IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^° 'C^x 1.0 I.I 1.25 Bla |||22 S lit ''■— IS ta 1^ 14 ill 1.6 ^ % />^ ^> 'i». o 7 ^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST AAAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 '^ \ :\ V \ ^ ^ % V ^1>- % V ' du odifier ' une mage The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the gpnerosity of: Metropolitan Toronto Library Canadian History Department The Images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. L'exempiaire film6 fut reproduit grfice d la g6n6rosit6 de: Metropolitan Toronto Library Canadian History Department Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettet6 de l'exempiaire filmi, et an conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. 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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m-jthode. rrata to pelure, n it D 32X 1 2 3 — n 1 2 3 4 . 5 6 0% yO'h^Mf A^ti-'Vix^a^^x 1/ m ^i ':*: 4,. .1 THE . ; Other Side of the Queftion: * . / It: I O R, A DEFEN C OF THE '^Ji'i^^^ LIBERTIES of North-America. A N S WE R *]? O A L A T E l^RIENDLY ADDRESS ^^y ^9 'W^ All Reafonablfe Americans, ON The subject o* OUR POLITICAL CONFUSIONS. By A CITIZEN. NEW'TORKi ?rittted by James Rivincton, fronting HANOVi»-SqyAR<, ' M,DgC,LXXIV. 'tri % HirO^I,^ **■ '^' 1 v'' ' / 'm •R ! I Other Side of the Queftion : O R„ A DEFENCE O F T H E Liberties of North-America, fec^ A Certain Friendly Addrefs to all reafciable Americans, was jiift now put into my hands. Some people perhaps have read it^ for I am told it was publifhed (ix days ago-, where- fore, after perufing, itleems proper to make a fliort anlwer to this pe.formance: not becaufe it is well, written, or becaufe there is the lealt danger any man will become a profelyte to the doarint-s con- tained in it ', but for rhe following reafons, whichr candor obliges me to mention. First. I anlwer this pamphlet, for the very purpofe wh'ch alone the pampi)Jet itfelf is likely fm - ^o efi^d,— to encourage the pa, cr manutadory. Secondly, I anfwer it for the fake of the Prin^ ter, who -nua be fadly out of pocket, by pubi ih- ijig fuch woeiul performances: And tliertfor.^ he is . A 2 hereby : I ( 4 ) hereby requeued to print this in a large type, and the like, fo as to make the moil on't. Thirdly. I write, bee an fe from the futility of the au:hor*s reafoning, no body clfe may think it worth the trouble. And if fo, why then he would very naturally conclude that he had written an excel- lent unanfwerable treatife, which conclufion mi^ht inflate the poor creature's vanity, in fuch man- ner as to tempt him into other imprudencies of the fame kind. The public thanks therefore will be my due, for removing, or at leafl preventing a common nufance. Lastly. I am prompted to this undertaking Out of regard to the fair-fcx. For many weak women may be exceedingly frighted by that awful compound of threats, and texts, and homilies. Now tlien, gentle reader, having told thee the origin. I f^iall next acquaint thee v/ith the charac- ter of i?iis new acquaintance, which my Mafler James hath introduced to thy hand.—- 1 will not, as is too common with controverfial people, whether politic, or polemic,: I will not, I fay, ufe any acrimonious expreffions, againfl this unhappy author; for whofe weaknelTes and wanderings, I have the utmoft pity and compafiion. On the contrary, I Ihall treat him with the greateft gentlenefs and re- fped, owing in fome meafure to my very great reve- rence for the Clergy, one of which he 'is, as I have been informed. And truly lie frequent quotations from fcripture, together with the illiberal language contained in his pamphlet, will naturally lead folks IP believe fo. For it unfortunately happens, that the / "i I I ( 5 ) the generality of thefe Gentlemen,, from an iingai* habit they acquire by abufing the poor Devil, arc too apt to vility and afpcrlc th.eir neighbours. Some exceptions there are, it mull oe acknowledged, which may be attributed to this; that a few indivi- duals have kept better company, and feen more of the pol.te world, than the rcit of their order. But alack and alas! I ftar me our author is rot one of thefe rare b^rds, for the houfehold proverbs and tales with which his piece is interlarded, -if I may venture on fomediing' like his own language) n.ake the odds at leail a pound to a penny againft him. And now reader, if by chance thou art a Prefby- terian, or Congregationalift, or other Diircnterfrom the Epifcopaiian Church, to which I myftlf belong; permit me to a pologize for the rude and opprobrious terms made ufe of againft you by our author. Thefe things ought in common charity to be forgiven, in- afmuch as they feem to have proceeded from igno- rance and the want of better language. — And do not, I befeech you, conchide too haftily againft his brethren, I have feveral friends and acquaintance among them, who are really Gentlemen. Where- fore it is my earneft defire, that if in the hurry of compofition ^for I have but three days to write this in the midft of other affairsj if I fay any thing lliould fall from my pen, which can be conftrued a reflec- tion on the Clergy, it is my defire that it fhould be inftantly erazed. — I honour them much for tlieir piety, learning, and ftridlly loyal attachment to our Sovereign. An old Mathematician (I think they call him Ar- chuTiedes) had fuch confidence in his art and ma- chines. / . r*' m c 6 ) '-k eliinfs, as to decline he would Tiovethe earth itfelf, if he coulu get a place to Itand on. But pkale your worlhijjs, .wh.l." he was upon the thing which was to be moved, had he worked his li.-art out,- 'twould nocnavebudi;ed an inch.