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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. 12 3 1 2 3 ' 4 S 6 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, OT THE LEGISL.iTVRE t)F JMSSdCIWSETT.^; CON TAINI N'G TliS SPEECH OF HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR STRONG ; WITH THE ANSWER OF THE SENATE AND HOLoEOF REPRESENTATIVES; REPORTS OF Tim SEVERAL COMMITTEES OF BOTH DRANCIiliS, ON THK MOST IMPOllTANT SUBJECTS REFEIIHED TO BY HI« EXCELLENCY; AND / ■ A REMONSTRANCE or THE LEGISLATURE TO C0N(.;RESS, »*t ON nil': , PRESENT UNHAPPY WAli. rubll\hi'(l by order of both Jlontet^ nosTON; I'niXlT.D BY HUSSEI.I. AM) CUl'T.VH. IMI •»• ^1^ 3(^ COMiVJO.VWF.AI.TH OF MASSACHUSETTS. In Senate, June IS, 1813. Jiesolifed, 'i'iiui Lwo ihoiuuuid L(jplos Ik; printed of the Speech of Ilib Excellency the Governor, Xlw Answer of the Sen- ate and House of Representatives ; Memorial of the Legislature to Con{;ress ; the Eeport < ^ the Committee relating to the intio- iluction of New States, beyond the original territory of the United States; the Report of the Committee relative to the defence of the s'.a coast; and the lleport of the Committee relating to the refusal of the President to distribute the proportion of arms be- longing to this Commonwealth ; and the Clerks of the Senate and House of Representatives, are hereby directed to transmit one copy of each to the Governor, Lieutenant Oovcj'nor, and each member of the Council, and each member of the Senate and House of Representatives of this Commonwealth, and to each member of the Senate and House of Representatives from this Common- wcaltli, in the Congress of the United States, and to the Selectmen of each town, and tl Assessors of each unincorporated plantation in ib.is Commonweauh. Sent down for concurrence, JOHN PHILLIPS, J'residettt. ^ In tl:c Honsi- of Representatives, June 16, 18!3, licad aiid cutirurrcd, riMc; 1 ny innr.Low, 6yttfa*er. ?s . -- ■ • ■ 1 ' TS. SPEECH. fe-" . ■ 1813. "^ -' • - • nc'd of the >f the S(M> the inti o- thc United defence of uing to the, f arms be- Senate and •ansmit one , and each and House nieniber of i Common - i Selectmen ;l plantation ^resident. 13, S/teaker, Gentlemen of the House of Represenfal'ves, Ihe situation in which I am again placed imposes a duty upon me, by every exertion in my power, to pro- mote the interest and safety of my fellow- citizens ; their approbation of rny conduct the last year, is pe- culiarly grateful, as it leads me to hope that my ser- vices in the year to come will be considered with the same indulgence : without it, I feel my incompetence at this difficult season, to discharge, in a satisfactory manner, the duties of the office which I have luider- taken. In pursuance of the authority given by the Resolve passed at the last Session of the General Court, em- powering the Governor, with advice of Council, to adopt certain defensive measures for the protection of the towns and harbors in the Commonwealth, three judicious persons, skilled in military affiiirs, were com- missioned to carry into efl^ct the intentions of the Legislature, expressed in the Resolve. The Secretar)- will deliver you a report of their proceeding* under that commission. By a law of the United States, passed in April, 1808, the annual sum of two hundred thousand dollars was appropriated for the purpose of providing arms for tlir militia of the United States, ro be transmitted to the several States, in proportion to tlic number of tlie eftective militia in each State, and to be distributed under such regulations as should be prescribed by the State Legislatures. In compliance with the request ot the late General Court, in their Resolve abovcmen- tioned, I applied to the Executive of the United States, and requested such supply of muskets as might be conveniendy furnished, and as might be considered the proportion to which this Commonwealth was entitled. A copy of the answer to this application, which I have received trom the Secretary of War, will also be laid before you. v As we are engaged in War with a nation of great maritime strength, your attention will be directed in a particular manner to those parts of our extensive sea- coast, where the people are most exposed to depreda- tions ; and being deprived of their usual means of support, have already suffered severely, and are in clanger of still greater evils. I have no doubt you will be disposed to afford them every assistance they may stand in need of, within the power of the State Govern- ment. It belongs to the National Government to pro- tect each of ihe^ States in the Union, and provide for the common delence ; Init if an invasion should be made or attempted on any juirt of our coast, I am con- fident tj.it our militia would promptly, and with cheer- fulness, exert their utmost endeavours to repel it. We are bound to obey the laws made in conformit} with our Constitutions ; but those Constitutions ensure to us the freedom of speech ; and at this momentous period it is our right and duty to inquire into the grounds and origin of the present war; to reflect on the state of public affairs, and express our sentiments concerning them with decency and frankness ; and to endeavor, as far as our limited influence extends, to pronjote, by temperate and constitutional means, an honorable reconciliation. By an unnc»ccssary war, the ?r of tlie- stributed L'd by the e request )ovcmen- ed States, might be idered the i entitled, ch I have io be laid 1 of great ected in a nsive sea- » depreda- means of nd are in it you will they may e Govcrn- nt to pro- rovide for should be I am con- /ith cheer- oel it. ;onformity ons ensure lomentous z into the reflect on sentiments is ; and to xtends, to means, an ■V war, tlio & • deepest guilt is Incurred ; and therefore every belli- gerent nation should inquire whicii of the contending parties is chargeable with this guilt. When war was declared against Great Britain, our complaints were chiefly founded upon her Orders in Council; and though they were revoked within four days after the declaration was published, it will be Useful to attend to them when we are considerinc: the necessity of that measure. In November, 1806, the French Emperor issued his BerHn Decree, declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, and forbid - ing any commerce or correspondence with them. — To this succeeded the British Orders in C )uncil, asd other French Decrees, some of which were of a still more exceptionable character. Although the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and the Orders in Council, were injurious to neutral rights, it would be uncandid to suppose that the direct obj^xt of either nat'on was to injure the commerce of neutrals. The French Decrees might be thought necessary by that government to effect the subjugation of Great Britain ; and the Orders in Council were declared br the latter to be retaliatory measures, adopted in eon- sequence of the aggressions of her enemy, and to be revoked when those aggressions ceased. In their ar- duous struggles they seem to have thought only of themselves ; and while those struggles continued, we must have known that our commercial intercourse with them would be exposed to numerous embiurass- ments ; but we were consoled with the reflection that these would be counterbalanced by the advantages we derived from the war in Europe. Indeed it is probable if our Government had maintained a system of impar- tial neutrality, and had imposed no restrictions on trade, that notwithstanding those Decrees and Orders, we might, by reason of our neutral character, have en- joyed a f:ommerce more Incrafivc i'or tiie last seven years, than would have fallen to our share had Uie whole world been at peaec. In May, 1810, the Congress directed that the Non- Intercourse Act should cease as to that belligerent which should first so revoke its edicts as that they should cease to violate our neutral commerce, and that it should operate on the other which should neglect so to do withiti thrt^e months afteir the President's Pro- clamation, declaring the fact that such revocation had taken place. On the 10. h of August following, the Duke of Cadore in a letter to our minister in France, stated that the Berlin and Milan Decrees were revoked, and that after the first of November then next, they would cease to have effect ; it being understood that the English should revoke their Orders in Council, and renounce their new principles of blockade ; or that the United States should cause their rights to be re- spected. This letter was considered by the Presidciit as an absolute repeal of the French Decrees, though it appeared to many persons at that time to have been only a provisional repeal, upon conditions that might never happen, and was not confirmed by any instsu- ment of which the courts or people of France were obliged to take notice. The President, however, on the '2d of November, 1810, announced by Proclama- tion that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan were revok- ed ; and in March following, the Congress passed a law confirming that Proclamation, and the revival of the Non-Intercourse against Great Britain. When our Government was thus committed, it was the policy of the French Emperor to convince the British nation that his decrees were not revoked, and he took effectual measures for that purpos>e. His pub- lic ships by his authority and under his instructions committed depredations on our commerce and burnt our vessels ; the French cruisers and privateers cap- tured them and thcv were condemned in the French had the the Non- ellinjerent that they , and that leglect so nt's Pro- ation held wing, the I France, revoked, lext, they ,tood that jncil, and ir that the be re- President though it lave been lat might ly instBU- nce were vever, on Voclama- re revok- passed a revival of ^d, it was ^ince the >ked, and His pub- tructions ind burnt eers cap- c French Courts ; nor has France made the least reparation for the pkuidtT. On the 31st of March, 18II, the Em- peror declared to his Council of Commerce that the decrees of Berlin and Milan were the fundamental laws of his Empire, — Many other declarations of this kind were made by the French Government, and though our ministers remonstrated against them as contain, ing no exception in favour of the United States, and requested some authentic act of the French Govern- ment to justify our national measures, no satisfaction could be obtained. If the President had then revoked his Proclamation, the numerous evils that have fol- lowed from that unfortunate measure might have been prevented. But as if the French Emperor was deter- mined to put our Governrsient in the wrong, the Duke of Bassano, in May, 1812, when it might be presumed that war between this country and England would take place, produced to Mr. Barlow a decree w»^'cb bore date the 28th of April, 1811, repealing crees of Berlin and Milan, and assigning as th of the repeal, the Act of Congress of March, To suppose, therefore, that the French decrees repealed on the 2d of November, 1810, involves the absurdity that the effect took placv; long before the cause. At the same time that the above decree was pro- duced by the French Minister, he informed Mr. Bar- low that the decree had not been published ; but declared it had been communicated to our former Minister in France, and likewise sent to the French Minister here, with orders to communicate it to Mr. Monroe. On the correctness of this statement it mav be improper to form an opinion until our Governme.c explain the transaction. But of this we may be cer- tain, that if that decree was made in April, 1811, ac- cording to its date, it was concealed for the purpose of producing a war between this country and Great Brit- ain ; for the party who concealed it' n'cl! knew, thnt I 11 that decree was known in England, the Orders in Council would be revoked. If the decree bore u false date, and had not been communicated to our Ministers, no man, either in the Administrati'^n or among the people, can hereafter doubt concerning the character of the French Government, or the impositions prac- tised upon us. The principal remaining alleged cause of hostility is the impressment of seaiix-n from our merchant vessels. The war in Europe opened to these States suc!i an extensive field for commercial enterprize, that it might have been difficult to procure immediately such num- bers of American seamen as could profitably be em- ployed. Our wealth and navigation increased v/ith a rapidity which has never been exceeded ; many thous- ands, therefore, of British seamen deserted that service for a more safe and lucrative employment in ours ; and greater numbers might have resorted to us, if they had not beeii apprehensive, that the British navy would re- claim them. But if there had been no competitors from abroad, as men will always employ their industry in the manner they find the most advantageous, the high price for that species of labour would soon have induced a sufficient number of Americans to become seamen ; in that case, the danger of impressment by British ships would have been prevented. It appears, therefore, that British seamen have been patronized at the expense of our own ; a 1 should Great-Britain how consent to reliriquish the right of taking her own sub- jects, it would be of no advantage to our native sea- men ; it would only tend to reduce their wages by in- creasing the number of that class pf men. The British Government has never claimed a right to take our native Ameiican seamen ; had such claim been made, we all should have uruted to resist it. Great-Britain only claims the right of taking her own le Orders in ,' bore a false jr Ministers, • among the the character isitions prac- 3f hostility is hant vessels. ates sucli an that it mii^ht V" such num- tably be em- eased with a many thous- l that service in ours ; and }, if tliey had vy w^ould re- competitors heir industry itageous, the Id soon have IS to become )ressment by It appears, patronized at -Britain how ler own sub- r native sea- wages by in- limed a right :1 such claim to resist it. Ling iier own 'subjects from neutral merchant vessels. In doinjjthis., IVoni a similarity in kuiguagc, our citizens have some- times been subjected to impressment; but so tar as I have heard, they have been discharged when apphca- tion was made in their behalf, and evidence furnished of their citizenship. In some instances, there meiy have been a wanton exercise of power by the impressing officers; but it is impossible for the best regulated State wholly to control the, actions of its subjects, or restrain ai its military and naval oflicers in their distanC operations, from insolence and oppiession ; it is, there- fore, a rule of national law, that the laults of individu- als shall noL be imputed to the nation, unless they are approved and ratified by the government. Some abuses must undoubtedly happen from the difficL'lty of distinguishing Americans from ^ilnglish- men. But it appears from the examinations already made, that these abuses have been greatly exaggerated, and that only a small number of native Americans arc in the British service, who have not voluntarily engag- ed ; and of these the British minister, before the war, requested our government to furnish a list, that meas- ures might be taken for their discharge. It is proba- ble, that more ♦^han one third of the native American seamen belong to this state, and three-fourths are sup- posed to be from the States of New- York and New- England ; if the number detained in British ships had been great, the complaints would have been loudest from this part of the Union ; but the fact has been quite otherwise. You, gentlemen, represent every town in the Commonwealth, and will be able to ascertain how ; many of your neighbours are held, without their vol- j untary consent, in the navy of Great-Britain. All the European nations agree in founding allegi- ance upon the circumstances of nativity ; they claim , and treat as subjects all those who are born within the j Confines of their domhiionsi although removed toanp,- 2 titer cc Jiitry in their youth. This doctrine of allegi ance is also the common law of our own country, am as such, it often has been, and probably always will bw recognized by our courts. The sovereigns of Europe have also universally as- ■sunied the right of prohibiting whenever they please, the departure of tlieir subjects out of the realm ; and we are told by the most approved writers on the law uf nations, that a State has just cause of complaint against another which entices away, and employs its useful subjects. That every government has a just claim to the service of its subjects in time of war, and tliatall those whoabandon their country when in danger, are deserters which she lias a right to punish. It was upon this principle, that our laws for the confiscation of absentees' estates were passed, and if the principle is unsound, those laws were unjust. Great-Britain complains, that we have allured her seamen into our employment by holding up superior indue ^rnents to them to quit her service and engage ia ours ; and this too, at a time when she was contending for all that was dear to her, against the most formidable and efficient force, that in any age of the world, has been united under one head. She asserts, that her seamen are essential to her safety ; that though they Lire not liable to be taken from our national ships, and we have a right to protect them while they remain within our territories ; yet, if they pass into her do- minions, or if in transacting their own affairs on the high-way of nations, they come within her power, she has a right to take tiiem in virtue of her prior claim j that the nations of Europe have for ages claimed and exercised this right, and that she can never relinquish it, so long as wc employ her seamen without endan- gering the existence of her navy. ^Vhat hope of peace then can reasomibly be entertained while such a sacri- fice is required of her i* A nation ought first Uj do jus 'W 4. - •*- «.