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Les diagrammes suivants illusti-ent la mithode. i ^ 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 f-> ;'^ i rf- - t.*-*yirj vC^.- .k;^^^ THE LIBRARY THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Gift of The Friends of the Library Thomas Murray Collection I *«**.'.- -irr *:-■, =rpi' "^•■■< .■a-^,T":- ^t^ "■■'■ ,•iV^'i^'i'^,V;■ ,-^iUi! ■ iiww ^|^i|p|l<*^«||||^^''i:^^^ 7jr^\:^. \L.^^:, '^^.i^^M'i^^'^^^l iJ^V^/^'fe AN EXPOSITION OF THIS CAUSES AND CHARACTER «» >-w * ^ "'-- *■ ""^vr «w .^,w« r £,-W ^•*" • . ■» » w ^ ■^ 'iW ■^ _p- — • 1 «■ r- ■"" ^ awW ^-| ^ (-T -- -* y *• .-' / V." rt*f " i. *^ L * -^w^^^V. •- * ' f - T-' •r « #^ l J<^ w ***** -!• » *'_AfiM •^ ll^^i!l^%< blf THB WAR # BETVTEEN TBlt tJNiTED STATES ANU tJREAt-BEITAlN. '4kt9:')»:49iA: % >. ^IKTBd BY ISAAC AND WALTER % VSlli^ V 1815. mm-'t '• f/L.^r* ,>t^-^- ^ THE extravai^ant pretentions of the British com-! tnissioners at Ghent— their assertiun ol a righi to inter- lerc with the territorial dominion established at the peace of 1783 — their^attempt to assert that the Indians lesiding on oil/ soil were entitled to form alliances, and be treated as a civiiiiied people, under the laws of civil society to which the Indian tribes are strangers-— the attenapt to cut off' a section o^" our territory, under the pretext of a road between Canada and Nova Sco- tia, tor which there would be no need in peace, and t^•hich would afford them an inroad upon us duiing war *--their occupancy of part of Mafesacliusetts unmolest- ed by the Stale authority — their know» designs on Or- leans: all these and other facts known to the govern- ment of the United States,left little prospect of a peace iin the early part of the present year ; it is believed that the government was apprized in the course of the last year, that peace coiild have been accomplished in August 1814, were it not for the tncouragement which the British government recelK^ed from three of the Eastern states to persevere in^e war. — In these views, the Executive had determined to make a full and final appeal to the American people, and by presenting at one view to the cbtmtry the catises aiid the progress of the war, shew the necessity of stich mighty and efl\- cient preparations for the campaign of this year, as tvould assure its successftil and triumphant termination by the cer||in expulsion of the enemy from all his pos- sessions dii tliis continent. The measure proposed by the Secretaty of War for raising 100,000 men, was part of this plan of vigorous measures ; and a declar- ation ©r exposition T^as prepared to go to the public. This able paper was ready for publication, when the advices of a peace b'eh*g conctoded were r-jceived. A copy of it ha8 accidentally fallen into the hands of the editor of the Aurorii, afid Rethink we can do no better service than give it to the public, as the best means of reptlHng the ribaldry issued by .those whose chagria IS excited to the greatest extravagance by the s^cces^- ifml and glorious terxnination of the war. AN EXPOSITION "^-^/■HATEYF.U muvbe the torminatien of (he Tt nei:jociations atGhcnf, the dispatches ot* the imerican comtnissioncrs, >vhff.h have heeii coirummicalecl by fho I'resldenf of the United Stfites to the C<)n.^rcss, during the present session, will distinctly unfohl, to the impartial ot* all na- tions, the objects and dispositious of the pnities to the present war. The United States, relieved by the general pa- ciilcation of the treaty of Paris, from the danger of actual sufferance, under the evils ^hieh had compelled them to resort to arm?, have avowed their readiness to resume the relations of peaca and amity with Great-Britain, upon the simple And single condition of preserving tlieir territory and their sovereignty entire and unimpuired. Their desire of peace, indeed *< upon terms of re- ciprocity, consistent, with t-.e rights of both par- ties, as sovereign and independent nations^"^ has not, at any time, been inflnenced by the provoca- tions of an unprecedented course of hostiliti f»kj » by the incitements of a successful eampaii^n ; or hy the agitations which have seemed aj^iin to threaten the tranquillity, of Europe. But the British government, after a ^* discus- sion with the .i^overnment of Ameriea, foi^ ih^ conciliatory adjustment of the differcKces sub- sistin;:; between the two states, with an earnest desire, on their part, (as it was alleged) to bring » ^" . ' ' *See Mr. Monroe'a letter to lord CaUlereagh, dated i m AMERICAN EXPOSE. them to a favorable issne^ upon principles of a perf4;ct recipracity^ not ineonsisten^ with estab- lished maxlois of public ]aw> and with the mari- time rights of the British empire,"* and after *' expressly disclaiming any intention to acquire an increase of territory ,''f have peremptorily de- manded, as the price of peace, concessions calcu- lated merely for their own aggrandizement, and for the humiliation of their adversary. At one time, they proposed, as their sine qua non, a stip- ulation, that the Indians, inhabiting the country of the United States, within the limits establish- ed by the treaty of 1783, should be included as the allies of Great Britain (a party to that trea- ty) in the projected pacification ; and that definite boundaries should be settled for the Indian tcrri- toi7, upon a basis, which would have operated ^o surrender, to a num^ber of Indians, not, probably, exceeding a few thousands, the rights of sove- reignty, as well as of soil, over nearly one third of the territorialdominions of the United States, inhabited by more than one hundred thousand of its oitizens4 Aad, more reeently (withdrawing, in effect, that proposition) they have offered to treat on the b^sis of the nli pomdelis; when, by *Seelord Casticrcagh's letter to rSlr. Monroe, dated the 4th of November 1813. f See the American dispatch, dated the 12th August, 1814. ^See the American dispatches, dated the 12th and 19th Angust, 1814 ; the note of the British commissioners, dated the 19th of August, 1814 ; the note of the Ameri- can commissioners, dated the 21st day of August, 1814; thenoteof the British commissirners* dutcd the 4th of September, 1814 ; the note of the American commission- ersof the 9th of September, l&H ; the note of the Brit- ish commissioners, dated the 19 h of Sept. 1814; the note of the American commissioners, dated the 26th of Sept. 1814 ; t* e note of the British commissioners, dat- ed the 8th of 0^:t. 1814; and the note of the Americac commissioHers, of the 18th of October, 1814. 111 sti C( on *4i*i»~M..- as AMERICAN EX:pOSE. s the oppfations of the war, tho^v had obtained tlie miliUry jiosscssion of an imi>ortiin^ part of I ho state of Massachusflts, wliich, it was known, could never be tlie subjecl of a cession, eonsist- ©ntly with the honor and faith of the Anierioaii governnipnt.* Thus it is obvious,' thut Great Britain, neither regarding ** the prineijilis of u perfect reeipro( ly," nor Ihe iiile of her own practice and professions, has indulgt^d pretensions, which could only be heard, in order f See the correspondence between Mr. Randolph, the American secretary of State, and Mr. HammoBd, the Bijitish plenipotentiary, dated May and June, JT94; 1 »' i^,' M .,';« flc ^ AMERICAN EXPOSE. trials of lis ptido, ami of iis fortitude ; wlintcvei^ inuy liave been the irnputrt^ioiis upon i(s tidelity, atid its honoi\ it will bo demonstruted in the se- quel, that (he American j^overnment, (hroiij^hout the fiwi'opeati eontest, and amidst all (be (ihan;^es of the objects, and the parties that have been in- volved in that contest, have infiexihly adhered t(* the principles >vhieh were thus authoritiveiy es- tablished, to regulate the conduct of the United States. It was reasonable to expect that a proclama- tion of neuti'alif^, issued under the eireumstanees whieh have been described, would command (he confidence and respect of Great Britain* however offensive it mif.'ht prove to France, as contraven- ing essentially, (he exposiiion which she was anx- ious to bestow on the treaties of commerce and alliance. But experience has sliown, that (he confidence and respect of Great Brii.iin are not to be ac/quired, by such aets of impartiality and in- dependence. Under every administration of th(3 American government, the experiment has been made, and the experitnent has bren equally un- successful : for it was not more effectually ascer- tained in (he year 1812, than at antecedent periods, that an exemption from the maritime usurpation, and the commercial monopoly, of Great Britain, eeuld only be obtained upon the condition nf be- coming an associate, in her enmitic s and her wars. Wliile the proclat^mtion of neutrality was still in tlie view of the British minister, an order of the 8th of June, 1793, issue*! from the ♦abiner, by virtue of uhich, *• ail vessels loaded wholly, or in part, with corn, (lour, or meal, bound to any port in France, or any port occupied by the arm- ies of France," wefe required to be carried, forc- ibly into England ; and the cargoeg weie either to be sold there, or security was to be given, that they should be ^oUl in the ports of a country only in AMERICAN JEXPOSE 9^ amily wHIi his Britnnnio majesty.* The moral character of an avowed design, to inilict ramino vpon the wholo of the French people^ was^ at that tittit) propef ly estimated throughout tho civilized viTorld; and so glaring an infraction of neutral rights, as the British order was calculated to pro- duce, did not escape the severities of diplomatio animadversion and rei .onstranoe. — But this ag- gression was soon followed by another of a more hostile cast. In the war of 1756, Great Britain had endeavored to establish the rule, that neutral nations were not entitled to enjoy the benefits of a trade with the colonies of a belligerent power^ from which, in the seasim of peace, they were excluded by the parent staie. — The rule stands without positive support from any general au- thority on public law. If it be tnie, that some treaties contain stipulations, by which the parties expressly exclude each other from the commerce of their respective colonies : and if it be true, that the ordinanoes of a particular state often provide for the exclusive enjoyment of it9 colonial com- merce ; still Great Britain cannot be authorised to deduce the rule of the war of 1756, by impli- cation, from such treaties and such ordinances, while it is not true, that the rule forms a part of the law of nations; nor thai it has been adopted by any other government ; nor that even Great Britain herself has uniformly practised upon the rule ; since its application Avas unknown from the war of 1756, until ihe French war of 1792, in- cluding the entire period of the American war Let it be, argumentativoly allowed, however, that Groat Britain possessed the right, as well as the power, to revive and enforce the rule ; yet, the time and the manner of exercising the powco * See the order of the 8th of June, 1793, and the re- monstrance of the American of government. m i, \ to AMERICAN EXPOSE, :.. ^! .V would afford Jiini>lc cause for reproach. TJie cif- izeus ot* (liv United Slates had openly engaged in an extensive trade with the Fiench isiuuds, in the AVest Juditfs^ ignorant of the alleged existence of the I'ule of the war of 1756, or unapprised of any intention to call it into action, when the order of the 6th ot Novemher, 1793, was silently circula- ted uuiong the British cruizers, consignini^ to le- gal adjudication, " all vessels loaden wilfi goods, the protluee of any colony of France, or carrying provisions or supplies, for the use oi' any such col- ony."'* A great portion of the commerce of the Uoitrd States was thus annifniated at a blow ^ the amicable dispositions of the government were again disreg nded and contemned, the sensibility of the nation was excited to a high degree of re- sentment, by the apparent treachery of the Brit- ish order ; and a recourse to reprisals, or to war, for indemnity and redress, seemed to be unavoid- able. But the love of Justice had established the law of neutrality j and the love of peace taught a lesson of forbearr«nce. The American go?erai» nient, therefore, rising superior to the provoca- tions and the passions of the day, instituted a spec- ial mission, to represent at the court of London, the injuries and the indignities whieh it had suf- fered, *< to vindicate its rights wi(h firmness, and to «ultivate peace with sincerity."! The immo- diate result of this mission, was a treaty of amity, commeree, and navigation, between the United States and GB'cat Britain, which was signed by the negociators on the 19i\i of November, 179i, and finally ratified, withthe consent of the Senate, io the year 1795. But both the niissioa and its ♦Seethe British orders ©fthe GthofNov. 1793. fSec the presic'ent's message to the senate, of the 16th of April, 1794, nominating Mr. Jay as en^jfoy extraordinary to i>is Britanmc majesty. AMEKICAN EXPOSE. Vesnlt, serve, also, to display ibe independrnce and the irQpariialii^' of theAmeriean government^ in asserting its rights and {lerforniing its duties^ equally utiuwed and unbiassed by the instruments of beiiigereht power, or persuasion. On th« foundation of this treaty the United States, in a pur^ spirit of good faith and confi- denee, raised th«i hope and the expectation^ that the maritime usurpations of Great Britain uould ^ease to annoy th^m ; (hat all doubtful claims of jurisdiction would be suspended *, and that even the exercise of an incontestable right wouliS be 60 modified, aft to present neither insult, nor out> irage, nor ioconvenienee, to their flag, or to their commerce. But the hope and the expectation of the United States have been fatally disappointed^ Some relaxation in the ri^or> \fithout any altera- tion in the principle, of the order in council of the 6th of November/ 1^93, Was introduced by the subseijuent orders of the 8th of Jan. 1794, and thd 25th Jan. 17^8 : Imt from the ratification of the treaty of 1794<, until the short respite afforded by the treaty of Amieris, in lS02,the commerce of th€$ United States continued to be the prey of British eruiKersand privateers, under the af)j eommerce, and navigation, had been ratified, the nature and the extent of the grievance became still more manifest ; and it was clearly and firm- ly presented to the view of the British governnient> as leading unavoidably to discord and war between the two nations* They were told, " that unless they would come to some accommodation which might ensure the American seamen against this oppression, measures would be taken to cause the inconvenience to be equally felt on both sides."^ They were to!dj « that the impressment of A- merican citizens^ to serve on board of British ♦See the letter of Mr. Jefferson, secretary of state, to Mr. Pinkney, minister at London^ dated Uth of June, 1792. ^ f See tJie letter from the satn'e to the same, iiated the 13th ot October, 1792. • tSee the letter from the same to the same, Jated the 6th of November, 179fi. JSee the letter from Mr. Pinkney, minister at Lon« Boa, to the fceoretary of state, d&ted 13th March, 179^0 AMERICAN EXPOSE. 13 ATnied TesselS) vfus not only aa injary to the un- fortunate inyividuals, but it naturally excited eertaio emotions in tbe breasts of the nation to whom they belongs and the just and humane of %yery country ; and that an expeetation ^as in- dulged that orders would be given, that the A- inericans so circumstanced, should be immediate- ly liberated, and that the British officers should, in future, abstain from similar violences.''^ They were told, *' that the subject was of much greater importance than had been supposed : and that, instead of a few, and those in many instan- ces equivocal cases, the American minister at tbe court of London had, in nine months (part of the years 1796 and 1797) made applications for the discharge of two hundred and seventy-one seamen who had, in most cases, exhibited such evidence, as to satisfy him that they \yere real A- merieansyforced intotheBritish service,and perse- vering, generally, in refusing pay and bounty."! They were told, " that if the British government had any regard to the rights of the United States, any respect for the nation, and placed any vaiuc on their friendship, it would facilitate the means of relieving their oppressed citizens.'':]. 'I'bey were told •' that the British naval officers often impressed Swedes, Danes and other foreigners, from the vessels of the United States ; that they might, with as much reason, rob American ves- sels of the property or nierebandize of Swedes, Danes and Portuguese, as seize and detain in *See the note of Mr. Jay, envoy extraordinary, to Lord Grenville, datedthe 30th July, 1794. tSee the letter of Mr. King, minister at London, to the secretary of State, datedthe !3th of Aprils 1797. tSee the letter from Mr. Pickciiu^^, secretary of State, to Mr. King, minister at London, elated the lOtli of September, 1796. B ii> 14 AMERICAN EXPOSE. In 2i.- their service, the subjects of those inition^ found on hoard of American vessels ; and that vh«so subje''>t is naturalized. It is agreed, that an act of naturalization creates, between the parties, the reciprocal obligations of allegiance and protec- tion. It is agreed, that while a naturalized citi- zen continues within the territory and jurisdic- tion of his adoptive government, he cannot be pursued, or seized, or restrained, by bis former sovereign. It is agreed, that a naturalized citi- zen, whatever may be thought of the claims of the sovereign of his native country, canrot law- fully be withdrawn from the obligations of his contract of naturalization, by the force or seduc- tion of a third power. And it is agreed, that no sovereign can lawfully interfere, to take from the service, or the employment, of another sovereign, persons who are not the subjects of either ef the sovereigns engaged in the transaction. Beyond the principles of these accorded propositions,, what have the United States done to justify the imputation of << harboring British seamen and of exercising an assumed right, to transfer the alle- giance of British subjects ?"