%^ ^%.. ^% ^^' ^^\% IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1.25 2.8 11111= 1= U IJIIII.6 V] <^ /a /. -% Photographic Scierces Corpomtion 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14£aO (716) 872-4503 #^1 %'■ ^^ fAi I/a 9 CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques • V Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques at bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. D D D D n a D D D D n Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagde Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurie et/ou peliicul^e Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque Coloured maps/ Cartes gdographiques en couleur Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Relii avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re liure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distorsion je long de la marge intdrieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout6es lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte. mais, lorsque cela dtait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 film^es. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppldmentaires; L'Instltut a microfilm* le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la m^thode normale de filmage sont indiquis ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagies Pages restored and/oi Pages restaur^es et/ou pelliculdes I I Pages damaged/ I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ / Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages d^colordes, tachet^es ou piquf^es □Pages detached/ Pages ddtachees aShowthrough/ Transparence □ Quality of print varies/ Quality indgale de ('impression □ Includes supplementary material/ Comprend du materiel supplementair jpplementaire I I Only edition available/ □ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont 6x6 film6es d nouveau de facon it obtenir la meilleure image possible. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film6 au taux de reduction indiqud ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X SOX v/^ 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: National Library of Canada The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustratod impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol --^ (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: 1 2 3 L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grSce d la g6n6rosit6 de: Bibliothdque nationale du Canada Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettetd de I'exemplaire film6, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en papier est imprim6e sont film^s en commenpant par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires origiriaux sont filmds en commenpant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comjiorto une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ►signifie "A SUIVRE ", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Stre filmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est filmd A partir de I'angle supdrieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 B ITS HI5 AN AUTHENTIC AND COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF BUFFALO, WITH SOME ACCOC.N'T OP ITS EARLY INHABITANTS BOTH SAVAGE AND CIVILIZED. COMPRISING HISTORIC NOTICES OF THE SIX NATIONS OT' "OQUOIS INDIANS INCLU- DING A SKETCH OP THE LIFE OF SIR WiLLlAM JOHNSON.ANU OF OTHER PROMINENT WHITE MEN, LONG RESIDENT AMONG THE SENEGAS. ARRANGLD IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER, IN TWO VOLUMES. BY WILLIAM KETCHUM. VOL. I. BUFFALO, K Y. ROCKWELL, BAKER & HILL, PRINTERS. 1861. 269073 ENTKEKD according to Act of Congress of the TJnlted States of America In the yearl8M,by WILLIAM KBTOHUM, In the Office of the Clerk of the District Court, for the Northern District of New York. • M I the if TO THE HOK. MILLARD FILLMORE, PRESIDENT OF THE THESE- VOLUMFF, ARE RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, BY THE Bl-fpai.0, December, 1864. AUTHOR. I COKTENTS. CHAPTER I. try of the Iroqiioirt Greit chaiiVro woii.4 in w^^^ ^v^ }"''^ "" ^^^ conn- hundred yeara-Fir..t vi.l s of E^,ro^Lans o U,l« uS^ ^m'"''.'" '-i^* '"«« on« upon both aides of the Uiver-L KfHw. fc-'r i. "T"' VT-''" ^'',l"'° ^""o" f'^slde £rie.s-fire-arm9 furnished Mic Iron loUH^w^^^ Nation-Kuw-Kwns not the the Iroquols-Wnrs of he roquS rnLah.srotl ir N ?hIIw"' n"'," '''^Tl° "S"'"^' nrmed by history-War. of tho''lroqu2l^'wll"tl!e Li^'l>V"'ca'i'^'a-l'on™'.'!!??.^^ CHAPTER II. J Pagf! 7. CHAPTER III. done to .^ntico theVraminivoroi s in"mau'^o^v^ Z""''^ -^ P^fio'licnl burnings ; ings formerly prairfes-ProSt "^^'^V^^IrV^L^^^^^^^^^^^^ the waters of Lake Erie and Ontario ther U Moines reniarks-Muliitiido of animals u , , „9" f'"^ subject— Subsidence of i/liieli their bont was In L'reat peril of beluK lost- Went two louL'ues above the Kails, ami built a dock ^r bulUlInc a vessel-La %alle retires to (hieSec-Uenneplns aceouiit of butlillng tho llrst vessel-Entrance of tho vessel IntoXake Krie-Voyage of tho OriUln throufiK tho Lakes-llor arrival at Mackinaw— Uer return auU loan Fage 01. CHAPTER VI. lllstory of tho Senecas rcsninod— Correapondcnco between Gov. Dongau of New York, and Mou9. Do Nonville, O.ov. of Canada I'ago dl). CHAl'TEK VII. Tho Five Nations make a descent upon the French settlements on (ho Island of Montreal- Tho French abandon Fort Cndnrnqui, and they are threatened with fani- Ine-Mons. l)e Nonville recalled, and tiio fount do Frontenac reinstated- Indian prisoners brought back from Franco— The French endeavor to conclllnto a peace with the Ironuois— Speech of a Seneca Saehem-roiint do Prontenm; adopts vigor- ous measures neiilust the English colonies, and tho Six Natlons-Schenectadv do- stroyed— Speech of Condolence of tho Mohawk sachems on tho occasion— '1 he I" ivo Nations prosecute the war with great vigor against the French, but are disappointed In their expeetHtlon of aid from tho J':uglish-Gov. Slaughter of New \ork, holds a council with the Five Nations-Count de Frontenac condemns two Iroquois prison- ers to be burnt alive-Expedition of tho French against the Mohawks-Col. 1' letch- er, Governor of New York, holds a council with the Kivo Nations at Albany— They give an equivocal answer-They negotliite terms of peace with the Irench— AH prisoners to bo given up-The negotiations fail-Count de Jrontenac resolves to Jorco them to terms-lie attacks and destroys Onondaga— The peace ol lieswick— Death of Count de Frontenac- An exchange of prisoners made at Onondaga— I ris- oncra refuse to be exchanged lagoM. 1 :i I ' CHAPTER VIII. History of tho Senecas resnmed- Efforts of tho French to alienate the Five Na' tiona-They arc intltionced to peremptorily decline thn offer of a French missionary to reside among them-The English attempt to establish traders in tho Seneca 8 country— Tho Five Nations weakened by their long and constant wars with the French. Pl^SO WD. CHAPTER IX. Indian relations left in the hands of agents and traders— Fronch keep possession of all the principal trading posts- \Vm Johnson; notice of his character and first settlement in the valley of tho Mohawk— His daughter marries Col. Guy Johnson- Sends Joseph Brant to the Moors Charity School in Lebanon, with sev. ral other In- dian boys— The sister of Hrant received into his family— Johnson receives the ap- pointment of Colonel— Indian estimate of him-Comniissioned as a Miijor General —Organizes a force to attack Crown Point— lieappoinled General Superintendent of the six Nations-Defeats the French under Baron Dieskeau, who Is wounded and taken prisoner— Gen. Jnhnson wounded severely- Hendrick, the great Mohawk war chief killed-The King confers the title ol a Paron of Great Britain npon Gen. Johnson— The French under Montcalm capture Oswego 1 age 120. CHAPTER X. French agents and emmisaaries among the Senecas— They are greatly demoralized by the Introduction of rum, among them— Deplored by Col. .Johnson— Speech of Skanyonyade, or Half King of the Senecas— Expedition against Niagara organized under Gen. Pridcaux— Joined by one thousand warriors of tho Six Nations under un CONTENTS. Vll Sir William .TolinHon— Gen. Prldoiinx killed, and the coinnianU (Involved uoon Hlr Wm. JoliUBon, to wlioiu tlio Fort Hiirrendurud-A triiL'Ical event— Dllllciiltles In le- giird 10 llio piircliajso of Indian lands— < onxplracy of Fontlac-'l'lio Senecas and the carrylnj; I laa) at MaL'ara-Alt.iik upon lliu wajfon trahi-Steadtnans aeeount of the altuck-John Mnud, an in^llsh traveler, visits the Falls I'age l.')(l. CHAPTEU XI. The land at tho Carrying Plncoeedod to the Engllsh-Tlio Senceaa are addressed by the L-ortr Nations, jind admonished to peaco-'i hey aroalso addrei-sed hySIr Win .Inhflsnn — 'l^rnithlnd rin tint HiiMf.ii»l....ii,,1,.i "'''J'*".T"""^''"'"" * '""'*^^''' t" fopl «i"l«''H letter- iitl,.r-8 m i%o. omi 110 excUiiiiL'i) tilltictiid— Oiiu of the cnpt vo l-Ii-U marries h Hrltlsh ortlrornf ton Nlipini-t atlmrlno Montour- Indian leader at U^yoim ' -ac li) cerM^^^^^^^^^^^ Brunt not tho principal war cUlcfof tho Six i^MlonL.^... ! r... . }!. . .V'ago siT. CHAPTER XXI. -Col Guy I'ugo m. CHAPTER XXII. CIIAPTKU XXIII. Campaign ofGcn Sullivan a terrible blow to the Seneca...-Great numbers nor. fu «'!^r'^ <^''iy,'^pl'"«"n l" I-ord (ieo (ierniain-Nairative of the llrst se llemenf of UufTalo Cre(^k-The child of one of the capllvcs taken fro, her-l^int P n wr« CHAPTER XXIV. ^1*,'"?"'?.'',"'°"^''"].''?" "ft'"' Gilbert family broufrht to N'ncara and its vielnitv First settletneiit of tho Scnccas at BuQalo n-eok. muler tlu- c,?ro f t le Brl-M, m 7 ernm.MU-VVi I ani. Johnson acc.aT.panies the Indian.--) ains" era ,,• — captme ot Capt Alexander Harper-Taken to Ma''nra-Meel8 ills nieee In T Moore -Cap Powell's artittce-.Ja.ie Moore, now Mrs. 'capt. Powell, InrchaVS^^ -Releaae ol Rebecca and BenJ. (ii bert, Jr.-LDe.scdptioii of For N mara^^^^^^ "*" • ---... 1 ilgo (5(1. OnAPl'ER XXV. Sir John Johnson invades Johnstown— Cornplnnter with the evnPflitir,n_iii.=f«, hi fa til th liii „. „r i i, vohinio. embracing llio ,,o,1„,| ,„„ .10 ''"""• '''"' '"'"' "...wo,.,,., co„r„„..c, ,;,.r;:::r;::i;::r '° "° """ -"■ >™ cxc-ciml from a far .lifferent Llivo TZ T ' '"''"""ni'y And .h., .„„t great pa,„, „„i „„„ ,„ 'l " 7^ ," '» n '°''°- whom tliCT camo In conlacl l,„. iL '"'""'f ""» "1™ "pon all wiih praotico of tto cnioltio, Ihov Mictrf „JZ^T " "•'•""«•'■ '•> the ..h.ruo„ no. o„„ or ,Lcirr„"': t;: ,v ::; zr:;':;.? °?,r courage and fortitude of those wlio had n««L ! ' ^^ '"" ^^« 'M..e..,.,oom.,,.,rnr;z2r,n';,:,ro;;:: i! I' M X IIIBTORT OF BIT?iALC. tortures. They gloried in submitting to the stme trial of their own cour- ages and fortitude, if captured in war, and their old men have voluntarily submitted to, nay, even courted, the infliction of these barbarous cruel- ties upon themselves. It was a part of their education, a part of their system of war. Golden in his history of the Five Nations written early In the eighteenth century, says : " Our Indians have refused to die meanly, or with but \ittlo pain, when they thought their country's honor would be at stake by it; but have giv- en their bodies willingly to the most cruel torments of their enemies, to show, as they said, that the Five Nations consisted of men, whoso cour- age and resolution could not be shaken." The torture of Father Jogues and others by the Mohawks, in 1G43, has been referred to by some writers as evidence of their cruelty, he beiug a Jesuit Priesc, or Mi?^ionary. But it should be rem 'mbered that he was taken in battle. He was found with weapons of war in his hands, fightin" by the side of the Hurons, the <• sworn enemies of the Iroquois." He had taken the swo: d, and could expect nothing else but to " perish oy the sword." He had undertaken to act the warrior's part, could he expect to escape the warrior's fate? At the same time when Father Jogues was a prisoner in the hands of the Mohawks, the Dutch Domine of the Collegiate Reformed Protestant church in New York, writes thus of the Imquois: <' though they are so very c:'uel to their r nemies, they are very friendly to us, and we have no dread of ohem. We go with them into the woods, we meet with each other sometimes at an hour or two's walk from any houses, and think no more^about it than if we met witl> christians. They sleep by us too, in our chambers ht* ne our beds. I have had eight at onco, who laid, and slept upon the floor near my bed."* It has been lopresented that in the conduct of their wai-s. the Iroquois were actuated by a spirit of revenge. But it may be do ibted whether they were influenced by any baser motives in this respect, than those civ- ilized nations who do the same things under th ^ more specious name of •'retaliation." At tue first introduction of fire-arms among the Iroquois, they did not readily adopt their use in war. They did not consider it bravo, or honorable, to shoot an adversary while at a distance; but, chof • to meet him at close quarters, with tlij tomahawk and scalping knife; and when they f;"st began to use fire-arms, they usually threw them away af- ter the first fire, and nished in, with tomaha.vk in hand; they could not ♦See a short sketch of the Molmwks by Jobaniiis Mcxanolensls Jr , New Tork Historical Society's collections, Sd scries, vol . 3, page 150. ^11 PREPi.CB. xi It'll rlf • r'',f '^ '^ ''°°"°° ''' ^^^'^ "^''^^ '^^ ' ^'''-^'^' to them was no fighting at all, and the best armed and best disciplined soldier* were no match for them at close quarters. ' Their social habits and moral character have been equally misrepresent- ed and m,sunderstood. Before they had became contaminated by their a :rr ^'^^^.^r^^"'^' ^^^y -^^^ - --^ -Pects have serve i pa tern for our imitation. «Tho hospitality of these rndians." (says Golden) IS no less remarkable, than their virtue; as soon as any slran- gei comes, they are sure to offer him victuals. If there be several in com- pany, and come from afar, one of their bes^ houses is cleaned, and given up for their entertainment. Their complaisance on these occasions, goes even farther than christian civility allows of, as they have no oLr ' rue or It, than the furnishing their guest with everything th^y thTnk will bo agreeable to him." ^ And if the person be one of distinction, eveiy inducement was offered to prolong his visit, or to make his permanent abode with them: and it was esteemed an honor for the young women to become the chosen part- ners of such, and « perform all the duties of a fond wife, during thestran- gers stay,, and this was from no base, or sordid motive. These associa- t^ns often became lasting, and as in the ca.e of the Jonciares and the MonU,ur.s, among the French, the Johnsons, Abeels, and others among the English, became permanent, and of mutual obligation. Indeed there were weightier objects underlying these associations. The intermarriage with other nations or individuals, was encouraged, and practiced from motives of state policy, as much as in European governments. The union thus formed, though wanting in the formality required by our customs and laws, was the most solemn and binding known to them. It was not coercive, but entirely optional on both sides. Greenhalgh, who visited the Senecas as early or earlier than any other white man ofwhom we have any account, says: they invited him and his party to choose from their maidtns, not such as we liked, but " such as liked us." That these alliances wero often of great political conse- quence to the Six Nations, there is abundant proof in the instances, which Have been already mentioned. The Iroquois wore equally remarkable in regard to their civil polity; and It IS utterly impossible to account for their superiority in this respect over all the other Indian Nations, upon any other hypothesis, thon that they must have obtained their ideas on this subject, from Europeans ^ "The Five Nations, (sn.ys Golden) have such absolute notions of liber- •J, that they allow of no kind of superiority one, over an other; and ban- n I \r I hi; xu UlSTORYOF BUFFALO. ish all servitude from thoir territories. They never make any prisoner a slave, but, it is customary among them, to make a compliment of natural- ization into the Five Nations; and considering how highly they value themselves above all others, this must be no small compliment." And although there was no power to punish for crimes, they were less frequent than in civilized society. They had also a high sense of honor. ' After theirprifoners were secured (we again quote from Golden) they never offered them the least mal-treatmont, but on the contrary will rath- er starve themselves, than to suffer them to want; and I have been al- ways assured, that there is not one instance of their offering the least vio- lence to female chastity." The following is the testimony of Mrs. Rebec- ca Gilbert, who with her family was a prisoner two years among the Sen- ocas, in 1781-2: ''The Indians were remarkable on all occasions for their modesty, their chaste reserve, and their deference and respect for their female captives, Insomuch, that no forwardness, no insult, no curiosity, or impropriety of conduct, or expression, was ever manifested, towards any of the female prisoners, during the time of their captivity among them.'" _ This has been the uniform testimony of all female prisoners on this sub- ject, and speaks volumes in praise of the Indians. The Iroquois have been distinguished for their orators, and it has been a subject of remark as well as surprise, how they should be able to attain such proficiency in this art, without apparent means for studying, and perfecting themselves in so high an accomplishment. In no age of their history, as it has come down to us, have they been destitute of men possessing very high qualifi- cations as public speakers. In all theirpublic business, they use great de- liberation, and it would be considered a breach of decorum, to reply to a speech, on the same day; and when the reply is made, it is done with the strictest observance of order, and deliberation. Every sentence or topic under uscussion, is first repeated, almost verbatim, in the words of the first speaker; and then answered in their regular order, with a directness, and precision, that might be imitated with great propriety by orators who boast ofa higher cultivation, and training in the schools. So re- markable is this trait in the chara.ior of the Iroquois, as to lead to the conjecture that thu too, must have been learnod from intercourse with cultiva ed Europeans; how. or at what period of their history, even tra- dition does not inform us. ^U^o be considered that most of the Indian speeches which have come ♦Narrative of the captivity of tho Gilbert family, p 218. Wm d a 8 d a; ^\ tc Ii di In PKEFACE. xiii dm^n to us, wore interpreted by illiterate, or uneducated persons; and udl ',r "'"'^ ''^^ ""'' ^^" P'^«^"«'J5 «« that it is not f ir to judge in all cases, by these imperfect specimens That the Iroquo sis h ve knollr '" f '.''"''' ''*' ^°' ^°^^'^'=''' *^«- " "^^ doubt. But we character in ^ T^ ^" ^^'^'^'sh, ennobling qualities of his original ita i hL b r '''''' '°^'^*' ^"^ '•''''' '^'^^ -- he strove to im- w teT ZVr 'r: ^r'-^°^t^«-t-course of the Indians with the whites that they readily learned to practice the vices of the whites «em 'T' Tu t"^^' ''' ^'^'^°^-«- Of spiritousCoS among them, was probably the most prolific source of evil. As early a. s i^rirr '''''^"" ^"' " ^^^ '"— ^^ ^™^ °^"'^^ >' There is one vice, which the Indians have all fallen into since their they know no bounds to their desire - * * Thpv h 7 ' , „ . ' '"""^ ^""^^1 a°« disease put toKetlior." Tbe most fruitful ,„„pce,fdl|iic„lt, between Ihe whlL .na ,h„ r "oguevta party. Nor can the means resorted to pv^n v,„ +», ... aa Official capacity to accomplish their Z^::^':^^^^;:^''^ Wi nam Johnson himself did not escape censure in this r^J cT The ht tory of these transactions is in general a history of wrongs d^n/f! .1 "ZlVor;' • r r "^^^ ^° -'-' ^-ther™f b'e -d si : dispo essed of their lands, without adequate compensation. ' I»d.ans. The avidity with Which the public mind has received ever^ I I .ii XlV HISTORY OP BUFFALO, story of Indian barbarity, come from what quarter it might, without in- vestigation as to its truth, or probability, has caused some of the most ex- travagant and absurd fictions, to bo copied into histories, as veritable facts. The celebrated scalp letter, ingeniously written in 1781, by Dr. Franklin for political purposes no doubt, has been repeatedly copied into books, as veritable history. The scalp certificate pretended to have been found on tlie person of the celebrated Seneca Chief, Sayenquaraghta, as it is pronounced in the Moliurtk, or Gui-yah-gwaah-doh as it is in the Stm- eca, or "smoke-bearer," as it is literally in English, or ''old smoke." or "old King," as he was familiarly called by the whites. This certificate, which bears on its face evidence of its spurious character, has passed into history as genuine ; when the least investigation, or the slightest knowl- edge of contemporaneous history, would have proved its absurdity. The imposition practiced upon the poor Indians, early attracted the attention of philanthropists, particularly the Quakers. Although efforts to christanize them, had been made by the disciples of St. Francis, the Jesuits, and the Moravians, at an early period, protestant missionaries met with very little success among the Six Nations, until the time of the celebrated missionaiy Kirkland, who established himself permanently with the Oneidas, over whom he gained gi-eat influence, which was felt more or less through all the other Nations of the confederacy. Notwithstanding these efl'orts to avert, or mitigate the evils to which they were exposed, and under which they sufiered, very little was accom- plished to arrest their downfall. It is true, there were individual cases of conversion to the christian faith among them, and in the judgment of charity, there were many examples of real christian piety, exhibited in the life, and death, of these sons of the forest ; but nothing could avert the doom of the great mass. During the latter years of the French supremacy over the Six Nations, it had been their settled policy to scatter them ; and induce them to set- tle upon the line of the frontier po.jts the French had established from Quebec to New Orleans. Through the exertions and influence of the Jonciares, fivther and son, and others, the French were able to accomplish their purpose to some extent, and considerable numbers of the Six Nations were settled upon the frontiers of Maryland, and Virginia, where they be- came allied to the Shawnese, and other nations residing there, by marriage and otherwise, forming what were denominated the Mingoes ; It is said this was the name by which the Six Nations called themselves. After the surrender of Canada by the French, to the English, they en- deavored to persuade the Six Nations to withdraw their people from the ••( r^ without in- thomost ex- 13 veritable 81, by Dr. copied into have been 'aghta, as it in the Stm- smolce," or i certificate, passed into itest knowU rdity. tracted the )ugh efforts i'rancis, the Qissionarics time of tlie ermanently sh was felt Is to which was accom- idual cases idgment of aited in the 1 avert the X Nations, lem to set- shed from )nce of the accomplish six Nations re they be- y marriage it is said i, they en- e from the 1 # PEEPAOE. j^y Ohio «id its tributaries, and to concentrate them upon their own lands jvuthm the boundaries of New York. Sir William Johnson had directed h.s effor^ and influence to accomplish this object, for several years before h.s ^eath^ in which he was seconded by many of the leading chiefs of all the Six Nations, with perhaps the exception of the Senecas, who. by their proximity to these settlements, had become more intimately connected witn them. The encroacijments of the English from Maryland and Virginia, upon tl^e Indian settlements on the Ohio river, soon involved the Indi „ in difficulty with the settlers, in which the Five Nations, particularly the Senecas. became involved. Sir William Johnson had the sagacity to fore- SCO these troubles, but neither he, nor his successors, although tlL made strenuous efforts to this end, were able to avert the impending storm, and by the most natural process in the world, the Senecas became engaged with their allies, and dependents, in the wars, which, with varying suc- cess, desolated that rogioi. »'*'J""fe suc- There is little doubt that had the colonists, on the breakln.. out of the Revolution had the means of furnishing the Indians with The nppMe they had been for a long time accustomed to receive, first from thP French and then from the English, thefriendship.oratl^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ty of the Six Nations, with perhaps the exception of thoMohawks, might have been secured. The influence of the .Tohusons and Brant, secured L adherence of the Mohawks to the cause of the Crown, and the Sene J imng so remote from Albany, were almost inaccessible to the colon stT while they were easily reached by the British, who were establi ed at' For. Niagara} and from this period we may date the disruption of the confederacy of the Six Nations, which hitherto had withstood very offlr reak the golden chain which bound it together. Although some e^ forts were made to preserve their national existence after the war ^f the Revo ution, these efforts were feeble.and only showed how they had f , e, from their once proud position. The Mohawks removed permanently to Canada; the other nation, or e small remnant of them, remained within the territory of the UnUe" States; but were scattered far and wide. The OneidaT alone had re mained rue to the cause of the colonists, or . . least observed a s tr ct nou" Moh \ Tr' *'^^«°^-^''' ^•'^^-^^ Of their own breth e .tt Mohawks, and from the British tones,- during the progress of the war ^ter the peace, the Senecas, disheartened, dispirited, liven from tLTr homes, without the means of subsistence, sued for peJce and proSciT which was granted, and the sm.ll remnant of them, are now enjo^ tT^ ': f' I \ xvi HISTORY OF BUFFALO. fruit Of that protection, upon lands assigned tliom upon tiio Tonawanda, Cattaraugus and Alleghany Reservations, wlicro many of them have attain- ed to a mcaauro of civilization, wliich secures to them all the comforts of life, by moans of agriculture, which is successfMlly pursued by them, and it should be mentioned to the credit of their patriotism, that they have fur- nished several hundred warriors to our present army, inferior to none in the field. I should do injustice to my own feelings, and to the liberality and kind- ness of the gentlemen who have given me free access to, and use of, their libraries, in aid of the execution of this work. From tho extensive libra- ry of the Hon. Geo. R. Babcock, rich in all that relates to early American history, I have derived much that is valuable in this department. Tho choice collection of oaily French publications in regard to tho history of this country, in Canadaandupon the lakes, in tho library of 0. H.Marshall, Esq., have furnished valuable aid in regard to the early history of our In- dians, and I am also indebted to L. K. Haddock, Esq., for several rare pub- lications in regard to the history of the same period. Much the largest portion of the facts connected with the history of tho Six Nations, from about the middle of the eighteenth century, has been derived from the Johnson manuscripts, or the Colonial Documents, published by the gov- ernment of the State of New York, edited by Mr. O'Callaghan* These doc- uments are a mine of wealth to the historian, and tho difficulty has been to abridge tho extracts so as to bring them within reasonable limits. To the Buffalo Historical Society, I am indebted for the use of this work, as well as that of other valuable books, papers, and manuscripts, relating to the history of our city and its vicinity— deposited in their fire proof vaults. If these pages shall contribnte, in any degree, to throw light upon the true character of the Six Nations, and serve to correct some of the errors into which the public mind has fallen, in respect to them, one of the prin- cipal objects of the author will be accomplished. Buffalo, December, 1864. CHAPTER I. A J„sto,-y ofButtalotliatclkl „„t comam .„„,o account ..s „bo,.,g,„al i,„,abiea„.,, .„,„j ,,„ i„„„„„„:,r™ a tern,*,,,. ,„ „;., a f„„, eon.pleto a,„l a„«,e„ ie i ' to ^ ot Buffalo Us sottlement, gro.,!,, an.l cxtmordhn t connnorcal, ,„ccl,anieal, anj ,„n„„,actt„.h,. 11 ine.it, ,t will be necessary lo .ho sncb f.,M= , ' ,i„ i , , •' &'*^ ^"en tacts as liave come own tons b„tb t.-aditional and historical, of the ™e wl.0 preceded us i„ the oecnpa.ion and own , -ship oi^o. present ,nheritanee-a people ,n.w nearly e.xti cf b whose adn,g glory nshered in a new era "of eiv ttb 2'1 enterprise scareeb- paralleled in the historv „, '™ The teitory once exhibited on the ,n.ap as the "Conn- If New Y ?"°"' '"'"'"■'""S »'■"-' "- ">«- state of New lork ,s now the seat of a highlv intelligent cln-.st,an cv.hzation, teenn'ng with popnlon; cities, bea, ! M villages, nghly cultivated farms, tnills, manu actor- 1, schools, ehnrches, and everything that denotes enter- prise, intelbgcnce and universal prosperity Wewlork has been wrought within the space of less tlmn one hundred years-yes, within the life-time of many now living, it will be admitted that the change is most extraordinary, wonderful. fill i i i i; I I ;i t, !lii li mSTOUV OK liLFKALO. Cci,nniiiii<;' with tlie earliest uutlieiitic {iccouiits of this countrv, anrey of both, until they were themselves ultimately nearlv\lestroved. At the period of the visit of the first French missionaries fioon after A. D. 1000, they were settled in several villa- ges about the foot of lake Erie, upon both sides of the Niagara liiver, or rather the lake, as at that ].eriod it was not their custom to make their permanent resivoru- nient, sliow tliut tlio foara ciitertuiiiod uftliu Imd faith W the Iroquoi.s, wore not ijroundk'Hrt. TJio lbIlowin<,' liuliiiii Tradition was writtcJi out by tho autlior and furnished to tho J>utlido Connnercial Adverti- 8er, and publishuil in that ])a))(>r July, 1 84.'.. If; is tiio In- dian account (jf some of the last great battles of tho Iro- quois with the Erict^, tho last of which was fouo-ht near this city, probably not far from tho j)eri()d of Father LoMoinoV visit or embassy in lijr)4— to which allusion has already been made. This tradition was current among iho IndianH when tho French missionaries first visited them, and has been over since. The main features of it are corroborated by facts and history. After tho period named tho Eries aro not mentioned in history, except as having been ex- terminated by tho Iroquois. One of tho French mission- aries relates it in substance, and says that tho account of it had oidy a parallel in tho account: JI. Samuel, chap. II., verses 14, 15, 10, 17, &;c. " And Abner said to Joab : Let the young men now arise and j)lay before us. And Joab answered : Let them arise. Then there arose and went over by number twelve of JJenjamin, which per- tained to Ishbosheth tho son of Saul, and twelve of the ser- vants of David. And they caught every one his follow- by the head, and thrust his sword in his fellow's side, so they i'ell down together : wherefore that place was called Ilelkathhazzurrini, which is in (Tibeon. A ki tliero \vas a very sore battle that dci^-,aiKl Abner was b..:au)i bv-fore tiio servants of David."" .ol : ! CIIAITICK II. IXDIAN TliADITIOX Tlio Erios wero iiinoiii>- tlio most ])o\vorf'iil jiiul wiirlike of all tlio Iiidiiui tribes. Tlicy resided on the south side <>i' the great Lake which bears their name, at, the I'oot of which now stands tho city of Jluffalo. Tiio Indian name for which was Te-osah-wa. Wlien the Eries heard of tiie confederation which liad been formed between the :Mohawks, (;who snbseqncntly resiiled in tho valley of the river of that name.) tho Onei- das, tho Onondagas, tho Cayngas, and the Senecas, who also resided for the most part npon tho shores and outlets of the Lakes bearing their names respectively, (called by tho French tho Irocpiois Nation.) tliey im- agined it must be for somo mischievous purpose. Altlio' conlident of their snporiority over any one of the tribes inhabiting the countries within the bounds of their knowl- edge, they dreaded the power of such combined forces. In order to satisfy themselves in regard to the character, disposition, and power of those they considered their nat- ural enemies, tho Eries resorted to tho following means : They sent a friendly message to tho Senecas, who were their nearest neighbors, inviting them to select one Imn- dred of their most active, athletic yonng men, to play a 8 IIISTORV OK P.L'KFALO, l;:a fl .ll game of ball n^^nhi^t the same luunbor to be selected bj the Eries, for n wager that should be considered worthy the occasion, and the character oc the great iiatic^n in whose behalf the offer was made. T!ie message was received and entertained in the meet respectful manner. A council of the " Five Nations " was called, and the proposition fully discussed, and a mes- senger in due time despatched witii the decision of the ccuncil respectfully declining the challenge. This emboldened the Eries, and the nexl; year the offer was renewed, and after being again considered, again formally declined. ^ This was ..ir from satistying the proud lords of the 'I Great Lake," and the cliallenge was renewed the third time. The blood of the young Iroqi ois could no longer be restrained. They importuned the old men to allow them to accept the challenge, and the wise counsels that liad hitherto prevailed at last gave way, and the challenge M'as accepted. Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm with which each tribe sent forwa.-d its chosen champions for the contest. The only difiiculty seemed to be, to make a selection where all were so worthy. After much delay, one hundred of the flower of all the "Five Na- tions " were finally designated, and tie day for their de- parture fixed. An experienced chief was chosen as the leader of the party, whoso orders the young men were strictly enjoined to obey. A grand council was called, and in the presence of the assembled multitude thepartv was charged in the most solemn manner to observe a pacific course of conduct towards their competitors, and the nation whose guests they were to become, and to allow no provocation, however great, to be resented bv I' * INDIAN TIIADITION. 9 agaiji any act of aggression on their parr, but in all respects to acquit themselves in a numner worthy the rei)resentatives of a great and ])owerfhl people, anxious to cultivate peace and friendship with their neighbors. Under these in- junctions the party took up its lino of march for Te-os- ah-wa. When the chosen band liad arrived in the vicinity ol" the point of their destinution, a messenger was sent for- ward to notify the Erics of their arrival, and the next day was to be set apart for their grand entree. The elegant and athletic forms, the tasteful yet not cumbrous dress, tho dignified, noble bearing of their chief, and more than all, the nuxlest demeanor of the young warriors of the Iroquois party, won the admira- tion of all beholders. They brought no arms. Each one bore a bat, used to throw or strike tho ball, tastefully or- namented—being a hickory stick about live feet long, bent over at the end, and a thong netting wove into the bow.. After a day of refreshment all things were ready for the contest. The chief of the Iroquois brought forward and deposited upon the gronnd a large pile of^costly belts of wampum, beautifully ormimented moccasins, rich bea- ver robes, and other articles of great value in the eyes of the sons of the forest, as the stake or M-ager, on the part of Lis people. These were carefully nuitched, article by article, by the chief of the Eries, tied together and again deposited in a pile. Tiie game began, and although con- tested with desperation and great skill by the Eries, was won l)y the Iroquois, and they bore off the prize in tri- umph. Ti-is ended the first day. The Iroqiu^is having now acconq>lished tho object of their visit, ]>roposed to take their leave. But the chief .:'iLm '4 i ^i' :i ,1 'j < 91 . !'! I' (' ' I 10 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO, of the Eries, acUlressing liimsolf to the leader said, their young men, tliougli ihirly beaten in the game of ball, would not be satisfied unless they could have a foot race, and proposed to match ten of their nuuibcr against an equal number of the Iroquois party, which was assented to, and the Iroquois were again victorious. The Kaw-Ivaws, who resided on or near the Eighteen Mile Creek, being present as the friends of the Eries, invited the Iroquois to visit their village before they re- turned home, and thither the whole conqiany repaired. The chief of the Eries, evidently dissatisfied with the result of the several contests already decided, as a last and final trial oftiie courage and prowess of his' guests proposed to select ten men, to be matched by tlKTsame number to be selected from the Iroquois party to wrestle, and that the victor should dispatch his adversary .•n the spot by braining him with a tomahawk, and bearing off his scalp as a trophy. • This sanguinary pro])osition was not at aU pleasini; to the Iroquois. I'liey however concluded to acce])t''''the challenge with'a determination— should they be victori- ous— not to execute the bloody part <'f the proposition. The champions were accordingly chosen. A Seneca was the first to step into the ring, and threw his adversary amidst the shouts of the multitude. JIc stepped back and declined to execute his victim who lay i)assive at his feet. As quick as thought, the chief of the Eries seized the tomahawk and with a single blow scattered the brains of liis vanquished warrior over the ground. Ifis body was dragged out of the way and another champion of tlie Eries i)resented himself He was as quickly thrown by his more powerful antagonist of the Iroquois pai-iy, and IXDIAN TKADITION. u as quickly dispatched by the infnmtcd chief of the Eries. A third met the same fate. The cliief of the Iroquois party seeing the terrible excitemoiit which agitated the multitude, gave a signal to retreat. Every man obeyed, and in a moment they were out of sight. In two hours they arrived at Te-osah-wa, gathered up the trophies of their victories, and were on their way home. The visit of the hundred warriors of the Five Kations, and its results, only served to increase the jealousy of the Eries, and to convince them that tliey had powerful rivals to contend with. It was no part of their policy to culti- vate friendship and strengthen their own power by culti- vating peace and friendly alliance with other "tribes. They knew of no mode of securing peace to themselves, but by exterminating all Avho opposed them. But the combination of several powerful nations, any one of which might be almost an equal match for them, and of whose personal prowess they had witnessed such an exhibition, inspired the Eries with the most anxious fore- bodings. To cope with them collectively, they saw was impossible. Their only bojie therefore was in being able,, by a vigorous and sudden movement, to destroy them in detad. AVith this view a powerful war party was imme- diately organized to attack the Senecas, whose principal residence was at the foot of Seneca lake, near the present cite of the village of Geneva. It happened that at this- period there resided among the Eries a Seneca woman, who in early life had been taken prisoner, and had mar- ried a liusband of the Eries. He died and left her a, widow without children, a stranger aniong strangers. Seeing the terrible note of preparation for a bloody on- i il Il« 'I "f! 12 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. slaught „|x,,. i,cr kindred and friends, she fi,n„ed the reeohitioi. of a,ij,rising then, of their dan.vei- As 6oo„ as „ight set in, taking the co„T-se oftl,e Xia,,. ara mer she travele,! ail night, and early next morning reaehod the sI,ore of lake Ontario. She jun.ped into a . noe s he ,„nn Jhstoned to a tree and boIdln!„shed on to the open lake. Coasting .1„„.„ the south shore of the lake, she nrr,ve,l at Os„-eg„ river in the nigl,,, near wh,c u largo settlen.ent of h.r nation resided. She d . .■ected her sto,,s to the honse of ,l,e head ehief and dis- closed to him the ohieet of her vi^lt si , hvtl,..„i-<- , ■''-"°' '"-' ^'"1- She -nas secreted by the olnef, and rnnners were di.si.at.I.ed to all the tribes sam,„„n,ng then, innnediately to n.eet in couneil. When mlrr °T'™'",'' "" ''""''"'"' ""'' '•" "'° "'-' «°k">n m^ne rehearsed a v.s.on, in ,vhieh he said a beautiful bnd had appeared to hin> and told him th.t a great war pa,. . ot t e Eries was preparing to ,„ake a s^er:! n c ,'ld a! T ?"" """ '" '""'"y "'^■"' """ ™*»g 0. tie S'?.""" ™ ""'"'*"'^ '■"">■ °''»" "■" --rio,^ ot the P.ve Nat,ons, to meet the eneu.y befoi-e they had .me to stnke the n.editated blow. These solemn an- nounee,nents wet-e heard in breathles.s silence. When 1« ch,ef lu.d iinished and sat down, the,, was one te." and b aud,sl„„g h.gh ,n the air the w-ar elnbs, de,na„de< to be led „ga,„st the invaders. No time w„ to be los wSd T- -' "''' "' ''^ "'"'-«' ™"^ ' was fo.med, w,th a co,-ps of reserve of one thousand J-ung „,e„ who had never been in battle. Th Z™t eh,e.s fr„,n all the tribes we., put in command, . nd Z ™.ned,ately sent out in search „f the ene.ny ; the J2 INDIAN TRADITION. 13 body taking up a line of marcli in the direction from whence they expected an attack. The advance of the war party was continued for several days, passing througli successively the settlements of their friends, the Onondagas, the Cayugas, and the Sen- ecas. ]3ut they had scarcely passed the last wigwam near the foot of Can-an-da-gua lake, when their scouts brought in intelligence of the advance of the Eries, who had already crossed the Chin-isse-o (Genesee) river in large force. The Eries had not the slightest suspicion of the ap- proach of their enemies. They relied upon the secrecy and celerity of their movements to surprise and subdue the Senecas almost without resistance. The two parties met about midway between Canandai- gua lake and the Genesee river, and near the outlet of two small lakes, near the foot of one of which (the Ilon- eyoye,) the battle was fought. When the two parties came in sight of each other, the outlet of the lake only intervened between them. The entire force of the Iro- quois was not in view of the Eries. The reserve corps of one thousand young men had not been allowed to ad- vance in sight of the enemy. Nothing could exceed the impetuosity of the Eries at the first sight of an opposing force on the opposite side of the stream. They rushed tiirough it and fell upon them with tremendous fury. Notwithstanding the undaunted courage and deter- mined bravery of the Iroquois warriors, they could not withstand such a terrible onslaught, and they were com- pelled to yield the ground on the bank of the stream. The whole force of the Iroquois, except the corps of re- serve, now became engaged ; they fought hand to hand, ■'if 14 HISTORY OF BrPl'^ALO. pi* and foot to foot : the battle ra^ired horribly, lu, .^imrter was asked or given ci. either si.le. As tlio ii^ht tinck- ened and became more and more desperate, the Eries, tor the first time became sensible of tlieir true situation.' What they ha' ! I I'KAIKIKS — THKIK OKKUX. 17 inadefiuato to accuinplish tiio purposes desi\<,me(l. Thev found it necessary to adopt some inctliod to ciiticu the graminivorous animals into the vicinity of tlieir suttU.'- mcntrf, and by burning tlie dried vcgctatit)n every sprin"-, they not only kei)t down the growth of timber and shrubs, but stimuhited the growth of a tender nutricious grass, eagerly sought for by the deer, the elk, the mooscs and the buffalo. These not only sought the luxuriant pastures for food, but they soon learned that tiiese open plains afforded protection against tiieir enemies of the carnivor- ous race of animals which prey upi.n them. These stealthy nuirauders of the feline and canine si)ecies, exer- cised their vocation in the dense forests, or in the dark- ness of the night. They seldom ventured into the o])en l)lain; hence the harmless, defenceless animals which furnished food for man, roamed almost unmolested over the grassy plains kept in perrennial verdure by his supe- rior sagacity. All the regions of country which are usually denomi- nated '-oak openings," are to be considered as once open prairies, like the vast prairies of the west, whose origin is to be ascribed to the same cause. These i)rai- ries extended over a great portion of what is now New England, a large portion of the states of Xew York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, S:c. A large i)ortion of Tapper Canada, ])artifnlarly that' part of it Ijouiid by the lakes Ontario, Ei'ie and Huron, may also be included in the once prairie region, f.r it will be observed that '-oak openings" prevail to a large extent hi all the territory named. What are called the plains,'' in our own vicinity, are a striking exayiple of the change M-hich has taken place within less than two hundred years. 2 H':y I .IJl ■i ■■ > 18 mSTOUY OF UL-I'FALO. Prcsidoiit Tlieodore I)\vi,ij:lit, who visited Buffalo (or aa it was then calle.i iJutralo Creole,) in 1S03, lias tlio follow- in- ohseiTatioMs: "From Batavia there are two roads to .liullalo Crwk,and a third which i)assc8 directly to Queens, town, seven miles below the Falls ofNia;,'ara. The last is the nearest route to the Falls, but being lately and imper- fectly made, and i)assing through a country scarcely nt all inhabited, presents to a traveller a disagreeable path, and wretched accommodations. The new road to Buffalo' Creek, is live miles shorter than the old, but is of recent date, and stretches out in no less than thirteen miles of nuid, before it l)ecomes reunited. The old road, which I suppose t.. have been the ancient military route, contains from eight to nine miles of mud out of twenty-three. AVe chose this, by advice of a gentleman acquainted with both, and soon entered upon the first of three mirey ex- pansions, lying in this part of our journey. Here, how- ever, we had the advantage of daylight^' and the mire was less deep, than on the preceding evening, vet it was sufficiently tedious. We dined at Dunham's, five miles from Batavia. After leaving Dmduim's, and passing through another maple swamp, we entered upon the sec" ond vt' t\iG j)lalns, above mentioned. " From the appellation of plains, usually given to these tracts, you will naturally think as I did', that they are level grounds. This however, is a mistake. The^ are generally elevated, and every where presi;nt a surface rolling easily, without any sudden declivity except on the borders of streams or swamps. The variations of the surface are however continual, and some of the eminences rise considerably above the common level. These grounds, are also termed openlmjs, as being in a great degree des- •I OAK OPKNIXGS — TIlErR OKIOIX. 19 titute of forests. Tlio vegetation with which they are covered cousists of grass, weeds and ishruhs, of various kinds. The grass, resembles a sjjecies .sometimes seen on the intervales of Connecticut, and named perhaps locallv, thatelh. The stalk is single, from three to five feet m height, tinted in various parts with a l)rown hue, and topped with a spreading ear, generally resembling that of spear grass. Besides the shrubs, which have nothing remarkable in them, there are, on all these plains some° and on some of them many, young trees, i)articnlarlv near the Genesee. ■'■' * - The soil of these i)lains is loam of a light brown hue, mingled with gravel, and covered by a very tliin vegeta1)le mould, the residum chiefly of shrubs and herbage. ••• '^ '■'' The ori'nn of the peculiar appearance of these grounds is in-olxibly^his : the Indians annually and sometimes oftener, burned sucli parts of the North xlmerican forests, as they found sufK- cieatly dry. In every such case the fuel consists chieflv of the fallen leaves, which are rarely dry enough for an extensive combustion excei)t on uplands, and on these oidy, when covered with a dry soil. "^^ -• '^ The object of these conflagration^ was to produce fresh and sweet pasture for the purpose of alluring the deer t.j the spots on which they had been kindled. Immediately after the fire, a species of grass springs up, sometimes called fire grass, because it usually succeeds a conflagration. Wheth- er it is a peculiar species of grass, I am muible to say, not having seen it since the days of childhood. Either from its nature or the efHcaey of the fire, it is remarkably sweet, and eagerly sought by deer. All the underwood IS at the same time consumed, so that these animals are easily discovered at considerable distances, a thino- im- m 'f ! ( ■ »1i i i t a I 20 JIIsluKV UK lUFrAI.O. pmcticivblo wlicro the I'orotits Imvu iiut been liuriiod. * •» Thus in time tiieso plains wero tlt'tbrcstod tn the .U. peased. ' ^ All the descriptions we have of the great numbers of wolves, bears, panthers, wild cats, etc., etc, which the- I THE MULTITUBK OF ANIMALS. 23 early settlors encountered, are conipai.itivciv uf recent date, extending back only eighty, or at most one hundred years; still these accounts seem almost iabulous. La Salle and liis party in their journey through the region lying south of Lake Erie, in the winter of 1080, encoun- tered the wolves in such numbers, as to be in danger of being overpowered and devoured by them, notwithstand- ing that the party was well armed with guns, and had abundance of ammunition. The extraordinary multitude of game of all kinds upon the south shore of^Lako Erie, is spoken of by several of the early travellers from 1680 to 1724 ; and is by some, attempted to be accounted for, by the fact, that since the terrible war between the Eries and the L-orpiois, no one resided there. It was not con- sidered safe to even pass throngh the country. It is stated as a well authenticated fact, that over four" hundred bears were killed in a single season upon Point Pelee, on the north shore of Lake Eris, where it api)cared these 'an- imals crossed the lake at certain seasons of the year in great numbers ; passing from island to island, thus ma- king the crossing easy upon the ice in winter, and by swimming in summer. As late as ISOi, it is stated by a traveller, (Rev. Mr. Harris,) that it was not safe to leave a horse hitched alone, particularly after dark, in Xorth Eastern Ohio, as he would be in danger of being devoured by wolves, who infested that region of countiy at that time in great num- bers. Deer, and the buffalo, were found in great numbers upon the prairies and bottom lands in Ohio, by the early settlers, in what was then the North Western' Territory. The use of fire arms in hunting, infused a teiTor among the animals they never experienced before. The mode ;iV -mm ' ^'Wii "Wt .uwm '.' XJl '•■j KS 4 ^1 i Wji 'i ^m •a tJ . 24 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. jilt of killing animals before the introduction of lire arms, did not excite in tliem but little fear of man. Bears werj •usually killed by a kind of deadfall or trap, ingeniously lormed of logs. The deer were sometimes killed with the bow and an-ow, but this was without noise or any thino- ■to frighten or alarm, like the noise, fire, and smoke of a gun. Indeed, the animals were not killed for anv other purpose except to furnish food from their flesh, or clothing from their skins. But when both hide and flesh, became nrticles of sale in great quantities to Europeans, they began to be hunted for a far difi-ercnt motive, and to a much greater extent. And with the new weapons fur- nished by the traders, who early became eager to obtain the skins of all the furred animals, the destruction of the animals became greatly increased, while their propaca- tion from the same causes was proportionally diminished. An early English traveller speaks of the perfectlv wanton manner in which the deer were destroyed at the time he wrote, ISOG. He said it was sufiicient excuse for a man to leave his business, however urgent, if a deer came in sight, and a whole neighborhood has been known to be aroused and join in the pursuit, regardless of everything else ; and if during the winter season a deep snow should become crusted over by a freezing rain upon its surface, It would be a signal for multitudes to sally out with dogs, and murder the poor hel])less creatures" l)y scores, at' a season of year too, when neither the flesh or skins were of any, or little a nine. CIIAPTEE IT The date, or occasion of the formation of the confedera- tion of the Five Nations, has not been settled, with any degree of certainty. The attenipts M'hich have been made at different times, and by different persons, seem to end in mere conjecture or vague speculation. Tradition places it about 1539, upon M-hat authority is not so clear. The Indian legends make it more obscure, from the great variety of extravagant and absurd superstitions connected with it. Nearly all accounts agree in assieninff the an- cient seat of the Five Nations in the North, or at least upon the banks of the St. Lawrence. Champlain, on his first arrival in that river, soon after 1600, found them engaged in a war of extermination against the Ilurons, who inhabited the shores of the lake bearing their name. The Franciscan Missionaries, who were the first to visit the Plurons, became interested in their behalf, and Champlain was induced to join the Hu- rons in two or three expeditions against the Iroquois, across lake Ontario, then called the lake of the Iroquois. One of tliese expeditions, which M-as undertaken in 1615, proved disastrous to the French. They were repulsed in an attack upon one of the Castles of the Onondagas; Champlain was severely wounded, and came nigh falling I'TO '! B 'd ,il 1 26 IlISTOKY OP BUFFALO. ■ 'i .!■ nto tl,e iKuuls ot tl.e savages. His army was dispersed, m own .nen nuvking tJieir way as best tliey could to Quebec, where tliey reported tliat be was killed. He was, bowever, carried off by his Huron warriors, in a nKle^vMcker basket into their own country, where he re- manied throuo-b the winh.v Ti. ,. • , fn ,. f . y ■ ^^'® "^""^ ^l^i'^^g ^^e was able toieturnto (,,uebec, where be was received with great joy and surprise by the inhabitants, who had given him up as dead. *= The following brief history of this transaction is from ^■Iiamplanrs own account, translated by O. H. Marshall, Lsq , and furnished the A^ew York Historical Society, lu ib4J. See proceedings, page 100, &c. " On the lOtb of October (1C15,) we arrived before the lort of the enemy. Some skirmishing ensued among the Indians, which frustrated our design of not discovering ourselves until the next morning. The bnpatience of our savages and the desire they had of witnessing, the effects oi c.nr fire arms on the enemy, did not suffer them to ^wllt. ^Yhen I approached with mj little detachment, we showed them what they had never before seen or iieard As soon as they saw us, and beard the balls whistlmg about their ears, they retired quicklv into the tort, carrynig with them their killed and wounded. We also fell back upon the main bodv, having five or six wounded, one of whom died. The*' Indians now retired out of sight of the fort, and refused to listen to the advice ot Cham])lam as to the best mode of conducting the siege. _ " He continued to aid them with his men, and in imita- tion of the ancient mode of attack, planned a kind of moveable tower, sufficiently high when advanced to the CIIAMrLAIN's ATTACK. fort to overlook the palisades. It was constructed ot laieces of wood placed one upon another, and was finished in a night. The village (says Champlain,) was enclosed by four rows of interlaced palisades tliirty feet high, near a body of unfailing water. Along these palisades the Iroquois had placed conductors to convey water to the outside to extinguish fire. Galleries were constructed on the inside of the palisades, protected by a ball proof par- apet of wood, garnished with double pieces of wood. When the tower was finished, two hundred of the strong- est men advanced it near to the palisades. I stationed four marksmen on its top, who were well protected from the stones and arrows which were discharircd bv the enemy. " The French soon drove the Iroquois from the galleries, but the undisciplined Ilurons, instead of setting fire to the palisades as directed by Champlain, consumed the time in shouting at the enemy, and discharging harmless showers of arrows into the fort. Without discipline, and impatient of restraint, each one acted as his fancy pleased him. They placed the fire on the wrong side of the fort, so that it had no eft'ect. " When the fire had gone out, they began to pile wood against the palisades, but in such small quantities that it made no impression. The confusion was so great that nothing could be heard. I called out to them and point- ed out as well as I could the danger they iuQurred by their imprudent management, but they heard nothing by reason of the great noise that they made. " Perceiving that I should break my head in calling— that my remonstrances were in vain — and that there were no means of remedying the disorder, I resolved to effect Hi .41 .1! !t ' •>a liiiiut; HISTORY OF JJUFFAT.O. -itl. n,y own pe,,,,le w].„t could be clone, .„d .„ &.o „,,o„ those we could discover. ^ "In the n.eau ti.ne the ene.ny j.rofited by our disorder llKy brought and threw water in such abundance 1; i,m hed the hre in a very short tinuv Thov continued without cessation to disc ' .I,f= / continued Z:zTTV'"""r- ^"^ •"""» '-'«i »bo"' tmee Ju us. Two ot our cl.ieli, some head men and ? "• ' "f "'''"'" ""'"'="1 tl,e besiegers to tl.ink of i-e IZ ! '"T "'"' ™ '^•■"■'■" '^•^l'-'"'- Cl,aM,pIain ™ tWK-e severely wounded by arrows ; .be first ti„,e i„ 'lie leg, fl,o second in his knee. dav !?n rr^^'l ''"■'"■' "" Onondagafort until tbe 16th day Of October, when, in opposition to the remonstrances t^t7 7 ""' "'"■■ '""^''»' «-y -•-" *e siege and oT 1 :;■: '"TT' "?"■ ^"""'P'""' '-"S ■""•We to walk was placed m a basket of wicker work, and so Z1:'T f^'^'f "'"■ ™'* «"'"-was'.:ah the n iL I :^ ""^ ™"''''«'' '"= "•- carried by the Incbans on their backs for several days. The Iroouoi^ pursue theur for half a league, in hopes of cut ,^g off some str'agglers, but their arrangements for th4 retreat placed i„ the centre, and the front and rear and win^s were protected by chosen warriors. When they a Ivel on the borders of lake Ontario, they were rejoie d to iind IROQUOIS IX CANADA. 20 "Chainplaiii.wiis now desirous of returning to Quebec by way of the St. Lawrence— a route yet untraverscd by tlie wliite man— but the Indians refused liini a canoe or guides. lie was thus compelled to accompiiny them home and pass a long and dreary winter in the Huron country. lie did not leach Quebec until the following June, when he was received as one risen from the grave'^ the Indians having reported his death a long time pre- vious." Soon al'fer, the Iroquois invaded Canada, and defeated the Ilurons in a great battle, almost in sight of Quebec, having previously bound the French to a strict neutrality by a treaty, which they did not dare to violate by an open interference. The Iroquois were not oAy bravo in. battle, but wise and politic in council. One of the c*r]v French writers speakingof the visit of a deputation whicli came to Quebec from the upper Iroquois, (the Senccas,) says : " The first of these embassadors who came fronl the upper Iroquois, were presented to M. de Tracy, in the month of December, 1GG5, and the most influential among them was a famous Captain called Garacontie : who always signalized his zeal for the French, and em- l^loyed the credit which he has among all these tribes, in extricating our prisoners from their hands, as he has lib- erated very recently Seur Le Moine, an inhabitant of Montreal, who had been captured three months ago bv these barbarians. M. de Tracy having notified him by the usual presents that he would give him friendly audi- ance, he pronounced a harangue full of good sense, and an eloquence, evincing no trace of the barbarous. It con- tained nothing but courtesies, and ofiers of friendship, and service, on the part of his tribe, wishes for a new Jesuit 30 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. M ^lission, and expressions of condolence on the death of he hite lather Le Moine, the intelhgence of which he iJiul just received." President Dvvight, avIio possessed greater means both lor observation and information than others, whose highly cultiwited, vigorous mind, was exercised in investigating everjtlung that related to their history Oftlie Iroquois or Six Nations (as they were called, atte the incorporation of the Tuscaroras, who lied from Aorth Carolina to them for protection in 1712 according, to historical record,) he says : ° " The Iroquois have certainly been a most extraordina- y people. Had they enjoyed the advantages possessed . t^e ancient Greeks and Romans, there is'no reason to iNations Iheir minds appear to have been equal to any efforts withn the reacli of man. Their conquests, if wl onsKler heir numbers, and their circumstances, w e ttle inferior to those of Rome itself. Jn their harmony : zi:i '''" '''-''''^'^ ''- --^-^ ^ ^-••''™ - tu the A astness, vigor and success of the. ^erprises -'^1 1 e strength and sublimity of their eloqu. ' they -ay be fairly compared with the Greeks.' B. Z Greeks and the Romans before they began to rise o ^^■stmction had already reached the state of soc ty ii - .chnienareableto improve, the Iroquois h not >e Greeks and Romans had ample means for impro^^ "KMit, the Iroquois had none." ^ Gov. Dewitt Clinton in a Discourse on the History of tlie Six .Nations delivered in 1811, says- •nndThecinfT"':"^^ ""'"'*^' ^•^'^"^^" "- I^~ and the Confederates, not only in their martial spirit, and DEWITT CLIXTON ON THE IKOt^L'OIS. 31 rage %• conquest, but in their treatment of the conquered Like the Ronnins, they not only adopted individuals, but incorporated the renn.ant of their vanquished enemies in to their nation ; by which they continuallv recruited their population, exhausted by endless an- encouraged them to fight bravely against their new ene^ miesofthe CatKation, and for having exhorted them never again to war against the French. Thy voice said he, Onnontio is wonderful, to produce in my breast atone time, two eftects, entirely dissimilar. Thou animatest me to war, and softenest my heart, by thoughts of peace. Thou art great, both in peace, and war, mild to those whom thou lovest, and terrible to thine enemies. 'We wish thee to love us, and we will love the French, for thy sake. " In concluding these thanks, the Onnontagu ch'ef took up the word. 42 niSTOKY OF JJL'FFALO. Listen, Ondessonk, said ].e to ino, iive entire nations speak to thee througli my mouth. My breast contains the sentiments of the Iroquois nations, and my ton-^ue responds faithfully to my breast. TJiou wilt tell Onnon- tio lour thmgs, the sum of all our councils. " First, we are willing to acknowledge Ilim of whom thou hast spoken, who is the nuister of our lives, who is unknown tons. "Second, our council tree is planted this day at Onon- tagu-meaning that that, would be henceforth the place tlie». meetings, and of their negotiations for peace. • Iha-d, we conjure you to select on the banks of our great lake an advantageous site for a French settlement- lix yourselt in the heart of the country, since you ought to possess our hearts. There we shall go for instruction, and from that point, you will be able to spread yourself abroad m ovovy direction. ]3e unto us careful as fathers and we m-iII be unto you, submissive as children. " Fourth, we arc engaged in new wars. Onnontio en- couraged us. ^Ve shall entertain no other thought to- wards him than those of peace." The foregoing extract is valuable in several respects It furnishes us with a favorable specimen of the Iroquois manner of conducting their public councils, in their prim- itive state, and of their internal policy and statesmanship, and powers of oratory, uninfluenced by their association with Europeans, or modern civilization. It also enables ns to fix, with a good degree ofaccuracv, not only the sub- stantial truth, of the tradition already related, but the date, of the final overthrow of the Eries, as therein stated at about 1655. i am not aware of any record of the visit 6f any Euro- ii SKJ«KCA TOWNS. 