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c4tn. ^(^^^^^^

h\\^m\\\ Jfrkrafioii.

WELDING THE
LINKS OF UNION.

DAVID A. AN SELL,

nil OKI-. 1(11.

^^\.oi-)|rcal: jora^ch

ol' nil-;

n-tpcriQl {'caerahon LcaauG

in CGinodo.
TUESDAY. 23rd NOVEMBER. 1886.

-.4i-^'#;

; I
'J

'<;

Welding the Links of Union.

" VIS UNITA FORTIOR."

At a meeting of the Montreal Branch of the Imperial Federation
League in Canada, held on Tuesday, November 25th, 1886, at which
Mr. Henry Lyman, Chairman, presided, the following paper was read
])y ]Mr. D. A. Ansell :

Mr. Chairman, President and Gentlemen :

I propose, as briefly as may be compatible with the dignity and
importance of the subject, to call your attention, this evening, to ;i
few features of the noble work in which we have the honor to be
engaged, — that of agitating the question of a closer degree of union
between the various colonies and dependencies, and their mother
country, Great Britain.

I purpose dealing with a great national question, which, judging
from liuman reckoning of time, is yet in the incipient stages of it.^
existence. Applying the test of inq)ortance over all other present
topics of discussion, the subject of Imperial Federation takes lui-
doubted precedence. It imperatively demands, too, an cnvly scttli-
ment. To ensure peace, it is necessary to be prej^ared fm- war. Is
(4reat Britain, or are her numerous colonies prepared just now to resist
any possible combination which might be formed again^^t them 1 We
will hope so, and, meantime, consi<ler in what manner we :i)v doing
our duty, in view of the storm which may at anj moment l)reak with
fury upon the possessions of the British nation.

A year and a half has passed, since the formati(Ui in London, by
influential men representing all shades of political opinion, of the
Imperial Federation League. Except so far as trade matters are con-
cerned, jwlitics will never have much to do with the question of
consolidating and tightening the present very weak bonds wliich
connect the Britisli Colonies and dependencies with eacli otlier in
genera), and the Mother Country in particular. The League has

started on the assumption that the world needs a course of gentle and
long-continued educating, up to an adequate viev of the emergency, —
a platfo? IT' on which, personally, I cannot take a stand. It is feeling
its way, by means of lectures and floating literature, to gain expres-
sions of opinion, from prominent persons, — in short, it is pursuing a
course, which, at the inception of most great reforms, would indicate
sound common sense. I desire, however, to remind my hearers, that
this (question of union, or disintegration, or remaining in t^tatii (jun, is
hj no means a new one. The j^reservation of the Empire, or nega-
tively, tlie prevention of its disruption, has many times be(>n talked
for, fought for and died for, in the four tjuarters of the globe. The
United Empire Loyalists, during the American Revolution, sacrificed
all personal interests for love of their Mother Country. Englishmen
fought lii'.e tigers in 18.')7 to preserve India to the Crown. A
majority of the English House of Commons has lately contended
successfully in the endeavor to retain Ireland under the control of the
Imperial Government. But the aspect of the old idea of integrity
has undergone a change :

" Tempora mutantar, d nos mutamur in Hits."
(Times change and we change with them. )

It is no longer a question of blood-and-iron bands, with war for an
alternative, but of how to weave the silken cords of fri uidship and
ex[)ediency, which may bind indis.solubly together, for Avcal or woe,
the component part^ 'if tlmt (iominion on wliich tlie sun never sets.
Hitherto, cUbrt has gone out to retain single jiosse-ssions ; now the
wmld wakes uj) to the ([uostion, what to do to cement the whole for
commercial benetit and mutual defence in the event of war.