* The United States have, indeed, insisted upon the right of navigat- ing the oeean in peace and safety, protecting all that is covered by their fJag, as on a place of equal and common junsdicliun to all nations ; save where the law of war interposes the excep- tions of visitation, search and capture ; but in doing this, they have done no wrong. The Unit- *See the British declaration of the 10th of Jaiiuaiy, i| 1813. ' i i-i'« u. ^•1 i !h n AMERICAN EXPOSE. ed Statosy in perfect consistency, it U belicvecU yfhh the practice oi' all belligerent nations, not even excepting Great Britain herself, have, in- cleedy announced a determination, since the dec- laration of hostilities, to afford proteetion, as well to the naturalized, as to the native citizen, who, giving the strongest proofs of fidrlity* should be taken in arms by the enemy; and the British cabinet well know that this determination could have no influence upon those councils of th«ir sovereign, which preceded and produced the war. It was not, then, to « harbor British seamen,** nor to ♦< transfer the allegiance of Bi'Jtish sub- jects |f" nor to "cancel the jurisdiction of tlie le- gitimate sovereign ;'* nor to vindicate «* the pre- tensions that acts of naturalization, and certift- eates of citizenship, were as valid out of their territory, as within it 5"* that the United States Iiave asserted the honor and the privilege of tlicir flag, by the force of reason and of arms. But it was to resist a systeraatie scheme of maritime aggrandizement, which, prescribing to every oth- er nation the limits of a territorial boundary, tlaimed for Great Britain the exclusive dominion of the seas ; and which, spurning the settled principles of the law of war, condemned the ships and mariners of the UnUed States, to suf- fer, upon the high seas, and virtually within the juri^liotion of their flag, the most rigorous dis- pensations of the British municipal code, inflict- ed by the coarse ami licentious hand of a British press gang. The injustice of the British claim, and the eru- elty of the British practice, have tested, for a se- ries of years, the pride and the patience of the American government : but, still, every experi- r *See these passages in the British declaration} of the loth January, 1813, ^^^^w mr^ AMERfCAK EXPOSE. n ment wns anxiously made, to airoid the last resort of natiioBS. '1 he eluim of Great Britain, in its theory, was lifiiited to the right of seeking and impressing its own subjects, on board of the mer- chant vessels of the United States, although in fatal experience^ it has been extended {as already appears) to the seizure of the subjects of every other power, sailiug under a voluntary contract with the American merchant ^ to the seizure of the naturalised citizens of the United States, sail* ing, also, under voluntary contracts, which every foreigner, independent of any act of naturaliza- tion, is at liberty to form in every country ; and even to the seizure of the native citizens of the United States, sailing on board the ships of their own nation, in the prosecution of a lawful com- merce. The excuse for what has been unfeeling- ly termed *< partial mistakes, and oecasionaly abuse,"^ when the right of impressment was prac- tised towards vessels of the United States, is, in the words of the prince regent's declaration, *^ a similarity of language and manners," bat was it not known, when this excuse was offered to the world, that the Russian, the Swede, the Dane, and the German ; that the Frenchman, the Span- iard, and the Portuguese ; nay, that the African^ and the Asiatic 5 between whom and the people of Great Britain there exists no similarity of lan- guage, manners or complexion ; had been, equally with the American citizen and the British subject, the victims of the impress tyranny.! lf» however, the exeuse be sincere, if the real object of the impressment be merely to secure to Great •t *Seethe British declaration of the 10th of January, 1813. fSee the letter of Mr. Pickering, secretary of state, to Mr. King, minister at London, of the 26th of Octo- ber, 1796 ; and the letter of Mr. Marshall, secretary of state, to Mr. King, of the ^Oth ^ September, 1800. I w ,1 !I4 AMERICAN EXrOaE. fe..?!!' Britain^ the ^laval services of her own snbjeets, and not to roan her ileets^ in every practicable mode of ehlistmenly by right, or by wrong ; and if ^ jtust and generous goyernment, professing nau- tua) friendship and respect, iiia;y be presumed to prefer the aecomplishnnent e^en of a legitimate purpose; by me^ns the least afflicting and injuri- ous to others,>vhj have the overture's of the United States, oift^ring other means as effectual as im- pressment, for the purpose avowed, to the con- sideration and acceptance of Great Britain, been forever eludeil or rejecttd ? Jt has been offered, that the nuukber of men to be protected b;^ an American vessel should l»e limited by her tonnage ; that British officers should be permitted, in Brit- ish ports, to enter the vessel ir, order to ascertain the number of men on board ; and that in ease of an addition to her crew, the British subjects en- listed should be liable to impressment.^ It was •ffered in the solemn form of a law, that the A- merican seamen should be registered ; that they should be provided with certificates of eitizen-* ship,f and that the roll of the crew of every ves- sel should be formally authenticated.:): If was of- fered, that no refuge or protection should be giv- en to deserters ; but, that, on the contrary, they ♦See the letter of Mr. Jefferson, secretary of state, to Mr. Pinkney, ndnisterat London, dated the 11th of June, 1792^ and the letter of Mr. Pickering, secretary of state, t« Mr. King, minister at London, dated the &th of June, 1796. fSee the act qf Congressi passed the 28th of May, 1796. 4:See the letter of Mr. Pickering, secretary of state, to Mr. King, minister at London, dated the 8th of Jane, 1796. AMElttCAN EXPOSE. Ad V olwnldKe Butrcndcred.* It was dgain ft sigainoifer- ed tb ciincfor id a convention, which it was thought practiesiWe to be formed, and which would settle the question of impressment, in a manner that wt^tfld he ^afe for England, and satisfactory^ to the United States.) It was offered that each par- tj^ shOtfld prc^ibTt its citizens or its subjects from eland^stfireij concealing or carr^'ing away, from the territories or colonies of the other, any sea- man t^loHging to the other party, j^ And^ con«l>*- srvely, it has been o^ered sfnd declared by kiw^ that "p-fter the termination of the present war, it should nt)t be lawful tii employ on board of any of the public or private vessels of tlie United States, any persons except citizens of the United Staters ; and that no foreigner should be adinitied to becoifre a citizen hereafter, who had not for the continued term of five yeai's, resided within the United States, without being, at any time, du- • ring the five years, out of the territories of the United States.'*^ It is mftnifest then that such provision miglit lie made by law ; and that such provision has been repeatedly and urgently proposed ; as would, in all future tiines^ exclude from the maritime ser- vice of the United States, both in public and pri- vate vessels,, every person, who eould, possildy, be ckimed b^ Great Britain, as a native subject, whetbei" he iiad, or had not, been naturalized in *3ee the project of a treaty on the aiubject, between Mr. Pickering, secretary of state, and Mr. Liston, th^ British minister at Philadelphia, in the year 1 800. fSee the letter of Mr. King, minister ac London, to the secretary of State, dated the 15th of March, 1792. tSee the letter of Mr. K^ing to the secretary of stute, datedin Jiily^ 1808. §See the act of Congress, passed on the si ofMaicfi, I 01 1. I % Il SI i4-: * ^ * 26 AMERICAN EXPOSE. in ADserica.* Enforced by the same sanetieiii iuid sceuHiies^iivhich are employed toeqforce the penal code of Great Britain, as well as the penal eode of (he United States, the provision would afford the strongest evidence, that no British sub- ject could be found in service on board of an A- jueiican vessel ; and, consequently, whatever migiit be the British right of impressment, in _^ the abstract, there would remain no justifiable motive, there could hardly be invented a plausible pretext, to exercise it, at the expense of the A- luerican right of lawful commeree. If, too, as it has sometimes been insinuated, (here would, nev- ertheless, be room for frauds and evasions, it is suiScient to observe that the American govern- ment would always be ready to hear, and to re- dyess, every just complaint^; or, if redress were sought and refused, (a preliminary course that ought never to have been omitted, but which Great Britain has never pursued) it would still be in the power of the British government to resort to its own force, by acts equivalent to war, for the reparation of its wrongs. But Great Brit- ain has, unhappily, perceived in the acceptance of the overtures of the American government, consequences injurious to her maritime poliey ; and, therefore, withholds it at the expense of her justice. She perceives, perhaps, a loss of the A* merican nursery for her seamen, while slie is at peace ; a loss of the service at American crews, while she is at war; and a loss of many of those opportunities, which have enabled her to enrich lier navy, by the spoils of the American com- merce, without exposing her own commerce to the risk of retaliation or reprisale. *See the letter of instructions from Mr. Monroe, secretary of State, to the plenipotentiaries for treating of peace with Great Britain, under the mediation of the; emperor Alexander, dated the 1 5 th April, 1 8 13, AMtViiCAS EXPOSE. ^7 i "Hius^ were the United States, in a season of reputed peace, involved hi the evils of a stale of ^ar— and tbu9, ^y9s the American flag annoyed by a nation still professing to cherish the senti- ments of mutual friendship and respect, which had been recently vouched, by the faith of a sol- emn treaty. But the American government even yet abstained from vindicating its right-, and from avenging ils wrongs, by an appeal to arms. It was not an insensibility to those wrongs ; nop a dread of British power; nor a subserviency to British interests, that, prevailed, at tjiat period, in the councils of the lJnite4 States; but, under all trials, the American government abstained £rotn the appeal to arms then, as it has repeatedly since doiie, in i^*3 collisions with France, as well as with Great Britain, from the purest love of peaee* while peace could be rendered compatible with the honor and indepcndenee of the nation. During the period which has hitherto been" more particularly contemplated (from the declar- ation of hostilities between Great Britain aitf! France in the year 1792, until the short-lived pacification of the treaty of Amiens in 1802) there were not wanting occasions to test the con- sistency and the impartiality of the America^n government, by a comparison of its conduct to- wards Great Britain, with its conduct towards other nations. The manifestation of the extreme jealousy of the French government, and of the intemperate zeal of its ministers near the United States, were coeval with the proclamation of neutrality ; but after the ratification of the trea- ty of Londen, the scene of violence, spoliation, and contumely, opened by France, upon the Unit- ed States, became such, as to admit, perhaps, of BO parallel, except in the cotemporaneous scenes which were exhibited by the injustice of her great competitor. The American goverDment acted^. is ^;il ,'■ 1 )S^ AME«t?CAN EXfOSfc in both eases, on the iiame paoifio poliey ; -in tbe sainv s|)irii of pntienee and forbearance ; but ivith tiie sain^deierniination^ alsoy to assert tliQ lionor and independence of tbe nation. When^ thcrefoixs ever^ coneiliator^ eiTort bad failed* and when two suecessive missions of peace had been contemptuously repuised* the American gov- ernment, in (he year ir9S, annulled itr treaties ^'ith France, and waged a maritime war aeaicst ^hai nation, for the defence ofit!; citisseas and com- merce, paysing on tbe high seas. But as soon as the hope wascoiiceived, of a satisfactory change in the dispositions of the French government, the A" merican government hastened to send another mission to Franee, and a convention, signed in the year 1800, terminated the sisbsisting differences between ibe two countries. !Nor were the United States able, during the same period, to avoid a colJisien wkh tlie govern * men t of Spain, upon any important and criiicai questions of boundary and commerce, of Indian jvarfare and maritime spoliation. Preserving, however^ < heir system Df moderation, in the as- sertion of their rights, a course of amicable uis- cussion and explanation, produced mutual satis* faction ; and a treaty of friendship, limits and niivigalion was formed in the year 1795, by wUiefa tbe citizenaof the United States acquired a right, for the space of three years, to deposit their mc^r- chandize and effects in the port of New- Orleans ; with a promise, either that the enjoyment of that right should be indeiinitely continued, or that a- Tiother part of the banks of the American minister at London was in- *See the prince regent's declaration of the 10th of January, 1813. "'■'^^ 3 the note of the British commissioners, dated the 4th of September, 1 8 14. , -^!(:See the note of the Biitish commissioners da'ted the 19th of September, 1»14; - ^ §See the note r>f the British commissioners) dated theethof October> 1«14. AMERICAN EXPOb^. $\ strutted to explain the object of the mission^ and having made the explanatioo, he ivas assured l^ the British goversinent, ^ that the eointiiuflica- tion was reeeif ed ia gof>d i>art ; no deubt was sug- gested ef the right of the United Slates (o pur- sue^ separatt^Iy ami alone, the objects they aimed' at ; but the British government appeared lo bo satisfied with the president's views on this impor- tant stibject.""^ As soon^ too, as the treaty of purehase was eonciudcd^ before hostilities were again actually eommenced between Great Britain^ and Franee, and previously, indeed, to the depart- ure of the French amba^tsador from London* the American minister openly notified to the Britisli^ govemmenty that a treaty had been signed, by which the complete sovereignty of tho town and territory of New-Orleans, as well as of all Lou- isiana, as the same was heretofore possessed by Spain, had been acquired by the United States of America ; and that, in drawing up the treaty^ eare bad been taken so to frame the same, as not to infringe any right of Great Biritain, in the navigation of the river Mississippi."! .In the an- swer of tho Brkish government, it was explicitly declared by lord Hawkesbury, << that he had re- ceived his majesty's commands to express the pleasure with which his majesty had received tho inteMigcnce ; and to add, that his majesty regard- ed the care, whreh had been taken so to frame the treaty as not to infringe any right of Groat Britain In the navigation of the Midsissippi, as ^ the most satisfactory evidence of a disposition on the part of tho government of the United States^ *Se€ the letter from the secretary of state, to Mr. King, tlie American minister at Loadon, dated the ^9th of January, \m^; and Mr. King:*s letter to the secre- tary of Etate, dated the asth of April, ia03, \S€e the letter of Mr. KiogtQ JoKl lia»kealiiir|ri^ tedtlie IMh of May, ia03» t m .-/ ■ 'If i! ■ft. P U s$ AMERICAN EXPOSE. 'yi;*F- s 14 -if.' 'Lj!!* 1 corrcsponilent with that ^bicli his majesty entcF- taibedy to promote and improve tliat barmony, whieh so happily subsisted betweeii the twocoun- ti'ieS) and which was so conducive to their muUi- al benetit/'* The worJd will judge ' whethePf tindei:' such circumstances, the British govern- ment had any cause, on its own account^ to ar- raign the conduct of the United States, in mak- ing the piu'ohase of Louisiana ; and, certainly^ no greater cause will be found for the arraign- ment, ou account of Spain. TJie, Spanish govern- ment was apprized of the intention of the United States tX) negoeiate for the purchase of that prov- ince; its ambassador witnessed the progress of the negociation at Paris ; and the conclusion of the treaty, on the 30(h of April, 1803, was promptly' known and understood at Madrid, Yet the Spanish government interposed no objection^ no protestation, against the transaction, in Eu- rope.; and it was not until the month of Septem- ber, 1803, that the American government heard, with s!irprise, from the mar.ister of Spain, at TVasliin^ton, thai his catholic majesty was dissat- isfied with the cession of Louisiana to the United States. NotwitJistanding this diplomatic remon/- stranee, however, the Spanish government pro- ceeded to deliver tlie possession of Louisiana to France, in execution of the treaty of St. Idelfon- so ; saw France, by an almost simultaneous act, transfer the possession to the United States, in execution of the treaty of purchase ; and,^nany9 instructed the marquis du Casa Yrujo, to present to the American government, the deelaralion of the 15th of May, 1804, acting " by the special order of his sovereign," *« that the explanations^ whicii the government of France had given to his *See the letter of lord Hawkesbury to Mr. Kingv, ^fttfid the 19th of May, 1 303. AMERICAK EXPOSE. 