherland to Clinton, Oct. 5. 
 
 ■1 Andrd's testimony upsets the flag theory (see Chapter V). Smith says he asked for two rowers, to aid the 
 ColquliDuns, but was refused. This was very natural on Sutherland's part. I.eake pertinently remarks, 
 "This portion of the i)lot seems to have been most clumsily contrived, and unless it w.is changed in part 
 of its details, failed from its own stupidity. ^Vhy the I'liltiirf should not have been ordered to anchor 
 nearer the place of meeting is very difficult to imagine." She was now twelve miles further up-streani than 
 when at Uobbs' Ferry. 
 
"Thk Firs," Jvst Bei.ow Havekstraw. 
 Scene of the Arnold-Andre Midnight Conference. 
 
uncertain, but as Smith says he went up to warn Aniold of the approach of day- 
 light, it could not have been less than three hours, if we allow two liours from 
 midnight to reach the dock from Havcrstraw, and the sun to rise at six. Arnold 
 had foreseen a prolonged discussion, and had caused a negro servant' to ride a 
 horse to some spot convenient to the meeting place, so that Andr6 might have a 
 mount if necessary. The warning of Smith ending the conference, Andr6 
 mounted, the negro going to the boat, which the Colquhouns rowed back up 
 stream to Hay's dock in Haverstraw Creek." The mounted pair took their way 
 over the old highway (now disused and closed by a locked gate). At some 
 di.stance from the " Firs,' it joins the present highway, called the Clove road. 
 
 Haverstraw in 1780 was a mere hamlet, the original buildings of which 
 have long since disappeared before the advance of the cavernous brick yards, 
 some of which have in their turn been abandoned. Its southern limit was 
 probably about the spot now called Kierse's dock (formerlj' owned by descendants 
 of the Stony Point quartermaster.) Near this must have been the sentry' whose 
 unexpected challenge must have sent a thrill through Andre, showing as it did 
 that he had — unwittingly — violated Clinton's first injunction, by entering the 
 American lines. It was too late to draw back — Arnold gave the countersign, and 
 they passed on. The way to Smith's house, whither they were bound, led 
 
 through a thinly popu- 
 
 /^ ^^-^5''^--?^ y'^—^ — ' lated tract until Colonel 
 ^fy^^e^/^^£/'^^rrt^'^^f^^'^*^^^ Hay's^ house was seen. 
 
 yjr^y ) in the gray of morning. 
 
 W^/^^-^ ^^^W , Near this was the dock, 
 
 ^.^^^''^ all traces of which have 
 
 C^^ been obliterated by one 
 
 of the all-devouring brick 
 yards. Hay's house has also ^^oue, its site alone being identified by an old frame 
 building on an eminence left by cutting down the rest of the plateau for brick-clay. 
 
 1 Probably Smith's own, whom we shall meet again. 
 
 On September 19th Arnold wrote to one Jefferson : 
 
 Headquarters, 
 Robinson House, Sept. 19, 1780. 
 To Mr. Jefferson, 
 
 Fredericksburg, N. V. 
 Sir — You will please to pick out of the horses you have now in your custody, or which you may hereafter 
 receive, a pair of the best wagon-horses, as also two of the very best saddle liorses you can find, for my use. 
 You '11 send them to me as soon as possible. 
 
 I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 B. Arnold, M. G. 
 The saddle horses may have been those used on this occasion. 
 
 2 The vexed question why they did not take An(lr(5 back to the Vulture, may be comp.ired with his own state- 
 
 ment in Ch. V. He evidently expected to return to the vessel next day. Mv own idea is that the 
 Colquhouns, both tired bv their work and angry at being compelled to it by Arnold, were also suspicious 
 of the whole busiuess, and anxious to be rid of it ; so they used the adverse tide as a convenient excuse for 
 refusing Smith's request to return to the Vulture. Very probably they were not sorry for the chance of 
 thus "getting even" with Arnold. 
 
 » Of Spencer's New Jersey Regiment (see page 15). < Ann Hawkes Hay, page 10. 
 
lO 
 
 Smith's is about a mile and a half distant, in what is now West Haver- 
 straw, nearly a mile north by west of the West Shore railroad station, and half a 
 mile from the station of the New Jersey and New York road. Here the Stony 
 Point highway conies in from the north at a right angle to that which extends to 
 Garnersville. It is quite straight for some distance, at the foot of a bluff forming 
 the western Iwundary of the alluvial plain on which stands the greater part of the 
 two Haverstraws. An old road which extended to it from Hay's dock, and which 
 our two riders probably followed, has long disappeared. The tourist is apt to be 
 misled as to which of the residences on the ridge is the landmark he seeks. Two 
 arc white, and very similar, but the northernmost is our goal. It is but a short 
 distance from the other, and readied by a very steep road, directly up the face of 
 the ridge. Up this Arnold and Andre must have ridden. Smith's name for the 
 property was " Belmont." It is just four and one-tenth miles' from the scene of 
 the interview at "The Firs." The Smiths — there were fourteen sons and 
 daughters — were extensive landowners in this region, and Joshua seems to have 
 built his house on land belonging to his brother Thomas. This was about 1770, 
 probably just before his marriage. It remains practically as in 1780, save in 
 two minor particulars: the eastern piazza is modern,- and the roof balustrade. 
 The east side originally had only the narrow Dutch "stoep" (stoop) with a seat on 
 either side. The hallway is broad and the stairs make a square turn half-way up. 
 The east half of the ground floor comprises a single room, the parlor. Its 
 windows command a magnificent view south and east, only excelled by the same 
 prospect from the second story. Everything about the building (which is locally 
 known as " Treason House " and its site as "Treason Hill) shows its connection 
 with the eighteenth centurj". Its form is nearly square — 55 by 45 feet — its 
 material stone, stuccoed white. The wings are wooden and probably — certainly 
 as to the exterior — of the second generation since 1770, but the same as the 
 
 * Ann Hawkes Hay ( whose singulp.r ClirisUaii name recalls that of De Montmorency, the historic Constable 
 of I'rance ) was the stm of a Scotch planter in the island of Jamaica, where he was horn about 1754. He 
 was sent to New York to be e<luc:ite<l, and in 1772 married Martha Smith, sistur of Joshua Ilett Smith. {A 
 coincidence is that his di.stingui.shed contemporary, Alexander Hamilton, was, like him, born the son of a 
 Scotch planter, in the island of Nevis, 1757, and sent to New York for his education. The two may have 
 met at King's College. ) 
 
 The Tory influence of some of his wife's relatives was exerted to the utmost, to win him to the British cause 
 at the outbreak of the Revolution. Twice a commission in the royal army was offered him, but refused. 
 He was appointe<l ( 1776) Colonel of the Haverstraw militia regiment, whicli did duty on the west bank of 
 the Iluilson from Haverstraw to Fort Lee. He attracted the notice of Washington, who was a frequent 
 visitor at his house. Soon after the execution of .\ndrd a British force was sent, at the instigation of 
 Tryon, to Haverstraw, to l)urn the dwelling. A negro slave i;etrayed the place in the garden where the 
 family silver and other valual)les had teen buried, and they were carried off. 
 
 Colonel Hay died suddenly in New York, alxjut 17S6, leaving a large family. The present members of it now 
 reside in South Carolina and in Clinton County, New York. I am indebted to his great-grandson, Mr. 
 I,. D. Hay, of We.st Chazy, N. Y., for most of lhe.se facts. 
 
 In the last letter written by \V'a.shington to Arnold (September 14) he says: "I hope Colonel Hay's plan for 
 obtaining a supply of flour from the State of New York, and his application to the people of the [New 
 Hamp.shire] Grants will both meet with success. He is a faithful an<l iiulefatigable officer." 
 I Measured by K. H. Hall, 1897. 
 
 » Possibly the western, also, but 1 am not sure of this. An odd feature is, that while there is no approach by 
 road from the west, the house really faces that way, as is siiown by the brass knocker still in place on the 
 hall door. 
 
MAP or 
 
 ,0 ' ,\ s r o N Y 
 H /\ V E R S T R A W -t- ^/' /-<jUm^ poi.,T 
 
 V' ? 
 
 IN THtTIMCOriHi: 
 
 R E VO L U T I O N.o Xt'^j* u 
 
 JoiKtLoHtU SmitK •3'/ 
 
 / Al\ /Andrc's Landing Pi>c£ 
 
(- 
 ■r. 
 
 X 1 
 
 X 
 
 
 X o 
 
 W 
 
II 
 
 originals in size and form. The whole design is that of the best residences of its 
 day, and when new and in good condidon it must have been a handsome and 
 dignified abode for a man of means and good social position, which Smith certainly 
 was. A complete list of its visiters of note would be interesting. In its dining- 
 room Arnold, his host and Mrs. Smith dined when the former made his frequent 
 visits from West Point. Mrs. Arno'id, with her child, was there overnight, 
 Tuesday, the twelfth' of September, and there were to be other and more 
 distinguished guests soon after. Wayne was there on the twenty-seventh, and 
 wrote to Washington, dating from " Smith's white house." William Irvine 
 followed, then Lafayette, and finally Washington, again," nearly a year later, on 
 his way to Comwallis and Yorktown. 
 
 Though contemporary opinions as to Smith's politics varied widelj', he was 
 in excellent repute with many good Whigs. Though Colonel Lamb, commanding 
 the artillery at West Point, would not visit him (although their wives were 
 relatives) as he deemed him a Tory, Knox and Robert Howe testified in his favor 
 at his trial, and Major Kierse, of Stony Point, testified that Smith had lent him 
 a thousand dollars that very summer, to aid in shipping quartermaster's stores, 
 and that his predecessor, Quarterma-.ter Henry, had had a similar loan. Colonel 
 Hay testified that in Jul}', 1776, Smith was one of thirteen men who, in the 
 absence of ilie militia, successfully resisted the landing of a force from some 
 British vessels, to carrj' off some stores from Haverstraw. 
 
 In the parlor, the floor boards attest the building's age. They are spruce, 
 unusually wide and thick, and but little worn, considering their century and a 
 quarter of use. The grate, fender, and iron-work of the fireplace are said to be 
 the originals, but the marble mantel and jambs have been transferred to the 
 dining-room and replaced by others. Thej' are of white marble and were brought 
 from England. On the mantel, some Vandal has roughly scratched the name 
 Bui " In the second story the \isitor is shown a curious secret closet under the 
 gai t stairs, and then the most interesting apartment of the house, the southeast 
 bedroom, where Arnold and Andre breakfasted.^ Smith himself brought the 
 meal upstairs, and Arnold returned to the Robinson House as soon as it was over. 
 Every detail of the conspiracy had been settled between Andre and himself, and 
 
 1 There has been some variance of opinion alraut Uiis date, some writers claiming it was the nineteenth. I have 
 
 followed Leake, who says Arnold "brought Mrs. Arnold to the Robinson House, the next day," which 
 was the thirteenth. 
 
 2 King (see Cli. Ill) says he heard Washingi.on tell Luzerne in October, that he dined with Arnold at Belmont 
 
 the day he started for his conference with Rochanibeau at Hartford. 
 As Washington was crossing from King's Ferry, in Arnold's boat, two incidents occurred, which although 
 almost unnoticed at the time, assumed .some importance when the treachery became known. The Viilhire 
 was in full view, and while Washington was regarding her through his spygla.ss, and speaking in a low 
 tone to one of his officers, Arnold was observed to appear uneasy. A second was Lafayette's remark to 
 Arnold, {)/»v/><JS of the expected arrival of the French fleet under Count de Guichen. Alluding to the 
 frequent conmiunications by water between New York and the Hudson river po.sts, he said: "General, 
 since you have a correspondence v.ith the enemy, you must ascertain what lias become of Guichen." 
 Arnold' was disconcerted, jirobably fur a moment thinking his plot was discovered ; but nothing more was 
 said, as the shore was reached at that moment. — Sparks, qiiolcd by Lossing. 
 
 ' After Aaron Burr. * According to Thacher, page 12. 
 
12 
 
 the rfturn of Washington from Hartford on the twenty-seventh was to be 
 signalized by the captnre of the Chief as well as that of West Point. During 
 breakfast, or, as some accounts have it, as soon as they had reached the house,' 
 the two heard the sound of distant cannon, and from the southeast window, which 
 commands an uninterrupted view for miles up and down the Hudson, saw the 
 / «//«;v lying close to Teller's Point— too close for safety. Colonel Livingston 
 had noticed her position a day or two before, and asked Arnold for two cannon to 
 use against her. Arnold evaded compliance, and he was obliged to content 
 himself with a four-pounder, which seems to have been the only gun at Ver- 
 planck's. Securing from Lamb a small supply of powder," which the veteran 
 artillerist grudgingly furnished,^ he went on Wednesday to Croton Landing and 
 thence to the farmhouse of William Teller on the Point, to get a horse' to draw 
 the cannon down. By Thursday night — the twenty-first — this was accomplished, 
 and the gun in place on or very near Northwest Point, as shown on the map. 
 This was not over a thousand yards, or two-thirds of a mile, from the sloop. The 
 river here, between Squaw Point and Andre's dock, is quite two miles wide. The 
 success of the cannonade is historic. Smith says the vessel seemed to be afire. 
 Had she not got away downstream with the tide she must have been sunk or 
 captured." Thus the historic four-pounder was the first link in the chain of 
 events which were to array themselves against him who, as Smith says, was so 
 vehemently wishing himself again aboard the vessel. The return to her, on 
 which he — and perhaps Arnold also — had counted, was henceforth impossible. 
 With her went the safe and easy return to New York, where promotion and 
 honors awaited him. Now, alone within an enemy's country, without means of 
 escape except such as Smith was willing to furnish, he must have passed a day of 
 
 3 After Aaron Burr resigiied from the army, in 1779, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel and an honorable record 
 of four years' service, lie began to study law, and in the spring of 1781 went to Haveistraw. Thomas Smith 
 was then occupying " Belmont," Joshua being in jail at Goshen (see Clunjiter III ). Thomas seems to have 
 l>een forced out of New York City, whether by want of practice during the British occupancy, or because 
 suspected of Whig sympathies is uncertain. The first seems more likely, as a third brotlier, William, was 
 Chief Justice of New York and in Clinton's confidence (see Chapter IV). As Jo.shua says he himself 
 had met Burr before, this was apparently not his first visit to Haverstraw. He read law with Thomas at 
 "Belmont" for six months. In the New York Packet of November 15, 17S3, Thomas advertises "Bel- 
 mont " for sale or to let, as containing " 150 acres or more of good land, situate three miles from King's 
 Ferry, giKnl house, with six fireplaces." (The property was his, not Joshua's). 
 
 < According to Th.icher, this was not until ten o'clock. Smitli had sent his wife and cliildren away to Fishkill 
 
 (see Chai)ter II). 
 
 I Smith siiys he saw the firing bejjin while he w!is returning in his boat. This, however, may mean just as he 
 was landing. He s.iys, " firing from Gallows Point," and several who quote him have evideiitiv not looked 
 at his eirata, where he says it should be Teller's. On some old maps the name is printed Tallus. That 
 printed opposite ii from the latest survey (1898) made by Mr. E. H. Hall, of the Sons of the American 
 Revolution. 
 
 ■ This must have been without Arnold's knowledge. 
 
 ' " Tiring at a ship with a four-pounder," he wrote, " is in my opinion a waste of powder." Yet, as Leake ver\- 
 truly says, in commenting on this remark of Ijiinb, " Hiid Colonel l.anib been aware of the bles.sed effects to 
 be produced by this cannonade," etc. (see Leake, page 25,S) " he would not have disjiensed his munitions so 
 grudgingly ; for never were balls .so well expeniled as those which were fired upon that occasion." 
 
 < In 1863 the late Mrs. Williams, one of Teller's twin daughters, told Miss Cornelia Van Cortland that she 
 
 remembered the event, and that she and her si.ster followed the party all the way over " Cortland's Neck " 
 to Teller's, weeping for fear the horse would never be returned to the' farm. " " Just here I, page 13. 
 
JosiuA Hett Smith's Housk. 
 
 The Andre Window (whence he saw the firing on the I'lillnir 
 
HAVE 
 
 CROTON POINT 
 
 EXPLANATION OF MAP. 
 
 Place whence Peterson anil Sherwooil fireil on the boat from tlie I'lilliiiv. September 2()lli, ly.St 
 
 ants of Peterson have the musket. 2. Linden Colta^e. .1 
 
 Descend- 
 Cannon l)all found by Kufjene .\nderson, who now 
 
 has it It weighs five pounds. 4 Old nmsket ram-rod found in clay. In possession of II. C, Morehouse. 5. I'nder- 
 hill Homestead. 6. Olil oak tree, a landmark. Xo one knows how old. 7. Vine Cottage. «. Pish house. 
 Q Cannon ball weiKhing nearlv six pounds, plowed up in meadow. 10. S(|uaw Point. Directly opi)osile, on the 
 western bank \ndre landed from the I'ltlliiir and first met Arnol.l. 11. Picnic Point, where .'.noch Crosby, 
 Cooper's Sf>Y once enticed a.sliore and helped capture a boat-load of Uritish soldiers. 12. I'arm house 135 years 
 old 1 ; Itahan villa built bv Dr. Robert T. fnderliill, deceased. 14. Cannon ball found lodged 111 a tree about 
 eigiitv years ago bv Dr I'nd'crhill. The ball is now ill possession of S. \V. rmlerbill and weighs alxjut six 
 pounds' The tree ii not now standing, and the oldest inhabitant does not remember in whicli .side of the tree the 
 ball lodged. 15. Place where earthworks were thrown up by Americans* when they brought the cannon down 
 to the point. Vouched for bv S. \V. riiderhill, wlio livc(l there for si.xty years. 
 Where the shore has declivity marks it is high and rocky. 
 
 Dijtted shore is low and sandy. 
 E. H. Hall. 
 
 •I,iviiig.stoii's cannon may have lieeu .shifted from one pl.icc to another, as the Vullurt got under way. 
 
u 
 
 exquisite discomfort. Siuitli served him dinner' in the same upper room, and he 
 accepted — as he liad to — his offer to escort him to the British lines, near Wliite 
 Plains. (It was really Arnold's plan. See Andre's statement later.) lu 
 changinj^ his uniform co;U; and hat for such as Smith lent him, he made another 
 mistake, as he had previously made one in acceptinj^ from Arnold the various 
 papers — now preserved at Albany — containing details of the post and garri-son 
 at West Point.- Thus, in less than one day, Clinton's three specific cautions 
 had all been disregarded. The transaction of the papers is incomprehensible, as 
 they were in no way necessary to his mission. As Sargent suggests, their salient 
 points could easily have been memorized, 
 or embodied in a brief form, intelligible 
 only to himself. To receive and carry 
 them was surprising rashness.' Sargent 
 may be right in thinking he exacted them 
 of Arnold as a proof of sinceritj-, or that 
 the latter offered them as such. The 
 latter seems more likely, as he had them 
 ready. During the day Smith must have 
 
 crossed the river on the errand which 
 
 was so nearly successful, and would liave ^-ra^nw^^ -*> 
 
 changed the whole subsequent histor}- if it 
 
 had been. The incident has never received 
 
 the historical prominence it deserves. In 
 
 1844 Mrs. Gerard G. Beekman (Cornelia 
 
 Van Cortland, daughter of General Pierre) 
 
 was living at Tarrytown, and, although .i.,,^ ,^^„^,> TABr.K. 
 
 nearlj' ninety- years old, in full mental 
 
 I' Jiisl liert I may remark mi wliat seems ti> iiie a singular omission on the part of all authorities — vi?.., the action 
 of the / 'iilliiir lurself during the camionaile. Does anyone sup])osc the ccminiander of a vessel mounting 
 fourteen j;uns woulil remain (|tiiescent while a four-pounder was firiiiK on her? Yet no one seems to have 
 thought the " fire " wliich Smith saw was what it nuist un<loubte<lly have been — the flashes of fire and the 
 dense cloud of smoke tlirough wliich they spurted in rapid succession, giving the vessel the appearance of 
 being actually in llames as lier seven guns — the battery on one side — were rapidly replying to Livingston's 
 one small cannon. No doubt part of the crew were making every effort to get her under sail and out of 
 range, but the finding at dilTirent places on the Point of cannon balls larger than Livingston's piece could 
 use shows conclusively, 1 think, that at least part of her battery was actively engaged with the daring foe. 
 It is much to be regreUed that no report from Lieutenant Sutherland of the action is accessible. 
 
 An unpublished diary of General Henry Dearlxirn (then Major of the I'irst New Hampshire) records; 
 " Orangetown ( the present Tap])an I, 22 .September, 1780. At d.aybreak two cannon and a howitzer began 
 to play briskly on a .ship of war that lay in the river. The wind and tide being unfavorable for the ship, 
 she was not able to get out of reach for more than an hour." Could this have been the {'«//«/'<■? Tajjpan 
 is alxmt nine miles below Teller's Point. A tradition in the family of Lieutenant-Colonel Kbenezer 
 Stevens, of Lamb's re.ginient, is that he h.ad himself taken out cannon and fired on the vessel, following 
 her down the river — on the west bank. — J/(7ir"-""' .'/'«'" History, August, iSSo. 
 
 Possibly the two items refer to the same case. Stevens may have taken his guns some distance up-stream, and 
 thus for a while the vessel would be under fire from both banks. 
 
 ' The table on which breakfast and dinner were served is now owned by Mr. C. W. Gordon, Haverhill, Mass. It 
 is circular, of mahogany, claw-footed and with a tilting top. 
 
 ^ See Andre's statement, Chapter V, on this point. - The following are, pages 16— 18. 
 
'4 
 
 viRor. Slie told Lossing then (and in 1845 repeated the story to J. Watson Webb, 
 with trifling variations) that Colonel Sanuicl B. Webb's younger brother Johti, 
 usually called Lieutenant Jack,' came to the Van Cortland house,^ at North Peeks- 
 kill, where she was living, about the seventh of September. He brought a valise 
 containing considerable specie and his new uniform, and left it with her, caution- 
 ing her not to give it to any one without a written order from himself or his 
 brother. Riding on, he dined at Peekskill, presumably at a tavern, for Joshua 
 Hetl vSmitli was present. In the latter's hearing he mentioned the call he 
 had ji'st made, and the fact was not lost upon his auditor, for on the twenty- 
 second Smith rode to Van Cortland's, where he asked for the valise, saying 
 Jack Webb had sent him. Mr. Beekman was alxjut to send a servant for 
 it, when his wife, overhearing the conversation, appeared on the scene and 
 demanded the stipulated written order. Smith readily answered that Webb had 
 not had time to write it; whereupon she refused to give up the valise, and despite 
 Smith's angry remonstrance, he was forced to leave without it. Had his effort 
 succeeded, Andre's escape in the uniform would have been certain. Fortunately 
 for vSmith, Mrs. Beekman does not .seem to have told the story at the time, for 
 she was not summoned as a witness at his trial. Her story seems to establish 
 Colonel Lamb's opinion that Smith was a Tory. 
 
 Thus Cornelia Beekman is justly entitled to the credit of indirectly, at 
 least, causing Andre's capture.' 
 
 To return to the latter — Leaving his hat and scarlet uniform coat in the 
 room we have illustrated, he reluctantly put on a coat belonging to Smith,^ 
 apparently of a shade between crimson and claret, and a civilian's round beaver 
 hat, also Smith's. Over all he put the long, light-blue cloth cloak, with a cape, 
 -hich he had worn when leaving the I'lilturc. Thus attired, he started with 
 Smith and the negro'* for King's Ferry, just before sunset on Friday. His mount 
 was a Goveniment horse, brown, branded U. S. A. on the near shoulder (Smith 
 claims to have furnished the saddle and bridle). From Smith's to King's Ferry 
 is three miles, bj' a winding, hilly and picturesque road, which crosses two small 
 creeks (Miner's Falls and Florus Falls), passes behind Stony Point and ends at a 
 little cove just north of it. West of the cove, the cut made in constructing the 
 West Shore Railroad destroyed its last hundred yards, and few traces of it 
 remain. Its course, however, was pointed out to me by the venerable John Ten 
 Eyck, son of him who was the ferryman from 1784 to 1844. The dock of 1780, 
 
 ' 1 do not know why, for his actual rank was Captain, in Sheldon's dragoons. 
 2 Called the Mansion house, to distinguish it from the Manor house at Croton. 
 ^ In Harfiii's Afonthly for April, 1876, it is stated that \Vashinf[ton afterwards thanked her. If so, he could not 
 
 have known of the event .it the time of Smith's trial, as it would infallibly have hanged Smith. 
 * This advice — to change his dress — perplexing to unravel as it is, Andrd, with all his .sjig.icity and good sense, 
 
 was prevailed ii])on to i>uriiue, for what reason nolxxly ever knew.— yo«f.r, I, page .172. 
 B As Sargent remarks, it is very possible this humble retainer, had he been given a "half-joe" (about $A specie), 
 
 and warned to keep silent, might readily have contrived a way to put Andr6 safe aboard the Vulliirc 
 
 again. But nobody gave his possible aid a thought. 
 
4/>?^>»^'^^^^^7^'/^ 
 
C oi. 
 
 ■f. ~ 
 
^5 
 
 of which a timber or two can be seen at low tide, was between the two rows of 
 huge old willows seen in the view. This was taken from the Ten Eyck property 
 on the north, and the boulder seen on a line with the post in the nearer stone 
 wall shows the exact spot. Lonely and deserted as it now is, it is hard to realize 
 that during the Revolution it was the ferry-place of the patriot army and the 
 public, and a link of communication' between New England and the South. As 
 a natural sequence, it was constantly occupied by the ferrymen and a detail of 
 soldiers, and near it our party met some of Livingston's officers. One was 
 Captain Cooley, probably Adjutant John, late of the Third Westchester militia, 
 but then of the Fourth (Colonel Crane's). A second was William Jameson. - 
 Smith asked Cooley if they could get a boat, and was told they might catch the 
 Government boat if they were quick about it. They had previously met ALijor 
 John Burrowes, of Spencer's New Jersey Regiment 
 (often called the Fifth Battalion of the Jersey Line)," / 
 
 to whom Smith dexterously gave the slip after a brief ^^^^-i^ -y^-y-^rTfh.e^^ 
 
 colloquy, and near a tent — of either Livingston or ^ a__£Z— -^— ri ~Q^ 
 
 these officers, probably the latter'— Smith stopped, t::=*C:-^^< — -^ — ^V 
 
 chatted, and without dismounting drank grog or 
 
 punch from a bowl handed him. Andre and the negro meanwhile rode on. It 
 may easily be supposed the former was in no mood for unnecessary^ conver- 
 sation with the officers, to whom Smith was well known. The ferryboat, which 
 was probably a bateau (flatboat or scow) was just starting as they boarded 
 her. Among the rowers were Cornelius, Lambert and Henry Lambert and 
 Benjamin Acker. Henry Lambert"* was steersman, William Van Wert — or Van 
 Wart — was the ferrymaster, and on reaching the eastern shore Smith paid him 
 eight dollars Continental money for the ferriage. Smith's presence doubtless saved 
 Andre from unwelcome questions, and once the boat reached her docl-, in the deep 
 bay called Green's Cove, nearly a mile southeast of the extremity cf Verplanck's 
 Point he was free to continue his journey — henceforward to be full of danger. 
 
 I It was caUed the lower route, to distinguish it from the upper, temiiuating at Fishkill. At this time there 
 
 were i66 "bateau-men " at Verplanck's and Stony Points. 
 '^ He was apparently an officer, as, witnessing at Smith's trial, he spoke of "my tent." Possibly the company 
 
 tent was meant. The New York records do not contain any officer of the name. Another account says 
 
 they also met Major Kierse. 
 s John Burrowes first appears as Captain in I'orman's New Jersey Regiment, 1776, then in 1779 as Major in 
 
 Spencer's. After the war he bec-iine Sheriff of Monmouth County, N. J. 
 He setn\s to have been commanding officer at Haverstraw, as Smith, on his trial, asked him whether his 
 
 guards at the lower end had reported to him "meeting (being passed by) two strange gentlemen the night 
 
 bridge " (Thursday). These two nuKst have been Arnold and Audrd. 
 I On bis trial Smith .stated that he met Living.ston at Ver,,lanck's Point. Livingston corroborated him, adding 
 
 tbal he gave Smith two letters to deliver, one e.'ich for .Arnold and Governor Clinton. Smith adds that 
 
 Livingston was related to Mrs. Smith, and that he asked Andrd and hhn to remain to supper, but Andrd 
 
 (Uelined. While Smith, as a rule, is a discredited authority, I think he may be trusted on minor points. 
 Names wliich show the craft must have been the Government boat, for all were soldiers. Cornelius was 
 
 a veteran who had served in the Third New York Levies (Colonel Morris Graham). Ir the previous May 
 
 he had enlisted in the Fimrth New York Continentals (Colonel James Hughes) in which Acker was also 
 
 a priv.ite. Lambert was a private (Combs' company) and Henry a lieutenant (Orser's company) of the 
 
 Pirst Westchester militia. 
 
i6 
 
 The followinR nre true copies of the several papers : 
 
 '* "West Point, September 5th, 1780. 
 
 " Artillery OrJen. —The following disposition of the corps is to t.ike place in Case of an alarm : 
 
 "Capt. Dannills with his Comp'y at Fort rutnaiii, and to detach an OlTicer with 12 Tnen to Wyllys's 
 Redoubt, a Non Commissioned Oflicer with 3 men to Webb's Redoulit, and the like number to Redoubt No. 4. 
 
 "Captain Thomas and Company to repair to I'ort Arnold. 
 
 " Captain Simmons and Comimny to remain at the North and South Redoubts, at the Ka.st side of the 
 River, until further Orders. 
 
 "Lieutenant Ilarber, with 20 men of Ca])t. Jackson's Company, will repair to Constitution Island; the 
 remainder of the Comi)any, with Lieut. Mason's, will repair to Arnold. 
 
 " Ciipt. Lieut. Cieorge and Lieut. lilakc, with 20 men of Captain Treadwell's Company, will Repair to 
 Redoubt No, I and 2 ; the remainder of the Company will be sent to P'ort Arnold. 
 
 " I.,ate Jones's Company, with Lieut, risk, to repair to the South liattery. 
 
 "The Chain Battery, Sherburn's Redoubt, and the Brass b'icld pieces, will be manned from Fort Arnold 
 as Occation may re<iuire. 
 
 "The Cimimi.ssary and Conductor of Military stores will in turn wait u])on the Commanding Officer of 
 Artillery for Orders. 
 
 "The artificers in the garrison (agreeable to former Orders) will repair to Fort Arnold, and there receive 
 further Orders from the Command'g Officer of Artillery. 
 
 "S. Baum.sn, Major CominU Artillery." 
 
 ' ' This and the following document are in Arnold's lu.ndwriting : . * » 
 
 " Estimate of Forces at IV'st Point and its Dependencies, September 13, 1780. 
 " A brigade of Massachusetts Militia, and two regiments of Rank and File New Hampshire, Inclusive of 
 
 166 Batteaux Men at Verplanck's and Stony Points 992 
 
 " On command and Extra Service at F^ishkills, New Windsor, &c., &c., who may be called in occationally S52 
 " 3 regiments of Connecticut Militia, under the cont'd of Colonel Wells, on the lines near N. Castle . . . 488 
 " A detachment of New York levies on the lines 115 
 
 Militia, 2447 
 
 "Colonel Lamb's Regiment 167 
 
 " Colonel Livingston's, at Verplank and Stoney Pts 80 
 
 Continent : J47 
 
 " Colonel Sheldon's Dragoons, on the lines, al>out one half mounted 142 
 
 "Batteaux Men and Artificers 250 
 
 Total, 3086." 
 
 The following document is in the handwriting of Villefranche, a FVench engineer : 
 " Estimate of the Number of Men necessary to Man the Works at West Point and in the Vicinity. 
 
 ' Fort Arnold 6jo 
 
 Putnam 450 
 
 Wyllys 140 
 
 Webb 140 
 
 Redoubt No. I 150 
 
 'N.B.— The Artillery Men are not Included in the above Estimate.' 
 
 Redoubt No. 2 150 
 
 120 
 
 100 
 
 '39 
 
 ditto 
 
 .1 
 
 ditto 
 
 4 
 
 ditto 
 
 5 
 
 ditto 
 
 6 
 
 Redoubt No. 7 78 
 
 North Redoubt 120 
 
 South Redoubt 130 
 
 Total, 243S 
 
c 
 y. 
 
17 
 
 The following table is in the handwriting of Baunian, Major Comniamlaiil of Artillery : 
 
 'RETURN OF THK ORDNANCE IN THE DIFHKRKNT FORTS, BATTKRIES, etc., AT WEST I'OINT AND ITS DE- 
 PENDENCIES, SEPT. 5, I7S0. 
 
 
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 1. 
 
 
 
 Fort Arnold | 
 
 Fort Putnam | 
 
 Constitution Island 
 
 Brass 
 
 Iron 
 
 Brass 
 
 Iron 
 
 Iron 
 
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 Iron 
 
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 }'3 
 
 }I4 
 
 10 
 5 
 
 Chain Ratterv 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 2 . . 
 
 Webb's Redoubt 
 
 Sherman's Redoubt 
 
 Me^'^i! Redoubt 
 
 South Redoubt 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 ■ * 
 
 4 
 5 
 2 
 5 
 
 
 6 
 
 Wyllys's Redoubt 
 
 Rorkv Hill No A 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 No. I 
 
 5 
 
 No. 2 
 
 Verplanck's Point 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 I Il8 
 
 3 1 14 1 .S 1 q 1 14 1 .S 1 2 1 1 Is 
 
 6| S 
 
 1.I2 
 
 1 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' — 
 
 J 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 N.B. — The following ordnance not distributed : 
 
 No. 6 iron 12 pounder. 
 
 4 " 9 " 
 
 1 •■ f) 
 
 1 " 4 
 
 2 " 3 
 
 14 
 
 J brass 24 pounders. 
 
 7 " 12 
 
 I " 8-inch howitzer. 
 
 1 1 
 
 ving description of the works at West Point and its dependencies is in he handwriting of Arnold, 
 arks on Works at West Point, a copy to be transmitted to his Plxcellency (General Washington. 
 
 The follow! 
 endorsed "Remarks 
 
 ' "Fort Arnold is built of Dry Fascines and Wood, is in a ruinous condition, incompteat, and subject to take 
 Fire from Shells or Carcasses. 
 
 " Fort Putnam, Stone, Wanting great repairs, the wall on the Ea.st side broke down, and rebuilding From 
 the Foundation ; at the West and South side have been a i.'lievaux-de-l'rise, on the West side l)roke in many 
 Places. The East side open ; two Bomb Proofs and Provision Magazine in the I'ort, and Slight Wooden 
 Barrack.— A commanding piece of ground 500 yards West, between the I'ort and No. 4 — or Rocky Hill. 
 
 "Fort Webb, built of Fa,scines and Wood, a slight Work, very dry, and liable to be .set on fire, as the 
 approaches are very easy, without defences, save a slight Abaltis. 
 
 " Fort Wyllys, built of stone 5 feet high, the Work above plank fdled with Earth, the stone work 15 feet, 
 the Earth 9 feet thick.— No Bomb Proofs, the Batteries without the Fort. 
 
 "Redoubt No. I. On the South side wood 9 feet thick, the Wt. North and East sides 4 feet thick, no 
 cannon in the works, a slight and single Abattis, no ditch or Pickett. Cannon on two Batteries. No Bomb 
 Proofs. 
 
 " Redoubt No. 2. The same as No. i. No Bomb Proofs. 
 
 "Redoubt No. 3, a slight Wood Work 3 Feet thick, very Dry, no lioinb Proofs, a single Abattis, the work 
 easily set on fire — no cannon. 
 
i8 
 
 " Rccli>ul>t N) 4, « WcmkUii work about lo feet high nnd fore or five feel thick, 'he West side faced with a 
 rtoiie w.ill » feet liixii ami four thick. No Ilonib I'nKjf, two six pounders, a slight . battis, a commanding piece 
 
 o X^'lI'Ipi^^'I^.^^Jj',, Redoubt, on the Kast side, Imilt of stone 4 feet higl' ; above the Stone, woo<l filled in with 
 i' irth Very Drv no Dildi, a llonib Proof, three Batteries without the 1-" irt, a |XJor Abattis, a Rising piece of 
 g'rouuc'l 500 yard's So., the approaches Under Cover to within 20 yards.— The Work easily fired with Faggots 
 
 ''' ' '"south K( doubt, much the same as the North, a Commanding piece of ground 500 yards due East — 3 
 Batteries without the l-'ort." 
 
 This was in Arnolds handwriting : 
 
 Endorsed : 
 
 Al a Council 0/ War held in Camp, liergni County, Stpl. 6, 1780. 
 
 '• Present — the Commamler in Chief. The Commander in Chief slates to the Council that since he had 
 the lioiior of laying before the General Officers, at Morrislowu, the 6th of June last, a general view of our 
 ciriumslancis, several importaiil events have occurred which have iiialirially cliangeil the Jirospecls of the 
 Campaign. Tliat Hie success expected from I'rance, instead of coming in one body and producing a Naval 
 siiperiority in tliese Seas, has been divided into two Divisions, the first of which only consisting of seven ships of 
 tlie line, one lortv-four and three smaller lYigates, with five thousand land I'orccs, lia<l arrived at Rhode Island. 
 Thai a reinforceii'ieiil of six ships of the line from Knglaiid having reinforced the Enemy, had made their Naval 
 1-drce in tlice seas aniount lo Nine Sail of the Line, Two I'ifties, two forty-fours and a number of smaller 
 I'rigates, a porce completely superior to that of our Allies, and which has ill consequence held them blocked up 
 in tlie harbor of Rhode Island till the 29th ult., at which period the British Kleet disappeared, and uo advice of 
 them has since tueii received. 
 
 "Tlia'. accounts received by the Alliame Prigate, which left PVaiice in July, announce the Second 
 Division to 'e confii:.i(l in Bt.^.'t with several ot'ier ships, by a British Pleet of thirty-two siiil of the Mu?, and a 
 I'leet of i;ie Allies, of Thir y-six or Thirty-eight Ships of the line ready to put lo sea from Cadiz to relieve the 
 Port of Brest. 
 
 "Th.it most of the States in their answers to the requisitions made of them, give the strongest assurances 
 of doing e\ervthiiig in their power to furnish the men and supplies for the exjiccled Co-operation The effect of 
 which, however, has been far short of our expectations, for not much above one third of the I<;vies deman<led 
 for the Continental Batallious nor alwve the s;inie i)roi><>rtion of Militia have been a.ssenibled. .iiid the supplies 
 have been so iiiade(|uale that there was a necessity for dismissing all the Militia whose 'inii-caiate services could 
 l>e dispeii.se.l witli, to les.sen our consumption, nolwitlistaiiding which the Troops now in the Pield are severely 
 suffering for want of Provision. That the army at this Post and in the vicinity, in operating P"orce, consi.sts of 
 10,400 Coutineiital Troops and alKml 4(X) Militia, besides which is a Regiment of Continental Troops of about 
 5m) at RuimIc Island, left there for the as.sistance of our Allies against any attack of the Enemy, that way, and 
 two Connecticut Slate Regiments amounting lo Sco at North Castle. 
 
 "Thai the Times for Service for which the L,evies are engaged will expire the first of January, which if 
 not replaced, allowing for the usual Casualties, will reduce the Continental Army to less than 6o<«) men. 
 
 "That since llic Stale of the Council above referred to, the p;nciny have brought a delachmcnt of about 
 ,V>o<i men from Charles Town to New York, which makes the present operating Eorce in this Quarter between 
 Ten and lUeveu Thousand men. 
 
 "That the Ivnemies I'orce now in the Southern Stales has not been lately ascertained by any distinct 
 accounts, but the ("leiieral .sui)])oses it cannot be less than 7000 (of which about 2txxi are at Savannah). In this 
 estimate the Diminulion by the Casualties of the Climate is supposed to be ecjual to the increase of Porce derived 
 from the Dis;iffecled. 
 
 " Tlial addeil to the loss of Charles Town and its Garrison, accounts of a recent misfortune are just arrived 
 from Major General Gales, giving advice of a general action which happened on the i6th of August near 
 Campden, in which the army under his command met with a total defeat, and in all probability the whole of the 
 Couliuenlal Troo]>s and a considerable body of the Militia would be cut off. The State of Virginia has been 
 some lime exerting itself to raise a Body of 3000 Troops to serve till the end of December, 1781, but how far it 
 has succeeded is not known. 
 
 "That Maryland has resolveil to raise 2000 men, of which a .sufTicieut number lo compose one Battalion 
 was lo have come to this army. The remainder to recruit the Maryland line — but in consequence of the late 
 advices, an order has been scut to march the whole southward. 
 
 "That the IJnemies force in Canada, Halifax, St. Augustine and at PenoKscot remains much the same as 
 staled in the preceding Council. 
 
 " That there is still reason lo believe the Court of Prance will prosecute its Original inleiilion of giving 
 efTectual Succor lo this Country, as soon as circunislances will permit ; and it is hoped the Second Division will 
 cerlaihly arrive in the course of the fall. 
 
 " That a P'leet greatly superior to thai of the Enemy in the W'est Indies, and a formidable land Porce had 
 .sailed some time since from Martinique to make a combined attack upon the Island of Jamaica — that there is a 
 possibility of a re-iuforcement from this (piarler also, to the P'leet of our Ally at Rhode Islan... 
 
 "The Commander in Chief having thus given the Council a full view of <mr present situation and future 
 praspecls, reqeesls the Opinion of each member, in writing, what plan it will be advisable to ]iursue, lo what 
 object ' )ur At'ention ought to be directed in the course of this fall and winter, taking into coii.sidcration the 
 alternative of 1. ng a Naval superiority, whether any offensive operations can be immediately undertaken and 
 against what Point. What ought to l)e our immediate preparations and disimsitions, particularly whether we can 
 afford or ought to send any reinforcement from this army to the Southern States, and to what aiiiount. 
 
 "The General requests to be favored with these opinions by the lotli instant at the furthest." 
 

 c 
 
 05 
 
 to 
 
 y. 
 
 U 
 
 /. 
 
 C 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 King's Ferry to Tarrytown — Danger. 
 
 A^ 
 
 I linve not quailud to <Ianger's brow 
 When high and liappy — nee<l I now? 
 
 llVRON — Giaour, line 1035. 
 
 ^vS with the western, so the eastern end of King's Ferry 
 — nothing bnt a few logs, snbnierged at high water, 
 idcntifj' it. 
 Tiie " King's F*erry Road' extends for a mile and a half 
 almost dnc east. There, on top of a ridge extending north 
 to Pcckskill, it joins the >ld Albany Post Road a little north 
 mt.i iiKiTisii HKciDii NT. ot wlicrc aHotlicr road leads east, down the ridge to tlie 
 Montrose station of the New York Central. Onr travellers 
 turned north at the junction and in about two miles and a half reached the present 
 Peekskill, and turned east on the Crompoiid Road. This is a winding, hilly road, 
 now bordered after settled Peekskill is past, by modern residence property and 
 well-kept farms. Diversified by hill and dale, open fields, trim dwellings and 
 spreading trees, it affords a most delightful drive to tlie lover of Nature. In 
 1780 the region must have been rather a lonely one, with here and there a 
 farmhouse whence, in most cases, had gone a son or brother to the army 
 or militia. At about four miles from Peekskill, and eight from Verplanck's, 
 occurred Smith's first check, and the one which ultimately caused his companion's 
 capture. Here, at about half-past eight,'' the party met a sentry, who halted them 
 until his officer. Captain Ebenezer Boyd,' of the Third Westchester militia, 
 appeared. Smith dismounted, and talked some time with him, producing Arnold's 
 pass. He took this into his quarters^ to read by lamplight, and was satisfied with 
 it, but proved uncomfortably inquisitive as to the travellers' business and their 
 wish to proceed that night. Smith tried to meet and parry his questions, but 
 
 For this button and succeeding similar ones, I an indebted to Mr. \V. L. Calver, of New York. All three 
 regiments — the 26th, 7th and 54th were Andre's. 
 ' The view shows it at about midway of its length. 
 
 2 Sunset was at seven that day, so it must have been deep gloom by this time. 
 
 3 Ebenezer Boyd was born either in Scotland or near liedford, Westchester County, alrout 1735, and died at 
 
 lioyd's Corners, in the town of Kent. Putnam County, June 29, 1792. He was Captain of what would now 
 be called the second or " n " company. Coionel Van Cortland had been promoted to Brigadier, and was 
 succeeded in command of the regiment by Lieut. Colonel Drake. 
 < The house long since disappeared, and was replaced by a barn, which is ju.st west of Stony Street. On the 
 map it is marked by the figure 3, 
 
2') 
 
 iii.kIl' a false stei) hy sayiii),' tlicy would stop ovcrniKht further on, with either 
 Coloiicl CilhcTt Drake' or Major Joseph Strang, 'x'tli of Boyd's regiment. At this 
 Boyd iinist have suspected him, for he told him Strang was absent, and Drake 
 removed to another town. He represented the danger of travelling White Plains- 
 ward by night as so great, heeause of a hand of "Cowboys" known to be within 
 the lines, that Smith's fears were aroused" (i)robably also by Boyd's evident 
 suspicious of hiuii, and he agreed to stop at a house nearby. Andre, to whom the 
 marauders were far more likely to be friends than foes, and who was depressed by 
 his anomalous and dangerous position, disgui.scd and in the enemy's country, was 
 naturally an.xious to i)ush ahead. But vSmith carried his point, and they went back 
 to Andreas Millei's house,' on the south side of the road, about one-third of a 
 mile east of Hog Lane (an existing road now bearing the more euphonious but 
 absurd name of "Lexington Avenue") and just over the boundary line in the 
 town of Yorktown (Peekskill is in the town of Cortland). Miller's accommoda- 
 tions for travellers were decidedly limited — apparently to one bed, which Smith 
 shared with Andre, who went to bed in his toots, not even removing his spurs, 
 and spent the time in restless weariness, disturbing Smith's slumbers. The 
 dwelling' has disappeared, save the foundation and a few tir.ibers. A growth of 
 young locust trees and flowering shrubs surrounds the spot, and some search is 
 required to fiiul it. 
 
 Before dawn — Saturday, the twenty-third — the trio were again in the 
 saddle, and rode to a point half a mile east of the Presbyterian church," at 
 Crompond Corner. By this time Andre had recovered his spirits, as though 
 feeling entirely safe, and displaj'cd to the full those accomplishments of mind and 
 manner which had invariablj- charmed all who met him, and which had their 
 effect on Smith. At the Corner, in the angle made by the junction, from the 
 north, of the Somerstown road, stood a tavern known as Strang's' (or Mead's). 
 Near it, the three riders were suddenly halted by a picket-guard, and detained 
 
 ' One accoiiiil has IJeutcnaiit Colonel Delavan instead of Drake. 
 
 - If Sniitli snspi'cUd Amlro's real cliaracter, he knew there could not be much <lan);er from these marauders ; 
 lint, on the other hand, his Whij; reputation would be endangered by the very fact, if they were met, and 
 yet snITered nothiiif; by the meeting, lie was, in shi>rt, trying to "run with the hare and hunt with the 
 iionnds." It was mure prudent to allay lioyd's suspicions by .staying over night — but the delay was fatal 
 to .\ndre the next day. 
 
 •' Marked 2 on the map. Smith's A'd/ru/m' is clearly misleading here, when bespeaks of going "back some 
 miles, to a tavern kept by one McKoy." At his trial. Captain Boyd te.stified that Miller's house was 
 " close by." 
 
 * In the case of this house lradili<in has especial value, as there is but one life between 1780 and 1898. In 1784 the 
 dwelling was sold to John Strang, .son of Major Joseph, and a new one took its place. In 1795 this was 
 bought by .\braham Re(|ua, a soldier of the Westchester militia, of much active service. His son Edmund 
 iidierited it. and his grandson .\mos C. was Ixjrii in it. The son of Edmund, and grandson of Abraham, 
 Rev. .Amos C. Ke(|ua, lives in I'eekskill, an<l is my authority for identifying the house. 
 
 f' Marke<l .) on the map. The edifice itself was not then standing, for on June 24, 1779, Tarleton''^ nid Simcoe's 
 cavalry came u|i from White Plains by way of Pine's Bridge, and burnt it. The parson. .j^e, ten days 
 earlier, had met the same fate, at the hands of a detachment from Verplanck's Point, under Lieutenant 
 Colonel Robert .-Miercromby, of the 37th Regiment. 
 The two incidents well illustrate the harassed condition of the Neutral Ground at the time. 
 
 « Marked 5 on the map. On a map made by Erskine, the patriot geographer, it is called Mead's Tavern. 
 