— In imtation of this ve- nerable icrew-driver, may we not lay down the fol- k^ing logical maxim. A man may prove impoffi- biTi'ties if you will concede his poilulata. — Thus^ in order to demonftrace that black is white, or in orher words, that black and white are the ' fame thing, I afk only this admiffi on; that there is no difference between them. He who in convcrfation with half a dozen friends iliouid in a finlar manner begin any arguiixnt wiiatever, by afnrmi'ig the thing to be proved, w^uld he notrailc a laugh at his expence? Now, all Ame- rica contend:i for rights, which we aver to have been invaded, violattd, deftrjyed, and a certain Wi- ter attempts to prove this conteil, treaf:)nable anci rebellious; v/ha: (hall we think of a writer, who begins an addrefs on this IlibjeA, not to half a dozen, or half a hundred bat to all reafonable Americans, with the tbliovving propofiti n? "Of " airthe iubjefts of Great- 3rirain, thof- who efide '' in the American t^)lonies, are and mi.rht ftil! be " eajoy ing the bcMe.its of an equitable nd free con- *' ftitution." As to his quotation from an '* excel-' lent writer," it may Ihew the Gentle nan's read n^^, but can never help his a gu.uent •, and therefore I Ihall pafs it over in filence, to the exaarnation of ' thofe excellencies, which he himfelf hath fabricated. If by the term, fablefls of Great-Britain, he means fobjeds to the King of Great-Britain, and .^ i-ubordinate ^^^ >■■!** I « >,*^ # ^bord'nate to the Parliamonr of that Kinoff^om, k is an inaccuracy, which, confidcrlng whaMollows, may be eaiilv forgiven. But if thcie words are ml tended to infinuate, that the people of America ar« fubjta to laws made by the Parliament of Great- Br tain, in all cafes whattvc r, then we fhall find, that the firft ground this great Archim.tdes intends to fix his reafoning machine on, is what follows. Americans are fubjed to the wjll of a Parliament which ^ihey have no vote in chocfin^, and bein^r fo fubjtd, enjoy a free and equitable conftitutton. To which 1 have only two fmall exceptions: firil, thele are the very points to be pro\ed, and fecondly' they mvolve a flat contrad'dion. Now then, fup! poling thefe things admitted, after all, twill' them and turn them as you pleafe, ftill mull you come back in a circle to the place fiom wh nee you fet out; flill lucklcfs Philofopher you grovel on the CEi th. Shortly after follows another falfe propofition. Am.-nca contributes but afmall proportion to fup- port the public expen es. This for argum.ent ake, I wll grant. I will grant what I fuppofe lie meant-* namely, that America contributes but little to defray the public expences which other folks fupport. I ,,.am not captious in my temper, nor do I mean to cavil about words, Ibr then I fhouid never have done. Then comes a page about Mofes, thunder, blind- nefs, darknefs and deftruaion. As thefe things ,are qu te oitt of my way, I fliall not meddle with them ; but proceed to the next, the fco- e of which fcems to be this. Whether parliament hath been right It I 6r wrong, wc are bound by the laws of Heaven ta obey its mandates. Ard in qiuiliry of good Chri- lliiins, we miiu be ilibjectto the Minilters, be they who they v/ill, for conlciLnce fake. Let who \^ill be King, our author is Vicar of Bray. To eluci- date all which dcdrines, he obferves, that if the greatei-L tyrant on tarth ''Nero for inftance) fhould ufurp and elbiblifh a domination over us, the harflicft and mod cruel, yet f) heinous is the offence of dif- turbing an eftubliflied governmenr, that a due regard for the rights and 1 bcrt-es of mankind, would prompt us to a pcuceable RibniifTion. To ih;s fubmiffion wc are enjo'ncd, it Hems, by the Chriftian religion; and to dfturbor threaten Tuch a government, is an unpardonable crime, and has been confidered as flic , in every age and nation of the world. All which is mighty reafonable. Wherefore it follows clearly, that theie perfons who, within the!e four or five centuries, contended fur, aud by degrees efta- bliflied our glorious conftitution. " A frame of '«• government, fays our author, which has always •'" been the wonder of the world, under the pro- tedion of which, the fubjeds of Great-Britain 'are the happieft people on earth." I fay, t'iofe pcrfons who have rendered thefe Britifh fubjeds fo happy, and tranfmitted to them all the rights and privileges they enjoy, thofe perfons, according to the above dc dirine, muil be damned to all eternity for their pains. — This may be religion, I am fure it is not common fenfe. Bul be that matter as it will, I fhall not hefitate to declare, in imitation of honeft Sir*Toby ; I had rather truft God Almighty with my foiil, than the Britilh Parliament with my eftate. Moreover, for the honour of the Church of Eng- land. I do entreat all Other Sectaries to believe, that, ^ very cc ( 9 ) Very few of its members hold the fame creed with this writer. However, having introduced Nero, Sain* Peter^ Saint Paul, and the Grand Turk, in company to- gether; he dcfccnds from his pulpit, leaves thcfe dignified, perfonages to fnift for themftlves, and opens thedefign of his pamphlet: which he tells us, is nc religion, " but to confider how far the con- *' dudl of the colonies is to be condemned or jufti- " fied by the maxims of found policy and prudence." For it f-ems pretty well fettled even in his idea, that riotwithflanding that fame Chrillian fyftem he talks of " our temporal intereft and fafery, are confidera- *' tions which all will regard -" in which opinion I do moll heartily concur with him. After this follows a little more declamation, which you may fee if you have the pamphlet, if not, lend for it to the Bookfellers, and you will find a fort of , fyllogifm to fheW; that refcntment is unjuftifiable^ and complaint unreafonable^ if our legal rights have not been invaded. — Legal rights, — arid why that term, ^ legal rights? Do you mean, my Reverend Sir, that any right (that of taxing ourfeivcs for in- flance, if it be not confirmed by fome ftatute law> is not a legal right; and therefore an invafion of fuch right, will neither juftify refentment, nor authonfc complaint ? I am afraid you do, — and yet I hoj^ e not; for this alfo is.one point to be proved in fupport of your hypothefis. fii the name of America I deny it. But if you mean to fpcak fairly, and if by legal rights you mean what you ought to make your own argument conclufive, namely, thofe rights which We are entitled to by the eternal laws of right rcafon ; B. then ill ' k ■ 1 . 