98-' eoun- stliep, ►vern- |o ar- mak- |ainly, ^ajgn- vern- nJted prov- ;ss of )n of Yet Eu- >tein- eard, i> at issat- 111 ted rnoMr pro- a to Ifon- act, » in iHv, 3ent of cial h\3y his eatholic fnajesty, concerning the sale of Louisiana to the United States^ and the amicable dispou- tions, on the part of the king, his master, towards these states, had determined him- ta abandon the opposition, which, at a prior period, and with the most substantial motiyes, he had manifested a- gainst the transaotion.'^^ But after this aiTfica}>Ie and decisire arrange- ment of all difierences, in relation t« the validity of the Louisiana purchase, a question of some embarrassment remained, in relation to the boun- daries of the ceded territory. This qiiestien^ however, the American goverrnn^nt always has been, and always will be, willing to discuss, in the most candid manner, and to settle upon the most liberal basis, with the government of Spain. It was not, therefore, a f,air topicj with \ybieb to in- ^arae the prince regent's declaration ; ar to em- bellisii the diplomatic notes of the British nego- ciators at Qhent.f The period has arrived, when Spain, relieved from her European labors, may be expeet;ed to bestow herattention^ more effectu- ally, upon the state of her colonies ; and, acting with wisdom, justice and magnanimity, hi whicli she has given freiquent examples, she wiU find no difBculty in . meeting the receat advaiiee of the American government; for an honorable adjust- ment of every point in controversy between the two cdunf ries, without seeking the aid of British mediation, or adopting the animosity of British fonncils; ♦See ^ie letter of the marquis de Cata Yrujo, to the Am-rican secretary of state, dated the 1 5th of May, fSee the prince regent^s declaration of th« lOth of January, 1813. See the notes of the British commis- woaws, dated the 19th pf September, 8th Oct i8l4. )^ ■.i: I 14 AMERICAN EXPOSE. '6 But stilf the United States, tWling a constant ioterojit in the opinion of cnlightenei! and impar- tial nations, cannot hesitate to enibraoo the op- portunity for representing, in the simplicity of truth, the events, hy which tliey have been led to take possession of a part of the Floridas, notwith- standing the claim of Spain to the sovereignty of the same territory. In the aTcoptation and under- standing of the United Stutcs> the cession of Lou- isiana, embraced the country south of the Mis- sissippi territory. and eastward of the riverMissls- sippi and extending to theriverPerdido; biit"their coneiliat^fry views, and their confidence in the justice of their cause, and in the success of a can- did discussion and amieahJe negociation with a just and friendly power, induced thein to acqui- esce in the terapory continuance of that territory under tlie Spanish anthoritj .^'* When, however, the atijustment of the boundaries of Louisiana, as well as a reasonable indemnification on account of maritime spoliations, and the suspension of the right of deposite at New- Orleans, seemed to be indefinitely postponedj^ on the part of Spain, by events wh?eh the United States had not contri- buted to produce, and could not control ; Avhen a crisis had arrived subversive of the order of things under the Spanish authorities, contravening the views of both parties, and endangering the tran- quillity and security of the adjoining territories, by the intrusive establishment of a government, independent ef Spain, as well as of the United States ; '^m] when, at a later period, there was reason to believe, that GiH?at Britain herself de- signed to oecupy the Floridas, (and she has, in- deed, actually occupied Pensacola, for hostile *Sethe proclamation of the president of the United States, authorising governor Clairborne to to take pos- session of the territory, dated the 37th of Oct. 1810^ .i.ftii.iiidh* ».->^1iy-; AMERICAN EXPOSE. 35 purposes,) ill') American government^ without de- parting from its respects lor tlio rights of Spain^ and even consulting the honor of that state, un- equal, as she then was, to the task of suppressing the intrusive estahlishmcnt, was impelled by the paramount principle of self-preservation, to res- cue its own rights froip the impending danger. Hence the United States in the year 1810, pro- ceeding step by stop,according to the growing ex- igences of the time, took possession of the coun- try, in wliich the standard of independence had been displayed, excepting such places as were held by a Spanish force. In the year 1811, they authorised their president, by law, provisionally to accept of the possession of East Florida from the local authorities, or to pre-occupy it against the attempt of a foreign power to seize it. InlSlS^ they obtained the possession of Mobile, the only place tlien held by a Spanish force in West Florida; with a view to tkoir own immediate security, but without varying the questions depending between them and Spain, in relation to that province.—^ And in the year 1814^, the American commander^ acting under the sanction of the law of nations, but unauthorised by the orders of his government, drove from Pensacola the British troops, who, in violation of the neutral territory of Spain, (a vio- lation which Spain it is believed must herself re- sent, and would have resisted, if the opportunity had oecured,) seized and fortified that station, to aid in military operations against the United States. But all these measures of safety and ne- cessity were frankly ex|>lained, as they occurred, to the government of Spain, and even to the gov"- ernment of Great Britain, anieeedently to the declaration of war, with the sineerestassuransttr, the British minister, in the months of July, Septembcre aad NovembcTi 181 U AMERICAN EXPOSE. 57 itA to be tlie saiTkf^. in extent (hey became incalcu- lably more destructive. Jt will be sfcn, however, that the American government, inflexibly main- tained its neutral and paeifio polipy, i.\ every ex- tremity of the latter trial, Willi i lie same good faith and forbearance, that, in the former triiu, had distinguUhed its conduct ; until it was com- pelled to choose, from the alternative of national degradation, or national resistance. And il'Great Britain alone then became the objeet t.f the A- inerican declaration of war, it will he seen, that Great Britain alone, had obstinately closed the ^ door of amicable negociation. The American minister at London, anticipat- ing the rupture between Great Britain and Finnec, had obtained tissurances from the British govern- ment, ^* that, in the event of war, the instructions given to their naval officers should be drawn up with plainness and pieeision ; and, in generaU tliat the belligerents should be exercised in mod- cration, and with due respect to those of neu- trals.""^ And in relation to the important sub- ji'ect of impressment, be had actually prepared for signature, with the assent of lord Hawesbury and lord St. Yincent, a convention to continue during five years, declaring that AMBfilCAN EXPOSE. 39 sbed higfi fler- flee- seas der- lared, unless they had previousJjr been warnedl not to enter them.'** All the prceautions of the AiwerieaD goyern- ment weret nevertheless, ineffectual, and the as- siiranced of tlie British government were, in no instancy, verified. The outrage of impressment was again and indiscriminately ptrpct rated upon the crew of every American vessel, and on every sea. The enormity of hlockades, estalilisbed h^ ^n order in council, without the appiicatiun of a compcteat force, wasj^ more and more deveiopcd. The rule, denominated " the rule of tb^j war of 1756/* was revived in an affected style of moder- SKtion, hut in a spirit of more rigorous execution.f The lives, the. liberty, the fortunes and the hap- piness of the citizens of the United States, engage «d in the pursuits of navigation and oommercej were once more subjected to the violence and cu- pidity of the British cruizers. And, in brief, so grievous, so Intolerah'e, had the nfflictions of the Bation become, that the people with one mind, and ono voice, called loudly on their government, for redress and protection ;^ the congress of the Uni- ted States^ participating in the feelings and re- sentment of the time, urged upon the executivo magistrate* the necessity of an isiamediate demand ^SjSG the lettei- of Mr. Merry to the secretary of state, ths 12th of April, 1804, and the enclosed copy of a letter from Mr. Nepean, the secretary of the admi* ^ality, to Mr. Hammond, the British under secretary of state of foreigti affairs, dated January 5, 1804. jSee the orders in council of the 24th of June, 1803, and the 1 7th of August, 1805. tSee the memorials of Boston, New-Ycrl:, Phih»- delphia, Baltimore, &c. presented to cono-^css in thft end of the year 1805, and the beginning of the year 180C. }S I :■ 1;^ f It i; ''f 40 AMERICAN EXPOSF< J! of reparation from Great Britain ;'*^ Avhild ()i a same patrit ^ic spirit, M^hioh tiacl uppostd British usurpftlion in 17 93* and cneountered French hos- tility in 1798, was again pledged, in every variety of florin, to the mairiteiianee of the national honor and indepehdenfe, c'urir.^ the more arduous trial that arose in 1805, Amidst {hi' scenes of iniiistice on the one hand, «nd of reelamanon on the other, the Aint'rieati government pieyrrved its equanimity and its firm- ness. It beh<^!d mueh in the coiKliret of Franee, and of her ally, bpain, to provoke reprisals. It beliehl more in the eondutt of Great Britain* that lod unavoidably (as had often been avowed) to the last resort of arms. It beheld in the tem- per of ths nation, all th?jt was requisite to Justify un immediate selection of Great Britain, as the objeet of a declaration of war. And it coidd not but behold in the poliey of France, the strongest inotWe to acquire the United States* as an asso- ciate in the existing conil'ot« Yet, these* eonsid- erations did not then, more than at any former crisis, abdue the fortitude, or mislead the judg- ment, of the Ameriean government' ; but in per- fect consistency with its neutral, as well as its pa- cific system^ it d^f^manded atonement, by remon- slranccs with France and Spain ; and it sought the pres( i'vation of peace, by negociation with Great Bril' in. 1 has been shown, that a treaty proposed, em- p^iciticaliy, by the British minister, resident at Philadelphia, ^^ as the means of drying up every source of complaint and irritation, upon the head Qi' iaripressmeutj^' vas ^^ deemed utterly inadmis* $See the resolutions of tlie Senate of the United States, cf the 10th and Uth of February, 1806 ; and t!ic reoo'ation of the house of representatives of the United States. S11 di hJ S AMEBICA^ BlfPOSE. 41 iha tish hos- \tiy ■)nor rial sible'^by tbe American goyeromenti l^ecame it did not siiiSciently provide for that objeet> It has, i^lso; been shewn;* that another treaty, pro^ posed by the American minister at Londonf ^aa laid aside, because the British government, viliii\9i it was willing to relinquisb, expressly, impress- mentii from American vessels, on tbe high seas^ insi^^ed upon an exception/ in reference to tbe narrow seas, eiaimc^d as a part of the British do- minion: and experienco demonstrated, that al- though the spoliations committed upon the Amer- ican conimercc, might admit of reparation, by the payment of a pecuniary equivalent ; yet, con- sulting tbe honor, and the feelings of the nation^ It was impossible to receive satisfaction for tb^ erueltics of impressment, by any other means^ ihf^nbj an entire diseontinuanoe of the priacticel iVhen, therefore, the envoys extraordinary ^erc -pointed in the year 18^6, to negociate with the British government, every authority was given, for the purposes of coneiliati'on ; nay, an act of Congress, prohibiting the importation of certain articles ef British iiianufaeture into the United States, was susp^ded, in proof of a friendly dis- position ;} but it was declared, that t'eeordingly, took care to conimunieate to ,*See J^'i^. Llston'ts letter to the secretary of state, dated the 4th of February, 1800 j and the letter ef Mr. Pickerings, sccretaiy of state, to the president of the Uruted States, dated the 20th of February, 1 800. 's fSee the act of Congress? passed the 1 8th day of # ml, 1806 ; and the act suspending it, passed the Imh ©f December, 1806. 1^ I' m m i' •ja t'i AMERICAN EXPOSE. %i m P Che Britisli commissioners, tlierimitations of their powers* Influenced, at the same tfme, by a sin- cere desire to terminate the differences between the two nations ; knowing the solicitude of their government, to relieve its seafaring citizens from actual sufferance ; listening, with confldenoet to assurances and explanations of the British oom^ missioners, iaa sense favorable to their wishes ; and judging from a state of information, that gavo no immediate cause to doubt the suflRciencj of those assurances and explanations f the envoys^ rather than terminate the negpciation without any arrangement^ were willing to rely on the ef- iicaey of a subsiitute, for a positive article in the treaty, (o be subD]iltero¥ed, in the event, a prelude to the scenes of violence, which Great Britain waa then about to display, and which it would have been improp- er for the American negociators to anticipate* For, if a commentary were wanting to explain the real design of such conduct^ it WQuld be found in the f\ict, that within eight days from the date of the treaty, and before it was possible for the JBritish government to have known t^e eilect of ♦See the note of the British commissioners ^atedthe 3 1 St December, 1 806. See al^o t,he |^i)^wer .pf .]^!Qss]?9> Monroe and Pinkney to that note. m AMERICAN EKPOSE. 4S the Berlin decree on the American government ; nay, even before the American government had itself heard of that decree, the destruction of American commerce was eommeneed by the order in council of the 7th of January, 1807, which an- nouneed^ >* that no vessel should be permitted to trade from one port to another, both .which pur<8 should belong to, or be in possession of France, or her allies : or should be so far untler their control, as that British vessels might not trade freely thereat.'** During the whole period of this negociation, which did not finally close until the British gov- ernment declared, in (he month of October, 1807, that negociation was no h nger admissible, the course pursued \^ the British sqnadnyn, stationed more imuiediately on the American coast, was in the extreme, vexatious, predatory and hostile. The torriti)rial jurisdiction of the United States, extending, upon the principles of (he law of na- tions, at least a league over the adjacent ocean, was totally disregarded and contemned. Vessels einployed in the coasting trade, or in the busi* nei»s of the pilot and the fisherman, were objects of incessant violence ; their petty cargoes were plundered ; and "ome of their scanty crews were often, either impressed, or wounded, or killed, by the force of British frigates. — British ships of war hovered, in warlike display, upon the coast ;, blockaded the ports of the United States, so thai no vessel could enter or depart in safety ; pene- trated the bays and rivers, and even anchored in the harbors, of the United States, to exercise a jurisdiction of impressment; threatened the towns and villages with conflagration ; and wan- tonly discharged musketry, as well as cannon, up- on the inhabi^nts of an opeUf and unprotected *Sc;e the order in council of January 7, 1807. 7 IV ':ij 1$'^ J: m u amehtcan; i&xfo&e. Country* The neutralit^r i^ (he Ameriean tericHer^r l¥as violated oil evei'^i occasion.: and^ ai iaslt tJie American government was dooroed to suffer (be greatest indignity vhioli could be ofiered to a sov- ereign and indc|ien(lent nation, in the ever memor- able attack of a Bt affected^ from time to time, to disapprove and condemn these outrages ; but the ofiisers who perpetrated them were generally applauded 5 if tried, (hey "were acquitted ; if removed from the American station, it was only to bi^ promoted in another station 7 and if atonement were otFered> as in the flagi*ant instanee of the frigate Chesapeake, the atoneml^nt was so ungracious in the manner^ and so tardy in the result, as to betray the want of that eonciliatory spirit which ought to have ehar* acterized it.* But the Ameriean government, soothing the exasperated spivit of the people, by a proclama- tion- which interdicted the entrai^eof all British armed vessels, into the bariiors and waters of the IJniied Btates.f neither commenced hostilities a- gainst Great Britain ; nor sought a defensive rd- lianco with France ; nor relaxed in its firm, hut conciliatory, efibrts, to enforce the claims of jus* ticc, upon the honor of both nations* *See the evidence of these facts, ijeported to con- gress in November 1806. See the dpcument* uespjBcUng captsan !Lovc, of the Driver ; captjuin Wbitby, of the Leander. See, also, the correspondence respecting the frigate Chesapeake, with Mr. Caiiqing, at London ; with Mr. Rose, at Washington ; with Mr. Erakine, at Wash- ington. tvSee the proclamation of the 9dor Julys 1907. '\\ I \ \ AM£R1CAN EXPOSE. 