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21 
 
 while the officer in command, Captain Ebenezer Foote,' of tlie Commissary 
 Department, was notified. Arnold's pass was again produced, but the moniing 
 was yet too dark" for open-air reading, and the Captain went into Strang's — 
 his headquarters — and read it by lamp-liglit. The scene outside at the 
 moment is readily imaginable to one who has visited the spot, and is 
 worthy the brush of a historical painter. The atmosphere was foggy, 
 threatening rain. Nearb}- objects were indistinct and distant ones invisible 
 through the gloom. In the foreground the watchful guard, the .sentrj' in front 
 of the tavern, the two white men, one muffled in a light-blue cloak covered 
 with moisture, sitting his horse like a soldier, the other in civilian's dress, and 
 intently awaiting the opening of the tavern door and the re-appearance of 
 the officer. In the middle foreground, a small frame building, and inside, seen 
 through the small-paued window, a grave-faced young officer intently scanning the 
 paper — since grown historic and carefully preserved at Albanj' — which allows 
 " Mr. John Anderson " to " pass the guards to the White Plains and below if he 
 Chuses." 
 
 Nothing wrong about it, thinks the Connecticut Captain, less suspicious 
 than Boyd, so he returns it, and, like Boyd, misses his chance of historic dis- 
 tinction.'' Andre's spirits must have risen again with this second escape, and the 
 
 ' Ebenezer Foote, son of Daniel ami descendant of Nathaniel, who settled in Watertown, Mass., in 1633, was 
 born in Colchester, Conn., .April 12, 1756, and died Deccniher 2K, iSig, in Delhi, .N. V. At nineteen we 
 find him in the ranks of the Minnie Slen at Hnnker Hill, and afterwards as a sergeant of the Second 
 Connecticnt. lie was taken prisoner at the snrrender of I'ort Washinnlon. With several companions he 
 escaped from the Bridewell in New York, at night, in the month of December following, gained what were 
 then the ojien fields, and reached the Hnds(m at the village of Greenwich, eluding all the British sentinels. 
 On the bank they found no means of esca|)e bnt an unseaworthy boat, and here the ]iarly divided, and his 
 companions, going further, were mo.st or all recaptured. He determined to trust himself to a single plank, 
 rather than run risk of capture. .Vccordingly he proceeded lo swim the Hudson by means of the plank, 
 and after being several hours in the icy water, ami .safely passing an anchored British man-of-war, he was 
 floated ashore below Hoboken. At first unable to stand after his terrible experience, he eventually reached 
 H house where he was succored. Reaching the Americai-. lines we find him in tlie army at the ca])ture of 
 Trenton, and during the terrible winter at Valley I'orge. This, however, adiled lo his previ"us experience, 
 broke down his constitution, anil soon afterwards he sccnreil a transfer to the Connnissa y De]'arlment, 
 where he remained until the end of the war, rising to the rank of Major, .\ftir 17S3 he began mercantile 
 life in Newburgh, and then went into I'olitics, eventually becoming member of the Legislature, and 
 holding many minor offices until appointed b'irst ( Presiding) Judge of I)elaware County, an office he held 
 for many years, and to universal Kitisfaclion. 
 His military ability was inherited by his son. General b'rederick I'oote, who died ])rematurely as a result of 
 hardships endured on the frontier during the war of 1S12, and by his grandson. Captain and Brevet-Major 
 (really acting Colonel) William Uensselaer l-'oote, of the Sixth V. S. Infantry, who was killed at tlie 
 battle of Gaines' Mills, in I.S62. 
 - Sunrise was at .si.v. This shows bow early the party must have left Miller's — apparently willnml breakfast. 
 ■^ Poote told Smith — who di<l all the talking — that the only .\merican forces lielow were Sheldon's dragoons, 
 who were chiefly at Robbins' Mills (now Kensico) and would give him an escort to White Plains if he 
 wanted it. A few days later this note was wrilteu : 
 
 "Continental Village, 
 
 "2,Sof Sept. \yHti. 
 ' ' Captain I-'oote, 
 
 " ,Sir. — Your letter to the General was delivered me on the road. Yon will on receipt of this permit 
 the ofTicer with the fiag to return, delivering him the enclosed letter. This 1 know to be his Kxcellenc 
 intention, and he yesterday sent orders which seem not to have reached you. 
 
 I am. Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 A. Hamilton, 
 
 Aid De Camp. 
 Captain T'oote has endorsed this : 
 
 "Ordering the return of the flag sent out from New York ini account of .Vrnold's desertion." 
 I am unable to decide what flag of truce this r.fers to. 
 
22 
 
 prcMjf of tlic value of Arnold's .iss. Strang's tavern was demolished about 1825, 
 but the hewn frame of a part it was moved from the original site, just across 
 the road, to the rear of t' e nise now occupied by Mr. Anson Lee. With 
 modern siding, its e.xterior is cuUipletely changed, but inside the bare, hewn 
 posts, braces and cross-beams attest its age. It is now used as a kitchen, but the 
 chairs, brass warming-pan and polished powder-horn,' all older than the Revolu- 
 tion itself, are quite in keeping with its history, and it is not impossible that it is 
 the very roon) in which Footc read the pass. 
 
 l^p a long hill and down into a little valley, where now is the track of the 
 New York and Putnam Railroad, rode our party, and, at a point not identifiable, 
 Andre had a meeting which he afterwards said " made his hair rise." Colonel 
 Samuel B. Webb, of the Third Connecticut," then and since December 29, 1777, a 
 prisoner to the British in New York, and at this time out on parole, met him. 
 Coming on liim in this sequestered place at such an hour, Webb — who had often 
 met him in New York, and probably not long before — stared hard at him. Andre 
 knew him at once, and gave himself up for lost. But Webb's star was not in the 
 ascendant that morning, any more than had been Boyd's or Foote's, and he failed 
 to recognize liis acquaintance,' and once more fate spared him. As the riders 
 went past the house of Major Strang (where Smith, the night before, had proposed 
 to stop) they were observed by the inn.ates, who thought them Continental 
 officers.'' Daj-light appeared as they followed the road south and east about three 
 miles and a half, to where, just before it forks on Cat Hill, a small two-story frame 
 house'* stands, close to the road, on the west side. 
 
 Modernized by a narrow " lean-to " in the rear, an addition on the western 
 end and ordinary siding all round, it does not seem old ; but it actually dates from 
 
 1 The horn is inscribed: " Relong'd to Daniel See — Seth Allen his Horn, 1775." Sec is still a well-known 
 
 family in upper Westchester County. 
 
 2 Samuel Blachley Webb was born in Wethersficld, Conn., December 13, 1753, and died at Claverack, N. Y., 
 
 December 3, iSoi. 
 
 He was wouuiKil at Tiunker Hill, w.as aid to General Putnam, and in 1776 was appointed aid to Washington, 
 with the rank of I.icutenaut-colonel. He was again wounded at White Plains, and at Trenton ; was at the 
 battles of Long Island and Princeton, and raised and organized the Third Connecticut almost at his own 
 expense. It was first .styled the Additional Continentals, then the 9th and finally the 3d. Webb was 
 no; exchanged until January, 1781. 
 
 He and Colonel Joseph Keed it was who refused to receive Howe's letter to Washington, fcecause of its address 
 to " George Washington, Ivsiiuire." His regiment acquired the sobriepiet of the Decoy Regiment, owing lo 
 its Ix'ing uniforme<l in reii — the uniforms, in fact, captured aboard a British vessel, and slightly changed 
 to adiipt them to patriot use. To this circumstance was due the capture (October 10, 1777,) of the British 
 spy, I^aniel Taylor, who mi.stook them for the royal forces, found himself in the presence of General James 
 Clinton instead of Sir Henry, and w.as hanged at Hurley, Ulster County, N. V., October 14th. On his 
 expedition to Long Island, in December, 1777, Webb was captured. 
 
 Soon after bis return to active service he was brevetted Brigadier-General. 
 
 When Washington took the oath of office as President, in 1789, Webb hehl the Bible on which it was 
 administered. His .son, Henry I,., was Colonel of the iHth V. S. Infantry, during the Mexican War, and 
 General .-Mexander S. Webb, president of the College of the City of New York, is his grandson. 
 
 ■'' It is a coincidence that on February 12, 177R, Webb's brother Joseph wrote him from New Haven; "Should 
 you meet Cajitain Andr(?, acknowledge from me his politeness to Major Huntington, and I think you will 
 find him nuirb the gentleman." 
 
 ♦ Dykman. The house is marked 6 on the map. 
 
 ' Marked 7 on the map. 
 
V, 
 
 -B 
 
 7. 2. 
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23 
 
 about 1700. For more than a century, and up to 1895, it was owned and occupied 
 by those by whose name it is still known — the Uuderhills. In 1780 its owner was 
 Isaac, whose widow, Sarah, survived until 1.S12. Tradition — practically history, 
 as in the case of the Miller-Requa house — says that a band of Cowboys — 
 (probably those Captain Boyd had referred to) — had driven off all but one of her 
 cows the previous night. The present highway wall did not then exist, so our 
 travellers rode up to the backdoor — now hidden by the "lean-to" — where both 
 alighted and asked for breakfast. All Mrs. Underliill could give them, under the 
 circumstance of her loss, was the humble dish of " suppawn '" (mush and milk), 
 ''••ated on the step of the back door,-' the talented young Adjutant ate his last 
 r al as a free man. At this stage of the journey. Smith and he parted — to his 
 .^jjcedy ruin. Nothing has ever been disclosed as to why this was done. White 
 Plains was still fifteen miles distant ; Andre knew nothing of the region between, 
 while Smith knew it well. He had agreed to take liis companion there, but made 
 no further effort to that end.' The other could not force him to do it,' and 
 possibly did not greatly desire his further company, feeling tolerably confident, as 
 Smith told him he was now beyond the American outposts.** So, paying Mrs. 
 Undcrhill, dividing with Andre his Continental money, and giving him a message" 
 to his brother William, the Tory Chief-Justice at New York, whom Andre knew, 
 he and his servant returned to Crompond and thence northwest to Arnold's 
 quarters at the Robinson House, just below West Point on the east shore, and 
 told his story to the expectant traitor, with whom he says he dined.^ Unless 
 Arnold was concerned about Andre's being abandoned short of White Plains, he 
 must have felt assured of the success of his plot. Smith went on to Fishkill to 
 rejoin his family. His Whig connections have a fresh proof here. Colonel Ann 
 Hawkes Hay, of the Haverstraw militia, was married to Smith's sister, Martha, 
 and lived at Fishkill at this time. It was to his house that Mrs. Smith and the 
 
 I A curious coincidence is that of .\nilr^'s contemptuous reference to this homely dish, in the Core Cliacf. See 
 Appendix. 
 
 •-' The view of this was made under difficulties, it heinj; necessary to place the camera outsiile the back window. 
 The house is in good cumlition, and may last another century. If the owner, Mr. (leorge Gregory, carries 
 out his expressed intention of removing the " lean-to," the back will appear in its original condition, 
 showing the "Andrd door," In the side view Miss Gregory is sho\vn standing just where the " lean-to " 
 joins the original building. 
 
 :i The hor.se and ecjuipnients Andr^ promised should be returned or paiil for. 
 
 * A singular fact is that Andre, although knowing he was entering the enemy's country when leaving the 
 Vulture, was unarmed. 
 
 ^ Had .Smith forgotten Koote's statement that Sheldon's force was at Robbins' Mills? 
 
 « One of his captors subse<juently state<l that when first seen by them he was intently studying a piece of paper 
 containing a rough map of the region south of Pine's Bridge. An olnious inference would bo that Arnold 
 or , niith made it for Inni. No trace of it exists. It may have been lost when his l)oots were taken off at 
 Tarrytown. 
 
 '' He was no strauj^er to the house, but Colonel Richard Varick, Arnold's senior Aiil, thoroughly disliked and 
 distrusted hmi, and not lonp before had tried to pick a quarrel with him at dinner, until Mrs. Arnold 
 became annoyed and asked Inni to desist. Varick was so unsuspicious of the real relations existing between 
 Smith ami his chief that he warned Arnold against him. I.,eake siiys Smith and Lamb were invited guests 
 at dinner on the eighteenth of September. This may have been the date of the quarrel between Varick 
 and Smith, but Leake does not mention it. 
 
24 
 
 eliiklrcii li;ul been sent, to have them out of the way while Arnold's n]3'Sterions 
 visitor should be at " Belmont," and Smith now proposed to take them back with 
 him. On Monday,' the twenty-fifth, he rode to Ponghkee])sie on business, and 
 rettuiied in time to be jjrcsent at the dinner given b}' General John Morin Scott 
 in honor of Washington. He is said to have had a seat at the same table with 
 the Chief.- 
 
 We will now return to Yorktown. Andre continued on the road which 
 jiasscs Underhill's to Pine's Bridge, which then spanned the Croton river about 
 half a mile further up stream than the present structure.' Crossing it, he turned 
 to the right and followed the iiighway down the south bank about a mile, to Hog 
 Hill. Then turning to the left he ascended the hill to Underhill's Corners, where 
 Henry C. .Allen now lives, about three miles from the bridge.' Here the road 
 extends nearly north and south, and at its intersection with the Chappaqua road, 
 becomes Kip]) Street. In the angle between the two on the east side of Kipj) 
 Street, is the dwelling of Mr. Allen. In 1780 the house'' then existing was 
 occupied by Stc\enson Thorne, a member of the Society of Friends. The fugitive 
 reached the spul alxuit ten o'clock," when the fog had changed to a iine, drizzling 
 rain. In doubt as to whether he ought to keep on the road, or take that to 
 Chappaqua, soutlieast, he checked his horse, and seeing Jesse Thorne, a twelve- 
 year old boy who was standing on the wood-pile near the front of the house, asked 
 his way to Tarrytown." Jesse jumped from the wood-pile and went to th° house- 
 door to call his father, who came out. A brief colloquy ensued between them the 
 way to 'larrytown was pointed out, the stranger touched his horse with the 
 si)ur'' and galloped away southwards on Kipp Street." 
 
 Jesse, with the curiosity of a country boy, watched him whilst he spoke 
 with his father, and many ycais afterwards described him accurately, as " very 
 genteel in his manners and intelligent, wearing a wide-brimmed hat, n.'''"tary cape 
 overcoat, high boots with spurs, and riding a brown horse branded U.S.A. on the 
 shoulder, and having one white forefoot and a white star on his fc head." 
 
 Andre pursued his journey down Kipp Street to the Hardscrabble road. 
 So far, no obstacle had arisen, and the way to safety seemed open, if he could 
 but follow Smith's directions for reaching either White Plains or Dobbs' Ferry. 
 
 ' Smith's A'lina/hv. 
 
 a.\noUiLT aiulmrity says he called on Washington that day, at the h-ase of Dr. McKnight where the Chief was 
 .jnarlerc, ,iml wIkmc the d.nner was prohahly K'iven, If Smith is to be believed, he and Colonel Play 
 .lined with (.eneral Knox that day at '• Dr. McKnighfs, where General Scot, also liv'd " ^ ' *=' ""> 
 
 Alter snppcr, he says, Washington came out and stayed a few moments with the n. 
 
 3 The old abutimiils were visible nntil the recent raising of Croton Dam increase<l tho dei^Vn of water 
 
 ■• Dykmaii. 
 
 '• Marked 8 on the map. 
 
 « Jesse Thorne to his grandson, Rev. C. C. Thorne, of Windham, N. Y., who is my informant 
 
 ' "^''"'urulsh liner ''"''''' "'"' ' ' '"''''" "" '^'"'W""!"'' '■°'"' '"^ """'J «l°'°st certainly have reached the 
 
 ► This spur, of silver, was in .'S.Sj preserved in Washington's Headquarters at Newbnrgli. 
 
 "The road shown in the centre, ascending liie .,111. 
 


 y. 
 
 X ■ -7. 
 
 
25 
 
 At the house' in Pleasantville then occupied by Sylvanus Brundagc, and now by 
 his grandson, William H. Brundage, on this road, he stopped to water his horse 
 at the spring opposite the house. Brundage, himself a soldier, of the Second — or 
 Middle — regiment of Westchester militia (Colonel Thomas) was then at home.' 
 Some words were exchanged between them, and the traveller went on. Con- 
 tinuing on he reached the old Bedford road, and passed down it to Rossell's — now 
 Mekeel's — Corners.' Here he turned to the left. At a point about a mile 
 further, the road descends to the little valley vhere the Nepperhan' river, here a 
 mere brook, is crossed, and feeds the pond for the sawmill still existing and known 
 as Hammond's. To his left, on a slight eminence, stood the dwelling of Staats 
 Hammond,'' the miller. Here, for the second time that morning, the fugilivc 
 unwittingly met a patriot soldier. Hammond was a sergeant in the iMrst West- 
 chester, and had been wounded through the left leg in an encounter near Sing 
 Sing, June 17, 1779." The unhealed wound still disabled him and lie was lying 
 on the floor in his house." 
 
 It was a beautiful September day when I visited the scene. Hammond's 
 house disappeared long ago, but that lately occupied by Floyd Powell stands on 
 the same site. 
 
 Riding quite close to the well, where stood David and Sally Hammond, 
 fourteen and twelve years old, the stranger asked for a drink. Sally filled a cup 
 or bowl and handed it to him, while David held the horse and noticed the hand- 
 some double-snaffle bridle, and the mane full of burrs. Andre remarked on the 
 excellence of the water,"* gave Sally a sixpence, which was treasured for many 
 j'cars afterwards, and then asked David" about the distance to Tarrytown and the 
 likelihood of meeting a Whig force at Young's tavern, about a mile further on. 
 The boy told him there was a party of scouts there. Alarmed at this, he turned 
 his horse and retraced his journey as far as Mekeel's Corners. Here he continued 
 over the old Bedford road, on to Tarrytown Heights to the old Albany Post road, 
 which he followed to Tarrytown. 
 
 Here Fate awaited him, and the consequences of the night's delay at 
 Miller's house, and his fear of the party at Young's tavern were to deliver him 
 into the hands of his enemies. Had he gone on, towards Dobbs' Ferry, jjasl 
 
 ' il.irkccl 9 oil tlie map. 
 
 - The term of service of many of Uie iiiililia had expired the previous June. 
 :i Marked lo on the map. John Mekeel was a first lieutenant in the Third Westchester militia. 
 * Spelled also Xepperan, but generally known by the harliaric name of Sawmill. 
 " Marked 1 1 on the map. 
 
 " Mowe was there in July — po.ssil)ly "June " should be July. 
 
 '! Thronjih the window he had a glim|)se of the rider, and afterwards expressed distrust of him on account of his 
 bein.!,' muflied to the chin in his cloak.— />!;?■/(/ Hiiiimioiul hi ii<^y. 
 
 *■ The " Andr ■• well" still furnishes excellent water. In the illustration it is not shown, but is directly on a line 
 
 with the left end of the house. 
 » Mrs. Ilaniniond, according to Campbell 
 
 UaviJ lived until 1.S53, and to the end clearly recalled the scene. 
 
26 
 
 Vdiniir's tavern, wliich was doubtless tlie route Arnold laid out for liiui, or had he 
 been hut an liour aud a half earlier, all would have been well with him, for the 
 road was then free. At this ])oint I would digress a niouient, to consider the state 
 of that part of Westchester County — its greater part — then known as the Neutral 
 Oround, from not being permanently occupied by either army. Strictly speaking, 
 the Neutral Ground was all below the Croton river, l)ut the frequent British 
 forays beyimd that line rendered its actual extent indefinite. Dr. James Thacher,' 
 surgeon of the vSixteeutli Massachusetts, whose Military Journal is so full of 
 valuable details of the period, was present with his regiment during November, 
 1 7.S0, when a large detachment of Washington's army, under Stark, crossed the 
 Hudson and moved down through the county as far as West Farms, on!}- eight 
 miles from King's Bridge, and endeavored to draw the British into a general 
 engagement.' He thus graphicallj' describes the region and inhabitants : 
 
 " Tlie iiiiserahlc inh.ihitants arc not iinicli favored with I'x' iirivilegcs which their 
 neutrality ouKlit to secure to them. Tliey are conliiuially e-xjx>se(l to the ravaj^es and 
 insults of infamous banditti, composed of royal refugees and Tories. The countr>- is rich 
 and fertile, hut now has the marks of a country in ruins. The few farmers who remain 
 find it ini|)ossil)le to harvest the [iroduce. The meadows and pastures are covered with 
 grass (if a sunnner's growth, and thousands of bushels of apples and other fruit are rotting 
 in the orchards. Some on either side have taken up arms, and become the most cruel and 
 deadl)' foes. There are within the Hrilish lines, banditti of lawless villains who dexote 
 ihenisches to the most cruel jjillage and rol>bery among the defenceless inhabitants 
 lielwein the lines; many of whom lhe\- carr\' off to New York after plundering their 
 houses and farms. These shai Tl ' marauders have received the names of Cowboys and 
 Skinners. \\\ their atrocious deeds they have become a scourge and terror to the i»o]ile." 
 
 Rev. Timothy Dwight, of New H^'cn, who was Chaplain to General 
 
 Silliuiau's Connecticut Brigade — the P'irst — in 1778-9, and afterwards President 
 
 of Yale College, has left a still more distressing description of the same region : 
 
 " These unhappy people were expo.sed to the depredations of lx)th armies. Often 
 
 ihey were actualh- plundered, and always were liable to this calamity. They feared 
 
 tverybody whom they saw, and loved nol)ody. Fear was apparently the only pas.sion by 
 
 which they were animated. The power of volition .seemed to have deserted them. They 
 
 yielded, with a kind of a])athy, what you a.sked and what they supjxj.sed it imix).s,sible for 
 
 them to retain. Their houses were in a great measure scenes of desolation, and their 
 
 furniture was extensively plundered or broken to pieces. The walls, floors and windows 
 
 were injured Ixith by violence and decay, and were not repaired, lx;cause ihey had not 
 
 the means and because they were ex]x)sed to the repetition of the same injuries. Their 
 
 cattle were gone, their enclosures were burnt where they were capable of l^econiing fuel, 
 
 and thrown down where they were not. Their fields were covered with a rank growth of 
 
 I James Thacher was born in Hanistable. Mass., IVbruary .4, r754, and died in I'lynioulh. May 24, \M\- 
 
 11l' > iitertil llic army in 1775, anil servc-d throiij^liout \\\v war, successively as surgeon of Uie i'"irst Virginia uikI 
 the Sixteenth Massiichusetls. He was prominent professionally and socially tlirou^houl his life after the 
 end of llie war, and exerted a ma-ked indnence for good on the conimunity in which he dwelt. 
 
 ■-' I'nder pretext of a foraging espedilion, this force was intended by the Connnander in Chief to co-opirale with 
 the uniin army in an attack against the Kneniy's post on (New) York Island. Hy some cause, known only 
 to the Chief, this enterprise was unfortunately defeated.- - Tliaclicr. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
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27 
 
 weeds and wild grass. Their world was motionless and silent, except when one of these 
 unhappy people went upon a rare and lonely excursion to the house of a neighiwr no less 
 unhappy, or a scouting party alarmed the inhal)itants with exjiectations of new injuries 
 and sufferings. The very tracks of the carriage roads were obliterated by disuse, and 
 when discernable resembled the faint impressions of chariot wheels siiid to Ije left on the 
 pavements of Herculaneum. The grass was of full height for the .scythe, and strongly 
 realized to my own mind, for the first time, the proper imiwrt of that picturesque allusion 
 in the Song of Deborah : ' In the days of Shamgar, the son of Anath, in the days of Jael, 
 the highways were unoccupied, and the travellers walked through by-ways. The inhab- 
 itants of the villages cea.sed, they ceased in Israel.' " (Judges V., 6, 7.) 
 It wa.s through this very region, and among a people thus harried and ruined 
 tlial Clinton's Adjutant-General was now making his way — and it was to the 
 recent l)rulalities of a party of Cowboys that he was indirectly to owe his 
 capture, within an hour of the time he left Hammond's house. 
 
 At about one o'clock in the afternoon of the previous day — Friday, the 
 twenty-second — John Dean, John Paulding, James Romer, Isaac vSee, Isaac Van 
 Wart, Abraham Williams and John Yerks,' all young men,' left Salem on a 
 "scout" or errand of more or less independent and irregular warfare, having for its 
 object the capture of any Cowboys or others who might drive cattle towards New 
 York. As they passed the house of Joseph Benedict, where David Williams was at 
 work, he recognized them, asked their errand and volunteered to join them. His 
 personal aim was to revenge the death of a neighbor named Pelhain, killed by Cow- 
 boys the day before, and his property stolen. All of Yerks' party were militiamen,' 
 and had secured, through Paulding, leave of absence from their officers to take part 
 in the scout. Sleeping that night in John Andrews' hay barn at Plea.santville,' 
 they reached Tarrytown Saturday morning, at about half-past seven, and went to 
 the house of Jacob Romer, father of James, which has now disappeared. It stood 
 close to the present reservoir, near the Tanytown station of the New York and 
 Putnam road. Here they had breakfast, and Mrs. Romer put up dinner for them 
 in a basket." They went next to Isaac Reed's house, borrowed a pack of playing 
 
 1 Yerks oiigiiuilcd the scout, having propo.sed it to Paulding. 
 
 - r>avid Williani.-i, tlie oldest, wa.s not quite twenty-three. Van Wart and Taulding werecousin.s ; al.so, apparently, 
 Uomer and ranlding. Verk.s was a cousin of Dean's on his mother's side. 
 To Willi.mis, nmre than anyone else, history is indebted for many minute details about the capture and the 
 ovcnl.s imuuiliately preceding it. Ife only it is th.it has given the particulars about the party of Cowboys 
 (if which Hoyd, I'oote and — later — Jameson and Washington himself, were apprehensive. He savs the 
 1 land had raided Poundridge (the easternmost town in the ro\inly, lying next to Coutiecticut) the night 
 before his ])arty started (Thursday the twenty-first) and that they were lc<l by a noted Tory named Smith. 
 Tory Smiths were numerous, and three were noted bandits — Claudius, of Orange Countv, the greatest 
 villain of the three, had been hanged in 1778, and a second's head was cut off, in Schoh.irie County, by 
 infuriated Whigs in 1779, so the son of Claudius, Richard, is the one probably meant, While they were 
 cm Pelham's farm, driving off his live-stock, the unfortunate owner had run out in his nightshirt to save 
 his horse, when the rufTians killed him. 
 What a graphic picture of a midnight foray on a defenceless homestead in the Neutral Ground this brief 
 statement gives ! 
 
 ^ Tlie First Westchester. 
 
 I Paulding says Pleasantville ; Williatns, Salem. It was a few yards from the present Methodist church at 
 Pleasantville. 
 
 " The pewter basin accompanying it is now in the possession of Colonel J. C. L. Hamilton, of Elmsford, N. Y. 
 
28 
 
 cards, and then proceeded to tlie spot wliorc the l)usincss of the day mitjlit he 
 looked for — the two roads leadinj.:: to New York. Here they separated into two 
 squads. Pauhlinj,% David Williams and \'an Wart were posted on what was 
 known as the old Post Road, near where stood an enonnons white-wood or tulip 
 tree,' just south of the little stream thcu known ;>s Clark's Kill, but ever since as 
 .\ndre Brook, Just opposite was afterwards built St. Mark's Episcopal Church. 
 (The old Bedford road at that time came into the Post road at that point.) The 
 other five were to watch the old Bedford road on Davis' H'll.- The two were 
 not far apart, atul it was agreed that either party needing aid should fire a gun, 
 and that any plnndcr taken should be shared equally b}' all. While they are 
 waiting, we may consider the epithets of "marauders," "banditti," etc., after- 
 wards applied to them, and tlie irregularity which .some have insisted attended 
 llieir action and nullified their ])atriotism. Certaiuly they were not an organized 
 body, detached by superior authority for a definite military expedition. But all 
 were militia accustomed to active service — Dean, David W^illiams and Paulding 
 ])articularly so. Paulding had been twice a prisoner in British hand.s'' in New 
 York. The party was actually under the direction of one of their number who 
 was a veteran, not only of militia service, but of the Canada expedition of 1775. 
 There he had endured great hardships, and left behind him an elder soldier- 
 brother, entombed in the tremendous snowdrifts of the Plains of Abraham. He 
 alone of the party was not a private, being at the time a sergeant in the First 
 Westchester, and was later promoted and commissioned as ensign. I refer to 
 
 John Dean,^ to whose methodical disposition of the party 
 
 ^ J ^ (T)c^i/n ^*^^ success was probably largely due, yet whose modesty 
 
 ^y '' ]) •evented his receiving a just .share of the praise bestowed 
 
 on the three kuown to history.'' To return to our story- — 
 they, whom l'\)rtuue was to favor that day, had the pack of cards, and drew lots to 
 see who should watch while the others played. Van Wart lost, and took his place 
 by the roadside," at about eight o'clock. None but persons whom he knew passed 
 until about half-past nine, when the sound of horse hoofs was heard on the bridge 
 
 ' Liiiminidivii. U was 112 feel hinh, and stood, a noted landmark, until July 31, iSol, when destroyed liy 
 liRlitninu. .\ coincidince was that on the same day the news readied Tarrylown of Arnold's death in 
 London. The si'ot is marked 12 on the map. 
 
 - It is a curious fact that on Tarrytown Heights Andre rode past tlio.se who were watchiiiR the Ueilford road 
 from I>avis' Mill, without heinj; .seen by them. — Jiitli^i' J. O. /)yi'iiuvi. in a note to the author. 
 
 ■I lie says the first time he was confined in the Su)i;ar House, and the second in the North Dutch Church. 
 
 ' That he was reco^jiiized as the leader appears from Jameson's question. See/*(«/'. 
 
 '■ John Dean was horn Seplemlier 15, 1755, and died in Tarrytown April .|, 1817. Aher his service in Canada, 
 as noticed, he was in the militia almost constantly until the end of the Revolution. Ill most of the 
 eucounteis between the patriots and their enemies, whether British re>;iilars. their Tory allies, or the 
 Cowboys, he bore a promiueut jiart, and his death was directly due to an injury received in a skirmish at 
 Kiuj;'s nridge in 17.S1. 
 llis entire life after the close of hostilities was sp"!!!! in Tarrytown, where his descendants .still reside, and 
 where his name ap))ears amongst those of his companions in arms of the Neutral Ground, on the inoiniineiit 
 erected in iSg| to the memory of the soldiers of the Revolution. 
 
 • Williams says all sat down. 
 
2 
 
20 
 
 spanning the " kill.'" The rider was intently scanning a small map, though his 
 animal was galloping.-' On this, cither Van Wart or Williams said, " Here 
 comes a gentleman-like looking man, who appears well-dressed, and whom you had 
 better step out and stop, if you don't know him."" Paulding did so, presenting 
 his musket at the rider's breast.^ " I asked him which way he was going." 
 "My lads," he replied,"! hope you belong to our party.'""' "What party?" 
 "The lower."" "We do — my dress shows that," artfully said Paulding, who 
 wore the uniform coat, green, faced with red, of a German J'Jgrr. This dress 
 naturally helped to deceive Andre.' As a matter of fact, Paulding had but a few 
 days before escaped from a British prison — the North Dutch church, Fulton 
 Street — in New York, and by the friendly- keeper of a livery stable had been 
 furnished with the coat, to help him pass the King's Bridge outposts." The 
 horseman, now addressing the group collectively, said : "I am a British officer, 
 have been up the couutrj' on particular business, and would not wish to be 
 detained a minute" — and to prove his claim to be an officer, took out his gold 
 watch." " Upon this, I told him to dismount,'" and we told him we were 
 Americans."" At this the stranger started, changed color, and " fetched a deep 
 sigh."" " God bless my soul," he exclaimed, " a body must do anything to get 
 along now-a-days,"" and produced Arnold's pass. Paulding, who alone of the 
 three could read or write read it. " You had best let me go, or you will bring 
 yourselves into trouble, for your stopping me will detain General Arnold's 
 iMisiuess : I am going to Dobbs' Ferry, to meet a person there and get information 
 for him," said the rider, whom Van Wart afterwards accurately described as " a 
 light, trim-built man of a bold military countenance, and with dark eyes." The 
 pr.rty hesitated — Arnold's pass was uudoubtedly genuine, and his authority 
 
 ' Vail Wart. 
 
 - Williams, Van Wart sivs he w.is ruliiij,' slowly, which seems more likely. Both may lie right, for he may 
 
 have checked the .iiiimal just .is he crossed the bridge. As he was halted he thrust the map (which 
 
 .\riiold or Smith had given him) into his ofT boot-leg. 
 
 ■' Paulding. 
 
 ■• Van Wart says all three presented their guns. 
 
 '"' Williams. 
 
 " .Vndre's fatal (piotiou has been the wonder of all historians. With the pa.ss in his pocket which had brought 
 
 him siifelv through so many dangers, he iii,-ide his crowning blunder. 
 The suddenness of the surprise seemed to deprive him of his wonted presence of mind. — /("/('(. 
 Instead of producing .Arnold's pass, which would have extricated him from our parties, and couhl have done 
 
 him no harm with his own, he asked the men if they were of the " upper" or " lower " jvarty.- - Hamilton. 
 With a want of self-possession so difficult to be accounted for in a mind e(|Ually brave and intelligent that it 
 
 would almost seem Providential, iu.slead of jiroducing the pass from .\riiold, he asked the man (Williams) 
 
 where he belf nged. — Afarshall. 
 7 General Van Cortland savs Andr^ exclaimed: "Thank God! I am once more among friends." The buttons 
 
 of this coat were loiig jireserved at the Van Cortland manor house at Crotoii. 
 '- Tlie "fierce spirit of liberty" which the Rriti,sh acknowledged actuated the people of New Kngland, was 
 
 found also in the devastated Neutral Ground. Twice a jirisoner, yet in arms again as soon as he escaped, 
 
 is a tvpical record of a young militiaman. 
 '■' He carried two, one of silver. 
 1" Paulding. 
 11 Van Wart. 
 
extended to Tarrytown.' Once more Andre's fate hung in the balance," but he 
 had just avowed himself a British officer,' displaying as a proof a gold watch, an 
 article possessed by but very few Americans at the time — and Paulding, the 
 master spirit of the three, whose acquaintance with British officers was recent and 
 ]irobably painful, was not satisfied, and said, doubtfully, " I hope you will not be 
 offended, we do not mean to take anything from you, but there are many bad 
 people on the road, and I don't know but you may be one. What is j'our 
 name?" "John Anderson," was the reply. ^ Still unsatisfied, Paulding told him 
 he must dismount and accompany them into the thicket, where they would be out 
 of sight of passers-by.'" This was done, Williams bringing up the rear and 
 replacing the fence rails behind them." Paulding told Williams to search him, 
 wliich was done, and even his outer clothing removed, but to no purpose. Then 
 he was told to sit down and take off his boots, " which," naively adds Williams, 
 " he seemed to be indifferent about, but we got one off and found nothing in it." 
 \'an Wart says : " We found his stocking sagged a little, and, taking it of?, found 
 three unsealed letters within. Paulding hastily read them, and exclaimed, ' He 's 
 a spy!'" 
 
 ^^''illiams continues : " We found three more papers in the other stocking, 
 then made liim dress himself, and I asked him what he would give us to let him 
 go."' " Any sum you want," was the prompt reply — if money could save him, 
 tlie fugitive had no fear of the result. "A hundred guineas, with the horse, 
 saddle, bridle and your watch ?" queried Williams. " Yes, and the money shall 
 be .sent here if jou want." "Will you not give more ?" pursued the relentless 
 
 ' .\.s Sheldon's regiment, on duty as low as While Plains, was under .\rnold, I infer that his authority extended 
 to Tarrytown. Vet on August 3, Washinjjton, in appointing him conunander at West Point, made out his 
 notice; "West Point and its dependencies, in which all are included, from I'ishkill to King's I'erry." 
 Possibly this refers only to the fortifications. 
 
 - We were about allowing him to pass, and he was reining his horse into the road, when Paulding exclaimed, iu 
 an undertone, " I) n him ! I don't like bis looks." — lyUliaiin. 
 
 •1 •■ I would have let him go, had he shown his pass before he said he was a British officer," Paulding afterwards 
 .idmilted. 
 
 A curious story may be found in the "Life and Observations of Rev. K. V. Newell" (C. W. Ainsworth, 
 Worce.ster, Mass., 1849,) to this effect : In 1799 he was told by Rev, Duncan McColl, a well-known 
 Metbodi.st clergyman, in Connecticut, and an associate of Rev. Jesse Lee, the founder of New Kngland 
 Methodism, that during the Revolution he was employed as a clerk by the British " fielil-officers " (Ilead- 
 ijuarters?) and in such capacity was aboard the /'h//«Vc when she lay in the Hudson awaiting the return 
 of .AndriJ, " who had gone ashore to ascertain whttlier Burgoyne had reached .\lbany, an<l to secure 
 iMtiirm.ition about the American troops" That he (being then recently converted) desired to prevent 
 further hostilities and, with another man on the I'lilluri (whufte name he did not give), prayed to that 
 efTict — and that the two believed .^ndrd's capture was an answer to their prayers. 
 The story comes so directly tliat it may receive more consideration than it would otherwise, considering the 
 variance in time between Durgoyne's campaign (1777) and Arnold's treason. 
 
 ■ .\ singular circumstance is that on July 4, 1S07, at the "Old South" Theatre, Philadelphia, a play concerning 
 Andr^ was produced, in the course of which was used a drop scene which he had painted for the theatre 
 used by the officers of Howe's army during the occupation of Philadelphia. It was introduced as repre- 
 senting the scene of his capture. 
 
 ■* Williams' account, as printed, says they went about seventy rods into the thicket — an almost manifestly 
 itnpossible distance. It is probably a typographical error for seven, or twenty — most likely the latter. 
 Williams says Andrd's underclothing was of fine quality — " thread." His faculty for noticing details would 
 have made him a good newspaper reporter. ' 7 This admission, page 31. 
 

 i -u. 
 
 'J 
 
31 
 
 captor.' " Yes, any quantity of drj'goods,"'- was the reply, Andre finally risinij 
 to ten thonsand guineas — an amount wImcH surpassed the bribe paid to Arnold,' 
 and must have seemed simply fabulous to his hearers/ " Where did you get 
 these papers?" he was asked. "Of a man at Pine's Bridge, a stranger tome," 
 was the reply — too transparent to deceive for a moment.'" His watch — the gold 
 one — was now taken from him, and the eighty dollars Continental bills which 
 Smith had given him." The fence was replaced, the order given him to mount 
 
 " This niliiiission ciTtainlv tends to make one believe .\Milr^'s subsccnient decLiration to TalhiiailKe that tliry 
 ripped open his saddle for money, and finding none, said : " Hi' may have it in his boots, ' and so thobe 
 were taken off. 
 
 The truth is, to the iniprudenie of the man (.\ndr^- himself) and not to the patriotism of anyone, is to be 
 iiltributcd tlic capture, Haii money been at command after tin- imprudent confession, or any security 
 tjiven that the "patriots" could put confidence in, he might have )>a.ssed on to Clinton. — hiii/;, in 1.S23. 
 
 Sargent prints this interesting affidavit : 
 
 Croni I'omI, July 9, ij.S"). 
 Miss Hannah Sniflen says that * * ' and Isaac Van Wart did, on the night of the i-;\\\ ult. take 
 from XIr. James Sniffen, an inhabitant of White Plains, without civil or military autl.,)rity, three milch 
 cows, which they converttil to their own private use. 
 
 Hannah Snifi'Kn, 
 
 in behalf of her father. 
 
 Sargent says this is among the Rufus I'utnam ])apers in Ohio. 
 
 Sargent further says that Williams ami others, twice in the Summer of 17S0, made sei/'uris of pcojile and 
 callle, but the civil authorities interfereil and compelled restitution in both cases. 
 
 The disbelief of Tallmadge, King, and others, in the ]mrity of the captors' motives, is an old story, and need 
 not be repeated here. 1 am, however, enabled to give a valuable statement bearing on the cbaraclers of 
 \'an Wart and Williams, which has never before been printeil, and which jjroves beyond i|iiestion that the\ 
 had l)eeu niarauilers (as Colonel A. O. Hanmiond wrote to Tallmadge). My informant is Rev. Chester C. 
 Thome, of Windham, New York, grandson of Jesse Thorne, whom 1 have quoted on page 2.). 
 
 " My grandfather came to visit my father at the lime we were living near West Onconta, N. Y., and I 
 remember his calling me to him, saying, 'I have something to tell thee'— and he told me this story 
 so vividly that I never forgot it: In spealting of the captors, he said repeatedly (referring to Williams 
 and Van Wart) 'They were Cowboys.' (While my great-grandfather, Stevenson Thorne, suffered terribly 
 at the hands of the 'Cowboys' he never complained particularly of the 'Skinners.' Ho was reijealedlv 
 ]>lunilered by the former — of live stock and household goods.) It become known that he had mom- v 
 secreted, and one day (the exact date cannot be positively given, but was probably in 1777 or '7.S1 an 
 armed gang came to his house, and demanded it. I'ailing to force him to surrender it or reveal its 
 hiding place, they endeavored to break open a wardrobe where it was really hidden, but failed. They 
 then proceeded to hang him to one of the trees in his orchard, and strung him up twice, each lime letting 
 him down just in time to .save his life, and then demanding the surreucfer of the gold. 
 
 .\ third time they drew him up to the limb, and on letting him down life was almost extinct. Convinced that 
 death would he his portion if he persisted in further resistance, the unfortunate man, after being revived, 
 surrendered the hidden treasure, which amounted to $i,3cx) in gold. One of the gang engaged in the 
 robbery was Isaac Van Wart and David Williams was not far off, (So naively adds Jesse Thorne. in the 
 written narrative.) This incident in his life is known to all of Steven.son Thome's posterity, and 
 being given in such detail by his son, an eye-witness to the cruel treatment of his father, the slatiis of \au 
 Wart and Williams not long before 1780 may be regarded as definitely settled, as that of Cowboys. 
 
 I Though neither knew it, captive and captor had met before, for when Andr^ was captured at St. John's, in 
 '775. Williams was a soldier of Montgomery's command. 
 
 '' " .Xiiy amount you may name, in cash or drygoods."— Dr. Bustis to Dr. Thacher, on Van Wart's testimony. 
 
 '■> .\s Grant Thorburn remarked in 1840 (when Williams, the la.st survivor, had been dead only ten years) this 
 sum would have made the three so rich that they could have owned more live stock than Job in the height 
 of his prosperity. The very magnitude of the sum may have over-reached its object. It is highly probaljle 
 no one of the three had ever possessed a hundred guineas at any one time. 
 
 He offered also to let them keep him concealed while their messenger should go to the British lines with the 
 letter he would write. They held a long consultation (as he told Tallmadge subsequently) but finally 
 decided the risk was too great, "a detachment would probably be sent out against them, they be captured 
 anil iniprisone<l in the Sugar House" (probably that in Lilierty Street, near Nassau). 'Vhe fear was 
 realized in part, in Paulding's case, soon afterwards. He was wounded, a third time captured and was in 
 a llritLsh hospital until the end of the war. 
 
 i " We refused to accept his bribes, unless he would say from whom he got the papers. He refused to i»y." — 
 Williams, in 1817. « The law allowed, page 32. 
 
32 
 
 and j^o in advance' Tlic oilier five now joined tlieni — perhaps summoned by 
 the ajjreed-on musket shot. Pauldinjj said : " We have taken a prisoner,- 
 searched him, and found papers in his hoots, and don't know what to do willi 
 liini."' "Take liim to General Washinj^tou," advised Yerks.'' Possibl}- as a 
 compromise, it was af!;reed that he be taken to the nearest outpost, which was one 
 of vSheldon's Dragoons. The whole party accordingly started, but not before 
 Andre had vainly repeated his offer of ten thousand guineas. .\t this point he 
 surrendered his silver watch, saying " it was their prize,"' and the party began 
 their march for the Romer house, which they had left that morning. 
 
 '■' The law allowed capturs in such cases, all the prisoner's property foiuiil on hitu. U was restored to him at 
 Tiippan, by WasliinKloiiN iiriler. The sixpence he had j^iven to Sally Haininond seems to have been the 
 iiiily small ihaiij;c 'le had with liini. At Tapjian lie tuld liowman that they roljlied him of the few ^juinias 
 he had. Of course he did not know that llir law jHTmitteil it. 
 
 I Verks says Tauldiu;; led the horse up the hill. 
 
 - The news wa^. soon spread, lor thai aflernoon "a runner ])as.seil our house, stopping a ninment to say to my 
 father, ' They have taken a spy at Tarrytown.' " — /iMv< ']'lninii\ see p. 24. 
 
 ' Yerks must l.ave thought the Chief was at .Arnold's ipiarters, instead of at Hartford. 
 
 < Wilhanis '.Abraham Williams, See and Komer ajipear to have been minor figures.) Verks liavs raulilinij 
 demant'ed it. 
 

CHAPTER III. 
 
 Tarrytown to the Robinson House — Detection. 
 
 'T^] 
 
 DFI'ICKUfi HIT ION. 
 7th ISKIrlriU KKUIMEST. 
 
 Now a' is done that men can do, 
 And a' is done in vain. 
 
 Ri'RNS. — // was a' for our rin/il/ii' king. 
 
 HE distance to Romer'.s was fully a mile and a lialf or two 
 miles. Dnring the march, Sert(cant Dean was in command, 
 as is shown by the fact that when Williams annoyed the 
 prisoner by persistent questioning, he appealed to the vSergeant 
 for protection, and the latter ordered his tormentor to desist. 
 Van Wart has left this graphic picture of the march : " You 
 never saw such an alteration in any man's face. Only a few 
 moments before he was uncommonly ga}' in his looks, but after we had made 
 him prisoner, you could read in his face that he thought it was all over with 
 him. After travelling one or two miles, he said ; ' I would to God you had blown 
 ni)' brains out when 5'ou stopped me.' " 
 
 Paulding preceded the others to the Ronier house,' and cautioned Mrs. 
 Ronier, saying: "Take care what you say, Aunt Fanny; I believe we have a 
 British officer with us." On arrival it was found the basket containing dinner 
 had been forgotten in the excitement of the morning, and John Romcr, James' 
 younger brother, a boy of sixteen who was destined to live to be ninety-one, was 
 sent back to the tulip-tree for it. It is not clear whether the party waited at 
 Romer's for his return," or went at once to Reed's,'' where they had borrowed 
 the cards that morning. This — now known as the Landrine house — still stands 
 on the north side of the old White Plains road, about one and a half miles from 
 the New York Central's Tarrytown station, and half a mile from the East View 
 or Tarrytown stations on the New York and Putnam road. The small addition 
 to it, shown in the illustration, is modern. Andre was taken into the right-hand 
 room. Here, at the right of the fireplace, is a box stairway,' and on its first step 
 he sat while eating bread and milk. The stairs remain unchanged, but the door 
 
 1 The party probably also visited the Dean house, though this is not certain. 
 
 'i Ytrks says all had some food while there, hut Andri? refused to cat. It may he that this house was the scene 
 of the dinner referred to by Irving. See page 34. 
 
 3 Marked 13 on the map. 
 
 ^A stairway closed in and hidden by a partition, but without balusters — usually without handrails. It is 
 
 common in old houses. At this'hou,sc one authority — J. S. Lee, of licukmantown — Siiys the party dined 
 
 on eggs and bacon. 
 
34 
 
 seems nioderii. When j-oung Roiner came back with the basket, the time must 
 have been i)ast noon, and its contents were probably eaten before the journey was 
 resumed. Sheldon's nearest post was, as Foote had said, at Robbins' Mills, the 
 present Kensico. I quote from Judge Dykman, illustrating the minutely careful 
 record he has made of the route, enabling the tourist to easily identify sites : 
 
 They passed along the road 
 East, turned to the north on the 
 hill west of the county almshouse, 
 up that road, under Buttermilk 
 Hill, across the Sawmill river at 
 the bridge just below the mill. 
 Passing up the road near Raven 
 Rock, they went to the corner at 
 the late residence of Carlton Clark. 
 Turning to the right they ascended 
 the hill to the Upper Cross Roads, 
 down another hill, past Ebenezer 
 Newman's, across the hollow now 
 traversed by tlie Harlein Rail- 
 road, and up Reynolds Hill on 
 the White Plains road to the old 
 I'^oshay hou.se. 
 
 This building' was unfor- 
 tunately destroyed before I could 
 visit and photograph it. Here 
 they stopped awh'le, and drank 
 water or milk. Their objective 
 poiut was John Robbins' house, 
 where the officer in command 
 of Sh.eldon's detachment was 
 supposed to be. It is a small 
 frame building, on land recently 
 — 1 896 — acquired by New York 
 City as part of the Kensico reser- 
 voir watershed, and is soon to be removed or destroyed on that account. Of all I 
 visited, it is about the only one in bad condition. Its siding, though probably not 
 the original, is nearly black from age and exposure, and the front porch, where 
 Andre probablj' entered, has disappeared, though tne old Dutch half-door remains.'' 
 It was, probably, at this house that occurred the episode told only by 
 Irving.' The party arrived as the family were at dinner. Andr6 was asked to 
 
 I Site iimrked 14 on tlu' m:<\). 
 
