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'"man race from poverty. But it has steadily undergone a broad- ening of purpose under the pressure of its own requirements. It has found that for self -preser- ration it must include the release of talent and the creation of spiritual values in its program. To produce leaders and to enhance the meaning of life are as much within its province as a pit)per standard of living in terms of hours and wages. It recognizes its need of an aristocracy of talent The leaders of the democratic movement state 1» DEMOCRACY ON THE MARCH this: such men as A. E., Wells, Zimmern, and Sidney Webb. This aristocracy will include so- cial experts, artists, ethical leaders, teachers, im- perial executives, organizers, and specialists in foreign policy. War is only one of the many situations where the democracy, with its dis- tributed responsibility, does not possess in itself the necessary intelhgence and unity of policy to master the sudden crisis. The democracy is only fulfilling its own nature in recognizing a diversity of gifts. But through all the adjustments of the coming years, calling for expert treatment, the principle of democratic control will prevail. In time the democracy wiU develop its own tradition of pol- icy and service and generate its own leaders. The common people of Great Britain have never spoken. It was therefore believed they were dumb. But they were not dumb ; they were only inarticulate. The common people of Great Brit- ain have never acted with common purpose to one end. It was therefore believed that they were impotent. But they were not impotent; they were only unawakened. Now they are learning to speak and to act. 18 ."rf*,./.fcW -<-»., CHAPTER II LABOR THE SOCIAL EEVOLUTION IN ENGLAND The opinion has been wide-spread among so- cial workers in America that the war has crushed liberalism in England. They have formed this opmion because social work has been postponed trade-union rules have been abrogated, dissenters like Bertrand A. W. RusseU silenced. Russian revolutionary centers in London suppressed. But It IS a characteristic of experts working in details to miss the main currents of tendency. No friend of radical democracy need be worried by the results of the last two years. The blood spilled by the working-classes at the front has been justified by the profound modifications wrought in English consciousness. A nation mobUized and under arms is a rich field for radi- cal ideas. Blood fertilizes the soil for change Those of the school of Curzon and Gwynne, who 14 LABOR believed that the good old days of special privilege would be restored by conscription, are doomed to an awakening more thorough than befeU the French reactionaries of 1790. For this is not an affair of a few noble heads. It is the remaking of a nation. England is taking strides toward cooperative socij. ; ;m. For the first time in their history, the English are thinking in terms of a state— "a modern state, in all its complexity, with scientific laws and regulations." This is a view "utterly strange to English thought, steeped as it always had been in empiricism, and only inclined to such piecemeal legislation as a particular grievance or a particular occasion might demand." I am quoting a government investigator. These tend- encies were already in operation before the war; but what might have required twenty-five years to bring to a head, the war has accelerated, inten- sified, and even altered. It is a misreading of Er glish character to think that anything remotely resembling the state so- cialism of Germany, the card-indexing of the community for vocational training, the regiment- ing of the intellectual life into a body of state- 16 P ».« «H- T-.-'-t-J, » .^ HI \ h! II INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES wntrolled professors, will result from the present English revolution. The social change in Eng- land IS not coming with any such over-emphasized nationalism. The Enghshman wants to be let alone for all his personal choices. He wants to disagree with official statements. He will not be coerced even for "his good," as that good is seen by another. Nor wiU the change come as an in- determmate, spreading internationalism, such as has mfected radical thought for half a centmr It will be English, inside an English environ-* ment. There are two truths so plain that we wonder It required a hmidred years to find them out. It IS the war that has finally revealed ttiem to our blind eyes. The first truth is that high wages give high productiveness. A well-fed, self-re- specting, healthy workman can do more work than an mider-nourished, servile workman. If the employer wants a good product and plenty of It. he must pay a living wage. The second truth IS that workmen must work efficiently if they wish high wages. If they cut down productive- ness there is no money to pay them. The war has smoked the workers out. Their sacred secret 16 *-■»-•♦.■ - -. LABOR processes which required hours to work h f>.^ LABOR of labor; no restriction of output; no sabotage; no discrimination by workers against workers, but all to be employed, union and non-union, male and female; efficiency; the use of machinery up to its capacity instead of dribbling a process through a day where a half-day of proper han- dling would have completed the product. There are broken planks all along the length of this platfonn. But every sag has meant de- creased output, a longer war, more young men killed in battle. And once England had settled the main question with a measure of honesty, she found that some other things were added unto her. When she paid a living wage to people who had never had it before, and put before them a national ideal instead of a benefit for another class, she found that two million persons joined her national savings fund, thereby breaking an immemorial British habit. She found that her prisons had fewer inmates, that the personal morality of her inhabitants was in the main im- ;-roved. She found that her school children in factory communities were better nourished than they had been in the m^nory of the examining physicians. She found that her woman question 19 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES solved itself. The veiy suffragette leaders, such as Mrs. Drummond and Mrs. Pankhurst, who had put gray hairs on Lloyd-George's head and lines of worry into his face, recruited soldiers, ex- plained the national need to the men miners of the north counties, assisted in organizing masses of unemployable" women into industrial workers, and were welcomed by Lloyd-George and the Goyermnent as efficient helpers in miifying the nation. And, far more important than the co- operation of a handful of leaders, the unrest and discontent of large numbers of women became transformed into energy. While it is true that only half a million women have entered industry, that figure is only a frac- tion of the nmnber of women who have trans- f erred their activity from domestic service and the parasitic trades into the main channels of in- dustry. In munitions alone five hundred thou- sand women have stepped over from unregulated hours and low wages to sharply defined hours and comparatively high wages. These women, and several hundred thousand others in factory pro- cesses, m railway, tram-car. and omnibus work and m business superintendence, have "tasted StO ' *i«.m;tm-»-—^ ^~ LABOR blood.'* By that I mean they have won an in- creased freedom and independence, however im- perfect even yet, and a higher wage. To send them " home" will prove a task larger than the paper resolutions of any men's trade-union, that women workers must give up their jobs. It is one more of time's ironic revenges that it is the entrance of women upon the scene which has precipitated social questions to solution, where be- fore they were seething in separate, repellent ele- ments. Woman's long campaign for the vote supplied the needed intellectual criticism of plural voting and of suffrage restricted to a prop- erty qualification. "Manhood" suffrage will be granted. It is not possible for a nation to deny a vote to men who have been ready to die for that nation. This manhood suffrage will include votes for women, for the women have mobilized with an equal loyalty. Woman's irritating presence in industry has emphasized the demand for proper working con- ditions. It has sharpened the wage controversy, and it has revealed the need of far-reaching meas- ures to deal with the unemployment situation that the nation will face on the day of peace. Women 21 ^ ■ u >. I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES are not going to enter industry. They have al- ready entered it, and half a million fresh workers have been added. It is clear that increasing the number of workers does not lessen the problem of a living wage. There is only one answer to the violently acute situation which has been forced by these women, and which will come to a crisis when five million men hang their khaki in the closet. The areas of production must be widened not tenderly and with the imperceptible gradualncss of a natural process, but swiftly. (1) The land must be broken up into smaW holdings. Cooperation in produce and market- ing must be practised among the peasant tenants. Ireland has blazed the way here. (2) The state must institute fields of activity at home, helping to establish new industries, such as dye-works. It must make use of an immense amount of new automatic machinery, installed to make shells, and adapted to an expansion of gen- eral engineering work and to the creation of new industries. The head of a motor-car company told me that two thirds of his present machinery has been created since the war. The report of the British Association states, "For the first time LABOR in the history of the west of Scotland engineering shops had been filled with modem machine tools." This enormous investment cannot be scrapped. (8) The state must greatly extend its sphere of activities throughout the empire in cattle-rais- ing, in developing raw lands, in producing com- modities from the land. These methods will be used to meet the unem- ployment situation by furnishing new jobs, and to meet the burden of increased taxation by giving an increased income. The larger program will of course be postponed till its advocates are more numerous and better orguiized. Such a pro- gram will include: (1) An extension of transportation facilities, a greatly enlarged use of waterways, the building of new and better roads. (2) Improved housing. The foul slums of great cities and towns, the vile homes of agri- cultural laborers, will have to be razed by as dras- tic a plan as that by which Haussmann drew his blue pencil down through the jungle of Paris. New dwellings in the place of the "lung blocks" must be built. (8) Afforestation. If it proves true that 88 H .r i^ i " ■< r INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES there are several million acres in the British Isles that are unfit for intensive agriculture, this area affords an opportunity for forest development, which in eighty years would offer rich returns to the state. Under such an extension of enterprise there would be plenty of work after the war, and there- fore plenty of jobs. The problem is how to ob- tain the money with which to finance the work. The war has shown how to get the money. The conscription of profits, death duties, and the taxa- tion of incomes have availed, with new areas of production, to give a more wide-spread, better- distributed prosperity to England than she en- joyed before the war. It is the line of solution that will be enforced after the war. The exact pressure that wiU enforce it is the demand for a continuation of the present high wages. This program is being postponed as long as possible. Its items will be applied unevenly, and parts will go neglected. Committees of Parlia- ment are sure to bring in ingenious little outlines for legislation, which wiU affect a few thousand workers, while the army will demobilize at the rate of five thousand a day. But for every fail- Si * •>V*-»'-,« , LABOR ure in boldness and energy, for eicr/ lasr in ex- ecution, the nation wiU pay in decreased exports, falling wages, the pressure of taxation, and a wrangle between masters and men. The new order of life is stiU badly delayed at many poiifts. The lot of the agricultural laborer is miserable. The "East Ends" of the industrial cities remain sodden. An immense number of workers are be- ing underpaid, for the rise in wages has reached only a fraction. A ministry of commerce and a ministry of labor are needed at once, and in the ministry of labor there should be a department for women's work, conducted by women under- secretaries. Wages and hours remain the heart of the social movement. The emphasis will not shift from wages and hours. But a new demand has been added to these "old timers." It is the demand by labor for a voice in the control of its working conditions. Mr. Lloyd-George responded to this demand by greatly increasing the scope of wel- fare work in factories. Through the famous manufacturer and social worker, Seebohm Rowntree, he has put protective agencies at work in munition factories which affect the lives of half S5 tk Hi INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLKS a mUlion persons who were not safeguarded to the same extent formerly. This safeguarding is done by welfare secretaries, whose duty it is to study the health, home conditions, and sanitary apphances of women. Grievances of workers are laid before these secretaries. Welfare secre- taries are not a new arrival in British industrv. but there were few of them in relation to the im- mense numbers of factories and workers. This movement toward conducting industry in its so- cial relationship from the point of view of the worker is in its begimiing. Labor will press on for an mcreasing recognition of its right to be heard in management in workshop adjustments, the speed of machinery, rest-times, hours of work, details of discipline, and the grading of labor. As this tide of reform rises higher, there is a back wash. Class education, land monopoly, a state church, persist down to our own day. Eng- land has continued in a modified, far less harsh form those special privileges of a ruling class that m France led to the overthrow of the nobility and the clergy. The industrial revolution of a cen- tury ago suddenly altered the texture of feudal English life, just as it would have altered France 26 LABOR without the French Revolution. It added a new upper layer to the pressure from overhead on the manual worker in agriculture and industry, at the same time that it gave an ever-increasing popula- tion a share in the means of production. But the coming of machinery, creating a new world, was powerless in England to disturb the big land holdings, the church, and restricted education. They have continued to govern the conditions of life. The best defense of the class system which I have recently seen is that given in lectures to the University of Pennsylvania by Geoffrey But- ler under the title of "The Tory Tradition." He clearly shows the contribution which has been made by the Tory rejection of a utilitarian stand- ard, their distrust of sectional control, their in- sistence on the organic conception of the state, their belief in the power of tradition and the an- cient processes of government, their emphasis on national duties, and therefore on a far-sighted foreign poUcy. He says, "Our system of classes represents the effect of selection by the capacity to govern." And again, "Heredity is no Tory invention, but a scientific fact." In any analysis of unseemly class prepon- «7 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES derance the honest student of English conditions has to qualify the downright statement. Thus the landed gentry have often exercised apersonal care for their tenants and the village community that the modem liberal captain of industry has sometimes neglected to exercise toward his em- ployees. But the land monopoly has prevented England from being self-supporting and from relieving the pressure on industry of an over- crowded labor supply. It has robbed her of a sturdy land-owmng peasantry like the French, and has given her in their place a city-bred. under-* sized, intellectually feeble, morally infirm lower class. The inteUectuals of the public schools and of Oxford and Cambridge have supplied a poise and dignity to modem life that a mediocre democ- racy lacks. Their graduates have given honest leadership in the Government. Recently theh- young men have gone gallantly to a service from which there is no returning. But much of the defense for the rigid, medieval class system, in so far as it possesses an intellectual basis, has been supplied by public school and university men. They are living in the home of lost causes. as LABOR The belated Tory Church of England clergy have continued to be an ameUorating influence in their communities. Their sane manner of living, their personal kindliness, their patient absorption in the humble lives about them— all these make a contribution we overlook in our easy generaliza- tions on the decayed church. And there are abounding elements inside the established church itself that are as liberal as any elements in modern life. That church still has wise leaders, like Dean Welldon of Manchester and a dozen others. The sacramental view of life has profound and per- manent values for certain persons. But when aU has been said, it remains true that the church, with its compromised theology, its indifference to social injustice, its ignorance of where the modern fight for righteousness is being waged, its land-holding, its taxation, its absence of intel- lectual force in seeking truth, has acted as a deter- rent in the emancipation of the masses. A state religion has been a soporific, drugging the laborer to believe that his lot in Ufe was a part of the scheme of things. As an institution the church, and as a body the clergy, have not sought equality for their communities. The present National 29 '. ;1 If i c INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES Mission of Repentance and Hope, the most ambitious crusade the church has launched in many years, has been swung over into an evan- gelistic campaign against the personal vices of drink and sexual indulgence, and into an old- fashioned appeal for personal righteousness and the deepening of the religious life. The majority of the bishopc remain blind to the demand of the workers for an economic underpinning to their lives. The workers believe that the way to a proper life is by taking a hand in the control of industry, by a living wage, and by fewer hours of work. They are frankly uninterested in the restriction of public houses and a more diligent attendance in places of worship till they see that their larder and their leisure are guaranteed. These, then, are the forces of reaction tighten- ing themselves for the struggle. These great estates of the landed gentry, the clergy, and the public school and university men will die hard in defense of the class system. They will be power- fully supported by the individualistic capitalist, avid for his profits, and by the timid, uninte Jigent middle class, fearfal of its narrow income from rents, stock-holding, and small investment. 