43 pean to the country of the Senecas at as early a period as this, and it is not likely their most western villages ex- tended at tliis time, much beyond the lake whicli bears their name. It is said the name Iroquois signifies " long house." The confederate tribes or the territory occu- pied by them was so denominated by themselves. The Mo- hawks were charged to keep the eastern door, towards the sun's rising, and the Scnecas the western, or towards the Sim's setting. And it is to be observed, that during all the vicissitudes to which they have been exposed, and the changes through which they have passed, these tribes have virtually occupied tlie sanio relative position. In general, their conquests have l>eeii pushed from the east, towards the west. The location of the Scnecas, is thus briefly alluded to in the French relations under date of 16G4-5 : "Towards the termination of the great lake called On- tario is located the most numerous of the five Iroquois nations, named the Senecas, which contains full twelve hundred men in two or three villages, of which it is com- posed." This is undoubtedly a very imperfect piece of information but we have in the journal of Greenhalffh-— probably a dutch Indian trader — a more accurate descrip- tion of the principal villages of the Seuecas, which he visited in 1GG7. He says: "The Scneques have four towns viz: Canagora, Tiotohatton, Canocnachi and Kent- he. Canagora and Tiotohatton lye within thirty miles of ye lake Frontenac and ye other two lye about four or five miles a peace, to ye southward of those. "They have abundance of corne, none of their towns are stockaded. Canagora lyes on the top of a great hill, and in that, as well as the bigncsse, much like Onon.da- u HISTORY OF UUFFALO. go contajning one Jiundred and fifty houses, nortlnvest- waul of Caiongo (Cayuga,) seventy-two miles. liotoLatton, lyes on the brinck or edge of a liill, has not much cleaved ground, is near the river Tiotohat- ZZf' rr " '""'"^■- '' '''' ^^'-^--d -f Cana- go a about tlnrty n.iles, containing about one hundred and thirty houses, being ye largest of all ye houses wee aw ye ordinary, being fifty and sixty foot long, with elve or thirteen fires in one house. They hav'; good tlwr^'T^^-^^r'^-^^r'''^^^^^ " Canocnada lyes about four mile, to ye southwest of Canagura contains about thirty houses well furnished with corne. Kent-he lyes aboutt four or five miles to ye outhward of Tiotohatton contains about twenty-four liouses well furm-slied with corne. The Seneques are counted to be in all, about one thousand fighting men " The extirpation of the Erie or Cat Nation, upon the south shore of lake Erie having been accon.plished, the benecas who guarded the western door of the " lone, house, pushed their enterprises farther west, subduing or dnvmg before them all who opposed their progress! m one of their incursions into the country of the Illinois a war party of the Senecas, captured, and pillaged, seven canoes, loaded witii merchandise, belonging to the French; and actually attacked fortSt. Louis,erected by Mons. La Sa le on the Illinois river, designing to capture it also, but were defeated in their purpose, by the vigorous de- fense 01 the Chevalier De Bangy. The cai)ture and pillage of'^these canoes, was made a subject of complaint by the French government in Cana- da,.and a purpose was formed to punish the Senecas, by l^ LA UAREe's expedition. 45 a military expedition, into their country. Witli this view an effort was made to ne^^ociate a permanent peace with the lour eastern nations, of the confederacy, and induce them to remain neutral, while the French visited deserved retribution upon the Senecas. Preimratious were made, and an expedition under Mons. De La Barre was sent into the territory of the Iro ciuois in 1684, landing upon the shores of Lake Ontario near Onondaga. But partly from sickness, and partly Irom want of energy, and perseverance, on the part of the commander, it returned to Quebec, after negociating a treaty of peace with the Onondagas, containing promises of satisfaction lor the robbery committed by the Senecas Ihe tailure of the expedition of Mons. La Barre occa- sioned dissatisl-iction with the French, and in 1G85 the Marquis De Nonvillo was appointed to succeed him in the government of Canada. A new expedition into the Seneca's country, was determined upon, under his com- mand, but was not fully organized until July 1087 DeNonville's official report of his expedition has been tenslated by 0. IL Marshall,, Esq., and published by the JNew lork Historical Society, and in the Colonial Docu- ments. According to this report the French are repre- sented as victorious, but according to the accounts of other and less interested parties, the French were nearly defeated, in a battle which was fought very near the spot where therailroad from Rochester to Canandaigua crosses the turnpike road leading from the village of Victor south, to what is known as " Boughton Hill," in the town ot Victor, Ontario county. The French landed at the mouth of the Irondequoit i>ay on Lake Ontario, where they stockaded their boats. W' 46 HISTORY OF iJUFFAI.O. I ■■, and marched across the country, whicli was mostly what is called " oak openings." The largest village of the Senecas at that time, was ui)on IJoughton Hill, less than a mile south of the railroad crossing spoken of. The Seneca warriors al)out four or five hundred strong, having notice of the approach of the French through their spies sent out, formed an ambuscade in a thick cedar swamp upon a small stream running through a valley between high hills. The French were entirely unaware of the presence of the enemy, until they rushed out of their con- cealment with tremendous yells. About two hundred of the Senecas were armed with guns, and all, with toma- hawks and scalping knives. The two hundred guns, were fired at the first onset; without waiting to reload, the whole body rushed upon the French, with their accus- tomed ferocity, and liad it not been for the Indian allies, who accompanied the French, their destruction would have been inevitable. The brief check given to the fierce onslaught of the Senecas, by that portion of the French force accustomed to this mode of warfare, enabled them to recover from what M'ould otherwise have been a total rout. As it was, they were content to encamp for the night upon the field, and when the next day they advanced upon the town, they found it deserted and destroyed. The account given of this battle by some of the Indians to the English Governor at Albany, differs somewhat from the report of Mons. Do Nonville. It is as follows : " When they (the French,) came in sight of the Senecas, the French not seeing them, sat down to rest themselves, and their Indians likewise ; the Senecas seeing this, •advanced upon the left wing, being Indians, the French M I)B nonville's kxpkdition. 47 seeing tlierti stood to thoir arms, and gave the iirst voJloy, and then tlio Indians tiiat were on tlio loft wing. Where- upon the Senocas answered them with anutlier which occasioned so much smoke, that they couhl scarce' see one anotlier, wherefore they immediately ran in, and came to hardy blows, and put the left wing to flight. Some went quite away, and some Hed to the rear of the French • when that wing was. broke, they (the Senecas,) diar-ed', and fired upon the French, and other Indians. The French retired about one hundred and fifty paces and stood still. ' "The Senecas continued the fight, with their hatchets but perceiving at last that the French were too numer- ous, and would not give ground, some of the Senecas began to retreat, whereui^n, the French Indians cried out 'the Senecas run,' and the rest hearing that, fol- lowed the iirst party that gave way, and so got off from another, and in their retreat, were followed al)out half an English mile ; and if the enemy had followed them fur- ther, the Senecas would have lo^t abundance of people because they carried off their wounded men, and were resolved to stick to them, and not leave them. The young Indian that was in the engagement, relates, that after ft wns over, when the Senecas had got upoTi a hill, they saw a party of fresh French, come up, the French called to then, to stand and fight, but the Senecas replied, 'come out four hundred to our four hundred, and we have but one hundred men, and three hundred boys, and we wdl fight you hand to fist.' The said boy beino- asked, rf he saw any of the French with anv gorges about their necks, it was too hot, they were too numerous. "There were amongst the four hundred and fifty Sen- 48 in8'IX)Ry OF UUFFALO. bi f ecas, Hvo women, who engaged (fought) as well as the men, and were resolved not to leave their husban 'g. 1-.: to live, or die, with them." Another acconnt says: *'Tho French all acknowledge the Senecas fonght very well, and if their nnnd)er had been greater, it would have gone hard with the French, for the new men were not used to the Seneca's whoop, and hollow, all the officers tailing down, close upon the ground, for they jeered one another about it at IVIont Royall." Another account of this battle says : (See Colden's History of the Five Nations, i)ago 80, vol. 1.) " The army marched four leagues the firet day (after leaving Ironde- quoit landing,) Avithout discovering anything. The next day the scouts advanced before the army, as far as the corn, of the villages, without seeing anybody, though they passed within pistol shot of five hundred Senecas, that lay on their bellies and let them pass, and repass, without disturbing them. On the report which they made, the French hastened their march, in hopes to over- take the women, children, and old men, for they no longer doubted of all being fled. But as soon as the French reached the foot of the hill, about a (juarter of a league from the village, the Senecas suddenly raised the war shout, with a discharge of their fire arms. This i)ut the regular troops, as well as the militia, into such a fright, as they .marched through the woods that -the battallions im- mediately divided and run to the right, and left, and in their confusion, fired ujjon one another. When the Sen- ecas perceived their disorder, they fell in among them pell-mell, till the French Indians, more used to such way of fighting, gathered together, and repulsed the Senecas. " There were (according to the French accounts,) ahun- VIU.AIJK DKSTUOYKI) AT noiroilToN |,n.L. 40 (Ired Frenclmieii, ton French Indians, and abont four score Senccas killod, in tlio encounter. Monn. Da Non- villo was 60 diapirited with tho fright timt his men liad been put to, that his rndiuns could not i)erauado him to l)ur6ue. Ifo lialted tlio ronuiinder of tlio day. 'I'he next day ho marched on with a design to burn tho vilhigo, but wlion ho camo there, ho found the Senecas had saved hini tho trouble, for they haid above the descent, tliat it violently hurries down the wild beasts, while endeavoring to pass it, to feed on the other side, they not being able to withstand the force of its current, which inevitably casts them down headlong above six hundred foot.- ^' This wonderful downtall is composed of two great cross streams of water, and two falls, with an Isle sloping along the middle of it. The waters which foil from this vast height do foam, and boil, after the most hideous man- ner imaginable, making an outrageous noise, more terri- ble than that of thunder, for when the wind blows from the south, their dismal roaring may be heard above fifteen leauges off. •Probi.l.ly in.-aniii- the full aiul r.pi.ls U,\\x above and holow. r 1 LA SALLe's EXPEDITIOX. 53 " The i-ivor magiiva luivino- thrown itself down tliis in- credible precipice, continues its impetuous course, for two leagues together, to the great rock, above mentioned, with an inexpressible rapidity, but having passed that, Its impetuosity relents, gliding along more gently, for two leagues, till it arrives at the lake Ontario, or Frontenac- any barque or vessel may pass from the fort, to the foot ot the large rock, above mentioned. '• This rock, lies to the westward, and is cut off from the land by the river Niagara, about two leagues further down than the great fall, for which two leagues, the people are obliged to carry their goods overland ; but the way IS very good, and the trees are but few, and they chieHy tirrs, and oaks. From the great fall unto this rock, which IS to the west of the river, (on the west side,) the two brinks of It, are so prodigious high, that it would make one.tremble, to look steadily upon the water, rolling aloncr with a rapidity not to be imagined. Were it not for thit vast cataract, which interrupts navigation, they might sail with barc|ue, or greater vessels, above four hundred and fifty leagues further, cross the lake of Huron, and up to the further end of the lake Illinois, (Michigan) which two lakes, wo may well say, are two little seas of fresli water.''' The following is Father Hennepin's description of a voyage across lake Ontario, to the Niagara river in 1G78: "The very same year, on the ISUi of November,! took leave of our monks at Fort Frontenac, rtnd after mutual embraces, and exi)ression3 of I)rotherly and christian charity, I embarked in a brigantine of about ten tons. The winds and the cold of autumn were then very violent, ■insomuch that our crew were afraid to go, in so little 1 54 IIISTOEY OF J5UFKAL0. vessel. Tliis obliged us, and the Seui- De La Motte, our commander, to keep our course on the north side of the lake,to shelter ourselves under the coast, against the north west wind, which would have otherwise, forced us upon the southern coast of the lake. This voyage proved very difficult, and dangerous, becai;so of the unseasonable time of the year, winter being near at hand. "On the 2Gth we Avere in great danpjer, about two large leagues oft' the land, where we were obliged to lie at an- chor, all that night, at sixty fathoms of water, and above, but at length the wind coming at the north east, we sailed on, and arrived safely at the other end of the lake Onta- rio, called by the Iroquois, Skannandario. '*We came pretty nearone of their villages, called Taja- jagon, lying about seventy leagues from Fort Frontenac, or Catarokouy, (Kingston.) '■'We bartered some Indian corn with the Iroquois, who could not sufilciently admire us, and came frequently to see us, in our brigantine, which for our greater security, wo had brought to an ...ichor into a river, though before we could get in, we ran aground three times, which obliged us to put fourteen men into canoes, and cast the ballast of our ship overboard, to get her off again. That river falls into the lake, but for fear of being frozen up therein, we were forced to cut the ice, with axes, and other instruments. The wind turning then contrary, we were obliged to tarry there, till the r)th of December, 1078, when we sailed from the northern, to the southern side, where the river Niagara runs into the lake, but could not re.ach it that d.ny, though it is but fifteen or sixteen leagues distant, .and therefore cast anchor within five lea^-ues of the shore, where we had very bad weather all the night FIRST VESSKL IN NIAGARA RIVKR. 55 long._ On the Gth being St. Nicholas day, we got into the tine nver Niagara, into ^v■hich never any such sliip as ours entered before. " We sang there the Te-Deum, and otlicr prayers, to retnrn our thanks to God Almiglity, for onr prosperous voyage. The Iroquois Tsonnontouans (Senecas) inliabiting the little village, situated at the mouth of the river took above three hundred svhitings, (wliite fish) whicli are bigger than carps, and tlie best relished, as well as the wholsomest fish in the world; which they presented all to us, imputing their good luck, to our arrival. •• They were much surprised at our ship, which they called the great wooden canoe. _ " On the rth we went in a canoe, two leagues up the nver, to ook for a convenient place for building, but not being able to get the canoe further up, because the cur- rent was too rapid for us to master, we went over-land about three leagues higher, thongh we found no land lit lor culture. ^ " We lay that night near a river that runs from the M-estward, (Chippewa) within a league above the fall of the Niagara, which as we have already said is the great- est in the world. ''The snow was then a foot deep, and we were obliged to dig It up to make room for our fire. The next day, we returned the same way we went, and saw great numbers of wdd goats, (deer) and turkey cocks, (wild turkeys) and on the nth we said the first mass, that was ever said in that country. The carj^enters and the rest of the crew were set to woi-k, but Monseur De La Motte who had the direction of them, being not able to endure the fatigues of so laborious a life, gave over his desii^n and returned 'flfi 66 IIISTOKY OF liLFFALO. to Caiuida, having about two liimdred leagues to travel. " The 12th, 13th and 14th the wind was not favorable enough to sail up the river, as far as the rapid current above mentioned, where we had resolved to build some houses. " Whosoever considers our map, will easily see that this new enterprise of building a fort, an.l some houses on the river Niagara, besides the fort of Froutenac (Kings- ton) was like to give .Jealousy to the Iroquois, and even to the English, who live in this neighborhood (at Albany) and have a great commerce with them, " Therefore, to i)revent the ill consequences of it, it was tiujughtht to send an Embassic to the Iroquois, as it will be mentioned in the next chapter. The 15th I was desired V,: -it at the helm of our brigantine, while three of our men hauled the same from the shore with arop,e and at last we brought her up, and moored her to the shore with a hawser near a rock of prodigious height, lying up- on the rapid currents we have already mentioned. '■•The 17th, 18th and VJth we were busy making a cabin, with palisadoes to serve for a magazine ; but the '' ground was so frozen, that wo were forced several times, to throw boiling water uj.on it, to facilitate the beating in, aiul driving down, the stakes. "The 20th, 21st, 22d and 23d, our ship was in great dan- ger to be dashed to pieces, by the vast pieces of ice, that were hm-led down the river, to prevent which, our car- penter made a capstane, to haul her ashore, but our great cable broke in three pieces, whereupon one of the carpen- ters surrounded the vessel with a cable, and tied it to sev- eral ro])es, whereby we got her ashore, though with much difficulty, and saved her from the danger of being broke ■M LA SALLE's AKKIVAL AT NIAOAKA. 57 to pieces, or carried away by the ico, which came down with an extreme violence, from the great tall of Niagara." After giving a detailed account of the embassy to the principal village of the Irorpiois Tsonnontouaiis(Senecas) which was situated at about thirty leagues in a south easterly direction, and is at the same place, where De Nonville found them in 16S7, nine years after, Father Hennepin proceeds to give an acconnt of the building of tiie first vessel that ever floated on lake Erie. ''On the Uth of January, 1079, we arrived at our habi- tation of Niagara very weary of the fatigue of our voyage, (to the Seneca village.) We had no otiier food bu"t In- dian corn, bnt by good luck for us, the fishery of the whitings, I Jiave already spoken of, was then in season, and made onr Indian corn more relishing. We made use of the water in which thefisli was boiled, instead of broth of meat, for when it gi'ows C(..ld in the pot, it congeals it- self like some real broth. ^ '' On the 20th, arrived Mons. De La Salle, from Fort Frontenac, from wliich he was sent with a great barque to supply us with provisions, rigging, and tackling for the ship, we designed to build at the mouth of the lake Erie. But that barque, had been cast away on the south- ern coast of lake Ontario, by the fault of two pilots, who could not agree about the course they were to steer, though they were then only within two leagues of Niagara. The seamen, liave called this place the mad cape. " The anchors and cables were saved, but several ca- noes made of barks of trees, loaded with goods, and com- modities, were lost. These disappointments were such, as would have dissuaded from any further enterprise, all other persons, but such who had formed the generous ■ ""^I"''^'""^ "l»"t til fort, vowe,-el„„ld,„g„t Niagara, which was i„ ...at f„ 1 ™.;d„ess, and these saspieions ..-ew so high, that we were ohl,,ed to g,ve over onr bnihiing for so„^, ,„e, conte.t 0,, the 32d ot the said ,„onth, wo went two leagues lor bn,lt the Iro,po.8 who were present, were partuker.s, ihv wo gave them some brandy to drink, as well as to onr n.en who immediately q,.ittey out of tho reach of the insults of the savages. "The Iroquois being returned from hunting beavers were m.ghtily surprised to see our ship afloat, and called' as -Okon that is in their language, 'most penetrating wits, for they could not apprehend how, in so short ^I time, we had been able to build so great a ship, though It was but sixty tons. It might indeed have boon called a moving fortress, for all the savages inhabiting the banks o those lakes and rivers I have mentioned, for five Inmdred leagues together, were filled ,vith loar, as well as admiration, when they saw it. "The best designs are often crossod by some unex- pected accidents, which God permits to happen, to try men s constancy, as I experienced at that time. One of our crew gave mo notice, that the Seur Do Tonti our commander, entertained some jealousio towards m'e, be- cause I kept a journal of all the considerable things that were transacted, and that he, designed to take the same from me. This advise, obliged mo to stand upon my guard, and t. o all other precautions to secure my obser- vations, aiid remove the jealousio that gentleman had of me. For I Iiad no other design than to keep our men to their duty, and to exercises of piety, and devotion, for pre- r :dl 62 illSToKY OK llt'FFALO. vontiiinr disorders, and for tho i'lirtliernnco ol'our common iindortukinfj. " 111 tho iiicantiino,our enoniiex spread very disadvan- tagoous reports of us in ('aniidu, where we were repre- sented as imh and ineonsiderate j^ersons, for venturing upon 80 dangerous a voyage, from wliich, in their opin- ion, none of U9 wouhl ever return. "Tliis, together with tiie dillicidtiea wo lahored under for transporting tlie rigging of our shij), and the otlier in- conveniences, necessarily attending a voyage through an unknown country, hikes, and rivers, where no European had travelled before, and the opposition from the Iro- <^luoi8, wrought in me an unparalleled vexation. ]}ut these reports, were more i.rejudicial to M.LaSallo, whose cred- itors, without iiKjuiring into the truth of the nuitter, or expecting iiis return from fort Frontenac, seized all his effects in Canada, tliough that very fort alone, tlie prop- erty whereof belonged to him, was worth twice more than all lie owed. "However, it being impossible to stop the mouth of our enemies, who liad no other design than to oblijre us to give over our enterprise, notwithstanding tho great charge we liad been at for our ])rei)arations, we resolved to wait with jiatience the o])piortunities Divine Providence would present us with, and to pursue with vigor, and con- stancy our design. " JJeing thus i)re})ared against all discouragements, I went up in a canoe with one of our savages, to tlie mouth of the lake Erie, notwithstanding the strong current, which 1 mastered with great difficulty. I sounded the mouth of the lake, and found, contrary to the relations that had been made unto me. that a s-liip with a brisk TIIR OHIFKIN WAITINO IN NIAOAUA Un MK. 03 gale, mi^rl.t Bail up to tho lake, u.ul snr.nuunt tl.e rupiditv of the current; and that therefore, with a etrou^. north or northeast wind, wo might bring our shi,, into iak. Krie "I took also a view of the bank, of the streight, and ^^••"'l^thut u, case of need, we n.ight put sonie of our rnen asl.ore, to haul the ship, il' iho wind was not stronc, onough. ' ->.- •:<• ,>,to,o we could go on with <.ur in"- tcided d.scovc.ry, Twas obliged to return to fort Fronte- nac, to bring along with n.e two n.onks, of n.y own order to help n.e, in the function of ,ny n.inistry. 1 k-ft our ship' rHl.ng upon two anchors, within a league and a half of he lake Kr_>e-in the streight between the said lake and the great Jail of Niagara." The party returned to the ship, the bog.nnuig of August, ICu'J, and we resume our quotations from the journal of Father Hennepin. " We endeavored several times to sail up the lake but the wind being not strong en<.ugh, we were forced to ^va.t lor It. In the meantime M. La Salle caused our men to grub up some land, and sow several sorts of pot herbs and pulse, for the convenience of those who shoidd sett e themselves there, to maintain our correspondence with tort i rontenac. We found there a great quantity of Wild chernes, and 'rocambol,' a sort of garlic, which grow naturally on that ground. We left Father Meliihon with some workmen at our habitation above the Falls of ^ lagara, and most of our men, went ashore to lighten our ship, the better to sail up the lake. "The wind veering to the north east, and the ship be- ing well provided, we nuule all thesail we could, and with tiie help of twelve men who hauled from the shore over- came the rapidity of the current, and got up into the lake. Ihe stream is so violent that our pilot himself despaired ot success. '^ i i1 'Ql |( % 64: IIISTOKV OF BUFFALO. " Wlieii it was done, we sang Tc-Dcum, niul discliarged our cannon and other lire-anns, in j)resence of a great many Iroquois, wlio came from a \\iirlike expedition against the savages of Tintomlia, that is to say the nation oftlie meadows, wlio live above four hundred leagues from that ])lace. '" The Iroquois and their prisoners, were much surprised to see us in the lake, and djd not think before, that we should be able to overcome the rapidity of the current. They cried several times 'gannoron,' to show their admi- ration. Some of the Iroquois had taken the measure of our ship, and immediately went for New York to give notice to the English and Dutch of our sailing into the lake. For those nations affording their commodities clieaj>er than the French, are also more beloved by the natives. " On the 7th of August 1679 wc went on board being in all four and thirty men including two Recollets who came to us, and sailed from the mouth of the lake Erie, steering our course west, soutliwest, with a liivorable wind. " And though the enemies of our discovery had given out on purpose to deter us from our enterprise, that the lake Erie was full of rocks and sands, which rendered the navigation impracticable, we run above twenty leagues during the night, though we sounded all the while. The next day the wind being more flivorable, we made above iive and forty leagues, keeping at an equal distance from the banks of the lake, and doubled a cape to the west- ward, which we called, cape Francis. The next day, we doubled two other capes, and met with no manner of rocks or sands." They made the " mouth of the streight II i f I . i VOYAGE OF THE GKIFFlN. 65 which runs from the hike Huron into tlie lake Erie » on the morning of the 10th, so that tlie first trip tlir'ough hake Erie was niade in less than three days. They continued their voyag-e through the streight "the cim-ent which is very violent, but not half so much as that of Niagara, and therefore we sailed up with a brisk gale and got into the streight betu-een the lake Huron, and the' lake St Clair ; this last is very shallow, especially at its mouth." ■•.• ^ ^ "We sailed up that canal, but were forced to drop our anchors near the mouth of the lake, for the extraordinary quantity of waters which came down from the upper lake and that of Illinois, because of a stron- north-west wind had so much augmented the rapidity of the current of this streight, that it was as violent as that oi Js^iagara." After some little delay and trouble thev entered lake Huron the 23d of August. " We sung Te Deum a second time to return our thanks to fhe Almighty ibr our happv navigation." On the 24th they continuod tlieir voyage, but shapincv the.r course N. N. east, they soon found themselves near the land and changed to K. X. west, crossed a bav which they estimated to be thirty leagues in width, and becom- ing becalmed among some Islan.Is thev sought for o-ood anchorage in vain. " The wind turning then westerly we boi-p to the north to avoid the coast till the dav id' pearcd."' - - vj " '■^ "The 25th we lay becalmed till noon ; but then run iiorth-west with a brisk southerly gale. The wind turning south-west, we bore to the north, to double a cape, but then the wind grew so violent that we were forced to lie ■by all night. "The 26th tiie storm continuing, we brought down our 5 ^V f«f r, ; if ' [kI ^ i if 1'^ ; i,ii I'"-' t * ■lii ^j G6 niSTOKY OF BUFFALO. main yard and topmast, and let the ship drive at the mercy of the wind, knowing no jjlace to run into to shel- ter ourselves. M. La Salle, notwithstanding he was a courageous man began to fear, and told us wo were un- done, and therefore everybody fell upon liis knees to say his prayers and prepare himself for death, except our pi- lot, whom wo could never oblige to pray, and he did noth- ing all that wliilo but curse and swear against M. La Salle who as he said had brought him thither to make him per- ish in a nasty lake, and lose the glory ]io had acquired: by his long and happy navigations on the ocean." The storm however abated, and they were able to re- sume their voyage, having sustained little or no damage, and on the 2rth they arrived at Missi:imakinak, and an- chored in a bay, " at six fathoms water, upon a slimy white bottom." This being llie ultimate destmation of the ship, we shall follow the journal of the Father no further. The construction and equipment of the " Griffin, " the pioneer vessel of lake Erie, and indeed of these inland seas, exhibits a degree of enterprise and pe.-se.-erance under difficulties, never surpassed, and seldom equaled. When it is considered that all the material fortlie rio-fWn"- and equipment of such a craft had to be transported round the falls, up the steep mountain, and a distance of about nine miles, on the backs of men, four of whom were required, it is said, to lift a single anchor, of which they had two,, it will be admitted that these men were the fitting repre- sentatives of a class of enterprising men who have, follow- ing the example set, built up a commerce upon these lakes that has been tlie admiration, and astonishment of the world. LOSS OF THE GBIFFJN. 67 So far as Mons. La Salic Limself, was concerned, this expedition, of which we have given the history son.ewhat in deta,], appears to have been of a twofold character He had, at great expense the year before, fitted out a large party of traders, with goods to trade with tl^, Indi- ans for furs. This party had been sent to Mackinaw by way of the Ottawa river, and lake Huron, which was then he usual ronte from Quebec. He designed the vessel to take on board a return cargo of furs, the principal of which at that period, was beaver, for the purpose of dis- charg,ng the debts he had incurred, both for goods fur- nished his traders, and the expense incurred in building las vessel ; after accomplishing this part of his enterprise! he designed to devote himself to the accomplishment of he second_o]>ject in view, to prosecute his discoveries on the great river Mississippi. Nothwithstanding the perfidy on the part of some of lis traders who had been sent forward, the sea. son before,_who had deserted his service, and squandered the goods intrusted to them, he was able to procure a valuable cargo of furs and skins, and on the ISth of Sep- tember, the vessel sailed with a fair wind on lier return voyage Her crew consisted of the old pilot, and five men ; she was never heard from afterwards. There were vague reports having their origin with the natives, that she was lost in a gale which occurred very soon after she sailed. Some attempts have been made to piove that she was lost on lake Erie, and not many miles from this city ; but this is rendered improbable fVom the fact that M. La Salle decided himself to go to Quebec in themiddle of the winter of 1679-80; "because, (saysM He Tonti in his memoir,) he had heard nothing of the boat which he had sent to Niagara." :;|il| 'in m '%, ' 'II .ij] i»-'? 68 HISTORY OF lUFFALO. "lie gave inethecommaii d of this place (Fort Creave- couer on the Illinois river,) and left us the 22d of March, Muth five men ; on his road he niet with two men whom he had sent in the autumn to Michilimacldnac, to obtain news of his boat. They assured him that it had not come down, and he therefore determined to continue his jour- ney." It is most probable, therefore, that the Griffin was lost soon after she started on her return voyage, as reported by the Indians, who saw her at anchor to the north of the lake Illinois, (Michigan.) * * * " Biit the shi]) Avas hardly a league from the coast, when it was tossed up by a violent storm in such a manner that our men were never heard of since." Had she passed down through the streights and river, into lake Erie, she would have been seen by some of the numerous tribes who in- habited the ehor.s of those streights and rivers. But diligent inquiry, never brought any further information. ill C II A P T E R VI. It will be readilj perceived by what has been related, that the history of the Senecas, and indeed, of the Five Nations, now becomes involved with that of the two great European powers, who were contending for the sujireraa- cy over the aboriginal tribes who ''nhabrted tliis continent History relates, pretty fully, the transactions that occur- red about this period, between the English government at New York, and the French government at^Quebec, in Canada, which ultimately led to a war between those two nations. Perhaps no better idea of the true position of affairs between the parties, in which the whole Six Nations be- came deeply mvolved, can be given, than by copying two letters, written about this time, being part of a very wordy correspondence betu-een M. De NonviUe, the Gov- ernor of Canada, and Gov. Dongan, the Governor of New York : M. DB NONVILLH TO GOV. DOXGAN. August 22, 1(187. Sib : The respect I entertain for the King, vour jnaster and the orders I have from the King to live^in harmony with his Britannic Majesty's subjects, induce mc sir, to 70 mSTOlJY OF IJUI'FALO. 1: address you this letter, on the present state of affairs, so as to have nothing to reproacli myself' with. On seeino- the letter you were at the trouble to write to lue, on my arrival in this government, 1 persuaded myself bv your discourse, that we should live in the greatest harmony, and best understanding in the world, but the event has well proved that your intentions did not at all accord with your fine words. You recollect, sir, that you positivelv asked me in that same letter, to refer the difference about our boundaries, to the decision of our masters. Letters more recently re- ceived from you, fully convinced me that you received that which I wrote in reply to your first, to show you that I willingly left thct. decision to our masters. ^ JNTevertheless, sir, whilst you were expressing these ci- vilities to me, you were giving orders, ami sending passes to rlespatch canoes to trade at Missilimacpiina, whore an Englishman had never set foot, and where wo, the French, had bSen established more tluin sixtv vears. I shall say nothing of the tricks and intrigues resorted to by your people, and by your orders, to induce all the savage tribes domiciled with the French, to xcxolt against us. I tell you nothing, either, of all your intrigues "to en- gage the Iroquois to declare war against us. Your traders at Orange (Albany,) have made noise enough about it, and your presents of munition^ of war made with this view last year, and this, are cmvictions sufliciently conclusive, not to enteitaiii a doubt of it. even were there not proofs at hand of your wicked | : DE NONVILLE TO GOV. nONOAN. 71 to his Majesty, though you had not all the orders from his Britannic Majesty, that you iiave to live well with all the subjects of the King, his ancient friend. What have you not done, sir, to prevent the Senecas surrendering to mo the Outowas, and Huron prisoners of Missilinuiquina, whom they treacherously captured last year, and how numy goings and comings have there not been to the Senecas on 3'our part, and that o^your traders, who do nothing but by your orders, to permit the restitu- tion of the said prisoners, by the said Senecas, who were solicited at the village of the Ontonagues, (Onondagas,) to give me satisfaction. I avow to you, sir, that I should never have expected such proceedings on your part, which, without dou])t, will not please the King, your mas- ter, who will never approve your strenuously opposing, by threats of chastisement, the Iroquois, coming to mc when I invited them to visit me, to arrange with them the causes of discontent that I had, on account of their violences. Three years ago, sir, you made use of them to wage Avar against the French, and their allies. You took m-eat pams for that purpose to give them more lead, powder and arms than they asked. You did more sir, for you prom- ised them reinforcements of men to sustain them aain8t the Senecas, I received tlie letter that you took the trouble to write me, sir, on the 11th (20th,) Juno of this year. You send me copy of the treaty of neutrality, entered into between our masters, of which I also transmitted you a copy, as I had received it from the ]vin-, and it was pub- lished in this country. Nothing more is required there- in, sir, than to have it fully and literally fulfilled on your part, as well as mine. To do that, you must discontinue protectmg the enemies of the colony, and cease to receive them among you, and to furnish them with munitions as you have done. You must also observe the promise you gave me, at the time of my arrival, that you would leave the decision of the limits to our masters. You must like- wise not undertake any expedition against us, in anv of our cstablisliinents, the greatest portions of which were before Orange (Albany,) Avas what it is, or any of Manate (New York,) were acquainted witli the Iroquois, and tlie Ouatonas. When you arrived in your present government, did you not find sir, in the whole five Iroquois villa-es all our missionaries sent by the Iving, almost the entire of whom the heretic merchants have caused to be expelled even in your time, which is not honorable to your o-ov- ernment. It is only three years since the greater nmn- ber have been forced to leave. The Father Lamberville alone bore up under the insults and ill-treatment they re- ceived, through the solicitations of your traders. Is it not true sir, that you panted only to induce them to aban- don their mission ? You recollect sir, that you took the trouble to send, under a guise of dutv,so late as last year to solicit them by urgent discourse, to retire, under the ti M \l\ ' ji .'4', m III li I' ! 74 IIIHTOUY OK Itdl'FAl.O. pretext that I wishcl to doehiro war ii-ui.ist tho villairo ot thcOno.itugiics. (Onoiiclu-as.) What certainty had jou of it, sir, if it wore not your char-o and prohibitions you haJ given them, a-ain,st giving up tho prisoners 1 deniandetl of them, and they surrendered to me? You foresaw the war I would make, hecauseyou wished me to make it again4 them, and because youobli-ed me to wage that against tho Seneca.. In tin's way, sir, it is very easy to lore.see wliat occuis. I admire, sir, tlie passage of your last letter of the 11th of June, of this year, in which you state that the King of England, your master, has juster title than the King to the pusis we occupy, and the loundation of your reason- ing is, tliat they are situate to the south of you, just on tiie bortkr of one portion of your dominion, (domination.) In refutatiuM of your sorry reasonings, sir, it is only no- ecssary to tell you, that you are very badly acquainted witli the map of the country, and know less of the points of the compass, wiiere tlu.se posts are relative to the situ- ation of Manate. (ISTew York.) _ it is only necessary to ask you again, what length of time we [havej occupied those posts, and who discovered them, you or we ? Again, who is in possession of them ? After that, read the fifth article of the treaty of neutrali- ty, and you will see if you are justified in giving orders to establish your trade by force of arms, at Missilima- vqnina. As I send you a copy of your letter, with tho answer to each article, 1 need not repeat here what is embraced iu that answer. Suffice it to say this in conclusion, that I retain your officer, McGregory, here, and all your orders for your pretended expedition, who were taken within the ^7>m1 I'K NONVILLfc; TO GOV. DONOAN. 75 l.ost8 occnpied by tj.o King. My lirst ucl^n was to send tl.eui buck tu you, but a8 1 know that yuu^ntortuin, and givo aul and comlbrt to the Iroquois savage., contmrv to tho treaty of neutrality, of Xovcnibor IGth, 1086, a-^rced to by our masters, oaubing them to be supplied with all "Huntu.ns necessary to enable then, to wage war against us, 1 have determined, in S])ite of myself, tu retain all jour peoj.I, until you have complied with the intentions o tl.o king, your master, and executed said treatv, bein- obliged to regard you as the King's, enemv, whilst vou entertain his enemies, an' W iJ' r Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTfcR.N.Y. 14580 (716) 87!-4503 ? $5 76 III8T0KY OF 15UFFAI.0. I Ee]y oil mo, sir. Let us uttacli ourselves closelv to the execution of our master's intentions. Let us seek- after their example to promote religion and serve it. Let us live in good understanding, according to their desires. I repeat, and protest sir, it remains only with you. Eut do not imagine tliat I am a man to suffer others to plav tricks. ^ " I send you back Antonio Leispinard, beaj-er of vour passport and letter. I shall await your final resolution, on the restitution of .your prisoners, whom 1 wish much to give up to you, on condition that you execute the treaty of neutrality in all its extent, and that you furnish mo with proper guarantees therefor. Your very Humble and Very Obedient Servant. The M. DE XONYILLE. GOV. DbJSTGAN TO At. DK XONVILLE. Sth September, 1687. Sir: Yours of the 21st August last, I have received, and am sorry that Mons. Do Xonvil'e has so soon forgot- ten the orders ho had received from his master, to five well with the subjects of the King of England. But I find the air of Canada has strange effects on all the Governor's boddyes, for I no sooner came into this province, than Mons. De La Barro desired my assistance to warr against the Sinnckes, upon which I went to Alba- ny, and sent for the Five Nations to come to me, and when they came, was very angry with them for offering to do anything to the French, that' might disturb them hunting or otherwise. On which they answered me that they had not done anythiug to the French, but what 11^ ,, |. GOV. DONGAN TO DE NONVILLE. 7T Mons. de la Barre orderd them, wliich was, that if they met with any French, hunting without Ijis pass, to take what they had from them, notwithstanding if any of their people which were abroad, had done any injury they knew not of, they assured mo they would gi\-e satisfaction. ^ I send liim word of all this, and assured him satisfac- tion, but notwithstanding, he comes in a hostile manner on this side of the lake, to a place called Kayonhaga, and there, by the means of the Onnondages, made a peace with the Sinnekcs, so if they have committed any fault before that, it was all concluded there. But I appeal to any rational man whatever, whether it was fit for any Governor of Canada, to treat or make any peace with his Majesty's subjects, without the advice and knowledge of the Governor of the province they lived under. Ij^it I find the design to ruin these Five -Nations, (since you cannot, with bribes or other means, gain them to be of your party,) is of a longer date than three or four years. Since Mons. De N"on\-ille follows the same steps his pre- decessors trod in, th'o he proposed to himself so fair a beginning. I am sure he will not make so good an end. For no sooner was Mons. De Nonville in possession of his gov- ernment, but he begun to build a great many boats and canoes, and put a great deal of provisions and stores in the Cataraque (Kingston,) at which our Indians on this side of the lake, were much alarmed, and came to me to know the meaning of it ; upon which, I sent to you by way of Mons. Lamberville to know what you intended by all these preparations ; your answer was, as Mons. De Nonville may remember, that the winters being long, and you resolving to have a good number of men at Cataraque ( 1 78 JIISTOKY OF HUFFALO. 'ill you accordingly made provision for them ; and if I had not really believed what you writ to be true, I might have been in as nmEli readiness to have gone on the other side ofthelake,asMons.Demnvillewa8to come on this. Now, sir I will not answer your liasty way of expressions in your own style, but will plainly let you know the mat- ter of fact as it is. If sir, you will please to peruse those letters, I from time to time sent you, you will find that I still coveted nothing more than to preserve the friendship that IS between our masters, and ought to l)e between their subjects here, and as you well remark, is according- to their commands, and I pray sir, which is it of us both" that hath taken the way to untie that knot of friendship' Mons. De JSTonville invading the King of England's ter- ritories, in a hostile manner, (though hh reception has not been according to his expectation,) is so plain a mat- ter of fact, that it is undeniable whether you did it de- signedly to make a misunderstanding or no. I cannot tell. Ifyou did, I hope it will take no effect; but that our masters at home, notwithstanding all your trained soldiers and great officers come from Europe, will suffer us poor planters and farmers, his Majesty's subjects in these parts of An.erica to do ourselves justice on you, for the injuries and spoil you have committed on them, and I assure you, sir, that if my master gives leave, I will be as soon at Quebec, as you shall be at Albany ; as for Major McGregororie and those others you took prisoners, they had no pass from me to go to Missilimaquine, but a pass to go to the Ottawawas, where I thought it mi^^ht be as free for us to trade as for you ; and a/ibr giving them any commission or instructions to disturb your people I assure you do me wrong, and ifyou please to read his GOV. DONOAN TO DE NOKVILLK. 79 instructions, you will find there, I gave express orders to the contrary ; and for your pretention to sixty years pos- session, 'tis impossible ; for they and the Indians who wear pipes through their noses, traded with Albany lono- before the French settled at Montreal ; but in case h were as you alledge, which I have not the least reason to believe, you could only have prohibited their tradino- in that place, and Jet them go to some other nation ft is very true, I offered to leave the decision to our masters at home, in case of any difference, and pray, sir, let me know in what I have in the least acted to the contrary You tell me, I hindered the Five Nations on this side tJie lake, who, have subjected themselves, their countries and conquests, under the King of England, to go to you at Cataraque. It is Very true, I did so, and thou-^ht it very unjust in you to desire their coming to vou ° For the Iving of England did not send me here to suffer you to give laws to his subjects of this government. You also alledge that I have given orders to those Indians to pillage and war upon your people. Sure sir, you forget what you desired of me. If you will please to reflect on one of your own letters, in wl.icii you acquainted me that many of your people ran away into this government, and desired that I would take and send back, anv that should be lound upon this side of the lake, without^ vour pass • upon which, I ordered those of Albany, and also, the In- dians to seize and secure all persons whatever, as well French as English, they should find on this side of the ake, without your pass or mine. Truly, sir, I ou-ht to be rebuked for this, it having been the hindrance of many thousands of beavers coming to Albany. Further you blame me for hindering the Sinakees delivering up the vm. 80 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. Ottawawa prisoners to you. This I did with good rea- son. For what pretense could you liave to make your applications to them, and not to me. JS'cvertheless, I or- dered Major McGregory to carry them to the Ottawawa, and if your claim be only to Missilimaquina, what cause had you to hinder McGregory to go to the Ottawawa ? What you allege concerning my assisting the Sinakees, with arms and amunition, to war against you, was never given by me imtil the Gth of August last, when under- standing of your unjust proceedings in invading the King my master's territories, in a hostile manner, I then gave them powder, load and arms, and united the Five Nations together, to defend that part of our King's dominion, from your injurious invasion. And, as for offering them men, in that you do me wrong ; our men being busy all at their harvest, and I leave it to your judgment, whether there was any occasion, when only four hundred of them engaged with your whole army. You tell me in case I assist the Indians, you will esteem me an enemy to your colony. Sir, give me leave to lot you know you are a far greater enemy to your colony than I am ; it having always been my endeavor to keep those Indians from warring with you, who in your protecting their enemies that have killed and robbed them in their hunting and otherwise, and that not once, but several times, have giv- en them great provocations. But you have taken a way to spill a greqt deal of christian blood, Avithout gaining the point you aim at, and for you, who have taken the King's subjects prisoners in time of peace, and taken their goods from them without any just grounds for so doing, how can I expect but that you \vill use them as you threaten. You also say, in your letter tiiat the Kino- GOV. DONGAN TO MONS. DE NOXV/LLE. 81 ot England lias no right to the Five .Nations on this side ho lake. _ I would willingly know if so, whose subjects they are ,n youi- opinion ; you tell mo vour havino- uus- sionai-ies among the>n. It is a very charitable ac°, but 1 suppose, and am very well assured that gives no just title to the government of the country. Father Briarie writes to a gent' there, that the King of China never ^oes anywhere without two Jesuits with him ; 1 wonder ;-hv jou make not like pretense to that kingdom. r,Mi al.o say you had many missionaries among them, at mv com- ing to tins government. In that you have been"misin- turmed, for I never heard of any but the two Lambervilles who were at Onondagoes, and wore protected bv me frona theinsolency oftl-.e Indians, as thov .leslred of me and as by letters, in which they gave me thanks, appears; but when they understood your intentions, they thouHit lit to go without taking leave. But their sending them was for some other en.l than propagating the christian Eelic- lon, as was apparent by some letters of theirs directed to Canada, which happened to come to my hands .N;ow you have missed of your pretentions, you are wdlmg to refer all things to our masters. I will endeav or to protect his majesty's subjects here, from vour unjust insinuations, until I hear from the King, mv master, who IS the greatest and most glorious Monarch that ever «it on a throne, and would do as much to propagate the chrisfanfa.th, as any Prince that lives, and is as^ tender ot wrongnig the subjects of any potentate whatover, as he- is of suftering his own to be injured. It is verv true that Ihaye eat a great deal of bread of France, and have in recpiital, complied with my obligations in doing what I ought, and would prefer the service of the French King i.f// 82 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. before my, except ray own, and have a great deal of re- spect for all the people of quality of your nation, which engages me to advise Moris. De Konville to send home all the christians and Indian prisoners, the King of England's subjects, you unjustly do detain. This I tiiouglit fit to answer to your reflecting and pro- voking letter." CHAPTER VII. The next year July, 1688, an expedition fovored by the Englisii Governor of New York, consisting of twelve hundred warriors of the Six Nations, made a sudden de- scent, upon the French settlements on the Island of Mon- treal. They landed on the south side of the Island, at La Chine, on the 26th of July, where they burned, and sacked all tlie plantations, and made a terrible massacre, ofmen women, and children. ' There were above a thousand of the French killed at this time, and twenty-six, carried away captives. The greatest part of which, were burnt alive. The Five Na- tions only lost three men, in this expedition, that ^It drunk and were left behind. This however did not sa- tiate their thirst for blood, for in the following October they destroyed likewise, all the lower part of the Island, and carried away many prison^.* The French became so weakened, and alarmed, at these reverses, that they were compelled to abandon their posts at Niagara, and Fort Cataraqui (Kingston.) The match which had been placed to blow up the magazine in Fort *See Coldon'g History of tlio Five Nations. ( ii (i i.i'fi 8i IIISTOKV (IF ni'FFALO. Catara(|ui, Ihiling to it-riito. tlio Iroquois on taking pos- session ofthe iort. found a lari-'c (|uantity of military stores, iirovisions, &c., anion-,' ^vllicIl, were twcnty-ei<,'lit barrels of powder. This success of the Five Kati()ns, over the French, created 'j^ivat consternation, extending to the western nations of Indians, many of M-houi, had sought the protection (,f the French, against the Iroquois, wlio were the dread of all the surrounding nations. Many of them now sought to form alliances of peace, ainlfriend- sliip, with the Five Nations. The French interests in Canada, received a terrible blow, a lai-ge propoi'tion of the able bodied men, had for some time, been enq»loyed in the expedition against the Five Nations ; and in tra- ding with the Indians of the far west. Agriculture had been almost entirely neglected. Tiiey had k.st a large number of inhabitants by the coiuinual incursions of small ]iartie3 of their savage foes, until it became unsafe to live, outside of fortified towns. At last, the whole set- tled portion of the countiy, being laid waste, famine be- gan to threaten the entire destruction of the colony. Had the Indians understood the method cif attackino- forts, at this time, (says Golden.) nothing could have saved the French from entire destruction ; showing that not- withstanding the intrigues of the French, to divide, and weaken, the influence and jiower of the Five Nations, and their partial success, in •Accomplishing their object, by leaving the Senecas, to naeet almost single handed, the whole military power of the French, hurled against them,, under De Nonville, we see them within a year, ao-ain united, invading the territory of their enemy, and with, he resistless fury of a tornado, sweeping them to destruc- tion, almost Avithout resistance. COUNT DK FKONTKNAr KKIN8TATEI). 86 Tho French govonunont becomin- awaie ol' the do>i- porate state ofatruir,s in Cmmchi, recalled the Mons De Nonvdle, the next year, (1G88,) an.l the Count JJe Fron- enac, reinstated, aa governoi.. IJe ],,onght back" from 1 mnce, thirteen Iru<|uuis prisoners, who had been sent over at the request of the King, to be eniploved in his galleys. TJiese prisoners, (o.ie of them a sachem) were to be re- stored, and it was hoped through that means, and the n.tluence and popularity of the Count Frontenac, to ap- pease the hostility of the Iroquois, -lie had Ibrmerly l^cen Governor of the country, was perfectly acquainted with Its interests ; of a temper of mind, fitted to such desperate times, of undaunted courage, and indefatigable, though in the sixty-eighth year of ids age.""^ The French were the more desirous of peace, as they knew, that now they would certainly have the English Colonies likewise upon them.'"-"- '' Four Indians of less note who were l.rought back vnt 1 the sachem Towerahet, were immediately dispatched 111 the Sachem's name, to the Five ^^ations, to inform them of his return, and of the kind usage they had re- ceived, from the Count De Frontenac, and to press them to send some to visit their old friend, who had been so kind to them, when he was formerly governor of Canada- who, still retained an affection to the Five Nations, as ap- peared by the kindness Towerahet and thev had received liiis was the only method left, to the French, of makino- proposals of peace, which it was their interest, by all means, to procure." i" L ..A !H % ''^H J m ir ' :^''i| [f ii '6 /ifl "Colilen. se IIIbTORY OF UUFFiLO. Tmmed lately on the nrrivnl of this deputation, word was sent to Albany, by the Six Nations, of tlio fact, and that a coinicil of the Sachems, was appointed to meet nt Onondaga, inviting the Mayor of Albany, (Peter Schuy- ler) and some others, to bo present, to adriso with them, in an aft'air of such great importance, as they, (the In- dians) were resolved to do nothing without tlieir knowl- edge, and consent. Notwithstanding this request, it does not appear that any jjcrson of note, or influence, with tho Indians, was sent. On the 4th of January, 1G90, at tho solicitation of one of the principal Sachems of the Mo- hawks, the Ujagistrates of Albany sent the public inter- preter, and another person, to assist at the general meet- ing, with written instructions. When they arrived at Onondaga, they had a private interview, with one of tho returned prisoners,- " and found that he had no love for the French;"* but complained of tho ill-usage, they had received, at tho hands of the French. He related all the circumstances of their captivity, of the grandeur exhibit- ed by the French Court, and tho power displayed, in the military exhibitions, which they had witnessed. The council was opened on the 22d of January, 1C90, and was conducted with great formality. A sachem of the Ojiondagas (as was the custom, that being the place of the council of the Six Nations,) was tho first to speak. Ilis address, was a mere opening of the council. He was followed, by Adarakta, the chief Sachem of the French deputation, who delivered the message of " Yonondio," the Governor of Canada. Next, the Mohawk messenger, sent from Albany, delivered his message, word for word, ^Colden. GREAT CROWD AT ONONDAGA. 87 as It had boon given lii.n, tho interpreter, l.avin- u writ- ten copy, before l.ini, lest anytl.ing should be forgotten Atlerthi8,Cannehoot, a Seneca Sachem, stood up, and delivered the message ofhis peoi)lo. After some preliminary remarks of n general character lio u-ont on to give a JJurticnlar account of the treaty made tlio last year, between the Senccas, and several of the western nations, who had voluntarily, come to treat fo.- peace and friendshii, ; and that their bretheren in :^owlork,(the English) were to be included in that treaty. After tho ceremonies were all over, Sadefamah- tie, an Onondaga Sachem stood up, ami said : "Brethren we must stick to our brother Quider (Pe- ter Schuyler) and look on Yonondio (the (Governor of Canada) as our enemy, for he is a cheat." The interpreter from Albany, was then sighted; giving a fourth belt. We are come now, to the house where we usuallv re- new^the chain, but alas ! we find the house polluted with All the Five Nations, have heard of this, and we are come to wipe away the blood, and clean the house We come to invite Corlear, and every one of you, and Qmder, (calling to every one of the principal men pres- this belt * '''''"'''^ ^"^ ^' '"''""""'^ ''' ^^" '"'"'^'' ^'y Brethren be not discouraged; we are strong enough; his IS the beginning of your war, and the whole house Lave their eyes fixed on you, at this time, to observer your behavior. They wait your motion, and are ready to join you in any resolute measures. ' Our chain is a strong chain ; it is a silver chain It can neither rust, or be broken. (.it nil' Hid 93 IIISTOUY OF JJLTFFALO. I We, as to our part, are resolute to eontiime the war. We will never desist, so long as a uiati of us remains; take heart, do not pack up, and go away ; this will give heart to a dastardly enemy. We are of the race of the ^ bear, and a bear, you know, never yields, while one drop of blood is left ; we must all be bears ; giving a sixth l)elt. Bretliren, be ])atieut. This tlisaster is a great alHic- tion, wliich has fallen from IJeaven upon us ; the sun which hatli been cloudy, and sent tliis disaster, will sliine again, with its pleasant beams ; take courage, said he, courage, (repeating the word several limes) as they gave asevL'iiih belt. There was a special address also to the English resi- dents of Albany, at the same time ; full of sympathy and encouragement, bul, notwithstanding this wise counsel andprofers of assistance and support, many of the Eng- lish residents, were so alarmed, and disheartened, that they packed up, and returned to New York. The Five Nations fulfilled all, and even more, than they promised. The one hundred young waiViors, they sent out to pursue tlie French in their retreat, back to Canada, fell upon their rear, and killed, and captured, twenty-five of them, without loss to themselves ; they or- ganized bands, to invade the territory, and liarass the French settlements, in Canada, and literally accomplished what they threatened, Uiaking it dangerous for them, to go abroad, to procure food or fuel. Under these circum- stances, the Count De i'rontenac, acted with his accus- tomed energy, and skill. He sent a small party, under Capt. Louriqui, to relieve the garrison at Mashilimacki- nak, and prevent a treaty of peace, which was on the TIIK INDIANS PERSECUTE THE WAR. 93 point 0" being concluded, between tlie Five Nations and the Indians in tl.at quarter. Before they had got fur on their journey, about one iiundred and twenty miles above Montreal on the St. Lawrence river, they were attacked by a i,arty of the Five Nations, with such vigor, that thev were compelled to land, and give battle, in which several were killed on both sides, according to the French ac- count. The Frencli took two of the Indians prisoner, one was taken on to Mackinac, to confirm what the French claimed as a victory ; the other was carried to Montreal by a return party of Fren h, which accompanied the ex- pedition up the river, as an escort or guard. "To revenge this loss, the Five J^atlons sent a party against Montreal, attacked a party of regular troops, killed the commanding ofKcer, and twelve of his men." These frequent incursions ke])t the whole country upon the river 111 constant alarm. The Five JS-ations, were disappointed in their expecta- tion of aid from the English. The revolution in Euo-]aud which dethroned King James, and placed WiUianr and Mary on the throne, caused a change of Governors in New York. Gov. Dongan himself, a catholic, althou-h he had conducted the government with energy, and dis- cretion, was recalled, and Col. Slaughter appointed in his place. The Five Nations felt the effect of these changes, and the delays consequent thereon, and although on their part the war had been prosecuted with perseverance and en- ergy, and even with a good degree of success, yet the dis- appointment they experienced, in the promised aid, and co-operation of che English, do t nved their confidence in them, particularly on the part of t.ie JVfohawks who lived V I 'if a . „ mi itii 1 ' mf •^hl 94 mSTORT OF BUFFALO. nearest the English. It was not very surprising that under these circumstauces they should be ready to listen to proposals of peace, which the Count De Frontenac lost no opportunity to proffer, through the small settlement of their countrymen, the praying Indians, who still re- mained true to the interests of the French. It was at this time, (1691,) and under these circumstan- ces, that the Mohawks, sent one of their sachems to their brethren, the praying Indians, who introduced him to the Count De Frontenac, who made him welcome, treated him in the kindest manner, and gave him assu- rances of his desire for peace, and gave him a belt, with l)roposals of peace to his nation. Col. Slaughter then Gov. of New York, being informed of the condition of affairs, appointed a meeting with the Five Nations. Only four, of the Five Nations, were rep- resented in this council. The Mohawks did not attend, to join in the answer. The Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayu- gas, and Senecas, all answered the Governor, that they were resolved to prosecute the war against the French ; they did not approve of entertaining any overtures for peace. On the fourth day, the Mohawks spoke to the Governor in presence of all the other nations. They admitted hav- ing received overtures of peace, through their brethren, the praying Indians ; they desired advice, as to what answer they should return to the Governor of Canada. The Four Nations replied to this' request, as follows : " Mohawks, our Bretliren, in answer to your propo- sals from the Governor of Canada, we must put you in mind of his deceit and treachery. ." We need only give one recent instance, how he late- THB INDIANS CONTINOIi THE war. jj !fme fein "" "^T"' '" '''"' °'^^' »" "' fto same time fell upon Schenectady, and cut that place off. We tel you, that the belt sent by the French Gov on.or, .3 po son, we spew it out of ouf mouths, wt abl "tely reject, and are resolved to prosecute the lar a" iong.wol.vo... Then they M. he belt lying r;,: Pm.