-- 11 ne of allegi [country, aiK ways win be jiversally as- they please, realm ; and s on the law )f complaint employs its t has a just of war, and 2n in danger, ish. It was confiscation the principle allured her ; up superior id engage in s contending it formidable le world, has rts, that her though they al ships, and they remain into her do- ilfairs on the r power, she prior claim j claimed and er relinquish Lhout endan- ope of peace such a sacri- st Uj do jus- tice to others, before it demands justice of them ; when war was declared, we knew that Great- Britain had suffered greatly by tne desertion of her seamen into our service ; but had we done any thing to prevent or discourage it, though she alleged that they were necessary to her defence ; and to us, thev were onh useful as the means of acquiring wealth. In tlie war between France and England, v/e pro- fessed to be a neutral nation. This amounted to an engagement on our part, that we would, in all things, shew an exact impartiality between the contending parties; and policy as well as justice demanded of us an equal attention to both. But have we maintained this exact impartiality towards the belligerents ? Have not the restrictions upon our own commerce been calcu- lated, as deeply to wound the interests of Great-Britain, without impairing the resources, or disturbing the continental system of her enemy? We have expressed a just sympathy for our sean^en, who are detained in British ships ; but have we shown a like sensibility for those who are confined in French prisons, until discharged by enlisting on board their cruizers. When the war commenced, had we not received as many and grievous insults from the French government as from the British ? And in what manner have we resented them ? Although in proportion to her maritime means of annoyance, we had suffered much greater losses from France than from Eno-land, has not our lan^-iiaffc to the former been mild and conciliating, and have we not to the latter indulged in offensive reproaches and undeserved asperity ? Men who sincerely desire peace, will not employ themselves to multiply the causes of dispute, and excite jealousy and irriiation between the people of the two countries ; they will rather allay the passions than inflame them, and will think it no dimin- ution of our dignity, if in doubtful cases we rcjcde from a supposed right, huIkm- than snnpoit it by arti- fice and violence. I If It has beoii often asserted, that our national honor compelled us to engage in a war with Great-Britain-— The honor of a nation consists in the display of its wis- dom, justice, moderation, and magnanimity ; it re- quires the Government to regulate its conduct for the greatest advantage of the State, and to pursue that se- ries of measures, which most effectually promotes the welfare of the People. But that species of honor which would prompt us to wage war for every supposed in- stance of abuse or disrespect is not the honour of a wise and moral people — A proud or passionate individual will sometimes claim a right to sport with his own life, by putting it in hazard against the life of another. — But few men will avow, that Government has a right to expose the safety of the State, and the lives and for- tunes of the citizens, merely to indulge its passions or gratify its ambition. So far as conquest may be considered as the object' of the present War, its policy, to say nothing of the justice of it, must be extremely doubtful. A few indi- viduals may gain by an offensive War, but the great body of the People have nothing to gain or hope for. In republics, the increase of power and wealth has of- ten occasioned severe calamitie.., by increasing their pride and arrogance, and inspiring rash councils and extravagant measures. But when they have been suc- cessful in foreign war, and acquired the title of con- querors, I think they have invariably and speedily lost their form of Government. A TiUn who has a large army at his control, must have the virtue of a Wash- ington, not to make use of it for his own aggrandize- ment. The National Constitution was formed and adopted for our own defence ; there is not a clause in it, in which an extension of our territorial limits was contemplated. — The Congress, indeed, were authoriz- ed to admit new Stales into the Unioii ; but every man knew, that under the ConlVdcration it had been pro- j?osed to form a number of .elates in the western tei:. i^ oiiul honor -Britain— of its wis- ity ; it re- uct for the ue that se- 3 motes the 3nor which pposed in- ir of a wise individual is own life, another. — las a right es and for- passions or the object ling of the \ few indi- t the great r hope for. ilth has of- ising their >uncils and : been snc- itle of con- leedily lost has a large f a VVash- ^grandize- )rnied and ,1 clause ill limits was I authoriz- L'very man been pro- esterii irf, 13 ritory, and Vermont was even then a candidate for admission. 1 presume, that no one thought of giving ConjT-ress the power to obtain by purchase or conquest the territories of other nations, and annex them to the United States, and form them, or subdivisions of them, into constituent parts of the Union. A SUSPICION has been intimated, that the hostility of the Indian tribes was excited by British influence ; as no proof has been offered to us on this subject, it might be sufficient to say, that a regard to vague and uncertain suspicions, exposes a nation to become an unjust aggressor. But has not our coiiduct towards those trilDCS been often oppressive and unjust ; and have we not indulged an eager desire to obtain possession of their lands," when we had already millions of acres which we could neither cultivate nor dispose of? Per- haps the late unfriendly dispositions of the Indians may be accounted ibr, by "the march of a hostile army into their countrv, and the batde which ensued, many months before war was declared against England. In the present moral state of the world, it would seem, that our political friendship should be formed with some regard to that state. But are we encour- aged by the moral (pialities of the French government to take part in its wars ? Or will any one say, that the cause of France is more just than that of Spain, Portugal, or Ru^../ia, or that her success would be more conducive to the happiness of mankind"? Or should we cultivate the friendship of France, because she can do us more injury than Kngland, or because her maij- ners, religion, or" policy, are more congenial to ours? In our emi;arrassed and alarming situation, it is, indeed, a very favourable circumstance, that the Peoiiie have so generally expressed their utter aversion to a r rencU alliance ;— such an alliance would be llie greatest cu- Mmity, and must produce die most fatal eifects. » 14 IM It is my wish, gciitlcnicii, in making these observa- tions, that they may lead lo a dispassionate review of our conduct towards England and France, and of theirs In relation to us. While we attend to what is due to ourselves, we are not to forget what we owe to others ; and in cases liable to the least doubt, the claims even of an enemy should be impartially exammed. If, upon such examination, we are convinced that the War is necessary, we shall be justified in affording our volun- tary aid to support it. But if we discover, that our opinions or measures have been erroneous, we have the strongest motives, both from interest and duty, to relinquish them. We may, indeed, deceive ourselves, and even resolve to cherish the deception ; but the Supreme Arbiter, to whose retributive justice the most solemn appeal has been made, cannot be deceived, and will not with impunity be mocked. In times of party Zealand public commotion, it niav be difficult on some occasions to discern wiiat is right. But I hope, that with a fixed attention to the duties imposed on us by our National and State Constitutions, and with a humble reliance on the Divine direction, the Members of this Government will in this perplex- ing period, preserve consistency of conduct, and ad- here with undeviating constancy to the principles ot justice and truth. CiVLEli STRONG. il%28, isi:.. 5e observa- I review of nd of theirs Lt is due to to others ; ms even of If, upon he War is our voiun- ', that our *, we liave id duty, to ourselves, ; but the ;e the most eived, and on, It niav Lit is right, the duties stitutionS; direction, s perplex - :, and ad- inciples of lONG. ANSWER OF THE SENATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO THE GOYERNOR-S SPEECil Miuj it idcase ijoiiv ExceUpuciif The Senate of Massachusetts have met jolu" Ex- cellency, at the opening of the present political year, Avith the most lively emotions of respect and affec- tion, and witii devout thankfulness to the Author of all good, for your re-election to the office of Chief Magistrate. In this event, so propitious to the best interests of Qur country, we discern a satisfactory evidence of tlie viitue and intellisience of our fellow'- roLx. citrzens — and we^an assure your Excellency, thai the enlightened people of this Commonwealth have witnessed your administration, during the past year, not only with entire approbation, but Avith the a\ ai mesi' sentiments of veneration and gratitude. The cheer- fulness, with which your Kxcellency has again ac- cepted tliis high and responsible oiUce, doubly ardu- ous at this perilous crisis of our affairs, is a renewed proof of the pure and exalted patriotism for whicU your Kxcellency has ever been distinguished. Tlie Senate consider the view which your Excel- lency, in your communication to the Legislature, has tflken of the causes which have produced the [)rrsent calamitous situation of the country, to !)e so clejir and comprehensive, that it would be dilficuU to makeujiy observaiions in their ausiwer. which your Excellency ha« not Ritficipated. ':, ;! i w > 1 i 16 A frequent recinteuce to the principles of our Con- stitutions is necessary to a proper understanding and support oi* our rights and privileges. That the freedom of speech and of the press is essential to the preservation of our free governments : — that all political power is derived from the people : that they may resume the trust which was delegat- ed for their welfare, w henever it shall be exercised to their ruin ; and that allegiance and protection are reciprocal — are positions in which all agree. These rights arc indeed liable to abuse. The free- dom of speech may degenerate into licentiousness : and the inherent right of the people to alter and amend their systems of government, may be perverted to the purposes of ambition. But notwithstanding the diffi- culties and dangers which must be encountered for the attainment and support of Ci> il Liberty, yet its blessings are a full reward for all the care and exer- tion necessary to its- preservation.^ The Constitution of the United States was the re- sult of mutual forbearance an. I liberal compromise. There w ere, !iowever, certain great interests, which were understood to claim its peculiar regard* Among the most prominent of these were the en- couragement and protection of commerce. — This was iustly considered by the New-England and navigat- *ing States, as an indispensable condition of the com- pact. It was commerce which gave value to their enterprise and agriculture; and so careful were they to guard this sinew of their strength, that a provision was introduced into the Constitution itself, exempting all exports from duty. This regard to commerce was not n<»vel ; for in the Declaration of Independence it rorms a csts, which rd* jrc tlic cn- — This was lid navigat ■ )f the cora- ue to tlicir I were they a provision , exemptina; iimeree was [icndcncc it eat Britain^ 17 that she had cut off onr trade with all parts of the world. It is not to be supposed that the navigating state* would have adopted the constitution if they had fore- seen that the eft'ect of it would be the destruction of their commerce. Soon after the constitution went into operation the war in Europe broke out, and the citizens of the United States were necessarily affected by its conse- quences. It was then that the patriotism and firmness of Washington were again tried. Moved by considera- tions uf justice as well as of policy, notwithstanding the embarrassments of a powerful opposition, and with means and resources inconsiderable, compared with those which were in the power of the present administration— -he took and maintained the ground of an impartial neutrality. The state of prosperity wliicli followed this mag- nanimous course, was unexampled in ilie history of tlie world. It was emphatically the golden age. Our com- merce was extended through the world, richly re- warding the labour and enterprize of the farmer and the merchant, and furnishing abundant revenues for the support of government. With such an example be- fore them, was it to have been expected that any admin- istration, under circumstances nearly similar, would pursue an opposite policy? Could it have been be- lieved that the original ground and bond of the union wonld be abandoned ? that measures would be adopt- ed and pursued with undeviating perseverance de- structive of our commercial advantages ? that a naval defence should not only I)e neglected ])ut represented as an exIrnvngMut nnd useless expenditure ! ■^M m\ % s ■ ,1 i! i i H )' ... Id; It was naturally to be supposed that both Oreat Britpin and France would be desirous of the aitl ot the United States in their sanguinary contest ; bu it ,vas obviously the duty and for the interes of this country to remain perfectly neutral. Why then hag our country been involved in war, especially witli that power whose means of annoyance so SJ't^^^^iy ex- ceed those possessed by the other? Was Great Brit- iun selected for our enemy because she has paid less vesard to her treaties than France ? In u ter contempt of lier engagement, that free ships should make tree o-oods, France has plundered and confiscated Amer • rican property wherever it should be found. While one of these rival powers has, according to her agree- ment, compensated in damages with interest for iii^u- lies of which we complained, the other has avoided her compacts by the shameless avowal that she tinds areal inconvenience in their performance. While one of them has convoyed, the other has burnt our ships in every sea. The principal alleged cause of the war, was the Orders in Council ;— and although they have ceased, it is still necessary to consider the circumstances un- der which thev were issued, riglitly to understand tlie crounds and ongin of that disastrous measure. Our Ministers in London had concluded a treaty fipon all the points in dispute between the two coun- li'ies, iust at the time when the Berlin Decree Was published, prohibiting to neutrals all intercourse with Gieat-Bri'tain. Aware of the injuiies winch she must sustain from that flagrant violation of the law ol na- tions, she frankly informed our government, tliat it (contrary to all expectation) tlie United States sub. initled to that outrage, she should be obliged to retal- iate upon b^-auce by prohibiting to neutrals all trade Willi lu'v. T\w Berlin Decree was immediately en- iurced upon all Amerieau property within the reach a \\,\ h Oreat le aid of t ; but it 3t of this then has [illy with eatly ex- reat Brit- paid leas contempt lake free lid Amer. . While ler agree- t for inju- s avoided , she finds ►Vhile one ir ships iu , was the ve ceased, tances nn- M'staud the lie. d a treaty two eoun- )ecree was course witli li she must law of na- eut, tliat if States sub- ed to retai- ls all trade idiately en- i the reach 19 ©f French rapacity, as well in neutral territories as on the liJo'h seas. This was known to our govern- jnent : —tor it appears that as early as May, I8O7, they informed our minister in France, that " there were proofn that the West India privateers had, under colour of that edict, committed depredations, which •would constitute just claims for redress." The treaty was rejected hj tlie Pi-esident as un- worthy of the consideration of tlie Senate : notwith- standing the duty to preserve an exact impartiality, 110 efficient measures were taken against France, for her violation of her treaty as well as of the law of na^ lions : and after waiting nearly a year, Great- Britain issued her Orders in Council, of 11th November, I8O7, retaliating the aggressions of Franc<^, in pursu- ance to tlie notice before siven. These, as your Excellency observes, were declar- ed to be " retaliatory measures, adopted in conse- quence of the aggressions of Jier enemy, and to be revoked when these aggressions ceased.*^ Our government contend that France lias l)eoii tlie first to do justice to the United States : That she re- pealed her decrees, and ceased to violate our neutral rights in November, 1810 ;— and therefore, that Great Britain ought to have revoked her Orders : That, ia consequence of her refusal, the Act of Congress, of March, 1811, ^^^^H rightfully passed, prohibiting all intercourse with Great- Britain-— a measure which the Emperor has graciously condescended to consider as " an act of resistance to the British Orders." T'-- qtiestion is thus brought to a single point.— Bid 1 lancc repeal her Decrees; and cease to \inhiU\ our neutral rights in November. 1810 ? If she did, Great-Britain was bound upoi} her ouji principles to repeal her Orders.— If she did not, it. m^i i' 1 i' '/ m '.'! H •Sj •fc Ci^ 1 ;'4 ao necessarily fellows, tliat Frr.nee has added insult to her original aggression. The nrctendcd repeal of the Decrees was upon comMri'reiVect, tlL Great B-Uain should a^^^^^^^^^^ the antient rights and usages ot «ar, *,f»«t.