80 LABOR But the same quick action tLat turned out shells by the acre will be enforced by the return of a nation in arms. It is not that they will use the rifle to shoot. It is that their strength has been compacted where their eye can see it, their oigani- zation ready-made for them, their service to the nation acknowledged. Soldiers and workers are the same men, inside the small area of an island. At one stroke war won those things for which in peace a portion of the English people seek in vain: proper food, correct conditions for effi- ciency, a pension for dependents, high honor for service, a common sacrifice, and, embracing all like a climate, a favoring public opinion, a great universal equality. They will demand that the same humanity be let loose into their daily life of the factories. Is the basic work of peace less worthy than trench routine? There has been a certain vital force in new countries that England has lacked in recent years. Some of that living element went out to America and the colonies. It founded free institutions, established a wider equality, liberated a play for individual initiative. It left England grayer and heavier than in its great epochs. Next to the SI m M -^% I f '■ (l ft. INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES sleeping stren^h of the Russian peasantry, the English mas is the slowest-moving force in the modern European world. Observers of England have written down this slackemng of effort as laziness. But "kziness" and 'drink" and "thriftlessness" are the inva- riable resort of an imperfect analysis. What was the cause of that laziness? I believe that we have the answer in the weakness that sets in when an organism gets out of touch with its environ- ment. All the conditions of modem life were changmg rapidly, and England revealed little ^Ptability in fitting herself to the change. What the war has made clear is that England was losing her stride in the modem world. She was kgging in agriculture, industry, and applied science. To put the matter clearly and frankly, an anemia had spread over English life in recent generations. Through lack of vocational train- ing, the working-man had lost ambition, and his power of production had lost pace with German and American workers. The huddled, sheltered, unproductive lives of middle-class people were often without direction and purpose because they were untrained. The upper class had lost power 32 LABOR of constructive leadership in the traditions of an education unrelated to the re. lities of modern life. This war has wakened England. It has made the working-man work at full-tilt for the first time in his life. He has been willing to do it, because the product served a national purpose instead of the profit of another person. He has been physically able to do it, because an increased wage gave him better food. He has discovered how to do it, because the pressure of necessity has unlocked brain cells which in ordinary times would have requu-ed a term of education to coordinate. The war has turned the middle-class home inside out, and freed the resi)ectable unem- ployed into usefulness. It has given new and more active forms of employment to women caught in domestic service and the parasitic trades of "refined" dressmaking, millinery, and candy manufacture. Finally, the war has given a career to upper-class Englishmen. For the first time in their lives they feel they have found some- thing active to do through noble sacrifice. The sigh of relief that went up at the discovery that life was at last worth living, if only because of its 33 \ ! I hi [1( J V 1 m INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES brevity, was echoed in the poetry of officers as it drifted back from the trenches. The key to the present situation is the sudden enormous release of energy. Male labor has felt It, and has responded with increased production. Women have felt it, and have transferred their activities from low-pressure drudgery pvA par- asitic employments to the main channels of mdustrj'. The directors and capitalists have felt It. and have sanctioned new areas of production new automatic machinery, and more liberal terms for their workers. The state has felt it, and has taken a direct hand in the encouragement and control of industry. Ar. incredible amount of energy has been let loose in England which before was lying latent in underpaid, undernourished workmg-men, in individualistic businessmen, in ummagmative government officials, in extra daughters in the household, and in unattached women of a moderate income and no profession A spiritual transformation would come to pass if atoms were dissociated and the latent energy in matter released into a torpid world. What coal and electricity and radimn accomplish in burning through obstruction and speeding up life would 34 LABOR be transcended by that new amazing release of force. But that very thing took place in the social organism. Industrial labor and the home were each an "indestructible atom," the final unit that could not be pried open, or separated into parts. And suddenly it was broken up, and an immense energy set going in the community. To maintain this increased activity after the war will require an enlarged system of state edu- cation. Vocational training must be given to the young in place of the present laissez-faire policy, which lets children slip out from control, at the age of fourteen and even younger, into "blind-alley" pursuits. England will have to be remodeled or else lose her place among the nations. If she fails to take action in accelerating indus- trial democracy, she will see her surviving young men saihng in droves for Canada and Australia. The colonies are far-sighted, and their prop- aganda in England is continuous, and has greatly increased since the beginning of the war. Show- windows on the Strand and King's Road, and like strategic points of great cities, are filled with the genial products of the soU and the mines,— ears S5 J '[I l;1 m i»i if :1 ^*!*KN*N-(>fJ»,;')»W'^jr • i 'i ■I % ■' i l( -11 ^11 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES of grain and slags of mctal,-and the background • gay painting of an overseas city, with its hos- Pitable harbor. Pleasant-voiced and energetic gentlemen inside the roomy, prosperous offices tell you what you can make of your life if you pull up stakes and come with them to the new lands. If England fails, she will be stripped of men. and wiU become a feminist nation. But she will not fail. The penalty is too severe. It would be easy to play the role of a prophet here and ride a radical gallop through the coming England. But I have consistently limited this outlme to the tendencies already under way. to the currents already rumiing. I have struck out the mmunmn of social remodeling, as recognized by middle-of-the-way publicists. I can quote The Saturday Review" on a minimum wage for agricultural labor. "The Times" on the idea of national syndication, the Government on the pigsty" in which the farm-laborer has been forced to live, and Mr. Asquith on woman's claim to a vote on the basis of her war work. To suppose that these changes are going through gracefully is to dream in the daylight They are coming jerkily, unevenly. Nothing S6 LABOR will be granted except as it is forced. I have heard talk by persons in well-to-do homes about the new brotherhood of the trenches. One of the most distinguished English writers said to me; "Do you think working-men will ever feel bitterly again, now that they have seen their officers leading them and dying for them?" It did not occur to her to inquire how gallantry in an infantry charge would prove a substitute for a living wage. There wiU be brotherhood after the war if the privileged classes pay a living wage; but from what some of their repiesent- atives have said to me I gather that brotherhood is to be practised by the workers in ceasing to agitate for the basic conditions of a decent life. Not much of this emancipation is being made in love. It has largely come by the clever use of force, and what it brings will be like the gains of war for territory— areas soaked with human tears, breeding-places of fresh dissension. The eternal questions will beat in again after the new order is established. Is a living wage the final answer to the homerL'kness of the human spirit? Does a materialistic conception of life satisfy the longing of the heart? Are the claims of beauty 87 >i Mi IS-J ^;*^»*llM«lfe*l(^r»A--,-M».*j' Z' -v.- rf«.<. '(! IK l^^\ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES met by unifonn rows of neat little dwellings and by sanitary factories? Have we really crossed the great divide and arrived finally in the sun- shine? One doubts it. The life of the spirit is not so «isily satisfied. But as in the present war of arms political difl'erences are buried, art and poetry forgotten, and all the national will focused on this one thing to do, so in this greater struggle the vast complexities of life are overlooked for the sake of a working program of action and a sharp summary. Happiness and morality, beauty and religion, are left to take care of them- selves. It is not from brotherly love that an increased cooperation between the directors and the workers IS being established, but because without cooper- ation the production of wealth is lessened, capital IS dimmished, and wages are decreased. That cooperation is not secured by telling the laborer to "be good." to remember the nation, and to for- get his wage. The capitalist of the past has been indifferent to the welfare of his workers. He has had his mind on individual profit, not on national wealth. If he acts in the future as he has m the past, extracting an immediate high S8 LABOR profit at the expense of the worker, and therefore of the national wealth, the control wUl be taken from him, and will pass over automatically into the hands of the democracy. It rests with the capitalists themselves whether they and their sys- tem wiU survive or whether their fmiction wiU be taken over by the industrial group and the state. Capital and labor are a permanent institution; but the capitalist, unlike the laborer, is by no means an indispensable unit in the institution. If the capitalist wiU handle himself in relation to his employees as the French officer does in rela- tion to his men, he can postpone his extinction mdefinitely. If he develops a democracy of spirit and attitude, taking less profits and paying higher wages, exercising leadership by intelli- gence and sympathy, and permitting labor a voice in working conditions, he will remain in partial control of a diminished reahn for the immediate future at least. As fast as he fails he wiU be ousted. Discipline and responsibility are the essentials for the new life just beginning, and they rest with equal weight on employer and employee. They are two words which had become unpopular in 89 m •*'*■ . ■%.*•»>*«,• INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES our recent philosophy of life, because the qual- ities themselves were out of favor. But the war has revealed their ancient worth under the cake of modernism. The faults of the English, as I see them, are an ahnost incorrigible mental torpidness, which is slow to see a new situation and obstinate to move even when seeing it; a deep-rooted belief in the class system; an unconscious arrogance; and a suppression of th6 emotional life. As the result of these limitations in insight and sympathy, the English race has been backward in the betterment of its own people. It has overworked and under- paid its own sons and daughters till a portion of its population rots in foul slums. A silent, slow-moving, but determined will, a constancy of purpose, a standard of conduct, often faUen short of, but rather consistently aimed at, are, I think, the saving characteristics of English character. By reason of these virtues, —and they are supreme virtues,— when the Eng- lish race starts to right a wrong, it goes through with the work to the end. It has now set itself to give justice to its workers. The social move- 40 LABOR ment is more surely on its way in England than in any other country of Europe. Human history has moved in cycles, and war has often marked the cesura. The French Revolution, the Napoleonic wars, and the inven- tion of machinery altered the face of the world and refashioned its inner life. We are to-day in the presence of an industrial revolution as vast as that of a century ago. We in America shall be wise if we, like Engknd, practise preparedness not only ui the obvious surface requirements of dreadnoughts and citizen armies, but in the pro- found modifications of the social structure and consciousness. -•! l';Ji i irt THE DISCOVERY Any one who looks forward to a peace on earth following the war of the trenches is going to be present at a surprise-party. The workers are gathering themselves for a mi^ty eflfort which will make the French railway strike and the Eng- lish mine and transport strikes look like an after- noon tea. The issue wiU be precipitated when the Grovemment and the employers fail to restore 41 MMMMrti 't'ili-t iS^^dk^e^t*>^ -■ .t^^„ ! > INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES the old trade-union rules and regulations. They cannot restore them because the conditions have changed in the last two years. New automatic machinery and the entrance of male and female semi-skilled workers have made it impossible to restore the old system, which was adapted to the old conditions. Let me quote from a careful investigation made by experts: Many of the men who return from the trenches to the great muniticm and shipbuilding centers are, within a few weeks of their return, among those who exhibit most actively their discontent with present conditions. Among those who have fought in Flanders or who have been employed in making shells at home, there are many who look forward to a great social upheaval foUowing the war. It is the testimony of responsible observers on the spot that some of our greatest in- dustrial centers are even now in a state of incipient revolt. To a very large number of the men now in the ranks, the fight against Germany is a fight against •Trussianism," and the spirit of Prussianism represents to them only an extreme example of that to which they object in the industrial and social institutions of their own country. They regard the present struggle as closely connected with the campaign against capital- ist and class-domination at home. Unfortunately some of the results of the war itself, 4S LABOR such as the Munitions Acts and the Compulsion Acts, have intensified this identification of external and in- ternal "enemies." We are not discussing the necessity of these measures. The point is that the working of these acts and the tribunals created under them has given rise to an amovuit of deep and widespread re- sentment which is the more dangerous because it is largely inarticulate. It is particularly dangerous be- cause it tends to discredit in general working class opinion that section of labor which looks to the im- provement of industrial conditions by negotiation or by legislative action, and to strengthen the hands of the party which preaches doctrines of wrecking and ap- propriation. The war has not put an end to industrial unrest. Every one of the old causes of dispute remains, and others of a more serious nature have been added in the course of the war. The very moderation and un- selfishness shown by the responsible leaders of organ- ized labor are looked upon by important sections of their foUowing as a betrayal of the cause and by some employers as a Uctical opportunity. What is the answer? No half-way solution, no artificial "faked" restoration, no "brotherhood of the trenches," no turning of the attention of labor to "higher things" by a national mission, will suffice to meet the imperious demands of five 43 '"ii .-■JbJh^i^,^ ,^wr-.#*« A,.; "*■•*" *^*-*•. INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES these impositions of the oligarchy in control of them. They have limited the output by "«,inir gently" with the work. They have limitel the number of apprentices. They have practised sabotage and caUed strikes. They had no other weapons. The result of these protective devices has been to lessen the volume of production, to give capital a smaller return on its investment, and to cut down wages. The pohcy has been bad for employer and employee. It is not altogether the control which capital and management exercise over the mechanism of production which creates industrial unrest. It IS m part the control over labor. Absence of knowledge is the cause of some of the misunder- standmg. The workers understand nothing of overhead charges, depreciation of plant, the risks of capital. They know nothing of the policy comiected with buying and selbng. The em- ployers know nothing of the effect of a new process on the nervous system of the worker. They know nothing of the fatigue from overwork ormonotony. They make no study of a standard of Imng. They go blindly ahead, as if men and machmery aUke were tools to be manipulated. 46 h. LABOR That an aim of industry should be a good life for the worker is an idea which would sound strangely in their ears. What is needed between employer and worker is a pooling of knowledge, a frank exchange of the point of view, and a compromise in manage- ment. The way out is through democratic con- trol over the conditions of work. The worker must be consulted when new machinery is installed. The effect of it must be studied in relation to monotony, fatigue, and danger. The profits from its introduction must be equitably divided between the employer and the worker. The consultation must not be a form of words. It must be a consultation where the voice of the worker is of equal authority with that of the exec- utive management. The worker must be in a position to control the conditions of his putting forth of labor power. The new conditions, created by the new machine with its special proc- esses, must be such that the balance of justice, established under the old conditions, is not dis- turbed by the alteration. The belief that every change, such as "scientific management," in- stituted by the employer, has enabled him to pick n , ■I ' 1 i •^Ml o s t S »i 'i:lll .■•*■ «>j 4 ., t , i^: m INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES up slack and take a tighter cinch-grip on labor, has led labor to resist labor-saving devices and modern methods of speeding-up. The employer has been partly defeated whenever he has played a "lone hand." And labor, in defeating him, has lessened the volume of production from which higher wages are derived.* jCoMlder the analysis Sir Hugh BeU ha, recently made of hi. ^Hni" fL''° " r^ ''•""'* ''""'" '" September. ,916 from his own coal and iron mine, and Umestone quarries. I„ e^^ TCludtag profit. The turnover oo a steel business in this country a^ut equdU the capiUl invested. If his profit amounts toT^r cent, of which 3 per cent at least must go back Into the businell o maintain the works, he thinks himself iS^ky. and Se^J^rlT left m,«t cover Interest on his capital as weU as the profi^forTu" enterprise and risk. The remaining 15 to 20 per cent a«l to ^ "X r .r • ""^^^ '"^*' - - '-^ p- °--^ "Out of what fund." as Sir Hugh Bell asks. -Is he to pay a 10 per cent. Increase in wages?- If he paid W per cent! SL he would have no profit at all and could not con^nue tli Z2^. ^li^T "'«*'' *^"'' "^ ""'^ «^ '«» -'*'". by greater efficiency m management or greater production per man There where capital secures a greater return, there are others%vhe,e tte nTZ.t'X.'""' *i" '"''""^ '^ '~-y'"^- «"* except ^n 2! ^r Tlr. ?? "»k"' "" ''"'• "'"PP'"'^ '«^' «' -»«?. monopoly r«. P'*f"^f*''*'' ♦>•* P'«^t«« given by Sir Hugh Bell is mo^ less applicable to industry in general .lter°tJ!^T°,'!l!!^'i'° legfaktion. and no economic theory can i.„ I ^ . ^^ '"^"''*'*"' ^""'♦"'"' •'"* -" adjustmentTnd a gain can be made by a new release of productive energy on th^ 48 r t « < c > . . . ., LABOR What is the way out? Surely it is this: in- stall the new machinery, establish scientific man- agement, but explain the process, adjust the wage-scale, debate the problems of fatigue, monotony, and danger, safeguard the standard of living, study the new conditions, and work out an agreement between employer and workers. Already there is a rapprochement between the larger groups. In the crisis of 1915, Mr. Ten- nant summoned the labor leaders to organize the forces of labor. The employers and the Govern- ment were helpless unless aided by the workers themselves. On that day, February 8, 1915, the principle of democratic control in industry was established in the modem state, never to be receded from. This system of joint committees had indeed long existed in the leading trades, where employers and union leaders met to settle disputes. But the white flag of truce was over the conference, while, outside, the battle raged. But Mr. Tennant by his bold measure raised the joint committee to the level of continuous medi- ation and consultation. These joint boards will part of the management and the men, by consultation between labor aiid capltsl, and by hard inteUectual effort put on each detail of both the industrial process and the industrial relationship. 49 • {. « I I L .'in;. Ml ■f: iM • *^ 4 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES be Uie method by which the Government, the employer, and the worker wUI discuss the break- down during war-time of the trade-umon rules, and the substitute to be given in place of an "npossible restoration. The joint board is part of the machinery for reconstruction. The accept- ance of ,t is an acceptance of the principle of democratic control. That is the centralized and "parhamentarv" side of the matter. But it deals with only half „ r ?'