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Lorsque le document est trop grand pour hue reproduit en un seul clich6, il est film6 A partir de Tangle supdrieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants iilustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ■« wm \ . REMARKS ON RECirROGITY AND THE THORNTON-BROWN MEMORANDUM BY A QUEBEC LIBERAL. T. & R MONTREAL : WHllE, PUBLISHERS 1874 rOH SALE BY DAWSON BROTHERS. liAZKT'ri': IMUNTINa HOUSE, NEAR THK POST OFFICE, MONTIIKAL. REMARKS ON RECIPROCITY. In the discussion of certain subjects deeply affecting the welfare of the country, it is desirable that party spirit should be laid aside. And the question of Reciprocity with the United States is one of these. There should, if it can possibly be obtained, be a frank and open expression of opinion as to the merits of any scheme brought before us, so that, irrespective of party alliances, we may decide for the best, no matter who are for the moment charged with the Government of the country. Agreeing in the main with the views of the present Administration, and consistently holding Liberal opinions, we cannot but regard with some apprehension the pros- pect of a decision on so important a question as Reciprocity being arrived at on party grounds. We have not always agreed with Mr. George Brown in the views he holds, nor while acknowledging the great service he has rendered the Liberal party, can w^ conceal the fact that by his means it was completely broken up, and as a consequence was for years powerless to exercise any efficient con- trol over the legislation of the country at the most important period of her history. Knowing the views of many of our fellow- Liberals, we have felt called on, although with great reluctance, to discharge the important duty of dissecting and commenting on the Memorandum published in the Toronto Q-lohe being a copy of a document addressed to Mr. Fish, United States Secretary of State, signed by Sir Edward Thornton and Mr. George Brown.' We dread that, if the proposal for Reciprocity is made a Govern- ment measure, it may cause the most serious injury to the Liberal party, and we would urge therefore, with all earnestness, that it should be made an open question, one on which there may be fairly allowed the utmost latitude of opinion. We have dealt with the question in all frankness. It may be thought by some that we have been too frank, but where great interests are concerned, nothing is to be gained by keeping back the truth. In the Memorandum on the commercial relations between the United States and Canada, addressed to Mr. Secretary Fish, Mr. George Brown having finished a long and elaborate statement setting forth, among other things, the prosperity which has attended Canada since the abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty in 1866, proceeds to ask, why " Canada now seeks for its restoration," meaning, probably, why is Canada sueiiig for another Treaty. The answer to most men would seem to be beset with difficulties. ''During the continuance of the previous Treaty, Canadians had learned to depend so entirely on the United States as a market for the surplus of their raw products, that the mere tlireiit of the repeal of the Treaty was considered sufficient to drive them into annexa- tion. ^Men who had been watching the course of events had fore- •een this, and had urged upon the Government of Canada the necessity of looking abroad for otlier markets, and the duty of giving notice that Canada desired to terminate the Treaty at the end of the stipulated term. Their words were unheeded, but for- tunately the Americans themselves left us no choice. They gave the requisite year's notice for the abrogation of the Treaty, osten- sibly on the ground that its conditions were unfavorable to Ameri- cans, but in reality because it was believed that during its existence Canada had become so dependent on the United States that no sacrifice would be thought too great to secure that trade ; that, in short, the British North American Provinces would be compelled to sue for admission into the American Union. To prove how little the feelings of Canadians were understood, we cannot do better than (juote the words of the remarkable State pa])er before us : "The industry of Canada had been largely directed to the supply of the " Amnrican market with commodities for home consumption as well as for " foreign exportation, and the repeal in 1866 of the Reciprocity Treaty, under " which 80 vast a trade had grown up, rendered imperatively necessary prompt " measures to open new markets for the sale of Canadian produce. These " measures were at once taken. Under the influence of the formal notice of " the United States in 1865 of their intention to terminate the Treaty, federa- " tion of the Provinces, then under discussion, was hurried on. and became a "/a» accompli within fifteen months afttir its repeal. The inter-Colonial Rail- " way was at once undertaken, at a cost of over $20,00(^,000, at the national " exi)ense, to secure direct connection to and from the Atlantic Ocean, at " Halifax and St. John, on Canadian soil ; and the last section of that road will " shortly be opened for traffic. Commissioners were despatched to the British " and other West India Islands, and to South American States, to promote the *' extension of direct trade between them and the Dominion. The enlargement " of the canals, the improvement of the navigation of the lakes and River St. " Lawrence, the construction '>f the "Bay Verte Canal, to connect the waters of " the Bay of Fundy and the St. Lawrence, the subsidizing of Ocean and River 8 »» " steamship linos, and the promotion of the great shipbuilding and fishing " Interests, all received a new and vigorous impetus, "These measures were attended with