«nc by the public law touching blockades : "^ <;«"'' """; which, (as yonr Excellency observes,) many pcisous supposed would never happen. Nevertheless our government condueiediiselfm relation to Great-Britwu, as iC the repeal had been absolute. The around taken liy the American fahiuet was, lhaT*>afce had ceased (o violate the ^^^^^ the United States, and they insisted that Uieat Bui ain ought to believe it. But the continued Imrning of American vessels by order of the commanders of the Emperor's ships-^hc indiscriminate plunder and confiscation »/ A™™ property on shore-on the seas-in t>™««-'Vhe"; J^ark— Naples, and other subjugated States . l liese Tuies, cLnected with the -P-'cd "leeWa o„ the Emperor, that tlie l)ec-ees were the 1«»*'*"'^ |" law of Ids empire, still operated upon the incredulity of Great-Britain, At len-th, when it suited the purposes of the Em- wror l".t not till April, 1811-he made his repea- ts decree, and as wl are informed, coramumcated it "^out^bin^; although it was not mf^ P ^^ o more than a year after its date . ;" , ""^,.i;";\* 't*^ question, now under «of V''"''"''"' " r,^* rteei^es The Emperor declares H'^* l'« .'7''"^'f ' ' L BrUish in consequence of our act "^ w^f'^V''^'' *'',"'' t?^,''', „„,ei.s :-but onr government < '^'^ .'^' "-^f " * *7 ^'' was in consequence of his repeal ot the dctiees. insult to ^as upon abandon ioned by condition, y persons I itself in had been l)iuet was, lI riglits of h-eat-Brit- vessels by diips — tlie American . — in Den- es: These laration of mdamental incredulity of theEm- his repeal- mnicated it publick for is puts the vev at rest, his decrees the British hat this act ccrees. '- To suppose therefore, (p.s your Excellency re- marks) that the French decrees were repealed on the 2d Nov. 1810, involves the absurdity, that the effect took place long before the cause." During all this period the negotiation was pend- ing with Great-Britain, She making overtures to revoke her orders upon receiving evidence of the re- peal of the decrees :— the actual repeal was care- fully concealed— and the American cabinet em- ployed itself in laboured essays to persuade Great- Britain, that the pretended repeal was real and ab- solute-^ until they terminated the discussions by a declaration of war. It is now sufficiently apparent, that if the decrees had been effectually resisted, the Orders in Council would not have been issued — for as soon as the real repeal was produced. Great Britain annulled her or- ders according to her uniform engagement. Unfor- tunately, however, the country was plunged into the war, before the revocation could be known here. The declaration of the French minister, that the Decrees of April, 1811, was communicated to our cabinet, was true, or it was not. If it was not true, why have not the administration indignantly denied the'^fact, and taken such a position in relation to that perfulious power as the occasion required ? If it was true, and the war has been produced by the concealment, will not all the blood that has been oi may ])e shed in carrying it on, l>c required at the hands of its authors ? If upon the discovery of the perfidy of the French government, the President had revoked his Procla^ mation, we agree with your Excellency, ^' that the numerous evils that have followed from that luifortu. nate measure might have been prevented.*' it > - hi i Ji i I And cousideving the restrictions whicli the Euro- pean powers, in time of peace, usually impose on trade with their colonies — we perfectly agree with your Excellency, *^ that it is prohable that if our government had maintained a system of impartial neutrality and had imposed no lestrictions on trade, that notwithstanding those decrees and orders we might, by reason of our neutral character, have en- joyed a commerce more lucrative for the last seven years than would have fallen to our share had the wJiole world been at peace/* The Orders in Council having been thus removed, the only remaining alleged cause of war was the right which Great- Britain claimed to take her own seamen from our merchant ships. That cause alone was not considered as a suffi- cient objection to the arrangement whicli was made with Mr. Erskiue, and little doubt can be entertain- ed, that another arrangement equally advantageous lo tlie United States might have been made and the war instantly brought to a close. As impressments had been contiiui^liy diminishing, it is not easy to perceive wliy (iip fteressity vS war for that cause should have cucreased. 1 i ] i il i 1' I ii Besides, the people had expressed great sa -fac- tion with that arrangement, and would undonbledly have rejoiced had a similar course been pursued. By this we do not mean that the manner should have been exactly followed ; for we shouid exceed- ingly regret that any oifensive terms should have been again introduced, having a direct tendency to defeat the negotiation. The people fortunately understand the f^ubject of impressment nuich better than foiinerly, and it will I 23 he Euro- npose oil ^I'cc witli at if ouv impartial on trade, rders we liave en- ast seven e liad the removed, was the her o^\n 8 a snffi- vas made entertain- antageous le and the ressments t easy to hat cause sa "-fac- hledly rsued. ilon er sliould [1 exceed- )ukl have idency to subject of nd it will be difficult to persuade tlieni tliat they are to be ten- efitted hy the employment r\iul protection of foreign seamen. The result of tlie late investigation upon this sub- ject in this Commonwealth, abundantly proves, that the risque of impressment of native American seamen is so small, that it scarcely excites their attention or i-egard. Indeed it must be considered as a singular circumstance that our western brethren should ex- press and seem to feel so much more sympathy for the wrongs suffered by the seamen, than the seamen, do for themselves. It ought to be recollected, that the evidence on that examination, was taken under oath; from merchants of this state who had employed the greatest number of seamen, in voyages to all parts of the world : and it is much to be desired that such further investiga- tion will be had in other commercial states as will present the whole truth upon this very interesting subject. We concur with your Excellency in the belief, ^* that British seamen have been patronised at tlie expense of our own, and that if Great-Britain should consent to relinquish the right of taking her own sub- jects it would be of no advantage to our native sea- men, it would tend only to reduce* their wages by encreasing the number of that class of men/' We believe there never was a subject more gross- ly misrepresented, both as to the cause and effect, than this of impressment. Give our gallant seamen ships and employment, and they will not call upon the landsmen for protec- tion or for bread. % 24i ^r T?^npllP«rv verv iustlv observes, that '• the S™rf» t adSion omew states ^^^^ travy to these principles, and so fatal to tlit sattty the union. The dutv imposed by the Constitution upon the Gelml Go^™nment to^vovidc tor the 'om.non de- fence was undoubtedly a P""e'l"^\nf Xtfl.ee. adoption. But in what manner has this dutj been performed ? , Althou-b Massachusetts and other great navisat- insstte? have contribjUed immense sums m snnnort of the General Government, yet w litn tiKy are Mun"e,l into the war l.y Slates, whose cont.l - Ln Imve often fallen short of the f^V^^^-\"l «'" coilectlon, they are left to take earc of themselves. What measures have been adopted for l'"-^ 1'™'^;;; ao.r of onr immense property o.. ^--^l^ are the troops, raised and paul by the United otatts. Thev have been most improvidently drawn Irom the 1^ ^1 thP most exposed part of our country, lor r nSst of "l'^'^ the' territory, an.l allacking ' dStal of a .il.ishbourins »"'\ ,V"» -'^■;;| nrnvince. which was sincerely desirous ot conlu u i.,, •^nJnfhe most friemlly terras with us: a proM ire r th^connfes rf Zli, if made, can be of no ad- iTtita^, buT may produce incalculuidc evils to our Country. The refusal of the Presideut to furnish il>;^ Stale witii Us proportion of arms, tor Avliich the State has t " tllf for oiiv n it ill as eon- i of the we arc I'sueil a ly con- ^fety of )on the inoii (le- for its ity been navii^at- for the leii tliey iontrilm- e of the elves. e protec- ? where il States? from the intry, for attack ini; lolVeiiding ontli u n^j; pm>i lee of HO ad- ils to our already paid, we hope is not a correct indication ot the temper and disposition entertained by the Gener- al Government in relation to the aid which they pro- nose to afford, in this war which has been so wantonly waged. Considering that the distribution was pe- roraptorily required by law, to be made according to the effective militia of each state, we know not from whence the President derived his power to dispense Avith its obligations. The accumulated evils which have fallen upon the people in consequence of the departure from the prin- ciples and policy of Washington, have in a greiit measure silenced the rage and lessened the asperity of party animosity. Involved in one common distress, they look upon each other with astonishment and sympathy, and ara anxious only for the publick safety. Dependinii; upon the blessings of Heaven our fa- thers braved and resisted op})ression, and founded this free State upon the principles of civil and rcli- a if ions liberty. We trust that tlieir Sons have not degenerated-— and that they will duly appreciate and defend their precious heritage. We cordially unite with your Excellency in the (' hope that w'ith a iixed attention to the duties im- p(»sed by our National and State Constitutions, and w ith a llumble reliance on tiie Divine protection, the members of this government will at this perplexing period, preserve consistency of conduct, and adhere with undevinting r onslancy to the principles of Jus- tice and Tnith." this State State ha*^ 4 HOUSE OF . ans\v^:r or THE RliPllESNTATTVr.S OF MAbbAUilUSEl 1 S, • TO THE GOVEB^'OlrS ftPEECll. May Hiihiise ipui' Excellency, 'i^TlE Honso ofPtopvosoiUatives, voccivo with ;i:: ;;;;- wt S" — '*•■ '■■ '-»■ "• ceutclcetidii. aJlous Vi^hes or tl,o veo,>l«, cou.s.uie, ^^;;P^ to leave a.« pleasures '^■"' l''"!n'"''iy '.\""' ^^ ^ ' d t ;om- eo„,a,v a senlee neve, lo •;; "'^^^J ;" \ new ordev of \\x\ns;s li-ul avisen iii tins lommo i health i mrl.ie\>.us Z> peLSooM seeurU.y a.ul the vol.- c , e 'rVe .uost alanuii-S innoval.oijs upou on liciH.ui „,,,i ,,,a.-es were iiilroilueetl niulei- the "CZVoVlehH." auUmritles. yree.lo.n of speech :^ f r i .. the people lo diseass in theiv assem- ie, he measures oV (iovernu.eut, were .le..o»ne . •r u aw OlVicevs of the Con.n.onweallh were, . - i ete 1 (o ra.isaek tiles of newspapers „. seareh ol li- •l-o perpetuate the usurp.tio,, of l'^"'ty power, .1 eirecu'uy to lueveut the roaeUou ol V^ic .en- ,iil IS, tcivo ^\\ih lunH'iillon inccjnivo- lul ap\)i'()- i your 10- - last year iiv tavoi'itc. .)u i'0!Kler- r2;ottiMi. — Common - il i\ui pnb- i iipou our imuUh' t!»e n of speech I'ir assem- lenuuuced. I were iu- eavcli ol' li- n'ty power, [^)u))lie sen S7 y rlsangc of times or of affairs, hicii (^ousiUutes the hasis of taxation, borthcLeajiglature \ tiuiciii iiiider ;ui the valuaiiou w and ol' represeiilaiion in one bi-anen ui ini> xiuji>i.3nvv«.x., was framed on ])iiuciplcs grossly erroneous ; and the >Staie AN as divided, without regard to the provi- sions of tiie eonstiiution, the dictates of justic*, or the pviiieii)les of etiuality, into districts of tlie most prepos- terous and ineonveident forms3 for the purpose of sc- ctwing politicnl majoiities. A monied institution was created, founded on the determination to aholisli tliosc already existing, and its capital was apportioned to counties and towns, upon a digested scheme of pre. miums t\)r jiolitienl corruption. The courts of justice were new modelled, and a general removal from of- ilee of those who were suspected of deviation from the treed of the nding party was commenced and defend- ed as a measure of political justice. At this alainiing juncture, the eyes of \\x^ people were turned towards your Excellency as to a tried ;ind faithful friend, \v hose nKKhu'ation and firmness \vei*e calculated to cheek the progress of these abuses pud contribute to their leformation. Tliese expecta- tions have been fidlilled, and the good sense of tlic pcv ^de with the benelit of yiiur iuilueuee and rvamplc has Vescued the state frcun oppression, and probably saved it from tiic horrors of a civil commotion. We advert with great interest to your Excrlleney's observarums upon tin*, exposure of imr sea coast to danger, and are deeply atVeeted I)y information of the privations aiul sulVeriugs to wliieh the iuhabitauls arc doomed in many places, by the wanton and cruel war in which we are engaged. As the (leneral (ioveru- menthas wholly abandoned this important and exten- sive coast, ajul'tlie trade so esseuiinl to their interest, as no portion of the immense reveinu' drawn IVosn this Stale is applied to efleelive drfeiiee, and as we lenni I y I t < u ■ m'l S8 ''ftaatioXs "eu^-o^^^^^^^^^ l.y the President :\"U States, ^vlueh will a.l.l c.ovntc.. b«r- tl ens .,p.m our Constitueitts, yet «'':,?""'^f^'f {..W at the patriotic of OHV citizens will st.U !« «''\<- .'» tlisU some means of defence f« °"^ ."^ ' t„ wi*-' Jlmnld the General Governmem still contm c to \Mtn Sat nlction, which - S-ranteed by heX.n.t ■ tntion. It is, in these <'f-^!'™'*t{l"^^,^'JiSif i.^'^^^r lation. that our brave and '1'«'=>Pl'"'^,'\f ^'^"^J ;^i'^l provident care have been reserved at h"™^ to 'q c Invasion instead of beiiii; sent on expeditions woisc tb"tle"fn which we might have been compelled ; monvn ov;r their defeats, wheri conscience would have forbidden us to rejoice in their success. The rislit and duty of a free enriuiry into « the ,rmLs aui onV»" of the pv-^nt vvar w. 11 ueveH.a relinquished by our constituents, without a stuisglu 'ri doctrine that silent acquiescence m ™'""";;>»«^; sures,must be enforced, because tliey are stamped w^U the fc rms of the constitution, is not adapted '„"'^", ciiaracter or comprehension. They ™ !' ;;;^' ;^'' .f theories, in those times, wlien (heir petitions ami il- monstraJices were despised and r,|eclcdby a r. s Parlianienl, deaf lo their complaints and "l"-' ' •'' feelin"«. Such a doctrine is an incenlive lo t.viaiirij, 1„ stilK opposition, by dolus ils w.u'U with despatch. Your Excelleucv's illustration of Ibe causes of Ihr uniusl war in which we are ensas<>d, is so lucnl aii.l Haiisfaclorv. and your view of the controyeisy rcspecU ing the British Orders in Coun'Hl and Iheir .laims lo m arms to it to pro- iinoffenii- atiou other forms. No essay Avas ever made under circumstances equally favorable. Aloof and distant from the storms which ravaged Europe, the attention of mankind was directed towards these Htates, as the sauctuarv of the oppressed and the chosen residence of libcrtv and peace. The harrassed subjects of nti^er !i;overnme7iis, whose lives and fortunes are devoted to war at the nod of a master, regarded with envy the condition of a great people, who holding tlie sword in their own hand would not permit it to be wielded for the purpose of ambition or concjuest, (»f vanity or revenge. — But this delusion has vanished, and unless better counsels prevail, wr shall henceforth be distinguished from other repub- lics, (udy by the increased facility with wliicii the people have surrendf red their interests and understand- ing, to their plausible and presumptuous leaders. Admitting however, that our controversies with otli- er nations had arrived to a crisis, which left no alter- native but war, we still most fully assent to your E\. cellency's intimation that the selection of Great Eri. tain for an enemy in preference to her adversary, can- not be justified. Tiiat nation by her superiority on the ocean, bad ellVctually banislled from it every bos- lilc ihig. The achievements of our naval heroes on 3S iliat clement, exhibit satisfactory tlemonstration of their native prowess and skill, and excite vain regret, for the neglert to foster this natural and precious safe- guard and ornament of the nation. Still it was not to be concealed, that in war, with our disparity of force, our commerce must become a prey to our ene- my. Canada, far from offering inducements to con- quest, would prove a fjital present, if it should be ced- ed by grant. The aggressions of Britain were last in order, least in degree, and accompanied 1)y the ben- efit arising from the convoy of our ships, and the protection every where afforded against l^rench de- nredations. Her interests, in many particulars, co- incide with those of our own country. Her land was the birthplace of our ancestors ; her religion, her lan- guage, her laws, are ours ; and her downfall would draw after it the destruction of civil liberty through- out the world. If then a preference was due in en- tering the lists for honor to any nation, it was due te her. ^ At peace with Great Britain, we should now have shared largely in the commerce of the world, and continued to be a prosperous and united people. In short, all the motives of prudence, justice and patri- otism, which are characteristic of sound policy, for- bade this unhappy controversy in a tone so loud, that we are compelled to look to other causes. These may be comprised in the fixed determination of those who displaced the friends, and undermined the poli- cy of Washington, to retain power, and as subservient to this object, to cherish the prejudices which grew out of the revolutionary war, as a convenient and ready means of popular excitement. Hence too pro- bably, the uniformly cold, captious, and ungracious deportment towards one nation, and the tame and tol- crant and submissive attitude towards another. ii lUi We are duly impressed hy your Excellency's sug- gestion, that the extension of territorial limits was 'ation of n regret, ous s^fe- was not parity of our ene- ^ to cou» d be ced- ^v ere last the Ijeii- and the piich de- lars, co- la nd was , her lan- ill would throiiiijh- ue in en- as due te 3uld now orld, and [)ple. In nd patri- dicy, for- loud, that These 1 of those the poli- ihservient hieli ii;rew lient and e too pro- ingracious e and toi- ler. iicy's sug- Imits was f/4. never contemplated by the framers of the Constitution. U the I'resident and Senate may purchase land, and Congi-ess may plant States in Louisiana, they may with equal right, establish them on the Northwest Coast, or ni South America. It may be question- ed hereafter, whether, after this formation of new btates, the adherence of the old ones which dissent ed