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 XXXXXXXXXXXXXX.-OOOOOOOCXXX: 
 
 >oooooooo<xxx>oo©<>ooo<xxxxxx 
 
 mi 
 
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 4, 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COLONIZATION 
 
 m- 
 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REE STATES OF AN T I QJi I T Y. 
 
 ><xx>o<>J>oo<><><x><>exx><><x><><^^ 
 
 8SS19 
 
V 
 
 ■V-*"-- 
 
 •\^ 
 
H 
 
 T O R 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COLONIZATIO N 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FREE STATES OF ANTIQJJITY,' \ 
 
 • y 
 
 APPLIED TO THE 
 
 Prefent Contest between Great Britain and her 
 American Colonies. 
 
 ■ WITH 
 
 Reflections concerning the future Settlemekt of thcfc ' 
 
 ■' ;-,.,••. .>.w Colonies. -.^ :■ ■., 
 
 
 *» • ' • • » 
 
 . » » • • I • I 
 
 •• ••••••.••• 
 
 •••»,» 1* *•*•' 
 
 O N D O N: 
 
 Printed for T.CADELL in the Strand. 
 
 M.DCCLXXVII. 
 
C O N TENTS. 
 
 It 
 
 I 
 
 NTRO^UCTION 
 
 C H A P. I. 
 
 Op THE CARTHAGINIANS. 
 
 
 
 Au 
 
 •^«iv>\TiC^ "v.''^'^'--(v-\w«'., SECT. I. \^ ''■.'*V-.- 
 
 Thetr Ortgtth-Flourt^mg State^Settlements • , y 
 
 SECT. 11. r? 
 
 ^i/?ory ©//^tf Carthaginians obfcure—They reflriHed the Trade of 
 their Colonies— Impofed Taxes on them ji^ ry lo 
 
 CHAP. IL 
 
 Of the GREEKS. 
 
 -t.t'^ i\r^ (Aiv^Ji^'.S E C T. L \w^/i.'A\\> ■Av'jviA 
 
 Gtfw^rfl/ Ti'ffw of the Political Confitution and Refources of the Greek 
 'States ^j 
 
 SECT. ir.< 
 
 Caufes of aionization among the Greeks— Their Settlements in Magna 
 Graecia — Croton — Ihurii — Tar''ntum '31 
 
 SECT. III. 
 Greek Colonies in Sicily—Syraatfians— Their Condua On Occafion of ^ 
 the Perfian Invifton—and in the Peloponnejian War-^Set at Lh- 
 ierty by Timoleon—Rcceive numerous Emigrations from Greece 
 
vi 'CONTENT S, 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 J/tatic Cohnies-^SuhjeSied to Taxation by the Athenians. — Rebellion^ 
 of the Samians — and of the Lesbians P^igf 48 
 
 S E C T. V. 
 
 Colony of Corey ra — Contefl between the Corey raeans and Corinthians t 
 about the Supremacy of the Colony of Epidamnus--The Determi- 
 nation of the Athenians on that Subje^ .., 50 
 
 SECT. vr. 
 
 Thracian Colonies— Amphipolis — Potidaea^-Review of the Colonic «^' 
 '.nation of Greece ...,-•- -4 i...vv:'j -. ■^^c ■ ,^ ■•• • .- ■•■ • v tf''^ 
 
 • c H A p. yr-"'"'^^'^' 
 
 Of the ROMANS. 
 
 -SECT. I. 
 
 Progrefs of the Roman Arms— -Policy of that People relative to con- 
 quered States — Their Municipia—Socii''-Praefe^urae-—Ck>lonies ^ 
 '—Reafons of Colonization 78 
 
 SECT. IL 
 Colonies of two Kinds, Roman and Latin — Conjlitution and Privi^ 
 leges of a Roman Colony — of a Latin Colony — Farmer a Model 
 of a Britifh American Colony %^. 
 
 SECT. m. 
 
 Colonies planted fefore the Julian Law — Their Niimber— Allotments 
 
 of Land — SubjeSl to the Supreme Jurifdicfion of the Patent 
 
 State., particularly to Taxation — Cije of the Colony of Vehtrae — 
 
 -4md of the refra^ory Colonies in the fe.ond Punic War — Exemp- 
 
 ' '. \'\rkitionfr9mrLiind-Servii;e claimed by the Maritime Colonies 95 
 
 ^'" - .■ ■ ' ^ - , '' ■ - ' SECT.. 
 
 ■ i 
 
'■41 
 
 
 Tii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Account of ihc Julian Law—^ConJequences of it-^Military Colonics 
 planted by Sylla — Julius Caefar — Augujius — Provincial Colonies 
 •^Aver/ion of the Romans from fettling diflant Colonies'^Review 
 of the Principles and Pra^ice of the Romans refpeSling Coloni- 
 
 Page 1 06 
 
 zatton 
 
 = :.!)ihT'>i^f^rci'if-^ 'A R ■ IV. 
 
 ihW EDlf/DrS 
 
 Application of the preceding Narrative to the pre- I 
 fcnt Contest between Great Britain and iicr 
 
 , i M (ifiiitii'iLiu, iiiiliJl^i jjia i tUllD 
 
 Colonies in America. " < 
 
 ,,,- _ „^i^k^K^* . SECT. 
 
 Ambitious Views of the American Colonijs — Similar View s eitter* 
 tained by the rebellious Colonics oj Carthage — Athens — and Rome 
 -—Right of Britain to tax America Jupported by the Pra^ice of 
 the Carthaginians — Greeks— and Romans — None of the Coloniffs 
 of Antiquity admitted to a Participation of the Civil Government 
 of the Parent State , . i --a. 
 
 •;..;■ 'V ^...•^. SEC 
 
 
 
 T. 
 
 ir. 
 
 Independent Principles not eafily to be eradicated from the Minds of 
 the Americans — Modes of SettiLiiicnt — Thejupporting a Standing 
 Army in America — The admitting into Parlutntnt Reprefentatives 
 
 ; from the Colonijis — Refpechve A.ivantagcs i,nd Dijadvantages 
 sf each Scheme, , . ,, . ^ ■ ^ ^ 138' 
 
 .■ \ 
 
 ^*i"' :i'V' 
 
 -I'k • <» 
 
 A D V E R^ 
 
 ..-^•T' 
 
 
ADVERTISE MfeNT. 
 
 ' I 'HE following are the feditiohs of the ahtient 
 Authors mod frequently referred to in the 
 Courfe of this Eflay : Polybius Cafauboni, Diodorus 
 Siculus Weflclingii, Herodotus Gronovii, Thucydides 
 Hudfoni, Appianus ToUii, Titus Livius Drakenbor- 
 chii, Patdrculus Burmanni. When Dionyfius of Ha- 
 licarna^us is quoted, the Part of his Works appealed 
 to is the Antiquities of Rome publifhed by Hudfon. 
 
 % 
 
 i 
 
 
 -i^til?. * • 'V ■-^^<^ 
 
 >"»;^:'.i.'. *A'i ls«.i '\ Vi>« 
 
 
 
 
 .f^ 
 
 ,iA itteV 
 
 
 U:.'^.\* 
 
 .)i :i Y r^^r^ 
 
 
COLONIZATION 
 
 OF 
 
 FREE S T A r E S. 
 
 +♦♦ I ♦♦+•»♦+♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ ♦♦♦^♦♦♦•{•♦'♦♦♦♦••■^•♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦•♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦^ 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 COLONIZATION is one of the methods which nations, in 
 all ages, have employed to fecure their conquefts, or to extend 
 their territories. If a tradt of country had heen ravaged and depopu- 
 lated by war, a colony was provided to re-people, to defend, or to 
 cultivate it. If it was poff.fll'd by inhabitants, lew in number, and 
 unwarlikc, who had territory to fpare, and would mako little re- 
 liftancc to the firil invaders, it was conlidered as a captivating prey 
 to any ftate advanced in cultivation, or perhaps overloaded with 
 people; and a colony was difpatt'ied to feize and appropriate it. 
 Accordingly, we find that colonization proceeds nearly in the fame 
 diredion, and almoft keeps pace with the progrefs of civilization. 
 The hiftory of fociety informs us, that civilization has held its 
 courfe from eaft to weft, from Afia, through Africa and Europe, 
 
 •^ and 
 
, < 
 
 ^ :' COLONIZATION OF - 
 
 and from Europe to America. Colonization follows the fame 
 line. From the beft accounts of tranfadions fo remote, it appears, 
 that the Afiatics firft became conlpicuons by their icttlen^ents on 
 the eaftern fliorc of the Medlterrane.Tn fea ; that they planted colo- 
 nies in the gre^iter part of the iflands, and oj many of the coafts 
 of that fea ; and that they peopled, or, at lead, introduced cultiva- 
 tion into Greece itfelf. From Greece we trace the direction of co- 
 lonization to Italy and Sicily ; and, from Italy, it extended, under 
 the Romans, to the wertern boundaries of their empire. From the 
 fubverfion of the Roman empire in Lurope, to the difcovery of 
 America and the Indies, the pradice of colonization feems to have 
 beei fufpended. The barbarity and ignorance which univerfally 
 prevailed during that time, and the dominion ufurped by fuperllition 
 and folly over the minds of men, reprefled every enterprife which 
 might contribute to polifh and improve mankind. 
 
 The difcovery of America and the Indies prefented a great field 
 for adventures. The greater part of the nations of Europe at- 
 tempted to obtain a fliare of the new countries, and fent out colo- 
 nics for that purpofe. The maritime powers, however, poflefTed 
 advantages fuperior to the other ftates. Tlity monopolized, in ^ 
 great meafurc, the American and Indian eftablifliments, fo that mofl: 
 of them have become the property of England, Holland, 1 ranee, 
 Portugal, and Spain. 
 
 A pradVicc fb general, it is natural to expcd, fhould be the refi)It 
 of fome common principles of human nature, or the confiitution 
 
 of 
 
- FREE S T A T E S. ^ J 
 
 of civil fociety. A fimilarity of management, for this reafon, 
 would probably be adopted by the feveral ftates who. at different 
 times, have feat out colonies ; and, if fuch management can be dii- 
 covered, it will lead to the general principles of colonization. If, 
 however, we fliall not be fo fortunate as to afcend to principles, it 
 may ftill be ufeful to furvey, with attention, the condud of culti- 
 vated and enlightened nations, as, from their example, we fnall 
 probably derive the moft important inftrudion. . .". %,.^ .. . 
 
 At a feafon when the rebellion of the Britifh colonies in America, 
 one of the greateft events of modern timco, engages deeply the atten- 
 tion of the nation, w^hen the re-eftabliftiment of peace will probably 
 foon become the fubjed of parliamentary difcuffion, an author, un- 
 known to the leaders of public meafures, prompted by no view of 
 emolument, animated only with a love of truth, and with zeal 
 for the prefervation of a conftitution the moft perfedl the world c- 
 ver beheld, offers to his countrymen an hiftory of colonization, ag 
 pra£lifedchicfly by the Carthaginians, Greeks, and Romans. His great 
 objed has been, to inveftigate the nature of the connedtion which 
 fubfifted between thefe nations and their colonies; to determine 
 the extent of the jurifdi£tion the former affumed over the latter • 
 but, particularly, to afcertain the pradice of antiquity with re- 
 gard to the much controverted article of taxation. Two reafons 
 induced him to undertake this tafk : F/Vy?, Becaufe he had obfer- 
 ved, in the courfe of the controverfy concerning the propriety 
 and juftice of the prefent war, the pradice of antiquity frequent- 
 ly appealed to, and commonly mifreprefented ; but, chiefly, be- 
 caufe 
 
4 *» COLONIZATION OF 
 
 caufe he withed to prepare the nation for the parliamentary fettle- 
 mcnt * which may take place on the fubmifTion of the colonies, 
 both by fuggefting to the legiflature itfelf all the information which 
 can be derived from the piireft and moft fatisfa£tory precedents of 
 ancient hiftory, and by attempting to reconcile the minds of the 
 people in general to that fettlement, when they fliall find it, per- 
 haps, Supported by the policy of thofe ages which enjoyed the 
 moft perfect civil liberty. 
 
 f 
 
 In purfuing his inquiries, the writer has not fatisfied himfelf with 
 any fecondary authorities. He has had recourfe totheoriginals them- 
 felves ; and, that every reader, who chufes to take the trouble, may- 
 be fatisfied of his integrity and candour, he has been always care- 
 ful to refer to the fources from which he derived his information. 
 The multiplicity of ancient authors, whofe names appear on the 
 margin, may give an air of pedantry to the performance; but this 
 circumftance will be of fmall importance, if it fhall add weight and 
 convidlon. - 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 • The public feems to expeA fuch a fettlement. The proclamation of the Com- 
 miifioners in America offers a revifal of the exceptionable adls of parliament : And 
 the capital publications on the fide of government give hints of reprefentalion.. 
 
Sii .*^ 
 
 FREE STATES. 
 
 i^r'^ii'!? '^itv 
 
 ■■■, .r.iib':i:' 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 ■ i/! . ■■:> 
 
 
 I. 
 
 ••..I 
 
 Jl 
 
 Of the CARTHAGINIANS. 
 
 * ' ' 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Their Origin — Flourijhing State— Settlements, 
 
 !,■ ' ^ ■< i- 
 
 THE Phoenicians were the mod early civilized people of whom 
 we have any account in profane hiftory. They had acqui- 
 red the knowledge of letters and arts at a period when all the weft- 
 em part of the world was funk in barbarity and ignorance. Their 
 fituation on the fea-coaft, and the narrow nefs of their territory, o- 
 biiged them to have recourfe to commerce and navigation for lub- 
 fiftence; and they carried thefe arts to a degree of perfedlion un- 
 rivalled by antiquity, and hardly to be credited in modern times. 
 
 "'. ■ ' ... .■ ( ■ .•..'•,. ' ■ .. ' 
 
 They firft extended themfelves along the fouth coaft of the Me- 
 diterranean fea ; and, at different times, occupied almoft the whole 
 of it, from the borders of Egypt to the Straits of Gibraltar. They 
 planted many lefler colonies in that ric'i and pleaianr country, a- 
 ^ mong which the names of Utica *, liippo, Adrumetum, and. 
 
 B-^ ' Leptisi, 
 
 • Juftin. lib. i8. 
 
6 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 Leptis *, ftill exift, before they founded their great eftablilhment 
 at Carthage. Utica, according to Ariftotle "j", was fettled no lefs 
 than 280 years before the building of Carthage. The laft, how- 
 ever, in time, engroffed the territories, extinguilhed even the 
 names of the greater part of the reft, and, perhaps, allowed on- 
 ly emigrations from lyre, without admitting any more colo- 
 nifls. 
 
 :; « 
 
 ■*4 • 
 
 The Carthaginians became rapidly one of the moft opulent 
 and flourifhing ftates in tlie world. Every circuiuftance was 
 favourable. They brought along with them a knowledge of 
 many of the moft ufeful arts of life. They had no foreign ene- 
 my to check their enterprifes, or to ftrip them of the fruits oi their 
 induftry. They poflofled a climate fo healthy, that Salluft tells us J, 
 few of the inhabitants died of any infirmity but old age. Their foil 
 was fo grateful to the labour of the hulbandman, that its fertility 
 is celebrated by many of the writers § of antiquity. They enjoyed 
 the moft extenfive naval commerce known in aatient times ; and 
 they lived under a fr.e government, relembling that of the Ro- 
 mans II , compofed of Sufetes or Conluls, of a lenate, and of afllin- 
 blies of the people. From all thefe caufes, they had rifen to fuch 
 power, at the beginning of the laft Punic war, that the city of Car- 
 
 '^"" thage 
 
 . ^ . '. ■ -..»/' 
 
 • Salluft. Jugur. f De mirabiiibns. •$ Jugiir. 
 
 § Horace, Ovid, Pliny, Polybius, Hiid S^illuft. They tell us, in the ulual language of 
 early lociefy, applied to the produce of corn, that the lands of Africa yiclJe.l, not 
 only a hurdied fnkl, but frequently two hundred fold, and fometioies even three- 
 
 y Polyb. lib. 6. cap. 49. , _ • '. " • . ' >- 
 
 'i 
 
FREESTATES. 7 
 
 thage contained no fewer than 700,000 inhabitants *. In Africa, 
 they had 300 cities under their jurifdidlion j and they poflefled a 
 line of the fineft coaft in the world, of near 2coo miles in length, 
 extending from the Syrtis Major to the Pillars of Hercules f. They 
 had acquired, befide, the fouth-eaft coaft of Spain, and very pro- 
 bably a large portion of the interior part of the country, from the 
 Straits of Gibraltar to the eaft extremity of the Pyrenean mountains. 
 To all which they had added fettlements in many of the iflands | 
 of the Mediterranean, but efpecially in Sicily, Sardinia, and the 
 Baleares §. 
 
 In the moft flourifliing ftate of their affairs, but it is uncer- 
 tain precifely at what time, the Carthaginian fenate || planned two 
 great naval expeditions, which were direfted to pafs the Straits, and 
 to fteer their courfes, one toward the fouth, and the other toward the 
 north. The defign of thefe armaments was, to make difcoveries, 
 and to fettle colonies on the fliores of the Atlantic. The former 
 was commanded by Hanno, and the latter by Himilco. Hanno 
 wrote an account of his voyage, and publiftied it in his own lan- 
 guage ; but the original is unfortunately loft. There remains, how- 
 ever, a Greek tranflation of this work IT; and from it we learn that 
 Hanno embarked in a fleet of fixty fhips, containing no fewer than 
 30,000 people, with all the implements neceflary to build houfes, 
 and to fettle colonies. He failed flowly fouthward, meal'uring his 
 
 courfe 
 
 • Strab. lib. 17. ^ f Polyb. lib. 3. cap. 3. '' % Appian, lib. i. c^p. i. 
 ^ Majorca and Minorca. |{ Pliny, lib. 5. % CMzd Hanno's Periplas. 
 
 The Greek tranflation was publiOied atBafil, anno 15331 by Sigifmundus Galenius. 
 
 \ 
 
8 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 courfe by the days it occupied ; and (lopped at proper diHances, to 
 explore the country, and to plant fetilernents. He gave names to 
 the places in which he left inhabitants ; but thefe names are either , 
 fo mangled in the tranflation, a pradice frequent with Greek wri- 
 ters when they ufe foreign words, or the fettlements of Hanno were 
 fo foon demoliflied, that no mention is made of them in any maps, 
 either antient or modern. Bochart *, guided by the etymology of 
 the Carthaginian language, which he holds to have been a dialect 
 of the Hebrew, is of opinion, that Cern^t* ap^ace near Mount At- 
 las, and confequently, about the 28th degree of north latitude, was 
 the laft Aation in which Hanno planted a colony. He proceeded, 
 however, farther fouthward, to make difcoveries. He reached a 
 great broad river, which he does not name ; but defcribes by inde- 
 lible marks, its abounding with crocodiles, and the hippopotamus.. 
 Bochart concludes, with much probability, that this defcription 
 can apply only to the river Gambia, one of the branches of the 
 Niger, vvhleh runs into the Atlantic near the Ifland of Goree. He. 
 is induced to adopt this conclufion, from the confideration,.that no* 
 other great river is to be founds for many degrees fouth and north. ' 
 ot the Niger-, and that it is the only river on the weft coaft of 
 Afrii.a, in which the crocodile and hippopotamus are dilco- 
 veiei. If this opinion is to be adopted, Hanno penetrated beyond 
 the trt)pic of Cancer, and within fourteen degrees of the line ; a. 
 navigation not a little furprifing, when we refledl that it was per- 
 formed by coafting, and without the knowledge of the compal's.. 
 
 • Vol. 5. page 643. f Ccrnd figrifics, ihc lad colony, or, the fartheft inha- 
 bited land. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 Of the voyage to the north of the Straits, there remains not on 
 record a fingle tranfa£tion, except that it was condudked by Hi- 
 milco, and performed in four months. No evidence could have 
 been produced, even of its exigence, had it not been occafionally 
 mentioned by Pliny *, and by Feftus Avienus, a poet of the fourth 
 century, who writes, that he read an account of it in a Carthaginian 
 author. Of the navigations, however, of the Phoenicians into thefe 
 feas, the moft inconteftible proofs may be colledted. Their fre- 
 quent voyages to iheCalliteridest, from which they brought tin for 
 the fupply of the Mediterranean market, are noticed by many 
 antient authors of the beft credit J. But as, neither in thefe 
 voyages, nor in thofe to an unknown ifland in the Atlantic, re- 
 corded by Diodorus Siculus ||, nor in the ftill more fplendid navi- 
 gation narrated by Herodotus §, in which the Phoenicianserobark- 
 ed on the Red Sea, failed round the fouth coaft of Africa, and re- 
 turned home by tl>e Pillars of Hercules, are any accounts to be- 
 
 • Lib. 5. -f Either Britain or the Scilly ifland*. j Strab. lib. 5.^ 
 
 Pliny, lib. 7. Herodotus, lib. 3. cap. 1,5. „ li^. 5. „p. ,9. 
 
 ^ Melpomene. Herodotui remarks, that the accounts of this voyage were lucre- 
 dible; becaufe the voyagers related, that, in failing round the fliores of Africa they 
 beheld the eccliptic.or the daily courfe of the fun. lying toward the north. The igno- 
 rance of the hittorian, in this cafe, is more reprehenfible th^a his incredulity and 
 the objeftion is a confirmation of the truth of the narration it is brought to' con- 
 fute. A circumft:mce. fo incredible at that tim.. could fcarcely be fabricated • nor 
 can u be eafdy fuppofed. that fuch an appearance could have been imagined, u'nlef. 
 u had been feen. It .s now univerfally known, that this appearance a«ually attends 
 the voyage round the coaa of Africa. Little doubt, then, feems to remain, that 
 th ePhoen.c«ns were m po/feiHon of one of .he moft important and fplendid difcc 
 «nes of modern t.mes, the navigation to the Indian feas by the Cape Good Hope 
 
fO 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 found of the eftabli{hment of colonies, or any fads which may 
 throw light upon the management of them, it is improper here to 
 purfue their hiftory. 
 
 SECT. 
 
 11. 
 
 Ir 
 
 Hiftory of the Carthaginians obfcure — They relirjSied the Trade of 
 their Colonies — Impofed Taxes on them. 
 
 IT is much to be regretted, that no hiftorical monuments 
 remain of the Carthaginians compofed by themfelves. The 
 accounts of them that exift are derived chiefly from the authors 
 of Rome, whofe narrations are marked with all the charade- 
 riftics of partiality natural to the writers of a rival nation. Pre- 
 vious to the period at which they contended with that republic 
 for the empire of the world, their hiftory is in a great meafure un- 
 known J and, even pofterior to that period, it is confined chiefly to 
 their military and naval operations. The Roman writers thought 
 it unneceflary to narrate more of the Carthaginian aff^airs than was 
 requifite to explain their own. They give an account of their 
 great tranfa£tions, their battles, and the number of their fleets 
 and armies ; but they leave us almoft ignorant of their civil con- 
 ftitution, their commerce, and their laws. Thefe circumftances 
 render it itnpoflible to trace, with entire fatisfadion, their manage- 
 ment of their colonies. Enough, however, remains to prove, that 
 :the jurifdidion they afTumed over theip was very extenfive. 
 
 »■♦< 
 
 m\ -tiOCJ rrf ^V^O »-• ^' '^' «^' ■'•'•- ■' 
 
 •£'-'it.i*i 
 
 .! ;^- 
 
 The 
 
 % 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 II 
 
 The moft authentic documents on this fubjeft arc, the treaties of 
 peace and commerce concluded between the Carthaginians and the 
 Romans, which fortunately have been preferved by Polybius*. They 
 are very curious remains of antiquity, as well on account of their mattert 
 as of their brevity and fimplicity, and merit highly the perufal of the 
 reader. The firft was concluded the year after the expulfion of the Kings 
 of Rome, under the Confulfhip of Junius Brutus and Marcus Hora- 
 tius, 28. years before the expedition of Xerxes f into Greece, and 
 246 from the building of Rome. It breathes a jealous commercial 
 fpirit, eager to guard againft the dangers of invafion, but forward 
 to encourage navigation for the purpofes of trade. It ftipulates, that 
 the Romans fhould not, with any fhip of war J, approach nearer to 
 the {hores of Carthage than the head of the White Promontory §^ 
 unlefs driven to the fouthward of that Cape, by ftrefs of weather, 
 
 or 
 
 >.' 
 
 ■• Lib. 3. cap. 22. &c. 
 
 t 7j Olympiad. The aeras moft frequently mentioned in this trcatife are the O- 
 lynipiads, and the building of Rome. The Olympiads were terms of four years, and 
 ferved to compute time among the Greeks. The building of Rome .mfwered ths 
 fame purpofe among the Romans. That the reader may cufily know how to re- 
 duce both to the vulgar xra, let him remember, that the beginning of the Olym- 
 piads correfponds to the year 777 before Chrift ; and the building of Rome to the 
 year 753 before Chrift. The Trojan war is reckoned to have happened about 400 
 years before the beginning of the Olympiads. 
 
 Dodwell's Table. 
 , it Longa navis, as explained by Polybius. 
 
 § Antient Carhage ftood at the bottom of a deep bay, 30 miles north of the city 
 of Tunis. On the eaft fide of this bay, a long cape run northward into the fea, and ' 
 divided the bay from the Syrtis Minof . The head of this cape was calkd Pulchrum 
 Promontorium. .,-,,.,.... ^ iw - . -^ . ■ 
 
12 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 or purfued by an enemy ; in which cafes, they were obliged to de- 
 part in five days. It grants, however, admifllon, into the Cartha- 
 ginian harbours, to all trading veflels of Rome. It even exempts 
 them from all impofts, and expence, except what might be due tQ 
 the crier, or clerk of the fales. It offers the fame privileges to com- 
 mercial fhips of Rome along all the coafts of Carthage, in the 
 ifland of Sardinia, and in that part of the ifland of Sicily which 
 was fubje£k to the Carthaginians *. 
 
 
 From this treaty, it is evident, that the Carthaginians thought 
 themfelves at liberty to extend, or reflridt, as they pleafed, the com- 
 merce of their colonies in the iflands of Sicily and Sardinia ; and 
 that the Romans had no right to trade with thefe fettlements» in- 
 
 de- 
 
 * It will perhiips be acceptable to the reader to perufe this treaty as tranflated bjr 
 Cafaubon. 
 
 •' Amicitia Romanis et Romanorom fociis cum Carthaginicnnbix, et Carth»gihr> 
 -•nrium fociis, hit kgibitt et conditionibus efto. Ne naviganto Romaoi, Romanorumve: 
 fbcii, ultra Pulchrum Promonrorittm ; niri lempeftatis aut hoftium vi fuerint com- 
 pulfi. Si quis yi delatus fuerit, emendi aat accipiendi quicquam, pr'aeter neceiTtria 
 reficiendii navibns et facris fjciendis, jus ne el edo. Intra diem quintum qui navem 
 applicuerint abeunto* QjJi ad mercaturam venerint, ii vedigal nulluu pendunto, 
 extra quam ad praeconis aut fcribae mercedenu Quicquid hifce praefentibus fuerit 
 venditum, publica fide venditor! debetur, quod quidem in Africa aut Sardinia fuerit 
 Tendirum. Si q-.iis Romanorum in *aro Siciliae partem venerit, quae imperio Car- 
 thaginienfium paret, jus aequum in omnibus Romani obtinento. Carthaginienfes ne 
 quid noccant Populo Ardeati, Antiati, Laurentiuo, Circeienfi, Tarracinenfi, neve 
 ulli alii e Latinis qui fub ditione erunt. Etium eorum urbibus, qui fub ditionc Ro- 
 manorum non erunt, abftinento. Si quam earum acceperint, Romanis fine ulla 
 noxa tradunto. Caftellum uUura in Latino agro ne aedificanto ; fl cum armis in- 
 fefti pedem in regione pofuerint, in ea ne pernoflanto. 
 
 f . <3 
 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 13 
 
 dependent of (lipulation, any more than they were entitled to ne- 
 
 gociate with Carthage itfelf. The allowing of the colonifts, on 
 
 the other hand, to receive in their porta the merchandife of Rome, 
 
 on the fame term* it was admitted at Carthage, though a confpi- 
 
 CU0U8 mark of the generofity of the parent ftate, is a proof, at the 
 
 fame time, that this privilege might have been with-held. But 
 
 the colonies, perhaps, were then in their infancy, and needed every 
 
 encouragement to make them flourish. We (hall find, from the 
 
 next treaty, that the mother-country became afterwards more re- 
 
 ferved and jealous. 
 
 The next treaty feems to have been the great navigation-a£t of 
 Carthage, and to have remained in force till that republic was di- 
 vefted, in the Punic wars, of the fettlements and territories to which 
 it relates. We are uncertain at what time it was framed, as 
 it bears no date ; but probably it was concluded not long after 
 the former. In both a<St», the allies of Rome are mentioned and in- 
 cluded. The fame dates are enumerated in the latter which had 
 been named in the former ; a proof that the Romans had acquired 
 no new allies during the intervening fpace, and confequently, that 
 it could not be very long, as the conquefts of that a£live and enter- 
 prifing people proceeded with great rapidity.„ fsV ^' ;i m- t5/m n-T'- 
 
 * * ■ - . . . ■ . "- . 
 
 On the part of the Carthaginians, this treaty is materially diffe- 
 rent from the former. The line of limitation, to the fouthward of 
 which the Roman Ihips of war were not to approach the Ihores of 
 Carthage, is extended from the head of the White Promontory to 
 
 . ■ ^ D . the 
 
!il 
 
 '4 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 the cities of Maftia and Tarreiiim, which were fituated near the 
 pillars of Hercules * ; fo that the Roman (hips of war muft have 
 been excluded from all the coafts of the dominions of Carthage in 
 Africa. Even the trading (hips of Rome are prohibited by this 
 treaty from entering the ports of the colonies and cities of Africa 
 Propria tt and the harbours of the ifland of Sardinia. They are 
 allowed, however, accefs to Carthage, and to that part of the 
 iiland of Sicily which was fubjedt to the Carthaginians :t^. 
 
 By this negotiation, the commerce of the colonies of Africa and 
 Sardinia is clearly monopolized for the benefit of the mother-coun- 
 try. 
 
 * Stcphani DIAionarium Geographicum, 6cc. 
 
 f The word in the treaty is /^/Vd ; but it is plain, Africa Propria only can be meant. 
 This country lay to the fouth and caft of the original territories of Carthage. Poly- 
 bius informs us, lib. i. cap. 7a. that the Carthaginians chiefly drew their provifioos 
 and their taxes from it, and referred their own territories to fupply their private 
 ezpences. In this country, were the colonies of Leptis, Utica, and Hippo. 
 
 X This treaty is thus tranflated by Cafaubon : 
 
 " Amicitia Romanis et Romanorum fociis, cum populo Carthaginienfl, Tyriis, et 
 Uticenfibus, eorumque fociis. his legibus efto. Roman! ultra Pulchrum Promonto* 
 rium, Maftiam, et Tarfeium, praedas ne faciunto ; ad mercaturam ne eunto, urbem 
 nuUam condunto. Si in Latio urbem aliquam Carthaginienfes ceperint, quae fub 
 ditione Romanorum non erit, pecuniam et captives ipfi habento ; urbem reddunto. 
 Si qui Carthaginienfium aliquos ceperint queifcum foedere fcripto junAi fint Ro- 
 «Dani; quLtamcn fub Romanorum imperio non eroat; hoi in populi Roman! por* 
 
 tus 
 
 ci. 
 
 / ^i 
 
 • \- 
 
 % 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 «S 
 
 try. If the Romans wanted any of the commodities of thefe fet- 
 tiements, they were not at liberty to purchafe them in the fird and 
 chcapeft market, but were obliged to procure them, in the bed man- 
 ner they could, In the port of Carthage. If the colonies needed a- 
 ny pt die commodities of Rome, they were compelled to feck them 
 in the fame channel. To render the monopoly more beneficial for 
 the parent ftate, the Roman merchants were not allured in this 
 treaty, as in the former, by an exemption from impofts ; they wera 
 fubjedted to the fame regulations with the citizens of Carthage. 
 
 It is impoflible, at this diflance of time, to afcertain with precifion 
 the reafon of the indulgence granted to the Carthaginian portion *of 
 
 the 
 
 tui ne deducunio ; fl quit ent deduAui, et mapum Romanai injecerlt, liber efto. 
 Eodem jure et Rnmani tenentor. Si Romanus ex aliqua regionc quae Tub imperi's 
 Carthaginienrium erit aquam commeatufve fuoipferit ; cum his commeatibui ne cui 
 cprum noceto quibufcum pax et amicitia eft Carthaginienfibus .... facito. 
 Si qua injuria alicui TaAa erit, private nomine ejut perfecutio ne cuiquam cfto ; fed 
 ubi tale quid admiferit aliquis, publicum id crimen efto. In Sardinia et Africa ne- 
 que negotiator quKquam Romauorum, neque urbem condito ; neve eo appeliito, nifi 
 commeatus accipiendi gratia, vel naveis reficiendi. Si tempeftas detulcrit, intra dies 
 qu'nque rxcedito. In Sicilia, ubi CHrthaginienfes imperaverint, item Carthagine om- 
 nia Rumanus facito, vendito, quae civi licebit.. Idem Romae Carthaginienfi jus .elio." 
 
 This treatjr is, in fome places, iroperfedt.. Polybius fupplies, in the following 
 tenor, what refers to the allies of Rome : 
 
 " Similiter Roman! cavent ne fiat injuria Ardeatibus, Antiatibus, Circeienflbus, 
 Tarracinenflbus; haer autem funt oppida Latii maritima, quae legibus hujus foe- 
 deris volunt effe comprehenfa. . 
 