47 \f iiie the sov- ior- the ored ihh flis*- ied> leina lated bey leaa her the tho land t of The rival ambition of Cr peat Britainand Franeet ■owtboweveryapproaehed llie oonsHininatioii^wliich involving the destruction ot* all neutral rights, upon an avowed principle of aotion^ oould not fail to render an actual state of war, eompi^^ratively, more safe, and more prosperous, than the imagi* Bary state of ^iiee, to whieh neutrals were re* duced. The just and impartial conduet of a neu- tral nation, ceased to be its shield, and its safe- guard, when the conduet of the belligerent powers towards each other beeaine the only criterion of the law of war. The wrong committed by one of the belligerent powers was thus made the sig- nal for the perpetration of a greater wrong by the other ; and if the American gOTernment com- plained to both powers, their answer, although it never denied the causes of complaint, invariably retorted an idle and offensive inquiry, into the priority of their respective aggressions ; or each demanded a course of resistance against its antag^ oniht, which was calculattd to prostrate the A- merican government and eoerco thoUniled States, against their interest and their policy, into be- coming an associate in the war. But the Amer- ican governiTient never did^ and never ean, admit, that a belligerent power* << in taking steps to re- strain the violence of its enemy, and to retort upon them the evils of their own injuslice,**'*^' is entitled to disturb and to destroy, the rightsof a neutral power, as recognized and established, by the law of nations, it was impossible indee j, that the r«^al features of the miscalled retaliatory system should be long masked from the world ; when Great-Britain^ even in her acts of profes- sed ret iJiation, «!eclared, that France was unable to executes the hostile denuaolations of her de- crees;! and when Great Britain herself Hnblush- ♦■See the orders in council of the Tth of January, 18Q7. |Sec the orders in council of the Tth of January, IS^f* ♦^f ^ ^■'' U'-. m. ?'. I: 4S AMEKICAN EXPOSE. hi-. J'M, ingly entered into the same cominerce with her enemj (through the uiefHum of forgeries, perjii- riesy and licenses) from which she had interdic- ted unoffending neutrals. The pride of naval su- periority ; and the cravings of commercial mo- nopoly ; gave, after all, the impulse and direction to the councils of the British cabinet ; while the vast, although visionary, projects of France, fur- nished occasions and pretexts, for accomplishing the objects of those councils. The British minister resident at "Washington in the year 180^, having distinctly recognized, in the name of his sovereign, the legitimate princi- ples of blockade, the American government re- ceived with some surprise and solicitude, the suc- tsessive notifications of the 9th of August 1804, the 8th of April, 1866, and more particularly, of the 16th of May, 1806, announcing by the last notification, << a blockade of the coast, rivers and ports from the liver Elbe to the port of Brest, both inclusive."! In none of the notified instances of blockade, were the principles, that had been recognized in 1804, adopted and pursued, and it will be recollected by all Furope, that neither at the time of the notification of the 16th of May, 1806 ; nor at the time of excepting; the Elbe and Ems, from the operation of that notifieation ;^. nor at any other time during the continuance of the French war, was there an adequate naval force, actually applied h\ Great Britain, for the purpose of maintaining a blockade, from the river fSee lord Harrowby's not© to Mr. ''^onroe, dated the 9th of August, 1804, and Mr Fox's notes to Mr. Mon- roe, dated respectively the 8th of April, and the 1 6th of May, 1806. tSee lord Howick's note to Mr. Monroef dated the 25th September, 1806. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 49 her ^rjii. ^dic- 811- mo- \t\on the Ifup- Filbe^ to the port of BrcsL It \va9 then in the language of tfje day, •* a mere paper lih.. kiKJc ^" a manfest infraction of the Jaw uT nut ions ; and an act of petuliar injustice to (ho Unitid States, as the only neutral power, against which it would practically operate. But whatever may have been the sense of the Anaeriean govfrnmcnt on- the occasion | aud whatever might he the dispo> shion, to avoid making this thegn^nvd of4in oiwti Tiipturo with Great Britain^ the ease assumed a charactelllf the highest interest^ when indepen- dent of its own injurious consequences, France in the Berlin decree of the Sl^st of November^ ISOS, recited as a chief cause for placing tho British islands in a state of blockade, ** that Great Britain declares blockaded, places beforo Avhioh she has not a single vessel of war ; and even places wliieh her unrtejd forces would he in- capable of blockading ; such as entire coasts, and a whole empire ^ an unequalled abuse of the right of blockade, that had no other object, than to in- terrupt the communications of different nations ; and to extend the commerce and industry of I' ng- land, upon the ruin of those nations."'*?^ The A- merican p;ov«rnment aims not, and never has aimed at the justification, either of Great Biit- ain or of France, in their career of crimination and recrimination ; but it is of some importance to observe, that if the bloekaile «f May ±806, was an unlawful blockade, and if the right of re- taliation arose with the first unlawful attack, made by a belligerent power upon nemr'al rights« Great Britain has yet to answer to mankind, ac- cording to the rule of her own acknowledgment, for all the calamities of the retaliatory warfare. France, whether right, or wrong, made the Brit- *See the Berlin decree of the 2 1st November, 1806. * i , r '# li V ^F)ir 90 AMERICAN EXPOSE. If isti system of blockade^ the foundation of the Berlin (li;'ree ; and France had an equal right with Great Britain to demand from the United S(aie8, an opposition to everj eneroaehment upon the privileges of the neutral character. It is enough, hoiveyer^ on the present occasion^ for the American government^ to obsenrey thai it posses- seorts or places in the eolop'.es belonging to his majesty's enemies, should, fi'om thenceforth, be subject to the 8arne restrictions, in point of trade and navi- gation, 'c'sirthesame were actually blockaded by bis majesty's navat forces, invhe most strict and rigorous manner :" that "all !ce under the forms of favor and indiil^eneo; and to pay a tribute to Great-Brit- ain, Vov the privilege of a lawful transit on the ocean , Avcro eoneessious, which Great Britain was disposed, insidiously, to exact, by an appeal to ihe cupidity of individuals, but whi^jh the 17- ^nited States ould never yield ; consistently with the independenee and sovereignty of the nation. Tbe orders in council were, therefore, altered in ♦S^e the o'rdvFS ia council of the llth of Novem- ber, 18C7, AMMlCAlSr EXPOSE. u tbis iNespeotj at a subsequent period i^ but the general interdict of neutral commeref^ applyrog^. mere especially to American eommercey vraa ob- stinateljr maintained, agpJnst all the force af rca- son, of renionstranee, and of protestation, em- ployed by 'he American gc^vernment, when the subject \vas presented to its eonsiddration, by the British minister residing at Washington. I^h^ fact assumed as the basis of the orders in council was unequivocally disowned f and it was demcn- strated, that so far from its beinj^ true, << that \.h«^ United States had acquiesced in the illegal ope- ration of the Berlin decree, it was not even true that at the date of the British oiMlers of the 11th of November, 1807, a single application of that decree to the commerce of the United States, on the high seas, could have been known to the British government ;" while the British gevern- menthr'* been officially informed by the Ameri- €an minister at London, ^^ that explanations, un- contradicted by any overt act, had been given to the American minister at Paris, which justified a reliance that the French decree would not be put in force against the United States. -'f The British orders of the 11th cf Novembern ±807, wero quickly followed by the French de- cree of Milan, daiad the 17th of December. 1807, <* whidi was said to be resorted to, only in just retaliation of the barbarous system adopted by England,'^ and in which the denationalizing ten- dency of the orders, is made the foundation of a declaration in the decree, << that every ship to •See Mr. Canning's letter to Mr. Hnkney, 23r! Feb- i^uary, 1808. tSee Mr. ErsKine's letter to the secretary of state, dated 22d of February, 1808; and the answer of the secretary of sji^teri^^ted the ^5th pf Ma^h, 1808« I }ib. m K > fS's' ':$■■ Af m ilk if- 'rim •*' * 54 AMERICAN EXPOSE. whatever fiaiion it might belong, that ^honld ha?e submitted to be searched bj an English ship, or to a voye.ge to England, or should have paid any tax vrhatsoever to the English government, was thereby, and for that alone, declared ta be dena- tionalized, to have forfeited the piotection of its sovereign, and to have become English property, subject to capture as gooti and lawful prize : that the British Islands were placed in a state of block* ade, both by sea and land — and everj ship, of whatever nation, or whatever the nature of its c5U'go miglit be, that sails from the ports of Eng- land, or those of the English colonies, and of the countiies occupied by English troops, and pro- ceeding to England, or to the English colonies, or to countries oeenpied by Eiiglish troops, should be good and lawful prize : but the provisions of the decree should be abrogated and null, in fact; as soon as the English should abide again by the principles of the law of nations, v'hich are, also, the prineiples of justice and honor."^ In oppo- siti^m, however, to the Milan decree, as well a» to the Berlin decree, the American government strenuously and unceasingly emp'ioyed every in- strument except the instrument of war. It act- ed precisely towards France, as it aeted towards Great Britain on^ similar oeeasious ; but France remained, for a time, as insensible to the claims of justice and honor, as Great Britain, each imi- tating th€ other, in extravagance of pratensions, and in obstinacy of purpose. When the American government received in- telligence, that the orders of the 11th of Novem'« her, 1807, had been under the consideration of the British cabinet, and were actually prepared for- promulgation, it was anticipated that France, in ♦See the Milan decree of the I7th of December, AMERICAN EXPOSE. 55 a zealous prosecution of the retaliatory warfarCf irouid soon produce an act of> at least> equal in< justice and hostility. The crisis existed, there- fure, at which the United States were compelled to decide either to withdraw their seafarlns citi- zens, and their commercial weahh froiji ilie o- cean, or to leave the interests of the mariner and the merchant exposed to certain destruction ; or to engage in open and active war, for the protec- tion and defence of those interests. The princi- ples and the habits of the American goTcrnment, were still disposed to neutrality and peace. ^ In weighing the nature and the amount of the ag- gressions, which had heen perpetrated, or which were threatened, if there were any preponderance to determine the balance, against one of the bel- ligerent powers, rather than the other, as the ob-* ject oC a deeiaratioD of war ; it was against Great-Britain, at least, upon the yital interest 9 of impressment) and the obvious superiority of her naval mea'ns of annoyance. The French de- crees were, indeed, as obnoxious in vheir forma- tion and design as tlH; British orders; but the government of France claimed and exercised no right of impressment ; and the maritime spoliw ations of France were comparatively restricted not only by her own weakness on the occpo, but by the constant and pervading vigilance ^ the fleets of her enemy. The difficulty of selection ; the indiscretion of encountering, at once, both of the o^nding powers ; and, above all, the hope of an early returrj of justice, under the dispensations^ of the ancient public law, prevailed in Hie coun- cils of the American government ;■ ar^d it was re^ solved to attempt the preservation of its neutrali- ity and its peace ; of its citizens, and its i*esourc- es; by a voluntary suspension of the commerce and Davigation of the United States^ It ]» true* that for the miiior outrages o^mniitted^ under tbe 1fi f *il % I ;l 66 AMERICAN EXPOSE. r V pretext of tke rale of the war of 1756, the ijiti- zens of overj denoHiinaiioii had iletnaDded from their goverBE)&nt» in the year imB, protection and redress ; it is truoo that for the unparalleled enorinities of 1807, the eiiiaens of every 4f nom- ination again demanded protection and redress : hut it is also, a truths eonelusively established by every manifestation of the sense of the American people, as well as of their government, that any honorable iricans of protection and redress, were preferred ta the last resort of arms. The Amer- ican government might honorably retire, for a time, from a scene of cooftict and collision ; hut it could no longer, with honor, permit its ilag te be insulted, its citizens to be enslaved, and its property to be plundered, on the high way of na- tions. Under these iEapressiott8> the restrictive system of the United States, was introduced. In Decem- ber, 1807, an embargo was imposed upon all A- merican vessels and merchandise l^ on princi- ples similar to those, which originated and regu- lated the embargo law, autUoi iised to be laid by the president of the United States, in the year 1794 : bu? soon afterwards, in the genuine spirit of the policy, that prescribed the measure, it was declared by law, " that in the event of such peace, or suspension of hostilities, between the belliger- ent powers of Europe, or such changes in their measures aflTecting neutral commerce, as might render that of the Uncled States safe, in the judgment of the president of the Uniteil States, he was authorised to suspend the embargo, in whole or in pa^t.'^|; The pressure of the embargo ♦See the act of congress passed the 22d December fSee the actof QOQgres^pafsed^theialtday of Marofa. AMERICAN EXPOSE. ^ om ion ]ed m- ss : by can ny ere er- ra ut it 9 ma- was thought, hoTever^ so severe upon every part of the coQiinuniiy,^hat the American governmentt notwithstanding th^^ neutral eharaeter of the measure^ dete i^iiined upon some relaxation ; and^ accordingl^y the embargo being raised, as to all othe/ nations, a system of non- intercourse and non-importation was substituted in March, 1S09> as to Great Britain and France^ which prohibited all voyages to the British or French dominions^ and all trade in articles of British or French pro- duct or manufacture.^ But still adhei-ing to the neutral and pacific policy of tite govcrnuient, it was declared, *« that the president of the United States should be autliorised in case either France 0^ Great Britain, should so revoke, or modify^ her edicts, as that they should cease to violate: the neutral commerce of the United States, to declare the same by proelamation y aftw whieh the trade of the United States might be renewed with the nations so doing/'j These appeals to the justice and the interests of the belligerent powers prov- ing ineffectual ; and the necessities &f the country increasing, it was finally resolved by the Ameri- c>un government, to take the hazards of a war ; to revoke its restrictive system ; and to exclude British and Fi'ench armed vessels from the har- bors and waters of the United States ; but, again, emphatically to announce, «' that in case either Great Britain or Franco should, heft»ro tlie $i\ of March 1811, so revoke, or modify, her edicts, as that they should cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States; and if the other nation should not within three months thereat^ter, so revoke, or modify, her edicts, in like manner," the provisions of the uon-intcreourse and nbn- *See tlie 1 1th section cf the last cited act of congress. fSee the act of congress passed the Ut day of Mayi 1809, ^ H. m 't I. ,' «# AMERICAN EXPOSE. imporlatiDn law sliouId> at the expiration of iKree noontbsy be revived against tbe nation refusingy or neglecting, to revoke or modify its edicts."^ In 1 ho course^ which the A meiwan government had hitherto pursued, relative to the beHigerent arders and decrees^ the eandid foreigner, as well ^s the patriotic fitizen, may perceive an extreme ^olieitude, for the preservation of peace ; but id the publicit3^9 and ittipartialily, of the overture^ that M'd^ thus spread befoie the belljgereDt po-w- er!