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Mitchell, Jon Printer, Cor. Elgin and Queen Sts. 1892.- — ja.mJl.,J, ' IJJ. ' li 'l ' LEeTURE. DEFEGTS OF oUi? S^SteiM of goveu^nM^NT- BY MR, EDWARD MlilLL, Three years ago I had the hor)>)r of reading before the metubers of this Society, a paper upon " Various Forms and Functions of Government." I have selected this year a kindred subject : — one in fact wliich I intended to have formed a portion of that paper. As I proceeded, however, T found the basis of my argument developed to such goodly dimensions, that I should have taxed beyond measure the patience of my audience had I attempted to build upon it the superstructure, the plan of which I had already decided upon. I dare say, therefore, I shall be excused, if in leading up to my present subject I repeat, in as concise a way as T am able, some of the main features of the paper referred to. In the 6rst place then, I asserted that forms of Government or Constitutions to be enduring should be the product or outgrowth of the nature and life, the habits and instincts of the people, rather than the result of their deliberate purposes; that their development should be progressive, like the development of individual man, to which that of a nation is markedly analogous ; and there- fore that Governmental functions, in their nature and extent, must materially differ, in different stages of civilization, in different states of society. When mankind was set apart in families, a problem was thereby pro- pounded, in the solution of which most of the principles of National Gover- nance might also be evolved. In the development of individual man, there would seem to be four clearly defined periods of growth, each of which calls for a mode of treatment peculiar to itself ; namely, infancy, childhood, adolescence and manhood. The tirst stage calls for unlimited control on the part of the parent, unquestioning submission on that of the child. The vicioas and selfish tendencies of human nature assert themselves with his earliest breath, and unrestrained by reason can only be held in clipck by the efforts of a stronger will. So in National Life the earliest stage of progress has generally (so far as history bears reliable record) been that of reclamation from a state of barbarism and ignorance through tlie instrumentality of an absolute despotism. In thiir primitive state of savagery, each member of a tribe or nation, carved out his own fortunes by sheer physical force — Might was the sole measure of Right — and the weakest had practically to acknowledge the force of the doctrine of the tiurTiyal of the fittest ; until by virtue of greater prowess, some powerful chief- 1 tain asserted hin superior will and inaugurated a despotic rule. Under his ■way, they learned obedience and 8(:lf-reatraint, which important step towards oiTilization could perhaps hare been taken only by that means ; for unoivilized nations are averse to labor of a continuous kind, and it will be undertaken by them oaly under compulsion ; and yet no uingle step caa be taken towards civil- isation except through the charmed avenue of industry. Hence, it has often happened that nations have met their best tortunes in the loss of what they had deemed to be their freedom. The second stage in the progress of individual development is one mainly of education. The same obedience is rci]uireJ on the part of the governed, but it ceases to be so entirely an unreaRoning and unquestioning obedience. The parent abates nothing oi his authority, but he strivea to persuade rather than to force or bend the will. He otTerH to the child an occasional explanation of the reasonableness of his demands ; ho appeals now to his ambition, now to his senfte of duty or perhaps at times to his ripening religious convictions. For the boy has begun to reulixe that he is connected by innumerable ties of com- panionship and kinship to the great world of humanity moving around him ; he has began to realize that if he has deuires, they have rights ; if he is pressing forward in pursuit of some fondly cheriuhcd idea, they too have each their indi- vidual end in view, in some cases running counter to his own ; and he begins to comprehend as his childhood merges into y(*uth, that the blind obedience extorted from him in his earlier years, was but an easy apprenticeship to duty. In the same way the necessity for an absolute despotism disappears, as soon as the governed have learned to discriminate between their own selfish interests, and their individual share in the general interests of the nation of which they form a i>art. This stage being reached. Absolutism generally gives place to a modified form of Government. Of such a nature was the mild but all-pervasive depotism of Augustus ; or more especially perhaps the extraordinary, and in many respects admirable government of the famous Incas of Peru, who without any contact with the outer world, fused a hetrogeneous muss of Indian tribes, into a compact nationality, and by Hcduloiis culture, made them capable of pro- ducing works of art, which struck their European conquerors du ub with wonder and admiration. The third period is that of adolescence, when the restrictions of parental discipline are to a very considerable extent withdrawn, and affectionate counsel substituted in their place. There has been a period analogous to this in the his- tory of every nation, before it has attaiuoil to complete self-government. A period when, the stability of national institutions under the preceding regime, having tended to expand eommercc and engender wealth, the more infiuential classes have been aduiitted to the Monarch's councils. With them he has in a measure shared the responsibilities of government ; on them in return he has showered his honors. In such times aristocracies and feudal tenure had their birth. But it may be remarked here, that if at this important stage the parental authority be too strongly enforced, youthful pride is apt to rebel and domestic anarchy result; or if tamely submitted to, the incipient spirit of manhood is broken, and the victims of pai eutal oppression becomes unfit to perform the duties, and shoulder the