 * It extended along the whole of the footh coaft, from Lilybaeum to FachTnum. . 
 Strab. lib. 6. cap. 17. 
 
i6 
 
 GOLONIZAIION OF 
 
 1M 
 
 l!ir . 
 
 the ifland of Sicily, by putting its commerce on the fame footing with 
 that of Carthage itfelf. One reafon appears very plaufible, that the 
 Carthaginians intended to render popular their government of that 
 ifland, to raife an emulation between their fubje<fls and thofe of the 
 Greek colonies *, in order to induce the latter to migrate into their 
 territories ; and, by this means, perhaps, to obtain the dominion 
 of the whole. 
 
 No obfervation is more common in politics than that money is 
 the finews of war. No obfervation, however, is more true, than, 
 that, though all hiftorians treat chiefly of war, few of them convey 
 any information about its finews. It is not eafy to account for 
 this defcQ, principally chargeable againft antient hiflory. The fadt 
 is indifputable. The author has fearched all the antient writers of 
 reputation who me.ition the Carthaginian affairs ; but has not found 
 in any of them, except Polybius and Livy, the lead account of their 
 fupplies. They narrate, at the fame time, military and naval tran- 
 fadions, of fuch magnitude, as demonftrate, that thefe fupplies muft 
 have been immenfe. 
 
 r!!:!;i 
 
 The leading objed of the ftate of Carthage was commerce ; and 
 that nation excelled all antiquity in the arts of navigation. They 
 were induced to employ mercenary troops in their military opera- 
 tions J becaufe manufacturers did not make the heft foldiers, and 
 becaufe they could hire and maintain foreign troops cheaper than 
 their ovvn. They had, accordingly, mercenaries from all the 
 
 quarters 
 
 • The Roman s did not enter Sicily till the firft Punic war, many years after the 
 framing of this treaty. 
 
 i 
 
FREE STAT H S. 
 
 tf 
 
 quarters of the old world, Afiatics, Greeks, Gauls, Spaniards, 
 and Africans. The firfl: great military expedition in which 
 they engaged, was the invafion of .Sicily, when they confpired 
 with Xerxes King of Perfia to extinguilh for ever the very name 
 of Greece *. Xerxes was t ) attack the Grecian territories \n 
 perfon, while the Carthaginians invaded their principal colonies 
 in the ifland of Sicily. Xerxes hrought millions of men into 
 the field, threw bridges over the fea, and cut roads through 
 mountains. The Carthaginians approached Sicily with the fol- 
 lowing ftupendous armament; 300,000 men, 2,000 fliips of war* 
 and 3,000 tranfports and viduallers '\. No ideas were entertained 
 but thofe of conqueft. When they reached the land, they faid, the 
 war was finiflied, as the only enemy they dreaded was the fea. The 
 Sicilians were not difmayed at the fight of this hoft, almoft in- 
 numerable. They fet fire to their fleet, and a<Sted by land with 
 an army of L. 50,000 men. They defeated their affailants, kill- 
 ed 1 50,000 of their troops, and took the reft prifoncrs. Twenty 
 fhips of war efcaped the flames, and made the beft of their way to- 
 wards Carthage. But they were overtaken by a ftorm, and all the 
 crews perifhed, except a very few men, who, faving themfelves in a 
 fmall boat, informed their countrymen of the melancholy tidings |. 
 
 However ill contrived, ill condudedj and unfuccefsful this arma- 
 ment might be, it was a ftriking evidence of the refources of Car- 
 
 ^ thage. 
 
 * Diodorus, lib.ti. cap. I. &c. 
 
 t Thefe numbers are affigned by Dioaorus ; and he afTerts they are below the truth. 
 Lib. 1 1, cap. 2*. 
 % Oiodorus, ibid. 
 
 '#*■ 
 
:il 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 '>i'' 
 
 # 
 
 thage. Iinmenfe muft have been the riches of that nation which 
 could make fuch an exertion. Heavy and extenfive muft have 
 been the taxes which could furnifh fuch riches. . . ., . 
 
 
 1 he laft military operations of the Carthaginians were their wars 
 with the Romans; the moft memorable tranfadions of antiquity, 
 whether we confider their duration, their extent, or their conic- 
 quences. They then contended for univerfal empire, and were fu- 
 perior to their rivals in every thing but experience in the military 
 
 
 '1 I 
 
 .-.- '. (. 
 
 The taxes were fo heavy, during the firfl: of thefe wars, that, at 
 the end of it, money could not be procured to pay the arrears of 
 the mercenaries. The troops were coUeded at Carthage, and the 
 bold propcfal was made to them, that, confidering the prefent exi- 
 gencies of the ftate, they (hould relinquifti fome part of their de- 
 mands. They were fired with refentment, and rebelled. They 
 were joined by all the difcontented colonies and cities in Africa- 
 Propria *, who were provoked, no lefs by the quantity of the exac- 
 tions during the war, than by the feverity of the manner in which- 
 they were colledted. A dreadful civil war enfued, which endan- 
 gered the exiftence of the Commonwealth. • 
 
 The reader will not be furprifed at fuch convulfions, when he is-' 
 informtrd, that the chief burden of the war was laid on thefe pro- 
 
 ' '" vinces. 
 
 . •. • .i A ■■,. . ... .. .:r-, 
 
 • Polyb. lib. I. c. 6. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 ft 
 
 vinces. The inhabitants of the towns * were obliged to advance 
 double the funis they had formerly been accuftomed to pay 
 under the name of taxes. But, of the fruits of the field, pro- 
 cured by the labour of the hufbandman, there was required no lefs 
 than half the producef. The amount of this import will appear 
 perfedly incredible, unlefs we recoUedl the amazing fertility of 
 Africa. After paying this exorbitant demand, the peafant would 
 retain, to reward his induftry, a more plentiful increafe than is to 
 be reaped, by equal expence, in moft other countries on the face of 
 the globe. . 
 
 ;?;!**•• 
 
 'Srfl4;'f '• t 
 
 H 
 
 It is extremely probable, that the Carthaginians extended taxa- 
 tion \o their fettlements in Spain, and the iflands of the Mediterra- 
 nean, though no evidence of it is now to be found, except as to 
 the ifland of Sardinia %•, from which they received various aids. 
 When fo feverely preffed at home to raife fupplies, it is not to be 
 fuppofed they would fpare thefe diftant provinces. One thing is 
 certain, that they drew from them recruits for their army; for, among 
 their troops, frequent mention is made of Sardinians, Baleareans, 
 and Iberians. 
 
 s. 
 
 1 
 
 Happy had it been for this great and induftrious people, had 
 they been contented with retaining the extenfive, rich, and.popu- 
 
 lous 
 
 • The city of Leptis, according to Livy, lib. 34. cap. 62. paid a talent every day 
 to Carthage, as a tax. Reclconing, with Doaor Arbuthnot, the talent equal 
 in value to L. 193 : 15 : o, this city muft have paid annually L. 70,719. This tax 
 was exafted in the feconJ Punic war, and was probably equal, at leaft, to what was 
 paid in the firft. 
 
 t Polyb. lib. I. cap. 72. j ibid. lib. i.. 
 
ao 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 lous territories they poffeffed ; or had they, in (lead of pufliing their 
 conquefts towards the north, been fatisfied with extending their do- 
 minions towards the fouth, and carrying along with them, into the 
 habitations of barbarity and idlenefs, all thofe arts which civilize 
 :ind employ mankind. They might have flourifhed long, one of 
 the greateft and happieft nations which ever appeared. But, in- 
 toxicated with their power, and vain of their opulence, they deter- 
 mined to afpire after univerfal empire. They encountered the 
 Romans, who, while they were more hardy and warlike, were filled 
 with the fame views, and who extinguifhed for ever the ambition 
 
 ofCarthage. i-t.^r..- ^ ■?-■ •- ^,,-'j, "^ .' - . ,,^ ,-,:..,.- .- 
 
 -,-■ . - - ' " w . ". --'".[ ''"'^'^ ■" ■ 
 
 ■•I, ,i-'^ I. ■: 
 
 Hi. i.t- 
 
 I . 
 
 IV 
 
 ■» ',■» 
 
 
 CHAP.' 
 
 I' ti' 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 2.1 
 
 n'ii/' ^'^■ith^iV 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 IT. 
 
 ^:iiHi' ,,»>'■' r-! 
 
 Of the greek S. 
 
 
 , 1 
 
 
 . •<:.>in ,.i 
 
 ,: t.hii". i^.'AiiU i'^ '. 
 
 -jU^i 
 
 General Vieiv of the Political Conjlittttion and Refources of the Greek 
 
 States, ''j.f', , ,!n/( Jt 
 
 ,i-> ,, -i ^t 
 
 
 To underftand the account of the Colonization of Greece, it 
 will be necf'lTiry to take a previous furvey of its refources 
 and political conltitution. The Greek ftates make fuch a con- 
 fpicuous figure in hiltory, that the reader will not eafily believe 
 their inhabitants were fo tew, or their territories fo fmall, as 
 certain circumfiances compel us to admit. The whole extent 
 of their country, even when they flourifhed moft, comprehend- 
 ed only the peniniula of Pcloponnerus, and the territories ftreach- 
 ing northward from the iithmus of Corinth to the borders of Ma- 
 cedonia, bounded by the Archipelago on the eaft, and by Kpirus 
 and the Ionian fea on the weft. The mean brcadtli of Peloponne- 
 fus, from north to fouth, can fcarcely be reckoned more than 140 
 miles, and its mean length, from eaft to weft, cannot be eftimated 
 
 F at 
 
M, 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 ir 
 
 at more than 210 miles. Yet, within this narrow boundary, were 
 contained fix independent dates, Achaia, Eiis, Meflenia, Laconia, 
 Argolis, and Arcadia. Admitting, then, that the territories of thefe 
 dates were nearly of 6qual extent, the domi lions of each particular 
 date will appear to be no more than 23, milcb in breadth, and 35 
 in length. 
 
 The country belonging to the Greeks on the north fide of 
 :the idhmus, I have computed, from the bed maps, to contain, of 
 mean breadth, 153 miles, from north to fouth, andt of mean 
 length, 258 miles, from ead to wed. It comprehended no fewer 
 than the following nine independent commonwealths, Theflaly, 
 Locris, Boeotia, Attica, Megaris, Fhocis, JEtolia, Acarnania, and 
 Doris. Suppofing then, as in the former cafe, thefe commonwealths 
 to have been nearly equal in point of territory, in order to obtain an 
 .idea of the mean magnitude of their dominions, we (hall find each 
 of them to have poflefled bnds to the extent only of 17 miles in 
 ,breadth, and 28 in length. What is dill more extraordinary, fe- 
 veral of them confided of cities, whi<;h were independent of one ano- 
 ther, and were a^Tociated oply for mutual defence. Both the^Locriacs 
 .,and the Achaeans afford indances of this cafe. The former had not 
 jcven all their territories contiguous*, nor did they a£t always in 
 .concert t > and the twelve cities of the latter feem to have been con- 
 iiiedted in no other manner than by alliance J:. 
 
 ' -i.ii /■ «. f ^ ....:. . ■■-. • . - . (. v:- :i;:. • f ., (j ^ ^^ 
 
 ■* Strab. lib. 9. '■■•■'^' - ^--''•'- li r...: j.-ij -. r, .,, . i^ .- r,:;..., .,„ ; 
 
 ' f The Locri Opuntiionly fent troops to the allied army of Greece, to oppo/e 
 .Xerxes. Herod, lib, 7. cap. 203. 
 J Paufani.is, lib. 7. 
 
 ■'it 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 *3 
 
 The governmeat of all thefe dates was more or Icfs republican 4 
 «nd the Greeks appear to have had no conception of a free confti- 
 tution, in which an appeal to the people was not ultimately com- 
 petent. The hiftory of Greece affords abundant evidence of the 
 truth of this remark. The early monarchies were of (hort duration 
 and extremely limited. Kings, as well as ufurpers, are conllantly 
 branded with the odious name of tyrants. Even the temporary revo- 
 lutions which fometimes took .place, from democracy to monarchy, 
 occadoned by private ambition, or foreign influence, are no ob- 
 jedions againft the general obfervation. For the people, when left 
 to the free operation of their natural fentiments and feelings, re- 
 turned with keennefs and tumult to the antient conditution. 
 
 At Athens, the whole legiflative power, and a great part of the 
 .executive, were lodged with the people. Even at Sparta, the two 
 Kings polTeflfed not more authority than the Confuls of Rome, or 
 the Sufetes of Carthage *. They were prefidents of the fenate f, 
 and commanded the armies of their country. But they had no in- 
 fluence in the appointment of the fenators. Thefe were eledled by 
 the people J. And the Kings retained the privilege only of propo- 
 sing the bufinefs to be canvafTed, and of giving the firft vote in the 
 decifion. When they went to war, they were attended by a fort of 
 field deputies, or counfellors, called Polemarchs §, without whofe ad- 
 vice and concurrence they could undertake no enterprize of moment. 
 "■ -- • ' ■!• .- ■ ■' .•'■.'''.■■ ■ • ' ■ ^ Two 
 
 • Aiift. pollt. lib. 3. • t Xenopb. de repub. Laced. | Arift. Polit. lib. 2. 
 
 C) Xenophon. de repub. Laced. » . ■ 
 
H 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 Two of the Ephori * alfo accompanied the camp, who infpcAed,. 
 not onFy their behaviour, but that of the whole army. Thcfe 
 nominal Kings poiTeffedno enfign of royalty but that of fucceflion ; 
 while the people held the legiflative power, the privilege of naming 
 the fenate and the Ephori, and the honour of electing individuals,, 
 out of their own order, int o both thefe high Rations %. 
 
 While the people enjoyed fo much power under the Greek re- 
 publics, the territories poflefled by thefe could not be extenfive, nor 
 their citizens numerous. As, in every important tranfadion of g6- 
 vernment, appeals were made to the people, it was ncceflary their 
 number fliould neither be fo great, nor their fituation fo diftanl, as • 
 to render it impoffible to convene and confull them. 
 
 The whole lands belonging to the Lacedaemonians were divided: 
 by Lycurgus into thirty-nine thoufand (hares || ; one of which was; 
 allotted to the family of every citizen ; and, as thefe (hares were • 
 on no account to be augmented or diminished, the number 
 
 of 
 
 • The Ephori were a fort of tribunes, who proteftcd the privileges of the people. 
 . 1( Arift. Pclit. lib. a. 
 
 i" Ph'.rarch afTcrts, that thefe lots yielded annually, at an average, 82 medlmni 
 nf hiiil'-y, and a fmall quantity of fruits. Counting, then, with Dr Arbuthnot, the 
 medininus fo hold to the Wincheder bufhel the ratio nearly of 13 to 14, it iseafy to 
 cimpute tin: produce cf a crop of all the lands of Sparta. It amounted only to 
 430, 404 qniii tcrs. This is a quantity of grain not greater than is raifed in fome fingle 
 counties of Engl.tn J j and is a demonftration cf the fcantinefs of the refources of 
 that rcpnblir, and confi.qucnlIy of all the other republics of Greece, except Athens, 
 next to which Sparta was the mod opulent and powerfu). Plut.in vit. L)curg. 
 
 ill 
 
FREE STATES 
 
 -d 
 
 : il 
 
 i\ -w 
 
 of citizens mud have remained invariable. Of thefci nine thou- 
 fand were afligned to the citizens of Sparta *i who oi»ly were 
 called to attend the lefler affemblies t of the people. The greater af- 
 femblies % confided of the thirty-nine thoufand freemen, coUeded 
 from all the territories of Sparta, who met to deliberate on the great 
 affairs of flate, to make laws, and to decide concerning peace and 
 war. ? 
 
 The citizens of Athens were not fo numerous as thofe of Sparta. 
 They feem rarely to have amounted to mote than 20,000. This 
 is the number afligned by Demofthenes § and Plato ||. From a 
 furvey of Athens made ftill later under the aTchonfhip of Deme- 
 trius Phalerius, the citizens were again found to be 20,000 f. 
 
 It is extremely proboble **,that thefe were the whole freemen of 
 the Athenian territories, who attended the ordinary aflfemblies of the 
 people, and iu whofe hands was repofed the government of the 
 date. The Athenians lived originally, like the Lacedaemonians, 
 difperfed in cities through the different diflrids of Attica. The- 
 
 , .^^ -rr- ^*; G fius 
 
 ^ 
 
 J ♦ Plutarchi Lycurg; } Xenophon. lib. 3. Hellen. 
 
 % Ibid, lib 5. Hellen- § Orat. in Ariftogitonem. . || In Critia. 
 
 ^ Anonymus apud Meurfium de fortuna Athenarum, cap. 4. 
 
 ♦• A number, fomewhat larger, is mentioned in a paflUge of Athenaius, lib. 6. 
 which gives an account of a furvey of Attica, made under the fame Demetrius Phale- 
 rius, when the Athenians were found to be 2 1,000, the ftrangers 10,000, and theflaves 
 no fewer than 400,000. The latter were moftly captives, and were employed at fea, 
 in the mines, and other fervile occupations. Xenophon, in his book de Vefligali- 
 l)Us, mentions one Nicias, who had a thoufand flaves, whom he let to Socias a m'.- 
 »ifr, at the rate of an obolus, i ^ penny each a-day, with an obligation on the 
 * part 
 
26 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 fius found this diftribution Extremely troublcfotne and inconveni- 
 ent. The public bufinefs could not be properly condufted, bccaufe 
 the attendance of the piedple could not be eafily procured. He 
 enlarged, therefore, the cit^of Athen6, and, by addrefs or autho- 
 rity, prevailed with the cifh^ens to abandon their habitations in the 
 country to the care of their flaves, and lo adume, for the future, 
 their refidence in the city. 
 
 Athens and Sparta were the principal and leading coinmon— 
 wealths of Greece.. Their example was followed, their manners 
 were imitated^ and their alliance was courted, by all the other 
 Aates. The former were zealous, in their turn, to extend their 
 influence over their allies, by propagating amoirg then, their re* 
 fpedive manners, cuftoms, and forms of government. Of courfe, 
 moft of the other ft'ates adopted, either wholly, or in part, their 
 civil inftitutions. A particular account of the political conftitu*- 
 tions of thefe ftates is, for this reafon, unneceflary. But it is, at. 
 the fame time, impradlicable. We fcarcely know more of their fe*- = 
 parate polities, than that they were republrin. Their influence 
 was feldom fo great as to render their conftitution or their opera- 
 tions objeds of attention to their countrymen, while the brilliancy - 
 ' of' 
 
 part of the latter, to return the fame number he received. He obferves, that Hyp- 
 ponicus had 600, and Philomonides 300, let on the fame terms. He recommends it 
 warmly to the Athenian (late to raife a revenue, bypurchafmg flaves, and letting 
 them in the fame manner. The difference, in the number of the Athenians, affi^ned <^ 
 in this paflage, from that quoted above, arifes, probably, from an occaGonal fluAu* 
 ation of the Cenfus; which, unlefs a freeman poiTcfled, he was excluded from the 
 aflembliesof the people. ,., . , .., . i . 
 
FREE S T \ r E i 
 
 2^7 
 
 c*f the traiifattions of Athens and Sparta has alinoft ^ ^uopolM^ 
 the pages of aiui(iuity. We may, therefore, concltiu with cq:,v- 
 fidence, that, however diminutive the affairs of thcfc icpiihlics Jip» 
 pear, when compared with a modern political fcale, thofc of the 
 other ftatea would fnffer greater diminution, whca eftiinated accord/" 
 ing to that ftandard. 
 
 The Greeks, alio, were dcftitute, in a great meafure, of all the 
 ufeful arts, particularly of agriculture and commerce. At Athens, 
 indeed, the ornamental arts, oratory, poetry, ftatuary, and architec- 
 ture, flouriflied iu a manner unrivalled by antient or modern times. 
 lUit, at Sparta, even thele. arts were prohibited by Lycurgus, and 
 defpifed by the Lacedaemonians. Eloquence they derided, as an 
 engine of fophidry and deceit. They contemned poetry, becaufe 
 it tended to debilitate the mind, by infpiring fympathy and com- 
 .paffiont and rendered men lefs (it for the atchicvements of war. 
 They prohibited the building of every houfe where any tool fhould 
 be employed befide an axe and a faw *. The mechanic arts and 
 agriculture were deemed ignoble employments, and pradifed on- 
 ly by flaves f* The citizens of Sparta devoted their whole time 
 to the operations of war, or to gymnaftic exercil'es fubfervient to 
 that profeffion X' They contented themfelves with the bare neceffa- 
 ries ot life, both for food and clothing. They interdi<Sbed altoge- 
 ther the ufe of the precious metals. As they had no money, they 
 could have no artifts. They lived chiefly on bread, black broth, 
 
 and 
 
 ^' Plutar. Lycurg. f Arift. Folit. lib. 7. cap. 9- :t^ Xenoph. dc Repub. Laced. 
 
28 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 and cheefe * ; viands remarkable among the ancients tliemfetves fur 
 being homely and unfavoryi and which mark very ftrongly the 
 lowed ftate of agriculture. Among the fupplies fent by the King 
 of Egypt to Spartat at the beginning of the Afiatic war conducted 
 by Agefilaus, -when that ftate was in the zenith of its power and 
 glory, were 600,000 modii of wheat f. 
 
 w 
 
 h.r- 
 
 Among the praifes of Attica, Xenophon % enumerates the tern- 
 perature of its climate, the delicioufnefs and ripencfs of its fruits, 
 its great abundance of fine ftone for building fplendid temples and 
 altars, and public edifices, the richnefs of its iilver mines, its centri- 
 cal fituation for trade, and the convenience of its bays and harbours. 
 He affirms, however, that the people were poor, and never could pro- 
 cure fubfiftence from their own territories. He urges his countrymen, 
 with all that infinuating eloquence fo chara£teriftic of his writings, 
 to apply themfelves to commerce, as the moft effetflual means of 
 fupplying all their wants. Demofthenes alTerts §, that the Athe- 
 nians imported more corn than any ether ftate of Greece, and that 
 they received it chiefly from Pontus and Byzantium. Towards the 
 end of the relopponefian war, the Lacedaemonians interrupted the 
 importation of corn, which produced a famine at Athens, as the city 
 depended principally on that mode of fupply 
 
 '.'■^''r , •',:if(C>f- -■ n ''Jill ^»^i•:i^ ^'A ^ :.'!•?:•:■■'■ ' ;•} ■ 
 
 If 
 
 ■n •v?/i'i 
 
 * i'lutar. Lycurg. 
 
 t Jullin. ii'ij. 6. cup. 2. about li'.Ty' quarters, counting the modius equal to a 
 peck Liijjl'lh, 
 
 % De ve.«aigaiibus. § OnUio ndverfus Leptinem. |i Diod. lib. 13.cap.107. 
 
 % 
 
 V i 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 2f 
 
 If fuch was the fituation of the mod powerful and flouriAiing 
 republics of antiquity, even in the days of Xenophon and Demoft- 
 henes, what mud have been their condition before the Perfian in- 
 vafion, when navigation and (hip-building were almoll unknown 
 in Greece ? Thucydides informs us *, that the Athenians had no 
 decked veflels nor triremes, before the expedition of Xerxes ; and 
 that, previous to this period, they ufed only a fort of open boats, 
 navigated by fifty oars. They learned the utility and importance 
 of navigation when they were obliged to equip a fleet to oppofe 
 that of the Perfians. He acquaints us, further, that all the Greek 
 Aates anciently fubfifled by plundering one another, and that their 
 depredations and incurfions were not reckoned di(honourable or un- 
 juft ; that the cuf^om among the Greeks of going conflantly armed, 
 arofe from this opinion, and thefe robberies. The cuftom, he re- 
 marks, was retained, even in his time f, by no fewer than three 
 dates, the Locri, ^toli, and Acarnanes; and the Athenians^ he adds, 
 were the firft people who abolished both thefe barbarous pradllces. 
 Paufanias % afhrms, that the poorer fort of people in Euboca and 
 Phocls had no better cloathing than fkins. 
 
 But the mofl curious monument of the poverty of the Greek repu- 
 blics is preferved by Poly bins §. Cleomencs 1|, the laft King of Sparta 
 of that name, facked Megalopolis, a city of Arcadia, and the place of 
 the nativity of the biftorian, becaufe the inhabitants would not re- 
 nounce their alliance with the Achaeans, and accept that of the Lace- 
 
 H daemoiiians. 
 
 I. 
 
 • Lib. I. cap. 14. j That cf the Peloponnefian war. ' ' ^ Arc.idica. 
 
 - I Lib. 2. cap. 6». et()2. \\ About the 131ft Olympiad. 
 
30 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 i 
 
 daemonians. Phylarchus, a raoft partial and ill informed author, 
 in narrating this tranfadion, had an''=rted, among other improbabili- 
 ties, that Cleomenes feized, in Megalopolis, plunder to the value of 
 6000 talents *. Polyhius cenfures this account, as nioft exorbitanr 
 and incredible. He aflerts, that the booty could not be fuppofed to 
 amount to more than 3O0 talents f, and that the plunder of all the 
 ftates of Peloponnefus.iinltfs the inhabitants had been fold forflaves, 
 could not, in the moft flourifhing period of their affairs, furnilh the 
 enormous fum of 6oco talents. He fupports this opinion, by an 
 account of a valuation of the lands, houfes, and poircffions, of the 
 Athenians, made with a view of impofing a tax on their territories 
 in Attica, in order to fupport the war :}:, which, in conjundion with 
 the Thebans, they had undertaken againft the Lacedaemonians. That 
 valuation was inferior to the fum afTigned, by Phylarchus, as the 
 price of the pillage of Megalopolis. It amounted only to 5750 § 
 talents jl. ■ , ' , , • . '' 
 
 When it is confidered that this valuation was made at an advan- 
 ced period of the affairs of Greece, when fome degree of luxury 
 had been introduced into that country, and the communication laid 
 
 open 
 * L. t, 162, 500. f L.49,i2j. 
 
 % This feems to have been the Bcllum Laconicuin Boeoticum, which happened in 
 the looth Olympiad. § L. 1,114,062. 
 
 N It is not a little furprifing, that an author of the difcernment and erudition of 
 Menrfuis, (hould ib far miftake the meaning of Polybius.astortprcfent this valuation 
 to have been an annual ux. The higheft tax paid, both by the Athenians and their 
 allies, never amounted, annually, to more than 1700 talents. 
 
 Meurjius, de Fortwia Atbtn. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 31 
 
 open between it and the eaft, and when, confequently, the value of 
 money muft have been confiderably diminifhed, the pidure exhibit- 
 ed of the fcantinefs of the refourcesof the Grecian republics cannot 
 fail to ftrike with furprife. 
 
 "^ 4; ■ ■• *' ' 
 
 SECT. 
 
 .¥;;«:(•: i>:h'-^ 
 
 'At' ••■ 
 
 ir. 
 
 't-t.';i''V'<i 
 
 :i^'':r'-' ^'. 
 
 Cau/es of Colonization among the Greeks — Their Settlements in Magna 
 Graecia — Croton — Thurii — Tarentum. 
 
 TH E preceding account of the conultution and finances of 
 the Greek ftates will naturally fuggeflt the motives which 
 a£tuated them in planting colonies in diftarit regions, and the 
 condudl they were obliged to adopt with regard to thele colo- 
 nies. In a narrow uncultivated country, containing a great num- 
 ber of independent tribes, ftraitened for territory and fubfiftenre, 
 feveral caufes would induce the inhabitants to emigrate. As nb pro- 
 vifion was made for the natural increafe of population, as the Greeks 
 knev^ little of agriculture and lefs of manufadures, and as a great 
 part of them were idle and warlike *, "-ecourfe was frequently had to 
 force, and the weaker werecompelkd to cede their fields and habita- 
 tions to the flronger "I". The fpirit of enterprife and conqueft, alfo, 
 which frequently feizes nations in their progrefs toward refinement, 
 added to contempt for the charadersof more unwarlike people, indu- 
 ced frequently the Greeks to incroach on the territories of their neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 The 
 
 • Ifocratis Panegyrica. f Thucyd. lib. i. cap. 2. 
 
COLONIZATION OF 
 
 Hi!- 
 
 im 
 
 The moft fertile fource, however, of the colonization of Greece, 
 was that fpirit of turbulence and fadion which poiTefTes all repub- 
 lics, but particularly infefted thofe of that country. When a ftatc 
 was overloaded with people, from whofe profligacy or idlenefs it 
 dreaded innovation, it proje£ted a colony to relieve itfelf from ap- 
 prehenfions. When a factious demagogue became formidable to 
 the conftitution of his country, he was difpatched, at the head of 
 his followers, to fome diftant region, over which he might prefide, 
 and the government of which he might model to his mind. 
 
 I 
 
 As the principal objeft of Grecian colonization was, to difcharge 
 fupernumerary members, or to preferve the conftitution of the pa- 
 rent ftate, it was not to be expe(fied, that, tho' fhe had been 
 able, fhe would have been difpofed to concern herfelf much in the 
 profperity of her offspring. The truth is, fhe was neither able 
 nOr willing. The colony was permitted to adopt that form of go- 
 vernment which it chufed to prefer, and to contimic, or not, its con- 
 nection with the mother-country, as befl fuited its interefts. The 
 former entertained not, for a long lime, the mofl dirtant thought 
 of taxing the latter, or of retaining over it any mark of fovereign- 
 ty ; becaufe fhe could afford it no compenfation in the article of 
 defence. She was fcarcely able to preferve the domeflic territories 
 fhe pofTeffed, and could afford no protedion to her colonies. The 
 only connexion known, for many ages, between the mother-coun- 
 try and the colony was that of affection or alliance. •' 
 
 tn 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 33 
 
 In the courfe of the Grecian affairs, however, Sparta and Athens 
 became principal' ftates, and almoft the whole of the other com- 
 monwealths and the foreign colonies attached themfelves to one or 
 other of thefe communities. The object of thefe alliances afforded 
 a pretext for taxation both of allies and colonies, which Sparta and 
 Athens, but particularly the latter, feized with avidity. Thefe re- 
 marks will be fupported by fadts. which will occur in the ac- 
 count of the colonization of Greece. 
 
 The foreign countries in which the Greeks planted their princi- 
 pal colonies were, the fouth-eaft coaft of Italy, extending from 
 Brundifium to the frith of Sicily, called by the antients Magna 
 Graecia ; the eaft coaft of Sicily, from the frith, to the promontory 
 of Pachynum ; and a great part of the coaft of the lefler Afia, 
 lying along the eaftern ftiore of the Archipelago, named ^olis and 
 Ionia. They had, befides, many fettlements on the (hores of Thrace, 
 from the Sinus Thermaicus * to the Propontis, and in the iflonds of 
 the Archipelago and the Ionian fea. Tlie colonies of Afia and the 
 iflands were chiefly planted by the Athenians ; thofe of Italy 
 aid Sicily, by the republics of Peloponncrust. ' ' '' 
 
 ■dft 
 
 /!M iC 
 
 The inofl: early fettlements were thofe of Magna Graecia and 
 Sicily. The chief of them in Magna Graecia were Croton, Sybaris, 
 and Tarentum ; in Sicily, Syracufe. ••'<►: - *• '• ,. . -r 
 
 ■)-'<: 
 
 According to Strabo X^ Croion was founded by the Achacans, 
 who arrived by accident in Italy, in their voyage homeward from 
 
 Gulf cf Saloniclii. 
 
 I 
 
 f ThucyJ. lib. i. I2. 
 
 .thf 
 
 t Lib. 6, 
 
 • 1/ 1 
 
34 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 ;•':!! 
 
 i:il 
 
 :'^^ 
 
 
 the Trojan war. To fecure their (hips from the dangers of the 
 fea, they drew them upon the beach, according to the manner of 
 antient navigators, and retired to explore the country, having 
 left their women near their veffels till they fhould return. The lat- 
 ter, however, dlfgufted with the length and dangers of the voyage 
 from Troy, refolved not to go again to fea; and, that they might 
 compel their countrymen to fettle in the territories on which they 
 had landed, in their abfence, they fet fire to the fhips. Croton be- 
 came a famous colony. The climate was healthy, and the coin- 
 try fertile. It increafed in cultivation, and in numbers, and finally 
 acquired fuch eminence, as to rival Greece itfelf in philofophy and 
 arts. Pythagoras leaving Samos, his native country, eredted a 
 fchool there, and eftablifhed one of the mofl illuftrious feds of an- 
 tiquity, which continued long to flourifh. It was no lefs confpicu- 
 ous for athletic exercifes. Its wreftlers were renowned over Gresce, 
 and feveral times carried away the prizes in the Olympic games. 
 This colony fent one fhip * to the combined fleet of Greece aflem- 
 bled at Salamis to oppofe the fleet of Xerxes in the Archipelago, at 
 the time of the Perfian invafion ; and it was the only fettlement in 
 Italy or Sicily which furnifhed any affidance. 
 
 - This concurrence, in fupport of the liberties of Greece, was, 
 however, no mark of political fubjedion. All the aids granted on 
 this occafion were the fruits of alliance, or voluntary contribution. 
 The Greek ftates fufpended all private animofities, and cordially 
 conjoined their forces to repel the invafion. They difpatched am- 
 baiTadors to all their foreign feitlements, to folicit alTiftance, though 
 
 mod 
 
 • Herod, lib. 8; cap. 47. 
 
 im 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 35 
 
 moft of them were unable or unwilling to comply with their re- 
 quefts. The colonies, in general, of Italy and Sicily, thought 
 themfelves little interefted in the quarrel, becaufe they were remote 
 from the fcene of a£tion. 
 