 ^ This side till; building was in sucli l)ad condition that Mr. liennett preferreil to photograph the other, where 
 
 the <>l)liging housewife went to the Ironhle of taking down her Monday wash to allow the camera a clear 
 
 field. It is niarki'd 15 on the nia)). 
 a /.(/(■ I'/ U'liihitigtoH, Vol. iv., p. 124. 
 
. r ^ 
 
 •T. — 
 
 
share the repast, and its humble nature apologized for. He replied: "Oh, 
 madam, it is all very good, but indeed I cannot eat." A young girl of the 
 company was Irving's informant in hpr old age, and said she could never restrain 
 her tears when recalling the scene. The house had been the quarters of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel John Jameson,' of Sheldon's regiment." As the Colonel 
 himself was under arrest' at t'le time, for some unknown military offense, 
 Jameson was in temporary command, and possibly for that reason had transferred 
 his headquarters to Sands' Mills, in the town of North Castle. Hence the squad 
 resumed their march, over the North Castle road.' One-half the distance from 
 Tarrytown had been covered, and six miles remained. It could not have been 
 earlier than three o'clock, and was probably somewhat later. Andre was still 
 riding his brown horse, which one captor after another led Ijy the rein, the others 
 marching on either side and behind. Sands' Mills would be reached by five or 
 half-past.'' The " Mills " is merely a sawmill and two or three houses in the 
 northern part of the small town of Armonk, formerl}' called Mile .Square. None 
 of the present dwellings are of Revolutionary age, the Sands house being dated 
 1809. Probably Sands' original dwelling and that we are interested in, the 
 outbuilding or annex to the barn," were the only ones there in 1780, besides the 
 mill. The second and third are not a hundred feet apart. The mill was closed 
 on the day of our visit, but is modern, at least outside. It is run by the power 
 of Wampus Pond, a pretty little lake on the higher ground westward. To the 
 north and west are the " Heights of North Castle," where Washington's forces 
 encamped after the battle of White Plains (1776). 
 
 The farm's outbuilding,' like most others of its time, has lost its appear- 
 ance of age with its ancient shingle siding. Smooth modern boards effectually 
 
 1 John Jameson, of a distinguished Virgiiiiii family, was born in eillier Culpeper or I'airfax, Va., in 1751. .\t tlie 
 
 lime we are considering he had heen for three years an officer of Sheldon's regiment, to which he had 
 been promoted from Major of island's First Dragoons, a Virginia regiment, as Sheldon's was of Cnn- 
 necticnt. He had been wounded near Valley I'orge in 177S, and served creditably thronghont the 
 Revolution. He was for many years Clerk of Culi)ej)er County, dying in Culpeper, N'ovember 2", tSio. 
 He was a member of the same Masonic Lodge in .Alexandria as Washington. Tlie portrait .shown 
 has never before been published. I am indebted for it to his grandson, Mr. I'liilip R. Jameson, of 
 Culpeper. 
 
 2 Sheldon's was a "crack" regiment, the arms and accoutrements of which had been bought in Trance. That 
 
 part of it on duty in Arnold's district comprised only 142 men, "about one-half mounted " (sie page 16). 
 The paper with this detailed information was at that moment in ])os.session of Paulding I or Dean). 
 
 ■''Sheldon was tried by court martial at West Point, Octol)er 23, 17S0, Colonel Ila/en, of the " Congress, " or 
 Second Canadian Regiment, being president, and acquitted. 
 
 * Williams' account .says : " We kept to the by-ways, and went as quickly and silently as we coulil. He suffered 
 much in miml, as was apparent from his great dejection, but he acted like a gentleman, candidly and 
 politely, and never once attempted to escape." 
 
 " History has generally .state<l that only the three captors went to Sands' Mills. lint in iSp .Samuel Youngs, 
 who had been a private in the First We.stche.ster when coinmaniUd by Colonel Hammond, and became 
 a lieutenant in Sheldon's in 1782, endorsed the pensi(ui a|)plication of Knsign John Dean's widow, to this 
 effect: In i7iSo he himself was employed as a guide for Sheldon's regiment, ami as such was at Mile 
 Square on the twenty-third of September, and there witnessed the arrival of the eight, whom he mentions 
 by name. When Dean was asked by Jameson for their names, he gave only those of Paulding, Williams 
 and Van Wart. 
 
 " The 17S0 barn has given place to another, 
 
 ? Marked 16 on the map. 
 
.^6 
 
 dis^^tiise tlic oldest structure, makinpf it rcseuible a " modern nutique." The 
 frame, and probably luost of tlic floor, is as wheu Jameson tlicrc received the 
 prisoner whose real importance he so misunderstood. As the owner was absent, 
 with the kej', we were unable to make a photograph of the interior, which 's now 
 a carpentry workshop. As this building, like Robbins' house, is on " "-eservoir 
 land " it must soon be removed or destroyed, and by the time these lines reach 
 the reader both will probably be things of the past. M}' visit to the scenes just 
 described was during the same week in September as that in which Andre was 
 there in 1 780. I passed over almost every foot of the road he traversed, and 
 realized that the landscape could not differ greatly from that which he saw. 
 The fence-corners were abla/e with purple asters, golden rod, tansy, and \'irginia 
 creeper; cardinal flowers were blooming here and there, and the occasional call 
 of " Bob White " from an unseen bevy of quail, or the caw of a crow as he 
 winged his way across the vallc}- of the Bronx — here a little brook — were 
 almost the onl\- sounds which broke the rural quiet. Just such Andre must 
 have seen and heard, as he rode at the slow pace of his guard those six miles 
 from Robbins' Mills' to Mile Square. 
 
 Jameson at length found, and " Anderson " turned over to him, all but 
 Paulding, Van Wart and Williams returned to their several homes. If their 
 names were asked, neither Jameson nor anyone else mentioned them. Jameson's 
 decision to send " Anderson " at once to Arnold with a letter- is familiar historj','' 
 and has been severely criticised. But of the honesty of his purpose — and 
 possibly also of the niilitar\' propriety of his action — there has never been any 
 question. In a subsequent letter^ to Washington, he acknowledged his unfor- 
 tunate mistake. Now once again Andre's star seemed emerging from the clouds 
 of danger surrounding him. Could he but reach Arnold once more, he was 
 safe — and he must have been eager to start. The guard sent with him oddlj' 
 enough did not include any of his captors. It was composed of four Connecticut 
 militia, undoubtedly of one of the three regiments of such, on the North Castle 
 lines, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Jonathan Wells, Nineteenth Connecticut. 
 The squad was commanded by Lieutenant Solomon Allen of Northampton, Mass,, 
 of Colonel vSeth Murray's three months' regiment of Hampshire County militia." 
 (He was Adjutant at this time.) 
 
 ' Van Wart afterwards referred to his distress of mind, as shown by the j;reat drops of sweat which kept falliiif; 
 
 from his forehead. 
 - Whether or no Andre asked him to do this is a disputed point (Lossinj; says he did). The letter is as follows : 
 
 North Castle, 2,^ Septr. 
 .Sir, — I have sent Lieutenant Allen, with a certain John .\nderson, taken K"'".'; '"'" New Vork. Me 
 
 had a pa.ssport signed in yom- name. He had a parcel of papers taken from under his .stocking's, wliicli I 
 
 think of a very dangerous tendency. The papers I have sent to General Washington. Tltey contained 
 
 (see description, pages 16-iS), 
 ' Van Wart afterwards testified tliat Jameson cautioned the captors to keep the matter secret, as there were 
 
 probably otheis concerned in the plot, who nnisl not be frightened off before they could be seized. I 
 
 doubt this. An officer of his rank would not have been likely to thus take an unknown militiaman into 
 
 his confidence. 
 * See Chapter IV, 6 Solomon Allen was born, page 37. 
 
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 These events took place on Satnrday, the twenty-third, prol)ably at about 
 six in the evening. Andre, who had now been in tlic saddle almost continuously 
 since five in the morning, was at once hurried of! for Arnold's headquarters,' 
 to his own secret satisfaction. Nothing but the arrival a little later of one whose 
 reminiscences of the period are among the most readable of such, prevented him 
 from safely arriving there. 
 
 This person was Benjamin Tallmadge, of Wethersficld, Connecticut, an 
 active and intelligent young officer, the Major of Sheldcm's regiment. Heing on 
 duty below White Plains, he did not return to headquarters until some time after 
 the Allen party had left. 
 
 His suspicions of Arnold, remonstrances against Jameson's action, and the 
 consequent sending of a messenger to overtake Allen," are all familiar incidents 
 of history, as is also Jameson's obstinate determination that the letter to Arnold 
 should be forwarded notwithstanding. 
 
 Andre was now well on his way towards Arnold — and freedom. Tlie 
 recalling order came almost too late. Not until Allen and his squad were upon 
 the hill north of Peekskill, close to the ancient St. Peter's Church, were tliey 
 overtaken by the messenger,'' " bloody with spurring, fiery-red with haste. "^ 
 
 Once more the unfortunate prisoner was turned back'' to danger, when 
 little more than an hour would have saved him. It was his last chance, and he 
 was now to progress steadily towards the inevitable end. The return to Sands' 
 Mills was about eight or nine o'clock Sunday morning," the twenty-fourth. 
 
 •'> Solomon Allen was born in Northampton, Mass., February 23, 1751, and 'Ued in New Y^ork January 2H, 1H21. 
 He had three brothers in the army, one the Rev. Thomas Allen, first pastor of the Conjjregalional Clinrili 
 of Piltsfield, Mass., who was present at the battles of Hennington an<l Sanitiiga. Solomon served several 
 short enlistments, and, after the close of the war .served also in suppressing Sliays' rebellion. Afterwards 
 he studied theology, was ordained, and became distinguished as a Methodist p.astor, chiefly in Western 
 New York, Initially settling in New York City, he died there in 1821. See Alli-n-ll'iller Genealogy, and 
 J. N. ViMxiorWs Sketeh of Last Days of Solomon Allen. 
 l"or his portrait and autograph I am indebted to his great grandson, Mr. Theodore ly. Allen, of I'ittsfield. 
 
 ' I'rom the quick time made, all the party nmst have been mounted. The Allcn-Wilter Genealogy s,-tys 
 Andre's arms were bound behind him by a strap, a .soldier holding the end, and orders given the stjii.id to 
 shoot him if he attempted to escape. Lieutenant Allen rode in the rear. The compiler of the genealogy 
 does not give his authority for any statements, anil the papers of Rev. Solomon Allen, though supposed to 
 be somewhere in New York City (if anywhere) have never been discovered by his descendants. 
 
 " The order recallir^ Allen reads : 
 
 "From some circumstances which I have just discovered, I have reason to fear that a party of the 
 enemy is above ; and as I would not have Anderson re-taken or get away, I desire that you will proceed to 
 Lower Salem with him, and deliver him to Captain Iloogland. Yon will leave the guard with Captain 
 Hoogland also, except one man whom you may take along. You may proceed to West I'oint to deliver 
 the letter to General Arnold. You may also show him this, that he may know the reason wh)' the pri.soner 
 is not sent on." 
 
 ^ Allen's route was to New Castle Corners — really the North Castle of the Revolution — thence over Crow Hill 
 to Pine's Bridge. Thence by the same road .\ndrd had travelled in the morning — past Strang's tavern 
 and Miller's hou.se to the present Locu.st Avenue, thence to Cortlandville, near the Holhnan house, and 
 towards Continental Village. 
 
 ' The ylllen Genealogy, which is somewhat diffuse on this point, and in other particulars is at variance with 
 general history, says the escort were almost mutinous at the recall, and that Andrd encouraged them, so 
 that it required all Allen's authority to compel them to return. 
 
 ■' Why did Allen return to Sands' Mills, instetul of going to Lower (now South) Salem, as onlered? This has 
 never been explained. « Authorities differ, page 38, 
 
38 
 
 Andr^ was once more put in the ham's "annex," and met Tallmadge for the first 
 time. Prom his miMtary walk and manner, the hitter felt sure he was a soldier, 
 and prevailed (m Jameson to order him sent to Sheldon's' headquarters at South 
 Salem. Accordingly, an escort of twenty dragoons, under Tallmadge, was told 
 
 • Authorilifs differ, some puUiiiK it «» i-arly Moml.-iy tiioriiiiiK, but Tallinadfjc says Sunday. He should Iw Rood 
 authority. Alien returuiiij;, did mil reach '.Arimld until e.trly Tue.sd.\y, the twenty-fifth. TalhnadRe, 
 writing to Stmrka in iHy, ascrities this to the distance travelled — ImicU to South Salem and thence to 
 the Koliinson llouw. 
 
 I Tile fact that Ariii>l(l hail notifuii Uith Tallmadge and Sheldon, Soiitendwr 13th, that if a man named 
 Anderson should come witliii' the lines he was to be .sent to licad(iuarters, now naturally tended to 
 streuKtheu Tallmadne's suspicions of the Department Commander. 
 
 Arnold wrote : Robinson House, 
 
 7 .Septemt)er. 
 Since I saw you, I have had an opjKirtunity of transmitting a letter to the person in New York of 
 whom I made mention, and am in expectation of procurinit; a mectin)» at y<mr quarters. If I can brin^ 
 this matter alwut, as I hope, I shall open a channel of ititoUlKence that will w regular and to be depeiuled 
 upon. 
 
 Aiidr^' had also written to Sheldon i)roi)Osin>! a mectiuK at Dobbs' Kerry : 
 
 New York, the ytli Sept. 
 Sir,— I am told that my name is ma<le known to you, and that I may hope your indul^;cnce in 
 permitting me to meet a friend near your out])osts. I will endeavor to obtain pernus.sion to go out with a 
 il.ig, which will be sent to Doblis' I'erry on Monday next, the nth in.stant, when I .shall be haiijiy to meet 
 Mr. (5. Should I not be allowed to go, ttie officer who is to command the escort — between whom and 
 myself no distinction need be made — can speak in the affair. T,et me entreat you, Sir, to favor a matter 
 so interesting to the parties concerned, and which is of so priv.alc a nature that the public on neither si<le 
 can tie injured by it. I shall bj liaj)py on my part in doing any .act of kindness to you in a family or 
 property concern of a familiar nature. I trust I shall not lie detained, but should any old grudge be a 
 cause for it, I shall rather risk ihat than neglect the business in question or ■a.s.sume a mysterious character 
 to carry on an innocent affair, and, as friends have advised, get to your lines by stealth. 
 I am, Sir, with all regard, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 John ANiinR.soN. 
 Tile meeting he thus jirojiosed was that which Arnold failed to attend, as previouslv noticed (.see Chap. I.). 
 It was this letter which I.ossing observes puzzled Sheldon, anil which he referred to .\rnold on the 9th. 
 It ..as found among .Arnold's papers. In .Arnold's private meiiioranilum look, was afterwards found by 
 Varick, his aiil, entries showing that he had written to " Anderson," June 7, July 13 and 17, August — and 
 .V (the Heron letter, which .\ndr(5 never received), Sept. 3, 15 and 18 (a duplicate). 
 
 Sheldon replied to .Arnold : 
 
 Lower Salem, 9 September. 
 Hear Sir, — Enclosed I send you a letter which I received l.i.st evening from New York, signed John 
 Anderson. If this is the person you mentioned in your favor of yesterday, he must have hiul his 
 information by your letter, as I never heard his name mentioned before I received this letter. I hope you 
 will not fail meeting him at Dobbs' I'erry ; if you cannot meet him yourself, pray send some person that 
 y<m can confide in. I am so much out of health that I shall not be able to ride that di.stance in one day. 
 
 Arnold replied : 
 
 loth September. 
 
 I receiveil last nii»ht your favor of yesterday. You judge right. I wrote Mr. Anderson on the 
 3rd inst. requesting him to meet meat your (luarters, ami informed him I h.id hinted the matter to you, 
 ami that you wcmld send any letter to me, or inform me of his arrival. I did not mention his name in my 
 letter to you, as I thought it unnecessary. I was obliged to write with great caution to him, my letter was 
 signed duslaviis to prevent any discovery in case it fell into the hands of the enemy. 
 
 l''roni the tenor of Mr. .Anderson's letter (in particular that part where he says, " The officer who 
 commands," etc., I am led to conjecture my letter lias been intercepted. There are .several things in the 
 letter which appear mystericms. As you are unwell and I want to go to Verplanck's Point to give 
 <lircctions in some ttiattcrs there, I am determined to go as far as Dobbs' I'erry and meet the flag. If 
 Mr. .Ander.s<in slioidd not be permitted to come out with the flag, and should find means to come to your 
 quarters, I wish you to send an express to let me know ; and send two or three horsemen to conduct him 
 in the way to meet me, as it is difficult for me to ride so far. 
 
 (Oh .icconiit of his wounded lejj ) 
 
 If your health will permit, I wish you to come with him. I am convinced of his inclination to 
 serve the public ; and if he has received my letter and in conseqtience thereof should come to your 
 quarters, I make no doubt to fix on a mo<le of intelligence that will answer my wishes. 
 
 If C'lcneral Parsons has arrived I wish you to show him iiiy letter, and tell him my request is to have 
 Mr. .\iiilerson escorted to meet me. Ple.ise write me, by relurn of the express, through wh;.t channel, you 
 received Mr. .Anderson's letter, and if your emis,sary has returned. 
 
Till-: CiiLiiKKT HorsK. SoiTii Sai.km. 
 
 (I'roni the DriKinal sketch by Dr. Alexandir AndcTson, owned by Dr. Tlioiiiiis Addis luiiiiut, N. V.) 
 
 Tliere was a spacious yanl before the door, wliicli he desircil he iiiinht be perinitled to walk in." — Kiiif;. 
 
FROM ORIGINAL PAINTING BY STUART, OWNFO BV MR. J. HOWARD KING. RIDGEFIELO. CONN. 
 
.^9 
 
 off to take him there. For a part of the way they were accoiiipatiicd by Paulding, 
 Williams and Van Wart,' who peem to have been hanging around headqnarters. 
 The rontc was by Coman's Hill, Bedford Village and Cross River, to Lower 
 Salem, arriving at the honse of 'Sqnire John Gilbert at abont eight in the 
 morning. The honse stood on the west side of the road leading north from Lower 
 Salem, between the present dwellings of Mrs. Abby Hoyt and John I. Bonton. 
 It no longer exists — the illustration being taken from a water-color sketch-' in 
 the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet. 
 
 The acconnt of Andre's arrival, given by Lientenant (afterwards General) 
 Joshna King, of Sheldon's, is so graphic that I insert it in full: 
 
 He looked soriewhat like a reduced gentlemau. Hi.s smallclothes were nankceti, 
 with handsome white-top riding boots — in fact his undress military clothes. His coat 
 [was] purple, with gold lace, worn somewhat threadbare, with a small-brimmed tarnished 
 beaver on his head. He wore his hair in a queue, with long black beard,'' and his clotlies 
 somewhat dirty. In this garb I took charge of him. After breakfast my barlx;r came in 
 to dres.s* me, after which I requested him to go through the same operation, which he did. 
 Wheii the ribbon was taken from his hair, I observed it full of powder ; this circumstance, 
 with others that occurred, induced me to l)elieYe that I had no ordinary person in charge. 
 He requested permission to take the bed while his shirt and smallclothes might l>e 
 washed. I told him that was needless, for a shirt was at his service, which he accepted. 
 We were close pent-up in a Ijedroom, with a vidette at the door and window. There was 
 a spacious yard before the door, which he desired he might be permitted to walk in with 
 nie. I accordingly disjwsed of my guard in such a manner as to prevent an escajx;. 
 While walking together, he obser\'ed he nnist make a confidant of somebody, and he 
 knew not a more proper person than my.self, as I had appeared to befriend a stranger in 
 distress. After settling the wint Ijetween us, he told me who he was, and gave me a 
 short account of himself from the time he was taken at St. Johns in 1775. 
 
 (This looks like an attempt on Arnold's part to discover whether Sheldon had a spy in New York. His 
 endeavor to find out the same thing about Lafayette is historic.) 
 
 About August 27 William Heron, a member of the Connecticut Legislature from Redding, and well-known to 
 the officers of the Connecticut Line, requested General I'arsons to assist him in procuring a flag of truce 
 for the purpose of going to New York, that he might collect money due him there. Parsons accordingly 
 gave him a note to Arnold, who, instead of granting the flag imme<liately detained Heron until the jnlli, 
 anil then brought from his private room a letter which he said was from a friend of his own, that he hacl 
 examined it, and at the same time pointing out to Heron that it had been sealed with a wafer which he had 
 broken and afterwards scaled with wax, desired him to be careful to deliver it with his own hand 
 if he went to New York. 
 
 Heron did go, but Arnold's extraordinary precautions led him to inspect the seal, and, finding the wafer had 
 not been broken as Arnold said, his suspicions were excited, and instead of delivering the letter as 
 proini.sed, he brought it back with him, and on September 10 gave it to Parsons. As it seemed to relate 
 merely to trade, Parsons, preferring to state the facts privately to Washington ins>'.'ad of making a formal 
 communication, rode over to camp (Tappan) for the puipose — but found Washington was just leaving for 
 Hartford. So, as Par.sons,expresses it, " it was left to the ripening of the horrid event to detect this 
 unsuspecting instrument." (Parsons' letter is printed in Sargent.) 
 
 Tt is an interesting sjieculation as to how much history would have been changed, had the letter been delivered 
 in New York, or had Parsons succeeded in bringing the matter to Washington's attention. It was the 
 letter signed " Gustavus," and dated August 30.— Charlks S. Hall, ffn// Ancestry, N. Y., 1896. 
 1 Williams. 
 
 - By the late Dr. Andrew Andetson, the father of Americjin wood-engraving. It is proliably the only original 
 view existing. The late John Jay bought the house in 1856, hoping that puldic interest might be 
 sufficiently awakened to preserve it ; but his eflort failed, and the site is now a cultivated field. It is 
 marked 17 on the map. 
 •' As no gentleman of that period wore a beard, King probably means a beard of several days' growth. Andr^ 
 could not have shaved for four days. •• Shave. 
 
40 
 
 It was in tlic room occujjicd liy Dr. Broiison,' the "surgeon's mate" or 
 
 assistant surgeon, of Slieldon's regiment, that tlie prisoner who so impressed 
 
 King wrote at three o'clock that Sunday, his celebrated letter to Washington,' 
 
 wliicii Haniiltcm justly says is "conceived in terms of dignity without insolence, 
 
 and apology without meanness : " 
 
 Salem, Septemlxjr 24tli, 1780. 
 
 Sir, — What I have as yet said concerning myself was in the justifiable attempt to 
 Ik.' extricated. I am too little accustomed to duplicity to have succeeded. I beg your 
 Ivxcellency will l)e jiersuaded that no alteration in the tenqxjr of my mind, or apprehension 
 for my safety, induces me to take the .step of addressing you, init that it is to rescue 
 myself from an imputation of having assumed a mean character for treacherous purjxises 
 or self-interest ; a conduct incompatible with the principles that actuate me, as well as 
 witli my condition in life. It is to vindicate my fame that I siieak, and not to .solicit 
 security. The ix;rson in your ix)S.session is Major John Andrd, adjutant general to the 
 British army. 
 
 The influence of one commander in the army of his adversary is an advantage 
 taken in war. A correspondence for this purjwse I held, as confidential (in the pre.sent 
 instance) with his Excellency Sir Henry Clinton. To favor it, I agreed to meet, uix)n 
 ground not within the j)osts of either army, a person who was to give me intelligence. I 
 came up in the I'ulliirc man-of-war for this effect, and was fetched by a boat from the 
 ship to the beach. Being here, I was told that the approach of day would prevent my 
 return, and that I mu.st he concealed until the next night. I was in ray regimentals, and 
 had fairly risked my person. 
 
 Against my stipulations, niy intention, and without my knowledge Iseforehand, I 
 was conducted within one of your posts. Your Excellency may conceive my sensation on 
 this occasion, and must imagine how nuich more must I have been affected by a refusal to 
 re-conduct me back the next night as I had l)een brought. Thus become a prisoner, I 
 had to concert my escajje. I quitted my uniform, and was passed another way in the 
 night, without the American jx)sts, to neutral ground, and informed I was beyond all 
 armed parties, and left to press for New York. I was taken at Tarrytown by some 
 volunteers. Thus, as I have had the honor to relate, was I betrayed (Ix'ing adjutant 
 general of the British army) into the vile condition of an enemy in disguise within 
 your jwsts. 
 
 Having avowed myself a Briti.sh officer, I have nothing to reveal but what relates 
 to myself, which is true on the honor of an officer and a gentleman. The request I have 
 
 1 Isaac Bronson wa.s iKirn in nrcakncck (now Middlebury ), Conn., March 10, 1760. He .studied niedicine, and 
 ill Novi'niber, 1779, wa.s a])])ointed Junior Surgeon of Slieldon's regiment, wliere he saw much hard service 
 inider many difliculties. A single instance >;ives an idea of the lack of modern conveniences in 
 \V:isliini,'ton's anny — that at times there was hardly a tent in the rej^inient. In 17S3 he relinquished his 
 iirofession and went al)road for some years, returning in i7'Sg. From 1792 to 1794 he lived in Pliiladelphia, 
 liut in 17<)6 went to Bridgeport, Conn., and enj^axed in banking. He wa.s very .successful, and his advice 
 in llnancial matters wa.s often sought by Hatnilton and other distinguished men. He died at Greenfield 
 Hill. Conn,, May 19, 1839. Andrd gave him a humorous sketch, showing himself escorted by the four 
 militia, under Lieutenant Allen. I regret not being able to trace it. 
 
 - This was given to Tallmadge to read, then sealed and .sent to Washington by th_ messenger who had previously 
 been desi)atehod to meet him on his return from Hartford. He had gone almost to Danbnry before 
 learning that the Chief had already left Hartford on his way to Kishkill. Returning to Sands' Mills he 
 took Aiidrd's letter to the Robinson House. He did not arrive there until two on Monday afternoon, 
 when he gave it, as well as Jameson's letter to Washington, with the Arnold papers, to Hamilton. 
 Washington was then at West Point, and hence did not get them until his return at four o'clock. 
 (See Chap. IV.) 
 
^. 'D. 
 
 FROM THE OBIOINAL PAINTItiO BV TRUMBULL. I» THE POSSESSION OF MR. FREDERICK BRONSON. NEW YORK 
 
41 
 
 to make to your Excellency, atul I am conscious I address myself well, is, that in an\ 
 rigor jxjticy may dictate, a decency of conduct may mark that, though imforttinate, I am 
 branded with nothing dishonorable, as no motive could be mine hut tlie service of my 
 king, and as I was involuntarily an imixjstor. Another request is, that I may Ik- 
 permitted to write an open letter to Sir Henry Clinton, and another to a friend for 
 clothes and linen. 
 
 I take the liberty to mention the condition of some gentlemen at Charleston, who, 
 being either on parole or under protection, were engaged in a conspiracy against us. 
 Though tlieir situation is not similar, they are objects who may l)e set in exchange for 
 me, or are ]x;rsons whom the treatment I receive might affect. It is no less. Sir, in a 
 confidence of the generosity of your mind, than on account of your sujK'rior .s'ation, that 
 I have chosen to importune you with this letter. 
 
 I have the honour to 'ie, with great resiject, Sir, 
 
 Your Excellency's most oliedient and most humble servant, 
 
 John Andri!, Adjutant General. 
 
 While those at South Salem are waiting to hear from Washington, we 
 may return to Smith and Arnold. 
 
 While Jameson's second messenger was riding towards the Robinson 
 Honse, Smith, all nnconscious of the important events of Satnrday and Sunday, 
 was dining at Fishkill, in Washington's company. Before the messenger arrived 
 Lieutenant Allen had reached headquarters, at about nine on Monday mornin(»-. 
 
 On the way from Fishkill — Monday — Washington and his staff stopped 
 to examine some fortifications. The Chief sent Hamilton and Major Samuel 
 Shaw,' Third Continental Artillery (or Major James McHenry),- to notify 
 Arnold of the cause of delay — the party being expected to breakfast with him. 
 
 Washington's servant had already started on the same errand, and so 
 arrived iirst, just after Allen had delivered Jameson's letter. 
 
 Even at the tremendous news of Andre's arrest, the wonderful self- 
 command Arnold had so often manifested did not forsake liim. Though 
 evincing some emotion' he did not give way to any great degree, but telling 
 Allen not to suy anything about the letter,^ he returned to the breakfast room. 
 
 1 Samuel Shaw wa.s born in Boston, October 2, 1754. He joined the patriot army January i, 1776, and scrvnl 
 throujjbout the Revolution, becoming Captain in the Third Artillery. Froiu 1784 to 1794 he was enxaKod 
 in mercantile pursuits in Canton, China, where he was U. S. Consul (the first) from 17.S6 to 1790. In 1794 
 ill-health obliged him to leave China, and he took passage on a ship bound for Boston, but died on the 
 voyage. May 30, 1794, and was buried at sea, while tlie vessel was off the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 - James McHenry was born in Ballymena, Ireland, in November, 1753, and die<l in Baltimore, May 3, 1816. He 
 came to America in 1771, and began the study of medicine, in I'liilailelphia, under the celebrated Dr. Rush. 
 In July, 177s, he was apiminted an assistant surgeon in the army, then at Cambridj^e. In 1776 we find him 
 Surgeon of the Fifth Pennsylvania Battalion, Colonel Robert Magaw. Taken pri.soner with him at I-"ort 
 Washington, he was not exchanged until March, 177H. In May he became Washington's .secretary, .md 
 Surgeon to the Flying Camp Hospital. In August, 1780, he was appointed Aid to Lafayette. From 1796 
 to 1 800 he was Secretary of War. 
 Thacher and Lafayette agree that he — not Il.imiltou — went w'th Shaw, and .is he was Lafayette's Aid, this 
 would seem conclusive, unless Lafayette's memory in 1824 hail become untrustworthy. He also says 
 McHenry was at breakfast with the others when Allen arrive<l. — (Letter to Luzerne, Memoirs, vol. I., 
 !>• 3'i7- ) 
 
 ■' See Washington's letter, page 52. 
 
 < Franks' testimony at his court martial. 
 
4« 
 
 told tlic asscnibled officers' the letter required his immediate presence at West 
 I'.iiiil, l)iit that he wcmld rctuni to meet Washington, ordered a horse' to be 
 saddled at once, and went upstairs to bid his wife' farewell.' At this moment, 
 
 Major Franks came up, to tell him of the arrival 
 /Ol O cP tr^ j^ A °^ Washington's servant. Naturally supposing that 
 (p/JCCf^fjJ^^^^^T^'^^^^ the Chief would arrive at any moment, Arnold 
 
 fled^' precipitately" from the house, by a short cut 
 down the hill, since known as Arnold's Path, to 
 Beverly Dock,' where his eight-oared bnrge was waiting, the boatmen having 
 been hastily summoned. He ordered the cockswain, James Larvey," to push 
 off, telling him that it was necessarj' he should reach the Vulture at once, 
 so that he might return and meet Washington at his quarters. Showing his 
 haiulkcrchief as a flag of truce as the boat passed Verplanck's, he was soon 
 aboard the I'ullurr!' Most historians agree that he escaped Washington by about 
 half an hour, though Thacher says the latter did not arrive until noon,'" 
 while the breakfast party were assembled at ten. On his arrival, Major Franks 
 apologized for Arnold's absence, and Dr. Eustis" reported his wife's illness. The 
 Chief breakfasted, and then went to West Point, where of course he did not find 
 Arnold, and where Colonel Lamb was as much surprised to meet him as he was 
 not to be received with the proper salute of cannon. Thus it was not until his 
 return to the Robinson House, at four o'clock, that he met Hamilton and learned 
 
 • Sarntiit siiys Majcir liuriiet (see Clia]). V.) was oiii;. Thacher says Shaw and McHenry. (If so, whure w:is 
 
 Ilaniillon?) I'ranks, one of Arnold's aids, was present, but not Varick, who was sick upstairs, 
 1 One t)elongin){ to Varick or I'ranks. — Lafayette . 
 ' Sargent says she noticed his agitation, and followed him from the dining room. 
 
 Lafayette (prol)al)ly quoting McIIenry) s:iys he sent a servant to call her upstairs. He left the dining-room 
 
 by the iloor seen alwve the screen on the right (the doors either side of the mantelpiece are of cui)l)oards). 
 < At the abrupt announcement of the news that he must fly for his life, and they might never meet again, she 
 
 fainted. 
 '' I'"ranks, astoni.shed as he was at his abrupt departure, had to think of Mrs. Arnold, who came ont of her sw<x)n 
 
 only to fall into strong convulsions. 
 Dr. luistis, surgeon of Knox's artillery, and who was hospital physician of the post, was hastily .sunnnoned to 
 
 attend her. 
 
 • The (suppo.sed) approach of his Excellency left him hardly an instant to take measures for his own safety, or 
 
 it is likely he would have attempted (to secure) that of Andr<5, and the matter might have remained in 
 obscurity. — Hamilton. 
 That trivial arrival of the servant upset once more any last chance for Andre's .-iafety. Even a half-hour 
 might have been priceless to him at that juncture. A delay to that extent would not have endangered 
 Arnold's safety, for no one suspected him except Tallniadgc, who was miles away. Allen could have bei n 
 innnediately sent back with orders which would have sent Andre down to Dobbs' Ferry, or insured his 
 safety in some other manner. 
 ' This was a small affair, only lo x 20 feet. It long ago disappeared, 
 »• He was a soldier in the Fifth Massachu.setts, Colonel Rufus Putnam. 
 
 u nr. ICustis, in a letter printed in the Colleetions of the Mass. Historical Society, -Vol. XIV, p. 52, says he 
 retaine<l his barge, the rowers returning in one furnished by the Viiltiite's captain. 
 He also says that on Arnold's trying to persuade the men to enter the British service, two did so, who Imd 
 
 l)een British deserters. 
 This, I think, must be a mistake, as the Briti.sh invariably hung all of their deserters whenever they fell into 
 their hands. 
 •" The Allen Genealogy says Lieutenant Allen <lined at the house, and returned to Jameson early next morning. 
 No mention of this is found in any other record. He was not a witness at either Andrd's trial or Smith's. 
 As to the hour of Washington's arrival, see his own letter, page 51, "Some hours" would bring it to at 
 least noon. 11 William Eustis was, page 43. 
 
43 
 
 the astounding news of the conspiracy. Its effect was stunning, and he 
 dcs])ondently asked Knox and Lafayette; " Wlioni can we trust tiow?" Hy this 
 time Arnold had been some time safe aboard tlie \'iiltun\ and the linrried ride of 
 Hamilton and Shaw (or McHenry) to Verplanek's, sixteen miles, was fruitless, 
 except for their presence when a flag of truce arrived from her, bringing a letter' 
 from Arnold to Washington, whicii enclosed one for Mrs. Arnold.' Amid the 
 universal consternation and mutual distrust caused by the.se extraordinary events, 
 Washingtcm, his first ebullition of despair over, remained calm, and acted 
 promptly and vigorously. As he had rea.son to suppo.se the British fleet might at 
 anj' moment be sighted in the distance, on its way to capture West Point in 
 l)ursuance of the plot, his first thought was for the security of the post. Colonel 
 Lamb, who had crossed with him from the Point, and whom he promptly detached 
 from its command by this letter — 
 
 vSir, — It !.'■■ my wish to .see Colonel James LiviiiRston' to-niKht, .iiid I write liim liy 
 yon on the occasion. In liis absence you will take command of tlie jnists .it Stoiiey ami 
 Verplanek's Points till further orders. 
 
 I am, Sir, (etc., etc.,) 
 Head Quarters, Kobinson's House (i. \V'.\siiin(;ton. 
 
 in the Highlands, Se])temlx;r 25, 1780, 
 
 o'clock p. m. 
 
 To Col. John Lamb of the Artillery. 
 
 II Williain Bustis was born in Caiiil)ri(lj(c, Mass., June in, 1753, nnd died in lioslon. I'cl)nmry 6, 1SJ5. He was 
 ^{raiUiattil at Harvard, sUiilied medicine and became associated with Dr. Joseiih Warren. He attendeil the 
 woumleil after Hunker Hill, was ajipoinled as an army surgeon, and was stationed at the Koliinson Hou.se 
 two or more years. I'roni I7,S.H to 1794 he was a member of the Mas.s;ichusetls Legislature, from i.Soi to cSfis, 
 a nunibtr of' Conj^ress. In 1.S07 to 1H13 lie was Secretary of War, from 1S1.4 to iSiH Minister to Holland ; 
 1.S20 to 1H23 he was again in Congress, and in 1.S23 elected (Jovernor of his native state, living in oflice. 
 Several of his family have been distinguished as soldiers. The late Senator J.imes H. I'^ustis, of I.ouisiairi, 
 who was in the Confederate army, and afterwards Aniba.s.sndor to I'raiice, was his grand-nephew, as were 
 also lirigadk r General .\brahani Kustis, Colonel of the I'irst U. S. Artillery, Cai)tain Williain Kustis, of the 
 Third Infantry and I'irst Dragoons, anil Brig.ailier General Henry L. Kustis, Colonel Tenth Mas.snchu.sctts 
 Volunteers. 
 
 I On lH)ard the Vulture, 
 
 Sept. 25, 17S0. 
 Sir,— The heiirt which is con.scious of its own rectitude c, inot attempt to palliate a step which the 
 world may censure as wrong. I have ever acte<l from a principle of love to my country, .since the 
 commencement of the present unliap])y contest between Great Ilritaiu and the Colonies ; the siime 
 principle of love to my country actuates my present conduct, Iiowever it may aiipear inconsistent to the 
 world, who very seldom judge right of any man's actions. I have no favour to ask for myself. I have too 
 often ex])erienced the ingratitude of my country to attempt it ; but from the known hinnanity of your 
 ICxcellence, I am induced to ask your protection for Mrs. \rn(dd, from every insult and injurylh.it the 
 mistaken vengeance of my country may expose her. It ought to fall only on me ; she is as goiMl and as 
 innocent as an angel, and is incapable of doing wrong. I beg she may lie permitted to return to her 
 friends in IMiiladelphia, or to come to me, as she may choose ; from your Hxcellence I have no fears on her 
 account, but she may suffer from the mi.stakcn fury of the country. I have to re<|Uest that the enclosed 
 letter may be delivered to Mrs. Arnold, and she be permitted to write to me I have al.so to ask that my 
 cloaths and baggage, which are of little consecpience, may l)e sent to me ; if required, their value .shall be 
 paid in money. 
 
 I have the honour to be with gre.at regard and esteem, 
 
 Your Kxccllencv's most obedient and hinnble servant. 
 His Excellency II. Arnoj.d. 
 
 General Washington. 
 
 P. S. In justice to the gentlemen of my family. Colonel Varick and Major I'ranks, I think mysilf 
 in himor boinid to declare that they, as well .is Jnslnia .Sniilli, ICs'j (wliom I know is suspected), .ire totally 
 ignorant of any transiictions of mine, that they have reason to Iwlieve were injurious to the (niblic. 
 
 -■ There is iu the possession, ' When Washington had, page 44. 
 
^^/C^A&a^ ^'^ 
 
 44 
 
 may have proposed the capture of Arnold by means of a boat attack on the 
 / 'itl/itrc. At any rate, such an inference is warranted from the letter he wrote 
 
 to Colonel Nathaniel Wade," commanding one of 
 the Massachusetts militia regiments at the Point, 
 and his successor in the command of the post. This 
 has never before been published, and was evidently 
 written very soon after the return of Washington to 
 
 Arnold's quarters : 
 
 Robinson's House, 
 
 25th Sept'r, 1780. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Immediately on Receipt of this, send Ten 
 
 Boats pro|K'rly Manned, to Nelson's Point, where they are 
 
 to remain till further Orders. You will pay particular 
 
 altention to this matter, as it is indispensably necessary. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, your obedient servt, 
 
 John Lamb, 
 
 Colo. Commandant. 
 
 The Vul/nrc^s sailing down the river 
 prevented any attack on her, and Lamb's letter 
 S^^aJ^ <^-.^^'-'^2_--- was soon followed by a letter from the Chief 
 
 himself to Wade :'■' 
 Sir, — General Arnold is gone to the Enemy. I have just received a line from 
 him, inclosing one to Mrs. Arnold, dated on board the Vulture. From this circumstance, 
 and Colo. I.amb's Ix^ing detached on some business, the cr-mmand of the garrison for the 
 jirescnt devolves ujwn you. I rccjuest you will l)e as vigilant as pos?'ble, and ms the 
 Kncmy may have it in contemplation to attempt .some enterprise, even to-night, a^sainst 
 these Posts, I wish you to make, innnediately after receipt of this, the best di.sjwsition you 
 can of your force, so as to have a proportion of men in each work on the west side of the 
 River. You will see or hear from me further to-morrow. 
 
 I am. Sir, 
 
 Your most obt. servt. , 
 
 G. Washington.' 
 
 2 There is in the po.sses.sioii of a geiUlenmii in New York an interesting letter of Varick's to his si.ster Jane. It 
 is dated soon after these events, and gives a grajihic de.scrii)tion of Mrs. Arnold's pitiable condition. 
 As to her possible complicity with her husband, I own to disbelieving it. Hurr is the only authority for 
 cre<liliug it, aiul if it were a fact, wouhl Arnold have left her alone — or would he have allowed her to be 
 at the Robinson Hon.se at all, in.stead of remaining in Philadelphia? 
 
 ■'' When Washington had finished giving Livingston the orders which he had sent for him to receive in person, 
 he a<lded : " It is a .source of gratification to me that the post was in the hands of an oflScer so devoted as 
 yourself to the cause of your country." — Lossiiiff. 
 
 ' Nathaniel Wade was a n.itive of Ipswich, Mass., where he was born February 27, 1749, and where he died 
 (lclol)er 26, 1S26. He was a captain of the Ipswich minute-men at Bunker Hill, and saw service, as a 
 captain in the Twelfth Massachusetts, Colonel I^ittle, at the siege of Boston, the battles of Long Islan<I, 
 Harlem Heights, White Plains and Trenton. In February, 1 778, he became colonel of a militia regiment, 
 raised in Es,sex and Suffolk counties, and .served as such throughout the war. A singular fact in con- 
 nection with his West Point experience is his statement of a conversation with one of Arnold's aids — 
 ap])arently Franks — shortly before the 2,^rd. He was returnini; to the lx)at, after dining with .Arnold. 
 The Major, accompanying him, said impressively: "There ij .something going on here that I do not 
 understand and cannot find out. I say this to put you on yo-ir guanl at the Fort" (West Point) "I fear 
 there is something brewing about us, and all I can say is, loc/k out ! " With this, he abruptly left Wade. 
 Vet if this was n.illy Franks, the trea.son was something very diffeient from what he had anticipated, for it 
 almost ujiset his reason when the revelation really came. "■ On Lafayette's visit, ' This letter, page 45. 
 

 
 /.■ • I . 
 
 . • -', -^.. , « ^- •r, 
 
 , ' ^ , ''.' 
 
 ,' •■ f ,.~,. -• , t ^ < ^ . . 
 
 :■-•■<' 
 
 } 
 
 ..'•.„ , ^ . / , ; . U' j), ,"•_ 
 
 ^,^> -A^..^; 
 
 Letter from Colonel John Lamb, Connnamlant at West I'oint, to Colonel Nathaniel Wade, of a Massachusetts 
 
 regiment of militia there, relating to a ( probable ) design to board 
 
 the Vultuie and capture Arnold. 
 
 (Frotti the original in the possession of Francis H. Wade, Ksq., Ipswich. Mass., f^ratulson of Colonel Wade.) 
 

 «* ^■/*«>ir/*«! 
 
 
 
 ^ /,. 
 
 
 -:^,'jelr\.. >**i /.:.' //iV ;>:^^^..^'. *. 
 
 ■y^^",>^:;- - 
 
 
 .,5? 
 
 1 ^ -^- 
 
 A 
 
 Letter from Washington to Colonel Nathaniel Wade, ai)prisinn him of Arnold's treason, rrohably the first 
 
 letter written hv Wa.shin^ton on this snbject. The body of the letter is in tile 
 
 handwritinj^ of .\lexander Hamilton. 
 
 ( From tlif original in the i)o.sses.sion of Francis H. Wade. }{sq., Ipswich, Mas.s,. Krnndson of Colonel Wade.) 
 
45 
 
 The Stearns' orderly-book, from which I have before quoted, contains 
 an interesting statement of the composition of the garrison and tlie orders 
 issued on the occasion : 
 
 Sept. 25, 8 p. 111. After-order.s : One captain, one subaltern, three sergeant.s anil 
 fifty rank and file to Ije turned out iinniediately with arms and blankets. The captain will 
 wait on Colonel Wade for orders. 
 
 2 A. M., Sept. 26. 
 The followiiiR di.sposition of the troops to take place iniincdiately, and ofiicers 
 coninianding regiments and corps will Ix; careful to have their men completed with arms 
 and amnuinition, and everything in the most perfect order for immediate action. Officers 
 conimandiiig regiments will take, with tlieir own regiments, those regiinenls that are 
 divided by the field officers of the same, agreeably to seniority. 
 
 Positions : 
 Colonel Ward's (Wade's?) regiment at Fort Arnold.' 
 Colonel Rartlet's at Fort Putnam. 
 Colonel Murray to .send one hundred men to Fort Willis (Wyllys) and the regiment 
 
 to Fort Webb. 
 Colonel Rand's regiment to be divided equally lietweeii Redoubts Nos. i and 2. 
 Colonel Thayer's at Nos. 3 r.nd 4. 
 
 All the draughted artificers to join their rcsfx^ctive regiments immediately. Major 
 Bauinan will have everything in his department in order for immediate action. 
 
 The next day Washington wrote : 
 
 Sir, — Under the present situation of affairs, I think it iiece.s.sary that the rcsfK-ctivc 
 works at West Point and its dependencies Ix; supplied with pnjvisions and water. You 
 will therefore be plea.sed to have a projwr quantity distributed to each of them, without 
 any loss of time. 
 
 I am Sir, 
 
 Your most obedt. ser\'t., 
 Head Quarters, G. Washington. 
 
 26 Sept. 1780. Colonel Wade. 
 
 - On I,.ifayette'.s visit to the United States in 1.S24, he met Colonel W'ade, and rccallin)^ their Kevohilionary 
 exiieriences, he .said : "When General Washington first heard of the defection of Arnold, he asked 
 ' Who has the immediate command ? ' (of West roint.) "Learning it was you, he said, 'He is a true man; 
 I am .satisfied.' " 
 
 ^ This letter is quoted bj- Sparks ( IVriiiitgs of Washington , vii., pp. 212-213) '"'t has never before appeared in 
 fucsimilc. Vox permission to use it, and the Lamb letter opposite, I am indebted to Mr. 1'", II. Wade, 
 through Mr. Stuart C. Wade, of New York. 
 
 1 All these were three months' militia, raised by drafts fiom various State re).;inients, and formed into provisional 
 organizations. The commanders and organizations appear thus in the Massachusetts and New Hampshire 
 records : 
 
 New Hampshire : 
 
 Col. Thomas Hartlet (at West Point). 
 Col. Moses Nichols (on the east bank of the Hudson). 
 Massachusetts : 
 
 Col. Seth Murray (the Hampshire County regiment to which Lieutenant Solomon Allen 
 
 belonged). 
 Col. John Rand — a regiment of Worcester county. 
 Col. Ebenczer Thayer — a Suffolk county regiment. 
 Nichols' regiment liad 420 men, 
 Bartlet's 525 
 
 945 
 
46 
 
 To this Wade replied that pickled fish was about all the available provision, 
 hut that the water supply was abundant — a realistic incture of the poverty of the 
 Revolutionary coniniissariat, even at a permanent post like West Point. 
 