responsibilities whicL ^.evolve upon him at maturity. He is* ever the victim rather than the partial arbiter of circumstances. The history of Revolutions whether in Europe or upon this Continent, supplies the analogy in the one case, while in the other we may refer to the state of the Koman Empire after emerging from the heneficient despotism of Augustus, which pre- pared tho people for tho tyranny of Tiberius, and to the almost incredible &ct, that Pizarro and a few hundred adveiiturora were ablo to strike terror into the heartu of the PeriiTians and hand over thi'ir treasure and their territory to the throne of Spain. Then comes the period of maturity, when men and nations enter upon full manhood, and take upon themselves the respoDHibilities and the duties of self-government. As in the case of a ship, which has let go her moor< ings in the roadstead, if taut and staunch in hull and spar, and under control of a skilful master, the crew may Inugli at what others deem danger and set sail noeanward in every hope of a prosperous voyage. But if the vessel be crank and fragile, and have to contend not only against wind and wave, but a pilot's iDcapacityi then better were it by far that she should hug fast her moor- ings than run the risk of being dashed u|K)n the shoals. It would seem then, that as surely as every step taken by man in his advance from childhood to maturity tends to prepare him for ultimate self- government ; so every great movement ; whether social, religious or poliiical, which has engaged the attention of mankind since the Middle Ages, has directly or indirectly given fresh force or energy to those principles whose ultimate development is Democracy. To quote the words of De Toi^neville, ' The Book " of the Prince is closed forever as u State Manual, and the Book of the people, " a book perhaps of darker sophistries and more pressing tyranny, is as yet un- written." This tendency in the direction of Democracy is the most uniform, the most ancient, the most permanent and the most irresistable tendency, whiuh is to be found in history, and no discussion bearing upon the proper functions of Governments, or the relative values of Constitutional usages, can be had with- out weighing its probable results upon the present and the coming ages. It has vanquished kings, destroyed feudal tenures, and planted its heel on the necks of aristocracies, and at this moment capitalists are timidly enquiring who is to be the next victim of its malice. The torrent has been gathering force age after age for centuries. It is impossible that it can now be stayed. la it impoaaible that it may he guided ? The answer to this question no nation ever had a better opiiortunity of solving and of earning thereby an enduring place in history than Canada. A metaphor will sometimes convey an impression, which a page of logical sequences would utterly fail to produce. I shall venture to employ one here— Prescott, the historian, tells us that when the Spaniards first landed upon the Peruvian coasts, they gazed with an awe-stricken admiration upon the moun- tain slopes of the Andes, whose precipitous sides were clothed with luxuriant and cultivated verdure, while terrace upon terrace dotted over with comfortable villas rose upwards almost to the mountain peaks. They wondered at the fertil- ity of the usually barren hillsides ; but on enquiry they learned what progress this wonderful but isolated people had made in the science of husbandry, under the tuition of their Incas. High up on the mountains they were informed there were hugh lakes, formed partly by the melting snows and partly from natural springs. These reservoirs were tapped by the people and their waters led through miles of aqueducts built of solid and substantial masonry and thence distributed through a thousand minor irrigating streams, to refresh the thirsty lands below. It were easy to imagine wi^h what destructive force these waters would have plunged down the mountain slopes, when swollen by the heavy rains which are common to all tropical lands ; how the habitations of man would have been swept ruthlessly away, and the scanty soil washed down to the pla- teaus beneath, but for the power which Art thus gave them to turn those other- wise destructive agents to a beneficial use. Now it is hardly necessary to inter- pret the picture. We are in the presence of a power, as potent, and if not judi- oiously turned to ar^count, as bnncfiil and irreHislible an n mountnin torrent, — but which may bo led iutc chnnnels and diHtribnted over the laud in hucIi a manner aa to vitalize the energies, and educate the mindH of the maHses. Ih our Govorumental Ryatem of a nature to attain thlH end t I confesH, with regret, I do not think it is, — I cannot avoid the conclusion that our CouKtitution waH rather the result of the deliberate purposoH of our public men, than tlio product and outgrowth of the nature and life, the iiabits and instinctH of the Canadian |)e(>plc. It owes its birth rather to the neccHsiticH of political partii'H, tlian to tlio maturod convic- tions of the leaders of public tliought ; and to providtt for thoHe neceHuities, we have been saddled with lugiHJativtt machinery enough to govern a nation of forty millions; the weight of which will prove mo burdcnHonie, financially and other- wise, that some moditication will h&vo to be Hought or the country's growth will be seriouuly retarded. Prior to Confederation, the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec had in their Township and County (.'ouncils an organization which was the pride of the country. It Ih tru«i they still exist, but the creation of the Provincial Houses of Parliament has dwarfed their importance. Inexpensive as they were eflicient, they enlisted the services of the best men in each locality to administer the affairs of the Township or Municipality. These Township Councillors were of necessity in advance of the average elector, and their Reeves who were chosen from amongst themselves, constituted the County Council. The Warden of the County being elected Ijy this body — already two grades removed from the level of the original electorate — was generally a man of pro- mise and ability. These