(- V 7 -corcy ot the Mohawks, attacked tIo clTn r "'™' "'^'''^"'y oftheiiihabi: 's men, under the command of Mons T^pll«lr..^n,. * t..eir backs, they ".u-PHsod z iTfti ^^.r:!:,.!: about e,gbty po.ons of both sexes, who says t " a-f rely cut oil; and several atten.p.s wore n,ade i^ " p. ng and suuuner of 1C92, to open it, but we. . in ev v "H tance trustrated by the vigilance of the Five Na ;„„? Acons,derablepartyof the Five Nations under tie .onnnaud ol a famous war-chiof uamed Black Kettle c«° fnuod a long ti„,e on the St. Lawrence river, in hopes "f meetmg with other French parties, „„ .heir passage to- :m ""■ji M ; m 1 11 I I 96 HISTOIiY 01' HUFFALO. wards Aliickiiiac, but Ihuliii*^ no I'lU'tlior atteuipts tliat way, made an irniptiuu into tho C(.)untiy round Montreal, over-running the whole country, burning and ravaging wherever they went ; some accounts say, Black Kettle had six huiulred men with him, others place tho number at only two humh-ed. M. Do Vaudrieul at the head of four hundred men, fi- nally sm-prised this party, and after a desperate encoun- ter, they broke through the French, and made their es* ca])e with tho loss of twenty killed. The French lost four officers, and many men. They took five men, nine wo- men, and five children prisoners. Tho Five Nations in a few days after, attacked a party of French soldiers re- turning from guarding some vessels from Montreal to Quebec, killing the Captain, and dispersing the whole party. During all the summer of 101)2 tho French were obliged to act entirely on the defensive, keei)ing within their fortilications. These continued incursions of the Five Nations which the French seemed to have no power to prevent, or pun- ish, exasperated tho Count De Frontenac to such a de- gree, that ho was left to perpetrate a piece of savage bar- barity, which will forever stamp his administration with disgrace ; it was no less than condemning two prisoners of the Five Nations, to be publicly burnt alive. Although the influence of the missionaries, was interposed to pre- vent tho execution of this terrible sentence, and even the entreaties of his wife, nothing would divert him from bis purpose. He insisted that it was necessary to make an example. That his clemency hitherto had encouraged them in their boldness. Not that these men had been guilty of any particular act of atrocity, but, the Five TOKTUBK OF AN IKO.i.rOrs WARRIOU. 97 •Nations ho said had burnt so nuxny Fronch,iustifiod this node of .otahafon, ono of the two pnsone,; dispatched " nse t nj pnson, h.foro the execution ; the other wa taken to the phace of execution by tl,e «' christian Indil' of the Lorrette," to which he walked with the utn.ost fi T nessand n. ifterence. While the, were torturing hi^ he contmued sin.nng, that ho was a warrior, brave and w.thout fear : that the n.ost cruel death, sho Id ^ t ^hlk us courage, that the n.ost cruel torment, should not d^t Iron, inm, one complaint ; that his con.rade, was a cow- ard a scandal to the Five Nations, who had killed him- self for fear of pain ; that it was a comfort to him, to re- -jnber, that he had n.ade nu^ny French to suffer as ho cbd now He full, verified his words, for the g.ate torment they could inflict, could not force the le^fst com- pamt from Inm, although his executioners exerted their utmost skdl, to do it. They first broiled his feet between hot stones ; then they put his fingers into red hot pipes, and though he "had his arms at liberty he would not pu ns fingers out. They cut his joints, and taking hold of the sinews twisted them round small bars of hot iron All this wlnie, he kept singing, and recounting his own brave actions, against the French. At last, thev flayed lus scalp from his skull, and poured scalding hot sand upon his liead ; at which point, says the witness, the In- tendant s Lady, obtained leave of the Governor, to have an end put to the scene, by having him dispatched at once '. to the relief of all who saw, as well as all who read this dreadful act of barbarity " The death of Gov. SLaughter, very soon after his arri- val in the country, was very prejudicial, to the interests of New 1 ork. Capt. Ingoldsby, being the military com- >!ii ■if- >j''.iri !(:! PS niSTORV OF BUFFALO. mander of one of the companies of foot soldiers, took upon himself the government of the province, without authori- ty. Ho had little experience in statesmanship, and was obnoxious, to a considerable portion of the people, and was powerless for good. Ho met the Five Nations at Albany the 6th of June, 1092, which resulted in little else, than a renewal of promises on the part of the Eng- lish, to ])rosecute the war with vigor, calling upon the- Five Nations to do the same. Notwithstanding the severe measures pursued by the Count de Frontenac against the Five Nations, he still hoped to negotiate a peace with them. This he hoped to be able to do, through the influence of his agents, the Jesuit missionaries, who resided among them, and the praying Indians, who were Mohawks, and still adhered in their allegiance, to the French. But these efforts pro- ving ineffectual, the Governor of Canada found it neces- sary to adopt other means, in order to pacify the French people, who were growing despondent. In this emergen- cy, the Count de Frontenac resorted to his old method, of projecting some bold enterprise, that should encourage his own people, and at the same time, show the Five Na- tions that they had to contend with an enemy, still able to act on the offensive. An expedition, in the middle of the winter of 1692-3, was determined upon, against the Mohawks. It con- sisted of about six or seven hundred men, a part regular soldiers, militia of the country- and Indians, commanded by three captains of the regular troops, and thirty subal- terns. They were well supplied with everything neces- sary for the expedition, even to snow shoes, and sleds drawn by dogs, upon the snow. They left Laprarie on Tumm KxrEnmoN aoainst the mohawk,. 99 Mol,u,vk river abova Z ! , ™"°^ »' "'<> ■y at „igl,.. The F :„ Na ." '' T ""' *"' ''"''™»- "■«e. Tl,o next castlo „„t rfll ''r' T ''"""' ■liie i^rench went to the npvf f^,.f i • , .es'. a,,., eo,„i,„ .„ .„„.:".::'„;, ; :: ::::': '"^■ «nd suspected tl.ey were discovered T, ' caatioasly, a„,i f'„,, """"^'o'"^'- They a,>,,roncl,ed ^ance, am en re^^ 1 m™""' °"'"'""^" ''>' » »■'»• a Wood, r c^ t 1 "'' T" '"'"""'■^"' I"" ™^' dians sJb,:; "t ;:^,[l""'-';f ™". b^f- the In- When tlie news reached Albany R.tp,. q„u , major of militia, offered to he.dT f' "^^^''■' "" with the enemy on th^ I7th h,!! ^ '*'""' "P skirmishin.. J^ve ovt 1 '""^' "'^^^^^"^^ there. ^^enselear a gen't of large estate '. * m ■■'i»1 I Ill 100 IIIHTOKV OK IJUFFAlAt. Tlio Count do Fruntcimc anticipating that tliis disastor to tlie Mohawks, would so cripple the Five KatioiiH, that thoy would have no farther trouble in opening a pas- sago to Mackinac, to enable the French to bring down a great ([uantity of furs, they iiad accumulated tiiorc. lie sent a lieutenant with eighteen Caiuulians, and twenty praying Indians, to open the passage; but this party, foil in with a party of tiie Five Nations, who entirely routed them, so that few escai>ed. At length twt) hundred ca- noes, loaded with furs, arrived at Montreal from Missili- makimvk, to the great joy of the French. Early in 1003 the Five Nations, were informed, through the friends of tlio French, that the Governor of Canada had received from France, largo reinforcements of troops, and ample su[)plie3 of military stores, jn-ovisions, &c. This, taken in connectijii with their recent severe losses, and the little assistance they had received from -the Eng- lish, influenced the Oneidas to listen to the solicitations of the Jesuit missionary Milet, to send a message to the Governor of Canada for peace. Col. Fletcher, who was now Governor of New York, being informed of this move- ment called a council of the Five Nations at Albany, in July of that year ; after informing them of what he had heard, he told them plainly, that they had been influ- enced in their action, by th^ Jesuit Milet, who they had suffered to live too long among them, and advised u;cm, to expel him from among them. He made them •• -P;.- ent of ninety guns, eight hundred pounds of powder, eight hundred bars of lead, one thousand flints, eighty-seven hatchets, four gross of knives, besides a quantity of cloth- ing, and provisions. This present he told them, was from ibt^r King and Queen, to renew the covenant for all K REMOVAL OF THR .rKSUlT Mi..,ONAUV , UOKD. iOl tllO Kriirlisll Colunit'rt. Tim Fivn V«f' Q ™n , "J™"™ ""''■■'«-^' " "■•■^' tl- Ki„K „„„ k „ , , T *-'" ■"■'■■"'•'"■""'"1 '■"'• >l.o n.n,„„„i,i„„ ero,„,8e8or com,.lianco at a tut„ro ti.no ..ndc- certain contingoncie. tL ortunity to return to savage life, to spend their days. The children of the natives, taken in childhood, and educated with all the care and assiduity bestowed upon the children of most favored parents in civilized life, invariably choose, when left to their own choice, to return to the Indian mode oi~ life. ■1 m ' r^p. ■ i ■ t.i\ CHAPTER VIII. Wo have now brongl.t the hhtovj of the Seneeas(or rather the Five Nations of wliich they were ad.nitted to be the most numerous and powerful) down to the close of the seventeenth century, a little less than one hundred years atter the first settlement of Europeans in their vi- cimty. Had they left no other record than what is now before us, they would be entitled to a name, and a place in the great history of nations. That a people laboring under a 1 the disadvantages which they did, should have been able to accomplish so much, is truly surprising, and shows that they must have possessed natural endo;v^;ents that under more favorable circumstances would have inade them eniinent in all that we admire and respect, in the character of men ; and shows that all that has been said HI eulogy ofthem by Governor Clinton and others IS tnie and no more than what they are justly entitled to! We have dwelt too long, perhaps, upon the detail of event^ m their early history ; but this seeuied necessary "1 order to illustrate the character awarded them, and to counteractm some measure, impressions of a different kind, which their subsequent history, decline, and final downfall, have created in the minds of those not conver- !.l ,tl ' I!' 1 i: jU Hi r (9 K\'- vu Hi 1 Bll 1 P i mS. pM' i 110 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. sant with the facts wbicli we liavo been at some pains to group together, in the order of their occurrence. Tiie efibrts of the French to alienate the Five Nations from the Englisli, and attach thoin to tiie government of Canada, did not cease with tlie termination of the war. For we find that early in 1700, the Earl of Bellomont, wlio was then Governor of New York, sent a commission (of which Peter Livingston was the head,) to visit Onon- daga to meet the Five Nations, then in council, in regard to some communication they had received from the French government in Canada, and to ascertain the feelings of the Five Nations towards the English. In their report to the Earl Bellomont, the commissioners represent that the French are more active than ever, to acquire influ- ence and control over the Indians. That their intrigues are carried on through the influence of the " praying In- dians" settled in Canada, and through the Jesuit mission- aries, who had gained considerable influence over the Oneidas and Mohawks, in particular. They say, that the English ought to furnish the Five Nations with ministers or missionaries, not only to instruct them in the christian faith, but to " put a stop to the diabolical practice of poi- soning, by which means those attached to the English, are despatched out of the way." Early in 1701 the Earl of Bellomont died. This cir- cumstance operated unfavorably upon the negotiations going on to get the Five Nations, into a more settled and secure state, and gave the French a great advantage in affording them an opportunity to press their plans and pur- poses, the more successfully. And in June, 1701, the French sent an embassy to the Five Nations, at Ononda- ga, which was received with every demonstration of re- LORD CORNUnRY APPOIVTPn nrnr r.r. i-UI.NTED GOV. OF NKW YORK. lH spect, but care had been taken hv th. New York, then under Lieut GvT ^^^"'""^-^ ^f represented at this interWe "'a^d io fl" ""1' ^^ '^ Nations to pere^nptorii, ell'i;: hj off "'r" ^'^ ^'^^ ry to reside amoni them n H t 1^ ' '"''^''""- vLjeci to tlie government of New Vr,,-!- n. ■ . , iuntm^gronnds," bounded by 117],^ ' ''™'"'' west, and the i,i ,|, lands ,l,f,f "" "'""'"' ""^ ..seand benofit^f I ;,"'"'''''• ,'» ''"^ f- tl,e wards c„nm.n,ed on ,fr„f;,"':' "''"'' "" """■ -™. ;;;»., a™., „:trer;tT:;:l! i';i:;: -;- pernor j:i:::,t!:r'v;rr^ Peter Schuvl.,- I "^'^'^'""•^ ' '' I'^'^y »"f'er connnand of i-oa-, to tbe Board t; :'","""'■"'■'''" -e.est:onas.ot,,erj:tt:e^;r::':c::;x J It i M 1 ] i i i J f !« I 1 1 I I 112 HISTORY OF UIIKKAI.O. post of Niagani, became one ot* more serious conbeciuciice, and led to a protracted and sharp correspondence, first between the Governor of New York and the Governor of Canada, and afterwards between the two govermncnts at home. In 1720, Gov. Burnett licUl a council with the now Six Nations, (by the incorporation into the confeder- acy of the Tuscaroras,) at which the subject of tlie occu- pancy of Niagara was fully discussed. The French had claimed that they had obtained consent to the occupancy from the Six Nations. But it appeared that theSenecas, who claimed the land upon the shore of the river, as well as the lake, had never given their consent. The consent claimed by the French, appeared to have been only that of the Onondaga sachems, obtained in rather a surrepti- tious manner, through the agency of the French mission- ary resident among them, and had never been confirnied or assented to, by the Scnecas, or any of the other Four Nations, but had been objected to by the Senecas especi- ally. Indeed, the Five Nations, from the beginning oi' the controversy about jurisdiction, claimed not only the territory on the south side of the lakes Erie and Ontario, but upon the north side also. They not oidy claimed by possession,*but by right of conquest, and it is certain that at a very early period of the controversy, they had set- tlements or villages upon the north side of lake Ontario. In their correspondence with the English government at Albany, they make it a subject of complaint repeatedly, that the French had been permitted to build a fort at Cadarakui (Kingston,) upon their lands, and when, by their energy and perseverance the French had been obliged to abandr-i that fort, and all the country around •jt, the Five Nations took possession of, and held it until EXTKNT OP lUOQlOiS TKimrrOKV. Hg title to tbo t to-'v'tlov '""'",'-'«■"-''. oxclusho greatly ..educed tl.ei.- m,„,l„"' ' /'^^P;^''' "" ■-•ation showed that the Seneeas a,o,, cV U b C t .o„sa„d fighting ,„e„ i„t„ tl,e fold • in 1730 ,, ' f , ? S.xKati„„seo„hHW„ish hut little „o:e't; .;:::* !' :ifl! . 'ir '.I -ji I ! !li i ' ! :ji Iti |M M 114 filfrOST OF HUKFALO. bcr. It is not likely tlio principnl town or village of tiic Senecns liiul been removed since the nbiuulonniont and destrnction of Canagora, at tlie time of De Nonvillo's ex- pedition (at lionghton Hill,) into their conntry, in 1687. They never returned to that locality to reside, (that being their uniform custom,) but removed further interior, ])rob- ably to Kancsedaga, at the foot of Kanoseduga lake, where they remained until Sullivan's expedition into the Seneca's country in 1770. This lake had previously borne the name of the Kane sadaga lake, and when the Tsonnontouons (Senecas,) uuvdc their principal residence there, they called their town Kanesadaga, and the lake received the name of Seneca, from the fact of the Sennckas (as they were called by the English,) residing there. The same may be said in re- gard to the origin of the names of the other lakes, Cayu- ga, Oneida, Onondaga, tfcc, and the Moliawk river. The names by which the several nations were called by the French, were entirely different from those of the English, having little similarity either in sound or signiti- cation, and there is a very great diversity in the mode of spelling all these names, both in the English and French authors, and documents. Sometimes this discrepancy is so great, that an ordinary reader would not recogni/.c their identity. As has been observed, the question of jurisdiction over the Indian territory, was stion transferred from the Six Nations to the French and English. The French deter- mined to occupy Niagara, where La Salle, Hfty years be- fore, had taken possession in the name of the French government. In order to have some color of authority for this proceeding, tlTey dispatched M. do Jonciare on ■'•'noiaub imitw a i„„-8I.: at niaoaba. 115 nn om:,„,.y ,„ th„ Sonocan, ,u procure their eo„,en. to "It. Jt «,|| bo ,-o,„on,i,oro,l timt M. .lo Jonciare l,„d tk^nct at N,a,,a,,.. I,„ wet to tl,o T«o„„oMtl,„„a„, (^c„ ea,,) and „.,o,„i,]o.l ti,o ol,ieft, an.l alto,- l.avin. ,J. - ...enuhat 1,0,, a.l„„ greater p,^^^^ tl.a, o ,ye „,„„„„ |,i, ,,,,„,,„„ . 1,^ I- -..l>lv,.tto,,,n,,,oh„fto,.o,,i,M,ol,,uIac,d,, o! ^.on,,,vorol,o,,,i,-,,t,,,i,.o«.ho,,l,o™,,o.n,islil, " lUoy ,.0,, ,« that ,l,oy ,,a,l novo,. oea,o.l ,„ ,o„.< „,,„„ ; as one „ t ,o„. ol,Md,.o„. Tl,at l,o ,„i,,I,t livo i„ a, v ,.la ami tl,at l,o„,i,,l,. el,„os„ t,,o ,,laco that l,o i„cllod ,e .10 flxod upon a spot beside of the rivo,-, that te,.„i. , : " ™'""" "• "'« 'ftonaonthoaa,. ,1 b„ilt a cabb. "I'on t. Ihe „ew8 «,« eooi, oa,.,-iod to New IVk a,„l ca,,sod thoro .0 „„,ol, tbo ,„„,.o Joaloasv, as the E lib l.a< .,evo,- boo,, able ,0 obtain, in any o,.o of tho IrocL can tons, «hat was now g,,„,tod to Soar .;„„oia,.e " Ho add, that "al.l,„„o.b ,bey „,,od ovo,y „,oa,;s to dis- 1 l.sh ,t. It ,s (sa,d tboy,) of no consoqnonco tb,u M. do Jono,a,.e dwells tl,e,e, bo is a child of the nation, ho o,^ joys l„s r,ght, and wo have no .-ight to dop,-ivo I,i„; of it ' " 1 wo„ , be ,nte,esti„g to know n,„re of tho pe,-sonaI ^ story of tins „,an. than can begatl,e,-ed from the ,„ere alius, ons wh,cl, a.. ,nade to bi,„, i„ the public doou ments rolat,ng to tbe t.-ansaetions in wb.cb bo was on- ' m i * ni ■™l i ,1 ^-lH i I 4 ■ i 1 ■ : ^1 M iliJ 116 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. m' Cliabert Jonciare (or Jean Coeur, as it M'as sometimes written by the English) literally John Hart, appears to have been a young French soldier, captured by the Sene- cas, in some of their forays against the French in Canada some time prior to 1700. As was their custom when young persons of either sex feli into their hands, he was adopted by the Senecas, and relishing their mode of life he took a Seneca wife, and raised a family of children. After many years residence, having accj^uired their lan- guage, and being elevated to the dignity of sachem, he seems to have acquired great influence, particularly with the Senecas, which he exerted in favor of the French. Ho appears to have had two sons at the time he was libera- ted, and probably took his family with him to Montreal- He was immediately omiiloyed by the government, and given a subordinate military connnission in 1700, and continued in active service during the remainder of his life, sometimes in one capacity, and sometimes in anoth- er, but generally to advance the French interest and in- fluence among the Six Nations, through his brethren, the Senecas. He was bold, active, and unscrupulous. In 1721 he was charged by the English with the murder of Mons. Montour, a French gentloman who like himself, had taken a native wife, of whom we shall have occasion to speak. He was however, \indicated in the act, by M. Yadrieul then Governor of Canada, who said : "It was by my orders he killed the Frenchman, named Montour, who would have been hanged, had it been pos- sible to take him. alive and bring him to this colony." In 1730 Jonciare appeared in the " Sinakees country, with several French soldiers with him. He told the Sen- ■ecas that having disobliged his governor, he had been CirABEET JONCIARE. 117 l»MUntano) lake, about ten leacrues from fi,. q The following inessage of tl.e Governor of Canada to good correspondence with the French • ^"^ -gi^vr;:i:;^r°" 'r'^'^ ^-sentn.,onrn.es- >nc Ch d. ' ^"^ ''^''''''^ y'^'"' situation to down this vpnr Ti Prevented your coming enough for yon,. ,u,,p]y ^'''S^™' I"'°"''»ns .he\:e!:t!;::r;;,rr;'rr ■'" ''■""■•' "^''^^ »^"-"'° i" good affiu... I „„ z ,r r .""'" '" "°-°i"™"' t-™ and good fatheT. "^ ' ' "" ""' ''''' «° '« ^«»- .vou o;!ghn;'::::;^;;'r'-""i'r '«^"^-» ■■=-) fo«abb-, and tl.at I refuse, 'v„^ V™ "'"■° ™'"- to form another establishment." '^ ""'''" "IPmI ■ 1 : , -J, 'l; ^ i 1 ,.ri 1 Hf 1 1 " ' '^» H ■ J: ,..i il H .,1,1 J^i Mh5| '.■jll^tl !!} 118 HISTORY OF 15UFFAL0, It is to Jonciare belongs tlio credit of early noticing the Oil Springs which are now attracting so much atten- tion, lu 1721 he informed Charlevoix who was then on his journey to the west, of which he has left a journal "of the existence at a place called Ganos, at the portage be- tween the Genesee and the Belle (Ohio) river, a fountain the water of which, is like Oil, and a little further on there is another exactly like it. "The Indians use it to allay all kinds of pain." lie had been sent there to locate the Shawnees on the Ohio river, and was a very active agent of the French government, up to the time of his death at Niagara, in 1740. The Senecas applied to the French for his son to come and reside with them, on the death of the father, which was readily granted. The son was called a " French Indian" by tho English. He spoke the language fluently, as well as the Fi'cnch ; and soon became as active and useful to the French, as ever his lather had been. In 1741 he asked to be released from his agency in the Senecas country, on account vt' ill health, and his younger brother, Clau/conne Jonciare, was appointed in his place, lie Cliabert ap- pears however, to have still renuiined in the employ of the French government, fur his name is signed with that of his brother, to the capitulation of Fort Niagara to Sir "William Johnson, in 1759. The brother which succeeded him among the Senecas, must have been quite young at the time of the liberation of the- father, as we fiiul in 1742 lie was sent by the Marquis Eeauliarnois, who was then Gov. of Canada, "to the Senecas, to learn their language.'' In the French account of the surrenderof Fort Niau'ara, is the following notice of Cliabert Jonciare, Jr : " The other Indian was an Iroquois that Air. Chabert CIIADEBT .TONCIAEE. 119 o«me next d.y He had removed totho river Clienondac (^l-Pl-va) all the property ho could, twenty hotte «)"el. be onged to hin, and sou.o oxen he had brou'l Wn on h,s own account front Detroit. He bu.ned the I I, T ""■'■^'"' ''''""^ <'^«'"»^=«''.) "« it wa. not tenable. "1, '?'"'■■ ""'"r (Cla-ouno) had arrived on the 1 ev.oua even.ng, having been brought down by tlie Iro- o.,e bearer of the letter. M. Pouchot n.ado hi.n (tiie messenger) a present." In a Xote it is said : "M. Chabert Jonciare held a contract or transporting stores across the portao- and possessed nu.ch greater influence over the' Indh.s 1 M-esternNew York, that Sir AYilHan. Johnson.' Ilio toHowing notice of the brothers Jonciare, is taken from the Maryland Gazette of August 30, 1750 and's dated at Albany. ' ' ^'^ ^^ ''There are ten other officers, one of which is the famous ^^" Joncuaro, a very noted man among the Seneca Khan.; and whose father was the first that hoisted honch colors m that country. His brother, also a pris- --,s.snow.here,andhasbeenve.w humane to nU i^^gl'^lmen : having purchased several of them from tl/e '■It .(.li^: 1^ I ! 1 i\ I ♦A- CHAPTER IX, ^The frequent cbangc of Governors ofthe colony of New York, and the high jiarty spirit AS'hich characterized this period of its history, left little time for those in power, to pay proper attention to their Indian relations. They were for the most part, left in the hands of the traders, and others who desired to possess their lands. But the French were by no means idle. The Mohawks? by reason of their proximity to the English settlements, had been kept in partial correspondence with them, but the other nations had been left almost entirely under French influence. The French had kept possession of all the important trading posts upon the lakes, and had extended a line ofposts, from Quebec to Xew Orleans. Every important carrying place, between the lakes, and the Ohio river, was in their possession ; and for nearly forty years very little was done by the English, to assert jurisdiction over the territory claimed under the treaty of Utrecht. The Senecas, who were remote from the settlements of ' the English, were more accessible to the French. The principal town or castle, (Kanedasaga) being only ten leagues from Tierondequatt (Irondequot.) a convenient landing-place upon the south shore of the lake Frontenac : JESUIT MISSIONARIES. ' jgl could sevor f},o Q , ^N-itioiis, which nothing of apathy seemed to ,Z , ' "'' ''' S<">'' <'<=gree ^o.l,:.ever::;:f;;fC^^^ nSof?!;:"rt::r-7•'^■■■^^^^^^^^^^^^ ir^nTr" ''°"'™«"='="«nt of this centm-y, down to «Ji zeaj, put to shame many men eno-i^oil in ., 1 .. ;.:v;;" ;'"';'•'•' "-*"«' >■»- -■".«; Mo%.,M,I A "°'"''°*' •'""' ■"•■'.cnifiMuce, of ao r ttZ '"T.'^^'°"f- *°f-"=l. to b,md forts in V^'"*'""*'"'"' western tribes went over to tl.e irench and took „p the hatchet against the Lllisl," ' ' ill !l .! jl m VA 122 HI8T0BY OF UUKFALO. There is no doubt that tlie Senecas and some of the other Five Nations were in rcgidar and intimate corre- siJondence witli tho F]-encli at this period ; for in July, 1742, we luive in tlie " Paris documents'' a full account of a conference, held by the Marqu'-' ^eauLunuis, then Governor of Canada, with a deputa." Senecas, and Onondagas, wlio visited him. The dc.. action of the for- tifications built by the English at Cliouaghcn (Oswego,) began to be threatened, about this period, by the French; and upon the news of a declaration of war, in 1744, there was a general stampede ot English and Dutch traders, from tliat post, where a pretty lucrative trade had grown ui>, with the western Indians, who had been induced to come, with their canoes laden with furs, to that place, instead of stop])ing at Niagara, where the French had a trading house, as the Indians gave a preference to Eng- lish goods, over the French. As long as the trade at Os- wego, was successful, the English at Allxmy and New York were satisfied ; but this sudden interruption, was considered a great public calamity, and the Governor of New York in a communication to the Assembly in Aug- ust, 1744, says : " The Province has suffered considerable damage, this sunnner, l)y the precipitate retreat of our Indian traders, from Oswego. Upon notice of the Frencli war, most of them left the place, immediately upon the alarm, sold what they could, of their goods, to those few of their brethren, that had sense, courage, and resolution, to stay behind, and brouglit the remainder back with them. You will judge, what a baulk, and discouragement, this instance of i^usillanimity, has occasioned, to those number ■of Indians of the fiir nations, who have rarelv come tu Ml: M. DE BHAUIIAKNOXS LETTEK. 123 goods to supply tl.em at Niagara, rosolved to proceed to Oswego wJ.ence so.ne of the.a found tl.e place was basely dc.ej.ted b, .nost of the people, .ndnogLs toexcirnge 01 then- furs ; upon ndU.nation whereof, nuiny other Indian canoes were turned back, before they reached the place How mean an opinion, must these savages enter- tani of us, when they find our people so easily frightened as It were, with a shadow, and that the great lai„ ,^ • are constantly reaped by this advant.rgoous%rafic are no s„f ,e,ont, to excite a resolution in our traders to stand the defense of this fortress, the loss of which, M..uld determ.ne that trade, and it is to be feared the J dians 00, in favor of our natural enemies, the French. II^w iatal such an event wo.dd prove to this colony in partic- ular, and the British interest upon the ontinent in gen- eral, may be easily forseen.-' '' The war between France and England, embarassed the iu-ench operations among the Indians bv cutting ofi' the regular supply ofgoods for the trading :)osts. ^The fob lowing extract from a communication of M. de Beauhar noas, Governor of Canada to Count de Maurepas, shows the condition of the French interests at this time (1745 ) among the Five Nations : '^ M. DE nEArUAEXOIS TO CWNT DE MAUEEPAS. "I haye already acquainted you, my lord, with the dis- position o the Five Nations as respects Choueguen (Os- wego.) Ihe advantages we have gained in the interior of the colony might possibly have created alarm, had we been m a condition to follow them up by being supplied f!.' !!i1^l 124 niSTOKY OF BUFFALO. with goods and effects necessary to fit out new parties, and to meet the wants of the trade of the posts, Tlie cir- ciunstaaces in which wo are placed by the want of these supplies, must make us desire more than ever, that the Five Nations should observe the neutrality they promised. JSTevertheless, I shall neglect no means possible, to induce them to co-operate in what his majesty appears to re" quire of me in this regard. Sieur de Jonciare is already notified to give that matter all his attention ; his activity and vigilance may bo relied on, if there be any prospect of success. M. de Longueil might have suited for that negotiation, but that officer is ^ery corpulent, and illy ''itlanted to make these sort of journeys. Those nations who adopted his oldest son, in the council I held with them last summer, appear always much attached to the family. I expect to send him to assist Seur de Jonciare? should circumstances become more fiivorable." The English government was no less embarassed, by the want of harmony, between the difi'erent Governors, and the colonial Assembly, which characterized its ^ oed- ings, for many years at this ])eriod of its history, refusal to grant appropriations of money, by the Asse.. bly, was the principal. We have now arrived at a point in our history, which makes it proper to take some notice of one who was prom- inent in all the public aftairs of this period, but particu- larly so, in relation to the aftairs of the Six Nations. Hitherto there seemed to be, no one representing the interests of the English government, that could exert an influence over the Indians equal to the French. Wm. Johnson afterwards Sir Wm. Johnson, was born in Ireland, about the year 1714. He came to this coun- * SIB WILLIAM JOimSOX. 125 tiy in 1784 as tl,o agent of l,i8 uncle, Sir Pete.- W„„en to superintend a largo estate, purei.ased by l,i,n, „„ ^J near the Moliawk river. To ,u,„,| t„e diuies of Z > pouitme,,, Mr Johnson loeated liimself upon tlie esta of his iinelo „l,at was afterwards ealled " Mount John. tl . T/"''"^'""') »"»"' •-■'«■..>■ between Sclienec- tady ai d the carrjuig place (nowRonu.) the then termi- nus of boat navigation on the Mohawk river. Here l,o 01 course bceaino extensively „e,,,iai„ted with the'ln- cl.a"s. Hcstu,liod tlieir character, and acquired tlioh- anguage. He Arst became known to them a. a trader • .0 established a trading house at Johnstown, where lie kept a large depot, of Indian goods, wliicli he imported om tug and. He dispatched traders in all dir ct ns 1.0 Indian settlements, to buy f.irs, and to b.duce tl^ Indians to come to Mount Johnson to trade. I„ this he ™ vc,-y suecessfiil. Being a young ma., of good educa- tion and supcuor talo.its, by a course of sagacious, w s„ neas,„.es, he gradually bcame very popnla", both wi 1 c Indians and whites. His house soon bcca.no the re- so total eh^es, particularly of the Si.. Nations, and he «ltin.aelyobtai.,ed a greater influence over tl^m, it is said than was ever attained by miy white .nan. 'Us coiistitntioi. (says Mr. Campbell) was unusually flm I IS mind hardy, coarse, and vigorous, unsuscep.i We of those delicate feelings, by which ...inds of a softer .nonld are .n a great .neasnre governed, destitute of those rehned at tach.nents, which are derived from a correspon- dei.ce with elegant society, and uncoi.finod by those mor- al restramts which bridle men of tender consciences lie .ere saw tlie path open to wealth, and distinction, he de termmed to make the most of his opportunity. He oc^ Mi ^f! 'Ill i.i i I 126 IIISTOUY OF UUFFALO. cupled the liouso lio l>uilt at Julmstown ; he also built a house tipou the bauk of the river, but tliut was occupied by his son, John. A (laughter of hia, married Col. (Juy Johnson, a iiejihcw. and another Col. Clans. Joseph Brant, the celebrated ]\[oliawk chief, of whom wo shall have occasion to speak hereafter, was sent to the " ]V[oor9 Charity School," at Lebanon, Connecticut, established by the Rev. Doct. AVheelock, with several other Indian boys, where they received an Euirlish education at Col. John- son's ex])ense. Brant, was a particular favorite, and was employed by Col. Johnson in tiie public business, after he returned from school, particularly in that relating to the Indians. After the death of Lady Johnson, who was of Dutch or German descent, a sister of Brant was received into the family of Col. Johnson, and was treated with the respect, and occupied the position of a wife, without the legal pre- liminaries necessary to constitute that relation.-'^' The encroachments of the French, both upon the trade and territory, of the English, had now become such, as to attract the attention of all the colonies ; and one object of the " plan of union," was to unite the force of all the colonies, to resist it. Col. Johnson had received the ap- pointment of Colonel of the warriors of the Six Nations, in 1745. The following extract of a reply of the Indians to a speech made to them by the Governor of New York, shows the estimate in which Col. Johnson was held : " Brotiikr : — As to your desiring ns to listen to onr good friend, Col. Johnson, we are very much obliged to you for it, and in answer thereto must teW you, that for *It is t-aid he was 7imrrip(l to Molly Brant, a short time before his death, according to the rites of the Protestant Episcoi)al Church, in order to le- gitimatize his children by her. •im-^:.^ KJPEIiiriON AGAINST CUOWN roiNT. 227 thoso twdvo ,uo„M„ p„a,, „,„, |,on„ „ ,,„ -.. .to,.,l.o„ol.„,lyois„,„.lt„c.,.,l„„oi,.,e,„lit:,:a i'.oli.er, you „m.v .le,,.,,,! „po„ i,, ,|,„t „,|,,«ovor „.,«., wo l"'vo among „8, si,all |,„ i„„no,liat.ly l,r„„,.l,t t„ l,i,n • l..n„ .lo„„ ,,„ y„,„, ,,„,,_ „,_j ^1,^^^ ^1^^ v„rl.UI,„l)"l,o convmoed that we .o one b„,Iy, „,„, i,.„,,„,,,,:„ ,„ o.u.o,.y cl,umo.l i,y ,1,0 Kngli.l,, „.,, „,„„„ ,, ', 1 .,1 , ""' "'"' "'"'■""'™' '''^'"g «>„sido,.ocl of g o^t „„,,„,,„,„, Col. J„l„.on was .■oco,„,„e,„lod . a p « ,.o,.«,,, to c„,n,„a,,,I. in cl.ief, .1,0 said so..- v.ee. IIo K.co,ve,l acc„,,lingly, a connnission as Maio, &e a „„. ,„„„,, ,^,^ ^„^^,,.^^, ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^ o "' ^'"'■c.o ,o attaci; C'own Point; and to ^.....c tl,o W...T.O.. of tl,o Six .Nations in ,l,o on.o,.p,.ise, ,;; d a c.eos.a,.y p,.o,l,„i„an- to p,,,vld„ ,;„. ti.o!.. .e uHty b' p. on,.,,,. ,I,o„, ft,,,,, „, ^„^„^,^ .,, ,|_^.^ ^ ^^ o t.,.,.,t„,. Col. Jol,„.„„ .otnpon tl,o porfonnan c oj' P . n,e„t w.l, g,.at vi«o,, in „.,,i,„ „o was soeonci, b, 1,0 Govc,.„o,.,s o. all ,1,0 different oolonlos, and also by Gen. B,-addoclc, wl,o was ,l,on in Vh^inia. Ho was .1 apixnntod sole suporintendenl of tl,c Six Nations, a, offlec" lie liad ,-cs,g„ed sonietimo previous In Angnst 1755, with a force of about two thousand 101 Oiown Point, and arrived at the "oro^f r-n,.. • t.on exl„b,ted by so,neof tbe provincial troops, reouirln. great ca,.e, and discretion, on the part of the' Genirllir. ,i' |l ' i i II 'i 1 1 ;,i! ■ -i 1 1 n m 128 UI8TOBY 01' UUFFALO. » If it command, who of course wns a stranger to most of tlioiii. A general council of war was lieUl at this place, attended by all the itrincipal ulHccrs, at which Gen. Johnson sub- niifted some (Questions lu to the disposition of the forces, l)articularly in regard to the reserves, which had been promised, and provided, bv several of the colonies, in addition to the force then present. The decision was, that these reserves, should be sent to join the army, with all possible disi)atcli. A little acquaintance with their chief, seemed to ins])iro the men with new confidence, and the army having received some reinforcements of warriors from the Si.\ Nations, jin.ceeded on to lake St. Sacrament, which he named "lake George, in honor of * his Majesty, the King." His ellective force, was now in- creased to over three thousand men. He proceeded to erect a fortification at this place, '• where no house was ever built, or a rod of hind cleared." Before this work was completed, some Indian scouts brought intelligence of the advance of a large party of French, upon the camp they had left at the great carrying place. About two hundred and fifty New Hampshire troops, had been left at this ])lace, and five companies of a New York regi- ment. On receiving this intelligence. Gen. Johnson sent off an e.\])ress, with orders to Col. Blanchard in com- mand, to withdraw all the trooi)s within the fortifications there, and defend themselves as best they could, until re- lieved by reinforcements, which he would send. One thousand men, under command of Col. Williams, of one ■ of the Boston regiments, with about two hundred Indians, were detached for the relief of Col. Blanchard. Before this detachment had reached the jmint of its destination, it was met by an overwhelming force, and after a brave "ATTLK AT r.AKK OKOROE. ^OQ from tlio fort, to covo,- fl """'''•^''^ ^^'t'ro dofachcl I-" e,«,o,l ,„.„,„„| ,1,0 irt . "'r"' "•'"■^■'' I'"<1 =''- .0.- c.or„„so, «n..c: t ; . ;: ."crr?"" "- opened witl, t,c„c,Kl„„s olibct A I ' , ^■'■°' """ ■■esnlai-9 stood tl.el,- „. „ . Altl,„„g|, ,,,„ j,,,^ |^ protected l,v tl,o l,.'ea,t,vork ^ , ''" '"'^^""'•-''' tl'cm, u,,,! tl,ev wo,-. 1 ' ''''"""'' '"o ''ot for ■'«'.-■> "-dr. 'r/rj;^^^^^^^^^^ tte assault ,va«„,.af„Hi„o;if '^"■"''"""o,,, ,.|,o,.o «™t resolutio,,. T ,t t ac .'"-r "■"' "" ''""■• ""'■ "'ofire oftl,oFro„I ° ' '''"■'"' ''™'"y effect, work, aiul rushed nnr.n +1 ^j • ^ *'^° ^^''^ast- ^ead.adefoat.into-a",,:;::;':';:"' """"*'' """' ™' 9 If ;»( (i !l, ! 1 130 IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. Among the wounded and prisoners, was the Baron Dieskeau, the aged French General, commanding the ex- pedition, hitely arrived from France. He was brought into the tent of Gen. Joiinson, and treated with all the consideration and care, that his high position, and unfor- tunate condition required ; being shot through the legs, and both his hips. In his own brief report of tjje battle, he says : " 1 know not at present my fate. From Mr, de Johnson, the General of the English army, I am receiving all the attention possible to be expected from a brave man, full of honor, and feeling." His wounds were con- sidered mortal, but he recovered, but never regained his lost reputation. Gen. Johnson received a severe wound from a musket ball, lodged in his thigh, which was never extracted. For his valuable services rendered the English cause, and his good conduct on this occasion, he was created a Baronet, by the King, and the House of Commons voted him a gratuity of five thousand pounds sterling, besides his sal- ary as general superintendent of Indian afi'airs. Baron Dieskeau attributed his defeat to the refusal of his Cana- da Iroquois to fight their brethren, in his report to his government. The Indians suffered severely on this occasion, partic- ularly the two himdred that accompanied Col. Williams in the morning to relieve the camp at the " great carry- ing place ;" several of their principal sachems were killed ; among them the celebrated Mohawk chief, lleu- drick. Mounted on one of Col. Johnson's horses, he led the assault by the Indians, himself firing the first shot. His horse was killed under him. Ilcndrick becoming en- tangled, being unwieldy, and somewhat disabled by age, KING HENDRICK KILLED. -jg^ They were i,„l„l„e>•■ In his offleial report of til , r T ""'■ says " old Heudriek,t,e.,lt «;,'•"'■ •'°''"'™ ted chief, ;„ „ , „ 1 ° ^ '""""'''S ""«-=« "f tim eelobra- eo„„ty : ' '° "'" "W'"""'-^ »'• 'l'" ""als of Tryon ner com,. „„, „^,_,^_, ,j„,„,,^„f ■' >' I^- ^:eo;:jz:;n:-::«!X:'rr-'T -^::xx^id:i{r^-- integrity, united, he e.ce led al t ,' '":'',™"'»™We t»n.s of the unit;d s.rt sw,';.: T'""'";'' ;"'''*'''■ :e::r:h::::-^^^^ ;tht,,esi.NS3t::r:;;-:.— --- i.".-ive, :d'c„ r-r hi; er ^"^""-■■'^ «'o same superior eharaeten am thnt Z""' T °' bom to eontro. other men, a„J po L Lc Hr'T "" ty nnrivaied withi,, his h„owlei„e " '"■'''" l.aI^:ar.t ■s"::;r',''r.?''"^''' '-'»" f-"' ''.-a ««- j"i.ns„„ T ;,: h Zh "^.'^- ''''° """ «'^ ^■■'-» j-iju)ugn an the intrunies of fi.o i?..^ i i ■nained (ai.l,f„| to his alliance ""''' ''" "" "Ue was also highly esteemed by the white inhabitants. ill l" %\ i if ' -vi *u" '^-niki 1^; ii^ti m 132 HISTORY 01' IJUFFALO. During some of the negotiations with the Indians of Pennsylvania, and the inliahitants of that'state, Ilendrick was present at Philadelphia. Ills likeness was taken, and a wax figure afterward made, which was a very good imitation. After the death of Ilendrick, an old friend, a white man, visited Philadelphia, and among other things, Wiis shown this wax ligure. It occupied a niche, and was not observed by him, until he had approached within a few feet. The friendship of former days, came fresh over his memory, and forgetting for the moment, Hendrick's death, ho rushed forward and clasped in liis arms the frail icy image of tlie old chieftain.'- The following anecdote is related as a well authentica- ted fact : " Ilendrick was at the house of Sir William Johnson, when he received two or tbree suits of rich militarj' clothes. The old King a short time afterwards came to Sir William and said, 'I dream. Well, what did you dream ? I dream you give me one suit of clothes. Well, I suppose you must have it,' and accordingly he gave him one. Some time after, Sir William met Ilendrick, and said ' I dreamed last night. Did you ? What you dream ? I dreamed you gave me a tract of land,' descri- bing it. After a pause, ' I supjjose you must have it, but and he raised his finger significantly, you must not dream agam 5 V This tract of land, extended from the east to the west of Canada Creek, in the now county of Herkimer, and was about twelve miles square. Tiie title was afterward confirmed by the King of England, and it was justly call- ed tlie "royal grant."* •St-e Annals of Tryon County. I •* n"? ■^tfi'' . ma, -ii OK^. .IOII.VSON CRBATBD.A BABON. ^y uiei^rench, and caltI)ou<.-li the rp^^nlf- .p +i campa.g,, was „„t e„,i,.elv satisfi.c.o,; t„ t ! P ," .vet ,1,0 g„von„o„t at l.„„ o ,„„fc,, 'S''" ,^°'7'^'«' a J ^ciitncicii to the interest of the JCinr. Ti .• i '.-.id before ti , ::^ ;"""'"; /™"'"">"i. '- 1'- 'o take ,l,is ea,.i: p,,;„ , ':7'™ ■""J-'-V's c„,„,„a„d - •™-"™«rr;io:i::::;t;;:;::j-- ni your conntrv's cause Tl.. ^ 1 « "'''^ ^'^fhts, and tion w].- 11 prudent spirit, and re.solu- Liie uiucers, and 1)1- vate moil ■,,.], i 'o'"0 to ting„i.l,„l tl,e>n,elvof , ' ; T '" ""'"^'""-^ '"^■ The Z e ^-^ ' "'"""^' ""^ S™'«^' satisfaetion h :: ; ;:^^^^ -l proea,.„-„,„ .Idcl, ,„„ showed .e.ul mgb, the J,™- ],,)gland govermnents, before the ■'""": •"■■ '■-'•"■•co.nents, .,„,.t likewise ha -e i,. a,,! " p.-e .hud. i. .o,i„s,l, due, ,o,v„„r whole 1 ^ T1.0 ah,er„y, and di.„a,eh, with which the reinfor o"^ * li , Ml ' 'i IN Ki 1 1 1 j 1 ; f ll f 1 t 1 •< 1 iJ: 1 131 IIISTOKY OP BUFFALO. I, were raised, is greatly to be commended, and there is reason to liope, tliat this will enable you to pursue the advantages you have already gained. The colonies wliich have so readily and vigoi'ously ex- erted themselves on this great occasion, will always find favor and protection, from his majesty. And, I have particular satisfaction, of having it in charge, to acquaint 3-ou, that the King has been gracious- ly pleased to confer upon you, as a distinguishirg mark of liis royal favor, and approbation of your conduct, the dignity of a Baron of Great Britain, and the Patent will be transmitted to you, by the first convenient opportuni- ty." Sir, etc., T. KOBINSON. It is not likely that few, if any of the warriors of the Six Nations, except the Mohawks, were present^ or partic- ipated in the engagement at lake George. The Mohawks the day after the battle, took formal leave of the General, nnd returned home ; alleging, as a reason, tliat they had sustained a great loss in the death ot a large number of their principal sr'jhems, and as vas their custom, they wished to return home, to condole with their people for the loss. They also expressed fears, that during their absence, their own homes were exposed to be attacked, and de- stroyed, by the enemy, and none to defend their wives and children, but their old feeble men. Early in IToO, the Frencii organized an expedition against Oswego, with a view to reduce the fort built there by the English, The expedition was under the command of the Marquis de Montcalm, and consisted of about three OSWEGO TAKEN BY MONTCALM. 135 thousand men. He invested the place on the 11th of August and after a brief seige, captured the fort on the 14th, taking most of the garrison prisoners of war, among whom (sajs the French account) were one Imndred and twenty women. Tlie English fleet of six vessels was also captured, with but little fighting, either on laud, or water, ihe i^rench found a large quantitj of military stores and provisions, which were destroyed, and did not restrain ^leir savage allies, from many cruel acts of barbarity. Co . Mercer, who commanded the English forces, was kdled early in the engagement, the command devolved on Lieut. Col. Littlehales, who got little credit, for either courage, or military skill. It does not appear that any of the Six Nations engaged m the defense of Oswego. The French did not expect their assistance, but expected them to remain neutral which expectation seems to have been realized This apathy on the part of the Six Nations, may be attributed at least in part, to the influence of M. de Jonciare, who visited the Senecas, and in succession, all the other Five Nations, prior to the attack of the French upon Oswego He was accompanied by Mons. Longueville. *" Mons. Durant who met them at the mouth of the Choueguan (Oswego) river, on their return, asked Jon- ciare what he had accomplished in their journey. He replied : '' I have beat the bush ; Mons. Longueville will take the birds ; our voyage will do him honoratthe court • of France." m ' ■' h 1 '% ' In ';Mi i 1 1 CHAPTEE X. Wlien all the circumstances are taken into considera- tion, it is not surprising that the Six Nations, i)articularly the Senecas, were at a great loss how to act. The want of harmonious action in the Eno-lish colonial irovernment, which had characterized its proceedings for many years, to tiie almost entire neglect of their relations with the Six Nations ; tlie land grants in Pennsylvania and Maryland, by wliich they claimed they had beeV defrauded of their hunting grounds by the English, and the unrestrained rapacity of the English traders, by which the price of goods sold to the Indians, had been greatly increased ; while that of beaver had been greatly diminished, while their morals had been, greatly corrupted, by the unre- strained introduction of rum among them ; while on the other hand, the French had made the most of their op- portunity, by sending their emissaries among them, par- ticularly the Senecas, furnishing them Avith goods at all their trading' posts, extending from Quebec to Mackinaw in the northwest, through the lakes to the Ohio and Mis- sissii)pi rivers. Through the influence of these missiona- ries, and agents, who in many cases became closely allied to the Indians, adopting their mode of life, frequent em- FBLNCil INFLUENCK INCREASES. 137 bassies or visits of lurgo delegations ol'tl.eir leadin-Mnen were made to tlie (iovernor of Canada at Montre^'al, ro- cemng marked attention, and loaded with valuable pres- ents, aftordino. opportunities thi^ough interpreters, ibr a tree mterchange of views and feelings, and in every way cementing a stronger allianee every year. There was an- other respect, in which the policy of the French, served to give them an advantage over the English. In all their negotiations with them, thej never proposed to buy their lands. "^ This circumstance was used with great y.ower, and snc- cess,_by the agents of the French; and was indeed, in striking contrast, with the policy and practice of the En., ish. And although the Indians had the same irrepressi- ble thirst for the brandy of the French, that they had for the rum of the English, it should he recorded to ihe credit ot the In-ench missionaries, that they uniformlv, and ofter successfully, resisted the introduction and us"e, of spirit- ons liquors among the Indians. Sir William Johnson, in ii.s communications with the English government, often refers to these two evils, as the greatest obstacles in the way of obtaining influence, or control, over the Indians, and urges that the Ohio and Pennsylvania land grants and patents, be al.rogate}^ta^ strength, alarmed the British nation, and the lung Tound |t necessary to change his counsels. The cele- orated Wilham Pitt was i)laced at the head of the new 'mmstry, and a large appropriation of men, and means was made, for three separate expeditions against the' i^rench, in America, who had possession of a line of ,>osts extending from Quebec to New Orleans. One of these expeditions was against Niagara, which had remained quietly in possession of the French. Early in 1759 Sir AVilliam Johnson, in an official communication to his government says : '^ The Six Nations in general, an.l the Chcnocio ((^enessee,) Indians in particular, (who are a brave, and powerful tribe of the Seneca nation, and live f; I 1. 1 ,H|; 1 ' m 1 ; 1 1 t 1 '! .1: 1.) J 1^1 142 I118T0UV (IF IIL'FKAr.O. near Niagara,) are, as your Lordships will ace, by the proceed iiigrt I now send you, very desirous ot'driviii;;^ the French from Niagara ; and equally pressing that wo should undertake it. * "^ * '^ It' an attempt upim Niagara, through lake Ontario, should bo made a part of the ])]an of operations for this year, I am persua- ded 1 could Join His Alajesty's troojis that way, with the nuvin body of the warrii»r3 <.„ ,.„■»„,„„..,, ,„. ,„,i ,, „i ,„. ^, '""";"=' "'" '"•" ■"• I- "-""n'o ,., ti.„ K,;,,,,, cl manhunt .,uTe„.lo«l .1,0 ,Wt an,, „,, M, ft,,,,, ,,,,J: On ll.is «c™»i„u a trask.,U «vo„t ,„c„n-cd. C'l.lot w,tl, ,„ I,„l,„„ ,., „.|„„„ ,,„ |,„„,„„„ ^^,,,,,1 1 - I..,i„u,, wl„, l„|„„„„, ,0 tiu, E„,,|:sl, „,„y 1 '1 —uu.K„„,u,,ls,u,l „,,„■„,: ■•Ii,.„tl.o,.,Iu,„ , ,,„t orturu.g y„„," ,„„| kill,,, I,. „ „ .^1, ^ '^ ...w ,„„„„„,„,„,,,,,„ ,„,.^ ..•,,„„.,„.,: winch ,„.„„„„,, „,„„„„ ,|„„„,,,,3, „,.^ ^,^ ,^j^^| was, c„„.l,l„,.,.| „„ |„y .„ ,„ .. ,^„^^;^ ,„„ ™',r'^ o tl,e E,^,l »|, II,, Jo„cia,es,fi,.l„,.a„,u„, ,|,„ My ,ea™, exertcl ,l,„t i„H„„„,, ,„„ ,„ ,.,,„ ,^ '^^ soon ,l,«covc.re,l l,y ti„ EnglLsl,, tin.t tl,,y „„t ,„,, , "^ other nat,„ns ofti.e oonlklo,.ucy a„,l tl,oi,. allies ti,e M »a,.es, .,,e S,,aw„„,e, &e., was w.„.n., .,„.', ei"" Uoun e,.in„„a.,,i in „„,„ |„,„,,,, „„,„„„,„, j/' ot ti, so .■,bos, .■es.ding „p„„ „,„ ,ontl,e,-„ an, s„„tl,-wes! ern border of wl,at was a,i,nit,od to l,„ „„ torri.,rrof .e b,x Nat,ons. The eanses of tl,e difflenlties, so ar i tln„ lands. I b,s Invd leca .. subject of eo.nplaim on the- t!! I III ' ! I J I « i J jj li 1' 1 144 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. part of the Indians, for many years ; but instead of ob- taining any redress, or satisfaction, they had been put off with tlie promise, that their comphiints had to be referred to their great father over the water, which required time, and indeed the whole question became so comijlicated, by the interference of parties interested, that the true merits of the case could not be understood, by the gov- ernment at home. The controversy involved the Govern- ors of several of the colonies, particularly the ''Proprie- taries of Pennsylvania." Dr. Franklin, as the accredited agent of the government of Pennsylvania, and the "prop- rietaries'' as they wore called, addressed a memorial to the King, setting forth the grounds of these complaints, and difficulties, asking for his interposition, and as stated in the memorial " to take the premises into your royal consideration, and do therein, as to your Majesty in your great wisdom, shall see meet.'" This petition with a vast amount of correspondence up- on the subject, was referred to " his Majesty's privy council for plantation affairs," who made an elaborate re-, port thereon. The complaint of the Indians was that in some cases, the purchases had been made of parties not authorized to sell. In other cases, large tracts liad been taken up, and surveyed, when but a small tract was sold, and conve^^ed by deed. The report of the council which evinced a desire to protect the Indians, and procure for them justice, admit that the troubles are mainly owing to the neglect of the government, to define the boundaries of their own territory, and to assert the jurisdiction, which the treaty of Utrecht clearly awarded to the English gov- ernment, in 1701. During this long period of neglect, .parties in nearly all the colonies, had instituted indcpend- 'I 'Mr IXDIAN TKOUBLES INCREASE. 145 rnern. JNot knowing, or reo-nj-Wm^. n . ■ations subsisting ^^.JXtZ^'IS^ F "' M^' I'unt.ng grounds," wl.ich the Five Nat^I , , 11- Cow,,, to l,e held f„, the benefit oft, 7 '"" .'=""^'"° tlieir postwit^-. "'^ ■""'""*. and Although Sir William Johnson I,.„l « i ,. "•itl. g.-eat diligeneo n„J adZs" |,e T'^f """'''' ".-0 difficulties, he found his Xt' f,- „:";""; "' ■■.assed, and son.etimes thwarted bv tl ; ''^'" c-ontlict iute,.e,„ i„fl ' ■' "'° """fterence of «»a,.d <,f Trade, he nta i " ':~r'' ^^ '''^ ■■if (^avs he,) the Indians are ad,„ S „ """'f'"'- con,plicute or multifarious influe " " j" """"' " - -der the Indians .,:.X:;rr Z!" X.! power of acting, see.ns to be divided .nd , ' , ! ■'.-et „g the,n, not n.ntually co„ee,-t bv ' 't: ■-Ij" aftect and assnn.e to be snpemecessa-rv" " m a Icttorofa later date than the -ib„v» ' „„ ,■ -;™..eineo„eiiiati,,g.hei,,di:s:r:;g:!;;:i:L: tl'o connuence.uent of tJio Indian war But ^f satisfaction to find tJiat n,v U) " ''"^ ^''° tVnnHnv. 1 •• '^^^''^ ^'-'^^^ secured these ;on ers, and comninnications, as well as i.rcerved tl o -^ol.^otflveoutoftheSixXation,.it,/ti::::'c:!: itii s .», r I • ^ir| 1 li' ^i3, that Pontiac, the great Ot- toway chief, attempted to unite the western Indians, against the English, and to dispossess them of the country about the lakes, recently couijuered from the French, and it is said that he exerted a wider inlluence than any other man was ever able to do among these nations. The hos tility to the English was undoubtedly excited by the French, who still lield possession of Louisiana, aiid all the entire valley of tlic Mississippi, with the streams tributa- ry tu that river. The Senecas iiad at tin's time settled some small villages on the head waters of the Belle river (Ohio.) and considering the influences brought to bear up- on tliem, through the untiring zeal and activity, of the Jonciares, ftither and two sons, fur more than liftv vears it is not surprising that they should have been brought ti* syn-.pathize with tliis great movement of Pontiac. This feeling exhibited itself in an open attack upon the 'Eng- lish at the carrying place upon the J^iagara river. Before the surrender of fort Niagara to theEnglisliCha- bert Jonciare Jr. (his father being dead) was in command of the carrying place around the Falls of Niagara. This in'otitable privilege had been granted him, by the French, . as a reward for his services, and had been assented to by the Senecas, who shared in the profits, as they considered him one of their ciuldren,his mother being a Seneca wo- man. Jonciare had a considerable amount of property invested in this business, which of course was destroyed Lit- iJL OAKKnxa PLACE AT NfAGARA. I47 by the overthrow <.f the French ; Joucuvre himself beinc. taken pnsoner, together with his brother Clauzonne Joi^ ciiire, at the surrender of the fort. U ho J..„gl„ ,, , , ,,„, j,„^ i„ „,,^„,„^ ^^.^^^ j^|^__ m..n, an l,„sl,sh,™„. This greatly exasperated the o:n,, r ";'"^'^'-->"'« -"Tins pu^'o a, th.- w„, .tuu long been, possession of „„e of their ohil- ■I'u,. The leelmgs ol the Seneca., i„ respect to this suh- tiora tl,c Enghsl,, „,„ ,,,,„ „„j,,,t„od by Sir William Johnso,, and ti.e train of wagons fro,„ the landing (Le v ., on, ,0 „tt e Niagara (Schlosse.) was always f.n-n'is d ■th a gnard ot soid.ors. ,Vs this was the only practica. ^.le rente fron, east to west, at that time, for the Unglish. h,s and other carrying places were of the ntn.ost impor- tance to them, as they had been to tl,e French The necessity or famishing the dirterent western posts at Detroit, Mackinac, etc., which had been snrren.iered by the French, n.ade the safety of these carrying places, ot great importance to the English, and no p,;ins were spared, not only to seenre safety ,„ these sapplies, bnt to .nsnrc dispatch in their transit, over this lon„ line of comn.„„,eation. The te.ams ,vere composed S.ieflv of oxen; each team having one d,-ivei-, the master, or ovev- seer aeeon,panying the train on horseback. The train with one oftcer, and twenty-fonr soldier, the party con- sisted of nmety-six persons. In their progress m the nver, the ram, with its escort, had arrived oppol what .s called t^" devil's hole," when owing totLe »hapeofthegr<*,d,theroadran near the edge of h! i '■■', . 148 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. precipice. It was at this point the Indians formed an ambush, entirely out of view of their xmsuspecting vic- tims, who, as they approached tliis narrow defile, were fired upon by their concealed foe ; nearly all were killed or wounded, at the first fire ; the Indians I'ose from their concealment, with a tremendous yell, rushed upon their helpless victims, and the tomahawk and scalping knife soon finished the bloody work. The following account is from the manuscripts of Sir William Johnson, under date of September, 17C3: " I have this moment received an express, informing me that an officer and twenty-four men who were escort- ing several wagons and ox-teams, over the carrying place at Niairaru, had been attacked and entirelv defeated, to- gether with two companies of Col. Wilmot's Regiment, who marched to sustain them ; our loss on this occasion, consists uf Lieuts. Campbell, F...zer, and Koscoe, of the Regulars, Capt. Jolyison and Lieut. Dayton, of the Pro- vincials, and sixty privates, killed, with about eight or nine wounded. "The enemy who arc supposed to be Senecas, of Che- nussio, scalped all the dead, took all their clothes, arms and araunition, and threw several of their bodies down a pr ci])ice. '' I am greatly apprehensive of the fate of the Detroit, they being in much want I fear, at the garrison; and as all unr cattle etc., which were at Niagara, are either killed or taken, it will be impossible to get any necessaries transported over the carrying place lor the remainder of the seas(jn. I shall immediately send belts to all the friendly nations, and use every ettectual measure forpre- ventin;;' the destruction of our settlemen^from the enemy m •- CVRRYINO PLACE AT NIAOAKA. 149 Indians m-I.o are bnt ^.o much encouraged from tl.ei.' repeated successes/' 'JJl'e subjoined account of this transaction, was related ^Jr: '" ^'"^^''^' gentlen.an, who visited the tails •n 18( 0, bv the son of John Steadman named below : ihe portage or carrying place which is now from (neenstown to Chippewa, was previous to 1792 from -x place opposite Queonstown (Lewiston)to Fort Schlosser. lu l.GO John Steadman was master. In 1763 the Indians at acked the train of wagons and its gaurd, consistin.. in soldiers and wagoners of ninety-six persons. Of tiresc mnety-two were killed on the spot, three jun.ped ,lown' tlie prec.p.ce over-hanging the river, and John Steadman putting spurs to his horse, galloped to Fort Schlosser The three who jumped down the precipice, (considered by them as certain death, which they preferred to the on.ahawk ot the Indians,) were preserved by shrubs and brushwood breaking their tall. One was a drummer whose drum falling into the river, gave the first news ol' this defeat, at Niagara. "Peace being concluded with the Indians a few months alter this massacre, they, of their own free will, 8cape, as miraculous, and that tin's cvfft was an atonement to him, and tlie Great Spirit, who p^-otected Inm, for their guilt in having attempted to kill him' Many of the Indians assured him that thev luvl deliber- ^ iM ,*;fl- ,lj t 1 if 1 i 11^ i:i ' ■'; ' m :|1 ' ' i • i !: ■ •1 il II m ■'¥ loO HISTORY OK liUKKAU). ate and fair Hhots at liiiu, and that liad lie been a deer, nc could not have escaped tlicir rifles." The Steadnian ianiily witli slight exceptions, kept pos- riession of the I'arm at Fort Schlosscr and ^probably the carrying place, many years ; aided by influential friends, application was made to the Legislature of the State of New York, after the llevolution, for a conflr nation of the Indian grant, to at least, what Steadnian had enclosed. and improved, being about fifteen hundred acres : but like a multitude of similar claims in other parts uf the State, the Legislature refused to recognize them, and who ever will take the trouble to examine the record of Legisla- tive proceedings., V, ill find frequent mention made of the Steadmau farm upon the Niagara river. The carrying ])lace round the falls was originally upon the Canada or west side of the river, but it had been changed to the eastern or American side, the distance be- ing found to be much shorter, upon the American side- We at this period have very little idea of the amount of transportation over tliis carrying jdace. It is probable tliat the train attacked and plundered by the Senecas, in 1763, cousisted of from forty to fifty teams. In 1800 J\rr. Maud, from whose journal we have already quoted, in, passing down on the Canada sitlo in August of that year. says : "There is a jjortagc at-lliis place, which i'nq)loy^ nu- merous teams, chiefly of oxen, each cart (wagon) being drawn l>y two yoke of oxen or two horses. I passed great numbers on the road taking uj> bales and boxes, and bringing down packs of jieltries. Kourteen teams were * at tlie wharf waiting to be loaded." •• •• '• On the oyy"'- site side of the river to i^ueenstown. tlie government of' * ![ n) about I'oiir miles ])olow Fort Nia<^ara, to the creek above Fort Schlo..ser, or little Niagara, on both sides of the river, being about fourteen miles lono-, and tour miles wide, and agree never to oljstruct the carrvinu place, or the free use by the English of said tract. The signatures to the treaty are : Sayenqiieraghta, Wanuiihissue, Taganrt-ndie, Taanja- qua, Tagaanadie, Kaanyts, Clionedagan, Aughnanawis. The Senecas were to liave a full pardon for all past of fenses, and to renuiin in perjtctual peace. At this treaty, asappears from subsequent ]>rocoeding3 and the signa- tures of the chiefs or sachems attached to it, a ] tuition of the Senecas were not reiiresentcd. Those residing at Chc- nissio, and upon the head waters of the Eelle (Ohio) river had to some extent been drawn to sym])athize with, if ^ot to co-0])erate in the great movement headed by Pontiac. They had attacked and destroyed the train and its escort at the carrying place on the Niagara, and were implica '"Ms C.,., iMCl, t„ tl„.