remiirkal)le success. Only seven fiscal '• years have j)aHt since the repeal of the Treaty, but already th'i loss inflicted " by it has been irore tlian made up, and excellent outlets in new directions '' opened for Canadian commerce ; with an increasing annual proportion of the " vast carrying trade formerly done for the Provinces, by the railways, canals " and steamships of the Republic, transferred to Canadian hands." Nor does this by any means present the full measure of the advantages which Canada derived from the withdrawal of trade facilities. As with every previous hostile attempt against the separate existence of an independent northern power on this Con- tinent, which only served to rouse a feeling of resistance, so with this. Canada has always had more to fear from friendly (') negotiations to preserve peace, than from open declarations of war, either commercial or military. Since the American Rebellion of 1776, there have been frequent military operations against Canada, openly undertaken by the United States, or by instru- mentalities but thinly veiling the real authors of the attempts. The war of 1812 ; the " sympathizing " movements of 1837 and onwards ; the insidious attempts made by American Consuls and residents to sap the loyalty of Canadians, one of these being especially notorious, because of the unblushing stupidity of Mr. Consul Potter, who stated openly at a public meeting in the United States that part of his mission to Canada had been to bx'ing about Annexation, and who still more stupidly gave the names of some of his associates — Americans who had been occupying places of trust ; the Fenian attacks abetted, encour- aged, and assisted with money by men high in oflBce in the United States Government ; all these things drew us more closely together, and proved the existence of a spirit of loyalty to the Empire at large and to Canada as a constituent portion of it, which tended to strengthen and consolidate the people. The Trent affair, when the illegal seizure of Messrs. Mason & Slidell threatened to produce a war, showed that the military spirit of Canada only needed a stimulus to call it forth; the Fenian attacks which were met by the Canadian Militia along the whole line of a long frontier, gave evidence that had real danger came it would have been promtly met, and this did far more to secure peace than any puling, whining acknowledgments by Sir Edward Thornton of the faithful observance by the President of Interna- tional obligations which had not been observed. The United States soldiery having been on every occasion sent to save from deserved chastisement the rufnanly marauders, who, l)eforo their arrival, had been driven across the frontier by the Canadian Volunteers. Any intelligent reader of Canadian history can bo at no loss to satisfy himself that in commercial as in military affairs, Canada has always lost more by negotiations than by hostilities. It is not necessary to go to pasc history for proof of this. The document before us is sufficient evidence for the jiresent purpose. To the question propounded in the Memorandum, which, we are told, " naturally presents itself, how it comes that having *' prospered so well since the repeal of the Reciprocity Treaty " of 1854, Canada now seeks for its restoration," the answer is, we are told, as natural as the (question. « The population of the United States is forty millions, and that of the " Dominion but four millions. The boundary between them is for the most "part but a surveyor's line, often unknown even to those who live beride " it ; and it is of the utmost importance to Canada that common interests and " mutual good will should exist between the countries. And wliat so conducive " to this end as commercial intercourse, generally carried on and mutually " profitable? The people of Canada are not ignorant that a market near at " hand is better than a distant one ; and good as tlicir present markets are, «' they would gladly have the old one in addition. They comprehend the " barrier that custom house restrictions throw in the way even of tht; existing " traffic and they seek to have it withdrawn. They are proud of tlieir own " St. Lawrence Route, and intend to impi"ove it for tlie benefit of the Great " West and their own ; but would gladly use tlu? Ocean Ports and other " channels of commerce of the Republic, when freights and fares and friendly " Reciprocity drew them in that direction. And very great as have been the " advantages always accruing to the United States from Reciprocity, the " Canarlians can find only cause of hearty rejoicing at that, so long as they " themselves continue to enjoy that moderate degree of prosperity with which " Providence has blessed them." To get at the real answer, however, we must go a little beyond this natural answer. From the date of the formation of the North American Republic, the most determined attempts hrve been made to obtain access to the fisheries of the Maritime Provinces by the United States Government. Every effort was exhausted ; diplomacy, threats, war itself were resorted to, but to no effect. By the Re- T the little ciprocity Treaty of 1854, American fishermen were admitted during its continuance to tMjual privileges with our own people. When the Treaty was abrogated the right to fish lapsed. At first a nominal license fee was exacted from American fishermen, but so constantly was this small tax evaded, that the Government of the Dominion withdrew the privilege and stationedafleet of fast sailing vessels, in co-operatiou with Her Majesty's ships to prevent illicit fishing. Mr. Gladstone's Government unwillingly lent sistance, and showed the most culpable weakness, finding fault with the Dominion Goverr.mcnt for presuming to defend the rights of Canada against the encroachments of the