men gave their services for the benefit of the commu- nity, within which all their interests were centred. The matters coming under their review, were matters with which every resident was more or less conver- sant and upon which he could express his convictions, more or less, intelligently to his neighbors. In his own locality, every mnn had a certain weight, and ho felt that he was a part of the whole ; he learned to discriminate between his own selfish interests and his individual share in the general interest of the commu- nity for he came into personal, and almost daily contact, with those whom his voice had aided in placu)g in the Council ; with them he conversed upon matters of local interest ; from them he gained intelligent ideas respecting the general political questions of the day ; by them he was gradually being educated up to a higher political standard. Had these organizations been extended to the incoming Provinces, and no internu?diate ]»ower created between them and the general Parliament of the Dominion, a short ten years would have efTectually buried everything like sectionalism and found us a united people. Indeed, I cannot but regard the establishment of the Provincial Governments, rather than the development of the more local system of ( rovernment, by means of County Councils as the pivotal error of the Union — the main defect in our Constitution. Firstly : It has tended, and must increasingly tend to perpetuate provincial instincts, to aggravate sectional feelings and prejudices, and to render the growth of a healthy national sentiment almost impossible. The Electoral body of Canada will probably compare favorably with that of any other country, but in the struggle for a living— few only can find time to pursue the study of poli- tical theories, or even to master the general political questions of the day. Their sympathies can hardly be expected to extend very far beyond the pale of local questions, which are forced upon their attention by their daily observa- tions. Men readily become local politicians, because their individual interests are impinged upon by local legislation. But it would be irrational to expect the great mass of the people to take any deep or intelligent interest in matters which affect them only indirectly, and which many of them cannot understand to affect them at all. If there were no halting place between our local sympa- ■cut, — but nanner as srumental >t tliiok it the result growth of t owes its >(1 convic- <Kilies. we »n of forty ind other- growth )f Ontario iou which Aon of the loxpeuflive ch locality Township eir Reeves y Council, two grades tan of pro- he commu- ning under 388 conver- itelligently ght, and he ?en his own he commu- i whom his )on matters Dhe general oated up to ded to the sm and the effectually Indeed, I rather than of County onstitution. 8 provincial render the ctoral body ountry, but Lidy of poli- )f the day. the pale of ly observa- al interests 1 to expect b in matters understand [)cal sympa-i thies and those which should embrace the entires Dominion, that sympathy would in many cases be given ; but aa long a4 the old Provincial lines of demar- cation continue to exist, the sympathies of the great mass of the people will be oiroumscribed by those linos. Then, secondly : While the Provincial system calls for more public men, the provincial jealousies, which it fosters and keeps actively alive, limit the area from which to select the talent required for the Government of the country. Surely an adequate representation of every Province in both Houses of Parlia- ment ought to be a suiKcient guarantee that its interests will be duly respected without limiting the choice of coadjutors by the Premier, by territorial restric- tions. Men of wide experience, of broad and liheral views, and of comparatively independent means, combined with administrative ability, are far too scarce to allow of any limitation of the area from which to make the choice. With a population of less than four million, the Dominion requires, under the present regime the services of nearly seven hundred legislators, a number almost as great as are required to legislate for Great Britain and her numerous dependencies. But, Thirdly ; — The cost of the machinery necessary to carry out the Provincial S^^stem is worthy of very serious consideration. The expenditure upon Agriculture and Immigration, upon Education, Charitable Institutions^ the management of Crown Lands and Local Works, would take place under other systems as freely as under the one now in operation, — but there are classes of expenditure, which are due solely to the establishment of the separate Pro- vincial Governments, — which might in a great measure be saved under a Legis- lative Union. Having gone carefully over the Public Accounts of the four large Provinces, noting those items only which nome under the class referred to, I find the aggregate cost to the people of the Dominion to be not less than a million of dollars per annum ; a sum which, if annually saved and invested at 5%, would in forty yearn (which is but a short period in the life of a nation) extinguish the entire debt of the Dominion, amounting to at the present moment (after deducting the assets) to I'JO millions of dollars. Fourthly : It might be mentioned too, by the way, that the multiplicity of elections, and the ease with which men of very ordinary capacity can foist themselves into positions of public trust, has a tendency to create a retinue of political adventurers ; while the evil is magnified by the growing indifference of the electors, who in many cases, can see little room for choice between the oppos- ing candidates. Perhaps, however, the most serious evil resulting from the build- ing up of an intermediate power is the tendency to weakness at the extremities. "Whatever authority is vested in the Provincial Governments, must be filched away from either the Counties or the Central Executive, both ot which require in their own spheres to be strong. I have already stated that every great move- ment, whether social, political or religious, which has taken place since the Middle Ages, has tendered to the development of the