from the measure, to the Union, is the result of ob- ligation or expediency. And it is evident that this multiplication of new States, not parties to the ori- ginal compact must soon be regarded as fatal to the rights and liberties of some of the present members of the confederacy, and consequently as an insupportable grievance. This extension of territory has already excited a spirit of aipidity and speculation ; which IS among the causes of our present troubles By means of power thus acquired, and the operation of ih*^. constitutional provision whereby three freemexi in cei;tain parts of the union, enjoy the same ])iivi. leges in the choice of Representatives, which in other States IS divided among live : the influence of Mas sachusetts and of the Eastern States, in Die National louncils, IS lost, and systems of commercial restric tion, of war and conquest, fatal to tlieir interests, and outrageous to their feelings, are founded on its ruins. We arc aware that the expression of these truths which are wrung from us by the tortures of an unfeel' nig and unmerited policy, will be imputed (J)y those ^Wio are interested in such a construction) to dis. aftection to the union When the Public Treasury has-been lavished ])y Administration, as the price ot tixing upon Massachusetts the suspicion and o- dium of her sister States ; calumny acquires an im nortance, which a House of Representatives may no tice without a culpable condescension. It is not true as your Excellency is a>>are, ihat the £;ood people of Uns Commonweallh. or of Ihc metropolis, cherish S jia_ ill 3* I views inimical to the continuance of tlic nnion. Mas- sachusetts was alert and decided in promoting the old and new confederations ; we remeuihcr also that un- der a wise Administration, the present Constitution was prolific in every species of prosperity ; we know that the affinities of interest w hich ought to unite us are natural, and predominate over the artificial colli- sions which tend to detach from each other the mem- bers of the great family. Nor are our intelligent cit- izens unmindful of the dangers, dissentions and iinal insignificance of the component parts, which too often attend the dissolution of confederated States. But on the other hand, we regard the union as only am of the objects of the Constitution. The others as ex- pressed'in the instrument, are to establish justice, en- sure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common de- fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity. So long as the union can be made the instrument of these other constitutional «)bjects, it will deserve the sup- port of all tlie friends of their country. But it is for these only that it possesses a value in our esteem. — Without them it would prove a name and not a charm, and like other constitutional provisions, r. fair subject of amendment. It was not betraying an indiflerence to the union, to protest against measures as weak and mischievous, which their authors afterwards a])an. doued as mischievous and weak. We have asked for an efficient protecticui (o commerce, or that commerce should be ])ermitted to take care of itself. Neither has been granted. The portion of the union which lives by commerce is plunged in(o war, by those who exult- in their means of living witlumt it, claiming however to be its ])est friends, and most compclent to its regula- tion. Thousands deprived of the means of happiness which endear either government or country, remon- strate and com]dain, and are branded as Malcontents, by those who dispense seizures, forfeitures, penalties s3 8 1. Mas- g the old I tli^it iin- iif^titutioii we know unite us cial colli - the mcra- ligent cit- and final too often tes. But only one ivs as ex- istice. en- mmon de- ecure the M'ity. So lit of these the sup- li it is for esteem. — t a chavin, lir suhject idift ere lice i as Aviak aids a])an- ' asked for commerce Neither \\\\c\\ lives wlio exult. s; however its reij;ula- ' haiipiness ry. remon- ah'-ontcnts, ^. peiii 85 and prisons, as bounties tor the ciicouragemeiu aud protection of commerce. The imputation of undue partiality to the British nation against the people of our State, is equally un- founded. The men of Massachusetts were the iirst to resist the pretensions of Great Britain—the blood -' Massachusetts was the first that moistened the soil: of Independence. Whence then this idle calumny ? If the measures of Great Britain have been injurious to commerce, have we less interest than others in its welfare ? If American seamen have been impressed, does not the num])er of our seafarins; citizens exceed that of any other State? If Great Britain could be proved to be jealous of the prosperity of the United States, is not ours a country whose merchants and car- riers must be the immediate objects of competition ? It was, among other reasons, to preserve tlie impor- tance of our country and commerce in the view of G„ Britain, and to prevent the exposure of weak and vuh nerable points : it was to cover the folly and self-con ceit of visionary statesmen, that we opposed the mea- sures which led to war, and that we are now anxious tor peace. We foresaw that a commercial warfare With Great Britain would be unecpial, and that the sys- tern of restiictious would recoil ujion ourselves ; n'ud most sincere would have been our joy to have di'sco^ . ered and acknowledged the fallacy of our predictions. We shrink from an anticipation of the probable con sequences of a protracted warfare, to the welfare of our country, and we rejoice in every glimpse however feeble of returiiing peace. A negociation is announc- ed as intended to be attempted in Russia.— The scene is distant, and the delay apparently needless. We have however no disposition to impede its progress, or by any measure to incur the charge of weakeningHie hands of thos j who have gone .o far to effect wha't we t.' 9» believe might be done with greater ease and prompt- ness nearer home, and whatever may be our fears, we devoutly pray that the event may be peace. We are betterreconciled to wait this issue in patience, as events have diminished the present danger of a French Alliance, a measure so pregnant, with every evil, and so utterly revolting to the sentiments of our people, that we trust no administration will persist in projects tending to such an issue. To all the subjects recommended by your Excel- lency, we shall pay a prompt attention, and endeavor to terminate the session with all possible regard to the exigencies of the season; *;i CY, prompt- ur fears, ce. We tience, as a French evil, and V people, I projects r Excel- endeavor a,rd to tke COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESKNTATIVES, JUNE 4} 1813. ORDERED, That Messrs. Thatcher, War^ ren, Lloyd, Boston, Hall, Williamstown, Bates, JSTcrthampton, with such as the Hon. Senate may join, be a Committee to consider so much of His Ex- cellency's Speech as relates to ^^ an extension of our territorial limits" and forming new States without the territorial limits of the United States, with leave to report by bill or otherwise. Sent up for concur- rence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. IN SENATE, JUNE 4, 1813. Read, and ooncun-ed, and the Hon. Messrs. Quin CY, AsHMUN, and Fuller are joined. JOHN PHILLIPS, Preeident The Committee appointed to consider " so much of His Excellency's Speech sis relates to an extension of our terri- torial limits " and forming new States without the territorial limits of the United States," RESPECTFULLY REPORT-^ That they have considered the subject, commit- ted to their investigation with tlie attention and solic- itude, which its nature and importance demand. Ou 38 I i I i 'I the one eide, they have been careful to give full weight to ail the obligations, which are due from the people of Massachusetts to the people of the United States ; as resulting from tlie federal compact. On the other, it has been tlieir study not to forget the du- ties, which a powerful and independent state owes to itself and posterity ; on occasions, when great, con- stitutional, principles arc, deliberately, violated. On occasions of this kind, in the opinion of your Com- mittee, the duty of a people is as plain, as it is impe- rious. The beginnings of manifest usurpations arc never to be neglected ; since silence, on the part of the people is, always, taken as accpiicscence by the advocates of usurpation. What power seizes, witli- out right, to-day, it holds, tomnrro\v, by precedent ; and the day after, by prescription. A wise people, therefore, will always canvass every new pretension of power at the threshold ; being assured that the liberties of a people have nothing to fear from vigi- lance, and every thing from apathy. Nm*, in the opinion of your (^ommittee, will a wise people refrain from such an examination because the nature of the usurpation, or the circumstances of the period, may, in the judgment of some, render farther measures un- timely. Much is gained to liberty, by a distinct as- sertion of the constitutional principles, on which it rests. And a people mny lose by being ignorant of their rights, but never by understanding tlicm. In entering upon (his investigjttion, your Commit- tee have not omitted to consider the reasons for pres- ent acipnescence, hi violations of the Constiuition, drawn from the particular embarrassments, resulting from the war, and the encouragements, which the en- emy may receive from any evidence of discontent, at the present moment, among the states ; uv among the people. They have given this sug2;esti(m all the at- tention it appeared to merit. Hut, in theii' opinion, this objection has the less weight, inasnuich as the !» i I P-J I 39 f' particular subject of auimad version is independent, altogether, of the principle of the war ; so far as this principle is known. Besides, it would be little else than a bounty, on foreign war, if domestick usurpa- tion should Und in it a shield, or a sanction. Your Committee have given this consideration the less im- portance from the conviction, they entertain, that the American people may have peace, whenever the ad- ministration of the general government shall seek it, witii a sincere disposition for its attainment. As your Committee have deemed it their duty not to be restrained, by such temporary considerations, from a deliberate and publick examination of the subject submitted to their in(piiry, so, also, they liavc uot been disposed to connect this great, constitutional cjuestion with the transient calamities of the day, from which it is, in their opinion, very apparently, distin- guished, both in its cause and its consequences. In. (he view, therefore, they are about to present of this great constitutional r|uestion, they have confined themselves, strictly, to topicks and arguments drawn IVoni the terms of the Constitution, and the history of Ihe period, at which it was adopted ; and with a ref erence to fulfil their duty to their country and poster- i(y, by a distinct avowal of their opinions and the gnuiinls of them, with the hope of limiting the iarthev progress of tiie evil, rather than any expectation of im- medinte relief, during the continuance of the existing inllueuces in the national administration. 'Fhe (pu'stion, touching the admission, into the Union, of states, created in territories, lying without llie ancient limits of the United States, has lieen con sidered, by your Committee, in relation to constitu- tional iH'inciples and political consequences. By an Act of the Congress of the llnited States, passed the 8th day of April, 1813, entitled, ^' an Act for i\n\ ad- mission of the Slale of Louisiana into the l^nion and 411 m to extend the laws of the United States to the said State," the said State of Louisiana was admitted in to the Union on an equal footing with the other States. This act was, in the opinion of your Commiltee, a manifest usurpation by the Congress of tlie United States of a power not granted to that body by the fed- eral Constitution. The State of Louisiana was form- ed, in countries situated beyond the limits of the old United States ; according as tliose limits Avere estab- lished by the treaty of Paris, commonly called the Treaty of Peace, in the year 178-3 ; and as they ex- isted, at the time of the formation and adoption of the federal Constitutioii. And the position, which your Committee undertake to maintain is tliis, tiiat the Constitution of the United States did not invest Con- gress with the power to admit into the Union, States, created in territories, not inclnded within the limits of the United States ; as they existed at the peace of 1783, and at the formation and adoption of the Constitution. Your Committee are thus particular, in stating with | precision, the constitutioiuil ground, which they maintain, because tlie doctrine, here as- serted, has been confounded, sometimes, artfully, sometimes, negligently, with the questions, which have arisen, concerning the admission of Kentucky, Vermont, Ohio ; or which may arise, on the admis- sion of new States, to he created In the Michipm, In- diana or Illinois territories. With none of which has the question, now under consideration niiy affinity. These last mentioned Stales and terri- tories all lie irithin the old limits (f the United States, as settled by the Treaty of Peace, nnd as existing at the time of the formation and adojiticm of the federal Constitution. JS^ow the Stale of Lou- isiana lies icithml those limits; jind on this dis- tinction the whole qnestion of constidilional rii^ht de . pends. The power, assumed by Coni;ress, in pass- ing this act for ihe admission of LouisiauM, if acqni- rsced in, is phiuily a power tu adtnit nrw Staler, iu. 41 to tliis Union, at their discretion, without limit of place or country. Not only new States mlj be carved, at wr 1, out of the boundless regions ol' Lou! S'^f'jr' ''fr''"^^' '""'r' of Southimericarin deed, of the globe, js a sphere, within which it mav limit than such as Congress may choose to impose on its own discretion. impose Your Committee have, in vain, looked for any clause ,n the Constitution of th^ United StaJes^ granting such a power. In the first place, the par! tics, associating, are delared to be ^^the veovle offhp sKt^dit'";: 7' '^^ ^'^j"^^ 1 ^»- asScSfl': .tated to be, to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insup domestick tranquillity, provide for f !r'^r''//''^'"''^^r^'""^' ^/,, genemlielfare and secure the hlesstngs of liberty to ourselves Ind our I'osTEujTv.- Y^,ur Committee deem themselves au honzed to assert without fear of contradiction, that by the terms yhe people of the United States^^- JJ!Z'-T I'-r'^ ^''\Vo^terity,'' were intended the people inhabiting and who should inhabit the States and territories l>-ing within the limits of the Unit- 'p.^i^*?'' ^f ^^ ^^«»:« established by the treaty, of 1/83 ; and as they existed at the time of the form- nlion and adoption of the federal Constitution ; and hat none ot the terms of the Constitution indicate < u Idea that toreign states, or kingdoms, or new states, created in their territories, could be admitted Mito a participation of its privilc-es. Indeed it is not pretended, as your Committee un- derstand, by the advocates of this usurpation, that it has any colour ol justification, in the terms of the Con- stitution, I. dess it be in the third Section, of its fourth Article. 1 he tenor of which is as follows :-^ a in ■1 m r 'IN- SECT. 3. •• NcAV States may be adinitteil by the Oon. " cress into this Union ; but no New State sjjall be' *^ formed, or erected witliin tlie jurisdiction of any " other state ; or auy state be formed by tlie junction <* of two, or more states, or part of states, without the '^ consent of the Le^^'islatures of tlic states concerned " as well as of the Congress. ^* The Congress shall liave power to dispose of, ^' and make all needful rules and regulations respect- *^ ing the territory, or other property, belonging to the *• United States : and notliing, in this Constitution, *^ shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims ol <• the United States, or of any particular state.'' Upon this section, your Committee observe, that, w ithout reference to the kiu)wn condition of the Unit- ed States, and the history of the times when the Con- stitution was adopted, if the terms of this section be, alone, considered and examined by those rigid and approved rules of construction, recognized on similar occasions and relative to otlier instruments, the terms do not authorize the power, which lias been assumed, but, on the contrary, do strongly and*almost, necessa^ rily, imply that no power was granted to admit states, created in territories, without the limits of the old United States. The section contains the grant of an authority and expresses certain limitations to tliat grant. Tlie first clause of the secticm *' New States may I)e adnuited, by the Congress into this union" is, indeed, very brcuid and comprehensive : and had there been no objects, within the old boundaries of the United Stales, suffi- cient to exhaust the Avhole force of the terms, scnne doid)t might result upon the subject. Yet, even, in such case, it would seem incredif)le (hat an associa- tion of states, forming a constitiiiiou for purposes, ex 43 clufeively, their own, sliould transfer the powev to Congress of admitting, at will, into a participation of their rights aiul privileges, any state, ov kingdom, m any par of the globe without expressing any limita- nml tmLr""'"" ' ^"''"'' ^" '^ ^^^*"^"^>^« Sreat Happily, however, we are not reduced to the ne- cessity of supposing such an absurdity. The fact i« notorious and undeniable, that the terms relative to he admission ot New States had objects, within the l^fojthe old United States, suffi'cient^ol; W the lull lorce of those terms, so that there is no neces sity to resort to the creation of states, icithoiit the an', tient limits, in order to give efficacy to them On tlm contrary, every limitation of the power, contained in this section shows, that no other operation of it wis jtemplated except irithin the old limits of the U^r}" ed States. Ihese