 As reinforcements for West Point were likely to be needed if the British 
 moved up the Hudson, Greene, commanding the left wing of the army, at 
 Tappan, was ordered to march to West Point. At three in the morning of 
 Tuesday, the twenty-sixth, the order reached Tappan, and the drums beat the 
 alarm tliroughout the camp. An officer afterwards described the scene as very 
 impressive — the non-commissioned officers hurrying through the company streets 
 and turning out the men, lights flitting here and there through the camp, and a 
 general sense of vague alarm and apprehension pervading. Two Pennsylvania 
 l)rigades and the Sixth Connecticut, Colonel Meigs, marched at once, and the 
 rest of the army was held ready to follow. The news of Arnold's defection 
 created intense excitement, and Greene issued an address to the army : 
 
 Treason of the blackest dye was yesterday di.scovered. General Arnold, who 
 coinnianded at West Point, lost to every sense of honor, of private and public obligation, 
 was alx)ut to deliver up that imiwrtant post into tlie hands of the enemy. Such an event 
 nuist have given the American cau.se a dangerous, if not a fatal wound ; but the treason 
 has Ijeen timely discovered, to prevent the fatal misfortune. The providential train of 
 circumstances which led to it, affords the most convincing proof that the lilierties of 
 America are the object of Divine protection. At the same time that the treason is to be 
 regretted, the general cannot help congratulating the army on the happy discovery. Our 
 enemies, de.spairing of carrying their jwint by force, are practising every base art, to effect 
 by bribery and corruption what they cannot accomplish in a manly way. Great honor is 
 due to the American army that this is the first instance of treason of the kind, where 
 many were to have Ix^en expected from the nature of the dispute. The brightest ornament 
 in the character of the American soldiers is their having been proof again.st all the arts and 
 seductions of an insidious enemy. Aniold has made his escape to the enemy, but Major 
 Andre, the Adjutant General in the British Army, who came out as a .spy, is our prisoner. 
 His Kxcellency the Commander in Chief has arrived at West Point from Hartford, 
 and is no doubt taking projier measures to unravel fully so hellish a plott. 
 By Greene's order, the address was read by the adjutants to their respective 
 regiments." 
 
 Arnold's letter from the Vulture was soon followed by one from Robinson, - 
 and was followed in its turn by one from Clinton himself.'' To Robinson, 
 
 I Tliu civil authoritie.s also took cogiiizaiicc of the fortunate escape. Governor Clinton issued a proclamation, 
 setting apart Noveml)er second as a day of thanksf^iviiit;, ;iiul the occasion was universally observed. 
 
 ' Vulliirc, off Sinsink, September 25, 1780. 
 
 Sir, — I am this moment informed that Major Andr^, Adjutant General of his Majesty's army in 
 America, is detained ;is a prisoner by the army under your connnand. It is therefore incumbent on me to 
 inform you of the manner of his falling into your hands. He went up with a flag at the request of General 
 .•\rnold, on public business with him, and had his permit to return by land to New York. Under lhe.se 
 circumstances Major Andre camiot be detained by you without the greatest violation of flags, and contrary 
 to the custom and usage of all nations ; and as I imagine you will see this matter in the same point of view 
 that I do, I must desire vou will order him to be set at liberty anil allowed to return immediately. ICvery 
 step Major Andrd took was by the advice and direction of General Arnold, even that of taking a feigned 
 name, and of course not liable to censure for it. I am, Sir, not forgetting our former acquaintance. 
 
 Your very hiunble servant, 
 
 Bev. Rodinson, Col. I.oyaI Americans. 
 His Excellency General Washington. •' Letter of H. Clinton, page 47. 
 
r 
 
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 5 'fr^i^A^ /A^, 
 
 Letter from Washington to Colonel Nathaniel Wade as to provisioning the forts at West I'oiiit, then under 
 
 Wade's connnand. 
 
 (From theoriRinal in the i>osses.si(>n of I'rancis H. Wa()e. Ks(i,, Ipswich, Mass.) 
 
47 
 
 Washington vouchsafed no answer, but the replj' to Clinton was written on the 
 tliirtieth. It will be found on page 63. The enclosure of which Clinton speaks 
 was a letter from Arnold' — a good specimen of effrontery and special pleading. 
 
 While the Tappan camp was thus rudely awakened, Smith, who but a day 
 before had been received in Washington's company, was now to meet him under 
 very different circumstances. On Monday at midnight. Colonel Jean Baptistc 
 Gouvion, Rochambeau's chief of artillery, came with a platoon of soldiers to 
 Colonel Hay's house at Fishkill, where Smith was asleep with his wife. Sur- 
 rounding the house with his men, he burst open the bedroom door, arrested 
 Smith, and, refusing to allow his servant to procure his horse for him, marched 
 him on foot eighteen miles to the Robinson House." Here the weary and angr}' 
 man was confronted with one who^ could also be terriblj' angry on the rare 
 occasions when he did give way to indignation. The news of discovery was 
 thundered in his ears, and he was threatened with hanging from the same tree 
 with Andre,'' as soon as the latter should have arrived under guard.* 
 
 To return to South Salem, while Greene's men are hastening to West 
 Point, and Smith is at headquarters : About midnight of Monday, a messenger 
 arrived from Washington, with this order to Jameson : 
 
 ■' New York, Sept. 26, 1780. 
 
 Sir, — Being informed that the King's Adjutant General in America has t)ecn st' jit under Major 
 C'.eneral .Xrnold's passpurts, and is detained a prisoner in your Excellency's army, I have the honor to 
 inform you, Sir, that I permitted Major Andre to go to M.iior (ieneral Arnold at the particular recpiest of 
 that general oiBcer. You will perceive, .Sir, hy the enclosed paper, that a (lag of truce w.is sent to receive 
 Major Aiidrd, and passports granted for his return. I therefore can have no douht hut your Ivxcellency 
 will imme<liately direct that this olTicer has permiss'ion to return to my orders at New York. 
 I have the honor to Ik> Your Kxcellency's most ohedient ami most humhle servant, 
 
 H. Clinton. 
 His Excellency 
 
 General Washington. 
 
 1 New York, 
 
 September j6, 1780. 
 
 Sir, — In answer to your Excellency's message respecting your Adjutant (General, Major Andr(5, and 
 desiring my i<lea of the reasons why he is detaine<l, being uncler my passports, I have the honor to inform 
 you. Sir, that I apprehend a few hours nmst return Major Andrd to your Excellency's orders, as that olTicer 
 IS assuredly un<ler the protection of a flag of truce sent by me to him, for the purpo.se of a convers;ition 
 which I retjuested to hohl with him relating to myjelf, and which I wishe<l to comnmnicate through that 
 officer to your Excellency. 
 
 I commanded at the time at West Point, had an undoubte<l right to send my flag of truce for Major 
 Andr^, who came to me under that protection, and having held my conversation with him, I delivered to 
 him confidential papers in my own handwriting, to deliver to your Excellency ; thinking it much ])roperer 
 he should return by land, I directeil him to make use of the feigneil name of John Anderson, under which 
 he had by my direction come on shore, and gave him passixjrts to go to the White Plains on his way to 
 New York. This officer cannot therefore fail of being immediately sent to New York, as he was invited ton 
 conversation with me, for which I sent him a ila'}; of truce, and finally gave him jxissports for his s!ife 
 return to your Excellency ; all of which I had a right to do, being in the actual service of America, under 
 the orders of General Washington, and commanding general at West Point and its de]>endcncies. 
 I have the honour to be Your Excellency's mo.st ol)e<lient and very humhle servant, 
 
 B. Arnold. 
 His Excellency 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
 2 Smith's Narrative. He says Colonel Hay accompanied him — protrably not on foot. 
 
 •I SmiUi. 
 
 ^ Smith's own account — but I .see no great reason for doubting its accuracy. Washington, or any one else, 
 under similar circumstances could not be expected to mince matters. 
 
48 
 
 Headquarters, 
 Robinson Hoiist, 7 ]). ni., 
 
 25tli Scpteiiitx;r, 1780. 
 Sir, — I wish every precaution and attention to Ix; jKiid to prevent Major Andrd from 
 innkitiK lus cscaiK;. He will without dotiht make it if possible ; and in order that lie may 
 not have it in his ]X}wer, yon will send him under care of such a party and so many 
 officers as to protect him from the least opportunity of doiuR it. 
 
 That he may l>e less liable to l>e recaptured by the enemy, who will no doubt make 
 every effort to regain him, he had lx.'tter Ix; conducted to this place by some upjx;r road, 
 rather than by the route of Crompond. I would not wish Andrei- to Ix; treated with insult ; 
 but he d(X's not apjK-ar to stand upon the footing of a conunon prisoner of war ; and 
 therefore he is not entitled to the usual indulgence which they receive, and is to Ix; most 
 closely and narrowly watched. ****** 
 
 The escort, consisting of one luindred dragoons,' under four officers, was 
 soon ready, and started in a pouring rain." The officers were Talhnadge, 
 
 Captains Hoogland' and Rogers and Lieuten- 
 ant King. From South Salem the route was 
 nortli and west over Long Pond Mountain, 
 west of Lake Waccabuc to the church at 
 North Salem. Just before this was reached 
 the squadron was met by a courier from 
 Washington, bearing an order for a change of route for fear of the enemy* on the 
 present one. The new way led them past the premises occupied in 1889 by Isaac 
 II. Purdy, thence to Croton Falls and by the "old road" to Lake Mahopac'^' and 
 the Red Mills" — now Mahopac Falls — in Putnam County. 
 
 At the mill a short halt was made, and the prisoner was taken into the 
 house of Major James Cox, of the Ordnance Department of the army. In later 
 
 I Smitli. 
 
 •i (".[line's weather prediction — see p.iKe 6 — was fulfilled that night. As there was no moon the night nuist 
 have been of inky blackness, and the journey intensely depressing. 
 
 » Jeronimus (Jerome) Hoogland, of Flushing, New York, was born in 1757. He was Lieutenant and Adjutant 
 of Colonel John Lasher's First New York Minute Men, or Volunteer Infantry, in 1776, was promoted 
 to Captain in it, captured at the t)attle of Long Island and imprisoned in one of the prison ships. He 
 appears as Adjutant of Sheldon's in 1777, was a Captain in 1779, and served as such through the war, 
 dying in Lansinglmrgh, N. Y., 179 — . 
 " The history of poor Hoogland, his self-sacrificing, devoted patriotism and ill-re(juited services, had many a 
 jmrallel in the lives of the officers of the Revolution. When I first knew him, in 1774, he was a hand- 
 some, high-spirited, facetious youth of eighteen. Three years after, I met him, a sun-tnirnt veteran, who 
 had already .seen much hard service. In 17SK, fourteen years after, I again saw him, in Lan.singburgli. 
 He was then, although young in years, old in .surfering. He appeared like an old man, hobbling on 
 crutches. Thus he lingered a few years longer, and sunk into a premature grave, a martyr in the cause of 
 l,il>erty. l'o.sterity can never e.stimate the sacrifices and sufferings of the patriots of the Revolution." — 
 Men and Times 0/ the A'evotiilion (Memoirs of Klk.-iiiah Watson), by Winslow C. Watson, N. Y., 1856. 
 His companion was probably Jedediah Rogers, of Norwalk. He was Lieutenant in 177H, but no record 
 of his promotion is discoverable. 
 
 * This was probably the same l>and of Cowboys against whom Hoyd had warned Smith, who had driven off the 
 I'nderliill cows at Yorktowii, and killed Pelham in Pouiul Ridge, and of whom Jameson had been apjjre- 
 liensive. Tliey had apparently lieen four days at least — Friday to Monday night — within the Neutral 
 Ground. 
 
 '• Oykman. 
 
 « So called from the color of the building. The land on which the mill stood was taken by the City of New- 
 York a few years ago and the mUl was torn down. The illustration has never before t)een engraved. 
 
The Red Mills, Mahopac Falls. 
 
 (Destroyed by fire 1H96.) 
 
Thk (^UKi.i.-JoHNsoN HorsK, Mahoi'AC Falls. 
 
49 
 
 The Captors' Mkhai,. 
 
 years it was known as the Odcll or Johnson house. It met the fate of most old 
 frame buildings, in being destroyed by fire, in 1896. Wliile Andre was inside, 
 two sentries were posted at each door and window.' Phoebe, the infant daughter 
 of the Major, was asleep in her cradle, but awoke on Andre's entrance. He 
 looked at the baby and said, 
 "Happy childhood — we know its 
 pleasures but once. I wish I were 
 as innocent as you."- He also 
 sur\'eyed himself in a mirror, 
 and noticing a hole or rij), under 
 one r mi of his coat, smiled and 
 said : I presume General Wash- 
 ington will give me a new coat." 
 Like the house, the Mills are 
 now but a memory. I am fortu- 
 nately able to give a view of 
 them,' showing the building essen- 
 tially as in 1 780. 
 
 Resuming its march after a short halt, the squadron passed through Shrub 
 Oak Plains, over Gray's Hill to St. Peter's Church — not far from the place 
 whence Allen had been recalled by Jameson's order, the preceding Saturday. The 
 church is still standing, and in good condition, though seldom used. It is a 
 frame building, plain to ugliness, with nothing in its exterior to indicate its 
 character. (Beverly Robinson was one of its wardens in 1780.) Built in 1767, it 
 is one of the oldest in the State. Near it, in front, is the marble monument to 
 Paulding.'' At the foot of the hill the road forks, one branch south to Peekskill, 
 the other northwest over Gallows Hill, past Continental Village, to the present 
 village of Garrison's. 
 
 I The statement that he spent the night here is clearly absurd — on a par with the story that on the way from 
 Sands' Mills to South Salem Tallmadge tied him to a tree, at nifjhl, to prevent his escape ! Such arc some 
 instances of the chaff the historian has to sift out to get the real facts. 
 ^ Uhtory of Ptitnam County, by Wni. J. Illake, 1849. As this l)ook also prints a spurious " Defence," .itlributcd 
 
 ta Andrd, this item may be taken with reservation, as also that n)K)Ut the coat, 
 3 I am indebted for this to Mr. Charles L. Austin, of Mahopac Falls. 
 < The inscriptions are : 
 
 North .side. — Here rc]>ose the mortal remains of John 1'aui.ding, who died on the i8th day of 
 February 1S18, in the 60th year of his age. 
 
 South. — The Corporation of the City of New York erected this tomb as a memorial sacred to public 
 gratitude. 
 
 West. — On the morning of the 23d of September, 17.S0, accompanied by two young fanners of the 
 County of Westchester (whose names will one day be recorded on their own deserved monuments), he 
 intercepted the British spy, Andr(5. 
 
 Poor himself, he disdained to acquire wealth by the sacrifice of his country. Rejecting the 
 temptation of great rewards, he conveyed his prisoner to the American camp ; and by this act of nol)1e 
 self-denial the treason of Arnold was detected ; the designs of the Enemy baflled, \Ve.st Point and the 
 American Army saved ; and these ITnited Slates, now !)y the grace of Ood Free and Independent, rescued 
 from most imminent peril. 
 
 On the East side is a representation of the medal presented by Congress to each of the three captors. 
 Viin Wart's monument in the cemetery of the old Presbyterian church, at I'",lnisf<)rd, in the town (jf Green- 
 burgh, is similar. In 1876 a monument was erected to Williams at Old I'ort, Scholiarie County. 
 
so 
 
 In the triangle tlnis formed stands the dwelling known as the Hollniaii 
 house (the name of its 1780 oecnpant being nnknown). It is shaded by huge 
 trees, seemingly old enough to have witnessed the scenes we are considering. 
 
 The squadron here made a second halt, and Andre entered the right-hand 
 room, according to tradition. The house is said to date from 1750, that is, the 
 right-hand part, which, as shown, is clearly the original building. Just across 
 the road is the brick dwelling known as the Van Cortland mansion house, built in 
 1773, and which Washington occupied for a brief period in 1777. Here occurred 
 tlio incident of Smith and Webb's valise.' The halt was probably brief, and the 
 stpKulron went on again by the road over Gallows Hill, where Putnam hanged 
 Ivdniund Palmer, the sp}', in 1777, to Continental Village, over another hill to 
 tlic old Gay place, down Iron Rock Hill to the i^atc near the old Nelson place'' 
 (then known as Maiuleville's), turned into and down Beverly Lane to the 
 Robin.son House,^ arriving just at dawn of Tuesday, the twenty-sixth. 
 
 ' St't' paj^e 14. 
 
 John Webb, younjier Ijrotlier of Samuel B. Webb, was born at WeUiersfield, Conn., I'ebruary iS ij^i) and 
 
 died .Ajiril kS, I.S2K. 
 He was I.ienlenant in tho Second Drafjoons — Slieldon's — in January, i777, and Captain a j-ear later. lie was 
 jmsent at the battle of Springlielil, N. J. (i/fio), as Aid to Ck-neral CFreene. In 17S1 lie was Aid aiul 
 Secretary to General Robert Howe, lie served tlirouj;liout tile Revolution, and was one of the original 
 uicnibers of the Cincinnati, .\fter the war he reniove<l to Geor>;ia, where he en,i;aj;ed in business in 
 Cauiilen County, where he became Colonel of the militia. Returning to Connecticut he .spent the 
 remainder of his life there. In a letter to one of his sons, he says: "I got the rheumatism for my seven 
 years' .service in the Revolutionary War, and that is all I got ! " 
 I'or the portrait. an<l the.se pjirticnlars (^f his life, I am indebted to his great-grandson, Henry Randall Webb, 
 I')s<|., of W,'..shington. 
 
 2 darrisou's was ihen called Ni'l-^'ni's I'oint. 1 (|UOte Judge Dykman's words. 
 
 » This iutere.sting Suild'.ig was burnt in i.Sgj, and many valuable relics with it. h'or my two illustrations I am 
 indebteil to Mr. II. A. Wright, of Springfield. Mass. They are taken from probably the last photographs 
 made of it. 
 
St. Pktkr's Church, North Pkekskill. 
 
 Huilt 1767. 
 
■J: 
 
 
 y. 
 
 o 
 X 
 
 o 
 
 s 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Robinson House to Tappan — Suspense. 
 
 Uncertainty ! 
 
 Fell (lemon of our fears ! The human soul, 
 
 That can sujiport despair, supports not thee.— Mai.i.kt.— /)/Hi/«/>/ia. 
 
 .■■<:,^s^. 'T^HE historic dwelling in which Arnold had had his hcad- 
 
 .■^^^'■^^\ I quarters since August, when he assumed coniiiiand of the 
 
 f ' '^^ V West Point district, was built about 1750, and was one of 
 
 \^ the landmarks of the region. It stood on the east bank of the 
 
 '^^^^^~^^''^^' Hudson, one-quarter of a mile from the water's edge, and two 
 
 oFFicrR^'BUTTON, uules bclow aud southeast of West Point itself. Its builder and 
 
 »''"'" """'""""'"'T.* occuparrt until i;i'76 fvas Beverly -Robinson, a man of note and 
 
 wealth, and Washington's personal friend until the Revolution separated them. 
 
 He removed to New York and raised a regiment, known as the " Loyal Americans," 
 
 for the British cause. The confiscation of his property followed, and was the 
 
 prime cause of the correspondence with Arnold which has been noted. By a 
 
 singular and sinister coincidence his regiment formed part of Arnold's force, 
 
 almost exactly a year later, when the traitor captured Fort Griswold, butchered 
 
 many of its garrison, aud burnt New London. Robinson left for England with 
 
 the British at the end of the war, and never returned.* 
 
 After his long night ride of thirty miles, added to the fatiguing experiences 
 
 of the two preceding days, Andre must have been thoroughly wearied, besides 
 
 being probably wet from the heavy rain. Though Smith was also in the house, 
 
 they did not meet. There is some variance between the different accounts as to 
 
 the events of Tuesday, but most agree that— at least until evening — the day 
 
 passed quietly for both the prisoners. It v/as douljtless a welcome rest for each 
 
 of them. That day Washington notified Congress of the events of the preceding 
 
 four days, in this characteristic despatch : 
 
 Robinson'. s House, in the 
 
 Highlands, vScptember 26. 
 
 To the President of Congress : 
 
 Sir,— I have the honor to inform Congress that I arrived here yesterday at about 
 twelve o'clock on my return from Hartford. Some hours i)re\'ious to my arrival General 
 Arnold went from his quarters, which were this place, and, as it was supposed, over Uie 
 
 1 It is believed Robinson knew of Arnold'Tpl^n even before Clinton did. He had, about the 15th September, 
 wrltteuTo Arnold, enclosiuK a letter for I'l.lna.n, about his estate, and the traitor sent the letter we have 
 already noticed on page 5 to the t'littiirr openly, under a flag of truce.— /-o,?j;h,?-. 
 
riviT to tile >?arrison at Wist Point, whitlicr I proceeded myself, in order to visit the post. 
 I found General Arnold had not lieen there during the day, and on my return to his 
 quarters he was still absent. In the meantime a packet had arrived froui Lieut. Col. 
 Jameson, annoinicin>{ the capture of a John Anderson who was endeavoring to go to New 
 York with several interesting and imiwrtant papers, all in the handwriting of General 
 Arnold. This was also accompanied with a letter from the pri.soner, avowing hini.self to \>e 
 Major John Andre, Adjutant to the British army, relating the manner of his capture, and 
 endeavoring to show that he did not come under the description of a spy. From these 
 several circuni.stances, and inforination that the General .seemed to be thrown into .some 
 degree of agitation, on receiving a letter a little time before he went from his quarters, I 
 was led to conclude innnediately that he had heard of Major Andre's captivity, and that he 
 would, if |x>ssible, escajx; to the enemy, and accordingly took such measures as appeared 
 the most probable to apprehend him. But he had embarked in a barge and proceeded 
 down the river, under a flag, to the I'lilliirc ship of war, which lay at some miles lielow 
 Stony and Verplank's Points. He wrote me a letter after he got on board. Major Andr6 
 is not arrived yet, but I hoix: he is .secure, and that he will be here to-day. 
 
 I have iK'cn and am taking jirecautions which I trust will prove effectual, to prevent 
 the imix)rtant consequences which this conduct on the part of General Arnold was intended 
 to protluce. I do not know the party that look^ Major Andr^, but it is .said thai it 
 consisted only of a few militia, who acted in such a manner uiwn the occasion, as does 
 them the highest honor, and proves t lem to be men of great virtue. As soon as I know 
 their names, I shall take pleasure i'i tran.smitting them to Congress. I have taken such 
 measures with respect to the gentlemen of General Arnold's family,' as prudence dictated ; 
 but, from everything that has hitherto come to my knowledge, I have the greatest rea.son 
 to Ix'lieve they are perfectly innocent. I early secured Jo.shua H. Smith, the jx^rson 
 mentioned in the clo.se of General Arnold's letter, and find him to have had considerable 
 share in this busine.ss. 
 
 I have the honor to be, etc. , 
 
 Though Washington and hi.s staff were occupying the Robinson House, 
 the Chief avoided seeing Andre/ By Wednesday morning, the twenty-seventh, 
 the / 'ul/un\ with Arnold aboard, had reached New York, and Sir Henry Clinton 
 knew of the complete failure of his plans and the capture of his favorite. The 
 same day, Jameson wrote to Washington a regretful letter,'' in which it is not 
 hard to recognize the self-reproach of an honorable man who finds he has made an 
 extraordinary error : 
 
 Sept. 27. 
 
 * * * I am very .sorry that I wrote to General Arnold. I did not think of a 
 
 liritish ship being up the river, and expected that, if he was the man he has since turned 
 
 out to Ix!, he would come down to the troops in this quarter, in which ca.sc I should have 
 
 secured him. 
 
 In the evening of Tuesday Andre and Smith met, as they were escorted to 
 
 a boat which was to take them to West Point. Smith says he himself was tinder 
 
 ' Colonel Vnrick .nnil M.ijor Praiik.s. Both were put under arrest, and on November 2d tried by court martial. 
 Hoth were accjuitted of complicity with Arnold, or knowledge of his plans. 
 
 - It is a singular fact, for which Tallma<lge is authority, that he never saw him at all, living or dead. 
 
 ■■' Tl'is was taken to WashiiiRtou by Paulding. 
 
J. 
 
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53 
 
 charge of " Captain Sheppard,'" of the New Jersey Contineutals. Tallniadge 
 refused to allow any communication between the prisoners. 
 
 Though all Wednesday was spent at West Point, no authority has 
 heretofore decided the place of Andre's confinement. I am now able to state 
 positively that it was Fort Putnam.' The officer in charge of him was the same 
 whom we shall meet later at Tappan — Captain Ebenezer Smith, Thirteenth 
 Massachusetts — and the statement was made by him to his son, David — himself 
 a patriot soldier the last year of the war — (who lived to the age of ninety-six, 
 dying in 1862) and whose grandson, Dr. H. Lyle 
 Smith, of Hudson, N. Y., is mj informant, he having 
 received the details from David. 
 
 This explains how Andre was able, the next 
 day, to minutely describe to Tallniadge, as the boat left 
 West Point (or possibly Beverly Dock), how he had 
 expected to ascend the steep height " at the head of a 
 body of picked troops." — (Tallmadge's Memoirs.) 
 
 Smith says he himself was imprisoned in the 
 provost-marshal's hut, and was there visited by the 
 " Rev. Mr. Mason, a Presbyterian clergyman of New 
 York."» 
 
 That day Washington thus wrote to Greene, fc^/^ e^a^a-o^ 
 
 at Tappan : 
 
 I have concluded to send to camp to-morrow Major Andre, of the British army, and 
 Mr. Joshua H. Smith, who has had a great hand in carrying on the business between him 
 and Arnold. They will Ix; under an escort of horse, and I wish you to have separate 
 iiouses in camp ready for their reception, in which they may be kept ]K'rfectly secure ; and 
 al.so strong, trusty guards, trebly officered, that a part may l)e constantly in the room with 
 them. They have not lx;en permitted to 1)e together, and mu.st Ix; still kept apart. I 
 would wish the room for Mr. Andr6 to l)e a decent one, and that he may Ix; treated with 
 civility, but that he may tie so guarded as to preclude a possibility of his escaping, which 
 he will certainly attempt to effect, if it shall seem practicable in the mo.st distant degree. 
 Smith must also be carefully .secured and not treated with a.sperity. 
 
 ' This was First Lieutenant Samuel Shippard, of the Tir.st New Jersey (Colonel Dayton). I regret not beinfj 
 able to secure any detailed information about him. 
 
 2 1 am indebted to Judge J. O. Dykman for a very interesting letter addressed to him in i887 by the late William 
 D. Garrison, of the Grand Union Hotel, New York. The writer says: "I well remember the cell 
 (casemate) in Port Putnam, on the arch of which appeared Andrd's name. It was the northerly cell 
 looking east, and had an inside dark cell. The larger (outside) cell had a fireplace, and a grated opening 
 looking east. On the north side of this cell (on the arch or roof) was, in letters nearly tliree feet high, 
 done with a burnt stick or charcoal. Major Andre. The lime had struck through from the mortar, so as 
 to cover the inscription, and it would not have been seen unless attention were drawn to it. This was 
 prior to 1858 or '59, when the cell was demolished to build a battery on North Dock." 
 (Mr. Garrison was a native of the village of Garrison's, oppo.sitc West Point, and entirely familiar with the 
 scenes of West Point it.self. Yet. since receipt of the letter, I have had an interview with Colonel P. S. 
 Michie, the veteran Professor of Mathematics at West Point, who says none of the casemates have ever 
 been destroyed. Mr. Garrison may have stated this particular point from hearsay. ) 
 
 3 This was Rev. John Mason, page 54. 
 
54 
 
 Accordingly, on the morning of Thnrsday, the twenty -eighth, both 
 prisoners were taken by boat to Stony Point — the King's Ferry lauding. They 
 were in separate boats, and Major Tallmadge commanded the party. 
 
 The sight of the place where he had crossed as a free man, only the 
 previous Friday, must have caused Andre the most painful reflections, intensified 
 by the conversation while in the boat, which Tallmadge records. On the way 
 down Andre had pointed out the precise spot where he was to have landed, at the 
 head of a body of picked troops, if all had gone well with the conspiracy.' In the 
 ensuing conversation he pressed Tallmadge for an opinion as to his fate. The 
 latter at first avoided a direct reply, but finally referred to the fate of Nathan 
 Hale, who had been his classmate at Yale College. " But you surely do not 
 consider his case and mine alike?" " Yes, precisely similar, and similar will be 
 your fate," prophetically replied Tallmadge — and the solemn warning bad its 
 natural eflfect on the spirits of his companion, though he seems not to have fully 
 believed it, for Tallmadge has left on record : " I never discovered an}' fear 
 respecting his future destiu}' before I reached Tappan." 
 
 Crossing the road from Grassy Point, near what is now the Stony Point 
 post-office,- the dragoon escort,'' with Smith in the van and Andre in the rear, 
 passed by vSmith's house^ to the next corner. Thence by the right-hand road, 
 through or near what is now Garnerville, then a southwest course around Long 
 Clove mountain to a point called the Clove, but originally known as Kakiat, and 
 now as Hempstead,'* at the house (or tavern) of John Coe.' It stands opposite 
 
 •I This W.-IS Rev. John nason, D. D., the first pastor of the Presbyterian church in Cedar Street, New York, 
 
 afterward known as the .Scotch Church, and now situated far uptown. 
 Ho was I)orn in Scotland in I7J4, and died in New York in 1792. but the New Jersey records show that he was 
 
 aijjwinted to the army from that State. He was a trustee of Princeton College, and many years chaplain of 
 
 the ,St. Andrew's Society of New York. 
 He was appointed chaplain to the Third (Gansevoorl's) New York Continentals, November 21, 1776, and later 
 
 was made chaplain to the posts alonj; the Hudson. West Point seems to have been his residence in 1780. 
 
 He was adverse to having his portrait taken, and the only one known to exist, from which that on page 53 
 
 is made, was marie by Kosciuszko while the Doctor w.is at a public dinner. ( It will be seen he holds 
 
 a glass in one hand.) It has never before been published, and I am indebted to Mr. John Mason Knox, of 
 
 New York, for its use. 
 Smith speaks of the Doctor as "that truly good old man," and adds that he himself was visited that day by 
 
 many inquisitive people, and that M.'ijor T.illmadgc displ.ayed uncommon kindness in his treatment of him. 
 
 ' .Some historians have queried as to what .Vndre did during the tir.e he was at Smith's — between breakfast and 
 dinner, or dinner and the lime of his leaving — and have believed the absurd story that Arnold tcmk 
 him to West Point ; but the whole business tnay be dismissed by remembering that he could not possibly 
 have li.id time to go there, and return to Smith's, by sunset. The other inherent impossibilities need not 
 <U'tain us. 
 
 2 Dykman, 
 
 •'< A large escort had been sent from Tappan. 
 
 * One authority .says Tallmadge allowed Smith to stop there for a while, It may here be noted, as a singular 
 instance of the way in which families were divii'.ed by the Revolution, that Tallmadge and .Smith were 
 second cousins — the Major being grandson of Rev. John Smith, Joshua Hett's uncle, whose daughter 
 Susanna married Rev. Benjamin Tallmadge, of Brookhaven, Kon>r Island. 
 
 <• The station on the New Jersey and New York railroad is Summit Park, about three-fourths of a mile west. 
 
 " John Coe was a lieutenant in the Haverstraw militia. He was a member of the New York Provincial Congress 
 ill 177,<;, and Judge of Orange County 1775-7.S, and a member of the New York A.s.sembly from 177H to 17.S0. 
 In 1776-77 he was Deputy Chairman of the Orange County Committee of Safety. 
 
•J. 
 
 ■J 
 
 o 
 
 y. 
 
55 
 
 the " English " (Presbyterian)' church, about ten miles west of the Hudson. 
 Here a halt was made for dinner, guards and pickets being posted arouud 
 meanwhile. 
 
 The house — now very shabby — stands close to the highway, unfenced. 
 There are but few houses near — I do not recall any in sight — and in 1780 the 
 place must have been very lonely, although, as two roads cross, it was doubtless 
 a fit site for a house of public entertainment.' Never since that time has it 
 received a visitor of equal historic importance with him who was the centre of 
 attraction that September Thursday. As shown in our view, it is probably 
 larger than in 1780, and is somewhat modernized, but the dining-room is 
 probably very little changed, barring the substitution of carpet for bare floor 
 and wall-paper for paint. The room, which is on the left of the entrance, is not 
 large, and must have been well filled by the diners — probably seven or eight, 
 besides Major Tallmadge. It is remarkable that of this occasion, the only one 
 during his whole experience (up to this time) when the prisoner could have been 
 in the company of so many American officers, no recollection or reminiscence lias 
 been handed down from any of them. In fact, with the exception of Tallmadge's, 
 no names of any of them have been preserved. Dinner being over, Andre for the 
 first time referred to the undignified appearance he felt he must present, in the 
 borrowed coat, which Lieutenant King had before noticed as shabby. On this, 
 Tallmadge promptly offered the loan of the dragoon cloak he was wearing, which 
 was accepted after a little hesitation. (The light-blue cloak Andr6 wore up to the 
 time of capture seems to have disappeared, as King does not mention it at 
 South Salem.) The march was resumed, towards what is now New City, the 
 present County seat, by the road extending almost due east from Coe's. If it 
 was then as now it was extremely picturesque, bordered by woodland for a long 
 distance, and crossing two or three pretty brooks, which make a charmingly 
 diversified landscape. The stranger who to-day visits the interior of Rockland 
 County is impressed by the exceedingly quiet and secluded aspect it presents. 
 Although traversed by three railroads it is difficult to realize it is so near crowded 
 cities and the great highway of the Hudson River, and the modern settlements 
 on the east bank. The population is still very largely descended from the 
 original Dutch settlers, and very many of the patronymics of the Revolution 
 are still common. " Turning to the right, they passed over the road leading 
 south to the highway near the corner of the road where the present railroad 
 crosses the same, then wheeling to the left, they went nearly east, crossing a 
 small stream, one of the branches of the Hackensack River. Continuing on to 
 the Four Corners they turned to the right and passed through Clarkstown. 
 
 1 So called, apparently, to distinguish it from the Dutch (Reformed) Church. 
 ' It is commonly referred to, ia contemporary records, as Coe's "Tavern." 
 
56 
 
 Pnrsuinjr tlie road soutli from Clarlcstown to the point where it is crossed by the 
 railroad, llicy crossed the Hackeusack and continued on the road now crossed 
 by tlie railroad near the bridge, then south again over another point crossed by 
 the railroad, then over a small stream east of what is now Blauveltville they 
 continued south in a dir .-t road to Tappan.'" 
 
 ' Dykman. 
 
TlIK COK TaVKKN, IIl'MI'STKAI), RoCKI.AND CoiNTV. 
 The Diiiiiif; Room. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 The orlgtntl U. rt. 
 Army Bntlun. 
 
 At Tappan^ Death. 
 
 And (lie with decency. — Otwav — Venice Preserved, Act v., sc. 3. 
 
 N arrival, Smith was put in the church, while his com- 
 panion in misfortune was taken to the stone ti.veru of 
 Casparus (Jasper) Mabie. This is still standing, though 
 built in 1755. It was for many years — and up to about 1857 — 
 a noted house of entertainment, and is a two-story edifice, about 
 50x40, built of large grey stone blocks, the corners of rough brown- 
 stone. Had the roof been slate, the place miglit still be habitable. 
 As it is, the mossy roof has collapsed and the elements are working havoc with the 
 interior, which has been closed to visitors for many years.' The tall weeds grow 
 rampantly around it, and its aspect 
 is forlorn in the extreme. The 
 owvver admitted me by a rear door, 
 and showed nie over the building. 
 In 1800 it passed into the hands of 
 Philip Dubey, who owned it in 
 1818, when Captain Alden Part- 
 ridge, U. S. A., who was Superin- 
 tendent of West Point in 1816-17, 
 visited it. His account has some 
 professional details of interest : 
 
 Andre's room is 18 feet 6>:S 
 inches, by 1 1 feet 7 J^ inche.s, and 7 
 feet 5 inches high. There is but one 
 window, in tlie west wall, and one 
 door, in the south. 
 
 Since then the two rear 
 rooms have been made into one, 
 
 Plan of thk Mab:e Tavern as in 1780. 
 
 From ^fa^atiuf 0/ American Histiity, by permission. 
 The " BaU-room " was enlarged in 1848 by taking down the par- 
 tition, as marked. The " Uar-room " was nsed by General Greene 
 as his headquarters* office. 
 
 For the interesting relic from which the sketch heading this chapter was made, one of the Continentals' buttons 
 of the Revolution, I am indebted, as I am also for the three "Andre regiment" buttons lieailing Chapters 
 II., III., and IV., to Mr. William L. Calver, of New York, who lias a large and varied collection of such, 
 found cliiefly on the sites of the British camps on the ridge forming the north end of New York City, just 
 below Spuyteu Duyvil Creek. It may here be noted that the Massachusetts troops did not wear this button, 
 but a State one. 
 
 1 This was written iu 1897 — since when the house has been opened. 
 
58 
 
 tlic sordid owner of 1848 making a ballroom of them, and boasting to Lossing of 
 
 luiving received " a whole dollar " for the lock of the door. 
 
 The street door of the building is the same as opened to admit the man 
 whose brief sojourn within was to make the house famous; but the window- 
 shutters are modern, or the modernity of about 1830. The piazza was originally 
 the orthodox Dutch stoop, of just sufficient length for a seat on each side, and 
 six steps' to the ground. No other building can boast of more historic interest 
 for the same period than can this plain, heavy Dutch tavern. Almost, if not 
 quite, every general officer of the left wing of the army (and possibly Washington 
 also) was a visitor to it while it was Greene's headquarters, during the autumn of 
 1780. The Commander in Chief was the only exception during the momentous 
 five days we are considering. ^ 
 
 It is greatly to be regretted that neither our ^^'^''^!^***Nv 
 
 patriotic societies nor the Rockland County Historical /.A- t >\ 
 
 Society feel able to buy and maintain it. A few /". ^.^^fcr . A 
 
 more years, at most, will reduce it to ruins.^ The L^" [^^Kt/MK"^^^ 
 old Dutch church, in which both prisoners were MhI^^^hHHHIBH 
 tried, stood at the head of the street, but was de- ^mSH^pV^l^j^Bv 
 molished in 1786, to make way for a larger, which NB^^^SBJ^aE^ ^^y 
 in turn gave place (1836) to a third, the present ^^9BB^^^^5^^ 
 structure, which is on the original site. The only ^^^HflSi^^^^ 
 
 known representation of the first church is on a seal, ^^^^^^^^ 
 
 from which was made the cut given here. the old dutch church, tappan.n. v. 
 
 roll 1 (remolished 1786.) 
 
 The worthy Dutchmen of 1780' knew not the The prison of joshua hfu smith, «ii.i place 
 
 . . of trial of Major Aiidr*. 
 
 fame their sleepy village was to acquire from that 
 
 September week, or surely the quaint old sanctuary would have been carefully 
 
 preserved. 
 
 The order, issued by Colonel Alexander Scammell,^ Adjutant General, to 
 
 I Van Dyk. 
 
 s Just as Uiis was written (November, 1897,) the news arrived that a heavy gale had blown down part of it. 
 Shortly afterwards it was sold to a purchaser who repaired the damage, but proposes to degrade the 
 building by opening it as a saloon. Sic transit gloria — revolutioiiensis ! 
 
 •1 Tappan is still very Dutch. Hundreds who speak the tongue still live within a radius of five miles from the 
 church. To my great regret I have been unable to trace a painting — known to exist in 1897 — of the trial 
 itself. It is the only one of the scene, to my knowledge, and I will be grateful to any reader who can put 
 me on its track. 
 
 < Alexander Scammell was bom in Mendon (now Milford) Massachusetts, in 1744, and died at Williamsburg, 
 Virginia, October 6, 1781. Graduated from Harvard in 1769, he taught school, surveyed land, and studied 
 law until tiiC battle of Bunker Hill, where he served with credit. His patriotism had before this been 
 iiianife.sted by his participation in Sullivan's capture of Fort William and Mary, at Newcastle, N. H., 
 December 14, 1774. where he personally pulled down the British flag. He accompanied Sullivan on the 
 Canada expedition, and was taken prisoner at the battle of Long Island, but soon exchanged. He crossed 
 the Delaware in the same boat with Washington, on the expedition to Trenton, was with hmi at Princeton, 
 and was in command of the First New Hampshire battalion when orderetl to raise another regiment, the 
 Third, of which he was commissioned Colonel. He served with credit at Saratoga, though wounded a few 
 days before. In 1778 he was promoted to be Adjutant General of the army, and of his conduct at the 
 battle of Monmouth Washington said afterwards : " he was the man whc inspired us all to do our full duty." 
 

 'A 
 
 
 •1-' .n 13 
 
 1^ :; 
 
 C '- 
 
 
 a: = 
 
 c 2 
 
 X 
 
 o 
 
 5! j;. 
 
The Mabik Tavkrn at Tai'pan — 
 
 Andre's priHo„-ro<m. in the rear of tlje b«iMin«. (J^^- ""f'"''''>- ^"" """" 
 rooms, which were thrown into one in i.S4«-) 
 
59 
 
 the officers of Andre's special guard, was an amplification of Washington's letter 
 to Greene on the subject (given on page 53): 
 
 Major Aiulrd. the prisoner under your Kuard, is not only an officer of distinction in 
 
 tlie British army, but a man of infinite artfuhiess, and aildress, who will leave no means 
 
 nnattempted to make his escape' and avoid the ignomini<Mis death which awaits him. Yon 
 
 are therefore, in addition to your sentries,' to keep two officers constantly in the rrxjin with 
 
 him, with their swords drawn, whilst the other officers who are out of the r(K)m are 
 
 constantly to keep walking the entry and round the sentries, to see that they are alert.' 
 
 Washington arrived at Tappan on the same day as tht prisoners, and made 
 
 his headquarters at the house of John De Windt, on the road directly east of the 
 
 Mabie tavern, and about an eighth of a mile distant. It is still standing, in good 
 
 condition, but its north side is entirely transformed by the addition of a wooden 
 
 front. From it he issued an order convening a Court of Inquiry^ to which 
 
 Andre's case was referred, and which met the next day. The order reads : 
 
 Gentlemen, — Major Andre, Adjutant to the British army, will lie brought l>efore 
 you for examination. He came within our lines in the night, on an inten-iew with Major 
 General Arnold, and in an assumed character, and was taken within our lines in a 
 di.sguised habit, with a pa.ss under a feigned name, and with the enclo.sed pajK-rs concealed 
 \\\xm his jK-rson. After a careful examination, you will Ik; pleased as siniedily as possible, 
 to reixjrt a preci.se statement of his case, together with your opinion of the light in which 
 he ought to be considered, and the jienalty which ought to Ix; inflicted. The Judge- 
 Advocate will attend to as.sist in the examination, who has sundry other papers relative to 
 this matter, which he will lay l)efore the Ixiard. 
 
 I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your most otx;dient, humble ser\'ant, 
 
 Gkorgr Washington. 
 The Board was thus constituted : 
 
 General Greene, President. 
 
 James Clinton, 
 
 I,ord Stirling, 
 Lafayette, 
 Steulxn, 
 vSt. Clair, 
 Rolxirt Howe, 
 
 Major Generals. 
 
 Glover, 
 
 Hand, 
 
 Huntington, 
 
 Knox,' 
 
 Parsons,' 
 
 Paterson , 
 
 Stark, 
 
 Brigadier Generals. 
 
 Oil Se])teml)er V', 17S1, while ricoiinoiltiiiij,' at Vdrklown, lie was surprised \>y two Hessian officers, made 
 prisoner, aiul wouiuled after liis surrender (Pr. Tliacher. who attendol him, .so .stales). At W'a.shinfjton's 
 request, Coriiwallis allowed him to he removed to Willianishur); for treatment. Tliore lie died and was 
 buried, a tablet heiii}; erected to his memory. Dr. Matthew Thornton, the member of Congress whose 
 signature was the last affixed to the Declaration of Inilepeiidence, wrote a dirge on hearing of his ilrath, 
 which may be found in an interesting sketch of Colonel Scamniell's life, by William (). Clough. in the 
 (.'laiiitc- lifonllily, of Concord. N. H., September, 1S92. The portrait I give is taken from that in the New 
 Hiimpshire Representatives' Hall, Concord. 
 
 1 This conclusion was natural, but hardly warranted by Andre's conduct. He never seems to have had any idea 
 of escape. 
 
 - There were six constantly on post. 
 
 •I The guard outside the house consisted of a captain, five subalterns, and forty rank and file. — /jOU'iiian. 
 
 * Commonly known as the Hoard of General Officers. 
 
 6 The omi,s.sion of Wayne has been remarked by all historians. Sparks, in 1S34, askeil Tallmadge the reason, 
 and got the incisive reply ; " None durst ask him (Washington) the reason why A. was appointed ami H. 
 omitted." Johnson (Li/f 0/ Crtv/n) says Wayne declined. * It is of interest, ? Was Parsons, page 60. 
 
6o 
 
 John Lauraiicc was Judge Advocate.' At tlic same ti"ie a Court was 
 tonveiicd to try Smith. It consisted of a number of line officers, mostly of 
 Connecticut regiments, witli Colonel Henry Jackson, vSixtecnth Massachusetts, as 
 president. 
 
 .As beff re noticed, Smith was acquitted, after the case had dragged along 
 with frequent postponements for four weeks from vSeptcmber thirtieth. The 
 report of the case is interesting. Smith, rcali/.inj' lis danger a. id able to see from 
 his window, if !;e cared to, the gallows erected lor his unfortunate companion, 
 conducted his own defence with a degree of courage which comjiels admiration. 
 He cross-examined every witness (of whom he complains Hamilton and Lafayette 
 were unjust to him) and won. His liberty, however, was brief, as he was soon 
 arrested b}' the civil organization stj'led " Commissioners of Coiispirac}'," taken 
 to Goshen, and imprisoned until May 22, 17.S1, when he escaped to New York.^ 
 
 While imprisoned, .Andre was visited bj- a number of general officers, and 
 was treated with the utmost consideration — in marked contrast to the treatment 
 of Nathan Hale by Howe in 1777. He was allowed to write to Clinton'' and 
 
 • n is of interest to note tliat Knox li.id met Andr^ before, at tlie ca|)ture of >St. Jolnrs, in 1775. Knox 
 was of the victorions force, ami nllmvcil Andrd to sliare his quarters for a night. 
 
 ^ Was Parsons at that verv time holding In asonal)le rel.'itions with Clinton? The (|ncstion is one requiring 
 more space for iliscussion than I can give it, hut I ilo not credit it. A very fnll and interesting paper on 
 the snhjict, hy Congressman C'.eorge 1!. I.or'ng, of Salem, Jla.ss., will he found in the Jf(it;(icitir af 
 Amnii.au History. 
 
 I John Laurance (1750-1810) was an ICnglislinian, horn in Cornwall. He was afterwards a jndge of the New 
 York District Court, a menihcr of the first I'ederal Congress, and of the .Senate ( 1 796- 1 .'^oo ) . lie held the 
 rank of Colonel in the Continental .\rmy. His wife was a daughter of Cleneral Ale ndev McDougall. 
 
 ' .\nxiet\ had undcriniueil his wife's health, and she was un.ahle to accompany liim when he li;ft New Vork with 
 the liritish troojis, in Xoveniher, I7.S,V hut died there January i, 1784. .Vt the time cf his ile)xirture he 
 owned No. 7 William Street, which was sold hv his order in December. He lived in I.ondon, receiving a 
 small pension from the liritish Crown — 6s. a day, in 17H3-4; it had been |i per day while in New York - 
 until i.Soi, when he returne<l to the I'nited States, and (as I am informed by an old resident) opened a 
 school in Ids old hou.se in Ilaverstraw. V. ''c opinion, however, was against him, and he .soon withdrew, 
 went South, then ret\irned to lingland, whei,- ''e .seems to have lived at Shepton Mallet, , Somersetshire. 
 In iSoS he published his celebrated book : "An .\uthentic Narrative of the Can.scs which led to the death 
 of Major John .Andre." It was r nted in New York the next year, and attracted general attention, as 
 all three of .AudrO's captors, and most of those who hail witnessed his death, were .still alive. In spite of 
 the generally unfavorable opinion which historians have entertained of it, I (as noted el ' .ere) can but 
 think its statements credible on minor jioints. He married a second time, whether wh.l" living in England 
 or ill the South is not determinable, though the lady's name, .Anna Middleton, is common in South 
 Carolina, By his will, dated December ,^i, 1817, and prove<l in New York, October i,s, iSiS, he gives her 
 an estate in .Shepton M.allet. He returned to New York, some time after if<o.S, and died there October 10, 
 iSiS. He was buried in a vault of either the Middle or North Dutch Church, New A'ork. 
 The portrait given is the only known one of him, and is owned by a private collector in New York. It 
 has never been copied before. Trumbull met Smith in I nidon, and the portrait is endorsed in his hand- 
 writing : "Joshua H. .Smith, who was a verv .smart (?) man. Arnold and "ndrdmel in his House. I met 
 him in England, hSoS, and after in N. York, and were the best of friends. J. T." 
 
 •'' Tappa.i, Sept. 29. 
 
 His Excellency 
 General Sir Henry Clii.ton, K. B., etc. 
 
 Sir, --Your ICxcellency is doubtless already apprised of the manner in which I was taken, and 
 possibly of the serious light in which my conduct is considered and the rigorous determination that is 
 impending. 
 