Democratic sentiment. This has been the result, because the intellectual struggle accompanying those movements has given birth to, or rather brought to the light, certain great truths, bearing upon the rights of the individual in regard to his social, religious or political duties. Now these truths appear to have cast such a glare upon the world that men have been blinded. Some seize the objects which that light has brought into view, but many grasp at the shadows. The first are real, the second illusory. Let me explain my meaning more fully. About the middle of last century, the powerful and logical mind of Adam Smith was led to enquire into the laws underlying the production and distribution of wealth. He evolved some profound I M 6 trnthn and laitl the baoiH of a now Hcicnoo. Sinco tlinn no nmn wan doemed fit to aapiro to a loading itouitiuu in the Councils of the coiintrj who had not beoomt* fiiniihar with the principles of political economy, Tho novelty and the truth of luH dediictioiiH Hturtlod tho world, and men lost sight of the fact and have done ho to lliis day — that tho author ol "The Wealth of Nations" wrote also the " Theory of tho Moral HontiiuentH." The one pointed the road to wealth, the other the way to hiippincHs. The one was an argument based on expediency — the other on the higher conHideratiouH of Duty and Love. Blinded by the duxziiitg luHtro of truthN, ho long hidden from view, men lost Hight of the preiuiseH «n wlncli tlioHe Iriitlm w(;re busetl, and camo to aHHiimo the new found Hcionce to In* " Tiu; Truili." They took it for their Bible, and from that time to the present, iinihing w!ii h could in the nlightoHt degree nttard the production of wealth (for tlicy have not an equal cure uh to its distribution), even though it might engender every other viitun which could bring happiiiHHH to a nation, has had a chance uf a hearing. Adam Smith did not nrguu that the only way to national happinoHH was the adoption of thoao principles, which would tend most Hurely to tho production and accumulation of wealth. He simply pointed out the laws under which wealth wa.s accumulatad and distri- buted. In like manner men ot profound intellect and nTepressiblo moral cour- age contended for roan's right to Hcrvo the Almighty in accordance with the dictates of Iuh own individual conscience ; and hence against the civil power being iu any way used to further the projects or tho interests of any ecclesias- tical party or body. M«.>n of inferior ntind, with a parrot-like capacity tor re- peating maxims without having Ihe capacity to comprehend the real bases on which the originator of the ideas they ail'cc'ed to worship, rested their conclu- sions, mistook tho war against ecclesiasticism for one against religion. Those who insisted most strenuously upon the maintenance of individual rights, would have shrunk back in horror from the doctrine that religious convictions were quite unnecesRary iu a statesman, or that the policy of a State should be based solely upon principles of Political Economy. There was no rebellion against the work of the Almighty in their hearts, the rebellion was against the work of man. The tendency to materialism on the part of many in the present day, is but a rovolt against the hollow fripperies of ecclesiasticism. The soul can never be satisfied with stones instead of bread. But the error with which we have specially to deal is that which pervades political society of the present day, not only on this continent, but also in Britain. The student of constitutional history, can hardly fail as he watches the struggles of his ancestors to free themselves from the illegal and tyrannical exactions of their monarchs, and their interested courtezans, to sympathize with them, as they forced the Sovereign to surrender, one by one, many of those privileges the unscrupulous use of which rendered them little better than serfs. Whether resisting the greed of Henry the Seventh, or the arbitrary impositions of Wolsey, or in later times, insisting upon the recognition of their parliamentary rights, in spite of the alternate cajoleries and menaces of a James or a Charles, they have, through much tribulation, laid tlie foundation of that noble con- stitutional structure, which has made Britain the first and most powerful nation of modei*n times. All honour to them for it. But we must not allow a sentiment in favor of individual freedom to carry us too far. National liberty is an unmixed boon ; individual freedom may easily transcend those bounds, the passing of which may barter the blessings of national liberty for the tyranny of the mob. The rights of the individual are in little danger of being over- ridden in a self-governing community, but the watchwords of liberty burnt into the national heart by centuries of vigilance and suffering ; may, under changed 7 in (loemed fit nr)io had not re\ij and the the fact and of Nations " kI the i-oad to ont bam-d on )vu. Blinded it Hight of the le now found II that timo to production of on though it a nutioii, has only way to which would wealth. He m1 and distri- moral cour- ance with the civil power any ecclesiaH- ipHcity ior re- real bases on their oonclu- ligioD. Those [rights, would iviotions were lould be based )ellion against 9t the work of )re8ent day, is The soul can rhich pervades b, but also in as he watches ind tyrannical mpathize with many of those ^ter than serfs, ry impositions parliamentary i or a Charles, iiat noble con- aost powerful St not allow a Ational liberty ise bounds, the )r the tyranny >f being over- 3rty burnt into under changed conditions of sooi3ty, )>« taken up by |)oIiticAl charlatans (and even by honestdr men who do not understand tho relativity of truth), and converted into fire- brands, which shall destroy the laborious work of ag<>H in a few short years. Extend the rights of the subject or the citizen indetinitnly, niid socinty will revert again to its narlioHt slatre. It may be taken for granted tliiit the struggle of the future will be on the part of the State against tho encroachments of the individual ; and if in the struggle that is coining, the forces of tho state are to be marshalled under gonorals, who are so