While no definite policy has yet been shaped by the advocates of
Imperial Federation, a flood of suggestions have poured in as a result
of the agitation ; it is to be hoped that these may be sifted down, and
some practical line of work formulated. Xot a few of the ideas
ventilated are Utopian to a Iraighable degree. Some of them are
based upon narrow-minded despotic principles, having emanated from
those who have not yet emancipated themselves from the errors of
their grandfathers. They forget that their schemes will lack the most
important element, the adherence of serviceable subjects of a very limited
monarchy. Some others of these projects lose what little force they
might otherwise have by their authors soaring too high into the

gentle and
Brgoncy,—
J is fooling
lin oxpres-
pursuing a
<1 indicate
urers, that
ztu quo, is
!, or nega-
lon talked
)be. The

sacrificed
iglislimen
rown, A
;ontcnded
rol of the

integrity

ir for an
ship and
or woe,
ver sets,
now the
diolo for

ocates of
•■ a resnlt
3wn, and
lie ideas
hem are
ied from
errors of
ihe most
r limited
•ce they
nto the

realms of eloquence, bordering on absurdity. Of such is Mr, A. B.
Walker, LL.B., of New Brunswick, who modestly says : — " It will
crown Greater Britain the mistress of the whole earth. It will make
her mandate the political decalogue of every foreign power. * * *
By its ath.ption, (Imperial Federation,) we will make our nation the
immortal judgment seat of the whole earth, and the arbiter of all
mankind." After that, I should say that there is only one step
further, and that is for the eminent barrister-at-law from the Mari-
time Provinces to suggest some feasible plan for dethroning the
Almighty, and relegating Ilis power to the Crown of England. No
doubt if England were buried in the depths of the sea to-morrow, it
would be said of her, as of Sir Christopher Wren, on his single slab
in the Crypt of St. Paul's : Si mormmentum qnaris, circuvispice."
But, n(ivertheless, the ]\Iotlier Country herself is far too wise and
self-respecting to nominate herself the arbitress of the destinies of this
planet or of any other world.

Let us see what further plans are put forward for study : Mr.
William Bonsfield, who, as an M.A., ought to be able to follow th<'
spirit of the age he lives in, proposes an Imperial Parliament, which
will be absolutely superior over every portion of Her Majesty's
dominions, and is to exercise the right of veto even over purely
Colonial alfairs. These gentlemen calculate on an amount of ultra-
loyalty, — orangeism one may say,— which happily exists in quit*'
insuthcient i)roportions for the accomplishment of their romantic
plans.

The extremes of thought, Ik vever, range from those of the Bons-
field and Walker schools, to those who scorn and repel the idea of
closer union with a monarchy in these days of democratic tendencies.
Many writers rank the cost (iuestion as the most difficult feature of
the problem. Thus, Ilenric ]5. :\Iurray, a high home authority,
doubts whether in an important national crisis " personal and pocket
interests would not raidc superior, in each voter's estimate, to th<'
future of the British Empire." I ])eg emphatically to deny the asper-
sion on either British or Colonial character.

Writing in favor of a more united British Empire, it becomes as
necessary to touch incidentally on the proposed independence of the
Dominion of Canada, and also on the subject of the possibility of
annexation to the United States. I shall raise a protest against what
I conceive to be the injudicious waiting policy of those who are con-

iluctiiig the Imperial Federation movement ; and shall also have a
Avord or two to say as to the ways and means of carrying ont some
measure of reform that maj he worthy of the Anglo-Saxon race.

Let us now take a look into the cam)i of tlie enemy, for Federation
is vehemently opposed by a small hut active minority of influential
men, with the advantage of having been born and nurtured on oui'
soil. The want of character thus exhibited, to my mind, removes all
grounds for anxiety as to the annexationists or advocates of independ-
ence. Canada is free from the grievances which would entitle her to
make such a revolutionary movement, as the people of the Thirteen
Colonies were justified in doing at the close of the last century. The
revolutionists had long been neglected, or treated with supercilious
contempt by a misguided Government, and a King whose perceptions
were limited. Canadians have long been honored ; London is ever
ready to show a proper appreciation of the tah'uts of our leading
statesmen. Before the American Revolution, obnoxious laws, and
the most offensive of all laws, those relating to taxation, were wafted
over 3,000 miles of ocean, to be indignantly spurned by an honest
[teople. "Westminster leaves Canada and her laws alone. On what
ground then can the annexation party base their appeal, outside conti-
guity and " manifest destiny " 1 And as to the independents, I am
impelled to the deliberate conviction that the great majority of them
are merely getting in the wedge for annexation, the opinion being
based upon tlie fact that those who have not the soul to stick to their
Mother Country, which has never oppressed them, have not the spirit
to really desire an autonomy of their own. Washington and his com-
[latriots had the knowledge of previous oppression ; and there was a
sinci'viiy in their conduct, and an absence of selHsh considerations
whicli I much fear arc foreign to the gentlemen of whom I speak.
Not all arc insincere; 1 gladly make this slight reservation; but the
greater part, for the sake of some fancied personal benefit to be
ilerived, would sacrifice not cndy the hopes of the future, but the
associations and meuKn'ies of the past. We can iiow rejoice in all the
l)ast glnries of our Mother Country, — lier triumphs and successes ;
we can sympathize with her in all the trials she has gone through,— -
we (;an anticipate, with hearts that beat witli hers, a bright and bril-
liant future of honor, renown and prosperity, and can entwine our
hopes and our lives around the embodiment of a United Britain. And