1 ■ .1' ... Have you read them? — ^Why now your honour, l^ will undertake to confut© every thing contained therc^ T will undertake to fliew^ that the author^'s reaforting docs not apply to his purpofe or fiibjeft, any tmrc than the words Denmark and Ruflia, which as you. fee are printed in large Italicks. — But what will it fignify to take up fo much of your attention; when it; is very like you had better be thinking on fome other' affair. His confequence may be well fupporrcd on rational ground; though, to his misfortune, h^ could not difcover it. The ri^ht of Great-Britain U rsgidati the trad^c of the colonics, fhall be admitted, »z Rut ~ \ iv' t^ ,:) Hi C 12 )., But that the duty on tea is a regulation of trade and not a tax i this is the very matter in controverly. We are now arrived at the confutation of one of Mr. Locke's arguments j which, fays our author, *' appears to me v/eak and fophiilcal." — The argu- ment as quoted by himfeif, {lands thus: " If parli- ament has aright to take from us one penny v/ith- out our confent, it has a riglit to ilrip us of our whole property." To confute which he obferves, . *^ A right to do what is reafonable, implies not a right to do what is unrcafonable." And after a iliort fimilitude about father and Ibn, he fays, '* Cafes may *' happen, in which it would be reafonable for Par- *' liament to take from us fome fmall matter, though " we were unwilling to p .rt with it; but the cafe ♦' can hardly be fuppofed, in which it would be rea- *' fonable to take from us every thing,' unlefs we « fhould have forfeited it.'' And fo concludes, *' There can be no right to do wrong."' — And this is' the confutation. — I was fome time puzzled to make anything of it; but by comparing one part with another, we may ^t lead guels" that he means what follows: By the words, reafonable to take from us, &c. Iprefume he intends, a right to take from us! For, reafonabk*, in the proper fenfe of the word, will not anfwer his purpofe at all; bccaufe if we in- vert the propofition, it will be as reafon^Me for the Legiflature of this province to take from the people •©f England, a fmall matter without their confent. But that any fuch right could exift, the author of the Addrefs would hardly allow. Throughout th;.. admirable confutation therefore, let us fubftitutc right for rcafjnable, and wrong for unrcafonablc, ^nd then it will ftand thu§ ; J right to do what h ' \. right :^ V and ( 13 ) ri^ht^ implies not a right to do wbht is wrong. To tnks fro7n us cm penny without cur ccnfent is rights but to Jlrip us of our whole proferty is tvrong. '^iherefore; Parliament may have a right to tal^e from us one penny ^ ' without our con/ent, zvhich is right ; but this right does ' not nccejjarily imply ^ that Parliament has a right toftrip . us of our whole property ^ which is wrong, therefore Mr. Locke's argument is confuted. And in the iani« way I will undertake to confute Euclid's Elements, from one end to ihe other. — Examine this argument, this fine argument. It refts upon the afiertion, that in fome cafes Parliament may have a right to take a fmall matter from us without our coiifent, which af- fertion is the very thing denied. And fo the Gentle- man's wits and faculties, after prancing and curvet- ing through a whole fettion, bring him not one inch nearer the end of his journey, than he was when h« iirft ict out, • ' So here asrain he- labours at a diftin^llon between the du*y on tea, and a tax. But as to any difference betv/e n them, that you know is quite another affair. No matter for the difference, provided there be a diilindlion. May it pleale your Reverence, when- ever you are at a lofs for matter to vamp up into the fhape of another Addrefs •, I have a dozen or two fuch diftindions, which are very heartily at your Reverence's fervice, very heartily I do afiure you. Ah ! what have we here } Another differtation on the Britiih right of regulati ig American trade ? Yes. Here it i:>,, hip and thigh, import and export, back ftroke and foreftroke-, blcffings on us, I fay. What a pity it is, that our author would not content him- Iclf with a fimple alTertion here, as he has done in thofe 1 r »4 J W i ■$ 1 II ■ thofc InflancM, which really required proof. Mbfi' unfortunately, in endeavouring to cftablifh what wc- would readily grant; he lays hisfoundation on argu- nients, which would overthrow every principle of American liberty. I declare, reader, it is not my intention, to cheat you, by re-printing quotations from the Addrefs. But unlcfs you have bought it^ JL do not know how otherwiie to manage matters. The fame want of penetration, which led our author to imagine Mr. Locke's argument weak an^ fophiftieal, now bewilders him widi a JackO'Lant- horn, in the fhape of the word Englilhmen. His drift is to Ihew, we may be bound by laws we do .not confent to, and yet poficfs all the rights of Englijh-m^n. For, fays he, Englillimen can have no right to be exempted from t?he authority of aa Englifh Parliament. After this he blunders a little about majority and minority, hints at virtual reprc-. fentation, and fays fomcthing-of Englifh American ground. To anfwer which ai; once, thofc who da not immediately perceive the fallacy, arc defired ta confider, that the perfons who make laws for Eng- land, are to be bound by them when they have done, ■ And that no cxiftence whatever, except Almighty God, can have a natural right to make laws binding on others, which the law-maker is exempt from. True it is fuch power/ may be ufurpcd, or through politi- cal neceflity conceded. Ufurped as the Britiin power of taxing America, conceded as the power of regu- lating trade, which after fuch concefllon, becomes a right. Greater rights they cannot have; unlefs fornc mode can be invented, to incorporate us into the grand legiflature of the empire, on conftitutional principles. But let us examine his Engliih argumen|. ( ts j The word Engllfii above, is printed in Italicks, jmd. (eparated from the word, men. In reading the fen* tence, leave out En^lijh and the argument is gone. Now I do aver, and will maintain, that to confent to laws binding upon us, is one of thofe right! which we enjoy as men, and not merely as Englifli- men« In quality of rational and free agents, we enjoy it. A right granted b)' our Creator, when he formed us of the clod.' That gteat charter by which he confirmed it,; may be read in the human frame: A charter fealed with the breath of life. To thij right every man is and mult