trummellod by the country's constitu- tional usages that they are forced to givu up the tactics of statesmen and adopt a policy of temporising and expediency, then all hope of ever attaining the dignity of a great nation has forever fled. M These remarks bring us to tho second great defect of our existing Rys'.era; viz. ^ the growing weakness of tho Administrativo, us opposed to the Legislative portions of our governmental mnchinory. Kvery one will bo willing to admit that the duties or functions of Adniiiiistrativo and Legislative bodies are widely different, and call for a dilTurent class of talent ; that a body admirably fitted for the one, would be utterly unfit for tho other ; and yet, our usages have reduced the Executive arm of our governmental systein to such a state of dependency upon the Legislature, that unh'ss somethinij is done to modify it, the latter will by degrees become tho sole power in tho State. No Government can bo vigorous in its policy, which only holds its trust from year to year ; for viitually the fiiiluro to carry a majority of tho Legisla- ture upon any given schoiue, to which an Administration has committed itself, not only deteuts tho scheme but virtually lefeats tiie Administration. Surely that system which forces a member of Parliament to vote in favor of a measure which has not his conscioutious approval, because his vote against it might aid in the defeat of on Administration in whose j^eneral course li • had full con- fidence, must bo wrong. There need bo no fear of the Kxeciitivoof a county having representative institutions becominj,' (lan^erously powciful, the fault will always be in the other tlirection. Jealously watch your local jirivileges and the more power you give to the central government, ttie better you enable it to carry out tho expresard convictions of the people. Tlic Kxeoutive are in fact a coininitteo of the poopk , and sliould bo allowed great latitude in tho discharge of their aduiiuistrative duties. In relation to the subject, I cannot do better than quote the words of Alexantlor Ifaiiiiiton, one of the principal founders ot the lliiited --tates Constitution : He said, " There are •* some who would bo inclined to regaid the servile ]»liancy of the Executive " to a prevailing current either in the coaimunity or legislalurc! as its l)e8t •'recommendation, lint such men entertain very cruile notions, as well of the " purpose for which (Jovernnient was instituted as of the true moims by which •' public happiness may be jnomoted. The Republican principle demands that " the deliberative sense of the community should govern the comluct of those " to whom they entrust the management of their affairs ; but it does not " require an unqualified complaisance to every sudden breeze .vhich the •' people may receive from the arts of men, who flatter their prejudices to " betray their interests. It is a just observation tliat iho people commonly " intend the public good. This often ap()lie8 to their very errors. But their '' good sense would despise the adulator who should protend that thoy always " reason right." The fitful gusts of public sentiment often botray a woeful want of wisdom, but tho sober second-thought of a free and intelligent jieople, generally tends to the conservation of morality and truth. It remains for our political thinkers to Ill I ' i \ discover some mode by which the Governmout of the day may be ultimately amenable to the latter, while being enabled to resist the former. " Those who " are afraid, (said the late Sir Arthur Help) lest we should have '■ too much *' paternal Government should remember that in default of paternal govern- " ment, we may have fraternal government ; a form of rule which has always " partaken largely of the relations which subsisted between those two brothers •* of whom we have the earliest record." Having now just touched most of the leading defects pertaining to our Gov- ernmental machinery, it seems desirable before proceeding, to point out what ap- pear to be possible remedies, to refer in a few words to the deficiencies in our electoral system, more especially to the virtual disfranchisement of a considerable proportion of recognized \oU rs. I do not refer to the mere disfranchisement of minorities as usually understood, but to the disfranchisement of classes. lamaware that owing to the inequality in the number of voters in one oonstituency, as compared with another, an administration may fail to obtain the return of a majority of repre- sentatives in the Dominion House of Commons, while the aggregate votes of the whole electoral body throughout the country may be cast in their favor. Under the circumstances this may not be an unmixed evil, because it is difficult to show that representation based solely upon numbers is philosophically sound, and hence any circumstances which tend to modify the etTect, or result of a vote taken upon such a basis, may really tend in the direction of a representation of minori- ties. However, assuming it to be an evil, a further one will still remain unad- justed, even if it could bo shown that the number of representatives returned were in exact proportion to the aggregate votes cast for either of the contending political parties. Society is, always has been, and always will be, composed of various classes ; merchants and mechanics, professional men, manual laborers, land holders, mid- dlemen and capitalists. These may be massed under three distinctive heads — Capi- talists and laborers and those who are partly both. By laborers is meant all that class who earn their living by mechanical, menial, mental and manual labor. The interests of all these classes, though really identical with, are generally thought to be antagonistic to those of the capitalist, and it is only owing to the fact that a very considtirablc jiioportion of our laboring classes are also land-holders and small capitalists, that the country has not sufTered more from ill digested class legis- lation. Those who have given any thought to the matter know that wealth can only be produced by tho mystic intermarriage of land and labour ; but capital must find the supplies for the laborer while the seasons are maturing