.. '^^' ''^'' ^^^ " ^°^«^ government m the mdividual factory. No system of cen- trahzatmn can ever so extend itself as to deal adequately with the de'licate various human mate- rial m the single factory. And for this a solution has been struck out. It is that of workshop comicls. where the men sit in equal power with the management. It has been tried in a few places. It has worked exceUently. There is one factoiy where no decision in several years has been appealed from. Disputes have died away. We shaU hear much of "workshop comicils" in the next five years. The experiment offers the one sane, peaceable way out of a struggle that umiegotiated." will throw industry into chaos. ' 50 •-rs^ef^. ,.;^_, LAfiOR Let U8 consider in detail what the workshop council will do. It will deal with the admission of unskilled workers into the factory, with piece- work prices, shop discipline, suspension and dis- missal, welfare, organization, and production, "time" rules, consideration of complaints, meth- ods of increasing efficiency, discussion of hours of work, and the necessity of periods of overtime, supervision of eating-halls, organization of rec- reation. The council wiU represent a depart- ment, and will send one representative for every fifty workers, for instance. Thus a department with 250 workmen will send five representatives. Sitting with the council in equal numbers will be the manager of the department and his assistants. For a large factory the departmental councils wiU meet and elect a "works council"— twenty- five workers and twenty-five managers and assist- ants,— who will consider matters touching the works as a whole. On questions such as fixing day wages and the level that governs piece wages, the employer will continue to deal direct with the' trade-unions, but the piece rates themselves wiU be arranged by the workshop councils. This is all experimental and tentative. It may 51 'I ' ^ il INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES break down under bitterness or trickery. It may be manipulated by clever men. Chesterton, who IS a hearty medievalist, desiring general peasant proprietorsliip, calls the scheme of "a certain proletarian representation in the employer's council" "the man-trap of the management." He says that "the first few labor representatives filtered cautiously into the 'management' wiU be beaten at the game. That is why they wiU be allowed to play at it" Perhaps, but the idea is in line with democratic prmaple. It is being worked at by the best mmds m England, and it offers the one peaceable way out of a strife that grows more intense evenr month. ' The situation is this: labor is going to demand higher wages. To obtain them, labor must produce more goods, and the employer must improve his methods, install new machinery, and consult the worker. Some employers will meet the situation with superlatively good management -a management that will wefcome the worker to a share in control, and will increase production and wages without financial loss. Some em- ployers WiU make decreased profits, some will go H LABOR to the waU, and some wiU fight the new condi- tions. If wisdom prevails on both sides, a new constitution of industry will be achieved. DEMOCBATIC CONTEOL In this age, when psychology is taking over new reahns of fact every year, it is increasingly difficult to use a phrase abo"t society whicV is accurate in describing the insti..ctive life of forty- five million persons. Yet one must have a vocab- ulary in order to talk. The phrase "democratic control" appears throughout this book. By the principle of democratic control I mean the appli- cation to the institutions of property and the state of the sum of the desires and impulses of the persons composing the modem nation-state. Those detires and impulses are often thought about and definitely expressed in a reasoned pro- gram of action, as in the gradually developing "will to war" of the British people. Often they are held only in the subconscious mind, exploding through from time to time in blind action. But the desires and impulses of the mass people have io-day a power in shaping legislation, controlling administration, adapting environment, andestab- 58 Mlir m ■i.1 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES lishing new social relationships, which, through lack of organization, they did not possess in earlier periods. Suppression, thwarting, sub- mission are not acceptable to the people of a modem nation, and they have determined to live a more creative life. "Democratic control" is a convenient phrase for describing what is taking place in society, which we express concretely by using the terms "labor movement," "woman movement," "wel- fare work," "British commonwealth," "rights of little nations." An increasing number of people are seeing what they want and are getting it. An increasing number of women are desiring a living wage and the vote, and they are organizing their thought and will to obtain them. An mcreasing number of manual workers are wishing to control the conditions of their working life, and they are acting together in order to win that status. The dominions are growing restive under an imperial policy conducted by England alone, and they are preparing to take a hand in the shapmg of that policy. These are instances of democratic control-the application to govem- M .•'' • ^i i mw.l l i.iBn rtl-js LABOR mcnt and contract of the sum of the desires and impulses of millions of persons. Oitt modem social movement, which is seekini? to achieve the orgamzed state under democratic control, operates through private ownership and individualism (property), cooperation, state con- trol (socialism), and occupational association (syndicalism). The socialistic state has greatlv extended its function in the present war. Non- local association, or syndicalism, is increasing its strength through wo. kshop councils, joint boards, and the various organizations of common occupa- tion, trade-muons, "industrial workers." gilds. Cooperation for production is powerful in Ire- hmd. and cooperation for distribution has had a long and successful history in England. Prop- erty-the idea of the "smaU owner." the "peasant proprietor." one's right to one's "very own." is still intrenched. Any dogmatism on the claims of one of these against the others must to-day be rejected as not fitting the facts. Any prophecy as to which wiU contribute most decisively to Hie future organization of society is gratuitous. Each overlaps upon the others, but aU are ) fl i' H. I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES expressions of the impulse toward freedom, and the social movement is the resultant. Particular tendencies in the social movement cannot be exclusively identified with particukr psychological dispositions. Dr. Graham Wallas writes to me: The extension of democratic control is of course dependent on knowledge, or imagination, as well as im- pulse. More exactly, impulse in the modem world has to be stimulatetl rather by our ideas of what we can- not see or hear than by our direct sensations. The Railway Men's Union is growing stronger because in- dividual railwaymen are gettmg a more definite con- ception of the capital- and statemachine instead of a vague acqjiescence in a social order felt to be irr sisti- ble (or, rather, not felt to be resistible) ; because they have a conception of improving their position neither by individual industry nor by state action, but by syn- dical action; because they have learnt by experience that improvement can be brou|^t about by lyndical action. There is not half enough concentrated thinking being done. The Labor party in its hitest con- ference displayed as much hot feeling over m- finitesimal details as the protagonists in an Irish election, and it dissolved without any large S6 LABOR ^^ The .peaker-. Confe«»ce on El«. to«l lUrom. ".pproved" of the principle of wom« .uifrage, but f«led U, incluj^ . ^ toobt«n.t«th.r.«,l„,i„^. NosynthetiX of reconstruction i, „y«here in ^t. WW mU happen i, that the pre»„e of n^ity ^n force refom«. biU by bill. det«l by det«L Thi, «^ted for ,hr.pnel. ft „e™ that e.A ff^oup m the community will fight like . I„„e wolf ^ b»e. It „ po«ible th« the engine^;^ 7*^ for .nrtMMe, which will come out on ton «d un,k.lled men to fight their own battH f«l- product.™, .re principle, ertablid^d only by combmed effort. ' ^ E«* cUsa division in the immunity is ,„lki„g T.« "^ *"•' '"'«»'"8 l"" • do«n pet f.Il.cje. The employer stiU believe. th.t S» wetf«e. He rtUl beheve, in hi.,ez.f.i„, "i^. mutable Uw, of ™pply ^ j.^^ .. , detennm,™... „ g„„^g ^^^ multitudinou, W J: I. .1' 'n H INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES currents of human history. He still believes that there is only a certain fixed amount of work and money to be ladled out, a pool unfed by expand- ing production. He still believes in limiting the number of workers and circumscribing the areas and methods of production. He still distrusts the intellect as an instrument for establishing justice. But the principle of democratic control f drees its own way irresistibly through the storm of words and conflicting purposes. If only one man in Engknd apprehended it, it would have |o prevail, for it leads out of chaos. It abolishes ignorance and poverty. It releases the good-will which lies hidden and obstructed in our nature. It promises equality, and peiiiaps some day. will bring in beauty to a troubled and unlovely world. Ail > THE PIONEEES England is becoming an industrial democracy, but the talk is all of speeding up production and making a better machine of the worker. The solutions of reconstruction necessitate; a consider- ation of new automatic machines and subdivisions of repetitive processes. There is talk of a still fi8 LABOR hotter war of competition than in the old dreary factory days. All these discussions of the British Association and "The Round Table" and the Fabians and the government reports lean in the dh-ection of Americanizing and Germanizing Enghuid. When you have made a good work- man m that sense, you have n't made a good man at all. You have made a sharpened tool of pro- duction or a narrow, concentrated huckster. I feel in aU this program something ahen to the English nature. Half the fine virtues of a hberal life lie outside such competitive mdustrial requirements. Once the question of **wages and hours" is settled, and that is only a detaU of management which will be settled, we reach the heart of the problem. Can the curse be removed from machmery? Can joy be put into work? What of the jobs that are monotonous? Will they lessen in number? The instant that joy enters into work the problems of overtime and fatigue disappear. Ehisticity of spirit gives a swift recovery. Free- dom to choose one's work, the right to arrange one's working conditions, skill in doing the task, 59 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES pride in the product— these are the elements that result in "joy in work," are they not? What promise does the future give us that this quality of joy will enter into the work of the masses ? An eight-hour day and a minimum wage of forty shillings a week do not help us here at all. Will the increasing control of working conditions by the workers themselves remove this curse of monotony, the grind of the machines on the human spirit? Will the fact of control alter the effect of the work, so that automatically it will pass from a condition of slavery to a condition of freedom ? Will the worker, in exercising his will on the terms and conditions of his employment, find a full release for his powers, with the result- ing sense of self-expression and its accompani- ment of joy? Or will the increasing control of working condi- tions by the workers result in a fundamental remodeling of the nature of the work itself? If so, in what forms will that change show itself? For instance, the happier. I conununities of the past were surely settled agricultural communities. Will the workers in part return to the land, rendered more fertile by modem methods of I) ' LABOR intensive agriculture? WiU there be an era of noble building like that of the twelfth century? Will the modem democracy find it worth while to create beauty? Then there remains the use of leisure. Are we to learn an art of living? Will creative activities be honored? Nothing is more striking in the hist hundred years than the fact that the poet and the saint "do not count." They have lost control over the channels of power. The artist in any of the great forms has little influence to-day. It is easy to reply, "Let the great artist come, and we wiU listen"; but to produce great persons, the heart of the people must be turned that way. We are not quiet enough or responsive enough to form and nourish such growths. Not only are the masters of modern industry materialistic, but the workers are materialistic. The trade-union program, the socialist platform, the reforms of the social experts—all these center about matters of physical well-being and industrial efficiency. What has aU this to do with outlook on life, the knowledge of true values, an understanding of the meaning and end of existence? Outlook on life is determined by the use of leisure— by the 61 i m It. 4 ) * K. il^ f m M f. ' / li iiif INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES pictures one sees, the music one hears, the books one reads, the talk one shares, the games one plays. The only education an adult receives, apart from that of the working^ay. with its repetitive processes for most employees, is in the recreation of his leisure hours. School ends for most of the human race at fourteen years of age. The lives of modem workers are dark with drudg- ery for the working shift and spattered with cheap surface sensation in the hours of release. Fatigue and excitement march together through our city streets. These are the two great questions of our time: Can the nature of work be ennobled ? Can spir- itual values be restored to modem life? For fifteen years these questions of what use shall be made of life under a tme industrial democracy have seemed to me the most important, the least discussed questions of our day. Now that in- dustrial democracy is arriving in England. I have put these questions to the leaders of public opin- ion. I have talked with Lloyd-George, experts of the Home Office, of the work councils, with John Bums, Seebohm Rowntree, Snowden, But- ton. MacDonald. Mallon, every type of mind in 6i t '\ LABOR the indu.tri.1 struggle. No one person i, resp™,- sible for the conclmiom which I give, but they «em to me . just sumnwry of the best English opmion. "Hiuui WiU ij,duslry shde over into .„ wd-fashioned bahmee between agriculture and factory labor? Can the curse be removed from machineor. ,0 that the worker w,U find in his day's work some of the M 111 LABOR The^tion, of .ln««t .U our ««.! p^w.^ 7^ "T'**"" '"*"^ » P«tche. in part. Sweden mother, .nd Belgium, third. Itneed^ now expert, to pool the« «,l„tion. into . pro- ^ and apply it whoIe«le. TransporuL «Hi hou,u,g be at the he,^ of the problem of en- ZZT T"'^*'«'-'k«'ive,,.ndinwh" Z 1 '"""*'•*.««»• "«»'"»'»« the omdition. «»t ^rround him outride hi, working hour. ^Therrn.""" " ""^- •"•* ^^ -"» For two year, prior to the outbreak of war . committee had been .itting to conrider land and hou,mg „f„,„, and y^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^ far-reaehmg propoMk Th.« proposal, were bemg very seriouriy con,idered by the Goyem- ment. It » probable that a bill covering many beheve that the« reform. wiU come to the f™t « soon „ the war i, over. One of the« me.,. "«« deab with compubo,y town-pIam,i„g. In- •tead of bmMing f.™n thirty to forty hoL, to «» acre, only thirteen will be aUowed. Thi, 69 ( r I ■■ ,t I ■ I . • s ■ iiili h'--*^^ ''■p'^wmn INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES means that every workman's house will have its decent privacy, its bit of garden. Another pro- posal is for a system of general transportation by means of light railways. Belgium has had about one hundred miles of light railways for every three and a half miles in England. This gives a network of cheap transportation covering the en- tire area around the great industrial centers. I used to ride into Ghent from Zele, from Melle, from every one of the smaller towns outside the city. Wherever I have stayed in Belgium, whether at Fumes, Dixmude, La Panne, Nicu- port, or Ostend, the whole country-side was woven with tiny steam railways, carrying pas- sengers for a few sous. This system gives easy transportation for the worker from his home in the suburb to his lathe in the factory. It means that he can live on a little land and, with his fam- ily, carry on light gardening, reducing his cost of living, with an occasional sale in the market. The combination of the two measures, — town- planning and cheap transportation, — applied to England, will end the slum by draining it dry, and by substituting a village community in pleas- ant surroundings. It means a gradual, but, in 70 fH ^^^EM^mMMMMW. LABOR the end, complete, remaking of the environment for the workers. And an environmental change so vast will recreate the physical life of the na- tion. These measures are nothing but simple primi- tive justice. They are merely animal rights. They do not deal with the basic spiritual needs of the community. Having wof his emancipa- tion from poverty and the serf c ditions of in- dustry, the worker must face the intellectual bar- rcnness of his life. Through no fault of his own he is poorly fitted for the role he is now caUed on to play. He is uneducated, unimaginative, un- equipped to create the values in life which an mdustrial democracy will require in order to sur- Vive the dreary hours of monotonous machine work, however shortened and however highly paid, and the increased hours of leisure. FaU- ing a solution for his overplus of vitality and for the unemployment of his higher faculties, he wiU be thrown back on rebellion as release for his un- f unctioning energy. The supreme need of English labor is wise leadership. That leadership will not allow this new energy, released by better wages and short- 71 I ! !l t y Ml _ 1:,!: i! :i ''I M \ '"-t * ^« INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES ened hours, to spend itself in ftrife and rebellion. The tragedy of the labor movement has been that its leaders have often been sucked up by the Gov- ernment, becoming official investigators, parli- amentarians, conmiittee-men. Or the skilled in- telligent worker has passed over into the ranks of the employer. The succession of lost leaders has quenched the enthusiasm of the mass of the people, lessened their power of vision, and made them cynical of lifting themselves to a full, free life. If the shoulders of the people are used by their most il representatives only to be climbed upon into p. sitions of individual prestige, the people themselves will be little bettered by gen- erating men power. The labor leader must find hi« career inside his class. He must forego the easy advantages of a thousand-pound gov- ernment salary. There are few wise leaders to- day inside the ranks of the workers. As the result, the immediately practical next steps in the social revolution are clearly seen, but the creative readjustment that will make Eng- land into a free, liberal community is not seen. The worker is about to share control of his work- ing conditions with the "management." His W Wm^^~^d^mmS^ LABOR hours will be shortened, his wages will be in- crcased.--thc increase has ah-eady reached about one third of the industrial population.~he will have a voice in workshop conditions, his physical environment in his leisure hours will be amelior- ated. His house will be situated in a decent com- munity, with space around it for flowers and home gnrdening. Vocational training will be given to his children. This will come by a series of ex- penmental measures, beginning with part-time employment in industry for those between the ages of fourteen and eighteen. But a greater reconstruction than all this journeyman's work is needed. If the workers are able to develop leaders and to retain them, that leadership wiU concern itself in part with the cultural life of the people. There is no great future for labor except through education. The American fiUn. the public house, the ha'penny newspaper, and professional foot-ball are not sufficient of themselves to make a new world. If English labor contents itself with gains in the mechanic and physical conditions of life, the form of solution WiU crystallize into its own kind of neo-Toryism. The same meaningless matcrial- 71 IN i ! I I. !,' ■■■^.'! -«.,». • u INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES ism will continue to sterilize and wither the minds of men. Now the minds of officials and experts, workers and employers, are malleable, now the national consciousness has been melted into hot and fluid form. Now is the time to shape and fuse that molten mass. "We are going around to-day with a different brain under our cap from the brain we carried three years ago," a leading official of the Amal- gamated Society of Engineers said to me. This is true of him and his fellow-workers, true of the politicians, and true of the employers. Before that brain cools to a new case-bound orthodoxy it must come to grips with larger prin- ciples of social reconstruction than any it has been dealing with in trade-union regulaticms. There is no discharge in this war. We need a new community, eager and unsatisfied, aiming after a nobility of life of whidi the modem world has had no vision. Let labor look to its task. Time presses. In five years England will have cooled down, and the impulse of the war, throw- ing old values into the furnace, will have spent it- self. Men will reproduce the old world, with its barrenness of materialism, its hunt after cheap 74 LABOR amusementa. its immense mediocrity, its spiritual deadness. its nervous restlessness, its suppres- sions of vitality, and its explosions of rebellion, the same old round of dirty little intrigue, be- cause there wUl be no great purpose to which life li directed, no creative dream of the people. And in command of the community wUl be the Mme old gang of clever politicians feeding out materialistic catchwords of "Peace and prosper- ity." the adroit editors ministering to sensation as a substitute for creative activity. If the work- ers dodge and postpone this fundamental point m their emancipation, they will give us a world httle better than the Victorian mess. They wiU give us something very like a prosperous Ameri- can industrial city such as Detroit. The privi- leged class, with its neat formute of restricted education and established church, has long lost Its control of the community. The brief reign of the captains of industry, contributing no ideas on ethics and social relationship, ended in August of 1914. Now comes the worker. Let him bet- ter the management of life. Patient, kindly slow, very loyal to tht man and the cause in which he believes, the English worker is the greatest 7fi t i. lilll f 'I •*^. ;g*-*.