be entitled -, it is annex- ed as an inftperable appendage to ourcxiftcnce, and aitho' the Efiglifh law h^th fecured it to the Englifh fubje^i, yet a Frenchman or Turk is asrmuch enti- tled to it, by the hw of nature. That this title hatli not been ratifi^ by political inftitutions, is his mSifcrtune, and / am forry for it. ^ So you fee, reader, all this trouble might hav© been fpared, if the poor creature had not moft un-* luckily laid hold of that faid word, Englifli : which indeed from the face of his^ performance, he does - not appear to underftand. The lafl part of the ar- gument we are now upon, arifes from a fa6t I am not inclined to difpute, though I do not believe it. He avers that we have been offered reprefcntatives in the Common's li^ ufe, if we would lend them over. Be this as it may, I agree with him that we have done wifely in not accepti^ig the offer if ever it was made. Or in other words, to have accepted it, would havc^ b^een folly. Now then hear him. '' After refufmg jt, they have no reafon to complain." That is to fay, becaufe we have mt committed folly, we have no right to compldin of injuftice. Yet this is an 4:4ir^6 tQ aU rsafgndk -^ericans. The I ( Ifi > ^ The next attempt of this m^flcrly Addrcfs, Is m impeacij thevald.tyof thofe coinpadls, which fevc- rai colonies have made with the crown. Thefe com- pa6ls can be confidered in no other light, than as covenants by the King, in confidcration of fettling the defart •, that he would proteci the fettlers and their de ^endants, in the enjo. ment of their natural rights. If his Majefly chufes to withdraw this pro- tection — be it fo. The K^ng can do no wrong* But I.wifli there had been a lineal "warrantee from his min Iters. Some of them are of noble defcent, and I have fo high an opinion of the honour of Britifh ' Peers, that I believe few of tiiem would infiingc fuch folemn agreements. However, fuppofe the King Ihould withdraw this prote6lion, — Are our rights therefore annihilated .? No. Thofe rights were conferred by the King of Kings, and no earthly I^orentate can take them away. Not long fince I faw a Letter from a Veteran^ td the Officers of the Army at Boftun : 1 pray the au- thor to receive my thanks, for the great pleafure enjoyed in the reading of it. I think 1 could eafily perceive in it, the traces of that manly, generous, brave, and free difpofition-, which mark the charac* ter of the Soldier and the Gentleman. If, to his Ihare fomc little errors fall. View his kind heart, and you forgive them all* ' I am almoft afraid to return Immediately to the Addrefs, becaufe comparilbns are odious. Make none, gentle reader, I befeecl thee-, but obferve oui author here infinuates, that he hath flicwn, !* that in reality no proper ri^bt of the colonies is in- fringed ( 17 ) fringed by the late aft of Parliament." P'-nv now, how hath he fiievvn'it? Why hf th.ec aficrtcns, r.o ;her of •vhi.h ',b ift the leaft proved, as I took occ.fion to oMerve belbc in tiea^ ng of them ref^eaively.— The fi'lt is, that th- duty on te i is n» tax. The fecond, that if a tax, iMs a f.:iall n^, and i'arha- ment hath a r"ght to take Ucm us a '"mall m.^pr ui^h u: our confeut. And the third, that a man may be lighifully bound by law 6 which he does not, and cannot affeut to. Thcfc are The main pillars o" this form^'dablr argument; not one of which harh the Ica.l folldlty : And thercf >re the prv;vi- 4ent author, fearful perhaps of the'r iiiftabili'y, be:or2 h- ven- tures to chaVge us with fedirion, privy cunCpIra'-y a.id reb.ll on, to anathematife us for falfe doftrine, he;e:y, a.id "chifra; or to rep.oach us for hard uefs of heart, and contempt of his word andcomma.nd; reverts to his original confidcr?tions, about pru- dence and policy, on what he calls the fuppc^fition, and Ameri- cans the fait, that wc have been really injured. But thefe confiderations, do not feem to be well conHdercd ; becaufe he takes it for granted in the iirft inftance, that rhe peo- ple of Boflon were criminal in deftr- ;ying the tea. And the word Bofton, fomc how or other fafcinating his imaginat"on, he is hurried away with a torrent of invcft^ves. Ti;e deftiudion of the tea, fays he, *• was a compound of the groflcit Injury and «* infult, an aft of the higheil infolence to government, luch " as mildnefs itfelf cannot overlook or forpive."^ The only- fault of all this and fome more of the fame idnd is, that n is rather mifplaced; for it would anfwcr tolerably well in a fermom ■Againft blafphemy. ■ Let me intreat the reader's attent'on to a fimple tale : Thofe who arc inclined to doubt it, will hnd unqur-lhonable evidence in a pamphlet, called, A true State of the Proceedings in the Pailiament of Great-Britain, and in jlIic Province of th« ^aflachufetts-Bay, &c. Intheyear 1761, 1762, 1763, the dufous condua of the^ Maflachufetts, was exemplary and a;knONvlrd^ei.— In 1764, theftamp-aft was threatened, 'and a duty imp(.ied lor raifmg a revenue in America. TheKoufe of J:eprelenratives reeople of the Maliachuletts bay, for tlje iakeof brevity, and becaule the recital of all their complainta. might pofliLly inflame mens minds at this dangerous jundure ; a tning I would wilh to avoid, for I have great refpect lor th?' ffergy. In December 1773, the (dutiable Tea arrived at Bollon. It was evident that if this commodity was landed,^there would be liiany purchalers among the governors creatures. JPrudencc therefore required, that it ought to be fent back. The gover- nor would not permit this, and the ntceflity was then clear, either that the lea muil be delboyed, or the aft fubmitted to." Wearied out with long opprelhon, and driven to delperation by- repeated infulls, a few daring men went diiguiled to the fhip and dellroyed the I'ea. — Upon this tale 1 fhali make no com- ment, it needs none. But to relieve the reader's attention, I Myiil mention an incident of a more lively complexion :—f Two young gentlemen found a cat fitting pea.eab^y in one^ corner of the parlour : Sh? was a geucic animal, and a good moufer. Young men love fun, fo they fliut the uoor and windows, andfenited her about, till ihe and" they were hear- tily tired : At length, in a violent leap from her perfecutors,- the cat fell in the midfl of an elegant let of china : to lole a China cup and fawcer, by means of a vile cat, was tpo much to be patiently borne, and poor puis was murdered for not icam-*.. pering up the chimney. Now after this uigrelHon, let us return to the pamphlet,^ and fee what is faid about the punilhment of this crime, whick' piildnefs itieif could neither overlook nor forgive. A very mild j^nilliment lays he, for it was only Ihutting up the port. Novk. %uttipff' i i,,. If; . V - vSt ( »«» ) »: iU it €t <( (( *t 'ftittttingap the port, was, as we all know, only deftrbying th« trado ; . 