the fruits of the earth, as well as the implements, without the use of which labor would be impotent. Even the store of professional knowledge reserved in the brain of the lawyer, and the doctor, represents years of capital expenditure at an earlier stage, and yet, were it not for the fact, that numbers of laborers are actually, or potentially capitalists also, to however limited an extent, what kind of legislation could be looked for, from representatives of an electoral body five-sixths of whom are of the laboring classes. Taking this view of the case, many will be prepared to admit then that representation based only upon numbers is not, philosophically, a sound one ; and that some filtering or rectifying process is upon those grounds desirable. Again, Society is in its general organization very like a vast army. It is quite impossible that all the private soldisrs in an army should know a great deal as to the qualification and characteristics of the General in command. They know their immediately superior officers, because they are being constantly ay be ultimately " Those who have '■ too much maternal govern- ^hich has always ose two brothers ning to our Gov- >mt out what ap- eficiencies in our of a considerable ifranchisement of asses. I am aware ency, as compared majority of repre- egate votes of the 3ir favor. Under is difficult to show sound, and hence of a vote taken ntation of minori- till remain unad- mtatives returned of the contending of various classes ; land holders, mid- ctive heads — Oapi- s is meant all that nanual labor. The generally thought as: to the fact that land-holders and digested class legis- >w that wealth can hour ; but capital laturing the fruits fhich labor would red in the brain of ture at an earlier ers are actually, or kind of legislation ody five-sixths of ase, many will be numbers is not, itifying process is vast army. It is uld know a great command. They i being constantly brought into contact with them; these officers know more of their captains than do the rank and file ; they again aie brought into contact with officers of higher grades, until the staft" of the Commander-in-Cliief is reached. It is certainly not too much to say, that if a private soldier wished to know some- thing of tlio temper, aims, character, capacity of his coniiuauder, he would rather trust the opinion of the members of that commander's stall" than his own in- frequent and fortuitous observations : — Is it not .so in the political arena i Leading men in most communities come frequently in contact in the mart, or on the exchange, or committees for this purpose or that, and in society. They fee each other upon other occasions than when soliciting votes for imrliamcntary or municipal honors, and they can form unbiassed opinions as to the character, aims, motives and calibre of those whom they meet thun. Each of these has more or less co-laborers of a lower social or commercial grade, whose interests are one with his own ; — and if he approve himself trustworthy, they learn to trust him ; and so the ramifications extend down aud down to th*; electoral bate of the community. It can hardly bo doubted that if the original electoral body — having selected certain men for other than flectoral purposes, weie lo allow tl)em to act on their behalf in the choice cf representatives for the Dominion Par- liament a much wiser choice would be made than is ol't( ntin.es made ly the electors themselves ; who are often called upon to choose Lctwcen two can- didates, totally unknown to them fxcept by repute, ard what is lepute at ^ucli times but an artful admixture of adulation and slander. Now to recapitulate ; what has been the general drift of oiu- arguuieut so far as we have gone 1 1. That by the facts of history as al.so l.y analogy We are led to conclude— that it cannot be predicated of any paiticuhir form or mode of G'overnuu-nt, or of jiny particular set of constitutional u.soges, that tiiey are absolutely right and fitting, in themselves, or that they are even desirable, in every stage of Xuti. nal progress, in evtry state of society. They must be in harmcny with the social forces which dominate the people; and that con.seiiuentIy any eilort to frame the governmental institutions of a country upon a preconceived plan, and with- out due regard to the nature, habits and conditions cf its people, must end in discomfiture and dissatisfaction on the part of '.he governed, or feebleness on the part of the governing body. 2. That history and analogy, likewise lead um to conclude tlirtfc tlie persist- ent tendency of all intelligent peoples is towards solf-governnient ; which can only be had through the instrumentatity of representatives, ultimately amenable to the will of the electoral body. 3. That the Central Executive body of a free people siioidd not bo so con- stantly dependent upon the Legislative body, as to rob it of vigor, and prompt- itude of action, or originality of design. 4. That the establishment of Provincial (lovernments under tiio British American Act was rather a compromise, elTected by political jiarties, than a recpiirement of the Canadian people, or the natural development of their nature or instincts. 5. That the Governments so referred to, are a bar to le creation of any- thing like a healthy national sentiment. 6. That they demand the service of a greater proportion of men, capable of legislative duties than the country can spare from its profeseional, mercantile and industrial classes. 7. That the expenditure caused by such separate Governments is tending to crush out the commercial life and energy of tlie people. 'ill 111 n 10 8. That their estiblishmcut has tended to dwarf the importance of the more truly local bodies aa well as to weaken the Central Government, both of which should be strong ; and which in combination arc quite e<iual to the proper performance of the Governmental duties of the country. 