«^..fc>,Mt^,. _,. li •I it: 41 kit INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES democratic force in the world. For our own sal- vation we must call on him to use his brain. He allowed the first industrial revolution to swing in on top of him in its meanest and most sordid form. Now that he takes control of the second industrial revolution, he must not try to compress humanity into narrower terms than those which the innumerable varieties of the human spirit have always demanded. The masters of industry tried this» and wrecked their world. Into the forefront of their immediate program of action the workers must put the demand for an abolition of child labor and for the creation of a general, full-time elementary schooling up to the age of sixteen years. There must be sec- ondary and continuation schools for all promis- ing pupils up to the age of eighteen. There must be a larger number of universities, and a democ- ratization of all the universities. The best men among the workers must be as thoroughly equipped in modem science, economics, and so- ciology as the governing class used to be in the humanities. The hope of an enh'ghtened democ- racy lies in the general extension of state educa- tion and in the expansion of individual initiative 76 LABOR in such experiments for adults as the Workers' Educational Association. But the workers must insist that the education shall not be limited to vocational training, to science of research and application, to the impart- ing of facts. Education must give an interpre- tation of life. It must construct and impart a system of ethics fitted to our time. A living wage is no answer to such a tangle as that of sex ; it is no answer to the concerns of empire and the treatment of the colored races. These are ethical matters, demanding hard thinking and new in- terpretations of old values. There are a dozen problems clamoring for an answer, and on no one of them is there an adequate body of recorded facts, with the tendencies deduced from them. Apparently, everything is to be solved by plung- ing boldly into activity and letting results come. What one feels the absence of in the labor move- ment is fundamental brain-work. Here are new processes being developed, new areas opened, a revolutionary shifting of the directive control of the modem world from the little historic group of captains to the vast army of the people them- selves; and yet there is no realization that so 77 t rfl-mWk •-■■• •». IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) . -fr 11 HP If INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES mighty a transfer of forces calls for a philosophy and ethics of its own. If the workers fail us in this, the patient old-time spirit will brush aside their little artificial structure like an empty shell and begin building again. The whole range of moral problems has been left out of the reckoning. Changed conditions have resulted in an entire alteration of human re- lationship; but no one has stated the new ethics that will give guidance to the plain man's de- sire for a free, human, liberal life and for an an- swer to the meaning of life. The cry of Dosto- yevsky still lifts itself in our night: "Surely I haven't suffered simply that I, my crimes, and my sufferings may manure the soil of the future harmony for somebody else. I want to be there when every one suddenly understands what it has all been for. All the religions of the world are built on this longing, and I am a believer." What interpretation of modem life have we had? Not one. Frederick Taylor tells us to bind every thrust of the hand, every throb of the bram, into an iron scheme of regularity; Tolstoy teUs us to jump out of the system altogether. But neither they nor our other literary and scien- 78 u LABOR tific prophets have faced all th^ f.^ ""d thought their way th"l T T''' Neither pea«„.t .ysL^Zt HZ ''■ ««e„e„t wiH put «reat„e. inLX" fv L^t' n»e.y„„t„,eve^^„„,^„^^ J-JM live. We cannot hope for any savinp word ZZ tt.e clever .a„ip„„.„„ ^ ^, th"™ 'Z^ it win dZ^r-an.olr^^'^r'n""''^ ""''•''"■' ,•« I. J- „ «"iong us. It will not utter itself « h»d.eraft con»,„„ities or on the lonelyf^ Modem essayists write retrospeetivelv of fh. faT r "^ ? '^^^ °f cental darkness. Buf Jtsed It'I°'"r °' ^ ^*^"*^ ^^'^^ « ^"^^^ - seX :,f I r ^''°'' *^"^^^ *^" *e pos- session of vital and effectual men, and is foLd 79 i I y I If • f ■'W % > n ^•-- ■«.«..«^.^^ „.^, 1^1 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES alike in Cromwell and Walt Whitman. It is as inevitably the sanction of wholesome living as joy is the accompaniment and sanction of the crea- tive impulse in love and art. It is not a blind belief in what is not true. Faith is the expres- sion of a belief in life. The last century has been faithless not because it was dynamic and enlight- ened, but because it was darkened and weary. Democracy, with all its striving, has produced thus far only three men of genius, Mazzini, Lincohi, and Walt Whitman, and one of them said: Give me, give him or her I love this quenchless faith. Is it a dream? Nay, but the lack of it the dream, And failing it life's lore and wealth a dream, And all the world a dream. We modems have side-stepped these funda- mental questions of a spiritual basis for existence because they troubled our surface life. Mean- while we heaped up the immeasurable inner forces of unanswered desires, unexpended spiritual vi- tality, and frustrated impulses until they finally came roaring through and overswept Europe. There was a time when reUgion answered this 80 i\ = LABOR Th.. "'*"««' of a part of the community mjf ror a laith which does not offend men'c :l"? and doe, not preach auhm^:: InT™ o«^ 1 . "''^^P"^Ie of measuremenf and «,ay«s. has ceased to exist for the ^H the people. Thi. nU ^i- • O' tion.K. I- °""''8«»" Penalties and sanc- hons have been midermined by m«iem thou«h ^ yet to develop any strmgent system of ethics Of ,ts o™ any «^e of „,.tionship which is bind ^ng. In labor a class war in sev . ,«->j- i pression, were the ext^nf If "^^^ '"^■ ,,« * xJ / ^"* °^ present-day vision up to the hour of the war T?«, L , ^'™'°P'»^''* '•» "'together in the direc- ^on of a materiahstic conception of life, by w. the sole method of progress, efficiency as the end 81 11: E jr i I if i !• ..ft^v. t/1 'l» INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES of being, science as answering all the needs of the human consciousness, and scientifically di- rected force as the final master of human aflFairs. It is not that the young or the poor go wrong, but that we aU go wrong in our commercial civi- lization. We all live for sensation, for a visible standard of success in terms of sense-pleasures. To make life easy, to escape the old perils and hardships, the old disciplines and responsibilities, has become the chief aim of the modem commu- nity. England must make imperious demands of the new democracy. We refuse to rest satisfied with their improved housing, easier transportation, better working conditions. These are only the means to worthy living. They do not deal with the business of living itself. If the workers of England can create a community that "looks good," the example will be irresistible, and civ- ilization will respond to it in every nation. It is only in the creation of such communities, where the life of peace is a thing of joy, that we can look for the end of wars. But in their community they must find a place for the life of the spirit, for faith, for the finer values of nationality, for LABOR Because mrt.at,ve in the old industrial serfdom only bound them the tighter to the manaStT ttey have practised "ca canny." But wh»"hey ^econt^Uaihu. in initiative wai cut the t.;' ^t and sp.nal nerve of their productivity, their prosperity, .nd final weU-being. ThJC a« ealled on for a wholly other set of qualitij than those which they have developed .^^r the stresses of wage conflict. Every' situatfeT nlw dem^ds . different reaction from the one Z 2obL "" T "'™"°"' '^'^ ""tomatie maehm^ every ,h„rtened process, eveiy device of 0^7 muscuh. force that will cuUhe co^ of produchon. ,s working for their benefit. But than the workshop. It must wreak itself on the eommumty. and devise a wisdom of life, fulfil ft fid ^ ""^'""^ " '^»* y««» tUl It Jound Its answer in world war Unquestionably in the last fifty years the labor fenses of prmlege projected, often uncon«aously. 83 Ml ;.i 3« ';'t i- Id ■ill I ill; 41' i :',! INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES by organized religion and class education, has made a drive against the life of the mind and the life of the spirit. Itself a vititl movement, fighting for freedom and justice, it has included among its enemies forces which are themselves the very source of freedom and justice. It has done this because these forces had created insti- tutions, such as the established church and the great universities, which had lagged in the move- ment toward contini^ing emancipation. But la- bor cannot carry on a war with intelligence and spirituality without in the end being burned up by their fine violet ray. No philosophy of in- come will survive against the higher demands of the human spirit. Labor must be willing to work with these victorious forces, not against them. In scorning the free play of intellect m the reahns of art and pure research, and in scorn- ing the efforts of the spirit to find an interpre- tation of life leading to spiritual peace, the labor movement has hardened and strengthened the very materiah'sm which is its own worst enemy. If labor holds that it is too busy with its imme- diate emancipation to trouble with "theoretical considerations," it will be in the position of an 84 LABOR army which allows itself to be outflanked a surrounded becaus*. if ;» . oui«anked and at tho * '^ concentrated on a drive "e„t is itself l^gety «.e p™duct „, tw ttT one outlet into the futu« is its '^'^ ^ v«,ebes, hke a plant. It must distrust its own orthodo^ «,d status quo, its own accepted Z "rtceTofTi'" '"^"'' ■' " -^"^ a-^ mdustry. Only so wiU it muiifest « prineiole of y.tal,ty charged with unfailing i^^' F«II»« short in this, it will betray itlelf .fo^" a su.gle unrelated, short-lived impulse, c^t^ 85 * ii \l J i '/i i i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES itself in one more limited institution, which will become its tomb. The worker must not only tolerate radical interpretative thinking outside his own ranks; he must welcome it among his fel- lows. The initiative of his leisure hours must lead out into regions of which he has been shy and suspicious. He must develop his own teach- ers and prophets and artists. The men of Ghent had already done a little of this inside their cooperative community. The English worker must be as glad of his sculptor and his poet as he is of his labor leader. By the creative use of his leisure he will justify his control over the com- ing age. In place of smart revues and senti- mental plays perhaps he will give us drama, which has been an unused literary form for three cen- turies, worthy of revival. For one hundred years the world has been si- lent on the meaning of life. The masters were busy with their new devices to squeeze profits, and the workers were too heavy with their toil to think at all. But by these unseen moral com- pulsions, by the values we create, every free act of our life is governed. Everything we say and 86 hr iiii I LABOR do i, ,hol through with the color «,d ««ent of our conception of life. ^* "' If Jife i. "playing jje game," what i, the game »d Jrt»t ..e the rule,? If ,i,e consist, inCk wTn/"" '■' "■* ««^ -« «« making and »I»t » the method of the making? in,""' noble,« oblige, who are the ^hte, and what i, the nature of their obligation' o«"»ti,the bee?;S"'t" r""- '" '"'"«• ""^ '«^" tern,,' Wh » ■" '^ "' " "odem The «.ppre»ion of the hmnan spirit, the «,ul. ori^iha:*"'" °' ^P""*' ''-•'". ""d -m- ^ "^^.f "PPW ,oience, it, emphasis on rej^- ^ and .te mecham^a, detail. How faintly the We of mdurtry has taken hold of the human foree ttat broke through with the war. The na- t.on, had been gathering steam for several Z- erahon, tUl they blew t.,e lid off. AH tl« ttee 87 'i I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES that the hands were busy in repetitive processes the secret subconscious mind was generating its own forces. Suddenly men saw a release from modem life, an escape from the machine, and s substitute for the materialistic conception of ex- istence, and seven nations went out with faith in their hearts. The workers themselves were among the first to go not because they were herded and conscripted, but because adventure and change and faith had returned to a very flat world. There came an ahnost universal exulta- tion that at last there was something in which to believe, something impersonal and vast on which the primal forces of emotion could discharge themselves. The old industrial order received its sentence then; but unless the new industrial democracy wi-3 for us a creative peace, it, too, is doomed. It must give us an interpretation of life which commends itself to our nobler faculties and not alone tc our body needs, or men will again turn themselves to killing in order to escape the greensickness of materialistic peace. 88 LAfiOR BEAHONABLE 8ATIMACTI0N " »» >t.thor of that dl.tin«u^,^Vl'''l*'"°*"»'>«il scholar. the Worker.' Eductlonal a" «oJr. J,^ h T "' "* P'onioter. of toe RecowtructJon Comn,ltino; S^" R m 5"^ ^^^ * •»""»«' «" ^ .nd hi. group believe 1. rl^ulrUMyTil^ Govermnent Wh.t tendency 1„ the «kJ,| moren.ent.nH 1? J"™*'' *^ "^'e^^on of •Wy be enacted Into jL ^'1.' ** ***" °' *''''' «>""' will prob- .ftcment of hl. view, on the Jro'lIerof^^Cpii^^^^ "" ""• Aiy own view about the camnui^ r ^ ■r '1 I ( V iU INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES Ruskin and Morris were in many respects fool- ish medievalists, but I always think that in their insistence that the work itself, not wages or ownership or anything else, was the central prob- lem, they were in the true English tradition. I think the future historian of the English work- ing-class moven-ynt will regard it as a calamity that they never really converted the trade-union movement to take theh* ideas seriously and make them practical. Instead, the trade-unionists were gradually led astray (as Morris was, too) by the invasion of Marxian ideas from Germany, which has put the whole labor movement in a false position for a generation; for it has made the most independent section of the most indi- Tidualistic people in the world profess the creed of Socialism without knowing what it is, with the odd result that th. Independent Labor party, which introduced Socialism into the labor move- ment in the late eighties, is now engaged in the far more congenial task of combating state supremacy. However, this is all a digression to explain why I think the time is ripe for a new orientation 90 w LABOR he re. thing „e must dm at The craft JL joy m ,ts pu« f„™ i, ,„,. ,„j ^^ ™» » tude and self-discipline Th^ ii-„ i- u race of artists Th. ^''^ ^"S''* "" not a I artists. They are a race of practical M. sociable, industrious people wiCJ ^»^.l average of abihty. Such people do not "bte satisfaction out of theu- daily work and «.. SOC.1 .tmosphe.. iu „^,^ ^^ ^^t'Sap tte chief natural source of that satis^^^t That IS why I believe that all these expedients rf ^«:rrLV::''°-'^ — touch Th^ is another point, which I think is very 8«dm« the choice of employment. I believe tt^< without any other ch«,ges at all. you yd simply put all mispU.«l square pegs toto enormous amount to increase "satisfactioJ!!! ■' i if J 1^: t '''f ^1 :: INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES This is a problem of keeping the working-class child at school long enough to be able to discover its special bent, and then providing skilled voca- tional guidance. A lot of work has been done on these lines by Thomdike, Bloomfield, and others in the United States, and we could do vastly more here. I think monotony should be met by regular ar- rangements for varying the job. There is a vast amount of experiment to be done on these lines. I expect you would find that the East-Enders who go hopping in Kent work all the better for it afterward. Leisure, of course, is being dealt with by the Workers' Educational Association, but I think we are only at the beginning of the communal provision of leisure and of real education for the ^ adult citizen. This is one of the main functions of a university in a modem community, and its buildings ought to be systematically used for such purposes in vacation time. In fact, the ed- ucational plant, like the factory plant, ought never to be idle. This brings me to the poet and the artist. I have thought a good deal about their absence, be- 92 LABOR cause I have the example of Athens constantly in my mmd. I think the main reasons are two • (1) That the modern world is too noisy and confused We need absolutely to cultivate quiet. The telephone, for instance, is a devil's invention for heavmg up delicate growths of thought by the roots. Most of our possible modern poets are journalists; that is, they never keep their poetry in till it is mature. This is speciaUy true in the Umted States, which is a land overflowing with imagination and creative feeling, which hardly ever materiahzes in enduring literary lorms. ' (2) We lose a huge amount of our artistic and poetic material by our neglect of education in adolescence. The reasons why modem town hf e has not produced its Robert Burns is that the modem mdustrial system crushes men's sph-it in adolescence and drives them to drink or worse from which they emerge, if at all, incapable of the' biggest work. I don't think we can ever hope to reform our social system without the artist's help, because only the artists can give our industrial workers a standard. Democracy in industry is all very 9S ■t I ^\ni INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES well up to a point, but masons and bricklayers are no more qualified to design a house than navvies are to decide on how a bridge is to be built. The bridge will tumble and the house will be ugly. This is the fallacy of the arts and crafts movement, which seems to assume that hard work, creative energy, and j jy can produce beauty. But beauty has laws as sure as the laws of dynamics, and only a combination of natural ndowment and hard thinking can discover them. The artist is before all things a scholar. To be a painter or an architect is to be at school and to have a school, as the Italians knew. But schol- ars are rare. Let us find those we have, and honor them and listen to them; but do not let us flatter the workman by telling him he is equally competent to make then* decisions, or that he can experience the same creative and reflective joy. firri (< h k I 94 ! ^..I CHAPTER III WOMEN EMANCIPATION To-day women are facing the same hard fight for political recognition and industrial status that men faced one hundred years ago. They are taxed without being represented; they are worked without being properly paid. No phrase sums up the measure of their desires, for the desire to be free is larger than any policy, and creates its program in action. And with each gain the desire grows greater and more definite, and extends the program commensurate with its own sense of life. At no moment and at no point can it be codified, because it is under way. And this desire, propelling the woman's move- ment, is only one projection of a deep and po- tent instinct that is operating through men and women, through nations and classes. Already it has set Europe on fire. It may yet sweep the world. This impulse of creative force has 95 1 I I i H li i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES weUed up from the depths of life and gone out in many directions. As nationality, it has stirred France and Poland and Croatia. It has seethed through the colonies and turned the empire into the British Commonwealth. It has touched the labor movement into a revolutionary force. I saw the drive at Ypres. I circled Verdun and heard those guns. I have seen three hundred thousand men massed in a small area, and the regiments of relief swinging up the dusty road. But I hear other marching feet than those, and I know that this war is a little thing compared with what the silent millions are soon to be doing to this old earth. The hammers of their recon- struction ,vill make louder thunder than any of Picardy. The world is struggling to set itself free, and there has been no such stirring in a century. This movement toward freedom may be shackled and turned to base uses, like the forces liberated by the French Revolution; but the vigor and contagion of the movement are as yet beyond the control of any authority, and may achieve a great reconstruction before they die away. This creative impulse the women of to-day 96 :f .. ■,:i^ ! M *■' WOMEN »h«e with the miners of South Wales and the poets and pe.