 Syharis, called afterwards Thurii, fituated between the rivers 
 Craihis and Sybaris, which empty themfelves into the bay of Ta- 
 rentum, was alfo fettled by the Achaeans ; though neither the time 
 nor the occafion of this emigration are mentioned by the writers of 
 antiquity. The colony was powerful and fuccefsful, had under its 
 jurifdidion four adjacent ftates, poffeffed twenty-five cities, and 
 could bring into the field 300,000 men *; which it did in the war 
 with its neighbours the Crotoniatae f. The latter, however, got 
 the vidory in the field, and brought fwift deftrudkion on the people 
 of Sybaris, by demolifhing the banks of the river Crathi8,and over- 
 whelming their city with an inundation. This war happened in 
 the time of Pythagoras, who is faid to have directed the operations 
 of the Crotoniatae ± . 
 
 The people of Sybaris, who furvived this calamity, fent deputies 
 to Greece to implore affiftance, and a recruit of inhabitants. They 
 applied \o the Spartans ; but their folicitations were refufed. They 
 had recourfe next to the Athenians, who confented to fend them 
 ten fhips filled with emigrants, under the diredion of Lampon and 
 
 Xenocrates. 
 
 • Probably the wholi inhabitants who could bear arms. 
 X About 83d Olympiad. Died. lib. 12. cap. 10. 
 
 t Strab. lib. 6. 
 
!;< 
 
 iiiid 
 
 • %-.' 
 
 3'6 
 
 COLONIZATION OV 
 
 Xenocrates *. Thefe leaders publlHied proclamations, in the citle* 
 of Peloponnefiis, of tlifir intended expedition, and confulted the 
 oracle about its fuccefs. Great numbers of people joined them from 
 all quarters, with whom they fet fail for Italy. On their arrival, 
 they refolved not to rebuild their capital in its former fituation, 
 which expofed them fo fcverely to the vengeance of their enemies. 
 They chole a new foundation for it near a fpring called Tburii, 
 from which, for the future, the colony received its name. The 
 Thurii foon acquired great reputation for riches, learning, and arts. 
 The philofophy of Pythagoras had fpread overall the flates of ^ 
 Magna Graecia, and had contributed highly to enlighten and polifh I; 
 the minds of men. Two illuilrious legiflators, rivals of Solon and 
 Lycurgus, appeared on this occafion, Charondas, among the 
 Thurii, and Seleucus among the Locri, both difciples of that illu- 
 ftrious philofopher. The conflitution of Thurii was formed after 
 the model of that of Athens. The people were divided into ten 
 tribes, which received names defcriptive of the cities from which 
 the members of them were delcended. From thefe names we dif»- 
 cover, that three tribes had come from Peloponnefus f, three 
 from the northern republics of Greece |, one from Athens §, 
 one from Euboea ||, one from the Iflands IF, and one probably con- 
 tained the old inhabitants **. The Thurii were members of the 
 league ft for mutual defence, which fubfifted among the ftates 
 
 o( 
 
 • Diotl. IbiJ. t Arcadem, AchaWem, ct Eleam. J Boeoticam, Amphic 
 
 tionidcm, ct Dorienfein. § Athenaidem. || Euboideru. f Infularem. 
 
 •* iad=m, the old naai? of Achaia; DioJ. lib. 12. cap. 11. ff Diod, lib. 14-. 
 
 cap. 448. - • 
 
 « 
 
 J I 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 i^ 
 
 of Magna Graecia. They had wars with the Lucaniaas, and Dio- 
 nyfius tyrant of Syracufe, in which they were reduced to the great- 
 «ft diflrefs, were deprived of their liberties, and the greater part of 
 their wealth. But no evidence remains of their receiving dlredly - 
 any protedtion from the mother-countries. Nor are any v;jftigcs 
 to be found of their exprefling, either attachment or allegiance, by 
 furnifliing affiftance to the latter, in money or in troops. 
 
 nt 
 
 The Tarentines were a colony of Spartans, and emigrated from 
 Laconia, according to Strabo *, on the following extraordinary oc* 
 cafion. Teleclus, King of Sparta, was murdered by the Mefle- 
 nians, when he came to offer facrifice to the Gods, in their capital 
 MeflTen^. The Spartans were, to the higheft degree, enraged by 
 this flagrant and enormous breach of hofpitality, and bound them- 
 felves, by a folemn oath, to march diredly againft that city, and 
 not to return home till they had laid it in afhes. The Meffenians 
 made an ohftinate defence, and the war f was protraded for twenty 
 years. The Spartan women, in the mean time, complained that 
 Lacedaemon would be ruined, no lefs than Meflene ; that the 
 men fell daily by the fword, while the women were childlcfs 
 by the abfence of their hufbands, and brought no recruit to the 
 commonwealth. The Spartans engaged in the war were fatisfied 
 of the truth of thefe reprefentations, and difpatched from the army 
 
 thofe 
 
 '-'A:. 
 
 itiini -^i 
 
 
 oj 'n3K>l ii-j.-'- ■:>- 
 
 X^» Lib. 6. . . 
 
 • ' t I''<i'ft Meffeniau war, which happened about the firft Olympiad. « AiM-i 
 
i I 
 
 il f 
 
 M 
 
 11 
 
 ';s 
 
 1 
 
 ll 
 
 ■ 
 
 Ij 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 3« 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 thofe of their number who had left Lacedaemon fo young; as not to 
 have been bound by the oath. They ordered them to have pro- 
 mifcuous correfpondence with all the unmarried women of Spartp..; 
 and from this intercourfe arole a race of men, who were called 
 Partheniae., becaufe their fathers were unknown. When the war 
 was ended, the Partheniae caufcd much combuflion and imbarrair- 
 ment in the conftitujion of Lacedaemon, They could fucceed to 
 no legal inheritance as citizens, and they would not fubmit to be 
 flaves. A confpiracy was formed, and a maflacre was likely to en- 
 fue. It was happily deteded, when on the point of execution ; and 
 the people were relieved from the fears and dangers of a revolution, 
 by the expedient of an emigration. The Partheniae accordingly 
 left Peloponnefus, under the diredion of Philanthus, one of then- 
 number, and landed in the bay of Tarentum, where they built the 
 city of that name, and acquired great power, both by fea and land.. 
 They were able to mufter 30,000 infantry, and 3000 cavalry ;,and. 
 they equipped the greateft fleet ever known in thefe parts. Learni- 
 ing and arts flouriOied exceedingly among them, efpecially under 
 the famous Archytas, who embraced, with ardor, the philofophy of 
 Pythagoras, and prefided long over that commonwealth *. 'n^\ 
 
 Luxury and fadion, atlength, found accefs into the Tarentine ftate. . 
 Strabo obferves, probably with fome degree of exaggeration, that 
 they had mote public feftivals than there were days in the year j 
 and fedition feems to have prevailed among them fo violently, that 
 
 they 
 
 * Strab. lib. 6*. 
 
 .ii ••; r. i'!V' ^i'""'^ i' *'''-''''''*>i' u-<--»»'' *"•*'''• '■■' 
 
 --., if 
 
I*' R E E S T A T E S. 
 
 39 
 
 the/ could not agree to allow a native to command thjir fl.c'.s 
 and armies. For this reafon, in the war with their neighbours the 
 Meflrpii and Lucani, they employed as generals, firlt, AleNandcr 
 Moloflus, from Epirus, and afterwards Archidamus and Cloo- 
 nomire, from Sparta *. 
 
 When the Athenian fleet, during the Peloponnefian war, touched 
 on the coafls of Tarcntum in its voyage to Sicily, under pretence ot 
 alBfting the Egedaci againft the Selenuntii andSyracufians, bull, in 
 reality, with a-view to conquer that ifland, the Tarentines would not 
 permit the Athenians to enter their harbours, nor even to purchafe 
 provifions f. The reft of the Greek colonies in Italy behaved not 
 with much more complaifance. They would only allorw the Athe- 
 nians to purchafe provifions, but forbid them to enter their townsi 
 
 « .■•^ --..,... . • - . ■ •• 
 
 -:■"', ^ '• ^ 
 
 This beliavitjcnr arofe in part from attachment to the caufe of 
 the Peloponnefians, from whom they were moflly defcended, and 
 with whom the Athenians were at war, but chiefly from jea- 
 loufy of the power of Athens, and from diflike to fee Sicily reduced 
 under its dominion. In the future voyages of the Athenians, and 
 when fortune feemed to favour their arms in Sicily, thefe colonies 
 treated their fleets with every mark of refpeft ; a demonftration, 
 that they were influenced by intereft, much more than by any o- 
 ther confideration.. •/> 
 
 tu. 
 
 'Y* :t\ 
 
 
 ■ «? - 5 »- >^S t 
 
 SECT. 
 
 * Diod. lib. 16. cap^ 62. 
 
 t Thttcyd. lib. 6, cap. 44. 
 
IIJ. 
 
 !'9! 
 
 IIP ' 
 
 ii 
 
 ! li. 
 
 m \ 
 
 U i f 
 
 40 
 
 COI.ONIZATION OF 
 
 S E C T. 
 
 III. 
 
 Greek Colonies in Sicily — Sjtracujians — Their ConduSt on Occafton of \ 
 the Per/tan Invqfion — and in the Peloponnejian War — Set at 
 Liberty l^ Timoleon — Receive numerous Emigrations from Greece. 
 
 AN T I E N T Sicily was a fcenc of conftant revolutions. The 
 Greeks planted in it many colonies, MefTana, Megara, 
 ►Naxus, Agrigentum, and Syracufe *. All thefe, however, except 
 Syracufe, were of little confequence, and of (hort duration. The 
 Carthaginians very early poffeffed thenvfelves of the fouth coaft of 
 the ifland, and were extremely anxious to add the whole of it to 
 their empire. Syracufe only was able to oppofe their efforts ; and, 
 in the courfe of this conteft for fovereignty t^ the lefler fettlement* 
 frequently changed their mafters. From a view, therefore, of the 
 affairs of Syracufe, we may learn the nature of the pQlitical coa- 
 nedtion which Sicily had with Greece. ^ in-jyt,, * 
 
 •I - 
 
 Syracufe was fettled by a colony from Corinth, under the direc- 
 tion of Archias one of the Heraclidae %• She attained a degree of 
 power and opulence fuperior to all the Greek colonies. Her refour- 
 ces were greater, her territories more extenfive, and her tranfaftions 
 more memorable than thofe of any republic of Greece itl'elf, if we 
 except Athens and Sparta. The firft intercourfe between the Sy- 
 
 - - racufi n% 
 
 * Strab. lib. 6. f J"ft- ''l'- *»• X Strab. lib. 6- Thucyd. lib. 6. c.^p. 3. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 4' 
 
 racufians and the Greeks happened at the time of the Pcrfian ia- 
 vafion, when the latter fent an. baffaJors to the former, to f ILit 
 them to join the general alliance againll Xerxes. The anfwer * of 
 Gelon king of Syracufe, to this rcquifition, is conceived in the Km- 
 guageof an independent ftate,againft which the ainbail'adora ofRreJ 
 no objedlion. They urged, however, their claim to precedency. 
 I'he king reprefented, that the Greeks implored his aflTiftance with 
 a bad grace ; that they regarded their own interefl: only, and were 
 indifferent to that of Sicily; that he had formerly fupplicated, at 
 different times, their aid againfl his enemies, the Carthaginians 
 and the Egeftani; but that, on thefe occafions, he had been treat- 
 ed with the moft mortifying negle£l; that now, when war and 
 danger threatened their own country, and when they wiflicd his 
 affiftance, they condefcended to fblicit a ftate they had formerly 
 defpifed J and that, were he to retaliate their condudl, he fliould cer- 
 tainly refufe their requeft. He would not, however, he fubjoined, 
 imitate their behaviour, but would affifV them with 200 triremes, 
 20,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 4,000 flingers and light armed 
 troops, if they would eonfent that he fhould be general of the for- 
 ces of the alliance. The ambaffadors of Sparta, then the princi- 
 pal flate of Greece, anfwered with haughtincfs, * If he intended to 
 • join the alliance, he mufl obey the general of Lacedaemon ; if he 
 ' dildained to f'ubmit to him, he might with-hold his troops.' Ge- 
 lon felt the harfhnefs of this 1 eply, but was not provoked by it. 
 He even condefcended to abate fometbing of his demxnds, and 
 offered to furnifh the fupplies he mentioned, provided he were al- 
 
 L lowed 
 
 * Herod, lib. 7. cap. 158. 
 
 \-a'>v t 
 
4» 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 lowed to command the fleet. The Athenian ambaffadors now in- ^ 
 terpofed, hut with more complaifance than thofc of Sparta. They 
 alledjjcd, that they could grant precedency to no ftate but Sparta, 
 that the antiquity of their common-wealth, and their fuperior 
 knowledge of naval affairs, entitled them to command the fleet, ^ . 
 if the Lacedaemonians ihould chufe to command the army, and 
 that they could not refign this honour to Syracufc. Gelon, mortified 
 with the refufal of both his demands, rejoined with iinnnefs and 
 ^irit, that the Greeks Teemed to be well provided in commanders, 
 but had no army nor fleet to command ; that as they would yield , 
 nothing, on their part, they could not cxped his alTiftancc j and that 
 their obftinacy had deprived their country of the moft powerful, 
 ally flie had to expeft.. 
 
 ..^1 
 
 '11 
 
 » 
 
 Gelon did npt over-rate his refources. We find, he adlually of- 
 fered more (hips than the half of all the combined navy of Greece,, 
 and more than were furniflied both by the Athenians and Spartans. 
 Herodotus has fupplied us with a lift * of the rtiips contributed by 
 the different powers of the alliance, and from it we learn, that the 
 fleet amounted to 378 triremes, of which the Athenians equipped 
 180, and the Lacedaemonians only 16. The troops of Gelon, 
 however, did not remain long inactive. Their attention was foon 
 called to another quarter, to defend their own country againft the 
 Carthaginians f. 
 
 The Athenians acquired great influence among their neighbours, . 
 by the confpicuous part they adled in repelling the Perfian inva- 
 . fion.. 
 
 • Lib. 8. cap. 48. t Pag« '?• 
 
F R E E S T A r E S. 4|k 
 
 « 
 
 Hon. They began to rival Sparta, and even to attempt the fovcrcign- 
 ty of Greece. Their ambition produced the Peloponnclian war, 
 . the objed of which wai, to decide whether Sparta or Athens 
 (hould have the precedency. In this v\ ar, Syracufe was nec^JTarily 
 involved, by the invafion of the Athenian*, in order to reduce Sicily 
 under their fubjeiflion *. 
 
 The Athenians aflemblcd their fleet t at Corcyra, confiftii g of 1 34 
 triremes, 100 of which belonged to Attica, and the reft to her alhes, 
 two veflels of fifty oars, and one tranrjx)rt which carried 30 horfcs* 
 They fteered their courfe, in the ufnal direction, acrofs the Ionian or 
 Adriatic fea* tothccoaft of Magna Graecia, and then along that coafl 
 to Sicily. They attacked and defeated the forces of Syracufc, laitl 
 fiegc to the city, and reduced the inhabitants to the utmoft difltcls. 
 In this fituation, the Syracufians fent the mod prefling felicitations 
 for aid, firil to Corinth, their parent ftate, and next to Sparta %. 
 They urged the Corinthians, froni the relation that fubfifted be- 
 tween them, in confcquence of being their defcendu"fs. But they 
 affailed the Lacedaemonian* by arguments drawn fro n intereft, 
 and from fear. They reprefented, that it was advantageous 
 to attack the Athenians in the abfence of their troops ; that 
 the Spartans (hould not remain inaflive, till Sicily was fubdued, 
 when the Athenians would return flufhed with viilory, and rein- 
 forced with new allies, to conquer Peloponnefus ; that now was 
 
 the 
 
 ••Page 37. 
 
 t Thucyd.Ub. 6, cap. 43. 
 
 % Ibid. lib. 7. cap. 88. 
 
 
i i 
 
 mm 
 
 h <i'l 
 
 fW'- 
 
 I 
 
 44 
 
 COLONIZATION OP 
 
 the time to fend reinforcements into Sicily, and to make a diverfion ' 
 in favour of Syracufe, by invading Attica, unlefs they intended to 
 permit Athens to obtain the fovereignty of Greece. 
 
 The Corinthians entered, with much zeal, into the views of the 
 Syracufians. They determined, not only to grant them the aid 
 they requefted, but difpatched ambafTadors along with theirs to Spar- 
 ta to fecond their applications. The moft valuable part of the affift- 
 ance furnifhed by the Lacedemonians, was a general called Gilippus^ * 
 to command the forces of Syracufe. They had made little pro- 
 grefs in maritime affairs, and fent, befides, only two fhips. The 
 fupplies from the Corinthians were more liberal. They contribu- 
 ted twelve {hips of their own, and prevailed with the Leucadians 
 and Ambraciotae, two of their colonies, to add five more *. 
 
 Thefe aids turned the fortune of the war in favour of Syracufe. 
 Nicias, the Athenian general, implored his countrymen for reinforce- 
 ments in the moft prefling terms f. They decreed to fend him 
 immediately ten (hips, and appointed a fleet of obfervation :): of 
 20 triremes, to cruife round the coaft of Peloponncfus, to intercept 
 the fupplies that might be conveyed to Sicily. To thefe they added 
 afterwards a much more powerful armament, confiding of 73 
 gallies, and many troops ||. The Lacedaemonians, however, final- 
 
 w 
 
 i - 
 
 
 ♦ Thiicj'd, lib. 6. cap. 104. 
 c^p. 17.^ II lb. cap- 42. 
 
 t Ibid. lib. 7. cap. 1 1- t Ibid. lib. 7. 
 
 
FREE S T A T E Si 
 
 45 
 
 tjr prevailed, and the Athenians were compelled to abandon Si- 
 cily *. ' 
 
 The Syracufians, about fixty years after thefe tranfadlions f, op- 
 prefied by the tyranny of Dionyfius the Younger, and harrafled and 
 plundered by the Carthaginians, applied again to Corinth for aid. 
 They received firft the famous Timoleon J, for their general, and 
 ten gallies loaded with fiipplies ; to which afterwards were added 
 
 M ten 
 
 • Dr Price mifreprefents this piece of hiftory, in order to draw from it an argu- 
 ment againfl the j^robability of fuccefs in reducing America. «' The citizens of 
 "Syracufe," (he oblerves, Effiy on Civil Liberty,) «' thus circumftanced," that is, 
 " as determined men, fighting on their own ground, 'within J/ght of their houfes and families, and 
 "for that Jacred bluffing liberty, tuithottt nubich man is a beajl, and government a curfe ; 
 " withftood the whole power of the Athenians, and almoll ruined them." Would 
 not the reader conclude, from thefe words, and the other examples quoted at the 
 fame time, of the States General and the Cantons of Switzerland, that the citizens 
 of Syracufe had been either fubjeftsor colonifts of the Athenians, that they had beta 
 cruelly oppreffed by that people, and that, from their own refources, they had fuc- 
 cefsluily refilled the oppreffion, aiid had almoft ruined thi oppreffbrs ? Kow, what 
 are the fadls? The Syracufians were an independent ft-tte, and neither fubjefts nor 
 colonifts of Athens. The Athenians entered Sicily to inrade the' allies of the Pelo- 
 ponnefians with whom they were at war; and among thefe allies were the citizens of 
 Syracufe. The Syracufians would C( rtainly have been forced to fubmit to the Athenians, 
 if they had not been reinforced by fiipplies from the ftat^s of Peloponnefus, who, in a 
 great meafure, transferred the feat of the war into Sicily, by the aids they fent to 
 Syracufe. It was, therefore, the reinforcements from Peloponnefus, not the power 
 of Syracufe, which withftood the Athenians, and, though it by no means niined, 
 yetit compelled them to relinquiflj Sicily. 
 
 |- io8th Olyaip. :j: Diod. hb. i6, cap.72. &c. . 
 
 
 M 
 
r 
 
 11'' •■ 
 
 •46 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 ten more, t'urnifhed in the fame manner. Timoleon banifli- 
 ed Dionyfius, and expelled the Carthaginians. He made free 
 all the Greek cities in Sicily, and eflablifhed democracy in Syra- 
 cufe. The conftant wars, however, with which, for a long time, 
 Sicily had been walled, had almoft depopulated the country. Timo- 
 leon, therefore, fupplicated Greece for a recruit of inhabitants. He 
 caufed it to be proclaimed through all the ftates of Peloponnefus, 
 that the fenate and people of Syracufe offered habitations and 
 lands to all perfons who fliould repair thither to poflefs them. The 
 reputation of Sicily for opulence and fertility was fo great, that no 
 fewer than 50,000 people emigrated to take poflefTion of the vacant 
 territories; and, before this event, 5,000 perfons had arrived from 
 Corinth. ■-. v- / .-■ •-■-.•■' 
 
 ,'■^^-=vt.■~^ 
 
 In the circuit we have traverfed, no veftiges have appeared ot 
 any difpofition, in the feveral parent ftates, to impofe taxes on their 
 colonies, or even to retain fovereignty over them. All the inftances 
 of intercourfe which have been fpecitied, arofe entirely, cither from 
 attachment or policy. Indeed, none of the republics of Peloponnefus, 
 except Sparta, had it in their power to ad a contrary part ; and, al- 
 though the Lacedaemonians never demanded any annual tribute, 
 they feized every occafion of levying money from their allies and 
 colonies. Polybius remarks *, that the inftitutions of Lycurgus 
 were adapted only to preferve the Lacedaemonians from invafion, 
 and to continue thc^ a poor and warlike people; but that they were 
 altogether unfuitable for extending their dominions, or for rendering 
 
 , them 
 
 jf. 
 
 *■-*.■• 
 
 Lib. 6. cip. 46. and 47. 
 
 4t 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 47 
 
 
 them a great and powerful nation. When the Spartans, therefore, 
 contended for the fovereignty of Greece, in the Pelopoonefian war, 
 arid when they extended their conquefts in Afia under Agefilaus, 
 they found it neceflary to grafp at every pretence for raifing mo- 
 ney, while they feemed to maintain the fpirit of their conftitution 
 by impofing no taxes. Accordingly, in the beginning of the Pe- 
 loponnefian war, they demanded a fum of money and 500 (hips 
 from the colonies of Sicily and Italy, and appointed them to fettle 
 among themfelves the various contingents which (hould be fur- 
 nifhed by the refpedive colonies ♦. They demanded money and 
 (hips from their allies in the courfe of that warf, and received even 
 fubfidies from Perfia if. They pillaged moft unmercifully the terri- 
 tories of their enemies, and converted the plunder to the ufe of the 
 public §. Their frequent and ruinous wars with their neighbours, 
 the Meflenians, were prompted by the money they expected to 
 
 •r 
 
 1 fJ ■ !'- 
 
 raife 
 
 * Thucyd. lib. 2. cap. 7. 
 
 •]• Ibid. lib. 8. cap. 3. ' - • - • — 
 
 To equip the expedition, to be employed in defence of the Olynthians, about 
 the end of the Peloponnefian war, the Lactdaemonians, as we are informed by Xe- 
 nophon, (Hift. Graec. lib. 5.) prevailed with their allies to confent, that a ftate of the 
 necefTary fupplies fliould be fent to every city within their jmifdiftion; that any city 
 might convert the" fervice of a foldier into money, after the rate of half a drachma 
 (i. e. half of 7 ^d.) a day ; of a horfeman for the pay of four foldiers j .-jn'l, if any city 
 Ihould furnifli neither men nor money, that the Lacedaemonians might exadl from it 
 a ftatcr of gold (i. e. 16 s. 4.) for every day during the continuance of the expedi- 
 tion. No confiJeration is had of the fize of the city j a proof that thii mode of raifing 
 money was new, and extremely unequal. ' >. . - -—- 
 
 X Thucyd. lib. 8. cap. 5. § Foiyb. lib. 6. cap. 47. 
 
 m 
 Sp 
 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
48 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 raifc by felling the captives for flaves. They fold even the Afiatic colo- 
 nies, according to Polybius *, that they might procure money from 
 Artaxerxes to enable them to conquer Greece. In the hiftory of 
 the Athenian colonies, we fhall fee a different management adopted. 
 
 IJS 
 
 .I'ri ,►-.■»• 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 .IN 
 
 Afiatic Colonies — SubjeSled to TaxiUion by the Athenians. — Rebellion 
 of the Samians — and of the Lesbians. ' • -.^i) , -^^nl 
 
 A£ O L I S and Ionia were the territories of the Grecian co- 
 lonies in Afia. They occupied a confiderable part of the 
 eaftern coaft of the Archipelago, and extended, according to Strabo "(■» 
 from the river Caicus, to the river Meander. The Hermus traced 
 the boundary between them, ^olis began to be fettled about loo 
 years after the Trojan war, upon the return of the Ileraclidae, who 
 probably gave occafion to the emigration. All the iEolian colonies 
 came originally from Peloponnefus, though they preferved little 
 intercourfe with that part of Greece, and were finally fubjedled to 
 Athens. They poffeffed, according to Herodotus |, eleven cities 
 on the continent §, and feven in the adjacent iflands ||. 
 
 The 
 
 • Ibid. f Lib. 13. ^ Lib. i. cap. I49. § Their names were, Cyme, 
 Larifcae, Novus Murus,Tenus, Cilia, Notium, .Egireff.i, Pitana, iEgaeae, Myrin.i, . 
 Grynia. || Five ia the iflaad of Leibos, one in Tenedos, and one in Centum. 
 
 \hh 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 49 
 
 'jy- -'---■ • •'■■■ - '•■■•-■ ■• ' ■ - 
 
 The colonies of Tonia were planted by Androclus *, the fon of 
 
 the laft King of Athens, who relinquiflied his native country on the 
 
 revolution which, at his father*8 death, banished him from the 
 
 throne, and eftabliflied democracy. He, with his followers, built 
 
 twelve cities t in Ionia, and the iflands adjacent. 
 
 Both the Cohans and lonians flourifhed exceedingly. The for- 
 mer pofleffed a better foil, but the latter a preferable climate. Their 
 fituation led them to navigation, and they made confiderable pro- 
 grefs in that art, before it was underftood in Greece. Learning, 
 alfo, which always precedes refinement in arts, abounded in Ionia, 
 and the city of Miletus produced fome of the moft celebrated phi- 
 lofophers of antiquity :|., while Samos gave birth and education to 
 Pythagoras. The Ionian, and probably the ^olian cities, were all 
 independent, and had no political connexion with one another, 
 unlefs when they aflbciated for mutual defence |. 
 
 4,.r- .' 
 
 After Cyrus King of Perfia had conquered Lydia §, he attacked 
 the Afiatic colonies ; and on this occafion they made their firft ap- 
 plication to Greece for protection. The Cohans and lonians, 
 without addreffing their refpedtive parent ftatea, joined unanimoufly 
 in an earned petition to Sparta, then the leading commonwealth of 
 
 N t^TS'^'tiif' ftd' ■.■■■.■;, ,V.o. Greece, 
 
 tin\-iii'\.tKis'i\ 
 
 • Strab. lib. 14. f Miletus, Myus, Priene, Ephefus, Lebedus, Colophon, 
 
 Teos, Clafomene, Phocaea, Samos, Chius, Erythrae. Herod, lib. i. cap. 142. 
 % Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes. (| Herod. lib. i. cap. 170. 
 § 58th Olympiad, Sigonius de temporibus Athaenarutn. 
 
>; 
 
 Ul 
 
 I ulfl 
 
 111 ;|Bii 
 '1 
 
 ' ' 'I \ 
 
 i 
 
 50 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 Greece, for aid againft their enemies. The Lacedaemonians heard 
 their folicitations, but did not grant their requells. All tliey did 
 was, to fend an imperious mefTage to Cyrus, commanding him to 
 defift from hodilities againft the Greeks, which the latter, as might 
 have been expedted, treated with contempt *» The colonies were 
 compelled to fubmit to Perfia. 
 
 They remained under the dominion of Perfia till the invafion of 
 Xerxes "j", when they were fet at liberty by the decifive battles of 
 Plataea and Micale, in which, on the fame day :|:, the Perfian 
 forces in Greece and the Leffer Afia were entirely routed. The 
 lonians, notwithftanding thefe vidories, defpaired of being able 
 to retain long their liberty againft the power of Perfia. It was 
 therefore propofed by the L^^cedaemonians, and alTented to by the 
 Peloponnefians, that they fhould be tranfported from Afia altoge- 
 ther ; that the republics of Greece, who had joined the invafion j . 
 {hould be expelled from their habitations, and that the lonians 
 fhould be allowed to poflefs them. The Athenians difcovered, on 
 this occafion, fome fymptoms of that authority which afterwards 
 they extended much farther. They rejeded the propofail, as tending 
 to deprive them of their colonies, and complained that the Pelopon- 
 nefians (hould attempt to interfere in the affairs of Athens §. They 
 not only perfuaded the lonians to remain in Afia, but prevailed 
 
 with 
 
 < - (»■ 
 
 ;..J.., 
 
 5t I.J' 
 
 •l-i-'. .fJlr 
 
 • Herod, lib. i, cap. 153. 
 . t Herod, lib. 9. cap. 87. 
 
 •f 75th Olympiad, Sigonius de temporibus. 
 § Herod, lib. 9. cap. 105. Diod. lib. 2. c, 37. 
 
 
 
\ I 
 
 -FREE STATES. 
 
 ^ 
 
 with them, notvvithftanding their fears of the power of Perfu, to 
 enter into a treaty, ratified by folcmn oaths, in which a promlfe 
 was given of perpetual attachment to the Athenians. 
 
 The good condudl and ability of the Athenian com nanders, 
 Themiflocles and Ariilides, added to the zeal the people of Athens 
 had exhibited* in the courfe of the Perfian war, recommended them 
 highly to all the ftatesof the alliance. The Athenians *, therefore, 
 now claimed openly the precedency in theaffairs of Greece, and their 
 pretenfjons were received with more partiality and favour, on ac- 
 count of the treachery and unworthy behaviour of Paufanias ti the 
 Spartan general, who had condefcended to accept money :|: from Arta- 
 bafus the Perfian commander, as a reward for betraying the interefts of 
 his country. A-iftides feized this favourable opportunity, to pro- 
 pofe a general tax, for the purpofes of common defence againft the 
 future attacks of Perfia ; and to make the meafure more accep- 
 table, it was added, that the money (hould be depofited in the ifland' 
 of Delos, the moft fafe and facred place in the dominions of Greece. 
 The overture was univerfally approved, and, in compliment to 
 the integrity and ability of Ariftides, he was appointed, not only 
 to determine the afleflment, but to fix the contingents which fhould 
 be paid by the feveral ftates. He named 460 talents |j a« the 
 fum, and rated fo difcreetly the different allies, as to merit ever 
 after the appellation of J«/? §. ^ V' "" 
 
 
 This 
 
 * Nep. Arid. f Thucyd. lib. i. cap. 96. :|: Diod. lib. i. cap. 44. Nep, Paufanias. 
 II Tbucyd. lib. i. cap. 96. $ ^Efchinis orat. dc falfa legatione. 
 
$2 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 K,i 1' 
 
 r, , 
 
 This meafure laid the foundation of the grandeur of Athens ; fo 
 that, from the Perfian invafion, to the Peloponnefian war, that 
 republic (hown with a luftre unrivalled in the hiftory of Greece, 
 and acquired fuch eminence in arms, arts, and learning, as has ren- 
 dered her the admiration of mankind. Befide the illuftrious men 
 already mentioned ,jthere flouriflied about this time Phidias the ftatu- 
 ary *, Socrates, Plato, Herodotus, and the orators Pericles and I- 
 focrates. The feafon for the appearance of her greatefl orator was 
 not yet arrived. That was refervcd till a time of greater public 
 danger, which alone could prompt the eloquence of Demofthenes. 
 
 :« M' 
 
 In extending her influence among "her allies, Athens proceeded 
 with much addrefs. She admitted them, with the mod flattering 
 condefcenfion, to a participation of her councils. She prevailed 
 with them to advance her countrymen to the command of the 
 combined fleet and army. She rendered the meafures of the Spar- 
 tans fo unpopular, that they became tired of the war, and left the 
 army with their allies t. In the meantime, flie transferred the treafury 
 from Delos to Athens J, and augmented the tribute to 600 talents §. 
 
 • Diodor. lib. la. cap. «. ' -^ i -'i-i; *? ^.,v.v . . .. . _ . 
 
 •)• The Spartan allies feem not to have rejoined the army againft Perfia, after 
 they left it with Leotychides on the viftory of Mycale. Paufanias had only twenty 
 Ibips in the expedition againft Cyprus, fo that very few of the Spartans or their al- 
 jies could be prefent. The tax, therefore, impofeJ by Ariftides muft have affefted 
 only the allies of Athens. ♦ 
 
 :j: Diod lib. 12. c. 54. Sigonius dc rep. Ath. lib. 4. c. 3. 
 § Thucyd.lib. J. c. 13. -^ 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 53 
 
 She gradually converted the fervice of the allies into money, and, 
 on their delaying or refufing to advance the (lipulated converfion, 
 ihe compelled them by force, and reduced them from the condition 
 of allies to that of fubjedls *. She fortified her capital, and the 
 ports of Phalerus and Piraeeus, notwithllanding the remunllrances 
 of the Lacedaemonians, who dreaded the growing power of the 
 Athenians, though they pretended to be afraid only of the bad ufe 
 which, on fome future occafion, the King of Perfia might make of 
 thefe works to enflave Greece f* 
 
 The Athenians fuddenly acquired the fovereignty of almoft all 
 the iflands of the Archipelago, and of the whole of the eaftcrn 
 coaft of that fea. The Ionian colonies became their zealous friends, 
 and the iEolians their fubjedts. Both followed their ftandard in war, 
 and advanced contributions for the public expence X* The lonians 
 preferved their allegiance till the power of Athens was unable to 
 proted them, if we except the rebellion § of the ifland of Samos, 
 the principal colony of Ionia, which happened in the 84th 
 Olympiad, a few years before the commencement of the Pelopon-, 
 nefian war. A (hort account of this event will explain the man- 
 ner in which the Gkeeks treated their colonies on fuch occa- 
 fions. . 
 
 r 
 
 •\t'!i\ . t-\-fV^''^-}i-**_ ^. **■ J'^^'^ '-...""* 'fT^ifjft 
 
 ,, Some mifunderftanding took place between the Samians and their 
 
 neighbours the Milefians, which finally terminated in a war. Both 
 
 . . ,, O a parties 
 
 • Thucyd. lib. i. cap. 99. f Ibid. lib. i. cap, 90. 
 
 lib. 7. cap. 57. § Diod. lib. 13. cap. 27. 
 
 j: Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 9. 
 