„. „lk.„i,UK.„ t„ tl,d,. b,.rfI„.C.„ .,.,,1 t . nitcliiefsot tiio Aloliiiuks, the Oncid-m fl,. n i rr , ■' ■ -""'"''• "'"' "'"->' «•«« fl.mIlvM„I„cc;i "1 August of (lie sii,,,!, v,..,, . fi,„; , . ""'■""iiall. ,1,,.,.-,? n, •'"".. .'.II. first l,cii,i; iissm-od, tl„ii ';■';"';"'"'■'"'■""'■■«""" .'^» "".I rd,,,.,,. „,. i„ :.;";:'■ '"" "'" 'r-- "■■" '■'-■'.«■ «.• ti.oi,. .,;,..,. feiiouitl (>o giiaraiitet'd, Tl.i.s o,„„o,.o„c.. was l„.W „.it,, ,„„„,, ^„,.^„„^„ "*' AV,l,„,„J„,„,s„„, „,„, t,,^ j,„, 1-f s,,c.uleh as may l,o do/end .P"i.. I.at „,„. wnes and cl,ild,.o„ ,„a.y live in poaee,a„d .0 „„ longer involve,! i„ „nn,I,erless ,listresses. Yo ■ave boon for a long time in a i,ane. On this, all your ha,,pinos mtirolv depends, and a you repent ofyour late conduct, and are come ri-htlv t.' your senses, you will lind the necessity of strictly°al,i- 'iing by all vdiu- eng;.^•ements. •• Your not bringing down the rest of the prisojior^. im mediately after the delivery of those last year to me, agreeable to your engagement, has had a very bad ai*- pearanco, and you cannot excuse yourselves. 'Vou have therefore, nothing left to convince the English of vour smcenty, .but by your future actions; words will no't he sufhcient; and therefore, lexpect, that within forty ni-hts trom hence, you will bring down every ]>risoner%et amongst you, and every deserter, in which ni canm.t 'ieceiveme,forIknow their numbers; and until vou l^crlorm this punctually, I expect you will leavr another ''t your chiefs of Xarathyaradaris with Gaustrax, as hos- tages for the discharge of your engairement." This engagement was luimicd on ihe part of the Sene- gas and Dehiwaros of the Susquehanna, bv delivering up twenty-live persons of both sexes, held is prisoner^ bv them. ^ In September of this vear, in an official letter. Sir Wil iiam Johnson savs : "Having this moment heard of the death of the Chief ot all the Senecas, who was for some vears past sincerely attached to our interests, I am apprehensive that the di=. content among these jealous and troublesome people wiU If ! ! I i ! i t 1 ! 1,1 * ijH ! ■ !' K:i 106 IIISTi/UV ' 1 I'.l llAI.o. l)e luiiHidoml.ly iiu,i,' the jjlacr where the ^'reat confederacy nicot,-*, I hoj)e topn.fit Boiue- thill",' from the discovery I mai:e." " " ^ The result of this visit was auylhin;; but satidfact(.ry to Sir AVilliam .Johii>.'.ii. !)ut; c Ii'inatory (,f the fears lie luid expressed, as appears l.y ;;,e reiwt ho made, in which ho says: '•The Indians with whom I lu-'u] a congress, were verv desin.us to know whether I iuid nc. ived any satisfactory accnnts i'lxnn Court, resi)ectin- the intentled honndarv line, tile sumnniry i)rocess for justice, the -rievancea con ceriiin-r lands, murders, and intrusions of the frontier in- iiabitants. and other matters, on which they had been promised relief. In answer to which I gavu them main- assurances that these matters were mider consideration- and orders actually sent, to tiie Governor of the province on the subject of lands. '' They answered that they had no expectation from that (|uarter, and that the application to his Majesty was founded on a certainty that they could expect no redress elsewhere. ''That on this and every other subject of grievance, they had patiently waited for redress, several years, that tbey were now quite tired, and began to despair of it, that all the nations were becoming impatient and dissatisfied- and could not restrain their warriors." The principal causes of the disaffection of the Senecas, which extended more or less to all the Six Nations, with the exception, perhaps of the Mohawks, grew out of the *•■»- ,m:r iits TROLilI.lt o.v THK om.) aivicu. I8T Km..„d,;" „rco„„o Cor ,l,i, |,„r,«,. „,„ ,,,„'""."« ...onso territory, „„d tl,o «e(, ion out of . f' t an.n,al. ,ro,u „ U.r,,o torrieory ; ,,„.| „,e eons „. ^ '•""""' """"'^■'' ""■'" ■- -lioi; tl,-o.v often asser uZl o > ho i,r,nc,),aU„„rees of ,l,o.„ .liniclties were ,° 7- ™." S""^^™' "''O g"mde,l tl,e " western ' »or „1 the confcderaey, h„d at thi. period pushed ,e l»n .er .et.ie.nen.s to the hanics of th'ose rive':' we ■;!.«. hr„„,d,t ,„to eontiiet with the white sot lers The ^•re neh enossaries were s.iil i„ t,,e eonutrv. T,, ! sto ■ 0,1 the ndians (over who,, they posseise,! (ZrtZ ",e t set le,s ; the co„se,,„o„ee8 soon l,eca„,e too an„a |;en n.thewh,.les,de.,,,,r,,e,,, „,,deapt,,,.os :X" ■"".hes a„d so,„eti,„os of settlea.ents, ,„adeby ti^el ■haus, „, .,,„se they eonsidet-e,! as intruder „po, /e • ngh-» a.,d p,,>perty. Of eourse ,ho settle,, beear.e.re >-a,,er,Ue,, „,ai„st „,o Indians, „„d did not f, "t ' r t ,1 , r'""'° •" """■ ^•^■""— »I."n .he,„wl,on. i'_" tl,ej lia.l an opj,oit„„ity to do so. ihe lolloping exfact of a letter written l>y Sir Willin,„ -rtreL:::""''''"'""-----'--^^^ ••The late .nnrder co.n.nitted on the friendly Conesto .a Ind,ans residing in, and nnder the proteetion JlC- I rvM /€li^ 158 HISTORV OF liUKKALO. sylvania, by a number of riotous persons, wlio without any cause, surprised and killed, six of these peaceable people, occasioned Mr. Penn to issue a proclamation, for discovery of the authors thereof, and to place the rest of that people in Lancaster, where they were lodged in the workhouse, for better security. But the rioters, not alarmed at the proclamation, came, in a body, armed, broke open the workhouse, and barbarously murdered fourteen more of these Indians, and even threatened to come down to the city of Philadelphia, and killanumbci' of peaceable and well disposed Indians, taken into the protection of that city. In October, 1768, a great treaty was held by Sir Will- iam Johnson at Port Stanwix, with the Six Nations, the Shawnees, Delawares, and Senecas, of Ohio, at which more than two thousand Indians were present. Several weeks were occupied, in completing the business trans- acted, the principal of which was, the settlement of the question of a boundary line between the whites and the Indians. The Governors of several of the colonies were present at this treaty, (iov. Penn, of Pennsylvania. after waiting several days for the arrival of the delegates from some of the more distant nations, who were slow in coming, was obliged to leave, and placed his affairs in the hands of two commissioners, to represent that colony. After much discussion and negotiation, conducted entirely by Sir William Johnson, on the part of the English, assisted by his two sons-in-h)w. Col. Guy Johnson, and Col. Claus, the boundary was agreed upon, and*the treaty signed by the chiefs of all the Six Nations, and their de- pendents the Delawares, Shawnees, 'l tl.at the boundary I ftrp ««!^ 160 lIISTOUy «)K UUl'FAI.O. line, was no restraint upon the rapacity of tiie land spocu ■ lators and squatters, and from negotiations between the Indians and the government, there was a sudden transi- tion to a state of iiostilities between the Indians and the frontier settlers, many of whom had already pushed their claims beyond the limits of the boundary line The following letters of Sir William Johnson to Gen. Gage, written at this time, shows the state of Indian affairs about tliis ])oriod, and the influences that were o])t;- rati'ng to produce disaffection among them : SIK WILLIAM JOIIXSOxX 'IX) GEN. GAGE. April IStli, 1767. I Iiave had a particular inibrmation of the murder of the .Delaware Indian at Kedstone creek. It aj.pears fnon the information of several wliite men, that tiio quarrel arose through the instigation of Col. Creasaj), of Mary- land, who trades on that fi-(jntier, and (probably from in- terested motives,) Jiad actually told the deceased that if he met with any traders in the C(.untry. or going to it, he sliould take their liquor from tliem, and cause the ke^^; to be staved. This is one of the consequences of snfier- ing the traders to rumble where ever great ju-oflts may seduce them, anII^•S0^ TO (,KX. GAGE. April LHth, J 767. I am \.el] informed that Chabert .lonciaro. is prepar 1 CHABERT JONCIARE. 161 fii nig to set out with a cargo of o-oods for ^Jn iieartily wisJi ho conld h. 1 ^^gara, and y iie conhl by some means be prevented • i'r.. '■Since ,,,3, last oftl.e l^t,, j,,. ,;,„, f I'f/'''""^- ■•ived here, together with L I'uf r ^, (J°'«='">-<^0 ar. ««vo.™,'w,S, iette.:" r, : ihtt:; TuZ '" '"^ moiit ho met witli ill Fi-ii„.„ „.i ■ i mtieat- as.inst that nation tiiat ' '"'"' P'°J"'"<^° '"■'" cat-go fo.-the x^o t:;:i,;':r, 'r''f ' " '"■=<= - ™^is Lopoatei, eiiti-oLes a J.:Z:1 t .'.-■o,.e,L-e;i;:vL:tr'o:rtJ;^ •i;aintiiig him, .„„, i „,„„„ ^^ ; ^^^^'^ - M . Chabei-t .ill act the part of a wise man, a, d t nn hai-b- ,,, irfi,,, Si,. William J„h„s„„ „„„,„ „ ,.,.^,^ OnoiK agas, Ca„i,„s, and Seiiecas, tOr the pun," Tf ming the particniars in Legai-d to the oii. agi :„„ iej,eu uie bi\ JSTations were nvolved Af n,,^ i It- ■il i i ; 1 1 i ^ ■ t ! , 'i 'b 162 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. 'f< received a, severe Imrt, wliicli nearly rendered him inca- pable of proceeding, but after a little delay, be pursued his journey to Seneca, (Kanesadaga,) where he had sum- moned the chiefs of that nation, living near the head of the Ohio river, to meet him. The Indians assembled to the number of more tlian two thousand. A spirit of gen- eral discontent was soon manifested. The Senccas beiran by a long detail of their grievances, comjilaining of a general neglect on the part of the English to observe tlic provisions of the late treaty. That tlieir trading posts were neglected, that frauds up(.>n them were practiced more than ever ; tliat the agents, interpreters, and black- smiths, which they had been ftccustumed to have among them, had been withdraAvn, and that they were inforn^ed that a war between the English, and the Spanish and French, was imminent, and they were invited and en- couraged by the emissaries of the French still among them, to engage in it, which, notwithstanding A) advice of the chiefs to the contrary, was a great temptation to their warriors. That the French had predicted all these evils, and experience had proved it too true, and "they were full of resentment through disappointment." In his report to the Earl of Hillsborough, Sir "William Johnson says : " On my way home I was overtaken with the news of a murder of a young Seneca lad, who was fired upon on the river Snscpiehanna, by some of the frontier inhabitants, without the least provocation given ; (of which I have since received an account from Penusyl- vania,) as the father of this lad, has generally lived with- in the settlements, and with the whole family demonstra- ted the most zealous attachment to the English, and weic .much respected by the Indians, the murder is a very un- I TROUBLES OH THE OHIO. Igg lucky accident at this time, b„t it is „„t alone; several others Lave been lately co„.,nittecl, by tl,e infatimed am lawless .nhabitants on the frontiers ol Virgin.r&e X a,ca to go on. And thongl, the effeets of all this Inve be s „„„^. ,„, ,,^ ^^^^^^^^^ J ^ a to make then- appearance, particularly abont the illinoi i^ li :, : — "Jorin chief; the Indians haung kdled several people, attacked and „lu„dore,l several trader's boats, and in short bloeked n, the Z mnnieation of the Ohio so that it 1= , ' "' "-or trading; -^ . \:irat'«;:sr:reCt t "' ™ °™'' '^'' l""-P°^'='' 'I'at are but too obvious «em,ng only to wai. the success of their negotiatiorfo; the commencement of hostilities." * » ,"°"''"»'«' «" In the mean ti,„e no provision was made by the coIo buutdid"^;™: t «,f "^ ''"'* r " -'^ °- , • "^ po^mcis tor that purpose th s year Tn s ances were not „nfre,uent, when for son,e ac I a s n ^^.. the state Of i^bngt^LJ;--:^^ Lr BeT 'n „*'"' ^■""'"' S»«l'. -I'O was attal^^d > a. Bedford, by tlnrty white raen disguised and painted He In ,ans who destroyed and carried away th" est part of Ins goods, declarin . "they would suier none tl 'r.t 1:1" 1-1 I I u\ 41 i H18T0KY OF UUrFALO. pass on to til Indians." * * The political troubles which began to agitate the public mind, both in Massa- chusetts and New York, about this period, caused serious embarrassment to the management of Indian aiFairs. In 1770, a combination against the importation of foreign, goods, was formed in New York, and it was with the greatest ditRcultj that Sir William Johnson was able to get " out of the hands of the committee of non-importers," a cargo of Indian goods which were of the greatest im- portance to enable him to keep his promises to them. The delay in obtaining the ordinary supplies for the In- dian trade, had been used by the French emissaries with great effect against the English, and had shaken the con- Udence of the Ii.JIans in them. Great dissatisfaction had been given the Shawnees and Senecas residing on the Ohio river, by fixing the boun- dary line on that river. They claimed the land between, that river and the lake, and this dissatisfaction was felt by the Senecas residing at Chenissio (Genesee,) and re- ports came to Sir William Johnson " that the Six Na- tions were concerned in exciting the Shawnees, and the Delawares and many others to make war upon the Eng- lish." The following circular letter from Lord Hillsborou fatlicr, to take caro of it ; au.l that after tl.oy ha a second lire from the shore, a Delaware Indian who y as Jso in the canoe, was i^iled: .^aid Stevens further say.. 1.0 could not perceive who It was, fired upon him, as they lay concealed in the weeds, and upon throwing hin.s.Jf into the river, observed rhecauoe^thatwascon.ingnptobe white people, upon M-hich he nuKle towards then., and found it to be one Mi. chae Cressop,withapartyofn.enwho denied knowing anytlung ot what had happened to them, although froni ■^'.rcumstances, he the said Stevens, is well convinced that I 4 ;i i ., 1 1 l!| 1 a I IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // i/.A 1.0 I.I • 50 "'"==' 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 .< 6" — ► Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTBR,N.Y (4580 (716) 872-4503 ■ V 170 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. the above murder was done by some of said Cressop's as- sociates. Stevens likewise informed me, that while he was in company with said Cressop, he heard him make use of threatening language against the Indians, saying : " He would j)ut every Indian to death he met on the river ; and that if he could raise men suflicicnt to cross the river, he would attack a small village of Indians liv- ing on Yellow Creek. "Tlie same evening one Maj. McDaniel of Virginia, wlio had been down the river as low as Kanhaway, returned to this place, with an account tliat a skirmish had happened between a party of Yirginians and the Indians, near the big Kanhaway, that a number were killed on both sides, which luid occasioned the surveyors and land-hunters, from that colony, to return, and that on his way hither? on the 5th inst., he was at Michael Cressop's house, at or near Wheeling, when an account was brought to said Cressop, by one McMahon, that five Indian canoes liad stopped at his Jiouse, on their way down the river, con- taining fourteen Indians, who asked him, the said McMa- hon for some provisions, which he refused to give them, and told them that two of their brethren had been killed by the white people, the day before ; the Indians replied that if it was so, they knew nothing of it, and then pro- ceeded down the river. That upon this information, the said Cressop procured fifteen men, pursued them, and overtook them near Grave Creek, where they had stopped and drawn up their canoes, in the mouth of a creek that was hardly perceivable, on account of the bushes; where they had prepared themselves to receive the white people suspecting that they would be followed, after what Mc Mahon had told them ; and that upon the said Cressop U.,| CRESAP'S WAR. 171 observing tlio Indians, he tired upon them, upon which a sku-inish ensued between them ; but tbe Indians retired alter losing one man, and one man was killed on the white people's side. Cressop and his party found sixteen kegs ot rum, and two old saddles, and some bridles in the deserted canoes/' This dastardly transaction was soon fol- lowed by another outrage, which though ofle.s ma^-ni- tude, was not less atrocious in its spirit, while it was even more harrowing to the feelings of the Indians. The event reierred to was the murder by a white man, of an aged and inoffensive Delaware chief, named the "Bald Eao-le." Pie had for years associated with the whites more than with his own people, visiting those most frerpientlv, who entertauied him and treated him with the greatest kindness. W^hile paddling his canoe alone, on his return from a visit to the fort at the mouth of the Kanhawa, he was shot dead by a man who it was said had suffered at the liandsof the Indians, but had never been injured bv the object upon whom he wreaked his vengeance; after\ear- ing the scalp from his head, the white savage placed the body in a sitting posture in the canoe, and sent it adrift down the stream. The voyage of the dead chief was ob- served by many who supposed him living and upon one of his ordinary excursions.--* Ecpially exasperated, at about this same time wer-e the Shawnees against the whites by the murder of one of their favorite chiefs, » Silver Heels," who had in the kindest manner, undertaken to escort a party of white traders across the woods from the Ohio, to Albany, a. distance of nearly five hundred iniles.f 'McClung, as cited by Drake. tHecke welder. 172 HISTORY OF BUFFALO, a t If May 23d, 1774, (at Pittsburgh.) " I called a meeting (of Indians) with Kayashota the white raingo, and some other Six Nation Chiefs, at Col. Croghan's house ; where was present the commandino- ofhcer of the militia, (Capt. Connoly) and several other gentlemen, when I informed them (the Indians) of the melancholy murders of their people as before mentioned, whicii they had not before heard, and assured them at the same time, of its being done by a few inconsiderate white people, and not by the intention, or knowledge, of any ofour wise peojile; that 1 made no doubt but the Governor of Virginia when he was made acquainted with the unhappy loss they had sustained by his people, would fell upon every measure, to make them ample satisfac- tion, as it was not done by the intention of government. That in the meantime, I enjoined them, to afford all the assistance in their power in accommodating the unfortu- nate breach of friendship, that liad happened between our people and them, as a general difference could not be attended with anythhig but the utmost distress on their side." They returned for answer : "That they had considered what we had said to them, and as the cliiefs of the Delawares were expected in to- night, or to-morrow, they would consult with them and know what reply to make. That we might Ijo assured that they would do everything in their power to keep matters quiet, \vhich they made no doubt might be done, from the general disposition of their own people, provided we would be strong, on our parts in preventing our rasli people from committing any further outrages against the Indians." The following is the answer of the Shawnese to Capt. Connoly and others : '^pi fl AFFAIRS ON THE OHIO. 17S u Erethben :— It is you that are frequently passing up and down the Ohio, and making settlements upon it, and as you have informed us that your wise people are met together to consult upon this matter, we desire you to be strong, and consider it well. " Brethren, you see, you speak to us at the head of your warriors, who you have collected together at sundry jolaces on this river, where we understand they are build- ing forts ; and as you have requested us to listen to you, we will do it, but in the same manner that you attend to us. Our people at the lower town, have no chiefs among them, but are all warriors, and are preparing them- selves to be in readiness, that they may the better be en. abled to her: what you have to say. " Brethren, you tell us not to take any notice of what your people have done to us ; we desire you likewise, not to take any notice of what our young men mav now bo 'lomg ; and as no doubt, you may command your war- riors, when you desire them to listen to you, we have- reason to expect that ours will take the same advice from us, when we require it, that is to say, when we have re- ceived peaceable tidings from Virginia." March, 1774. The address of Kayashota or Kayagshota the Seneca chief, to Capt. Connoly, commandant of the militia -it Fort Pitt: ' "As I understand you had an appointment to com- mand in this country, I therefore take this opportunity of informing you, that at this time, it will be very detrimen- tal to the public interest, to suffer liquors to be sold, or carried into the Indian towns, for I am sorry to observe that there appears at present, a great deal of confusion, ' ill, I f ! I 174 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. and discontent among man}'- of the Indian tribes, and the addition of rum, will serve greatly to increase their disor- derly conduct. I spoke to the traders last fall, on this subject, and desired they would desist for their own sakes, as well as for ours, from taking such quantities of rum, M-ith them, a trading, but I received no answer, from them, and it seems since, they pay no regard to what 1 recommend to them, but have continued this pernicious practice. This is the reason 1 would therefore request you to use your influence in preventing them, until things appear more settled. Gave a string of Wampuna.*' The events upon the frontier of A'irginia, which occur- red about this time, have additional interest imparted to them by the celebrity M'hich history has given to some of the principal actors in them. Logan, whose name is im- mortalized in the celebrated address he delivered to Lord Dunmore, Governor of Virginia, was a chief of the Six Nationb. His father, Shikelimo, or Shikellimus, or Shickalamy, (the name being spelled in all these various ways,) was a distinguished cljief of the Oneida Nation,-:<- (and not of the Cayugas as has been stated,) who lived in 1743 at Shamokin, in Pennsylvania. He was the friend of James Logan, long the Secretary of the Propri- etors, as they were called, hence the name of his son. Logan, had with others of his fixmily, removed to the country of the Shawnese, on the Ohio, where he resided in 1773-4, and had become a leading sachem, or chief. Michael Cresap, at this time, appears to have been an Indian trader, as his cabin or trading house, upon the *Colden. See names of chiefs of tbe seyeral Nations present at a coun- cil at Philadelphia. July, 1742. ■l- wiwnft. CKESAp's WAR. 176 bank of the river, near Wheeling, is spoken of in connec- tion with current events. His knowledge of the country, his Indian experience, and military reputation, pointed him out as the most suitable person to command the or- ganized body of settlers, traders, and land jobbers, who combined to make aggressive demonstrations against the Indians, to redress real or pretended grievances, charged against them by the whites. Many murders were un- doubtedly committed by this party, under Cresap, but whether he ought to be held responsible for all that was suffered by the Indians, is not so clear ; and ])erhaps his- tory, has laid upon his shoulders a weight of responsibil- ity, which in part, at least, ought to be'borne by others He being chosen the leader, the war which followed, was called " Cresap's war." That the cruelties against the Indians, some of which we have already related, were perpetrated, there is not a shadow of doubt. And the effort to mitigate, or to throw the responsibility of them, upon the Indians themselves, must fail, when the facts^ as they are recorded in the correspondence of Sir William Johnson, (now made public,) are viewed in the light of impartial history, and cannot fail to place the responsi- bility of the cruel scenes enacted on the Ohio, in 1773-4, upon the parties Avhere it rightfully belongs. It was in one of these massacres (for thev can be called nothing else,) that Logan's family relatives were killed. Fired with indignation and revenge, it is not surprising that he, with others of his people, became exasperated to the highest pitch of desperation. Being their acknowl- edged chief, lie soon, and almost as a matter of course, became the recognized leader of his people. And he un- doubtedly headed several parties in their murderous at- iii! i; Jiil m 4 •i: 3 r (I IB ''if/ 11 J 11 176 UI8TOBY OF UUFKALO. tacks upon, and indiscriniinato slaug.iter of the whites. lie headed a party of only eight wa Tiors, who made u descent upon a white settlement in the Muskingum, in 1774, with fatal success. But in all these warlike forays, the humanity of Logan was conspicuous. In one in- stance, he so instructed a prisoner, doomed to almost cer- tain death by running the gauntlet, that he was enabled to escape almost without injury. In another case, he cut with his own hands, the cords which bound a prisoner to the stake, and by his influence, not only saved his life, but procured his adoption into the family of an Indian friend. So persistent was he, in this line of conduct, hfj to bring upon himself the rei)roacli of some of his own people, who called him '> the white man's friend." The war which was begun, and at first carried on in this de- sultory manner, soon assumed more gigantic proportions, and an army of two or three thousand men, was om-an- ized by Lord Dunmore, Governor of Virginia. This army was divided into two wings. The left wine, composed principally of the chivalry of Virginia, mostly armed with rifles, was entrusted to the command of Col. Andrew Lewis, with instructions to proceed directly tu the mouth of the great Kanhawa river, while his Lord- ship with the right wing, was to cross the Ohio at a higher point, and fall upon the Indian towns, on that side of the river. Col. Lewis arrived at the junction of the Kan hawa with the Ohio, early in October, 177 4. In the morning his pickets were fired upon by a body of Indi- ans. Immediately upon the alarm (although it was be- fore sunrise,) he put Lis forces in order to advance and attack the Indians, but they had scarcely left their en- campment, before they were met by from|eight to fifteer. lUTTLE AT TliK MODTII OFTJIK KANIIAWA. 177 liundrcd Indians. Tho on.set was impetuous upon both ^ides. Tho Virginians had encamped upon the point of land between the tv.o rivers, giving tho Indians the im- portant advantage, of being able to retreat, wliilo they (the Virgmians,) could not. The Indians were led by Logan, assisted by other chiefs, among whonx were the celebrated Shawnee chief Cornstock, EUenipsico, (his son ) and Red Eagle. Col. Charles Lewis, who led the right of the Virginians, fell, almost at the iirst fire; both parties sought every advantage, by lighting from behind trees, but the battle was at the first decidedly in lavor of the Indians, and two of the Virginia regiments, after se- vere loss, especially in officers, were compelled to give way. Col. Flemming, who commanded the leit, tho'^ugh severely wounded in the beginning of the action, by two balls through his arm, and another in the breast, bravely kept the field, cheering his men, and urging them not to lose an inch of ground, ordered them to outHank the en- emy. But the assault of the Indians, was so vigorous and their fire so severe, that like the right, the left too' had to yield. Just at this critical moment, Col. Field's regiment was brought to their relief, and the impetuosity ot the Indians was checked, but with the loss of the gal- lant Col. Field, who was killed at the moment his regi- ment was brought into action. He was succeeded In comfiand, by Capt. Isaac Shelby, afterwards Governor of Kentucky. The Indians were forced to fall back to avail themselves of a rude breastwork, of logs and brush, which they had taken the precaution to construct for the occa- sion ; here they made a valiant stand, defending their position against every endeavor to dislodge them, fight- ing like men who had not only their soil, their homes, to 12 ' «ij •'.■!^ .f, 178 HISTORY OV lllJKFALO. protect, but deep wrongs to revenge. "TIio voice of the miglity Cornstock, was often heard during the day, ubovo the din of buttle, calling out to his warriors, be strong! bo strong! and when by the repeated charge of the Virginians, some of his men began to waver, he is said to have struck his tomahawk into the head of one who was attempting to fly.""' Towards night, tinding that each successive attack upon the line of the Indians weakened his own force, without making any sensible impression upon the Indi- ans, a final attempt was made by throwing a body of troops into tlie rear. Three companies, led by Capt. Shelby, taking advantage of the bed of a small creek, covered l)y tall weeds and grass upon its banks, enabled them to accomplish the movement, unobserved by the Indians ; and lalling vigorously upon their rear, compelled them to abandon their rude works, with precipitation. The Indians fled across the Ohio, and continued their re- treat to the Scioto. This battle, considering the numbers engaged, has been ranked one of the most bloody, on record. The loss of the Indians was never known, but must have been se vere ; it is said that in addition to the killed and wounded, borne away, numbers of the slain were thrown into the river, and thirty-three of their warriors were found dead upon the field, the following day. The loss of thi Vir- ginians was also severe. Two of their colonels were killed, four captains, many subordinates, and between fifty and sixty privates, besides a much larger number wounded.f It is said Cornstock was opposed to giving 'Drake. OHicial roiiort. jllll'M COKN«TO(;k'm AbDRESS. 179 battle lit tho mouth of lumhawa, but being overruled in council, rcrfolvccl to do his best. Upon their urrivjil at Chilicothe, a council of Indians was hekl to decide what was next to be done. Cornstock addressed the council, lie said: "The Ion- knives are upon us, Irom by two routes. Shall wc turn and light them?" No response being made to tho question, °he continued : " Shall we kill our sciuaws and children, and then fight until wo are killed ourselves ?" As before, all were silent, whcreuj)on Cornstock struck his tomahawk into the war post, standing in the midst of the council, and remarked with emphasis: "Since you are not in- clined to light, 1 will go and make peace.*' Saying which, ho repaired to tho camp of Lord Dun more, who having crossed the Ohio, was now approaching Scioto. Cornstock was accompanied by several other chiefs, on this mission of peace, but Logan refused to go with them. IIo was in favor of peace, but scorned to ask it. The chief speaker on this occasion was Cornstock, who did not fail to charge tho whites with being the sole cause of the war, enumerating the provocations which the Indians had received, and dwelling with peculiar force upon the murders committed in tho family of Logan. A peace was concluded, and so important was it considered by Lord Dunmore to have tho name of Logan to the treaty, that ho dispatched a special messenger, Col. eTohn Gib- son, to the cabin of the great -'Mingo Chief." His as- sent to the treaty was obtained, but with an eloquent re- hearsal of his own, and his people's grievances. TJiis conference with Col. Gibson, was alone, in a solitary wood, and at its close Logan uttered tho speech or mes- sage to Lord Dunmore, which has given his name a place among the greatest orators. w I Hi' i .M t ,: ± itm. Ilh'il 180 IIIHTOKV or UUFFAI.O. I.OOAn's BI'KKril. "1 appeal (Bays lie,) to iiny white man, 1(» say if iio «ver entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat. If ever ho came cold and naked, and he wanned him not. During tlio course of the last long blo6dy war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for tiio whites, that my countrymen pointed as they jnissed, and said Logan is the friend oi the white man. I had thought to live with you, but for the injuries of one nuvn. Col. Cresap, the last spring in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all tho relatives of Logan ; not even sparing my women, and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in tho veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge ; I have sought it ; I have killed many, I have fully glutted my revenge. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace but do not harbor a thought, that mine is tho joy of fear. Logan never folt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan, not one !" Tho following is a copy of the pretended speech of *'Lonan,-' by which tho attempt is made to invalidate the claim of Logan to its originality. " Speech pronounced by the savage Lonan, in a gen- eral assembly, as it was sent to the Governor of Virginia, Anno, 1754 : " Lonan will no longer oppose making the proposed peace with the white man. You arc sensible that he never knew what fear is, that he never turned his back in the day of battle. No one has more love for tho white man than I have. The war we have had with them, was long, and bloody, on both sides. Rivers of blood have lain '^ n COL. oibson'w affidavit. Ul niM on all parts, ami yet no ^'ood has resulted tlieretVoni to any. I onco more repeat it, lot us bo at peace witli these men. I will lurf^et our injuries, the interest of our country demands it. I will forget, hut dilHcult indoed is the task. Yes, 1 will forgot. Major liogers (-ruolly and inhumanly murdered in their canoes, my wife, n)y child- ren, my father, my mother, and all my kindred. This roused mo to deeds of vengeance. 1 was cruel in despite of myself. I will die content if my country is once more at i^eace. JJut when J.onan nhall bo no more, who alas ! will not drop a tear for him."* This is evidently a version of the same transaction, re- lated by the AbboEobinin 1781-the (i tie, and some other parts of the speech having boon altered, either by mistake or desifrn. Extract of the affidavit ot (Jul. John (iibson, sworn and subscribed before J. iJarker, at Pittsburgh, Aiiril 4th, 1800: . ' ''This deponent further .saith, that in the year 1774, ho accompanied Lord Dunmoro on the expedition against the Shawnees and other Indians, on the Scioto. That on their arrival within fifteen miles of the towns, they Avere met by a flag, and a white man by the name of JElliott, who informed Lord Dunmoro that the chiefs of the 8haw- ueso, had sent to reciuest him to halt his army, and send in some person M'ho understood their language. That this deponent, at the request of Lord Dumaorot and the whole of the ofHcers with him went in. That on his arri- val at the towns, Logan, tlio Indian, came to whore this deponent was sitting, with Cornstock, and the other *Nouvoau Vo,yftKf duns !.• Anioriquo, tSoplentrionnle on I'Annec. 1781 .• Campagno do' 1' Amce do M. lo'coinpU- do Roolmmbou,, ,,nr M Jc abbe Robin. Tlio .\l,l,o was a Chaplain in tl.o urniy of onr Frond. Auxii- M * f I f ■if J-' 1 \iM . f il anos. • ati M '1'! 182 HISTOKV OF liCFFAI.O. cliiefs of the Shawnese, and asked him to walk out with liiin. That they went into a copse of wood, M-here they Bat down, when Logan, after abundance of tears, deliv- ered him the sp'iecli nearly as related by Mr, Jefforson, in his notes on Virginia. • JOHN GIBSON."' This affidavit, ought to be conclusive in regard to the authenticity of Logans speech, as given by Mr. Jefferson. Heckewelder, says "there is no doubt that the speech was delivered by Logan, as given by Mr. Jefferson, ex- cept, that it had a force and beaut} in the original Indi- an, that cannot be given in a translation." The atienipt that has been made to throw doubt, or suspicion upon the authenticity of Logan's speech, which has been admired wherever read, while it is not credita- ble to the motives of those who are the authors of it, must as signally fail of its wicked purpose. The trea- ties, and indeed all the negotiations with the Indians in Virginia and elsewhere, at the period named, have been pretty fully lecorded. Had there been any such speech made as that attributed to -'Lonan,'' prior to Logan's day, it is not likely we should have been left to search for it, in some obscure book, of some e(pially obsoure French author. Logan, like thousands of his race, fell a sacrifice to the •• v.-hite jnan's firewater." Does it become t!u- "white man" to )'eproach the memory,. or disparage tln' charac- ter, of the victim of his own crime '. After "he j^eace of Chillicotlie, Logan, it is said, sank into a state of dee]i mental depression, declaring that life was a burden to him. He became in some measure r-:Mi: DEATH OF LOGAN. 183 deranged ; he went to Detroit), and there yielded to habits of intoxication, and at last became a victim to the same ferocious cruelty, which had already made his heart deso- late.^ He was murdered by a party of whites while re- turning from Detroit to his own country.- Other apcounts say he was killed by his own nephew, while in a drunken brawl. •Thatcher. m CHAPTER XIII. In July, 1774-, Sir "William Jobnsou heifl his last coun- cil with the Six Nations, at Johnson's Hall. He had summoned the chief sachems of all the Six Nations to- gether with theirjdependents. The principal object ot the council related to the late troubles on the Ohio. Sir William evidently foreseeing the troubles which portended, had for some time exerted all the means in his power, to induce the Six Nations to withdraw their people from their settlements there, and to bring them together, in their villages within the boun- daries of New York. A very strenuous eifort was made by the principal chiefs of the Six Nations, to accomplish this ; and had their great friend lived, it might have been accomplished. '• Proceedings at a Congress with all the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, at Johnson's Hall, in June and July, 1774. Present — The Hon. Sir William Johnson, Bar't, Sup't. Guy Johnson, Esq. Sir William's Dep'ty, Ass't., Daniel Claus, Esq., Dep'ty Ag't for Canada. On the 19th of June, a large party of Onondagas &c.. arrived at Johnson's Hall and acquainted Sir Williann Johnson, that the chiefs, &c., of all the Six Nations were A HEN EGA PRISONER DIES IN PRISON. 185 on their way to liis house, to hold a conference on the critical state of Indian affairs, and other matters. From the lath of June to the 8th of July, parties continued to come in, amounting in the whole to near six hundred. "On the morning of the 8th of July, one of the prison- ers, conlined in the Jail for the murder of the French- man on Luke Ontario, died, and the Indians held a con- ference with Sir William, earnestly re'* I Hi 1 ' ' r^\ m 1 i 1 ! 1 1 J ! J, 1 !■ ' ] Ib i^ ii ,ii 190 iriSTOUY OF 11UFFAT,0. respecting tlio Into murders, witli the steps taken by his deputy on the occasion; after wlilch, lie enlarged on the many irregularities committed by the Indians, about the branches of the Ohio, and Mississippi, and some late murders charged against them, as the cause of the late il! behavior of Cressuj) and his associates ; and after using many arguments to convince them they should exert more authority over their allies, and keep them in better order, he lastly, gave them a particular account of the different schemes of the Shawnese, and their friends, for several years past, to cast an odium on the Six Nations, with a view that the latter might lose our friendship, and then be induced to join in their evil designs, adding that it was now high time to stop these doings, and that char- ity for these weak people, induced him to wish, that the Six Nations would save the English the disagreeable trouble, of compelling these troublesome people, to alter their behavior. He likewise fully explained to them the consequences, should the Shawnese, &c., continue to pros- ecute their revenge on the provinces of Pennsylvania and Virginia, without waiting to obtain regular justice, when- ever they appeared to be injured. " Monday, July 11, 1774, Sir William addressed the Indians as follows : " Brotueks : 1 have considered your speeches, and am always glad to hear, that you preserve in remembrance, your engagenients, which I trust you will be equally careful to fulfill. You now all see, that through my repre- sentations, and the tenderness of the English government, you have the prisoner restored to you. I hope yon will make good use of this, and every other act of kindness,, you receive, and then you need not apprehend that you !l f SIB wiTj.iAM Johnson's last si-kkcii. 191 are in any wise suspected, or fear evil reports, to which I am by no means inclificd to give ear. " Brothers, I am glad you have ])reserved tlie great belt 1 delivered to you at Niagara ; and I hope you will keep the contents of it, and all others 1 have given, in re- meml)ranco : for if you do, you cantiot neglect endeavor- ing, to the utmost, to keep your jieoplo in good order ; and i3revent those who live at a distance, from following evil counsels, wliich draw reflections on your confeder^ acy. Brothers, I told you long since, the reasons why the aifairs regarding trade, were left to the direction of the colonies. Who, it was imagined, would best restrain their own people ; and I also showed you, the difliculty, and time, it must take, to make regulations, adapted to their respective circumstances, and yours. I am persua- ded the colonies have it still at heart, but I cannot think it any material obstruction to the withdrawing your peo- ple from about the Ohio. And I apprehend, it is in your power to redress yourselves, in the particular you com- plain of, without giving offense. For wherever you find traders, obtruding themselves upon you, with liquor, or following your parties to their hunting grounds, you may easily tell them to retire to more convenient places"; as you will not allow them to go about in the way you men- tion. In which case, 1 have great reason to think, that such traders will withdraw, and give you no trouble. " Brothers, I am sorry to hear of the encroachments of some of our people, (the English,) of which you so often complained. This you may be assured, is without the consent or knowledge, of the government ; and the King will take measures to prevent intrusion. But, it does not so materially affect you, as it affects some of your south- w n I'll ■ '! 192 ItlHTOKV OK llirKKAIA). i^ f!f J ' cm (lepemleiitH ; isuvoml of whom, Imvo acted Huch u jxirt of late, us to oiicourago boiiio of our i^'iionint frontier in hnbitantfl, to commit irre<:jularitii's, of which otherwise, I Jianlly think they wouKl l)u wait until the next morninf,^, assu- ring them that Sir William had not been unmindful of their interests, in case of his decease; but had recommend- ed his, (Col. Johnson's) appointment, as superintendent of Indian aflairs ; assuring them, that he should early in the morning, give them morcparticular information, upon which they returned to their encampments. Tuesday, July 12, 1774. " Oji this day. Col. Guy Johnson assembled tho chiefs, and addressed them as follows : " EuoTiiBiis :— As it is not conformable to your customs, that those who have sullered a great loss, should speak lirst, I should have declined addressing you, till after the ceremony of condolence, did yon not express so strong a desire to send extraordinary messages through the naticms, with the news of the late melancholy accident. Upon this occasion I am necessiated to advise you, lest it might oc- casion too great an alarm, that the worthy Sir William Johnson, agreeable to the desire you luive often signified, recommended it to the consideration of the Kinff that I 13 "Mf" ill ^ )i '■f ) 1 'i, mii^ i 194 IIISTORT OF HUfFALO. should bo in \m stoiul. His Majesty's answer Ih not yet arrived ; l)ut there is no doubt, that from his esteem for all good and faitliful Indians, of his doing what ho should think best ; and In the mean time, you may acquaint all the nations, that though I feel myself at present, une(iual to the load, when I reflect on the conduct and character, of the great and good man, who left us yesterday ; yot us Ihave long lived under his direction, iind trandi'.cted for many years his correspondences rc'^pectlng you, I trust the Great Spirit will give me sticngth, and wisdom. to conduct these important matti^rs, in some measure, corresponding with his great example. It renuiins fur you Brethren, to be strong, and steady, in your engage- ments, all which, I am well acquainted with, and to show your friendship to the English, and your respect and reverence for the memory of your great and good ad- viser, by supporting me, under this arduous undertaking, which if you do, you may always be assured of my sin- cere regard. " Send these words through the nations ; assiiring them that the fire still burns, and the road is still open to this place ; and let it be told Kayagshota, (who was sent to the Ohio, on a mission of peace) that he may be strong, and continue his good endeavors, for the preservation of peace, and the security of yourselves and your posterity, whose interest I shall be ever desirous to promote."' A belt. After which tiie IridiuiB returno 1 thanks, i.romising tn forward the b< r ^- '|inhon. l'J5 Thu rur|)Ho of Sir William Johnson WU8 curried from .lohiiMon Hull, t(. .lolinstuwii, jukI dopu^ited in the liimily vuull, in till, cluircli which ho orected, attended by np- wiirdsoftwo thunsund i)ers(,na, iVom the neisbhorin^r county, with the IndijuiH, who hehiivcd with tho ^Toiitest decorum, and cxhihited tho moHt lively marks of sorrow. The pall was supported hy his excellency, the (iuvernor of New Jersey, the Jud^res of the Suiwmo Court ofNew York, and other persons of note, who liappened to he at .luhnstown at that time ; and on their return from tho fu- neral to Johnson Hall, the Indians accpminted Col. John- ^^un that they would perform the ceremony of condolence the next day. Thursday, July 14th, 1774. The chiefs of tho Six Nations, assembled early in the morning, to perform the ceremony of condolence for tho death of Sir William Johnson. ruBSENT— (^uy Johnson, Esq., Dep'ty. Agent, Daniel Clans, Esq., Dep'ty. for Canada, James Duane, E8(p, G. W. Bayard, Esq., St. John DeLancy, Esq., Col. Daniel Campbell, Mr. Jessup, Josci)h Chew, Es(|., and John Duncan, Esq. Conoghquieson, Chief of Oneida, with three strings cleared the sight, &c. Then with a double belt, covered the body. Then with a belt of six rows, covered the grave, and iiddressed Col. Johnson, as follows, viz : BitoTnEii :^It yields us vast pleasure, to find that the tire, which was in danger of being entirely extinguished by the great loss we have sustained, is for the present rendered bright by you. The good words which you have spoken to us yesterday, having revived us, and kept ii'" I ' . ,i:H , \i\ 1.1 i I '< rt 196 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. our young men within reasonable bounds, who would otherwise lost their senses ; we rejoice at it, and accoid- ingly with this belt, we cause the fire to burn clear as usual at this place, an'i a: Onondaga ; which are our proper fire places, and we hout the great ]ving will ap- prove and confivm it. A belt oi 7 rows. '• {brother, with this belt, we sweep the fire place clean. Eeniove from it all impure and dit agreeable objects, so that wo may set round it, and consult together, for the public good as usual. A belt of 7 rows. "Brother, with this belt, that when our ceremonies are performed, you will apply your attention to our affairs, and continue to give gctod advice to the young men, as your father did. A bunch of strings. " Brother, we know that you must be loaded with grief on this melancholy occasion, we therefore cleanse your body, and wash your inside, with clear water, so that you may once more attend to, and proceed upon business. " Brother, the heavy cloud which hung over you and us, has prevented us from seeing the sun. It is therefore our business with this string, to clear the sky which was overcast, and we likewise with this string, put the sun in its proper course, that it may perform the same as before, so that yo I may be able to see what is doing, and pur- sue the good works of peace. A belt of 6 rows. Then added : " Brother, since it hath pleased the Great Spirit to take from us our great Brother Warragh- igegy, who has long desired at our request, to put you in his place, we very much rejoice to find you ready to take this charge upon you, without which we should be in darkness, and great confusion. We are now once more happj, and with this belt we expect you to take care of SPEECH or A MOHAWK CHIEF. 197 our affairs, to follow his footsteps, and as you very well know his ways, and transactions with us, "^tliat you will continue to imitate them for the public good." A belt of () rows. Then Tyerliansera, chief of the Mohawks, spoke as fol- lows : Bkothek :— The business being so iar happily set on foot again, we think it necessary to observe to you, that this is a very critical time, and that our Brother having suddenly died at a time when great troubles are begun to the southward, it is incumbent upon yon, to be strong, and to follow closely his practices in all things, as you knew them. Our business with our Brother was nearly brought to a conclusion, and his last words tons, concern- ing the great troubles in Virginia, to withdraw our peo- ple, were answered by ns in the papers lying before you. " Brother, we must tell you it is the white people only, who prevent it ; for if they did not make a practice of coming in great numbers with rum, into that country., our people would be wise, and come to our lire places ; but they are tempted to stay there, and now Brother, we must desire you to l)e strong, and to use all your endeav- ors to put a stop to your people, and fulfilling his i)rom- ise to us, that we nuiy be enabled to bring them away, as you desire. Another thing Brother, we have to say, is to remind you, that at the Fort Stanwix Treaty in 1768, we gave up a great deal of land, which wo did not ex- pect would be suddenly overspread with white people ; but we now see with concern, that they do not confine themselves witliin their limits, which must end in troubles. ■^Ve therefore beg that they may be restrained and brought under some government. These things. Brother, and I ''i'i iij^Jii II i/M 198 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. particularly the imirders and robberies that your people commit, have kindled a llanie, wiiicli is yet small, but unless quenched in time, will overspread the country, so that we can't stop it ; we therefore hope for your vigor- ous endeavors to i)iit it out." Then Conoglujuieson stood up and with a large bhick belt, said : "Bkothek: — We now speak in the name of our whole confederacy, and dependents ; expressing our thanks, that agreeable to our former requestto Sir William John- son, we now see you taking care of ouratiairs. We earn estly expect you to take care of them as that great man did, who promised vou to us ; and wo desire, that you will send these our words to the great King, who we hope will regard our desires, and approve you, as the only person that knows us, and our aft'airs ; that business may go on as formerly ; otherwise in this alarming time of trouble, without your care and attention, our affairs will tall into great confusion, and all our good works will be destroyed. We beg therefore, that you will accept our good wishes, and that you will continue to take care oi ' tlie great business in which we are all concerned." A black belt ofO rows. And then added that they would retiro for the })resenl and wait for Col. Johnson's answer, which he told them they should have in the afternoon. P. M. Asseml)led as before : rRES];NT, His Excellency, Gov. Franklin, of New Jersey, Capt. Chapman, Mr. Eayard, Mr. Duane. Col. Johnson addressed them as follows : " I am extremely happy, that by your condolence, and our mutual performance of these ceremonies, occasioned COL. Johnson's address. 199 by the death of your late worthy superintendent, I am now able to lift up my head, and proceed upon business of public concern ; and am particularly glad that you join me, so heartily in making up the fire, which was very nigh being extinguished. Be assured that nothing i5hall be wanting on my part to preserve it. Brothers, I am very happy to find that my acting for the present, in consequence of your former desires, proves so agreea- ble to you, and you may be assured, that however une- qual I am, to follow the steps of so great and experienced a man, I shall endeavor, so long as I am authorized, to do everything in my power, for the interest of the public and your own. But I expect at the same time, that your good behavior will continue as an encouragement to me, to follow his example." Col. Johnson then answered Tyorhansera as follows : •• Brother, I well remember tlie wise nuixims that gov- erned your late worthy adviser, in the business on which you came here last ; and you may be assured, that I shall, to the utmost, strive to put his last words and pmmises into execution, by a faithful representation of your griev- ances, to those persons in authority, whose duty it is to correct the abuses of which you complain. But I can- not help thinking, that it is in your power to bring your peo])lo from among those tribes, who, by their daily prac- tices, endeavor to bring a general reflection on your con- federacy, and I trust that you will join heartily with Kayagshota in this good work, whereby you will pay a kind tribute to the memory of your deceased faithful Iriend, and show your influence over these your own peo- ple. ''Brothers, of tiie Six Nations dei)endent, I have heard ?t m > fr 4 I if" 200 HISTOKY (.)F BUFFALO. yonr words, and kindly thank you for the regard you ex- press for mo, and tlie desire you show for my conducting your affairs. Tliis matter has already been laid before Ilis Majesty, who regards all faithful Indians, and will act therein as he sees most fitting, with which determina- tion it is your business to acquiesce. I shall, however, comply with your request ; at the same time it is my duty to communicate your transactions to the General of the army, who is newly returned to this country, and has long known and regarded you ; and whose authority will enable me to do what-is necessary at present, and 1 earn- estly desire that you shall act such a part as shall entitle you to the attention of government, by that fast hold of the chain, and giving all your assistance towards restor- ing peace in the country, and security to yourselves, as the only means of convincing Ilis Majesty of your fideli- ty ; and I desire that these my words, may go to the setting sun." A belt. " Brothers, the purport of the intelligence that camo from the Governor of Pennsylvania, in regard to the ravages committed by the Shawnees and others, in his Province, ,a,re of such a nature, that I expect that you will enable me to assure him, that you will immediately discountenance, and put an end to all such cruelties — otherwise, your reputation as a j)owerful confederacy, will greatly suffer in the eyes of the English, and the resentment of that Province may fall heavy on that de- luded people, who have done so much mischief, without waiting for that justice which 2;overnment was willineoi)le from the rest, who were endeavoring to alienate them from their own con- federacy. Saturday, July 16. ^' Col. Johnson gave a handsome present to the chiel's, and to th(jse who were instrumental in apprehending the murderers, as well as to those who had acted a good part on receiving the news of the late murders on the Ohio, after which, they took their leave, with many ex])ressionb of satisfaction, having first presented the chiefs, who were to go to the Southward, and explain the pur[)ort of their embassy." November, 177-i. Literal translation of the message of the Six Nations tu the Shawneese, etc. : " YouNOEK Brothers : — We are come running to you from the great fire plac^. Take notice of what I have to say, as I am the older brother. It happened that you came lately to *he iiiiddle of the council house to our fire place of peace, for the Six Nation Confederacy. You "•Old King, tho grund father of Young King, who subsequontly I'csidoi) at Buffalo Crock. MK8SAOK OF THE SIX NATIONS. 203 there spoke to us on a subject we did not understand. We would not give car to, or agree to it, as our fire place is tor peace ; and we tell you, wo will only listen to af- fairs of peace there. " Younger Brothers, we are now here, and we tell you before all the Nations, who observe you, and see allyoui- bad works, we have been twice here to advise you to peace ; but you have not attended, and in compliance with our ancient customs, we are come the third time, to tell you, you must bo at peace. This is the third time, and the last, thot you shall hear from us, if you do not iiearken to us. We charge you to consider the case oi' your warriors, your women, and your children. And we desire you sachems, to use your authority over your people, tliat they may mind what we say. Leave the business of war. Repent, and mind peace, alone, and tlien you will be ])reservod. Quarrelsome people are dangerous ; wo advise you for your good, for we pity you, and we know from our superintendent, that the King is inclined to desire that you should- be at peace, and has sent orders to Virginia to promote it. Mind our words, they are strong. Tliey are the words of the Six Nations ; who are the heads of the confederacy. All the northern nations have left their belts in our hands, and referred themselves to our government, and deter- mination. They have joined their words to us, wlio are the head of the whole ; and you now see them all in us, liere present ; who are now sent with authority to charge you to follow our advice.'" A very large belt is then iriven. i!|-ig ,! .' j ^1P ■> >i\ c 11 A r T E n X I V. Tlio death of Sir William Jolinsoii, was a great calam- ity to tlie Indians. They liad for nearly forty years loolced Tip to him, as to a father. They had entire confi- dence, not only in liis wisdom, but in his friendship. Hence his unbounded influence over them. Tliey had observed for years, his increasino; infirmities, and did not conceal from him their own anxiety in regard to it ; and it had been in view of these often exi)ressed fears, of his sudden dissolution, that ho had recommended the ap- pointment of liis son-in-law, Col. Guy Jolmsoii, to be his successor as general superintendent of Indian afiairs. Col. Guy Jolmson accordingly succeeded to his office, but not to his influence over the Indians. Having long been deputy superintendent under his lath- er-in-law, he was entirely familiar with the duties of the oflice, which he was called to fill ; but he does not seem to have possessed that wisdom and discretion, which so eminently characterized his illustrious predecessor. The political troubles which for some time, had agita- ted the public mind, among the whites, grew more vio- lent, and soon culminated in open rebellion against the King. There tire other versions of the death of Sir William Johnson, differing somewliat in their details, but lacking DEATH OF SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON. 205 the authenticity of tliat just related. The time, and cir- cumstances of his death, were sucii as to favor the idea that it was premeditated; and tiie idea is still prevalent to a considerable extent, among the common i)eople in the vi- cinity of liis former residence, that lie preferred death, to meeting the crisis which he saw was inevitable, of deciding between disloyalty to his King, or separation from the people he loved, and by whom he was beloved, and re- spected. The tradition is (says Stone in his life of Brant) that on the day of his decease he had received dispatches from England which were handed him while sitting in Court, and with which, he immediately left the Court House, and walked to his own house. These dispatches it was afterwards reported, contained instructions to him, to use his influence with the Indians, in behalf of the Crown, in the event of hostilities. Another version of the tradition is that on the day in question, he had received dispatches from Boston, the complexion of which in his own mind, indicated, that a civil war was near and inevitable. In such an event, he saw that he must either prove recreant to liis principles, or take part against the Crown ; and to avoid either al- ternative, it has been extensively believed that he put an 4 end to his own lite. But there is no just ground for this uncharitable conclusion. It is true, he had on the eve- ning of the 24th, received dispatches from Massachusetts, the tenor of which, by excitement may have hastened the malady, to which his system was predisposed. It was a busy day at Johnstown ; the Circuit Court was in ses- sion, at which however. Sir William was not present, be- ing engaged in holding a treaty with some of the Six Na- tions. In the course of bis speech to the Indians on that I ^ f •1^ rP:^ ?"■ ! J' i \m 1 t^-* 1 1 20« HISTORY OF UUFTALO. occasion, he alliuleil to the dispatches lie had received, and stated to them, that troubles were browing between the Americans and their King, advising them not to abandon the cause of the latter, who had always been be- nevolent, and kind to them. " "Whatever may hap])en,'" saiil the Baronet, " you must not be shaken out of your shoes.'" In the afternoon of that day he was taken with a fit ; Col. Johnson his son, was absent at the old Fort, distant nine miles ; an express was sent for him. and mounting a fleet English blood horse, he rode for the Hall, in all possible haste ; his horse fell dead when within three (Quarters of a mile of the house, having run upwards of eight miles in fifteen minutes. The Colonel hired the horse of some one standing by, and pushed forward to the Hall ; on entering the room, he found his father in the arms of a faithful domestic, who attended upon his person. He spoke to liis parent, but received no answer, and in a few minutes afterward the l^aronet expired, of apoplexy, beyond a doubt. This was early in the eve- ning, while the Judges of the Court were at supper in the village, one mile distant. A young Mohawk Indian en- tered their apartment, and announced the event. The history of the private life of Sir William Johnson remains somewhat in obscurity. It has been said that his wife who bore the title of Lady Johnson, was a Ger- man Emigrant, who with her family were sold for their passage, (as was custonuiry then, in alltlie colonies,) she was purchased by Sir William, and became his lawful wife, else his son by her could not have inherited his father's title and estate, wliich it is admitted he did. Af- ter the death of Lady Johnson, Miss Molly Erant (as she t*l3j;i •MOLLY HUANT, 207 \vu8 callud) W118 received into his family, ns lias been al- ready stated. She seems to have home herself with pro- ])ri8ty, and it is said was greatly Ijeloved and respected during the life of Sir William, for her many amiable (qualities. She was undoubtedly a woman of superior abilities, as she seems to have exerted a wide inlluenco, particularly over her own people, which was of great ser- vice to Sir William, ifo must have lunl seven half- breed children ; three sons and four daughters, as it ap- l)ears from the public records that he partitioned the tract of land called " the Royal grant," equally among them. The rebellion which broke out in Boston, soon began to show itself in the valley of the Mohawk. The cele- brated "Boston Port Biir' had gone into operation only a month before Sir William Johnson's death ; very soon after, a public meeting was held in the Palatine District, at which strong resolutions were passed, seconding the proposition for a general Congress, for mutual consulta- tion in regard to the existing state of political afftvirs in all the colonies. The Congress met in Sei)tember, 1774, and adopted a declaration of rights, and agreed upon an address to the King. The papers put forth by that assembly, were char- acterised by marked ability, and had a powerful effect upon the public mind. The Provincial Assembly of N"ew York, was the only legislature in the colonies that withheld its approbation from the proceedings of the con- gress. The Johnsons, and their adherents in the valley of the Mohawk, were particularly active in counteracting the revolutionary spirit, which began to manifest itself. At this juncture, the influential loyalists of Tryon county, made a demonstration against the proceedings of the con- m \l mid !' I, 1; 208 III8T0UY OF lUICKALO, i^ress of the prcccdiiiij; uutiiinn. A declaration in oppo- sition to those proceeding's, probably drawn up by the Johnsons, received the nignature ol" a majority of the grand jurors, and a ;j;rcat portion of tlio magistrates of the county. Tins created great cxcitemont among the whigs, who were in attendance at the court in Johnstown, and led to public meetings, and the ai»i)ointment of com- mittees, in almost every district of the county. One of these meetiiiffs was intorruoted bv the Johnsons, Col. Clans, Col. John Butler, and a large number of their re- tainers, armed with swords and pistols, (ruy Johnson inounted a high stoop, and harangued the people at length, and with great vehemence ; at length, becoming so abu- sive that ho was interrupted in liis speech, by a whig of the name of Sainmons, who pronounced him a liar. John- son seized Sammons by the throat, a scutHe ensued, in which others became engaged, and clubs, whips, swords, and pistols were used, but no one seriously hurt. This proceeding on the part of the Johnsons, greatly exasperated the whigs of Try on county, and a meeting was held at Cherry Valley, and strong counter declara- tions were passed, condemning the proceedings of the loyalists at Johnstown, and approving in the most une. quivocal terms, of the proceedings of the congress. Strong suspicions began to be entertained that the John- sons, Bntlers, (father and son,) and Col. Clans, were en- deavoring to alienate the Indians from the colonists, and prepare their minds in the event of open hostilities, to take up the hatchet against them. This led to the neces- sity, on the part of the colonists, to use corresponding measures to counteract these influences, and cultivate a friendly interest among the Indians of the Six Nations ; or IJKV. Mr. KtltKLANns' LKTTEW. 