 Under these circumstances, I have obtained Oeiieral W.ashington's perini.ssion to send vou this 
 Liter; the object of which is to remove from your breas' y suspicion that I could imagine I was bound 
 by your Excellency's orders to expose myself to what i.< happened. The events of coming within an 
 Enemv's posts, and of changing my dress, which led me to my present situation, were contrary to my own 
 intention, as they were to your orders; and the circuitous route which I took to return was imposed 
 (perhaps unavoidably) without alternative, upon me. 
 
o^;;^^^'-^-^' 
 
 O 
 
 (tyCyu^t 
 
 FROM THE OniGINAL BY TRUMBUlt. BY PEBMISStON OH THE NEW YORK HIBTORICAL 60CIETY. 
 UlCNATURE FROM THE EMMET CCULECTION.I 
 
6i 
 
 others in New York, and to have his servant,' Peter Lanne, come thence with 
 clotliing for his use, on Friday, the twenty-ninth. A surgeon, Dr. Nathaniel 
 Gardiner, First New Hampshire Continentals, was detailed to attend hini." 
 
 On his examination by the Board Andre made the explicit statement : 
 
 That the lx)at in which he came ashore carried no flag. 
 In repl}' to the question whether he considered himself under the pro- 
 tection of a flag, he replied : 
 
 That it was impossible for him to so consider ; and that if he had he certainly 
 might have returned under it,^ adding : I leave them (liis detailed statements, as given in 
 the A])ix;ndix) to operate with the Board, (KTsnaded that you will do me justice. 
 
 After he had been returned to his prison^ he remarked : 
 
 I foresee my fate, and tliough I pretend not to play the hero or to l)e indifferent 
 alMjnt life, yet I am reconciled to whatever may happen, conscious that misfortune, not 
 guilt, will have brought it uiwn me. 
 
 Regarding his treatment by the Board, he said : 
 
 I flatter my.self that I have never been illiberal, but if there were any remains of 
 prejudice in my mind, my present exix-rieuce nuist obliterate them. 
 The Board deliberated, but it was obvious that they could come to but 
 one decision,'' and aecordinglj' reported : 
 
 I am perfectly traiu|iiil in iiiiiul, and prepared for any fate, to which an honest zeal for my Kind's 
 seivice may have devoted me. In addressing myself to your Excellency on this occasion, the force of all 
 my obligations to yon, and ot the attachment and gratitude I bear you, recurs to me. With all the warmth 
 of my heart I give you thanks for your Excellency's profuse kindness to me, and I .send you the mo.st 
 earne.st wishes for your welfare which a faithful, aflfectiona'.e and respectful attendant can frame. 
 
 I have a mother and three sisters, to whom the value of my commission would be an object, as the 
 loss of Grenada has nuicli affected their income. It is needless to be more explicit on this subject ; I am 
 persuaded of your Excellency's goodness. 
 
 I receive the greatest attention from his excellency General Washington, and from every per.wn 
 under who.se charge I happen to be placed. 
 
 I have the lionour to be, with the most affectionate attachmeiU, your Excellency's mo.st obedient 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 John .XNHRit, 
 
 Adjutant-fietieral. 
 I Two servants. - /^^Tccr.s. 
 
 -' Nathaniel Qardiner was son of Colonel Abraham Gardiner, of Gardiner's Island, Long Island. N. V. He was 
 born January 1 1, 17.19, and died March 25, i8<i4. On the aSth June, 17S0, he was appointed surgeon of 1 e 
 First New Hampshire, which nppointment he resigned December 17, 1782. He was several times a meinner 
 of the New York Legislature, and, after I79f), resided in New York City, where he was a member of the 
 firm of Gardiner, Thompsc. and Co., shipping merchants. 
 A singular coincidence may be noticed in this connection. In 1776, the British had possession of the east end 
 of Long Island, and Andre was quartered in tlie Gardiner hcmse. Dr. Gardiner had ventured to return fm 
 a secret visit to his home, .\ndre afterwards told his f.ithcr that he had known of his presence, but .is he 
 had not actually met iiim, had forlnirne to have him arnsted. as wouhl have otherwise been his duty to 
 do. On leaving I'last Ham|it(>n, ,\nilrt' .ireseuted Colonel Gan'.iner with a wine gla.ss in exchange for one 
 of the Colonel's which he took with liini. The glass is still preserved by the family, who have also kindly 
 furnished me with the portrait and autograph of the Doctor. 
 ^ Lafavctte told Sparks that Greene asked the prisoner : "When yon landed, dirl von consider yourself acting .i-s 
 
 a Rritish oflicer, or as a private individual ?" " As a British officer," was the unhesitating reidy. 
 < During the trial he wore the clothes in which he had been captured, but on its lerniin.ilion be resumed bisuTiiform- 
 !■> Lafavctte told Sparks that Gre -ne alone wished to hang him. He contended that llie laws of war rccpiired that 
 a spy be hung; the ado/ion of any less rigorous mode of punishment would excite the tielief that 
 palliatorv circumstances existed in the case of .\iidre, and the decision might thereby be brought into 
 rpiestion. He carried his point with the others of the Hoard. — Cordon (and L. lU. Sargent). 
 This, however, is evidently a mistake. Witness Steuben's words : "It is not possil)le to save him. He put 
 us to uo proof, but in an open, maidy manner confe.s,sed everything but a premeditateii design to 
 deceive." — Kapp's Life of Steuben. 
 
62 
 
 The Board of General Officers appointed to examine into the case of Major 
 Andre reix:)rt : 
 
 ist. That he came on shore from the Vulture sloop of war ir the night of the 
 
 2ist Septemljer last, on an enterprise with General A- ;:)ld, in a private 
 
 and secret manner. 
 
 2d. Tliat he changed his dre.ss within our lines, and under a feigned name and in 
 
 a disguised habit pas,sed our works at Stony and Verplank's Points the 
 
 evening of the 22d Septenil^er last, and was taken the morning of the 23d 
 
 September last, at Ta''rytown, in a di.sguised habit, being then on his way 
 
 to New York, and when taken he had in his po.s.se.ssion several pajjers 
 
 which contained Intelligence for the Knemy. 
 
 The Hoard having maturely con.sidered these facts, do also refxirt to his Excellency 
 
 General Wa.shington, That Major Andrd ought to be considered as a .spy from the enemy, 
 
 and fliat agreeably to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he ought to suffer death. 
 
 The report and finding were thus approved : 
 
 Headquarters, Tappan, Sept. 30, 1780. 
 The Connnander in Chief approves of the opinion of the Board of general officers 
 respecting Major Andre, and orders that the execution of Major Andre take place 
 to-morrow at five o'clock P. M.' 
 
 1 Captain Klienczer Smith, of the Thirteenth Mas.sachu.setts, commanded the execution guard for this day, and 
 has left on record a >;raphic picture which .shows Andr^ not to liave been unmoved by the sentence : " The 
 agony of his mind a.s he walked the room was most distressing,, and it .seemed to me that his very flesh 
 crawled u])on his bones." 
 • Tlic order postp(ming the execution arrived before five, to the Captain's jjreat relief. The next morning he 
 was a witness to the tears of Laune, Andre's servant. — Sparks, Am. Whig Review, Vol. V. 
 I'rom Judge Dyknian I have received the following interesting item, the authority for which he is unable to 
 name, Imt which it may be legitimately surmised from Captain Smith's statement, must have been himself, 
 or one of the other officers on guard that night : During the night previous to his death, Andrd said ; " I 
 am in a deplorable state : just about to be launched into the presence of my God." 
 
 Ebenezer Smith was born in Lebanon, Connecticut, Januar) — , 1764. 
 and died in New Marlborough, Massachusetts, September — , 1816. 
 
 <i^^%r^. 
 
 Of yi ' ^J^ In 1775 he was living in New Marlborough. When the '' Lexington Alarm ' 
 ^5 /- »a/V gi^^'>-Tt4>^J^L^ was sounded, within two hours of the news, his company of Minute Men 
 
 assembled, and the next day they marched for Boston and fought at 
 Hunker Hill. He was commissioned Knsign, and soon after Captain. I'rom that time on he was in service, 
 only ntiring when peace was established in 1783, when he was the oldest captain of the Massachusetts Line. 
 Ouriiig bis whole service — eight years, eight months and nine days — he was on furlough only six months. 
 At Ticoiideroga, Monmouth, Long Island, Saratoga, Valley Forge, in Rhode Island, his regiments (Thir- 
 teenth and Si- '1 Massachusetts) were in the front rani:. They fro/.e it Valley Forge (where for two days 
 his scjle food was an old beef -bone, pounded and boiled) and parched a': Monmouth, where, nearly dying of 
 heat and thirst, he bore off the field one of his wounded sergeants, and where his own life was saved from a 
 British dragoon by a comrade. Ilis witness to the feaiful heat of that day was his description to his son, 
 David, (himself a .soldier at sixteen,) of counting nine Uritish soldiers, lying close beside a spring, without 
 a wound on any of them, all dead from the heat. He wts stationed at West Point when Andr^ was brought 
 there, and his son is the authority for the jiositive statement received from the Captain, that Audr^ was 
 under his charge in old Fort Putnani. He went to Tappan, and being an especial favorite with Washington 
 (at whose request he thrice withdrew his offered resignation from the army), was again his guard there. 
 Neither he, his widow :ior any of his cliild'^en ever asked or received a pension, nor were any of the 
 family repaid the losses he sustained by the dejireciation of Continental money in which he was paid. 
 
 .\ jiroof of Washington's confidence in him aiipears from this incident, told by his .son to his grandson, the 
 late M. Goodrich Smith, of Washington : The evening of October i.st the Chief sent for Captain Smith, and 
 warned him that he was fearful lest the food or drink which might be offered him that night, be drugged, 
 in order to make Andre's escape po.ssible ; adding, "Treachery is all around me, and I hardly know vs'hom 
 to tnist, but I know I can trust you — vou must mount guard over him to-night." ' My life shall answer 
 for his safety," was Smith's reply, and he did not leave Andrd that night. After hostilities ended, Captain 
 Smith was a member of the Massachusetts Legislature, and one of the original members of the Cincinnati. 
 He was a man of exemplary religious life, ami universally honored by all who knew him. 
 
 (Though I have given more space to the record of this officer, and to tho.se of some others, than their com- 
 paratively slight connection with Andr(5 uiiplit seem to require, they present such remarkable instances of 
 endurance and patriotic service that nothing less extensive could pretend to do them justice. It was by 
 the devotion of such men that our Republic was made a possibility. ) 
 
'CA. '0. 
 
 FROM MINIATURE LENT BY MRS. DAVID LYON QARDINER. 
 
63 
 
 That same day lie wrote Clinton in such terms as effectually prevented 
 any repetition of the latter's ridiculous " flag of truce " plea, to which Andre's 
 own explicit testimony had just given ito quietus : 
 
 Head Quarters, 
 
 Septeinlier 30. 
 Sir, — In answer to your Kxcellency's letter of the 26th instant, which I had the 
 honour to receive, I am to inform you that Major Andrd was taken under such circum- 
 stances as would have justified the most summary proceedings against him. I determined, 
 however, to refer his case to the examination and decision of a Board of General Officers, 
 who have rejxirted on his free and voluntary confession and letters. — (Here follows the 
 .sentence: "That he came on shore from the Vulture," etc., as on page 62, and the 
 finding of the Board. ) 
 
 From these proceedings it is evident tliat Major Andre was employed in the 
 execution of measures very foreign to the objects of flags of truce, and such as they were 
 never meant to aiUhorize or countenance in the most distant degree ; and this gentleman 
 confe.ssed, with the greatest candor, in the course of his examination: "That it was 
 impossible for him to suppose he came on shore under the sanction of a flag." 
 
 I have the honour to be, etc., etc., 
 
 G. WASHirf.TON. 
 
 (With this was enclosed Andre's letter to Clinton.) 
 
 That day the Chief received a letter from an officer high in Clinton's 
 confidence, and at the time Commandant of New York : 
 
 New York, 29th September, 1780. 
 Sir, — Persuaded that you ore inclined rather to promote than to prevent tlie 
 civilities and acts of humanity which the rules of war ijermit between civilized nations, I 
 find no difficulty in representing to you, that several letters and messages sent from here 
 have Ijeen disregarded, are unanswered, and the flags of truce that carried them, detained. 
 As I ever have treated all flags of truce with civility and respect, I have a right to hope 
 that you will order my complaint to be immediately redres.sed. Major Andr6, who 
 visited an officer commanding in a district, at his own desire, and acted in every 
 circumstance agreeable to his direction, I find is detained a prisoner ; my friendship for 
 him leads me to fear he may suffer .some inconvenience for want of necessaries ; I wi.sh to 
 be allowed to send him a few, and I shall take it as a favor if you will be pleased to 
 permit his servant to deliver them. 
 
 In Sir Henry Clinton's absence it l)ecomes a part of my duty to make this 
 representation and request. 
 
 I am, etc., etc., etc., 
 
 JAMKS ROBKRTSON, 
 
 Lieut. General. 
 It is remarkable that a man holding such an office as Washington's found 
 time to write — frequently with his own hand — as often and at as much length 
 as he did. The prompt reply to Robertson is an instance : 
 
 Tappan, Septemljer 30, 1780. 
 Sir, — I have just received your letter of the 29th. Any delay which may have 
 attended your flags, has proceeded from accident, and the peculiar circumstances of the 
 occasion — not from intentional neglect or violation. The letter that admitted of an 
 
64 
 
 answer, lias received one as early as it could be given with propriety, transmitted by a 
 tlag this morning;. As to messages, I am uniufonucd of any that have been sent. 
 
 The necessaries for Major Andrd will be delivered to him,' agreeable to your request. 
 
 I am, Sir, etc., etc., 
 
 Gborgb Washington. 
 
 That night the prisoner made a sketch of the Hndson, showing Smith 
 and liimself going ashore from the Vulture, and also one of West Point from the 
 river,^ and gave thcni Lo Laune to take to New York. The guard oiEcer who was 
 constantl}- in the room with him, told Dr. Thacher that when the sentence and 
 the hour fixed — noon — were announced to him' he received the news without 
 emotion, merely replying: "I avow no guilt, but am reconciled to my fate." 
 "While all present were oppressed with silent gloom, he retained a firm 
 countenance, with calmness and composure of mind."^ 
 
 It is not clear who hinted to him that he might suggest to Clinton to 
 surrender Arnold, but the suggestion was instantly repelled. "^ 
 
 But his friends were uot idle. Thacher records : 
 
 October i . I went this afternoon to witness the execution — a large concourse of 
 jH'ople had a.ssenibled and the gallows was erected, but a flag of truce arrived from Clinton, 
 in consequence of which the execution is postponed till to-morrow at noon. 
 
 The suggestion about Arnold was carried further. Captain Aaron Ogden, 
 of Lafayette's light infantry corps, was sent on the preceding day — September 
 thirtieth — to Paulus Hook — now Jersey City — with a package of papers for 
 Clinton. This contained an official account of the trial, the report of the Board, 
 and a letter from Andre. Ogden, following his orders, communicated to the 
 commander at Paulus Hook, where he spent the night, his belief that Andre 
 might be saved by the surrender of Arnold." This was instantly transmitted to 
 Clinton, but, as might have been expected under the circumstances, he refused to 
 entertain the idea. Ogden reached Tappan again on the morning of October 
 first,' accompanied by a British flag of truce bearing this letter from Clinton : 
 
 ' That ilay Talliiiadge wrote to Colonel Webb, who was out on parole, either at Platbush or Wethersfield : "I 
 never Siiw a man, whose fate I foresaw, vhoni I so sincerely pitied. Though he knows his fate, he seenis 
 to be as cheerful as if he were going to an assembly." 
 
 ' Anburey. Of the second sketch I can find no trace, but the other, which was about 12x7 inches, was .sent lo 
 New Vork. and engraved in mezzotint. The self-control whicli would enable a man within a day of death 
 to sketch with sucli ease and dexterity, has no parallel in history so far as I know. 
 
 s Two officers came the first day for the pur|)ose, one being Major Robert Burne', Aid to Greene. While the other 
 is not named, it was probably Scammell. Major Burnet was the last survivor of the original members of 
 the Society of the Cincinnati, dying in Newbnrgh in 1.S54. 
 
 < This may have been on the morning of October second. The various authorities differ about events of the 
 two days. 
 
 ■■ Hamilton wrote on this jioint : "The moment he had been guilty of so nmcli frailty I should have ceased to 
 esteem him. It was jiroposed to me to suggest it, but I knew I should have forfeited his esteem by doing 
 it, nnd therefore declined it. As a man of honor he could not but reject it." 
 
 • A very interesting but indermite stateinenl is made by some authorities, on the strength of stateineiits by some 
 unnamed British officers, on their return to Kngland, after the war, that Arnold offered to go to the 
 .American camp and surrender himself for Andre. Clinton's reply is said to have been : " Your offer. Sir, 
 does yon great honor, but if Andrd- were my own brother, 1 could not consent to it." It is to be regretted 
 that so interesting an item is not definite enough to be available as history. " That night, page 65. 
 

 3i = 
 
65 
 
 New York, Sept. .^o, 1780. 
 Sir,— From your Excellency's letter of this date I am i)ersiia(lt(l the Hoard of 
 General officers, to whom you referred the case of Major Andre, can't have l)een rijjlitly 
 informed of all the circumstances on which a judgment ouRlit to Ix- formed. I think it of 
 the highest moment to humanity that your ICxcellency should l)e jjcrfectly apprized of the 
 state of this matter, before you proceed to put that judgment in execution. 
 
 For this reason I shall send His Uxcellency Lieut. General Robert.son, and two 
 other gentlemen, to give you a true stati (sir) of facts, and to declare to vou my 
 sentiments and resolution. They will .set out to-morrow as early as the wind and tide 
 will permit, and will wait near Dobhs's ferry for your permission and .safe conduct, to 
 meet your Excellency, or such per.sous as you may appoint, to converse with them 011 
 this subject. 
 
 I have the honour to be, etc., etc., 
 
 H. Clinto.v. 
 P. S. The Hon. Andrew KUiot, ICs<|., Lieut. Governor, and the Hon. William 
 vSniith, Chief ju.stice of this i)rovince, will attend His ICxcellency Lieut. Gener.il 
 Robert.son. 
 
 H. C. 
 His Excellency 
 
 General Washington. 
 
 The cxecutiou was coiisequentlj' postponed until the next day — October 
 second' — and Robertson, Elliot and Smith arrived in a flag vessel — the schooner 
 Greyhound. Robertson alone, as a soldier, was allowed to land, and met Greene, 
 as Washington's representative, who forestalled any lengthy discussion by saying, 
 " Let us understand our position : I meet you only as a private gentleman, not as 
 an officer, for the case of an acknowledged spy admits of no discussion." As 
 nothing was produced which Greene deemed material to the point, Robertson 
 proposed that Rochambeau and Kn)'phausen should be appointed a committee to 
 decide. This was naturally refused, and then, apparently as a last resort, 
 Robertson produced a letter from Arnold, addressed to Washington : 
 
 New York, October i, 1780. 
 
 Sir, — The polite attention shown by your Excellency and the Gentlemen of your 
 family to Mrs. Arnold, when in distress, demands my grateful acknowledgment and 
 thanks, which I Ijeg leave to present. 
 
 From your Excellency's letter to Sir Henry Clinton, I find a Board of General 
 officers have given it as their opinion that Major Andre comes under the description of a 
 spy. My good opinion of the candor and justice of those Gentlemen leads me to believe 
 
 ' That night, Aiulr^'s sister, in England, dreamed of hi,s arrest and execution. Tlie story is told at length in 
 
 Ainsuvrlh's Magazine, but has since been denied in Notes and Qiicric.i. 
 1 On the same day Arnold's resignation of his commission was received by Washington : 
 
 New York, October i, 1780. 
 Sir, — I take this opportunity to inform your Excellency that I consider myself no longer acting under 
 the commission of Congress. Their la.st to me being among my papers at West-point, you. Sir, will make 
 such use of it as you tlunk proper. 
 
 At the same time, I beg leave to assure your excellency that my attachment to the true interest of 
 my country is in\ariable. and that I am actuated by the same principle which has ever been the governing 
 rule of my conduct, in this unhappy contest. 
 
 I have the honour, itr., etc., 
 
 B. Arnold. 
 
66 
 
 tliat if they had Ikcii uiadc fully acquainted with every circumstance relating to Major 
 Andr6, that they would by no means have considerei'. him in the light of a spy, or even of 
 a prisoner. In justice to him, I think it my duty to declare, that he came from on board 
 the I'lilliire at my particular request, by a flag sent on puqxjse for him by Joshua Smith, 
 lvs<i., who had j)ermission to go to Dobbs's ferry to carry letters, and for other purposes 
 not mentioned, and to return. This was done as a blind to the spy-boats ; Mr. Smith at 
 the same time had my private directions to go on Ixjard the Vulture, and bring on shore 
 Colonel Robinson or Mr. John Anderson, which is the name I had requested Major Andr6 
 to assume. At the .same time I desired Mr. Smith to iuforni him, that he should have my 
 protection, and a safe passport to return in the same boat, as soon as our business was 
 completed. As several accidents intervened to prevent his tieing sent on board, I gave 
 him my passport to return by land. Major Andre came on shore in his uuiform (without 
 disguise) which with much reluctance, at my particular and pressing instance, he 
 exchanged for another Coat. I furnished him with a horse and saddle, and pointed out 
 the route by which he was to return, and as commanding officer in the department, I had 
 an undoubted right to transact all these matters ; which if wrong. Major Andre ought by 
 no means to suffer for them. 
 
 But if, after this just and candid representation of Major Andre's case, the Board 
 of General officers adhere to their former opinion, I shall supjxjse it dictated by pa.ssion 
 and resentment ; and if that Gentleman .should suffer the severity of their sentence, I shall 
 think myself bound by every tie of duty and honour to retaliate on such unhappy persons 
 of your army as may fall within my power, that the respect due to flags, and to the law of 
 nations may be better understood and observed. I have further to observe, that forty 
 of the principal inhabitants of South Carolina have justly forfeited their lives, which have 
 hitherto been spared by the clemency of His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, who cannot 
 in justice extend his mercy to them any longer, if Major Andr6 suffers ; which in all 
 probability will open a scene of blood at which hinnanily will revolt. 
 
 Suffer me to entreat your Excellency, for your own and the honour of humanity, 
 and the love you have of justice, that you suffer not an unjust sentence to touch the life 
 of Major Andr6. 
 
 But if this warning be disregarded, and he suffer, I call heaven and earth to 
 witness, that yr r Excellency will be justly answerable for the torrent of blood that may 
 
 be spilt in co ,, ;queucc. 
 
 I have the honour to be, etc., etc., 
 
 B, Arnold. 
 His Excellency 
 
 General Washington. 
 
 Surely a more remarkable jumble of brazen avowal of treason, pleading, 
 threats and hypocrisy, was never written — and this by the man who had attacked 
 Quebec, saved the day at Saratoga, nearly captured Tryon at Danbury (Compo), 
 saved from want the children of Warren, and for five years been intimately 
 associated with the very men he now declares to be "actuated by passion or 
 resentment ! " 
 
 If he really expected it to help Andre, he was singularly deficient in 
 knowledge of the man he addressed.' Sparks well says : " It is hardly possible that 
 
 • Sargent thinks it did not reach Washington until after the execution. 
 
1 
 
 ■ V ■ V 
 
 . . " '^ : 
 
 
 
 '... _ 
 
 
 
 > J^^^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 • . V '■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 iliA 
 
 
 np 
 
 
 
 . ■f.'P'- ■> 
 
 /^ 
 
 fBOM AN UNPUBllfiMED PORTHAIT BY TBuMBUlt. 
 
 FROM THE FR0S8ARD COLLECTION, BY PEHMISSIOft OF *IIIIAM MACBETH N. 
 
67 
 
 it could have been read by Clinton, although written at his request with a view 
 of operating on the judgment and clemency of Washington." Marbois says 
 Greene contemptuously let it fall on the ground at Robertson's feet. Notwith- 
 standing, the shrewd Scotchman told him he would stay aboard the (hevltound 
 all night, and expressed his hope that Andre would be released the next day, or 
 at any rate saved from death, on Greene's statement to his chief of Robertson's 
 arguments. The sincerity of his belief, unfounded as it was, appears in the 
 letter he wrote Clinton that very day.' While these efforts were making to save 
 him, Andre, recalling Tallmadge's warning of his fate, wrote to Wasliington the 
 letter which N. P. Willis afterwards paraphrased in verse,' and which remains to 
 this day a model of manly feeling,' tersely and forcibly expressed by one who, 
 feeling himself within one day of death, was yet only solicitous about its mode : 
 
 1 OfF Dobbs' Kerr) , 
 
 I October. 
 
 Sir, — On coming to anchor here, I sent Murray on shore, who soon returned with notice that General 
 Green was ready to meet me, but would not admit a conference with the other two gentlemen. 
 
 I paid ray compliments to his character, and expressed the satisfaction I had in treating with him in 
 the cause of my friend, the two armies, and humanity. He said he could not tru.at with me as an oflicer — 
 that Mr. W'asliington had permitted him to meet me as a gentleman, but the case of an acknowlc<lf;cd spy 
 admitted no opportunity of discussion. I .said that a knowledge of facts was necessary to direct a CkMieral's 
 judgment ; that in whatever character I was (received) I hoped he would represent what I said candidly to 
 Mr. Washington. I laid before him the facts and Arnold's assertion of Mr. Andre's beinK under a Hag of 
 truce and disguised by his order. He showed me a low-spirited letter of AndriJ's saying that he had not 
 landed under a flag of truce, and lamenting his being taken in a mean disgui.se. He expresses this in 
 language that admits it to be criminal. I told him that Andr^ stated facts with truth, but reasoned ill 
 upon them ; that whether a flag was flying or not, was of no moment. He landed and acted as directed 
 by their General. He said they would believe Andrd in preference to Arnold. * * * » 
 
 Green said one thing would satisfy them — they e.ipected if Andrd was set free, .\rnold should he 
 given up. This I answered with a look only which threw Green into confusion. I am persuaded Andr^ 
 will not be hurt. 
 
 Believe me. Sir, etc., etc., etc., 
 
 JAMKS ROBF.RT.SON. 
 (The omitted portions correspond with the general narrative, hence are omitted as repetitions. ) His a.ssertion 
 about surrendering Arnold is almost certainly pure invention. Greene repelled his intimation that I.ieul. 
 Governor Gadsden and other .South Carolina prisoners might be retaliated upon. 
 
 2 Willis wrote : 
 
 It is not the fear of death 
 
 That ilamps my brow ; 
 It is not for another breath 
 
 I ask thee now. 
 I can die with a lip unstirred 
 
 And a quiet heart — 
 Let but this prayer be heard 
 
 Ere I depart. 
 
 I can give up my mother's look — 
 
 My sister's kiss ; 
 I can think of love — yet brook 
 
 A death like this ! 
 I can give up the young fame 
 
 I burn'd to win ; 
 All — but the spotless name 
 
 I glory in. 
 
 Thine is the power to give. 
 
 Thine to deny ; 
 Joy for the hour \ live. 
 
 Calmness to die. 
 By all the brave should cherish. 
 
 By my dying breath, 
 I ask that I may perish 
 
 By a soldier's death. 8 Sargent says, page 68. 
 
68 
 
 October I. 
 Sir, — P.iioyed above the terror of death by the consciousness of a life devoted to 
 honoiiraMi; pursuits, and stained with no action that can give me remorse, I trust that the 
 re(|ni.st I niaki- to your excellency at this serious period, and which is to soften ray last 
 moments, will not l)e rejected. vSympathy towards a soldier will surely induce your 
 excellency, and a military tribunal, to adopt the mode of my death to the feelings of a 
 man of honour. Let me hope. Sir, if aught in my character impresses you with esteem 
 towards me, if aught in my misfortunes marks me as the victim of policy and not of 
 resentment, i shall exr)ericnce the oiK-ration of these feelings in your breast by being 
 informed I am not to die on a gibl^et.' 
 
 I have the honour, etc., etc.. 
 
 John A.NnRfc. 
 
 From Wa.sliington's .silence in regard to it Andre nui.st have inferred a 
 refnsal, at fir.st, a.s i.s .shown by his letter to his friend Lieutenant Colonel 
 William Croshie, 22d Regiment, in New York :" 
 
 The manner in which I am to die at fust gave me some slight uneasiness; but I 
 instantly recollected ihat it is the crime alone tliat makes any mode of punishment 
 ignominious — and I could not think an attempt to put an end to a civil war, and to stop 
 the effusion of human l)lood, a crime. 
 
 From his subsequent words, it would seem that die impression had given 
 ])lace to a belief that his request would be granted. 
 
 The morning of the eventful second of October brought no message of 
 comfort to the waiting Robertson, but a note from Greene consej-ed the news that 
 the execution would not be further delayed : 
 
 Camp, Tappan, 
 
 2 October. 
 Sir, — Agreeably to your request, I connnunicated lO General Wa.shington the 
 substance of your conversation, with all the particulars, as far as my memory served me. 
 It made no alteration in his opinion and determination. I need .say no more, after what 
 you have already been informed. 
 
 Robertson, as a last hope, wrote again to Washington : 
 
 Greyhound Schooner, 
 
 Flag of Truce, 
 Dobbs's Ferry, 
 
 October 3, 1780. 
 Sir, — A note I had from General Greene leaves me in doubt if his memory had 
 .served him, to relate to you with exactness the sub.stance of the conversation that had 
 passed l)etween him and myself on the subject of Major Andr6. In an affair of so much 
 
 ■' S.nrnciit savs he remarked : " Since it is my lot to die, there is still a choice in the mode which would make a 
 material difTerencc ti mv feelings, anil 1 would be happv, if possible, to he iiulnlj^ed with a professional 
 ilcath." 
 
 I On the morninj.; of the second, Hamilton wrote to Miss Schuyler ; 
 
 Ivverythiu); that is amiable in virtue, in fortitude, in delicate .sentiments, and accomplished 
 maimers, plead for him : but hard-hearted policy calls for a .sacrifice. He must die. I must inform you 
 that I lilted a ciuupliance with his request to he shot, and I do not think it would have had an ill effect, 
 but .some people arc only seasilile to motives of policy, and somclimes, from a narrow di.sposition - 
 mistake it. 
 
 - This was taken to New York bv I.auiic, after the CTecutinn. 
 
II. 1> 
 
 < — 
 
 •u." ; 
 
 0. ^ 
 
 O 
 
69 
 
 consequence to my friend, to the two armies, and Intnianity, I would leave no (wssiliility 
 of a misunderstanding, and therefore take the lil)erty to reix;at the substance of what I said 
 to General Greene. 
 
 I offered to prove by the evidence of Colonel Robinson and the officers of the 
 V'liHttre, that Major Andre went on shore at General Arnold's desire, in a lioat sent for 
 him with a flag of truce ; that he not only came ashore with the knowledge and under the 
 protection of the General who connnanded in the district, but that he t(K)k no step while 
 on shore but by direction of General Arnold, as will apjHjar by the enclosed letter from 
 him' to your Kxcellency. 
 
 Under these circumstances I could not, and hojied you would not, consider Major 
 Andr6 as a spy, for any improjxjr piirase in his letter to you. 
 
 The facts he relates corrcsixand with the evidence I offer ; but he admits a con- 
 clusion that does not follow. The change of cloaths and name was ordered by General 
 Aniold, under whose direction he ncces.sarily was, while within his command. 
 
 As General Greene and I did not agree in opinion, I wi.shed that 'lisinterested 
 gentlemen of knowledge of the law of war and nations, might be asked their opinion on 
 the subject ; and mentioned Monsieur Knyphausen and General Rochanibault. 
 
 I related that a Captain Robinson had been delivered to .Sir Henry Clinton as a 
 spy, and undoubtedly was such ; but that it Ix;ing signified to him that you were desirous 
 that this man should be exchanged, he had ordered him to be exchanged. 
 
 I wished that an intercourse of such civilities as the rules of war might admit of, 
 might take off many of its horrors. I admitted that Major Andre had a great share of 
 Sir Henry Clinton's esteem, and that he would be infinitely obliged by his lilK'ratiou ; and 
 that if he was permitted to return with me, I would engage to have any per.son you would 
 be pleased to name, set at liberty. I added that Sir Henry Clinton had never put to 
 death any person for a breach of the rules of war, though he had, and now has, many in 
 his power. Under the pre.sent circumstances, much good might arise from humanity, '-' 
 much iU from want of it. If that could give any weight, I beg leave to add, that your 
 favorable treatment of Major Andr^ will be a favor I should be ever intent to return to 
 any you hold dear. My memory does not retain with the exactness I could wish, the 
 words of the letter General Greene showed me from Major Andre^ to your l'<xcelleiicy. 
 For Sir Henry Clinton's .satisfaction, I beg you will order a Copy of it to lie sent iiie at 
 New York. 
 
 I have the honour, etc. , etc. , 
 
 J.\MKS ROBERT.SON. 
 
 His Excellency 
 
 General Wa.shington. 
 
 The signing of Andre's death warrant is said to have cost Washington 
 great distress, and as the hour of noon approached he ordered the window blinds 
 
 1 This is vague, but most probably refers to the Arnold letter refused by Greene. 
 
 2 The efforts made to sn\e Aiidrd did credit to his friends, hut the writers of the several letters, in their frequent 
 
 references to "humanity" seem to have altogether forgotten a fact which none of their antagonists ever 
 could — that thousands of American prisoners were then languishing ami dying of starvation in the 
 I)risons — and particularly the prison ships — of New York and Charleston, (if the persons we have met 
 during our .story, Paulding had twice been a prisoner, and was soon to lie sucli for the thinl time ; Captains 
 Boyd, Van Dyk and I'oote al.so, had been prisoners; Adjutant Iloogland had been captured at the b.ittle of 
 Long Island, and had suffered on one of the i)rison ships ; and doubtless others of whom 1 have less 
 information, had had more or less taste of British jails. Whili. such facts could not affect the treatment of 
 Andr(5, references to "humanity" were in singularly bad taste at a time when Cunningham was almost 
 nightly hanging prisoners without trial, and Wxe Jersey was a floating hell, 
 s That of October ist, asking that he might be shot. 
 
70 
 
 of liis room to be closed, thnt lie might not see tlie hill, where a large crowd had 
 already assemhlcd.' Never since has Tappan had an assemblage of equal size. 
 " Many hundreds, if not thousands "- were present. General Glover was officer 
 of the da}-, while Colonel Joseph Cilley, of the First New Hampshire, Lieutenant 
 Colonel Henry Dearborn, of the same regiment. Major Peter Harwood, S'xth 
 Massachusetts, and Major Thomas Pettingill, Ninth Ma.ssachusetts, were the otnevs 
 
 of the day's detail, as 
 shown by Green':''s 
 orderly-book, in still 
 perfectly distinct 
 handwriting. 
 
 Early in the 
 morning, without 
 the aiiil of a mirror, 
 Andre made the 
 pen-and-ink sketch 
 of himself, which is 
 now owned b}' Yale 
 College. This he 
 gave to an officer of 
 the guard, Ensign 
 Tonilinson,'' of the 
 Ninth Connecticut 
 (Webb's). At eight 
 he breakfasted, and 
 then, having appar- 
 entl}- been a second time notified of the hour for execution, by Colonel Scammcll, 
 heard it with calmness. His servant being overcome with grief, he turned to him, 
 saying : " Leave me until you can show j-our- 
 sclf more manly.'" Having shaved, dressed /D/^ 
 
 himself in his uniform and packed his two ( — "i jZ _ X^ ^ i_ ^ 
 
 trunks, he gave the keys to Launc, with 
 
 directions where to take them in New York, and then, turning to Ensign' Samuel 
 
 Bowman, Third Massachusetts, and Captain John Hughes, of the Congress 
 
 ' III spite of some denials, I ani inclined to think Andr^ couUl have seen the gibbet from his window ; for Greene, 
 writing that morning to Governor William Greene, of Rhode Island, says : "The gallows is erected in full 
 view of the place where I am writing " (presumably his headquarters). However, it is certain Andr^ did 
 not see it until the escort, at the foot of tlie hill, wheeled to the left and thus came in sight of it. 
 Captain Partridge also says the hill could be seen from .^ndr^-'s room. There are too many trees now for it to 
 be visible. 
 
 " Russell. See page 73. 
 
 :< Jabez H. Tomllnson. (Not Jabez L., as Lossing has it.) He was born in Stratford, Conn., December 24, 
 1760, and died there January 14, 1^49. He was graduated from Yale in 17S0, and was a captive in the 
 Old Sugar House for a long time. The cane he is shown as holding was made from wood of his prison 
 hou.se. I am indebted to his great-granddaughter, Mrs. A. B. Fairchild, of Bridgeport, Conn., for his 
 portrait — the only one made, and never before reproduced. •• This may, 6 Samuel Bowman, page 71. 
 
FROM THE OfllGlNAL B¥ TdUMBULL. 
 
7' 
 
 Regiment — Second Ciniadian — who liad l)een in constant attendance on liini fi.r 
 twenty-fonr lioiirs, said : "Gentlemen,! am now lead}- to obey 3'onr call ;'" or, as 
 
 another authority has it, " I 
 am ready at any time, gentle- 
 men, to wait on you." 
 h;ul meanwhile been filled with about 
 
 Ja^. /$4./^^ 
 
 l^o^ 
 
 The street in front of the tavern 
 five hundred troops. Captain ,)ohn 
 Van Dyk,-' of Lamb's (Second) 
 Artillerj', with another officer,'' 
 were standing on either side the 
 stoop as the door opened, and 
 Bowman and Hughes appeared 
 with the ])risoner, "pale as death, 
 but tranquil and calm." Dressed, 
 as he was, in the rich uniform 
 of a British stafT-officer,' he must 
 have presented an ajjpearance in 
 striking contrast to the Continen- 
 tals. Van Dyk walked on the left 
 of his left-hand officer.^' As the 
 drums and fifes began to play," 
 he composed! J' said: "I am very 
 much surprised to find your 
 troops under so good discipline, 
 and your music is excellent." 
 
 /}--^^;^^A-^^~^^y»^ ^tS>. 
 
 * This may have been on the previous day. Thacher, Sargent and others are at variance atiout events on tliese 
 
 days, 
 l- Samuel Bowman was born in Lexington, Mass., Deci;ml)er 2, 1753. He was one of the miniile-mei at the 
 Lexington fight, and in January, 1776, enli.sled in the Third Mas.sachusetts, whence he was afli. -wards 
 transferred to the First, and promotui to be lieutenant. He sensed througlmut the war, and in 17X6 
 removed to Wilkes Barre, Penn. In 179) he was in arms again, on occasion of the " Whiskey insurrection " 
 
 — and, in 1799-1800, was a captain in the Eleventh IT. S. Infantry of the " Provisional .\rniy," which wiis 
 disbanded in x). Singular to relate, this veteran soldier, who liad pas.sed unhurt through eiglit years' 
 warfare, inei ids death in sight of his own house, by being gored by a savage bull, June 25, 1S18. Hon. 
 Charles Miner, the historian, of Wilkes Barre, described him as "a man sini]>Te in heart and of (as) kindly 
 affection as I'licif Toby himself, yet sensible and well-infonneil." 
 
 Although he is usually called Captain, the records do not give him that rank in 1780. 
 
 His eldest son, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander H. Bowman, of the Engineers, was Superintendent of We.st 
 Point, in 1863, and another .son, Charles S., was CapUiin and Brevet Major of Cavalry. 
 ■ Bowman. 
 
 - John Van Dyk was born in New York in 1753, and dieil there February 28, 1840. He w.is a member of 
 Colonel John Lasher's New York Minute Men (t'le .same regiment to which Captain Hoogland — see iiiili' 
 
 — belonged) in 1775, and when tin- British fleet was confronting New York, in 1776, he assisted .Mexauder 
 Hamilton to remove the cannon from the Battery. Afterwards he was appointed to Landi's Artillery, 
 where he remained through tlie war. For many years afterwards he was employed in the Custom Hou.se 
 at New York. It is a coincidence that his old connnander, Colonel Lamb, was the Collector of the Port. 
 
 For his portrait I am indebted to his great great-grandson. Dr. Harold .\. Meeks, of Meriden, Conn. 
 •1 Probably Captain Fbenezer Smith. 
 
 * With the exception of sash, gorget, sword and spurs. Darley's drawing is historically wrong in showing 
 
 spurs, and also, I think, in showing three-cornered hat. As a .staff-officer, he would wear a cocked hat 
 but I have been unable to find any authentic representation of one of the period. 
 
 ^> It has been, " Van Dyk says, page, 72. 
 
72 
 
 The road which the procession took makes a right angle to the west, a few yards 
 north of the tavern. The whole distance to the place of execution is exactly half 
 
 a mile, and the spot is almost ex- 
 actly due west of the building.' 
 
 Greene and the other gen- 
 eral officers, mounted, were drawn 
 up in litie beside the road; and to 
 them, particularly to his judges, 
 the prisoner raised his cocked hat 
 as he passed. Washington and 
 his staff were alone absent, and 
 Russell" notes the prisoner's appre- 
 ciation of the fact. Tallmadge 
 and Thacher walked close to him, 
 as did also Dr. Timothy Hall,' 
 
 of the Fifth Massachusetts, who 
 
 attended professionally. 
 Dr. Thacher says : 
 
 I was so near, during the 
 solemn march to the fatal spot, 
 as to observe every movement and 
 to participate in every emotion 
 the melancholy scene was calcu- 
 lated to produce Melancholy and 
 gloom i^ervaded all ranks, and the 
 scene was affectingly awful. The 
 
 cP^^^.^^^/ 
 
 f' It has been very (lifTicull to decide who were the four officers ; but an exhaustive ^^earch of all authorities, and 
 recent information received from descendants of some of those concerned, leads me to decide that Bowman 
 and Hughes walked arm in arm with him, while Van Dyk was on Bowiuan's left and Smith on Hughes' 
 right. Lieutenant King and Captain Allen were certanily present, and may have been close behind the 
 group, where Dr. Hall also probably walked. 
 "Van Dyk says they played "lively(!) tunes" — but Dewees, who was himself a fifer, says the Dead March. 
 
 Some names of the band have l)een preserved to us : Alexander McKinley wf « the Drum Major, and Benjamin 
 Ablxit (who died iit Nashua, N. H., in 1851 ) was a drummer. " The late Dr. Horace Green, of New York, 
 while living in Rutland, Vt., was a skilful flute-player and frequently played to plea.se an aged Revolu- 
 tionary soldier there. The veteran usually wished to hear a simple but plaintive air known as the 
 ' Bluebird,' which he said he had heard played on the occasion." — Henry J. Raymond, iSSo. 
 
 rdlowing this clue, I have been able, through the kind assistance of Dr. Green's daughter, Mrs. Anna G. 
 Loveland, of Proctor, Vt., and of the officials of the Lenox Library, New York, to find a part of the 
 " Bluebird." I am not aware that it hiis been published before. 
 
 Kor the other tune, " Roslin Castle." I am indebted to Mrs. Arthur H. Dyer, of Brooklyn, N. Y., great great- 
 granddaughter of Colonel Benjamin Hinman, who was a spectator of the execution, and handed down 
 the tune to his descen<lants. It is stated (Harvey, History Lodge 61, F. and A. M., U^ilkes Bane, Pa.) 
 that "Roslin Ca.stle" was usually played as a funeral or dead march, in Washington's army, and was 
 played as especially appropriate when Washington's l-"arewell Address was read to the troops at Newburgh, 
 on their disbandment in 1783. 
 
 Benjamin Hinman was torn in Woo<lbury, Conn., in 1729, and died there March 22, iSio. He was Colonel 
 of the I'ourth Connecticut in 1775, and took part in the capture of St. John's — where he may have met 
 Andr<5. Arnold quarrelled with Ijini at Crown Point liecause ordered by Massachusetts to obey him. 
 Subsequently he was Colonel of the Thirteenth Connecticut, and left the army, on account of age and 
 ill-health, in January, 1777. He was present at Tappau as a spectator. 
 
 ' Sar. ent makes, -' Benjamin Russell, 8 Tiuiothy Hall, page 73. 
 
€^eV1LLAGE 
 
 cr 
 TAPPAN NY 
 
 IN 1699. 
 
 No. 1. 
 Z. 
 3. 
 ■f. 
 5. 
 6 
 7. 
 
 Reformed Church. 
 Parsonage ■ 
 Washington Head<)uai-ters 
 
 '76 Stone House. 
 West Shore R.R- Station. 
 
 Site of Andre's Execution. 
 
 Site ofAnDPL's Ohmc 
 
 Scale: 400 FT TO AN IHO 
 
 Andre's route was from 4, North, to the roa.l to Old Tappan, thence West, to the first road, 
 which leads to the place of execution, marked 6. 
 
B»«a.«t^..«aaBi»»i^>aj«^^it«5^^ 
 
 From an old painting. 
 
73 
 
 eyes of the immense miiltitiule were fixed nn liitii who, rising s»i|x?rior to the fears of 
 
 dea'.i, apixjared as if conscious of tile (liKiiiruil lUiKutiniiit lie ili>i)layeil. Xot a iminnur 
 
 or a sigh ever escaped him, and the civihties and attentions bestowed on him were politely 
 
 acknowledged. 
 
 "Baldwin's" account says the p^nard marched in single file (probably 
 
 hollow square is meant), the mounted officers first, next the baggage-wagon with 
 
 the black -painted coffin,'" next the officers 
 
 on foot, then Andre himself with his / 
 
 immediate bodyguard. At the spot where t^J/J i?^ ay?ni'nf 
 
 the troops wheeled to the left and quitted ^ 
 
 the highway leading to Old Tappan to 
 
 enter the field to the south, Clinton's unfortunate Adjutant for the first time saw 
 the gallows, and realizing that his request for a "professional death" had thus 
 been denied, and an ignominious end awaited him, involuntarily stopjicd short for 
 an instant, overcome by the shock. The captain of the guard-''' asked : " Why this 
 emciion. Sir?" Thacher's version of his reply is the usually-received one: "I am 
 reconciled to my death, but detest the mode." Bowman, however, who was certainly 
 nearer to him than was Thacher, told Tallmadge in 1816, that his reply was: 
 
 I have borne everything with fortitude, but this is too degrading ! As respects 
 
 myself it is a matter of no consequence,""^ but I have a mother and sister who will lie very 
 
 much mortified by the intelligence. 
 
 By the kindness of Miss Ella M. Bowman, of Wilkes Barre, Pa., a great 
 
 great-granddaughter of Ensign Bowman, I am permitted to reproduce an exact 
 
 copy of his letter to Tallmadge, which differs slightly from that in print, and from 
 
 which I have heretofore quoted : 
 
 ' Sargent makes a singular mistake in saying the procession pas-sed Wasliington's lieadquarters. The I)c Windt 
 house was east of the Mabie, and it was impossible to pass it unless a (It-lour was made for the purjiose. 
 whicti the narratives of spectators jirove was not done. See tlie map. Wiiisor repeats the error. 
 The two little daughters of Mr. Dc Wiiult were among the spectators. In old age one of them told I.ossing 
 that she gave Andr^ a peach, which he carried awhile and then gave to one of his guard. As he was 
 surrounded by troops, the account would be justly regarded as an invention, had it not come froui the one 
 concerned in it. 
 
 - Benjamin Russell was Imrii in Boston, Septeml>er 13, 1761, and died there January 4, 1845. At seventeen, 
 while an apprentice to Isaiah Thomas, a printer of Worcester, the latter was drafted for military service. 
 The youth volunteered in his stead, and was present at Aiulr^'s execution, as a private in the Worcester 
 militia. 
 He was the first American "war correspondent," as he siij)plied news to the Worcester ."yVy during his six 
 months' enlistment. After the war he founded the Colinnhiaii CenlincI, of Boston, and was for many 
 years a member of the Legislature, and the chief spirit of the Massachusetts Charitable Mechanic Asso- 
 ciation. He was the originator of the word "Gerrymander." 
 
 :i Timothy Hall was born in North Brookfield, Ma.ss., June 4, ly.sS. In 1776 he enlisted as a private in the 
 Connecticut militia, and was in the battles of IvOng Islanil, Harlem Heights and White Plains. His 
 enlistment expiring with 1776, he seems to have studied medicine during the ensuing three years, as in 
 February, 1780, we find him commissioned as Surgeon's Mate of the Kifth Massachusetts, Colonel Kufiis 
 Putnam. He served as such to January, 1781, and afterwards settled in Kast Hartford, Conn., where he 
 practiseil his profession with great distinction for many years, and where he died August 6, 1S44. 
 