:i 
 
 ... 119 
 
 I'r 
 
 ■% 
 
 HI, , ^. ^ ,.[! 
 
 Hi, '!; 
 
 34 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 parties appealed to Athens ; but the former, fufpcdting that the 
 Athenians leaned to the fide of their enemies, rejected their arbi* 
 tration, and appHed to the Perfians for aid. Pericles was dif- 
 patched with a fleet of forty galHes, to reduce the Samians to fub- 
 jedion, which he fpeeddy effected. He changed their government 
 from aridocracy to democracy ; he impofed on them a fine of 80 * 
 talents, to reimburfe the expences of his expedition ; he demanded 
 fifty hoflages as fecurity for the payment of the fine, and for their 
 good behaviour for the future ; and having entruiled thefe hoAages 
 to the cuftody of the Lemnians, he fet fail for Athens. 
 
 Pericles had fcarccly left Samos when this revolution caufed prO" 
 digious commotions. The friends of the ariftrocracy would not ful>> 
 tnh to the new government, and again fupplicated the Perfians foe 
 protection. Piffurhes, who prefided in the LeflTer Afia, fentthem. 
 a detachment of 700 men, expeding by it to obtain the dorainionv 
 of the ifland. Thefe fupplies approached Samos in the night, got 
 eafy accefs into the city, re-eftabli(hed the ariftrocracy, and banifhed 
 the friends of Athens. Pericles undertook, a fecond time, to quafh 
 this revolt. He was accompanied with fixty gallies, with which he 
 attacked and defeated fcvetity (hips of the enemy ; and being rein- 
 forced by twenty-four triremes from Chios and Mitelene, he laid 
 liege to Samos itfelf. In a few days, however, he was obliged to quit 
 the ficge with a part of his forces, to oppofe a fleet of Phoenicians 
 wliich had been detached by the Perfians to the afTiftance of the 
 Samians. Ihe latter feized this favourable opportunity of making a 
 
 ; -' —J -v> . -,,r> fally 
 
 ( ■• •'■;•&>' 
 
 • L. 16,700. 
 
 V. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 5S 
 
 fally on the Athenians, and defeated them. Pericles, however, foon 
 returned, and brouglu with him fuch a reinforcement ot'lhips from 
 the adjacent colonics, as gave him a manifelt fiiperiority over the 
 fleet oi the rebels. He provided alfo, by means of a Spartan en- 
 gineer, the lanious befieging machinen of antiquity, the aries and 
 the tejiudot which weie, ror tiie firll time, employed on this occa- 
 fion. He beat down the walls, intercepted the fupplies of the 
 city, and liimily reduced it to luhmiflion. He punifhed, on the 
 fpot, the authors ot the rebellion with death ; exa^ed a line of 200 
 talents * 10 replace the expcnce of the war, dripped theSamians of 
 all their (hipSt dcmoliflied their walls, and reftored the demo- 
 cracy. 
 
 In the courfe of the Peloponnefian war, the lonians and w^olians 
 adcd as faithful friends of Athens, by contributing money, and tur- 
 nilhing troops. They are mentioned by Thucydides as tributaries 
 and fubjects of that ftate at the commencement t of the war. They 
 are mentioned again, under the fame charader, in the ieventeenth J. 
 year of it, when the Athenians invaded "iicily. 
 
 The Lefbians, an ^olian colony, were the only exception. They 
 
 -a! 
 
 revolted from the Athenians in the fifth year of the war, and joined 
 
 the Lacedaemonians §. In the fpeech || recorded by Thucydides, 
 
 as made by their ambaifadors to Sparta and her allies, in order to 
 
 V , ' induce 
 
 * L. 38,750. fLib'2. cap. 9. % Lib. 7. cap. 57. §Thucyd. lib. 3. cap. 2. 
 I Ibid. lib. 3. cap. 9. . 
 
56 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 III' 
 
 induce them to aid and protctft their country, they fpecify not any 
 inflances ot cruelty and op^'reflion pradil'cd by the Athenians, at 
 realons of their rebellion. All their arguments were derived iVom 
 their lulpicions and their fear«. 1 hey maintained, that the Athe- 
 nians, though once the mod gallant and generous nation, the pa- 
 .trons of liberty, and friends of mankind, had of late degenerated 
 greatly from principles fo laudable in themfelve8,andoii account of 
 which they had afforded them their warnneit fuppurt ; that that ftate had 
 .adopted n tyrannical and ruinous fyllem of adminil^ration ; that they 
 fought for pretences to enflave their allies and c0l')nie8, inftead 
 .of defending the liberties of Greece againf^ the common enemy; that 
 they had already executed in part their planof defpotifm, and waited 
 only for a favourable opportunity to render it complete ; and that it 
 was in vain to expedt reformation, or to with-hold refinance till 
 fo<[re flagrant a£t of injuUice or tyranny (hould be committed againft 
 themCelves ; prudence demanded that they ihould arm and oppofe, 
 before the evil became incurable. 
 
 The moft inattentive reader cannot overlook the coincidence of 
 fcntiments adopted by the Lefbians with thofe lately maintained 
 by the Americans. It is the praife of modern times, it is the feli- 
 city of theft colonies, that the moderation and humanity of a Britifli 
 parliament will not permit them to puniQi firailar crimes in a fimi- 
 lar manner with the republic of Athens. 
 
 The advai-.tages of this rebellion were too momentous to the La- 
 cedaen.oniaas, not to be heariily and readily embraced. Theypromi- 
 
 -i*: : 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 57 
 
 Ted *, therefore their proicdlion, and ordered the afliftance required. 
 The Athenians, however, anticipated them. They difpaiched Chnip- 
 pides with 40 gallics, and commanded him to obtain rrintorce- 
 meats from the Aftatic allies and colonies. This armament reached 
 Lcfbos before the Peloponnelian I'uccours arrived. The Lefbians 
 were defeated at fea, their capital Mitylen^ was bcfieged and taken, 
 and the ifl.ind reduced to fuhjedtion, nutwithftanding the Spartans 
 both fent a fleet to their aid, and made a diverfion in their favour, 
 by an invafion of Attica. 
 
 The Athenians were provoked' beyond meafure by this unnatu- 
 ral and ungrateful rebellion. In the firll tram'ports of their refent- 
 ment, they paflcd the moft cruel' and bloody vote, that all the males 
 of Lefbos, arrived at the age of puberty, fhould be put to death, 
 and the women and children fold forflaves; and they lent the fame 
 day a (hip with commiflloners to fee the decree put in execution. 
 
 When their paflions fubfided, they began to refledl on what 
 they had done. A meeting of the citizens was therefore convened 
 next day. The former fentence was reviewed, and, after much 
 contention, it was carried, by a fmall majority, to make fomc miti- 
 gation f. A ihip was inflaiitly difpatchcd, to prevent the execu- 
 tion of the former order. The deputies of Lefbos, who had come 
 to plead their caufe at Athens, returned on board this laft veflel. 
 They procured changes of rowers, that one party might fleep 
 
 P while 
 
 ' DioJ. lib. 12. cap. jg. 
 
 t Thucyd. lib. 3, cap. 49. 
 
COLONIZATION OF 
 
 while the other was empioyecli They ofFered them tl^e moft pa- 
 latable provifions, and promifed them the higheft rewards, to pro- 
 cure their moft vigorous exertions. The former flup had departed 
 full twenty-four hours before them, and they could not overtake 
 her in her courfe. They arrived, however, before the Athenian 
 commander had finiflied the reading of the firft order. The 
 Lefbians were immediately aflembled, and informed both of their 
 danger and their fafety. Even the laft and mitigated fentence was 
 abundantly f^vere, that the chief abettors of the rebwllion, amount- 
 ing to tooo men, who had been formerly tranfmitted to Athens, 
 Ihould be put to death ; that the lands of all the Lefbians, except 
 the Methymnaei, who had retained their loyalty, fhould be divided 
 into 3000 (liares, of which one tenth fhould be confecrated to the 
 Gods, and the remainder divided by lot among colonifts from 
 Athens ; and that the government of the ifland fhould remain for 
 the future "n the hands of the Athenians *. The Lefbians were 
 compelled, by neccffity, to rent their own lands from the Athe- 
 nians to whom they fell, at the rate of two minaefi for each 
 fliare. .%• 
 
 « .- 
 
 f.u-' 
 
 . i'.n 7_??-: 
 
 (f?«: \J;\ • 
 
 .]_ V s/'^^rvf;:,: 
 
 Towards the end of the Peloponnefian war, the lonians and 
 iEolians were compelled to relinquifli their attachment to A- 
 thens, and to fubmit themfelves, partly to the Perfians, and partly 
 to the Lacedaemonians, who had combined together to humble the 
 Athenians. Sparta, afterwards, broke with Perfia, on the defeat of 
 
 . ., ' . ' ■« Cyrus, 
 
 Thucyd. lib- %, cap. 50. 
 
 t A mina was equal to L. 3 : 4 : 7. 
 
 I 111 I 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 59 
 
 Cyrus, whofe pretenfions the former had fupported with all her 
 influence, and fent Agefilaus into Ada, to proted the Graecian 
 dates in that country. He, however, was foon obliged to re- 
 turn home, to defend his country againft a combination of almofl; 
 all the republics of Greece, who could no longer fufFer the infolence 
 and rapacity of the Lacedaemonians. The latter, in revenge, by 
 the ignominious peace of Antalcidas, ceded for ever the Greek co* 
 lonies in Afia to Artaxerxes. 
 
 , < f t ) ^4 1 
 
 SECT. 
 
 V. 
 
 Colony of Corcyra — Contejl between the Corey means and Corinthianst 
 about the fxipremacy of the colony of Epidamnus—^The determi- 
 nation of the Athenians on that fubje^. 
 
 ^\^ H E other principal colonies of Greece were fettled in Corey* 
 -» ra, an ifland of the Ionian fea, at Amphipolis, on the coaft of 
 - Thrace and Potidaea, on the eaftern border of Macedonia. 
 
 Corcyra was Inhabited by a co'ony of Corinthians, who feem to 
 have been planted very early, tliough neither the time nor the occa- 
 fion are mentioned by ancient hiftorians. They acquired confi- 
 derable riches and power, by afliduous application to trade and na- 
 vigation, and preceded, in improvements of this kind, all the dates 
 of Greece, except Athens. They contemned the Corinthians, from 
 
 whom 
 
 i Hi 
 
 it< 
 
6o 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 whom they defcended, becaufe the latter were not fo opulent as 
 themfelves, and refufed to allow them the ufual marks of refpedl 
 offered by colonies to the mother-country, namely, to fend annual- 
 ly certain facrifices of firft fruits to the Gods * of the Metropo- 
 lis t, to grant its inhabitants precedency at the Olympic games, 
 and on all other public occafions X » to employ one of its priefts to 
 prefide at facrifices, to infped the intrails of vidlitiis, and to inter- 
 prete omens §. Thefe animofuies finally produced a war between the 
 Corinthians and Corcyraeans; the caufes and fome of the tranfac-. 
 tions ot which it is neceffary briefly to narrate, becaufe they ex- 
 plain the principles of colonization, which, hitherto [j, had gene- 
 rally prevailed in Greece. 
 
 ■••■-- ■ --^^VCv' 
 
 •• The fource of the rupture was a difpjute concerning the fupre- 
 macy of a colony fettled at Epidamnus, known afterwards by the 
 name of Dyrrachium. The colonifts confifted chiefly of Corcy- 
 reans, tho' they were joined with fome emigrants from Corinth, 
 and were condu<Sted, by one Phialus, a native of that city If. 
 Some commotions arofe among the Epidamnii, which they could 
 not adjuft without foreign aid. They applied firft to Corcyra ; 
 but their fupplications were treated with negled. They confulted 
 the oracle, concerning the meafures they ihould next adopt, and 
 
 : • Polybii Excerpta, 114. Diod. lib. 12. c. 30. + The name the Greeks gave 
 
 to the mother-country. % Scholiaft on Thucydldes, lib. 1. c. 25. ^ Thucyd. 
 
 Ibid. II 85th Olympiad, fome years before the Pfloponnefian war. f Diod. 
 
 Kb. 1 a . c. 3. Thucyd. lib, i . c. 24. 
 
 .ill 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 6i 
 
 were advifed to folicit the aflidance of Corinth. The Corinthians 
 heard their requefts with favour, took them into their proteftion, 
 and promifed the aid required. They were induced to a£t this part, 
 from refentment cf t!\e ingratitude and undutiful behaviour of the 
 Corcyraeans, and t.om the claim they poflefTed to the fuperiority 
 and dire<aion of the colony. 
 
 The troops of Corinth had fcarcely reached Epidamnus before it 
 was vigoroufly attacked by the Corcyraeans, who were highly in- 
 cenfed, both by the application to the Corinthians, and by the in- 
 terference of that ftate. The city being clofely befieged, and redu- 
 ced to great didrefs, the Corinthians were again fupplicated for aid, 
 who projedled a new colony for the relief of the place. They if- 
 fued a proclamation, that all perfons who would emigrate to Epi- 
 damnus ftiould be intitled to the fame rights and immunities which 
 they enjoyed while citizens of Corinth ; to which they added a re- 
 markable alternative, that, whoever wilhed to (hare the advantages 
 of the colonifts, and choofed notwithftanding to remain at home, 
 might obtain that privilege on payment of 50 drachmas * to the 
 ftate. By rights and immunities it was m'eant, that the colonifts 
 were to enjoy the fame laws, religion, and government, which were 
 eftabliihed at Corinth f, at leaft, that the Corinthians had no inten- 
 tion to deprive them of any of thefe privileges ; for it does not ap- 
 pear they were able to fecure to them the pofleffion of what they 
 promifed. The converfion of the advantages of the colonifts, for the 
 
 • A drachma was worth 74, d- f Scholiaa on ThucyJ. lib. i. cap. 27. 
 
 '.' 
 
62 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 11 r >\ 
 
 fmall fum of 50 drachmas, is a farther proof of the low eftimatton 
 in which thefe were confidered, both by the Corinthians and thi^ 
 <^olonifts, and feems to have been an expedient calculated to raife 
 money from the more opulent citizens, in order to defray the 
 conveyance of the emigrants, many of whom very probably were 
 unable to tranfport themfelves. Many people joined the colony, 
 and many advanced the money *. 
 
 #' ; 1 
 
 The Corcyraeans were informed of thefe operations at Corinth, 
 and immediately fent ambaffadors thither to complain. They re- 
 prefented, that Epidamnus did not belong to the Corinthians, but 
 to them J if any doubt remained on this head, they were will- 
 ing to refer the decifion to the oracle cf Delphi, or to any neutral 
 ftate of Peloponnefus ; and, if thef- overtures fhould not fatlsfy, 
 they would be obliged to folicit the prote^^ion of the Athenians, a 
 meafure which would be agreeable to neither of the parties. 
 
 The Corinthians would liften to no propofals of accommodation, 
 anlefs the troops of the Corcyraeans were withdrawn from Epi- 
 damnus. After fome intermediate operations, therefore, which by 
 no means contributed to reftore peace, the latter applied to Athens, 
 and the former difpatched ambaffadors to the fame place, to coun- 
 teradt their negotiations. Every matter of ftate was debated before 
 the Athenian people, and the fcveral dep'ines appeared at their 
 tribunal, to fupport the claims of their refpedive L-^untries. Thu- 
 cydides t has preferved the fpeeches, or at leaft the fubftance of 
 
 the 
 
 ♦ Thucyd. ibid. 
 
 f Lib. I. wp. 32. 
 
 m 
 
FREE STATES* 
 
 6'5 
 
 the fpeeches, which -were delivered on this occaHon, and what they 
 contain concerning colonization merits attention. 
 
 The Corcyraeans maintained, that their being colonics of CSo- 
 riitth wasT no good reafun why they fhould not obtain the aifift- 
 ance they aflced ; that every colony, indeed, ought to honour and 
 refpe^t its metropolis, as long as it was treated with kindnefs and 
 refpeft ; but that, fhould the latter adopt a contrary conduct, and, 
 inftead of cherifliing, proceed to injure and affront the former, it 
 might withdraw its attachment, and even revolt ; that colonifts were 
 not tranfplanted to didant countries to be made (laves, but were en- 
 titled to retain all the privileges they poffefled in their native coun- 
 try ; and that the Corinthians had committed great injuftice, becaufe 
 they had refufed the moft reafonable terms of accommodation, 
 namely, to terminate the controverfy in an amicable manner by 
 arbitration. 
 
 The Corinthians replied. That the pretence of injuftice, as a rea- 
 fon of revolt, was ill founded ; for the Corcyraeans had renounced 
 their allegiance long before the prelent difpute ; that, as injury 
 and oppreffion were unreafonable and cruel, on the part of the mo- 
 ther-country towards the colony, they were, at leaft, equally repre- 
 henfible on the part of the latter towards the former ; that as the co- 
 lony was not fent to Corcyra to be made flaves, fo, neither was 
 it planted there that it might infult and affront the metropolis ; 
 that the Corcyraeans' complained without caufe, was evident from 
 the good correi'pondence which fubfifted between Corinth and 
 
 her 
 
 fii-^ 
 
«4 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 her other colonies, the Leucadians and the Ambraciotae, by 
 vrhom fhe was treated with much refpe^ and attachment ; 
 that all (he ever afked of any of her colonies was* the common and 
 decent marka of refped, and to join her as allies in war ; thatflie had 
 never d. 'ma 1, If d more from the Corcyraeans, although they had 
 rebelled againft her ; that, even fuppofing (he. had treated them 
 with fome degree of afperity, it did not become them to refent that 
 ufage ; that they would have aded better the part of dutiful children, 
 had they yielded a little to the frowardnefs or peevi(hnefs of the 
 parent ; that fuch conduct, on their part, would have'gained the ap- 
 probation of all Greece, while the injuftice and feverity of the pa- 
 rent (late would have expofed her behaviour to univerfal cenfure ; 
 that, with whatever colouring they might cover their actions, the true 
 caufe of former infolence and prefent hoftility arofe from a fpirit 
 of independence and tumult, infpired by the acquifition of wealth. 
 
 From the arguments and conclufions adopted and drawn by the par- 
 ties in this difpute, it appears, that the refpedive rights and privileges, 
 both of the metropolis and the colony among the Greeks, were (lill 
 extremely undetermined. Notiiing can be more equivocal, on the one 
 hand, than the general principles, that colonifts ought to be treated 
 with kindnefs and favour by the mother-country j that the former 
 were not conveyed todiftant countries, in order to be made (laves, or 
 to be fubjeded to the peevi(hnefs or oppre(rion of the latter ; and 
 that, if they thought themfelvcs expofed to fuch treatment, they 
 might renounce cheir allegiance, claim independence, and apply 
 to any foreign commonwealth for aid. 
 
 • « 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 6S 
 
 No lefs vague and unfatisfafkory are the maxims employed on 
 the other fide ; that the colony owed all marks of honour and re- 
 fpedl to the mother-country, and ought not, inftead of thefe, to of- 
 fer her injury and infult ; that the relation between the former and 
 the latter refembled that between a parent and a child ; and that 
 all the duties of attention, honour, fubmifllon, and alTiilance, were 
 included in this relation. 
 
 ;ii..' 
 
 1 When fuch principles were appealed to it a political controverfy, 
 it was obvious, that the occafion of it had not frequently cxiftcd, and 
 that the decifion could not be momentous. Had the connedion be- 
 tween the mother-country and the colony involved matter not of mere 
 ceremony,, but important civil rights and privileges, the difcuflioa 
 muft have excited the attention of fociety, the principles of deci- 
 fion would have been generally known, and the arguments might 
 have been expeded to be more fatisfadory and conclufive. Even 
 the claufe apparently moft precife and definitive, that the colonifl:s 
 fliould, in time of war, mufter themfelves under the fiandard of 
 the mother- country, and ad as her friends, is expreffed in terms fo 
 general and ambiguous, and might be (o extended or reftrided, 
 according to the views and neceffities of the parties, that it is diffi- 
 cult to decide whether it included any obligation oa the part of the 
 former to furnifti affiftance to the latter. Accordingly, we find 
 that the Athenians determined this caufe againfi the CorinthianS9 
 accepted the alliance of the Corcyreaeans, and fent them protec- 
 tion. They judged it their intereft to be conneded with a people 
 io j;owerful at fea, although their condud might be dangerous 
 
 - R to 
 
 'i'i 
 
 il 
 
 ?'!!« 
 
 im 
 
 m 
 
m 
 
 66 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 to themfelves, by affording a precedent of impunity to their 
 own colonies, in cafes of rebellion. It is obvious, that the 
 parent ftates urged the principles of attachment, rcfpei^^, and 
 alliance, as reafons of fubmifHon, becaufe they poflefled no re- 
 fources to enforce thofe of allegiance. The Athenians had lately 
 acquired thefe refources, had impofed taxes on their colonies, and 
 their behaviour, on this occafion, in fupporting a colony in re- 
 bellion againfl its metropolis, is a proof how much they under- 
 valued the former principles. They fucceeded, however, in their 
 defigns. The Corcyreaeans became zealous friends and allies of the 
 Athenians, and aided them with money and (hips during the courfe 
 of the Peloponnelian war *. Their fituation rendered them parti- 
 cularly ferviceable in the war. with Sicily. The Athenian fleets af- 
 fembled at G^rcyra, and having there provided naval ftores, directed 
 their courfe from that ifland by the fhorteft and fafefl pafTage to 
 the (hores of Italy. This was the only part of the voyage to Sicily 
 which could not be performed by coafling, and, fhort as it is, it 
 may be confidered, perhaps, as one of the boldeft efforts of antient 
 navigation. 
 
 *^ T^ucyd. lib. a. cap. (jf. and lib. 7. cap. 57. 
 
 l,i.^i MM 
 
 SECT. 
 
 
 m 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 67 
 
 s E G T. vr. 
 
 Thracian Colonies — AmphipoUs — Potidaea — Review of the Csloni' 
 zation of Greece. 
 
 TH II A C E w?is the region in which the Greeks planted their . 
 laft fettlements. They had formerly extended their emigrations 
 on every other fide; this quarter only remained to be appropriated. 
 Its northern fituatioii, the inhofpitable nature of the climate, and the 
 country abounding with mountains and forefts and wild beafts, but 
 particularly its warlike and favage mhabicants, long prevented the 
 Greeks from attempting to take pofleflion of it. The Athenians, how- 
 ever, after the Perlian mv?,fion, and tire great increafe of their 
 naval power, found themfclves in a condition to furmount every ob- 
 ftacle, and, partly by colonies, and partly by conqueft, procured the 
 dominion of almoft the whole coaft of the Archipelago, from the 
 river Strymon to the Dardanelles. 
 
 Amphipolis was the chief of thefe colonies, and, by its fituation, 
 formed a barrier to all the reft. It ftood between two branches of 
 the Strymon, commanded a paflage over it, and had moft conve- 
 nient and ready accefs to the (ea, from which it was diftant only 
 three miles *. Ariftagoras the Milefiaii firit undertook to plant 
 here a colony of Afiatic Greeks, whom he led from his native 
 
 • country, 
 
 ' ' ' * ~ 
 
 • Thucyd, lib. 4. cap. 102.. 
 
68 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 country, to efcape fubje^lion to the Perfian yoke under Darius ; but 
 thefe feitlers were foon expelled by the Edoni, a tribe of the 1 hra- 
 cians. Ihe Athenians, thirty- two years * afterwards, tranlportcd to 
 Anr phii>oli8i o.oot coloniflst» vvho retained pofleifion of the place tor 
 fome time ; but, endeavouring to extend their territories, and to ac- 
 quire more lands, they gave great offence to the Thracians, who at- 
 tacked them at a place called Drabeicus, and totally extirpated 
 them. The Athenians repeated the attempt to efFeduate a fcttle- 
 ment in this important flaiion, twenty-nine years aitervvards, under 
 Agnon the ion of Nicias, and futceeded. 
 
 ■ f 
 
 M! 
 
 This colony remained under the jurifdi£lion of Athens till it was 
 fet at liberty in the Peloponnefian war, by Brafidas the Lacedae- 
 monian, who had marched an army through ThefTaly to attack the 
 Athenian dominions on the coaft of Thrace. Brafidas got poflTef- 
 fion of the place partly by furprife, and partly by treachery ; but he 
 had not force fufFicient to retain his conquefts. He made, there- 
 fore, a merit of neceffity, and pretended he had undertaken this 
 expedition to afTert the liberties of the Greeks in that country 
 agalnft the tyranny of Athens. The people of Amphipolis, on the 
 appearance of Brafidas, fent intelligence to Thucydides the hiflo- 
 rian, who had the command of an Athenian armament at Tha- 
 fus, half a day's fail from their city. But, though Thucydides 
 made all poffible hafle, he arrived not in time to fave thc-pkce. 
 He reached only the mouth of the Strymon in the evening of the ^ 
 
 day on which Amphipolis had capitulated, : .. ... 
 
 The 
 
 • 79th Olympiad. " f Thycyd. lib. 4. cap. loz. Diod. lib. n. cap. 70. 
 
 \i \ 
 
•1 F U E E STATES. 
 
 69 
 
 fj^The lofs ♦ of this fettlemcnt was a fevere blow to the Athenians, 
 partly on account of the materials for ftiip-building with which it 
 fupplicd them, and partly becaufc it opened a communication to 
 their other colonies in that country, but principally on account of 
 the large revenue it returned, which probably was produced chiefly 
 by the mines in its neighbourhood. 
 
 Potidaea was fituated on the northern Ihore of the Sinus Thcr- 
 maicus t» near the ifthmus of the peninfula of Pallene. It was firft 
 inhabited by a colony of Corinthians % » but neither the aera nor 
 the occafion of their fettlement have been tranfmitted to modern 
 times. We are certain, however, that this colony had been planted • 
 before the Perfian invafion, becaufe it is mentioned by Hero- 
 dotus § in the hiftoiy of that event. Xerxes, after paffing the 
 Hellefpont, marched his army in three great divifions. One of 
 them followed a route leading through the middle of Thrace, 
 Macedonia, ami TheflTaly ; the fecond moving along the fhores 
 of the Archipelago, kept always in view the Perfian fleet, 
 which proceeded at an equal rate by fea ; the third purfued a 
 courfe lying between the other .two, at nearly an equal diftance 
 from both, in order to preferve an eafy communication with the 
 fleer, and the army |j. The fecond of thefe great bodies recei- 
 ved the fuhmiflions and contributions of all the cities on the 
 r-^aft.throupih which it travelled, and, among others, thofe of Po- 
 tiJaca. This colony furnilhed Xerxes with a recruit, both of {hips 
 and fuldierf, and remained in fubjedion to that monarch till he reti- 
 
 S red 
 
 • TLiiry,!. lil). ^.. cnp. icS. f Gulph of Sulonichi- ^iThncyd. lib. i. cap, jS, 
 
 4i Lil\ S. cap 1:5. 11 Herod, ihij. 
 
 i 
 
7© 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 'V ' t <•*.'- 
 
 red into Afia, after the battle of Marathon. Having rebeltedt on 
 that occafion, in conjunflion with feveral others of the arljacent 
 cities, Potidaea was befieged by Artabanus, with the view of redu- 
 cing it to fubjeflion. This General remained before it three months; 
 but found all his efforts ineffedual. He then attempted to prevail 
 by freachery, and, fur that end, held a corrcfpondence with one 
 Timoxcnus, a man of rank and influence in the place. He con- 
 veyed his dil'patches into the cityt clofcly wrapped about the (haft 
 of an arrow, and received his anfwers in the fame manner. 1 he 
 arrow, howcycr unfortunately for him, wa8obfcrved,and the treachery 
 detected and defeated. Artabanus was finally compelled to raife the 
 fiege, by an extraordinary high tide whicfi overflowing the plain 
 where his army was encamped, deflroyed a great number of 
 his troops. He - retired toward the main army of the Perfians, 
 which was cantoned in ThefTaly and Macedonia, under the com- 
 mand of Mardonius, and which, a few months afterwards, was dri- 
 ven out of Geeece. 
 
 
 After the retreat of the Perfians, the colonifls of Potidaea feeni 
 to have joined the alliance of the Athenians, and to have fubjedled 
 themftlves to the payment of a ihaie of the annual tax demanded 
 by that republic from all its allies. It is at leaft certain *, they had 
 become tributaries of that ftate, before the beginning of the Pelo- 
 ponnefian war. The conduit of the Athenians, in the affair of E- 
 pidamnus, and the affiftance and prote<flion which, on that occa- 
 .,, ; . . , „ lion, 
 
 Thucyd- fib. i. c. 56, 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 71 
 
 fion, they afforded to the Corcyraeans, had given much oHFence to 
 the Corinthians. The former, therefore, confcious of having in- 
 curred the refentment of the latter, were anxious to guard thcm- 
 felves againft its efrefts. They were particularly apprehenfive, 
 that the Corinlhians might employ iheir natural influence with 
 their colony of Potidaea, to make it renounce allegiance to A- 
 thens ; and to prevent the confequences of a negotiation, whicli 
 they doubted not would be attempted, they ordered the walls of 
 that city to be demolirtied, and hoftages to be given for the fu- 
 ture fidelity of the place. Againft this extraordinary and fe- 
 vere exertion of authority, the colanilU fent ambafladors to Athens 
 to remonftrate, and to Sparta to implore aid. The latter promifcd 
 protedion, if necefl*ary ; but the former would confent to no miti- 
 gation of its decree. Potidaea, therefore, immediately revolted 
 from Athens, and threw herfelf into the arms of Corinth and 
 Lacedacmon. . 
 
 hU 
 
 .1.. 
 
 The Ailwinians were extremely eager to recover the fovereignty 
 of this fcttlement, and the Corinthians and Lacedaemonians, to 
 maii\tain its independence. Tiie former fent a po\\erful fleet 
 and army to reduce it to obedience, and the latter furniflied fup- 
 pliea for its defence. The ti-i:e ca'jfe, however, of ibe condutit of 
 C(5rinth and Sparta proceeded not from pure zeal to protetH: the 
 liberties of the colonifts. Thcfe thev had patiently beheld for 
 many vears, C(|nally infringed and invaded. It originated, chiefly, 
 from that jealoufy of the power of the Athenians, which foon pro- 
 duced the Peloponnefiaa war. An anxiety, on the other hand, to 
 
 ■ prefcrve 
 
 f . • 
 
 
 jm 
 
 13 
 
1:? 
 
 '4 
 
 lin! 
 
 ili 
 
 7«P 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 preferve that power, which had begun to create uneafinefs, gene- 
 rated the decree which commanded the demoHtron of the walls, 
 and which was thought abfolutely neceflary to counteract the de- 
 ligns of the enemies of Athens *. 
 
 j! 
 