United States. The vigorous action of the Canadian Government brought the President and his advisers to their senses ; negotiations were entered into, which led to the Treaty of Washington. By that Treaty our coast fisheries were to be thrown open to the Americans for twelve years, on condition that the United States should pay a money compensa- tion for the privilege, the amount to be settled by arbitration. T lat this sum would be large admitted of no doubt ; that steps would at once be taken to have competDnt men selected to form part of the Commission by which the amount should be ascertained was confidently anticipated. Mr. Brown in his Memorandum has brought forwai'd American authorities to testify to the value of our fisheries, not only on account of their direct money returns, but also as a training school for sailors to man the United States Navy. The force of these statements it has been attempted to weaken by the unsupported pretension that the difference in the abundance of fish on the coast of British America, as compared with the United States coasts, has been merely temporary, arising from over-fishing on the latter, and that more care would soon re- store the balance. Numberless authorities can be cited to disprove this pretension, were it needful to do so, but those quoted in the Memorandum may suffice in the meantime. Had we suffered as much by the abrogation of the Treaty as we have gained, the policy of offering a bribe for its renewal would have been very doubtful. It would have been humiliating enough to our pride to have been compelled to approach the United States and say to them : " We find that without your trade we cannot exist ; unless you take pity on us f»nd give us admission to your markets, all our industries are paralyzed ; our fanners cannot sell their grain ; our fishcnnoii must starve in tlio midst of plenty, since the fish thej catch heing unsaleable they cannot maintain the vessels rc((ui8ite to follow their calling ; our manufactures languish for want of customers, since there is no money in the country to buy what is produced ; our ship-yards are empty, and the sound of the hammer has ceased; our harbors are \uifrc(|uent- ed ; foreign commerce we have none." Under these circumstan- ces it might have been necessary to offer, as a l)ribe, the use of our fisheries, the value of whicli has been variously estimated at from fifty to a hundred million dollars, to obtain access to the only mar- ket to which we could resort, but which was closed by fiscal legis- lation. The Memorandicm itself shows that the position of Canada is the very reverse of this. We are prepaicd to show that the benefits of Canada have been under, rather than over, stated in that document, but the figures given by Mr. lirown himself are sufficient to condemn in the strongest manner possible the course he has adopted in suing, tribute money in hand, for " a market near at hand " which, when we had it, kc))t us poor and dependent^ What then is the real reason, as contradistinguished from Mr. Brown's natural reason ? The answer is to be found in Mr. Brown's Memorandum, so plainly stated, that the very simplicity of its confession of weakness and incapacity appears to have led to its beinj; overlooked. "It was felt' says Mr. BrowD, '^that if the largo value placed by the " Canadian people on their hbhcries were not reasonably compensated by the " results of the arVitnition, a feeling of dissatisfaction miglit be engendered " in the Provinces, not conducive to international harmony ; and that if, on " the other hand, an award were made equal to the confidcmt anticipations of " the Provinces, the good feeling restored in the United States by the Treaty " of Washington might be sensibly impaired." What is the fair interpretation to be put on these words ? Here is a Plenipotentiary charged with the duty of ])rotecting the just rights and claims of the people of Canada, He was aware, also, that the duty had been laid on ou!* administration of ascertaining what would be an equitable compej sation for the concession of a valuable privilege to foreigners, who had been earnestly demand- ing its enjoyment, and have finally, seeing they could do no otherwise, consented to pay a just price to be settled by arbitra- tion. Mr. Brown, however, ha<' in order to injure political legis- 'S^ opponents, attempted to arouse a public feeling against the Wash- ington Treaty (wliich, it must be remembered, the Liberal party had accepted as putting an end to controversy, even if all its conditions were not agreeable) on the ground of the wanton sacrifice of the fisheries, which he at that time declared to be of inestimable value. Evidently afraid of an accusation of being outwitted by Yankee negotiations, if he did not succeed in obtain- ing a compensation apjjroaching to the value he had put on the fisheries, Mr. Brown felt that it would be better to give up all claims, rather than that he should lose political reputation. If the Canadian people have exaggerated notions of the value of their fisheries, who so much as Mr. Brown and his personal following have contributed to produce these ? Mr. Brown gives proof that the fisheries are exceedingly valuable, and we are prepared, if necessary, to add to that proof. It would seen, then, to be the duty of the Administration to take every means possible to main- tain our rights, and, having done ail to eistablish the case for Canada, to come before the representatives of the people and in the face of the country, to show that nothing had been left undone. But Mr. Brown distinctly states, almost in so many words, that he has too much moral cowardice to put to the test the ability of which he arrogates to himself the possession. In effect, he tells Mr. Fish, that he is afraid if the sum at which he has