«.nts of Ireland. The "woman question" has been segregated as if it were a unique and m^elated problem which could be handled m a water-tight compartment. The purpose of the woman's movement, both trade- umon and suffrage, is to integrate the "woman question" with the general movement toward democratic control. The charge has been made that women Uck the capacity for organization, that they do not possess the mitive and instinc tive cohesion that finds expression in trade- umons. The answer of their leaders is that ah- «nce of organization is a characteristic of un- stalled, lU-paid, and casual labor, whether that hbor IS male or femde. Where women have been admitted to skiUed trades, as in the cotton mdustry, they have formed powerful miions and kept s^ep with the men. Failure to organize is not a failure of sex. It is a matter of trainmg. opport.^ty, and wages. As fast as skilled trades are thrown open, as fast as men's trade- umons mibolt the door, as fast as a living wage IS paid, women respond with the same qualities of cohesion, the same faculty of organization, the 97 I Ml' ll ■■;■ ■ hi I' a i Hi mm INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES same understanding of the principle of demo- cratic controj, that men have revealed. But to be granted this chance to display capac- ity for self-government in industry the vote is net^ssary. The vote is necessary because wages tend to slide down when the worker is impotent politically. The woman worker is unable to brmg pressure on employers and the Govern- ment to enforce her demands. As an instance, the leaders point to the underpayment which has been given for over two years to many thousands of women in government-controlled establish- ments. Even in a period of high wages, women workers in large numbers have been existing on a weekly return of three or four dollars. A liv- ir'r wage is five dollars a week, and even that is severely low at the present prices. Granting the difference in cost of living between America and England, which is ceasing to be a wide differ- ence, the recent decision of Massachusetts for a minimum wage of $8.50 a week for the woman gives a better standard of living than the British Government minimum of a pound a week. To obtain such a minimum in the sweated industries 98 WOMEN the women «y they require the vote ., a meth«l Of bringing pressure on the Government But they also «,y they must have the vote in order to win the full eodpe^tion of the men's trade-unKins. Actually, male Ubor will make a ■„!vir ™ "" ""'''"™« ™""y "ho will mevitably beat down the wage-seale. But to make the men see the desirability of ineluding women m the fight for the high standard of Uv! ing, the women must come with political power m their hands. Without the vote, the men re- «.rd them as a multitude of claimants, doubling Uie cost of org«,izati„n, doubhng the number of t1"sf of tt " T" "' ""^' '* " *" the in- terest of the male trade-miions to welcome women workers even if they remain unenfran- ^d. It «.» their interest because, if women ZZT^H :' '*'''• """'*'«""* ""o^gHnized, they will be used to scab the labor markel The »» s tr^Je-uni^is wiU be swamped by this new labor supply, unprotected and competing for iW I I' 3* '-*- h-f .^.■.. "r^ **•♦«», »f,'l.v»»,\*^% .., . J I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES jobs. To save reconstruction from such mis- takes, the women wish the vote so that they will be permitted to join male labor in the common fight. The reconstruction which is under way much of it the blind operation of natural forces' some of it the careful program of industrial thmkers, will be incomplete if women are omitted from the trade-unions' councils and the par- liamentary committees. Great Britain and Germany were the two nations of the modern world where the male mind was in full control of the channels of influence before the war. That woman's fields of activity were church, children, and kitchen was believed m England as in Prussia. The average man thought woman a slightly inferior creature, polit- ically incompetent, industriaUy incapable, men- tally ill endowed. Unconsciously, he has wished to keep her in the ranks of an unrepresented, exploited, and casual-labor class. It has re- quired an immense force of concentrated will a wide-spread organization, and a constantly exerted pressure of what Mr. Lloyd-George caUs "strident nagging" for woman to win the power- ful, but now very delicately balanced, position 100 WOMEIV •"rause it is able to enforce it. „i v ^' •nd economic power t^ ™.' '' '~"""' unconscious, or mL- f „""'•?'*" *"'' tfce person 4 cCZ' °""""''™' *»™Pt «» cmtfe o„J, 1 ?"««»« « measure of demo- Fawoett. Zv^Z^'Ct^''^''"- Mrs Phil,„ « / "• Pe™!*"- Beeves, BUcr^rf ! "" *''"''»~' CJementin. fonners. basing their proLam nf v in^ive invest^,,, ^-™J^--°n «nfl Tr " ^«*'"« '"^^OP condition, and bad-home conditions. It is conLr^!7 -^ woman as an industrial worker .„drr^„r n !.« . pmgran. of refom. that deab S 101 T in p. ■^fi'.^-^^- *w,- i> I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES woman in each of her two capacities. It is fight- ing to free the narrow* suppressed middle-class woman, to give her a good life of self-expression. It is fitting to enable high-powered, well- educated women to count in the life of the com- munity, to win for them fuller representation at the universities, a larger measure of influence in civil service and in government committees con- cerned with industrial conditions and community welfare. Suffrage and trade-unions are two of the instruments with which to achieve status through organization. In a matter so vast and various as the woman's movement any positive statement of aim and direction is likely to be disputed. It would be knpossible that the leaders should be committed to one single reform or set of measures. Each group apprehends a special need with intensity. What to get and how to get it are not seen single- eyed by these groups with the calm concentration of Tammany Hall. The catalogue of their names shows the variety of their activities: Women's Ijabor League, the National Fed- eration of Women Workers, the Women's Trade-Union League, Women's Industrial 102 hH WOMEN Council, Women's Cooperative Guild, the Wom- en's Municipal Party. Catholic Women's League, and many more. And of suffrage societies there are the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, the Women's Social and Political Umon, the Conservative and Unionist Women's Franchise Association, the Women's Liberal Federation (and Forward Suffrage Union), the Catholic Women's Suffra^ «: ociety. the Worn- ens Freedom League, the .National Industrial and Professional Women's Suffrage Society, the New Union, the New Constitutional Society, the League of the Society of Friends, the People's Suffrage Federation, the Actresses' Franchise League, the Society of Women Grad- uates, the Women Writers' Suffrage League the Younger Suffragists, the London Graduates* Umon for Women's Suffrage, the Gymnastic Teachers' Suffrage Society, the Artists' League, the Suffrage Atelier, and many other organiza- tions. In what follows I give only a massing together of personal impressions from talks with many women interested in the forward move- ment. I think that every one would ratify some part of the program. Probably none would 103 r if • « ,» l INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES authorize the full program as embodying her own activity and desire. What I thmk the woman's movement of Great Britain is aiming at in their fight for status, which will be mainly waged through the instruments of trade-unions and suffrage, includes: (1) Economic independence. To understand this, we have got to clear our talk of popular phrases. One of the portmanteau phrases of our day is that of "women going into industry." Women always were in industry till recently. Idle and unoccupied women were the exception in the older England. The Victorian Age in terms of human welfare was in this respect a reactionary age. The old-time industry of women was of course home industry. When most of the productive employments were lifted out of the home, women remained in the home, throwing a dead-weight on the productivity of the nation that it never before had to carry. The woman had always been a pro- ducer of clothing and food, and had shared the burden of requirements demanded by the household. Suddenly the man was left stand- ing alone, with the weight of a wife and chil- 104 WOMEN dren, sister and aunt, on his single powers of production. That very recent institution, the man-supported family, is a failure. It is a fail- ure because the individual man alone cannot buy the food, the lodging, and the clothing which make the physical basis of a good life. Slum- dwellmg, under-nourishment, and disease are the proof that the man has failed to carry the burden of several human beings on his single pair of shoulders. The immense nmnbers of mmiarried men (over three million), the restriction of the birth-rate, are further proofs of the breakdown of that modern and bad institution, the man- supported family. The present well-being of hundreds of thousands of working-men's homes is due to the fact that one and two and even three women are now wage-earners who before "helped around the house." It is not alone that the wage to the individual man has gone up for perhaps one third of the working population; it is that multitudes of women are earning money to-day who before were unemployed. I found in the Du Cros factory, for instance, that the majority of the women were the wives and relatives of the men workers who had gone to war. In the old 105 4 > ! I I i I- *' -^'*^--»*»'w-.*««,,^>.. ^.. I I !■ ! Off M I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES days no one said, "A woman's proper place is the home," meaning by the home a retreat stripped of productive industry. The home meant a place of manufacture, where the woman shared with the man the burden of production. The problem of the future is this: now that her work is at a geographical distance from her home, has she the vitality to carry on her activity at two widely separated points? It was simple to turn from the milking in the shed to the baby in the kitchen ; but it is an unsolved problem how to rear a family in a side street and tend a lathe in the Woolwich Arsenal. War work for women has sharpened this problem. It is still an open ques- tion whether the excellent wage made by the young mother has been a sufficient offset to the fact of her absence from home. I have had testi- mony that the children under five years of age, left in the hands of relatives or friends, are better cared for because of the increased family budget. I have also had testimony that the actual care of the yoimg child is not as good as when the mother is at home. With overtime and war strain, all former investigations would go to show that the 106 WOMEN pressure of the last two and a half year, on the org«,.am of the woman will prove a perJne* d-a^ to the future of the race. The hTuIg whe« large number, have been shoveled togrthef far from home is admittedly bad. The L« fc^am journeys and the lack of moral oversight for «>e younger women are also admittedly bad. ^«e « an ^mense amount of spade work to be done before we know even the factors in the woman question. We must study the full cu^e of the woman's hfe, her adolescence, the chanimur curve of wifehood and motherhood, the „S re.ct.ons in relation to function. We havIZ^ generalising on the "nature of woman"^ente h.™ on^y the slightest psychological basis. It i^ u»pos«b e to formulate a policy or even a pro- «^am before we have a multitude of record^ observafons. I„ ph.ce of these we are tre^^ ^iarge and noisy claims and vehement denlb Wo.^en en masse have done their best by go.t a ead and acting; but social students ha'vf :^^ done the,r best, because they have joined the movement and swelled the volume of voil mstead of extracting the data. 107 ■If/ V ■; t ■i I • 1 1 • '_-'-^'-T-»>.«»««»»^, IJ ' If %m 1 f Viflv^ *f*^^tH^r.*^,^ f ««„ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES To return to the list of aims in the woman's movement. I think that women believe that better status will be obtained by (2) Increased sociability. It is not alone for the economic reason that woman enters the indus- trial world in increasing numbers and, as in this war, joyfully exchanges the home and domestic service for the life of the factory. Industry is sociable. Its organization, the various contacts of relationship, answer a craving in her nature as in the man's. Life has become an increasingly friendly thing dbwn the ages, and the lonely servant or housewife misses a fulfihnent which even the underpaid shop girl finds. That the shop girl fails of values which the working-man's wife possesses is equally true. It is for the future to include both sets of values in the one life. In our overstress of economic determinism we are apt to forget that people do things because they wish to, as well as because they have to. So in all the maladjustments of women in industry we must remember that they are enjoying the conditions that surmund the new work— the asso- ciations, the sociabihty— better than they enjoyed the isolated, unproductive home. To overstate 108 WOMEN the injustice and suffering of the industrial Situation shows a lack of perspective on human history. Comfort and well-being, the margin of leisure, the elements of happiness, are greater for the mass people than at any other period. A sullenness and despair have gone from the earth. The curse is being remov--' Women are ah-eady sharing in this bettermenc, and they have recently elected the industrial world as a field of activity not because the factory process or the department-store dfetail offers in itself a worthier work than the caVe of children, but in part because the conditions surrounding the industrial world are freer and friendlier than the household conditions. There is an atmosphere of change and growth and sociability in paid work, and a freedom of hours when the work is done. There IS probably smaU answer to many needs of woman's nature in clerical routine or mechanical process work in factory, office, and store. It is doubtless as sorry a thwarting of full self-ex- pression for her as it is for the man. But she finds a partial answer to her needs, a partial ex- pression, in the act of going out to a work of definitely assigned hours, of money payment, of 109 H I! .1 I ii: if fi \l ■ if : \^ > i ■1 III 'I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES set periods of freedom and recreation, of associa- tion with a group of fellow-workers, and Ihe wider opportunity for social intercourse on self- respecting terms with men. And so we come to what I believe is implicit in the movement toward industrial work for women. I am sure that one reason why they do not care to remain half occupied in their own homes, and why the best of them scorn domestic service, is that they wish: (8) A freedom of choice in selecting the mate —a freedom which was imperfectly granted to the woman in the restricted domestic area where she formerly passed her life. She has rejected the old policy of passive waiting while she played the role of dutiful daughter and older sister, cul- minating in the grayness of unselected "old maid," the aunt and nurse of other people's chil- dren. To obtain this freedom of choice she has stepped out into the wider arena of the industrial world. Between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five she is often not a determined worker in this field. She puts her spending money into attractive clothes and "a good time" as an in- vestment in aiding her to select a mate. 110 WOMEN (4) An equality in the home. As a waire- m the household. She becomes one of the two heads of the household, and ceases to be the un- paid housekeeper. is ti* L";"!; l^' '"P''* "'""« <" her nature « to be Wed The old-time home did not fuUy meet th« need, because love is based on equality, and she was not an equal. (6) InteUectual and spiritual recognition. She w,*es her mentality, the quahties of her be- mg. to be understood by the man she loves and to be used ,n the life of the commumty. She has »pac.t,es for municipal housekeeping, for wel- fare Ieg,sh.t.on, for civfl service, which wiU en- rich the state. (7) A community motherhood. A maioritv of w^en will find self-expression in the Lme^ but there wJI always be large numbers who will turn to the outer world to express then, mother- mg .nstmct. They will expre«, it by nursing scho^l-teaching, reform movements^ welfl^' work, and in the humanizing of industry. (8) Career impulse. Increasing numbers of women find the same fultoess of life in certain 111 : ■ t 'If W 'I , INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES forms of modern work that men find. They are developing directive capacity, accuracy, a mas- tery over large groups of facts and a power of generalization. Finally, we come to the most fundamental of all the claims made by women. They wish: (9) Birth-control. The modem woman wishes a final voice in the decision as to the num- ber of her ofl'spring. She refuses to place her- self at the disposal of the man, to be used as he sees fit. Many feminists will angrily deny that this is a tendency of the woman's movement. Probably no leader will state openly that this tendency exists among modem women. But the vital statistics of the various countries establish the fact, and Great Britain, apart from the low- est elements of the population, has for forty years revealed a faUing birth-rate. One can exempt many persons and many groups from the im- plication that they have furthered this tendency, and stiU be weU inside what the facts show in stating that a powerful portion of the woman's movement, while not openly advocating birth- control, have nevertheless practised it, and that the emancipation of women is proceeding to the 11« WOMEN •ceompaniment of , falling birth-rate. The un- Tnihngness here to state the belief on whieh one ^ .s probably the last relic of the shame of ,e. wh.ch English and Americ«,s share in equal measure. ^ The rektionship of worker to master has P«sed through sUvery. serfdom, and the wa~! nexus up to free labor. The rehtionship of women „d man has had no such sharp stages, « by a time division. But woman 1^ been, variously and sometimes in the single rela- bonship, the instrument of household se4e. the mstrument of pleasure, «,d the instrumen of race procreation. ^ none of these relationships, as houn, squaw, or mother in Israel, has she been ae free agent. Her position has been assigned her by m«.. The code of ethics governing her conduct has been created by what man thinks .bout her, and what he decrees she ought to be and to produce. He has assigned the limits, the conditions «,d the kind of her activity. As she steps out into freedom, and. in particJar, strik a balance between her function as worker and ct^e,, and her function of motherhood, she pre- sents the community with this far-reaching prob- 113 ) » •I I' h1 :! III *;{/1' \' - i ■i t . Ill ' < ^ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES lem of birth-control. In what is one of the few great books of this century, "Why Men Fight." I read: Very large numbers of women, when they are suiR- ciently free to think for themselves, do not desire to have children, or at most desire one child in order not to miss the experience which a child brings. There are women who are intelligent and active-minded who resent the slavery to the body which is involved in hav- ing children. There are ambitious women, who desire a career which leaves no time for children. There are women who love pleasure and gaiety, and women who love the admiration of men; such women will at least postpone child-bearing until their youth is past. All these classes of women are rapidly becoming more nu- merous, and it may be safely assumed that their num- bers will continue to increase for many years to come. It is too soon to judge with any confidence as to the effects of women's freedom upon private life and upon the life of the nation. But I think it is not too soon to see that it will be profoundly different from the effect expected by the pioneers of the women's move- ment. Men have invented, and women in the past have often accepted, a theory that women are the guardians of the race, that their life centers in motherhood, that all their instincts and desires are directed, consciously or unconsciously, to this end. Tolstoy's Natacha Illustrates this theory: she is charming, gay, liable to 114 WOMEN p.».ion. until .he i, ^.rrfed; then ,he become, merely « virtuous mother wifl,««* •«=«^ouie. merely •ult ha. tI* . X ""^ •"*"**' "'*• Thi. re- m,t ed that .t ,. very de.irable from the point of view of the nation, whatever we may think of it i^ rera " Probably common among women who are phv.icalJv vigorous and not highly civilized n„f • ^7"*=*"^ France and England ft ZT' • '°""*"''' "''^^ Mnr„ J '='°«'»nd It 18 becoming increasingly rare " .c,r r™/"" "■°*'""'°°- ™-'w^^^.' ■ !..