200 at least to Hocuro thoir nontmlity. To this end a corres- pondcnco WU8 oponod with then throu^d, the Kev. Mr Iv.rkhi.Kl, H Missionary an.onj,. them, by the ,,rovinoial oon^^ross ot Mnnsachusetts. An add.esB was forwarded to 10 Six Nations, to bo presented to the Chief Sachem of .0 MohawIatriotisnw.f Mr. Kirkhvnd, who, althouHi one of the most amial,le, and spiritnal min.led of n.cm liad, It wouhl seem, already incnrre.l the displeasure or at east excite.) the suspicion of Col. Johnson; as'the i; 'Win,, letter, which he wrote ''to the conunittee of Albany," will disclose: " ^''«»"''.V Vallov, .Ian. i), 1775. I a.n much embarrassed at present. You have doubt- less heard that Col. Johnson has orders from i,^overnment to remove the dissenting missionaries from the Six Na- tions, till the diflicUties between Great Britain and the colonies are settled. In consequence of which, he has iorb.dden my return to my people at Oneida. lie has since given encouragement that I may re-visit them after the congress is closed, but to be plain, I have no depend- ence at all on his promises of this kind. Jle ai)pcars ini- reasonably jealous of me, and hasforbidd.M my si)eakin.. H word to the Indians, and threatened me with confine"^ ment, If I transgress. All he has against me, I suppose to be, a suspicion that I hnve interpreted, to the Indians the domgs of the continental congress, which has unde- ceived them, and too much opened their eyes, for Col Johnson's i)urpose. I confess to you, gentlemen, that I liave been guilty of this, if it be a transgression. U M m M-^i li Jl llii 210 HISTOKY OF BUFFALO. . Nov. 16th. Arrived at Johnson Hall ; kindly and po- litely received by Sir William, who expressed his appro- bation of my design, and wished me siiccess ; when I re- turned from Onohaghkwage, would have me come to his house and make it my home, till I proceeded to the westward. 2-ith. Set out from Johnson Hall, accompanied by Joseph Woolley, wiiom 1 was to introduce to Onohaghk- wage, in the capacity of a school master, to instruct their children, and learn their language. The second night, lodged at Cherry Yalley ; treated very kindly by Capt. Wells. The next day engaged Col. Harper, who, had considerable knowledge (as I was informed,) of the Indi- an language, to go with me as a pilot and interpreter. 27th. Reached a small village a few miles on this side Onohaghkwage, the residence of Good Peter, (commonly so called from his religious character ;) were obliged to wait for nearly an hour on the banks of the river, and late in the evening, before we could make the Indians hear and come with a canoe to carry ns over the river. 28th. My arrival was welcomed by Good Peter, with great cordiality, and they were glad I had brough.t a per- son to teach their children, and learn their language, ac- (piiring the knowledge of which, would render him of great service to their nation, and they would adopt him into their tribe. They promised to take the best care of him they could. Joseph Woolley expressed his thank- to them. Good Peter then made some remarks upon my mission to the Senecas. He apprehended it was too soon^ that their minds were not yet calmed after the tunmlt? kikkland's jouknal. 218 and troubles of the late war. However, Le knew some very influential characters among them, who were great friends to Sir William, and had always been friendly to the Americans. He then mentioned the names of a num- ber,^and further observed that notwithstanding there were some friendly Indians among them, he considered it a very bold, if not a hazardous enterprise, but if my heart was bent upon it, God was Almighty, and everywhere present ; he could preserve me there as well as anywhere else, and from his very heart he wished God the Father, and his son Jesus Christ, to be with me and protect me', as I was professedly going to piiblish the good news of His gospel. We tarried here one day to rest and refresh ourselves, and the next morning took an affectionate leave. Poor Joseph WooUey could not refrai ti shedding a tear at my departure ; 1 tried to console him, so also did Good Peter. Eeturned to Sir William Johnson's, afler stopping a short time at Cherry Yalley, and making some consideration to my pilot and interpreter, who had been very kind to me. I tarried at Sir AVilliani Johnson's until the iTth of January, 1765, for want of convoy. There was a Seneca Indian, for part of the time, at Sir AVill- iani's, but he did not choose to venture me with him alone I occasionally visited a Mr. Wemple, at Caghwage, (about live miles from Johnson Hall, as he had considerable knowledge of the Seneca language, though ratlier a bad pronunciation. I found I could pick up a'little from him, and I wished to improve every opportunity to progress in the Seneca language. At length arrived a company of Senecas, two of which were distinguished for their hu- manity, and obliging dispositions. Sir William told me he would trust me in the care of these two Indians, and n i ! 214 HISTORY OK BUFFALO. in a lew days he would make the necessary preparations, if I chose It, and would venture to set out in such severe weather, witii such a body of snow upon the ground. 1 returned my thanks to liiin, for his extraordinary atten- tions to me, and told him I chose to imdertake the jour- ney at all hazards, as I trusted I was in a good cause, and hoped I was sincere in imdertaking it. He advised me at the same time, to cultivate an acquaintance with these two Indians, whom 1)8 had chosen for my convoy. I derived great advantage, both for my journey and mission, while at Johnson Hall, from the descrii^tion Sir William gave me of their situation, their manners and customs, their orderly and decent behavior in their public councils, and the general character of almost every chief man in the Six Nations ; their talents, and prevail- ing dispositions. He gave me a very good accoimt of Sagwayeangwlaghton, with whom he expected 1 should take U]) my residence ; also, the venerable old chief of Onondaga, called by the white people " Bimt," in Indian Tfeinryoyota, i. e. the sinew. Sir "William considered him as one of the first sachems in the Six Nations, for good sense, humanity, and integrity ; and he had a grave and dignified appearance ; a very large and well bidlt man, inclining to be very gross, and corpulent. He was treated with very great respect, and veneration, by all the Five Nations, a few Senecas excejited. Sir William likewise told mo that if I was cordially received by the Senecas, I should, in a week or two, be adopted into some one of their principal families, and that I must pay particular attention to my new relations, and it Avould give me the liberty of applying to them for anything I wanted. Prob- ably I might receive this adoption into the head sachem's- kirkland's journal. 215 family. It is usually i)erfonned with some ceremony, a short speech made on the occasion. lie further advises me not to ridicule any of the traditions of their fathers, till I was master of their language, and then I might take them up gently and on mitional grounds. Jan'y 16. He called these two Indians into the sit- ting room, and delivered to them a speech, of consider- able length ; and then handed them a large belt of wam- pum, in confirmation of what he had spoken on the oc- casion, and told them to deliver it to the Seneca chiefs in full council, and the purport of his speech which they had heard from his own mouth. They rei)lied that he might keep his mind quiet, they should bo faithful to their trust, and they believed he never knew them other- wise, although there are many bad Indians in their na- tion ; and if any evil should befall thislyonng white broth- er by the way, they would share with him, or both fall by his side. But they apprehended no danger from any quarter. He then told them that he had made up a small bundle for each of them, and with such articles of clothing as they would find very comfortable at this cold season. He also told them, that 1 was very anxious to see their country, and learn their language, and by and by be able tell to them some good news. They must have- their packs ready to swing up in the n^orninrr. Sir William then gave me just a sketch of what he had comnnmicated to them, and said it was unnecessary to. give a minute detail, as he had some days ago given me the purport of what liis address to the Seneca chiefs would be, and he was very much hurried in answering some letters of importance lately come to hand, and 'that he would have as much bean bread and hard buiscuit, pnl. ' 't • ' I' : ii 1. -i ([' 216 HISTOUy OF BUFFALO. Up, as I tlioiight 1 could carry, my convoy would not car- ry much for me, as he had loaded them pretty well him- self, but lie should tell them if any store failed before our arrival, I must share with them. Jan'y 17. This morning after breakl'ast, took (juito au •.* -tl-jnate leave of Sir William, and set out for the Sen- ountry. The snow was very deep, and dry, sup- posed to be lour feet. After we had passed the German Flatts, was obliged to put on my snow shoes. I carried my \)[\ek of provisions, with a few articles of clothina', and a few books, the whole not weighing more than forty |)ounds. My convoy was so kind as to carry my two blankets. Tiio first night, we lodged in a log hut on the north .i i n 320 UI»TOKY OV UUFFALO. ion vivricil, by almost every one. The young men said little, only gave mo their hands ; Rome of the chietk con- gratulated me also. Alter the council had broke up, 1 found 1 couhl get a great deal more out of him avIio spoke poor English, in the way of familiar conversation, lie tried to give me some account of the old chief's re])ly, to the Seneca who ])rodnccd the belt of wampum Irom Sir "William, but it was delivered in such high language, he could not him- self understand it all. He tjiought it was the most cx- traordimiry speech he ever heai'd. In the afternoon we took leave, and proceeded on our journey ; encamped about eight miks beyond the town. We rose early and took some refreshment, (but it was not equal to our su})i)er the iirst night we encamped in the woods,) and the next night we encamped near the outlet of the Nascon lake, a very severe days' march. We then went on as we could hold it, my fellow travel- ers or convoy, were very kind and attentive to me, and would have me \valk fast or slow, and rise early, and en- camp early, just as I pleased. The next night after we had encamped, and 1 had jmllcd oft* my Indian leggins, or stockings, one of them observed that my ankles were very much swelled, ile said I must go with him to a small run of water, just at hand, and he would bathe and rub them, and if they were not better by the next night, he should scarify them. This, said he, is our Indian prac- tice, and it always gives relief. The next day we rose early, took some refreshment, and proceeded on our jour- ney. 1 found my ankles much moj'o limber and pliable, than they were yesterday, which I think I must ascribe to the bathing. !!l^'f!t^ KIRKLANbS JOURNAL. 221 Feb'y. 7tli, Arrived at Ivaiuulasegoa, their principal town, tliiH Hido Genesee. According to Indian custom, wo Jialted at tlio skirts of the town, sat down upon a log, to rest, and lighted our pipes. Presentlj, a runner was dispatched from the town, and came in full speed to us, and asked wlienco we came, and where we were goin--, and wliat was our desire. One of the convoy answered : we are only bound to this place, and wish to bo conducted to the house of the chief sachem. lie then told us to fol- low iiim, and we soon entered the chief sachem's house, and were cordially received. The speaker, one of my convoy, just informed the chief, that ho had a message from Sir William Johnson, to comnumicate to their chiefs, so soon as they could conveniently assemble. JIo immediately replied, you must rest yourselves, and take some refreshments. To morrow, 1 will have the sachems and head warriors, collected in the council house, and we will hear what you have to say. Possess your minds in peace, this night ; 1 am glad to see you. We had a great deal of conversation in the evening, in respect to foreign news,, and the state of the colonies. The chief sachem inrpiired if they Avcre all in peace. The speaker of my convoy entertained the sachems, very agreeably, for some hours in the evening. But I ]) -etty soon lay down to rest me, one of my convoy brought mo my blankets, and the sachem's good lady spread them on a bunk, one side of the room, and told me I shoukl sleep there, and loaned me a new blanket to keep ino warm. Feb'y. 8th. The Indians convened a little before noon, when we were invited to the council house, and fortu- nately forme, a Dutch trader, who had lived many years among tlie Senecas, had just arrived on his way to Ki- ^ 'IP ;ll i 1 4 ."n\ l ■ "J '1 •i !* :t; 1 1' 222 mSTORV OF nUKFALO. II l!l agaru, who Imil a tolerablo undcrstaiuliiiti; of their Ian- guap;e, especially for conMuoii conversation. He k])(iI i ! r litt 228 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. lie should not quit the council house, till all was settled, and done well. Ho smiled, and appeared cheerful, or at least tried to, but I plainly saw he had a weight upon his mind. The next day by noon, the council house was crowded, though nearly eighty feet long. I once peeped in, to take a view of them, about sun an hour high ; the corpse was ink;rred. Perhaps a hundred and fifty women and girls attended ; no male, besides myself, exce])t the grave digger, accompanied the corpse to the grave. I saw the corpse just before the lid was fastened, or even put on. He was neatly dressed with a clean white shirt. black shroud blanket, scarlet leggins, a pair of new moc- casins, and curiously painted ; his pipe, tomahawk, to- bacco pouch, flint steel, and punk, were put into the coffin, and placed on both sides of his head. I was care- ful at the time to make no remarks, nor ask any (pies- tions. 4 When they left the house, and were carrying the corpse to the grave, they sung the most mournful ditty I ever heard ; a small number of them seemed to keep the time and rise and fall pretty much together ; others followed, and some screamed and yelled like dogs. Such a scene I never beheld before. It produced a variety of feelin i .1 V f 1 1 f 1 m\ Kh ll ' i 234 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. few dftys to rc8t liimBclf. I may have mentioned this man before. lie was in years past employed as a black- smith for the Indians in this principal town of the Sene- cas, [called Kanadasigea, and sometimes traded among them. He understands their language pretty well, for common conversation, but can but poorly comprehend a public speech, delivered in an oratorical style, and dress. Being of Dutch extraction, he speaks rather broken and incorrect English, and in general, a bad pronunciation of the Seneca. But being a humane, peaceable, and honest man, I find the Indians set a great deal by him. I shall endeavor to detain him when he arrives, as long as will be consistent with his business, and we find anything for him to eat. March 20th. I this day received a letter from Sir Wil- liam, which I will here transcribe. Johnson Hall, March 3d, 1765. " SiE : I received yours, wrote on the way going up. I hope {this will find you safe arrived at the Senecas, where I shall be glad to hear you meet with a kind re- ception, and everything agreeable to you. The enclosed came here under cover to me, with another for Woolley, which I send to him. Peter, of Oghcpiage, and wife, arc gone to Mr. Whelocks, about ten days ago, by whom I wrote. * * The Delaware deputies from Ohigo are here, these eight days past, waiting for Squash Cutter and Long Coat, without whom and all the prisoners in your parts, I will not treat with them, though they seem very well inclined. When you have a good opportunity write me — by Wemp will be a good opportunity. I wisli you heartily well, and am Your Humble Servant, Mk. Kirkland, WILLIAM JOHNSON."" ill IvIUKLAND's juuknal. Tliis letter 1 interpreted to the eliiefa, for which they appeared mucli plensed, and tn be very tliankfnl. The Sqnasli Cutter mentioned in the foreg'«ing letter, is a no- ted head warrior of the Delaware nation. He has done a deal of mischief in the ])ack parts of New Jersey antf the Susqnehaima ; scalped many, and taken many pris- oners. He had connnonly no more than twenty or thirty men under his command, includin*,' his petty officers. His exi)loits depend mnch upon stratagem, and surprise. He was acknowledged by iho Indians to be bold, and en- terprising, but very cruel. He was about six feet two inclies high, lean and raw-boned, but all nerve, and a most piercing eye, rather of a serpentine cast. He has been harbored here in this town for some months, being- afraid to return to his nation, lest some of their chiefs- who are great friends to the whitr people, should seize him, and carry him a prisoner to Sir William ; upon my first acquaintance with liim, he appeared to be jealous of me ; after some time lie became quite familiar, and was very fond of conversing with me. He was very sensible, and would speak broken English pretty well, and under- stood the Seneca. There are no white prisoners in this village, but there are two cliildren twins in a village about seven miles south of this, on the west side of Seneca lake, called Gagh- conghwa i. e., in English, the limb has fallen. One°of these children I went to see a few days since, but tlie lit- tle girl perhaps six or seven years old, would neither come to me, nor speak to me, but clung fast around the neck of her adopted grandmother. She had been lost in the woods fourteen days, strayed from a hunting cabin, but found her way back to it, after some days, and there iA I j II. I 23« IIWTOBY OF IIUFKALO. i found some deorrt loj^s which had been llun^ out ; tho gnawing ancfsuckiiig oi tliesu, witli white oak acorns and winter greens, ke]>t her alive till found, by which time alio was nearly exhausted. Tliere were i)erhaps eight oi- ten prisoners at (leneseo and its vicinity. * * * April 2d. I am fret[Uontly visited by several of thoir young men w1k» 1 am told by my elder brother are some of tho best characters in the town. They are disposed to be very sociable, and aj)pear to be friendly. This I can- not but consider as a favorable circumstance, and enables me to make greater progress in learning their language, and I request them whenever they hear mo give a bad ]»ronunciation to any word to correct me, and to repeat the correction or amendment till 1 give the true Indian pronunoiation. When I have been alone, or walked with but one of them at a time, he would disclose some of the secret council, and i)articularly of Capt. Onongwa- dekha and some of his violent speeches, and would al- ways enjoin secrecy, and not divulge a word to any of the sachems. 1 begin to think I have discovered all the prin- cipal transactions of this two or three days counseling upon the death of my Indian landlord and its attending circumstances. • April 4th, Mr. "Wcmp returns from Niagara, made very welcome, particularly by my family and many oth- ers. I expressed my earnest desire, and hoped that he would tarry a week, or at least several days with us, to rest himself properly. Had but little conversation with him this evening, and that principally upon connnon af- fairs, and the distressed situation of the town, from the great scarcity of corn. I also considered that it would be expected by the chiefs to have the lirst talk with him, lU KIKKLAND'h .luUKNAL. 287 and make all tlio eiKitiirics tlioy wished, relative to the western Indians, and the news hoard at Nia<,^ara. In the moanrune, I thought it best to absent myself and nut ap- pear too forward, of pressing myself into their eouncils. But they were very civil, and to numifest their conHdence in me, they very soon sent for me to come into their council. A great many things were related by piece- meal, and in a broken style, but they were su well aug- mented with his dialect and mode of si)eaking, that they could understand him. They thanked liim for all the in- fornuition ho had given them, though they found there was very little in it which had anylmmediate concern in the welfare of theirnation; however they were always glad to hear news. I took the earliest o])purtunity to take iiim aside and relate to him what a tlistressing situation I had been in. on account of the sutlden death of my first Indian land- lord. He presently replied that he "had heard nuich of it at Genesee on his way down, and was much alarmed. I told him I believed the unfortunate and mysterious event had been pretty generally settled among the In- dians, and they appeared to be satisHed, and reconciled except Capt. Onongwadekha, who remained obstinate and revengeful. I now wished him to befriend me so far as to enquire of some judicious Indian, of the argu- ments urged against me, and those who pleaded for me, as being perfectly innocent respecting that man's death! I thought from his long acquaintance, and the great ap- ])arent friendship which had subsisted betwixt him and my adopted father, the head chief, he might easily get from him, the leading traits or general transactions °of that council. I told him I thought it was probable that i ■'■ !• '^1' ' ''I I. ■1. i ■'• i i .i- ! i I :' 1 $ 238 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. it would be enjoined on him, to disclose nothing to Sir William, only if he asked, to tell him all was peace now. Mr. Wemp replied that he would attempt it, and did not doubt but he could bring it about either with my father or brother-in-law Tekanade, and was willing to set up all night for that purpose. I humbly observed that it might frustrate my object and disappoint my expectations of any aid from Mr. Wemp to be too frequently with him, and express a greater attachment to him, and fondness for his company, than I manifested to the good Indians, and most of their chiefs, who had been friendly to me from my first arrival. I suggested the idea to Mr. Wemp ; he replied it was the very thing he had thought of, and said then when we meet together in the day-time, let it only be, how do you do, and how do you do, and so pass by. In the mean time, I improved a leisure hour or two when I could be retired, for writing and making minutes. I wrote to Sir William, informing him of the extreme scarcity of bread, corn and very little hunting at this sea- son, and that I did not think i could subsist through the ensuing summer, unless I coidd procure provisions and some more certain and substantial food than can be ob- tained among the Indians. I had sold a shirt for four loaves or Indian cakes baked in the ashes ; at first sight I thought I could devour them all at one meal, but I immediately concluded on the score of prudence, to be sparing, and to save some of them against a greater time of need. I have eaten but one, and my stomach was so debilitated, it recoiled and emitted the greatest part of it. I kept some part of tlic remaining three until they began to mould, and gave them to the children who devoured them instantly. kikkland's journal. 239 I had it in contemplation to go down the latter part of this month, or the beginning of next. I supposed by this time Col. Butler might have orders from Mr. Wheelock, to furnish me with such articles as I stood in absolute need of. April 7th, 1765. Mr. Wemp told me he had an oppor- tunity of a long conversation with my father and brother- in-law, separately, upon the subject I had so earnestly requested his aid for investigation. We then laid a plan for being together part of the day and evening ensuing. April 8th. Mr. Wemp has given me a long narration of the transactions in the afore-mentioned council-some- times connected and sometimes detached sentences, with curious anecdotes, and added that my father bore down everything in his last speech. He spoke but little for the first and second days, except his introductory address, at the opening of the council." The whole of this manuscript is interesting, but as it is not strictly connected with the object of our history, must be omitted. Ijll • 'h If i '4 1 I ;i ! : ■' ■; f CHAPTER XV Several councils were bekl with the Six Nations during the year 1775^ both by Col. Johnson in behalf of tlie English, and the Commissioners of Indian afl'airs ap- pointed by the Colonies. Both parties seemed desirous only to secure the neutrality of the Six Nations, and at the same time, to conciliate their friendship. At a council held in Albany by the Colonial Commis- sioners, with the Six Nations, in August, 1775, one of tlic Oneida chiefs spoke thus of Mr. Kirkland, their Mission- ary : " Our father, the minister, who stands here, we love, we love him exceedingly. Perliaps in a little time, he may be wrested from us, carried oft' like a prisoner. Our hearts tremble for liiili. We tremble greatly. lie has been threatened, and sliould he be taken, it might over- throw the whole Five Nations. " Our brothers, the white people, would perhaps say that the Oneida Nation had given up their minister ; and that the Six Nations did not regard their missionaries. But truly, we regard our father the minister and mission- aries. Therefore, we propose for your consideration, whether it be not wise, that the missionaries retire for a little while, particularly our father, the minister, Mr. SPEECH OF AN ONEIDA CUIEF. 241 Kirkland, should reside for u short space with his family as we hope this quarrel cannot subsist long, because you are brothers, both of one nation and blood, and we hope It will soon be settled, and when a reconciliation takes Face, let our missionaries immediately return to us." The commissioners were at great pains to explain to the Indians the nature and causes of the quarrel between the king and the colonies. The Indians could not compre- hend how it was that " people of one blood" should quarrel. They had never known any thing like it in all their experience. The Indians pledged themselves in the strongest manner, to observe a line of strict neutrality and to take no part on either side, but " to sit still and see you fight it out," as they expressed it. But they ^dded : « Brothers : we thank you for opening the road. You inform us likewise, that you were determined to drive away, destroy, and kill, all who appear in arras against the peace of the twelve united colonies." " Brothers, attend: we beg of you take care what you do ! you have just now made a good path, do not so soon defile It with blood. There are many round us, Cauch- nawagas, who are friends to the king. Our path of pea^ce reaches quite to them. We beg, all that distance may not be defiled with blood. As for your quarrels to the eastward, along the coast, do as you please. But it would hurt us, to see those brought up in our own bosoms, ill used. In particular, we would mention the son of Sir William Johnson. He is born among us, and is of Dutch extraction, by his mother. He minds his own afifairs, and does not intermeddle in public disputes. We would also mention our father, the minister,* who resides among «■ ^1 ^.i,m.M *Rov. Mr. Stewart. 16 J 242 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. the Mohawks, and was sent there by the king. He does not meddle in civil affairs, but instructs them in the way to Iieaven. lie absolutely refuses to attend to any political matters, and eays, they do not belong to him. They beg, that he may continue in peace among them. Tiie Mo- hawks are frequently alarmed with reports, that their minister "s to be torn away from them. It would occa- sion great disturbance, were he to be taken away. The king sent liim to them, and they would look upon it aa taking away one of their own body ; therefore, they again request, that he may continue to live in peace amonj; them." Col. Guy Johnson had already removed with a consid- erable body of his retainers, and some Indians, uj) the valley of the Mohawk, to Fort Stanwix ; where it was rumored, he was collecting a force of loyalists and Indi- ans, to make a descent upon the colonists in the Palatine district. But the active measures of the colonists soon convinced Col. Johnson, that he and his armed retinue would not be permitted to remain at Fort Stanwix; he therefore pushed further interior, and made a stand in the Senecas' country ; but still apprehending pursuit, ha moved to Ontario, but being unable to procure convey- ance across the lake, for all the Indians, he arrived with his rangers and a few Indians, at Montreal, on the 17tli day of September, 1775, where lie held anttther couiicil with the Indians, at which ho said, they numbered '"HOO or upwards." In his report, to the Earl of Dartmonth, dated Mon- treal, October 12, 1775, Col. Johnson assigns, as the rea- son (if his fligiit from the valley of the Muhawk, " that all necessaries for the Indians, were stopped, by ord:r of Jlii' .fl'. COL. GUY Johnson's eeport. 243 the committee ; and mysolt; threatened, with an attack from a considerable armed force, "and intimates, that he had secret orders from Gen. Gage, instructing him to that effect. " Extracts from the records of Indian transactions, un- der the superintendancy of Col. Guy Johnson, during the year 1775." ° " Col. Johnson having early perceived that the differ- ent colonies were about to follow the example of Massa- chusetts Bay, and finding that thg various measures taken by New England missionaries, and others, to alien- ate the affections of the Indians, and spirit them uo to bad purposes; he communicated the same to Lord Dartmouth, in March', and soon after sent messengers to call the Six Ncttions to a general congress. The 14th of May he received by express, an account that a party of New Englanders were on their way to make him pris- oner ; on which he fortified his house, and kept a large guard at considerable expense. A few days after, he found that his express to the Indians had been stopped, and the purport of his inessages altered ; and that the provisions, &,c., that his agent had provided at New York, had been stopped, together with the ammunition and goods, he was providing for the intended congress. Find- ing this (to be the ease,) and that his communication with the Indians would be totally obstructed, he resolved to proceed to the westward, (with such presenis, &c., as he then had,) and meet them in their own country, while it remained practicable ; and dnriiig liis preparation for this, he secretly received a dispatch from Gen. Gage, containing instructions. He then, with such of the Mo- hawks as were at home, and a body of armed white men,, 1*1 a , i. Ik'if < r« I I it ; I ^llfl* J 244 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. making together about 250, marched to the upper settle- ments, under ever}' circumstance of difficulty, and leav- ing all his property at the discretion of the misguided populace. From thence he preceded to Fort Stanwix, where he met 260 Oneidas and Oughquagas, with whom he held a conference, but was obliged to take leave of them, for want of provisions ; the whole country being then in urms behind him, and no possibility of obtaining supplies from thence. He accordingly wrote to the com- manding officer at Niagara, and Oswegatchie, for vessels, and provisions, and on the 17th of June, he arrived at Ontario, to which place he had directed them to be sent, where one small sloop sliortly after arrived, with ninety barrels, which, though all that could be sjiared from Nia- gara, was very unequal to supplying the Indians, who assembled there, in a few days, to the number of one thousand four hundred and fifty-eight, with about one hundred white men, including the officers of the depart- ment. " From the state of the country and the villainous sto- ries propagated, it required some time, with great skill and influence, to remove false reports, and fix the Indians heartily in the interests of the crown. He however, had the good fortune at length to bring them to resolve to co- operate with his Majesty's troops, in the defense of the communication and waters emptying into the St. Law- rence river, and in the annoyance of the enemy, and also to send their band of warriors .present with him, to Mon- treal to inspire their dependents there, with the same res- olutions. He also procured the like engagement from the Huron chiefs of Detroit, who attended the Congress ; which they very faithfully observed, and thereby pre- COL. ouv Johnson's report. 245 vented the design of the Virginians, against tliat country, as the papers in his hands will show. After which he delivered them a handsome present, and a parcel of new arms, &c., and his provisions being nearly exhausted, prepared to proceed to Montreal. Bat the Indians hav- ing few canoes, and those unfit for crossing the lake, he was obliged to set out, July 11th, with the sloop, and four or five small boats, currying together two hundred and twenty white men and Indians. The remainder of the hxtter, being necessiatcd to return home, for want of craft to transport them, after giving him assurances of their readiness to follow when called upon. " Col. Johnson, on liis landing at Montreal, July 17th, with two hundred and twenty Indians from Ontario, had immediately an interview with General Carleton, to whom he communicated his instructions, and design, to' assem- ble the Indians in that country, to join those that had ac- companied him. He olso acquainted him with the ac- counts he had received of the preparations being made, by the New Englanders, at Ticonderoga, and that they considered Canada as an essential object, adding that it would be extremely necessary to put the Indians in motion as soon as possible, as they were unused to remain long idle. Tlie General observed, that he had but a slender force of regular troops, that the province of Quebec mostly depended upon the Canadian militia, that he had hopes, in some little time, of assembling a good body of them, and that in the mean time the Indi- ans nmst be amused in the best manner that could be found, as he did not think it prudent to let them go beyond the 45th degree of latitude, or over the province hne. Col. Johnson had proposed to hold his conference !!■: 'if ? 1 11 II !i! 246 HIBTOBY OF BUFFALO. with tlie Indians at La Cliine, to prevent the intemper- ance to which they must be exposed at Montreal, and the Indians were so sensible of this, that they were prevailed ■on with difficulty to come into town to oblige Gen. Carle- ton, who wanted to see them there. " On the 26th of July, the Indians all assembled, pur- suant to Col. Johnson's summons, and finished their busi- ness on the last of that month, when their number amount- ed to sixteen hundred and sixty-four, who readily agreed to the same measures engaged by the Six Nations. Af- ter receiving a valuable present, (they) were disposed of, in different camps, on the Island of Montreal. An Indi- an officer, and thirty men, were also sent to St. Johns, to remain there, at the desire of Gen. Carleton. " On the 5th of August, the Indian officer at St. Jolins, informed Col. Johnson of his having discovered a large body of the enemy, near Fort Aufer, (above St. Johns, •on lake Champlain,) who fired on his party, and of the eagerness manifested by the Indians to form a large body, and go against them. Col. Johnson immediately com- municated this to Brigadier Prescott, who commanded on Gen. Carleton's departure for Quebec He also told Gen. Frescott, that the warriors of the several Nations, were to assemble that day, when he would give them the war belts, as they appeared very spirited ; and in conse- quence of the rebels approach, would gladly go and dis- possess them of any post, they had upon lake Cliauiplain ; and that he should be glad to have his sentiments upon it. The General answered that if any parties ^\ ere sent out to gain intelligence, aud sco what the enemy were doing, it might be well. But at ]>resent, he did not in- tend acting out of the line of the Province. On Col, COL. GUY Johnson's report. 247 Johnson's remarking- that Indians could not be managed as other people, it being necessary at times to keep"up their spirits, and encourage them, and therefore he should be glad to know, what to say fur their satisfaction on that subject. The General replied that arguments were use- less on this occasion, his orders being such, as not to act out of the line of the Province. Col. Johnson observed that this did not appear to correspond with his instruc- tions from Gen. Gage, and that it would be a very diffi- cult matter to manage Indians under such circumstances, and limitations, on which the Gejieral concluded with saying, that all in the Provinces, must be subject to Gen. Carleton's orders, and Col. Johnson must act in the best manner he could, without going out of the colony. How- ever, the Indians being assembled, Col. Johnson delivered each Nation a war belt, to be held ready for service, which the Indians cheerfully accepted, but said they were afraid the ax would cut them, if they kept it long without using it. " Several of the Six Nations, Oughquagus, &c., having waited till the 12th of August, in hopes of some opera- tions, returned with their war belt, to Onondaga, after assuring Col. Johnson that they would be ready to re- turn, whenever there was a prospect of vigorous measures. "Col. Johnson continued to relieve the party at St. Johns, by detachments from the diiferent Indian encamp- ments, and endeavored by all the means in his power, to render them contented with their situation. The party at St. Johns, continued to scout on lake Champlain, (within the limits prescribed,) and on the 22d of August, four In- dians, detached from a larger party, seized a new barge, ■with which the rebels were reconnoitering, which brouo-ht '. 1 m ■Pl il .. : It Rl ' ^ m i t : '13' m ' ■ ;iiiJ •! ^ I in)]r |;ft*i ^± 248 JII8T0RY OF BUFFALO. on a Bkinnish, wherein dipt. Baker, u uotod rebel, was killed, whoso head, together with his instructions, plans, &c., tliey brought into St. Johns. In this aftiiir three In- dians were wounded. "For some time past, notwithstanding all the cares to prevent it, some of the inhabitants etc., contiii lod to sell liquor to the Indians, and to strip them of their clothino- propagating also iriany dangerous rejjorts among theni, and telling them that they approved of the rebels coming, as it w as for the interest of the colony. " The Indians complained much of all this, and as they had already waited, inactive, far beyond what they had ever done betbi-c. Col. Johnson wrote to Gen. Carlcton, representing tiicir urgency to go against the rebels, or attack their communications, witli his opinion that it M'ould answer groat purpose, whilst restraining men, un- accustomed to inactivity, would abate their ardor, and miglit occasion their di^afleotion. To which, the General answered that no one thing had yet happened to make him alter his ojiinion, in regard to the keeping the sava- ges within the line; Col. Johnson therefore took all pos- sible pains to amuse them, and satisfy them on that head. " On the 3d of September, in conse(pience of reports brought by the Indians, that the enemy were advancing, Col. Johnson augmented the party at St. Johns, to four officers, and one hundred and twenty-one Indians ; and on the afternoon of the 4th, Gen. Prescott, desired him to stop sending any more parties, but keep them about the town, lest the rebels might make an attempt upon the city of Montreal, by crossing the country. The next day an express arrived from one of Col. Johnson's officers at St. Johns, informing that a scouting party of Indians had ll i COL. GUY .IUHNSOn'h KEI'()RT. 241) li trii (liHcovercd the rebel army mx Lslcau Noix, (sixteen miles from St. Johna,) and that a soconti scout had fallen in with some of theirs, and exchanged a few shots, by one of which an Indian was wounded. ^JM.e General immedi- ately ordered the walls of Montrcd to be repaired, and summoned the inhabitants to appear armed on the parade that evening, and Col. Johnson sent off an officer and a party of Indians, to cover the Kings magazines near La Chine. A body of oighty-six Caru-sadaga warriors also came in and joined Col. Johnson, who told them that the General re(iuested that they sli,,idd remain in readiness to march, when their service was most wanted. " The next day the rebel army came before St. Johns, and on the 7th at daylight, two Indians arrived with let- ters, giving an account that the day before, the first divis- ion, being about one thousand men, under a General Montgomery, covered with vessels, row galleys, &c., be- gan to land about a mile from St. Johns, when the Indi- ans sallic i out, and engaged them with so much success, that they obliged them to retire twice, and that they had at length n-ossed the lake, and afterwards retreated to Isle au Noix. The loss of the rebels, according to the best accounts, was one field officer, two captains, two lieutenants, and thirty men killed, and the wounded were since found to be double that number. On our side Capt. Tice, one of Col. Johnson's officers, was shot through the thigh ; Capt. Daniel, a faithiul Mohawk, one Cana- joharrie, with two Caughnawagas killed, and several wounded, of which three died soon after. "The Indians complained much that there was no troops to support them, and in the evening a detachment of sixteen of the twenty-sixth regiment, with some of the M 'i' } II 250 IIIBTORY OK MnFKALO. recruits nnd voluiiteors, were ordered out, witli whom Col. .Johnson sent two ofllcers and neventy Indijins. "On the 10th of Septeniher, on the report that somo Canadians liud assured the Ca»i;j;hnawagas tluittho rchels wouUl dc-.struy their town, Daniel Clans, Ksq., deputy agent, was sent there to remove any fears on that head, to whom the Indiana complained that they had lately been much traduced by some of the French gentlemen, who were too apt to bo busy about them, and resented that the Indians woidd not attend to them, observing that at the reduction of Canada, they had been assured that such i)crson9 should no longer interfere with them. "'J'iicy added that their cause was very hard, as they were threatened with ruin by the rebels, assured by the Canadians that they would not oi)po8c them, and that there appeared no prospect of relief from any other (piar- ter. From all which. Col. Johnson perceived that these people were so circumstanced that they could no longer be depended on. And tiiis day Major Campbell arrived, being appointed agent for Indian affairs for the Province of Quebec. "The next day a party of Indians reconnoitering, were fired on by a considerable body of the enemy, and Per- thus, an interpreter, with an Indian, surprised and killed, at a house on lake Champlain. On the 12tli, Col. John- son held a conference with the Caughuawagas, to remove their apprehensions, and on the l3th, another was held in presence of Gen. Carleton, (then returned from Que- bec,) in consequence of intelligence given Col. Johnson, by the Six Nations, that the rebels had employed agents to negotiate a neutrality with the Caughuawagas. " This day Gen. Carleton gave his thanks to the Indi- ans in general orders, in the words following: ?!|''i)4til COL. GUY JOIINHuN'h KKl'OKT. 261 "Tho General givos his tluiaks to the Indian Cl.iefB imd warrioi-s who huhaveU 8o gulluntly in thu action of the sixth instant, near St Johns, and dcsiren tiuit tho nuino may bo co.nniunicated to them and their nations, by Col. Johnson, thoir siipoiintendant, FKAN'S LeMMSTRE, Maj'r JJrigade. Montreal, Sept. 13, 1775, "Col. Jolinson continued his endeavors, notwithstanding the general discouragement an.ong tho Indians, that they might bo in readiness, in case the General could raise any force to go against tho enemy. On tho 20th, one of Col Johnson's officers, with his party of Indians, wa8obIi..ed to retire from tho prario, us did the Indians from St. Johns, which was now completely invested, and accounts received, that a certain Col. Livingston, with the inhabi- tants of Sorelle, had joined the rebels ; on which tho General, &c., put their papers and baggage on board of vessels in the river. Tho rebels had now overran all the country, and were in many places joined by the perfidi- ous Canadians. The Indians, thus without prospect of aid, began to provide for their own security, after com- plaining bitterly of the disappointment of their hopes of succors ; and on tho 25th, Col. Eathen Allen, crossed to the Island of Montreal, and with a partv of about one hundred and forty, partly Canadians, began his march for that city, where he was opposed by a small party of the 2Gth regiment, some volunteei-s, and thirty officers, rangers, and Indians of the Indian department. The latter of whom, fortunately falling on the flank where Alien was, he delivered up his sword, and surrendered to one of Col. Johnson's officers, who, with his j^arty, took '^11 I- m I,;; 252 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. the most of those made prisoners. On the 27th, Col. Johnson renewed his application to General Carleton for moving a body of men, in which case he could still get many of the neighboring Indians to co-operate ; to which the General answered verbally, (by the secretary of Indian aflliirs,) that lie hoped aflairs were takinf>- a more flivorable turn, and that he ■ should very soon be able to form a better judgment." '• From this time to Octobei- 12th, every art and means was used to assemble the Canadians, and several came in, were clothed and armed, and afterwards joined the enemy. Finding, therefore, tlie season so far advanced, the Indians almost all withdrew discontended, unwillino- to credit any further ])romise3 of aid. That those that remained, earnestly solicited for troops to be sent out, and that Col. Johnson should procure them the redress of sundry grievances, they had often represented, and also, at the same time, having received dispatches from the secretary of state, directing that their several grievances should be immediately laid before the king; finding likewise, that Major Campbell's powers, as agent for Canada, must occasion some difficulties, that would ';ffect- nally obstruct the service, Col. Johnson signilled his intention to go to England, and get these points in some measure adjusted before the Indians, from their respective nations could take the field next year. In wliich resolu- tion, he was confirmed by the Indians, who deputed a faithful young chief to accompany him,* and having posted his officers at such places as they might be most useful to preserve the fidelity of the Indians, Avith proper •Joseph Biant. ! ! COL. GUY JOHNSOk's REPORT. 253 iustructions, he proceeded for Quebec, from whence he sailed for England, the 11th of November." "The foregoing is a brief abstract from the minutes of Indian affairs, and may serve to give a general sketch of his conduct and success, the last campaign, though labor- ing imder every circumstance of disadvantage ; but the points necessary to be enquired into, and regulated, on which the future good conduct of tliose hitherto faithful people must depend, and the reasonableness and pvopriety of Col. Johnson's proceedings, will appear from the annexed statement, which is honestly and impartially submitted. A true copy of extracts from the Indian records. JOSEPH CHEW, Sec'y of Indian affairs." London, June 26, 1776. i;'t ■i'"i.i ;; I Ah %\i'i : CHAPTER XVI. ■f ; IS, .k Col. Gny Johnson, us intiinated in liis report just referred to, sailed for England, where he arrived in Jan- uary, 1776. He was accompanied by Joseph Erant, and a Mohawk war chief, named Oteroughyanento. The ar- rival of Maj. Campbell, as agent for Indian affairs in Canada, whoso authority seemed to conflict with that of Col. Johnson, perhaps led to this determination of Col. Johnson, to visit England at this time. He had endeavor- ed to employ his Indian wariiors, mostly Mohawks, who accompanied him to Canada; and from the names inci- dentally mentioned, at least two sons of Sir William Johnson, Peter and William, w't-re emj)loyed as officers in the Indian force against the colonists at this time, in the vicinity of Montreal, and took part in the repulse, "and capture of Col. Eatlian Allen, after his detachment was routed near Montreal.'' Brant, during his visit in England, made a speech to Lord George Germain, one of his Majesty's |)riiici])al Secretaries of State ; setting ibrth the grievances of the Six Nations in general, and of the Mohawks, his own Na- tion, in particular. To which Lord Germain made a brief reply, promising attention to the subject of their complaints, which were as usual, in relation to their i>l III COL. ouy Johnson's visit to kngland. 255 lands. This speech of Brant, which appears to have been dehyered in London, March, 1770, exhibits nothin. re- markable but in all respects shows a mediocre order of talent It was followed by another, in reply, eras an- swer from Capt. Erant, as he is styled, on the 7th of May m6,m which he says: " We are not afraid Brother or have we the least doubt but our brethren, the Six Na- jons, will continue firm to their engagements with the Xing, their father." The sojourn <,f Col. Johnson with his Indian deputies |n England, was brief, as we fi.ul a letter of his addressed to Lord Gernuiin, dated Staten Island, August 9th, 1776 ;n winch he acquaints his Lordship that he "arrived in the harbor of New York, on the 29th ult., alter a lone, passage and much molestation from rel.el cruisers, ore of winch attacked us, near Bermudas, but was, after a pre ty close engagement of an hour and a half, beat off, ^v^th much loss, though she damaged our n.asts, and rin- ging so nuich, that we could not pursue her." * * ife adds : "This moment, an iuhabita.it of the Mohawk river as Cund means to reach our camp, ami informs that he' had heard that Sir John Johnson had reached Gen Bur- go.ne. That a Col. Dayton, with six hundred men, was repaning fort Stanwix, and that Gen. Schuyler had opened a Congress at the Ger.nan Flatts, but that only Bou.e ot the Oneidas and Ougluiuagys attended it, and utler, Esq., who was left at Niagara by Col. Johnson, superintendent of Indian affairs, with m |;9» i«!t i«s adherents, they should be protected, in the qu.et enjoyment of their proj.erty. Gen. Schuyle; required that hostages should be delivered up, as a pleie orthe la.thful perforn.ance of these stipldations, am^ then- future good conduct. Sir John asked until the eve- ning of the next day, to consider the matter, which was granted. On the next day, the 18th, Gen. Schuyler resumed his march to Caughnawaga, where he was joined by Col Ilerknner, and the Tryon county militia, "sir John's .n' swer was not satisfactory, as will appear by the follow mg letter of Gen. Schuyler in reply. Om. 8CHITYLEE TO SIR .TO,m .OUNSON, BAb't., AND OTHERS. Caughnawaga, Jan. 18, 1776 (xENTs : Messrs, Adams and McDonell have delivered me your answer to my proposals of yesterday's date. Ihe east attention to the articles I offered, when com- pared with yours, must convince you, that you omitted replies to several of them, and consequently that what you have sent me is very imperfect, and unsatisfactory 1 Nvaive pointing out some of the inconsistences in your proposals, as the whole are exceptionable, except the last. ^ I must therefore obey my orders, and again rej>eat ^hat m the execution of them, I shall strictly abide by the laws of humanity. At the same time assuring vou^ ^mi 260 IIISTOKY OP JIUKKALO. that if tlio least rcsistatico is made, 1 will not answer for the consequences, which inay be of a nature the most dreadful. If Lady Johnson is at Johnson Hall, I wish she would retire, (and therefore enclose a passport,) as I shall march my troops to that place, without delay. Yofl niay, however, still have time to reconsider the matter, and for that purpose 1 give you until twelve o'clock this night, after which, I shall receive no propo- sals, and 1 have sent you Mr. Robert Yates, Mr. Glen, and Mr. Duer, to receive the ultimate proposals you have to make. This condescension I make from no other mo- tive than to prevent the effusion of blood, so far as it can be effected without risking the safety of the county, or being guilty of a breach of the positive orders 1 have re- ceived from the Honorable Continental Congress. I am, Gentlemen, with due respect, Your Humble Servant, PE. SCHUYLER. To Sib John Johnson and Mr. Allan McDonkll. U': < In the interview between Gen. Schuyler and Sir John Johnson, the latter had informed the General, that the Indians were assembled at his house, and would defend him. Gen. Schuyler replied that he should execute his orders, and if opposed by force, would not be answerable for consetpiences While the General was waiting for the reply of Sir John, two chiei's of the Mohawks ar- rived, and assured the General that the Indians would interfere in no other way tlnin as mediators. Soon after the preceding letter had been dispatched to Johnson Hall, the Mohawk saclieins, with all their wax- riors, together with several from the upper Mohawk cas- INDIAN DKPUTATION TO OKN. HmVYhKU. 261 tie, visited Cleii. Scbi.jler on a mission of peace. They nitonncd Gon. Schuyler, that Sir John had related to them the terms offered by him for the surrender of Sir John and his party ; they assured the General that Sir John had told them that ho only desired protection for himselt and family, and friends ; and protested that he had no unfriendly Intentions, against the comitry. The Indians, therefore, Legged the General to accept the terms Sir John had offered. He told the chiefs that he could not accept of those terms, and pointed out the objections. He also recapitulated to them, the terms he had just sent to the Hall. The Indians expressed themselves 'satisfied with the reasons assigned by the General, and with the course adopted ; but requested that more time should be given for Sir John's reply, that they might have time to go and "shake his head," as they expressed it, and brin- him to his senses. They also desired, as a particular fa- vor, that Sir John might not be removed out of the coun- try. They apologized for the threats of their own war- riors, saying that it was because they were not present at the treaty of Albany; and again repeated the assurance, that they would never take up arms against the colonies. In reply, Gen. Schuyler informed them, that ho should accede to their request, although the conduct of Sir John had been such, that he would bo justified in holding him a prisoner. Before the Indians had left the quart;r8 of Clen. Schuyler, (at Caughnawaga,) a dispatch was re- ceived from Sir John Johnson, accepting in substance, the terms dictated by Gen. Schuyler, at which the Indi- ans expressed great satisfaction, and retired, with warm expressions of gratification. The following were the terras of capitulation prescribed u i a 262 HISTORY OK UUFFALO. ■ aiii I by Gen. Schuyler, and in substiinco agreed to by Sir John Johnson. "Terms of capitulation agreed upon between Gen.. Schuyler and Sir John Johnson, Jan. 19, 1776 : " Gen. Schuyler's feelings as a gentleman, induce him to consent that Sir John Johnson retain the few favorite family arms, he making a list of them. The General will also consent that Sir John Johnson, may go as far to the westward, as to the German Flatts, and Kingsland districts, in this county, and to every other part of this colony, to the southward and eastward of said districts, provided he does not go into any seaport town. The General, however, believes that if Sir John's private busi- ness should require his going to any other of the ancient English colonies, he will be permitted the indulgence, by applying to Congress for leave. " The General will take six Scotch inhabitants prison- ers, since they prefer it to going as hostages. It has been the invariable rule of Congress, and that of all its offi- cers, to treat prisoners with the greatest humanity, and to pay all due deference to rank. He cannot ascertain the places, to which Congress may please to send them. For the present, they will go to Reading, or Lancaster, in Pennsylvania. Nor can he make any promises, with re- spect to the maintenance of the women and children. His humanity will certainly induce him to recommend to Congress, an attention to what has been requested on that head. Gen. Schuyler expects that all the Scotch in- habitants, of whatever rank, who are not confined to their beds by illness, will attend with their arms, and deliver them on Saturday, at twelve o'clock. If this condition be not faithfully performed, he will consider himself as CAPITULATION OF SIR .JOHN JOHNSON. 263 disengaged from nny engngenierits entered into with tliom. "Gen. Schuyler never refused a gentleman, his side arms. "The prisoners that may be taken, must bo removed to Albany immediately, where the General will permit them to remain a reasonable time to settle their family affairs. "If the terms Gen. Schuyler offered on the 17th inst, are accepted, with the above qualifications, fair copies will bo made out, and signed by the parties, one of which will be delivered to Sir John and Mr. McDonell, signed by the General. To prevent a waste of time, the Gener- al wishes Sir John and Mr. McDonell immediately to send an answer. He remains with due respect, Sir John's and Mr. McDonell's Humble Serv't-, PH. SCHUYLER." These terms were acceeded to by Sir John, and on the same day. Gen. Schuyler marched to Johnstown. Sir John delivered up all the arms and ammunition in his pos- session, both being much less than had been represented. The next day, 20th, Gen. Schuyler paraded his troops and received the surrender of between two and three hundred Scotch Highlanders, who marched out in front, and grounded their arms ; and they were dismissed with an exhortation to remain peaceable, with an assurance of protection if they did so. The energy and success with which Gen. Schuyler executed this expediton, received the approbation of the congress, and a resolution of thanks was passed " for his fidelity, prudence, and expedition with which he had 1*1' U- -, ,i ■,7^^ op IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 !f I.I 1.25 128 IIM 12.2 1. 40 1.4 12.0 1.8 1.6 ? Photographic Sciences Corporalion 5\7 33 WEST MAIN STRkET WEBSTER, N.Y 14580 (716 872-4503 # <4f %^ (/j m^ 264 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. performed such a meritorious service." President Han- cock, in his letter transmiting the resolutions of congress, says: "It is with the greatest pleasure I inform you, that the prudent zeal and temper, manifested in your late expedition, met with the warmest approbation of con- gress," Notwithstanding the obligations by which Sir John had bound himself to remain a quasi prisoner of war, information was received by Geu. Schuyler, that Sir John was in secret correspondence with the Indians, instiga- ting them to hostilities, and it was thought advisable by Gen. Schuyler, to put Sir John under a stricter surveil- lance. For the purpose of securing the person of Sir John, and quelling the rising turbulent spirit of the Highlanders, a force, under Col. Dayton, was dispatched to Johnstown, in May 1776. Sir John received notice of this intention^ through sympathising friends in Albany, in time to anti- cipate Col. Dayton's arrival, and with a large body of his tenants who adhered to the cause of the crown, took to the woods, not daring to take the usual travelled route, and after a most fatiguing march of nineteen days', through the wilderness, having suffered greatly from want of provisions, they arrived at Montreal, considera- bly diminished in numbers. In the suddenness of his flight, Sir John loft all his property and his family behind. Col. Stone, in his "life of Brant," in a note relates the following : '• After the. confiscation of the property of Sir John, the furniture of the hall was sold by auction at Fort Hunter. The late Lieut. Governor Taylor purchased several articles of fur- niture, and among otiier things, the family bible. Per- BE3T0EATI0N OF THE FAMILY BUiLJi. 265 ceiving that it contained the family record, which might be of great value to Sir John, Mr. Taylor wrote a civil note to Sir John, offering its restoration. Sometime after H messenger from Sir John called for the bible, whose conduct was so rude as to give offence. "I have come for Sir William's bible," said he, " and there are the four guii^as which it cost." The bible was delivered, and the runner was asked what message Sir John had sent. Ihe reply was, » Pay four guineas and take the book." Lady Johnson was removed to Albany, where she remained as a kind of hostage for the peaceable conduct of her husband. She subsequently wrote to Gen. Wash- ington, complaining of the detention, asking him to inter- pose for her release. But the Commander in Chief left the matter with Gen. Schuyler and the Albany committee, bir John was immediately commissioned a Colonel, in the British service, and raised two battallions, composed ot those who accompanied him in his flight, and other American loyalists, who subsequently followed their example. They were called the " Royal Greens." There have been some doubts entertained as to where the responsibility of engaging the Six Nations in the controversy, between the king and the colonies, should rest. Thefollowing letter places that responsibility where It belongs, which, although written in 1775, will be inser- ted here : GOV. TRYON TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH. "Ship Dutchess of Gordon, off New York, 7th February, 1775. My Lord : The loyal inhabitants of this province have experienced i'lli 266 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. a variety ofinjimes and insults since iny dispatch of the 5th of January. The latter end of last month, twelve hundred men from New Jersey, under the command of Col. Hard, went over to Long Island, and after ten days marauding, disarmed upwards of six hundred inhabitants of Queens county and took seventeen of the principal gentlemen prisoners, who have since been marched, un- der guard, to Philadelphia. The same manouvre has been practised by Gen. Schuyler, at the head of near four thousand armed mob ; he marched to Johnson's hall, the 14th of last month, where Sir John had mustered near six hundred men from his tenants and neighbors, the ma- jority highlanderb. After disarming them, and taking four pieces of artillery, ammunition, and many prisoners, with three hundred and sixty guineas from Sir John's desk, they compelled h'm to enter into a bond in one thousand six hundred pounds sterling, not to aid the king's service, or to remove within a limited distance from his house. Such, my Lord, is the degrading situa- tion of His Majesty's faithful subjects in this colony. The rebels have been active in disarming other parts of the colony, and this plan was grounded upon the recom- mendation of the provincial congress here to the conti- nental congress, to send troops from other parts to the delinquents of this country, as will be seen by the copy of their letter among the enclosures, I am with great respect, my Lord, Your Lordship's most obediant servant, WM. TRYOK" Earl Dartmootii. GOV. TKYON TO EAIJL DAKTMOUTH. 