valued the fisheries is not obtained, or something approaching to it, that he will be disgraced, and, therefore, on bende^ knees he implores Mr. Fish to rid him of all questions arising out of the fishery claims, so that it may be possible for him to amuse Canadians with delusive promises of the great things to be accomplished by reciprocity. They are able to calculate to actual money received as an annual paj .lent for the twelve years, during which American fishermen are to have access to the shores of the Maritime Pro- vinces. *' Therefore," he says, as any one may read between the lines, " you must not permit them to see how I have deceived them, or have myself been over-reached. If you grant us any sort of a Reciprocity Treaty, I can raise out of worthless land a mirage, showhig so fair a prospect of glittering streams and green oases, in which prosperity and peace and abundance may be enjoyed, that in their delight at the vision, my poor outwitted country-men will hail me as their deliverer.' ft ^il ii >H But there is a worse feature of the case to be noticed. It is bad enough for Mr. Brown to tell Mr. Fish that he is afraid to face the people of Canada ehoald the proceedings before the Court of Arbitration be bungled, and Canadians, by the incapacity of the men entrusted with their case, be deprived of their just rights. Mr. Brown goes much further than this. ^He says Canada dare not urge her claims, in case " the good feeling restored in the United States by the Treaty of Washington might be sensibly impaired." ! ! Has it come to this that the Modern Pistol has had to eat his leek ? The ancient Pistol was dragged unwillingly to swallow the nauseous dose and tried to resist although vainly. " I eat, and eke I swear." His successor goes willingly and eats his leek with a relish. Is there any little slice of territory we could offer to prevent the good feeling from being impaired ? We have handed over a large part of New BrunswicK by the Asaburion Treaty ; an immense territory by the Oregon Treaty ; the Island of San Juan by the Washington Treaty, not to speak of various trifles here and there at different times, trifles not worth speaking of. Are we prepared by this Treaty, rather than have the " good feeling impaired," to transfer the whole of British North America to the Washington Government ? This is the question which Canadians have to set themseives seriously to consider. Not altogether whether we are to be most benefitted by a near or by a distant market. The very document in which such humiliation is counselled proves beyond doubt that even in a money point of view, we have done better by opening up distant than by being satisfied with near markets. Even were it otherwise, however, are we to refrain from pressing our just . 'ghts from the fear of " good feel- ing being iiupaired?" The good will of a nation which will only preserve i*: when we ^an show that we can maintain our position with it, or without it ; a nation which only prevented incursions by armed marauders when Canadians showed themselves strong enough to treat them with contempt ; which urged claims for compensation for the escape of cruisers, for whose doings the British Government were made liable only by an ex post facto law, and which rejected demands for reparation for the continued outrages by their own citizens on Canada, — outrages, the preparation for which had been made ostentationsly for months and years ; for which arms, ammu- nition, stores and provisions had been prepared and deposited along 9 rights. the frontiers vnth the full knowledge of United States officials. Let any one refer to the G-lobe, which more than any other paper in Canada, is regarded as the mouthpiece of the personal opinions of its proprietor- Mr. George Brown, and he will find the most hitter denunciations against those who in so cowardly a mam r gave up the claims of Canada for reparation on account of Fenian outrages. How Mr. Brown, in the character of old Jack Falstaff, cut, and hacked, and slashed, and pursued the " men in buckram," whose numbers swelled as each new sentence was written, and a fresh and more vigorous period turned. But now " he babbles o' green fields." Good, placid, peacefiAl, mild, humble, loving creature, he fearp. chat if Canadians insist on their rights, " the good feeling towards them of the United States might be impaired." How refreshing is the humility of our Joint Plenipotentiaries. They approach Mr. Fish more like pauper appli'^ants for relief, than like statesmen sent to negotiate a treaty on the jjart of the greatest nation of the earth and one of its dominions. We can almost paint Mr. Brown in the character of an unfortunate washer- woman, timidly casting down her eyes, and nervously rolling and unrolling her apron string over her fore-finger, much slirivelled with soap suds, as she comes into the awful presence of the Board of Guardians to be interrogated touching her means of livelihood and her expectations of obtaining relief. "I keeps a mangle, please your worships, and does a little clean starching, and gets a day occasional at scrubbing. If yon.r worships would on'y make me a little allowance, I 'opes as 'ow I might be able to keep my liitle s'-'oks o' fumiter together." What great difference in spirit is there between this imaginary plea and the words actually written to Mr. Fish and laid before the people of Canada by Sir Edward Thornton and Mr. George Brown for approval ? Can we not imagine the sigh of humility that escapes from the bosom of Mr. Brown as he timidly raises his eyes to note the effect of the state- ment that there is still a little tea and bread in the cupboard ? He says " And very great as have been the advantages always accruing to the United States. from reciprocity, the Canadians can find only cause of