« . bologicl .d™t,^; gr.du.Ily , r.ce "II grow up .hieh .ill be inperviou.Io .U the .Lul -.. . p..o,i ::.::■.;;' ^,^i"^ -r ""--^ side th» 1, J "'^^ "*^ "° interests out- h.ve v.i„l7 r r '*" °' "'"™"°' domiD.tion l>«ve v«„lj, „n,e„ lo .chieve, i, likely („ be ihe «n.l 115 ^ I I I M • ; .11 &.. ill: *« 'I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES to enter upon a wider sphere than that to which the jealouay of men confined them in the pwt. On the other hand, in a recent talk which I had with Havelock EUis he expressed himself r wholly m favor of the birth-control movement. He believes it will tend to do away with war and poverty. He spoke with approval of the pub- hcity campaign carried on in America by Mrs. Sanger, and he showed me a copy of a little maga- zme of birth control, issued in Cleveland. Ohio In his Irtest book, "Essays in War-Time," he writes: It used to be thought that small families were im- moral. We now 'oegin to see that it was the large iam- ilies of old which were immoral. Quality rather than quantity is the racial ideal now set before us He speaks of the evil Russian factory condition, a. the natural and inevitable result of a high birth-rate in an era of expanding industrialism. Here is the goal of unrestricted reproduction, the same among men as among herrings. This is the ideal of those persons, whether they know it or not, who in their criminal rash- ness would dare to arrest that faU in the birth-rate which IS now beginning to spread its beneficent influ- ence in every civilized land." He sees birth-control as a natural process, with 116 WOMEN rtctow. To ™pr„ve the environment is to check rep^duction," «, ,h.t bi,th-e„ntro 1^ . "«• i hose who desire . high bhth-n^te -de,™,, whether they know it of not. thet ^ot poverty. ,gnor«„e, ,nd wretched™,™." AU tlu, concern, jhe nation within it«lf. With the heart of the problem, the next chapter deal. Were confronted here by the most LiCt tendency in modern civihzation. A, yTC^ T"y " -•* »"»ec or with rhetori^ Z^s Mosaic morahty or . c.ll„„, cymcism ; bu, .p.! t^nt study there is little. The modern womj^ bon of Ubor, and mUon rules. «k1 .u ,he rest, -but no other p«,blem so ,e«,:hing. so funi^ race, the nation, and the world. Like every other living and growing thing the wonian's movement will continue to pLkT and we shall catch up with it only to ^T^ has' «-ung out far ahead and over a wider s^ 117 hi ! il n INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES THE FEMINISTS OF THE WAE OFFICE AND ADMIRALTY The War Office and the Admiralty are prov- ing themselves in this war daring innovators of radicalism. They wiU be ranked in the futm-e alongside of the syndicalists and the state social- ists as initiators of a new social order. They have accepted the "new morality" of the most advanced school of Ellen Key. and have enacted it into legislation. What they have done is to concede the claims of "sex agitators" and grant an en- dowment for maternity to the women of Great Britain. They have not paused at orthodox motherhood, sanctioned by court and church, but in their impetuous feminism they have legitimized unions without the benefit of clergy, and are car- ing for unmarried wives and mothers. They have made the advanced program of the woman's movement their own, and have swaUowed whole the scouts, cavalry fringe, and lonely outposts of sex radicalism. The British people had largely confined the woman's question to a suf- frage and trade-union movement, a political movement. They had fought shy of the sex iw- 118 Pications (mate n t,, i ^ 'o„^ been LI? Brt"™!! """''"' the audacious pio„ee^rf«! ' °"' ■"'" ''""'^ opened the f.i o^iT^'' "'^ '"''y ^-^^ --a„dtin.idX:::;hiirt*«'.« «nd HaveCt Hl"?!,'™'^'"^ "^ 'f kitchener >atH>™tio„.'lSi« /-''f » denial CO,. « powerful dynami 'r ^ ^""^ *"' P™ved '-'««e„dth~::^rrir'~'- " the new British o«™ ' ^ '* ^'^^ ^'eated ennn«de!tti~,;r,=''""'"'^' -"-^o- -nore equahty it «„„ f "«*' '* '' '"' toP. the But nXng it Irr """"« "^ "°»"'Pts. oW orderl to e ; " " "*^'"'- °f the Into what fresh fieldTtn^f"' ,• ' ""'*^""^- officers and sea-lf:^; :y'S- the staff- eominif months no observe, *i, ""* ^^ predict. TOserver mU now date Eleanor Rathbone the f.o^ x Of Liverpool, says of ^L ^nt "" """^'^^ feminists: '°'^**'y «°d naval 119 !i - J . I'm •I Iw. if; INSIDE THE Bl^ITISH ISLES In the system of separation allowances they have been conducting what is, in effect, the greatest experi ment that the world has ever seen in the State endow- ment of maternity. At the outbreak of the present war separation allowances were promised, first to the wives and children, and afterwards, in succession, to all other classes of dependents of both soldiers and sailors. The scale is sufficient at least to place the large majority of dependents of soldiers and sailors in as good or better a position financially than that which they occupied before the war. The separation allow- ance is the possession of the wife and not of the hus- band, and cannot be drawn by him even with her con- sent. Thus, the allowance has, in fact (whatever the intention of the Government may have been), two char- acteristics which we should expect to find in a sys- tem of State endowment of maternity, viz.: it is a statutory payment to a woman in respect of her func- tions as wife and mother, and it is proportionate in amount to the number of her children. What really matters is not that the greater part of the upper, middle, and upper working-classes restrict their families, but that the strata below them, includ- ing the whole slum population, practise no such re- striction. They multiply quite freely, and public health authorities combine witl» private benevolence to do just enough to keep the babies so bom alive, but not enough to make them healthy. Hence, we are, as a nation, recruiting the national stock in increasing 120 ,'-»-:M. ^- ^. -^.^.^-.^Jl^^-, 1#.-*X&„.J WOMEJV .«tog .nd cutiou. p J„,° 'r ''°°' '*"' '«■ «■•' it give. .„ tt, 3^'J°'; :'■<■ "^ P"oti- it, «d • better chance of kl^^TL^"^ "' '"^ ''"iiie. •ver l«d before. ^ °"^ten«,ce lh«, they have BO back .o thcv o7.uj:";";el'!;^^ "-^ •"■«• '» <»»» been implanted !n ,1, . dwcoalent" will «t«.. a„d .:. ".rieir. a"°.httd'° "^ ''•^'- ~":e:rj.r"- ""--"- "■<•« .t™g„, /pot Me7a: rh*"" *" "'• '™ tugenic «iva„Uge, 1,..^™^ '' b-mamtaria. .„d bav. grasped ^^ ^^Zr^l'^: ^ "-" "> bearing ,„d „.„•„- ,. ." """■ 'bat the work of l-tion of .„ ZcZ*n "hT*'"""'™ " «" «- «.' to the e.i.tr:;xt .: "■;: "■'"'■"-'^ -- «"«.ged i„ th« occupation h«e tol rT" L'" '" •o have their children until ,vl "^ ™'"t«.ned, and ;b»...ve,. The„oi;"ir;^";i.-"hrt'°'"'' irom somewhere. "** *° come TheseseparationalIowancesaretIi.fi ous attempt made by the Gov * ''"■ oy tfte Government to deal 1«1 ' I i1 ' '^if ,1 f. . ii INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES with the question of popuktion, the most funda- mental question which the nation faces. If half a million of the young men are killed or hope- lessly incapacitated by this war, the resources of the country are diminished beyond repair unless a method of replenishment is instituted. Our past method of allowing the slum population to multiply, and forcing our better-class workers to restrict their families, is national suicide. Eng- lish thought is abnost silent on this question of whence the next, generation is to come when the number of the fathers is lessened. There is a buzz of talk on tillage, cattle-raising, fertility of soil, but of how to get the human product there is little said. Bertrand Russell says: It seems unquestionable that if our economic system and our moral standards remain unchanged, there will be, in the next two or three generations, a rapid change for the worse in the character of the population in all civilized countries, and an actual diminution of numbers in the most civilized. There is reason to fear in the future three bad re- sults: first, an absolute decline in the numbers of English, French, and Germans; secondly, as a conse- quence of this decline, their subjugation by less civil- ized races and the extiaction of their tradition ; thirdly, 19» WOMEN . revive „, ,h«r „u„b<,„ „„ . „„^^ c.v.l.«i.„„, .,.„ ge.er..io„. „, selection „, .L .h. of the b.rth.r.te must be somehow .topped. e J."t 1!™ '' °°'' "'•'* 'PP'"'' '° «■« "hole West- rn c.,d...,o„. There i, „„ difficulty in discovering . theorefcl soluUon. but there is great difficulty in ^' he eft tT Z ."'°'" ' '■""''"" '" P-«-. bec.^»e he effects to be feared .re not immediate, .„d the sub- i L'T- °''°" ""* ^^'' '" ""' '" "« l-obil of yg the,r reason. If a rational solution is ever Idol2^ "! r' ""* " °" ''•"• "^ Germany, adopted a ral,onal means of dealing with the matter It would acquire an enonnoas advantage over ether sute, unless they did Ukewise. After the^Iar it is pt- on tl lr:^T """'"•" '"• «*-' "•<- ■"^■ rivjr TW ^ , ''™' °' "'" ■" international ma^ry. Th« mofve, unlike reason and humanity, i. perhaps strong enough to overcome men's objection, to a scientific treatment of the birth-rate. Havelock Ellis suggests the extension of birth- TT\ 'r*"! '"""^ "*"*"*' » ""« population, 80 that the Ignorant and diseased and feeble- minded will not breed out of proportion to the 1«S ; I ( if 'i' ' ■1" .i il I:' I I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES rest of the community. But birth-control alone, even when generally applied inside a nation in- stead of being applied as now only to the intel- ligent and wholesome elements, does not meet the international situation, which is one where the militaristic and autocratic nations, like Germany, Russia, and Japan, go on multiplying, and so al- tering the balance of power. Two wars have re- vealed that a stable population, like the French, no matter what its national well-being and its courage, is not in itself powerful enough to resist the invasion of a military nation superior in num- bers. A generally applied birth-control does not meet the actual situation of an ever-expanding Slav race, with the yellow races in the near back- ground and the early future in world arrange- ments. We cannot rely on an eternal world peace to permit us to reduce the populations of the democracies. If England becomes a nation of a permanent, balanced, static civilization of forty million per- sons, that gives the future to prolific races, and the liberal democratic experiment is doomed. In America we are going this way blindly. Our old stock is practising birth restriction and is pass- WOMEx f«>m souths™ and southeastern F '^'^"'^ process is working t„ «. ""J^^ '"'* «•« ^"iea. andit islLt.''''"*°'' "^ '"^ * >»«* exerc, Jh^' ;';, j^ «>"'"" o^ ou, life is nations we sha/hm "''"""' «^"- trom Puritan New P„ ? ^'""' "' ""^''"rt South as Dublintlfff . r' "'^ *^''™''- .Migration is ttet Xa^T f-^-te. -vesje.;w„^Tr;"ir:T's*r- whether thoLltr::?™ "^ '"°*-' -' provided for. AUo L .? ^'''*'" "« -'" «on are derivatt a" " 7 ^ "' """*"'" "d numerous child popular L "'"^ death-rate by eood „nu T Lowermg the f-«ing birth-ralC'l'" '""■'" "^^°'« And say„g, .-Let „„„^^ IXo ■I ■I i I m ft J r |1 \l'. INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES work in the factories and professions and be mothers at the same time" does not meet the fact that the factory and the home are separate places. "More and better children" is obviously the only solution for a Western democracy in a world where neighboring nations are not under demo- cratic control. So we are forced back to some such answer as that of the feminist movement, led by the War Office and the Admiralty. Do not penalize by poverty the woman who gives sons and daughters to the state; endow mother- hood. Population is a community and state con- cern. A nationalized motherhood is of more im- portance than nationalized railways. The mili- tary authorities have blazed the way by a reck- less disregard of laissez-faire and conventional morality. They have laid down the principle of state guardianship for the profession of mother- hood. It now rests with the common sense of England — a common sense reinforced by the in- stinct of self-preservation — to refuse to permit the great experiment of the War Office and the Admiralty to die away. U6 WOMEN BOWING THEM OUT Ttey wm 1^ -^ '"•' ''"''"' down-stair, process of accelerating theTL^r? ' ^'"' «i«ad.v under way Th *""■ ^'"^ " on the franchise ts ^t^Z^ w^I ~"""''"" evasion of woman » "'^ "*"''• ^'«' « careful UedwrnSetftSZ"'"'^"'^ - etaing majority. ^, Z7 XZt°7 members came to voic" in rt. f ** «We to speak for "71.^ °"*°'" "'«' ""« >"" "ervi^K Witt th! ^ """^ "•'""^^ "^ «■« claim rit^^uT"- ^"■^'^ had the first '''^chcon:y:^„r^-;^j'^.adition «- should be maintained. ^^1;*?^ "^ ' euion in their absence would h. • ' ''*" The man «t .1. T ""J"'' *o them." time in ZLl^ 'Ti " """« ""'^«' — then the ghostly projection of him 1«7 f f ' '■1 ^^11 V .!■■ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES is yanked back to elderly gatherings in London to protest against alterations in the ancient way of doing things. So woman's fight for recognition reaches its third campaign. In the days before the war there was a dead-weight of opposition, made up of ignorance, distrust of change, and sex scorn. Then came the need of woman's help in five hun- dred processes of industry, in medicine, and organization. If girls made shells, steered de- livery-wagons, cpnducted hospitals, served on the police force, managed business, and adjusted in- dustrial disputes, there was little cogency in say- ing that women could not do man's work. As one of the women who helped to puU England through said : "Before the war women were only the mothers of men. Now they had risen to the dizzy heights of the makers of machine-guns." The tide was with them, and every wind that blew filled their sails. Now comes the third and bitterest phase of the long fight. "Thank you kindly, but it is time for you to go." Bad years are ahead for the women of England. But let no one worry unduly. They have come to stay, and they will obtain the lis WOMEN vote. During the transition period, when the shell factories are becoming industrial plants, when the returning soldiers will have first call on the jobs, when the men's trade-unions are making up their minds whether women are their aUies or their enemies, and when Parliament is deciding whether its ancient, solitary reign will be mo- lasted by these energetic new-comers, the female semi-skilled workers will have a severe experi- ence. The unskilled workers will have the same sordid experience they have always had. This period of transition may extend through several years. Gradually the creation of new indus- tries, making use of the new automatic machinery introduced under war pressure, will again offer jobs to the demobUized women. Winning the suffrage, women will have the power to enforce their demands for proper payment, and as voters they will suddenly become welcome additions to the male trade-unions, and together they will con- tinue the fight for a high standard of living for both men and women. About eight hundred thousand women have recently entered industry, transport, commerce, government employment, and agriculture Five U9 Hi A' hi ■ni ' INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES hundred thousand of these are busy in munition- making. This increase came from five classes: first, more than one hundred thousand came from domestic servants; second, from the ranks of out- door workers and small employers; third, from women remaining in industry after marriage and to a later age, and girls fresh from school; fourth, married women, widows, former dependents, returning to employment; fifth, middle-class women, society women, entering industry and commerce. i Many of these women will return to the home at the close of the war, but a large percentage have come to stay. All these have replaced the man in semi-skiUed and unskilled work, one woman for one man. This is direct substitution. Indirect substitution is found when woman takes the place of an unskiUed or a semi-skUled man who in turn takes the place of a fully skilled man. Group substitution is when a group of women takes the place of a smaUer group of men, and substitution by rearrangement when women, plus automatic machinery, do work previously requir- ing skilled workers. The introduction of women ISO WOMEN by these methods of substitution is virtually gen- era! throughout the trades. In mechanical engineering, in "controUed" firms, the money wages received on piece-work are far above those earned by women before the ^ar. Ten dollars a week is rather common, and mstanees of thirteen dollar a week day-rates are known. By a series of orders a minimum wage of a pound a week for forty-eight hours has gradually been established. In the cotton trade, boot-and-shoe industry, bleachmg and dyeing, woolen and worsted, china and earthenware industries, and tailoring, wages have been much bettered during the war. The same care in substitution has not been made m agriculture, in biscuit and bread, rubber works confectionery and sweets. The woman's wage here has tended to increase during the war but probably not to equal the man's rate Summing up, the substitution of women for men has increased the money wage for women. In trades with definite agreements the women's i^es approximate the men's. Where there has been no agreement, the women's wage has been 181 r 1^ ' INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES better than before the war. but is still far too low. Of women in women's work, in the fuse and powder trades, as the result of arbitration, a gain has been made. In electrical engineering and telephone work, except for certain cases, the rate has changed but little. Why has woman won a decided advance in mechanical engineering and not in electrical engineering? The answer is that she is organized in mechanical engineering. Skilled groups of women workers in the power- machine trade have won real advances. In sugar confectionery, tailoring, and shirt-making a fair advance has been made. But aU three trades are closely related to war work. Where the woman's trade organization has been strong she has ob- tained a decided rise in wages, whether she has been doing women's work or substitution work in men's jobs. But the bulk of women's indus- tries have not kept step with the increased cost of living, nor has substitution for men necessarily obtained the man's full rate. Munition-workers have obtained a fair minimum promised them by the Government exactly in so far as their organ- izations have enforced the promise. It is clear, then, that it is possible at any time Ids ^1: WOMEN to obtain . decided advance in women's wa«s in be obt«ned when, and not until when, thetod women h^velre'^'"^"""^"-""-'" ^^So^'^Str^"'^""'"''"'"^*'- "eiore. What has been done with it? If ^ gone into mill. f„r tfe children, meat for a few meals a week instead of once a ; "k W ;! *e rooms, a cle«> blouse for the little^, I"'" toe-show for all the children It b. ? ""^vings. IthaspurctTeds^isr;'"*" P-ious of all things' M^S^^^^''^, «nd a sense of well-being. TotZ^T^ the life of manv nf tk ""^ ™e »"» tmie m been obli^T """"" ""y '""'« ""t °fen obhged to go under-nourished a Hm- Pmched. a little chilly, dressed in a 'b It »tMnps them of the lower class Th! k off the faded shawl, the d^ bETr "fc-^.tr.wh.va^bootswIJht^;''*:- «.em have r»t!^f"« "T ^ *•■•« «ome of m tare rented a p,.no for the home. «,d now 168 J Jl INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES have a bit of fun and music in crowded rooms ? I have a friend who has oversight of some thou- sands of these workers. He told me of a girl who bought three suits of silk underwear at thirty-seven shillings a suit. It is nice to feel well-dressed from the skin out, when all the days • of one's youth one has been in the uniform of the poor. But he told me another thing. When one of the workers died of consumption, he sold 228 tickets at sixpence, a shUling, and half a crown each among the other workers for the widow and two children. Every week has its benefit for some family of the shop. Every week, with an open hand, the workers pay out their money for concert or theatrical entertainment to make a fund for people in trouble. For hundreds of thousands of these women the years of war have brought the first free spending money they have ever known, and there is something appeal- ing, if we knew it, in the history of every shilling they have spent. The war has introduced grave dangers to the health of women by night work; overtime; hot atmospheric conditions such as occur in certain 184 H !!