'j ihat is only a tr'He, as we (haii lee by and by. Sa e y, (.rie: our author) none who have as h'gli a lenle of public guilt asofiT'vate, can t.h nkthis punilhrnent toofevere fo. the crime, ccmfideicd under dl its agg::;vaticns.' For no pe«.p;.*aje ejit'rlcd to the ule of any advantage, which rhey vvaatoniy abule to the injury of ethers." Thefe obfcrvaticnt are calculated to (hew tlipVqu'ity of the port bill ; let us leo then, whether our author ha-h fortuna e.y IHi'.nl>led upon found reaf: n in thi^; inlUac^-, afrer f.iUing fo w allAsing, thai the deft)(^vers of the Tea, were guilty of a vltient outriigeous riot ; I lliafl be glad to know, what kind of rela on .h'"^e"';s in the nn.tuie of th'ngs, between a riot coriiniit- ted by thirty or fo.ty men, and the ru'n of many honeft tradef- nien, hy a to^al fupe fioa of that commerce on which they lub- iiit. Yet < his is a MILD and a just punifhment. I have can- didly exhibited the del ;qnencies of this people; were I to give jjiem a nam*', nothing but that love of peace widch faiUtifies evi- y mtun^ to obtain t, nothing but that Ihould prevent me, fiom branding their conduit as a tamenefs under infults which pr>.Vi. ke tliern. '] );e ue\i a' tcmpt.of our wor'hy pamphleteer is to fljcw, that th'-j vjnlfhjv^n- of the Boftonians, was not hafty and precipi- tate. ' Ho reafons thus: la dammon cafes, a criininal ou'^hr ^o '''€ heaid ; but this is an uncommon cafe ; courts or jufliice au5;ht nor to '.oi^demn unheard, but the legiflature may, Kv •'' ^<^t us icii\t:n:ze the intHnfic value of thele luggeftions. Aledow ■ nlo a ihee^;, or a hovfe, or ravilhes your wife, or mur- ders y u f.ith'^r. JuV.ce liolds up on high her equa; fyales ; ihe cr' 's .uc aloud to the human heart, let him be heard in hia defen.e; athcr ninety-nine guilty efcape, than one innocent per ill : bu^ Ihou'd a man burn the tooth-pick of a court miftrels, or pievnt tiiepiime minillerfrom pifiing in his pocket, or deilroy fjnismully Tea, to fave his eitate; m fuch uncommon cafe, efpe- ciaV.y if ninety-nine inno nt are to fuifer, lell one guilty efcape; in fu "h jincommon cafe themax'mis, letthem not be heard. Dd you ask why i The ajif>ver is plaia : If fuffercd to nwke s. defence, they ( St ) (hey cannot be.conviaed.— So much for the cafe t Now for thft tribunal. — If a man commits any of the crimes tihl m-Mtione4% aguinll the known laws of the land, lubject to acertam penalty^ the maxim is, let him be h^ard. But ad to ihe lail io: t, pun.ih- abie by a nevv law, in a new mode, both fiamed utter die tact commuted, policy is of opinion, that ihey ihould not bchearJ, lelt che varlets Ih^uid except to her mode of procecduigs .\ga:.iA them. All which is addrefled to the retijcnaLle Americiuis. But (fays hein thenext paragrapn) to uvuive ihe .naoccnt with the guilty, is an inconven ence which always ncc;^ >rilf attends puniihments intlicled on a people, v he^ner by Uv^a or. man. And again, it was politically impofiibJe to ieicci the nuio- cent of Bollon from the guilty. We ail renipmber he ... y < f Sodom and vioraorrah. It is an excellent leHbn ro the i'rTUvr,. of the earth. The inhabitants of tnefe cit'es, inia-.nouj ! y h-iir vices to the lail decree, became fo obaoxious to the cupi 'uio Being, that in aaige?, he refolved to aelboy the: u Ve. had cnere been live men, only fi"-e men, who wa.ked upightiy Letcra God ; had only live ihcn men dwelt in i.<;dom a.id viu -lorrah, no fire had delcended from He.iven to conlume them. . ut alai ! Becaufe among thirty thouland foils m iiouon, rhiuy have oftenucd; in vain ihail the multitude plead innucen-e, .is an exemption from ruin. Blufli iiom.in.7 ! This is ihy p.-li ical ncccllity, which mull hereafter jultity the laying i -at dctenceiefj town in afhes, and drenching it in the blood of its uinabitants. Merciful Heaven! Thou rather with thy Iharp, and fulpi-'rous bolt^ Split'il the unwedgeable, and gnarled oak, Than the loft myrtle. Yea, but man, proud man! Dreil in a little briet authority; Moll ignoiant of what he's inofl afiur'd, Hisgiaily efience: Like an angty ape, . Plays fuvh fantallicktrick-> before high Heaven, As makes the Angels weep. Becaufe thirty have offended, a whofe colony is punifhed. And for what offence ? An oifence fo fmall, fo difproportlonately puniflied, that the .eneral voice of the continent hatii declared, that ttiey fuffcr in the caufe of American liberty. Here our au- thor begins to le.ive the oaths of logic, and to enter -t.ie alleys of Billinglgate. Beneath lus forming hand, American hberty ftarts forth a monftcr ct licentioufnefs. And in his idea, to fcrecB omaua;xabl?f«Uow-cr«fti:ui«» from that PVBtjg jusncg whica i 'I t " T ■t * 1 wTiich Icafh been created for them ; is giving fhelter to the raying^ enthuiialt, who hath murdered his prince. — Bold metaphori. »nd Horld l.mguage, are the magnificent trappings of rcalb% and truth ; and when tailhood or fuilv is thus arrayed, it pro- vokes at once oar indignation and coutempt. But neither bold metaphors, nor yet bold language, fervff fome caufes fa well as bold u/Teitions. 