 Ill Considering the humanity with which Andr<5 had been treated, it would have been inconsistent to have para<led 
 his coffin before his face; hence I doubt this statement, which I call "Baldwin's" to identify it. Its 
 author was an unnamed private in Colonel Jeduthan Baldwin's Massachusetts regiment of Artificers 
 (Artillery). 
 
 ■21) " An officer i)y his side." — Thacher. Probably Hughes or Smith, as Bowman does not mention it. Another 
 account says he aske<l : "Must I die in this manner?" 
 
 Sc It must be confessed that this conflicts with his request to be shot. 
 
74 
 
 He was rejjrievejl until the 2(1 COctober). His guard was then relieved by Captain 
 
 Jnlni ' of tliL' Con^ri'ss rL'j;iiii<-nt. * * * We relieved Captain Allen- of RIkhIc Island, 
 
 by whom we were all introduced to Major Andrei. He requested Captain Hughes and 
 
 myself to remain with him, to which we consented. * * * Not 
 a niurnuir escajK'd durin , the time I was with hini ; but ou 
 the contrary he expres;<;d himself in the warmest terms for 
 the indulgence he received from the court before whom he 
 was tried and from all the officers under whose care he had 
 iK'en placed, particularly Major Tallmadge. On tiie morning of the fatal day he early 
 ])ul on his morning-gown, and apjieared very sociable, conversed on difTercut subjects, 
 never mentioning his own situation, but when he saw us dull would take a glass, saying, 
 "Come, let us take a glass of wiue. It only makes me feel the worse to see your 
 feelings hurt." Then he would connuence some other conversation evidently with 
 intention to take our llioughts from the situation. * * * He took his hat, put it on 
 the lalile, and said, " Cientlenien, I am now ready to obey your call," with as mnch 
 eiiniiH)snre as if he had d.-e.s.sed for a party of pleasure. I said I was sorry we had 
 lo separate so soon, and he said it would Ix; the sooner over. * * * When we came in 
 siglil of the gallows, I had never before .seen him disturl)e(l, but there was now evidently 
 excitement, asking us earnestly whether we knew the mode t)f death. We told him we 
 did not, and seeing yon (Tallmadge) at some distance he asked if that were you. I 
 answered him it was. He requested (leave) to sjieak to you, and you can recollect the 
 observation, " I have borne everything with fortitude,'' etc. 
 
 Van Dyk says no reply was made, but other accotints represent the officer 
 as saying : " It is unavoidable, Sir." " How hard is my fate ! " replied the 
 prisoner. He paused an instant, and added: "It will soon be over"' — the 
 march was resumed, and the gallows reached. This had been made by setting up 
 two forked trees, with a third laid across. It was unusually high, and under it 
 stood the cart, or two-horse army baggage-wagon,' in which was the coffin. 
 Andre waited a moment, " betraying some emotion, putting one foot on a small 
 stone, and rolling it over and choking in his throat as if attempting to swallow.^' 
 He bowed his head and looked at himself from the feet upward, for an instant, 
 before attempting to get on the wagon by the tail-board. His first attempt 
 failing, he said a few words to his servant, who was standing by overcome with 
 
 ' Tins must l>e Hughes. 
 
 - William Allen. He was iHirn at Uc1io1k)11i, Mas,s., March 27, 1752, ami died at Providence, R. I., AuK»st 17, 1S15. 
 He was Kiisigii of Uie Second Rhode I.slaiid, June 28, 1775; Captain, January i, 1777; was transferred 
 to the I'irst, January i, 17S1, and was honoralily discliarged, December 25, 17S3. In 17S6 he w.is 
 appointed Major of the Third U. S. Infantry, anil was Drigadier General of the Rhode Island militia, 
 1799-1801. His s(m, William Henry Allen, was a naval officer, and was mortally wounded in the action 
 lK.'tween the aligns and the British lirig Pt-lican, .August 14, 1813. 
 
 i Tallmadge. His behaviour was becoming an officer and a gentleman, and .such in his last moments as drew 
 tears from many eyes. — Heath. 
 
 * Even this has its hi.story. Such were then rare in the county, and the local Committee of Safety had the duty 
 of prtK:uriug them — sometimes forcibly — when needed by the army. A farmer — Van Ostrand — hid his 
 under the hay in his barn. Hendrick Oblenis, president of the Committee, found and seized it. At the 
 close of the war, the owner refused to send for it, sued Oblenis for its value, was defeated, and then left it 
 to decay under a tree behind the Oblenis homestead in Clarkstown, — C. M. Oblenis, A'yack. 
 
 t^ Thacher. 
 
y 
 
 C 
 
 K i 
 
75 
 
 grief, and then, putting one hand on the wagon body, made a determined spring 
 and succeeded.' 
 
 Stepping on his coffin he delilierately surveyed the scene, surrounded by 
 the five hundred and fifty infantry on guard,-' a great number of additional soldiers 
 and civilian spectators, including, unfortunately, women and children. 
 
 Colonel Scammell, as Adjutant, read the order for execution, in a loud 
 voice, then the commanding officer'— Glover— said : " Major Andre, if you have 
 anything to say you can speak, for you have but a sliort time to live." Standing 
 with hands on hips, the prisoner bowed to him and replied in clear, unfaltering 
 
 tone :* , • i . i 
 
 I have nothing more to say, gentlemen, than this: I pray yon to Uar witness that 1 
 
 meet my fate Hke a brave man. 
 
 One account : 
 
 All I request of you, Rentlenieii, is tliat you will bear \vilnes.s— 
 
 The Conlincnlal Journal^ Boston : 
 
 I have said all I had to .say, tefore ; all I request of you— 
 The hangman, a Tory named Strickland, who was under arrest, and had 
 been promised liberty for performing the odious office, had disguised himself by 
 smearing his face with stuff like shoe-blacking, producing a hideous effect. vSome 
 of the .stuff probably adhered to his hands, for on approaching Andre he was 
 repulsed with the sharp command : "Take off your black hands." Removing his 
 gold-laced cocked-hat, and handing it' and his watch" to his servant, who stood by 
 the wagon, he next took off his white neck-cloth, and put it in his coat-pocket,' 
 unbuttoned his shirt-collar and turned it down. Taking the noose from Strick- 
 land's hands he ptit it over his head and drew it close around the throat; then, 
 taking a handkerchief from his pocket, he bandaged his eyes, and stood awaiting 
 death. The hangman fastened the rope to the cross-beam," when the com- 
 manding officer suddenly ordered Andre's hands to be tied. Andre immediately 
 
 l^nionK the extraordinary circumstances that attended him in the niidr.t of his enemies, he died universiilly 
 
 esteemed.— //(j;«;//(7/i. 
 i Colonel Israel Shreve, Second New Jersey, commanded the delacliment — .SV/rczr. 
 :> naldwin — but Thacher says it was Scanmiell. 
 
 4 He appeared as little daunted as John Rogers is said to have been when about to be burnt at the sUike.- 
 Ilaliiwiii. 
 Poor Andr^ was executed yesterday ; nor did it happen without a tear on my part. He was a rare character. 
 From the time of his capture to his last moments, his conduct was such as .l.d honor to the human racc^ 
 mean by these words to express all that can be said favorable of „,an. 'Hie con.passjon "f ;^xrv num of 
 feeling and sentiment was excited for him, beyond your conception. -/-/<«A«aK/ ColouH huhaid A. 
 Meade\.o Colonel Thcodork Bland Jr., Oc\.o\kx-s. „„•-., i ,.« m \ 
 
 (Meade was one of Washington's .\ids, and grandfather of Connnodore R. \\ . Mc:ule. I . .S. N.) 
 JoXrlow' who was the,, chaplain of General Poor's brigade of the Massachusetts hue, "^J «/Pf~' ''"; 
 says: "A politer gentlenmn, or a greater character of his age, perhaps is not alive. He suffered with 
 calmness and cheerfulness." 
 s I.^M. Sargent. 
 
 6 J. R. Simms. . , . ,,.,,,. 
 
 T These trivial details serve to illustrate how eye-witnesses' .accounts differ. One s-ays the ha^ ""'^.^^f "^^^^ Y""*^ 
 laid on the coffin. ' ' • I ' f^ ' ■ 
 
76 
 
 pushed the handkerchief from his ej-es, t(M)k a second one' from a pocket, and 
 handed it to Strickland, first replacing the one over his eyes. The hangman 
 having lx)und his arms behind him with the handkerchief, for an instant the 
 slight figure, attired in cd.a of bright scarlet faced with green, waistcoat and 
 l)rccches of buff, and toj>-b(X)ts, stood bareheaded, sharply outlined against the 
 clear sky and the forest covering the distant hills.'' The multitude was perfectly 
 silent, overcome with emotion.' Then Colonel Scammell signalled the wagoner, 
 by dropping the point of his sword — the horses were led forward, and the 
 I)inioned figure swung violently^ at the end of the rope 
 
 There was happily hardly any struggle — it seemed in truth, as he had 
 anticipated, " only a momentary pang.'"' For po.ssibly half an lumr the body 
 oscillated, during which time the assembled multitude remained quiet. " The 
 chambers of death were never stiller,"" .said one spectator, in uncon.sciously 
 felicitous phrase. Then the rope was cut by the commanding officer himself, 
 while two soldiers on either side bore up the body, that it might not fall. Laid 
 on the ground beside the open grave, the uniform was taken off and handed to 
 Laune, who, with the other servant, stood by. The guard was finally withdrawn, 
 the multitude allowed to come forward' and gaze on the unconscious clay of the 
 " darling of the British Army" — he who barely a fortnight earlier had left New 
 York on the mission which was to, and .so nearly did, insure the ruin of the 
 patriot cause. " Thus died," says Thacher, " in the bloom of life, the accom- 
 plished Major Andre, the pride of the royal army, and the valued friend of Sir 
 Henry Clinton." 
 
 By degrees the crowd lessened, and when but a few remained," the body 
 was wrapped in a shroud" and decently buried, near the gallows. Washington 
 thus reported the event to Congress : 
 
 " Tliis fni-t, iiietitioned only hy Captain Van Dyk, probahly accounts for Shreve's statement that the execution 
 
 was from a ladder. The huiyht of the gallows probahly ohlijjed Strickland to use a short ladder to reach 
 
 the cross-piece fi "i the wagon. 
 ' Dr. Ilall, who stoo<l ■« to the wagon, says it was a piece of blue rihimn. Thus, again, do eye-witnesses 
 
 differ alx)ut deti. 
 2 His personal accomplishments, appearance and t)ehavionr, gained him the good wishes and opinion of every 
 
 person who saw him. lie was perhaps the most accomplisiied officer of the age — he met his fate in 
 
 a manner which did honor to the character of a soldier. — Siamim/I to Colonel Nat/ianirl /'t'ahody, 
 
 October 3. 
 ^ The three captors were among the spectators. In after years Van Wart often shed tears when describing the 
 
 scene. 
 I walked with him to the place of execution, and parted from him under the gallows, entirely overwhelmed 
 
 with grief that .so gallant an officer and so accom|>lishcd a gentleman should come to such an ignominious 
 
 end. — 7<i//wi;(/'.'C. 
 When I .saw him s\vin>;ing under the gibbet, it seemed for a time as if I could not support it. All the 
 
 SjK'ct.itors .seemed to be overwhelmed by the affecting spectacle, and many were suffused with tears. 
 
 'Ihere did not appear to be one hardened or indifferent spectator in all the multitude. — Thachei: 
 * Biildwin describes it as " a most tremendous swing," due to the height of the gallows. 
 '• Thacher. 
 '■' Italdwin. 
 ^ The tears of thousands fell on the spot where he lay. — Thacher. * A French soldier, " Siuinis, page 77. 
 
John Paildinc's Monument. 
 
 St. Peter's Cliurcliyanl. North Teekskill. 
 
77 
 
 To the Prusklent of Congress. Paranius, 7 OctolxT. 
 
 Sir, — I have the ho-.imir to enclose to Congress a copy of »he proceedings of a lx)aril 
 of General officers in the case of Major Andr6, adjntant general to the Hritish army. 
 
 This officer was execnted in pursuance of the opinion of the n(»ard, on Monday, 
 the 2d instant, at twelve o'clock, at our late camp at Tapi)an. He acted with great 
 candor, from the time he avowed himself after his capture, until he was executed. 
 Congress will jierceive by a copy of a letter I received from him on the ist in.stant, that 
 it was his desire to lie shot ; but the practice and usage of war, circumstanced as he was, 
 were against the indulgence. * * * 
 
 I have now the pleasure to communicate the names of the th^ce ixjrsons who 
 captured Major Andr<^ and who refused to release him, notwithstanding the most earnest 
 importunities and assurances of a lilx;ral reward, on his part. Their conduct merits our 
 warmest esteem ; and I beg leave to add that I think the public will do well to make 
 them a handsome gratuity. They have prevented, in all ])robahiIity our suffering one of 
 the .severe.st strokes that could have lx;en meditated again.st us. Their names arc John 
 Paulding, David Williams and I.saac Van Wart. 
 
 I have the honour, etc., etc., G. Washington. 
 Congress acted on the suggestion, settling a pension of $200 on each, and 
 giving each a farm of tw hundred acres in addition. They were also offered 
 captaincies in the army, but declined them. 
 
 Two letters, written subsequent to the event, may be quoted here, to 
 preserve and complete the continuity of the narrative. The first is from Clinton 
 to Washington. It was never sent, news of the execution having arrived : 
 
 New York, Oct. 4, 1780. 
 Sir, — I conceived I could I'.ot l)etter or more fully express my sentiments in answer 
 to your Hxcellency's letter of the 30th Septeml)er resjK'cting Major Andre, tlian by 
 .sending Lieut. Gen. Rol)ert.son to converse, if jxissilile, with you, Sir; or at least with 
 some confidential officer from you. I cannot think I<ieutenant General Rotjertson's 
 conversation with General Green has entirely answered the purpose for which I wished 
 this meeting. General Green's letter of the second instant to General Rolx;rtson 
 ex])resses that he had rej)eated to you, Sir,' as far as memory served, the disi nrse that 
 had pas.sed between them, and that it had not produced any alteration in youi lion or 
 
 determination concerning Major Andre. 
 
 " A French soldier, Pierre Besaii(;oii, who came with Lafayette, wa.s probably the la.st survivor of tho.se present. 
 
 He died at Warsaw, New York, in 1855. 
 Simnis. 
 
 An(lr<5 has met his fate, and with that fortitude which was to be expected from an accomplished man and a 
 
 fiaUiuit oifict:T.~-II'iis/ii»ff/(>ii {Cordon, Hist. Am. War, ()aj;e 134 V 
 Never did a man suffer death with more justice, or deserve it less. There was sumelliiuK siujjularlv interestiiiK 
 
 in the character and fortunes of .Andre. To an e.xcellent undor.standinn, well improved by eilucation anrl 
 
 travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and the advantage of a pleasing person. — 
 
 Hamillon. 
 From the few davs of intimate intercour.se I had with him, I became so deeply attached to Major .Xndrc that 1 
 
 could remendjer no instance where my affections were so fully ab.sorbeil l)y any man. - Tallinadj^t'. 
 He behaved with .so much frankness and courage that I could not help lamenting his unhappy fate. It is 
 
 impossible to expres,s too much respect or too nuich regret for Major Andre. — l.afayrtle. 
 This brave, accomplished officer was yesterday hanged — not a .•■ingle spectator but ])itied his uniiniely fate.— 
 
 Scaminell. 
 He was more unfortunate than criminal. — Wnsliiiigloii. 
 The golil watch, of which he had been deprived at Tarrytown, and which we have noticed hail been restored at 
 
 Tajipan, was now sold bv the captors to Lieutenant Colonel Win. S. Smith, Thirteenth Mas.s;ichusetts (one 
 
 of Washington's Aids), for /jo. It was intended to be sent to the family in England, but it seems never 
 
 to have reached them. 
 
78 
 
 I liavc, Sir, most carefully re-peruscd your Icttir of September thirtieth, which 
 contains iiiflecd an o|)ini<)ii of a IJoard of your General Officers, hut in no respect any 
 opinion or <kterniination of your 'excellency. 
 
 I nuist remain therefore, altojjether at a loss what they may l)e, until you are so 
 K(km1 as to inform me, which I make no doubt of your I^xcellcncy's doing innnediately. 
 I will, Sir, in the meantime very freely declare my sentiments upon this occasion, which 
 |x>sitively are, that under no description Major Andr^' can be considered as a spy ; nor by 
 any usage of nations at war, or the customs of armies, can he l)e treated as such. That 
 olTicer went at Major General Arnold's request from me to him, at that time in the 
 American service and Commanding officer at West Point. A flag of truce was .sent to 
 receive Major Andre with which he went on shore and met General Arnold. 
 
 To this i>eriod he was acting under my immediate orders as a military man. What 
 hap]KMied after was from the entire direction and jx)sitive orders of Major General Arnold, 
 your officer commanding at West Point : and Major Andre travelled in this way to New 
 York, with pass-jwrts from that American General Officer who had an undoubted right to 
 grant them. And here it may be necessary to ob.servt ' at Major Andre was .stopjjed 
 uiK)n the road, and on Neutral Groiuid, and made a prisoner two days j)rior to Major 
 (General Arnohl's ([uitting the American .service at West Point. 
 
 From all of which I have a right to a.s,sert, that Major Andre can merely be con- 
 sidered as a messenger, and not as a spy. He visited no Posts, made no Plans, held no 
 conversation with any jierson .save Major General Arnold ; and the papers found upon him 
 were written in that General officer's own hand-writing, who directed Major Andre to 
 receive and dd'.ver them to me. 
 
 From these circumstances, I have no doubt but you. Sir, will see this matter in 
 the same ix)int of view with me, and will be extremely cautious of producing a precedent 
 which may render the future progress of this unhappy war liable to a want of that 
 humanity which I am willing to believe your Excellency jxjs.se.sses, and which I have 
 always pursued. 
 
 I tru.st. Sir, to your good .sense and to your liberality, for a sjieedy release of Major 
 Andre who, I am free to own, is an officer I extremely value and a Gentleman I very 
 sincerely regard. 
 
 I enclo.se to you. Sir, a list of persons, among whom is a Gentleman who acted as 
 the American lyieutenant-Governor of South Carolina. A discovered con.spiracy and 
 corresjxmdence with General Gates's army, have been a rea,son for removing these persons 
 from Charlestrn to vSt. Augustine. Being desirous to promote the release of Major Andrd 
 upon any reascmable terms, I offer to you, vSir, this Lieutenant Govenior, Mr. Gadson,' 
 for my Adjutant General, or will make a military exchange for him should you. Sir, 
 prefer it. Lieutenant General Rotxrtson in his report to me, mentions his having requested 
 from your Ivxcellency a copy of Major Andrei's letter to you, Sir, upon which .seems 
 grounded great matter of charge against him — given, as if that letter might be considered 
 as confes.sion of his guilt as a .spy. I have waited until this evening with .some impatience 
 for the copy of the Letter I mention, not doubting but your lexcelleucy will send it to me. 
 
 I have now to recpiest you will. Sir, do .so, and I .shall pay it every due considera- 
 tion and give your Excellency my answer upon it immediately. 
 
 I have the honour to Iw, etc., 
 
 H. Clinton. 
 
 Christopher Gadsden. 
 
•^ a'jL'rs' \.^fi~-tn,^Q,Ma ■s~t\ if» c. ■\^*^ 
 
79 
 
 Vulture, off Spiken Devil, 
 October 5, 1781. 
 
 Sir, — The account Colonel Robinson lias given your ICxccllency of our transactions 
 during our late excursion, is so full and just in all its particulars that there is very little 
 left for me to add. 
 
 But as they have lieen attended with such fatal consequences to Major Andre, I 
 hope it will not l)e held improper if I beg leave to submit my own obscr\'ations on the 
 subject : — at least so fur as they relate to his leaving the Vulture and the light I then s;uv 
 him in. Your Excellency has already lieen informed that on the night of the 21st 
 Septemljer a Mr. Smith came on Ixiard with a flag of truce. The .substance of his order 
 was for himself and two servants to pass to Dobbs' Ferry and back again. He likewise 
 had a written permission to bring up with him a Mr. John Anderson and boy, and a letter 
 addres.sed to Colonel Robinson : all of these pajiers .signed B. Arnold. Mo.st of these 
 circumstances I had been previously taught to expect ; and I had also lieen informed that 
 Major Andrd was the person understood by John Anderson, and that he was to go on 
 shore under that name, to liold a conference with General Arnold. Mr. Smith's powers 
 appeared to be of ifficient authority, and as Major Andre's going under a fictitious name 
 was at the particular reciuest of the officer from whom they were derived, I saw no reason 
 for supposing he, from that circumstance, forfeited his claim to the protection they must 
 otherwise have afforded him. Clear I am that the matter must have apjieared in the same 
 light to him ; for had it not, measures might have been concerted for taking him off 
 whenever he plea.sed, which he very well knew I, at any time, was enabled to accomplish. 
 I am likewise persuaded that Mr. Smith's ideas perfectly coincided with ours; — for when 
 on the point of setting off Colonel Robinson olwerved, that as they had but two men in a 
 large boat, they would find some difficulty in getting on .shore, — and projxjsed that one of 
 ours should tow them in some part of the way : to which he objected, as it might, in case 
 of falling in with any of their guard-boats, Ije deemed an infringement of the flag. 
 
 On my first learning from Major Andre that he did not intend going on shore in 
 his own name, it immediately occurred to me, that an alteration of dress might likewise 
 be necessary; and I offered him a plain blue coat of mine for that purpose, which he 
 declined accepting, as he said he had the Connnander in Chief's direction to go in his 
 uniform, and tiy no means to give up his character, adding, at the same time, that he had 
 not the smallest apprehension on the occasion, and that he was ready to attend Genend 
 Ar.iold's sunnnous when and where he pleased. 
 
 The night the flag was first expected, he expressed much anxiety for its arrival ; 
 and all next day was full of fear lest anything should have hapiK'ned to prevent its 
 coming. The in.stant it arrived on the ensuing night, he started out of l)ed, and dis- 
 covered the greatest impatience to be gone : nor did he in any instance betray the least 
 doubt of his safety or success. I own I was equally confident. Nor can I now, on the 
 most mature consideration of circumstances, find the least reason for altering my opinion. 
 What, therefore, could ix)s.sibly have given rise to so tragical an event as has uidiappily 
 befallen Major Andr6 is a matter of the utmost surprise and concern to me. 
 
 I have the honour, etc. , etc. , 
 
 A. Sutherland. 
 To His Excellency 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
8o 
 
 While the army was subsequently eucaniped at Verplanck's Point, the 
 captors were asked to dinner by Washington, and the silver medals awarded by 
 Congress were presented to them. Washington also gave each a sword and pair 
 of pistols, telling them they " might expect to be hunted like partridges." It is 
 said their lives were more than once attempted by Tories, but all died in their 
 beds — Paulding at Peekskill, February i8, 1818; Van Wart at Greenburgh, 
 May I, 1828, and Williams at Broome, Schoharie County, August 2, 1830. (A 
 monument was erected to his memory at Old Fort, where he is buried.) 
 
 A curious incident in connection with Van Wart's funeral is found in a 
 letter from Edward G. W. Butler, published in the New York Sun, October 10, 
 1879. Butler was a West Point graduate and served in the Mexican War. His 
 statement was that while a cadet, he was one of a party sent to bury Van Wart 
 with the honors of war. He further says his own mother was a cousin of Andre, 
 " being a daughter of the British grenadier officer who three times led the forces 
 up Bunker Hill.'" 
 
 Captain Partridge, on his visit in 1818, found the gra.ve marked by head 
 and foot stones, neither inscribed. These had disappeared in 1850, and a small 
 boulder, lettered : "Andre Executed, Oct. 2, 1780," had replaced them,-' but this 
 too, disappeared in the course of time before the Vandal's hammer and chisel, and 
 for many years the spot was unmarked, save by a heap of stones. 
 
 The news of the execution produced a great effect on Clinton and his 
 army."' Clinton thus announced the event: 
 
 Head Quarters, New York, October 8. 
 The Conunander in Chief does with infinite regret inform the army of the death of 
 the Adjutant Cieneral, Major Andre. The unfortunate fate of this officer calls upon the 
 Commander-in-chief to declare that he ever considered Major Andr^ a gentleman as well 
 as, in the line of his military profession, of the highest integrity and honor, and incapable 
 of any base action or unworthy conduct. Major Andre's death is very severely felt by 
 the Connnander-in-chief , as it a.ssuredly will lie by the army ; and must prove a real loss 
 to the country and to His Majesty's service. 
 
 Andre's commission was sold, as he had requested, by Clinton, for the 
 benefit of his mother and sisters. George HI. gave _;^ 1,000 to his mother and a 
 pension of ;^300 was settled on his sisters (the last of whom died single in 1845). 
 The King also ordered the army to wear mourning, and caused a monument' to be 
 erected in the South Aisle of Westminster Abbey, near the Poets' Corner, and in 
 1 82 1 Andre's remains were buried nearby. 
 
 While stationed in New York in 1777, Andre had made his will. It 
 read a : 
 
 ' Who was this? I cannot identify him. 
 
 s tossing ( Two Spies) says this was set up by James Lee, a merchant, of New York. 
 
 3 Simcoe had, •• Peter Van Schaack says, page 8i . 
 
TllK MoNfMHNT, WKSTMINSTHR AllIlKY. 
 In the South Aisle. 
 
8 1 
 
 The foUowiiiK is my last Will and Testament, and I apjioint as Kxccutors thereto, 
 Mary Louisa Aiulrd, my Mother; Atidivw Ciiniiulot, my Uncle; Jolin l.ewis Andre, my 
 Uncle. To each of the alnjve Ivxecutors I jjive Fifty rounds. I jjive to Mary Hannah 
 Andr6 my Sister, Seven Hundred Pounds. I Rive to Ann Marguerite Andrd' my Sister, 
 .Seven Hundred Pounds. I K've to Louisii Katharine Andrd, my Sister, Seven Hundred 
 Pounds. I give to William I^-wis Andr^' my Brother, .seven Hundred Pounds. Hut the 
 conditions on which I give the above-mentioned Sums to my four Sisters and brother, are 
 that each of thcni shall pay to Mary Loui.sa Andr6, my Mother, the sum of Ten Pounds 
 yearly during her Life. I give to Walter liwer, Jun'r, of Dyer's Court, Aldermanbury, 
 One Hundred Pounds. I give to John Ivwer, jun'r, of Lincoln's Iiui, One Hundre<l 
 Pounds. I desire a Ring, value Fifty Pounds, to be given to my friend Peter Boissier, of 
 the Eleventh Dragoons. I desire that Walter ICwer Jr. of Dyer's Court, Aldermanbury, 
 have the in.sj^ction of my PajK-rs, Letters, Manuscripts. I mean that he have the first 
 inspection of them, with Lil)erty to destroy or detain whatever he thinks proiwr, and I 
 desire my watch' to be given to liim. And I lastly give and lx;<|Ueath to my brotlier Joliii 
 Lewis Audr^' the residue of all my effects what.soever. 
 
 Witness my hand and seal, .Staten Lsland, in tiie Province of N. York, N. America, 
 
 the 7th Jinie, 1777. 
 
 John ANDRft, 
 Capt'n in 26th Regt. of Foot. 
 N. n. The currency alluded to in this will is sterling money of Great Britain. I 
 desire nothing more than my wearing apparel be sold by public auction. 
 
 J. A. 
 Remarks. 
 
 There were no witnesses to the will, and (so) it could not be proved, but on the 
 gth of Octoljer, 1780, Henry White and William Seaton,- F;sqs., both of the city of New 
 
 •• Sinicoe had his legion adopt black and white cockades in mourning, and Arnold ventecl liis chagrin in a 
 characteristic letter to Washington : 
 
 Sir, — The wanton execntion of a gallant Ilritish officer in cold hliMxl, may be only the prehnle to 
 fnrther butcheries on the siune ill-fated oceision. Nece.s,sity compelled me to have behind me in your 
 camp a wife and offspring, that arc endeared to me l)y every sacred tie. 
 
 If any violence be offered to them, remember i will revenge their wrongs in a deluge of American 
 bloo<l. 
 
 Yours, etc., 
 New York, B. Arnold. 
 
 October 5, 1780. 
 
 No reply was vouchsafed to this. — Upcott Papers, vi., page 65. 
 Mrs. Arnold was .safely conveyed to Thiladelphia, Major Franks escorting her. 
 
 Elias lioudinot, the American Connnissary of prisoners — who was afterwards the first President of the 
 American Bible Society — s.iys Clinton shut himself up for three days on receipt of the news. 
 
 ■• Peter Van Schaack .says he .saw Arnold and his wife, visiting the Abljey, stop and view the monument. — Van 
 Schaack's Life of I'eter Van Sehaaek, page 147. 
 The Gentleman's Magazine, July, 1801, reconls that Arnold die<l in Gloucester Place, London, June 14, 1801, 
 and on the 21st was buried at Bronipton. But Mr. Everard Home Coleman, of London, informs me ( 1899) 
 that he has more than once tried to find his grave, without success. 
 As we have seen, Andrd had a gold and a silver one. It was the first one Colonel Smith bought, and sent to 
 Rol)ert.son for the family in England. Yet in 1885 Bangs, Merwin and Co., of New York, sold at auction 
 a gold watch, which they guaranteed to be the original one, to a purcha.ser unknown to them, giving the 
 name of PealKxly. I have been unable to trace it. It would be interestinjj to know how and why it never 
 reached England. This watch was exhibited at the Philadelphia Centennial, aiul was later owned by Mr. 
 Gabriel Furnian, of East Orange, N. J. Aiulr<;'s pocket-lxjok in some unknown manner came into the 
 hands of Joshua Barrell, of Bridgewater, Mass., and is now in the collection of the Connecticut Historical 
 Society, Hartford. 
 
 2 This was William Seton, afterwards the first ca.shier ( 17S4-1794) of the Hank of New York. He was a noted 
 loyalist, but remained in the city after the British left. He was the last person to hold the office of Notary 
 Public under a British appointment. 
 
82 
 
 York, apjx-arwl lH.'fore Carv F.ikHow, surroRate of the city, and declared that they were 
 will accniiiiiitwt with the liaiuhvritiiij; of John Andre, formerly Capt. of the 26th 
 I<t^;inient, an<l since Adjutant (leiieral, deceased, and they l)elieved that the liefore-written 
 instnnneiit, i)uriH)rtinK to Ik- his last will and testament, was his own and projx;r liand- 
 writiiiK- Their declaration is signed hy the SnrroKatc.' 
 
 Tlic original will cannot now be fonnd in the New York Snrrogate's 
 office.' 
 
 P'or forty 5'ears the grave on " Andre Hill " remained nndisturbed. 
 Soldiers of the Revolntion, who dwelt in Tappan, and peacefnl citizens who had 
 witnessed the death of its inmate, oft told the story to the generation born after 
 the second war with Great Britain. No spot in the county, indeed in the State, 
 was better knowti or more accurately identified.'' In 1820, the head and footstones 
 of Cajitain Partridge's visit had disappeared, and but a heap of stones and a peach 
 tree planted by the hands of a sympathizing woman, marked the spot. In 1821, 
 at the instance of Mr. James Buchanan, British Consul at New York, the Duke of 
 York — Queen Victoria's uncle, and Commander of the British Army — asked 
 permission of Governor De Witt Clinton to remove the remains to England. 
 This being granted^ a British man-of-war, commanded by Captain Paul, convej-ed 
 the Consul and a small party of friends up the Hudson to Dobbs' Ferry, cm 
 August 10, 1821. It was a significant fact, that no British armed vessel had been 
 in those waters since the close of the Revolution (nor has any such been there 
 since). At Dobbs' Ferry the party disembarked and proceeded to Tappan by way 
 of Sneeden's landing, opposite the Ferry, and were met by Rev. John Demarest, 
 of Tappan, owner of the land where was the grave. Mr. Buchanan's account 
 says : 
 
 We proceeded up a tiarrow lane to the opening into the field, which led to an 
 
 elevated six)l'' on the hill, conunanding a view of the surrounding country for miles. 
 
 General Washington's headquarters was fully in view. The field was cultivated, but 
 
 ' A'. /•-". (Ttiiiiilofiial anil ^hiliqiiaritiu h'lgislir. Vol. vi. (January, 1852). Collateral desceiulaiits of Aiidr^ are 
 ( 1S99) livniR in England. I have just read a letter from Mr. John I^ewis Andrd, the grandson of liis uncle 
 and executor, who resides at Horsham, Surrey. Andre's sisters lived for many years at No. 23 Circus, 
 Hath, Kngland, where Loui.sii Katharine died, on Christmas Day, 1835, eighty-one years old, and Mary 
 Hann.ih, on March 3, 1S45, at ninety-three (of the third si.ster, Ann Marguerite, I have no details). The 
 two were huried at Ilathham])ton, near Hath. 
 AWci mid (Juin'is (London), January 15, 1870, .says that Anilrd, while a prisoner at Albany (?), painted the 
 portraits of his paniits, and that this painting is in the possession of the family of Major General Cuyler, 
 of t'itenhage, Cap< Colony — that Cleneral Cuyler's f.ather (?) ha<l been Mayor of .■\lbany. This cannot be 
 verified. 
 
 - Mr. John Schuyler, the former Secretary of the New York Society of the Cincinnati, makes a singular error in 
 s;iyiiig the will was filed at Tappan. (History of the Society, New York, 1886.) I have copied the will 
 from I<iissing. 
 
 •' It was reserved for an anonymous writer of 1890, in compiling a railroad guide, to gravely a.ssure the public 
 that "contrary to the general belief, .*\ndrd was not hanped, but shot" ( !) — and for the Rev. S. Reynolds 
 Hole (Canon Hole), of Enj^land, to repeat the blunder in 1898. As the latter writer visited the United 
 States in 1893, his error is the more remarkable. Such assertions are fairly entitled to Mr. Boffin's 
 characterization of "scarers in print." 
 
 ^ When it is considered that the war of 1812 had ended only six years before, and that its memories, with those 
 of 1776, and of the kidnapping of our seamen and their cruel treatment in Dartmoor Prison, culminating 
 in the "Dartmoor Massacre," were fresh in the minds of our people, I think this consent was mag- 
 nanimous, li Captain Partridge says, page 83. 
 
V. 
 
 o 
 a. 
 
 
 o 
 a< 
 
 c 
 
 Q 
 
83 
 
 around the Rrave the plotiKh had not approached nearer than three or four yards, that 
 space fK-iuR covered with 1(K)si' stones thrown U|H)n and around the ^rave, which was only 
 indicated hy two cedar trees about ten feet iiinh. A small jxach tree had also l)een 
 planted at the head of the Rrave. As soon as the stones were cleared away, not a tutiKUe 
 moved amongst the multitude' — l>reathle.ss anxiety was depicted on every countenance. 
 
 * * * * The earth was removed with the hands, as we s<khi di.sc-()vere<l tlie colhn-lid was 
 broken in the centre. Witli >;reat care tliis was reinove<l, and there lay the Nines in 
 perfect order. The roots of the jx;ach tree had completely surrounded the skull, like a 
 net.' After allowing all to pass around and view the remains as they lay, which very 
 niany^ did, with unfeigned tears and lamen'ations,' the Ixines were carefully removed 
 and placed in the sarcophagus of mahogany, liiie<l with crimson velvet (which had l)een 
 provided by order of the Duke of York). * * * * I did not find a single button, nor any 
 article, save a leather string'"' that had tied the hair, in jxrfect preservation, coiled and 
 tied as it had l)een on his hair at the time. Tliis I forwarded to his sisters in England." 
 
 * * * * 'flu; siircopliagus was Ijorne amid tlie silent and unlHtught regret of the numerous 
 a.ssemblage, to Mr. Demare.st's house, with the intention of removing it tcj His Majesty's 
 packet on the Tuesday following.' 
 
 The peach tree wa.s dug up and taken to London, wlicre it was replanted in 
 tlie King's garden behind Carlton Mouse. The two cedars were also sent to 
 London, and from the wood of one the Duke of York had a snnfT ho.x" made, 
 
 " Cnptaiti Partridge sny.s tlie pl.-ice is 200 feet above tide in the Hudson, and i?^ feet nlmve the floor of .■\ndr^'s 
 room. 
 
 ' Although Mr. Buclmii.iii does iii)t mention it, the jKLstor of the Dutch church, Rev. Nicholas I.ansiiij;, was 
 present, and Rev. Dr. Cole informs nie that he is tolerahly positive that he was told, in his l)oylK>i»l. tliat a 
 lirief reli)<ir)us service was conducted hy Dr. I,. Some writers .say the Duke of Vnrlc w.is pre.sent. Tliis i.s 
 impossible. He wa.s never in the I'nited States. 
 
 '- .\n instance, similar to this curious circumstance, may be recalled in the fact that when, a number of years 
 since, the grave of Roger Willi.ims was iipcneil ill Providence, R. I., his skeleton was found entwined with 
 the roots of an apple tree that had grown near the grave.— ll'iH, I.. Sione, to the itulhor. 
 
 •' There were then living in Tappan many persons who, as young people (and some also as soMiirs) had 
 witnesseil the execution. Some of those to whom they told the story of ly.Soare ycl living. One is Rev. 
 Dr. David Cole (now of Yonkers), son of the then pa.stor of the Dutch Church at Ta])p,iii. I'roiii him I 
 have received much information. 
 
 * Cf. Thacher's words, forty-one years Iiefore, "The tears of Ihonsaiiils fell on the spot where he lay." As Di . 
 Thacher was living at this time, and until i.S.).), it is to be regretted he was not present on this memorable 
 occasion. 
 
 f> Mr. Iluchanan had snpjio "d .\ndrc was buried in his uniform, and comidained bitterly that the historic 
 statement of Dr. Thacher to thai effect was false. Hut in 1S34 Dr. Thacher wrote him that, while he liail 
 .so stated, he had not waited to see the actual interment, and that the subsequent statement which I credit 
 to "Baldwin" (that the uniform was given to I.aiine) was doubtless correct. The Con.sul accepted the 
 explanation, and had the Doctor's letter published in the I'niliJ Scii'itc Journal, of London, ami its 
 substance in the New York .llhioii, March 7, 1S34. 
 Why Dr. Thacher delayed writing it until \^},^ is not explained. 
 
 " "Some locks of his hair remained, which were sent to his sisters The string which tied his hair is in 
 pos.ses,sion of the Dean of Westminster."— Stanley, //istorical Miiiioiis 01 H'lS/iiiitis/ir Abhiy. II., 
 page 9.V 
 
 ^ This part of th-; plan seems not to have been carrieil out, as they were actually conveyed to Portsmouth by the 
 frigate f'hacloii. Captain W. C. Montague. She arrived there in October. The remains were interred in 
 Westminster .\bbcy— in the presence of a representative of the War Department, and of Mr. Locker, 
 Secretary of Greenwich Hospital (and father of the late Frederick I.ocker, the poet), who attended on 
 behalf of Andre's sisters. In iS.|o Grant Thorburii wrote in the Kiiickirbockcr Afat;a:inf ; "I had an 
 ardent desire to handle the skull which h.id once contained such mighty projects. I obtained an order 
 from the ("Usul, and boarded the frigate, taking with me a handsome myrtle jilant, which I placed on 
 the lid of the iarcophagus. This was carrie<l to London, planted and flourished, and many persons of 
 note had cuttings from it, as it was known as ' .^ndr(?'s myrtle.' When I held Andrew's skull in my hands 
 I observed that the root 01 a tree hail penetrated the bone on one side and come out on the other." 
 
 f" Now owned by, page H4, 
 
84 
 
 lined with gold, which he sent to Mr. Deniarest in recognition of his services. 
 Andre's sisters also sent him a silver cnp, suitably inscribed. 
 
 After the exhumation the grave was refilled, and once more the field where 
 the historic drama had been enacted that October day was left lonely and uncared 
 for, save for the placing of the inscribed boulder, noted on page 80, until 1879. 
 Ninety-nine years after Andre's death Dean Stanley visited the United States, 
 and was the guest of Cyrus W. Field, at Irvington. At his suggestion Mr. Field 
 erected a monument to mark the spot of execution.' Its erection, or injcription, 
 gave offence to some Socialists, one of whom, Hendrix" by name, blew it up with 
 dynamite. A second met the same fate. The inscription on it reads : 
 
 Here died, October 2, 1780, 
 
 Major John AndrS of the British Army, 
 
 who, entering the American Unes 
 
 on u secret mission to Benedict Arnold 
 
 for the surrender of West Point, 
 
 was taken prisoner, tried and condemned as a spy. 
 
 His death, 
 
 though according to the stern code of war, 
 
 moved even his enemies to pity ; 
 
 and both armies mourned the fate 
 
 of one so young and so brave. 
 
 In 1 82 1 his remains were removed to 
 
 Westminster Abbey. 
 
 A hundred years after the execution 
 
 this stone was placed above the spot where he lay, 
 
 by a citizen of the UnUed vStates against which he fought, 
 
 not to perpetuate the record of strife, 
 
 but in token of those better feelings 
 
 which have since united two nations, 
 
 one in race, in language and in religion, 
 
 in the hope that the friendly understanding 
 
 will never be broken. 
 
 Arthur Pknrhvn Stanley, 
 
 Dean of Westminster. 
 
 He was more unfortunate than criminal. 
 
 George Washington. 
 
 Sunt lachrymoe rcrum et menteui mortalia tangunt. 
 
 ^NEID, Book I., line 462. 
 
 s Now owned by Rev. Joliii neiii.irest's (iauKliter, Mrs. J.iiiics 1. Ulauvelt, Paterson, N. J. It is also stated by 
 Mr. Biichanaii that " .\iidr<;'s watch" was "recovered" and sent to his si.sters. It is not staled from 
 whom it was " recovered." Tlie histoiy of the watches is decidedlj- obscure. 
 
 ' Representatives of the New York iind Rockland Counties Historical societies, and many other puests, were 
 present at the unveiling of the inonim'ent. In 1878 there were living three men who had witnessed the 
 exhumation of Andrd's remains — David O. Urower', John J. Griffiths and John II. Outwater. Through 
 their testimony, Mr. Jlenry Whittemore, Secretary of the Rockland County .Society, had identified the 
 spot where tl'.c execution took place, and the monument was placed there. 
 
 ' He met a violent dea'.h in Brooklyn in 1884. 
 
^*\. 
 
 ,:'..'. V>i(0,f.«fi'ftlHS IH^ AMtfilCAH LINES ■ 
 
 %.;,:/ fw ^>p;Hcr.i«ss»OM to se»«crtT «!{)tot*', ■■ " 
 ", .' : ^o** TME-aOsiitpflsH VI i*EST.pot«)p. .,/; i- 
 
 WM.I«K£ipRlS«!Ni;H:.TRKD.A»D.CgiUJ£'MI(Ep ft^' A BW,'" 
 
 .'HLs .oii^Tir.-' .. •' ;■■.." ,/.' 
 
 ruAUEHJlWCDfl^JUdrO TM£ ST£R« /ode OF WAfi! . 
 |0Vf:DJ.V.CN HIS ENEMIES. 10 mv. ■ '" '. *• 
 Atio <iO!i» AHMIES MOORHEq THE- fAT« . ,:' •♦'!• 
 . |t ONE 90 yoUNG AND SO'SRAVE. . '' 
 
 l";(aaHlS«£J,A|Kt »M£ REMOVtU TO WtSTMIN-. ICRMBCt^: 
 
 THH STC« 1 A-i ,-LACtii ABOvL :»: SPiT Wsf^C HE LAY 
 fiVACIT,JE, Of fUC SfATE^AOAW T WIJICH i'r PDUSHT- ; 
 Honi PEHf.ETUATETHtfltCoRp-orsTRirE ■ ■'" ' 
 ■\ BUM, JK?. (OF T,*OSt BE7rt.>< fttL.hGs '■ ■.:0 
 
 i";(aaHis«£ 
 
 •A rt\i 
 THI) sfcffE 
 
 'IP' 
 
 •■ -./♦■ 
 
 I» 
 
 '*?%' 
 
 Thk Andre Monument, Tappan. 
 
 Hv foreign Imnds thy laiinble K^'ive adorn'd, 
 
 By strangers iioiriril, and by strangers mourn 'd. — /'opf 
 
85 
 
 The line from the ^neid, literally translated, is, " Here are tears for our 
 affections, and human calamities touch the mind." In Conington's translation it 
 is thus rendered : 
 
 E'en lier° the tear of pity springs 
 
 And hearts are touched by human things. 
 
 When my first visit was made, the monument, whicli is of polished 
 granite 71^ x -, x 3 feet, was lying on its side, and of its foundation only a few 
 bricks remained, but it has since been re-erected. The whole is surrounded by an 
 
 iron railing. 
 
 Aside from the historic interest of the place, the view from and around it 
 ' is charming. East and north the country is well wooded, yet dotted with small 
 farms. Northeast, across the Hudson, are the Tarrytown heights, and the 
 Captors' Monument. Haverstraw, Stony Point and King's Ferry are a few miles 
 above, and as the tourist stands on the scene of the last act of the tragedy, Dobbs' 
 Ferry, where lay the Grcylumnd with Robertson and his companions aboard, that 
 eventful October day, is directly east and almost in sight. The visitor of any 
 sentiment instinctively recalls Dr. Johnson's words about Marathon and adapts 
 them to the scene before him : " That man is little to be envied whose patriotism 
 would not gain force upon the plain of"— Tappaii. 
 
Appendix. 
 
X -s 
 
 s 
 
 'X 
 
 X 
 
 
Tin- Itlyerarv. 
 
 ■780. 
 
 Shptkmbkr 
 
 10. 
 
 (.<>««(/in') 
 
 " 
 
 11. 
 
 (Monday) 
 
 41 
 
 '3- 
 
 ( U'cdiifsday) 
 
 U 
 
 IS. 
 
 ( Monday ) 
 
 It 
 
 19- 
 
 ( Tuesday) 
 
 1) 
 
 20. 
 
 ( IVtdnesday) 
 
 II 
 II 
 
 21. 
 
 ( Thursday) 
 (Morning) 
 
 (Midnight) 
 
 11 
 
 22. 
 
 (Friday) 
 (J U.St past 
 midnight ) 
 
 II 
 II 
 II 
 
 ■• 
 
 ( Friday ) 
 
 (Ahnost dawn) 
 
 (Friday) 
 ( Day break ) 
 
 (Friday) 
 ( Before 
 10 A. M.) 
 
 (Friday) 
 ( Up to about 
 
 5 P.M.) 
 
 ( Friday) 
 
 (5 P.M.) 
 
 (Friday) 
 (8.30 P.M.) 
 
 " 
 
 23- 
 
 (Saturday) 
 (Dawn) 
 
 (Saturday) 
 (Daylight 
 to 9.30) 
 
 Arnold visits Sniilli at Ilaverstraw to arrange niatlirs. 
 
 ArnoM goes by boat to near D.>bl)s' Kerry, is fnrd on and narrowly escapes. 
 
 Writes .\iidrc to meet him on the 2otli. 
 
 Writes to Kobinson. 
 
 The dinner to Clinton at Kii)'s honse. 
 Arnold spends that night at .Smilli's bouse. 
 
 Arnold returns to his ([nartirs, with his wife. 
 
 Andre si)ends all day on the I'liltur,-, expecting .\niold. 
 
 Arnold returns to llaver.straw and coerces the Col<nihoun brothers. 
 
 Sndth goes aboard the I'li/tun'. 
 
 Smith brings .-Vndre a.shore at I.ong Clove. 
 
 Andr*:- and Arnold ride to Smith's house. 
 Colonel Livingston opens fire on the t'lilluir. 
 Arnold returns to his quarters. 
 
 Andr<; remains at Smith's house. 
 
 Andre, guided by Snnth, rides to King's Inrry. 
 
 Being .stopi)ed by Captain Ivbenezer Boy.I, Second Westchester Militia, 
 they pass the night at house of Andreas Miller, four miles east of 
 Peekskill. 
 
 The iournev resumed, they are stopped at Crompond Corner by Captain 
 Kbene/.er P'oote, of the Commi.ssary Department, but allowed to 
 proceed . 
 
 At home of Isaac Underbill, 3M unles from Cn>mj)ond Corner, they have 
 breakfast. Smith parts from Andre and goes to Arnold's head- 
 quarters. Andre proceeds over I'ine's Bridge in .lirectiou of Dobbs' 
 Ferry. In Chappaqua he cn<iuires his way of Stevenson Thome, and 
 in Pleasautville waters his hor.se oppo.site Sylvamis Brutulage's house. 
 At house of Stiuits Hammond, I'leasantville, he learns of the scouts 
 at Young's Tavern, below, and retraces his path to Mekeel's Corners. 
 
88 
 
 I78«. 
 