|, it is impossible^ that any indication should be £ound, of ipreign influence or control. The over- iture was urged upon hoth nations for aeceptanee^ «it the same time^ and m the same manner; nor was an liitiqiation withheld, from either of them^ that << It might he regarded by the belligerent first aeeepting it^ as a promise to itself, and ft warning to its enemy. '*| Eneh of the nations^ itom the eomttien^emefit of the veialmtory sys- ieiB, ackfiowledged, that its measures were viola- tions of piihlie law ; and each pledged itself to retract them» whenever the other should set th« 6xampie4 Although the American government^ therefore, pet^isted in its remonstrances against the original transgressions, without regard to the ^estion of the priority, it emhraoed, with eager^ ness, every hope of reconciling the interests of the rival powers, with the perfortnanoe of the duty which they owed to th« neutral character of the United States: and when the British ininis- ter, residing at Washington, ia the year 1809, «ffii'iP«d, in terms as plain, {^nd as positive, as ♦Seethe act of congress, passed the 1st day of May, 1810. fSee the corr^jspondence between the secretary of state, and the American minsters »t London and Paris. ^See the documents laid before cojig^rcss from time to time by the president, and printed, - ean minister at Paris, that in consideration of the act <»f the first of May, 1809, by which the con- gress of the United States << engaged to oppose itself (o that one of the belligerent powers, which should refuse to acknowledge the rights of neu- trals, he was authorised to declare, that the de- crees of Berlin and Milan were revoked, and that after the 1st of November, 1810, they would cease to have efi\^ct ; it being understood, that in cou- sequence of that declaration, the English should revoke their orders in council, and renounce the new principles of blockade^ which they had wish- ed to establish ; or that the United States con« formably to the act of congress, should cause their rights to be respected by the I nglish/'f This declaration delivered by the oflieial organ of the government of France, and in the presence, as it were, of the French sovereign, was of the highest authority, according to all the rules of diplomatic intercourse ; and certainly, far sur- passed any claim of credence which was possessed by the British minister residing at \Va«)hington» when the arrangement of the year 1809, was ac- cepted and executed by the American govern- ment. The president of the United Slates, there- fore, owed to the consistency of his own charae- ter^ and to the dictates of a sincere impai tiality, •See the correspondence betwen the secretary of state, and Mr. Jackson, the British minister. tSee the duke de Cadore's letter to Mr. Armstrong, dated the 5th of August, 1 8 10. AMERICAN EXPOSE. el $i prompt acoepCance «f theFreneh overture : and aceerdingly, the authoritative pr^misey that the i'act should exist at the stipulated period, being again admitted as ooaclusive evidence of it b oxist- «n^«9 a proelamatiou was issuod on the 2d of NoV- ember^ ISlOy anAOunoing '< that the edicts of France had been eo revoJied^ as that they ceased «n the first day of the same month, to vioJate the neutral eomnerce of the United States ; and that all the restrictions Imposed by the aet ofeongress^ should then ceas€ and be discontinued, in relation to France and her dependcneies."* That FrL^ine, from thisepoehy refrained from all aggression s.oit the high seas, or even in her own ports, upon tbo persons and the property of the citizens of the tJnited States^ never was asserted ; but on the <»ontrary, her violence and her spoliations have been unoeasing causes of complaint. These sub- sequent injuries, constituting a part of the exist- ing reclamations of the United States, were, al- ways, however, disavowed by the French govern- ment ; whilst the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees has, on every occasion, been ailirmed ; insomuch that Great Britain her^ielf was, nt lastj compelled to yield to the evidence of the fact. On the expiration of three months from the date of the president's proclamation, the non-in- tercourse and non-importation law was, of course, to be revived against Gre^it Britain, unless, dur- ing that period, her orders in council should be re- voked. The subject was, therefore, m&st anxious- ly aad most steadily pressed upon the JustiiK? and magnanimity of the British governmeut ; and even when th« hope of success exj^ied, by the lapse of the period prescribed in one act of congress, the Uoitod States qpcned the door of recoiicHiation j^y ♦See the president's procUmation ef the^of Nv- emberi 1810. IB ' m ^ti If.' S'! '■•I i *' \ 62 AMERICAN EXPOSE. smother aot, Avliich^ in the year 1811 » again pro- vided^ thut iu case^ at any tiiney ** Great Britain should revoke or modify her edicte, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commeree of the United Slates ; the president of the United States should declare the fact hy proclamation ; and that the restrictions previously imposed, should from the date of sueh proclamation, cease and be discontinued,"^ But unhappily, every appeal to the justice and magnanimity of Great Britain was now, as heretofore, fruitless and forlorn. She had at this epoch, impressed from the crews of American merchant vessels^peaeeably navigating the high seas, not less than six thousand mariners^ who claimed to be citizens of the United States, and who were denied all opportunity to verify their claims. She had seized and confiscated the commercial property of American citizens, to an incalculable amount. She had united in the enor* mities of France, to declare a great portion of the terraqueous globe in a state of hlockade ; chasing the American merchant flag effectually from the ocean. She had contemptuously disre- garded the neutrality of the American territory, and the jurisdicdon of the American laws, within the waters of the United States. She was enjoy- ing theenolumentsof a surreptitious trade,8tained with every species of fraud and corruption, which gave to the belligerent powers the advantages of peace, while the neutral powers were involved in the evils of war. She had, in short, usurped and exercised on the water, a tyranny similar to that which her g^eat antagonist had usurped and ^x- ereised upon the land. And,amidst all these proofs of ambition^ ant^ avarice, she demanded that the Yietims of her usurpations and her violence, should '^ScQ the act of congress, passed th^ 2d of March, 18U. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 63 0- iin he revere her as the sole defender of (he rights and liberties of mankind. When, therefore, Great Britain, in manifest violation of her solemn promises, refused to fol- low (he example of France, by the repeal of her orders in council, the Ameriean government was compelled to contemplate a resort to arms, as the only remaining course to be puisued for its honor, its independence, and its safety. "Wliatever de- pended upon the United States themselves, the United States had performed for the preservation of peace, in resistance of the Frenc-h decrees, as irell as of the British orders. What had been re- quired from France, in its relation to the neutral character of the United States, France had per- formed, by the revocation of its Berlin and Milan decrees. But what depended upon Great Britain, for the purposes of justice, in the repeal of her or- ders in council, was withheld | and new evasions were sought, when the old were exhausted. It was, at one time, alledged, that satisfactory proof was not afforded, that France had repealed her decrees against the commerce of the United States ; as if such proof alone were wanting to ensure the performance of the British promise.^ At another time, it was insisted, that the repeal of the French decrees, in their operation against the United States, in order to authorise a demand for the performance of the British promise, must; be total, applying equally to their internal and external effects ; as if the United States had ei- ther the right, or power, to impose upon France the law of her domestic institutions.! And it was, finally, insisted, in a despatch from lord Castle- reagh to the British minister, residing at Washing- *Sec the correspondence between Mr. Pinkney ami the British government. fSee tile letters of Mr. Erskine. \M' t I '\u^' I 61 AMERICAN EXPOSE. ton, in t!io year 1S12, ^vhieh was oiRefally eenv* munieated to the Americnn governmenty '^ that the decrees of Berlin and Milan must not only bo re« pealed singly and specially^ in relation to (be Uni- ted States ; but must be repealed, also, as to nil other neutral nations ; and that in no less extent of a repeal of the French decrees, bad the British government ever pledged itself to repeal the or- ders in council ;^'^ as if it were inciirobent on the United States, not only to assert her own rights^ b;!T to bfcome the coadjutor of the British gov> ernnient in the gratuitous assertion of the rights of all other nations. The congress of the United States could pause f)6 longer. Und and were supplied by the bounty of the United States, froitirtaking any part in the war,* the proofs wore irresistable, that the enemy pursued a very different course ;f and that eves7 precaution would be necessary, to prevent the effects of an offensive alliance, be- tween the British troops and the savages, through- out the northern frontier of the United States,..^ *See the proceedings of the councils, held with the Indians, during the expedition under brig. gen. Hull ; and the talk delivered by the president of the United States, to the Six Nations, at Washington, on tlie 8th April, 1813. tSee the documc'^ts laid before «ongress^ cm the 13th June, 181 J. AMERICAN EXPOSE. €7 |i in sho jpon The military x)eeupAtioin of fJi^er Canada VfM, therefore deemed indsspensabl^ to tbe safety of that frontier^ i.^ the earliest mofements of the VfHTf independent of all views of extending the territorial boundEry of the Uaited Btatet. But» when war was deolared^ in resentment for inju- ries> which had been suffered upon the Atlantie, what principle of public laW;^ wliat inodi^cation of civilized warfare, imposed upon the United States th« duty of abstaining from the iavasioii of th« Canadas ? It was tiiere aioae^ that (he tlnited States could place tberaselves upon equal footing of nuiitary force with Great Britain ; and it was there, that they might reasonably encourage th^ hope of being able, in the prosecution of a lawful retaliation, ^< to restraiti the violinee of the ene- iny, and to retort upon him, the evils of his orvo iojustice.^V The proclaro-ations issued hy ikis A- merican comniandcrs, on entering Upptr 4Janftda» have^ however, been adduced, by the British ne- gociators at Ghent, as the proofs of a spirit of ambition and aggraadizement, on tliOiiart of their government. In trath, the prm^amations were net only uaauthorised and disapproved, but were in- fractions of the positive instructions, which had been given for the conduct of the war in Canada. When the general, commanding the north western army of the United States, received, on the 34th of June, 1812; his first authority to eommenee ofTensivo operations, he was espeeiaily told, << he must not consider himself authorised to pledge the gbvernment to the inhabitants of Canada, further than asauraaces of protection in their per- sons, property, and rights." And on ihc ensriing 1st of August,it was emphatically declared to him, *^ that it ha Am^ sueh the evid(?nce to support if. The priooe regent has, however^ en^deavcred to add to those unfounded aceusations, a stigma^ at whieh the pride of the American governDtent re- volts. Listening to the fabrications of British eniisisaries f gathering scandals from the abuses of a free press ; and rdisled^ pci'haps, hy the as* perities of a party spirit^ common to all free gov- ernments j he affects lo trace the origin of the war to << a marked partiality, in palliating and as- sisting the aggressive tyranny of Franee^ and to the prevalence of such councils, as associated the United States, in policy, with the government of that nation.'*! The conduct of the Ameriean government is now open to every scrutiny ^ and its viudication is inseparable from a knowledge of the facts. All the world must be sensible, indeed, that neither in the general policy of the late ruler of France, nor in bis particular treatment of the United States, eould there exist any political, or rational foundation, for the sympathies and asso- ciationsi overt or clandestine, which have been rudely and unfairly suggested. It Is equally ob- vious, that nothing short, of the aggressive tyr- anny, exercised by Great Britain towards the United States, could have counteracted and con- trolled those tendencies to peace and amity^ which derived their impulse from natural and social causes ; combining the afiections and interests r/f the two nations. The American government, ♦See the letter from the secretary of the war depart- ment, to brig. gen. Hull, dated the 24th of June, ai^d the 1st of August, 1812. tSee the British declaration, o| the 1 0th ©f January, 1813. AMERICA!^ KXf 05E. m ■ a as [ion to to at rc- ish scs as* V- iie a»- lo the of an Aiithful to tbiit ppineiple of ^blio hvf, vliieh ae- knowledges the authority of all govei nmentf ^9r tabHshed defacte; and een£(Mrining it9 pra^Ucei IB this ras^cty to the examplo of Europe^ bas HH^^r contested the validity of the governmenta sueeent- sively catablished in France ; nor refrained frovi that intercourse with either of them^ which tho just interests of the United States required. But the British cabinet is challenged to produce^ from the recesses of its secret^ or of its public arehivqiSy a single instance of unworthy eonoe^sionsy or of jpolitical allianc«3and combination, throughout the intercourse of the United States, with the rovol- vtionary rukrs of France. Was it the indu^Qeo nf French eounoils, that induced the Am^ri^an go¥^ ernment to resist tho pretentions of France, in 1793, and to encouatey her hostilities in 179^ I that led to the ratification of the British treaty in ±79 B I ta the British negociation in 460^, and to the convention of the British minister in i$09 1 that dictated the impartial overtures, which weBe wade to Great Britain., as well as to Franeff during the whole period of the rostrietivo system ? tiiat producedthe determination to avoid making any treaty* even a treaty of commeroe, with France, until the outrage of the Itambouiilet de- cree was repaired 1^ that sanctioned the repeated and urgent efibrts of the American govern ni«nt» to put an end to the war, almost as soon as it was declared? or that, ^aaliy^ prompted the explicit •ommunicntion, which, in pursuance of instrue-; tions, was made by the American minister, at 6t. Potersburgb, to the court of Russia, stating, << that the principal subjects of discussion, whieti bad long been subsisting between the United *Sec the instructimw from the secretary of itato to the American mkiiater at Paris, dated th^ S9th May, 1813. !••■■ s'f ,': ro AMERICAN EXPOSE. States aud Ft ance, remained unsettled ; thai there >vas no immediaie pronpeet, that there vouid be a satisfaetot^v settlement of them ; but that> whatever the event, intbatrespeet^might be, It was nut ihe intention of the government of the United States to enter into any more intimate cob- liexioDS with France ; tliat the government of the United .Slates did not anticipate any event what- ever, that could produce tliat eiVct^ and that the American minister was the more happy to find himself authorized by his government to avow this Intention^ as different representations of- their Views iiad been widely circulated, as well in Eu- rope, as in America.*'* But, while eyery act of the American government thus falsifies the charge of a subserviency to the policy of France, it may he justly remarked, that of all the governments, mamtaining a necessary relation and intercourse with that nation, from the commencement to the recent termination of the revolutionary establish- ments, it has happened that the government of the United States Itas least exhibited marks of condescension and conccssit^n to the successive ru- lers. It is for Great Britain, more particularly as an accuser^ to examine and explain the eonsis(- ency of the reproaches, which she has u(te*'ed »- gainst the United States, with the course of her own conduct ; with her repeated negociations, during the republican, as well as during the impe- rial sway of France ; with her solicitude to make and propose treaties ; with her interchange of eooimercial benefits, so irreconcilable to a state of war; with the almost triumphant entry of a French ambassador into her capital, amidst the acclamations of the populace 5 and with the proa- *Sec Mr. Monroe's letter to Mr, Adams, dated the 1st of July, 1812 ; and Mr. Adams' letter to Mr, Mob- roe, dated the 1 1th of December, 1812. AMERICAN EXPOSE. ri [faat I ere be, the the hat- the u- of «€«U^ii9 insiitated by the orders of the king of Great Britain hiuiseltV in the highest eourl of ei'iminal jurisdiction in his kingdom^ to punish the printei* of a gazette, for publishing a libel on the eonduct and cbaraeter of the late ruler of France ! "Whatever may be th^ source of these symptoms, howcTcr they may indicate a subservient policy, such symptoms have never occurred in the Unit- ed States, throughout the imperial government of France, The conduct of. the United States, from the moment of tleelaring the war, will serve, as well as theiv previous conduct, to rescue them from the unjust reproaches of Great Britain. "When war was declared, the orders in eouncil had been maintained, with inexorable hostility, until a thou- sand American vessels, with their cargoes, had been seized and confiscated, under their operation ; the British minister at Washington had, with pe- culiar solemnity, announced that the orders would not be repealed, but upon conditions, whieh the American government bad not the right, nor tly) power, to fulfil ; and the European war, which bad raged, with little intermission for twenty years, threatened an indefinite continuance. Un- der these circumstances, a repeal of the orders, and a cessation of the injuries, which they pro- duced, were events beyond all rational anticipa- tion, it appears, htwever, that the orders, un- der the influence of a parliamentary enquiry into their effects upon the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, were provisionally repealed on the 23d of June, 1812, a few days subse<|ucnt to tho Americaa declaration of war. If this repeal had been made known to the United States, before their resort to arms, the repeal would have arrest- ed it ; and that cause of war being removed, the other essential cause, the practice of impress- ment, would have been the subject of renewed ne« f*., il w4 ' i i^ AMftiilCAN EXl>0&t. Sbetati^fly vmd^^ tbe Auspicious hiAurnceof a p^t- al, yet iinJiKirrtakit a«t of reedtioiJiation. But tde ^riai*ati^a tor ^ar^ having aatioUAcetl the prae^ t\tt of impte^stnerft^ a^ a pfrincipiil cause, peaec ewM tsa\^ be the result of an express abandon- meat of the )>raMiee ^ t>f a sruspen^ion of the piaetiee fat the purposes of negotiation ; otof a cessation of aetata! stiffei-anee, in eonsequetree of a paciiRration in Europe, \vhiek ^ou'id deprive Great Britain oi ever^ motive for ciontinuing the ]pra'ctiee. Henec, \Vkett^ar1y intimations were given, from Halifajs and froto Canada, of a disposition, on the part of the local authoritres, to enter into an ar- mistice, (ho power of those authorities was s6 doabli\il, the objects of the armistice were so Hm- ited, aiid the immediate advaDta^es were so en- tirely )9ii the side of the enemy, that the Anaeri* can govi^minent could not, consistently with it« duty, embrace tfce propoMtioms.