limitations are relative to staten jormed, or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state ',-^to states formed by the junction "of two. or more states a. j^arts of states ;^to the disposal and regulation oj the territon/, or proper t if of the United flfrr '7lV. r'^^'"^"«^'«« in favour of any claims of the United States, or any particular state. "^ Now IS It to be believed, that a power to create and admit states, beyond the antient boundaries of the United States was granted to Congress, absolutelv without any limits, while the, comparativelv, unim' portant power of creating states, within the antient boundaries is guarded by so many ainl so strict llmi tationw .H Had the admission of New States, to be tormcd in countries, then the parts of foreign and dis- tant kingdoms, been contemplated, would not some terms have indicated the conditions, the principles or occasions, on whicli such annexation of a mass of Joreigners, with thejr toriitories should take plnco '-» 4 fr.; 44 In the opinion of your Committee the entire abgenco of any such restriction is, of itself, conclusive evi'lence that such admission of foreign countries, far from being oj teraplated, was not so much as, even, con- sidered < ssible, by the framers of the constitution, or by the people at the time of its adoption. The situation of the United States and the history of the times, when the constitution was adopted, strongly, corroborate tliis idea; indeed, in the opinion of your Committee render it so absolutely, demonstra- ble as to amount, in their minds, to certainty. Such was the situation of the United States, at the time of the adoption of the constitution, that tlie ad- mission of new states, in countries beyond the old limits of the United States does not appear to have been contemplated as an event probable, or even pos- sible. On the contrary, the writings of that period and the debates of the various meetings and conven- tions, assembled for tlie purpose of considering the constitution show, that the extent of tlie United States, even within its antient limits was one of tiie principal objections to tlie practicability of the proposed con- stitution, within those limits. Your Committee have in vain sought in the history of the discussions of that period, for the expression of any opinion, either by way of reason in favour, or agaiiist the constitution, that, by any possibility, it might be susceptible of that construction of late given to it, and to which they ob- ject. The idea does not seem to have entered into the mind of any one that it was possible that such a construction could be given, and for the reason above suggested, that the extent of the country, as at that time existing, was urged, and admitted on all sides to be one of the most forcible objections to the practical bility of the experiment. i I It is well known that to secure the union of the thir. teen primitive states, and the advantages thence result m were the main objects o^ ihe federal c^sti Xn: 10 this was added the design of admitting such othe^ stales as might arise in their own bosoms or in ter S'st:l"'''li""r ^*^^ S---lS:'onhe old United States. By the proceedings of the old Con- gress, subsequent to the peace of 1783, it appears that it was m contemplation to create and admit^sUtes with ed witr L ''r^f United States, and not i^dud- ed within the particular boundaries of anv state But Jl^ears nowhere, that, subsequent to t^fp ace of ihfZJi '\' ^'VTfPf/^nt t« Jom Committee, that tlie power to admit states, created in territories be yond the limits of the old United States irlne'f th^ HnL ^ ^'''^ important, whether we consider its 11 fi" ""'./ ^«"««fi»ences. It is, in truth, nothing fnlif It ^'^''^'f. ^" '''^*' "^ ^^*'^^§n countries, new political sovereignties, and to divest the old United fetates of a proportion of their politic-1 sovereientv, miVvourof such foreigner. l{ is a power, Xh 1.1 the op.nmn oi your Committee, no wise people ev er would liave delegated, and which, they are per- suaded the peop e of the United States, and certain- ly, he people of Ma^ .chusetts, never did delegate. 1 he proportion of the political weight of each foi^eign State, composing this union depends upon the num. her ol the States, wliicli have aVoice under the com- pact, riiis number, the Constitution permits Con- gress to multiply at pleasure, within the limits of the original States, observing, only, the expressed limita- i2^ " . »•« ^ons itution. To pass these limitations and admit States, beyond the antient boundaries, is, in iho opinion of your Committee an uwirpation, as dan- m im «; m^ gei*ous as it is manifest ; inasmuch as these exterior Htates after being admitted on an equal footing with the original States, may, and as they multiply, cei-- tainly will become, in fact the arbiters of the desti- nies of the nation ; by availing themselves of the con- trariety of interests and views, which in such a confed^ eracy of States, necessarily, arise, tJiey hold the bal- ance among the respective parties and govern the ^tates,constitutionally composing the Union, by throw- ing their weight into whatever scale is siiost conforma- ble to the ambition or prpjects of such i'oreign states. Your Coir .littee cannot, therefore, ]}ut look with extreme regret and i-cprobation upon the admission of the territory of Louisiana to an equal footing witli the original and constitutionally admitted States ; and they cannot but consider the principle, asserted by this admission as an usurpation of power, portend- ing the most serious conse(juences to the perpetua, tion of this union and the liberties of the American people. Although the character of this usurpation and its ultimate consequences ought, naturally, to excite an extreme degree of ularm, in this quarter of the coun- tiy, as it indicates that ^ew and unconstitutional ar- biters, remote from our interests and ignorant of them, are admitted into the union, yet the nature of the remedy is, in the opinion of your Committee, a subject of much more difficulty than the certainty of tbc mischief. On the one hand, it is the duty of a free and wise people to meet eFicroachments upon the principles of their constitution in their first beginnings, and to give no sanction to the continuance, or repeti- tion of such violations, by tameness or acquiescence. On the other hand, they nre sensible that the people of Massachusetts, oppressed by the burden of an un just and unneces^iaiy war, are,' at this momeni, iintiir. exterioi' iug with ly, cei'- le desti- tlie cou- coiifcd- ihe bal- ern the Y throw- nforma- states. )k with mission li? witli States ; Lsserted ortend- rpetua, nerican and \i% Lcitc au i couii- nal ar- •ant of lure of ttee, a iiity of y of a >oii the miiigs, rcpeti- iceiice. people ail nil' 47 ally, more solicitous about instant relief from existin- Auilermss, than about the distant consequences of no"! litical usurpation. Nevertheless, in tlie opinion of your Committee, the Legislature of Massachusetts ^ owe It to themselves, to the people of this State and to future generations, to make an open and distinct avowal of their sentiments upon this topick, to the end that no sanction may api)ear to be derived from their silence ; and also that other States may be led to c-onsn'or this intrusion of a foreign State into our conleuoracy, under this usurped authority, in a con- stitutional point of view, as well as in its' consenuen- res and that, thcre])y, a concurrence of sentiment and a coincidence of councils may result ; wliencc alone can be hoped a termination of this ursurpation : i-n.m it ' ^'*"'^' '''"'*' apparently, about to flow Your Committee, therefore propose for the adoption 01 tlie Le-islature the followin- resolutions. Resolved, as the sense of this Legislature, that the .n^mission into the uni')n, of States, created'in coun- iies, not comprehended within the original limits of he United States is not authorized by the letter, or the spirit, of the federal Constitution. Rcsohed, That it is the interest and dut.y of the people of Massachusetts to oppose the admission of such States into the Union ; as a measure teiidiii"- to the dissolution of the confederacy. ♦ ^ Resolvpd, That the Act passed the eidiih day of April, 18| 2, entitled '^ An act for the adndssion of the State ol Louisiana into the Union and to extend the Javys of the United States to the said State'' i> , in the opinion d Uiis Legislature, a violation of the Consti- tution of the United States ; and that the Senators of tins .^tate in Congress be instructed, and the Rep. imn \|: ■ 'Mr i 48 resentatives thereof requested, to use their utmost en- deavours to obtain a repeal of the same. jResoliyed, That the Secretary of this Common^ wealth be directed to transmit a copy of these Reso- lutions to each of the Senators and Representatives of this Commonwealth in the Congress of the United States. By Order, JOSIAH QUINCY. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 15, 1813. Read and accepted. Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Si)eaker. * IN SENATE, JUNE 1 6, 1813. Read and concurred. JOHN PHILLIPS. P;r.5/(/&7?f. m COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. t» THE HOtlSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 4, 181J. ORDERED, That Messrs. Bates, of Mrth. nmpton, Sabgent, of Boston, Sp^r, of Charletm, an, Preble of Portland, be a Committee, with sucl as the Hop. Senate may join, to consider so much of us Excellency's Speech, as relates to the defence. wu <:':u.ctrs"e! ''' '""''' """ '^'^^ *° -P-' "y Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOVV, Speaker. IN SENATE, JUNE 4, 181S, Read and concurred, and the Honourable Messrs, TiioRNDiKE, Welles and Read, are joined. TOHN PHILLIPS, President The Committee, appointed to consider so much of his Excel- ly'sSpeechjCs relates to the defenceless state of our sea coast, requests permission to report : That they h .^9. given the subject all the consider- ation, which importance of its nature and the alarm and anxiety of the publick required. It can hardly be necessary for your committee to state, that one of the primary objects of the federal compact, was, to provide for the common defence. In the preamble to the constitution, it is expressly assigned, as one of the great purposes, for which the union was formed 7 5 •'■! im\ ^•ifi !;; 00 Accordingly the respective states sur '^lulered to the general government, all the powers, which wore deemed necessary, for the accomplishment of this ob- ject; the right to declare war and make peace; the right to raise and support armies ; the right to pro- vide and maintain a navy ; and the right to lay and collect taxes, duties, iind imposts, as the exigencies of the publick miglit require. At the same time, tiie states, relying upon the general government for pro- tection, formally divested themselves of the substan- tial powers of preparing, in time of peace, for their individual defence, in time of war. Bat your committee are compelled to say, that, in their apprehension, this provision of *' ° constitution has not been complied with in relati .i to this com- monwealth. Massachusetts, possessing a sea coast of nearly six hundred miles, with about one-tiiird of the tonnage of the union lying at her wharves, and a frontier of fourhundred miles, bordering upon the hos- tile provinces of New-Brunswick and Lower Canada, is exposed at every point and open to the depreda- tions and ravages of the enemy, as revenge, rapacity, or caprice, may dictate. It might have been expect- ed, not merely as the result of an express provision of the constitution, but as the dictate of a wise and liberal policy, that the old commercial states, who achieved the revolution, and who have contributed more than their full shares towards tlie support of the general government, would not be abandoned for the conquest of a territory not worthy ] ossessing as a gift. Nevertheless your committee iin< , that as dan- gers have accumulated, the garrisons upon your sea board have been reduced, and the commonwealth is given over to her fate, when alone a provision for the common defence becomes of any practical import- ance. ii to,i..ti,y this eoXr ItZtZZtiT^' coiniuoM defence, it may well I PiL • T ^'^ "'^ value is it to th'e nconfe ^ If th,f 1 ?■"•' "^ '"••»' withheld in ti„,e of wTth. "iv If '^?"r """^ ''« Most governments, both in antient ^nrl ^ i times, have availed themselves of fl ?^ ""'5'^'''' peace, to pre])are for mZ I i\ i intervals of ivoid'orpLi^uVuNvt ^uec^s'^kT^^ ^^ peace, to re establ sh in w ' f,"'' ''f "^ ^"''verted in select Tetlte'.. an ir"'''"''"" '" ""^ ^'"■- '1'° ; efn n *''?, l'!;»P>« »f "'i'* commouwealthrhorihey are to provide for present defence and future security^ deScVare! '"""""" '""^ '^l'J>™^'=<' »-^'"'« of national :i' 1st Bv regular and permanent fortifications gar- risoi^d by relular and ^ell disciplined troops. Sdly. By an adequate number of vessels of war, and 3dly. By temporary fortifications and batteries with the aid to be derived from the militia. Neitlier the first nor second method can be car^^^^^^^ into efiect in season for the emergencies of ilie pieseni var They are obviously beyond the reach and neans of this state. But, in the opinion of jrour com-^ See, it is doubtful whether we have the right to lit ^ut V ssels of war by the authority and -der he c^3m^ mission of the commonwealth. If the c - uct of the ~nment of the United States^ coi , ui send- l^rftom the coast the publick shi; w ", and ne- "lectins; to provide and substitute . r . vessels m their Ice, it ought at least to be doubtful whether it would be Expedient. But if we have the right, your committee would enquire, whether it be a right which oS to be exercised in tlie present u.vjust and destruc- Tve war ? whether it is not a duty of high import and binding obligation, not to become partners of its guilt, by voluntarily embarking in it. prosecution ^ and whether a naval force, fitted out by this common- wealth, and stationed off our ports and liarbouis, would ,>ot necessarily come in contact with our adversary, and, by frequent collision create mutual asperity, and ultimately involve us, as voluntary and aciive ijartu zans, in the war ?-your committee are of oi.inion that such a measure, considering the limited loree which the commonwealth is able to furnish, iusle_ad of diirinishing would augment, if possi!)le, the existing evils, and insteatl of accomplishing would deleat ilie object in view,— the protection of the coasting trade. The only remaining method of defence, wlilcli seems to be expedient, is by erecting temporary loru I 53 fications, and establisliing batteries at suck important places, as are most exposed to the casualties of war. Should the president of the United States still refuse to furnish tliis commonwealth, with the arms to which, by law, we are entitled, it will be necessary for the commonwealth to furnish itself. According to the last return, there is a deficiency of 5,688, which we ought to be able to supply from the publick arsenal. Your committee also beg leave to state, that al- though the militia of this commonwealth, is generally well disciplined, yet it is in vain to expect" from it, liiat subordination and skill, which constitute th& strength and efficiency of a regular army, in the present state of our country, your committee deem it necessary, tliat a portion of the militia should be or- ganized into distinct corps, for the purpose of theoret- ick and practical bistruction in the military art. For the accomjdishraeiit of the foregoing purposes, your committee recommend the adoption of the fol- lowing rciiolutions. Rpsoh'pii, that the governor, with advice of council, be and he is iierei)y authorized, to erect such fortifi- cations and establish such batteries, as may be deemed necessary for the defence and protection of sucli towns within this commonwealtii, as are most exposed to the invasion of an enemy, and the casualties of war, and to purchase, mount and furnish for the use of such tow n OP towns, a competent number of pieces of ordnance witii other suitable munitions of war. And to estai)iish upon the head lands, capes and other convenient places, a line of signals, by w hich to give timely notice to vessels navigating along the coast, of an enemy's approach. And ill case the president of the V. States should refuse, or neglect io Iransmit lo this coiuuiouan <'alth 5% the proportion of arms, to which the same is entitled by a law of congress passed April 23d, 1808, tiien and in that case,"^ the governor is hereby authorized and empowered to purchase such number of fire arms for the use of the commonwealth, as from the returns of the militia thereof shall appear to be necessary. And in order to carry into effect the purposes afore- said, the governor is hereby authorized to employ one or more*discreet and faithful persons, who shall be skilled in the science of engineering afid gunnery, and who shall be entitled to a reasonable compensa- tion for their services. And the governor is hereby further authorized, to provide a sufficient guard for all arsenals, parks of artillery and military stores, the property of this com- monwealth, as the same may, from time to time be- come necessary. And the treasurer of this commonwealth, is hereby authorized and empowered, to borrow of any bank or banks in this commonwealth, a sum of money not ex- ceeding one hundred thousand dollars, to be applied to the purposes aforesaid, and accounted for accordingly. The aforesaid money to be borrowed in such sums as the governor with advice of council sliall direct, and the governor is hereby authorized, fnnn time to time to issue his warrant upon the trensury for such sums as may be deemed necessary for carrying inl(» cftect the purposes aforesaid. Jlesolvedf That the adjutant gener.-.l be requested to consider and report to tlie general court at tlieir next session, what alterations are necessary in the militia system of the commonwealth, and also, the best method of organizing and disciplining a select cor|)s of troops, bearing a, proportion lo I lie whole :Bt 35 number of the militia of said commonwealth as one to five, as also the best method of organizing the ex- empts. All which is humbly submitted, by ISRAEL \. HORNDIKE, per order, IN SENATE, JUNE 15, 1813. Read and accepted. Sent down for concurrence. JORN VBILLIPS, President. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 16, 1S13. Read and concurred. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. June lOtli, 1813. Approved, CALEB STRONG. y*; PAPERS, « OS TUB llEFENCE or BOSTON. AND OTHER TLACES. AN \.CT MAKING PROVISION FOR ARMING AND EQUIPPING TJIB WHOLE BODY OF TFIK MILITIA or THE UNITED STATES. BE it enacted by tlie Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of America, m Con. s:ress assembled, Tliat the annual sum of two hundred thousand dollars be, and the same hereby is appro, priated, for the purpose of providing arms and mill- tary enuipraents for tlie whole body of the imlitia ol the United States, either by purcliase or manufacture, by and on account of the United States. Bect. 2. And he it further enacted /rUiiiih^Vrc^- ident of tlie United States be, and he hereby is au- thorized, to purchase sites for, and erect such addi- tional arsenals and manufactories of arms, as he may deem expedient, under the limitations and restrictions now provided by law : Provided also, tliat so much of any law as restricts the number of workmen m the armories of tlie United States to one hundred men. be, and the same hereby is repealed. Sect. 3. And he it further enacted, That all the irms procured in virtue of tliis act, shall be trans- mitted to the several states composing this union, and territories thereof, to each state and territory respect- ively, in proportion to the number of the etVectivr son, C£§. Tlllv Re pre }i Cov- unclrcd appro - il mili- litia of 'aciurc, c Prcs- f is au- h addi- lie may rictions o much II ill the ;d men. . all the I trans- on, and respect- 'ilVciivc juilitia in each state and territory, and by each state and territory to be distributed, to the militia in such state and territory under such rules and regulations as shall be by law prescribed by the Legislature of eiH'h slate and territory. #■ J. B. VARNUM, Spealcev of tlw House of Representatives. S. SxMITH, Preshient, pro tempore, of the Senate. April 23. 1808. Ai'l'K'O VRD, n^ ni: lEFFERSON. rOMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. RESOL\ i: P]{0VI1)IN(J roil Tin-: DEFENCK OF BOSTON AND OrilCR PLACES.— Jnh FEBRUAKY, 1813. Uesolved, That the Grovernor, with advice of Council, be, and he is hereby authorized to adopt such defensive measures, and to carry the same into immediate execution, as may be deemed necessary to protect the town of Boston, its harbour and vicinity, and the towns, ports and harbours of this Common- wealth, from the invasion of an enemy during the present war. And for the purpose aforesaid, the Governor is here- by authorized to employ any officer, or officers, per- son, or persons skilled in the science of engineering and gunnery, also to mount such number "of heavy cannon, mortars, and howitzers, on travelling or fort carriages, as may be deemed necessary, to provide munitions of war, in sufficient cpiantities, and all th© 8 1 ?■• < m necessary apparatus for a powerful train of heavy ar- tillery, to ascertain ami designate the posts or places where said artillery can act with the greatest effect against the enemy's shipping entering or attempting to tnter our ports and harhours, to cause hatteries to be constructed, and breast works to be Uuown up where it may be deemed necessary, with furnaces to heat shot. And the Treasurer of this Commonwealth is here- by authorized and empowered to borrow of any bank or banks in this Commonwealth, a sum of money not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, to be applied to the purposes aforesaid, and to be accounted for accordingly. The aforesaid money to be borrowed in such sums as the Governor, with advice of Council, shall from time to time direct, and the Governor is hereby authorized from time to time to issue his warrants upon the Treasury for such sums as may be deemed necessary for carrying into effect the purposes of this res(»lve. And be itfurtlipr resoUed, That the Governor be requested to apply to the Executive of the IJnited States, and respectfully request such supply of mus- kets, belonging to the United States, as mny lie con- veniently furnished, and as may l)e considered the pro])ortion to which this Commouweallh may be en- titled, to be apjiortioued and distributed to the several towns of this Commonwealth, for the use of the mili- tia thereof, in such manner as the (iovernor. I»y and with the advice of Council, may d( mmm most for the publick service. , 5d BOSTON, MARCH Ist, 1813. Sir, I HAVE the honour to enclose to your Excellency an extract from a Resolve of the General Court of this Commonwealth, passed on the 27th of February last ; and in compliance with the objects of the Legis- lature expressed in the said Resolve, to request for the use of this State such supply of muskets belonging to the United Slates as may be conveniently furnish- ed, and as may be considered the proportion to which thi^ Commonwealth may be entitled. I am, Sir, with great respect, your most obedient humble servant, CALEB STRONG. The Fresident of the United States. WAR DEFAIi'rMKNT: MARCH 15, 1813. Hiu, Ix answer to your K.v.'cllency's Letter of the 1st iiislant, (enclosing a Resolution of the [legislature of Massachusetts, of Feliruary 27tlij 1813, addressed to (he President of the United States, and " requesting such supply of muskets as may be conveniently fur- nished, and as may be considered the proportion to which the Commonwealtw ;nay be eulitled,*') I have the honour to infoim your Excellency, that as the arms provided, in virtue of tiie act of April 53, 1808, for nrmiiig ami eipiipping the militia of < he United States, have i)een inconsiderable, in proportion to the militia lo be supplied, the President lias deemed it most cou- .:■ ■ i lii:(t ducive to the general interest to supply in the lirst instance the frontier states and the militia who have come forward in the service of the country. When the state of the publick arsenals will justify the meas- ure, Massachusetts will receive her proportion of arms, agreeably to the provisions of the Law. Very respectfully, I have the honour to be. your Excellency's most obedient servant, JOHN ARMSTRONG His Excellency Caleb Strong, 7 Governor of Massachusetts. 3 IN SENATE, MAY 28, 1813. Read, and committed to the Hon. John Welles and Edmund Foster, Esq's, with such as the Hon. House may join, to consider and report. Sent (h)w n for concurrence. JOHN PHILLIPS, President, TN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MAY 28, 1813. Read and concurred, and the Hon. Mr. Lloyd and Messrs, Gardner of Rolton, and Richardson of North Yarmouth, are joined. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Hiwakcr, UEPORT. The Coniiuitlee to whom was referred the letter of the Secretary of War of the United States, to liis Excellency the Governor, bearing date at Washin«>-. ton, March 15th, 1813, in answer to an application, made by his Excellency in compliance with a resolve of the honourable the General Court of the Common- wealth of Massachusetts, to the Executive of the United States, re(^:iesting such supply of muskets as might be considered the proportion' to which the Commonwealth was entitled, under a law of the Unit- ed States passed in April, 1808; by which law the annual sum of two luindred thousand dollars was ap- propriated for the purpose of providing arms for the militia of the United States, to be transmitted to the several states, in proportion to the effective militia in each statC;, — RESPECTFULLY REPORT, TiiA'-^ the law of the United States referred to by liis Excellency the Governor, and entitled, " an act making provision for arming and equipping the whole body of the militia of the United States, and appro- priating annually two hundred thousand dollars for that purpose, provides that the arms procured in vir- tue of that act, shall be transmitted to the several states composing the union, and the territories there- of, to each state and territory respectively, in propor- tion to the number of effective militia therein, under such rules and regulations as shall be by law pre- scribed by the legislature of each state or territory. Tn the apprehension of your committee, the terms of the law are simple, precise, and definite, admittin •\i (35 neithci- ol* a pciversioii of purpose nor latitude of roii- struction— of the favouiitisui of partiality, or an iu- dulgeuve of caprice. Tiie people of the United Slates for the better de- fence thereof, by an act of their constituted authori ties set aside from their revenue the annual sum of two^ hundred thousand dollars, for armin- and equip- ping- the whole body of the militia of the United States, and expressly directed that the arms provid- ed in virtue of that act should be transmitted to the several states composing the union and territories thereof ; to each state, and territory, respectively, in proportion to the num])er of its ettective militia. Hence it became the duty of the government not to vyait for t!ie application of the several states, but on the receipt of such supply of arms, as would admit of a reasonable division, promptly to transmit the same to the respective states and territories. Whetlier this has been done, conformably with the provisions of the law, or cousistently with those principles of respect, eartiality, which ought to regulate the coiuluct of the General (j!over:iment towards each member of tiie confedera- cv— the history of tiie amount of tliis fund — tiie dis- tribuliou of the lums— and the letter of tlie Secretary of War will determiue. The act having passed in April, i8()8. it is evi- dent that at this^time one milli(»n of dollars must have accrued uudcr it, and ought to have been a im- propriated towards arming tlu^ whole body of the mi- litia of the United States! Of this sum, or the pro- ceeds of it. on the ratio of her ciinlributions to the revenue of tlie United States, Massachusrtts -ould be entitled to about one fifth pari, having paid u|)- wards of forty miHi(His towards the two hundred and fifteen millions of dollars derived by (he Jnited your ol' coil- • ail iti- Iter «le- mtliori sum of I eqiiip- UiiitcHl provid- l to the iritories vely, ill miiitia. ; not to , but oil ulmit of ic same vvitli tlic I those irtialitv, General iitedcra- -the liis- eiTCtaiy I, is evi- iY8 must jecn aj) rtlie nii- llie ju'o .; to tlie s '"oulil paid iip- ircd jiiid Juitcd 63 States iiiidov tlie operation of the Federal Govermcnt — hut predicated upon the more unfiivourahle ratio of the hiw, wliich in tliis case must govern, Massachu- setts, attliough capable of ])ringin2; into tlie field an ctVective force of one hundred and twenty thousand free white citizens, for the purpose of sustaining her rights, of checking usurpation, or of repelling inva- sion, would be entitled only to the number of arms procured under the act of April, 1808, in the ratio tliat 70,.'t3(), tiie number of militia agreeably to the last return to the General Government from Massa- chusetts, bears to 719,449, the whole return of the militia of the United States as communicated to Con- gress by the President, on the 13th of February of the present year — thus giving to MassMchusctts, an indisputable claim, a vested right, w itlumt the power of alienation or diversion, in any department of the General Government, to about one tenth of the said sum of one million of dollars already accumulated, or of aboul one tenth of the number of arms that liave been procured therefrom. And your committee further report, that, from the returns made to Congress by the war department in December last, it appears, that contracts, under the law of the United States of April 23, 1808, have heen made for 100,200 stands of arms, of wliich 21,000 stands were contracted for in Massachusetts, and 98/;! stands w ere actually delivered by the man- ufacturers tvithin the State, prior to October last, and that, from these contracts, there had been received by the General Government, six months since, 31.(il0 stands of arms, at which time 53,;760 stands of arms in addition were due, and ought to have l)een deliv- ered into the public k arsenals, of which about one tenth part, from the moment of their receipt by the the General Government, became, in the opinion of your committee, the actual property of the state of Massachusetts, and by the terms of the same law, it !!#;* H J! I 'If also became the duty of the administrators of the General Government, to have caused a proportion of them in that ratio to be transmitted or delivered to this State ; that not a single musket of this number has been received, or has been intended to be trans- mitted, or delivered, is too apparent, from tiie reply of the Secretary of War to the ai>plication of liis Excellency. . Of the distribution of the stands of arms which had been actually received by the Government of the United States, under the law of April, 1808, it ap- pears from returns made to Congress by the Depart- ment of War to the month of December last, that 1000 stands had been delivered to New-Hampshire. 2500 to Vermont. 1000 to Rhode-Island, to whicli State 250 stands had also been loaned. 1000 to New-Jersey. 500 to Delaware, to which State 650 stands of arms had also been loaned. SI 30 ~ to North -Carolina. 2000 — to South-Carolina. 1000 — to Georgia. 1500 to Ohio, to which Slate 8500 stands had also been loaned. 1500 to Kentucky. 1500 to Tennesee. 250 to Louisiana, uid 316 to the Territory of THiiiois, and that there had been loaned to the District of Columbia, 2200.-- What has become of nearly 16,000 stands of arms in addition, which are acknowledged to have been received, and of 53,560 stands of arms which were contracted to be delivered on or before the 7tli Octo- ber, 1812, and remain unaccounted for ; or whn< migi s of the (ortioii of vered to number be traiis- lie reply 11 of liis IS which nt of the 8, it ap- \ Depart- that mpshire. 3 whicli • ch State ed. ate 3500 liois, and islrict of s of arms ive been ich were rtb Octo- or whnl 65 r number has been received since October, or under what authority the Department of War has assumed a disci-etion neither given, nor warranted by the law, iwr'"f-1".'r^'f ^^'^""^ *^^ proportion to which It was entitled by the provisions 6f the law, to any State or Territory, or of makins; any loan whatever your committee have not the means of ascertainins; ; and lie short duration of the present session of t^e legislature will not admit of a timely reference to li^l^t c^ai:^:^.^^" "'^^' ^^^'^^^ ''"^^^^ Of the causes, or pretences which have induced the Government of the United States to furnish elev en states of the union, the District of Columbia, and the lerritor;^' of Ilhnois, with a proportion of arm., which it has seen proper to withhold from the popu- lous, respectable, and exposed state of Massacliusetts, and which had been delivered from its own manutac . tones— the letter of the honourable John Armstron- secretary at war of the United Btates, of March 15th' communicated ?)y jiis excellency, furnishes the evi' aence. By that letter, his excellency is iiiforme(?, that <^ the president has deemed it most conducive to the gener- al interest to supply in the first pla-.e the frontier states, and the militia who have come forward in the defence of the country, and that when the state of tlie pubhck arsenals will justify the measure. Massa- c lusetts Will receive her proportion of arms' aoreeu- my .3 the provisions of the law.'