 One of the moll famous neges, recorded by ancient hiftory, is 
 that of Potidaea. It continued for feveral years, anJ the gairifon 
 were reduced to the utmoft dKlrefs, before they would furrender. 
 They, at laft, capitulated on the following honourable terms : 
 Tha.t the inhabitants and foldiers Ihould have permiflion to leave 
 the place with their wives and children, and to retire whiiher they 
 pleafed; and that every man fhould be allowed to carry with him one 
 fuit of apparel, and every woman two. The Athenian command- 
 ers were difpofed to grant thefe demands, becaufe they were tired 
 of a fiege which had continued fo long, which had cofl: their coun- 
 try fo many men, and the enormous expence of 2,000 f talents, and 
 becaufe the winter approached, which, in a cold climate, wis of 
 the worft confequence to their troops p As i'oon as the city was e- 
 vacuated, it was replenilhed with a new colony from Athens. . , 
 
 Seven years afterwards, in the ninth § year of the Peloponnefian 
 war, Potidaea was attempted to be taken by furprife, in the expe- 
 dition condu*Stcd by Bralidas || againff ihe Thraciai! fcttle- 
 ments of Athens. That ger.eral approached the i)!ace in the 
 night, and had :'?achcd the walls berore he was difcc.vered. 
 ile pollefled not, however, force fufTKicnt to lavcft the town ; and, 
 .. on 
 
 • Thtjcyj. lib. I. c. 66. 
 $ Thcyd. lib, 4. c. 135. 
 
 t L. 387, 600. 
 Pqge 68. 
 
 t Thcyd. lib. 2. c. 7D. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 n 
 
 on finding his firfl: defign had mifcarried, he made no farther at- 
 tempts, but retired with his troops. *>si -v^' ' • //i "■*> 
 
 The colony remained under the dominion of Athens, till the 
 days of Philip * king of Macedon, and father of Alexander the 
 Great. That enterprifmg Prince had begun to improve the dif- 
 cipline of the iV.'acedonian troops, to increafe greatly the finances 
 of his kingdom by his fucccfsful attention to the mines of Thrace, 
 and to extend gradually the limits of his territories. Among other 
 incroachments toward *he eaft, which gaveoccafion to fome of the 
 moft brilliant orations of Demofthenes, he attacked and conquered 
 the fettlement of Potidaea f* many of the colonifls of which he 
 commanded to withdraw to Athens. .,..., ,.. , — 
 
 From the fads which have been advancedj and the principles 
 which have been explained, it is prefuraed that the following 
 fyftem, with regard to the colonization of Greece, will be readily 
 adopted by the reader. All the republics of that country were ex- 
 tremely circqmfcribed in point of territory, and contained but few 
 inhabitants, partly on account of the narrownefs of their domi- 
 nions, but princippliy on account of the general ignorance of agri- 
 culture and manutadures which prevailed among them. When 
 their wars, therefore, which they had almoft continually among 
 t! uiifelves, did not confume their fupernumerary people, the only 
 
 • T method 
 
 ' . i 
 
 H 
 
 
 t05th Olympiad. 
 
 t Diod. lib. 1 6. cap. 8, 
 
 :^i\h 
 
 
 , ■ I ■ 
 

 
 V-, 
 
 74 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 method by which they could dircharge a burden they were unable 
 to fupport, was to fend them out in colonies to diftant regions, 
 where their ftrength might defend, and their induftry fupport 
 themfelves. The mother-country was glad to exonerate herfelf, 
 for her own peace and fafety ; and (he expected no benefit from 
 her colonics, becaufe (he poffefled no refources to protect them, or 
 to fecure any advantages to be derived from them. The only 
 principle, confequently, of connexion which did exift, indeed the 
 only one which could exift, between the parent ftate and the colony, 
 was that of affection. This principle prevailed in Greece till the 
 time of the Perfian invafion. About that aera, both the Athenians 
 and Spartans began to extend their ambition beyond the narrow 
 limits of their domeftic territories, and thought of reducing, in part 
 at leaft, their allies and colonies under their jurifdidion. Hence 
 arofe an important innovation in the political fyflem of Greece. 
 Great fleets and armies required a treafury, and that treafury could 
 only be fupplied by taxes. The Athenians feized the moft favour- 
 able jun£turc in the hiftory of their country for raifing a revenue ; 
 and they fucceeded to their utmoft v/i(h. From the defeat of Xerxes, 
 to the beginning of the Peloponnefian war, a period of fifty years, 
 they impofed t?xes on their allies, but particularly in their colonies, 
 without oppofition, and almoft without complaint. In the courfe 
 of that war, which lafted near thirty years, they loft many of their 
 allies and colonies ; but they ftiU continued to tax thofe that re- 
 mained. They retained this praOice till the end of the locial war, 
 nearly as long as they pofTeired a fingle foreign fettlement. For a 
 
 period, 
 
 1 1 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 75 
 
 period, therefore, of 120 years, namely, from the beginning of the 
 76th Olympiad, when the Perfians were driven out of Greece, to 
 the commencement of the io6th Olympiad, when the alii ?s were 
 declared independent at the end of the focial war, Athens continued 
 to impofe taxes on her colonies. '**•'* ^//fsw'i^iti iri t;*^^--^ 
 
 V -i'^h' ■'*,.■ «i > --•*?«'.-■' 
 
 ':m'i<,'UUU( 
 
 
 The Spartans were the only other ftate whofe refources enabled 
 them to exercife taxation. All the remaining republics, except 
 Thebes, during the (hort period of the life of the illurtrious Epa- 
 minoridas, neither fought nor expe£led more influence among their 
 neighbours, than to preferve the imalldomeftic territories they pof- 
 feifed, and to fhelter themfelves, with regard to the general fyftem, 
 under the alliance of Athens or Sparta*. The conftitution of the 
 latter prohibited all taxation. Even the domeftic expences of her 
 gpvernment were fupplied by private contribution, and her foldicrs 
 ferved without pay. But, when the Lacedaemonians, in the courfe 
 of the Peloponnefian war, colledted great fleets and armies, and 
 undertook expeditions into Sicily and Afia, and when afterwards, un- 
 der Agefilaus, they pufhed iheir conquerts in Afia,and projeded the 
 
 . ' * ' ■ acquidtioa 
 
 • It is a wild fancy of fonne poliricians, who conceive, that the balance of power 
 is a fecret of policy known only to ihe modern ilates of Lurope. This fecret was 
 known and piaftifed b) tht Gretk republics, and their endeavours to lupport ic 
 weie one great caufe of the frequent wars and revolutions with which the Jiiilory 
 of that peoi le al ounds. It even influences and direiSs the operations of the favage 
 tribes of America. Ii fcems to be a diftate of nature, and is indeed fo obvious, a^ . 
 fcarctly to el'c.ip; ihe ob/ei vatinn of any body of men endowed with difcernment 
 fuffitieiit to conftitute a political fociety. 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 b 'i 
 
 te. , I 
 
 U' 
 
 f Ih 
 
 ''■'11 
 
y6 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 acquifition of the fovereignty of Greece, money became abfolutely 
 neceflary to carry on fuch extenfive operations. How did they raife 
 this money ? Not by regular taxes, indeed, but by means equivalent 
 as to the eflFedl, though much more difagreeable and deftrudive as 
 to the manner ; by heavy contributions demanded of their allies and 
 colonies, by depredations, and ignominious contrads. This practice 
 they continued above fixty years, from the beginning of the Pclo- 
 ponnefian war, to the battle of Mantinaea, when the dominion of 
 Sparta was almoft annihilated by Fpaminondas. In a wcrd, the 
 hijlory of Greece affords no injlance of any fiat e "which had power to 
 levy contrihutiom or taxes Jrom its colonies ^ and did not put that 
 poiuer in execution. , . . , 
 
 v-ilj ■".]%>-rf^i 
 
 *.!»»-; 
 
 Neither was the condudl of Athens and Sparta in this refpedt the 
 caufe of thofe powerful combinations againft them, which finally 
 accomplifhed their humiliation. Had they contenteu themfelves 
 with levying a reafonable tribute from their colonies, for the pro- 
 tedlion they afforded them, or had they fatisfied themfelves with 
 demanding morrey from iheir allies in time of war, to extinguifli 
 the expences incurred for common defence, it is improbable they 
 Ihould have alarmed the jealoufy of their neighbours, or that they 
 Ihould have been challenged in the exercife of fuch rights. But 
 thefe republics, in extending their dominion, knew no moderation. 
 Their elevation above the level of their fifter flates infpircd the 
 moft unbounded ambition, and both of them, by turns, manifeOly 
 grafped at the fovereignty of Greece. 'I he Siartansfirft confederated 
 
 the 
 
 III 
 
FREE STAT E S, Q C^ 
 
 17 
 
 the other commonwealths, and conduced their operations againft 
 the Athenians. The former pulled down the latter only to pur- 
 ftie the fame afpiring xourfe themfelves. Epaminondas retaliated 
 on the Lacedaemonians the game they had played againft the Athe- 
 nians ; and the Macedonians foon after laid for ever low the laurel* 
 ofGreece.^ 
 
 T 
 
 n ^ 
 
 \\\ 
 
 »•''■ ■ "*. 
 
 
 *t 
 
 «i ■-! 
 
 BP 
 
 5 '' - -J 
 
 GHAP. 
 
 5 \. 
 
 i'll? 
 
 i.! Lfi 
 
 ! I! 
 
79 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 
 'nii 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 III. 
 
 • ■-afenntl orft' r'f.? - •^-"■^ tn'^ b^r'' i"-"'^'' "i^r'* »"'•*•«•'• ^■■'-'*' ' 
 Of the ROMANS 
 
 s'iaj'';rc -i 
 
 S E C t. 
 
 I. 
 
 TfQgrefs of the Roman Arms — Policy of that People relative to con- 
 quered States — Their Municipia — Socii — Praefeciurae — Colonies 
 — Reafons oj Colonization, 
 
 WHEN Romulus laid the foundation of that immenfe fa- 
 bric, the Roman empire, his refources were unpromifing, 
 and external circumftances unfavourable. The Ror,.ans were a 
 nnall colony of adventurers, who emigrated from Alba, the capital 
 of the Latins, to fettle nea<- the borders of their territories on the 
 banks of the Tyber. They firft attempted to build fomeihing like 
 acity J but, as they had few iuhabitanfs to poffels it, they were obli- 
 ged to open a profcflcd affvlum foi all the banditti of the neigh- 
 bourhood, and to procure women for them by ftratagem, which 
 they could not obtain on more honourable terms *. 
 
 Italy 
 
 If 
 
 ,* Liv. lib. I. cap. y. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 79 
 
 Italy was then inhabited by a great number of fmall independent 
 i^ates, jealous of one another, and confiderably advanced in the art 
 of war, from the frequent rencounters which they had among 
 themfelves. The Romans had conquered no fewer than C\k of 
 thefe ftates, before they had extended their territories twelve miks 
 from their capital, and before the end of the firfl century from 
 the building of their city*, from this period, to the expulfion of 
 Tarquinius Superbus, and the extindlion of the monarchy in the 
 year of the city 245, they had acquired territory to the diftancc 
 only of fifteen miles from RoniP though they had built Ollia, had 
 conquered the Pabines, the Volfci, and the Gabii, bad made war 
 againft the Latins and the Tufcans, had formed the great lines of 
 their government undtr Servius Tullius, and had greatly cnla.^ d 
 and ornamented their capital t- 
 
 Erom the banifhmcnt of the Kings, to the entire conqueft of the 
 Latins, and the commencement of the war with the Samnites in 
 the year 417 i» the Romans could not be reckoned powerful, nor 
 their refources confiderable. They had not yet extended their do- 
 minions above 130 miles from Rome, The Gauls had over-run 
 their country, demolillied their towns, feduced their allies, feized 
 their capital, and almoft. extinguiflied their exiftence as a nation. 
 Their neighbours, the Latins, had refufed the fupplies they owed 
 them by treaiy, had claimed irid»;pendcnce, and renounced all con- 
 r.cdi on with tliem, unlcfs on the principles of an union. Their 
 
 govern- 
 
 • Eutrrp. lib. I. 
 
 Ibi. 
 
 ib. I. 
 
 4 Li\" lib, 8. caf. 13. 
 
 1 
 
 i '■ : i 
 
 t ;, ■" 
 
% 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 government had been dirtraQed with fcditions and revolutions, 
 whlcli produced tlie inftitutions of Tribunes * and Didators, and 
 the eledion, by turns, of Confuls, Decemvirs, and military Tri- 
 
 uiines* i ^M ' ."I "n*'";' 
 
 Notwithdanding thefe convulfions at home, and fuch "powerful 
 enemies abroad, the Romans retained that magnanimity which ne- 
 ver defcrtcd them in the moft critical circumftances. They attack- 
 ed the Latins, and boldly declared war againft the Samnites. They 
 quickly reduced the former to obedience, and adopted fuch regula- 
 tions in the fettlement of the terms of peace, as efFedually pre- 
 vented all commotions from that quarter, for the future f. But 
 the war with the latter proved the moft formidable they ever un- 
 dertook in Italy. It continued near fifty years, produced many 
 battles, fought with various fuccefs, and was not finiflied till the 
 year of the city 472 J. After the conqueft of the Samnites,, the 
 progrcfs of the Roman arms became exceedingly rapid. Before the 
 year 500, they had nearly fubjugated all Italy, and that ambitious 
 1 eople now began to extend their views to Sicily, Spain, and A- 
 iVica. Before the end of the two fucceeding centuries, Caefar and 
 Pompey had difplayed their conquering eagles in almoft every quarter 
 then known of the globe. Of the feven hundred years, therefore, 
 during which the republic of Rome fubfifted, near five hundred 
 were fpent in acquiring territory, extending only one hundred and 
 thirty miles from the city. During the two remaining centuries, 
 
 the 
 
 * The firft Tribunes were appointed in 'the year of the city 259. The firft Dila- 
 tor was named in the year 253 ; Eutrop. lib. i. Liv. lib. a. cap. 18. + Liv.. 
 lib. 8. c. 14. t Eutrop. lib. 2. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 8i 
 
 the dominions of that cqapjre becamp fo large as kf^tQ^ly to knpw 
 any bounds. i. 
 
 >. t 
 
 External circum fiances form the charaders, and prompt the ex- 
 ertions of nations, as well as of individuals. The difficulties and dan- 
 gers, with which the Romans had to flruggle for the firfl 500 years 
 of their republic, taught the wifdom, and infpired the valour which 
 triumphed over all oppofition* and finally gained them the empire of 
 tlie world. Conftant wars, attended commonly with fuccifs, filled 
 their foldiers with a degree of confidence and courage, rarely to be 
 found in the hiflory of mankind ; but their political fagacity was 
 not, perhaps, lefs confpicuous than the gallantry of their legions. 
 They were the firfl nation of antiquity, who put in pradice the no- 
 ble principle of treating the conquered with humanity, inflead 
 of the barbarous and favage cuflom of felling them for flaves. 
 They did not even reftrid their treatment to inftances of hu- 
 manity ; they extended it, fometimes, to a degree of privilege and 
 favour, which improved their civil condition and rendered them 
 more happy. 
 
 ', 
 
 mi 
 
 The condud of the Romans towards theflatesof Italy, with whom 
 they contended fo long, and whom they finally vanquifhed, is abundant 
 evidence of the truth of thefe remarks. Wlien the behaviour of any 
 people merited the bcft expreflion of their favour, either by ready 
 fubinifTion to their arms, or by fidelity and attachment to their in- 
 teretl, they conferred on them the privileges of Municipia. Thefe were 
 
 % 
 
 chieiiy 
 
 f ri-l 
 
 \^ 
 
 I It 
 
 mi 
 
 ■ -1 • ' . 
 
82 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 fl 
 
 chiefly of two kinds. By the firft, the people were complcatly 
 incorporated with the Romann ; they adopted their laws, were ad- 
 mitted into their tribes, and had accefs to all their offices and ho- 
 nours. In compenfation for thefe advantages, they were fubjedled to 
 all the burdens and fervices of citizens. By the fecond, the privi- 
 leges conferred were in a great meafure honorary. The people 
 retained their own laws, Liiftoms, and government. They were 
 treated with refped and hol'pitaliiy at Rome. But they flill adted 
 as allies, and were fubjeil to fuch fervices and taxes as were fettled 
 by treaty, or were occafionally demanded by the Roman ftate *. 
 
 On people who merited an inferior degree of favour, that ftate 
 conferred the privileges of Sociiy or civitatesfoederatae. Thefe re- 
 tained their territories, laws, and government, and were fubjeded 
 only to certain impofts and fervices, which were defined by treaty. 
 
 The PraefeHurae were not very numerous, and were treated with 
 the greateft feverity. They confifted of people, whole condudl had 
 been moft ofFenfive, and were, therefore, generally ftripped o^ lomc 
 part of their lands. Their civil government alfo was, in a great 
 meafure, abolilhed. They had no fupremc magiftrates of their 
 own, and a praefedlus or governor was annually fent from Rome 
 to prefide over them, and to execute the laws t« ' 
 
 On 
 
 • The firft kind were called Municipia cum latione Suffragii ; the fecond, Muni- 
 cipi.i finefuffragio; Liv. lib. 38. c. 36. Feftus, voce Municipiuin. Gellius, lib, ifl. 
 c. 13. ■\ Feftus, voce Pracfeftura. 
 
 1^ 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 83 
 
 On lands taken from the Praefedurae, or on lands forfeited by 
 any other means to the Hate, were planted the colonies which the 
 Romans thought proper occafionally to fend from their city. Va- • 
 rious and important were the reafons ot this pradicc. Sometimes 
 the colony was ftationed on territories recently conquered, that it ' 
 might defend that quarter of the empire, and fecure the obedience 
 of the new fuhjeds *. At other times, the object of colonization 
 was population t merely, and the increafe of the numbers of the 
 commonwealth ; for, in all ages, the population of colonies has 
 been extremely rapid. Another caufe was common to the Romans 
 with the other ftates of antiquity, namely, the fecurity and peace 
 of the government, which were efFedlually confulted, by fending to ' 
 a diftant region all the diflblute and fadious citizens who had 
 power to diflurb or corrupt it X- In the later times of the republic, 
 a new reafon of colonization took place, to accommodate the vete- 
 rans of the legions whofe fervices had recommended them to the 
 different leaders of the viiflorious fadions during the civil wars. 
 Thefe were named military colonics §. 
 
 • ;.'.♦*.. 
 
 .n:i 
 
 • Cicero, Agrariii altera. |- Lir. lib. 27. cap 9. 
 
 od Atticum. § P»tercul. lib. i. cap. 14. 
 
 If Cicero prima epift. 
 
 ir 
 
 1 . ¥ 
 
IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 
 
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 If IM IIM 
 
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 V] 
 
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 Photographic 
 
 Sdences 
 
 Corporation 
 
 -ki WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 
^ 
 
 
 
84 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 SECT. 
 
 II. 
 
 Colonies of two Kinds t Roman and Latin — Conjiitution and Privi- 
 leges of a Roman Colony — of a Latin Colony — Former a Model of 
 a Britijh American Colony, 
 
 THE colonies were divided into two kinds, called Roman 
 and Latin *. Both cQnflfted of citizens, except on feme oc- 
 cafions, when a few Latins, or other allies, were permitted to join 
 them, who acquired not, by that means, any civil privilege f. 
 
 \ 
 
 A Roman colony was a body of citizens, who, with their fami- 
 milies, emigrated from Rome to fettle on fome diftant territories^ 
 affigned them by the fenate. An order was publifhed bearing the .^ 
 name of the territory, the numbers of which the colony was to t* 
 confift, and requefting thofe who choofed to become colonics to of- 
 fer their names to the Triumviri appointed to conduct, them. If 
 more fubfcribers appeared than the number wanted, the emigrants 
 had to decide by lot wlio ihould be preferred. If the fubfcription 
 did not fill in due time, the citizens were ordered to draw lots for 
 compleating the colony, and thofe on whom the lot fell were 
 ' ' ' .\-' ' * ,,: ' ' .■ '- " com- 
 
 • Lit. lib- 39. cap. 55. 
 
 t Ibid, lib- 34. cap. 42. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 «i 
 
 compelled to emigrate *. The Triumviri condud^ed the colonifls to 
 thediftri£ton which they were fettle, divided the Ian fs among 
 them, and fixed their form of government, which was always mo- 
 delled after that of Rome. 
 
 The colonifts enjoyed every privilege of Roman citizens which 
 was confiftent with their fitiiation. They had the regulation of the 
 affairs of the colony entirely in their o^vn hands, when it did not 
 interfere with the arrangements of the ftate. They had pe'mif- 
 fion to make fuch local slQls as were neceflary for the adminiftration 
 of juftice, and to inflid fuch punilhments on crimes, as their parti- 
 cular circumftances might require f- They were, however, fuhjedk 
 in all cafes to the fuperintending jurifdidtion of Rome. They re- 
 tained her civil inditutions, and owed obedience to all her laws %, 
 
 Neither did they poffefs any right to vote in the affemblies of the 
 mother- country, or to be themfelves elected into any ot her public 
 offices. Thefe fads are fupported by feveral reafons. Firft, the , 
 colonifts were not enrolled, nor their eftates valued in the ceiifus of 
 any of the tribes of the city ; without which qualifications, it is well 
 known, they could have no claim to fufFrage. They were all muf- 
 tered in the cenfus of the colony to which they belonged, and, ac- 
 cording to that cenfus, they were affefled for the local taxes of the 
 
 ■ Y ' . - colony, 
 
 * Dlonyf. lb. 7. cap. 13. This compulfion was a prohibition of the ufe of 
 !houfe, fire, and water; for no citizen could be compelled to refign his t>eedom with- 
 0«t his confent. •}• Liv. lib. 6. cap. 17. | Gellius, lib. 16. cap. 13. 
 
 
 
86 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 coloay, and the public taxes of the ftate. The cenfus of the colony 
 was compleated by its own Cenfor, was brought by him to Roiuet 
 and prefented on oath to the Cenfor of the city, for the ufe of the 
 public *. 
 
 Another reafon is derived from the chara<^er of a Roman ci- 
 tizen, to conftitute which three efTential qualifications were requi-* 
 red ; namely, refidence in the city, or Ager Romanus, enrollment 
 in fome tribe, and accefs to the honours and offices of the ftate. 
 One or two of thefe might be pofleffed without the other. Fo- 
 reigners had refidence only. The libertini t had tribe and refi- 
 dence ; but neither had accefs to office. The juflice and propriety 
 of connecting fulFrage with refidence is. obvious from the nature 
 of the ihipg. Why endue any part of the people with a privilege 
 they could not ufe ? Their diflance prevented their attendance on 
 the ordinary afTemblies of their countrymen ; and it was furely im- 
 proper to invefl them with a power, which might be employed,, 
 on extraordinary occafiona* to promote the purpoles of fadion. . 
 
 The colonies called Latin enjoyed only the civil privileges which 
 the people of.Latium poffefTed at Rome J. What thefe were, will 
 be beA illuflrated by a Iketchof the hiflory of that people. The 
 
 Latins 
 
 - • Liv. lib. 29. cap. iji fThe libertini-were manumitted Haves ; and, tho' their 
 holding public offices was prohibited by no law, yet conftant ufage oppofed it. 
 
 J Thefe colonies were not called Latin, becaufe they confifted of Latins, or be- 
 caufe they were planted in Latium^ as fome people have imagined. They never- 
 contained many Latins, and very few of them were fettled in Latium. Livy, 
 on feveral occafions, calls Latin colonies, colonies of Romans ; lib. 27. cap, 9.. 
 aad lib. 29. cap. 15. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 Latins inhabited thirty cities *, and cultivated a fertile country, 
 extending from the biinks of the 1 yi)er to the Lacus Pomptina9< 
 Thefe cities feem to have been, in a great rheafure, independent of 
 one another, and to have aflbciated only for mutual defence. The 
 King of the Latins lefuied at ^Iba; and in that city, perhaps, were 
 held antiently their aiTcmbhes, which met to confult the commoiY 
 rntereft of the confederates. After Alba was conquered by the fa- 
 mous rencounter l>etween the Horatiiand Curiatii"!"* and its inhabi- 
 tants conveyed to Rome, the Romans advanced a claim to the fove- 
 reignty of the whole Latin nation, founded on the circumdance o£ 
 having got poffeflion of their capital |. But, as the other cities of 
 Latium took no part in the conteft between Alba and Rome* 
 the fovereignty of the King of Afba was probably nominal, and 
 the claim of the Romans on that account entirely frivolous. The 
 Latins accordingly rejedted it, and transferred, for the future, theit 
 affcmblies to the city of Ferentina §.. i, «„ ,. , :*„;,^, ;,.„ 
 
 The Latins confidered the Romans as defcended from them,, 
 were ambitious of their alliance, and fond to imitate their manners. 
 Their foldiers were drtffed, and armed, and marlhalled after the 
 fame falhion with thofe of Rome. They equalled them in valour, 
 and fought in their legions ||. The conftant ground of.controverfy 
 between thefe ftates, was the ambition of the former to be citizens 
 of Rome IT, while the latter inclined to treat them as fubjeds. 
 '■ i , Their 
 
 M*. 
 
 * D'wnjf. lib. 6. cap. 63. 
 ^ Dionyf. lib. 3. cap. 35. 
 ^ Dionyf. lib. 6, cap. 63. 
 
 f Liv. lib. 7. cap. 24. % Dionyf lib. 3. cap. 35. 
 H Liv. lib. 8. cap, 8. and lib. i. cap. 52, 
 
 'Hi 
 
ss 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 Their alliance) therefore} was frequently interrupted by jealoufies, 
 which produced wars between them. Thefe were fometimes ter- 
 minated amicably by accommodation *t at other times by the 
 lofs of fome of the Latin towns. After the defeat of the Latins at 
 the lake Regillus, they ient ambaiTadors to Rome, who, in the mod 
 lowly and earnell manner, fupplicated the mercy of their conquer- 
 ors. They offered to refign all pretenfions to union or indepen- 
 dence, and requeued only to be allowed to live as their fubjeds. 
 The Romans, in confideration of the eminent fervices they had re- 
 ceived from them as allies, and in commiferatibn of their misfor- 
 tunes as friends, difdained to take advantage of their preient humi- 
 liation, and generoufly reftored them to their former condition t^ 
 
 » / 
 
 , W 
 
 * This magnanimity, however, did not altogether prevent future 
 revolts. The Latins afterwards :j: claimed zealoufly the execution 
 of their favourite fcheme, an union. They infilled, that one com- 
 monwealth {hould be formed of the two ftates, regulated entirely 
 on the principles ot equality ; that each people ihould poiIel» an e- 
 qual (hare of places and emoluments ; and, particularly, that one of 
 the confuls, and half of the fenate, ihould be furnilhed by the La- 
 tins §. 1 he Uomans rejcded thefe exorbitant demands with indig- 
 nation, and a bloody war eniued. The Latins were finally de- 
 feated, and fuch meafures were adopted with regard to their 
 cities, as efFedually fecured their future attachment and obedience. 
 -.--.- . ._. -.:..-. Six 
 
 • Dionyf. lih. 5. cap. 76. 
 ■§ Liy. lib. 8. cap. 5. 
 
 f Ibid, lib- 6. cap. a(> 
 
 t In the year 415. 
 
 • f^) r-^■ ,c 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 89 
 
 V 
 
 Six cities were admitted to the full freedom of Rome, or were 
 created municipia of the bed form. Three had their lands taken 
 from them, which were repeopled by Roman colonies. The reft were 
 prohibited from holding any intercourfe with one another, whether 
 matrimomal, commercial, or political. The (hips of the Antiates 
 were demolifhed, and the roftra of them conveyed to Rome, where 
 they rvere difplayed as a public monument of the fate of rebellion, 
 and ferved to adorn the huftings in the forum, from which ora- 
 tions were mzAt to the people ; a circumftance which gave a new 
 name to that theatre of eloquence, and which it ever afterwards re- 
 tained*. .. r • r. 
 
 W 
 
 From this account, it is plain, that the greater part of the cities of 
 Latium were not admitted to the freedom of the dty of Rome. They 
 were .not even allowed to adopt the Roman laws f* They retained 
 ■their own .aws, tiCtcd as allies of Rome, and furni(hed to that (Ute 
 large fupplies of troops J. They inherited, howevert^fome fingular 
 privileges. They were always treated with particular refped and 
 afFedlion, and were allowed, on fome occafions, to vote in the comi- 
 lia ; an honour which feems to have been conferred on no other 
 ally. This gratification, at the fame time, was fo contrivedj as to 
 have little influence on the decifion, for they were not permitted to 
 ^give their fufFrages apart ; they were arranged in fome particular 
 
 ■te ^i->rt>m:^ir::^ym^^xi:^<u}0 ^w*^,: ^h rf}4mi,^ nik ^n 
 
 tribe. 
 
 • Liv. lib. 8. cap. 14. -f- The Romans permitted not even their language to be 
 ufed by their allies, without their confent. See the petition of the people of Cumae 
 for this privilege, Liv. lib. 40, cap. 42. j |jy. ub. g. cap. 4. ^ 
 
 t it' 
 
 ^h\ 
 
90 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 
 
 tribe, which was determined by lot *. By another privilege, any 
 man who had born an office of magiflracy among the Latins for 
 one year, acquired the freedom of Rome, and might canvafs in that 
 city as a candidate for preferment t« p 
 
 *rhe Latin colonifts, then, inheriting only the privileges of Latiumt 
 poITefTed not advantages equal to the Roman. They forfeited :j:» 
 it appears, the freedom of the city altogether ; nor was any confi- 
 derable recompenfe for this lofs acquired by the occafional right to 
 vote in the comitia conferred on the wholecolony, or by the permanent 
 right of citizenfhip beftowed on its magiftrates. We need not won- 
 der, notwithftanding, that the poorer citizens emigrated in colonies, 
 on thefe difadvantageous terms. Moft of the important bufinefs of 
 the Roman (late was tranfadted in the comitia centuriata; and, by 
 the conftitution of thefe comitia, the loweft clafs, which compre- 
 hended all the poorer citizens, was of extremely little fignificance. 
 It contained only one century^ out of 193, the mimber of alL the: 
 centuries of which the comitia confifted ; and it was almoft never 
 brought to vote, as a majority of centuries had generally declared, 
 themfelves, and confequently decided the bufinefs, before the laft 
 could be called ||. The poorer fort of citizens, therefore, would not 
 perhaps value very highly the freedom of Rome. They might even 
 prefer to it the freedom of a colony, where their influence would 
 be greater, as the numbers were fewer, though the bufinefs was of 
 
 lels importance. 
 
 ..,..;.; ... ,,.. . : , icA.."'! l■tlr^-',i^.m-i [': i.? ' t- '■'- - ■'■ The 
 
 • Liv. lib. 2$. cap. 3, 
 X Cicero, oratio pro Caecina, cap. 33. 
 
 f Appian de bello civil!, lib. z. cap. 443^ 
 I Dionyf. lib- 8. cap. 82. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 .) 
 
 ^ 
 
 The Latin colonies, befidcs, might probably think themfelves in 
 a fituation not much more unfavourable than the Roman. The 
 capital privilege of which they were divefled by lofing their citi- 
 zenfhip was, the right to vote in the comitia ; and the Roman co- 
 lonies, we have feen, did not poffefs this right. The bulk of man- 
 kind are little endued with the faculty of anticipation. The Latin 
 colonifts might, therefore, prize very little, what probably, they would 
 never claim, and what the Roman colonitls referved, namely, the free- 
 dom of the city, when they fhould return to Rome *. Sigoiiiusf af- 
 fcrts, that the Latin colonies were not permitted to retain even the 
 Roman law, but in place of it, were obliged to adopt the law of 
 Latium. He feems to have embraced thia opinion, with a view to 
 mark more ftrongly the difference between the two kinds of colo- 
 nies, which he holds to have confifted in this, that the one ufed 
 the laws of Latium, and the other thofe of Rome. But the 
 authorities he quotes areneither unexceptionable, nor neceffarily in- 
 volve the interpretation he adopts ; on the contrary, they are fuf- 
 ceptible of a meaning perfedly confiftent with the theory former- 
 ly eyp''"!cd. It is farther to be obferved, that no imaginable 
 good purpofe could be gained by this arbitrary and wanton exer- 
 tion of authority. The impofition of a new code of laws, more im- 
 perfedt than thofe with which the colonifts were familiar, muft have 
 been inconvenient and detrimental to them, and cou .i promote no 
 end, but to alienate their affefkions from the mother-country. If 
 the Romans were happy mih their own laws, they could not fure- 
 J ■ '^ ^ ^ •■ ''--r *" -:i ■■ ■ ■■'■'. ■'-' ly 
 
 • This right, the Romans called Poftliminio civltatem recupcrare. See the note 
 •f Graevius, on the word Poftliminio, c. iz. ©ratio pro Balba. f De jure Ita- 
 
 h'ae, lib- 2. c. 3. 
 
 .V 
 
 i^ 
 
 I 
 
 ■14' Ml 
 1- n 
 
 h Mm 
 
 rr-'*1i| 
 
 J A 
 
 
 r-l jipj 
 
 :|.l; 
 
 ■A] 
 
 m 
 111 
 
 II 
 
94 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 i 
 
 ( 
 
 iM 
 
 ly grudge the enjoyment of the fame happinefs to their colonies. 
 Would the colonifts become worfe fubjeds, by retaining laws they 
 approved, and which cohneded thetn with the parent (late, both 
 by intereft and inclination i Would not their attachment be ma- 
 nifeftly fliaken, by impoHng on them the laws of a country, whofe 
 inhabitants were not only not citizens, but were fometimes enemies 
 of Rome? We may, therefore, conclude, it would feem, that both 
 kinds of colonies preferved the ufe of the Roman law, with which 
 they were acquainted, and to which they were attached ; and that 
 the chief difference between them was, that the Latin colonics loft 
 entirely the freedom of the city, while the Roman colonifts referved 
 that right, and might reclaim it whenever they pleafed. > ,i«f^t;^, 
 
 A Roman colony was an exadl model of an Englifli American 
 colony, as far as the different conftitutions of Rome and Britain 
 will admit. The former had its government fo condituted, as to 
 approach as nearly as poilible to that of the mother-country ; the 
 Duumviri refembled the confurS ; the Decuriones were the beft 
 picture that could be procured of the fenate ; and the people of both 
 bore a fway, and a£ted a part exa£tly alike. In the British colonies, 
 a fimilar analogy may l)e traced; the governor reprefents the 
 regal power, the general council bears a fimilitude to the coun- 
 cil of the King, and, as there is no order of nobility who might 
 form a diftindt branch of the legiflature, the houfes of reprefenta- 
 tivcs are the neareft image that could be obtained of the two 
 hcufes of parliament. The Roman colonifts had power to im- 
 pofe ta?cc8, to enad and to execute laws and regulations for the go- 
 
 ■f : ,: ; vemmcnt 
 
F R F E S T A T E S. ^ 
 
 vernment and police of the colony, and to chufe patrons or agents 
 at Romet who might attend to their interefts. The colonifts of 
 America poflers the fame rights. The Roman colonics were de- 
 prived of no civil privileges they enjoyed in the parent-ftate* of 
 which they were not neceiTarily divefted by their fituation, becaufe 
 they could not ufe them. The cafe of the Britifli colonifts is per- 
 fe£tly (imilar. The Roman colonifts had no (hare in the govern- 
 ment of the mother-country, no vote in her comitia, no accefa to 
 her honours and offices ; becaufe they had iacrificed voluntarily thefe 
 advantages to obtain others in the colony, which they valued more. 
 They might* however, regain a41 thefe privileges whenihey pleafed, 
 by returning to their native country, and reaffiimiag the qualifi- 
 cations to which it intitled them. Here, again, the condition of the 
 Briti(h colonifts is perfedly parallel. They have no fl>ar!e In the 
 government of the parent kingdom. But Who is to blame ? They 
 knew this would be the necefTary confequence of their emigrt* 
 tion. Can they poflfefs things in their nature incompatible F 
 if they judged the political rights of the people of this ifland 
 of value fuperior to the fortunes they had a cliance to acquire 
 in the colonies, they might have retained thefe rights, by remain- 
 at home. They ftill have it in thftir power to recover them, when- 
 ever they (hall be difpofed to comply with the terms on which 
 they are attainable by the inhabitants of Britain. The Roman 
 colonifts were fubjedit, in all cafes, to the fupetintending jurif- 
 didtion of the people of Rome. So, contends the gdvernment 
 of Great Britain, are the colonies of America. This the latter^ 
 "however, have thought .proper lately, in very llrong terms, todeny^ 
 
 A -a The 
 
 i 
 
 ■■?A 
 
94 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 The Roman colonifti were obligedt not only to provide for the ex- 
 pences of their own provincial governmentSt but alfo to furnifli oc- 
 cafionally fuch fupplies, both of money and troops, as might be de- 
 manded by, the mother-country, for the fupport and defence of her 
 government. This is exadllythe duty of the Britifih colonies, 
 maintains their parent-ftate. I have planted, nurfed, and defend- 
 ed them, and am intitled, by all the laws of reafon and juftice, 
 to their obedience and aid. We are intitled, by the laws of na- 
 ture, to be free, reply the colonies. We make full recompenfe for 
 all your trouble and expence, by the benefit of our trade, which 
 you monopolize. We have no (hare in your government ; and 
 therefore will bear none of its burdens. 
 'ulil ■ ' ' - 
 
 '. The reader has already feen evidence to prove the refemblance of 
 the conftitution of a Roman to a Britifli colony. In what manner 
 • the Romans would have received and relifhed, in their colonifts, 
 the fentiments and principles contained in the two laft articles, 
 ^ will be explained i% we proceed. 
 