^ But some hope of an amicable adjusttnent was inspired, When a cbmnumicatiim was received from admiral lYar- ren, in September, 1812, stating that h« was com- manded by his .government, to propose on the one hand *< that the goVernmeiit ( f the United States should instantly, recall their letters of marguo and reprisal against British ships, togeilier with all orders and instructions for any acts. of hostili- ty whatevei% against the tcri norrc^ df his maj- esty, or the persons atid pr<^erty of his subjects f* and to promise, on the other hand, if the Amer- ican government acquiesced in the preceding prop- *See letters from llie depaVtiwent cf ^tiito to Mr. Russell, dated the ^th and lOth of Atigmt, 1812, and Ml*. 'Graham*a meiimrandum of a convei'sation whh Mr. Baker, the British secretary of legation enclosed in the last letter. See also, Mr. Monroe's icttw^ to^r. R«9seU, dated tlic 2 1 st of Augry^t, M «4 2. AM^m^vAN EXPOSE. 73 HP' tde ae^ ec dti- the fa of ive be ositioiiy that instructions should l»e issned to the British squadrons, to dis«on(iiuie hu&iilities a- gainst the United States and their citizens. This overture, hoAVpver, was subject to a further qaal- ideation, ** that should the AnierieaB government aoeede to the proposal for terminating hostilities, the British admiral was aathorised to arraoge tvith the American government, as to the revoca- tion of the laws, which interdict the commerce and ships of war of Great Britain from the hai'« hors and waters of the United States ; hut that In default of such revocatioa, within the reason- able period to be agreed upon, the orders in eonu- eil would be revived/'* The American govern- ment, at once, expressed a disposition to embrace the general proposition for a oessation of hostil- ities, with a viev/ to negeoiation ; declared that no peace eould be durable, unless the essential ob- ject of impressment was adjusted ; and offered as the basis of the adjust men t,-to prohibit the em- ployment ef British subjects in the naval or com- mercial serviee of the^ United States | but adher- ing to its determination of obtainfing a relief from actual snfierance, the suspension of the practice of impressment, pending the proposed armistice, was deemed a neeessary eonsequence ; for <' it eould not be presumed, while the parties were en- gaged in a negociatiou to adjust amicably this important dififerenoe^ that the United States would admit the right, or acquiesce fm the practice, of the opposite party ; or that Great Britain would be willing to restrain her cruizers from a prae- tiee, which would have the strongest effect to de- feat the negociation.^t So just, so reasonable, *Sce the letter of admiral Warren to the secretary of state, dated at Halifax, the 20th of September, 1812. fSee the letter of Mr. Monroe lo admiral Warrefi, dated the arth af October, 1812. G hi A m m u AMERICAN EXPOSE. M itiilispcDsabley a preliminaryy without which the citizens of the United States^ n^vigatiag the high seasiy fvould not be plaeed, by the armistice, on an equal footing \f ith the subjects of Great Britain, admiral Warren \i'as not authorised to a«cept ; land the effort at an amicable adjustment, through that channel, was necessarily abortive. But long after the overture of the British ad- miral was made (a few days, indeed, after the declaration of war) the reluctance with which the United States had resorted to arms, was man- ifested by the steps taken to arrest the progress of hostilities, and to hasten a restoration of peace. On the 26th of June, 1812, the American charge d'affaires, at London, was instructed to make the proposal of an armistice to the British govern- ment, which might lead to an af^justment of all differences, on the single condition, in the event of the orders in council being repealed, that instruc- tions should be issued, suspending the practice of impressment during the armistice. This proposal was soon followed by another, admitting, instead of positive instructions, an informal understand-* ing between the two governments on the subject.'it' Both of these proposals were unhappily rejected.! And when a third, which seemed to have no plea for hesitation, as it required no other prelimina- ry, than that the American minister at London should find in the British government, a sincere dispo^tion to accommodate the difference, relative to impressment, x>n fair conditions, was evaded, it was obvious, that neither a desire of peace, nor *See the letters from the secretary of state to Mr. Hussell, dated the 36th of June, and tlie 27th of Jufy, 1812. tSee the correspondehee between Mr. Russell and lord Castlereagh, dated August and September, 1813 —and Mr. Russell's letters t© the secretary of statej^ dated September, UI2. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 76 the an n spirit of conoilialion, influenced the councils of Great Bi itain, "^ Under these circumstances tlie Amerienn gov- ernment had no choice, but to invigorate the war ; and yet it has never lost sight of the object of all just wars, a just peace. The emperor af Russia having offered his mediation (o accom|)li8h that objecl, it was instantly ajid cordially accepted by the American government ;'*^ but it was peremp- torily rejected by t1ie British govt^rnment. Tha emperor, in his benevolence, repeated his invita- tion $ the British government again rejected it. At Jast, however. Great Britain, sensible of the reproach, to which such conduct would expose her throughout Europe, offered to the American gov- ernment a direct negociation for peace, and the offer was promptly embraced ; with perfect con-vj i!dence, that the British government would be equally prompt in giving effect toit^ own f^opo^ sal. But such was not the design or the course of that government. The American envoys were immediately appointed, and arrived at Gotten - burgh, the destined scene of negociation, on the 11th of April, 1814, as sOon as the season admit- ted. The British government, thougb regularly informed, thatne time Would be losit, en the part of tbeUiyted States, suspended the appointment of its envoys, until the actual arrivalof the A- merican envoys should be formally coramunieated. This pretension, however novel and inauspicious, was not permitted to obstruct the path to peace. The British government next proposed to transfer the negociation from*' Gottenburgh to Ghent. This change, also, notwithstanding the necessary delay, was allowed. The American envoys arriv- ing at Ghent on the 24th of June, remained in a mortifying state of suspense and expectation for *See the correspoueleiice between Mr, Monroe and Mr. PASchkoff, in Mifch, 1813. ^ii ; ■.'.'' ; m Wi • ij ft 7% AMERICAN EXPOSE. the arrival of the British enYojs until the 6th of Augnst. And from the period of opening the ne« goeiations, to the date of the last despatch of the Slst of Oetober^ it has been seen that the -whole of the diplomatie skill of the British goyernment has consisted in eonsnming time> M'ithout ap- proaching anj conclusion. The pacification of Paris had suddenly' and unexpectedly placed at tha disposal of the British government a great naval and military force ; the pride and passions of the nution Avere artfully excited against the United S^tates *j and a war of desperate and barbarous character was planned^ at the very moment that the American government^ finding its maritime citizens relieved by the course of events, from actual sufferance, under the practice of impress- inent, had authorised its envoys to wave those 6fipu1ations upon the subject, which might other- wise t ive been indispensable precautions. Hitherto the American government has ewn the justice of its cause ; its respect for the rights of othci* nations ; and its inherent love of peace* But the scenes ot* war will also exhibit a striking contrast, bp(ween the conduct of the United Stafes and the conduct of Great Britain. The same insidious policy which taught the Prince Regent to deseribe the American government as the aggressor in the war, has induced the British government (clouding the daylight truth of the transaction) to call the atrocities of the Britii^h fleet and armies, a retaliation upon the example of the American troops in Canada. The United States tender a solemn appeal to the civilized W^orld against the fabrication of such a charge ; and they vouch* in support of their appeal, the known morals, habits and pursuits of their peo- ple ; the character of their civil and political in- stitl 7J AMERICAN EXPOSE. B^iores of the Chesapeake, throughout the sum* iner of the saoic year ; and might fairly have been alleged as a retaliatieii for those outrages; but, in fact, ic i^as justified by the American commander, who ordered it, on the ground, that it beeame necessary to the militarj operations at that place ;^ while the American government, as 80011 as it heard of the act, on the 6th of January, 1811, instructed the general commanding the northern army, << to disavow the conduct of the officer who committed It, and to transmit to gov- ernor Prevost, a copy of the order, under color of which that officer had acted/'f This disa- vowal was accordingly communicated ; and on the 10th of February, 181 i, governor Prevost answered, '^ that it had been with great satisfac- tion, he had received the assurance, that the per- petration of the burning; of the town of iNewark^ was both unauthorised by the American govern- ment, and abhoirent to every American feeling ; that if any outrages had ensued the wanton and unjustifiable destruction of Newark, passing the bounds of just retaliation, they were to be at- tributed to the influence of irritatrd passions, on the part of the unfortunate sufierers by that event, which, in a state of active warfare^ it has not been possible altogether to restrain ; and that it was as little congenial to the disposition of his i»ajesty*s government, us il was to that of the goy- ernnient of the United ^tates, deliberately to a- dopt any policy, Avhich had for its object the de- Tastation of private property.*':^ But the disa* ♦General M*Lure*s letters to the secretary at war, da* ted Deceirber 10 and 13, 18l5. f See the letter from the secretary at war to major- gereral Wilkinson, dated the 26th of January, 1814. %See the ktter of major general Wilkinson to sir Gearge Pi evost, dated the 28th of January, 18l4; and the answer of sir Geo. Prevost on the 10th Feb. 1814. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 79 vowal of the American government was not tho only expiation' of (he offenoe committed hy its cvf- flcer ; for 1 be British government assumed the province of redress in the indulgence of its own vougeancc. A fow days after the burning of ]Ne\Yark, the British and Indian troops crossed the ^Niagara for this purpose; they surprised and seized Fort Niagara, and put its garrison to the sword ; they burnt the villages of Lewiston^ Manchester, Tuscarora, Baffalo andBlaclr Book f slitughtering and abusing the unarmed inhabi- tants ; until, in short, they had laid waste the whole of the Niagara frontier, levelling every house and every hut, and dispersing, beyond the means of shelter, in the extremity of winter, the male and the female, the old and the young. Sir George Prevost himself appeals to have been sated with the ruin and the havoc which had been thus inflicted. In his proclamation of the 12th of January, 1814, he emphatically declared, that for the burning of Newark, " the opportunity of punishment had oocured, and a full measure of retaliation had taken place;" and ing knife and the torch ; as a warfare,iHcom- patible with the usages of civilized nations ; as a warf^re.that^disclaitn ing all moral in/luenee,inilicts an outrage upon social creen as incessant, as they have been insidious and abortive. Nay, the governor of the island of Barbadoes, totally forgetful of the boasted artigle of the British magna charta, in favor of forei;;n merchants, found within the British dominions, upon the breaking out of hos- tilities, resolved that every American merchant« within his Jurisdiction at the declaration of war, should at once, be treated as a prisoner of war ; because every citizen of the United State? was *SecMr. RyUnd's letter of the 26th jf Jan. 1W9. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 85 or enrolled ID the militia; because the miliiia of the United States were required to serve their country beyond the limits of the state^ to whieU they particularly belonged ; and because the mi- lilia of '* ail the states, whi(;h bad acceded to this measure, were, in the view of sir George Bcck- with, acting as a French conscription.'** Again : Mor was this course of conduct con- fined to the colonial authorities. On the 20 ih of October, 1812, the British government issued an order in council, authorizing the governors of the British West India islands, to grunt licenses to American vessels, for the importation and expor- tation of certain articles, enumerated in the or- der ; but in the instructions which accompanied the order, it was expressly provided, that << what- ever importations were proposed to be roade^ from the United States of America, should be by licenses, confined to the ports of the eastern states exclusively, unless there was reason to suppose, that the object of the order '^'ould not be fiillilledy if licenses were not granted,for importations from the other ports of the United States/'f The president of the United States has not hes- itated to place before the nalion, with expressions of a just indignation, " the policy of Great Brit- ain thus proclaimed to the world ; introducing in- to her moiSes of warfare, a system equally distin« guished by the deformity of its features, and the depravity of its character ; and having for its object, to dissolve the ties of allegiance, and tTio sentiments of ioyahy,in the adveri-ary nation ; and ♦See the reinarkable state paper i^suecl by gov. Btck- with, at Barbadoes, on the 13th of N^v. IGVJ. fSee lb« proclamation of the gov. of Beriiiuda, of Jan 14, 16 i4 ; and the ind< ructions trom the British stcietary. for foreign affkirs, dated November 9, 181iJ. u k «6 AMERICAN EXPOSE to seduce and separate its oompenrnt parts^ tlie one from the otlier.":|: 2. Great Britain lias violated the la^s of hu- manity and honor^ hj seeking alliances, iii the prosecution ot* the ivar^ with savages, pirates and sslaves. The British agency, in exciting the Indians* at all times, to commit hostilities upon the frontier of the United States, is too aotorious, to admit of a direct and general denial. It has sometimes^ however, been said, that such conduct was unau- thorized by the British goveritment ; and the prince regent, seizing the single instance of an in- tin^ation, alleged to be given, on the part of sir James Craig, governor of the Canadas, that an attack was meditated by the Indians, has affirmed, that '• the charge of exciting the Indians to of- fensive measures against the United States, was void of foundation ; that before the war began, a policy the most opposite had been uniformly pur- sued ; and that proof of this was tendered by Mr. Foster to the American government.! But is it not known in Europe, as well as in America, that the British Northwest Company maintain a constant intercourse of trade and council with ilw Indians ; that their interests are often in di- rect collision with the interests of the inhabitants of the United States, and that by means of the inimical dispositions, and the active agencies of the company, (seen, understood, and tacitly sanc- tioned by the local au^iorities of Canada) all the ^See the message from the president to congress, dated the 24th of February, 1813. f See the prince regent's declaration of the 10th of January. 1813. See, al"*o, Mr. Foster's letters to Mr. Monroe, dated the 2«thDec. 1811, and the 7th and 8th June, 1812 ; and Mr. Monroe's answer, dated the 9th of January, 1813, aud the 10th of June, 1812 ; and the documents whick accompanied the correspondence. n o AMERICAN EXPOSE. 87 evils of an Indian t^ar may be sbed upon tlio U- nited States, without the authority of a formal order, emanating immediately from the British government ? Menoe, the American government, in an answer to the evasive protestations vithout compunction^ the toma- hawk and the scalping knife, brandished against prisoners* old men and children, and even against pregnant wom«n, and Mrhile they exuUingly ac- cept the bloody scalps of the slaughtered Ameri- cans^'i^'the Indian exploits in battle, are recounted and applauded by the British general orders. Hank and station are assigned to them, in the military (iiovements of the British army ; and the unhallowed league was ratified, with appro- priate emblems, by intertwining an American scalp, with the decorations of the mace, which the commander of the northern army of the U- nited States found in the legislative chamber of York, the capital of Upper Canada. In the single scene, that succeeded the battle of Frenchtown, near the river Raisin, ijv;h^re the A- merican troops were defeated bjrttlcfwies, under the command of general Proctor, there will be found concentrated, upon indisputable proof, an iilustralion of the horrors of the warfare, which Great Britain has pursued, and still pursues, in co-operation with the savages of the south, as well as with the savages of the north. The A- merican army capitulated on the 22d January^ 1813 ^ yet, after the faith of the Brilish com- mander had been pledged, in the terms of cjie ca- pitulation ; and while the British eflSeers and sol- diers silently and exultingly contemplated the seene, some of tlie American prisoners of war were tomahawked, some were shot, and some were burnt. Many of the unarmed inhabitanta of the Michigan territory w^re massacred ; their property was plundered, and their houses were *See the letter from t^e American general Hari'isoA to the BrttisK general Pwtor. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 91 destroyed.^ The dead bodies of the mangled A- merieans were exposed, unburied, to be devoured by dogs and swine ; << beeause> as (he British of- ficers deehiredy the Indians would not permit the interment ^*'f and some of the Americans, who survived the carnage, had been extricated from danger, only by being purchased at a price as a part of the booty belonging to the Indians. But, to complete this dreadful view of human deprav- ity and human wretchedness, it is only necessary to add, that an American physician, who was dis- patched with a flag of truee, to ascertain the sit- uation of his wounded brethren, and two persons, his companions, were intercepted by the Indians, in their humane missioB ; the physician, after be- ing wounded, and one of his companions, were made prisoners ; and the third person of the par- ty was killed4 But the savage, who had never known the re- straints of civilized life, and the pirate, who had broken the bonds of society, were alike the ob- jects of British conciliation and alliance^ for the purposes of an unparalleled warfare. A horde of pira 92 AMERICAN EXPOSE. the service of Great Britain, in wbich lie should have the rank of captain ; promising that lands should be giren to them all, in proportion to their respective ranks, on a peace taking pla«e ^ as- suring them, that their property should be guar- anteed, and their persons protected ; and asking, in return, that they would cease all hostilities a- gainst Spain, or the allies of Great Britain, and plaee their ships and vessels under the British commanding officer on (hat station, itnti] the com- mander in chief's pleasure should he known, with a guarantee of their fair value at p.ll events."* There wanted only to exemplify the debasement of such an act, the occurrence, that the pirate ahotild spurn the proffered alliance ; and, accor- dingly, Lafitte's answer was indignantly given, by a delivery of the letter, containing the British proposition, to the American governor of Louisi- ana. There were other sources, liowever, of support, which Great Britain was prompted by her ven- geance to employ, in opposition to the plainest dictates of her own colonial poliey. The events which have extirpated ©r dispersed the white pop- ulation of St. Domingo, are in the r^eolleetion of all men. Although British humanity might not shrink, from the infliction of similar calainitiea upon the southern states of America, the danger of that course, either as an incitement to revolt, of the slaves of the British islands, or as a cause of retaliation, on the part of the United States, ought to have admonished her against its adop- tion. Yet, in a formal proclamation issued by the commander in chief of his Britannic majesty's squadrons, upon the American station, the slaves *See the letter addressed by Edward Nichols, lieut. colonel, commanding his BritaRnic majesty's force in the , the Floridas, to Monsieur Lafite, or the commandaut at ^arratam, dated the 31st vf August, 1814. rl si AMERICAN EXPOSE. 93 lieir as- ap. of the American planters ^cre invited to join tho British standard, in a covert phraseology, that afforded hut a slight veil for the real design.— - Thus, admiral Cochrane, reciting, <« that it had been represented to him, tha^. many persons nov^ resident in the United States, had expressed a de- sire to withdraw therefrom, with a view to enter into his majestifs se/viee, or of being received as Jree setilers into some of his majesty's colonies," procla'med, that " all those wIjo might be dispos- ed to emigrate from the United States, would be, with their families, received on board of his maj- esty's ships or vessels of war, or at the militai^ posts that might be established upon or near the eoast of the United States, when they would have their choice of either entering into his majesty's sea or land forees, or of beicg sent as free settlers lo Ihe British possessions in North America, or the West Indies, where ihay would meet all due eaeouragement.""^ But even the negroes seem, )n cootenapt or disgust, to have resisted the solie- itation 5 no rebellion or massacre ens^^ed ; and the allegation, often repeated, that in relation to those who were seduced, or forced, from the ser- vice of their masters, instances have occcurred of some being afterwards transported to the British West India islands, and there sold into slavery, for the benefit of the captors, remains without contradiction. So complicated an act of injustice, would demand the reprobation of mankind. And let the British government, which profess a just abhorrence of the African slave trade ; which en- deavors to impose, in that respect, restraints up- on the policy of France, Spain and Portugal ; an- swer, if it can, the solemn charge against their faith and their humanity. *Bte admiral Gochrane's proclamation, dated at Ber-* muda, the 2d«cf April, i814. 94 AMERICAN EXPOSE. § m I 3. Great Britain has violated the laws of civil- ized warfare, by plundering private property ; bv outraging female honor ; hy burning unprotected cities, towns, villages and houses ; and by laying waste whole districts of an unresisting country. The menace and the practice of the British naval, and military force, " to destroy and lay waste such towns and districts upon the American coast, as might be found assailable,'' have been executed upon the pretext of retaliation, for the wanton destruction committed by the American army in Upper Canada ;-\ but the fallacy of 4he pretext has already been exposed. It will be-^ re- collected, however that the act of burning New- ark was instantaneously disavowed by the Amer- iean government ; that it occured in December^ 1813 — and that sir George Prevost himself ac- knowledged, on the 10th of February, 1814, that the measure of retaliation for all previously im- puted misconduct of the American troops, was then full and complete.:): Between the month of February, 1814, when that acknowledgement was made, and the month of August, 1814, when the British admiral's denunciation was issued, what are the outrages upon the part of the American troops in Canada, to justy a call for retaliation ? No : it was the system, not the incident, of the ivar — and intelligence of the system had been re- ceived at Washington, from the American agents in Europe, with reference to the operation, of ad- miral Warren upon the shores of the Chesapeake, long before admiral Cochrane had succeeded to the command of the British fleet on the Americaa station. f See admiral Cochrane's letter to Mr. Monroe, dated August 18, 1814. tSee sir George Prevost's letter to general Wilkinson, dattd the lOtti of February, 1814 , a a f AMERICAN EXPOSE. 95 (isli lay As an appropriate introduction to the kijyj^l of war, ^'hich Great Britain intended to Avage against the inhabitants of the United States, trans- actions occurred in England, under the avowed direction of the government itself, that could not fail to wound the moral sense of every candid and generous spectator. All the officers and mariners of American merchant ships, who, having lost their vessels in other places, had gone to England on the way to America ; or who had been em- ployed in British merchant ships, but were desir- ous of returning home, or who had been detained in consequence of the condemnation of their ves*- sels under the British orders in council ; or who had arrived in England, through any of the other casualities of the seafaring life ; were condemned to )Ue treated as prisoners of war ; nay, some of them were actuary impressed, while soliciting their passports ; ^ilthough not one of their num- ber had been, in any way, engaged in hostilities against Great Britain ; although the American government had afforded every facility to the de- parture of the same class, as well as of every oth- er class, of British subjeets^ from the United States, for a reasonable period after the declara- tion of war. =^ But this act of injustice, for which even the pretext of retaliation has not been ad- vanced, was accompanied by another still greater cruelty and oppression. The American seamen^ who had been enlisted or impressed, into the na- val service of Great Britain, were long retained^ and many of them are yet retained, on board of British ships of war, where they are compelled to combat against their country and against their *See Mr. Beasiey's correspondence with the British government, in October, November, and Dec. 1812. See, also, the act of congress, passed the 6th of July 1812. if; 9$ AMERICAN EXPOSE. friends : and even when Ihc Biitish gov«rniijent tardily and reluctantly recognized the oitizenship of impicssed Americans^ to a number exceeding 1000 at a single naval station^ and dismissed them from its service on the water ; it vms only to im^ inure them as prisoners of war on the shores— These unfortunate persons, who had passed into the power of the British government, by a viola- tion of their own rights and inelinations, as well as of the rights of their country, and who could on- ly be regarded as the spoils of unlawful violence, were, nevertheless, treated as the fruits of lawful war. Such was the indemniiication, which Great Britain oifcred for the wrongs, that she had in- flicted ; and such the reward, which she bestow- ed, for the services that she had rcceived.f Nor has the spirit of British warfare been con- fined to violations of the usagot^ of civilized na^ lions, in relation to the United States. The sys- tem of blockade, by orders in council, has been revived , and the American coast, from Maine to Louisiana, has been declared by the proelauiation of a British admiral, to be in a state of blockade, which every day's observation proves to be, prac- tically, inetir«etiial, and which, indeed, the whole of the British navy would be unable to enforce and maintain. :|: Neither the orders in council^ acknowledged to be generally unlawful, autl de- clared to be merely retaliatory upon France ; nor the Berlin and Milan decrees, Avhieh placed iho British islands in a state of blockade, without the force of a single squadron to maintain it ; were, in principle, more injurious to the rights of nea- fSee the letter from Mr. Beasley, to Mr. M'Leay, da- ted the 13th of March, 1816. it-See the successive blockades announced by the Brit- ish government, and the successive naval commanders on the American station. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 9r im> ivh\ commerce^ tlian the cxistin^i^ blocliade of ith Hussia^ and ^ith other northern powers, by whose governments no edicts, violating neutral rights, had been issuedy.was cut oSt by the opera- tion of the British orders in council of the year 1807, as efieetually as their trade with Franco and her allies, although the retaliatory principle was totally inapplicable to the case. And the blockade of the year ISl'Jt, is an attempt to de- stroy the trade of those nation9> and indeed, of all the other nations of £urope, with the United States ; while Great Britain, herself, with the same policy and ardor, that marked her illicit trade with France, when France washer encmy^ encourages a clandestine traffic between her sub- jects and the American citizens, wherever her possessions come in conti^ct with the territory o£ the tJnited States. But approaching nearer to the seencs of plun- der and violence, of eruelty and conflagration,, which the British warfare exhibits on the coasts of the United States, it must be again asked, 'what acts of the American government, of its ships of war, or of its armies, had occurred, or were even alleged, as.a pretext for the perpetra- tion of this series of outrages? It will not be as- serted, that they were sanctioned by the usages, of mode;*nwar ; because the sense of all Europe would revolt at the assertion* it will not tj(e said, that they were the unauthorised excesses of the British troops ; because scarcely ao act of phm- ^er and' violence, of cruelty atrd eo-nflagration, lias been committed, except in the ]mmedi!iit<> presence^ under the positive orde^s^ and with f!ji I ii 98 AMERICAN EXPOSE. personal agency, of BrUisli officers. It must not be again insilnuatedf that tlicy nvere provoked by tlio American example ^ because it bas been de-* inonstrated, that all such insinuations are ^vith-^ out color, and without proof. And, after all, the dreadful and disgraceful progress of ihe British arms, will be traced, as the eifect of that anirnos- ity, arising out of recollections connected with the American revolution, which has already been noticed ; or, as the effect of that Jealousy, which the commercial enterprise, and native resources^' of the United States, arc calculated (o excite^ in the councils of a nation, aiming at universal do- minion upon the ocean. In the month of April, 1813, the inhabitants of Poplar island, in the bay of Chesapeake^ vrerc pillaged^ and the cattle, and other live stock of the farmers, beyond what the enemy could re- move, were Nvantonly killt d.'''' In the same month of April, the wharf, the store, amd the fishery, at French town landing, were destroyed, and the private stores, and store houses,in the village of Frenchtown, were burnt. f In the same month of April, the euemy landed repeatedly ol Sharp's island, and made a general sweep of the stock, aifecting, however, to pay for a part of it.:j: On the 3d day of May, 1813, the town of Ha- vre de Grace was pillaged and burnt, by a force under the command of admiral Cockburn. The British officers, being admonished, « that with civilized nations at war. private property bad al- ways been respected,'* hastily replied, *' that as the Americans wanted war, they should now feel its effects ; and that the town should be laid *See tbe deposition o^ William Sears. fSee the deposition of Frisby Anderson and Cordelia Pennington. :|:See Jacob Gibson's deposition. AMERICAN EXPOSE. 99 not I by de- ith. the ish ill ashes.'* They broke the windows of the church ; they purlomed the houses of the furniture ; they strip- ped women and children of their clothes ; ana when an unfortunate female complained, that she could not ICXYC her house with her little children, she was un- feelingly told, " that her house should be burnt with herself and children in it."* On the 6th of May, 1813, Fredericktown and Geargetown, situated on Sassafras river, in the state of Maryland, were pillaged and burnt, and the adjacent country was laid waste, by a force under the conimancl of admiral Cockburn ; and the officers >yere the xnoji active on the occasion. | ' On the 2 2d of June, 1813, the British forces made an a ttack on Craney Island, with a view to take possession of ^Vorfoik, which the commanding officers had prom- ised in case of success, to give up to the plunder of the troops.:!: The British were repulsed ; but enrage'd V)y defeat and disappointment, their course \ras directed to Hampton, which they entered on the of Jane. The scene, that ensued, exceeds all power of descrip- tion J and a detail of facts would be offensive to the feel- ings of decorum^as well as of humanity. '' A defence- less and unresisting town was given up to indiscrimi- nate pillage ; though civilized war tolerates this only, as to fortified places carried by assault, and after sum- mons. Individuals, male and female, were stripped naked ; a sick man, was stabbed twice in the hospital V another sick man was shot in Ms bed, in the arms of his wife, who was also wounded, long after the retreat of the A.merican troops ; and females, the married and the single, suffered the extremity of personal abuse from the troqps of the enemy, and from the infatuated *3ee the deposition of William T. Kilpatrick, James Wood, Rosanna Moore and R. Mansfield, fSee the depbsi.ians of John Stavely, William Spencer, Joshua Ward, James Scanlan, Richard Barnaby, F. B. Chandlear, Jonathan Greenwood, John Allen, T. Rcbert- ^on, M N. Gannon, and J. T, Veasey. 4:3ee gen. Taylor's letter to the secretary at war, dated the 2d of July, 1813. 100 AMERICAN EXPOSE. nfegroes, at their instigation."* The fact that thcift at- trocitie* were committed, the commander of the Brit- ish fleet, admiral Warren, and the commander of the British troops, sir Sidney Beckwith, admitted without he9itation,t but they resorted, ds on other occasions, to the unavailing pretext of a j iistifiable retaliation. It "was said, by the British general, " that the excesses at Hampton were, occasioned by an occurrence, at the re- cent attempt upon Craiaiy Island, when the British troops in a barge, sunk by the American guns, clung to the wreck of the boat ; but several Americans waded off from the Island, fired upon and shot these men.