hearty rejoicing at that, 80 long as they them- selves continue to enjoy that moderate degree of prosperity with which Provide! ce has blessed them!'' Is it any wonder after this grovelling in the dust before the Secretary of State, " in the li liiii interview which we had the honour to be favoured with by you at the State Department," that that official should have told them bluntly, to any other than these Joint Plenipotentiaries it might have seemed insolently, that he had no propositions to make. Sir Edward Thornton and Mr. Brown might offer anything they liked ; it was not for him to say when they had offered enough. As for him and the Government he represented, they would say nothing ; promise nothing ; take everything they could get. Apart from " the good feeling which might be impaired " if we do not obtain a treaty of reciprocity, has a single material benefit been urged as a reason for our putting ourselves in a false position by asking for it ? Our growth has been steady and satis- factory, giving assurance to us as a people that our institutions, our industries and our nationality will be solid and endurmg. Has there been since Confederation any want of employment for our people ? Any want of enterprise ? Any lack of capital ? Any money panics ? It is true that we cannot point to over-grown in- dustrial establishments such as the people of the United States possess. But are our factories, workshops and all branches of trade and business not increasing in a ratio more than commensu- rate with the growth of our population ? We are dazzled with promises of the wondrous prosperity to flow from the Treaty. Mr. Brown has answered himself by showing how enormously our com- merce has increased since the last Treaty was abolished. Are our reserves of standing timber not decreasing with sufficient rapidity, that we must implore the United States to remove the duties they so foolishly (for themselves) imposed on our lumber ? Are not those best acquainted with our timber lands giving warning of the necessity laid upon us to husband these resources ? Is it not the case that since the abrogation of the last Treaty and the conse- quent imposition of heavy duties on our lumber entering the United States, new markets have been found to which we can send and in which we can sell it with advantage ? It is well known that instead of sending to the United States our raw lumber to be a source of employment to large numbers of artizans there, by whom it was worked up and then sent to foreign markets, we have ourselves been employing skilled labor and sending manufactured goods to these same markets, greatly to the advantage of Canada. If the world were coming to an end within the next year or two, 11 we might possibly be justified in offering an immense bribe to the United States to induce them to remove all restrictions on the consumption by them of our materials. Proscjnt circumstances do not appear to warrant such a course of procedure, nor to justify us in paying to the Americans from five to ten million dollars aryear in lieu of the duties on our raw products now paid by American consumers them&slves. Again, with respect to our agricultural products, have our merchants not enterprise enough to supply foreign markets them- selves, instead of allowing Americans to do so at a great profit ? During the continuance of the last Treaty, it was notorious that our best butter when carried into the United States was repacked for the British market and branded as " American Butter," the vilest garbage of American butter, picked up at a low price, being sent to Liverpool as " Canadian Butter," the same thing having been done with other products. The injury to Canada from this practice wis incalculable, and the reputation of our products has not yet been restored during the eight years that have passed since the Treaty was abrogated. Are we prepared to have the same practice renewed to our great loss and damage ? Is it not true that since the Treaty was abolished the most marked change has taken place in the course of the grain trade, and that not only are our merchants doing that business for Canada, but they have to a large extent taken possession of the best paying part of the wheat and pork trade of Chicago and other Western Cities? These and other similar subjects for enquiry, so far as this point is concerned, may safely be left for the consideration of those who think at all on the subject. In the course of the discussion resulting from the publication of the memorandum, the objection has been raised, that there has been a loss of dignity on the part of Canada in being the first to ask for a new Treaty of Reciprocity. This objection has been ridiculed, since if the object to be attained be a good one, it is a matter of no great moment which of the parties makes the first move, both countries being in favour of reciprocity, as has been fully proved by the repeated resolutions of their commercial men, represented by the National and Dominion Boards of Trade, and other similar associations. In certain circumstances the answer would have been satisfactory and conclusive. Where a good and 12 1 ^n desirable end is to be arrived i»t, the question of dignity may be sometimes waived. Under no circumstances, however, can self respect be sacrificed. And when to the question of self respect is added that of self preservation, the reasons for insisting that the overtures should come from the party which withdrew from a former agreement become overwhelming. Is it necessary to recall past treaties, and the manner in which the negotiations for them were conducted ? What took place in the case of the Reverdy Johnson Treaty, respecting Alabama claims ? Must we remind Canadians of the proceedings regarding the various Boundary Treaties, and the manner