these butterfly reformers, — agitators of the liour — ask us to resign
all, — the jiast, the present, find tlie future, to an untried idea !

When the question of Home Rule for Ireland is settled, the field
will be open for Imperial Federation to step to the front ; and I may
be allowed to anticipate, that Ireland, with the burden of misery
removed, and strong in its newly acquired responsibilities and powers,
will then prove a giant link in the cliain of ]^)ritish Union.

The time for action is 7iow, — not twenty years hence. The popu-
lation of the Colonies will soon exceed that of the United Kingdom,
and circumstances will have entirely changed.

" There is a tide in the affairs of men

Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune."

Is England the slave of fatalism, that she thus delays to protect
herself from real, though now unseen dangers 1 Is she wrapped in
dreams of destiny, sitting with folded hands for the coming of her
fate 1 It came with relentless certainty to Greece. It came to Rome
slowly, but with the sureness of extermination. England knows she
is passing through some crisis in her history, the \ipspringing of
social (questions, staring her in the face for an answer, cannot be
ignored, and it is high time to cast about for some protection against
the worst of probabilities. They say when the Czar of Russia thinks
his life not worth living, luider the imcomfortablo circumstances
which contiriually surround him, he talks war to his people, to divert
their thoughts from bombs and bullets made iov his own especial
benefit. Can Im})erial Federation divert the present gloomy out-
look, — and if so, what does Imperial Federation mean, and what
shall it be 1 Let us cast aside all tein[)tation to personal or sellish
considerations, and try to think what it oiujltt to be. The subject is
not an easy one, but principles of justice and right are good guides
in facing the problem. What shall we aim at '? A gentleman of high
tinancial standing in this city, recently gave such a masterly, compre-
hensive lecture upon the suliject in general, that we regretted he di<l
not lay before us some definite plan to advocate and work upon.

"With me. Imperial Federation signifies the binding together of all
the Colonies on t(;rms of greater good-fellowship towards each other,
and affection towards the ]\Iother Country ; to bind the union as men
are bound by the taking of society obligations to act conscientiously
towards each other aud all the world, but to pledge moral, financial

and physical support of all against any foe tliat may assail even the
smallest of the integral parts of the Confederation. Let us offer to
give bai'.k to England the benetit of the civilization she has enabled us
attain. Let us oifer her, when need be, Home portion of the protec-
tion she has hitherto afforded us. Her continued courtesy demands
some sort of a retvm. I am told, " Canada for the Canadians, Aus-
tralia for the Australians." Certainly, but let me add, " England for
the Canadians and Australians, and Canada and Australia for their
Mother Country."

T fail to see any good reason why delay should o'^cur in the
assembling in London of a few trusted men from each of the larger
Colonies, with a proportionate number from the smaller possessions,
to consider these momentous matters. Their report would do more
to make the Empire " nvady for the question," than miles of pamph-
lets and years of lecturing. But T would have no Colony bound by
the actions of such representatives until their express'i'd opinions had
been stamped with the api)roval of their respective peoples. It would
thus become distinctly understood what arrangements might be
deemed m.'cessary with regard to each particular Colony, and the
advantages calculated on could be fairly set off against the costs to br
incurred. Finally, but still promptly. Federation would he a faif
(iccohtpli. Leing thus prepared for war, we should have one of the
surest guarantees of peace.