9. That the present electoral system being based solely upon numbers, tends (except for certain fortuitous circumstances) to the disfranchisement of certain classes, and seems to ilemand some tilteriug or rectifying process which should render its results innocous. Now I have no favorite nostrum to air, no Platonic Republic, or other Vtopiuu project to submit for popular acceptance, or rejection ; but if the line of argument followed will bear criticism, if the dilliculties pointed out are not illusory but real — a reconsideration of the whole question by the leaders of public opinion may be (mtered upon, without subjecting themselves to the charge of desiring chiinge for its own sake. The following (juestion.s bearing upon the matter, may be fairly sul)mitted for discussion to the Canadian Press, and if discussed in a fair and patriotic spirit, and with the sole view of reaching a truthlul solution, their consideration can- not but result bencticially to the community. 1st. Is not th(^ nuichinery of the Dominion Government in association with the existing, or a modill<;d system of ^Lunicipjil, Township a>ul County Councils, <|uite sutlicient for the wants of the country ? L'ud. Is the ro[>rfiS(!ntation of minorities desirable, and if so, cannot some feasible method of securing it be discovered ? ord. Cannot some plan be devised, whereby tho administration of the day may be less subject than at ])resent to undue influences on the part of individual inembers of the Legi^ilative Dranch ; And would not a thorough reform of the Civil Service, and tlir iibolition of the system of patronage, go far to remedy the evil referred to ? 4:th, Is it i)ossiblo to devise some scheme which would permit of at least a tow of the Legislative body being chosen, by a picked body responsible to the people, but not merely delegates chosen with a view to this duty i 5. Is there no way of restraining the tendency towards a too prodigal expenditure by Municipal bodies 1 With refiu'cnce to the first, pointing ag it does, if answered aflirmatively, to the abolition of tho Provincial Governments, I have nothing further to say than has already been said. I am quite aware that the proposition will evoke, at the outset, a general, if not almost universal opposition in political circles, inas- much as it would relegate to a narrower sphere, and one pecuniarily less desirable, many who now oticupy leading ))ositions. Besides, re- organization involves hard, continuous and i)ain8taking etiort even to achieve in theory, and still harder to lay acceptably before the people in such a way as to command their approval. Knnui and laissez-faire are the most powerful motors (if I may use a paradoxical expiession) in the political world; and it requires a bold man to attack them especially when many >vho should co-operate with him are sure to be found in the ranks of the enemy. But the main objection urged will probably be, that the very raison d'etre of the Provincial Governments, was the determination on the part of the Provinces, each partaking of marked national and religions characteristics, to retain in their own hands, the control of local legislation. As regards this, although I doubt very much whether the people were half so anxious on this behalf, as were politicians, and ecclesiastics — a compact is a compact, and should in spirit, be rigidly adhered to. Inasmuch, however, as the tendency of any change in the direction indicated, would be to throw the powers and privileges now granted to the provinces, into the hands of smaller bodies ^ portauce of the al Government, quite equal to try, upon numbers, rancbisement of 5 process which [public, or other ; but if the line luted out are not > leaders of public DO the charge of laii'ly submitted d patriotic spirit, •usideration can- asaociatiou with County Councils, so, cannot some ■atioii of the day part of iadividual gh reform of the tar to remedy the srmit of at least a responsible to the luty I ds a too prodigal id artirmatively, to irther to say than will evoke, at the bical circles, inas- irily less desirable, uiization involves i-y, and still harder ml their approval. r 1180 a paradoxical 1 to attack them B to be found in probably be, that B determination on >nal and religions i local legislation, ople were half so — a compact is a h, however, as the a throw the powers of smaller bodies 11 more directly under the control or at any rate within the purview of the people, I can see no insuperable difficulties in the way on this account. With reference to the representation of minorities, having carefully gone over the figures, I find that setting aside all members elected by i ^clamation and a few others in cases where reliable figures were not at hand, the aggregate votes given in favor of 128 members of the Dominion Commons at the last general election was 158,000, those given for Candidates who were unsuccesful 118,000, and those who apparently refrained from vothig at all, 123,000. The sitting members therefore would appear to represent only JO per cent, of the electoral body. Whether the non-voters refrained from exercising their fi'an- chise simply from indifference, or for some more substantial reason, it is quite clear that the House cannot be said to be authoritatively the representative even of a niHJority. I wish it to be understood here, that I am nob referring to the present House, but to any House chosen by the same means. May it not be fairly assumed that a consider.ible proportion of the non-voters were such, because, whether they voted for one candidate or the other, they were simply endorsing this political party or that, which in noitlicr case, they desired to do. Whereas, had they been assured that their vote would have been efficacious, if cast in favor of some non-party man, in whose prudence and judgment they had confidence, it would have been given. If there is really a desire that minorities should be represented, there does not appear to be any great difficulty in the way. If for Electoral purposes, three of the present Ridings were associated, each elector having three votes, which might be cast singly for each candidate or all for one, (upon the principle known as cumula- tive voting), the three candidates havmg the greatest number of votes being elected, the minority might always be represented, if tliey chose to organize and act in concert ; and I am of opinion that bv such a method many able and valuable men, would be made available, who