1 liave heard of lawyers^ who by the auiltancc of ihat invincible front which is the pre- fcriptive privilege of theirV profeffiun, frame evidence as they ga alonj, and ipcilc fluently on fads which never exirted. In like, manner and m humble imitation, to evince the propriety of the. adl, for new mndeliing the government of Maiiachufets; our author fcrnplcs not to alfirm, that ** no privileges are curtailed *' by the ad, but fuch as had been abufed and fotfeited, over and •« over, to the great injury and dillurbanceof th.at province, as. ** well as to the ,dilhonour and reproach of the ration." The inftitutions of this ad, r\s to their matter I do not objed to; for it hath long been my opinion, that the government of that co- lony was in iti* form and compiedion, too like a Republic, for fke true fpirit of our conilitut:on. But as .to the manner; even iuppofmg thefe regulations to be a decree fubilantiaiiy j,uil, and, made by a court having proper jurildidion, ftill there is mani^ fell imp'-opriety. — It is, and while I have exillence, it (hall be my fenciment; that no man, no body of men, in any canfe, before any tribunal, can be leg illy aftedcd by ?nv determination, where an opportunity is nor given, for making a u -fc .ce. Had this been done in the prefeat inftance, pe'l- ;^' "i. M^tjelty'it Minillers would not have deemed them fo criminal, ai they novr do. But waving this idea, 1 am fure the author of the Addrefg at leatt, after the pointed aiTcrtions he has made, ought in com- mon juiHce tohave Ihewn, how the privileges be fpeaks of had beei'i (.!\.:"d and forftited. This, however he thought it prudent T-:at Adminiftration is irritated with Bofton, that it hath caufe to be irritated, I freely acknowledge: And this is the caufe of the anger they feel, and the revenge they have taken^ The people of that town, and the colony it belongs to, havf been forward and adive, in ftating anddeir nding, their right* and liberties; they have addreifed, petitioned, and remonftrated to Minillers, Parliament, and King; they have founded the alarm, when the enemy attacked our priviltges ; and they have been the grand obilacle to an American tyranny. If to do thu{ ( *3 ) lb a forfeiture of privileges; if to do thin is an abufe of tliemi whowouid hold Aich privileges on fuch tenth*? Molt readily d(J I grant, thar it was ;i didionour and a reproach to the n;ilion, and its rukis too ; that they fo often made ule of their right to' petition and to rcmonftrate. "G'eat was the caufe, or iuch frc- huent complaints would not have been obtruded. For this was tiieir guilt, this was their impci linence j — luftering they coia- plained. We come now to the Quebec Aft. On this rubje6> I fhall not minutely follow our author, for the fubltancc of what he favs, being levelled at the following^ propofitions of the Congrefs ; tnat the government of C;inada is rendered arbijrrary, that the people are deprived of trial by jury, and that the Roman Carholick rc- Kgion is eilablilhed; if F fhall be able to fhew th.it thefe propo- £t:ons are true, th«n what hejuth faid to the contrary, will bt of no avarl. And firft, what can be more arbitrary than this? A Governor and Coijncil appointed by, and dependent on the Crown, are the legiflature of a whole region. They may fit at home, and frame edidts for the extremeit parti of that vaft pro- vince, without any one check from the people. They ma^ tax the colony as they pleafe, or hand it over to bo fleeced by the Britifti Commons. They may invent new crimes, and affix to them fuch new penalties, and make them cognizable befoicfuch new Courts, as they fhall think meet at their icveieign will and pleafure, they may feize and imprifon any member of the com- munity;' or elfe more certainly and entirely, to ruin and opwefi him, they may caufe fome minion of power to infcitute an action for his whole fubftance, and try lym and condemn him, by the Arbitrary principles, and more arbitrary judges of the civil law. For, in the fecond place, it is clear to a demonllration, that trials by jury cannot be had there now ; and it is equally clear that they never can exift hereafter, unlefs the Governor and Council chufe to r ilk and diminilh their power, by introducing this free and generous branch of Englim jurifprudence. How probable it is that they will thus put a curb on their own wantonncfs, I leave any man in his fenles to determine. But thirdly, it is not rivil tyranny alone, whif^h is planted in Quebec, to overfhadow that immenfe country. From the fame poiibnfiusroot, aril'cs the mo'i^ horrible religious tyranny, that my mind is capable of con- ceiving. — What ellablifhment can any religion have in any country on earth, unlefs it be a' legal provifion for the fupport of its clergy? Look thro' Europe. See if Popery is in any other Vianaer eli*bj;iiicd ia any one country, thaa by payment of ^ / tythc« I i ^'<^. ? 24 ) % m- i Cftljes, and prot«5l'on of Prieils. Is not this an cftabKfhment? Is tt not more? Is It' not an encourap;CTnent ? He wha wtuld go farther, mult relbn r) fire a'^.d fvvord ; tlie arguments of thofe ba-barou-; ac^rs and nations, whofe ann.ils difguft humaniry. But th' 4ije tio'i is, that when ■^ny man is conver'-rci, hib Ma- jelly may T he oleafes encourage t!ie protel'tant Clergy as he ple..Te:., out of 'th^ tythcs paid beftve to the Roman Pricft. Allowing ^his a*-^um'^nt to h-^ve weicrh% which indeed it has not; pray -h^/ Hkel"^^ood is there that any man' will be con- ferred? Proteftant'im 's the. tender ch^d of freedom and fciencc: How then cm it exilt in the bo. d boibm of ignorant defponfm? Without the patronage of one earrhiy Iriend. Without a fingle TSf^ to cover its nakednefs. In ancient days th*? Rom'fh Church was a firm b irrier againft the incroachmcntd of Royal prerogative. The Clerp-y dependent on the Pope as thrlr univerfal head, de- fied the menaces of kingly power. ' Thus were p': pular privi- leges in thoie times frequently proteaed by popular iuperllition. - Our Minillers by a refinement of modern policy, have adopted the Church of Rome as a twin filler to the Church of England. Our fubtle Miniftsrs have placed the King of F,ng and in the- fam^ fituation with the Roman pontiff Every dignitary of the Church is dependent on him, hefidts which he hath full power to appoint fuch Ecclefiafuca) Courts, with fich jiiriididions as he fhall think meet. Thu^, all the bigotry, all the fuperllition of a religion abqundingin both, beyond any which the world hath be- held; al', all -is in^his Royal hand to be uied athisRoyalwilland pleafjre. To this full fupremacy over their fouls, are joined the fullrfl: temporal powers, both le2:iflative and judicial; fo that iike the .ancient Patriarchs, heJs^King, Piiell and Prophet. To finilh the dreadful fyflem, add all the