The constitutions and laws of the different parts of tli^ Empire
would remain intact and unassailable by any Imperial body, but a
Federation Parliament would probably be found necessary, in annual
sessions or less often, to regulate matters reb'.ting to commerce and
the defence of the whole Empire from foreign aggression. My Federa-
tion does uot nu'au the creation of new and complc^x international
machinery, but a giving and taking of solemn pledges, which, when
occasion arises, will be redeennjd by the blood and money of the
entire Union. It does not mean the surrender of one iota of import-
acne or self-nispect, but a very <lecided advancement of our 1)usiness
interests. The world is not going to be startled by the .spiinging into
existence of a new nationalistic organism, but it will simply note the
welding tog(;ther of the bonds which unite the scattered branches of
(Ireat Britain.

With the advantages Canada may reasonably expect to derive frouj
the L"^nion, the great heart of the Dominion will favor the annual

[)ayment of our due proportion of the navy expenses, — yes, and wliy not
the army, too, — for under tlie changed circumstances we sliould have
a right to require a proper representation of our own and England's
[lower, in our chief cities. Now, tlie sum ret^uired for this cannot, of
(tourse, be raised by direct taxation, but a fear.ible method might Ix'
found in a 5 per cent, duty, directed against foreign imports. Such a
plan would have the merit of causing the minimum of inconvenience.
Mr. Gladstone's estimate, in introducing the Home Rule Bill, were

Army and Navy £25,000,000

Civil Charges 1,G50,000

Adding for charges now borne by Coh)nies incidental to

Colonial representation 3,350,000

£;iC, 000,000

The total trade of the several countries, with an apportionment ot
the above on a trade basis, are as follows : —

Total Imports

.niid lixijorts. Contriluitinns.

United Kingdom £732,328,000 £20,100,000

East indies.. 103,707,000 5,340,000

Australia 73,820,000 2,010,0(10

Canada and Newfoundland 4!),45!),000 1,380,000

Other Colonie.s 39,481,000 1,'180,000

£1,088,801,000 £30,000,000

How to provi'^^ for our contribution of $6,500,000.

Our Foreig ' v cs amount to .?74,000,000

A deferential duty of 5 per cent, on l*'oreign

imports will give us .§3,700,009

I would remove Leaf Tobacco from the

Free List, and charge 20c. a lb., that

would give us 2,800,000

Total 80,500,000

All the materials are at hand for this wondrously cheap and efiec-
live method of aggrandizing the British Nation in general, and Canada
• n its own particular interest ; while retaining our own Government
with all its present powers. Wheve would be the slightest loss of
prestige or of self respect 1

Bonds of mutual defence, and offence (should the latter be neces-
siiry), mutual arrangements tending tc promote emigration to the
localities where most desired ; mutual erorts to render commercial

1 :

< /■

relation more profitable, — these are tlie points to wliich our efforts
must be diiected. Canada must look out for Xo. 1 in this matter. It
may not be an easy task to induce England to tax American bread-
stuffs, &c., but self-protection must supersede all false feelings of
pride. Britain has been magnanimous without tlianks too long. The
resources and projects of the Dominion are too magnificent to be
sacrificed either to annexation or a spurious independence. Our
country is worthy of reflecting all the lustre of the nation which gave
it its advantages ; and I have so exalted an opinion of the marked
characteristics of the individuality of the Dominion, that I have no
fear of her inherent greatness ever being so merged as to be lost in
the system of which she will ever be the most brilliant satellite. So
far as we are concerned, the popular voice is overwhelmingly in favor
of Union, even at a small apparent cost ; and the indications are that
Australia and the other Colonies Avill follow without a dissenting
voice, A writer in u Montreal weekly loudly claims Canada's privi-
lege of a choice, of the right to guide her own destinies. Many a boy
acting on these principles has learned in time to welcome a guiding
and protecting hand. We would not accept any system more irksome

than the present one. The bonds of union must be soft as silk and
strong as iron. AVe must not retrograde from our prcjsent free
position. No laws relating to Canada must l)e made in London ; but
we will pay for our soldiers and sailors, and show the world tliat our

fiag is the f

of England.