^ In commenting on these reasons of the secretary at war, for the omis :,ion to transmit, or to deliver to the s ate of Massachusetts, the proportion of arms to Which It was entitled, your committee beg leave to remark, that the state of the publick arsenals in De- i.'ember last, as it respects the supply of arms, pro- 9 i feiss vided for tlic respective states and territories, will be: manifested by the preceding statement, from which it appears, that of the 85,300 stands of arms, which were dne to tlie general government from the eon- tractors in October, and (»f which it is acknowledged 31,640 had at that time been delivered, short of 16,100 had been distributed as late as December last; but they confess they are wholly unable to comprehend, or perceive, even on the alleged princi- ples of distribution, how the witliholding from the state of Massachusetts, rashly and unpreparedly plunged, in common with the rest of the union, into a disastrous war witli ti.e most powerful maritime nation the world ever witnessed ; — possessing a de- fenceless, more extended, and more densely populat- ed sea board than any otiier state in tlie union, inter- sected with ports and harbours in every direction, heretofore, by the goodness of God, the blessings of peace, and tlie industry of their inhabitants, the na- tive havens of one third of the tonnage of the nation, and bordered by a long line of b')undary, on the east, and on the north, by the provinces of the ene- my ; can be justified or palliated, by a pretence, that it has been deemed most conducive to the general in- terest, in tlie first place to supply the frontier states, and in i'onscquence, to omit the transmission or de- livery of a single musket, to a state, with a frontier of n'iarly a thousand miles in circuit. The additional cause assigned by the Secretary at War, for withholding the proportion of arms alotted to Massachusetts — *' that it was most conducive to llie general interest to supply in the first place, the militia who have come forward in tiie service of the country,*' alone remains to be considered ; and yonr committee with reluctance approach this part of the duty assigned them; for they are confident that while the state of Massachusetts, among the most antient jind po^vp^fMl of tlie sisters of the great fanjily ul" , will be*, n which s, which the eon- wledged short of lecember nable to cl princi- irom the cparedly lion, into maritime iig a de- populat- )n, inter- lirection. jsings of tlie na- e nation 7 on the the ene- ncc, tliat neral in- r states, )n or dc- L frontier retary at s alotted iucive to lace, the B of the md yonr rt of the lat while t antient tanjily of 6r states, wlio compose this confederated empire, will duly guard her own honor, and self respect, and will ever be alive to the maintenance of her just rights at every hazard, that she will never conipromit her dig- nity, nor stoop from her pride of place, to repel uu- merited aspersion, if any such were intended, on the motives of the man, whom she is gratiiied to honor, who has evinced himself to 1> a wakeful watchman on the citadel, and a faithful guardian of the consti- tutional rights, and liberties of his fellow-citizens ; nor upon a militia, inferior to none in the union, and who are at once the ornament, the boast, and the se- curity of the state which has reared, and formed, and which delights to cherish and respect them. And should at any time hereafter any ins'dious foe seek to sow the seeds of jealousy and discord between the militia of the several parts of the union, by unfound- ed imputations on the efficiency or patriotism of the military of Massachusetts— the legislature will view all such attempts with horror, and reject them with disdain. Under the influence of these convictions, the com- mittee forbear to dilate on this part of the letter of the secretary at war, and limit themselves to report- ing, that from the whole view of the subject which they have been enabled to take, they are of opinion, that tlie proportion of arms provided under the law of the United States of the 23d of April, 1808, to which the state of Massachusetts is entitled, has b.en unduly withhchl from her, and that in the present exposal situation of the country, it is the ijuperious duty of the legisiatu c-, to place that part of it under their pro- tectjon in an effective state of defence, as speedily as may be practicable ; and they therefore reconimViid the adoption of the following resoluiions. ifl p nesolved, As the sense of this Legislature, that by the provisions of the law of April 23(1, 1808 it was the fluty of the President of the United States' to cause to be transmitted to the State of Massachu. setts, m conformity to the request of his Excellency the Governor, of the first of March last, the i)ronor. tion of the Arms prescribed by said law, which, ac- corran- to the plain and explicit terms thereof, can- helir '' ^^^ P^'^*®*^*^^:! be justly or lawfully with- npsolved, That the application of his Excellen- cy the (xovernor for the transmission of said Arms, in iP"?'^'^;^^.\«f the resolve of the Legislature of the S7tli ot i^ebruaryhst, was, in every respect, suitable find proper ; r.nd that the refusal to comply with said request was a rejection of an indisputable claim to property legally vested in this Commonwealth, and ^ negieci to perform a duty enjoined upon the Ex- ecutr- Department of the National Government by the positive provisions of law. ResolvPd, That the terms in which this refusal i. expressed, m the Answer of the Secretary at War to the letter of his Excellency the Governor, con- vey an indirect censure against the Government and Mihtia of Massachusetts, for a neglect to d-sehariro Us duty as a constituent part of the Union— whicli f yen If it had been just, could have formed no plausible pretext for the refusal— but m J.ich bein- altogether unfounded, the Legislature, from the pei^ feet respect for their Chief Magistrate, their con- iKlence in the courage and patriotism of the Militia, and their sense of duty to themselves and their cou- n lL'''"^rT-^'"""'* '" "'P^'^^ "^ ^'' '^t<^'»"I'' to fix an unmerited stigma upon the cl;aracter of this (Nun mon wealth. , (59 re, that 1808, it tatcs, to ssacliu- ellency proper - icli, ac of. caii- y with- ^celleii- Lrms, in of the ^nitahie ith said 1 aim to th, and he Ex- aeiit by fusal \ft t Wnr r, ('(Ml fut and ■>char£;e -which ned no li heini; he per- ir con Vlilitia, 'ir con- > fix an Com llesolced, That the Adjutant-General of thi« Commonwealth be directed forthwith to forward fn tlie Secretary at War, of the United States, a copy of these resolves, and in case of a further refusal, or neglect, beyond a reasonable time, to transmit the arms which rightfully belong to this State, by virtue of the law aforesaid ; that his Excellency the Governor be requested to forward similar copies to each of our Senatoi*s and Representatives in the Congres of the United States, that they may endea- vor to obtain, by the interposition of the legislative authoritj^, our proportion of the means provided from the common revenue " for the common defence,'* which the Executive department has unjustly with- held, and which our exposed situation during the present calamitous state of the country imperfousH demands. I\- THF. HOUSE OF IIKFRF.SRX TATIVES, JUXK It 1S13. Head and accepted. Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BTGELOW, Sijeaker. IN SF-NATK, ,,rNE If., 1813. Road and concurred. JOHN PHTLT.IPS. President r: COMMONWEALTH OB MASSACHUSETSS. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 8, 18ia. ORDERED, That Messrs. Mi|lls, Northampton, Sullivan, Boston, Goodwin, Berwick, and Dwight, Spring jicld, be a Committee, with such as the Hon. Senate may join, to consider what measures it is expe- dient for this Legislature to adopt ii| relation to the un- happy war in which we are engaged ; — the means to induce a speedy restoration of peace ; — and to restore this Commonwealta to the blessings of a free and unmo- lested commerce, and to that influehce in the councils of the nation, to which she is so justly ei.titled— with leave to report. Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. IN SENATE, JUNE 8, 1?13, Read and concurred, and the Hon. Messrs. Perkins, Blake, and Holmes are joined. JOHN PHILLIPS, President. June i2th, 181S. THE (JommiUee of both Houses appointed "to consider what measures it is expedient for this I.egislature to adopt, in relation to the unhappy War in which we are engaged, the means to in- duce a speedy restoration oi" Peace, and to restore this Commou- wealth to the blessings of a free and unmolested commerce, and to that influence in the Councils of the Nation, to w?'ich she is so justly entilled," have attended the service assigned them, and ask leave to report a Remonstrance to the Congress of the Uniteii States, which J , hereunto annexed. All which is respectfully suhmKted. T. H. PERKINS, Per Order, i, Ibid. jmptOHf ^IGHT, e Hon. s cxpe- the im- eans to restore [ unmo- ncils of ;h leave aker. , 1813. ;rkins, dent. )1S. iler wliaf. reJatioii ns to in- ^^ommou- rce, and she is so and ask ! UniUil Order, REMONSTRANCE. To the Honourable the Senate, and the Honourable the House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled : THE Legislature of Massachusetts, deeply im^ pressed with the sufferings of their constituents, and ex- cited by the apprehension of still greater evils in pros- pect, feel impelled, by a solemn sense of duty, to lay before the National Government, their view of the pub- lic interests, and to express with the plainness of free- men, the sentiments of the people of this ancient and extensive Commonwealth. Although the precise limits of the powers reserved to the several state sovereignties have not been defined by the constitution, yet we fully coincide in the correctness of the opinions advanced by our venerable Chief Magis- trate, that "our Constitutions ensure to us the freedom of speech, and that, at this momentous period, it is our right and duty tg inquire into the grounds and origin of the present war, to reflect on the state of public affairs, and to express our sentiments concerning them, with de- cency and frankness, and to endeavour, as far as our lim- ited influence extends, to promote, by temperate and con- stitutional means, an honourable reconciliation." If then, such are the rights and duties of the people, surely those, who, at this solemn crisis, are selected by them, and who are specially honoured with their confi- dence, may venture respectfully, but frankly, to express the sentiments and feelings of those whom they have the * honour to represent. The States, as well as the individuals composing them, 'ire parties to the national compact, and it is their pecu- liar duty, especially in times of peril, to watch over the rights, and guard the privileges solemnly guaranteed, bv that instrument. Certainly then this expression, frorn the Legislature of the free and independent Common- wealth of Massachusetts, will not be disregarded, by the present Congress of the United States. For although the numerous petitions and remonstrances of the people of this State, in relation to such measures as they deemed dangerous to their rights, and ruinous to their interests, have heretofore been received, in a manner little calcula- ted to produce that harmony, and to cement that Union which ought to be the permanent aim of the general government ; yet we caimot but indulge the hope, that new councils and a more conciliatory spirit will distin- guish the several branches of the present national Legis- lature— That they will endeavour, by the exercise of justice and impartiality, to allay the apprehensions, and restore the confidence of the Eastern and Commercial States— to remove their actual sufferings— and to replace them m the happy and prosperous condition from which they have been driven, by a succession of measures hostile to the rights of commerce, and destructive to the peace of the Union. It is not to be expected, that a hardy and Industrious people, instructed in the nature of their rights, and tena- '^^^."V^* ^h^J^ exercise, whose enterprise was a source 6t individual wealth and national prosperity, should find themselves obliged to abandon their accustomed emplov- ments, and relinquish the means of subsistence, without comp Hint J or that . moral and christian people should contribute their aid, in the prosecution of an offensive \var, without the fullest evidence of its justice and iieces- siiy. The United States, from the form of their Govern- ment, irom the principles of their institutions, from the iir pecii- over the iteed, by jn, from ommon- , l)y the 3ughthe eople of deemed iitercsts, calcula- t Union general 'pc, that distin- l Legis- reise of )ns, and mercial replace 1 which ?asiircs, ctive to istrious id tena- source Lild find mploy- ivithoiit should fFensive Ineces- jovcrn- om thr ".acred prolesbiuiis which, in all periods of their history ♦ they have made, from the maxims transmitted to them, by patriots and sages, whose loss they can neveJ sufliciently deplore, as well as from a regard to their best and dearest interests, ought to be the last nation to en- gage in a war of ambition, or conquest. ^ The recent e :ablishment of their institutions, the pa. cific, moral and industrious character of their citizens, the certainty that time, and prudent application of their re- souices would brini,^ a seasonable remedy for any tran- sient wrongs, would have induced a wise and provident, an impartial and te peratc administration, to overlook, if it had been necessary, any temporary evils, which cither the ambition, the 'interest, the cupidity, or the in- justice of foreign powers might, occasionally, and with- out any deep and lasting injury, have inflicted. With these maxims and these views, we cannot dis- cern any thing, in the policy of foreign nations, towards us, which, in point of expediency, required the sacrifice of so many and so certain blessings, as might have been our portion, for such dreadful and inevitable evils, as all wars, and especially in a Republic, entail upon the people. But, when we review the alleged causes of the war against Great Britain, and more particularly, the pre- tences for its continuance, after the princii)al one was removed, we are constrained to say, that it fills the minds of the good people of this Commonwealth, with inftnite anxiety and alarm. We cannot but recollect, whatever the pretences of the en\peror of France may have been, pretences which have uniformly preceded and ac/.om- panied the most violent acts oHnjustieo, that he was the sole author of a system, calculated and intended to break down neutral commerce, with a view to destroy the op. ulence, and cripple the power of a rival, whoic best in- terest, and whose real pol were, to uphold that com- merce, so es'scntial to her own prospcritv. 10 m ■W^ 7J, It is not for us to decide, whether the enemy of France did, or did not, adopt the most natural and efficacious means of repelhng her injustice. It is sufficient, that we are persuaded, the United States might, by a firm and dignified, yet pacific resistance to the French decrees, have prevented the recurrence of any retaUatory measures on the part of Great Britain — measures not intended to injure us, but to operate on the author of this unjust and iniquitous system. And, however honourable men may differ, as to the justice of the British retaliatory orders in Council, \vc do not hesitate to say, that France merited, from our Government, a much higher tone of remon- strance, and a mere decided opposition. In reviewing the avowed causes of the present war, we would, it" it were j)Ossib!e, pass over a scries of trans- actions, imperfectly e:^i)lained, and calculated to excite our alarm and regret, at the hasty manner, in which it was declared. But the history of the pretended repeal of the French Decrees, which, if our government was sincere, w-c are bound to believe, was. the immediate cause of the war, is so well attested, and hiis been so often discussed, and is, besides, so important in this incjuiry, that mere motives of delicacy cannot induce us to pass it over, without 11 ace. If war could be justified, against Great Britain ex- clusively, it must have been, u\ the ground, assumed by our government, tlsat the French decrees were actually repealed, on the 1st of November 1810. The indiscrim- inate plunder and destruction of our commerce — the capture of our ships, by the cruizcrs of France, and their condemnation, by her courts, and by the emperor, in 'person— his repeated and solemn declaration, that those decrees were still in force, and constituted the funda- mental laws of his empire, at a i)eriod, long subsequent to the pretended repeal, seemed to furnish an answer, sufficiently conclusive, to this question ; and we cannot but lament, that evidence, so satisfactory to the rest of the . ' France icacioub that ^^ c rm aiKl decrees, leasures iided to just and len may •r Jers in nerited, remoii- :nt war, )f trans- D excite ;h it was il of the sincere, e of tlio icussed, at mere it over, tani ex- med by actually liscrim- :c — the nd tlieir leror, in at diose fun da- sequent answer, I cannot it of the nation, sh.ould have luid so little weight, with that Con- gress, whose term of service has lately expired. But this important cpiestion is now definitively answer- ed ; and the A.ncric.n people have learned, with aston- ishment, the depUi of their degradation. The French emperor, as if, for the perfect and ai^solute humiliation of our government, and for the annunciation to the world, that he held us in utter contempt, reserved, till May 1812, the oilicial declaration of the fact, that these decrees were not repealed, until April, 1811 ; and then, not in consequence of his sense of their injustice, but because we had complied with the condition he had prescribed, in the letter of the Duke of C adore, in causing "our rights to be respected," by a resistance to die British orders ; and he has since added, that this decree of repeal \Vi\s communicated, to our minister at Paris, as well as to his own at Washington, to be made known to our Cabinet. As the previous pledge of Great Britain gave the ilillest assurance, that she would repeal her orders, as soon as the decrees, on which they were founded, should cease to exist ; and as her subsccpient conduct leaves no doubt, that she would have been faithful to her promise, we can never too much deplore the neglect to make knowu this repeal, whether it be attributable to the French government, or our own. If to the former belong the guilt of this duplicity and falsehood, every motive of interest, and every incitement of duty call loudly upon our administration, to proclaim this disgraceful imposition, to tie American people ; not only, as it would serve to de\ elope the true character and policy of France, but, to acquit our own officers of a suppression, too serious to be overlooked, or forgiven. But whatever mav be the true state of this mysterious transaction, the promptness, with which G. Britain hast- ened to repeal lier Orders, beibre the declaration of war, by the Uiiited States, w;is known to her, and the restora- 76 tion of an immense amount of property, then within her power, can leave but Httle dou bt, that the war, on our part,, was premature, and still less, that the perseverance in it, after that repeal w^as known, was improper, impolitic ^ and unjust. It was improper ; because it manifested, in tliis in- stance, a distrust in the good faith and disposition to peace, of a nation, from which we had just recci\cd u signal proof of both. It was impolitic ; because it gave countenance to the charge, of a subserviency to the views of France, and of an ulterior design of co-operating, with her, in the profligate and enormous project of subjugating the rest of Europe. It was imjJolitic: as it tended to unite all descriptions of people, in England, in favor of the present w ar, and to convince them, however erroneously, that mndei ation and fairness, on herpart, only laid the foundation of new claims, and higher pretensions, on ours. It was tivjiist ; because the evidence, afforded hy ilw prompt repeal of the Orders in Council, ought to have satisfied us, that Great Britain w as sincerely disposed to maintain and preserve pacific relaticnis, with the U. States ; and all wars are unjust, the objects of which can be attained, by negotiation. It was unjust ; because tlie wliole history of our cl' plomatic intercourse, with G. Britain shews, that wc never induced her to lielieve, that