•■.' ;1 Women «»« «nd the daneers of « . "" P"«- *he women lie flat nr. *u n ^ * ^ °"*' and Ic institution to ZZl "^ "^ '^^ P''^ ^^sa, sanitation an,? « T; *° ®**«*>^"h clean- '-«t the old work „„T °"^' remember '"e s«ne extZ^t ^ t^^ " T" *° «- *» "isp^babiethat" Iom:ClT ^ ''"• oessed forever Com™ ^^ *"^«» have «d faney "weetrz^m^r ■'"'"■'^^• «««« suek up one raZ^tZ "" " ^' "omen. He house that klr,! ^. ''""'"•» «nt» will keep ten i}^ •? '^'^four serv- "*>'• With one. ^S :2 "d""" ""^ "-^ -•« to go but forward *^'"' '■»■ "omen CoSrCr:^^;:^^- ^0 one know. t i I' H u mi Ms. INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES swift conversion to the trades of peace. The great steel firms anticipate an undiminished de- mand for their produce. What made shells will be turned into railway supplies, for instance. Already they have orders that guarantee the^m- mediate future — orders from Great Britain and Russia. They state that they will continue the women at work and will at the same time fit in the men. But such a report is unusual. There are men's trade-unions, as in the in- stance of the transport-workers, who stood by the job until the women received the same rate of pay that they possessed. One or two other men*s unions have promised to make the same fight after the war for the women. But these instances of rendering the work of reconstruction easy are unique, and the women must probably make their own fight, unaided by the Govern- ment, by the men's trade-unions, and by the em- ployers. Unorganized and unenfranchised, they will be the center of unrest and suffering, a run- ning sore in industry, imperiling the standard of living established by the men's organizations, scabbing wages, and weakening the trade-union movement. With votes and wide-spread unions, 188 i(;! WOMEN t^Z'^ '"~°» « "W element in the emanci- What women f«» at the end of the war i, the d.«>, mto whieh they fell at the beginning of the war, when over a million and a half of em- ployed women were thrown out of work or placed Lf^^MI T- ^'"' ""^ """»« "f P"- the semi-skJled women wiU be demobiIi«d from the mumtiona factories and dumped upon the Ubor market. At the same time two and a half mil- lion men WiU leave war trades and flood the labor market And the army wiU be demobilized. Muchofthenew machinery createdfor war needs W.U be a™Uable for the industries of pe«»; but the penod of tr««ition will be long, because the mt^V w ^.""^"^''^ *° *■" "'^ «q"-ments, markets for the pr«luct developed, «.d capital found. It may be two years, it may be five years, before what has been a sheU factory be- «.mes an engineering plant, turning out an equal volume of production. During the time in which the busmess ,s finding itself the women worker, are gomg to be the last chss in the labor market 1^ Tf r* '^*^ "''' ''^«'' «mi-skilled. and m«k,Iled worke« returning from the army, 189 H' ■ I I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES the men munition-workers, the partly wounded soldiers, will have prior consideration. They will be safeguarded by a carefully wrought scheme of demobilization, by a properly adjusted unemployment insurance, by a pension system. It rests with the women, by agitation and pres- sure, to establish for themselves a standard of living, and to hold fast to the undoubted immense gains they have made during the war. The task is probably not one primarily of creating work. The rebuilding of Belgium and northern France, the deterioration of plant in Great Britain, the closer industrial association of England with her colonies, the needs of Russia —all these give promise of a stimukted market for British products. The task is one of organ- ization, devising a machinery for connecting the worker with the job, safeguarding unemploy- ment, and maintaining the standard of living. The new minister of labor Is arranging to breathe h'fe into the sleepy institution of labor exchanges, and to add eight hundred to the number. The Government has offered the extension of com- pulsory unemployment insurance. This meets only the needs of some of the war workers and 140 WOMEN meets those needs only in part. Seven shillings a week amounts to poor relief, and does not re- construct the industrial situation of the total group. Certain of the women leaders have suggested a wide-spread unemployment insurance which sha 1 preserve the standard of living; an analysis of the market as to where workers will be re- quired, with the distribution of such informa- tion through trade-unions and employment ex- Changes; and a supply of blank forms to be filled up by the workers desiring future employment; due notice of dismissal to be given by "con- trolled establishments, and return railway fares to be paid to those workers who have come fn m a distance; and the use of government factories for a continuing national work. Further, they have suggested a system of training in new trades for women displaced from work. Such is the im- mediate program. But back of it hes a deeper need. The sug- gestion has been made for a minimum wage. This could well be made part of the general pol- icy, which was already beginning to be formu- lated before the war for a minimum wage in agri- 141 m i ii i«I »N li mlf: I ' y INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES culture and the underpaid men's trades. Ex- perts had agreed before the war that the primary condition to be met was that, with the least pos- sible delay, all workers of normal ability should receive as an absolute minimum a reasonable liv- ing wage. By this is meant a wage which will enable an adult man to maintain a family of nor- mal size in a state of physical efficiency, and which will allow a margin for recreation. With the prices of July, 1914, this was twenty-seven shillings a week, aUowing five shillings for rent. With present prices this has become thirty-six shillings. But to establish a minimum of thirty- six shillings a week at one stroke is impracticable ; so the present demand is for a minimum of thirty shillings. The minimum suggested for a woman was sixteen shillings before the war. It is now a pound a week (the rate gradually established by the Government in munition factories). Some of the experts ruled out the suggestion that a woman should be paid as a minimum enough to maintain a family. They argued that minimum wages should be arranged with a view to normal conditions, and though there are many excep- tions, the normal condition is for man to main- 14« WOMEN tain a family and for a woman not to do so This conterition wiU of course be disputed by many feminists on the showing of the facts. But what is clear in the matter is that there is a rapidly increasing tendency toward a minimum wage, and that a minimum-wage act must include women. Other measures of reconstruction are being pressed by the leaders of working-women. In- vestigation is needed as to what employments are hurtful to a woman's organism. Reform of the factory laws is included in the changes that are now seen to be required. The eight- hour day must be enforced. President Wilson by his decision in the railway strike has enforced a principle to which the trade-unions all over the world must respond. Women officials are re- quired in greatly increased numbers to safeguard the position of women in industry. Not only must the number of women factory inspectors be mcreased, but it may prove to be necessary that members of the new profession of welfare work- ers in factories shall be appointed by the state rather than paid for by the employer, and the new labor ministry must have among its under-secre- 148 \i \p INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES taries a representation of women. The trade- unions must grant admission to women in return for monetary contributions, and the women must have a measure of control of the machinery of the union. The children who by means of a specicl certificate have leaked into industrj- must be re- turned to school. This at one sweep would re- lieve the labor market of one hundred and eighty thousand persons in industry and agriculture. It is probable that all these reforms are dependent on the winning of the suffrage. DISOHOANIZATION The chaos out of which woman's work is slowly emerging wiU be revealed by a modem instance better than by tons of generalization. I have asked a young woman of exceUeat middle- class family, now financially pinched, to make a chart of her recent life-history. Better than any "wail" it shows the cul-de-sac of the old "genteel" occupations. It explains why she has turned to clerical work in the War Office, paying a salary of twenty-seven shiUings a week. It shows why she will not return to the old job after the war. Like a few hundred thousand other women, she 144 •-*-:«-»*— ♦.*•»— 1 WOMEN ha. entered organized life detennined to stay. Employers, the state, and trade-unions must reckon with her. Her chapter of dreary episode .8 foUowed by a chapter in sharp contrast on the pohcewomen. who have inserted organization into a muddled community. The two chapters together are the concrete demonstration of the economic and social distm-bance which has pre- cipitated women into the central activities of the community. My friend's position was that of "lady help," the kind of work which is "woman's work," and has the approval of anti-feminists and other re- actionary theorists. I have preserved her ar- rangement and phrasing. l-l ii- ly 14ff I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES COMPANION HELP IN BOARDING-HOUSE AT ST. LEONARDS *90 (1100) salary a year. 1 shillings weekly laundry. Tips, gbves, flowers, or sweets. eaO AM. TiOO 9.O0 lOKW Rise. Dust dining-room and drawtog-foom, water and wash aU plants, arrange flower-vases and put out aU des- sert, make servants' and own bed, tidy own bedroom. Pour out aU coffee and tea and cocoa, help with serv- ing breakfast Make aU single beds, help maid with double ones (about twenty-two bedrooms, two bouses adjoining). Dust all bedrooms, superintend maid with aU up- stairs work and turning out of rooms, give out all linen, see to sorting same. Mend all torn linen. Interview guests for rooms. IM F.H. Help serve lunch, give out and check att beer and stout sold. S.-00 tm 4.-0a Free to go out or rest. 19i00 4M 5:90 6d0 7i00 lliOO Cut up aU cakes for tea. and hand round tea with maid in drawlng-rooa. Mending. Time allowed myself to dumge for dinner. Serve soup, vegetables, and sweets. Entertain In drawing-room, singing and accompanying songs, arrange card-tables, talk to gentlemen In smoldng-room. Put out aU llgfata la both bouses, then allowed to bo tobed. " 146 WOMEN LADY HELP AT RECTORY, WITH SIX IN FAMILY AND NO SERVANT £18 (•BO) talaiy a year. 1 shlUinc^ Uondrjr weekly. 8^ A.M. 6x30 9M lOKW 11. -00 ISiOO u. 13:90 r.if. IdO 2tl5 3i45 «K)0 TiOO 8. -00 9i00 9d0 Rise. Clean big kitchen range, clean two sitting-room grates, ■weep two big roonu. and dust Cook breakfast (hot), lay cloth, serve, dear away. Make beds with Udy, empty toilets, sweep and dust four bedrooms. CmV .d prepare hot lunch, wash aU TegetaUes, just dug out of garden, clean windows Inside which needed doing. cIch . sUver and brass In sitting-rooms, clean door-step every other day. Tidy up kitchen before lunch, wash over kitchen with mop, also sculleiy (stone flows), wash hearth. Lay lunch and serve. Gear lunch away and wash up, lady helping to dry np. Time aUowed to Udy op snd have rest. Get tea for four, clear away, and wash np. Bathe and put little bqy to bed, get supper for same and his little brother. Prepare hot supper for four. Serve supper, clear awqr, and wash vp. Put hot bottles In four bedrooms. Finished work; could go to bed if I liked. 1 i t l¥t Hi- i ( , w INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES LADY HELP AT HOUSE. WHERE NO SERVANT IS KEPT Five In f«nUy, p.™,u. one little girl of five. twin, ten week. old. in delicate health. £ia (HO) Mlaiy . year. 800 A.H. Rise. 700 8:30 9. -00 lOrfX) M^^e and take up early tea to bedroom. dr«. UtUe Sweep dinlng.rooin, dust, and lay cloth. Loak after twin, through breakfast, have mine a. be.t could, also attend little girl Help both twins get ready. n»ke beds, dust and nreen four bedrpo^s. empty toUets. tidTbathroor uTS three children out, babies in prai (peramST*) I9m r.u. Br^g^chlldren hon.e. nuke botUe.. Uy luncheon on Look after three children at lunch. Take three childri out. have enUre charge of three. "iXt '^""' "^ ""^ ""* "" *"* ^ Put babies and littie girl to bed, give them bottle.. Get supper and lay doth, clear away and waA un. «^«^to babie. the rest of the evel^Uf tiS Could go to bed. Had one twin In my room all nirirt. ^i:^Vll' '"^ ""'• bottlS^very ^ Z^ «>««««> the nigbti h^ dept verj hMj. SiOO 4. -00 6.-00 7.-00 lliOO 148 WOMEN NO SERVANTS 900 A.U. Rise. 900 £» (1100) salary « year. brertifast, Ught copper on Mondays, and fill same. Ser%'e breakfast Clear breakfast and wash up. Take children out to do shopping. >«- .... S^ l^h. V d.U^ *„ .„,. ,.., „^_ „^ _^ 8:90 9:30 10:00 11:00 sao too 7d0 900 Tbne .nowed to tidy and wash myself. Get tem dear away .„d wash np. ironing to be done. Take chUdren for walk, get their supper. Cook supper, Uy doth, «m1 wash up. Work flnisbed. go to bed. i It ^4 ^ i ■J if 149 % INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES LADY HELP AT HOTEL IN LONDON £96 (9190) Miarjr , year. 1 ahiUing, laundiy weekly. 7i00 A.U. Rlae 7dO 10;SO Dust dining-room, drmwlngwrooin and hdl, lee to flower.va.eg, help maid car^- up aU breakfasts from basement to dlnlnj^room, raiylng in number, clear in between, and keep Ubles quite tidy and freshly laid. Go up-stalrs with maid, make aU beds by myself, flU jugs, tidy batiroom, dust and sweep ten bedrooms. 1«:90 ,M. Tidy for lunch, help maid lay Imicheon doth, carry up some trays. ' *^ laOr.u. Walt on guests at lunch. atOO Clear away lunch and wash silver, knives, and glass. Mend torn linen, answer front door-bell, shopping. Lay and get tea, usuaUy two meals of tea at different times, then mend linen until sU o'clock. Help maid lay dinner-doth. Bring each separate course from kitchen npnitairs. wait on guests In dlnfaig-room. Wash up silver, kt ves. and ^ass. Plnlaiiedi go home. sao 4i00 900 too 8i00 8iiS IM WOMEN LADY HELP AT LADIES' HOSTEL FOR WAR WORKERS. DAILY COOK KEPT £l» (•«)) Mlaiy a year. «Ma.u. Rise. 6i30 7dO ffdO ^'1?', *~ .!I!!l "'"'' "^^ """^"K *»•• ^y break- b"tter *^* "^ '°"'" P***" "' '""'* "<* First breakfast for seven. R^ have breakfast, serve and wdt on every one, hand cups round. Empjy dl toilets, flll all jugs in fifteen bedrooms, cubicles mostly, sweep and dust bedrooms, sweep •tain (four flighto). ^^ *^ 1300 St. Lay luncbeon-cktths. 1M9.U. Serve luncheon and wait on twenty people. »ao Clear away luncheon. Wash up silver, ^ass, and knives. Time aOowed for rest and to tidy mysdf. Get tea for seven people. Wash up tea-things. SiOO 4«0 6(00 Lay ch>th for twenty for evening meal; meal larti tiU r.u. »iOO Wash up. lOiOO Ck> to bed. •ii 161 INSroE THE BRITISH ISLES LADY WAITRESS AT AR»IY PAY OFFICERS' MESS Ten shillings Ml.iy . week. Had to p.y four shUllnp a week for bednxnn out of it| only to work from Monday to Friday. •KX) A.M. Help the cook prepare aU puddings, rub bread-crumbs, chop suet, etc, peel aU vegeUbles, three or four dlf. ferent sorts. nao Put up several big hospital tables, arrange all chairs, etc, carry down everything for cloth from kitchen down a yard, with no protection from rain or snow, to a hall let for the purpose. 1H)0 »j|. Cariy down aU courses for hot lunch, clear away every- thing, baok again to kitchen, wait on oiBcers at lunch. SiOO Sweep haU and cloak-room, remove everything from hall, take down Ubles. sweep kitchen and passage, help cook with all the washing up. 6i00 Usually finished { pay breaks. 16f WOMEN TEMPORARY HELP AT A LODGING-HOUSK at BRIGHTOX. WHERE MAm IS S Seren shilling, sixpence (|1.80) weekly .„d tip^ •«30 A.M. Rise. "~ "^'ut' Z ""'' *" '"' "^' P~P'«' •»» -ter to c-rrr ^^t;.'!^'"^ bredcfwl.. make beds with l.dy. empty .11 toilets, sweep ,„d dust seven or eight bJjooZ "^ 9i00 SrflO S4A 9KX) lOHW Wash up silver, knives, and glass. Time allowed to wash and Udy. 10*0 Finished, go to bed. Seven shilling and sixpence, and "flnid^d, » to h«l» »i- Woimm's Movement is in thow wonb. ^^' r> to bed -the 9M 7M ' I ii tti lif m 158 IXSIDE THE BRITISH ISI.ES fl England's policewomen Long before the war the women had proved their case, but the door remained bolted. It was the war that broke down the door, and let a rush of women through into industries and profes- sions. In a few months they altered the con- sciousness of England and won their spiritual freedom. The vote, industrial equality, control of their Ufe, will inevitably follow. There are five hundred thousand of thtm making shells. An entire military hospital has been placed in their control and under their exclusive manage- ment—doctors, surgeons, orderlies, messengers, superintendents. That was done by the War Of- fice, which has never been a rash or radical innova- tor in Enghmd. The War Oflice is now issuing requests for women doctors. It finds them as steady in emergency, as delicate in nice manip- ulation, as their brothers. The old cant about physiological barriers has been broken down by the pressure of a million casualties. Women are driving heavy trucks, running elevators and trams, even managing places of business, includ- ing a bank. 154 . I».WM. <|« , i. y . B« «k-«» *^ WOMEN Aa yet it is in large part the same miUions of women who were earning wages before the war that have taken possession of the new activities. Probably not more than five hundred thousand women have stepped over from idleness into the day's work. But half a million is a large in- crease, and that half-million are only the van- guard of the army that wiU be conscripted by England's need of every adult for increased pro- duction. The significance of the change does not lie as yet in the number of previously unem- ployed women who have entered wage-earning occupations. The significance lies in the new professions and the processes of industry which they have taken over. It Ues in the work once closed to them, which is now opened for aU time. A measure of freedom has been won that never existed before. Their right to play a part in the industrial and professional world had been chal- lenged. Their presence in the modem economic world had been resented. Inside of two years woman has ceased to be a question, and has become an accepted fact. It is a mistake to think that the hundreds of thousands of women who are helping to carry on 10f m ' ■HI ll'i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES industry while the young men fight were or- ganized and engineered by new-comers, that a spontaneous uprising took place. The women who led the new movement into hospitak, muni- tions, the tram-cars, and the poUce were the seasoned executive women who had long been successful wage-ea^-ning workers in nursing and school teaching, women who had long fought for social reform in labor conditions, housing, and the care of children. The amazing alteration in the economic position of women in England is not the work of amateurs. It is the sudden ripening of an immensely laborious, painfully slow growth. Opponents of the woman's movement have watched with a keen eye for a disintegration of the home resulting from the entrance of numbers of "home" women into munition factories. Neg- lected children, shoddily dressed and poorly fed, were what they feared to find. The showing has' been aU the other way. The reports from Wool- wich, for instance, show that the school-children are better nourished and better clothed than in the days when the mother was a hack in the homt over a wash-tub. A wage to a mother of £2.10 106 WOMEN has not wrecked the British lower^lass house- hold, but has improved it. Radicals have played the same part in the woman's movement that they have played in the labor movement. It is not that the mass agrees with them or likr them or follows them; but they have clarified and given a coherence to vague subconscious desires of an inarticulate community. They have presented a sharply etched program to a blind urge. Their program is: Votes for women. Economic equality. An open field in the industrial world. Those clear-cut demands give 'k-&mimB^- jms^c^hb WOMEN the house in a dirty and diseased condition were taken care of by the policewomen and handed over to the inspector. Before the picket could enter, the woman escaped by means of a trap- door which connected with three other houses. These peace patrols have dug themselves into the community. One of them is a probation officer. The p iiee use her to interview women who ure bein "summoned." There was an entire city street in a row, like one of our before- the-war Southern vendettas. Half the street had summoned the other half to court. The policewoman marched the whole street back home, and settled the case out of court. A constant protective watch is kept over the lives of children. From time to time reports have reached the policewomen of yowig children of school age working excessive hours di^g the school week. It was decided to approach the head-masters of several schools who welcomed help m the matter and promised detailed reports In one district they found twenty-four paper- boys with hours varying from 7% to 25 per school week. The beginning hour in the morning seems to be from 6 to 6:80 a. m., so that the majority 16A : n 11 E-^}^a'^^-.f • ' ---*.!V«.^, '•'J^lxT' ' IS-"'-'.**- "■» iH^r':'!S^»i'a?3f=i. i! !