267 EXTRACT GOV. TEVON TO THE KAUL DAKTMOUTH. " 8th February, 1776. By late secret intelligence from the northward, and as far westward as Detroit, I have the agreeable information that the Indians are firmly attaclied to tlie king's interest The Indians have chosen Peter Johnson, the natural son ofSir William Johnson, (by an Indian woman,) to be their chief. He is intrepid and active, and took with his own hand Eathan Allen, in a barn, after his detatch- ment was routed before Montreal. The Indian depart- ment demands all possible attantion, and a commission of General, to Peter, would be politic. To fix and retain the Indians by very liberal presents and - ncouragement will be of the highest importance to the king's service at the present crisis. Presents sent to them by way of Quebec will be the most certain channel, and an assort- ment sent to this post, ^vill also be very expedient to be sent up to Albany as soon as the troops arrive in this colony. "I am assured that the Indian nations will make a powerful diversion on the borders of the lake, very early this spring, cut off all parties going to reinforce the ene- my, and probably seize all the vessels, batteaus, and row ■galleys before they are liberated from the ice ; and then join Gen. Carleton in Canada, or come down to Albany, as occasion may require. This my Lord, is the plan of operations for the Indians, and I expect it will be execu- ted, and succeed. " The enclosures relative to Canada transactions, here- with transmitted, will further explain to your Lordship the happy restoration of his Majesty's affairs in that gov- ernment. t, 1(:t| it 4 •268 I' ''!' HISTOBY OF BUFFALO. I am with all possible respect and esteem my Lord your Lordship's most obedient humble servant, EAEL DAETMOUTII. WM. TRYON " EAKL OF DAETMOUTII TO OOL. GUY JOHNSON. White Hall 24th July, 1775. *' SiE :-^I have already in my letter to you on the 5th inst., hinted that the time might possibly come when the King relying upon the attachment of his faithful allies, tiie Six Nations of Indians, might bo under the necessity ofcalling upon them fur their aid and assistance in the present state of America. " The unnatural rebellion now raging there, calls for every effort to suppress it; and the intelligence his Maj- esty has received of the rcbols having excited the Indians to take a part, and of their having actually engaged a body of them in arms to support their rebellion, justifies the resolution his Majesty has taken of requiring the as- sistance of his faithful adherents, the Six mtions. It is therefore, his Majesty's pleasure, that you do lose no time m taking such steps as will induce them to take up the hatchet against his Majesty's rebellious subjects in Amer- ica, and to engage them in his Majesty's service upon such plan as shall be suggested to you, by Gen. Gage, to whom this letter is sent, accompanied with a large as- sortment of goods for presents to them, upon this impor- tant occasion. Whether the engaging the Six Nations to take up arms in defense of his Majesty's government, is most likely to be effected by separate negotiation with the chiefs, or in a general council assembled for that purpose must be left to your judgment. But ^t all events it is a COL. .roiTNaON TO LORD GERMAIN. 269 1 my Lord, nt, 'RYON." 30X. Ill J, 1775. 1 on the 5th tie when the ;hful allies, e necessity ;ance in the 3, calls for 36 his Maj- the Indians engaged a n, justifies ng the as- ions. It is ose no time ke up the s in Amer- vice upon . Gage, to large as- tiis impor- tations to nment, is n with the it purpose its it is a service of very great importance ; you will not fail to ex- ert every effort that may tend to accomplish it, and to use the utmost diligence and activity in the execution of the orders I have now the honor to transmit to you. I am, etc., DAETMOUTH." In November, 3776, Col. Johnson writes Lord Germain from New York, as follows : " I have the pleasure to assure your Lordship that the Indians have faithfully observed the promises thev made ine, rejecting all the proposals of the rebels, and a'consid- erable number of them proceeded on service. And not- withstanding the artifices practiced by the Indians of the Oneida villages, influenced by their New England mis- sionary Kirkland, the enclosed intercepted letter, commu- nicated to me by Lord Howe, will show the fidelity of the Six Nations, and evince their attention to me. * * * To pave the way for future operations, I have with the approbation of Gen. Howe, lately dispatched (in disguise) one ot my officers with Joseph (Brant) the chief, (who desi-ed the service,) to get across the country to the Six Nations, and from their activity and knowledge of the way, I have hopes of their getting through undiscovered." The following is the intercepted letter spoken of above • " Copy of a letter from S. Kirkland, a New England Missionary among the Oneidas, to Mr. Schuyler, a rebel General, and manager of their affairs, dated Oneida, 22d May, 1776. " To the Hon. Philip Schuyler Esq., Commissary, &c from the Oneida Chiefs. " '' " Brother GovEitKOE :—We the Oneida chiefs, think 1^ ■ H i 91 li if' I 11 u ■I' 270 HISTORY OF IIUFFALO. l)ro})or to acquaint you of tlio result of the meeting at Ni- agara with Col. Butler. Tliis we do at our own option, not being desired by the other parts of the confederacy, though it lias been reported among them, that General Schuyler ought to bo informed. " We sent two Oneidas to hear what would pass at Ni- aga. They returned the night before last, and brought the following account : '• The representatives of the Six Nations delivered the answer to Col. Butler's Belts, that was formed and a^^rced upon at Onondaga, in full council, of which we suppose you have been made acquainted. The purport of our an- swer was that the Six Nations with the Cagnaagas and the seven tribes in that vicinity, had all united, and re- solved to maintain peace, both with the King, and the Bostonians, and receive no ax from either." Col. Clans it seems also went to England in 1776 : be- fore returning in the spring of '77, he drew up a plan for the management of Indian affairs, to be adopted upon the restoration of British authority, which was expected as a matter of course. In this document be speaks of the Tsineesios (Genessee) Indians in a note, representing them as having been generally in the French interest, since the French were in possession of Niagara ; it being by their permission and consent, they were allowed to estab- lish themselves there. That nation of Indians claiming the property of the soil. In consideration of which priv- ilege they were much caressed and indulged by the French, and had the liberty to enjoy the emoluments of the carrying place ; which were so luciative and consid- erable to that nation, that in a short time they enriched themselves thereby, and had besides some other advanta- COL. .lOHNSOX TO LOKD GERMAIN. 271 ges of Inule, and other necessaries of life. :<• * Indians P.ot easily forgetting injuries, the Tsineeslos still harbored ill-will against those to whom they ascril.e their .nisfor- tunes and losses, •^- -x- and could never he persuaded to attach themselves cordially to the English, till after the unwearied pains and endeavors of the late Sir William Johnson, they about five years ago, declared themselves pnbhely at Johnson Hall, firm friends and allies to the Crown of Great Britain, and have hitherto behaved as such." In a letter of Col. Johnson to Lord Germain, dated Now \ ork, Juno 8ih, 1777, he says : "A person whom I employed to carry messages to the Indians, gave a particular account of a larcre magazine of military stores and provisions collected at Danbnry, Con- necticut, which I communicated to Sir William ILnve who soon after sent a body of troops there, and efiectual- y destroyed the whole ; and also that the Six Nations having called in and assembled all their people, in order to make a diversion on the frontiers of this province and lennsylvania, agreeable to my messages, since which hey have had several attacks along the back settlements trom Fort Stanwix to the Ohio, with such success that the rebels have been obliged to detach Gen. Hand with some troops to protect the frontiers which are in much conster- nation. * * -^ He also reports that his Secretary, Mr Chew, was taken prisoner by the rebels, on the east end ot Long Island, whither he had gone on business." * * Joseph Brant having been dispatched to the Six Na- tions, Col. Johnson writes from New York, July 7, 1777 that they were in readiness, with the exception of the' Uneidas, to join Gen. Howe's army, and ?ct as 'one man-' m Kj mm ■' 1 wm 1 ' luffl ij|i||i lm li tim ; 'it S72 IIIBTOKYOK BUFFALO. and that tliey liad cut off a Sergeant and twelve men at FortStanwix, and sent several parties to the back of Penn- sylvania, to the great terror of the inhabitants, and had cut off a party witii fifty head of cattle for the rebel gar- rison on the Mohawk river ; that their main body of about seven hundred Indians was assembled near Owegy (Owego,) on the Susquehanna, which would be much in- creased as soon as any movement was made to the north- ward ; adding that they would strike a blow ; and ex- presses his conviction that the Indians will join the expe- dition of Gen. St Leger, by way of Ontario, or the main army under Gen. Eurgoyne, before Ticonderoga. It would seem from the correspondence of Col. Glaus with Secretary Knox, dated at Montreal, in October, 1777, that St. Leger's expedition was destined against Fort Stanwix. Col. Glaus and Sir John Johnson accom- panied this expedition, and it was joined by Joseph Brant at Oswego, with a party of about three hundred, warriors. Brant complained that his party had not been furnished with necessary supplies by Col. Butler, who was in command at Niagara. After much delay, St. Leger and his army arrived before Fort Stanwix on the 2d of August, 1777, and in the words of his report, "surprised a party of rebels, which had come out to meet them, defeated them with great slaughter, but another party coming out of the fort, plundered the Indian encampment of all their packs, with their clothes, wampum, and silver M^ork, and as the In- dians had gone into the battle nearly naked, they found themselves in a destitute condition, as to clothes or cov- ering for the night. The Indians lost thirty-two men in this engagement, among whom were several Seneca Chiefs. The fort was beseiged for nineteen days with lit- TilK MOIIWVKS I'MJNUKK TIIIC 0NEIDA8. 273 tie effect; the Iiuliana becoiiun;i,' disi.intecl, gnitlually withflruw, and disporsed totiioir lioines, and Gen. St Lc"-- er retreated to Oswegu. IIo arrived there the 2(5th of August, when he received orders froui Gen. Durgojne to join him, wliich lie proceeded to do hj way of Montreal, to procure necessary supplies for his arniyf •-• "• The action near Fort Stanwix, happening near a settle- ment of Oneida Indians, who were considered to bo in the rebel interest, tho Indians utuler Erant, witli St Leg- er, burnt their houses, destroyed their fields and crops, killed and carried away their cattle. This so exasperated the Oneidas, that on their retreat they revenged them- selves by plundering Brant's sister (Molly Bmnt,) who resided with her family at the u])per Mohawk town, to- gether with others of the Mohawks in the lower town, where the families of those who accompanied Brant in this expedition, resided. Molly Brant and her0imily fled to the Onondagas, the council-place of the Six Na- tions, where she laid her grievances before that body. It docs not appear that any lives were lost on either side in this attack of Brant and his Mohawks upon the unoffending Oneidas. Nor does it appear, that the Onei- das in their retaliatory measures upon the Mohawks, did anything more than visit upon the well known individu- als who were engaged with Brant in the destruction of their own property, just what they had suffered at their hands ; although by the usages of war among the whites they would have been justified in taking the lives of those who attacked, and destroyed their dwellings, and plundered them of their property. This is believed 'to be the first instance, in which one of the Six Nations was ever known to make war upon another of their own con- federacy, -tg S * ^! ni.s f CHATTER XVII li t If TIjo information given to Gen. St. Leger of the ap- proac/i of the reinforcements under Gen. Herkimer, was through the instrumentality of "Molly Brant," and led to the surprise, and almost to the defeat, of the entire party under Gen. Herkimer. Thomas Spencer, a half breed sachem, of the Oneidaa, brought early news of the expedition under St. Leger, from Montreal, whither ho had ^0 as a secret einmissary, to obtain information • and at a meeting held on his return, lie concluded his re- port in the following speech : " Brothers : Now is your time to awake, and not to sleep longer, or on the contrary, it shall go with Fort Schuyler, as it went already, with Ticonderoga. " Brothers, I therefore desire you to be spirited, and to encourage one another to march on to the assistance of Fort Schuyler. Come up and show yourselves as men, to defend and save your country, before it is too late. Dispatch yourselves, to clear the brush about the Fort, and send a party to cut trees in the Wood creek, to stop up the same. " Brothers, If you don't come soon, without delay, to assist this place, we cannot stay much longer on your side. For if you leave this Fort without succor, and the ADnRKfls OF TIIOM. BI'ENCKK. 276 enomy almll got p.«,„»i„„ ,|,„,e„f, „ ,,,„|| „„„. 3™»,n.y„ur.o«lo,no„t,,„,„Ui„>ilbo,l<„tro,-c.l,vi.l,° Wo arc .,„,„„„„» that y.,„,. „„„,„;,, have „n«„.od ,"„' M,„„», and endeavor daily yet ,„ Btriko and flg^ttlai ^", and Qe„.Schny:e,- refuse, „,„„,,, thaf „e"S take up urms in the country's behnlf. "Brothers, I cau assure you that' as soon as B„tler'« spooch ut Oswego, shall be over, they intend to , down the country im.nediately to Albany. You mav judge yourselves, that if you don't try to resist, we sTaH be obhged to ,oin them, or fly to our castles, a's we a " not hinder them alone. We, the good friends of the coun- try, are of opinion, that if more force appears at Fort Schuy er, the enemy will not move from Oswego, to in- vade these frontiers. You may depend on it, we are wil- ling to help you if you will do some efforts too " Notwithstanding this earnest appeal of the Oneida sa- chem, and a patriotic proclamation of Gen. Herkimer who It was said, was a better citi^en than soldier, a spirit of apathy seemed to possess the people JjY l7\lV ^'"'' '' ^"'"'"^"^ ^«^"«' "»der date of July 21, 1777, says : ^The situation of Tryon county .s both shameful and alarming. Such abject dejection and despondency, as mark the letters we have received from thence, disgrace human nature. God knows what to do with, or for them." ^^ "The Oneida Indians," says Stone, in his life of Brant who were sincerely disposed to favor the cause of the colonists, but who, pursuant to the humane policy of Congress, and the advice of Gen. Schuyler, had deter- mined to preserve their neutrality, beheld the approach- ing invasion from Oswego, with no small degree of ap- 1- 276 niSTOEY OF i)u.FFALO. IX E(B.« i^ prehension. The course they marked out for themselves as they weru well aware, was viewed with displeasure by their Mohawk brethren, while the other members of the confederacy, were obviously inclined to side with their " uncle," (the King.) Living, moreover, in the neighbor- hood of Fort Schuyler, (for that was the name now given to Fort Stanwix,) where St, Legei's first blow must ho struck, they were not a little troubled in prospect of what might happen to themselves. The watchful Tliomas Spencer dispatched the foUowino- letter to the committee, on the 29th July, which was re- ceived the 30th. "At a meeting of the chiefs, they teil me, there is but four days remaining, of the time set for the Kings troops to come to Fort Schuyler; and tliov thinl it likely they will be here sooner. The chiefs de- sire the commanding officer at Fort Schuyler, not to make a Ticonderoga of it, but they hope you will be courao-eoiis. The"- desire Gen. Schuyler may have this with speed, and send a good army here. There is nothing to do at New York ; we think there is men to be spared ; we ex- pect the :"oad is stopped to the inhabitants by a party through tii3 woods, we shall bo surrounded, as soon as they come. This may be our last advice, as these sol- diers are part of those that are to hold a treatv. Send this to the committee, as soon as they receive it, let the militia rise up md come to Fort Schuyler. " To-morrow we are going to the Three Eivers, (the junction of the Oneida, Seneca and Oswego rivers,) to : ii-) treaty. We expect to meet tlie warriors ; and wiien we come there and declare we are fo' peace, we expect to he used with indifference, and sent away. Let all the troops that come to Fort Schuyler take care, on their march, as $i li THE PEOPLE AROUSED 'JO ACTION. 277 there is a party of Indians to stop the road, below the l^ort, about eighty or one hundred. "We hear they are going to bring their cannon up Fish Creek. We hear there is one thousand going to meet the enemy. We advise not ; the arn>y is too large for so few men to defend the Fort; we send a belt of eight rows, to confirm the truth of what we say. It looks ikely to me the troops are near. Hop. all friends to liberty, and that love thdr families, will not be back- ward, but exert themselves, as one resolute blow would secure the friendship of the Six Nations, and almost free this part of the country from the incursions of the enemy " The imminence of the danger, the patriotic appeals of the committee, and the proclamation of Gen. Herkimer aroused the dormant energies of the people, to a sense of ducy ; and the ranks of the advancing army under Gen. Herkimer, were speedily augmented, which'in a measure atoned for the apathy that had hitherto prevailed; and the General soon found himself in command of between eight hundred aud a thousand men. all eager for action, aud impatient of delay. Their impetuosity and want of proper precaution, and the observance of discipline, had we 1 mgh proved their ruin. They moved forward in rather a disorderly manner, until thev reached the neigh- borhood of Oriskany, where they encamped. Gen. Herkimer dispatched a inessenger to apprise Col (xansevoort, who commanded the Fort, of his approach - and to concert measures of co-operation. The signal a-^reed npon to inform hini of the safe arrival of th;mess;nger at the lort, was three successive discharges of cannon, hereport of which,it was supposed, would be easily hoard at Oriskany, the distance of o.iW eight miles The rm = ^^pinpNr - ! , ti^Hl^ Mn^ :'''J .' m . 't 27S IIISTOKY OF BUFFALO. inoBHcnger tlid not reach the Fort until ten or clovcu o'clock the next day. An nnusual .silence had prevailed in the cani}) of the enemy, and a body of troops wore ob- served l)y the garrison, ti) move along the edge of the woods down the river, in the direction of the Oriskany creek. The concerted signal was immediately fired, and as Gen. Herkimer was tv force a passage to the Fort, if it became necessary, arrangements wore inmiediately made by Col. Ganesvoort to create a diversion, by a sortie from the Fort, upon the hostile camp of the besiegers. For this purpose two hundred men under Col. Willett, were detailed, with one iield piece, an iron three pounder. It appears that (ien. irerkimer liad some misgivings as to the proj)riety or advancing, without first receiving rein- forcements himself. I lis officers, however, were eager to press forward. A consultation was held, much excite- ment and impatience was manifested by some of the of- ficers. High words ensued, during which Cols. Cox and raris, and others, denounced their commander as a tory, and a coward, to his face. The brave old man calmly re- plied that ho considered himself placed over them as a father, ami that it was not his wish to 'lead them into any difficulty from which he coidd not extricate tliem ; and told them plainly, that their intemperate zeal, did not augur well for their courage, in face; of the enen.v ; and that he expected to see them run, at his h'rst ai.;,e':irance. Hilt their clamor increased, until at length stung by their imputations of cowardice, and want of iideiity to the cause, the (General gave orders. to advance, and lio sooner than the word forward, was given, than the troops gave a shout, and rather rushed, liian marched. They ad- OKN. IIKUKIMKB FALLS INTO AN AMUUHII. 270 vanced in files of two deep, with scouts in front, and upon eacli ilank. Having proceeded rapidly forward, a dis- tance of only about two miles, the guards both front and flanks, were suddenly shot down ; the forest rang with the war whoop of a savage foe, and in an instant the greater part of the division found itself involved in the midst of a formidable ambuscade. St Leger having been inf^^rmed of the advance of Gen. Herkimer, (in the manner already indicated,) had detached a portion of Sir John Johnson's regiment, under command of Sir John's brother-in-law, Major Watts, Col. Butler with his Ran- gers, and Joseph Brant with a strong body of Indians, to intercept liis approach. With true Indian sagacity, a position had been select- ed admirably fitted for the purpose ofdrawing the Amer- icans into an ambuscade. There was a deep ravine cross- ing the route which Gen. Herkimer and his undisci- plined army was traversing. The bottom of this ravine was marshy, and the road crossed it by means of a log causeway. Tiie ravine swept round in a semicircle, at that point, and the ground en- closed in that semicircle was somewhat elevated, and level. The ambush lay upon this elevated ground, and was so dis})osed, as to encircle the ground occui)ied, with the exception of a narrow segment open for the entrance of the provincials on their approach. The stratagem was successful. The whole army of (Jen. Herkimer with the exception uf the rear guard, Col. Vischer's regiment, fell into the trap. The baggage and amunition wagons, which had just desceiulcd into the ravine, were also cut off from the main body, by the sudden closing up of the •circle. Being thrown into irretrievable disorder by the I i L 4 f ■! t.-: li B J b I I 280 HISTORY OK BUFFALO. suddenness of the surprise, and the destructivenessofthe fire, which was close and brisk, for a time, it partook more of the character of a massacre, than of a battle ; at every opportunity, the savages concealed behind the trunks of trees, darted forward with knife and tomahawk to ensure the destruction of those who fell wounded ; and many, and fierce, were the confiicts that ensued hand to Land. The veteran Herkimer fell wounded, in the early part of the action ; a musket ball having passed through, and killed his horse, and shattered his own leg, just below the knee. The General was placed upon his saddle against a tree, for his support, continued to order the battle. Col. Cox and Captains Davis and Van Slayck, were severally killed, near the commencement of the battle ; and the slaughter of their broken ranks, from the rifles of the To- ries, and the spears and tomahawks of the Indians, was dreadful. "But even in this deplorable situation, '(says Col. Stone) the wounded General, his men falling like leaves around liim, and the forest resounding with the horrid yells of the savages, ringing high, and wild, above the din of battle, behaved with the most perfect firmness and composure. ^ The action had lasted about forty-five minutes, in great disorder, before the Provincials formed themselves^nto circles, in order to repel the attack of the enemy, who were concentrating and closing in upon them from all sides. From this moment the resistance of the Provin- cials was more eftectivc ; and the enemy attempted to charge with the bayonet. The firing ceased for a time, excepting the scattering discharges from the fire of the Indians, and as the bayo- H ; .sir BATIXK NEAIJ ORISKAljy. 281 nets crossed, the contest became a death strujrgle, hand to hand, and foot to foot. Never, liowever did brave men stand a charge with more dauntless courage, and the ene- my for Jie moment, seemed to recoil. Just at that in- stant the work of death was arrested by a heavy shower of rain, which suddenly broke upon tlie combatants with great fury. The storm raged for upwards of an hour, during which time, the enemy sought sucli shelter as might be found among the trees, at a respectful distance, for they had already suftered severely, notwithstanding the advantages in their favor. ^ During this suspension of the battle, both parties had time to look about, and make such dispositions of their respective forces, as they jileased ; either for defense, or attack ; on the renewal of the conflict, the Provincials under the direction of their General, were so fortunate as to take possession of an advantageous piece of ground, upon which his men formed in a circle, and as the storm abated, awaited the movements of the enemy. In the early part of the engagement, the Indians whenever they saw a gun fired, by a militia man from behind a tree, rushed up and tomahawked him before he could reload. To counteract this mode of warfare, two men were sta- tioned behind a single tree, one only to fire at a time, the other reserving his fire until the Indian ran up as before. The fight being renewed under this new arrangement, the Indians were made to suffer severely, and with the cool execution of the fire of the militia, forming the main circle, the Indians began to give way, when Major Watts came up with a reinforcement, consisting of another de- tachment of Johnson's Greens. Many of the Greens who were Loyalists, who had fied from Tryon county, were Mf !i 282 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. known to the Provincials, and as they advanced near to each otlier in the conflict, mutual recognitions, added fierceness to the contest, and it became more bitter than before ; mutual feelings of resentment, and revenge, raged in their bosoms ; as this force advanced upon the Provincials, they fired upon them, and then rushed upon them, attacked them with their bayonets, and the butts of their muskets, or both parties in closer contest, throt- tled each other, and drew their knives, stabbing, and sometimes literally dying in each others embrace. This fierce contest .vas continued with increased feroci- ty, for some time, and a remarkable degree of courage, fortitude, and bravery, was exhibited by individuals of the Colonists, whose names have been recorded, and will be embalmed in the memory of a grateful country ; it is said that about thirty of the Eoyal (Johnson's) Greens were killed in this conflict, besides many Indian warriors. Such a conflict could not be maintained long. The In- dians finding that the brunt of the battle fell on them, and that their numbers were sadly diminished, a signal was given, in Indian, to retreat, which was obeyed with precipitancy. Firing in the direction of the fort, was heard, the Kangers (Butlers) and the Greens (Johnson's) retreated as precipitately as the Indians had done, leav- ing the Provincials masters of the field. Thus ended one of the bloodiest battles of the revolu- tion, considering the numbers engaged. It is said, sev- eral of the wounded and prisoners of the provincials, were killed by the savages, after they were brought into Col. Butler's own quarters. Upon the retreat of the enemy, the provincials proceeded to remove their wounded, as best they could ; among these, was their brave old . '«f' l| HRAVKRY OF GKN. IIHEKIMER. 283 General, who had so nobly vindicated his character for courage, during the day. Though wounded almost in the first onset, he had borne himself during the six hours of the conflict, under the most trying circumstances, with a degree of fortitude and composure, worthy of all adrai- ration. Nor was his example without its influence upon his troops, in sustaining them, in the trying circumstan- ces, by which they were surrounded, and through which they were called to pass. It is said that at one time dur- ing the battle, while sitting upon his saddle, in the posi- tion which has already been described, it was proposed to remove him, to a less exposed situation, he replied - no, I will face the enemy." " Thus surrounded with a few meu, he continued to issue his orders with firmness. In this situation, and in the heat of the onslaught, he deliberately took from his pocket, his tinder-box, lit his pipe, and smoked with the greatest composure." The loss of the English in this engagement, says Col. Stone, was equally, if not more severe than that of the Americans. Johnson's " Royal Greens," and " Butler's Rangers" must have sufl"ered severely, although no returns were given in the contemporaneous accounts. " I beheld says an eye witness who crossed the battle field some days afterward,* the most shocking sight I ever wit- nessed. The Indians and white men were mingled with one and another, just as they had been left when death had first completed his work. Many bodies had been torn by wild beasts." It has been supposed that the Senecas were inveigled into this conflict, by the artifices of the Johnsons, Buf m3i 'Frederick Saninions. 284 HISTORY OV IIUKKALO. 8 ' if lers, and Cluus, tlio agents or omniissiiries of the Kiiglidh government, and that they resisted tlie inij>ortunity of these agents for a length of time, expressing their deter- mination to take no part in the war, as appears by the statement of Mary Johnson, the " white woman," who then resided with the Senecas, at Geneseo. After describing tlio quiet, and peace enjoyed by the Indians, after tlie close of the French war, until the breaking out of the revolution, she says, " we, as usual, were enjoy- ing ourselves in the employment of peaceable life, when a messenger arrived from the British commissioners, requesting all the Indians of our tribe, to attend a gen- eral council, which was soon to be held at Oswego. The council convened, and being opened, the British coni- jnissioners informed the chiefs that the object of callinga council of the Six Nations was, to engage their assist- ance in subduing the rebels, the people of the states, who had risen up against the good king, their master, and were about to rob him of a great part of his possessions and wealth, and added that they would amply reward them for their services. The chiefs then arose and informed the commissioners of the nature and extent of the treaty which they had entered into with the people of the states, the year before, and that they would not violate it by taking up the hatchet against them. " The commissioners continued their entreaties with- out success, till they addressed their avarice, by telling our people, that the peo])le of the states were few in num- ber, and easily subdued, and that on account df their disobedience to the king, tlicy justly merited all the pun- ishment that it was possible for white men and Indians to inflict on them ; and added, that the king was rich, and Tin; SENECAS JOIN THK ENGLISH. 285 powerful, huih in money and men. Tluit l„\s rum wur as plentiful a3 the water in Lake O.iturio ; that l.is soldiers were as numerous as tiie sands ripon its shores, and the Ind.a.is, If they would assist in the war, and persevere in their tnendship to the lo, with groat respect, My Lord, your Lordship's Ob't and most lunl/l servant, Tr „ , C^. JOHNSON." How well those promises wcro kept, or those restraints upon tho savage mode of warfare practiced by the Lidi- answero realised, the In'story of tho unrestrained Lulian war instigated by the agents and oIKcersofthe British government, during , this year, furnisli tho melancholy evidence. Tho slaughter of Wyoming, was perpretated by a party consisting of loyalists, or tories, and Lidians, under Col. John Butler. Tho expedition was organized at Niagara, and was undoubtedly largely augmented in Its march through the country, both by additions of whites and Indians. There have been published, several diflerent versions of this affair, most of which assume that Joseph Brant led tho Indians on tho occasion. But the official report of Col. Guy Johnson, shows that Brant was not present, but engaged, at the time, on another expedition. It is equally certain, that the Indians enga- ged were principally Senecas, and were led by their own war chiefs, to whoso skill and bravery the success of the enterprise was mainly attributable. The original force coiieisted of about throe hundred white men, principally refugee loyalists, under Butler, and about five hundred Indians. The expedition loft Niagara the latter end of June, 1778, passing by way of the Indian settlement, on the^Genesee river, to Tioga point, where the forces were embarked on floats, and rafts, and descending the Susque- hanna, landed at a place called Three Islands, whence 'V# 1 f ri t' u : f1M| ■'•■s* ■i i 304 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. they marched about twenty miles, and crossing a wilder- ness, entered the valley of the Wyoming. The inhabi- tants, on being apprised of the advance of the invaders, retired into a ibrtification, called "Fort Forty." Col. Zebulon Butler, who was in command of tlie colonial forces, was desirous of wait'ng Avithin the Fort, for rein- forcements, which were hourly expected. But, beino- overruled by his officers, in this prudent 'resolution, he marched out, with about four hundred men, to meet the advancing foe, whose Ibrce was greatly under estimated by the colonists. Col. John Butler liad encamped with his forces, at some miles distance, from the fort ; and it was the inten- tion of the Americans, by a sudden movement, to sur prise their camp ; but their approach was discovered by an Indian scout, who immediately gave the alarm. They however pushed forward rapidly, but found the enemy formed in line of battle, in front of his camp, on a plain thinly covered with pine, shrub-oak, and underbrush, and extending from the river to a marsh, at the foot of the mountain. On coming In view of the enemy, the Americans, who had advanced in single column, imme- diately deployed into line, of equal extent. The right wing, commanded by Col. Zebulon Butler, the left win^^ by Col. Denison. The left of the enemy rested on "AVit- ermoot's Fort," ah-eady in flames, and was commanded by CoL John Butler, who, divested of his uniform, ap- peared on the ground, with a handkerchief tied round his head. His division was composed of refugees and loy- alists ; a company of Johnson's Royal Greens, under Capt. Caldwell, formed on Butler's right, with Indian sharp shooters filling the space between. The main BATTLE AT WYOMING. 305 ^body of the Indians forming the right wing, extended to the morass, or swamp. This appears to have been the disposition of tlie forces, as gatliered from the most relia- ble and authentic sources of information. Tiiere is no doubt that the Americans were greatly deceived as to the actual B.rtish and Indian forces, which had been greatly increased, by the addition of numbers of tories, still resi- ding m the neighborhood, and also by a large number of Indian warriors, who joined the expedition in its passage hrough the Senecas' country. The attack was he^nn by the Americans, at about four o'clock in the afternoon • the order was for the men to advance one step, at each discharge. Tiie firing along the whole American line was rapid and steady, and as they advanced, the British bne gave way, in spite of the exertions of their officers to prevent it. The Indians on the right of Butler's con.manutler, had accompa- nied Col. Cuy. Johnson in his flight to Canada. lie visited the Mohawk Valley early in the summer of 1778 where he was arrested and sent to Albany a prisoner, and contined in the Albany jail. I'eingsick, or feigning- it, he was taken to a })rivate house in the city, andi)laced under guard. Through the eoimf.vance, or co-operation of the family, the guard was stupefied willi liquor, and Butler escaped on horseback to Niagara, and joined his father. It is said that lie projected tlie expedition airainst Cherry Valley, to avenge the wrongs he su])posed him- self to have suffered in his capture and imprisonment. For this ])urpose he procured from his father who was then in command at Niagara, the command of a part ot his regiment, called Ibitler's liangcrs, together with authority to employ tlie forces under Bi'ant, who had spent most of the summer on the Susquehanna, and its vici- nity. On his way he met Brant, who, with his forces, was returning to winter quarters at Niagara. Brant was displeased at being placed under Walter Butler, but was prevailed upon to join the expedition. Tlie united force consisted of about two hundred rangers and five hundred EXPEDITION AGAINST CIIERBY VALLEY. 809 Indians. Tlie season was so fur advanced, and Brant and hi8 Indians having left the country, the inhabitants, many of whom had left in the summer, in consequence of the repeated attacks of the Indians upon the frontiers had now returned to their homes, where they hoped to remam m security, during the winter. A fort had been built at Cherry Yalley, by order of Gen. Lafayette, who Visited the Mohawk valley, in the spring of this year, and on the first intimation of the approaching invasion, the inhabitants requested permission to remove with their valuable effects into the fort. But Col. Alden not givin^. full credit to the information given by the Oneida Indit ans, refused the -^quest, and treated their apprehensions as groundless ; saying that he should keep out scouts who would apprise them in season, to secure themselves m case of real danger. But, it was to the carelessness, or criminality of these scouts, in which they confided that ruin was brought upon them. The scouts sent down the Susquehanna, carelessly kindled a fire at night, and foolishly, or criminally, lay down to sleep. The fire was discovered by the enemy, and before daylight, the Ame- ricans were surrounded, and all taken prisoners, without any alarm being given. Having obtained all the information they desired from their prisoners, on the morning of the 11th, twenty-four hours after the capture of the scouts, the enemy moved from his encampment toward the fort. Having learned from the scouts that the oflicers of the garrison lodged in different private houses out of the fort, their forces were so disposed that a party should surround every house in which an ofiicer lodged. A storm of snow in the ni-ht which gradually changed to rain towards morning crea- 'ft mm ■ -'vil S' * I, „ 2 I 310 JII8TOKY OF BUFFALO. II ting a thick, hazy atmospliere, favored their a])proach. The Rangers, who were approaching cautiously, in ad- vance, stopped, to examine their pieces, tlic powder being exposed to wet by the rain. Tiiis gave the Indians an opportunity to rush hy, and commence the assault. Tiio advance body was composed princ'pally of Scnecas. Col. Alden had escapet' ?'■ ^'lO house at the moment the Indians came up, and .,r the fort. He was pur- sued by an Indian, with tomahawk in hand, and chal- lenged to surrender, which he peremptorily refused to do, but, drew his i)istol upon his pursuer. It missed fire, upon which the Indian hurled his tomahawk, with such deadly aim, that it struck him on th^head, he fell, and was scalped, being one of Uio first victims of his own most criminal neglect of dut}'. Others of the officers were taken prisoners. The indis- criminate massacre of the inhabitants immediately com- menced, in which, if the accounts are true, the savages were exceeded in barbarity by the tories of Butler's Ran- gers. A party of Indians had entered a house and killed and scalped a mother and a large family of children. Tliey had just completed their v.'ork of death, when some royalists belonging to their party came up, and discover- ed an infant alive in the cradle. An Indian warrior, no- ted for his barbarity, approached the cradle with uplifted hatchet. The babe looked up into his fiice ami smiled, the feelings of nature triumphed over the ferocity of the savage. The liatcliet fell from his hand, and he was in the act of taking the infant in his arms, when one of the royalists, cursing the Indiaji for his humanity, took it up on the point of his bayonet, and holding it up, struggling MASSACRE AT CHERRY VALLEY. 311 in the agonie8 of death, exclaimed " this too is a rebel."* Whole families were indiscriminately slaughtered. The family of Mr. Robert Wells, consisting of thirteen per- sons, was barbarously murdered. "One of the tories boasted that he killed Mr. Wells while at prayer.''* He, and his family, were not active partisans, but remained quietly, yet always performing military duty when called upon, to defend the country. The father of Mr. Eobert Wells, then deceased, had been one of the Judges of Try- on county, and in that capacity, had acted with Sir Wil- liam Johnson, and also with Col. John Butler, who had also been a Judge ; hence there existed an intimacy, and friendship, between the families; and it is said Col. John Butler expressed great sorrow and remorse at their mel- ancholy fate. In conversation relative to 'nem, he re- marked, "I would have gone miles on my hands and knees, to have saved that family ; and why my son did not do it, God only knows."* The circumstances of the death of Miss Jane Wells, the sister of Mr. Robert Wells, were peculiarly aggrava- ting. During the slaughter of the ^vhole family to which she was an unwilling spectator, she fled from the house, and sought shelter behind a large pile of wood, near by.' Here she was pursued by an Indian, who, as he ap- proached, deliberately wiped his bloody knife upon his leggins, and then placed it in his sheath ; then drawing his tomahawk, he seized her by the arm ; she possessing some knowledge of the Indian language, remonstrated"^ and supplicated, in vain. Peter Smith, a tory, who had formerly been a domestic in Mr. Wells' family, now in- terposed, saying, that she was his sister, and desiring him •Campbell's Annals of Tryon County. [■ ^ffi'^Wi 312 HI8T0KY OP BUFFALO. to spare lier life, llo shook liis tomahawk at him, in de- fiance, and then turning round, with one blow, smote her to tlio earth. A Mr. Mitchell, who was in his field, beheld a party of Indians approaching ; he could not gain his house, and was obliged to flee to the woods. Here he evaded pursuit, and escaped. A melancholly spectacle present- ed itself on his return. It was the corpse of his wife, and four children. His house had been plundered, and set on fire. He extinguished the fire, and by examination, found life existing in one of his children, a little girl of ten or twelve years of age. He raised her up, and placed her iu the door, and was bending over her, when he saw an- other party approaching. He had barely time to hide himself behind a log fence, near bj^, before they were at the house. From this hiding place he beheld an infa- mous tory by the name of Newberry, extinguish the little spark of life, which remained in his child, with a blow of his hatchet.* Newberry was arrested as a spy the fol- lowing summer and tried by a court martial, found guilty and was executed. The house of Col. Campbell was . nnded, and Mrs. Campbell and four children were takei, soners. Col. Campbell was absent, but hastened home n. me only to witness the destruction of his property, and tL s of his family without knowing their fiite. Many otht were killed, some few escaped to the Mohawk river, an he remainder were made prisoners. Thirty-two of the in- habitants, mostly women and children, and sixteen con- tinental soldiers, were killed. M-s. Clyde, the wife of * Annals of Tryon county, p. 113.. I urant's humanity. 313 Col. Clyde, fled with iier children to the woods, and thus escaped.* It should be recorded to the credit of Joseph Brant, that on this occasion he exhibited traits of humanity which seemed to be wanting in some, at least, of the white men present. "Li a house which he entered, he found a woman engaged in her usual business. 'Are you (said he,) thus engaged, while all your neighbors are murdered around you?' 'We are King's people,' she replied. 'That plea will not avail you to-day. They have murdered Mr. Wells' family, who were as dear to mo as my own .' ' There is one Joseph Brant, (said she,) if he is with the Indians he will save us.' ' I am Joseph Brant, but I have not the command, and, I know not that I can save you, but I will do what is in my power.' While speaking, several Senecas were observed approach- ing the house. ' Get into bed and feign yourself sick,' said Brant hastily. When the Senecas came in he told them there was no person there but a sick woman and her children, and besought them to leave the house, which, after a short conversation, they did. As soon as they were out of sight. Brant went to the end of the house and gave a long, shrill yell. Soon after, a small band of Mohawks were seen crossing the adjoining field, with great speed. As they came up he addressed tliem, ' where is your paint, here put my mark upon this woman, and her children.' As soon as it was done, he added, ' you are now probably safe.' "* 'Annals of Tryon county. 1 ■J Ml i 1 "4 111! ( • 'I CllAPTKK XX I t Much obloquy has been cast upon Capt. "Walter But- ler, for planning, and tlic manner in which this expedi- tion was executed. It will be remembered that his mother, the wife of Col. John Butler, and her children, were detainetl as prisonei-s of war, by the committee of safety ; and the capture of Mrs. Campbell and her chil- dren, and that of Mrs. Moore and her children, afforded Capt. Walter Butler an opportunity to procure the re- lease of his own relatives, by an exchange, which was in fact subsecjuently accomplished. On the second morning after their capture, all the caj)- tivo women, and children, (except Mrs. Campbell and Mrs. Moore and their children,) were released, and sent back, with the following letter from Capt. Walter Butler, addressed to Gen. Schuyler. CAPT. nUTLKK TO OKN. SCnUYLEli. Cherry Valley, Nov. 12th, 1778. Sik: I am induced by humanity, to permit the persons whose names I send herewith, to return, lest the inclem- ency of the season, and their naked and helpless situa- tion, might prove fatal to them; and expect that you will LKITEB OK OAp-r. WALTKlt N. UUTLKU. 316 release, an equal nuinber of our people, in your liands, ain()ii«,' whom 1 expect you will pormit Mrs. Butler, and family, to como to Canada. Hut if you insist upon it, 1 cn^'age to send you, moreover, an equal number of pria- oners of yours, taken either by the Kangers, or Indians, and will leave it to you to name the persons. I have done every thing in my power to restrain the fury of the Indians, from hurling women and children, or killing the prisoners that foil into our hands, and would have more effectually prevented them, but that thoy were nmch in- censed at the destruction of their village at Anguaga,* by your people. I look upon it beneath the character of a soldier, to .wage war with women and children. I am sure that you are conscious, tliat Col. Butler or myself, have no desire that your women, and children, should bo hurt; but bo assured, that if you persevere in detaining my father's family, with you, that wo shall no longer take the same ])ains to restrain the Indians from prisoners, women and children, that wo have heretofore done. I am your Humble Servant, WALTER N. BUTLER, Capt. Com. of the Rangers. Ctkn. Scuuyler. " HI Mvh Campbell and her children were taken to Kanese- daga, (near Geneva,) where she was separated from her children, and placed in the family of a Seneca chief, to fill the place left vacant by the death of one of its mem- bers. This family was composed of females, with the ex- ception of one aged warrior, who no longer went forth either to the chase or to war ; this circumstanco enabled "One of the old namoa of riiadilln. 816 IllHTORY OK HUPPALO. i IxQV to render licrsclf useful to them. The Indimm know little of the most common arts of life; few of the Indian women, could niuko un ordinary calico garment ; she made garmontrt not only for the family to which dm be- longed, but also for the neighboring families, who in re- turn, sent corn and venison, fur their support. By rea- son of these services, she was under no restraint, but was free to go and come, as she pleased. The Indians paid no regard to the Sabbath, but pur- sued their usual avocations on that day. On her inform- ing thorn that she kept that day sacred, they no longer asked her to do any work, and gave strict orders to their children to remain silent, while in her presence. An Indian came into the house ono day, and asked her why she wore caps, saying, " Indians do not wear caps." She replied that it was the custom of her country women. " Well, (said he,) come to my house and I will give you a cap." Her adopted mother told her to follow him. As soon as they entered the house, ho pulled from behind a beam, a cap of a smoky color, and handed it to her, say- ing in English, " I got that cap in Cherry Valley. I took it from the head of a woman." On examination, she recognized it as having belonged to the unfortunate Jane Wells, and was no doubt the one she had on when she was barbarously murdered, as it had a cut in the crown, made by the tomahawk, and was spotted with blood. She could not but drop a tear to the memor}- of one she had known from her infancy, as a pattern of vir- tue and loveliness. In the Indian who stood before her, she saw the murderer of her friend, and turned from him with horror."* *AnnaIs of Tryon county. iil_ CAPTIVITY OF am. OAMPnELL. 817 " Rotiiming to her cabin, slio toro ott" the laco border and waslm.g it carefully, tliou-h she cuidd not ettaco tlid stains ot blood, laid it away with the intention of -ivin- It to some of the relatives of Mis.s Wells, if any of then" had been fortunate onou-h to fcscapo. She afterwards gave It to Miss Ramsey, a cousin, who.n she found at lbell, is come to hand. As its con tents related to persons who were citizens of this State Wi h wh.ch the military do not interfere, the letter w.. not delivered to Brig. Gen. Hand, who commands in this l^epartment, but transmitted to his Excellency, Gov Clin ton that his pleasure might be known on its contents He has authorized me to make the exchange you request, larajit a loss to know not only where to address you, *Annal3 of Tryon county. V. ' I' 4L! « . ' r^-i ;,1 'M, m . i ..i jii m. -. 818 HISTORY OP BUFFALO. but also in what part of the country the unhappy prison- ers from this State have been carried. I therefore send the bearers A. B., and C. D., with a flag, to carry this letter, to any place where they may learn you are, or any other officer who can accomplish the exchange in your absence. Should the prisoners be in any of the In- dian villages, and in condition to be removed, you will please to send them to the nearest of our settlements. Or if you do not choose to do that, I will send proper per- sons to meet, and receive them, at any place you may appoint. 1 am not informed if Mrs. Butler, her family, and such others as will be given in exchange for those you have in captivity, and those you have suifered to re- turn, as mentioned in your letter, worM choose to go at this inclement season. If they do, they shall be sent • if not, they may ^•emain till spring, and then they may go to Oswego, or Canada, at their option. Should the pris- oners taken at Cherry Yalley, or any others belonging to the State of Kew York, be at Niagara, it will be impossi- ble for them to return until Spring ; and then I request, that they may be sent to Oswego, or Fort Schuyler, (Fort Stanwix,) and that you will send notice of your determi- nation, that provision may be made accordingly. Do not flatter yourself, sir, that your father's family have been detained on account of any consequence they were sup- posed to be of; or that it is determined they should be exchanged in consideration of the threat contained in your letter. I should hope for the sake of human nature, and the honor of civilized nations, that the British offi- cers, had exerted themselves in restraining the barbarity of the sa^^ages. But it is difficult even for the most dis- interested mind to believe it, as numerous instances of ■^Mf' > './.mil JAMES OLIKTON TO CAPT. BUTLEK. 319 barbarity, have been perpetrated, where savages were not present; or if they were, the British force was not sufficient to restrain them, had there been a real desire to do so. The enomous murders conamitted at Wyoming and Che,^y Valley, would clearly have justified retali:tion, and that your mother did not fall a sacrifice to the resent- ment of the survivors of those families, who were so bar- berously massacred, is owing to the humane principles which the conduct of their enemies evinces a belief they are utterly strangers to. The flag will carry their arms with them, that they may furnish themselves with provisions, should, what they set out with, be expended before they reach any places where they can be supplied. As Capt. Butler may be absent, I enclose a copy of this letter to Gen. bchuyler. I am, (Sec, JAMES CLINTOK To Capt. Walter Butler, or any officer in the British Ser- vice to whom this may be handed.* This letter was dispatched with a flag of truce in the middle of winter, through the Seneca's country, to Niag- ara ; and called forth the following reply ; W* CAPT. BUTLEB TO GEN. CLINTON. Niagara, Feb. 18th, 1779. biR : I have received a letter dated the Ist of January last, sig ned by you, in answer to mine of the 12th No- *Stones Life of llrant. 320 HI8T0KY OF HUFFALO, vembei. Its contentf, I communicated to Col. Bolton, the commanding officer of this garrison, &c., by whom I am directed to acquaint you, that lie had no objection that an exchange of prisoners, as mentioned in your letter should take i)hice ; but not being fully empowered by his Excellency, Gen. Ilaldimand, to order the same innuedi- ately to be put in execution, has thouglit proper I should go dt)wn to the Commander-in-Chief for his direction in the mutter. In tlio mean time, Col. Butler, as he has ever done, on every other occasion, will make every effort in his power, to have all the prisoners, as well those be- longing to your troo])s, as the women and children in captivity, among the dillerent Indian nations, collected and sent into this post, to bo forwarded to Crown Point, should the exclumge take ])lace by way of Canada or at Oswego, if settled there. In citliyr case Col. Pmlton desires me to inform you, that the prisoners sliall I'eeeive from him, what assistance their wants nuiy re(piire, whicli i)risoners have at all times received at this post. Tlio disagreeable? situation of your ])eoplo in the Indian villages, as well as ours amongst you, will induce me to make all tiie expedition in my power to Quebec, in order tliat the exchange may be settled as soon as pt)ssil)le. For the good of both, I make no doubt that his excellency. Gen. Ilaldinuind will acquiesce in the pro]»er exchange. The season of the year renders it impossible that it should take place before the 10th or 15th of May jiext. However I shall write you by the way of Crown Point, Gen. Ilaldimand'o determiiuation ; and when, and where, the exchange will be nu)st agreeable to him to be made. I cojild wish that Mrs. Butler and her family, including CAPT. I)UTLER*S LETTKK. 32^ Mrs ScWhananJ son, a„,i Mrs. Wall, wore po>.,„itted beC aront;; "'" '''"'• -- ^"™"' "-^ «-"-=- " It is not our business, sir, to enter into .■>. altercation o.torefleet on the conJuct of either the British, „ the Contmental forees, or on that of each other- but sine! yon have charged (on report I suppose) the irUi h X cers, ,n general, with inhumanity, and Col, Hutler and mjseltm parfcnlar; injustice to them, and in vindica- t.on of l„s, and n,y own honor, and ehLcter, I amun- der the d,sagreeab]e necessity to declare the charge un- jnst, and vo>d of truth; and which can only tend to de cerve the world, though a favorite cry of the'coTgr': o .' every occasion, whether in truth or not. We deny n" cruelties to have been committed at Wyominc;, either" bv wlntes or Indians ; so tar to the contrary that iot a man woman, or child, was hurt after the capitnlaln or a ^rnan or child before it, and none taken 'into capt 1 Though shonld you call it inlunnanity to Ml nJt arms, ,n te field, wo in that case pleai guiltv. 1 " in habitants Idlled at Cherry Valley, does ".ot "lay onr door. Jilyeonscence acquits (me.) Ifanyaregnilty (a, nt to t rr, °"; ^'■"'' ^"'- ^^'-""^ °f y- fees ont to the Indians the enclosed, being a copy of his let- :;^ «::?;"»''':;'"'''' "■'■■-' *=-^ "eve"com„:itte , and tnea enn,g them and their villages with fire, and vord, and no quartet.. The burni„g°or one of the r vil- lages then mhabited only by a few families, your friends with on, t,ll assured a few hours betbre the arrival of Tour troops, that they should not even receive qnlL' ^^^ ' i:-!»J • ^y 322 UI9T0EY OF BUFFALO. took to the woods ; and to complete the matter, Col. Den- niston and bis people, appearing again in arms, with Col. Hartley, after a solemn capitulation, and engagement, not to bear arms during the war ; and Col. Denniston not performing a promise to release a number of soldiers Jjo- longing to Col. Butler's corps of Rangers, then prisonci-s among you, were the reasons assigned by the Indians to me, after the destruction of Cherry Yalley, for their not acting in the same manner as at Wyoming, They added that being charged by their enemies with what they nev- er had done, and threatened by them, they had deter- mined to convince you it was not fear, which prevented them from committing the one, and that they did not want spirit to put your threats against them, in force against yourselves. " The prisoners sent back by me, or any now in our or the Indians hands, must declare, I did everything in my power to prevent the Indians killing the prisoners or ta- king women and children captive, or in any wise in- juring them. • " Col. Stacey, and several other officers of yours, when exchanged, will acquit mo, and must further declare that they have received every assistance before, and since, their arrival at this post, that could be got to relieve their wants. I must however beg leave by the by, to observe that I experienced no humanity, or even common justice during my imprisonment among you. " I enclose you a list of officers and privates, whom I should be glad were exchanged likewise. The list of the families, we expect for those as well sent back as others in our hands, you have likewise enclosed. Col. Stacey OLD kino's address TO MRS. CAMPBELL. 323 and several officers and others (of) yonr people are at this post and have leave to write. I am your very humble servant, WALTER N. BUTLER, T, . ,. ^apt. Corps of Ran crers. Brigadier General Clinton of the Continental forces. Capt. Butler obtained the assent of Gen. Haldimand to the proposed exchange, and his flither, Col. Butler lost no time in repairing to the Seneca castle at Kanedesa^^a to procure the release of Mrs. Campbell and hercluldrem This was a matter of some difficulty, as the Indians were very rehictant to part with those they have adopted, and the family which had adopted Mrs. Campbell, interposed strong objections to entertaining any propositions for her release. Tier cause however was warmly espoused by the old' chief sachem, Sayenquaraghta, and as a part of the fami- ly to which Mrs. Campbell belonged had removed to Gen- esee, whither she herself, was to go in a short time • the aged chief made a journey from Kanedesaga, at the' foot ot feeneca lake, to Genesee, on foot, and succeeded in ob- taining the consent of all the members of the tamilv to her release. On his return home, and before Mrs. Camp bell was removed to Niagara, the old chief came to see her, and bid her an affectionate farewell, and wi^h her success on her journey. The following is his address to ner, as repeated to her by an interpreter : " You are now about to return to your home and friends ; I rejoice- you live a great way, many day's journey from here I am an old man, I do not know that I shall live to the end of this war. If I do, when the war is over, 1 will come and see you." rtu I <.(! il f! r;.. u . 32 i IIISTOEY OF BUFFALO. The following extraordinary exhibition of the strano-e vicissitudes of war, from the " Life of Mary Jemison," (the white woman,) is inserted hero, as connected with the history of the Cherry Valley massacre : " The same year at Cherry Yalley, our Indians (the Senecas,) took a woman and her three daughters,* i^risoners, and brought them on, leaving one at Canandaigua, one at Iloneyoye, one at Canawagus, and the other (the woman,) at Little Beardstown, where I resided. The woman told me that she and her daughters, might have C3ca])ed, but that they expected the British ann_y only, and therefore made no eftbrt. ECer liusbaud and sons got away. After some time they were all taken to Niagara, where they were re- deemed by Col. Butler, well clothed, and sent home, ex- cept one daughter, who was married to a British officer by the name of Johnson. Johnson was of the party who captured her, at which time he very unceremoniously, took from her finger, a gold ring, and appropriated it to his own use. When he saw her again at Niagara, lie recognized her, restored the ring so impolitely borrowed, courted, and married her ; and although the marrian'C ceremony was celebrated in a wilderness, far from the rendezvous of civilized society, and destitute of the facili- ties of obtaining the elegancies, conveniencies, or even the necessaries of life, they were singularly provided with a wedding ring."f Two of the sons of Sir William Johnson, by Molly Brant, it will be remembered, were officers under Sir John Johnson, and the young captive maiden, captivated her captor, and under these strange circumstances, was *Thls must be Mrs. Moore and ber cliildren.- tLife of Mary Jemison, p. 115. -Ei). WW CATHARINE MONTOUR. 325 thus transferred from a bondage of force and fear, to one of liberty and love."-^" In the narrative of Mrs. Campbell, she thus speaks of a female who occupied a very prominent and influential posiaon among the Indians. She savs : "Among the persons driven into the Fort (Niagara,) by the AmeHcan army, was Catharine Montour, who had signalized her- self by her inhumanity at Wyoming. She. hid two sons, who were leaders of bands, and who, consequently, im- parted additional consequence to her. This creature, was treated with considerable attention by some of the offi- cers. * - A son of Catharine Montour, took prisoner in Cherry Valley, Mr. Cannon, the father of Mrs. Camp- bell. Mr. Cannon was severely wounded by a musket ball, and was also advanced in life ; but he had been a committee man, and had taken an active part in the war. He was therefore taken along, a prisoner, for the pur- pose of exchange. On the return of the party into the Indian country, Catharine, addressed her son in English, and in the presence of Mr. Cannon, reproaching him for having acted humanely, 'why did you bring that old man a prisoner ? why did you not kill him when you first took him.'^ * * Catharine Montour, who might be well termed a fiend, acted a conspicuous part in this tragedy. She foll owed in the train of the victorious army, ransack- T ,-f J'f T" <"H° •^*" -'y If 'fs the element of entire accuracy. In Stone's Life of Brant, it is said that on the occasion of this wcdclini Brant S present, insisted upon being married after the Episcc.pa form, o his third wife, with whom ho was then living, l.ut .saVs it was Capt Powell who courted and married Miss Moore." In the narrath o of t ho gS family, it s stated that the wife of Capt. Powell interes ed hoSf stronT y in behalf of Elizabeth Peart, the mother of the VTng cS ap tuixf ^^e p1^?^m""' '"' '^'^.'''':}t ''^'1 '^I'^o l'e<^'^ a prisoner ainong the In lans: ^le claimed some relationship in their way, 'and her re.iuest was gran N nn • P"*', confirmation of Col. Stone's statement, was not discovered nt.l after the account of Mary Jemison had been written. Ths correc- tion IS therefore addcul in a note. concc- *K: It' 326 mSTOKY OF DUFFALO. ! itMMiMiiiii ing the heaps of elain, and with her arms covered with gore, barbarously murdering the wounded, who in vain supplicated for their lives." Mrs. Campbell was transferred from Niagara to Mon- treal, having recovered three of her children at the former post. On lier arrival at Montreal she met Mrs. BuUer, who had already been released, who had in charge Mrs. CampbelPs fourth child, a little son, who although he had not forgotten his mother, had forgotten his mother tongue; he could speak only Indian. He was dressed in the uni- form of Butler's Rangers. From Montreal, Mrs. Camp- bell was sent to Albany by way of lake Champlain, where she joined her husband.