 .v^--: 
 
 SECT. 
 
 Vtl^«^Hiii U: 
 
 ;«r*tS«ii . 
 
 i'vyrmi 3{*.» «i4"t- i^-Mt'>'^^f^^ ^<* iv^- .■...,<»■•'' '■" 
 
 
 :n 
 
 I / 
 
 
 'Jte.-,js.-- 
 
P R £ £ STATES. 
 
 SECT. 
 
 III. 
 
 ](,n> 
 
 Coionia planted before the Julian Law^Their Number^-Aliotmentt 
 of Land^Subje£l to the Jupreme Juri/Ji^ton of the Parent 
 StdtCt particuLrly to Taxation—Cajle of the Colony of Velitrae^ 
 <— and of the refrailory Colonies in the fecond Fume fVar^ 
 Exemption from Land-Service churned by the Maritime Co- 
 lonies. 
 
 TH E hiftory of the Roman colonies may be divided into two 
 periods ; the fir(i extending from the building of the city to 
 the paiTing of thejulian law in the year 603, under the conful^ 
 (hip of Lucius Julius Caefar ; and the fecond, from the pafTing of 
 that law to the fubverfion of the republic. The greater part of 
 the colonies planted during the latter period were military, and 
 confined of the troops whofe fervices had recommended them to 
 their leaders in the civil wars. Almoft the whole of the colonics 
 fettled in the former period were emigrants from Rome, and had 
 their refidence in Italy. .-.„j , 
 
 As the Romans were little acquainted with manufadures, which 
 might have furnilhed employment for the poorer fort of their citi- 
 zens, as even agriculture, the principal art tiiey poflefTed, was, in 
 the latter ages of the republic, executed chiefly by flaves, and, as 
 the burden of military fervices fell moftly on the rich by the 
 
 conftitution 
 
 li; 
 
 1, ■ V 
 
 -.' .--';i..> 
 
 ^:-i >/;f 
 
 r 
 
 t !l 
 1' .11 
 
 K^il 
 
 :j 
 
 I'^it 
 
 ■ J' i. 
 
 im 
 
 
^ 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 conftitution of the comitia ccnturiata *, Rome often abounded with 
 
 citizens whom flie could well fpare for emigrations. Accordingly, 
 
 Livy t informs us, that the republic poflefled, in the fecond Punic 
 
 war, no fewer than forty colonies, ten of which he calls maritime 
 
 bnts ; and, in this catalogue, he comprehends not a confiderable 
 
 nuirber mentioned by Dionydus and other writers. Thefe had 
 
 probably been fupprefledf or their ter.itories alienated, by the 
 
 «ncroachm'6nts of their neighbours. From the fecond Punic war 
 
 to the pafling df the Julian law, there emigrated twenty-four 
 
 colonics. So that, from the building of the city, to the year 663, 
 
 fifty-four colonies, which then cxifled, had been planted in Italy. 
 
 Of the far greater part of them no circumftaiices are narrated, but 
 
 their names, and the year of their emigration, which renders it 
 
 impracticable to exhibit « fuH account of them. Indeed, fuch an 
 
 Account would be unneceffary to accompiilh tht end at prefent in 
 
 view. Our defign is to afoertain the mature of their political con» 
 
 nc^ion With the parent ftate ; and abundance of materials remain 
 
 to determine that point, without descending much to particulars. 
 
 ' The early colonies coniifted of few emigrants, and the allotment* 
 of land were extremely fmall. Till the year of the city 441, the 
 numbers of no colony are mentioned, which, on their emigration* 
 exceeded 2500 j and feveral are foui»d, whofe numbers did not 
 furpafs 300. During the fame period, the higheft allowance of 
 
 * By tbefe comiiia, the rich monopolized the civil power of the ilatc» but, in re- 
 XMxn, were loaded in proportion with taxes ami it i vices. 
 t Lib. 37. cap. 9, and 28. Ibid- lib. 36. cap. 3. ,, 
 
FREE STATES.. 
 
 97 
 
 land afHgned to any colonift amounted to no more than two Roman 
 acres and a half *. Pofterior to the year 441, the colonies were more 
 numerous, and the allotments more conliderable. The colony of 
 Alba coiiftfted of 6000 emigrants, and that of Sora of 4000 f. The 
 colonies of Piacentia and Cremona, fituated on the borders of 
 /Gaul, received at one time a recruit of 6000 families, which were 
 to be divided equally between them %. The colony of Thurium 
 confifted of 3000 toot, and 300 horfemen. The foot were aflign- 
 cd 20 jugera a man, and the horfemen 40 §. The colony of 
 Bononia contained 3000 emigrants, and the horfemen were allowed 
 JO ju-era a piece, and the foot 50 |[. ,„,^^!^j-v , ,.. i„ .„.c 
 
 -,- ■ w/^>y^| ■''•;"•''' v*sni*T ^|'^-:'i^4i\'.{Ars'*' .#. 
 
 . • ^ The firft remarkable event in the political hiftory of the Roman 
 
 colonization is the cafe of Velitrae. This town was antiently the 
 
 capital of the Volfci, and was fituated about 25 miles fouth-ead 
 
 of Rome. It was taken by the Romans, during the war with 
 
 that people, about the year 256. Its inhabitants were ejei^d from 
 
 their city and its territory, and a colony was ordered from Rome to 
 
 '^' I ; { t „ ,\. ' , Bb • ' replace 
 
 * The Roman jugerum, according to Quintilian, (Inftitut. lib. i. c, 9.) was 240 feet 
 long, and 1*0 broad. The Roman acre, therefore, contained 2l,8co fquare feet, 
 fuppofing the Roman foot equal to the Englifh. But it \.as abouty^ part (horter. 
 The jugerum, conf qucntly, contained 2", 545 Englifli fquare feet; and 2f of thefe 
 juuera would contain 68,862 fuch ftet. The Engliih acre comprehends 43,560 
 fqu.ire feet; fo that ihefe colonifts pofllffed only 5522 fquare feet more than aa 
 acre and a half Engliih. A demonftration, both of the poverty of the colonifls, and 
 of the nch'iefs of the foil of It;ily. + Liv. lib. 10. cap. 1. 
 
 :|: The year 521. Liv. lib. 37. cap. 46. Ibid. lib. 35. cap. 9. 
 
 I tiv. lib. 3S. cap. 55. , • ■ . 
 
 
 
 
 ski 
 
 if 
 
 itfii 
 
 ink 
 
COLONIZATION OF 
 
 treplace them *. A few years afterwards, on a report of new com- 
 motions excited among the Volfci, in order to aflert their liberty 
 iigainil the Romans, the colony was reinforced with a recruit of in- 
 habitants, and another colony, with a view to fupport it, was ftation- 
 ed at Narba, a town in its neighbourhood. It was impoffible, how- 
 ever, to retain Velitrae in obedience. After feveral (lighter fpecimens 
 of difaflPeftion, it finally joined the Latins, and efpoufed, with 
 great zeal, the caufe of that people in their laft general revolt, 
 !when they demanded, as the only admiflible terms of reconcilia- 
 tion, an union with the republic of Rome f. Velitrae (hared the 
 fate of the cities of Latium, on that memorable occafion, and was 
 , obliged, in the moft humiliating terms, to fupplicate the conquer- 
 ors for mercy. The Romans treated the Latins with much gene- 
 rofity and compaffion. The articles of peace favoured nothing 
 of cruelty or refentment. The only obje£t of them was to enfure 
 future obedience %. They viewed not the conduit of their 
 colonifts of Velitrae in the fame favourable light. They confidered 
 their rebellion as highly criminal, and inflided on them a punifh- 
 ment proportionably fevere. They decreed that, as they were Ro- 
 man citizens, and had frequently rebelled, the walls of their city 
 ihould be pulled down, their government aboliflied, their lands ta- 
 ken from them, and the whole colony banifbed into Tufcany be- 
 yond the Tyber, among the enemies of Rome ; that, if any perfon 
 belonging to the colony fhould be found on the fouth fide of the 
 Tyber, he might be feized by the man who Ihould firft meet him, 
 
 1 
 
 
 .--Jhi- 
 
 ::'.:.;!. J 
 
 * - .,, .1 
 
 * Liv. lib, 2. cap. 31' 
 
 f IbiJ. lib, 8. cap, 3 
 
 X Page 88. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 99 
 
 1! 
 
 « fine of 1000 afles* might be demanded for^his releafe, and he might 
 beimprifoned tillthefine ihould be paid t< When the magnanimous 
 Romans puniftied fo feverely the rebellion of a colony, they muft 
 have judged its behaviour uncommonly culpable in itfelf, or ex- 
 tremely dangerous as a precedent. Their hiftory affords few in- 
 (lances of their treating, even their moft inveterate enemies, with 
 fimilar refentment. 
 
 . "T, ■ 
 
 In the year of the city 541, and the tenth year of the fecond 
 Punic war, another remarkable incident X happened in the hiftory 
 of the Roman colonization. As this tranfa£tion places the fenti- 
 ments and condu(Sl of that great people, with regard to their colo- 
 nies, in a very clear light, it is proper to exhibit a particular ac- 
 count of it. ' ; , 
 
 Annibal, at the head of the Carthaginian army, had now been 
 eight years in Italy, from which all the power of Rome was infuf- 
 licient to expel him. Hafdrubal was on his march from Spain 
 with another army, to crofs the Alps, and to enter Italy by the 
 fame route Annibal had formerly purfued. The allies of Rome, 
 defpairing, it would feem, of her aflfairs, began to complain loudly 
 of her management of the war. They had, they faid, for ten years 
 part, been o^ipreffed with taxes and levies, the confequence of which 
 had been nothing but difgrace; they had fent abroad their country- 
 ■men without intenniffion, while none of them ever returned home, 
 «nleis they were taken captives, and generoufly dirmilftd by their 
 
 enemies; 
 
 * The As was equal to ^d. ^ Liv. lib. 8. cap. 14. t il»id. lib. 27. cap. 9. 
 
 IM 
 
 l!l 
 
 I > 
 
^i(>- 
 
 100 
 
 COLONIZATION OF > 
 
 enemies ; if they proceeded much longer in this train, they would 
 loon be altogether exhaufted ; it was time, therefore, to refufe fup- 
 pHes, before they (hould be totally ruined. 
 
 At this critical period, the deputies o'f the colonies arrived in 
 Rome, to receive the orders of the fenate. Twelve of them applied 
 privately to the Confuls, and, in the name of their conftituents *, 
 informed thefe magiftrates, that they could furnifh no further fup- 
 plies, either of men or money ; becaufe, having been drained by for- 
 mer demands, they had now none to give. The Confuls.received thia 
 intimation with furprife, and immediately conftrudled it as a pre- 
 lude to revolt. They rated the deputies in fevere terms, who had 
 hel;l to the Confuls a language, which they could not furely intend 
 that the Confuls (hould communicate to the fenate ; their declara- 
 tion amounted, not only to a refufal of fupplies, but to open rebel- 
 lion ; they (hould, therefore, return inftantly to their conftituents^ 
 put them in mind they were Romans, and inculcate the" duty re- 
 fulting from that relation ; they (hould urge them to adopt more 
 commendable and falutary refolutions in future ; for the mani- 
 fe{t tendency of their prefent meafures, was treachery and deftruc- 
 tion to the commonwealth of Rome. 
 
 The Confuls could make no imprefSon on the minds of the de- 
 puties, who ftill perfifted in expreflTmg their inability to furni(h fup- 
 plies. They were compelled, therefore, to communicate the whole 
 tranfa£tion to the fenate, who received the information with afto- 
 - nilhment. " 
 
 • The colonies of Ardea, Nepete, Suirium, Alba, Corfeoli, Cora, SueiTa, Cir^ 
 ccii, Setia, Cales, Narnca, Intcramna, ,.,.,.,.. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 101 
 
 nifhrnent. The Roman fortitude feemed for a moment to fail; 
 the fenate of Rome trembled. Many of the fenators re- 
 marked, that their empire was at an end ; that the red of the cc» 
 lonies would follow the example ; and that the colonies and allies 
 had confpired to betray the city to Annibal. 
 
 ' The confuls had time to recoiled themfelves, during their con* 
 verfation with the deputies, and to fortify their minds againft 
 the fhock of this intelligence. They exhorted, therefore, the fena- 
 tors to refume their ufual fteadinefs and intrepidity, and afTured 
 them, that the reft of the colonies would not follow a condufl: fo 
 ungrateful. They retired from the fenate, and having called for the 
 deputies of the other eighteen colonies *, they afked them, whe- 
 ther the fupplies were rciady which their conftituents were ob- 
 liged to provide ? The deputies replied, that their fupplies were all 
 ready ; that, if more were neceffiry, they wOuld chearfully fufnifh 
 them ; that they by no means wanted refources ; and that their zeal 
 furpaffed even their refources. ■: - ....... ,, 
 
 I 
 
 The confuls introduced the deputies to the fenate, who received 
 the news with inexpreflible joy. They inllantly paffed a decree, 
 that the confuls (hoiild call an aflembly of the people, Ihould pre- 
 fent to them the deputies as their benefadors, and ihould recite 
 
 ,-,'1 .-J. d; 
 i " -" 'i 
 
 C c 
 
 • Thefe were, the Norbani, Siticulani, Brundifmi, Fragellmi, Lucerini, Venu- 
 fini, Hadriani, Firniani, Ariminenfes, Pontiani, Paeftai.i, Cof.ini, Renerentani. 
 JEfernini, Spolctitii, Placemini, Cremonenfes, Signini; Liv. lib. 27. cap. 10. 
 
 \'\ 
 
 ! m 
 
 \iM 
 
 
 i 
 
 H^l p 
 
 -ll si pi'; 
 
 ill^i 
 
I02 
 
 •*» 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 all their former fervlces to the republic, but, particularly, their pre- 
 fent mod meritorious condudl. Of the other deputies they ordered, 
 that no notice vyhatever fliould be taken ; a behaviour which they 
 judged moft fuitable to the dignity of the Roman people. 
 
 As the fenate judged it improper to refent immediately the con- 
 dudb of the refradlory colonies, no fupplies were demanded of 
 them during the fix fucceeding years. After that period, however, 
 the Roman affairs beginning to wear a more favourable afped, the 
 fubjedk was refumed in the fenate * ; and it was propofed, 
 that thefe colonies ihould not efcape unpuniflied. The meafure 
 was adopted with zeal, and a refolution was immediately pafled, 
 that the magiftrates and ten of the principal inhabitants of 
 each colony fhould be brought to Rome; that double the num- 
 ber of foldiers, which they had in any year furnifhed, fince the 
 commencement of the war, (hould be demanded of them j and, be- 
 .fide, that each of them fhould contribute 120 horfemen; that if they 
 could not mufter fo many horfemen, they might for one horfeman, 
 provide three foot foldiers, which fhould be held equivalent ; that 
 the moft opulent inhabitants fhould be enrolled as recruits, and 
 fent out of Italy wherever the public fervice might require; 
 and that, if any colony fhould hefitate to comply with thefe rcquifi- 
 tions, their deputies fhould be detained at Rome till the orders were 
 obeyed. It v\as alio decreed, that the coloniflb fhould be ful)jeded to 
 a cenfup. executed with equal rigour as at Rome, and that the cen- 
 fors of the colonies Ihould depofit with the cenfor of the city their 
 
 ' : valujuions 
 
 • I/i¥. lib. 29, c. 15. 
 
 h 
 
FKEE STATES. 
 
 »0S 
 
 valuations on oath, before they ihould be permitted to refign their 
 offices. .1 / 
 
 When the deputies of the colonifts arrived in Rome, and were 
 informed of thefe refolutions, they exclaimed with one voice a- 
 gainft their feverity. They maintained, that they could not 
 polUbly furnilh the recruits demanded, becaufe they had them 
 not;. that they were fcarcely able to afford the ordinary fupplies, far 
 lefs to mufter the double of them. They intreated admiflion to the 
 fenate to deprecate its rcfentment, and urged, that they had comr 
 mitted no crime which could juftify their dedrudlion. 
 
 The confuls knew well the infincerity of thefe allegations, and 
 regarded them very little. They infiited, that the requifitions of 
 the fenate Ihould be complied with,' and *ithat the hottages (hould 
 remain in Rome, while the magiftrates returned home to execute 
 the levies. The colonifls perceived they would be obliged to iub- 
 mit. Tiiey, therefore, thought it eligible to enhance the aierii of 
 their compliance, by giving the mott prompt and ready obedience; 
 and the fupplies, accordiugly, were collected with ealeaaU expeuiaun. 
 
 ■ ' ' • ;(...■ 
 
 ^-..►..\U\-v... ...... .1...... ...,.? 
 
 This portion of hiftory proves, inconteftibly, that the llomans, 
 during the firft period * of their colonization, excrciled an ampie ib- 
 vereignty over their colonies ; and that tue lives and torcunes ui the 
 coloniits weic as much at their diipoial as thole ot their own citi- 
 zens. I hey had long been in ule, it appears, to demand troni 
 them contributions both of money and troops, tor the Jup^ ort and 
 
 ' •Page 95.; 
 
 «»• 
 
 m 
 
 
 r*-'' 
 
 ■■H J 
 
 in 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
104 
 
 COLONIZAqpiON or 
 
 -^ 
 
 defence of their government ; and they levied both in the fame 
 manner as they did at Rome. They ordered a mufter to he made 
 of all the inhabitants, and a valuation to be taken of their eAates. 
 According to the former, they determined the number of foldicrs, 
 and, according to the latter, the quantity of taxes, any colony ihould 
 furnilh. They varied their demands as the exigencies of the com" 
 monwealth, or the circumftances of the colony, leemed to require ; 
 and the colonifts pofleffed no right to difpute their orders, or to 
 challenge their authority. The twelve refractory colonies never 
 offer any ohjeftion againft the jurifdi£lion, or the fupremacy, of the 
 mother-country ; they never infinuate, that they had no Ihare in 
 her government, and, therefore, would " hear none of her burdens ; 
 " that they had the [ok rijbt to give and graiit their onvn money ; 
 " that they -were the proper judges, both ofthefum to be given, and 
 !»' the manner of raifingMt ; and that the only /ecu rity they had for 
 «• the pojfejfion of their civil rights, was the privilege to grant their 
 " own money *.^* 
 
 '■ Dodrines of this kind were then unknown, and, we may 
 venture to affirm, would have been reckoned an affront to the 
 government, and an infult to the honour and integrity of the Ro- 
 mans. The colonies contend, that the demands were exorbitant, 
 no^becaufe they were not legal, but becaufe the colonifls were 
 unable to comply with them. This was furely the worft argu- 
 ment they could ufe, if they had been acquainted with any other 
 more popular or folid. The infpeaion of the cenfus muft have at 
 once confuted it. . 
 
 », 
 
 ■• Mimitis of the Congrcfs, Joly 31. 177?. 
 
 It 
 
IRIE STATES. 
 
 wy 
 
 It muft, however, be obferved, that the Romans, on feme occa* 
 fions, granted to their colonies exemptions from public fervices. 
 But this indulgence feems to have been beftowed only on the ma- 
 ritime colonies, and to have been granted even to them much feU 
 domer than it was claimed. It originated, probably, from the zeal 
 of the Romans to encourage navigation ; an art with which they 
 were not mucti acquainted, and of which they had only learned the 
 neceflity in the firft Punic war. Seven * of thefe colonics having 
 demanded exemption from land-fervice in the fecond Punic war, 
 they were ordered to produce the grounds of their claims before 
 the fcnate, who rejected thofe of all of them, two colonics only ex- 
 cepted, whofe requefts they admitted !• 
 
 it^-i 
 
 A fimilar indulgence, even with regard to the fea-fervice, was 
 folicited by the maritime colonies, when their inhabitants were im- 
 prcfled on board the fleet in the war againft Antiochus. Their cafe 
 was again referred to the fenate, and the decifion which paffed upon 
 it is a proof, that exemptions refpeded the land-fervice only, and 
 were calculated entirely for the ehcouragement of feamen. The 
 fenate decreed, tl>atthe maritime colonies pofleffed no right of ex- 
 emption from the fervice of the fleet ;j.. ^ ;, 
 
 'IWy^. ir 
 
 ii-rj.i'- 
 
 Such were the principles and prafllce of the Romans in tlis 
 management of their colonies, till the paffing of the Julian law in 
 
 . D d . . the 
 
 i>:*^}r 
 
 /■ • ■' 
 
 * Oftienfis, Aificnfis, Aatias, Anxuras, Minturncnfis, Sinaeflana, Sinenfis ; Liv. 
 
 lib. 27. Tap. 38. + Antias et Oftienfis, ibiJ. t Liv. lib. 36. cap. 3, 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 ■I iV^^ 
 
 ;4-, r' j. 
 
 'nil 
 
io6 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 the year 663. That law, whicli granted tlie freedom of the ci y 
 to all the allies and colonies in Italy, introduced a great revokulon 
 into the political fyftem of Rome, aiul manifeftly paved the way 
 to the deftrudioii of the republic, 
 
 SECT. 
 
 IV. 
 
 1-1 
 
 Mf 
 
 Account of the Julian Laiv — Confequences of it^^Military Colonies 
 planted by S/lla — Julius Caefar — Augujlus — Provincial Colonies — 
 Aver/ton of the Romans from fettling diftant Colonies — Review of 
 the Principles and Practice of the Romans refpeiling Colonization. 
 
 . 1 
 
 WHILE the Roman territories extended not beyond the 
 limTts of Italy, few of the allies and colonies valued very 
 highly the privileges of citizens, or made any vigorous efforts to 
 obtain them. Many of the allies preferred even the fubordinate ju- 
 rifdidion they pofTefTed in their domeftic governments, to the dif- 
 tant, cxpenfive, and limited influence they could gain by the free- 
 dom of Rome. They were generally contented, therefore, with the 
 flattering diftindtion of an alliance with the vidorious Romans, 
 and furnifhed, chearfully, the fupplie* demanded by treaty. Ths 
 latter, at the fame time, managed their affairs with fo much 
 gentlenefi and moderation, that the allies perceived not they w<jre 
 really fubjefts, and were led to confider their fuhordinati'^n as mere- 
 ly a complimentary grant of precedency to a liate lupcrior to all 
 others in military and political virtue. ^ r 
 
 But, 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 10 71 
 
 But, when the Roman legions began to penetrate into foreign 
 cnuntrica ; when it appeared that neither Africa nor Afia pollefled 
 force fudicient to refift them ; when many fpoils were to be gain- 
 ed, much rich territory was to be di/pofed of, and many high of- 
 fices of honour and emolument were to be beflowed,the citizendiip 
 of Rome, which conveyed a title to all thefe advantages, became a 
 moft precious and captivntiiig object, and both allies and colo- 
 t/ies contended moll (Irenuoufl/ tor its acquifition. The latter al- 
 ledged their great lliare of the trouble as an indifputable claim to 
 a part of the reward. They furniflied * a large proportion of the 
 viiflorious troops that fought the battles, and made the rich con- 
 quefts which procured to the Romans lb much power, reputation, 
 and emolument ; it was therefore realbnable they fliould have fonie 
 influence in the government which directed thefe operations, and 
 fome portion of the honours and profits it had to confer. 
 
 5 ^^.. 
 
 The anxiety of the Romans to monopolize advantages, the va- 
 lue of which they found every day to increafe, was augmented in 
 proportion to the eagernefs of the allies to divide them, t hey de- 
 feated, therefore, for many years, either by artifice or vitjlence, evrc- 
 ry attempt to extend to the latter the privileges of the city t- Ihe 
 allies, finally, were fired with refentment, and tlew to arras, refol- 
 ving to obtain by force, what they cf)uld not acquire by negotia- 
 tion. The VI hole of Italy, from the Liris fouthward, in which 
 diftrii^t were planted many colonies, joined in one general revolt,* 
 ■ ' ' and. 
 
 ♦ Patercul.lib. 2. cap. 15, 
 
 sJ-.Appian. de bellis civih lib. 1. c ip. 373. 
 
io8 
 
 COLON^IZATION OK 
 
 dnd even the allies who adhered to Rome were extremely diflatie- 
 <ied. I'hefe revolted dates, during their alliance, had imbihed the 
 courage, and learned the military (kill of the Roman legions ; and 
 their numbers rendered their refources equal, if not fuperior, to 
 thofcof Rome. Italy, during four years, loll, in this bloody I'ocial 
 war, no fewer than 300,000 men, and the commonwealth ap- 
 proached the brink of dcftru^tion *. To lave the ftate from ruin, 
 and to remove the grounds of quarrel, by granting what was de- 
 manded, Lucius Julius Caefur, then Coniul, propoled the famous 
 law, which afterwards retained his name, to extend the freedom of 
 the city to the allies of Rome. 1 he allies and colonies t who re- 
 mained in fubjedion, Brft enjoyed the benefit of this law ; and io a 
 itw years it was communicated to the whole. 
 
 * « 
 
 
 ' The paiTing of the Julian law may be faid to \}AVe annihilated 
 the republic : For, during the (hort period it afterwards fublifted, 
 it was a fcenc of eondant tumult, fedition, and corruption, froui 
 which rcfulted nothing but convulfions, profcriptions, and civil 
 wars. The comitia were too numerous before the Julian law ; and it 
 cannot be fuppofcd that the greater part of the people who compo- 
 fed thefe affemblies, (hould either have underftood the affairs which 
 they canv.ifTed, or that they fhould have been guided by any prin- 
 ciples of patriotifm or juftice in their decifions. Had not the prin- 
 cipal bufinefs of the ftate been transferred to the comitia centuri- 
 
 ... : ■■ i - - ^'*' 
 
 * Pater, lib. 2. tfnp. 15. + 'I'he fuffrages of the colonies are mentioned 
 
 by Cicero in his orations pro Domo, and pro Sylla ; a proof ihilt the coloqics were 
 <on\preljcndcd in the Jolran law. '.'... j 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 109 
 
 V at4, which confined the managetneiU of it to the mod opulent and 
 
 ^ • . • mod improved citizens, it is difllcult to fuppofe a government 
 (o tumultuary, that its cnmitid might fometimes confid of more 
 than 200,000 mcml)cr8, could have fuljlifted fo long. What then, 
 muft have heen the to/ lition of thefe comitia, when the whole 
 freemen of all the allies and colonies of Italy might be brought 
 to Rome, to give their fufFragcs ? Could the moft remote 
 conception of judice, reafon, or public good, ever pervade 
 fuch a body ? Faction, violence, and corruption, were the only en- 
 gines which remained ; becaufe it was impoifible to influence fuch 
 an enormous mafs by any other means. The prodigious Aims * 
 of money fpent, during this period, in donations and (hows, to gain 
 popularity among the citizens of Rome, are generally appealed to as 
 marks of the degeneracy of the times ; but it is plain thefe corrup- 
 tions were the confequences, not the caufes, of the date of public 
 affairs. At no aera did the Roman genius Ihine with fuch con- 
 fpicuous ludre. fn no equal period did Rome ever poflels Co 
 many great men. Tade, eloquence, philofophy, political and mi- 
 litary (kill, fecured immortal fame to that age, und render it Uill the 
 admiration of mankind. It was the co-exidcnce of fo many heroesr 
 who would not yield their prttenfions to one another, that fufpcnd- 
 
 Ee 
 
 
 ip4' 
 
 • Julius Cae'ar liad fpent all hit fcriune, and involved himfelf fo deeply in I'ett, 
 by the ^ris (t'corruptio.i, that he uled co fay plciiiintly, he needed zy.ooc-c-.o of 
 ftfterces, L. i(;5,3i2; lO p. to make him worth nofhing; .■Vppiiin. de kLi^ civ. 
 lib. 2- cap. 4J1. The fime author informs us, (ibid. cup. 43s'.) that ■* c.in.'iJ^i-/,', 
 a little bcfor; the couiiiienccm.'nt of the war betA-een Caeiar and Pompc/, advr.ic.d, 
 at one time, 800 talents, L. 155,000, to bribe the comitia. 
 
 ifi 
 
 
no 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 ,4 
 
 . ed a while the fate of the republic, which naturally fhould have 
 terminated as foon as the Julian law was pafled. 
 
 The Romans feem to have forefeen the fatal confequences of this 
 law, and to have tried every expedient to elude its force. 1 hey 
 admitted not the new citizens among the fotmer tribes, where their 
 numbers muft have born down all oppofition, and carried every 
 caule againft the old citizens. They clafled them in eight addi- 
 tional new tribes *, which dcftroyed, in a great meafure, their in- 
 fluence, and left the thirty-five old tribes a manifeft Aiperiority. 
 The new citizens became prefently fenfible of this difadvantage, and 
 complained loudly of their fituation f. The fame irrefiftible in- 
 fluence which procured the law, procured alfo the amendment of 
 it, and the new citizens were, in a few years, arranged among the 
 
 jcAd tribes J. 
 
 :fi-.v 
 
 hr. 
 
 .-■■J 
 
 ♦f/Oi) 
 
 The hiftory of the military colonies aff^ords fome of the moft 
 flriking proofs of the difmal confequences of the Julian law. Pre- 
 vious to that law, every citizen held himfelf obliged to appear in 
 arms, when it fliould be neceflary, in defence of his country, and 
 to continue in the public fervice during the term limited by 
 law. He reckoned this fervice part of the burden to which he 
 was fubjeded, in return for the important civil privileges he en- 
 joyed, and he bore it with willingnefs and refolution. He expect- 
 ed 
 
 * Pater, lib. 2. cap. 20. 
 f Epit, Liv. 80. 
 
 t Appian. bell. civ. lib. i. cup. 380* 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 <im 
 
 ied an honourable difmiffion, and an exemption from future dan- 
 gers, when his military age (hould be elapfed ; but he expeiSled ^' 
 and demanded no reward for his labour, Pofterior to the Julian 
 law, the legions fupported the canfe, and avenged the quarrel, not 
 of the commonwealth againft her enemies, but of one leader of 
 a fa£lion again ft another. Large forfeitures were the neceflary 
 confequences of thefe wars. The legions fought in expedation o£ 
 the fpoils, and were always rewarded with an ample portion of 
 them. The military colonies, then, were detachments of the le- 
 gionary troops who were fettled by their vidtorious leaders upon 
 the lands of their fellow-citizens, which had been confifcated in 
 the civil wars. They lived in affluence and eafe on the plunder of 
 their country, and lecured the obedience of the diftrid they occu- 
 pied to their refpedive partizans. . , , , 
 
 j^ 
 
 Sylla introduced this practice, after the defeat of the forces of his 
 antagonift Marius ; and, as his wars were bloody, the confequences 
 of them were deftrudive. All his enemies, and all their friends, 
 felt his refentment. Numberlefs profcriptions of individuals would 
 not fatisfy him. He confifcated whole cities and ftates at once. On 
 lands, of which he had got pofleflion by fuch bafe means, he efta- 
 bliflied, at one time, no fewer than 23 legions *. ' • 
 
 The civil wars of Sylla were fucceeded, in a few years, by the 
 war between Po ;.pey and Caefar, which was followed, almoft im- 
 mediately, 
 
 ♦ Applan. lib, i.-bcll. civ. cap. 313. Thefe legions can fcarcely be fnppofed to 
 have contained fewer than 13^,000 men. 
 
 mml 
 
 ' r» 
 
 
 ■J , 1- 
 
112 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 I 
 
 mediately, by that of the triumvirate, againft the murderers of 
 Caefar. The fecond of thefe wars, was the leaft deftrudive to the 
 inhabitants of Italy. Caefur, after defeating his enemies in the field, 
 feems io have apprehended no danger from private refentment. He 
 indulged, tlierefore, all that humanity towards his foes, v^hich is fo 
 ornamental in a conqueror, and which refulted fo naturally from 
 the dictates of his own heart *. He conf.fcated the lands of no in- 
 dividuals who had born arms againft him. He ftripped no cities 
 nor diftrids of their rights and territories. He admitted many of 
 his adverfaries to his prefence, and honoured them with offices of 
 truft. He wifhed to recommend his adminiftration to his country- 
 men, by aflfording them protection in their lives and property ; and 
 he rewarded his legions rather by largefles, than by lands. He plant- 
 ed, for this reafon, very few military colonies in Italy, though fe- 
 veral are mentioned which he fettled in the provinces t* If Cae- 
 far meant, on this occafion, to aft the part fo luccefsfully perform- 
 ed afterwards by Auguftus, namely, toabolilh republican govern- 
 ment, and to eftablifh monarchy, his treatment of his enemies was 
 rather comn-endable than prudent. Open, generous, and unfufpi- 
 cious hirnfelf, hejudged of the motives of other mens adlions from his 
 own ; and, as he could not conceive his enemies capable ot entertain- 
 ing thoughts of aiTafli nation, he was at no pains to guarti hirnfelf 
 , , . ,, .. \ againft 
 
 • ■' \ ■■".■'■ ■ 
 
 • In the lydttle of Phnifalia, lie called Ic his troops to fpare the citizens of Rome. 
 He allowed cren thofe whcm he had not p.iruoned to re urn iitine, and refume 
 their offices and emplryments. Three perfons only were put to death not in the 
 field ( f hnttlc, and evtn tl.cfe are faid to have been laLfificed witlmut jiis coiuVnt. 
 
 f r.i^ht military co!o'.,ics only were taken notice of by t'.c writers of auti'^uity.as 
 planted in Italy by Julius Caefar. Dion Caffias affii nis,(lib. 43. ad huei))), that he 
 placed one colony at Carthage, and anotlKr at Coriath. 
 
 f 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 "J 
 
 againft it. The intereft of the ftate, he probably imagined, oppo- 
 fed fuch a defign ; and, as all parties Teemed now fenfible of the 
 corruptions and imperfections of the republican government, he 
 concluded fome revolution was abfulutely neceflary for the peace 
 and fafety of the ftate *. If any fingle perfon was to be placed at 
 the head of the Roman empire, no man had an equal title with 
 himfelf. He had all the military force at his difpofal ; what could 
 his enemies gain by refiftance ? They could fcarceiy indulge the 
 idea of reftoring the former government, which had been the fource 
 of all their diftreffcs, though they had it in their power, and they 
 could poifels no power for that purpofe without his concurrence. 
 Nothing, therefore, remained, but to remove the averfion which 
 his countrymen entertained againft monarchy, and which had been 
 heightened into horror, by the cruel and undiftinguilhing rage of 
 Sylla. The proper method to accomplifli this end was, to feem to 
 forget injuries ; to (reat friends and foes with affability and refpe^, 
 and to make the people feel the happinefs of peace and fecurity, in 
 place of that madnefs and violence which had deformed the 
 times of the republic. 
 