in which they were disposed of? To attempt to fix responsibility on the President or on his Secretaries is of no use. It is of the very essence of the system of the United States in all (questions arising with foreign governments, in all negotiations, in all preliminaries to treaties, that engagements, which to all appearance are of the most solemn nature, are, so far as the United States Government is concerned, not worth the paper they are written on. In the case now before us, Canada offers certain concessions in return for certain other concessions. The concessions offered by Canada are held to be irrevocable and binding on Canada, but the Treaty making power of the United States, that is, the Senate, declines to grant the concessions which were to be the equivalent for those made by Canada. Should no treaty be effected, what position do we occupy ? We cannot begin with a clean sheet, and attempt to negotiate another treaty, leaving out of account what we had offered in order to obtain the one towards which negotiations are directed. Not at all. It will be held, as it has always been held in former treaties, that what we had offered conditionally had been offered absolutely, and that we are bound to negotiate on the terms to which we had been brought as a compromise, leaving the Americans free to offer . anything or nothing, just as it may please them. lie must have been a careless observer of the proceedings in the treaties by which Canada has so greatly suffered, and has but indifferently studied Ihe political history of the United States who would attempt to deny the correctness ot this view. This, therefore, is our real objection to proposals, having been made by Canada in the first place instead of these proceeding from the United States. We cannot afford to assume an undignified position towards that may be can self respect that the from a to recall or them leverdy remind oundary )f? To iretaries > United in all ;ements, , so far e paper a offers The 3I0 and United IS Tvhich 3uld no )t begin treaty, ;ain the It will it what id that i been ;o offer . it have r which studied npt to nr real e first . We s that 13 country; we, certainly, cannot hope to be shown any respect if we lose respect for ourselves and our country. The painful lessons we have already received should have taught us this much. We are told that admission to the markets of the United States, and supplying of forty millions of people will give such an impetus to our mannfacturing interests, that the whole Dominion will be dotted over with mills and factories ; that Americans will come acioss the borders in countless numbers to settle here, bringing large amounts of capital, and so forth. Let us grant that all this is true, and that the reality will be far in excess of the anticipated benefits. On the theory set forth in the Memorandum^ that " a market near at hand is better than a distant one," what follows ? That we exclusively devote ourselves to manufacturing for the United States, leaving all other markets out of consideration. The great influx of Americans cannot be without its effect in Americanizing our principles of Government and our modes of thought. We will daily hear Republican institutions praised and exalted, our own system depreciated, and as this is a free country in which every man may advocate his own views, so long as such advocacy does not lead to breaches of the law, newspapers advo- cating, on the ground of self interest, annexation to the United States v/ould be established. At the end of twenty one years the treaty lapses. Our " market near at hand " is closed to us, and we hare no other, because being so much better than those at a distance wc have never sought others. What terms could we offer for an extension of the Treaty ? Our manufacturers are threatened with ruin, the mills must stop, the whole army of work- men will be deprived of employment ; their wives and children must starve ; all those who depended on them for custom must close their places of business ; the country would become bankrupt. Patriotism and love of country being dead, having been sneered out of existence, there would no longer be any aversion to Annex- ation, which would be accepted, not as the least of two evils but as in itself a positive good, and so the work would be accomplished. Is this, on Mr. Brown's theory, an imaginary picture ? Assume that his anticipations are correct, and this is undoubtedly what would occur, f^r it was the fallacy that a " market near at hand is better than a distant one " that, acted upon, was the great cause of the mischief that arose from the last Treaty of Reciprocity. 14 m II But what is the meaning of " a market near at hand " ? Doeis it not mean simply one from which returns are obtained in th« shortest time ? What is it to the farmer who sells his grain, cheese, butter, cattle, where these B,re sent if he gets paid ait once ? What to the merchant or shipper if he has to give threo months credit for what he sells to a near neighbour, or has to wait for three months for the returns from goods shipped abroad ? When the last treaty was abolished the farmers of Prince Edwavd Island by losing their " market near at hand " believed they ware ruined. The merchants there had long known that by shipping to Liverpool or the Clyde they could obtain higher prices than in Boston, but they terrified themselves with imaginary obstacles to sending their oats, &c,, so far oS. Shut out from the near^ they tried the far, with this result, that whereas they could get from American buyers from twenty-five to thirty cents a bushel, they could obtain by shipping to Great Britain a price which netted from forty to fifty cents, with a steady and regular trade. If we can get both markets, so much the better, but why shouM we bribe with