 Skitkmhkr i.v 
 
 (Stilurday) 
 (9.,V)"r II) 
 
 
 i.Siilurdav) 
 (A)M)Ut niKin) 
 
 .. 
 
 (Saturday) 
 (AlKuit 5) 
 
 " " 
 
 (Saturday) 
 (\m\.v at nJKlit) 
 
 34. 
 
 (SuHday) 
 (8 a. M.) 
 
 M It 
 
 (Sunday) 
 Cl'ncertain 
 hour) 
 
 •' " 
 
 (Sunday) 
 (Noon) 
 
 35- 
 
 (jy/onda-^ 
 (Brea> 
 
 II «• 
 
 (Afondayi 
 (4 to 6 P. M.) 
 
 II tt 
 
 (Monday) 
 (Midnight) 
 
 16. 
 
 ( Tuesday) 
 (At Dawn) 
 
 27- 
 
 ( Wednesday) 
 
 28. 
 
 ( Thursday) 
 
 .. 
 
 ( Thursday) 
 (noon) 
 
 " " 
 
 ( Thursday) 
 (afternoon) 
 
 " " 
 
 (Thursday) 
 (later) 
 
 29. 
 
 (Friday) 
 
 30. 
 
 (Saturday) 
 
 October i. 
 
 (Sunday) 
 (Noon) 
 
 2. 
 
 ( Monday ) 
 (Noon) 
 
 Renrhes Tarrytown and in captnred. 
 
 The march toward* Jnnirson's headc|uartcrii. I'irst stop nt the Reeil 
 Tavern, Vj\»i Tarrytown, where Andr^ haii breail and milk — next at 
 I'oshay houae, below Kentico, and third at Reulwn Wrif^ht's, at 
 Kennico. 
 
 Arrival at Jameson's headquarters, Sands Mills, Armonk, twelve miles from 
 Tarrytown. Jameson sends him on towards Arnold. 
 
 Major TallniadKe returns from outpost duty, and urges that he be brought 
 back. 
 
 KnAri is returned to Sands Mills. Tallmadge meets him there. 
 
 Me is taken to Sheldon's headquarters at South Salem, in Gilbert bouse, 
 nnil meets Lieutenant King and Dr. Bronson, 
 
 Smith dines in Washington's company at Fishkill. 
 
 Arnold, at the Robinson House, receives the letter announcing KnAxi't 
 arrest, ami escajies. 
 
 Washington orders Andr^ to be sent to the Robinson House. 
 
 ( Smith arrested at Fishkill and taken to the Robin.son House. 
 ( Andr(5 taken from Sheldon's quarters, under a strong escort, during heavy 
 ra'n, and reaches the Robinson House. The day is passed there. 
 
 Andrd and Smith are taken to West Point. 
 
 Both are taken by boat to Stony Point (King's Ferry), and by land towards 
 
 Tapi)an. 
 They dine at Coe's Tavern, Hempstead, and 
 
 reach Tappan. 
 
 Washington also arrives and orders a court martial. 
 
 The court finds Andr^ guilty. 
 
 Washington approves the sentence, and orders Andr^ to be hung on 
 October 1 st, at 5 P. M. 
 
 Clinton's committee— Elliot, Robinson and Smith— come up to Dobbs' 
 Ferry, and the execution is postponed one day. 
 
 ANDRE EXECUTED. 
 
 l83I. 
 
 August 
 
 October 
 November 
 
 His remains disinterred and taken to Halifax, N. S. 
 Taken to England in the frigate Phaeton. 
 Interred in Westminster Abbey. 
 

 
 y is 
 
HOW STANDS THE GLASS AROUND? 
 
 The writer ami composer of this soiij; are unknown. It uppeun^l .is u l>ron(lflide in 
 1710. In 1729 it WiW i)nMluc<'d ut a little thciitre in the Hay Market, Louilou, under the title 
 "Why, Soldiei's, whyt" in "The Patron, or the Statesnian'.s Opera." Collections niad(« iii 
 1775 have l)oth words and music, and Sliield introdiued the .son^ into "The Siege of (Jib- 
 raltor." Tt is usually called "Gene'-al AVolfe's song," and is said to have heeii sung by him 
 on the evo of the battle of Quebec. There is a story, which seems to be authentic, thiit as 
 his night expedition against the city was floating down the St. LawTciice, ho repeated 
 several stanzaa from Gray's " Elegj'," and remarked that ho " would rather have written 
 that poem than take Quebec to-moiTow." It is not niilikely that this anecdote, togetiier 
 with the fact that ho had .sometimes sung " How stands the glass around t " wius what gave 
 rise to the story which makes it bis death-song. 
 
 i 
 
 Quartette. 
 
 IlannonlztMl hy Edward R. Cammlnf{t. 
 
 S 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 fm 
 
 s 
 
 ^a^e, my boys; Ho* 
 
 f - ^^^ 
 1 How Btanda the glass 
 
 2. Why, sol - dicrs, 
 
 8. 'TiB but In 
 
 «= 
 
 a • round f 
 why, 
 vain— 
 
 For shame I yo take no care, 
 Should wo bo mol - an - cho 
 I mean not to up - braid 
 
 (aWi4^^ 
 
 :?=? 
 
 _L 
 
 ^ 
 
 =!=£=£: 
 
 m 
 
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 low 
 ly, boysf Why, 
 you, boys — 'Ti» 
 
 -3-^: — I- 
 
 fe=i;^ 
 
 
 stands the glass™ 
 Bol • diers, 
 
 but In 
 
 Let mirt 
 
 ^5^ 
 
 H-^ 
 
 round? Let mirth and 
 
 why? Wliosa bus - I - 
 viiiu For sol - dierg 
 
 wuie 
 
 ncss 
 
 to 
 
 'tis to 
 
 bound I 
 
 did 
 
 plain. 
 
 pL 
 
 ^^j^^-feg g 
 
 =£=^ 
 
 m 
 
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 Solo, 
 
 UfM^^JU 
 
 =*:?= 
 
 7^35: 
 
 ^m 
 
 T 
 
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 Bound;— iho col- ors they are fly-ing, boys— To %ht, kill, or wound, 
 
 flel Don't fear; drink on; be jol- ly, boysl'Tis he, you,or II 
 
 patgn Sc.id us toUimwho made us, boys, We're free from pain; 
 
 ^^^^^^^0 
 
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 r 
 
 
 W: 
 
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 ~^ — ^■ 
 ■er 
 
 Quartette, 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 fai4 
 
 ^ 
 
 t ' ^ — ■ 
 
 Con- tent with our hard fate, my boys. On the cold ground I 
 
 dry, We're always bound to fol-low, boys, And scorn to fly I 
 
 main, A bot-tle and a kind landlady Cure all a - gain I 
 
 May we attU be found 
 
 Cold, hot, wet, or 
 
 But, If we re 
 J 
 
 m 
 
 ^^ ^7 i^ 
 
 m 
 
 S 
 
 nm^ 
 
 m 
 
 
 I 
 
ROSLIN CASTLE. 
 
 (So-called, but difffiiiig/roin llir piYseiil-day air.) 
 
 jij I J i,jji j' iirg i d.iji i 
 
 I' I r I r [^ ^ 
 
 4-^(^^i/'4 ' ' ' 'j^r7TT 
 
 7 
 
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 I N ' I ^^ ' ^ ^ I U ■' ^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
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 t^^^^ 
 
 r^r^ 
 
The Andkk Chaik. 
 
 Inscribed on I)ack — " /;; this chair sn I Major Axiikk, Adjulaiil-CtUiral to 
 the British army, whiii he uivtf, al the quarters of l.iiiit. Joshua A'iiii;, 
 the letter to deiieral W'ashiiti^toii reiraliiig the treason of Ariiolit." — 
 (Owned by J. Howard Kin^. Ks<|., All)any. ) 
 
THE " BLEW" BIRD. 
 
 I llrilhii btfoic iSiH).} 
 (Copied from a iiuimiscript colkctioii in the Drtxcl Musical I.ibiary, belonging to the New York Public Library, Lenox Branch. ) 
 
 (FoK iMii; OK l'"i,rTiv.) 
 
 I S^' jM^ rriQV ffl j i^J { )h . ^ ^}S^ ^ ^ 
 
 r jj^T^f'iTriLrifff.i^r. .i^j-Ji^J^ ^11.^ ' 
 
 3 
 
 f.n'] f^.p 3l ]?3^.i'J]|j'iT>T' J;i,i T nhm 
 
 ill 1" 
 
 (Tlio (irigiiial coinist .'.ceiiis in part astray in his nutation of a few notes, as is evident from the Insertion of the word "rong." 
 
< » 
 
Colonel 1st New Hampshire Contiiieiilals. 
 Adjutant Gen'l Continental Anny. 
 
The following poem was written by Major Andre after the attack of Wayne 
 
 upon a block-house, near Bull's Ferry. The last canto was ijublishcd in Rivinjj;- 
 
 ton's Gazette, on the day when Andre was captured a Tarrytown. I copied this 
 
 from an original copy in the handwriting of Andre himself; and I made a 
 
 facsimile of the last stanza as it appears in that copy. It is written upon small 
 
 folio paper, and under the endorsement of Andre himself are the following lines : 
 
 — Lossing. 
 
 " When the epic strain was sung, 
 The poet by the neck was huiiR ; 
 And to his cost he finds too late, 
 The dung-born tribe decides his fate." 
 
 Elizabethtown, Atig. i, ijSo. 
 
 Canto i. 
 
 To drive the kine one summer's morn. 
 
 The tanner took his way, 
 The calf shall rue that is unborn 
 
 The jumbling of that day. 
 
 And Wayne descending steers shall know. 
 
 And tauntingly deride. 
 And call to mind, in ev'ry low. 
 
 The tanning of his hide. 
 
 Yet Bergen cows still ruminate 
 
 Unconscious in the stall. 
 What mighty means were used to get, 
 
 And lose them after all. 
 
 For many heroes bold and brave 
 From New Bridge and Tapaan, 
 
 And those that AAwV Passaic's wave. 
 And those that eat soupaan. 
 
 And sons of distant Delaware, 
 
 And still remoter Shannon, 
 And Major Lee with horses rare. 
 
 And Proctor with his cannon. 
 
 All wondrous proud in arms they came- 
 
 What hero could refuse, 
 To tread the rugged path to fame. 
 
 Who had a pair of shoes? 
 
94 
 
 7 At nix tlie hoKt, with Hwenliiif; hufT, 
 Arriv«'il at l-'ri-filum's IVilr, 
 Win II \V»yiie, wlm thmiKlit lii-'d time enough, 
 Thus specchifii'd the wliole : 
 
 8"0 ye whom K'ory iloth unite, 
 
 Who I'ricdoin's cause esiMnise, 
 Whether the winx that's (hximecl to fif^ht, 
 Or Unit to drive the cows ; 
 
 9 Kre yet you tempt your further way, 
 Or into notion come, 
 Hear, soldiers, what I have to sny. 
 And take a pint of rum. 
 
 10 Intenip'rate valor then will string 
 
 liach nervous arm the better, 
 So all the lanil shall lO! sing. 
 And rea<l the gen'ral's letter. 
 
 11 Know that sonu- jialtry refugees, 
 
 Whom I've a mind to fight. 
 Are ])laying h — 1 among the trees 
 That grow on yonder height. 
 
 12 Their fort and hlock-house we'll level. 
 
 And deal a horrid slaughter ; 
 We'll drive the scouudiels to the devil. 
 
 13 I under cover of th' attack. 
 
 Whilst you are all at blows. 
 From I'jiglish Neighb'rhood and Tinack 
 Will drive nway the cows. 
 
 14 Kor well yim know the latter is 
 
 The .serious operation, 
 And fighting with therefugees 
 Is only demonstration." 
 
 i.S His daring words from all the crowd 
 Such great a]iplanse did gain, 
 That every man declared aloud 
 I'or serious work with Wayne. 
 
 16 Then from the cask of rum once more 
 
 They t<x>k a heady gill, 
 When one and all they loudly swore 
 They'd fight upon the hill. 
 
 17 Hut here — the muse has not a strain 
 
 Befitting such great deeds, 
 Hurra, tliey cried, hurra for Wayne ! 
 
 And .shouting « » » 
 
 Canto 2. 
 
 18 Near his incriilian pomp, the sun 
 Had jouriu'v'd from the horizon, 
 W'hen fierce the dusky tribe mov'd on, 
 Of heroes drunk as poison. 
 
 19 The BoundH confuse^ of boastinK oaths. 
 
 Re-echoed through the woo<l. 
 Some vow'd to sleep in dead men's clothes. 
 And some to swim in bloo<l. 
 
 20 At Irvine's nod, 'twas fine to see 
 
 The left prepared lo fight. 
 The while the drovers, Wayne and Lee, 
 Drew off upon the right. 
 
 21 Which Irvine 'twas Fame don't relate, 
 
 Nor can the Muse assist her. 
 Whether 'twas he that cocks a bat, 
 Or he that gives a glister. 
 
 22 For greatly one was signalized, 
 
 That fought at Chestnut Hill, 
 And Canada immortaliz* \ 
 The veiuler of the pill. 
 
 23 Yet the attendance upon Proctor 
 
 They both might have to l>oast of ; 
 For there was business for the doctor, 
 And hats to he disposed of. 
 
 24 Let none uncandidly infer 
 
 That Stirling wantc<l sjjunk. 
 The self-made peer had sure been there. 
 But that the peer was dnink. 
 
 25 But turn we to the Hudson's banks, 
 
 Where stootl the mo<lest train, 
 With purpose firm, though slender ranks. 
 Nor car'd a pin for Wayne. 
 
 26 For them the unrelenting hand 
 
 Of rebel fury drove. 
 And tore from ev'ry genial band 
 Of friendship and of love. 
 
 27 And .some within a dungeon's gloom, 
 
 By mock tribunals laid. 
 Had waited long a cruel doom. 
 Impending o'er their heads. 
 
 28 Here one bewails a brother's fate, 
 
 There one a sire demands. 
 Cut off, alas ! Iwfore their date. 
 By ignominious hands. 
 
 29 And .silver'd grandsires here appear'd 
 
 In deep distress serene, 
 Of reverend manners that declared 
 The better days they'd .seen. 
 
 30 Oh ! curs'd rebellion, these arc thine, 
 
 Thine are these tales of woe ; 
 Shall at thy dire insatiate shrine 
 Blootl never cease to flow ? 
 
 31 And now the foe I)egan to lead 
 
 His forces to th' attack ; 
 Balls whistling unto tells .succeed. 
 And make the block-house crack. 
 
The Captors' Moni-.mknt, Tarrytown. 
 
05 
 
 32 Nn Khot couhl poM, if you will take 
 The Ken'ml'ii wi>r<l for true ; 
 Hut 'tin a (1- l)lc iiiiHlakf, 
 I'or ev'ry iiliot went tlirinixh. 
 
 ■\j Tlu- firmer as the ri-liels prrsgeil, 
 Tin- loyul luTfM's stand ; 
 Virtue lind iier.M earli honest Ijrcast, 
 Anil Industry each hand. 
 
 VI In valor's phrensy. Ilamill >n 
 Kodf like a solilier hii;, 
 And secretary Harrison, 
 With jien stuck in his wi^. 
 
 ^5 Hnl, lest chieftain Washington 
 
 Should iniiiini tliein in the nininps. 
 The fate of Withrin({ton to shun, 
 They fou)»lit behind the stumps. 
 
 36 Hut ah ! Thaildeus Posset, why 
 
 Sliocld thy piMir s<ail elope? 
 And why should Tilns Hooper die. 
 Ah ! die — without a rope? 
 
 37 Apostate Murjihy, thou to whom 
 
 I'air Shela ne'er was cruel ; 
 /w ihalh shall hear hir mourn Illy diM)in, 
 Och ! wonlil ye ilie, my jewel? 
 
 38 Thee, Nathan Pumpkin, I lament, 
 
 Of melancholy fate, 
 The >!•■">' K'"""'' stolen as he went. 
 In his heart's l)lo<xl was wet. 
 
 39 Now as the fiKht was further fought. 
 
 And halls hegan to thicken. 
 The fray assum'd, the gen'rals thought. 
 The color of a licking. 
 
 40 Yet undismay'd the chiefs commaml. 
 
 And, to redeem the day, 
 Cry, "Soldiers, charge !' they hear, they stand, 
 They turn and run away. 
 
 Canto 3. 
 
 41 Not all delights the bloixly spear. 
 
 Or horrid ilin of battle, 
 There are, I'm sure, -vlio'd like to hear 
 A word about the rattle. 
 
 4J The chief whom we beheld of late. 
 Near Schralenherg haranguing. 
 At Yan Van Poop's unconscious sat. 
 Of Irvine's hearty banging. 
 
 43 While valiant Lee, with courage wild, 
 Most bravely did op]K)se 
 The tears of women and of child. 
 Who begg'd he'd leave the cows. 
 
 .(4 Hut Wayne, of sympathizing heart. 
 Keipiired a relief. 
 Not all the lilesvings could imparl 
 l)f battle or of beef 
 
 4S I'or now a prey to fein.ile iliarms. 
 His Mini to<ik more delight ill 
 A lovely Hamadryad's arms, 
 Than cow driving or lighting. 
 
 ^f^ \ nytuph, the refugees had drove 
 l''ar from her native In e, 
 JU-.1 liai)peii'd lo be 011 tin- move. 
 When up came W.iyne ami I,re. 
 
 47 She in mad .\nlliony's fierce v\v 
 The hero saw ]iortra\''d, 
 .•\nd, all in tears, shi' lo.ik him by 
 — the bridle of his jad.-. 
 
 4S Hear, Siiid the nymph, O great commander. 
 No human lameiilations. 
 The trees you see Hum cnlting yonder 
 Are all my near relations. 
 
 49 And I, forlorn, implore thine aid 
 
 To free the sacred grove ; 
 
 So sli:ill Ihy prowess be repaid 
 
 Willi an iinmortal's lov<\ 
 
 50 Now some, to jtrove she was a gtwldess ! 
 
 Said this enchanting fair. 
 Hail late relired from the //(kZ/cv, 
 In all the pomp of war. 
 
 ."ii That drums and merry fifes had play'il 
 To honor her retreat. 
 And Ciiiiniiighaiu himself eouvey'd 
 The lady through the slreet. 
 
 52 Great Wayne, by soft compassion sway'd 
 To no inipiiry stoops. 
 Hut takes the fair, adlicled maid 
 Rii^ht into Van Van Poop's. 
 
 ,S3 So Roman Anthony, they say. 
 
 Disgraced th' imperial banner. 
 And for a gii)sy lost a day, 
 I<ike Anthony the tanner. 
 
 51 The Hamadryad had but half 
 
 Received reilress from Wayne, 
 When drums and colors, cow and calf. 
 Came do',, n the road amain. 
 
 55 All in a cloud of dust were seen, 
 
 The sheep, the horse, the goat, 
 The gentle heifer, ass obscene ; 
 The yearling and the shoat. 
 
 56 And pack hor.scs with fowls came by, 
 
 Befealhereil on each side, 
 Like Pegasus, the horse that I 
 And other poets ride. 
 
96 
 
 57 Sublime upnii ll e stirrups rose 64 
 
 Tlie iiiiKlily Let- beliiml, 
 Anil ilrovf the terri>r-siiiitten cows, 
 I.ikc cliafi heforc the wiiiil. 
 
 Hut siiildeii see the w(mm1s al)Ove 65 
 
 I'uur ilciHii iinotlier corps, 
 All hclter skelter in a drove, 
 
 Like that I sunj; before. 
 
 Irvine ami terror in the van, 66' 
 
 Came flying all abroad, 
 And cannon, colors, horse, and man, 
 
 Kan tumbling to the road. 
 
 Still as he fled, 'twas Irvine's cry, 67 
 
 And his example t<K), 
 Run on, my merry men all — for why?" 
 
 The shot will not j;o through. 
 
 As when two kennels in the street, 68 
 
 Swell'il with a recent rain, 
 In pushing .streams together meet. 
 
 Anil seek the neighboring drain, 
 
 62 So meet these dung-l)orn tribes in one, 69 
 
 As swift in their career. 
 And so to New Hridge they ran on — 
 Hut all the cows got clear. 
 
 Poor Pa.son Caldwell, all in wonder, 70 
 
 iViw the returning train. 
 And mouru'd to Wayne the lack of plunder, 
 
 l'"or them to steal iigaiii. 
 
 ,S« 
 
 .S') 
 
 Co 
 
 61 
 
 6.1 
 
 For 'twas his right to seize the spoil, and 
 To share with each comma nder. 
 
 As he had done at Staten Island 
 With frost-bit .•\Iexander. 
 
 In his dismay, the frantic priest 
 
 Began t<j grow projjhetic. 
 You had swore, to see his lab'ring breast. 
 
 He'd taken an emetic. 
 
 ' I view a future day," said he, 
 " Brighter than this day dark is, 
 And you shall see what you shall see, 
 Ha ! ha ! one pretty marquis ; 
 
 And he shall come to Paulus' Hook, 
 And great achievements think on. 
 
 And make a bow and take a look, 
 Like Satan over Lincoln. 
 
 And all the land around shall glory 
 To see the I'Veiuhman caper. 
 
 And pretty Susan tell the story 
 In the next Chatham paper." 
 
 This solemn prophecy, of course. 
 
 Gave all nuich consolation, 
 Except to Wayne, who lost his horse 
 
 Upon the great occasion. 
 
 His horse that carried all his prog. 
 
 His r.iilitar speeches, 
 His ccrn-stalk whisky for his grog— 
 
 Hlut stockings and brown breeches. 
 
 71 .^nd now I've clos'd my epic strain, 
 I tremble as I show it. 
 Lest this same warrio-drover, Wayne, 
 Should ever catch the poet. 
 
 
 7/, 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 (For some of these notes I am indebted to Lossing's Two Spies (D. Appletou & Co., New York), but most 
 are from hi". Field-liook, and a few are original.) 
 1 Wayne had been a tanner before the Revolution. 
 < Sonpaan, or suppawii, the homelj' dish of Indian-meal mush and milk then common in the colonies, especially 
 
 New Kngland. See reference to it on page 23. 
 8 Shoes were .scarce in Washington's anny, at all times. 
 7 Freedom's Pole was a little settlement in Bergen County. 
 
97 
 
 1" 111 liis letu-r to CoiiL'russ, Inly 26, 178.,, concerniiiK this ejcpedition, Washington spoke of tlu- AnUTican iMiiiioii 
 l>i'iiii. too lii'lil to iH-iiftnile tlie lo^s of which it (the hlock-house) was constnicttil. lie als<i attriNutd the 
 ureal loss of the Aiiiiriians to tlie " iiitiniperate valor" of the men. Andre exercise.! a poetic license in 
 pnttiiiK these worils ill Wayne's month before the fJK'ht. 
 
 •-■1 Ilistorv comiiioiilv sneaks of "the two Ir^-ines" as thonxh they were brothers, or at least relatives. Ilut there 
 is no evi.Unce to prove this. Ill fact the names are widely diflferent. James " Irvine is really James 
 Fwiiiir of IViinsvlvania (probablv born at Lancaster). He coinmandid the I'lyini; Cam)) in 1776, and was 
 distititmished in' the fight at Clieslinil Ilili, near I'liila<lelphia. lie il w^is that w.is a 1 .Iter by trade. 
 William Irvine, a physician, is the one who took part in the attack on the block-li.mse. 
 
 ■•' I ord Stirliim I William Alexander) had been frustrated in his attempt to gain a Scotch estate an.l peerage, to 
 " which he was clearly entitled. He assumed the title of Karl of Stirling as of right. 
 
 :i-' Wayne reported the cannon too light for effective work. 
 
 •14 fcncnl Charles I,ee in his testimony at his court martial after the b.ittle of Monmonlh, spoke i>f Ilainillon 
 " flourishing his sword ar.d Siiving; ' I will slay and we will all die here 011 the spot.' '• 
 " I could not but be surprised," siiid Lee, "at his e.tpression, but obscrve<l liim much fluttered, an.l in a s.irt 
 
 of freiizv of valor." 
 Richard Harii.s.)ii, Washington's secretary. 
 
 M Mumps were prevalent in the patriot army. 
 
 A direct riference to the old ballad of C/iiTV Chase: 
 
 For Witherington needs must I wayle. 
 
 As one in doleful dumps ; 
 I'or when his legges were smitten off. 
 He fought upon his stumps. 
 r.o "The n.Mlies"— a sol.lier's slang word for the royal troops constituting the King's Im.ly-guar.l. 
 61 That she was a ilisrepntable woman, who had been drummed out of camp, uii.ler guard of the provost- 
 luaishars force. Cunningham was the notorious jailer at New '\'ork. 
 
 B2 A dramshop. 
 
 ii Rev Tames Cal.lwell, an earnest patri.,l of New Jersey, pastor of a church at Connecticut I-artns. His wife 
 
 iia.l been shot by a newly-eiiliste.l s..lilier, ill the parsonage, when the liritisli, under knyiiliausen, m.-i.le 
 
 a raid upon Springfield, in 177H. 
 U4 ■■ Calling himself, because or.lered ii.)l to .lo it, Earl of Stirling, though no sterling Karl." In a winter 
 
 'expediliim to Stateii Island, a large proportion of his sol.liers were frost-bitten. 
 
 no Lafayette. 
 
 67 Now Tersev City, where the Rritish ha.l a re.loubt, which Major Henry Lee snirprise.l in Augu.st, 1779, cap- 
 
 luring 1.S9 prisoners. (I have never seen explained the allusion lo the city of Lincoln.) 
 «« Miss Sus^innah LiviiiRstoii, .laughter of Governor William Livingston, of New Jer.sey, who was suspecte.l of 
 
 p.ilitical authorship. 
 
 '^''"^'"'"\B^^^iimm^r^^.inddence, the signature un.ler Andre's portrail-my frontispiece -~- is ph..tograplie,l 
 from hisofTicial congratulatorv letter, as Deputy A.ljulant-General to Luyler, the ory wh.) was Cd.mel ., 
 he refugee corps which .lefended the bl..ck-house. The original letter one of the mos interest, >g.,f 
 Revolutionary .locumenls, is in the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Kmmet, who kindly allowe.l the 
 reproduction of the signature.) 
 

 ^^^«%2g-^ 
 
Err A TA. 
 
 This item should havf appeared on pnfie 4. 
 The Orderly-Book of Captain K. Stearns' company, Colonel John Rand's 
 Massachusetts regiment, now in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society, records: "August 6, 1780: The Honorable General Arnold takes 
 command in this department." 
 
 In addition to Note f, paffe 9. 
 
 Ann Hawkes Hay. A leUer fioiii him to Oencral (leorKe Clinton, dateil July i), 177(1, riconls, ttiat "on 
 I'riday, the 12th, a barRC and cnttt-r from the liritisli flutt of one forty and one lweiity-j;nn slii)> (the A'd.v,-, 
 Captain Wallace, and Plnriii.v. Captain I'arker) with four cutters, ancliored opposile Nvael;." Ilay'.s 
 rej;imcnl was called out, the bar^e was fired on and driven ofT. — .liiienmi: .tirhiiis. Vol. I., ^Ih Series, 
 pp. J.V**. 5*'- 
 
 On An^u.sl 10, 1776, Hay was appointed Commissary of Militia. 
 
 On Novendier jo, 1776, General John Morin Scott, writinj; to Washington, refers to Colonel Ilay .is ".1 
 jjentleman uncommonly spirited in the ]nil)lick can.se." (Pane 929.) 
 
 In addition to Note (>, page jj. 
 Major Kiers is al.so referred to in \\w .liiiniciiii .hrhizrs: His store (Haverslraw 1 is mentioned, July l9, 1776 
 (Vol. X., ]). 452). On October 10, 1776, he is mentioned as paid /,'27 lis. 3d. for a])preheudiii^; desertert. 
 (pane 2;,6;, and the sum of ^400 is arkuowledKed due to him for provisions for the public use ( pa^e J.i^). 
 
 This should have made part of Note y. on pai;e ff. 
 Samuel Youngs was born in 1760, and died in iS,^7. He was a well-known figure in Westchester County, 
 and held the office of Surrogate for several terms. 
 It has been claimed that from him Irving drew the character of f(/iiif>oil Cnine. — M. 1). Ravtiiond, Souvenir, 
 etc., Tarrytown, iS.So. 
 
 This should have appeared on i)age 7/. 
 John Hughes was born in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in 17.^9, His father, liarnabas Hu.nhes, removed to 
 
 !i later years was cast much of the 
 
 two Hughes, Daniel and Sanuul, 
 
 of the Kevolulion.) At seventeen 
 
 John Hughes : Daniel and Samuel Hn.^hes were the elder brothers .;nt (of Penn_sylvania) the " Second 
 
 •'"" V ,? . ■ ,1 ss Own. He served with endit, 
 
 of Captain John. my, as captain, in 17S1. IK- then 
 
 ear Havre di.' Gr.ice, where he dii il 
 
 avre de (".race, ill 1S1.1, the Ilunhis 
 
 im is known to exist. He was (Uie 
 
 ot tlio orininai memhers ol the Cincinnati. Mr. John Sterett Gittinns, of liallimore, is his nit"'l K"""''-""' 
 
 and to him I am indebted for the aulonraph shown on jiajie 71. 
 
 This should have appeared on page jy. 
 Benjamin Tallmadge was born in Setauket, Long Island, February 25, 1754, and died in Lilrhfield, Connecticut, 
 March 7, iS.^i;. 
 
 He was a Yale graduate, and a cla.ssmate of the unfortunate Nathan Hale. Joiniun the jiatriot army in 177.S, be 
 served throunhonl the war, atlaininn the rank of Colonel, .ind enjoying the es]ieeial favor of W.isliingloii. 
 He is ,sup]iosed to have been the Chief's only confidant in .some of the imiiortaiit det.iils of his employment 
 of spies. After the war he was a merchant in Litchfield, and from i.Soi to 1S17 was a member of Congress. 
 In this capacity he was vehemently op])osed to the incre.ising of the .AndK" ca))tors' pensions, cl.iiniing lh.it 
 they were not actuated by any motives of patriotism. .Mthougb really a n.ative of the slate of New Vork, 
 his identification with Sheldon's, a Connecticut regiment, anil his long residence at Litchfield, have 
 usnallv cause<l him to be regarded as a native of Connecticut. 
 
 Among Ills many important services during the Kcvohition, none was attended with greater results than his 
 securing the recall of Aiidrd when aluiost in reach of Arnold. 
 
Erka'iw. 
 
 This item should have afipcaitd on /><ixf 4. 
 Tlic Orderly-Book of Captain E. Stearns' company, CoIoulI ,I<ilin Rand's 
 Massachnsetts regiment, now in the possession of the Massaclinselts Historical 
 Society, records: " Angnst 6, 1780: The Honorable General Arnold takes 
 command in this department." 
 
 /ii addilioii to A'otf f, /<tti;i' q. 
 Ann Hawkes Hay. A letter from liini to Cruncral (leorKi' Clinton, daleil July i.(. \yjf>, records, tliat "on 
 I'riday, tlic i2tli, a liarm' and ttittiT from the liritisli llt'el of o:k' forty anil one twenty-jrnn sill]! (till' A'mr. 
 Captain Wallace, and /'liiciiix, Cai)tain I'arker) ivitli fonr entlers, anclicred oiUMisile Nyack." Hay's 
 regiment was called out, the barj^'e was tired on and driven off, — .liiuriivii .hrhiiis, \ol. 1., 5II1 Series, 
 I>1>- .V1«. h'^"- 
 On August 10, 1776, Hay was ai)pointed Commissiiry of Militia. 
 
 On November ,v>, 1776, General John Morin .Scott, writinj; to Wasliiimtoii, refers tt> Colonel Hay .is "a 
 gentleman uncoinnionly spirited in the ])uhlick cause." ( Tage 929.) 
 
 In addition to A'otc 6, /iiii;e 5. 
 Major Kiers is also referred to in the .tiiiiiiraii .-lirhizrs: His store (Hav<rstra\vi is nuiitioned. July i9. 177(1 
 (Vol. X., p. 452). (Jn October 10, 1776, he is uieiUioned as paid /.■27 lis. 2d. for appreliendiuf; iliserlen. 
 (page 23ft}, and the sum of ^400 is acknowledKC<l due to him for provisions for the public use ( I'''^"-' .'i.V'*)- 
 
 This sho/i/d have made- part of Note 5, on page J5. 
 Samuel Youngs was born in 1760. and died in 1S37. He was a well-known figure in Westchester County, 
 and held tlie office of Surrogate for .several terms 
 It has been claimed that from him Irving drew the character of frluihrnl Cniiie. — .M. I). Raymond, Soireeiiiy, 
 etc., Tarrylown, i.SSo. 
 
 This should have appeared on page 7/. 
 John Hughes was born in I.anca.ster County, Pennsylvania, in 17,59. His father, liarn.ibas Hughes, removed to 
 Mar)daiid in 17'y), and built an iron ftuiudry near Hagerstown, wliere in later \-ears was cast much of the 
 cannon .itul sl.ot used by the Continental army. (The names of two Hughes. D.iniel and .Sanuul. 
 probably his successors, (>"cur fre(|uently in the Maryland records of the Kevohition.) .\l seventeen 
 young Hughes entired tile army as lieutenant in Colonel Ha/en's regiment (of rennsylvania) Hie " Semml 
 Canadian," generally known .as the Congress regiment, or "Congress's Own." He served with cu ilit. 
 particularly at llraudywine and Germanlown, and resigned from the army, as ca|itain, in I7'*i. He llii 11 
 married .Miss Chamberlaine, of Talbot County, Maryland, and settled near Havre de Grace, where lie died 
 M.iy 21, iSo.s, leavin,g three daughters. When the Ilrilish captured Havre de Grace, in 181,^, the Hughes 
 homestead was burned, with all its contents, aiul hence no portrait of him is known lo exist. He was one 
 of the original members of the Cincinnati. Mr. John .Sterelt Gitlings. of lialtimore, is his great grandson, 
 and to him I am indebted for the autograiih .shown on page 71. 
 
 This should have appeared on page jy. 
 Benjamin Tallmadge was born in Setaukel, Long Island, February 25, 1754, and died in Litchfield, Connecticut, 
 March 7, i.S.\S- 
 
 He was a Vale graduate, and a cla.ssmate of the unfortunate Nathan Hale. Joining the patriot anny in 177.';. he 
 serveil througlioiil the war, attaining the rank of Colonel, and enjoying the espeei.il favor of \\'ashiiigloi). 
 He is supposed to have been the Chief's (udy confidant in some of tlie important details of his emjdoynient 
 of spies. .After the war he was a merchant in Litchfield, ami from i.Soi to 1S17 was a membi r of Congress. 
 In this ca]),acity he was vehemently opposed to the increasing of the .Andre ca]itors' pensions, elaindng that 
 they were not actuated by any motives of ]ialriotisin. AltlHaigh really a native of the state of New \'urk, 
 his identification with .Shelilon's, a Connecticut regiment, and his long residence at I.itchruld, have 
 iisuallv caused him to be regarded as a native of Connecticut. 
 
 Among his many important .services during the Revolution, none was attended with greater resull:^ than his 
 securing the recall of .Andre when almost in reach of Arnold. 
 
This autograph should have appeared on page /p. 
 
 ^f-'^n^Zif 
 
 fi<^ 
 
 This should have appeared on page 59- 
 Jedediah Huntington was Ixirn in Norwich Coiui., Aiik'usI 4, 174.^. :""l <l'i'' '" ^'i^w I.<"i'l"". Scpteinln-r 25, 
 iSrS. Ik- came (if a faiiiilv (listiiiK'iiislifil for iialriotism, his father, GiMieral Jahez IlmitiiiKtoii, aiKl his 
 four lirothers, taking an active part in the Kevohitioii. He himself raised a re),'iiiienl, in wliich he 
 was a captain, whicli joined WasliiiiKton's arniv at OanihriilKc ; and from that tune until tlie end 
 of hostilities he took an active part in its campaiKMS, attainiii),' the rank of Hrevet Major Ceiieral, After 
 peace was declared he held varions positions of Irnst and honor in his native stale, ciilminalliiK in the 
 Collectorship of New I.onilon, to which he was appointed hy WashinK'ton, in 1789, and winch he retaineil 
 until 1.S15. lie was one of the ori)jiiial members of tile Cincinnati. 
 (As the portraits of most of the memhers of the Andre court-martial are well known, I have not thought it 
 necessiirv to reproduce them. Ceneral llnntiiiKton's, however, is very scarce, and I am indebted to fJr. 
 Kinniet for it. Of Oeneral I'arsons I believe no portrait exists.) 
 
 Sutherland's letter, paf;e 79, should be dated 1780, not 1781, 
 
 Andre's Statement. -On the 20th of September I left New York, to ^et on board the I'lilluir, in order (as I 
 thouKht) to meet Ceneral Arnold there in the ni>;lit. No boat, however, came olT, and I waited on board 
 until the iiiKht of the 21st. **»»*! went into the boat, landed, and spoke with .\riiolil. I got on horse- 
 back with him to ])roceed to t lumse, and in the way passed a guard I did not expect to see, liaving 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton's directions not to go within an enemy's post, or (piil my own dress. (The rest 
 corresponds with the general narrative as given. — w. A. ) 
 
 t Smith's. 
 
 This should have appeared (is part of note on page 23. 
 
 Richard Varick was born in Hackenwick, N. J., March 25, 1753, and died in Jersey City, July 30, 1831. 
 Comniis.sioued a Captain ill McDongall's New York Regimeut in 1775. I'c rose to the rank of Lieutenant 
 Colonel in 1777 as Deputy Muster-master General. He was an ardent admirer of Arnold's military genius 
 and became his Ai<l. The discovery of the treason nearly upset his reason (as it did that of Major Franks). 
 He became Recording Secretary to Washington soon afterwards, ami after the war was Recorder of New 
 York City (17S3-S9), and from' 1791 to 1801 he was Mayor (the first) of the city. He was many years 
 President of the Merchants' Hank and of the American Bible Society. In all the relations of life he was 
 most exemplary, a model man in both public and private life. 
 
X 
 
 ^^ -A^u^A^/^/^^ 
 
SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 THE CRISIS OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 JUNE 1, 1909 
 
 Since the publication of tliis work, some .additional facts and a few trillinsf errata have 
 been discovered which seem to make it advisable to issue this as a supplement. 
 
 lUit it is a matter of congratulation to tiic author that no serious error has as yet been 
 detected by any critic — a newspaper discussion of a few years af;o repardinp tlie number 
 of Andre's captors failing to upset his statement that there were eifjht of them instead of 
 the commonly-received seven. 
 
 CHANGES AND ADDITIONS 
 
 Page 4. The South Cart)lina Gt'iicaln^ical and Historical Mat^aciiie of July, 1002, says: Bel- 
 
 zrdcrc was only the name of a plantation, not a town, and her father was John 
 
 Gordon, of Charleston. 
 Page 13. (Map opposite.) Note 14. The cannon-ball is now in the possession of Dr. R. B. 
 
 Coutant, of Tarrytown. 
 r'ape 39. John I. r>outon should be John F. 
 Page 39. Note 2. " .Xndrew " Anderson should be .Alexander. 
 Page 48. James Cox should be Cock. 
 
 Page 49. One of the .\udre captors' medals is now in the possession of the N'ew York His- 
 torical .Society, 
 r'sge 57. The diagram is wrong as to the window in the north wall. It should be «•«/ of 
 
 the fire-place, not east. 
 The building is now (1909) repaired and in good condition. 
 Page 84. The monument and its site are now owned by the .American Scenic and Historic 
 
 Preservation Society. 
 Page 107. Add after No. 194: "His Captors to .Andre. 
 
 And after Xo. [i/>: 196 <; Trifles in Verse, by a Young Soldier. (J. Marjoribanks.) 
 Kelso, Scotland, 1784. Contains poem, ".Andre to Washington." 
 
 196b Andre's Ghost (The Family Tablet). Ed. by Rev. Dr. Abiel Holmes (father 
 of O. W. Holmes) Pjoston, 1796. 
 Page io8. Add to No. 199: Horatio Hubbell, Phila., 1847. 
 
 .Add after No. 201. " I'oston. 1852." 
 
 Add to No. 201 a: Andre, by Rev. \V. W. Lord. X. Y., Scribner, 1852. 
 
 FICTION ADDED 
 
 No. 2020 Secrets of Arnold's Treason; or Victors and X'ictims, by Charles P. Sumner, N. Y., 
 Hilton & Co., n. d. 
 202 & A Great Treason, by Mary A. M. Hoppus, N. Y. Macmillan, 1883. 
 202 c The Eventful Nine Days. Tarrytown Argus. Dec. 19, 1885. 
 205a Sad Tales and Glad Tales, by "Reginald Reverie" (Grenville Mcllen), Boston, S. 
 G. Goodrich, 1828. Contains " The Spy and the Traitor," 50 pp. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 [This (iriKiiially apiKMRd i tUf A/<ti;<i:i>if flf' .Imrnavi ///,v/ivt for January, 1S82 ( \'()1. H, 
 No. i), and is the work of Mr. Charlt'.s .\. Cani|)lioll. I havt- re arran^i'il it in a form more 
 convenient for refcrenci-. and Ikivi' nddcd a little to il. — \v. a.] 
 
 BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 1. ANDRfe, Mkmoirs of Majok JdiiN. Wiiitlirop Sirnent. unio. Ilo.ston : Ticknor iS: 
 
 Fields, 1 86 1. 
 
 2. , LiFK OF. Cr. 8vo. Xcw York : I). .Aiipkton vS: Co., [871. Portraits of mitlior and 
 
 Andrd". (A reprint, not a revi.sed copy, of the first-named.) 
 
 3. Arnold, Life of. By Isaac N. Arnold. lanio. Cliica^o : A. C. McClurx iS: Co., 18N). 
 
 Gives an account in which he endeavors to show the incentives to Arnold's treason. 
 (I. N. Arnold was President of the Chicago Historiial Society, and only very remotely 
 couuected with the traitor's family.) 
 4. , LiPK ANij Tki<.\.S().\ of. Jared Sparks. i6nio. fVol. 3 of Aiinriraii lUography.) 
 
 5. , Trk.xson OF. — Atwill. Northampton, .Ma.ss., iS3f). (A very rare pamphlet. ) 
 
 6. , Tkkason of. Geo. C. Hill. Hoston, 185S. 
 
 (For corresix)ndenee lietween TallniadKe and Sparks, .see Magazine 0/ Annrinni 
 /listniy, December, 1879, pp. 2^'i-?-^h. The letters are (1S82) in ]K)sses.sion of Mary V,. 
 Norwood, N. V. 
 
 GENERAL ACCOUNTS. 
 
 7. ANDRf-;-ANA. H.W.Smith. 8vo. Phila.,1865. Contains the trial and kindred matter. 
 
 8. Bancroft, History of United Status, Vol. 10, p. 395. He followed " oidy contemjxirary 
 
 documents, which are abundant and of the truest character, and which, taken collecti\ely, 
 solve every question. " 
 
 9. Bolton, Rev. R., History of W'kstciie.ster County. ist edition, 1848; 2d edi- 
 
 tion, 1881. 
 ID. BoYNTON. See No. 40. 
 
 11. Cooper, J. Feniwore, The Travelling Bachelor. Gives jjarticulars of Arnold's own 
 
 statement, from a British officer, and Lafayette's recollections (1824) (and .some other 
 matter less reliable. — \v. A.). 
 
 12. Dearborn, General H. A., Military Journal. 
 
 13. DuNLAP, Williaji, IIlstorv of New York, \'o1. 2, ch. 13. 
 
 14. Kmmkt, Dr. Thos. Addis, of New York, has an enlarged copy of Sargent and .Indre ana, 
 
 the two beiuK extended to seven volumes thick 8vo, by insertion of a large iiundKr of 
 autograph letters, jxjrtraits, etc. 
 
 15. Greene, General Natiianael, Life of. By Professor Geo. W. Greene. Vol. 2, p. 227. 
 
 16. Hamilton, Alexander, Life of. By John C. Hamilton. Vol. i, p. 262. 
 
1()2 
 
 17. IIaki'Kk's Maca/ini:, Vtils. ;, a:,(U\v Article by Lossing, May, 1S76. 
 
 is. Hkadi.hy, Washington and His Gknkkai.s. Hy J. T. Headky. 
 
 19. IIii.DKirni, IIisToKv OF I'nithd Status. Vol. 3,011.41, gives an oiuline. 
 
 20. HiHToRiCAi. Maca/ink ( Dawsoii's) , Morrisaiiia, New York. Augu.st, 1.S59; August, 
 
 1S63; Supplement of i«66; DecemlK-r, 1870. 
 Ji. Holland, Ki.iiiu G., IvssAvs. Contains a play, entitled "The Highland Treason." (I 
 
 have not lieen able to find it. — \v. A. ) 
 22. Hi-i.L's Revoi.I.'.onaky Skkvicbs. Ky General \Vm. Hull, On Andre and Natluui Hale. 
 2^. IRVINC-., Life of Washington. Vols. 2 and 4. He made use of the MSS. of Colonel 
 
 Benjamin Tailmadge. 
 
 24. Lamu, Colonel John, Ijfic of. By I.saac Q. Leake. 
 
 25. Letters About tiik Hitdson. By I'reenian Hunt. 1836. Contains .some tr.aditional 
 
 gossi]) (see p. 4. — \v. \. ) 
 
 26. Lord Mahon (Stanhope). See No. 63. 
 
 27. LossiNG, KiKLD-BooK oi- THE REVOLUTION. By Benson J. Lo.ssing. 2 vols. 8vo. New 
 
 York : Harjicr & Bros., i8jo. Vol. i, chaps. 30, 31, 32, gives an account which contains 
 much local detail, fully illustrated. His book, T/ic Hudson from Wildcrnc^^ to Sai, 4to, 
 New York, 1866, gives a general account, illu.strated. 
 
 28. Marhois, CoMi'LOT D' Arnold ET Sir H. Clinton, etc. Par Barbe Maljois (French 
 
 Secretary of Legation to the United States during the Revolution). For a translation 
 of it, see No. 38. 
 
 29. .Marshall, Life of Washington. Vol. 4, p. 274. 
 
 30. MhMORiALs, Historical Society of Penn., Vol. 6, p. 329, and Sn?:i;rii/, p. 266, and Appendix, 
 
 for opinions of Marbois. (See also Greene.) 
 
 31. Natio.jal Quarterly Review, December, 1862. 
 
 32. New MiRRr)R FOR TravkllEks. By " An Amateur. " New York, 1828, pp. 103-109. 
 
 33. Niles' Register. Vol. 20. 
 
 ^4. Pictorial Hlstorv oi- England. Gives an account from the Briti.sh Tory point 
 of view. 
 
 35. , -iiarf, J. T., History of Westchester County. 1886. 
 
 36. Shaw, Major Samuel, Journals OF. By Jo.siah Quincy. 8vo. Boston, 1847, p. 77. 
 
 37. Southern Literary Messenger. \'o1. 11. 
 
 38. Walsh's American Register. Vol. , :8i7. Gives a translation of Marbois. 
 Washington and the Generate <,f the American Revolution. Philadelphia, 1848. 
 
 (Suppo.sed to be written by Bancroft.) Gives a biography of Arnold 
 
 40. West Point, History of. By General H. V. Boynton. 8vo. New York, 1863 Points 
 
 out the military importance of tl.e place, and gives a general accpuiit. 
 
 41. WiNsoR, JusTiw, Narrative and Critical History of the United States. Vol 6, 
 
 Boston, 1 88 1. 
 
 ENGLISH COMMENT. 
 
 42. Adoli'HUS, History of iCngland. \'o\. 3, chap. 39, takes "an adver.se view of the 
 
 American grounds." 
 
 43. BiDDLR. nswcr to Lord Mahon). vSee No. 62. 
 
 44. Biographical Dictionary of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. Vol. 2. 
 
 45. Chambers' Biographical Dictionary. Article," Washington." 
 
 46. Chambers' Encyclop-Bdia (1859 edition) unfavorable to Audr6, and refers to No. 43, ante. 
 
 y)- 
 
I03 
 
 47- Ci.TNTON — OiisKKVATiONS ON S'iKUMAN (No. 73). Bv Sir Heiirv Cliiitoii. Loiulon, 1794. 
 Was privately reprinted in New York in 1864. 
 
 48. CoKK, Travkls or A SUDALTKRN (in America ). By Iv T. Coke. London, iS — . 
 
 49. COLDSTRKAM Gl'AKD.S, ORK'.IX AND SURVICKS OK. My MacKinnon. \'<)1 2, ell. 9. 
 
 50. Critic ant Litkraky Journ.m.. London, Angust 15, 1^57. 
 
 51. Genti,kman'.s iNLvcazink. London, Jannary, 1855. 
 
 52. Geographic A i„ Commkrciai., etc., \'ik\v of UNrrHi) Stati:s. (See No. 76, so/.} liy 
 
 Winterliotliani. London, 1794. 
 