 What is moft probable is not always true; nor is what is moft rea- 
 fonable always put in practice. Men ad irom the dilates of their 
 paftions and their habits ii\ore frequently than from the diredion 
 of their reafon. Caefar, like a foldier rather than a politician) 
 feems not to have taken the Kjrmer into his account. It was cruel to 
 kill or banifli any of his countiymen; it v^as particularly cruel, to do 
 
 F f either 
 
 (:■ 
 
 * He ufed to remark, tliat the republic was only a (Ladow of goVernroent, a men* 
 fter without form or beauty. Suet. Jul. Caefar. cap, 77, 
 
 « ■! •.' 
 
 ['•h 
 
 jiimwn i ntiiJin i «w i -w 
 
114 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 if'^it', 5 '.•-.,. 
 
 either in cold blood, and when theneceflity of thea<3:ion might not 
 be generally underftood. Biit> while lb many great men remained 
 in Rome, who had feen the days of liberty, had felt their confe- 
 quence under the old conilitution, and had fo many cities and dif- 
 trifls of Italy attached to their interefl-, could it be expelled they 
 would defcend peaceably, from the rank of equals of Caefar, to be 
 his flaves ? Had he, like Auguflus, banifhed or aflaffinated every 
 old Roman, who could be fuppofed to difturb his government ; 
 had he planted his legions in military colonies near the capital, to 
 fupport his adminlflration, and to intimidate his foes, he might, 
 perhaps, have prolonged bis life, and faved his country another ci- 
 vil war. But his heart revolted againft fuch fanguinary and fla- 
 gitious meafures ; and, though no man was more ambitious of em- 
 pire, he could not ftoop to purchafe it by fuch bafe means. ■**^''-^ 
 
 .H«S; (',; 
 
 'r 
 
 ''^■'' Auguftus far exceeded Julius Caefar in diftributing through Italy 
 %military colonies. He even exceeded Sylla himfelf. That cool and 
 political tyrant proceeded, without fcruple or remorfe, to remove, 
 by the moft effedlual methods, whether right or wrong, every ob- 
 ftacle which oppofed his progrefs to defpotifm. At his firft appear- 
 ance on the fcene of adion, he threw himfelf, with much difTmni- 
 lation, into the arms of the fenate, in oppofition to Antony, becaufe 
 
 i he concluded he could manage the former moft efFedually to pro- 
 mote his views, and he hired aflaflins to put the latter to death *. 
 He foon, however, deferted the fenate, formed an union with his 
 
 Of -■ : •■,■•'• -■ . ■ ■ • : ■ enemy 
 
 • Suet. Aug. cap, lo. 
 
'iFREE STATES. 
 
 "5 
 
 enemy Antony, and with him and Lepidus, conftituted the fanious 
 triumvirate, who affumed the whole power of the ftate, and fliarcd 
 among themfelves the government of the Roman empire. Under 
 pretence of avenging the death of Julius Caefar, they made war a- 
 gainft Brutus and Cafluis, and the friends of the ancient conftitu- 
 tion. Under pretence of preferving the peace of Italy, they ba- 
 niflied or put to death every Roman citizen who was fufpeded to 
 entertain fentiments unfriendly to their caufe, or who enjoyed mo- 
 ney, houfes, or lands, they longed to poflefs. To encourage the 
 legions to engage with zeal in the war againft the republicans, be- 
 fides other donations, they were promifed, on their return home, 
 to be cantoned in eighteen colonies, on the befl: and moft pleafant 
 lands in Italy ; and the towns and territories are even fpecified which 
 they might expe£t to obtain *. 
 
 The execution of this mod: ungracious talk was committed to 
 Auguftus, who, with the fame apathy with which he had ordered 
 the aifailination of every prifoner of eminence taken at the battle 
 of Philippi, proceeded to difpofl'efs the harmlefs inhabitants of the 
 fineft countries of Italy, to make room for the accomplithment of 
 his promile to the legions. He difregarded the remonUranccs of 
 the former poileflors, and the violation of the laws of juliice and 
 humanity. Regained not even the approbation of the troops f, 
 whofe hopes, it feems, were lb higli, that nothing could fatisfy 
 
 them. 
 
 When, 
 
 * Appian. Bell. civ. lib, 4. cap. 59c. Capua, Rhegium, Vcuulb, Heneventum,&c. 
 t Sutt. Aug. Clip. 13. 
 
 11 
 
 * 1 
 
 m 
 
 l\::i^^ 
 
ii6 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 When, in the courfe of his progrefs to empire, Auguftus dif- 
 covered that he no longer depended on external refources for luc- 
 cefs, he fird ftripped Lepidus of his power, and afterwards prepa- 
 red htmfelf to ad the fame part with regard to Antony. Having 
 defeated the forces of the latter in the battle of Adium, he repeat- 
 ed the fame tragedy wjiich had been performed after the battle of 
 Philippi. He profcrrbed, or committed to the hands of affaffins, 
 every Roman of any confideration, who had been conneded with 
 his rival, and extirpated the inhabitants of the different diftridls of 
 Italy who were attached to his interefl *. On the lands of the 
 latter he Rationed the troops who had ferved him in that war, of 
 which he formed no fewer than twenty-eight military colonies ; 
 and the policy of this crafty Emperor is flrongly marked by the ci- 
 vil regulations he adopted with regard to thefe colonifls. Though he 
 had,by their aid, fuccefsfully violated all the principles of juftice, rea- 
 fon, and humanity, demolished the antient conflitution, and laid the 
 lives and fortunes of his countrymen at his feet, he thought it ex- 
 pedient, hypocritically to preferve, even with regard to them, the 
 forms of the republic, and to make provifion for the commodious 
 exercife of their important privilege of giving their fufFrages in the 
 comitia of Rome. As the diftance, then, of the fituation of the 
 colonifls might render their attendance on thefe afTemblies extremely 
 inconvenient and troublefome, he ordained that the fufFrages of 
 the colonies fhould be taken on the fpot, fliould be fent to Home, 
 properly authenticated by the fenate of the colony, and fhould 
 
 be 
 
 * Dion. Caff- lib. 5 1 . 
 of" Auguftus. 
 
 An author extremely willing to extenuate the enormiiteu 
 
I \'; ■ 
 
 • '"rrp REE STATES. 
 
 <i7 
 
 be admitted to their (hafe df infiuence In calculating the votes of 
 the citizens *.{??!?(!, y.'a'sinM 
 
 * 
 
 ' This regulation is the only circumftance that remains on record 
 relative to the civil jurifdi£kion of the military colonies, and it will 
 be allowed to be of fuch a nature as to deferve very little regard as 
 a precedent of liberty. It is of the fame character with the other 
 civil tranfadtions of the Romans pofterior to the pafling of the Ju- 
 lian law, which concur to demonflrate this propofition, that the 
 virtue of that people did not expire with their government, but that 
 the fpirit of their conftitution fubfifted after the power of it was ex- 
 tin<a. Infuperable, ahuoft, muft that fpirit have been, which could 
 not be extinguiihed by fo many civil wars, aflaffinations, and ba- 
 niftimcnta. Deftrudive to the conftitution muft have been that 
 law which was the occafion of them. For this reafon, though I 
 judged it would be acceptable to the reader to purfue the hiftory 
 of the colonization of the Romans to the fubverfion of the republic, 
 it will appear that the authority of their practice is only valuable 
 previous to the time of the Tulian law. . ,, , -r. 
 
 It will perhaps create fome furprife, that the account given of the 
 Roman colonization appears to conclude, without taking notice of 
 any colonics planted in the provinces. It will probably be afked. 
 Were no colonies fettled in the provinces during the long period of 
 1 50 years which clapfed between the firll Punic war, when the 
 Komans began to acquire territory beyond the limits of Italy, and 
 
 G g the 
 
 ' Suet.' Aug. cap. 46. • 
 
 
 S'«V.,t.W 
 
ii8 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 the aera of the Julian law, when the eftabHfhment of miHfafy co- 
 lonies commeiiced ; and, if none wore fettled during that jTeriod, 
 what was the reafon of a condud apparently fo unaccountable ? 
 
 In anfwer to the firft of thefe queftions, it is to he obferved, that 
 no colony was planted beyond the borders of Italy before the year 
 of the city 6io, forty-three years only previous to the framing of 
 the Julian law. About that time a colony vvas cflablifhed at Car- 
 thage by the famous Tiberius Gracchus ; and Paterculus * informs 
 us, that it was the firft which had been ftatbned in the provinces. It 
 is uncertain whether any other provincial colonies emigrated during 
 the remaining forty-three years, as no mention is made of them ; 
 but, if any did emigrate, they were probably very few. The co- 
 lony of Carthage feems nor, by its profperity, to have given encou- 
 ragement to that practice. It would appear it had been unfucceflf- 
 ful i for, about the year 700, we find Julius Caefar employed in 
 ellabliftiing a new colony at the fame place f. 
 
 With regard to the fecond queftion, it is to be remarked, that the 
 Roman colon ills difliked fituations very remote from the capital, 
 and that they were in ufe to delert their ftations when tiiey found 
 them either inconvenient or dangerous. I'hc colonilts of Cremona 
 and Placentia, planted on the confines of Cilalpine Gaul, relinquilhed 
 their pofllffions for fear of the favage people in their neigh- 
 i)ourhood, and left their territories almoft uninhabited. The Ro- 
 
 
 i.>f 
 
 mans 
 
 * Lib. 2. cap. 15. 
 
 t Dio. Caff. lib. 43. 
 
.5^ 
 
 FREE STATED. 
 
 r»9 
 
 mans found it neceflary to fend out a numerous emigration to re- 
 place them*. rn*r,H^jiihi tv iiii-f-i.M.^y/i4tm>^ 
 
 '■'»vvH*ini*' i'e-'»»vf;'' ■■• 'J 
 
 But the chief impediment to provincial colonization, arofe from 
 the opinions of the people of Rome. The cautious old Romans 
 were jealous, it Icems, of the profperity and power of didant colo- 
 nies, and dreaded, that they might one day rival and refift the dignity 
 and authority of the parent ftate. They were afraid, Rome might fhare 
 the fate of Tyre, Phocoea, or Corinth, whofe colonies of Carthage, 
 Marfeilles, and Syracufe, farfarpafled their parent ftates in grandeur, 
 opulence, and power. From fuch colonies, hiftory had taught 
 them, that the mother-country could derive no benefit, as it was not 
 to be expected, that gratitude lliould operate in any colony, when 
 the authority of the mother-country had loit its influence. Accor- 
 dingly Paterculus t declares the law of Gracchus, by which a co- 
 lony was ordered to be tranfplanted to Carthage, to have been one 
 of the nv>i\ pernicious to the commonwealth which ever was fra- 
 med. That law was paifed in the midft of the moll violent Agra- 
 rian contentions, and in oppofition to the lentiments of many of 
 the \A ileft and moll powerful citizens. It is probable, tor this rea- 
 fon, when the fcrmenthad fubfuicd, that the old opinions would re- 
 gain their influence, and wouUi prevent the farther e(labii(l\mtnt 
 of provincial colonies, during the exillence of the authority oi the 
 republic. 
 
 Tliough 
 
 
 • 6000 families, Liv. 37. c. 46. 
 
 t Lib. 2. t, 15. 
 
 SBaSSSSSSSE 
 
 
 Ij 
 
120 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 Though the principle of planting no colonies in the provinces, 
 founded oa jealoufy ot their eminence and power, certainly con- 
 tained a conliderable mixture of narrow politics, when adopted 
 without limitation, it marks, at the fame time, very ftrongly the 
 opinion of the Romans, in the pureft times of the republic, with re- 
 gard to the objeds of colonization. 'I hat they might hav • made fel- 
 tlemcnts in Gaul, Spain, or even Africa, reftridted and regulated in 
 fuch a manner, as to fecure to themfelves the advantages refulting 
 from them, can fcarcely be doubted ; and it is obvious, that the po- 
 licy was imperfedl which forfeited thefe advantages. But, when a 
 fmall chance only of lofing their jurildidion over their colon;;;s, 
 Induced them to forego manifeft emolument to be derived from 
 fuch eilablifhments, it is a demondration, that their notions of the 
 fubordination of the latter were extremely high. 
 
 The amount of what has been advanced, concerning the colo- 
 nization of Rome, may be coUeded into one view, in the follow- 
 ing manner. The Romans, learning wifdom from the Greek colo- 
 nies, moft of which, by their profperity and diftance from the m^>- 
 ther-country, had been tempted to renounce their allegiance, 
 and not doubting, that, in limilar circumftances, their own colonifls 
 would adl the fame part, were extremely averfe from the eftablilh- 
 ment of colonies, either very remote or very large. For this rea- 
 fon, during 663 years from the building of the city, they plant- 
 ed only one colony in the provinces, though they had eUablilhed 
 above fifty in Italy. They fubjeded all their colonies to fuch re- 
 ilridions, and modelled their conftitutions ir fuch a manner, as they 
 
 * i . jutlged 
 
 > -. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 IS' 
 
 judged ncccflary to lecure their fubordinaiion dnd dependence. 
 They deprived all of them of the right of fuffrage in the conr.itia 
 of Rome, partly to inamtain the fupremacy and dignity of thefe af- 
 Icmblies, by preventing them from becoming too numerous, and 
 partly bccaufe the diftauce of the colonics rendered their attendance 
 fo inconvenient, that it could not be expedited, except, on cxtraordi^ 
 nary occafions, to ferve the purpofes of faction. They deprived 
 the Latin colonies of the freedom of the city altogether. They im- 
 pofed, even on the Roman, their mod favoured colonifts, a tem- 
 porary lufpenfion of that privilege. They obliged all their colo- 
 nies to acknowledge their fupreme jurifdidlion, and, in teftimony 
 of that acknowledgment, to furnifh fuch fums of money in taxes, 
 and fuch fupplies of troops, as (hould be demanded of them for the 
 fcrvice of the ftate. They regulated even the mode of levying thefe 
 taxes and fupplies. They appointed the rate (or formula, as they 
 called it,) according to which the eftates of the colonifts fhould be 
 fubjedxed to taxation. They afcertained the number, and defcribed 
 fomctimes the denominations of the colonifts who ftiould be inlifted 
 for recruits. They dlfpofed of their money as they judged proper, 
 and fent their foldiers on military fervices, wherever the intereft of 
 the commonwealth required. ^ „ 
 
 ^-tl^ 
 
 Afterfettlingthegovcrnu^.entof a colony, and dividing among the 
 members of it the lands allotted by the icnate, b.-th which ciiices 
 Were performed by iiune perfons of eminence, appointed to c..ndu£l 
 thc'r. to their place of r.fidence, the UnmariS penn'tfcd the colonifts 
 to in'.in:ige [heir private aifiiirs as they pleated. They .iccordingly 
 
 H h framed 
 
 r !:■= 
 
 Mil 
 
 ■*-1 'tl 
 
 mUBBBB 
 
 n«i»«W!!P~M«W« 
 
 Mi 
 
122 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 lii 
 
 framed and executed fuchlaws as they thought neceifary for the in- 
 ternal government of ihe colony. They levied money, and punifhed 
 crimcB of every fort, within their own jurifdidtion. And, that no- 
 thing nii^ht be done, even by tlieparcnt-(Ute> which ufFeded their 
 intrrell, v^ithnut their knowledge, they retained patrons or agents 
 at Rome, who confulted their advantage, and defended their 
 
 rights *. 
 ■.H Such 
 
 * That the reader may oUain a compleat view of the praAice, both of antient 
 and modern dates, with regard to the taxation of colonici, I fhall fuljoin, in this 
 note, a fliort account of th; taxes impofed upon their coloniAs by the Dutch, French, 
 Spaniards, and Portuguefe. The Dutch are the nation whofe policy, refpcAing 
 colonization, \fould naturally be fuppofed to attract the attention of Oriuin. But 
 the reader will perhaps be furprifed to find, that it is conduced on principles lefs li- 
 beral than thofe of any other modern dale. The fpecies of government moll difad* 
 vantageous to colonifts, is to fubjeA them to the jurildiAion of a company, poflefled 
 ofexcluflve privileges, for which it pays a certain revenue to the (late; yet this 
 kind of government is adopted by the United Provinces, in their fettlements both 
 in the Ead and Well Indies. The Dutch Ball India company advance to the repu- 
 blic large fums of money for every renewal of their charter. They pay duties of im- 
 port for all tb« commodities they receive from India, and duties of export for the ar- 
 ticles they fend abroad. The renewal of their grant, in the year 1743, was obtained 
 on the condition, that the (late (hould receive 3 per cent, on the dividends of the com- 
 pany. 
 
 In the French Wed India idands, all merchandife is liable to a duty on importa- 
 tion from France. The planters pay a certain tax for every Negroe upon their e- 
 Aates, and mod of the articles produced in the iflaads are alfo fubjeAed to taxation. 
 
 The King of Spain demands the fifth part of the filver, and the tenth of all the 
 gold, colleAedin Mexico, beddes a duty of 3) per cent, on all goods fent from Eu- 
 rope, 2f per cent, on all Tales, and large fums on extraordinary occadons, under 
 the denou ination of loans. 
 
 The King of Portugal receives the fifth part of all the gold found in the Bradls, 
 and a tax of 1 500 livres for every diamond mine which Ihall be wrought, whether the 
 •dventurer be fuccefsful or cot. 
 
 m 
 
FREE S T A T E 8/" 
 
 I3S 
 
 Such were the maxims and condudl. in the management of co- 
 lonies, of the Carthaginians, Greeks, and Romans, the nations of an- 
 tiquity ma<l remarkable for virtue, refinement, and poUtical liberty ; 
 and for whofe opinions and pradlice, in matters of governmenti 
 all civilized rations have entertained the highefl regard. What 
 ^ the»i is the w iftlom we may derive from their example, to dircdl the ' 
 councils of our own country at the prefcHt conjundurc ? What ' 
 are the precedents they afford, in the treatment of colonics, which 
 may be ui'eful to us in the fettlement of our own ? 
 
 ..•* 
 
 t ..?. 
 
 .(."-■;^;Mi:''<-v^*VrjiWlUf?J* '. 
 
 
 MmV 
 
 
 :. "^J 
 
 .•i*-,V?. U:: ''■ yA- 
 
 m 
 
 ..If, 
 
 ;.' .; 
 
 t, MUi.;. m^iiT ... ; ,w^ti t'»"" ?'^''*^> !|fvr-^ '»''■'!:'• 'y M'<J -^ 
 
 t . • . * » ■ . f 1 
 
 ■)■• 'i. •. 
 
 ,'I .'■•■ 
 
 t ' *.'*»' 
 
 ii' 
 
 I.UM1IIIU UJII.1,- «JI»l««M1.U.li..«M 
 
 ^^11 
 
124 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 if.'HT ^'■^•IVV'Sr ff»>f;?'- 
 
 C H A P, .-,•■( .,.Iy. .,^.f ;. -. '*•!'^,it»r■'• 
 
 ■fji^oi' {j.:i'iVif; ;/ 
 
 Application of the preceding Narrative to the pre- 
 fcnt Contest between Great Brit/iIN and her 
 
 ;.i": ■-■.');» 311J ^-.i ■ Jll ■.: J >■ ' Jl 
 
 ! •■*<- 
 
 Colonies in America. ' 
 
 E C T. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ambitious Views of the American Colonijis — Similar Vieivs enters 
 tained by the rebellious Colonijis oj Carthage — Athens — and Rome 
 — Right of Britain to tax America Jupported by the Pra^lice of 
 the Carthaginians — Greeks — and Romans-^None of the Colontjls 
 of Antiquity admitted to a Participation of the Civil Government 
 of the Parent State. 
 
 TH E great objed which the American colonifts have long 
 had in view, and which they have lately taken up arms to 
 obtain, is to be totally independent, as to their internal govern- 
 ment, of the two houfes of parliament of Great Britain*. They 
 claim that, in every colony, their refpedive houfes of reprefenta- 
 tives fhall engrofs the authority of the two houfes of parliament, 
 and that thefe houfes of reprefentatives, along with the King or 
 
 his 
 
 * American Gill of Rights, Article 4. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 "5 
 
 li 
 
 his viceroy, fliall pofTefs every parliamentary power within the co- 
 lony, as fully is as done by the King and parliament of Great Britain 
 within that ifland. Taking it for granted they have an indifputable 
 title to this jirivilege, they eafily refolve it into every demand and 
 complaint they make ; for example, that theyfhall have the fole right 
 to give and grant their own money ; that conjiitutional requifitions 
 ihall be made to them when money is wanted, the purpofe fpeclfied, 
 the fum named, an account given of the expenditure ; that they 
 fliall be allowed to judge and decide on every article j in a word, 
 that their houfes of reprefentatives fhall be treated with the fame 
 refpefl: and ceremony with which his Majefty treats the parliament 
 of Great Britain. From this principle, alfo, they complain, that our 
 parliament fliould prefume to make laws to bind ftates, over which 
 it has no authority ; that their charters or compass with the crown 
 fhould be altered, their money levied and difpofed of, their civil and 
 criminal laws framed, and their judges appointed by aCks of our 
 parliament, which has no jurifiiidion over them, and all whofc 
 a<!ls, confequently, of interference, are tyranny, oppreffion, and 
 defpotifm *. - - -^ . . . 
 
 Having emancipated themfelves from the ftern authority of the 
 two houfes of parliament, they feem to have entertained little ap* 
 prehenfion from the power of the crown. 1 heir minds were eafy 
 on this article, when they refleded that they had all the game to 
 play, by the grants of money, wiiich was put in practice againft the 
 
 i I Sovereigns 
 
 -'■■'.• f - . ' . 
 
 • Journal of the Congrefs, July 31. 1775, - . 
 
 iS I' 
 
 r !' 
 
 « w ** «'i»" < ;! b wi ewiiwqi 
 
 gMi i^ V i mWW i ll' i WiWr j ifH> ft Hir I jg ilia 
 
126 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 Sovereigns of the laft century. And, as the crown had little influ- 
 ence in their aflemblies by the gifts of places, they concluded the 
 royal authority would be little better than an empty name *. Such 
 only are the terms on which America would remain in friendfliip 
 with Great Britain ; fuch are the claims (he has taken up arras 
 to obtain. With regard to the people of this ifland in gene- 
 ral, thefe terms are equally difadvantageous with the indepen- 
 dence flie has now avowed; with regard to his Majefty, they are very 
 little preferable. But I mean not to undertake an examination of 
 the rights and claims of the parties in this contefl, which have been 
 already fo ably and fully difcufled f. My defign is to appeal to 
 precedent and experience, which commonly have a greater influ- 
 ence with mankind than fpeculation. 
 
 It is obvious to remark, from the preceding hiftory, that the co- 
 lonies of America have afted the fame part with the rebellious colo- 
 nies of antiquity, in fimilar circumilancest They demand the 
 immunities above fpeciiied, becaufe they judge themfelves now in 
 a fituation to aflert them. 
 
 The article of the laft peace, which took Canada out of the hands 
 of France, was the immediate occafiou of the prefent rebellion j but 
 its caufe is to be traced to an aera more diftant. The principles from 
 which it proceeded have been ripening and gathering ftrength du- 
 ring the whule courfe of this century. The colouifts waited only for 
 
 the 
 
 • Ibid. f See Riglits Afferted ; and Anfwer to the American declaration of 
 independence. 
 
1.., 
 
 FREE STATES. 
 
 127 
 
 the arrival of that feafonable period, when they fliould become 
 fo powerful, or Britain fo weak, that they might exped to put 
 them in praiftice with fuccefs. The extent and fertility of their 
 country ; the amazing increafe of their population ; the forbearance 
 of the mother-country to impofe taxes, long after they were able 
 to bear them ; her irrcfolution and repentance, after fhe had taken 
 the dccifive ftep by the fl;amp-a£t, the timidity and weaknefs of 
 which even the Canada a<Ct was confidered as a confequence ; the ex- 
 aggerated importance of American commerce, without which it was 
 fuppofed Britain could not fubfifl ; all concurred to make the colo- 
 nills conclude, that the favourable jundture was arrived; and that this 
 ifland, corrupted with luxury, diftradted with factions, and loaded 
 with debts, after a long and expenfive war, could neither find men, 
 money, nor provifions, to fupport armies to preferve the fubordi- 
 nation of provinces fo diftant and fo powerful. 
 
 Similar views of emancipating themfelved from the dominion 
 of the parent ftates, and fimilar opinions of the inability of the 
 latter to afTert their rights, excited the-colonies of Africa to rebel 
 againft the Carth ginians *, the Lefbians to revolt from the Athe- 
 nians t, and the refradory colonies, in the fecond Punic war, to re- 
 fufe obedience to the i\onuns :j:. 
 
 - \ 
 
 The rich colonifts of Africa, like the Americans, but with much 
 better reafon, thought theml'elves abiolutely ueceifary to thecxiftence 
 
 of 
 
 • Page iP. 
 
 I" Page 55' "^ 
 
 t Page ()f). 
 
 '- ■■ M 
 
128 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 of the mother-country. From them had been drawn, during the 
 firft Punic war, a great part of the fupplies which fupported the ex- 
 pences of the Carthaginian ftate. They wilhed to moderate the 
 exa£tions " of a people in whofe legiflation they had no fhare, 
 •* who difpofed of their property without their confent," and levied 
 their contributions with feverity, unlefs when they were paid without 
 reluftance. The coffers of Carthage were drained by the war, and 
 the arrears of the mercenaries were unpaid. A mutiny enfued, . 
 followed by a rebellion, in which the colonifls Joined the fo- 
 reign troops ; becaufe they expected to avail themfelves of the em- 
 baraffment of the ftate, in (frder to procure an alleviation of their 
 burdens. After wafting much more treafure than they might have 
 paid in taxes for many years, and after caufing the deftrudion of 
 many thoufands of their countrymen, they were compelled to returo 
 to their allegiance, and to fubmit themfelves to that yoke they had 
 attempted to (hake off. 
 
 The Lefl>ian8 alfo, like the Americans, had formed a plan to 
 render themfelves independent of their parent ftate, and they wait- 
 ed only for a proper opportunity to put it in practice. They com- 
 plained loudly of the tyranny and encroachments of the admini- 
 ftration of Athens, that fyftems of flavery and defpotifm pervaded - 
 All her councils, and that (he mifappliedand fquandered the money 
 (he levied from her colonifts on fpetCtacles and favourites, and ne- 
 gleded the intereft of the public. The true meaning of this . 
 language was, not that the councils of the Athenians were more 
 corrupted and tyiannical than ufual, but that the Lcfbiaus aipired 
 
 after 
 
 :;.<•*» 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 129 
 
 after independence! and thought the occafion moft fcafonable to 
 urge that claim. The Athenians were engaged in a formidable 
 war with Sparta and her allies, for the foverelgnty of Greece. 
 They could fcarcely fupport themfclves againft their foreign ene- 
 mies, far lefs could they vindicate their authority over their colo- 
 nifts. If Athens (hould not yield to their pretenfions, they needed 
 only to throw themfelves into the arms of Spaf ta, who would afford 
 them their protection. This plan was exceedingly plaufible and 
 flattering, and was readily embraced at Lefbo€. The a£livity, 
 however, of the Athenians anticipated the execution of it, and the 
 Lefbians had much reafon to repent their treachery. 
 
 The conduit of the twelve refradory colonies of Rome was 
 influenced by the fame principle, introduced by fimilar pretenfions, 
 though more modeftly expreffed, and attended by correfpondent 
 circuiiiflances. It feems evident, that thefe colonies had formed a 
 deflgn of independence, and that, had the Romans, inflead of 
 forbearance, proceeded to ufe force to compel them to fubmit, 
 they would have rebelled, or revolted to the Carthiginians. They 
 difputed not, however, the jurifdidion of Rome, nor complained of 
 the oppreffion of her adminiftration. They adopted the pretence of 
 inability to comply with her demands, and remained, with fullen- 
 nefs and obftinacy, on that ground. They wifhed, perhaps, for a 
 fpecious caufe of rebellion, or defedion ; and, after they had refolved 
 to revolt, like the Americans, thought it a matter of mighty confe- 
 quence who fliould firft draw the fword. The feafon was moft fa- 
 vourable for the advancement of their claims. Rome was in the 
 /' i; " . Kk ' deepeft 
 
 M 
 
 I ;. I 
 
 .:;.'-v 
 
 I ! i"-M 
 
130 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 decpeft diftrefs, and her refources were about to fail. One formi- 
 dable commander, with a powerful army, was at her gates. Ano- 
 ther army was on its march, and in a few weeks would have reach- 
 ed the capital. Rome berfelf was obligied to give way, and to grant 
 to thefe colonies a temporary independence. The fenfe, however, 
 the Romans entertained of the ingratitude and treachery of their 
 conduct, is Arongly marked by the fevere regulations introduced in- 
 to their government, and the heavy additional burdens impofed ou^ 
 them. 
 
 I 
 
 It is farther obfervable, that the right of Great Britain to impofc 
 taxes on her American colonies,<is Aipported by the pradice of the 
 greateft and freeft ftates of antiquity, the Carthaginian, Greeks, 
 and Roman. 
 
 Carthage, like Britain, was a great commercial nation. She exr- 
 ceiled all antiquity in the knowledge of naval affairs ; and Hie had 
 wifely applied that knowledge to promote the purpofes of trade. 
 Having experienced the emolument refulting from her commerce 
 with foreign ftates, fhe was extremely eager to eftabli(h colonies, 
 to render that commerce more beneficial* The voy,ages round 
 Africa, and along the coafts of the Atlantic, but particularly the 
 great armaments commanded by Hanno and Himilco *, are firong 
 proofs of the prevalence of her commercial fpirit. It is, however 
 of the management of her fettlements in the iflands of the Medi- 
 terranean, and along the coafts of that fea, that any accounts 
 
 remam; 
 
 * P-'ge 7- 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 131 
 
 remain ; and from thefe'we learn, as fimilar caufes, in all ar;e8, pro- 
 duce fimilar eflPedls, that her principles and pradlice, with refpeiSt to 
 her colonies, refembled very much thofe of Great Britain. She 
 fuperintended their commerce, and eftablillied fuch regulations con- 
 cerning it, as might lecure moft efFedtualiy the benefit of it to the 
 parent ftate. She relaxed or reftri£ted thefe regulations, according to 
 the fituation of the colonifts *. She did not, however,' think that 
 the monopoly of their trade was all the advantage fhe was entitled 
 to derive from them. She moft certainly collefted recruits for her 
 armies in her colonies of Sicily and Sardinia, and fhe employed 
 thefe recrditff in Africa or Spain, as the exigencies of the ftate re- 
 quired. She levied large contributions, both of money and corn, 
 from her colonifts in Africa, who fubmitted readily to her authority, 
 and complained only of the exorbitancy of her demands, or of 
 the feverity of her farmers of"the revenue. , 
 
 I 
 
 Had the fehtimchts now fo prevalent in America been underftood 
 by thefe colonifts, they would have remonftrated to the Carthagi- 
 nians, that they were entitled, by the laws of God and nature, to 
 be free, and that theit freedom confifted in giving and granting their 
 own money f* vvhich no power on earth had right to take from 
 them, without their confent ; that they had no controul over the 
 fenate or people of Carthage, who impofed thefe taxes, and, if the 
 latter could levy money from them for common defence, they might 
 take from them all the property they pofleflfed. What could defend 
 
 them; 
 
 ♦ Page 14. 
 
 t American Bill of Rights. 
 