now have no chance of elec- tion, simply because they will not be dragged through the mire of either polit- ical party. The election of men of this class would do much to effect the solution of the next problem. They would become a bulwark of strength to a just and competent administration, where political parties apart from them, were pretty equally balanced. The Government of the day would not be so entirely at the mercy of their avowed su^jporters, and could afford to take higher ground in the discharge of their administrative functions. Moreover, if some reward were offered for good service, if for example, any member of the Cabinet who had been endorsed by two successive parliaments were able to vitire upon half pa}"^ for the remainder of his life, I think it would conduce to raise the standard of public morality. Poverty often drives men to hold office, when honor would suggest its relinquishment. The sins of ministers are far morefrecpiently those arising from weakness, than from any vicious tendency on their own part. In this connection it it would be impossible to attach too much importance to the desirability of a thorough reform of the Civil Service, and of a system of examinations which would make merit and attainnents the road to entranc c and preferment, instead of merely i)olitical partizaaship. The existing system of political patronage to quote from a verj able article in the Canadian monthly, written by one of the most prominent members of the Dominion Parliament, Mr. G. E. Casey, " Gives no guarantee of efficiency in the service even if worked with ^' ideal honesty and impirtiality. It is a standing temptation to (hose who " wield it, to transgress these principles, which, as a matter of fact, are not hT"t-T II 12 " univenallj observed. It restricts the field of choice unfairly exolndes a- " large minority ( 1 majority) of the citizens, and discourages the ablest men " in the country from entering the service. It degrades the reputation of the " service and makes it a partizan organization." ''It injures the self-respect of all parties concerned in working it. " It embitters party feelings and lowers the tone of political sentiment, and, " Finally it inevitably tends to grow worse and to introduce here the " unmitigated evils which, in its full blown stage, it has inflicted upon our " neighbors." And he might have added, tends very materially to the subserviency of the Administration to the Legislature, while the balancing of party claims in even the meanefit appointment necessarily occupies much of the time really required by the public business of the country. There is not one word to be said in its favor, and yet successivo ministries have shirked the task of rooting up the evil, admitted by all, a fact which proves its tendency in the imputed direction with- out any further comment. With reference to the fourth question advanced, it has occurred to me at times, that if some of the more important duties of Pro- vincial government were thrown upon the county organizations, and the system of political patronage effaced, there might be some hope of a number of these councils being elected solely with a view to their fitness for the public duties entrusted to them, especially if the quf stiou cf education came under their control with all its absorbing interests. In such a case four instead of three of the existing Ridings might be associated together as an Electoral District. One member* to be appointed by the associoted county council, and three by the cumulative vote of the present electoral body. An arrangement of this nature would possibly not only make provisions for a representation of minorities, but would induce a superior man here and there to offer himself,, who would never submit to the ordeal of a contest, and further the process of filtration by which this packed body of electors would become members of that Council, would ensure under ordinary circumstances, the selection of a better class of representative than would be selected by the average elector. The fifth question involves the whole problem of the rights of capital and those of labor. I do not hope to cut this Goulian knot by a single blow, but it is so manifestly uijfair, ihat the many who pay hardly anything in the way of municipal taxation should be empowered to force those who do into expensive schemes, that every tffort should be made to lay the matter before the public in hope that in time the public coDRcierce may be aroused to a sense of the in- justice. It does not appear to me impossible to lay down a table of expenditures, which should be deemed to be ordinary expenditure, and which should be con- trolled by the Municipal Council as a whole. All other expenditure should have the endorsation of the taxpayers whose voice for this purpose and this only, should be graduated in accordance with the amount of taxes paid by the voter. To avoid submitting each separate question the names of the members of the Council as elected by the direct vote of the people might be resubmitted to them for endor- sation by the property holders, each of whom should have one vote for every $10 taxation paid by him, and the three or five members of such Council receiving the highest number of votes should constitute a kind of inner Council, without the consent of a majority of which as well as a majority of the Council as a whole, no extraordinary expenditure should be deemed to be lawful. f exolndeB a- B ablest men itation of the working it. tntiment, and, iuce here the ted upon our rviency of the jlairas in even •eally required > be said in its njf up the evil, lirection with- 1 advanced, it duties of Pro- ions, and the 9 of a number I for the public ime under their istead of three ictoral District. il, and three by igement ot this presentation of ) offer himself^ the process of me members of e selection of a erage elector. I of capital and igle blow, but it y in the way of ) into expensive )efore the public sense of the in- of expenditures, should be con- ture should have this only, should voter. To avoid ■ the Council as them for endor- ote for ever^ $10 :)ouncil receiving Council, without the Council as a s lawful.