 53. HiNTON, Historical and Tovograpiiicai, Historv ok Unitiuj St.vtics. 
 
 54. History of England — Lord Malion (afterward Earl Stanlio]K-). \'o\. 7. London, r854. 
 
 Deiiounce.s Andre's execution. Answered by C. J. Biddle. See No. (12. 
 
 55. History of England. Ma.s.sey. V^l. 3, cli. 25. 
 
 56. " " Lord Malic Vol. 7. London, 1854. 
 
 57. Historical Magazine. New York, july, 1S57. 
 
 58. " " Boston, Vol. I, No. 4, \\ 102. 
 
 59. London General Evening I'ost, Novenilwr 14, 1780. 
 
 60. London Daily News (quoted in No. 62, p. 388, scij.). 
 
 61. M.XTiiicw, Lieutenant, Journal ok. This journal was coninninicatcl to Thomas i;alcli, 
 
 Philadelphia, and published in the Histoiail Magazine (No. 57, ante'). 
 
 62. Mejiorials of the Historical Society of Peuna. Vol. 6. {" Conlribiitions to .Imciinin 
 
 Hisloiy.") 8vo. Pliila., 1858. In this is a very full statement of Andre's case in its 
 relations to military law. See also Vol. 6, pp. 319-416, for summary. 
 
 63. Miscellanies. By Lord Mahon (ICarl Stanhope). 2d Series. London, 1872. In tliJN lie 
 
 .states he held a corresiwndence with Geor<;e Tickiior, the historian, on the suliject of 
 Miss Seward's statements. This led to Mr. Ticknor's .searching Colonel Hniuphrevs' 
 papers, t'" (^1855) in the pos.scs-;i()n of Mr. I). G. Olm.stead, of New York. (See 
 Pottpr's.,. . ^n Monthly, Augr 1876, No. 69, .f/v/. ) 
 
 64. Mo- N N \ Andre. Mis.i Seward. I'utter's .-I iinn'ta 11 .1 Aw t/ity. 1S76. 
 
 65. ' , OiA /F American Revoh'Tion. I'rank Moore. \'ol. 2, pp. 393, 481. 
 
 66. N' "ORK IN THE Revolutionary War. Jones. \'ol i, chap. 18, says Arnold pl;iye(l 
 
 " ..oble and virtuous part." See akso p. 737. 
 
 67. Noi ■ A American Review. Boston, January, 1855. 
 
 68. Pictorial History of t / .<eion of George III. L<'ndon, \'ol. i, p. 434. 
 6g. Pc'ter's American Mv'- . ily. Philadel])hi;i : J. Iv Poller & Co., August, 1.S76. 
 
 70. Romii.lv, Sir vSamuel, Life of. Vol. i, p. 104. 
 
 71. Sabin's American Bihliopolist. October, 1872. (Reprint Saturday A\z'i,u\) 
 
 72. Saturday Review. London, 1872. (Reprinted, see above. ) 
 
 73. vStedmax, History of the American War. London, 1794. This book, according to 
 
 Lowndes, was written by William Thomson, LL.D. The copy in the binary of the late 
 John Carter Brown, Providence, R. I., Ijelo; ^ed to Sir Henry Clinton himself, and 
 contains his MS. account of the Andr^ affair. This is printed in Sargent, pp. 415-419; 
 also in New York Tribune, May 24, 1875, and Jones' Nch' York in Revolution, \'u\. i, 
 p. 737. A section of it is lacking in that given by Lord Mahow (//istory 0/ J^nt;iani/, 
 Vol. 7), and reprinted in Memorials, Historical Society, etc. (.see No. 62, ante). 
 
 74. Tribune. New York, May 24, 1875. 
 
 75. United States, Cuba and Canada, The. lion. H. A. Murray. London, 1857. 
 
 76. Winterbotham's, Rev. George, Geographical, Commercial, irrc, \'iew of rNiTKi) 
 
 States. London, 1794 
 
104 
 
 THE CASE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 
 
 77. " TiiK Cask oi' Major John Andrk, Adjutant General to tiik Hkitish Ak.mv, who 
 
 WAS I'lT TO DKATH BV THE REHEUS, OCTOBKK 2, I780, CANDIDLY RKI'KESKNTED : WITH 
 
 Ri;makks ON THE SAID CASE." Ncw York : kiviiigton, 17.S0. 410, pp. 27. 
 
 This is in tlie Brown Library, Providence. It was probably never pnblished, for this 
 copy, the only one known to exist, is nuule up of the i)rintcr's proofs. It was iinques- 
 ticinably drawn up under Clinton's supervision, and my own opinion, alter a very careful 
 exainin.ition of it, is that it was written by Clinton himself — intended by him to be 
 liublished as an offset to the " ProceediuKS of a Board," i.ssued by the Americans, but 
 withdrawn from the press by him after the tyjies had teen set up and the first proofs 
 taken, {^vt^ Magazine of American History, Decend)er, 1S79, p. 742. ) It is in Sargent, 
 p. 274. It states that the gallows was "placed in full view of the windows of 
 Washington's headquarters, as if the .sight afforded him pleasure." 
 
 ANDRE'S TRIAL. 
 
 78. AmI'Kican Ckiminal Trials. P. \V. Chandler, Vol. 2. Boston, iPGi. 
 
 79. Bovnton's Histokv oi- West Point, pp. 1^7-147. contains y^o/w* of the proceedings. 
 
 (It is rather a manifesto than a report of the trial. It does not contain Andre's statement, 
 which is in Sargent, \i. 149) 
 
 80. Generals or the Ame'^cax Revolution (contains biographies of the mend)ers of the 
 
 Board of OtTieers). vSupposed to be by Geo. Bancroft. 
 
 81. Gentleman's Magazine. London, i-]\io, et seq. 
 
 82. Greene, General N., Ln'E of. By G. W. Greene. P. 234. 
 83. , LU'E or. By — Johnson. Vol. i. Note on p. 20S. 
 
 84. Hamilton, Lii'E oE. By John C. Hamilton. Vol. i, pp. 271-;,. Contains Andre's .state- 
 
 ment to H. 
 
 85. , Writings Oi\ Contains letters by Hamilton to Laurens, Sears, and Miss Scl-.uyler. 
 
 86. International Law. Hallcck. Pp. 407-9. 
 
 87. L0.SSING, KiELD-BooK. Vol. I, p. 770. 
 
 88. MEMORI.M.S, Historical Society Pen 1. Vol. 6, pp. 341, 398, etc. 
 
 89. Prockedinc.s oe a Board ok General Officers, etc. 8vo, p. zi. Philadelphia: 
 
 Francis Bailey, 17S0. ( Reprinted in Boynton, pp. 127-147.) 
 
 90. Sarc-.ent. Pp. 347-360. Both contain Washington's letter, September 29, as well as 
 
 other letters. (Also p. 380.) 
 
 91. Sparks, Life of Washington. Vol. 7. 
 
 92. Steuben, Life of. By Kapp. 
 
 ij3. Rhode Island Historical Collecion.s. \'o1. 6. Revolutionary Correspondence 
 (Greene's letters). 
 
 94. Colonial Records. Vol. 9, p. 246. 
 
 95. State Paper Office, London — American and West Indies. Vol. 126. Contains 
 
 Clinton's official despatches, his letters, Oct()l)er 11, 12, 16, 30. (Also n.sed by Sparks and 
 Sargent. ) 
 
 96. Traditions of the Revolution. Johnson. Pp. 255-7. 
 
 97. Troy Moi.nino Whig, April — , 1S79, contains a letter from Tallmadge to Webb, Sep- 
 
 tember 30, 1780. (Part of it is in No. 88, above.) 
 
I05 
 ANDRE'S EXECUTION AND BURIAL. 
 
 98. Bakhkk an'u Howk's Histokicai, Coi,i.kction,s, Nkw Jbksky. R 77. ( Aho in Sti>-i!,nf, 
 
 P- 396.) 
 
 99. Bland Papers. Vol. 2, p. 33. 
 
 100. Chicago Kvknim; Jul-rnai,, August 27, 1S79. 
 loi. Child, Mr.s. L. M., L,kttick.s from New Youk. 
 
 102. Chrlstian Journal and Literary RK(;ister. Vol. 5. .Ww York, lH^i (dis- 
 
 internieiit). 
 
 103. Ciiv and Country, Xyack, N. V., ScptLinljcr 26, 1S79. (C. M. O'dIiims' kttcr. ) 
 
 104. Connecticut Coi'RANT, Octol)er 24, 1 7S0. ( Reprinted in . York I^('//(/, .September 14 
 
 and 16, 1879.) 
 
 105. Continental Journal. Boston, OctolK'r 26, 1780. (.See A'cr.' F.nghmd Ma^ra^htf, 
 
 No. 122, below.) 
 
 106. Coi'RiER, Caiiajoliarie, N. Y., Septenilier 27, 1879. 
 
 107. Dewees' (S.vm'l) Likic AND SERVICES. Baltimore, 1844, pp. 208-24. 
 
 108. Evangelist, New York, Ja.uiary 30, 1879, February 27, 1879. 
 
 109. Evening Post, New York, August 11, 1831. 
 
 no. Farmer and Moore's Collections. Vol. 3, p. 288. 
 
 111. Harper's Magazine, August, 1855. 
 
 112. He.\th's Memoirs (General Wm. Heath). 
 
 113. Historical Collections of New York, p. 479. (Reprinted in Siuxe/i/, p. 396.) 
 
 114. History of Masonic Lodge, No. 61, Wii.kics Bakre, Pa. By Ilarvex-. 
 
 115. Joel Barlow, Life of. By Todd. 
 
 116. Knickerbocker Magazine. Vol. 16. 1840. Editor's Tal)le. 
 
 117. Mag.\zine of American History. September, 1877, p. 573; December, 1879, p. 754. 
 
 (Cf. Sargent, pp. 40S-411.) September, 1879, ]>. 574; July, 1880, p. 59. 
 
 118. Magazine of N.vtural Hlstorv. J. C. Loudon. Vol 4. I<cindon, 1831, pp. 
 
 1 12-1 14. 
 
 119. Memori.vus, Historical Society Penna. Vol. 6, pp. 372-5. 
 
 120. Military Journal. Tiiacher. 8vo. Boston, 1827, p. 225. 
 
 121. National Lntellu;encer. January 14, February 25, March 4, 1817. 
 
 122. New England M.vgazinf. Boston, May, 183.).. Vol. 6, p. 358. 
 
 123. New Jersey Historical Society, Proceedings, 1875. 
 
 124. New York F^vangelist. January 30, 1879; F'ebruary 27, 1879. 
 
 125. Evening Po.st. Octolx;r 15, 1879; August 11, 1821 (disinterment). 
 
 126. Ti.MES. October 20 and 22, 1879. 
 
 127. World. September 8, 14 (two), 21 (two), 10, 15, 16; August 30, SeiHeuiber 19, 
 
 and 21, Septeml)er 23, September 29, October 12, 1879. 
 
 128. Pennsylvania Gazette. Octolserii, 1780. 
 
 129. Journal. October 18, 1780. (Reprinted in Life of Hamillon. New York, 1834. 
 
 Vol. I, p. 273.) 
 
 130. Packet. Octolx.'r 10, 1780; October 14, 1780. 
 
 131. SiiREVic, John, Narrative. Magazine American History, ^i^\>\.Q\\\\i<ix, 1S79, p. 574. 
 
 132. Stanley, A. P., Historical Me.M(3Rials of \Vi:.st.mi.nster Ahhey. London, 1876, 
 
 pp. 256-7. 
 
 133. Tallm.\dge — Letter. Reprinted in Magazine American History, December, 1879, 
 
 P- 754- 
 
io6 
 
 134. Tai.i.madgk^Mkmoirs. New York, 1858, p. 36. 
 
 135. r.MTi-ii SiCKViCK Joi'KNAi.. Loiidoii NoveiiilxT, 1833 (disinterment). 
 
 136. Wii.Kiis Bakki! (Pa.) Gluaner. I- i^ruarj' 21 and 29, 1817. (Reprinted in Natioual 
 
 Iiilclligiiiar, March 4, 18 17.) 
 
 137. Daily Union Lkadkk. June 16, 1880. (Reprint of June 21, 1870.) 
 
 138. V(inki;ks Gazkttk. Mardi 24, 1866. 
 
 ANDRE'S WATCH. 
 
 131;. Amkrican Historical Record. October, 1874, p. 470. See al.so for March, 1874. 
 
 140. Arnold, Liek of. Spark.s. P. 230. 
 
 141. Orai'HIC, New York, July 25, 1876. 
 
 142. I'A'ENINO Post, New York, October 20, 1879 ; Octoter 15, 1879. 
 
 143. SuNNYSiDK Press, Tarrytown, N. Y., September 18, 1880. 
 
 144. YiNDic.vTioN OF THE Captoks, Etc. Benson. New York, 1817. 
 
 ANDRfe'S WILL. 
 
 145. Recorded in Surrogate's Office, New York ; probated October 12, 1780 (Seatou and White, 
 
 \vitnes.ses). Potter'.s American Monthly, September, 1876, p. 172 ; Sabine's American 
 Loyalists, Vol. 2, pp. 273, 418 (Seaton and White). 
 
 146. Stevens' Collection of Records of New York Ciiasiber of Commerce, f'vo. 
 
 New York, 1867. (Notice of H. White.) 
 
 JOSHUA HETT SMITH. 
 
 147. Arnold. Sparks. Preface. 
 
 148. Authentic Narrative, Etc. By Smith. London, 1808 ; New York, 1809. 
 
 149. GENTLEJi.VN's MAGAZINE. London, 1780, supplement, p. 6io; July, 1801. 
 
 150. Herald, New York, 1842. 
 
 151. Historical Magazine, 1866; supplements i and 2. 
 
 152. Magazine of American History. Vol. 6. July, 1880; April, 1881, p. 279. 
 
 153. Record OF THE Trial of J. H. Smith. Edited by Henry B. Daw.son. 8vo. Morrisania, 
 
 New York, 1866. (See No. 310 for Smith'.'' pedigree.) 
 
 THE CAPTORS. 
 
 154. American Historical Record. September, 1872, p. 407; December, 1873, \'ol. 3, 
 
 pp. 471, 5' 5. 
 
 155. American Loyalists. Sabine. Vol. 2, p. 194. 
 
 156. Analkctic Magazine. Vol. 10. 
 
 157. Arnold. Sparks. Pp. 222-6. 
 
 158. Bolton, History of We.stchk.ster County. Vol. i, pp. 80-213. 
 
 159. Centennial Souvenir. M. D. Raymond. Tarrytown, N. Y. , 1880. 
 
I07 
 
 \fy>. City and Countky, Nyack, N. Y., Octolx-r lo, 1S79. 
 
 I(M. l'~IKI.D-BO()K OK THK RKVOLUTION. I^OSsillK- Vol. I, p. 755- 
 
 1 )j. Orai'IIIC, New York, OctolK>r 6, 1879. 
 
 163. OrkknpoixT (N. Y.) Globk, Octoljer 11, 1H79. 
 
 164. IIisTokicAi, Magazine. November, 1857; June, 1865. 
 
 165. History OK Schoharie Co. Simms. 8vo. Ne\v York, 1S45, p. 646. 
 
 166. HmsiJ OK RKKRE.SKNTATIVKS JOURNALS, 1817 (Tallmaclgc's S|x;ech ). 
 
 167. Magazine ok American History. February, 1887, page 16S. 
 
 168. Nk\v York in the Revou'Tkjn. Jones. Vol. i, p. 734. 
 
 169. Xicw York Commercial Advertiser. August 30, Octol)er 3, 1H79. 
 170. CouRRiER DK,s EItats-Unis. Octolicr 4, 1879. 
 
 171. Eveninc; Express. October 3, 1879. 
 
 172. Evening Mail. October 4, 1879. 
 
 173. - - Evening Post. January 8, 1879; September 16, 1S79 ; October i, 3, 4, 20, 1879; 
 
 Novemljer 21, 1879. 
 
 174. Evening Telegram. October 4, 1879. 
 
 175. Herald. October 3, 1879. 
 
 176. Star. Octobers, 1879. 
 
 177. Si'N. September 29; October i, 2, 3, 4, 6, 12, 13, 15, 1879. 
 
 178. .Sunday Mercury. Octobers, 1879. 
 
 179. Times. October 3, 4, 1879; November 23, 1879; vSeptember 23, 1H80. 
 
 180. Trihunk. October 3, 7, 1879. 
 
 181. \VoRLD. September 23, October 7, 8, 1879. 
 
 182. Potter'!-- American Monthly. August and September, 1876. 
 
 183. Puck, New York. October 22, 1879. 
 
 184. Rockland County Journal, Nyack, N. Y. October 11, 1879. 
 
 185. Shaw, Samuel, Journals ok. Edited by Josiab Quincy. Boston, 1847. 
 
 186. SuNNvsiDE Press, Tarryto\vn, N. ^. September 11, 1880. 
 
 187. Telegraph, Pittsburgh. June 11, 17, 25, 1879. 
 
 1S8. Vindication ok the Captors ok Major Andric. Benson, N. Y., 1819. Reprinted, 
 (Sabiu reprints, No. 3) New York, 1865, and elsewhere. 
 
 POEMS AND BALLADS. 
 
 189. Brave Paulding and the Spy. In Moore's Sonirs and Ballads of Ihc American Revolu- 
 tion, p. 316. (Various others may be found in Salient. ) 
 British Hero in Captivity, The. Puddicombe. 4to. 1783. 
 
 Incident ok AndriC's Capture, An. John Banvard (Commeirial Advertiser, New York, 
 .September, 1880). 
 192. Journal ok Original and Authentic Occurrences During the American Wai.. 
 By Sergeant R. Lamb, Royal Welch Fusiliers. Dublin, 1809, p. 338. 
 Memoirks, Count dk Mores. Paris, 1828. (Contains .some French verses. ) See Pont - 
 
 gibaud. No. 218. 
 I'OEM. —Miller. (Not found.— w. a. ) 
 
 195. . N. P. Wil'is. (See Chapter V.) 
 
 196. Potter's American Monthly. August, September, 1876. Contains the Monody, by 
 Miss Seward. 
 
 190. 
 191. 
 
 '93 
 194 
 
T()8 
 
 197 
 198 
 199 
 
 200 
 20 
 
 H- 
 
 DRAMAS. 
 
 Andui':. By William Dniilap. Ixmilon, 1799. 
 
 (5 acts). 1798. Believed to \k by Dr. Elilui H. Smith. 
 
 Arnoi.I), a TK.\c.i:nY. By — 
 
 Aknoi.d and Andric. By Geo. H. Calvert. 1840. 
 
 lIiGiii.ANi) Tkkason. By iUiliii G. Holland. (In his /iM(7j'.f.) 
 
 FICTION. 
 
 202. Andriv. (Theodore S. Fay is .said, on authority of the Neu' York Mirror, to have been 
 
 engaged, in 183S, on a novel .so-called.) It docs not appear to have been published. 
 
 203. Hugh VVvNNK. Dr. S. \V. Mitchell. Philadelphia, 1897. (Introduces Andre.) 
 I'KMBHRTON. By Henry Peterson. Philadelphia, 1873. (Reprinted with illustrations, 
 
 189S.) 
 205. Sir Henuy'.s Ward — A Tale or thf. Rkvou-tion. Mrs. Ann S. Stephens, in 
 
 (hahom's Maf;a~ine, 1846. 
 
 THE COW-CHACE. 
 
 206. Originally printed in Rivington's Koyal (la^eltc, New York, 1780. Canto I., August 16; 
 
 Canto II., August 30; Canto III., September 23. 
 
 After his death, it wa.s published by Rivington in book-form, 8vo, pp. 69, and by 
 
 I'ielding, London, 17.'^.!, 4to, pp. 32, with "explanatory notes by the Editor." 
 
 It also apjiears in Diuilap's .^«r/;r (London, 1799) in Lossing's Ficld-Book, Vol. 2, 
 
 p. 684, and Hudson from the Wilderness to the Sea, Moore's Songs and Ballads of the 
 
 Revolution. It was also publi.shed in Cincinnati, 1869, 8vo, pp. 32. 
 
 An original MS. copy, in Andrd's writing, dated Elizabeth town, August i, 1780, is 
 
 in the .Sprague (Albany, N. Y.) collection of autographs. Los.sing reprints it. 
 
 Another autograph copy seems to te extant, for Sargent does not mention the above. 
 
 (See pp. 234 and 235.) 
 
 CONTEMPORARY RECORDS. 
 
 207. Albany Daily AnvKUTiSKR. 1839. (See Potter's /iw/fwrt« yl/ow//;/)', September, 1876.) 
 
 208. Al:^i(>n'.s RKMiCMnRANCKR, Loudon, 1780. Vol. 10, pp. 76, 77. (Andre at Charleston.) 
 
 209. American Historical Record. March, 1874, p. 115 ; Vol. i, p. 436. 
 
 210. Arnold. Sparks. Pp. 233, 235, 255. 
 
 2X1. Bariikr & Howe's Historical Collections oe New Jersey. 
 
 212. Historical Collections oe New York. 
 
 213. Blake's History oe Pi-tnam County, N. Y. 1849. i2mo. 
 
 214. Bolton's We;stchester County. Vol. i, pp. 2.^-223. 
 
 215. Boynton's West Point, i 10-120. 
 
 216. Case oe Major Andre;. P. 18. 
 
 217. FiELD-BooK. Lossing. Vol. i, pp. 721, 764, 765. 
 
lOQ 
 
 2i8. Fkkncii Vou'ntiu-k in War ok iNni'.PKNDKNCK. Pontgibaud or Mores. Viiri'^, 1821: 
 New York, 1S98. 
 
 219. HisTOKicAi, Macazini;, New York. OctolxT, 1857; Novenilx.T, 1862, p. 293. 
 
 220. HouKH With Living Mkn and Womkn 01' thk Rkvoi.vtion. Lossinx. 
 
 221. Lai'Aykttk's Mkmoirs. American lulitioii. Yol. i, pp. 253-257, 26.|, 349. 
 
 222. Maoazini; of Amkkican Hi.stoky. Yol. 3, pp. 748, 75^'; Dcceml)er, 1H79. p. 7S8. 
 
 Yol. 5, pp. 57, 58, 105-112, July, 1880. 
 
 223. Ni:w York Ivvkning Post. September 16, 1879. 
 
 224. Star. October 12, 1879. 
 
 225. TiMKS. Octoter 3, 1879. 
 
 226. WoKU). September 28, 1880. 
 
 227. Oric.inai. and Authkntic JofKNAi. oi- OccfRRKNcics DrKiNC. THic I.ATi: Ami-.rican 
 
 War. .SerRennt R. Lamb, Royal Welcli Fusiliers. Dublin, 1S09. 
 22S. Pknn.syi.vania Magazink oi- History and 1Jio(;rai'Iiy. Yol. 4, p. 61. (II. Lee's 
 letter, about capture and execution.) 
 
 229. Potthr's Amkrican Monthly. .Septeml)cr, 1876. 
 
 230. Prockkimnos Board ok Oi;nkrai. Okkicers. (Boynton's ITrs/ Poiii/, p. 149) 
 
 231. Rk.coi.i.RCTions. S. C. Goodrich. New York, 1S56. 
 
 232. Sabink's Amkrican Loyalists. 1864. Yol. 2, p. 355- 
 
 233. Sparks' Likk and Writings ok Washington. Yol. 7. 
 
 234. vSt. Clair Papkks. 
 
 235. Sunday Herald, Bo.ston. vSeptember 14, 1879. 
 
 236. Si'NNYSiDE Press, Tarrytown, N. V. vScpU-uiber iS, iSSo. 
 
 237. Tallmadge's Memoirs. 
 
 238. T.\kleton's C.\mpaign.s. London, 1787. (Andre in South Carolina.) 
 
 239. Washington, Irving's Like OF. Yol 4, ch;ip. n. . . 
 239a. Weub, Samkel B., Life and Correspondence of. FMital by W. C. I'ord, N. \ ., 
 
 1886. 
 239^5. Journals and Reminiscences. By his son, J. Wai.son Webb. 
 
 240. Women ok the Revolution. Mrs. EUet. 18 tg. Yol. 2. 
 
 241. Writings ok Hamilton. 
 
 242. Yonkkrs Gazette. June 7, 1865. 
 
 MAPS, PLANS AND VIEWS. 
 
 243. Arnold. Sparks. P. 177- (Not fully accurate.) 
 
 244. Atlas New York and Yicinity. New York : Beers, Hlli.s & Soulc, 1868. 
 
 245. Battles of the Revolution. Carrington. P. 512. 
 
 246. Battles of the Ignited .States. Dawson. 
 
 247. Bolton's Hlstory ok Westchester County. 
 
 248. Boynton's Wi:st Point. /•/W edition. 
 
 249. Complot d'Arnold. Marbois. 
 
 250. FiEi.D-BooK. LoKsiug. 
 
 251. Harpi:r's Magazine. May, 1.S76. 
 
 252 Hlstory ok Orange County. Ruttenber. 
 
 253 Magazine ok American History. February, 1880; March, 1880, p. 200; July, 1880. 
 254. Magazine ok Natural History. J. C. Loudon, Yol. 4, p. 112 : London, 1831. 
 
no 
 
 255. \kw Nokk Hi:kai.d. September 23, 1S80. 
 
 25'i. Mam Ai. Common Coincii, Nkw Vokk. D. T. Valentine. 1861, pp. 496-498 ; also, 
 
 for 1.S52 and 1858. 
 257. ()i,n Nbw York. Dr. J. VV. Francis. New York, 1866. 
 25S. Pottkr's AmI'Rica.n Monthly. Septcnil)er, 1876. 
 
 259. Wa.shincjton Atlas. Gui/ot. 
 
 RELICS OF ANDRE. 
 
 260. His .silver spur is at Washington's Headquarters, Newburgh, N. Y. ; liis pocket-book at 
 
 rooms of Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford ; his MS. account of the Miscliian/.a, in 
 pos.se.ssion of the Howard family of Maryland ; silhouettes, etc., cut by him, were owned 
 (1H80) by the Foxhall Parker estate. New York ; a wine gla.ss is owned by the Gardiner 
 family, Gardiner's Island, L. I., N. Y. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS. 
 
 261 Amkkican Citizen, Tarrytown. August 25, 1801. Notice of the tulip tree. (Reprinted 
 Magazine of American History, December, 1880.) 
 
 262. American Historical and Literary Curiosities. Smith and Watson. 
 
 263. Atlantic Monthly. Deceml)er, i860. 
 
 264. Blakk'.s History oe Pctnaim County, N. Y., contains a spurious "defence," said to 
 
 have Ixen offered by Andre. (See also Potter's American Monthly, April, July and 
 August, 1S76.) 
 26.S. lioTTA, Charles, History oe the War oe Independence. New Haven, Ct., 1840. 
 
 266. Chronicles oe East Hampton, L. I. David Gardiner, 1871. 
 
 267. Dealings with the Dead. L. M. Sargent. 
 
 268. Draper's Battle oe King's Mountain. Pp. 37-9. 
 
 269. Duke oe Saxe-\Veimar, Travels in America. Philadelphia, 1828. 
 
 270. Galaxy, N. Y. February, 1876. 
 
 271. Hoi'rs with Living Men and Wojien oe the Revolution. Lo.ssing. (Mrs. Beek- 
 
 man. ) 
 
 272. Gentleman's Magazine. London, July, i 801. (Arnold's death.) 
 
 273. History oe the Society of the Cincinn.vti, State of Ni;v,- York. By John 
 
 Schuyler. New York, 1886. 
 
 274. Loyalist Poetry oe Stansbury and Odell. Sargent. Albany, i860. 
 
 275. Magazine of American History. Vol. 8. (Long article about Colonel Varick and the 
 
 treason, etc.) Vol. 5, p. 57 (Partridge, about Mabie Tavern), p. 20 (Campbell, about 
 Smith's house) : December, 1879, p. 758, July, Augu.st, December, 1880 (Itinerary 
 Andre's journey.) 
 
 276. Ma.ssachusetts Historical Society Collections. Vol. 2, p. 195 ; Vol. 14, p. 52. 
 
 277. Memoirs of the American Revolution. John Drayton. 
 
 278. Memorials and Letters of S. B. Webb. Edited by Worthington C. Ford. New 
 
 York, 1886. 
 270. Men and Times of the Revolution (Elkanah Watson). Wiuslow C. Watson. New 
 York, 1856. 
 
1 1 1 
 
 280. Medaluc History of Unitkd Statks. I.oubat. 
 
 281. Mr;MoRAiii.i; Days i\ Amkkica. William Faux. 8vo. London, iS2,v 
 
 282. Military JorKNAi.. .SinicoL'. Hvo. Xcw York, 1844. 
 
 283. Naval and Military Mhmdirs. — KcatsoiL London. \'ol. 6, ]>. ;;o,v 
 
 284. Night SiDK OK Natl'ri:. Mrs. Cnmc Vol. i, chap. 3. ( Dream of Andre s duuli. ) 
 284/'. Nkwkll, Kcy. l\. v., Lii'H AM) Ohskrvations of. By C. W. Ain.swoitli. Wotei-stcr, 
 
 Mas.sacluisetts, 18.^7. 
 
 285. Ni:\v York Christian Advocatk. DLcemhLT 30, 1880. 
 286. UvFNiMi I'ust. Octoht-r 2, 1879. 
 
 287. Sun. June 3, 1854; Octoljcr 20, 1879. 
 
 283. NoHLK Dhkiis ok Amkrican W'omkn. J. Clement. 
 
 289. Xoktii Amkrican Revikw. July, 1861. 
 
 290. Northern Invasion. F. B. Hough. 
 
 291. Notes and Queries. London, Deceml)er3i, 1853. January 15, 1870. 
 
 292. Papers Concerninc, the Capture and Di:tentio\ ok Major Andre. Dawson. 
 
 293. Papers. A letter of Klliot to lu'.en (Lord Anckland) is in the ./wrX/o//;/ .lASV). at Cam 
 
 bridge University, Ivngland. 
 
 294. Pattison Papers, The, (General Pattison if the British Army,) A'cw York llisloiiai! 
 
 Society Publicaliotis, iSjs, contains .some official letters to Andre. 
 
 295. Political Magazini:. London, March, 1781. 
 
 296. Rked's Like of General Joseph Reed. 
 
 297. Reliquary. Vol. 4, p. 60. 
 
 298. Reminiscences ok vSamuei, B. Weiim. I!y J. Wat.son Webb. 
 
 299. Revolution.vuv Mic.moriai.s. Rev. Wheeler Cast. . New York, 1852. 
 
 300. Rociiambeau's Memoirs. Vol. i. 
 
 300*. Proceedings ok the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1861-;! (\'ol. 19, p. 3S5), 
 contains extract from Stearns' orderly-book. 
 
 301. Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, 1876. 
 
 302. Sabin's American Bibliopolist. 1869-70. 
 
 303. Scribnep's Monthly. Vol. 4. (Article about West Point.) 
 
 303*. Society ok the Cincinn.vTI. Meiuorial volumes, List of Members, etc. , of the dilTercnt 
 vState Societies. 
 
 304. Souvenir of Revolutionary Soldiers' Monument at Tarrvtown, i88ii. NL D. 
 
 Raymond, Tarry to^vn. 
 
 305. Sparks' MSS. 49, No. 14,53. (At Cornell University.) 
 
 306. Trumbull's Autobiography. 
 
 307. Van Schaack's Like of Peter Van Schaack. P. 147. 
 
 308. Washington in Domestic Like. Rush. 
 
 309. Whiting's Revolutionary Orders. Pp. 109, 112. (Greene's proclamation and the 
 
 Board's decision.) 
 
 310. V/iLi.s OF the Smith Family of New York and Long Island. By W. S. Pelletreau. 
 
 New York, 1898. 
 
 311. YoNKERS (N. Y.) Gazette. May 6, 1865, to April 14, 1866. 
 
/, 
 
COUNTX- 
 
 Croton Falls 
 
 N 
 
 urdy* Si*. 
 
 North ^JfVn 
 
 S A L "e" 
 
 Sal«m Cf rHr« 
 
 Sooicrv Ctntrt' 
 
 W N 
 
 ^^oldcnB Bridge 
 
 Crom Pond 
 
 jp/ktown Heights 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 \?=^i>s^\ i,jy\ 
 
 \ 
 
 B 
 
 \IlH--'''^ine's Brid^ 
 
 ' \ 
 
 
 /' \\ 
 
 
 \ / 
 
 i_. -^ 
 
 \.^ 
 
 
 
 
 y^Mt K18C0 
 
 Corners o/ ' 
 
 [ /w^-®2«t s / 
 
 / 
 
 ( \ 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 K 
 
 ^"Chappaqua 
 
 \ 
 
 ®.' 
 
 \ 
 
 'X'Plea&antville 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
y vr 
 
 ■'UntonviH* 
 
 A N 
 
 ,jau— N 
 
 V' 
 
 showing 
 
 MAJOR ANDRES ROUTE 
 
 Scile of Mile* 
 
 Routes shown thus 
 
 beftre cspturt 
 r-m titer ctpturf 
 
 N BURGH/ 
 
 lite Plains 
 
 PLAIN 
 
 
 \ 
 
 trsMn by A K Ohmtn , New York . 
 
'•'-■ J( 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 
Index. 
 
 ANDRfe, Letters to W'asliington, 40, 68. 
 Letters to others, 3, 60, 68. 
 
 lirook, 28. 
 
 Poeket-Uook, Si. 
 
 Removal of Remains, 82, 83. 
 
 Self Portrait, 70. 
 
 Si.slers, 80. 
 
 Sister's dream, 65. 
 
 Watcli, 79, 81. 
 
 Will, 81. 
 
 AliliOT, Bl.NJAMIX, 72. 
 
 A uEKCRO.Mi!Y, Lieutenant Colonel R., 20. 
 
 ACKEK, UeNJAMIN, 1 5. 
 
 Allen, Lieutenant Solo:mon, 36, 37. 
 
 Captain ^VILLI.\M, 72, 74. 
 
 Arnold, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 16, 17, 18, 23, 38, 41, 42, 43, 47, 65, 66, 81. 
 
 Mrs., II, 23, 42, 44, Si. 
 
 " li.vLmviN," 73, 75. 
 Barlow, Joel, 75- 
 
 BARTLET, Col. TlIOJIAS, 45. 
 
 Bauman, Major Sed.vstian, 16, 17, 45. 
 Beekjian, Gerard O., 14. 
 
 Mrs. " " 13, 14. 
 
 Beverly Dock, 42, 53. 
 
 Blake's History, 49. 
 
 Blaitvelt, Mrs. J. L (note), 84. 
 
 Board oe General Oeeicers, 59, 62. 
 
 BouDiNOT, Elias, 81. 
 
 Bowman, Ensign Samvel, 70, 71, 73, 74. 
 BovD, Captain Ebenezer, 19, 20. 
 Bronson, Dr. Isaac, 40. 
 Brundage, SvLVANrs, 25. 
 
 House, 25. 
 
 Buchanan, James, 82, 83. 
 Burnet, Major Robert, 42, 64. 
 Burr, Aaron, ii, 12. 
 Burrowes, Major John, 15. 
 Butler, E. G. W. , 80. 
 
 Cat Hill, 22. 
 Church, Dr., 6. 
 
114 
 
 ClLLKY, Colonel JOSKI'H, 70. 
 Clinton, Gtiicral Gi:oR<;n, 46. 
 — General Ja.mi;s, 51;. 
 
 Sir Hiv.NKV, 2, 3, 40, 46, 47, 52, 64, 65, 77, 7S, So. 
 
 Di- Wn-r, S2. 
 
 CoK, John, 54. 
 
 Tavkkn, 54, ,s,s. 
 
 Coi.K, Rev. David (note), 83. 
 
 COLQUHOUN, SamIUL, 4, 5, 9. 
 
 JOSKl'H, 4, 9. 
 
 CONTINHNTAI. VlU.AGK, 49, 50. 
 Co.MMISSIONKK.S DI" CONSPIRACY, 60. 
 
 CooLEv, Captain John, 15. 
 Cow Chaci;, 23, and Appendix. 
 CowHOVs, 20, 23, 26, 27, 48. 
 Cox, Major Jamks, 48. 
 Cromponi) Road, 19. 
 
 ■ CORNF.K, 20. 
 
 Crosiuu, Lieutenant Colonel \V., 68. 
 Croton Falls, 48. 
 
 RiVKR, 24. 
 
 Dkan, Sergeant John, 27, 28, 33. 
 Dkarhorn, Colonel Hknrv, 13, 70. 
 Dk Fkrmoy, General, 67. 
 Dklavan, Lieutenant Colonel, 20. 
 Dkmarest, Kev. John, 82. 
 Deweks, Samuk , 61, 72. 
 De Windt Hoi'SE, 59. 
 DoBBs' Ferry, 24, 29, 38, 65, 82. 
 Drake, Colonel Gilbert, 20. 
 DuKK OF York, 82. 
 Dwir.HT, Rev. Timothy, 26. 
 Dykman, Judge J. O., 28, 34, 53, 56. 
 
 Elliot, Andrew, 65. 
 
 EusTis, Dr. William, 31,42,43. 
 
 Field, Cyrus W., 84. 
 
 FiSHKILL, 23, 41. 
 
 FooTE, Captain Ebknkzer, 21, 
 
 Fort Putnam, 53. 
 
 Franks, Major D. S.. 41, 42, 52, 81. 
 
 Gaines Register, 6. 
 Gallows Hill, 49, 50. 
 Gardiner, Dr. Nathaniel, 6r. 
 Garrison, W. D. , 53. 
 Garrison's, 49. 
 
"5 
 
 CiKORGE III., 80. 
 
 OiijiKKT, John, 39. 
 
 Gi.ovKR, General John, 59, 75. 
 
 GouviON, Colonel J. B., 47. 
 
 Green, Dr. Horace, 72. 
 
 Greene, General Nathanael, 46, 59, 65, 67, 68, 70, 72. 
 
 Green's Cove, 15. 
 
 Gordon's History, 61. 
 
 Greyhound Schooner, 65, 67. 
 
 Hale, Nathan, 54, 60. 
 
 Hai.i,, Dr. Timothy, 72, 73, 76. 
 
 Hamilton', Alexander, 21, 29, 41, 42, 60, 64, 68, 75, 77. 
 
 Hammond, David, 25. 
 
 HorsE, 25. 
 
 Sally, 25. 
 
 Staats, 25. 
 
 Hand, General Edward, 59. 
 
 Harwood, Major Peter, 70. 
 
 Hav, Colonel A. H., 9, 10, 11, 23, 47, and Appendix. 
 
 Heath, General William (note), 74. 
 
 Heron, William, 39. 
 
 Hinman, Colonel Benjamin, 72. 
 
 Hoc; Hill, 24. 
 
 L.\NE, 20. 
 
 Hole, Canon (note), 82. 
 HoLLMAN House, 50. 
 HooGi.AND, Captain Jeronemus, 40. 
 Howe, General Robicrt, 11. 
 
 General Sir William, 60. 
 
 Hughes, Captain John, 70, 72, and Appendix. 
 Huntington, Major, 22. 
 
 General Jedediah, 59, and Appendix. 
 
 Iron Rock Hill, 50. 
 Irvine, General William, ii. 
 Irving, Washington, 34. 
 
 Jackson, Colonel Henry, 60. 
 
 Jameson, Lieutenant Colonel John, 35, 37, 52. 
 
 William, 15. 
 
 Jones' Revolution, 14, 29. 
 
 Kapp's Life of Steuben, 61. 
 
 Kiers(e), Major (E.) William, 5, 1 1 , and Appendix. 
 
 King, Lientenant Joshua, 11, 31, 39, 48, 72. 
 
 King's Bridge, 2, 26, 29. 
 
 King's Ferry, 14, 15, 19. 
 
 Knox, General Henry, ii, 43, 59, 60. 
 
 Knyphausen, General, 65. 
 
ii6 
 
 I,\i AvicTTi:, II, 41, -i,^. 45, 59, 60, 61, 77. 
 Lamm, CoIiukI John. 11, 12, it,, 42, 4^^, 44. 
 I.AMiiicuT, Ci)KNi;i.u s, 13. 
 
 Hii.vKv, 15. 
 
 I,amiii;ht, 15. 
 
 Lamjuink IIolSK, ,vv 
 
 I.ANSiNC, Rev. NiCHoi.A.s (note), S.l- 
 
 I.akvkv, Jamks, 42. 
 
 I,Ar\K, PliTI'K, 61, 64, 68. 
 
 I.AiKANcK, Colonel John, 60. 
 
 l.KAKi:, J. Q., 8, I I, 12. 
 
 Lick, Jamks, 80. 
 
 I.iviNosTox, Coi.. jAMii.s, 3, 12, 15, 43, 44 
 
 I<f)CKICK, — ( note), .S3. 
 
 LoNc; Ci.ovi:, 54. 
 
 I,IV,KKM{, Cliewilier, 11. 
 
 Maiiim Tavkr.n, 56, 57, 5,s. 
 McCoi.i,, Rev. Dl'.vcan, 30. 
 McIIknkv, Dr. Jami:s, 41. 
 McKiNi.icv, Ai.i.;xaniji.:k, 72. 
 McKnuiht, Dr. Ciiari,i.:s, i'4. 
 Maksiiai.I.. History, 29. 
 Mason, Re\-. John, 53, 54. 
 Mkadi;, Lieutenant Colonel R. K.,73. 
 Miucs, Colonel R. J., 46. 
 Mkkkki., John, 25. 
 Mii.i.HK, Andkk.\s, 20. 
 MlKKAv, Colonel SiCTil, 3i>, 45. 
 
 Ni:ls(jn',s Point, 50. 
 Nkpprkiian Kivkk, 25. 
 Nkutrai, Gkound, 26, 27. 
 Xewki.i., Rev. Iv. F., 30. 
 Nichols, Colcjiiel Wosks, 45. 
 Niilcs and Queries, 65. 
 
 Oni.KMS, Hkndrick (note), 74. 
 Onia.i. HorsK, 49. 
 
 Rev. Jonathan, 3. 
 
 Ogukn, Captain Aaron, 64. 
 Old SoiTii TnicATRK, 30. 
 "OsnoRNK," 3. 
 
 Parsons, General vS. H., 38, 39, ,S9. 60. 
 
 Partuidck, Captain Aldkn, 58, 80, 83. 
 
 Patkrson, General John, 59. 
 
 Paul, Captain, R. N., 8.1. 
 
 PAtM.uiNG, John, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 36, 80. 
 
117 
 
 Paui.dino Monument, 49. 
 
 Pkkkskili,, 19, 37. 
 
 Pklham, — , 27. 
 
 Pkttingii.i., Major Thomas, 70. 
 
 Phaeton Frigate, 83. 
 
 Pink'.s Bkidgk, 24, 31. 
 
 Rand, Colonel John, 45. 
 Raymond, Hknrv J., 72. 
 Rkd Mill.s, 48. 
 Rekd House, 27, 33. 
 
 REQI'A, AnRAHAM, 20. 
 
 Amos C. , 20. 
 
 Edmund, 20. 
 
 Robbins' Mills, 21, 23, 34. 
 
 Robertson, General James, 63, 65, 67, 68. 
 
 Robinson, Beverly, 5, 6, 46, 50. 
 
 House, 23, 41, 47. 5°, 51 • 
 
 RoCHAMBEAu, General Count, 65. 
 Rogers, Lieutenant Jedediah, 48. 
 RoMER, James, 27. 
 
 John, 33. 
 
 Mrs. Jacob, 27, 33. 
 
 Rossell's Corners, 25. 
 Russell, Benjamin, 72, 73. 
 
 St. Clair, General Arthur, 59. 
 
 St. Pkter's Church, 37, 49. 
 
 Sands Mills, 35, 36, 37- 
 
 Sargent, Winthrop, 13, 14, 31, 66, 68, 73. 
 
 L. M., 61. 
 
 ScAMMELL, Colonel Alexander, 58, 64, 70, 75, 76, 77. 
 
 Scott, John Morin, 23. 
 
 Seaton, William, 81. 
 
 See, Isaac, 27. 
 
 Shaw, Major Samuel, 41. 
 
 Sheldon, Colonel Elisha, 35, 38. 
 
 Dragoons, 21, 23, 32. 
 
 Shippard, Lieutenant Samuel, 53. 
 Shreve, Colonel Israel, 75, 76. 
 SiMCOE, Colonel J. G., 20, 81. 
 Skinners, 26. 
 
 Smith, Claudius, 27. 
 — — David, 53. 
 
 Captain Ebenezer, 53, 62. 
 
 JOSI-JA HETT, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, II, 14, 15, rg, 20, 23, 47, 51, 60. 
 
 Richard, 27. 
 
 Thomas, 12. 
 
iiS 
 
 Smith, V'ii.i.i \.\,. u, it,. 65 
 
 LiciiU'iiant Colonel Wii.i.iam S., 77, 
 
 Sl'AKKH, JaKKD, H, II, 61, tt2, (ih. 
 
 Shknckk, Colonel JosKiMi, 9, 15. 
 Syi'AW Point, 12. 
 .Stani.ky, Dkan, k_v 84. 
 Stark, Gcntml John, 26, 59. 
 Sthvuhn, Haroii, 5y. 
 Stkvkns, LiuUlLliant Colonel I^., i,v 
 Stiki.ing, (k'ncnil Lokii, 59. 
 Stonk, William I,, (note), s.v 
 Stony Point, 5, 11, 14, 54. 
 Stranc, Major Joskpii, 20, 22. 
 
 John, 20. 
 
 Strang's Tavern, 20, 21, 22. 
 
 Strickland, — , 75. 
 
 ScTiiKkLANi), Lieutenant Andricw, A'. /V, , 6, 79, 
 
 Tallmadgh, Major Hknjamin, 37, 38, 39, 48, 52, 54, 55, 64, 76, 77. 
 Tappan, 46, 56, 57. 
 
 Church, 58. 
 
 Tari.KTon, Colonel 15., 20. 
 Takrvtown, 25, 40. 
 Tavkrn, Coe's, 54, 55. 
 
 Mabie, 56, 57, 58. 
 
 Strang's, 20, 21, 22. 
 
 Young's, 25. 
 
 Tkller's Point, 2, 12. 
 Thavkr, Colonel Ebenkzkk, 45. 
 Thacher, Dr. James, 64, 72, 73, 76, S3. 
 Thorbi'rn, Grant, 31, 83. 
 
 Thornk, Jesse, 24, 31. 
 
 Stevkn.son, 24, 31. 
 
 Rev. Chester C. , 24, 31. 
 
 Tomlinson, ICnsign Jabez H., 70. 
 Trumbull, John, 60. 
 
 Underhill, Isaac, 23. 
 
 House, 22, 23. 
 
 Sarah, 23. 
 
 Undkrhill's Corners, 24. 
 
 Van Cortland, General Pierre, 29. 
 
 Mansion, 50. 
 
 Miss CORNELI.\, 12, 13. 
 
 Van Dvk, Captain John, 71, 72, 74, 76. 
 Van Ostrand, — , 74. 
 Van Schaack, Peter, 81. 
 
119 
 
 Van VVakt, Isaac, jj, j.s, .'g, \o. ,13, 30, 80. 
 
 fuiienil, Ho. 
 
 WlI.I.IAM, 15. 
 
 Vakick, Colonel Richard, 23, 44, 52. 
 
 Vkrpi.anck's Point, 12, 15, 10, 38, So. 
 
 Viillun', sloop of war, 2, 5, 6, 12, 13, 30, 40, 4.', 64. 
 
 \Vashin{;ton, 5, 10, 14, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 4H, 51, 52, 53, 62, 63, 69, 77, 80. 
 Wadk, Colonel Nathanikl, 44 45. 
 Wkhh, Cajitnin Jf)iiN, 14, 50. 
 
 Colonc-l S. 1!., 14, 22. 
 
 JOSKIMI, 22. 
 
 WK1.1..S, Lk'iUcnaiit Colonel Jonathan, 36. 
 
 Wkst Point, 42, 43, 52, 53. 
 
 WiiiTK Plains, 21, 24. 
 
 Williams, Auraham, 27. 
 
 David, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, 36, 80. 
 
 Colonel, I. 
 
 VVaynk, General Anthony, 11,59. 
 White, Hknry, 81. 
 Whittkmork, IIknry (note), 84. 
 Willis, N. P. (Picm), 6. 
 
 Ykrks, John, 27, 32. 
 Yoi'NOS, Sami'kl, 35. 
 Young's Tavern, 25, 
 
 Zedwitz, Major, 7. 
 
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