 K.:* 
 
 V- 
 
 
 
 ! .-i 
 
 iiidi.. 
 
13^ 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 ihem againft a power fo dreadful ? They would have urged, that 
 legiflation and taxation are infeparable ; and they would therefore 
 pay no taxes, hecaufe they had no (hare of the government of Car- 
 tilage ; that the monopoly of their trade was jiiore than fulBScient 
 compenfation for the protedlion they enjoyed ; if the Carthaginians 
 wanted more, let them abolifli that monopoly, and they would 
 chearfully contribute their proportion of the public expence, when 
 conflitutionally . required* i and that, to pay taxes on other terms, would 
 be to confefs themfelves (laves, and to acknowledge that ■" the di- 
 *' vine author of our being intended a part of the human race to 
 " hold an abfolute property in, and unbounded power over others, 
 " marked out by his infinite goodnefs and wifdom as the objects of 
 *' legal domination, never rightfully refiftiblc, however fevere and 
 ^' oppreflSve f." The colonids qf Afqca never heard fuch lan- 
 guage, and were totally unacquainted with fuch principles. It was -^ 
 perhaps fortunate for them they were fo ignorant, as little doubt 
 feems to remain, that the .(late qf Carthage would have condrudted 
 fuch opinions to be. treafonable* 
 
 The fituation of the Greeks, in refpedt of their colonies, was fm- 
 gular ; and I have endeavoured to account for their conduct: towards 
 ^hem, from the particular circumftances of that fituation. It muft , 
 he allowed, that the former levied no taxes from the latter, till the 
 time of the Perfian invafion, and that, even poflerior to that aera, ' 
 regular t^XiCS ,were demanded by no ftate of Greece, except Athen?. 
 ^., ... Jhs 
 
 • American Peiition to the King, July 8. 1775. ' ,. ^ , 
 
 <{- American Declaration on taking up arou. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 »3S 
 
 ' ♦ 
 
 The authority, however, of this precedent cannot be employed in 
 favour of the Americans ; becaufe the fituations of the colonics are by 
 no means fi-iular. The reafon of the conduct of the Greek dates 
 was not, that they judged taxation illegal, jtUnjuft, or tyrannical, 
 but that no political connection fubfifted between them and their 
 colonies, which could entitle the former to levy fupplies from the 
 latter. Their colonics were not fettled, like the Americans, on lands 
 within the territories and under the jurifdidlion of the parent dates. 
 They received from them no protection, no afliftance, no privileges 
 of any fort. They were bands of citizens who could find no em- 
 ployment at home, nor fubfiftence in any provinces of the mother- 
 country. They were fent abroad as foldiers of fortune, to feek ha- 
 ''bitations, to procure fubfiflcnce, and to defend themfelves in the 
 beft manner they could. The parent dates could retain no domi- 
 nion over fucb colonids, and had no emolument to expert from 
 them. If the latter choofed to treat the former with the common 
 formalities of ceremony pradtifed in Greece in fuch cafes, they bad 
 nothing farther to demand. 
 
 a|b; , But, after the Perfian invafion, Athens hnvin^ acquired power, 
 foon found a pretext for levying taxes from her colonies ; and die 
 enntinued this practice till (he led her dominions, and, along with 
 them, her fupplies. She regulated, the amount of the money 
 any colony diould be obliged to furnidi. She converted, fome- 
 times, nrvilitary fervlces into taxes *, and even employed force, 
 when it was neceflar) , to fupport her requifitions. The cafe oi the 
 ' . - , v: ,; LI. AiiiCricaa 
 
 * Page 53* ' • ^ ■ 
 
 .; ■ m 
 
 ■l ' 
 
J 34 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 American colonies refembles that of the colonifta of Athens, pofte* 
 rior to the PerHan expedition. They have been planted on terri- 
 tories within the dominions of the parent ftate. They have recei- 
 ved from her encouragement, protedion, and fupport, and they 
 havefhared every advantage, confident vrith their fituation, fhe had 
 to beftow. That the Athenians would have fubjedted fuch colo- 
 nics to taxation, no doubt can exifl. That they would have em* 
 ployed the fword, as Great Britain has done, to vindicate her au- 
 thority and procure obedience, the whole hiftory of their coloniza- 
 tion evinces. 
 
 Even Sparta, the only other Aate of Greece, which poflelTed 
 ability to levy contributions from her colonies, would have treat- 
 ed the Americans in a manner nearly the fame as has been 
 done by Great Britain. She would not, indeed, have requi- 
 ted any annual tribute *; but (he would have demanded very heavy 
 occafional fupplies, whenever the exigiences of her ftate made theib 
 neceflaryt. 
 
 Of 
 
 • Pag« 47* 
 
 t A late author of much ingenuity and erUdititfb *i hai publifhed an imperfcA aN 
 ■count cf the colonization of Greece. He has orerlOoked the pradice both of Athens 
 and Sparta, pofterior to the Perfian invafion, when thefe ftates leTied contributions 
 from their colonies. Me feems to have attended only to the policy of Greece, pre- 
 ceding that aera ; and, therefofe, he reprefents the Greek ftates, as if they never had 
 claimed any jurifdiAion over their colonies, and the latter, as if they had afforded 
 
 the 
 
 *'Dr Adam Smith. 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 «35 
 
 Of all the ftatea of antiquity* the Romans cxercifcd the moft ex- 
 tenfive autliority over their colonies. They were jealous of their 
 aiming at independence; and they took the moft efFedual methods to 
 defeat that defign. They fubje£kcd them alU without exception, to 
 levies of money and troops ; and they regulated the amount 
 and the manner of collefting thefe levies. They difpofed of 
 both as they judged proper, without permitting the colonifts to 
 make the leaft inquiry into their management *. 
 
 The lives and fortunes of the Roman colonifts were compleatly 
 expofed to the operation of that unlimited power, of which the A- 
 mericans fo loudly complain, and which they reckon the eftence of 
 flavery ; namely, to have their mon ey taken from them without 
 their confent, by a body of men extraneous to their conftitutions, 
 and over whom they had no controul ; to have that money difpo^ 
 fed of by this body of men ab they judged expedient, without any 
 right being retained by the colonifts to inquire into the application 
 of it, " or to fee whether it be not wafted among the venal and 
 " corrupt, for the purpofe of undermining the civil rights of the gi- 
 " vers, nor yet to be diverted to the fupport of ftanding armies, in- 
 " confiftent with their freedom and fubverfive of their quiet ;" in a 
 word, *' to a power fo unbounded, as to include an accumulation of 
 
 " "all 
 
 the former every mark ol refped and afllftance, pr(nnpte<l folely by obligations of 
 alliance or fricndihip. I have ttie highell refpcA for the judgment of this writer; 
 but mud be allowed to obferve, that his information has been inoompleat. The 
 authorities I have quoted fully juftify this aflertioa. . • Page lo-i.' 
 
136 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 *' all injuries, a power which claimed a right to make lawo, to bind 
 «• them in all cilcs whill<)ever *." If tlip apparently dutiful and 
 temperate language of the twelve refractory colonies, in the fecond 
 Punic war, rcprefenting their inclination to furniOi fupplies, had 
 they poflcifcd rcfourccs for that purpofe, merited from the Ro- 
 man conCul the appellation of fedition and treachery, I leave the 
 reader to determine what name he would have given to opi- 
 nions which difclaimed the right to demand thefe fupplies, and 
 which held forth that right as iniquitous and tyrannical. 
 
 It may be remarked, in the lail place, that none of the parent 
 Aates of antiquity admitted their colonics to a participation of their 
 civil government, till thofe of Rome were allowed that privilege 
 by the Julian law. 
 
 The whole of the citizens of Carthage who had any fliare of the 
 legiflative power, refided within the original territories of the com- 
 monwealth, which were not very extenfivet- The people, in all 
 the antient republics, had fuch frequent occaHons to attend the pu- 
 blic aifemblies on the buHnefs of the ftate, that they could not be 
 conveniently ftationed at a diftance. A remote refidence was ( qui- 
 valcnt almoft to an exclufion from the right of citizenthip ; becaufe 
 that right could not be exercifed without much detriment. The 
 Tribus Faleria, one of the moft diOant of the Roman tribes, and 
 which occupied territory near the mouth of the Liris, was not fitu- 
 
 ated 
 
 \: 
 
 • MIni'tes of the Congrcfs, July 31. 1775. 
 ■\ Page 14. See note. 
 
 t ' 
 
if V 
 
 FREE STATES. 
 
 »37 
 
 11- 
 
 s < 
 
 V. 
 
 aled above eighty miles from the city. The greater part of the 
 tribes refidcd not beyond halt" thai diftance. From the nature of 
 the cafe, therefore, it is obvious, that the colonifts of the antient re- 
 publics, who were eftablifhed on lands generally much more re- 
 mote, would neither demand nor be permitted to retain the privi- 
 leges of citizens, bccaulc thefe could not be attended with any be- 
 nefit. 
 
 This theory is fupported by many fails, which neceflarily pre- 
 fuppoCe its truth. The colonifts of Africa cannot be imagined to 
 have rebelled againft the Carthaginians on account of the exorbi- 
 tancy ot exaftions, to the icnpofition of which they had them- 
 fclves cnafented. The colonifts of Athens and Sparta could not 
 poflibiy aflemble from Italy and Sicily, from Afia and Thrace, to 
 attend the diiVercnt coinitia of their parent ftates. But, with regard 
 to the Romans, the accounts of whofecolonization have defcended to 
 us moft entire, we have pofitivc evidence*, that their colonifts poflTcircd 
 no ihare \\\ the civil government of the mother-country antecedc^f 
 to the Ji'.lian law. After that law, they were admitted into the Ic- 
 giflativc b^dy f '^f the c.immonwealth, and contributed not a littl'e 
 to defir^y its cjnftitution. 
 
 * Pago 99, 
 
 M m 
 
 \ Pagi: 108. 
 
 . ,; )' • 
 
 SECT. 
 
 El' 
 
 iS^Sfi^S 
 
i:^ 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 SECT. 11. 
 
 Independent Principles not eaftly to he eradicated from the Minds of the 
 
 Americans — Modes of Settlement — The Jupporting a Standing Army 
 
 in America-'^lhe admitting into Parliament Repre/entatives 
 
 from the Coloni/is — Refpe^iive Advantages and Difadvaiitages of 
 
 each fcheme. 
 
 ■:\ 
 
 -\ '■ 
 
 THOUGH little doubt is to be entertained that his Maje- 
 fty*8 arras will foon prevail againd all oppofuion in America, 
 and reduce his rebellious colonifts to fubje^lion ; yet it is not to be 
 fuppofed, that the independent and unconftitutional principles, which 
 have taken fuch faft hold of the minds of the people, can be fud- 
 denly eradicated. Time only is able to produce compleatly that ef- 
 fedt. Till this, however, (hall happen, all that government can do 
 is to fortify itfelf againft the confequences of thefe principles. That 
 the colonifts, who are now fo opulent and powerful, as to think fe- 
 rloufly of refifting the whole force of one of the greateft nations on 
 the face of the earth, Ihould be fubjedled to fome part of the pu- 
 blic expence, all the laws of juftice and rcafon demand, and all the 
 precedents of antiquity authorize. The difficulty is to accomplifli 
 this end, and to fupporr, at the fame time, the authority of govern- 
 ment. One of two plans, it feems, muft be adopted. Either the 
 
 obedience 
 

 ''^^M 
 
 FREE STATES. 
 
 U9 
 
 obedience of the colonifts muft be enfiorced by a military power *, 
 or they mufl: be admitted to a (hare in the BrltiHi legiflatnre. The 
 firft will not fatisfy the colonifts ; the latter is a piece of felf-denial 
 fcarcely to be expedied from the parent ftate. The firft is counte- 
 nanced by the practice of the pureft republics of antiquity ; the lat- 
 ter would be the greateft facrifice to liberty that ever was offered by 
 any nation. Each plan has its advantages and difadvantages. It 
 may not be improper, perhaps, to take a fhort furvey of botl . 
 
 The American colonifts have, for feme time paft, watched the 
 principles and condud of Parliament, with the fame jealoufy and 
 folicitude which were exercifed by the people of England during the 
 laft century, in order to guard againft the encroachments of the 
 crown. Affuming as an indifputable maxim, that their territories 
 formed no part of the dominions fubjedt to the jurifdidion of the 
 Britiih parliament, and that they owed obedience only to the 
 legiflatures compofed of the King and their houfes of repre- 
 fcntatives, they have confidered all ads of parliament, impofing 
 internal taxes, as infringements of their liberty, no lefs illegal 
 than the levying of fliip moBey by Charles the Firft. As they judged 
 thefe deeds equally unjuft, it appeared of little confequence, whe- 
 ther they were executed by one man or by five hundred, by the 
 
 • The objefl of the Americans is to fubmlt themfelves, not to the requllitions of 
 parliament, but lo thcfc of the crown, which, confidently with their fyftem, 
 they reckon only conflituiionul. For this reiifcr, the refolution ol the Houfe of 
 Co:r.mons, permitting them to offer and colleft their own money for the com- 
 i'.-i)n dsfcnce, fecms equally oft'cnfive with direi5l tiixaiion. Though tliis mode of 
 fcttlcment, therefore, (lioul J be adopted, thr neccfiity of a large army in Aiiicr'ca will • 
 ftiil remain. 
 
140 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 King alone, or by the King in conjundtion with his parliament. 
 It is not my purpofe at prefent, to expofe the fophiftry of this po- 
 litical reafoning, nor to fhow from the nature of the conftitution, 
 the abfurdlty and falfehood of the principle on which it proceeds. 
 My iiitention is to trace the origin of the opinions which un- 
 fortunately prevail in America j and it is obvious* that jealoufy of 
 the power of parliament has produced there the fame averfion from 
 a {landing army, which the jealoufy of the prerogative generated, 
 during the laft century, in England. In both cafes, an army has 
 been held in the highefl deteflation, becaufe it has been reckoned 
 an irrefiftible and ready engine, in the hands of power, to deftroy 
 the liberties of the fubjedt. 
 
 During the courfe of the prefent century, the averfion againft a 
 ftanding army has gradually fubfided in Britain. The eftablifhment 
 of it, in time of peace, has infenfibly increafed ; and fo little is it 
 now apprehended to be hoftile to liberty, that the chief reafons of- 
 fered for its reduction are derived, rather from the expence than 
 the danger of it. Suppofing, then, from the example of our own 
 country, that the Americans may hereafter acquire the fame degree 
 of indifference on this fubjedt; yet that example will lead us to 
 conclude, that this aera muft ftill be at a confiderable dittance; and ^ 
 , that, in the mean time, they will view a ftanding army as their op- 
 .. preflbrs, and the government which adopts fuch a meafure as ty- 
 rannical. When, befides, we refled on the ambitious prcfpeds of 
 indepeVidence, they have for fome tin .ntertained, and have lately 
 avowed, the republican principles openly embraced and defended 
 
 '- -^ hy 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 141 
 
 .5 1 
 
 ^'^^i 
 
 by many of their leaders, but chiefly that fpirit of turbulence and 
 faction infinuated into them by the party at home, who wiHi to 
 embarafs the operations of government for the purpofe of forcing 
 themfelves into power, it is eafy to perceive that this mode of 
 fcttlement muft be not a.liule difagreeable to the colonies. 
 
 Difagreeable, however, as it may be to modern colonifls, little 
 doubt can remain, that it would have been adopted readily by the 
 Greeks and Roiiians in the management of theirs, had the prac- 
 tice been known in antient times. But neither the Greeks nor the 
 Romans maintained Handing armies in time of peace, unlefs the 
 military colonies ftationed in Italy during the civil wars may de- 
 ferve that appellation. The antient commonwealths abounded with 
 citizens trained to arms, from whom they were able, in a very fliort 
 ♦ime, to levy troops, in order to fupprefs fedition or rebellion in 
 a • cuarter of their territories. When the purpofe was accomplifh- 
 J Co: which thefe troops were muftered, they were marched home 
 and difbanded, to fave the public the expence of fupporting them. 
 But, to modern dates, filled with manufadurers and mechanics, few 
 of whom are bred to war, an army becomes in fome meafure necef- 
 fary to proteft thofe liberties, which cannot otherwife be fuccefs- 
 fully defended. That the free governments of antiquity would 
 have admitted fuch eftablilbments, had they not had other refources, 
 and that they would have judged them neither unrealbnable nor ty- 
 cannical, their treatment of their rebellious colonies abundantly de- 
 monftrates. The examplary puniftiment infli^ed on the colonies 
 
 N n of 
 
142 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 of Samoa* and Letbostbythe Athenians, and the confifcation and 
 banifhnient of the coloniftsof Velitrae by the Romans if, fully evince 
 that thele antient ftaies fcrupled not to employ much feverer chaf- 
 tilements than the maintenance of a, (landing army among their 
 , difcontented colonies, and, confequently, that they would not have 
 heHtatcd to adopt a meaiure comparatively mild* 
 
 ■■ \ 
 
 Thefe precedents of antiquity afford one of the flrongeft ar- 
 guments in favour of thia mode of fettlement. There is great 
 hazard of error in modelling any government on principles of 
 rpeculation ; and all changes of a civil conftitution will ever be 
 made, by wife politicians, with the utmoll refcrve. The moft pa- 
 tent road, perhaps, to defpotifm, is too refined notions of govern- 
 ment! attended with refolute and fearlefs exertions to realize 
 whatever (hall be thought pradlicable in fpeculation. It is impof- 
 fible to foretell the confcquences of important innovations in the con- 
 flitution of a ftalc, which may often prove fatal bt tore we arc 
 aware ; and a prudent legiflator will feldom chufe to extend his re- 
 formations far beyond the point at which the pradice of the pu- 
 reft times fupply him with precedents. Having reached that ftage 
 qf perfedlion, which has been the fortune only of a very fmall part 
 of polilhed nations, it is perhaps prudent to be fatlsfied, le(t, bji, 
 grafping what is unattainable, we lofe what we poflTefs. 
 
 What title, then, have the. Britifli colonifls of America to be more 
 independent than thofe of Athens or Rome ? No colonifts ever enjoyed 
 
 greater 
 
 * Page 53- 
 
 t Page 55- 
 
 X Piige 97- 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 143 
 
 greater advantages, or were fubjeded to fewer reftr'Kflions. The 
 ■extraordinary increafe of their population and riches, is the mod 
 inconteftible proof of the moderation of the government un- 
 ^er which they have hitherto lived. No colonies ever were fo 
 profperous and To happy. Great Britain has not hitherto op- 
 preflcd them. What will tempt her to do fo in future ? If fhc 
 has been fo favourable, when ihe could obtain no return, will 
 her condudl be reverfed when Ihe may expedl fome compenfation ? 
 If parliament incumber, and confequently diminiih, the cummeroe 
 of the coloniils, fo efTential, a^ is contended, to the wealth and im- 
 portance of the kingdom, will they hot as efFedtually hurt their own 
 interell as by the impofitionof any tax which affed^only the ifland 
 of Britain ? If the funds arifing from America be deficient, they 
 mud be replaced by fupplies collected at home ; if the commerce of 
 the colonies fhall fail, the price of the commodities of this ifland 
 tnufl: fall, and the authors of that failure will immediately fed 
 the confequences of their error. If America, then, fliall think it 
 reafonable to allow any indemnification for the immenfe fums df 
 money this country has fpent in her defence, and in raifing her to 
 a condition which enables her to rebel, fhe has ample fecurity a- 
 gainft the exorbitancy of the demands of the parent kingdom. TJ>e 
 'interefl, not to mention the juftice or the honour of parliament, will 
 be more conneded with the flouriftiing ftate of the trade of Ame- 
 rica, if it be fo important as is pretended, than it can be with any 
 tax which is at prefent levied in Great Britain. 
 
 '.-•i-.-r .- 
 
 11,'''! 
 
 in' 
 
 It 
 
 
 I hi 
 
144 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 It is to be fuppofed alfo, that the members of parliament, who 
 at prefent poffefs the right to impofe taxes on every part of the 
 Brltifh dominions, will be unwilling to have that right either ta- 
 ken from them or circumfcribed. There ia fcarcely an obligation, of 
 which individuals are fufceptible, that has not a correfpondent one to 
 which focieties may be fubje£led ; and, if the obligations contain nor- 
 thing unjuft or illegal, their being more or lefs favourable to one of 
 the contrading parties, is never reckoned a fufficient reafon for fettlng 
 them afide. If the condition of the colonifts of America, in re- 
 fpe<St of taxation, is unfavourable, who is to blame ? Did they not 
 voluntarily fubjed themfelves to this difadvantage, when they emi- 
 grated ? Is the right of taxation relinquiflied in any one of their 
 charters, tlie authority of which, in other refpeds, is held fo invio- 
 lable ? Is it not fuppofed in all, and exprefsly mentioned in fome 
 of them, to refide in the parliament of Great Britain? Can the 
 colonirt&exped, that parliament willrelinquKh any part of their jurif- 
 didion, becaufe they choofe to complain of it? Can complaints of 
 that jurifdlftion be well founded, when It has fcarcely ever been 
 cxercifed? Parliament is not only deprived of Its rights, but in- 
 fulted by fuch ufurpations. Such ungrateful condL*£l, may render 
 ijien of high fpirits more tenacious of their powers, but will never 
 induce them to refign thefe powers* No. (late ever made a fimllai' 
 refignation of its jurlfdifkion.. Itb/ , ; / <• 
 
 t .( 
 
 Moft of thefe inconveniences may be removed, fay the abettors 
 of reprefentation, by the admifTion of members from the colonies 
 to feats in the houfe of commons, in proportion to the fupplies 
 
 they 
 
 A 
 
FREE ST A T E S. 
 
 M5 
 
 they (hall ^urnifh to the ftate: The colonifts will readily accept 
 thefe terms of pacification, being the mod equal and favourable 
 they can poffibly obtain. Their leading men will be attached to 
 government, by the profpeft of emoluments and honours, fuperior 
 to any advantages they have to expeA, on fuppofition of the inde- 
 pendence of the colonies. The feeds of rebellion will be eradicated* 
 1>y fuch aconfpicuous proof of the juftice and moderation of the pa- 
 rent ftate, and by the fecurity the colonifts will acquire, that their 
 interefts (hall not be facrificed. They will be captivated with the 
 flattering hopes of feeing their influence increafed, according to 
 the augmentation of their contributions, and with the arrival, per- 
 haps, of the period, when American influence may preponderate in 
 parliament, when that influence may, therefore, transfer to their 
 own country the feat of empire, z- d thus, without hazard or con* 
 vulfion, may render that great continent, fo admirably (\tted by na- 
 ture for the purpofe, the refidence of one of the greateft arid freeft 
 governments which ever exifled. 
 
 As it is abfurdto fuppofe the conftitution of any government abfo- 
 lutely perfedt, as many improvements have already been made in our 
 own, when time enlightened the minds of men, and circumftances . 
 rendered thefe improvements neceflary ; is it not prepofterous to 
 maintain, that, after the prodigious additions which have been 
 lately made to the territories and riches of the Britifti dominions, 
 the fame reprefentation Ihould be retained in fuuatlons fo to- 
 tally difFcrcnt from thofe in which it was eftab'.Khed ? Is it not 
 highly exjicdient, that fome confiderahie alteration fliould be adopted 
 
 O o iit 
 
 
 '\ 
 
 \\--\l 
 
 
 nil 
 
14^ 
 
 coloni2:ation of 
 
 in the reprefentatlon of this ifland itielft fuitable to the dccreafc 
 of the population and importance of fome places and didridst and 
 to the increafe of others, occafioned bjr caufes which have come in- 
 to exiftence fince that reprefentation was fixed f Is it not ftill more 
 expedient) that fome confideration (hould be had of the extenfive 
 continent of America, growing in population and importance, be- 
 yond all precedent in the hiftory of civil fociety ? 1 hough the 
 power of Great Britain may fucceed at prefent, in fupporting her 
 jurifdid^iion over her colonics, though (he may continue to 
 preferve that jurifdidion for many years to come, by the 
 terror ot her arms ; yet, it is fcarcely to be fuppofed, that the fame 
 caufes will always produce the fame effedts, under a continued al- 
 teration of circumftances on the part of the latter, and that the 
 time will not arrive, when the refources of America may be ade- 
 quate to the plan of independence, Is it not, therefore, the beft 
 policy, to adopt that mode of fettlement, which moft effectually fe- 
 cures the attachment and emoluments of the colonies, without 
 checking their improvements and population, and which affords 
 the mod reafonable profped of perpetuating thefe advantages to the 
 lateft pofterity ? That the execution of this plan will be attended 
 with no convulfions or confequences dedrudive to the conflitution, 
 is apparent from the introdudion, into the two houfes of parliament, 
 of the reprefentatives of Scotland at the union, whofe influence and 
 votes produced no confiderable alteration on themealures of govern- 
 ment. It is, therefore, reafonably to be fuppofed, that the admif- 
 fion of an additional number of reprefentatives trum America, even 
 
 larger, 
 
 i . --i . 
 
 t , 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 «47 
 
 larger, if it were neceffary, than that from Scotland, would not oc- 
 cafion any immediate or important innovation. 
 
 But, not only will this mode of fettlement fecure to government 
 a confiderable additional revenue ; it will alfo fave more money per- 
 haps than can be drawn from America by taxation, on any other 
 plan, for many years to come. By removing even the appearance 
 of cHfafFctfition and difcontent, it will fuperfede the neceflity of ex- 
 penlive military eftablifhments on that great continent, which can 
 only be neceffary to keep the inhabitartis in fubjedion, becaufe thej 
 are expofed to danger from no foreign enemy. The money, con- 
 fequently, which would be expended in fupporting thefe eftablifh- 
 mcnts, might be applied to purpofes much more beneficial to the 
 flate. 
 
 ,1/ 
 
 I*. 
 
 I M 
 
 Neither have the prefent members of parliament any good rea- 
 fon to oppofe this mode of fettlement, on the ground of being de- 
 prived by it of any part of that jurifdidion and influence they now 
 enjoy. Th?y have gradually, for many years paft, been adUing to 
 both, in their charadter of legifl iters, by the natural progrefs of 
 improvements, and the exteufion of the refources of the kingdom. 
 It is now time to lay them mulcr fome reftridlions. Although they 
 ftiould not gain any power by the difpofal of an American revenue, 
 and the offices refulting from the management of it, they will ftill 
 retain much more influence than was enjoyed by their predecef- 
 fors, when the preilnv number ot repref-ntatives was afligned. The 
 additional bufineie and oflBccs which may arile from an American 
 
 revenue, 
 
 Sal! 
 
 rvmummiTci^ 
 
148 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 revenue, will be fufficicnt to occupy the additional reprefeatatiDn, 
 and to gratify and employ the members from the colonics. The 
 prefent members will bear the fame proportion to the bufmefs and 
 emoluments of the ftate as formerly ; andi though they gain no* 
 thing, they will incur no lofs. They have good reafon to be fa- 
 tisfied, though they acquire not the additional power derived from 
 an American revenue. They retain all they ever poffefled, and they 
 add (lability to the conftitution, which fecures the long continuance 
 of thefe pofTefHons. 
 
 The plan is vifionary and dangerous, reply the oppofers of this 
 mode of fettlement, and (hould not be adopted in a government fo 
 fituated as that of Great Britain. The colonics cannot properly be 
 reprefented in parliament, on account of their diAance, and other 
 circumftances ; and they requeft not that privilege. Is it not to 
 encourage rebellion, to load the rebels with advantages fuperior to 
 thofe they enjoyed before they renounced their allegiance, fuperior 
 to thofe enjoyed by all the territories of Britain beyond the limits 
 of this ifland ? Will not the world affirm, that thefe privileges were 
 conferred, becaufe they could not be with-held ? May not the in- 
 habitants of Quebec, Nova Scotia, the two Floridas, and the Weft 
 Indies, with equal propriety, demand reprefentation ? la it an ar- 
 gument, confiftent with the juftice or honour of Great Britain, to 
 maintain, that the latter are not in a condition to force her to grant 
 their requifition ; that their refources are fo final), their fituati')ns fo 
 dillant from one another, they cannot combine together, fo as to ren- 
 der their union formidable to the authority of the mother-country ? 
 
 She 
 
 • i" 
 
FREE STATES. 
 
 »49 
 
 « 
 
 :fi i. 
 
 She can govern them without reprcfentatives ; and therefore they 
 are not to expedt to be indulged in fuch ambitious requefts. May 
 not} in like manner, the Ead India company, with a good grace, 
 demand reprefentation, in proportion to the large revenue they ad- 
 vancc to the public, on account of the extenfive territorial jurifdic- 
 tion they pofTefs in Alia, under the protedion of Great Britain ? 
 In a word, if reprefentatives be admitted from the colonies now in 
 rebellion, is there any rcafon or jullice in denying them to any part 
 of the Britifh dominions which now can, or which hereafter may, 
 furnifh as good a claim to that privilege as thefe colonies ? 
 
 
 ' 
 
 What are the probable confequences of fuch innovations ? The 
 houfe of commons will reiemble a tumultuary Polifh diet, or a fe- 
 ditious afTembly of the people of Rome. That houfe, perhaps, is 
 already too numerous to difcufs with advantage the bufinefs it has 
 to execute; and agreat part of fuch alargebody of men can fcarcely 
 be fuppofcd to attend to that bufinefs. A wide field is difplayed for 
 the operations of fadipn and intrigue, by which the moft falutary 
 meafures of government may be retarded or fruftrated. The ma- 
 nagement and gratification of the members occupy the time of a 
 minifter, and leave him little leifure to concert or to execute plans of 
 extenfive and important fervice to the public. If fuch inconveni- 
 encies exift atprefent, what is to be apprehended, (hould the Houfe 
 of Commons become much more numerous ? All thefe inconve- 
 niencics may at leaft be fuppofed to be augmented in proportion. 
 It is of little confequencc to reply, that the afleftiblies of the people 
 
 P P under 
 
 ■. ■) 
 
 ♦' 
 
s« 
 
 COLONIZATION OF 
 
 under the antient republics were much more numerous than theHoufe 
 of Commons will be^ after any addition it can be fuppofed to re- 
 ceive. The truth is, very few of the members of thcfc aflemblics 
 N c?n be imagined to have undcrftood the public bufmefs of which 
 they pretended to judge. They had neither time nor capacity fuf- 
 ficient for that purpofe. They were led by the oratory or influence 
 of fome individual, and they concluded their decifions to be right, 
 becaufc they were dictated by fome partizan, in whofe difcernment 
 and patriotifm they rcpofcd confidence. The people appeared to 
 poflcfs the power ; but the demagogues really coverned the ftate. 
 
 This mode of fettlement refembles cxadlly, though on a lefs fcale, 
 the admifTton of all the allies and colonies of Italy to the freedom 
 of Rome by the Julian law ; and all the tumultuary and deftrudive 
 confequences of the latter mcafure may be in part expected from 
 the former. The admiiTion of the allies and colonics appeared rea- 
 fonable in itfelf, and feemed to improve the conftitution of Rome ; 
 in fa£t, however, it deftroyed that conftitution. It appeared to in- 
 troduce univerfal liberty, founded on the mod reafonable and libe- 
 ral principles *, but it produced only anarchy and confufion. It 
 appeared to provide full fecurity for all the intcrefts of all the allies 
 and colonies of Italy ; while it provided fecurity only for the inter- 
 efts of fadlion. It appeared to exalt the authority of reafon and 
 juftice in the government of Rome; but it baniflicd forever both 
 reafon and juftice from her affemblies. It appeared to eftablifh 
 j>cace and tranquillity in the ftate ; but it gendered only convulfions, 
 
 affaf- 
 
M 
 
 FREE STATES. 
 
 «5» 
 
 aflaflinations, and civil wars, ami, uficr a few p.iroxyfns, tcrinlna- 
 ted in defpotifin. 
 
 What power will prevent Great Britain from (luring a fi:nilir 
 fate in fimilar circumftanccs, with the republic of Home ? Fac- 
 tious and ambitious leaders are to be found in modern timed, as 
 well as in thofe of antiquity. The members from the colonics msy 
 be attached to fuch men, or dependent on them. Party-fpirit m»y 
 blind their underftandings, or corruption may procure their fulTru- 
 ges. Their fortunes will not be fo independent, nor their fcnti- 
 ments perhaps, fo liberal as thofe of moft of the reprefentatives from 
 this ifland ; and men of this difpofition are half difpofed to the 
 purpofes of faftion. The Houfe of G)mmons is already divided, 
 and the junction of the new members may make either fcale pre> 
 ponderate fo much, that the confequences are tp be dreaded. We 
 have lived long in poflfefnon of much liberty : Let us be fatisfied> 
 le((, by grafping the fhadow, we lofe the fubftance. 
 
 I leave the reader to judge of the refpedlive merits of thefe modes 
 of fettlement, and to determine which of them def^rves to be pre> 
 ferred. He will probably conceive the advantages and difadvan- 
 tages on both fides to be fo equally balanced, and the decifion 
 fo doubtful, that all parties ought to be fatisfied whichfoever plan 
 (hall be adopted. 
 
 Kir 
 
 1 l„ 
 
 r jf' 
 
 THE END. 
 
 '- k 
 
 W-4