we considered the im- pressment of her own seamen, on board our merchant ships, as a reasonable ground of war ; and we had never offeredherthe alternative of war, or a relinquish- ment of this practice. It was unjust ; because the pretensions and rlaims, on the one side and the other, although attended with difficult not da Bhe dis was mai — she ] that des our gov such ofl whole s present tageous It tea all ther plaints This is gress n the pro] passed No sti a stron the leg wealth, tion, a all the better e ings, ai them, 11 tute of ( its pros their \n in their united nexion. WitI ery mo I we arc 77 difficulties, were not irreeoncileable. G. Britain ditl not claim the right to impress our native seamen. — She disavowed the practice, iu all cases, when the fact was made known to her — she restored, on legal evidence — she had recently offered to return all who were of that description, of whom a list should be furnished, by our government — and she had many years before, made such offers of fair and amicable arrangemeni of this whole subject, as, to two distinguished membeis of our j)resent cabinet, appeared ''both honorable and advau tagcous." It iras uujusf ; because we had not previously taken all the reasonable steps, on our part, to remove her com plaiuts of the seduction and employmentof h« r seamen. This is made manifest, by the conduct of the same Con- gress which declared the War, they having admitted the propriety of obviating those complaints, l)y an act passed su]>sequent to the commencement of hostilities. No state in the union can have a greater interest, or feel a stronger desire, to protect commerce, and maintain the legitimate rights of seamen, than this Common wealth. Owners of one third of all the naviii;a- tion, and probalily, furnishing nearly one half of all the native seamen, oi' the LFuitcd States, we are better enabled to appreciate the extent of their suffer- ings, and inust also be presumed, to sympathise with them, more sincerely, than the citizens of states, desti- tute of commerce, and whose sons are not engaged, in its prosecution ; unless it be admitted, that the suil'erers, their parents, relatives and friends, are less interested in their welfare and protection, than those who are iiniied to them. only, by the feeble ties of ])oliticnl con- nevion. Witii nil the means of information, furnished by cv ery moti^ ()f dnlv, and every inducement of interest, we are constiaiued to say, that (his evil of impressment lias been grossly exaggeratcil ; tliat wc have reason to believe, an lionest and fair proposal, as honestly and fairly executed, to exclude the subjects of tireyt Hriiain from our service, would hiive nuich more elVectiuiUy re- lieved our own seamen, and more essentially advanced their interest, thau a resort t(» war ; that tlie true in- terests of the United States eoiucide with tiie policy, adopted, by all other countries ; and that we should be more independent, our seamen svould be better ])roteet- ed, and our country eventually more |)rosperous, by le- nounciiii^ altos!;ether, the preleusion of screening, and employing iJritish seamen. The doctrinr of natural allegiance is too well found- ed, has l)een too lou^; established, and is too consonant Avith thepermane»>. interest, the peace and indej)eudence of all nations, iv ue distin-bed, for the purpose of subsli- tutin:2; in its place, certain visionary notions, to which the French Revolution gave I)irth,and wliich, tho' long since exploded there, seem still to have an unhappy in- fluence, in our country. Having; thus found the avowed causes of the war, and especially the motives for a perseverance in it, so wholly inadequate, to justify theadoption of that policy, Ave have been obliged to resort to other, and nnn-e con- cealed motives. AVe cannot however, Avilhout the most conclusive evidence, ])eiieve, although the measur?s and language of some iiigli public functionaries indicate the fact, that ambition, and not Justice, a lust of con- rpiest, and not a defence of endangered ri;:;]its, are among tlie real causes of perseverance, in our present hostjiuies. Must v.e then add anolber example to the catalogue of ]Jej)ublics, V. hich have bv-en ruined, by a spirit of loreigo PcufjuesT, ? JJave we no regard to the solemn professions we liave so often repeated, none to the ex- ample, 1 sible, ei' conques such an imprudc liberties Instanc among u must lia election anthorit if the C!' interior whieii a feared, part of ( have ex jects of minishe lion of nei2;hbo If Wf States— the dow (piest ai gret, th; have h( the opp niminxM my of fi Pilgrim should \ other nil forces ol shcMild ( in whosi . 79 ample, lion ♦ . the precepts of Wasliiiiicton ? Is it po.- siiljle, either t) acquire, or to maintain, extensive foieimi conquest^ -^ ! !iout povverlYil standing armies ? And did such armies ever Ions; ])ermit the people, who were so imprudent, as to raise and maintain them, to enjoy their liberties ? Instances of military oppression have already occurred, amoni!;us ; and awatcliful jieople, jealous of their rights, must liave ohserved some attemjits to control Iheir elections, and to prostrate tlie civil, hefore the military authority. If the language of some men,high in office if the establishment of aChain of military posts, in the intciior of our country — if the extensive preparations uhicii arc made in quarters, where invasion cannot 1)e feared, and (lie total aliandonmcnt and neglect of that part of our country,Avliere alone it can lie apprehended, have excited our anxiety and alai j, as to the real pro- jects of our rulers, these emotions- have not been di- minished, by the recent invasion, seizure and occupa- tion of the teiiitory of a peaceable, and unoffending neighl)()r. If war must liave been the portion of these United States — if they were destined by Providence, to march the downward road to slavery,' throngh foreign con (juest and military usurpation, your Remonstrants re- gret, that such a moment, and such an occasion should have lieen chosen, for the experiment— tljal while Ihe oppressed nations of Europe are making a mag- nanimous and glorious eilort, against the common ene- my of free States, we alone — the descendants of th.e rilgrims—sworn foes to civil and religions slavery, sliould vidnntarily c()-op(M-ate with the oppressor, to birid oil. or nations in his chains : that, w iiile diverting the iorces ofoju'ofhis enemies, from the mighty cimilict, we sh(Mild endanger the defenceless ten ilories of another, in whose ports the (lag of our indepentlence was firsi i 80 j^)Ciiuitte(l lo wave, noAv struggling lor existence, bfe- neath his iron grasp. Permit the Legislature of this Commonwea]tl>, whose citizens liave been ever zealous, in the cause ol* freedom, and who contributed their utmost efforts, for ihe adoption of that constitution, under which,in former times, we enjoyed so much prosperity, most respectful- ly, but earnestly, to entreat and conjure, the constitut- ed authorities of the nation, by the regard due to our liberiies, to our union, to i,ur civil compact, already in- fringed — to pause before it be too late. Let the sober, considerate, and honorable Representatives of our sis- ter States, in which different councils prevj'il, ask themselves, Were not the territories of the United States suffi- ciejitly extensive, before the annexation of Louisiana, the projected reduction of Canada, and seizure of West Florida? Had we not millions upon millions of acres of un- tuliivatcd wilderness, scarcely explored, by civilized nuiii ? Could Ihese accjuisilions be held, as conquered pro \ luces, without powerful stnndiug armies? and would iluy not, like other infant colonies, serve as perpetual drains, of the blood and t'Tasure of Ihese United States ? Or is itseriou^ly iulended,toadopi, the dangerous project of f<»rming them iut(» new States, andadmitling them inlo the Union, williout the express consent of everv member of Ihe original c(mfederaey? M^nild not suHi a measure have a direct tendeu'-y to destroy tli(« obliga lionsof Ihatcompacl, by which alone our union is main l-'iiued ? , Already have wv A\ilncssed the fornuilion and ad mission of one Stale, Ijeyond llie territorial Kmits of Ihe \Jm\vi\ Stales, jind Ibis too, in opposition to the ^t wishes and int and th thereb' • unexpl langua «ius ot Aga terests, her po! Consti founde of the I duty tc If at tained, only ])( and tin by a p concesi of the perpeti T4ie tection distriln posed. to the 1 others, have o( justed, our pr( of Conj cious a The states, 4 81 wishes and efforts, as well as, in violation of the rights and interests, of some of the parties to that compact — and the determination to continue that practice, and thereby, to extend our Republic, to regions hitherto unexplored, or peopled by inhabitai^ts. whose habits, hinguage, religion and laws are repugnant to the ge- nius of our government, is openly avowed. Against apractie, so hostile to the rights, the in^ tcrests, the safety of this State, and so destructive to her political power ; so subversive of the spirit of the Constitution, and tlie very principles upon which it is founded ; yonr Remonstrants, in the name and behalf of tlie Commonwet'lth of Massachusetts, feel it their duty to enter tiieir most deliberate and solemn protest. If an extensive, confederated republic is to be main- tained, and we most fervently pray that it may, it can only be, by a free communication of tlie grievances felt, and the evils a|)prehended,by any of its members; and by a prnmpt and liberal remedy' The same spirit of concession which dictated the formation and adoption of the Constitution, should be kept in permanent and perpetual exercise. T4ie blessings of government, its vigilance, its pro- tection, its rewards, should be equally, and impartially distributed, and Its burdens hs eijuaHy, and fairly im- posed. No portion of the union ought to be sacrificed, to i\\(5 local interest, passions, or aggrandizement of others. It cannot however, be denied, that causes have occurred, to disturli the Imlance, whicli, when ad- justed, was intended to ftu'm the principal security of our present compact. But the remedy is in the power of Congress, and we look to their wisdom, for its etfica- cious uud speedy applicatiuu. The chief motive which inllu?nced the Eastern states, to abolish the old ciuifederation, and tu burren- I 83 del' a greater share of tlieir own •iovereigu power, as appears by the recent history of those times, was the expectation, that their Commerce would be better pro- tected, by the national government. The hardy people of the North stood in no need of the aid of the South, to protect them. In their liberties. For this, they could safely rely, as they always had done, on their own valonr. But it was an important object with them, that every aid, facility and encour- agement should be given to tliat Commerce, u])on which their prosperity, almost exclusively depended. To ensnre tliis great object, a very unequal propor- tion of political power was conceded, to the Houthern States. The representation of Slaves, was tlie price; ])aid, by tlie Northen States, for the stipulated protec- tioTi and encouragement of their trade, and for an a- greeraent of tlie southern members of the Union, that the ptd)lic burdens shonld be apportioned, according to representation. Experience however, has proved, tliat, aKhough the contract, on our part, has '>een faithfuUy fulfilled,both these considerations have utterly failed. Indications of a spirit hostile to commerce were ear- ly visible, among some of those who now control the destinies of our Repidrlic. But the Fa (her of his Country then presided, iu our Councils, and tliis spirit was vanquished. Under {\\o injluence of (he ANise, and liberal, and magnanimous system, adopted and pursued, by his administration, commerce was indeed cherished. extende; jd CAXUhv c,5'-» be assigned, for this refusal, voir Rcn>f rants are WiioUy unable to determine. No distrtlion is, by law, vrsted in ixny officer of the Government, in relation *.D this subject. Its provisions t.re simple, p'uun, and pcre.nptory. Your Remonstrants therefore, cannot but c.\j)re'.'j their astonislnnent, tluit the State uf Massaehu- seit*^ ]>ossessing a sea coas^more extensive u' :■ populous, tlia:> that of any other Stutf in the Unio' aiid a defence- less fror.tier by land, sb I !iot only b< entirely nban- doned, by the Govermuv^-.i whose duty ]s to protect her, bsit should also ijc refused the arms, 1 )r her own tii-'fcnee, to which slu- is, by Inv, rutideti. They cannot 1^' 8h however, permit themselves to doubt, that Congress will forthwith adopt such measures, as will render, to this Commonwealth, that justice which the Executive De- partment has refused. If die war, hi which we have been rashly plunged, was undertaken to appease the resentment, or secure the favor of France, deep and liumiliating must be our disappoint- ment. For although the emperor is lavish in his pro- fessions of "love for the American people," applauds our ready self devotion, and declares " that our com- merce and our prosperity are within the scope of his poUcy," yet no reparation has been made, or offered, for the many outrages, indignities and insults he has inflicted on our government, nor for the unnumbered millions, of which he has plundered our citizens. And when we consider, the course of policy pursued, by our Rulers, in their external relations, and conimercial restrictions, from the prohibition of our trade ^ Domingo, to the de- claration of war against C ' kitain — that this course oftien received his open apprv..-ation, and was not unfre- quendv,conformal)le to the system which he himself had adopted — wh n we consider also, the mysterious secrecy which has veiled the correspondence of the two govern- ments, from our view — and above all, wlicn we consider, that in many instances, the most important measures of our govennucnt have been anticipated, in Paris, long be- fore they were known to the Americun People, we can- not conceal our anxiety and alarm, for the lionor and in- dependence of our country. And we most fervently pray, that the sacrifices we have already made, like the early concessions of Spain, and Portugal, of Prussia, and Sweden, may not be the preludes, to new demands and new concessions ; and that we may be preserved, from all political connexion, with the common enemy of civil liberty. To the constituted authorities of our country, we have t\o\v slated our opinions, and made known our complaints. Opinior plaints ' policy" Commc has ann perity— their m of ail in ties, anc tutio li- the gen< astrous control country ing, an to thou: seamen- by Nev Und( ernmen this sol< gers, w we owe conscie the Sea motives Far f uiiy of press 01 cere da repeatc( sion of carnestl adoptee vent tin ing arn I'itories S5 Opinions, the result of deliberate reflection, and com- plaints "wrung from us, by the tortures of that cruel policy" which has brought the good people of this Commonwealth, to the verge of ruin. A policy which has annihilated that commerce, so essential to their pros- perity — encreased their burdens, while it has diminished their means of support — provided for the establishment of ail immense standing army, dangerous to their liber- ties, and irreconcilable with the genius of their consti- tution — destroyed their just and constitutional weight, in the general government — and, by involving them in a dis- astrous war, has placed, in the power of the enemy, the control of the Fisheries ; a treasure of more value to the country, than all the territories, for which we are contend- ing, and which furnished the only means of subsistence, to thousands of our citizens — the great nursery of our seamen — and the right to which can never be abandoned, by New England. Under such circumstances, silence towards the gov- ernment would be treachery, to the people. In making this solemn representation of our sufferings, and our daur gcrs, we have been influenced, only, by the duty which ^vc owe to our constituents, and our country, to our consciences, and the memory of our fathers. And to the Searcher of all hearts we appc^il, for the purity of our motives, and the sincerity of our declarations. Far from wishing to embarrass the administration, in uiiy it' their negotiations for peace, we cannot but ex- press our r"Q;rct, tliat they should not have evinced a sin- cere dcsuT, for this great object,by accepting some of the repeated overtures, made by the enemy, ior the suspen- sion of hostilities. — And permit us, in conclusion, most earnestly to request, that measures may immediately be adopted, to stay tlie sword of the destroyer, and to pre- vent the further cflusion of human blood ; that our invad- ing armies may be forthwith recalled, within our own ter- I'itories ; and tliat every efibrt of our rulers may be speedily i i 86 directed, to the avtainment of a just and honorable peace ; that mutual confidence, and commercial prosperity may be again restored, to our distracted and suffering coun- try ; and that by an upright, and faithful administration of our government, in the true spirit of the constitution, its blessings may be equally diffused, to every portion of the Union. In the House of Representatives^ June 14, 1813. Read and accepted. Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. In Senate , Jane 15, 1813. Read and concurred. JOHN PHILLIPS, President, COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. IV THE HOUSE OF REI'RESEN FATIVES, JUNE IC, 5815 Ordered, Tliat the Hon. the Presidenl of the Senate and the Hon. the Speakr > of the House of Represen- tatives, be, and they ho coy are recpu'.sted foithwith to transmit to the Senators of this Commonwealth, one copy of the Remonstrance of this Iiei;islature, to the Con2;ress of the United States, and one copy thereof to the Representatives of this Commonwealth in Con- gress, duly authenticated, that Ihe same may he pre- sented to the respective houses towhieli they helons;. Scut up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIG E LOW, Speak-er. IN SEN.VTE, JUNE 10, 1813. Read and conciirred. JOHN PHILLIPS. y^n.«