I have observed witli regret that many speakers and writers have
treated this movement as if it could only bear fruit for their children
or grand-children. Will no one dare to introduce into the Imperial
House of Commons a series of resolutions relating to it. Why wait
to mould opinion when war may at any time interveiu! 1 Did
Gladstone wait to roll up his innmuise vote for Home Rule 1 I trust
two or three years may s<'e Federation accomplished. Even that
length of time is all too long to wait ; who knows what wars and
commotions may occur to disrupt the dilatory Empire. Let one of
the lords and gentlemen step forward, and try what the whole nation
is worth :

" He that fears his fate too much,
Or his desserts are small,

Wlio will not put it to the touch,
To win or lose it all."

av efForts
latter. It
lu bread-
?eUngs of
^ng. The
eut to be
lice. Our
■hich gave
le marked
I liave no

be lost in
-llitc. So
ly in favor
as are that
dissenting
,da's i)rivi-
\liu\\ a boy

a guiding
)re irksome

as silk and

sent free

ndou ; but

that our

■itiM's have
iir children
le Imperial
Why wait
Mii''? Did
e 1 I trust
Even that
t wars and
Let one of
lole nation

If a Union cannot be furnied, then England's power is virtually
gone, and Idstory will have to point to her as to other " dreadful
examples." When Rome was at the height of its prosperity, the
bonds which iniited the seat of Government with the most distant
provinces were close and strong, yet light and endurable. W^hen
distrust and disruptions began, or a laUsoz-alle.r policy ])ursued, then
the floodgates broke adrift and all was swamped.

In the final cnnclusion of the " Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire," Gibbon speaks of that catastrophe as " the greatest, perhaps,
and most awful scene in the history of mankind," If the souls of
men have been so stirred by the relation of the causes of national
downfall, viewed at such a distance of time as that of Rome, let us
consider what stupendous interests are bound up in the events that
are progressing in our owr day. When the sun reaches the meridian
it must descend. TIas England's sun attained the zenith, or shall it
yet shine in undinimed brightness.

But no immeiliate signs may be expected consequent on the
adoption or rejection of measures for Imperial Union. Though all her
branches forsook her one l)y one, England by force of her own vitality
might keep up the name and appearance of a lirst-rate power in times
of peace till long after this generation is passed and gone. But
the possibilities, the proljabilities, would be all against her ; and
looking dispassionately rountl for a firm plank to grasp, and a secure
platform to stand upon in these trying times of agitation, I have no
hopes of security for Britain or her Colonies, for Canada, and for our
homes and happiness than that hope which has lately sprung into a
bright young life, and is now gently rocking in the cradle of Imperial
Union.

And now Mu. Chairman, President and Gentlemen, the natural
modesty of my disposition would impel me iv apologize for having
thus intruded on your valuahh; time and kind attention, ])ut the
magnitude of the interests involved renders it the imperative duty of
every good citizen to stjp to the front and assert his personal position
in this crisis of our national history. If a man has only one idea,
and that a good one, he may (.'OTifcr a beneiit on our grand cause l)y
[iromulgating it.

Mr. Chairman, President and Gentlemen: — In closing, kt me
express a very earnest desire for the spread of intelligence upon this
subject throughout the world. I affirm that it is the British Nation

«r^ww^»^

that has so far elevated the moral, social, religious and political
standard of so large a portion of the world ; and it must be the liritish
Nation,-the entire, far-reaching P.ritish people through every quarter
of the <dobc,— that will yet lead the van of universal progress.

It is'ours to aid in settling this great Empire firm on such a rock
that no storms of war or fate can shake it from its foundation. And
it is to that kind Providence which orders all things wisely, that we
may all breathe a prayer, that our good Queen Victoria may live to
witness the attainment of our present object,-the Consolidation of the
British Empire !

1 1

it;-

i ■■ '