** The tritth of the assertion was denied ; the net, if it had been perpetrated by the American troops, was promptly disavowed by their commander ; and a board of of&cers appointed to investigate the facts, after stat- ing the evidence, repoi'ted " an unbiased opinion, that •the charge against the American troops vrixs unsup- ported ; and that the chai^cter of the American sol- diery for humanity and magnanimity, had not been com- mitted, but on the contrary conf\rmed."4^ The result of the enquiry was communicated to the British gen- eral; repuration was dencvanded ; but it was soon per- ceive hat whatever might personally be the liberal disposu.w^na of that officer, no adequate reparation could *See the letters f'om gcneralTaylor to admiral War- ren, dated the 29i-hof Jane, I8I0, to gen. sir Sidney Beck- with, dated the 4trt and 5th of July, 1813 ; to the secre- tary of war, dated the 2J of July, 1813; and to captain Myers, of the last dnte. See, alao,the letter from mr?jor rrutG>>iield to'govern- or Barbour, dated the 20th of June, ^BX:\ ; the letters from tapt. Cooper to Hen'.enaut governcr Mnllory, dated in July, 1813 ; the report of Messrs. Griffii an 1 Lively, to rnaj )r Crutchfield, dated the 4th of July, 1813 ^ and coK Varker'a pablieatlon in the Enquirer. ■fSee admiral Warren's letter to gen. Taylor, dated the 2ii:n of June, 1813 ; sir Sidney Bsckwith's Vetter to gen. Tay4or, dated the same day ; and the report of oaptahi ^eyrs to gen. Taylor, of July, 2d 1313. ^:See the rep >rt ©f the proceedings of the board of offi- cers, appointed by the general order, of the 1st of July, XS13. b ai AMttltCAN EiXPOSE. 101 1 bd tnade, as the conduct of his troops was directed and sanctioned by his government.* Durino; the period ut' these transactions, th« vil- lage ot" Lfcwistown, near the capes of the Dclawarcf in- habited cliietly by fiaiicrmen and pilots, and the village of Stonington, seated upon the snores of Connecticut, were Unsuccefestully bombarded. Armed parties, led by ofliccrs of rank, landed daily from the British squad- ron, making predatory incitrsions into the open coun- try : rifling and burning the houses and cottages of peaceable and retired families, pillaging the produce of the planter and the frirmer ; (their tobacco, their grain, and their cattle ;) commiuint? violence on the persons of the unprotected inhabitants ; seizing upon slaves, wherever they could be found, as booty of war ; and breaking open the coffins of the dead, in search of plun- der, or committing robbery on the altars of a church, at Chapticoj St; Inigoes, and Tappabannocki with a sacrilegious race: But the consummation of British outrage, yet re- mains to be stated, from the awful and imperishable memorial of the capital atVVashington.lt has been already observed, that the massacre of the American prisoners at the river Raisin, occUri'ed in January, 1813 ; that throughout the same year^ the desolating warfare of Great Britain^ without once alledging a retaliatory ex- cuse, made the shores of the Chesapeake^ and of its tributary rivers, a general scene of ruirt ttnd distress ; and that in the month of February, 1814, sir George Provost himSelf, acknowledged, that the measiit*es of retaliation, for the unauthorised biirnitig oif Newark, in December, 1813, and for all the ex-cesses which hstd been imputed to the American iirmy, was, at that timc^ full and complete. The United States, indeed^ re- garding what waiS due to their own character, rather than what was diie to the conduct of their erierhj^, had forborne to authorise a just retribiitioa; and even dis- dained to place the destruction of Newark to retciliato- *S?e gen. Taylor's letter to sir S^d^.eV Beckwitki dated the 5th of July, 1813; and the aoSwer of the follow- ing day. ' I2 1103 AMERICAN EXPOSE. ry account; for the general pillage and conflagratioPiT which had been previously perpetrated. It was not without astonishment, therefore, that after more than a year of patient suffering, they heard it announced iu August, 1814, that the towns and districts upon their coast, were to be destroyed and laid waste, in revenge for the unspecified and unknown acts of destruction,, which were charged against the American troops in Upper Canada. The letter of admiral Cochrane was dated on the 18th, but it was not received until the 31st of August, 1814. In the intermediate time, the enemy debarked a body of about five or six thousand troops at Benedict, on the Patuxent, and by a sudden and stca(Hy march through Bladensburg, approached the city of Washington. This city has been selected for the seat of the American government; but the num- ber of its houses does not exceed nine hundred, spread iBver an extensive scite ; the whole number of its in- liabitants does net exceed eight thousand ; and the ad- jacent country is thinly populated. Although the ne- cessary precautions had been ordered, to assemble the militia for the defence of the city, a variety of eauses combined to render the defence unsuccessful y and the enemy took possession of Washington on the evening cf the 24th of August, 1814. The commanders of the British force held at that time admiral Cochrane's des* dating order, although it was then unknown to the gov- ernment and people of the United States y but con- sc^pijis of the danger cf so distant a separation of the British ileet, and desiroi'is, by every plausible artifice, to deter the citizeRS from flying to arms against the in- vaders, they disavowed all design of injuring private perfiK>|;i6 and property, and gave assurances of protec- tion, whe.'eyer thej'c was submission. General Ross and admiral Cockburn then proceeded in person to di- rect and superintend the bM«ness of conflagration ; ia » place, which hjid yielded tp their arms, which was unfortified, and by which no hostility was threatened. They set fire te the capitol, within whose walls were contained the hialls qf the congress of the United Sit^ites, the hall of their highest tribunal for the ad- i^O^stration of juatlce, the archives of the legislaim;^? T^ AMERICAN EXPOSE. 10^ tioprr not an SI d ill ngc ion^ in was 31st my ops md the for ira- cad in- ad- ne- the ises the ing the es* 3n- he and the national library. They set fire to the edifice, which the United States had erected for the residence of their chief magistrate. And they set fire to the costly and extensive building, erected for ihe accom- modation of the principal officers of the government, in the tra^iS&ction of the public business. These mag« nificent monuments of the progress of the arts, which America had borrowed from her parent Europe, with all the tesUraonials of taste and literature which they contained, were on the .aemorable night of the 14th of August, consigned to the ftames, while British officers of high rank and command, united with their troops in riotous carousal, by the light of the burning pile. But the character of the iiicendiary had so entirely superseded the character cf the soldier on this unpar- alleled expedition, that a great portion of the mui>' ion* of war, which had net been cons'pned, when the navy yard was ordered to be destroyed ii^ on the approrch of the British troops, were left unto ached, and an exten- sive foundery of cannon, adjoining iuc city of Washing- ton, was left uninjured | when, in the night of Uie 25th of August, the army sudidenly decamped, and returning, with evident marks of precipitation and alarms to their ships, left the interment of their dead, and the care of their wounded, to the enemy ; whom they had thus in- jured and insulted, in violation of the laws of civilized war. The counterpart of the scene exhibited by the Brit- ish army, was next exhibited by the British navy. Soon after the midnight flight of general Ross from Washington, a squadron of British ships of war as- cended on the Potomac, and reached the town of Al- exandria on the 27th of August, 1814. The magis- trates, presJiiming that the general destruction of the town was intended, a«ked on what terms it might be saved. The naval commander declared, that the only conditions in his power to offer, we#e such as required not only a surrender of all naval and ordnance stores j (public and private) but of all the shipping ; and of all merchandize in the city, as well as such as had been removed since the I9th of August." The conditions, therefore, amouRtod to 4h« entire plumkw «f Ai«>iM>^ 164 AMERICAN EXPOSE; drift, an unfortified and unresisting town, ih order id save the buildings from destruction. Tiie capitula- tion was made ; and the enemy bore away the fruiti of his predatory enterprise^ in triumph; But even while this narrative is passing from the press, a new retaliatory pretext has . been formed, to cover the disgrace of the scene, which was transacted at Washington; In the address of the governor in chief to the provincial parliament of Canada, on the 24tb of January, 1815, it is asserted, in ambiguous language, " that, ad a just retribution, the proud capi- tol at Washington, has experienced a similar fate to that hiflicted by an American force ow /Ae seat of gov- trnment in Upper Canada." The town of York, in Up- per Canada^ was taken by the Amercan army under the com r»i and of general Dearborn, on the 27th of April, 1813,* and it was evacuated on the succeeding 1st of May ; although it was again visited for a day, by an American squadron, under the command bi commo- dore Chauncey, on the 4th ol August. f At the time of the capture, the enemy bn his retreat set fire to his magazine, and the injury produced by the explosion was great and extensive ; but neither then or on the tisitofcomraodoreChauncey, was any edifice, which had been erected for civil uses, destroyed by the au- thority of the military or natal commander ^ and the destruction of such edific<:s, by any part of th«ir force,' would haive been a direct violation of the positive or- ders which they had issued. On both occassions, in- deed, the public stores of the enemy \^ere authorised to be seized, anc> his public store-houses to be burnt ; but it is known that ptivate persons, houses, and property, were left uninjured. If, therefore, sir George Prevost deems such acts inflected on " the seat of government in Upper Cana;da" ^milartothe acts which were per- petrated at Washington, he has yet to perform the task of tracing the ftaturcEt of similarity ; since, at • See the letters fromi general Dearborn to the secre- tary of war, dated the 27th and 18th ©f April, 1813. fScethe letter frbm commodore Chauncey to the sepV. iftUry %A tke SMtvy^ 4ate4 the 4tb of August, 1813. AMERICAN EK;I*®SE. I as r id the to Washington thepublic edifiGes which had been erected for civil usesy wtire alone destroyed^ while the muni- tions of wary and the fbundaries of cannon, remained untouched. K If, hawever> it be meant to affirm, that the'^jtiblic ed- ifices, occupied by the leg;islature, by the chief map^is* trate,by the courts of justice, and by the civil func- tionaries of the province of Upper Canada, with the provincial library, were destroyed by the American force, it is an occurrence which has never before been presented to the view of the American government by its own officers, as a matter of information ; nor by any of the military or civil authorities of Canada as mat- ters of complaint ; it is an occurrence wliich no Amer- iopn commander had in any degree authorised ^r ap- proved ; and it is an occurrence wkich the American government would have ceneured and repaired with equal promptitude and liberality. "But a tale told thus out of date, for a special pur- pose, cannot command the confidence of the intelligent and the candid auditor ; for, even if the fact of con- flagration be true, suspicion must attend the cause for so long a concealment, with motives s© strong for an immediate^isclosure. When sir George Prevost, in February, 18 14, acknowledged, that the measure of re- taliation was full and complete, for all the preceding misconduct imputed to the A.merican troops, was hie not apprised of every fact, which ha€l occurred at York, the capital of Upper Canada, in the months of April and Auj^ust, 18^13 ? Yet. neither then, nor at any ante- cedent period, nor until the 24th January, 181 5, was the slightest intimation given of the retaliatory pretext, which i's now oifered. When the admirals Warren and Cochrane were employed in piH|iging and burninf^ the villages on the shores of the Chesiapeake, were net all the retaliatory pretexts for the barbarous warfare knov/n'to those commanders? And yet, H the fate in- flicted by an American force on the seat of govei'nment in Upper Canada," wtis never sugigested in- justification or excuse ; and, finally, when the expedient was form- ed, in August, 1814, for the destruction of the public edifices -at Washington, was not the " ^milar ftcte 106 AMfeiilCAN EXPOSE. \¥hich had been inflicted by an American force on the seat of government in Upper Canada/' known to ad- mi»*al Cochrane, as well as to sir George Prevost, who called upon the admiral (it is alledged) to carry into <^frect>^i»iasure8 of retaliation, against the inhabitants of the United States ? — And yet, both the call and com- pliance, are fouaded (not upon the destruction of the public edifices at York, but) upon the wanton destruc- tion committed by the American army in Upper Can- ada, upon the inhabitants of the province, for whom alone reparation was demanded. An obscurity, then, dwells upon the fact alleged by sir George Prevost, which has not been dissipated by enquiry. Whether any public edifice was improper- ly destroyed at York, or at what period the injury .was done, if done stall, and by what hand it was in- flicted, are points that ought to have been stated, when the charge was made ; surely it is enough, on the part of the American government to repeat, that the fact al- ledged was never before brought to its knowledge, for investigation, disavowal, or reparation. The silence of the military and civil officers of the provincial gov- ernmeut of Canada, indicates, too, a sense of shame, or conviction of the injustice of the present reproach. It is known, that there could have been no other public edifice for civil uses destroyed in Upper Canada, than the house of the provincial legislature, U building of so little- cost and ornament, as hardly to merit considera- tion ; and certainly affording neither parallel nor apol- ogy, for the conflagration of the splendid structures, which adorned the metropolis of the United Statues. If, however, that house was itideed destroyed, may it not have been an accidental consequence of the con- fusion, in whith the explosion of the magazine involv- ed the town ? Or, perhaps it was hastily perpetrated by some of the enraged trstops in the moment of an- guish, for the loss of a beloved commander, and their companions, wJio had been killed by that explosion, kindled as it was by a defeated enemy, for the sanguin- ary and unavailing purpose : Or, in fine, some suffer- ing individual, remembering the slaughter of Ms breth- ren at the river Raisin, and exasperated by the spccta- cl 01 AMERICAN EXPOSE. 107 dofisof a human scalp, suspended in the legislative chamber, over the seat of the speaker, may, in theparJ oxisni of his vengeance, have applied, unauthorised, and unseen, the torch of vengeance and destruction. Many other flagrant instances of British violence pillage, and conflagration! in defiance of the laws of' civilized hostilities, might be added to the catalogue, which has been exhibited j the enumeration would be superfluous, and it is time to close so painful an ex- position of the causes and character of the war. The exposition had become necessary to repel and refute the charges of the prince regent, when, by his declara- tion of January, 1813, he unjustly states the United States to be the aggressors in the war ; and insulting- ly ascribes the conduct of the American government, to the influence of French councils. It was also ne- cessary to vindicate the course ©f the United States, in the prosecution of the war ; and to expose to the view of the world the system of hostilities^ which the Brit- ish government has pursued. Having aceomplished these purposes, the American government recurs,with pleasure, to i contemplation .of its early and continued eflbrts for the restoration of peace. Notwithstanding the pressure of the recent wrongs, and the unfriendly and illiberal disposition, which Great Britain has, at aU times, manifested cowards them, the United States have never indulged sentiments incompatible with the reciprocity of good will, and an intercourse of mutual benefit and advantage. — They can never repine, at see- ing the British nation great, prosperous, and happy, safe in its maritime rights, t ncl powerful in its means of maintaining them ; but, at the same time, they can ne- ver cease to desire, that the councils of Great Britain should be guided by justice, and a respect for the equal rights of ether nations. Her maritime power may extend to all the legitimate objects of her sovereignty, and her commerce, without endangering the independence and peace of every other government. A balance of power, in this respect, is as necessary on the ocean, as on the land ; and the control that it gives to the nations of the world, over the actions of each other, is as salu- tary in its opei-ation to the individual govemment,which >0f ■ AJpfWCAH EXPOSE. (e^lf^if, as to aP the gov-emnaents, by whioH, 0,'ll|it,, jm^^KiiKii^lei of mutual support, and. defence, s| map \^fi ex«rr!Cia^ Qn fair) and equal, and honorable terms} ther,e£9|^'p«i%ce ia- at the choice of Qreat Britain; hut, ifJt8||i^i^Vdft^rfnip^ Mpon war, the United Stat«&, re - *^aing upO|i th^ justness of their cause 5 upon the pa- triotiiMii of, their citizens ; upon the di9ting;ulshed valor ^ their land and naval farces ; and above all, upon the dbpensatlotiis of a beneficent Providence ; are ready to n^aintain the contest, for the preservation of the nation- al; indepeni^ence,\rith the same energy and fortitude IKhich v/ere displayed in acquiring itT . ) .^ ... .. «■ '^. ■#. t ft- *»:*^ a;' ?: ■c ■■■#*■ i^''» i m -m- -^m- ;*•• m.