* The truth of this statement in regard to Catharine Mon- tour, is doubted by Col. Stohe. He says, " from the an- tecedent character of that remarkable woman, the storv can hardly be credited. "f The question as to who led the Indians at the battle of Wyoming, is one that has been of rather difficult solu- tion. Brant, for many years, was tlie reputed leader, but this was denied by Brant himself, and it is a matter of record, that John Brant, the son of Joseph Brant, vis- ited the author of " Gertrude, of Wyoming," and exhibit- ed to Mr. Cam])bcll documents, to prove that his iatlier was not present at the battle of Wyoming, which were entirely satisflictory to Mv. Campbell, who did not hesi- tate to correct tlie error into which he had fallen, in the next edition of his work, and in a letter over his own sig- nature, dated London, Jan. 20th, 1822. Col. Stone, in his life of Brant, (see note to the 4tli edi- tion, p, 342,) says: "The Indians engaged were chielly *Ai)nals (if Tryon ciiniity. tStoiio's Lifi" of Brant, p. 3;;9, v. 1. INDIAN LRADKE AT TIFE BATTLE OF WYOMING. 327 Scnecas. Their loader was a chief named Gi-en-gwah- toh." This does not at all relievo the subject of difficul- ty. Gi-engsvah-toh, ia Seneca, is identical with Say-en- qua-ragh-ta in Mohawk, and ia the name, or title, of the same individual -and means the bearer of the smoking brand, from the great council fire of tJie Six Nations, to kindle that of the Seneca Nation. " His official name (says Rev. Asher Wright, in a manuscript letter,) was Gui-yah-gwaah-doh, which I understand to mean, the smoke has passed by, but the idea intended to be con- veyed was smoke bearer."*- • •Tho following is an extract of a letter written in answer tn nnn ^f Sn smoking brand from the great councirilrl to'Se'iha of t .e Sn^ca" His oBicial name was Gui-yah-gwaah-doli, which I vinders and to ,nenn the Bmoke has passed by, from |waah, sm^ke, and oahS Tt is naS or has passed by ; bu the idea intended to be' conveyed was "smoke bear Indian rZ'! ^^' '^^' ' P^^^'*' ^'"'^'"'^ ^^^^ ^^^ ''^ea of smokeT^s in M Indian name, gave him that appellation, and called his father °ni,i Smoke, 'not knowing that father and son can never bLthelame n^m. nZefn?' }'""""'' ^?^*'^^*^ ^^^l°"^t« ^liftbrent cknsortdbes andaU n rr^.^nT ''"'P^!^'^' '^ *° 'P^^l^- The parents must always be of dif- e^ Th^^f in """? ^^^yr.''^ ""t ''e^ir a blood relationship to each oth- f h'e nfflpL f Jr? *,^'^^^' 'f'""= *° ^'^^ «'^" "f tlie mother, ind may bear £ ?n >H ?f tl^^' '^'ai and no other. Chief tianship was inherlTed from the mother's brothers, never from the fathers. How the name of ■' Kin^ " Xto t "PP '"f i" '^' '""'^^■^ ''^''^'•«r "f *hoso days!l have nofbe^en dwolln. nn' ''"' ^r'"^ '-'Xained it. and the father and the son SS dwelling in he same house, he was called " Young King," and his fa her •'Old King," to distinguish them from each othen I Le not "een ho Johnson manuscript.s, but tho name you give from them fm-Obfk'ino. a,)pears to bo the Mohawk modo of proLuincing tho oE i lo of l& Jan^Vnf r'r""" """'^'' '''''""^eJ to his preflecessor in (.flice, (all hi to generation.) Probably his maternal uncle or grandfather wis hi« m mediate predecessor It could not have been his father; and if that name was applied to the father l)y wliito people, it must have been hro, I fo' nuranceot Indian custom- ' butSn; knowledge of the Indkn^^^^^^^^ m\ ■<, '!#■ .'|t': « I* ' "-li 0\ ■'f 1:^ 828 lIiaTORy OF UUFFALO. " Old King," or " Old Smoke," as ho was familiarly called by the whites, was the chief sachem of the Sene- cas at Kanosudaga, (Geneva,) from ul)oiit 1055 to the time of the destruction of that town l)y Gen. Sullivan, in 1779. It was in the spring of this year, that ho is men- tioned in connection with the liberation of Mrs. Cami> bell, as an " old man," and we learn from tho narrative of the Gilbert family, that he, with his family, were at Niagara in 17S0, and that ho came to Buffalo Creek with liis daughter, the wife of Rowland Montour, and tho rest of his family, in tho spring of 1781, and subsequently died, and was buried at " Smoke's Creek." Now it is impossible that ho should have been the leader of the In- dians at "Wyoming in 1778. The question then arises, who was the Gui-yahgwaah-doh that led the Indians on that occasion? It could not have been " Young King," who bore that title in 1825, for at the time of the battle of Wyoming, he could have been no more than nine years of age. Some other individual bearing that name or title for such it was, must have been tho leader. The Indians say that old "Black Snake," was one of the leaders on that occasion, lie died a few years since at Alleghany, aged over one hundred years. It is very certain thai the statement made by " the in- it certain to iii<>, that wlioovcr \m-o that Moliawk name, was pomo mater- nal relation of ' Young King. ' The dates will help to determine whether he was his immediate, or some more distant i)redecessor in office Vei-y likely, if fht« name occurs through a period of many years, several ditl'er- ent persons were intended by it, but no one of them should have been called '• Head Chief" of the Seuecas, for each one of them, all from the organization of the confederacv downward, was simply in his day the messenger of tho confederate council, to kindle the SeneVa council lire, on business of the confederation. Personally, he might bo a man of great in- tluence, and thus bo a liead man, but officially, he could only ho an intor- nuncius; and I suspect it is the nature of his official business that gives liim. in the manuscrijjts, tlu! ai)pearance of being a Head Chief, to thona- unacquainted with the Indian mode of doing busino.ss." SC'ALl* (;krtifioate. 820 clustrioua gleuner of border wartiiro rominlHceiicos, tl.o author ot'tho liistory of Schoharie," in rci^'iml to tho Ibl- lowin- certiiicuto, whicli it ia said, waa found among the papers of Capt. Machini, who is said to have been at tlie head of tho engineers in Sullivan's expedition, is errono. ous : ''This may certify that Kayingwua.to, the Sanakeo chief, has been on an expedition to Fort Stanwix, and ta- ken two scalps, one from an olHcor and a corporal. They wore gunning near the fort; for which 1 promise to pay ' at sight, ten dollars for each scalp. Given under my hand at Buck's Island. JOHN BUTLER, Col. and Sup't. of tho Six Nations, and tho allies of His Majesty." Tho '^ industrious gleaner of border warfare reminis- conees" adds, " this Kayengwaarto, was a principal Seneca chief at Kanadesago ; he was killed by a scouting party of Gen. Sullivan's army, and in his pocket the certificate was found. The history of those scalps is one of the most melancholy tales of that era of terrible savage warfare." Tho remarks which have already been made, to show that Sayenquaraghta, the principal Seneca chief at Kana- desago, could not have been the leader of the Indians at Wyoming, will apply with equal force against tho truth or probability of this statement about tho above certifi- cate. It is historically certain that the age, if nothing else, would preclude tho possibility of Sayouquaraghta's being tho person who wounded and scalped Capt. Greg, and his corporal, near Fort Stanwix, in 1778. And it is equally certain that Sayenquaraghta was not killed by a scouting party of Sullivan's army in 1779, but was alive and well, at Niagara, in 1780, and came to reside at Buf- falo Creek in 1781. !fk I 330 inSTOHY OF HUFFALO. ■I It hii8 boon Btatod that thia cortificato boro ovidonco on its face of itsspurious character. Tlio cortifhito r»'-ij>ort8 to be given by Col. John Butler, and is signed by him as " Suporintondont of the Six Nations, and tho allies of his Majesty." Now Col. John Butler had for many years before, and up to the time of tho breaking out of tho liov- olution, boon a magistrate, and Judge, in the county of Tryon. Of course, he was a man of education. lie un- derstood and spoke the Indian language, at least tho Mo- iiawk, as all accounts show. lie had often written the name of the "principal Seneca chief," named in this cer- tificate, which in the Mohawk is uniformly wrftton by Sir William Johnson, and all Im coteniporaries, Sayen- quaraghta, while in this certificate it is spelled Kaying- wnurto— which spelling it would be absurd to attribute to Col. Butler. So also the word "Sanake." is liable to tho same criticism. None of the copies of this certificate bear any date ; but innsmucii as the certificate purports (very absurdly,) to specify the persons to whom these scalps be- longed, tho allusion of course, as is very plain, refers to the case of Capt. Greg and his subordinate, who were scalped near Fort Stanwix, as has been already related, in 1778. Col. Butler did not hold the oftico of Superintendent of the Six Nations at that time. That office was held by Col. Guy Johnson, in 1778, and for several years after- wards. Again, there can be no reason assigned why such a certificate should bo given at all. It promises " to pay at sight, ten dollars for each scalp." If he was to pay it, why did he not pay it ? Moreover, this is not the way mili- tary oflicers make disbursements for the government they serve ? The absurdity of the whole thing is too apparent on the fiice of it, and may be explained by what is added ntJANT NOT WAIt CUIKF Or THE BIX NATIONS. 331 by tho "industrious gleaner of incidents of border war- fare," who 6ay«: " It having been asserted in Congress, after tho war, that there was no evidence of the fact, that tlie British government authorized tiie payment of money for scalps, the certificate of Col. Butler to Kayin^^uarto known by one of the New York members to bo in Ma- chin's possession, was sent for ; and was accordingly for- warded to the seat of government; the evidenco^it con- tamed was satisfactory, that Britain did buy American scalps, and thus tho controversy ended." Tho statement made by Col. Stone, '' that Brant had been advanced to the situation of principal war chief of tho confederacy," in 1776, is undoubtedly er- roneous. In the first place, there was no such oflice recognized in the confederacy ; each nation had its own warriors and war chiefs. There was but one ofiice that was an office conferred by the confederacy, and that was the chief speaker at Onondaga, where the councils of the Six Nations were held. It was an office similar to that of our Speaker in the House of Eepresentatives at Washington, or in our Assembly at Albany, and confer- red no authority beyond that of presiding over, or open- ing the great council of the confederacy, or the duties connected with it. But we have other evidence' that even the Mohawks, who accompanied Sir John Johnson in his flight to Can- ada, did not recognize Brant as their licad, or chief war- rior. For we see that they actually chose Peter Johnson, a natural son of Sir William Johnson, to be their leader, and that Col. Guy Johnson recommended that he should be commissioned as such, to give encouragement to the Indians. In a note, Col. Stone admits that it has been •m .*fei i 332 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. denied, that Brant ever received the appointment of " principal chief," but reiterates the statement onjthe au- thority of "David Cusick,"a very unreliable authority for any historical fact." • fi'iw"""**' O ?* « ^ 5 m 11 utlor, and they proceeded w'ith one iuindred ami thirty men, to Sheshequin where they met OATUKBrNK MONTOUR. 345 the Indians in a baf.tlo, burned the Indiun fiettlcuient, and destroyed Queen Esther's J>ahice, and laid waste her plantation." ItwouMseeni that she immediately removed to the liead of Seneca lake, whorn an Indian settlement was formed known as " Catherine's Town," which was do- Btroyed by Gen. Sullivan in 177!). She then fled to Ni- agara, where she is s])oken of as boinsr, at the time of the arrival of the Cherry Valley prisoners that same year. She had two sons, Rowland and John, both active par- ticipants in the border war, during the Ilevolutlon. These two were the leaders of the band that captured the Gilbert family in 1780, according to the « Narrative of the captivity and sufFerings of Benjamin Gilbert and his family," a family of fifteen persons were captured by a party ofonly eleven Indians, of whom it is said Rowland Montour was Captain, and John Montour was second in command. Benjamin Gilbert was a Quaker, as were most of his family. They had settled in 1775 upon the Mahoning Creek in Northampton county, Pennsylvania, whore Benjamin Gilbert had erected a Mill. Their own account of the capture, is as follows : "About sunrise on the morning of the 25th of fourth Month 1780, the family were alarmed by a party of elev- en warriors, whose appearance struck them with terror. To attempt an escape was death, and a portion of distress and suffering, not easy to be endured, was expected to be the inevitable consequence of the most patient submission to become captives to the Indians. "Although Benjamin Gilbert was a friend to the na- tives, and on this occasion offered them his hand as a brother, yet it had no effect to induce them to reli.Kpush their hostile measures." i ''■ 346 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. Elf f.::"The Indians who committed this depredation, be- longed to different tribes or nations, but were of those who abandoned their settlements on tlio approacli of Sul- livan's army, and fled within the command of the British forts in Canada. Here they had settled promiscuously and according to the Indian custom of carrying on war' they frequently invaded the frontier settlements of the' white people, making captives of the weak and defence- less, and carrying off plunder. The names of these Indi- ans and their respective tribes, are as follows : Rowland Monteur, first captain ; John Monteur, second captain • Samuel Harris, John Huston, and liis son John Huston' Jr., Cayugas ; John Fox, of the Delaware Nation ; the' other five were Senecas." After giving the names and ages of the captives, fifteen m all, the account proceeds: "The men prisoners, were bound with cords, which the Indians had with them and m this melancholy condition, a guard was placed 'over them, for about half an hour, while the rest of the Indi- ans were plundering the houses, and packing up such goods as they chose to carry off. When they got suffi- cient loading for three of Benj. Gilbert's horses, which they took, and also compelled the distressed prisoners to carry part of their plunder, they began their retreat, and hastened away to a considerable distance in the woods. Two of the Indians were then detached to set fire to the' buildings, as if to aggravate the distress of the prisoners lor although they were urged forward by the party, and not suffered to look back, yet they could observe the flames, and the falling in of the roofs, from an eminence called Summer Hill. From this place the Indians hastily pushed forward, '.''^■^li OAPTUEE OF THE GILBEKT FAMILY 347 expectiiio; to bo i)ursiicd bj the iiihabituiits. 4t their next halting place, they prepared moccasins for such of the children as liad no shoes, there being six children, one an iniimt about nine months.old. Considering them- selves out of danger of being pursued, they partook of a hearty meal, from the provisions taken from the houses of the prisoners. They continued their flight over moun- tains, and through swamps, clioosing the most unfrequent- ed, and difficult routes, to avoid their fancied pursuers ; lodging the first night in a pine swamp. The day's march was a very fatiguing one, and some of the prison- ers were nearly exhausted. The manner of securing their prisoners is thus described : •' They cut down a sap- ling about five or six inches in diameter, and therein cut notches, large enough to receive the ankles of their vic- tims. After fixing their legs in these notches, they place another pole over the first, and thus secure them as in the stocks. This upper pole, was then crossed at each end, by stakes, driven into the ground, and in the crotches of these stakes, they placed other polos, to keep them firm, and thus effectually confined the prisoners on their backs. Besides which, they put a strap or thong (of raw hide,) around their necks, and fastened it to a tree, bush, or stake. Their beds were hemlock branches, strewed on the ground, and they were covered \vith blankets, this last, an indulgence scarcely to have been expected, from those who were esteemed unfeeling, cruel men. In this, manner, they passed the night, but it may be reasonably supposed, that in this melancholy situation, sleep was a stranger to their eyelids. It should l)e understood that it was the adult males who were thus confined every night, for the children, and the female captives, were suf- alt 1- ;l ftn. W' 348 HI8T0KY OP IJUFFALO. fered to lie down to sleep among the others, without being tied, or otherwise lestrained." Tlie second daj, the prisoners were separated, and two being placed under a single guard, pursuing their route by different paths, the better to avoid or embarrass, their pursuers. Towards evening however, the different par- ties again met, and oncainped as on the preceding night ; but, as they were becoming more accustomed to the tem- per, and treatment of the Indians, they both rested and slept. On the morning of the third day of their captivi- ty, the prisoners were all painted, according to the Indian custom. Some with red, and some with black, paint. Those who are painted black, are devoted to death, and although this cruel purpose may not be executed imme- diately, yet it denotes the purpose of their destruction. When they had been about ten days out, Andrew Harri- gar, a young German, who was em])loyed as a laborer by Benjamin Gilbert, made his escape, just after dark, and before he had been secured for the night. He was im- mediately pursued, but under cover of the darkness, he was able to elude his pursuers, and ultimately returned in safety to the settlements of the whites, giving the first authentic intelligence of the fate of the captives. The party arrived nt '' Kettarinetown,'' which litwl been destroyed by Sullivan's expedition. They found a little further on, a deserted cabin, covered with bark, which they took possession of, and remained three days' Here they found ])otatoes and turnips, which had re- mained undisturbed in the ground, while everything else, had been destroyed. They also found gan'ie plenty; deer, and wild turkeys, are mentioned as having been kilkMl. whnelish, called "suckers," were caught 1n the iv Mi 1 .1. H OAPTUKE OF THE GILBERT FAMILY. 349 neighboring streams, constituting with the vegetable* mentioned, an abundant supply of food. On the 15th of May, the party arrived at Kanasedaga, which had been destroyed the year before by Gen. Sulli- van. Hero they painted Benjamin Gilbert, the father, black, which was the evidence of their intention to dis- patch him, and exceedingly alarmed the family. In the evening they were visited by two white men, (one a Brit- ish soldier, the other a prisoner,) who supplied them with some food, of which they were in gi eat want. OnthelTth, they crossed the Genesee river, on a raft of logs, bound together with hickory withes. They encamped near the bank of the river. On the 18th, one of the Indians left the company, on horseback, to procure food. After some hour's delay, he returned with a large piece of meat. It was boiled and distributed among the prisoners, the Indi- ans eating sparingly. It was eaten without bread, or salt, with a good relish, under the supposition that it was fresh beef. It was afterwards ascertained to be horse flesh. Capt. Eowland Montour also returned with the wife of John Montour, and some other Indians, with pro- visions, bread, and Indian corn, which was also distribu- ted among the prisoners. Capt. Montour had been ab- sent several days, and appeared glad to see the prisoners, and shook hands with all of them, with expressions of kindness. Early on the morning of the 21st, they heard the report of the morning gun at Fort Niagara, and a messenger was immediately dispatched to the fort, for provisions. On the 22d, having approached so near the Indian encampments, in the vicinity of the fort, the whoop of the Indians, was answered by their friends, and soon after, they were met by the wife of Rowlantl Montour. Itilh HMM t .^ 350 HISTORY OF IJUFFAJ.O. 'She was the daughter of Siangorochti, king of tlie Sene- cas, but her niotlier being a Cajuga, she was ranked as of that nation.'* A party accompanied lier, among whom was Jolin Montour, the brother of Rowland, who had previously arrived at Niagara. They brought a supply of provisions from the fort. Capt. Eowland Montour, being at some distance in the rear, when his wife arrived a halt was made until he came up ; after saluting her, he informed her, that Rebecca Gilbert, the daughter of Benj- amin Gilbert, about sixteen years of age, was now her daughter. As the party were in great distress for food, they did not advance to the settlement until the next day, remaining where they were to ])artake of the food brought b^, John Montour, and his party. On the ?3d, they proceeded on towards the fort, the Indians whoopino- ^.id yelling in the most frightful manner. As tiiey passed through an encampment near the fort, the captives expe- rienced the compliment of blows, inflicted by men, women and children, with sticks, clubs, and stones ; and taunt- ing them with horrid grimaces, to show their contempt, or to gratify their revenge, for the loss of their relatives, slain in battle. On arriving at the village, or encamp- ment, where Capt. Rowland Montour resided, the assaults of this kind, upon the captives, was very severe, many of them receiving serious wounds, and bridses. Two of the women who were on horseback, were much hurt, by being thrown from their horses, M'hich became frightened at the unusual assault. This sanguinary proceeding was kept up, until arrested by the principal chief, who came out and forbid it. "The poor prisoners were in a piteous condition. Their hair had been cropped close, the blood •Gilbert Narrative, p. 59. OAPTL'KE OF THE OILBEKT FAJNIILY. 351 trickled from their lieads in streams, and the clothes they had on, being in rags, were smeared with blood.""* The Indian village or encampment to which these pris- oners were brought, was situated on the bank of the river, between Lewiston and Fort Niagara. Two officers from the fort (Capt. Dace and Capt. Powell,) visited the camp to see the prisoners, and proposed to come next day and remove them to the foi't, in a boat, as many of them were i-cndered almost incapable of traveling.' To this Capt. Eowland Montour objected, and insisted on their going on foot. The next day they set out in charge of members of the respective fomilies, to which they\ad been respectively assigned, or by whom they had been adopted. On leu-ip.g the Indian settlement, they were again assailed, as upon their arrival, with sticks, and stones, and pursued to some distance, with yells and screeches, but were in some measure protected by those who accompanied them. They were soon met by Capt. Powell, who with some difficulty, persuaded the Indians to get into his boat with the prisoners, and thus they reached the fort on the 24th. Here they were introduced to Col. Guy Johnson, and Col. Butler, who asked the i)risoners many questions, in presence of the Indians. On the 25th, just one month after their capture, Benjamin Gilbert, and Elizabeth his wife, and Jesse Gilbert; their son, about nineteen years of age^ were given up to Col. Johnson. None of the other captives were liberated at this time, but remained with the Indians." it has been traditionally asserted, that when the British authorities in Canada, understood that * Gilbert Narrative, j>. 64. "flillilil ■■ I. * I'S '■*' i ill. •:., f^i^k'^^:' ■I'll 852 HISTORY OK BUFFALO. the Gilbert fUinily were Quakers, they used great exer- tions for tlieir release from captivity.* The wife of Jesse Gilbert being about his own a^^e, still renminiiig in cai)tivity, her liberation became an ob- ject of great interest to the British otlicers at Fort JSTia^- ara. It was ascertained that slio was among the Dela- wares, and unsuccessful eflbrts were made, to obtain her release. Soon however, a party of Delawares came to the fc»rt, and brought Sarah Gilbert with them; and fur- ther efforts were made to obtain lier release. The next day the ofticers visited the camp of the Indians, which was aboufc two miles from the fort, but returned unsuc- cessful. Early the following morning, Capt. Robeson generously and kindly umlcrtook to procure her liberty. In tiiiri he persevered with much solicitude, and close at- tention, until by the aid of Lieut, llilliard, he happily succeeded. To effect the benevolent object, they made the Indians several small presents, and gave them thirty pounds, as a ransom." * * Tliere were now four of the prisoners at Col. Johnson's, in the enjoyment of liberty. During their stay, they were treated with kindness by Col. Johnson's housekeeper, who procured clothing for them from the King's stores.f A few days after their arrival at Niagara, a vessel came up from Mon- treal with orders for the captives who had been released. In this vessel came one Capt. Brant, an Indian chief of high rank, among them, who promised to use his endea- vors to obtain the release of the children of Elizabeth Gilbert, who still remained in captivity. Several of the members of the Gilbert family were *Giiberf, Narrative, p. 84. tGilbert Narrative. CAPTIVITY OF THE GILBERT FAMILY. 353 brought to Euffalo Creek by their captors, and tlie ac- count given by Eebocca Gilbert, k interesting, as mark- ing the period of the first permanent settlement of the Indians on Euffalo Creek. It will be borne in mind that Gen. Sullivan's expedition was directed more particular- ly against the Senecas. We find that he destroyed their towns on the Susquehanna, and Tioga rivers, at the head of Seneca lake, and Kanesadaga, at the foot of that lake, and at Canandaigua, Houeyoye, and. Genesee river. At that time they had no permanent settlement in this State west of that point. ' Their settlement upon the Niagara river had always been temporary, not permanent. Their huts or wigwams were found on the south shore of the Niagara river, between Fort Niagara and. Lewiston, by the first Europeans who visited that locality ; but they were there, for the purpose of fishing. Their permanent residence was thirty leagues distant, in a southeasterly di- rection, where De Nonville found them in 1686, when their principal town was destroyed, and never again re- built. After the settlement of Europeans, and the open- ing of trade with the western Indians from Quebec, and New York, the carrying place, around the Falls of Ni- agara, began to assume great importance. This was in the territory of the Senecas; their two castles, or princi- pal towns were, one at the foot of Seneca lake, (Kanesa- daga,) the other was at Genesee river, (Chenisseo.) The carrying place, being nearer to the Chenisseos, was under their more immediate control, and it is probable that it was a source of profit or revenue to them, up to the final surrender of Canada to the English, or at least the sur- render of Fort Niagara in 1759. In their negotiations, both with the French and the English, they frequently 4n II 354 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. refer to it as theirs, and their claim to it was recognized. Sullivan's army swept over their country, carrying de^ struction everywhere. Nothing was spared. Mary Jem- ison, who then resided at the Chenisseo village, (Little Beard's Town,) says : « In one or two days after the skir- mish at Conesus lake, Sullivan's army arrived at Genesee nver, where they destroyed every article of the food kind that they could lay their hands on. A part of our corn they burnt, and threw the remainder into the river. They burnt our houses, killed what few cattle and horses they could find, destroyed our fruit trees, and left nothing but the bare soil and the timber. But the Indians had eloped, and were not to be found."* *Life of Mary'jemison, p. 123. CHAPTER XXIII. The campaign of Gen. Sullivan was a terrible blow to the Senecas, and indeed, to all the Six Nations ; although the Senecas were by far the greatest sufierers. " From this blow, (says Doct. Dwight,) they never recovered •» and after this disaster, they never exhibited their former lofty independent spirit. Their towns were all destroyed together with all the provisions they had provided for their winter consumption, and they were driven to the necessity of starving, or fleeing to their friends, the Brit- ish, at Niagara. Great numbers of them actually per- ished during the winter of 1779-80, from starvation and exposure; this was particularly true of women and chil- dren. Add to this great numbers of them died from dis- ease induced by exposure and want. They appear to have been provided for at Niagara, or at least those of them who were able to reach that post, so far as the means provided would allow; but, the unexpected addition of the Indians to the ordinary number of troops at the Fort rendered their supplies entirely inadequate to the emer- gency, and it was found necessary to make other provis- ion for the supply of food for the Indians. The following c5 i4?m ill 4^ it.- ,,, . Hi ,: I* ■ lit; •356 ill8T(JUY OF UUFPALO. corrospoiulcnce will show the condition of things at Ki- agara at this time. COL. GUY JOHNSON TO LORD OKKMAIN. Kiagara, 2Cth July, 1780. My Lord : In my letter of the 4th of May, I gave a brief account of the faithful and successful services of the Indians, under my superlntendency, against the rebels during the win- ter, and of the endeavors of the latter, to draw oft' the Six .Nations through the negotiations of four disaffected Luli- • ans, sent to this place for that purpose. I have now the .honor to acquaint your Lordship, that the major j^art of the dieatlected tribes, are come in, and at length restored . to the British interest, and I shall also lay before you the good conduct, and success, of the Indians since my last. •Being sensible that those Oneidas and others, who had, during the war, remained at the rebel frontiers, and under their inftuence, were rather governed by situation, and imposed on by artifice, than led by inclination to espouse their interest, and finding that their continuance in that quarter, exposed our motions, and served to cover that part of the country, our Indians however, averse to their . conduct, not inclining to cut-off a part of their own con- federacy, I improved a favorable occasion last winter, to . intimate that if they ever expected to bo restored to the ! favor and protection of government, they had no time to ^. lose. In consequence of which, I received last month, a message from them informing me, that they had approved of my advice, and were preparing to leave their country ■ and join me, which they- did the besgiuning of this month, ■ to the number of .about, three hundred and thirty eouls ; COL. GUY JOHNSON TO LORD GERMAIN. 357 things at Ki- N. ruly, 1780. cf account of dians, under ing the wln- w oft' the Six tffected Luli- ave now the lajor part of igth restored iforc you the nee my last, rs, who had, s, and under tuation, and n to espouse ance in that 3 cover that irse to their )ir own con- it winter, to torcd to the '. no time to ist month, a id approved leir country this month, birty souls ; an of whom above one hundred are men, more than seventy of whom, have since marched with my war parties, and will I expect, do their utmost to eft'aco the remembranc& of theu- past conduct, having told them that they owed their reception to His Majesty's clemency, hut they must merit his favors by their actions. The pan .culars of my proceedings with them, are trans- mitted to the Commander-in-Chief, and 1 am assured that the small remainder still with the rebels, will soon follow their example ; and thereby lay open the rebel frontier towards the Mohawk river, which will promote the ser- vice by facilitating parties, and encouraging the Six Na- tions, as much as it must distress, and disappoint the rebels. The success that attended those I sent out at a season when it had not been usual to go to war, encour* aged others. The number of killed, and prisoners, amouutr ed, early in June, to one hundred and fifty-six, and is now much enlarged ; besides which, many houses, and grainories, i'vom which the rebels drew supplies, with many cattle, were destroyed, and interruption given to their i)lanting, as well as recruiting on the frontiers. The parties have been ranged along the rear of New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia, and although unac- companied with troops, their mode of warflire does not admit of any thing capital^ it is still of much importance to His Majesty's service, in keeping the rebels in a con- tinual state of alarm, and a])prehension, and destroying their resources. It is with great satisfaction, that I can add, that these services have been effected, without acta of cruelty, and although three of the Indians were treach- erously murdered, they have, at my entreaty, withheld their resentment, and suppressed their darling passion, i Ni '■'- 1; vr|i IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ■- !■■ 12 2 ■U Mj*} ^ lllllaarisaif " '- illlM .8 1.25 1.4 1 1 A = 11 : -^ _ 6" ►► Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 %^ c<*- '^^ i ^\ ^ 868 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. revenge, in an unusual manner. From principles of hu- manity, I could wish their example had been imitated by the rebels, who in many instances, have exhibited a very different conduct. The number of men of the Six Nation confederacy, (exclusive of their people to the southward,) is about six- teen hundred, above twelve hundred of whom, are war- riors ; and of the latter, eight hundred and thirty-six, are now on service against the frontiers, and more in readi- ness to follow them, which far exceeds what has ever been out at one time, without the army; few or none remain- ing except those necessary to assist in planting, and pro- viding for their families. I hope soon to have favorable accounts from them, as so great a number must prove very distressing to the rebels, and contribute much to fa- vor the operations of the campaign. The large body that was to be provided for at this post, during the last winter, in consequence of the rebel invasion, and the destruction of many Indian towns, occa- sioned much expense, and great consumption of provis- ions, which I have endeavored to restrain as far as con- sistent with the service, and the Commander-in-Chief af- forded his assistance for re-establishing them, and ena- bling them to plant, as early as he could; to promote which, as well as to forward parties, I have lately visited their- new settlements ; one on the Ohio route, is increas- ing fast, and I have already induced above twelve hun- dred of their people to settle and plant at these places, which will lessen the burden of expense. At the same time, I have no doubt that should any material opera- tions be undertaken from hence, that notwithstanding the Indians have been constantly employed all the season, they will readily and cheerfully assist. FIBST SETTLEMBNT AT BUFFALO CKEEK. 359 Since my arrival here last September, I have not omit- ed anything in my power, for promoting His Majesty's interests with the Indians, and rendering their services useful to government. I am highly gratified in being honored with the Commander-in-Chief's approbation of my conduct, and that of those faithful people, and I shall studj^, by every possible exertion in the discharge of my duty, to merit your Lordship's favorable endeavors to His Majesty. I have the honor to be, with much respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most humble Servant, G. JOHNSON. The principal settlement on the " Ohio route," men- tioned above, was BuflPalo Creek. In the Gilbert narra- tive, we have the account of the arrival of the first settlers from Niagara. They first landed at Fort Erie, where the British had a garrison ; " thence they continued their journey, about four miles further up Buffalo Creek, and pitched their tent for settlement."* This may be consid- ered the first permanent settlement of the Senecas on BuflFalo Creek. It took place probably late in May, or early in June, 1780, the precise date is not given. This party consisted of "Siangorochti," (as it is spelled in the narrative,) or Old King, and his family ; including his daughter and her husband, Kowland Montour. They commenced immediately " to clear the ground, and prepare it for a crop of Indian corn. While the women were engaged about the corn, the men built a log house or cabin, for the residence of the family, and then tGilbert Narrative, p. 143. il 1 M H> % ir i»i mmA I' ^tti 1 . I ,;i* 360 UISTOEY OF BUFFALO. went out hunting. * -. During the summer, this fam^ ily raised about one hundred skipples of corn. A skip pie being equal to three pecks, would make about seven- ty-five bushels. * * While their corn crop was grow- ing this summer, thej drew their provisions from the stores at the forts, (Erie and Niagara,) which occasioned the Indians frequently to visit them. * * About the beginning of winter, (1780-1,) some British officers came among the Indians, and remained with them till towards spring, using all their endeavors, for effecting the dis- charge of the two captives, Eebecca and Benjamin Gil- bert, Jr., but without success. Some time after, another British officer, attended by Thos. Peart, (one of the cap- tives) came among them, with provisions, and hoes, for the Indians^ These officers, we learn, from the narrative of Thomas Peart, were Capt. Powell, and Lieut. Johnson the former the husband of Miss Moore, and the latter onj of the sons of Sir William Johnson, by Molly Brant. Elizabeth Peart, another of the captives of the Gilbert family, was brought to Buffalo Creek The following ex- ti-acts Irom her narrative, will further illustrate the histo- ry of this period. Elizabeth Peart was the wife of Beni- amm Peart, the son of Mrs. Elizabeth Gilbert, Senior, by a former husband. At the time of their capture, Eliza- beth Peart had a child about nine months old. She was separated from her husband soon after their arrival in the Indian settlement, but had been allowed to retain her child. She was taken within about eight miles of Niac.- ara, wliere she was adopted by the usual ceremony, in^o one of the families of the Seneca Nation. The family that had adopted her, received her very kindly, and she was given to understand that the members of it were to FIRST SErPLEMENT AT BUFFALO CKEEK. 361 be considered her parents, brothers and sisters. " After E izabeth had been with the family two days, they all ^tt their habitation, and taking her with them, went to ±ort Slusher, where they staid several days. This Fort 18 about one mile above the great Falls of Niagara. As Elizabeth Peart was much indisposed, the Indians con- mued several days at the Fort, on her account. But as they cared little for her comfort, she was obliged to lie on the damp ground, which undoubtedly increased her ill- ness and suffering. As soon as the violence of her disor- der abated, they set out in a bark canoe, which they had provided, and paddled their course towards Buffalo Creek and as they went slowly, they had opportunity of taking some fish for their food. When they arrived at the place ot their intended settlement, they went ashore and built a cabin. A short time after they came to this new settle- ment, they returned with Elizabeth to Fort Slusher, and told her that her child must be taken away from her This was a very affecting circumstance ; but all remon- strances, and entreaties, on her part, were unavailing. Ihey however suffered the child to remain with her, till they got to Niagara. Shortly after, they set out from a ort Slusher, and traveled on foot, Elizabeth Peart having to carry her child all the way to Niagara, being eighteen miles, and the weather warm and sultry, rendered the journey very fatiguing and painful ; and the more afflict- mg, in anticipation of having to part with her infant child. As one object of the journey to the Fort was to procure provisions, their stay at Niagai-a was of several day's con- tinuance ; during which, Capt. Powell afforded Elizabeth an asylum in his house. The sympathy of Capt. Pow- ell's wife towards Elizabeth Peart, was so much moved ' •If" 362 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. at the prospect of her child being taken from her, that ehe prevailed with her husband to intercede with the In- dians, that it might remain with her. But his arguments and appeals were in vain ; for thej took the child from her, and went with it over the river, in order to have it adopted into the family they had assigned for it. As it was 80 young however, they returned it to its mother (af- ter It was adopted,) to be kept with her until it should be convenient to send it to the family, under whose care it was to be placed. After obtaining provisions and other ne- cessaries, which they came to Niagara to trade for, the In- dians and their prisoners returned toFortSlusheron foot Ihence they embarked in their canoes for Buffalo Creek their new settlement, and it being near the time of plant- ing, they used much expedition in this journey. In the Indian families, the labor and drudgery of rais- ing provisions, falls to the share of the women, and Eliza- beth had to assist the squaws in preparing the ground and planting corn. Their provisions becoming scant' they suffered much from hunger. As their dependance tor a supply, sufficient to last until the gathering of their crop of corn, was on what they could receive from the British fort, they were under the necessity of makino- an- other journey to Niagara. This they performed in'' two day's traveling. A short distance before they came to the fort, they took Elizabeth's child from her, and sent it to the family that had adopted it, and it was several months before she had an opportunity of seeing it again. * * After the Indians had disposed of their peltries, and ob- tained a supply of provisions, they returned to their wig- wams, by the same route they had gone. With a heart oppressed with grief, Elizabeth trod back her steps mourn- CHILD OP ELIZABETH PEABT. 363 ing her lost infant, for this idea, was continually present to her thoughts. But as she had found how fruitless, and even dangerous it was to apply for redress on behalf of her child, she endeavored to dry up her tears, and thus mourned in secret." Soon after they reached their settlement, Elizabeth Peart was attacked with sickness, which incapacitated her for labor, and the Indians built a small cabin for her beside the corn field, where they placed her to mind the corn. Here she was visited by a white man, also a pris- oner, who informed her that her child was released, and was with the white people. This information greatly re- lieved her anxiety, and contributed to her speedy re- covery. She remained in this employment until the corn was ripe, and then assisted in the harvest, when she was permitted to live again with the family. The release of Elizabeth Peart's child, was effected through the influ- ence and unremitted exertions of the wife of Capt. Pow- ell Near the close of the winter, their provisions again failing, they were under the necessity of going to the fort for a fresh supply ; their corn being so nearly exhausted, that they had all been on short allowance for some time of only one meal a day. Elizabeth accompanied the party to the fort. They were four days making the journey, through snow and severe frost, suffering much from the cold. When they came near the fort they built a tempo- rary wigwam, where a part of the ftimily, with prisoners, were to stay until the return of the men from the fort. As soon as Capt. Powell's wife heard that the youno- child's mother had come with the Indians, she desired to see her, and inasmuch as she herself had also been a pris- oner among the Indians, she claimed some relationship i ,., >4 I' ! '9 I il 364 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. in their way, and lier request was granted. When Eliza- beth came to Capt. Powell's, slie was informed that her husband was returned to the fort, and that there was some expectation of his release. This unexpected intel- ligence was a cordial to her mind, and her happiness was increased by a visit from her husband the same day. But they were not permitted to bo long together, for the Indians insisted on iier returning with them to their cabin, a few miles back. Elizabeth Peart was not allowed to leave the cabin for several days ; but at length a white family who had bought her child from the Indians that had adopted it, offered the party with whom Elizabeth was confined, a bottle of rum if they would bring her across the river to her child. This offer they accepted, and the fond mother was delighted with this happy meeting ; for she had not seen her infant for the space of eight months, since it was taken from her as aforesaid. She was permitted to re- main with the family where her child was, for two days, and then returned with the Indians to their cabin. After some time she obtained a further permission to go to Niagara fort, where she had some needle work to do for white people, and this furnished her a plea for fre- quent visits there. At length Capt. Powell's wife pre- vailed with the Indians to let Elizabeth continue a few days at her house and work for tlie ftimily. At the ex- piration of the time agreed on, the Indians came for her in order to return with them to the cabin. Eut she • pleaded indisposition, and by this means they were sev- eral times dissuaded from taking her away. " When the season for planting approached, Elizabeth made use of a little artifice in order to prolong her stay KELKA8E OP KLIZAIJETH PEART. 366 at the fort. Having a small swelling on her neck, she applied a poultice, which induced the Indians to think it was improper to remove her, so they consented to leave her, and proposed coming again for her in two weeks. It should have been mentioned that her child was given up to her soon after her arrival at the fort, where she con- tinued to lodge at Capt. Powell's— the kindness of him ^nd his wife demands her acknowledgment and grateful remembrance. * * At the time ai)pointod, some of the Indians came for her again, but she still feigned ia- •disposition, and had confined herself to her bed. One of the Indian women had interrogated her very closely, but did not insist on her going back with them. In this way, several months elapsed; she contriving delays as often as they came for her. She continued at the fort until the vessel was ready to sail, that was to convey the prisoners to Montreal, among whom were her husband and child. The officers at the fort permitted her to go on board with the rest. At Montreal, the prisoners were visited by ' one Thomas Gomerson, (Gumersal.) who hearing of the cap- tives, came to see them.' " This is the person whose state- ment regarding his agency in the flight of Sir John John- son, from Johnstown, was made in 1776. It is said " he had been educated among the Friends, and after he ar- rived at manhood, had been a merchant in New York. He also had traveled as companion to Kobert Walker, a ministering Friend from England, in his religious visits to Friends in America, about the year 1773. But, upon the commencement of the Revolutionary war, he had de- viated from his peaceful principles and profession, and had now lost all the appearance of a Friend, so as even to wear a sword, * * but he behaved respectfully to- •wards the prisoners, and made Elizabeth a present." ,#1 »l ' ^ '!f if ipi li!(j f&^ 896 DISTORT or BUFFALO. Two of tbo captives, Abner Gilbert, and Elizabetb Gil- bert, aged respectively, the former fourteen, and the lat- ter twelve years, were separated from the rest of the cap- tives, on their arrival in the vicinity of Fort Niagara, and adopted into the family of John Iluston, one of the 'cap- tors. John Iluston, bis family, and tbo two captives, re- moved to a place near the great Falls of Niagara, which is about eighteen miles from the fort. Here they loitered three days more ; they then crossed the river and settled near its banks. Their first business at this new settle- ment was to clear a piece of land, and prepare it for being planted with Indian corn, and this was done with hoes only ; so that it was three weeks before the planting was done. While the crop was growing, they had to depend principally on the fort for a supply of provisions. After remaining hero about three weeks, they packed up their moveables, (which they generally carry with them in their rambles,) and went down the river to Butlersbury, a small village on the opposite side of the river from Ni- agara Fort. They staid but one night at this village, ta- king great care that none of the white people should con- verse with the prisoners. Next day, after transacting their business, they returned to their settlement, and con- tinued there only a week, before they concluded that they must go again to Butlersbury. * * In the morning, the whole family, and John Huston's brother, went on to Butlersbury, and arrived there before night. They all went to the house of an Englishman named John Secord, who was styled brother to John Huston, as he had lived with him sometime before. After some deliberation, it was agreed that Elizabeth Gilbert, junior, should continue in John Secord's family, until she was sent for by the In- OAPTIVITY OF THE GILBERT FAMILY. 367 dians. * * Abner Gilbert returned from Butlerabury with the Indians to their settlement, whore his business was to fence and take care of the cornfield. * * They contmued at their settlement until the fall of the year and as it was not far distant from the fort, they could easily apply there for provisions, So they were not so much distressed for provisions between the failing of their old crop and the gathering of the new one, as those who lived at a greater distance from the fort." In the spring of 1781, » the family removed about forty miles and encamped, in order for a new settlement near iiuftalo Creek, which empties into lake Erie. As they in- ended this for their summer residence, they went to work to clear a piece of land, and when prepared, they planted It with Indian corn, pumpkins, and squashes. At this place Abner Gilbert heard of his sister Rebecca, who still remained in captivity, and lived not far from this new settlement, but it does not appear that he had liberty to visit her. * * "^ Thomas Peart having obtained his release from the In- dians, he and Capt. Powell, with several others, came among the Indian settlements with provisions and hoes to distribute among them. The news of their cominj 8oon spread among the Indians, and the chiefs of every tribe came to receive their shares. For this purpose, they each brought as many little sticks as there were persons in their tribes, to express the number of each, in order to- obtain a just and equal proportion of the provisions and Hoes, that were to be distributed. * * In the 7th month, 1781, the Indian family again went to Butlersbury, for the purpose of trading and getting a supply of provisions. While there, Col. Butler treated 868 III8T0UY OF lJUFKAI-0. with tlio Indian woman, who was the head of'tlio family, for tho release of Ahner, which she at length consented to, on receiving some i)re8ent8; but she said ho inuat re- turn homo with hor, and she would deliver him up in twenty days. After they returned to their settlement, (at Huftalo Creek,) she told Abner that ho was to be giy- en up to Col. Butler. ^ * Some days before the time agreed upon, they proceeded to Hutlersbury, and went to tho house of John Secord, where his sister Elizabeth liad remained ever since the time mentioned in tho early i)art of this narmtive. Abner Gilbert was delivered up by tlic Indians accor- ding to contract, soon after they arrived at tho EnglisJi village; and John Secord permitted him to live in his family with his sister. With this family they continued about two weeks ; and as they were under the care of the English oflicers, they were allowed to draw clothing and provisions from the King's stores. Afterward Ben- jamin Peart and his brother Thomas who were both re- leased, came over tho river to John Secord's for Abner and Elizabeth, and took them to Capt, Powell's at tho fort that they might be nearer tho vessel in which they were to sail for Montreal with four of the other captives who had been released where they subsequently arrived as has been already related. The following leiter of Col. Guy Johnson was written at this period, and is inserted as part of the history of •current events : COL. QVY JOHNSON TO LORD GERMAIN. "Niagara, Oct. 11th, 1781. My Lord :— 1 had the honor to address your Lordship m :f> COL. GUY JOHNSON 'h IlKI'OUT. 360 by letter tl.o 20tl, of November lust, and iuivinr. since fVo- quoMt cumimmicatio.is with his oxeelloncy, Gen. Ilaldi- raarul, who wouhl doubtless irdor.u your Lordship of nny thing .nuteriul in njy department, I have deferred wri- ting till this season when military o])eration8 are nearly at an end in this quarter. "The transactions of the ])rcsent year, and the pro- ceedmgs of my Indian parties, correspond in many re- spects with the last, and the Pettito Guerro (small war) in these parts, have never appeared to mo to be of suffi- cient imj)ortance to lay a minute detail of them before your Lordshij). " The Si.x Nations Confederacy have, hov-over, more than over distinguished themselves this year in several smart actions with the rebels, in which through the good conduct of the Indians and of my officers, they have every tuno been successful, and in several different actio;is have kdled and taken several noted partisans, and laid waste a country abounding in supplies fur the rebels, which has compelled the latter to contract their frontiers, and confine themselves within little forts. A large detachment is lately gone with a body of troops ordered on service by the Commander-in-chief, and I have just sent off two large parties to co-operate with them. In a former letter I informed your Lordship of having prevailed on many of the Indians (who for their fiuthful services and suffer- ings, expected to be maintained here during the war) to go upon planting grounds at convenient distance from hence, and the great expense and difficultv attending the transportation ofprovisions to this post having made it necessary to get as many as possible to withdraw, I have been indefatigable in my endeavors for that purpose, and ^4 it' m in. (Ir ■■ *]'< «i ] Hi 370 HISTORY OF BUFFALO, can now assure your Lordship that 1 have re-established near four thousand of them, though at much expense, as by the destruction of their country in 1779, they were in want of everything, and their demands greatlyjincreased; but by settling them, I have not only reduced the con- sumption of provisions, but also of all other expenses, which will in future be very low. * * " Some endeavors have been made lately by the rebels to draw them into a neutrality, which most of them dis- dain. 1 hope shortly to put an end to such attempts, as well as to reconcile the Indians to the plan of economy now entered upon, for reducing expenses, which howev- er enormous, was for a time unavoidable. The accom- plishing this, will afford me much satisfaction, for the expenses which were only occasional, before they were drawn out of their country, and whilst they lived at con- siderable distance, increased so much, by their residence here, as to require immediate attention. " Some of the principal chiefs now here, request that I should make favorable mention of their zeal, and fidelity to his Majesty, which I constantly tell them is done, as every such assurance is very flattering to them, and in- deed their conduct deserves it, having seldom less than five hundred on service, who are generally successful, without cruelty. ". As the Commander-in-chief is fully acquainted with the state and service of my department, it is needless for me to add more than that I run with very great respect, your Lorship's most obedient, and most humble servant, G. JOHNSON." m^^ CHAPTER XXIV % Most of the inembers of the Gilbert family were brought to T^iagava and its vicinity. The Indians see.n to have had their residence on and near the Niagara river be- ween Schlosser and Fort Niagara, where they had loca- ted themselves after their expulsion from their settle- ments by Gen. Sullivan's expedition ; some of the cap- tives were taken to Genesee river, upon the head waters of which some settlements had been made. Two places are mentioned in the narrative, one called Caracadera and the other Nundow. The settlements made during iiHO-l, at these places as well as at Buffalo Creek Cat- taraugus a eek Allegany, &c., were made in pursuance ofthepohcy shadowed forth in the official correspond- ence of Col. Guy Johnson, already noticed. It would seem that Col. John Butler with his followers, includin.. his Rangers, and a large number of tories with their fain- ilies had settlea upon the opposite side of the river from Fort Niagara, and the village thus formed was called Eutlersbury." The names of several of the inhabi- tants of the place in 1780-1, are given in the Gilbert narrative, many of which will sound familiar to those ac- quainted on the Canadian frontier forty years a^o The jurisdiction over the territory here was still claimed by 37!i 1II8T0KY OF BUFFALO. theEnghsh, ana the Indians came here under the patron- age of the English government. The settlement of the In d.ans at Bnffalo Creek drew along with them, the Indian traders and other white n.en, who had identified them- selves with the I^ulians; and it is easy to see that the first wdjxte settlers were ofa very mixed charaeter. P.es ident Bwight said of the inhabitants of Bnffalo in 1804 • Ihe inhabitants are a casual collection of adventu" rers ; and have the usual character of such adventurers ■thus col ected, wlien remote from regular society, retain^ ing but httle sense of government or religion." It will be remembered that two sons of Sir William ■Johnson by Molly Brant, had accompanied Col. G " •Johnson to Canada in 1775. We occasionally hear i' •them as ofhcers in the connnand of small parties of In- •dmns, or serving in some more subordinate capacity un- ^derthe command of others. The Lieut. Johnson spoken ou. the Gilbert mrrative as visiting the Senecas wi other Bnfsh officers, in the first settlement of the Indl atBuft^do Creek ,n 1781, was nnquestionably one of those OS Their names were William and Peter. The latter had been chosen by the Indians who were with Col. John- son m Canada, as their commander. The former is the one who came to reside with the Senecas subsequent to 1781. He had-alhed himself to the Senecas probably by marnage, and had been adopted by them as was theh- custon. He had the influence and address, to obtain liom the Senecas a conveyance of all the lands at the mouth of Bnffalo Creek, including of course the lands ^p on which our city stands ; and he was sustained with .uch pertinacity by the Indians in that claim, although -not recognized by law, that the Holland land company WILLIAM JOHNSON CLAIMS HUFFALO. 375' When they camo to exercise their right to the land, they had purchased of Robert Morris, including the land upon which our city is built, that they M-ere obliged to make terms wath Johnson, by buying his claim also. This was- paid for m part by a deed to Johnson, of forty acres of land now in the lieartof the city, bounded north bv Sen- littler^ Tn '", ^'-^^'^"^Ston street, south by the (then) l.ttle Buffalo Creek, now the Hamburgh Canal, extend- ing east far enough to make forty acres which carriedthe eastern boundary beyond what is now Michigan street. The company also conveyed to Johnson other lands upon iMiffalo Creek, besides making him other compensation. Wilham Johnson (or Johnston as itappears he wrote his name) had a son John, who married a daughter of one of the earliest settlers in Buffalo, as will be related when the period in which it occurs comes under observation. iiie Indians although driven to seek shelter and pro^ tection under the walls ofFort Niagara, by the expedi- tion of Gen. Sullivan, no sooner than he had left the coun- try began to make warlike excursions in small parties to different points of the frontier settlements, killino- and capturing all that fell in their way, without distinction of age or sex. Early in the year 1780, the Oneidas were attacked, and their village, their castle, and their church were utterly destroyed, and they were driven to seek shelter within the white settlements. A party under Brant, consisting of Indians and tories destroyed Ilarpersfield, and took Capt. Alexander Har- per and ten others prisoners. Harper was well acquaint- ed with Brant, who, upon recognizing him, said Harper- lam sorry to find you liere ; why are you sorry, Capt. Brant, replied Harper ; because, said Brant, I must kill » i'l' iik 374 HISTOItY OF BUFFALO. you, although we were schoolmates in our youth. The threat was not immediately put in execution, but the prisoners were shut up in a pen of logs, and gua Jed by the tones, during the night. The question whether they should be put to death or carried to Niagargi, was dis- cussed, and the latter finally agreed upon. In the morning Brant informed Capt. Harper that he and his companions should be spared, on condition of their accompanying him to Niagara ; and they immedi- ately commenced their journey. Their route lay alono- the road travelled by Sullivan's expedition the year be"- fore ; they suffered greatly for the want of provisions, neither warriors nor prisoners had more than a handful! of corn each i)er day ; and they were forced to feed upon the remains of ahorse which had been left by Sullivan's expedition, and had perished from the severity of the winter. They procured a fine fat horse at Genesee river which was immediately killed, dressed, and devoured among the famishing company, which was eaten with great relish by all the company, although ec-^ten without bread or salt. The prisoners fared just as well as the warriors. On arriving at Genesee river, Brant sent on a messenger to Niagara, to apprise of his approach, and the number of his prisoners. But this was not all the object of sending the messenger forward. Miss Jane Moore the Cheriy Valley prisoner, whose marriaije to Capt. Powell at Fort Niagara, has already been men- tioned, was a neice of Capt. Harper, a fact known to Brant. Harper however knew nothing of her marriage or even of her being at Niagara. Brant was anxious to save Capt. Harper from the cruel ordeal of running the gauiit- lett. He therefore despatched a runner with a inessarre :ious to save CAPT. Powell's artifice. 