executive powers of the State, and enci'cle rhe whole with a ftanding army, 'tis then complent. ^Thefe are f:ids? ^And whenever a wicked mon^^rch. in vengeance fhail arii. ; then fliall we behold him, the civil and religious tyrant, of a province which extends over hall ;lie Continent of America. Such is the te- deiicy' of the Canada Bill. V-ew it, confider it, ponder upon it, in the coolefl» mod tcmporate difpofnion ; behold its ronfequcnces, and the • mild ej^ of reafon will be clouded with a tear-. • . The next part of the Addrefs is to ihcw, that t\\t other Colo- nies nee 1 not trouble their heads about Bofcon or Quebec. As to what he fays r^bnut Quebec. I b.dieve with him. tluat' there is no intention of introducing Popery into the other colonies- Our Minillers, or rather Mailers, hav^ more underllanding than V 11 ( i5 ) V to entertain fo wild an opinion. Nor would I perfwade mart-* kind to beconve Knights Krrant, and wantonly undertake tho quarrels, and fight the battles of other people. But I will leave it to any man, nay, I would almoU appeal to the author of the! addrefs himfclf, to determine ; whether a country has not great reafon to fear the lofs of its liberties, when furrounded by a mul- titude of flaves ; efpecially when thofc fiaves are inbued witK L>rinciplcs inimical to it, and united together in one common mterell, profefTion and faith, under one common head, and fu^-» ported by all the weight of a large empire. Daes not experi- ence give additional force to every folicitous apprehenfion ? His ideas about Bofton amount to this: that we fliould aft like wife foxes, for fear of being docked : or, in plain Eiiglifh, yievv with unconcern the deftrudion of that capital, without daring to interpofe for its prefervation. I beg pardon for re- peating a vulgar ftory : A Scotchman upon his arrival at an inn filled with travellers, crept into bed between an Englifhmati and an Irifhman: towards the morning the Engliihman wa» awaked by an inundation from his new bed-fellow, " zounds^ ** fays he, what are you about ?" Hoot, hoot, mon, cried th« politic Scot, ** lye down quiet ; 1 iiave done worfe to him bc- " hind me.'* But i>.j author ci" the addrefs tclfs us : the difpute with Great- Britain is ^e lam caprhia. I learnt a little Latin at fchool, fo with the help of my fcholarlhip, and from what follows, I con- jedure that this^means goats wool : That this to fay, all the grievances America has laboured under for a dozen years paft^, amount to a meer trifle ; which is fo ihockingly abfurd^that it would be ridiculous to honour it with the ceremony of a con- futation. As to the thought of eftabliflung a republic in America,, breaking off our connexion with Great-Britain, and becoming independent : I confider it as the moft vain, empty, fhaUow, and ridiculous projeft, that could poHibly enter into the heart of man. I do not believe there are five hundred on the conti- nent, who have the leal pretenfions to common fenfe, and who would not rifque their dearefl blood, to prevent fuch meafures : This fuppoAtion, therefore, and what relates to it, I confider meerly ai« an introduction to his cenfures on the Congrefs, Thefe ccnfures fecm to be the main bufinefs and intention of the pam- phlet. Jf therefore in the avowed purpofe of it (a coaadcration / ■ f i 2& ; of the oppoiitlon in America on principles of prudence and poi' Jicy) I ihvp. be able to fiiew, that the author is much miftakcn in condeinnln^j thofe meafurcs which the Congrels hath adopted; then all his" declamation upon that fubjeft,^will be as the idle wind, v/hichpaflethti.vay and is heard no more. Thef^rft reflefiions he cafts on this refpeftable body, are for adopting the Suffolk refolves. The aljperit^ and bitternefs which appears in thispart of the pamphlet, are to be attributed to the great warmth of the reverend compufer. Reproaches from aiji^ angry man are eafily forgiven ; avid that meeknefs of difpo- lltion 'which attends the miniitcrs of peace, will I hope mode- rate the unchriftian tranfports of our authors zeal, as foonas his miilakes are difcovered. l^y a member of the Congrefs, whofe h-onor and veracity ftand unimpeached, I am authorized to de- clare, that the Congrefs did not adopt the Suliblk refolves. That t\tk refolves were never fo much as read lor debate ; and that upon the common reading, the fenfe of that body was, that it was proper to recommend moderate and pacific condud, fup- I>orted_by firmnefs and rcfolution. The language of the Con- grefs, in confequence of this determination, is as follows : , I I li Refolvcd unanimoiijly^ That we thoroughly approve the wifdom and fortitude, with which oppofition has been hitherto conduiSled; and earneftly re- commend a perfeverance in the fame firm and temperate conduft,, . as expreifed in the lefolution &c. Now then I appeal to the world, whether this is the cordial approbation of an independent • government. Whether it is a tranfport of joy on the news of revolt. Whether it is a league with the worft enemies of A-, racrica, fuicly it i.-^ not. I'he fair reputation of thofc Gentle- men who compofcd the Congrefs, render fuch imputations almcft unpardonable. It is a duty therefore incumbent on the author of the Addrefs, to make fome public acknowledgement; many did indeed exped that fome conftitution would have been pointed out, to fccure and eltablilli the freedom of America,, and the fovereignty of that fupreme legiflature, which ought certainly to govern the whole empire. This is a confummation devoutly to be willied for, but it is not the work of a moment. Eefider,, it might have been thought prefumptuous in them to undertake what is properly the bufinefs of the Britifh Parlia- ment, and the refpeaive legiflaturcs of the Continent. Why then I 1 c a; ) . I then arc thofe pcifons, who have gcncroufly devoted their fer^ vices to the Public, why are they to be cciifured, for ii f:n of omifiion ; which at any rate is pardonable on the fcore of human, infirmity ? Much paperisconfumedin the Addrefs, to paint thofe horrors which await on civil w::r. To this 1 have no objcftion. For there is not a creature livingr, to whom fuch a profp^-iS is nwre terrible than myfelf. And I dare iay, a candid dcfcripdon of rny own feelings on the fubj'^.dt, would convey as gsnuin* mirks of deteftation for that horrible catnftrophe, ss the laboured pe- riods of the author before u:i. Cut I fee no reafons for fuch appre- hchiions. Neither do I think that man a friend to either coun- try, who fpeaks of war betv/een them except in the {tile of con- tempt. To imagine that Ai.