the price of our fisheries a nation to take from us what we can sell elsewhere in the fair v^ay of business ? Our business is simply to let the United States alone till Americans come to their senses. In the meantime it is the business of our statesmen to legislate for the best interests of the country, without regard to what the United States will or will not do. We have no sympathy with the cry of protection, which can do no real good even to those who apparently benefit by it. If the Americans are bene- volent enough to send us goods at less than their cost price, why should we quarrel with them and denounce as selfishness what looks like senseless kindness. If they were even foolish enough to pay their manufacturers a bounty on all goods sent in Canada, it is, rightly regarded, a tax laid on themselves to enable us to live more cheaply than we could do otherwise. If we cannot main- tain large locomotive and other works, it is becanse we are not yet ready for them, the demand not being sufficiently great. No protection on earth, failing a sufficient demand., would build up such establishments, unless the tax payers are prepared to support them at the pubUc expense, or to load our railways with a burden which is unjustifiable. As the population increases these and all other industries will expand naturally and legitimately. As new 'I I I .it J M 16 fields for settlement are occupied, new lines of railways will be required ; and without protection, or rather as a matter of fact, because there is no protection to increase artificially the cost of living, capitalists will find it to be their interest to establish works for supplying the necessary rolling stock. Very promising be- ginnings have already been made in this direction. Population is beginning to flow into the North West, now in driblets, but before long in a steady and ever increasing stream ; the older Provinces are receiving accessions to their populations. Foi these clothing, tools, furniture, all the necessaries and luxuries of civilization must be provided. It is well that our views should be wide and far reachiii'^ ; that we should be laying broad and deep our founda- tions ; that we should look forward to the realisation of our iioolest aspirations. But we must not ln^agine that there is some easy method of forcing on a sudden and Herefore, unhealthy develope- ment, lest we destroy the reality if prosperity on which our future fortunes are to rest. We engage with the United States, in addition to supplying them with the necessaries of life cheaper than they can themselves raise them, to enlarge our canals and make a new water commu- nication to New York. For this purpose we propose to spend twenty millions of dollars within a very limited time. And to be allowed the privilege of constructing these works for the benefit of of the Western States, as Mr. Brown tells Mr. Fish, we offer to pay to the United States a sum estimated at from fifty to a hundred millions of dollars. If the works are not completed in the time specified, aro v.e in a position to compel the United States to con- tinue the consideration for which we undertook these works, that is that they shall take our products at a cheaper rate, if the farmers and grain dealers there say that An*erican consumers must pay them a higher price ? Will American protectionists not at once step in and say that the bargain has not been completed ; the canals are not finished ; therefore the conditions not having been literally fulfilled, the Treaty is abrogated ? What could we say in such a case ? Would the United States pay us for the value of the fisheries for any part of the twelve years, or would Great Britain support us if we made such a claim, seeing that it was by our own negligence or want of ability to perform the stipulated conditions that the agreement had not been carried out ? These 16 questions cannot be summarily dismissed with a sneer, but must be considered carefully. We have entered into an engagement to build a transcontinental railway, which, it is now alleged by some of our statesmen, ij too heavy a burden for us to bear. If that statement be correct, how can we with justice to ourselves and our own honour, enter into other engagements to cost us as much as the Pacific Railway, leav- ing us only the alternatives of breaking a solemn engagement, or cri[)pling ourselves, and this for the sake of obtaining a problema- tical advantage ? Can we, in addition to our already large engage- ments, purchase from the United States, at the enormous sum of from fifty to a hundred million dollars, a treaty which after we have secured it will be worthless if not hurtful to us, and prejudi- cial to our interests ? We are asked by Mr. Brown to sacrifice a sum that would go far to defray the whole cost of the Trans- continental railway, Avithout which there can be no real cohesion of the various Provinces of the Dominion,,. and this on the ground that without this sacrifice " the good will of a foreign power will be impaired," he having apparently forgotten that the embarrass- ment thus caused in our finances, necessitating delay in the fulfilment of obligations to our own people, may produce a bitter- ness of feeling on the part of those who suffer, causing incalculably more evil than the loss of good feeling on the part of foreigners. Delay in improving the means of communication with our North- western and Pacific Provinces must act in a two-fold manner to our disadvantage. It will deter emigrants from settling in our territories, and drive them to the United States, adding enormously to the power of our rival, because increasing the ratio of her strength to our weakness, by what she thus gains and we lose. There is another fatal error into which Mr. Brown has fallen. He proposes that instead of managing