375 to Capt. Powell, advising of his api^roach, and asking his aid in accomplishing his desire. Capt Powell managed to have the Indians enticed away from the neighborliood of the fort, wliere they were encamped, to the landing about nine miles distant, for a frolic, the means for holding which, it is said, were sup- plied out of the public stores, and upon emerging from the woods, and approaching the first Indian encampment, the prisoners were agreeably surprised at finding the In- dian warriors absent from the encampment, and their place supplied by a regiment of British soldiers. There were only a few boys and a few old women in the camp, and these oflfered no violence to the prisoners, excepting one of the squaws, who struck a young man named Patchin, over the head with a club, which caused the blood to flow pretty freely. But the second encamp- ment, lying nearest the fort, and usually occupied by the fiercest and most savage of the Indian warriors, was yet to be passed. But here too, the Indiana were gone, and another regiment of troops were paraded in two parallel lines to protect the prisoners. Patchin howevei-, received another severe blow in this camp, and a young Indian aimed a blow at him with a tomahawk, but as he raised his arm, a soldier snatched the weapon from his hand and threw it into the river. The prisoners were thus brought into the fort almost unscathed, and had cause of gratitude at their unexpected deliverance from the fearful and bloody ordeal through which they had expected to be called to pass, and Capt. Harper, in particular, met with an altogether unexpected source of pleasure, in meet- ing his niece. Miss Jane Moore, now Mrs. Capt. Powell. Tl'o character of Jane Moore shines out with a brilliant tP f il Hi 376 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. f ^ lusture in the history of tlio transactions of this period. The M'omanlj sympathy, and persevering exertions in be- half of the helpless prisoners of all classes, in which she seems to have been seconded by her noble husband, Capt. Powell, entitle her name to a record on the roll of fame, with that of the noblest patriots, the bravest heroes, and the purest of philanthropists. Prompted by her untiring zeal, her husband visited the prisoners among the Sene- cas, at Buffalo Creek, several times during the time they remained there, not only to encourage them by his coun- sel and sympathy, but to administer to their necessities, and to procure their release ; which was ultimately ac- complished, mainly through his efforts, assisted by other officers at the fort, which the example and interest of Jane Moore, the Cherry Valley captive Iiad influenced to co-operate in this work of mercy. The release of Rebecca Gilbert, and Benjamin Gilbert, Jr., the young girl and boy who were brought to Buffalo Creek by the family of " Old King," was not effected until the 6th of June, 1782, and is thus described in the narrative : » As the time approached, when according to agreement, the Indians were to return to Niagara, and deliver up the captives, they gave Rebecca Gilbert the pleasing information, in order to allow her some time to make preparation for the journey, and also for the enjoy- ment of her freedom. So she made a quantity of bread for them to eat on the way, with groat cheerfulness. On this occasion, about thirty of the Indians set out to go to Niagara fort with the two captives. They went as far as fort Slusher in bark canoes, the remainder of the way they went slowly on foot ; so that it was several days be- fore they reached Niagara. AVhen they arrived, they KESUKII'TION OF FOKT NIAGARA. 37T; went to Col. Eutlei-'s, and held a conference on the occa- sion ; and at length, in consideration of some valuable presents that were made them, they released the last two of the Gilbert captives, namely, liebecca Gilbert, and Benjamin Gilbert, Jr. As speedily as it could be accom- plished, their Indian dress was exchanged for the custom- ary clothing of the white people, by whom they were kindly entertained and provided for--and on the 3d day of the 6th month, 1782, two days after their happy re- lease from upwards of two years captivity , they sailed for Montreal, in order to join with the others who had ob- tained their liberty as before mentioned."* Fort Niagara is described at this period, as being a. structure of considerable magnitude, and great strength ;, enclosing an area of from six to eight acres. Within the enclosure was a handsome dwelling house for the resi- dence of the Superintendent of the Indians. It was then occupied by Col. Guy Johnson, who held that office. Col. Butler and his Kangers lay upon the opposite or northern side of the river. Col. Guy Johnson is described as a stout, short, pursy man, about forty years of age, of stern countenance and haughty demeanor, dressed in a British uniform, powdered locks, and a cocked hat. His voice was harsh, and his speech betrayed evidence of his Irish extraction. ^ The same authority (Capt. Snyder,) says of Brant at this- time: "He was a likely fellow, of a iierce aspect, tall, and rather spare, well spoken, and apparently about thir- ty (forty) years of age. He wore moccasins elegantly trimmed with beads, leggins, and breech cloth, of super- fine blue, short green coat, witli two epaulets, and a. *Gilbcrt Narrative, p. 155. ft: . t •' 111 ■ -1 \ % %:■ 1 : 378 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. small, luccd round l.at ; by his side hung an elegant sil- ver mounted cutlass, and his blanket of blue cloth, pur- posely dropped on the chair, on which ho sat, to display liis epaulets, was gorgeously decorated with a border of red."* Col. Stone, in his " Life of Brant," has evidently either mistaken the true character and position of Bi-ant, or made him too much a hero. It is very evident that he did not possess those elements of character which consti- tute greatness in the eyes of uncivilized men. His im- portance and conceded influence, mther grew out of those qualities which civilized man approves and admires. Or rather ho had influence with the Indians, because they sup- posed he had influence with white men. He could be useful to them, because he was civilized and associated with civilized people, but in those traits of character which constitute greatness in the eyes of Indians, Brant does not seem to have been eminent. He had more showy, than substantial qualities ; all accounts of him seem to indicate this. That he was a gentleman in his manners and address, and kind and humane in his dispo- sition, IS also apparent. He was probably superior to most ot those around him in this respect, when the obser- vations above were made. Thedifiiculty of sustaining such a body of Indians as Had concentrated at Niagara, led to active efl^brts on the part of the officers at that post, under instructions from the British government, to induce the Senecas to settle upon lands which they might cultivate, and by that means, tui^msh their own subsistence. They appear to have been *S«mi|ip,fl||j[ I' ■ 'I ''•'!. 880 IIISTOBY OF nUFFALO. unusual thing for members of the same family to spell their names differently. This has however, led many to suppose that this was evidence that the " Johnston » who resided at Buffalo Creek, with the Indians, was not of the lamily of Sir AVilliam Johnson. The journal of William Savery, who was a member of a delegation of Friends, who attended the treaty at Can- andaigua, by appointment, is interesting, and that part of It which relates to Johnson, is inserted here: JOURNAL OF WM. SAVERY, 1794, WHO ATTENDED AN INDIAN COUNCIL AT CANANDAIOUA. "This morning, the 25th, snow was seven or eight in- ches deep, and having been out in it yesterdav, I was un- well. Abundance of deer are killed by the Indians, per- haps not less than one hundred to-day, within a few miles ofthis place, some in sight; one man killed three in a short time. A man named Johnson, having arrived two days ago from Fort Erie, with a message from Captain Brant, a Mohawk chief of the Six Nations, assembled some chiefs yesterday, and delivered it to them. Beino- in the character of a British interpreter, he appeared a't the council with the Indians to-day, and seemed very in- timate with them. Cornplanter rose to vindicate his com- mg, being privy to the great uneasiness it had given Col. Pickering; he expressed his surprise that ever since the conclusion of the peace with the British nation, such an antipathy had existed, that the United States and the British could not bear to sit side by side, in treaties held by the Indians. He said Johnson had the care of the Senecas at Buffalo Creek, and had brought a message to COUNPLANTElt's SPEECH. 881 the Six Nations, assembled at this council fire, from Brant, wl.om ho left with Governor Simcoe, at Fort Erie ; they having just returned together troin Detroit; that when he went some time ago to see the western Indians, he sat in council with the Delawares, Siiawnese, Wyan- dots, and Miamis, and the western Indians expressed great joy at seeing the Six Nations represented bv him among them ; they told him lA recollected that the busi- ness of the treaty last year did not go on, but the fault ^vaB not theirs, it was that of other people, and the Indi- ans were led astray, for which they were sorry. The misfortunes that have fallen upon them were very heavy, •and our brothers, the British, who were sitting by, gave' ■lis no relief, We allow you who are listening to us, to be the greatest, we will therefore hear what you say. We •desire a council fire may be kindled at Sandusky, for all ^nations of Indians. Capt. Brant sends his compliments to the chiefs at Canandaigua, and says you remember what you agreed on last year, and the line we then marked out ; if this line is complied with, peace will take place ; and he desires us to mention this at Canandaigua. After the council at Canada is over, it is my earnest de- sire you will immediately come to Buffalo Creek, and bring Gen. Chapin with you. I will wait here till your return. Col. Pickering rose and said, he was sorry anything should happen to interrupt this council fire, but it is now interrupted by the coming of Johnson, whom he consid- ered as a British spy, and that his being here, was an in- sult to him, to their friends, the Quakers, and to the fif- ■teen fires. •"That the intrusion of this man into our councils, be- 1 .iif i V' ^' mi^ W" IMi 383 UISTORr OF UUFFALO. traycd groat hnpudonce, nnd was a proof of British inso- loncc. It was perhaps as well that there was no council yesterday, for ho could not my how far the first emotions of his mind at seei-ig this follow hero, might have carried him; ho hoped he was now a little cool, and would en- deavor to moderate his expressions as much as he was capahlo of. lie begged their patience, for ho mu.t bo obliged to eay a great doj^ to inform them of many of thu reasons of his indignation at this step of the I^ritibh gov- ernment, and why it was totally improper to go on with busmess while a British spy was presont He then went into a very lengthy detail of tho ill-treatment of that gov- ernment to tho United States, for several years past, and concluded with saying that either this man must bo sent back to those wliosent him, or he, Col. Pickering would cover up tho council fire, for his instructions from Gen. Washington were, to suffer no British agents at the pres- ent treaty. " The Indians appeared in amazement at tho warmth with which the Commissioner delivered himself, and said when ho sat down, tho council fire grows warm, the sparks of it fly about very thick. As to Johnson, he ap- peared like one that was condemned to die, and now rose and loft us. "The Indians requesting we would withdraw counseled among themselves about half an hour, and sent for us again. Cornplanter rose and said the reason why the council fire has not been uncovered to-day is because of a British man being prc^.:'nt. It was r,in sod by us. Wo requested him to c^.m-. uore it is true, but the fault is in the white people. lam very much surprised and de- ceived by what you told us at Fort Stanwix, when you WILLIAM BAVKBt's JOUKNAL. 383 laid before U8 a paper which coiitainod the terms of peace agreed on, between you and the Engllsli nation ; and told us it was agreed on in the presence of the Great Spirit, and under His influence. We now discover that what the commissioners then tohl us is a lie, when they said they made the chain of friendship bright; but I now find there has been antipathy to eacii other over since. Now our sachems and warriors say what shall wo do. We will shove Johnson off; yet this is not agreeable to my mind, for if I had kindled the council fire, I would suffer a very bad num to sit in it, that he might be made bettor, but if the peace you made had been a good peace, all an- imosities would have beoa done away, and you could then have sat side by t,ide in council. I have one request to make, which is that you furnish him with provisions to carry him home. "The courcil having sat about five hours, adjourned till tomorrow. We dined by candlelight with the commis- sioner and about fifteen chiefs, among whom were Corn- planter, Red-Jacket, Little-Beard, Bigs-ky, Farmers- Brother, Fiah-Carrier, Little-Billy, &c. ''Many repartees of the Indians which Jones interpreted manifested a high turn for wit and humor. Red Jacket has the most conspicuous talent that way ; he is a man of a pleasing countenance, and one of the greatest orators amongst the Six Nations. * * " 26tii, first day. The council being assembled, the first business was the preparation uf a letter which the Indians having got prepared since yesterday, they thought proper for the connnissioner to see it, as they intended to send it by Johnson to Capt. Brant. The contents of it were not altogether agreeable to the commissioner. They SHl« •381 niSTORY Oi;' BUFFALO. Bli' expressed their sorrow that Johnson could not be per- mitted to staj, tlie reasons for wliich he would doubtless inform tnem >vhen he got home. It assured Brant that they were determined to insist on the line agreed to last year, and expressed the 6en:.o they now had, that they M^ere a poor despised, though an independent people, and were brought into buffering by the two white nations, striving who should be greatest. The Indians were pretty high to-day, and little was done but clearing up some misunderstanding respecting the cause" why the treaty was not held'at Buffalo Creek agreeably to the Indians request; the disposition of the Senecas" appeared rather more unc-mproniising than heretofore. * * "28th - * lesterday many of the chiefs and wamors were very an easy at Cornplanter's frequent private visits to the commissioner, and Little Billy spoke roughly to him, told him he should consider who he was, that he yas only a var chief, and it did not become him to be so forward as he appeared to be ; it was the business of the sachems more than his to conduct the treaty. He (Corn- planter) told ti^ am' he had exerted himself for several years, and taken a great deal of pains for the good of the nation, but if thiiy had no further occasion for him he would return home, and he really intended it ; but Col. Pickering and Gen. Chapin exerted themselves to detain him. The dissatisfaction of the Senecas rose so high that it was doubtful whether a council would be held to-day but about three o'clock they met, Cornplanter not atten- ding." The council proceeded, but it does not appear that Cornplanter participated in the proceedings, if he was >even present He had evidently incurred the displeasure m K^H^^^B ■ Wf' ' JOSEPH brant's letter. 38& of some at least oftlic chiefs of las own party. In the progress of the business, Col. Pickering had endeavored to exonerate Cornplanter from all blame, on account of ^is Visits to h,s guests, Ibr the Commissioner had invited to hi ' '' w', V """' '"^ ^"n^ropriety in it, he alone waa bl me. Wdha.n Savery, in his journal, under date of lies s^ says "the interpreter says, parties rise high agamst Cornplanter, that he is in a difficult situation w' Ijis nation ; and they aro not able to conceive what he has done with .gh hmidred dollars received in Philadel hi om the Pennsylvania government, and what induced the government to give him fifteen hundred acres of land for a farm ; these things have created jealousy " Joseph Erant, like Cornplanter, was recognised by the Indians as a war chief only. His early education wal ess, than has generally been supposed. Indeed, the time he spent in Dr. Wheelock's school, was insufficient^ give him only a very superficial knowledge, of even the elementary branches of education. A letter of his, writ Tryon County," shows that neither in his chirography which IS copied,) his orthography, or his comp^osiLn,' had he attained to a mediocrity of proficiency. The fol lowing is a copy of the letter: Tunidilla,* July 6, 1777 Mr. Carr, Sir : I understand that you are a friend to government with sum of the settlers at the Butternuts 13 the reason of my applying to you & those people fo; siimj^rovision, and shall be glad you would send 'me. "Unadilla. 25 : ':« 386 HI8T0KY OF BUFFALO. what you can spare no matter what sorte, for which you shall be paid, you keeping an account of the whole, from your friend and Hum. Serv't, JOSEPH BEANT. To Mr. Peksofeb Cakr. Johnson, being a nephew of Joseph Brant, was in con- stant and intimate communication with him, and althouo-h Brant had left the territory of the United States, he was in intimate communication witli that portion of the Six Nations which chose to remain in the state of New York hy means of messengers or runners, as well as by letters, which he made the means of communication with persons holding official relations to the Indians, and by this means keeping himself "rectus incuria" with them, while he was in quasi hostility to the government. 'The following is a letter written by him to Gov. Geo. Clinton, dated Niagara, 18th June, 1789 : ■Sib : Having before written to some of your principal people on the subject of our lands at Canajoharie, which we have never as yet had any answer to, probably owing to their not having received, having a safe opportunity, beg leave to mention to your excellency, we are informed a Mr. Clock whom we found troublesome before the com- mencement of the late war, is again striving to take ad- vantage of us in order to deprive us of our right in that •part of the country, which when at the last treaty at Fort Stanwix in ] 784, you was with a number more of your principal people kind enough to assure us, as our lands were not confiscated at the close of the war, we should .not be deprived of our right ; we therefore look up to GOV. CLINTON'S ANSWER TO BBANT's LETTER. 387 your excellency for justice and which from your charac- ter we have no doubt but we will obtain. The reason of our not exerting ourselves relative to this matter before now was owing to our being employed in business in the different parts of this country, being obliged to attend at the different treaties, which has made us neglect paying that attention to our private concerns, which we other wise should have done. From the great scarcity of cattle at present amongst us, owing to our having lost numbers this last winter, we would wish to dispose of our Canaio- harie lands, and would take part cattle in payment and give a just deed of the same. Your Excellency being at the head of the State, we have thought proper to first inen- tion It to you and shall wait your answer, which we hoT.e will be soon, that an end may be put to the business I flatter myself we will give you every satisfaction in any purchase which may be made from us, as what we our- selves do we shall wish to abide by. I have the honor to be your most ob'dt Humb'l Serv't, JOSEPH BRANT. In behalf of the Mohawk Nation, Geo. Clinton, Esq ; PLANTER mark his HALF ^ TOWN, mark bis GREAT k^TREE. ^ Signed at Philadelpliia, the 1st clay of December, 1 TOO ""['resent at signing, Joseph Nicholson, Interpreter, Tim'y Matlack. OKN. WASHINGTON S REPLY. 407 The reply of Gen. Washington was couched in kind and conciliatory language, informing the chiefs that he was aware that their people had been led into some difficulty about their lands, but assured them that the government of the United States felt bound to protect them in all'the lands secured to them by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784. lie also assured them that John Livingston was not authorized to treat with them in regard to their lands, and that every thing that he did was null and void, and that the federal courts would aftbrd them relief as readi- ly and as effectually as any white citizen, and that it did not appear from any proofs in possession of the govern- ment, that Oliver Phelps had defrauded them. He ad- vised them to be strong in their friendship to the govern- ment which was sincerely desirous of their friendship, upon terms of the most perfect justice, and humanity. He also assured them that an agent would soon be ap- pointed to reside at some place convenient to then., to whom they might apply at all times for advice or assist- ance. They were then dismissed with handsome pres- ents for themselves, and for other chiefs in their nation. Cornplanter and his colleagues had complained of some of the provisions of the treaty at Fort Stanwix in 1784. That they were compelled to give up too much of their lands, and asked that the treaty might be reconsidered, and a part of their land restored. To^ this the President replied : " You seem to entirely forget that you your-* selves, the Cornplanter, Half-Town, and Great Tree, with others of your nation, confirmed, by the treaty of Fort Harmer, upon the Muskingum, so late as the 9th of Jan- uary, 1789, the boundary marked at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and that in consideration thereof, you then re- »!;»'■) 408 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. ceived goods to a considerable amount. * * The lines fixed at Fort Stanwix and Fort Harmer must therefore- remain established." The delegation took their leave of the President on the 7th of February, 1791, in anaddress of which the follow- ing is a copy : Fathkr-^No Seneca eyer goes from the fires of hia friend, until he has said to him, « I am going." We now therefore tell you, that we are now setting out for our own country. Father-We thank yon from our hearts that we now know there is a country we may call our own, and on which we may lie down in peace. We see that there will be peace between your children and our children • and our hearts are glad. We will persuade the Wyandots and other western nations, to open their eyes, and look towards the bed which you have made for us, and to ask of you a bed for themselves, and their children, that will not slide from under them. We thank you for your pres- ents to us, and rely on your promise to instruct us in rai- sing com, as the white people do ; the sooner you do this the better for us. And we thank you for the care you' have taken to prevent bad men from coming to trade among us ; if any come without your license, we will turn them back; and we hope our nation will determine to spill all the rum which shall, hereafter, be brought to our towns. Father-We are glad to hear that you determine to appomt an agent that will do us justice, in taking care that bad men do not come to trade amongst us ; but we- earnestly entreat you that you will let us have an inter- FAREWELL BPEEOH OF OORNPLANTEB. 40» preter in whom we can confide, to reside at Pittsburgh : to that place our people, and other nations, will long con- tinue to resort ; there we must send what news we hear, when we go among the western nations, which, we are determined, shall be early in the spring. We know Jo- seph Nicholson, and he speaks our language so that we clearly understand what you say to us, and we rely on what he says. If we were able to pay him for his servi- ces, we would do it ; but, when we meant to pay him, by giving him land, it has not been confirmed to bim, and he will not serve us any longer unless you will pay him. Let him stand between to entreat yof. Father— You have not asked any security for peace on our part, but we have agreed to send nine Seneca boys, to be under your care for education. Tell us at what time you will receive them, and they shall be sent at the time you shall appoint. This will assure you that we are, in- deed, at peace with you and determined to continue so. If you can teach them to become wise and good men, we will take care that our nation shall be willing to receive instruction from them. his COEN M PLANTER, mark. his HALF M TOWN, mark, his BIG M TEEE. mark. Signed at Philadelphia, 7th Feb., 1791, in presence of Joseph Nicholson, Interpreter, Thomas Proctor, Tim'y Matlack. "[ I In i: It! \\' 410 HISTORY OK UUFHAI.O. Coniphinter mid Jjniiit liiid ivtteiulod tlio trcnty at Fort Stanwix in 1784, us the jji-incipiil representatives of tlio Six Nations. Tlio concessions of land made at that treaty had been a subject of dissatisfaction and complaint, on the i)art of a rjreat majority of the chiefs and sachemB, and Cornphuiter had already began to feel the growing unpopularity of those, who were considered the authors of those measures, and it is not surprising that ho should make strenuous effoi'ts, to get the terms of that treaty so modified, as to make it less obnoxious to his ])eople. Tlie condition of Indian affairs in the Northwestern Territory, was daily growing more and more threaten- ing. It was the policy of the government, by every pos- sible means, to conciliate the Six Nations. While on the other hand, the British were active in inciting, and en- couraging them to join the western Indians, in the im- pending struggle. Johnson, Brant, and others, were ac- tive agents of the British, and soon after the visit of Corn- planter, Half-Town, and Big Tree, to their great father, President Washington, an agent was dispatched to visit Cornplanter, with a view to engage him, and through him, the influential chiefs of the Six Nations, to go on an embassy to the western Indians ; particularly the Wyan- dots, in the vicinity of Sandusky. Accordingly, in March, 1791, Col. Thomas Proctor was appointed to pro- ceed to visit Cornplanter, at his residence on the head waters of the Allegany river. As his journal is interest- ing, and relates to the condition of the Senecas, and their lc^.cition in this vicinity, it will be inserted at length, in an appendix. It has been stated that Cornplanter acted in concert with Brant at the Fort Stanwix treaty in 1784. It should DKATII OF OORNI'LANTER. 411 bo understood however, that there existed between these two chiefs, n ])ersonal dislike. It iiuvy bo, that the results of that treaty iioightened this feeling of animosity on tho part of Cornplanter, for ho never ceased to regret the acta into which ho was drawn, or driven, at that treaty ; and bo refers to it on almost all occasions, cither to complain of its terms, or, of tho bad faith, in which its provisions had been observed on tho part of tho whites. lie was a war chief of the Sonecas. Brant held tho same position among the Mohawks. It is scarcely possible that they should have been rivals. As a warrior, whatever may bo thought, or said, by white men, Cornplanter, in tho estima- tion of tho Indians, who were their cotemporaries, was his superior. The Senecas wore a nation of warriors, and it will bo admitted, that they did most of the fighting for the Six Nations, during nearly two centuries of their history, with which we are conversant. From the time Cornplanter came on to the stage, (and he entered upon the war path early,) down to the close of tho Kevolutionary war, he had no superior, and few equals as a warrior. His other qualifications will bo judged, by the record he has left, in his speeches, and letters, in the archieves of our State, and national government. After the war, he retired to the land given him by the State of Pennsylvania, where ho continued to reside until his death, which occurred in March, 1836, at the age of over one hundred years. 1 ii! m f'\ I4|l 'i l,U "if APPENDIX. NARRATIVE OP COL. THOMAS PROCTOR. March 12th, 1791. Left the city of Philadelphia, accompanied hj Capt. M. G. Houdin, under a heavy rain, fully evidencing our intention to stop at no difficulties, until we should gain the settlement of Cornplanter, alias Capt. O'Beel.oneofthe chiefs of the Seneca Nation, residing on the head-waters of the Alleghany river. * * March Uth. Proceeded to Curaherstown, in company with Mr. Potts andMr.Baird; the latter of which gentlemen informed me, that he was engaged to attend Gen. St. Clair to Fort Washington, whither the Gen- eral was immediately to proceed, in order to prepare for a campaign ag^nst the Miami, and other Indians, who are daily committing of mur- ders on the defenceless inhabitants on the frontier settlements. 15th. Set forward at daylight. The roads from Philadelphia hither, nearly impa,ssible, occasioned by the heavy rains that had fallen for sev- eral days past; with some danger we forded the little Schuylkill; on this day's journey we crossed the Blue Mountains. 17th. Crossed the east branch of the Susquehanna. Lay this night at B<^rwick, a small town situate on the west side of the Susquehanna. I8th. Proceeded on our journey Mp the west side of the Susquehanna, above twelve miles; * ^ from thence we proceeded on the road for Wilks- burgh, by the way of the mountain path, as dangerous for man and horse as was possible; and at 9 o'clock in the night we reached the first house in a settlement at Wyoming. March 19th. Arrived at Wilksbugh about eleven o'clock, halted for the night in order to rest our horges. * * Spent the afternoon at our lodg- ings with Colonel Butler and Capt. Gnibb. The former was an officer in the Connecticut line, and stationed here during the late war, for the pro- tection of the frontier inhabitants against the British and Indians in % ! ;i lis! 414 IIISTOBY OF BUFFALO. Which station he proved to bo a vigilant and bravo officer. The latter part of the evening I accompanied Col. Pickering, Prothonotary of the county, and lato Adjutant General of the armies of the United States Much snow fell while we remained at this place; weather extremely cold" 20th. This day we set forward for Capt. Waterman Baldwin's; arrived there in the evening, halted for him part of two days, as I had orders to take him with me to the residence of the Cornplanter, at which place he was intended to act as instructor to tho Indian youth, as also a director in the mode and management of agriculture, for the use and benefit of the Indians. This gentleman was made prisoner by Cornplanter, during the ate war, and was treated by him with remarkable tenderness, until legally exchanged. * * ) " 22d. Passed the first narrows of Susquehanna; * ' encamped this eve- ning in the woods, thirteen miles from Lahawanock, on the waters of the Buttermilk Falls. * ' This place I had the opportunity of examining mi- nutely, when going on tho expedition of Gen. Sullivan against the sava- ges, in the year 1779. We landed, and I passed to the top of tho moun- tain to review so great a curiosity. 23d. The Susquehanna being so extremely high, and all the waters leading thereto, compelled us to quit the river road, and go by that lately cut (though not cleared) by John Nicholson, Esq., Comptroller General ofthe state of Pennsylvania. Tho taking of this road which was cut about twenty feet in width, the trees lying across the same, and m every direction, was not a matter of choice, but necessity, for the river road was impassible. 24th. Wo were obliged to encamp early this afternoon under a very heavy storm of rain, thunder and lightning, and what is very remarkable the snow was in general fifteen inches deep on tho grouoid 25th. Wo still travelled by the way of Nicholson's road,' till we reached he one cut by Mr. Ellicott, geographer to the United States, which leads to the g,-eat bend on the east branch of the Susquehanna, and to describe the same, it is hardly possible, but to say the lea.st of them, there is none can equal them for heigth of mountains, and swampy valleys. Encamped this night ten miles from Tioga point. 26th We arrived at the ferry at Tioga Point, the river still very high From there we proceeded on our way to Newtown Point. At Tioga Point I was compelled to purchase a pack-horse, as the route we had to take from the Painted Post to the Genesee, wa^ not inhabited; which by com- putation was ninety-nine miles. Capt. Baldwin also purchased another horse, the better to enable him to carry on the fai-ming business for the APPENDIX. 415 Cornplanter. * * From benco I also took a guide named Peter, in his own language Cayantlia, there being nothing but a blind path to the Genesee river, * * Sunday, 27th. Halted for the night, reviewed the ground on which the British and Indians were entrenched for better than a mile, against thu forcesunder the command of Major Gen. Sullivan. * * 28th, Proceeded to the Painted Post or Cohocton in the Indian lan- giiage; dined, and refreshed our horses, it being the last house we should meet with, ere wo should reach the Genesee river. Here I was joined com- pany by a Mr. George Slocum, who followed us from Wyoming, to place himself under our protection and assistance until we should reach the Corn planter's settlement on the head-waters of the Alleghany, to the redeem- ing of his sister from an unpleasing captivity of twelve years, to which end he begged our immediate interposition. On leaving the Painted Post, we entered the wurriors path, lying on the north eaet side of the Tioga river. 29th. Continued our route by the aforesaid path this day. * * 30th. Wo began our journey before sunrise; * * the course of the war- riors path gives a traveller a sight of the river Tioga, upwards of sixty miles. The next principal water we crossed is called, in the Indian lan- guage, Connesserago, from whence it is called twelve miles to the Genesee river. 31st. This morning I found my.self in a settlement of Indians, called the Squawkey tribe, but a branch of the Seneca Nation. * * April 1st. Mr. Horatio Jones, Indian interpreter, arrived this morning,, and about eleven o'clock, there were thirty odd Indians collected ; and shortly afterwards I convened into council, and introduced my message by some prefatory sentiments, touching on the candor and justice of the United States. I read the message to them from the Hon. Secretary of War ; having ended the same, they signified their full approbation in their accustomed manner. Capt. Little Beard acquainted mo that their great warrior, Capt. O'Becl, or Cayantawanka, in the Indian language, had arrived at Pittsburgh, from Philadelphia, and sent out runners from thence, to summon the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations at Buffalo, where he desired that the great council fire might be kindled, and whore he should lay before them all the business that had been done by him at Philadelphia, and the public papers and documents, which he had recei- ved for the Six Nations, from the President of the United States, the Secretai-y of War, and from the Governor of the State of Pennsylvania. This information induced rao to prepare myself for going to Buffalo in the fi IN: ilii lir m> m ill |1 V-1 vlii 416 HISTORY OF BUFFALO. morning, instead of continuing my route to O'Beelstown, «nd Hrged it upon them in a very pressing manner, that they would accompany me on this deserving errand to Buffalo, m its design was big with advantages to every Indian on the continent. Five of them immediately offered to at- tend Capt. Houdin and myself, and chiefs of the first notoriety in this eettlemont, and accordingly appointed a sugar camp, eight miles distant the place of meeting in the morning, where they must go and acquaint their people of this hasty departure. I now made the necessary inquiry whether it was easy to obtain a good interpreter at Buffalo, or otherwise: and being informed that there were no interpreters there but those under British pay and establishments, I conceited it a duty incumbent on me, to engage Mr. Jones, as being a proper person for my business, from the reputation he b^ro from inquiries I have made, and I accordingly agreed with him, in the behalf of the United States, to pay him the customary wages, so long as 1 should find occasion for his services, April 2d. Departed from the council fire at Squawkey Hill, to proceed by the way of Tonawandy, to Buffalo— presumed distance between ninety and one hundred miles ; but, agreeable to my promise to the chiefs yes- terday, I had to call for them at their sugar encampment. On my way thither, I stopped at the hut of Stump Foot, with the Black Chief, who accompanied me, just at the instant that a runner had arrived there from Buffalo Greek, who brought the information that the council fire at that place had been quenched, by direction of the chiefs who had lighted the sane, at the instance of O'Beel's message to them, and was to be covered for one moon. Upon this sudden information to me, and their determi- nation to continue as above directed, I determined to change my route from this place, and go for the Oil Springs, near which the Cornplantej has hib residence, and of which intention of mine I immediately informed them, that should I be so fortunate as to find him at home, I would use every possible endeavor to bring forward to Buffalo, Capt. O'Beel and hii chiefs, in order to rekindle the council fire. On these remarks we part- ed, and I proceeded with my people to a village eight miles distant, called Nondas, and halted for the night at the hut of a white woman, who had been with the savages from her infancy, and had borne to one of them nine children, all of whom were living. Two of her daughters I have seen, possessing fair features, bearing the bloom upon their cheeks, and inclining to the side of beauty ; and her second son had lately been adopted a sachem, and styled the promoter of peace. Sunday, April hd. Arrived this day at an Indian village called Carase- dera, situated on a high bluff of land overlooking the Genesee river. It rr APPENDIX. 417 consistod of about thirty bouses, and some ol" them done in a way that showed some taste in the workmen. The town was vacated by its inhab- Hants principally, save only one squaw, and a young girl, who were left as guards to the interest of others, who were out providing sugar for their general .stock. This day we wore compelled to swim our horses three times across the Genesee river ; and at one of the crossings, Capt. How- diu's horso took down the current with him, and could not steer him to taoiuieuded shore, having crossed the reins of his bridle at mountinjr, and were it not that he had left the horse to his own management, (by our entreaties,) and our Indian guide rushing into the water to his assist- ance, and the horse turning for him, the Captain must have certainly drowned in the ciu'rent, which was excessively rapid a little lower down. April 4th. This morning we again swam our horses over the same river. From this place we have scarcely the trace of a path ; and took up our encampment for the night in an old Indian encampment, where the covering of their wigwam served to shelter us from the inclemency of the weather. April 5th. We gained an Indian settlement called Oliliisheu. situate on the waters of Oil Creek, the emptying of which, into the Alleghany about two hundred yards below the huts. In crossing the Oil Creel- at a very steep shelving place, my horso fell back into the water. I disen- gaged myself from falling under him, but got wet through all my clothes We encamped this night at the Groat Bend of the Alleghany. This place was formerly called Duncwangua. April 6th. This morning, having advanced about four miles, we met two Indian runners, with belts and speeches from the Cornplanter alias O'Beel, to the Indians resident in the upper towns, at the head waters of the Alleghany, to inform them that several of the Delaware Indians were k.Ued by the white people, said to be a recruiting party of Virginians near Fort Pitt The said Indians informed us, that the Indians who had escaped the catastrophe, that their brothers had iallen into, turned their resentment for the injury their nation had received, on the white inhal)i- tants who resided on the Alleghany, some miles above Pittsburgh, and killed and scalped seventeen in number ; that at the same time this mis- chief happened, Capt. O'Beel, the New Arrow Chief, and several other chiefs of the Senecas, as also the commanding officer of Venango, coming up in the garrison ),oat, and in canoes, from Pittsburgh, were overtaken by a party of militia, who threatened them with instant death, which was happily prevented, but (they) forcibly carried back the garrison boat and canoes, with all the property purchased by Cornplanter and his na- 27 418 HISTORY OF BtltrALO. tion. Having at this time no path to go by, mado the way lengthy and disagreeable. * * Our guide conducted us in safety, at about 10 o'clock, at night, to O'Beel's town. This town is pleasantly situated, on the north side of the river, and contains about twenty-eight tolerable well built houses I and the one which they had selected for me and my followers to reside in, was commodiously fitted up, with berths to sleep in, and uncom* monly clean, and provided us for the night with plenty of provisions, such as boiled venison and dumplings. Matters were no sooner arranged, than I desired my interpreter to have the chiefs collected where I could speak to them. Upon which, we found that all the chiefs and warriors of the town were gone on to Venango, hcai'ing that their head warrior, O'Beel, and their sachem, tlio New Arrow, were forced to take sanctuary in Fort Franklin, (one of our garrisons, ) for the protection of their lives ; that none remained in the (own on tliis account, but three very old men, the women and children. '^ * I then desired that they would furnish me with a, canoe and a guide, to conduct me to the place where I could meet with O'Beel and his people, being desirous of going forward immediately; and that I should, without doubt, be the instriiment of bringing their chiefs and warriors to tlicm in a few days. Upon which, they sent five miles to procure me a canoe, and by daylight, two young Indians attend- ed me, with whom my interpreter and Capt. Baldwin, went for French Creek, distant about one hundred and thirty miles^ and arrived on the 8th day of April, about four in the afternoon, as we worked our canoe by turns, all night. I no sooner arrived at the garrison on French Creek, than I received a visit from Cornplantor, and those Indians that accompanied him at Phila- adelphia, who professed the greatest happiness to see me, being under the greatest anxiety of mind, for the safety of the New-Arrow, who was car- ried in the Garrison boat to Pittsburgh in the forcible manner ])efore re- lated. * * I desired him (Cornplantor) without loss of time, to bring with, him into the garrison all the head men of the nation then present, so that I might inform tliem of the message I Avas charged with from his excellency, the .Secretary of War, to tlu,' Six Nations; * * upon this Capt. O'Beel left me, and soon after summoticd the chiefs present, eleven in number, wlio met me in tlio garrison ))y permission of Lieut. Jeffcrs, and in the fullest manner I gave tliom the necessary information. I propo.sed meeting them again in tlieir encampment over French Creek, early in the forenoon, and of which I desired that they might inform their people, so that none might be absent. April 9th. I crossed French Creek to their encampment, about eleven APPENDIX. 419 H o'cloek, where I found them prepared to receive me about scventy-flve in number, exclusive of women, children and youth; in the whole one hun- dred and eighty. I read Orst the message to the Seneca Nation from the Secretary of War, and after explaining to them the principles upon which it was founded, I read to them the messages from Governor St. Clair to the Wyandot and Delaware tribos, who were deemed and ob- served to be friends of the United States. Hero I thought it my duty to explain to them the force of my message to the Indians, who were carry- ing on their wanton depredations and cruelties on the defenceless inhabi- tants resident near the Ohio. * * That with this present council it rests to save those misguided people on tho Miami aiul Wabash, from the dis- truction that is just ready to fall and crush them; and the better to effect 80 laudable an undertaking, lot there be selected from amongst you, any number of your chiefs and warriors, not more than fifteen nor less than five, to guide and accompany me to tho Miami's, as by your going from hence we shall save the distance of four hundred miles, if not compelled to go to Buffalo Creek; and by this act you will fully complete the end of my message to the Seneca Nation; and for your services you shall receive ample reward from tho United States, and due honor to your nation. " * We left them for aljout an hour and a half, when a chief came to inform mo that they were dusirous of seeing me again at their lire. I according- ly attended, and Capt. O'Beel was appointed to acquaint me with the de- termination of their council; which brielly was that they could not agree to my request of going directly to the Miamies, as they must determine on that business in full council of the Six Nations at Buffalo Creek. See- ing therefore, that I had no other alternaliv" but by going to Buffalo I requested then, that they would prepare themselves to leave this place, and proceed for Buffalo on to-morrow, which they readily complied with; and for Cornplanter's address to me ujion this occasion, see subsequent page. '' "* April 10th. Agreeably to tho urrangemouts made by me at the general council yesterday, we set out from French Creek to go up the Alleghany river with thirty canoes. -^ * Halted this night at Oil Creek, about eight miles from tho garrison. Lieut. Jetfers came to us at this place about 12 o'clock at night, and brought with him certain letters that he had re- ceived from Pittsburgh that evening, with verbal messages he had re- ceived by express, by which moans the Indians were infornud that some of their canoes were plundered of what they contained, Itut the garrison boat was returning with their chief, the New Arrow .tc., under tho escort of Major Hart, with a jiroper guard. * I ii i tt Ifiji li^ii III m 420 III8T0RY OF BUFFALO. Monday, lllh of April. AVo silently began to load our canoes, and shortly after took up the line of marcl), O'Beel taking the lead. I held it proper to tako my place no.xt to his canoe to stimulate him to press for- ward on his journey. Ere we could reach Buflalo Creek, wo arrived this evening at an old Indian settlement called Ilog's Town; wo had much rain this night and very cold. April 12th I was invited this morning to breakfast with Capt. O'lJeel his squaw, &c. Our repast, boiled chestnuts, parched meal sweetened- his daughter made us some tea, also, which she put into an ojjen kettle when the water was cold, and being boiled in that manner without any cover to the kettle, it became very dirty and disagreeable to the taste- but of the chestnuts I took sufficiently. * * This day about one o'clock we arrived at the Munsee settlement, where all the canoes came to at, in order to rest and prepare for our dinners. Immediately after we had landed, and what appeared very strange to me, several Indian women came forward with kettles full of boiled corn and bear's meat, and jihiced it before Capt. O'Beel, who they had heard was approaching with his people. This being done, each family of a canoe, (as in each were women and children) approached witli their kettles, without any signal being made, to receive their stipend; and to do which, an old squaw was ap- pointed to act as an issuing commissary, who dealt it out in proi-ortions so justly, that each went away fully satisfied. Ca])(. O'Tie-l rciiuesled of my interpreter to inform me it was expected tliat I wouM jiavluke of what was prepared; I did so accordingly, to prevent displeasure, but with the weakest appetite. * * 12th. At 9 o'clock at niglit Capt. O'Beel the Delaware chiefs and Sen- ecas, when Capt. Snake's interpretor gave his sjieech as follows: '• Uncle, (for that is the term given by the Delawares to the Senecas) God has been good to )is this day; for we have each heard llie good (alk from the great chief of the thirteen tires; and we liave ever .siid thai we would advise each otlier of everything we heard tliat was bad, or was like to befall either of our nations. Now uncle, we havi; determined to go with you and our brother, who brings to us these good tidings, to Bullalo, and there meet our nations at the great council fire. Blood inav fall upon us while wo are going, l>ut now we give you our hands as we promised, and we will lie down and will rise logether." Hlere a belt ol wam])iiin was given, consisting of ::ve strings, wiiich Capt. U'i:oel viewed in his hand a short time, and then presented it to me.) Caj)!. Fii.akc again repeated: " Uncle in three days we remove our women i.nd child- ren, and all that we have to your towns, they arc to renmin with your APPENDIX. I 421 women until our return." In the course of Lis speech, ho al.se mentioned that their people expected to receive a stroke from the Massasaugas, a part of that nation who were led to war I)y their brotlicrs. 13th. Our fleet set out from llickorytown, and reached Logtrap Creek, ten miles distant, and encamped. Kained all night, and not a dry thread on myself or companions. nth. Proceeded up the river to-day, took up our encampment near the mouth of Casyoudang Creek, it being tiie place where Col. Broadhead, in 1779, had fought against the savages; and in whicli action Joseph Nich- olson, his interpreter, was woiuided. 15th. Being very unwell this morning, and overtaken with rheumatic pains, and to such a degree that I was obliged to have assistance to con- vey me from my canoe to the fire ; at the same iim'o it being cold and raining, I informed Cornplanter that 1 should leave his fleet, and proceed to his lower town, to procure some assistance ; and I aniv«d there some time in the night, after a very laborious day's work for the Indians ; * * tho Indians whom I hired at Venango, to bring mo to O'Boel's town, (there being two called by his name,) drew so nice a distinction, that they chose the first, or lower town, and insisted that this was the town they intended to come to, and not tlie other ; and should I require their as- sistance to go to the upper town, I must pay to eacli one dollar. The terms being agreed upon, we proceeded to the upper town, aforesaid * * At this town I loft Capt. Houdin, Indian Peter, theguide which I ),rought from near Tioga Point, also our horses, when I departed thence to Ve- nango. * ■ IGth, At this town 1 met in company with Capt. Uoudin, a French gentleman from Montreal, by the name of Dominick de Barge, who had followed the Indian trade in this country for six years past, and wlio lost by the same a considerable fortune, by tho credits he had given to some of the Indians, &c. ; with them I found also a Mr. Culbertson, a trader from Genesee, and ifgave mo i)leasure to Ihid tliat the Captain was not altogether alone, Lo seeming to have an aversion in general, to the com- pany of Indians. 17tli. This day, tho canoes whicli left on the l.-ith. arrived here, and brought the news which tliey had received from an Indian runner, that on Wednesday last, the 13th, the New Arrow and his associates, with tlie garrison lx.at, had arrived at Fort Franklin ; liaving suffered no damage in their persons, nor loss of their merchandise, as was reporled. • "^ 18th, An express arrived here from the New Arrow, advising tliat they must send down to him at Fort Franklin, a certain number of canoes, A: iLii m m lip 422 HI8T0KY OF BUFFALO. BuffloliMit to carry tho goods brought forward by Cornplantor from Pblla- dolphiiv. • » Tliis aftornoon, tho canocH wbicli had waited on tho way, arrived; and I)y which I waa informed that tho Delaware and MiinHco Indians at Ilickorytown, were moving with their stock, Ac, to Cattarau- gus. I'Oth. O'Ueel and chiefs arrived hero from tho lower town, and ordered their conch slioll to be sounded throiigli tho town, to summon tlie heml men to council. Nothing more material tliin day. 20th. An express arrived from Bulfalo Creelt, informiuir tiiat the lire of tho Six Nations had boon Icindled Ity a number of chiefs and warriors, and they had been stirring it long (o keep it alive, waiting for tlui sa- chems of tho Senecas and thcur brothers, who were sent by the great chief of tho thirteen (ires, whom wo want to hear speak with us, * * On receiving this public message, I was requested by O'Beol and tho other chiefs, to write an answer, on their beliulf, as hearing that Col. Butler and Brant were at Buffalo, waiting our coming. I complied witli tlieir request, and directed tho same to tho Farmers' Brother, Kayasatta. and Red Jacket, cliiefs of tho Six Nations, at Buffalo Creek. 21st. This morning, tlie whole of the town were jireparing to have a grand feast, to return thanks to tho great keeper of all men, for their be- ing spared to meet once more together ; several of the chiefs called on us to invito us to bo present. In the evening, Cajii. O'Beel and other chiefs, informed me that llu^ would be ready to go with me to Buffalo Creek in tho morning, if I thought proper ; tiio infonnation gave mo the most heart-felt satisfaction, and I accpiaintcd him that I was ready to de- part, at any hour they should agree to go, as mucli precious time had been wasted since my crrival in tliis place from the (Jenesee country. 23d. AVe left O'Beel's town about twelve o'clock, and proceeded with a few chief* and warriors, (the whole not being ready to depart wiili us,) taking tlie route for Buffalo through tho village called Cattaragus, which we did not reach before the 2.')th, in tho evening ; aiul on our way thith- er, passed througli a settlement of Delaware, or Munsee Indians, in which was about twenty houses. 2Cth. We took up our journey towards Buffalo, and in about live miles going from thence, we came in upon tho verge of lake Erie, which had a beautiful ajjpearance, it being a pleasant morning, and the wafers wen- very serene, and looking over the lake, we could just perceive the land upon tho other side. We traveled along tlic! sandy beach for some miles, but were obliged, at three or fi.ur different places, to leave tho shore, and take to the wooils, the rocks having come blnff up to the deep water. APPENDIX. 423 27th. Weurrivcd at Buffalo Crock, having travelled through a country bf exceeding rich land, from our lai<( encampment, the extent of which 1 have not been able to ascertain. Thu prc-('in).tivo right to this valuable country in vested in the state of Massachusetts, but at present the proper- ty of the lion. Robert Morris of the city of Philadelphia, by a late pur- chase. The princii-al village ofnuflulo l.elongs to iho Seneca Nation, and in it the Voung-Kiug and Farnier's-Urother reside; as also Red Jaclt. et the great speaker, and prince of the turtle tribe. On my entering the town there weie numbers of Indians collected at the hut where we alight- ed Irom our horses, and on taking a general view of them, I found that they were far better clothed than tl,Q80 Indians were, in the towns at a greater distance, owing entirely to the immediate intercourse they had with the British, being but thirty-flvo miles distance from Niagara, and but SIX miles from Fort Erie, situate on the north side of the lake; from which places tliey are supplied yearly with almost every necessary they require, so much so as to make them indifferent in their huntings, and the chiefs who are poor in general, have to look up to them for almost their daily subsistence, not only of provisions but for apparel; for the Young-King was fully ivgimenlaled as a Colonel, red, faced with blue, as belonging to some Royal Regiment, and equipped with a pair of the best epauletts. So that from his alter conduct, it may na appear extraordi- nary where the King has thrown in his opposition to my er- rand, he beinpr paid so well for his influence over the Indian Nations as to carry his favorite point in question. I had not been long in the village before 1 was invited to the great council house, with my companion at- tended by Red Jacket, O'Beel and other chiefs. Just as we approached the porch they had a two pounder swivel gun, which had been loaded very heavy, having put into her an uncommon chnrge which the acting gunner being sensiljlo of, stood within the door, and.fired it from the end of a long pole which he passed between the logs; which being done the explosion upset the gun and its fixture. This thev said was done' as a treat for our safe arrival through the dangers that we had encountered and for which they were thankful to the Great Keeper. The speech given by Red Jacket, being ended, he came forward to me to the seat I had been invited to in the centre of the council, and presented me with four strings of wampum, which he had held in his hands while speaking (for particu- lars of which see another page) Capt. O'Beel having been particularly named by Red Jacket, he rose and returned the compliment in behalf of us that were strangers. Being just at sun setting, I apprised the council through my interpre-' ■m M I m HISTORY OF UUFFALO, tor, that I had uiossngcM from Ooti. Wiwhiiigtoii, tho groal clii(y the authority of tho thirteen Arcs, l)ut of tho truth of which they woro not always convinced. Tlds in- timation ojiened the dooi tliat I expected; having heen informed by a French frentleniaii, a trader amongst tliem, that Iheso nentimenls had fallen from Brant and Butler, about seven days previous to our arrival at this place, who desired of the chiefs in private council to pay no atten- tion to wliut shonid be said to tlieni by me; and an they knew tlut pur- port of my mission, from tlie cliiefs whom 1 had held council with at Gen- PBeo river; the Colonels advised them not to assist mo in going to thoMi- amies, as tho conse(|uenccs would ))»« fatal to those that should attend me, and consequent death to me and my companion. From these suggestions which hail fallen from Red Jacket, I mentioned in open council, that I was desirous tl)at tiiey might call forward any gentleman of veracity in whom they iiad confidence, to l)t> present while I should deliver myself to them, and examine any writing that I was directed to lay before tho Six Nations, as by that means proof would bo made that my commission was founded on tlie authority of th(^ United Slates of America. They then agreed upon sent Powell, to take up h.s abode at my hut for the night, which lu- , ery w ,1 angly accepted. After we had taken a little refreshment, we entered into a general conversation, and spoke ^^^' .^^\ Cannon Mr.-Taken prisoner at Cherry ValYey'. %X Caldwell, Capt.— .Mentioned. .\n? Callender— A trader, plundered jgo canSgir li^:""": \ !"™" !'"": j"^^ '"''• •^"^»^°" ------■■-- -^jj! Caiinahodt— A Seneca sachem, delivers't^ho nie.ssage of "his" i/eonle 87 .anoes-2()0 loaded with furs arrive at Quebec from Mach.ac ^ " "m Cana;|lu,u.eson-Cliief Oneida sachem, his speech -"^""^'- " " j.^-.j " |J" Canadian M.litui-Gen. Carleton depends upon ' 24" Carloton Cen.-Col. Guy Joluison's interview with 245 250 245, 250 Casconchagon-(Gc.nesee River,) Indians ask to have Jonciare'set- tie there ,^_ Ca.iglwiawagas-T wo killed and" several" wo"u"n'(ied 940 Cat Nation— Lived ujion the south side of Lake Erie r Calawbas— I'lie lro(juois war agiiinst. 00 Chamidain-Attacks the Onondagas. and i:s"w'o"imdc>d" .".".■.".".": i5"28 Cherry \alk^v-Massacreat....30«, 308. 309,314,310, 318, 319","32], 322 Charle^•oix-Spcak;;;f■tl;(; dread; ;n"fi-a;-; of "liu^i^oquois.";."*'^''' ^^^' '% Chauin.mot. .Joseph Marie-Visits tlie Iroquois o ^ C I!;u'''r!I'7'V'''''*i "'■ ""i ^''""•'''' ''S"s treaty ^if" peace: : ! ! ! : ! ! " " 1^2 Chew. Joseiih—.Secie(ary of Indian Affairs. '}W\'rn Chorokees— Tlie lr(.(|uois war against ' .'i C'honeguen— (Oswego.) culled bftlie Fi " Clans, C(d. Daniel— Slurries a daughter I " rencli j 9;; L'rof Sir \\'\\\. Johnson 12G, 184 Cliutoii. DeWitt-His "remarks on ti"ie"l"ro"(|uo"is ^^"' ^S Connecticut— Purchased lands of the Irocniois u Cocinan. Major-Commanding at Fort Slanwi.x qnf! Conm,lly, Capl.-Of militia at Pittsburgh 170 Cornl.my. Lord -Appoinled Gov. of New York { f Con-airli-qui-eson-An Oneida chief, opens council at JoiinsonHali: ^ISC, -280 ■9 Cox, Col.— Killed. Cornstock-.Vt t lie bat I le of the Kanira'wa." .".""". "nV Y78 " Tv) Crogiian, Wm.-Agent of Sir Win. Joiinson on theUlno" " " " ' 139 172 i.^in.'N Tr"''"!--'^^^^^ iMhal)itantof Va.lt;;. 1G9: 170, 175 Dablon. Lallier— \ isiis the Iro(|uois ' '^^^^'"^ uartmotith, Larl— Sir W ni. Johnson's report to igt Wanbury— Lord Howe s(;nds a body of troops to ".'.'.".'.' .'.'.WW'. 271 INDEX. 429 Dan cl, Capt.-A faithful Mohtiwk killed . . . ^ ?FA, Dayton Col -Repairing Fort Stanwix oVP "op: Dean, Mr. -(Interpreter,) his letter ^^^'^M Durant.Mons. -Meets M. de Longueville and jonct '-^-'^ ' ' "'-^ Dunmce, Lord-Gov of Va or n i., l*;,n'''' "^""-"".■^ *** Oswego. .. .'135 Duor,Mr/--I3enutcTi;v Pen '-in .? ! '"' '''"'.'^ ""S"'"^* *''*^ Indians. 17G , . ^ 100 Fort Schlosser. ... ^^'i, 339 Fort Niagara— C(jini)iet'ed ^^'^^ •'"'l Fort Forty 5(i, .'iS Fort Cr^eceoiu^Onihe-lliinoisriVerlcouunana of given ^ Tc^ntiiylJ Fort Stanwix— TreatV at •^^"' •**'0 Fort Edward 158,151) K S-^^^-^T^i! J"i--.ioh;.;on^s fnrnifun/soM^u::;;^ '''' '"'' ^;!I Fort Pitt— Alarming infcllii-enco at I'ranciscans— Missions began to bees ForestsZrnvve l^n ,;S' ^^ '^^^''^''''^''^d 'i^«t among the Hurons. .25 2(i4 1C9 Franklin, Docl. -Agent of I'eniisyivan I;razer,Capt.-Mentionc-d.. '' F"ncJl£;::^:\Shr''''' '"""^f ^^^'^ "^''^' ^-■•^ ^-tem- Nations: Frencli Feople-Gn.wing disappointed'. Z b lench i.vpedition-Against the Mohawks. ". : iys," lO.'j; ill,' V3();'l29; 134 Frontenae. Count 20 114 ;j:i8 -45 4'J -Sends -lao. 137, l.'i si,m (o .)„. T,Mv" V r " '■'-^^"™'^^*1 prisoners on a mis- sum 10 uie JMve r\afions PI f 1 Kd"i='<"'i'ca warrior 140 Ka-an-yes — A Seneca L'hief '52 Kanliawa river— Battle near 176, i77 Kanakles- - A place on the Susquehanna 307 Kanedasaga— xVot mentioned by Do Nonville. . .50, 120, 102, 306, 307, 315 323, 328; 329, 349, 353 INDBX. 431 Kaw Quaws, Raw Kwas--Ke,side near 18 mile Creek, not a rem- ''""'• nant of the Erlos Kayashota. or Kayagshota-A Seneca chief aV Fort Pi'tt" hh IhdVn^V ' i -•! Kaymgvvaarto---Aduef of the Senecas, as spelled VnVhe i:^^^^ Kagswoughtanewan.ia/aliaM iJeUl-'-^oncca warri"o"i" 10'' King Young-A chief of the Senecas •^^'*' ^^"' .fJi' Kirkland, Ret^ Saniuel-IIis letter to ti.e AYl.any" ComniiHee ' " " " 2,)!) '1% La Moyne-Visftsthe-Iroqnols"''^' '''' ^''^' '''' ~''' '^^ ^^^^^V?' Lake Erie-.AVuter.s of, have subsided ;." *''''• in' ?"• f, Lake Ontario---Watersof, have suicided; calYedlala;iro,,noi«"'2(?'o^^^ Lake St.Clair::-Verv-shanow--''' ''' ''' ""' ^"•'' ^^^' ^^^^ '^^- l^^- l^? Lake ITuron- --Very shallow r CM „. -I^ntcred by the Griflin ,. . La balle-His journey from Illinois to QuebW 23, 33 So" 51)" "fi9 fiV "fir " r- I.a IhiTe-His expedition against the Iroquois ' ' " ^^' ^'^' ^i u'iXZ' ?:^'«'--:"*'^''^'l« " commission to Onondaga. if n Lit ehales, Go— Surrenders the Fort at Osue, 1/9, Ifeo, 182, 1S3 Longueville— Mentioned ^^^' ^^^ .Marshall, O.H -Visits Boughton llili ." '. ] ."50: ." ." isee aNo ^'^^' ^la Mohawks-To keep the eastern door of the long hoiiPc ~" 94. '.1: Moore. Mrs-Captured at ClienV Vallev; witi; lieTci ild^en Moore, Miss J ane-Marries Capt. Powell Jiao. M^m'v .Montour— Historical notice of ' ' ' Montour, Catharine '" Montour, Rowland Montour, Caj)!. Andrew Jloutour, John— Interpreter Montcalm. Marquis de-Com;.iands"an expedition a- Montgomery Gen.-Lands near St. Johns with loot) men Z^iits^^J^^'r -'"*' •-'"' '-^" •■s;'- McDonell, Mr. Allen -''*' -' Nason. John— Lieut. Gov. of New Vorlv ~' Xeutre Nation— French first discover Neville, Mr.— From Virfinia Niagara FiiUs, or Oneagara-Fi"rst "de.scrii.iion'of N lagara, Fort- Abandoned by tlio French . 83 Spok 242, 200, 2G1, 291 ..311 4. 375, 37(i M3 325,341,344 345, 34(). 35!) 343 345. 34(> ainst Oswego... L'M ns with 1000 men 249 143 95, 290 259 111 -.1(J7, Kis •SO. 51, 52 jKikenof 325, 376, 112 Xundow or Niinda-::PrisonmVhiken to ' "'^' ^^'' ^^°' ^^^' ^ Oak Openings-Forraerly prairies ". "i"? "srt " in?" '1 ,'• Oh;o— Events upon the ^ ' ^'^' ^"^' ^''J Oneidas ... ■ - ^ <''^> l•'• feo, H7, 88, 1;j5 Serihowano-X Seneca" ehief; i;is\;pecch ". ^"^' ^ ''' ?S' ?o^»- rUl biiawnose- Answer to Capt. Connelly ' ^^'' 1 1° telielby, Capt. Jsaac-Loads the attaJk at Kan'hawa Uo bkannandano— Lake Ontario, so called ''r Skanonyade— Or lialf King of the SenecasVliiV " " Slaughter, Col., ^r-'i--- •■ •■ ■ ' .-.„..v., v.„,— li,;, uuiicu oi ^.aiuarme Montour ■ton o-j, ..Tri Tsoiiontouaruj-Nanie given'iolhe S;>necas"by"ti;.: FroPcf ' ~''^|^/,^ ^audrieul, M. de-Gov. of Canada. .. . ^ •""'' •'^' ^.^ Van Slyke, Capt.— Killed ^'I^ Victor— Town of, Boughlon Hill in ™ Washington, Gen. -Written to by Lady .John.son ." ." ." 'o,-;. " ± U att.s, Ma,,or.--nro(l.er-ln-law of Sir John Johnson. ~''"'' o?,^ A\ arren Sir Feter-l ncle to Sir Win. Johnson, his estate v4 J arragb.j..n,,y. lad „anie of Sir Willinn, J„hn.on n;^ A\ e Is, Kobcrt-And his family massacred . "..V," -,;,-.. ' .V, , A eld, Mi-.-Vn English traveler, ^ isits Buflah.' ^' '^^'^^ '^.l^ AVemp Mr. (Myndert,) Indian blacksmith :22i: 'Ki3 'Hi '^'In "o^S Wja^''- ^«"---'^^-" '--io»«'T and i„terprefc.r hi^n;;^:^ ^ ° 301, 305, 30G, mo. 322, 325, 326 246 146 172 1!),22 142 119 37!>, 385 368,370.375,364 3«3 65 55 •s 352 181 265 V2, 323. 357. 3Q!) -8(i, 87.9!), Ill 17. 3()0. 371. 37G 3, 44. 55. (ii). 84 ^ 152, 155. 156 -11)2, 164,185 .-37 , 259, 257, 258, i3,2(;4, 314,317 80, 87, 88, 135 e, 268, 290, 291 --186, 187, 1.^8 173 178 54 348 Ilia death. 95 -274,276,277 241 ■ -326. 331, .TlO ing Place. 147 303 , 273, 294 '297 . 329, 341, 354 55, 61, 64, 65 Froiitonac. 12 ----58.67.68 , 265, 266, 267 --..5.'>. 59, 60 96 280 15 - - . . :265, 306 279 125 138 31], 313, 317 20 231. 236, 239 1 letter... 327 322, 325, 326 m