-erica can cope with Great Britain, is the excefs of ftupidity. And even if we were capable of the conteft, were we certain of obtaining victory, I iliould pray that , the hand in which I hold my pen, might wither e'er it drew the fword. — But let not the dieud of power, draw off our attention from the purfuit of freedom. Let us in every inftance follow that example which our author recommends. In imitation o*" the inhabitants of Rye; whenever either duty to the mother country, or enthufiafm'in thecaufe of humanity, dial I hurry us beyond the true line, of patriotifm or obedience,^ let uptake tiieearliell opportunity to re trad our errors, and acknowledge our miftakcs.-r-Refiilance againil opprcffion, is the undoubted privilege of mankind; but civil refiilance alone, is jufduable in civil fociety. I come now to what our author hath faid of the non-importa» tion agreement. — This he likens to the cutting- off an arm, for a lore on one of the fing;.-*.". Simih'cs are very agreeable and proper, where they tend to throw ligiit on the fubjscl. — Nov/, if a man hath a fore on his finger, he v/ill naturally put a piai- ilcr to it. If the finger gvov/s worfc, and he grov.s timid, he icnds for a furgeon. If the topical applications of the furgeon' are inelncacious, and a gangrene cnfues, the p:ut3 mc Icariiied, and the bone cleanfcd. li\ this fails of fucccis, and corruption fpreads along the limb, and threatens the vltrds, the only heps which remains is from amputation. True it is, the patient ma/ loofe much blood, by the incifion of his arteries, and death ;t- felf may be the confequence. But by undergoing it he has a iihance for life, and otherwife his cafe is derperatc. As an en- D 2,. couragement. .,^,j»^-^»*»^--'irtiiii^ ( 28 ) •ouragcment in fuch difficult emergencies, the fcriptures tell us, if thy member ofFeudeth thee, cut it ofF, and caft it away. Now, reader, let me entreat your patience a little while longer. Pray obferve. The liberties of this country have been infringed in an article of trade. Common fenfe informs us, that if one iinpofition is admitted, another will follow. Petitions and re- monilrances, have been prefented in vain. When we refufed the dutiable commodity, it was almoft forced upon our accc st- ance. No hope therefore remains from common efforts. And the queftion is reduced to this fhort alternative : Which is moft advantageous, commerce or freedom? One o- the other, we Jnuit forego. The one for a time, or the other forever. I will wave the common obfervation, which is level to the loweft capa-^ city, that without freedom trade cannot flourifh. But I muft beg leave to examine, from reafon and experience. Whether x ceflation of trade will not procure us relief? Nothing is more evident, than that the trade between Britain* and the northern colonies, brings yearly very large fums of monr'y to the latter. That the balance of all the other trade fhe enjoys, is on the whole againft her. And that her annual. txpen':es amount to an enormous fum, great part whereof is paid into foreign countries, as intereftfor the national debt Is -It not then equally evident, that a fufpenfion of her contmerc« with us, mull'greatlydiftrefsher? And to heighten this diftrefs, what can be more eifedual than to embarrafs her trade with the iflands ? Every good heart would wiih to avoid this, and it ii not our fmalleU misfortune, that to make men reafon, we mut make them feel. H^-^ppy would it be if the authors of our m'i- fery, were the only fufFerers. To e£fc£l this defirable purpofe VrC had but one way, which v/as to iiiijure the revenue, in fuch manner as toliokl them up to the refentment of the nation j and tliis has been done. — The wifefl mcafures may fail, but thefe at leafl promifc fucccfs.-— Great-Britain may indeed very eafily put an entire Itep to all our commerce. But this (if we may believe the Addreis) is a mild puniflimenton Bofton. And if fo, why cannot we all undergo it ? No, fays he, inflidedon all of us, it Vv^ould be very fevere. It would fo,but I truft not lulling. Will a ftoppage of our trade, pay the debts we owe ia England? Will {hutting up our ports, breed failors for the j^avy of Britain? Millions in Europe are fed by the American plough ; while bread can be purchafed on this contiijent will . |l\ey I|;arve ? Will the 'Monarchs of France and Spain fee their ^ fubjeds, li •ai4V..-*i*.«a!£#" iiWirinj^iiiiii ( 29 ) febjcfti perifli, that Americans m.iy be reduced to flavery ? All thefe things may happen, and after all, this country is capable c^ fupporting its inhabitants. Great are the difficulties we labour under, and many are the obftacles we mull furmount. For the road to freedom and virtue, is not ftrewed with flowers, but fprinkled with thorns. Perhaps our fortitude is not equal to the ♦^afk, if fo, we deferve the confequences. But remember, that tl.e mother-country muft fufFer with her colonies : Remember, that a Non-Impor- tation has once procured a redrefs of our grievances. Remember that Concord is the parent cf fuccefs. Remember, that th© worft which can poflibly bef^il us, even at the laft, is that very flavery which we muft now refift or fubmit to. OAmericans! thefe confiderations are fubmitted to you. Attend, and xiiay the God of wifdom, who foreknoweth all human events, fo di- j-eA you, as is moft comformable to the myfterious intentions of ins Divine Providence. For the good of his creatures, muft be the will of him who is infinite, goodnefs. •fT' POSTSCRIPT. / thought it right to m»et the author on his own ground^ end therefore no notice is taken in the foregoing Jheets^ cf that very equitable Bill^ which tnakes offences in the co- lonies ^ triable in England. A Bill by which the mofi criminal ^artizan of government may b9 fcreened from pu^ nifhment ipe^hiit.^ «JBMfJi«tW»^ .u_i. ■""''ii''*i|l*-if""''lii{iti -'riT--— 'V" -•**■. •jgs?**^*'-*-.