our own affairs, we ought to manage a certain portion of them by Joint Commission — in other words, we arc asked to admit officials appointed by the United States to a share in the Government of Canada. Nothing more, suicidal could be proposed than giving up the management of any part of our business to the Government of a foreign country. Once admit the thin end of the wedge, what is to prevent the rendmg process from being completed and the Domhiion from being broken up ? In event of a difibrcnce of opinion among the Com- IT but must )ntinental len, ij too rect, how enter into vay, leav- emont, or problema- e engage- is sum of after we i prejudi- acriiice a he Trana- [ cohesion e ground )ower will mbarrass- y in the ) a bitter- jalculably reigners. ur North- nanner to miaaioners, who would decide ? Clearly the Government which has most power at its back. The proposal for Joint Commission may appear to Mr. Brown a harmless, nay a very wise, suggestion, fraught with good to Canada and calculated to save expense. Those who have thought more deeply on the subject and who have studied more carefully than he the history of other nations, that of the country in which he himself was born being a striking instance in point, have learned to think otherwise and can see as the result of Mr. Brown's views being adopted and carried into practical effect, nothing but danger and probable disaster to the best interests of Canada. It should be unnecessary to refer to the mischievous and un- founded charges against our public men of their being in favour of the annexation of Canada to the United States. We can only re- gard Sdcn charges with contempt and indignation. Canadians, whether they are so by birth or by adoption, have too high a seiise of the worth of their country, and too clear a vision of the great- ness that awai».vit, to degrade themselves by willingly and of set purpose advocating any policy which would lead to the absorption of Canada by the United States. They may, and do, diifer, it is true, in their opinions as to what would most conduce to her prosperity and progress. Before Confederation had been accom- plished there was an uneasy feeling that we as a community were in a state of transition, and men's hearts were troubled by doubts and fears as to the fate that lay before us. When the proposal for Confederation assumed a distinct form, the great bulk of the people instinctively felt that it would prove to be a settlement to the question as to our form of government. Those who opposed it did so from the fear that it was a step towards loosening the ties which bound us to the rest of the Empire, and bore with patience the charges brought against them of being actuated by a feeling the very reverse of their real sentiments. Mr. Brown advocated Confederation with vigour and with all earnestness, at the cost even of separation for a time from those with whom he had formerly acted in this Province. When Confederation was accomplished those who had opposed, equally with those who had advocated, the measure, endeavored to obtain from it the benefits which its best friends had confidently anticipated. But again there were differences of opinion, and whilst the great body of the people re- 2 18 solved to maintain the existing connection with Great Britain un- changed, some believed that the true connection would be best preserved hj Canada obtaining her independence ; having greater freedom in making treaties ; the power of sending diplomatic representatives to foreign states, and all the other attributes of nationality. Believing that this would secure the existence of Canada as a separate nation and as a great power on this conti- nent, and avert the danger of being absorbed by the United States they met calmly the charges hurled against them of being Annex- ationists, satisfied that time would do them justice, and, whether their views were right or wrong, prove that these were urged with a loyal regard to their own country, and to the preservation of her honor. Mr. George Brown with a trenchant pen denounced such as asked for independence as enemies of their country and com- mented in no measured terms upon the utterances of Sir Alexander Gait, Mr. John Young, Mr. Huntington and others, as those of men who, under the guise of seeking for independence were aiming at annexation. He treated with especial scorn *hoir demand for the treaty making power and their proposal for a Zollverein, point- ing out how great was the danger we incurred of being over- reached and of our best interests being imperilled. The advances he has made towards a Zollverein must be gratifying to these gentlemen, but they must confess that Mr. Brown, in respect to the treaty making power, was never more clearly shown to be in the right, nor could anything more conclusively prove the reasonableness of his fears than his own conduct in the negotiations, as these are laid before the world in the Memorandum signed by Sir Edward Thornton and Mr. George Brown, on which we have taken the liberty to comment. We earnestly ask our legislators to reject, without hesitation, the terms it proposes, not on the narrow grounds brought forward by terrified " interests," but on the broad ground that such a treaty, sued for on such consi- derations, and to be obtained only by purchase, is prejudicial to our national welfare and derogatory to our national honor. 't Britain uii' lid be best ing greater diplomatic ttributes of xiatence of this conti- nited States ing Annex- id, whether urged with ation of her (unced such y and com- r Alexander as those of were aiming demand for rerein, point- being over- 'he advances ng to these 1 respect to shown to be J prove the negotiations, m, signed by ich we have ir legislators not on the ests," but on such consi- >rejudicial to onor.