•: ^ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES of these children will be working without proper attention to food and habits. Many may go to school without any regular breakfast. Of these, two are eight years old, one getting up at six o'clock, the other at 6 :80 a. m. ; one of them work- ing 12% hours, the other 7% hours. Twenty-two boys take milk around. Their ages vary from 8 to 18, their hours from 7H to 12H per school week, beginning work from 4:80 to 6 o'clock A. M. One boy of 8 works 20 hours a week beginnihg at 4:80 a. m. Two boys, 18, ouse-boys, work 7% hours. Two boys work in . al-yards; one is 18 and works 19 hours per stfiool week, beginning at 8 a. m.; the other boy, a^d 11, helps his father, and works 5 hours per ti»iOol week. The question of child-labor presents itself as one of the root probkms of the hour for local as well as for national authorities. The police- women see some of the results of boy fatigue and malnutrition in the listless, uninterested young people standing and loitering about, ready to follow after any new excitement. There are towns where no by-laws exist reg- ulating the employment of children under 166 WOMEX fourteen. The question has been before the education authorities for many years, and the enforcing of certain drafted by-laws is likely to remain in Hatm quo owing to war conditions. Employers prefer children to elderly labor, and many parents regard their offspring as financial assets. The work of these women guardians will result in a better protection of child life, because they have exposed the evil conditions. The policewoman is an official mother. She does not use physical violence. She Ulks with the boys about gambling and smoking and thieving. She warns the girls. There are no fixed posts. Often she covers an area of two and a half miles, as in the borough of Paddington. War has let loose the high spirits of boys, and some of them, with the added stimulus of Amer- ican films, have taken to the life of pirates. London streets are a tumbling sea of adventure, where grocers' carts are the helpless frigates to be manned and pillaged. The new women "oops" pull the boys off the carts, and advise them to let the tea and jam travel on unmolested. This strange excitement of war touches the imagination tUl it sees placid planets as the prod- 167 L^ Wi ^rnitekis^iK-^ ■^m^ime'^ itp INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES uct of Grennan chemists. During one of the recent Zeppelin raids on the east coast, police- women working in the town were instructed by the authorities to patrol the streets and do their best to prevent panic or crowds collecting. On coming upon a knot of excited people at a street comer the policewomen assured them that there was no further danger, as the Zeppelins had left and that every one could return home in safety. Some soldiers remonstrated, and said it was cruel to ask the women to take their children home. They pointed to a light in the sky, which they declared to be a bomb dropping. The women wept and begged not to be sent home. The policewomen calmed them, explaining that what the soldiers saw was no bomb, but the pUnet Venus rising in the sky, and persuaded the crowd to disperse quietly and the parents to take their tired children home. All this soothing, daring work results from stiff training. These women go through two months of instruction in drill, first aid, special legal acts relating to women and children, and the procedure and rules of evidence in police courts. They arc shown how to stand, to walk, 1«8 ■wm*^»'^ =^'^. WOMEN «d attain dignity of carriage, for a .louchy wonumc«Tic8 no authority. They are Uught to talk clearly and avoid mumbling, so that their e^dence wiU convince the court. They are told off to bring in reports on a tour of the streets: Come back and teU what you have seen." This develops accuracy and power of observation. P^troUmg m the public parks calls for patience to endure the monotony of long, watchful wait- mg. keen insight to detect undesirable dtiiens who will endanger children at play, psychological •kill m knowing the menUl criminal, who works by stealth and loathes publicity. Street work demands knowledge of the social features of the district, what to do with diseased and sick persons, where to send drunks. The •uthonty must be broad-minded, using a warning word mstead of arrest wnere the offense is petty Oversight in factories requires an officer type ofwoman who will keep the women smart and good tempered, who will deal justly with grum- blcs. and never bear a personal grievance. The policewoman is different from the rescue- worker, the "missionary." and the social worker. She It a practical executive who can not long 169 I • '"' *■ -"■*'^a-j -«»t - ,« / _■ i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES delay with the one case, for there liet on her beat a mile of streets with a dozen other cases. She must show self-control and the willingness to hand over the problem to other agencies. Where her function ceases, there the mission of the social worker begins. In the ranks are nurses, medical women, school-teachers, women frcxn govern- ment service, sanitary inspectors. Several ma- trons of infirmaries and hospitals are making good head officers because they are accustomed to leadership. The ages of policewomen run from twenty-five to forty-five. Between thirty and forty is the best age, because the woman is self- reliant, has conquered her hysterias, and is in full command of her powers. These women have succeeded because they have known how to avoid interference with the province of the men police. They have practised a division of work. There was a city where a particular wooded lane had been a hanging-out place for fourteen years. Constables and the bishop had been powerless to alter conditions. Four policewomen walked the length of it, spoke to thirty-six couples, waited with backs turned till they had accepted the sug- gestion, and cleaned the place up. 170 • WOMEN "Which of you is the mother of the baby in the pink cap who has been left outside in the rain for twenty minutes?" asked a pohcewoman of a group drinking in a public house. The mother h*d to come, because the opinion of the other guests was with the officer. Two girls were reported by the police author- itict to the policewomen as missing, one of them for fifteen weeks and the other for over five, and were suspected of living in some fields near a large camp. The policewomen on bicycles searched for them for two days, and finally dis- covered them in a filthy and starving condition and took them back to their parents. They have since applied to the policewomen to put them in touch with a home which deals with aucb cases. England is a mixed democracy much Uke ours, with fine elements and ignoble elements. But these dear-eyed women of the pohcc force, like the nurses and welfare secretaries, gave me an assurance that an immense, unUpped resource is there to renew life after the wreckage of these years. War has discovered them. Peace must con- 171 . h t .? IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // // ^ i''^

m i\ ' ', f f 'f ' I < INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES cratic. But ub6 that method for ten or twelve or even fifteen years untU the political tradition of self-gov- ernment had become fixed and Ulster is reassured. For the Irish question, we need a psychological solu- tion, because in the years of dissension the people have tied their souls into knots. I am sure the Ulster men would not use the power of veto against national in- terests for the period they were given it. Sir Edward Carson has said that what Ulster feared was not bad law-making. **What we do fear is oppressive administration." They fear that public offices will be packed with friends of the party in power, that the policy of "to the victors belong the spoils" will be practised. It is necessary to reassure Ulster that all public posts would be removed from jobbery, and that merit should have its open chance of win- ning promotion. The way to do this is to make all government positions, all posts paid for out of public moneys, whether under boards of guardians or county councils, part of a national civil service, so that job- bery on account of religion or politics would be im- possible. Along these lines of concession and balance of power I do not regard the special Ulster problem as insoluble. England should make the Irish question a national question with herself, not a party question. When- ever war is on, a coalition government is formed. So it should be in dealing with Ireland. Ireland should S0« % IRELAND be treated by a coalition of forces in England, con- sidering its Irish polity as a national question. If Ireland were so dealt with, the opposition of Ulster to settlement would lessen. The present method of splitting Ireland and mis- governing it has led to a reduction of its populate- h- one-half in seventy years. That is bad for ireu.^ and it ; bad for England, because Ireland's exiles in other countries develop bad feeling against England. There are only two ways to deal with Ireland, either complete union, with absolute equality, or else com- plete Irish control of purely Irish affairs. The Home Rule bill as passed would not settle the question, be- cause it does not grant to Ireland th^ fixing of taxa- tion and the trade policy. Whoever has financial and economic control of a people fixes the character of the civilization of that people. There is no British reason for passing a Home Rule biU unless to settle the ques- tion. Either England must control Ireland by making Irish people into English people in sentiment and cul- ture, or else she must grant to Ireland the status of a dominion. England must retain control of mUitary, naval, and foreign policy. Lei Ireland send repre- sentatives not to the British Parliament, but to the new imperial pariiament, which is certain to be formed after the war. Let her pay her contribution to im- perial defense prepared by assessors appointed for that purpose by Great Britain and the dominions. S0» \\ i w !':• INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES What we should aim at is a kind of Sinn Fein impe- rialism, a complete control of internal affairs and a participation in the empire's polity. The feeling for complete independence had gradu- ally been dying down to a romantic feeling such as Scotchmen feel for Prince Charlie. Then came the Ulster and Nationalist Volunteers, the recruiting cam- paign, the rebellion, the executions, martial law, and the old feeling rose up again. It has become an in- tolerable nuisance not to have these political questions settled. I think myself too much importance is at- tached to the location of government, and I have my- self more hope in voluntary economic and cultural movements than in acts of Parliament. But with the present political unrest, there is no fixed policy in the economic life of Ireland. Business men wish a fixed policy. They wish to have more certitude in business matters. If Ireland was contented, it could turn to the problems of internal government. We have over two thousand national teachers paid less than thirty ' pounds a year. The money has been put on the con- stabulary, which is over-manned. A government has its choice of leaving people ignorant and spending money on a police force to keep them in order or of educating them and cutting down the constabulary. England plumped for the police. No country can gov- ern another country properly, and never has any country done so. Countries can unite with another in S04 tl IRELAND a federation, but no country can rule another. You see the attempt made by Germans and Russians in Poland. But it can only succeed by exterminating the people governed. The plantations in Ireland were an attempt at that. In the last one hundred years Ireland lost the power to speak Gaelic. Only 600,000 of her people speak the language to-day. And yet Gaelic literature con- tains the dreams and soul of the Irish people for two thousand years. It is one of the oldest and most beau- tiful literatures in Europe. That lost race memory is a loss in the dignity and spirituality of their life. Imagine the Greeks without Homer. So it has been of late with the Irish in the loss of their national lit- erature—legends and poetry. The Irish do not read English literature nor have they accepted English cul- ture. That ancient literature of theirs ran like an underground river for the last century till it came well- ing up again in Standish O'Grady. Stephens, Yeats, and Synge. There is a reshaping of legendary tales, and Anglo-Irish literature will be powerfuUy affected. Gaelic schools have sprung up. O'Grady and Synge knew Gaelic. Padraic Colum knows it. Stephens can read it. MacDonagh and Pearse knew it. The Celtic spirit of Ireland is emerging in the poems and tales of modem Anglo-Celtic literature which are as accept- able to Ulster as to the rest of Ireland. A. E.'s solution, then, is to clear the political S05 ( t I Iti I m ! V m I' I'r h L > ; |! f| ! ll INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES question by coilcession and guaranty, to forget it, and to get down to business — ^the business being cooperation. Is this the dream of Ireland's most glorious dreamer, or is there salvation that way? I left Mr. Russell, and stepped down-stairs in Plunkett House to the executive offices of the cooperative movement. "While the gun-running was on," said one of the cooperative organizers to me, "our move- ment was including both parties in the fight. Carson's men were arming themselves, and the Volunteers were arming against them. But both sets were working together in our society. Each had their guns buried with which to shoot the other, but they were busy in one creamery, working in harmony, and pooling their economic life. They differ politically, but their interests are one." poveety: the heal ibish question The real Irish question is poverty. Agricul- tural labor receives less than three dollars a week. The tenant and owner and laborer, whai av- eraged up, receive only $8.50 a week. Even the brief and dubious money gains of war-time are St06 IRELAXD not an oflfset for depreciated "plant," and the stock of cattle and equipment of agricultural utensils are steadily depreciating in these days of an increased export trade. The slums of Irish cities are among the worst in Europe. Dublin is known as the "one-room city," because over sixty thousand of her people are congested. Industrial labor is underpaid. Preferential through rates on the raiboads have given Irish markets to English producers. Many of the farms are too small for economic working, and what there is of them is not good enough soil Much of the best tillage remains in the hands of the landlords, and is used for grazing instead of for the production of crops. The hope of Ire- land lies in trade-unionism, education, and coop- eration. Ireland's real problem is to increase production and distribute prosperity. I found Ireland stimulated by the report that Henry Ford was planning a factory in Cork. He w-s said to have taken an option on a race- course, to plan the diversion of the river, and to guarantee a minimum wage of twenty-one shil- lings to his workers. The story ran that he had visited his mother's birthplace in Cork, and out «07 If % ■ Hi!' l\y !1 •^K- I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES of the personal tie grew his plan to revive the industrial life of Ireland. If the very rumor has given cheer to an underpaid population, how much new hope will flow in if Irish-Americans, whose hearts bleed for Ireland, will invest some of their money in Irish agricultui'e and industry! A few million dollars invested where their heart is will relieve a pressure on Ireland, which to-day is resulting in bad housing, under-nourishment, overwork, and an undue proportion of pauperism. The real Irish question is not solved by political wrangling and chronically jangled nerves inside the island, or by hot temper at long distance. The Irish- Americans who have planted the tradi- tion of Ireland's ^vrongs in the United States are two generations out of date. If they would get into touch with young Ireland, they would find they were chewing over stale grievances which the march of thought has long passed by. They are as much out of date as Marxian so- cialists. The present campaign is based on concrete issues, requiring a record of facts, and organization. American money is not needed for nationalistic propaganda. It is needed for agricultural and industrial development. Our £08 IRELAND rich Irish-Americans can do an immense service to Ireland. They can aid to set her free, but not by parliamentary debates, speech-making cam- paigns, and pitiful, abortive rebellions. They can set her free by standing security for land improvement, better housing, the purchase of machinery and fertilizer plants. Had the Irish question been settled (by the Irish question I must insist that I mean not the comic-opera politics of gun-running, but the agricultural and industrial redemption of Ire- land) , this war would have been an easier task for England. The submarine blockade would have been a minor factor. Ireland's natural market is England. England is on an industrial basis, and needs the food-stuff of an agricultural coun- try like Ireland. Every mistake England has made in the long past in Ireland has cost her severely in money and lives in this war. A unified, economically prosperous Ireland could have fed England, and left her free to raise her army and make munitions, and the submarine would have been powerless to touch one shipload of produce plying across the Irish Channel. As it is, England has had to buy her supplies from 209 hi . siri I ■^) 'I's'l- ^*h ;i ■ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES several nations, and the long sea-haul has been over open waters where the submarine has sunk an ever-growing number of food-ships. By postponing the settlement of Ireland's sUtus as an autonomous nation inside the British com- monwealth, England has lessened her own food- supply and lengthened the war. As long aa Ireland is politically in a fever, she refuses to settle down to her real job of mastering the con- ditions of her own life, which will be determined by better land and more land, better methods of cropping, fertilizers, machinery, labor supply, organization for producing and selling, and rail- road facilities. There would be little value in writing one more contentious article on Ireland. So with the charges of a national incompetency and inefficiency, which those who deny self- government to Ireland allege as the ground for their denial. They find this incapacity due to three defects in Irish character: laziness, a tend- ency to dissension, and a tendency to grafting. They say that the Irishman is not a confirmed worker, that he loves to wrangle, and that he favors his friends at the expense of his com- munity when he is in political office. The Irish no * -«< **'^^ ^-^mtw 1 IRELAND wply, "the penal laws, the ascendancy system, the union with its anti-Irish 'National * schools, its •West Briton* ideals, martial law, these are the causes of that national incompetency of ours." One remembers in this connection the famous pasfuge of Graham Wallas in "The Great Society" on the rights of little nations: Athens during the last quarter of the fifth century «. c. was not well governed; and if the British Empire had then existed, and if Athens had been brought within it, the administration of the city would undoubtedly have been improved in some important respects. But one dota not like to imagine the effect on the intellec- tual output of the fifth century b. c. if even the best of Mr. Rudyard Kipling»8 public-school subalterns had lUlked daily through the agora, snubbing, as he passed, that intolerable bounder Euripides, or clearing out of his way the probably seditious group that were gath- ered round Socrates. The time for argument on what Matthew Arnold called "barren logomachies" is past. Ire- land will soon receive her independence in the British commonwealth. The time for action has come, and that action must proceed out of Irish- men in productive agriculture, efficient industry, and clean and tolerant government. Jil I r mi ^*»-»j» J , (J I i f';fi '11 '|,' i\ _»».>- a «>». ^ ,, <^, .^ i..—,^M IRELAND It would not raise the price of ;.n /thing tU farmer has to sell, or increase the piotluc^ of an acre of his land." "The long war over the land, which resulted in the transference of the land from landlord to cultivator, has advanced us part of the way, but the land acts offered no complete solution. We were assured by hot enthusiasts of the magic of proprietorship, but Ireland has not tilled a single acre more since the land acts were passed. The welfare of Ireland depends mainly upon the welfare of the Irish farmer." So it is worth considering his case in detail. A clear statement of it is given by A. E., who is one of the three men at the head of the cooperative movement. He says: The small farmer is the typical Irish countryman. The average area of an Irish farm is twenty-five acres or thereabouts. We can imagine to ourselves an Irish farmer with twenty-five acres to till, lord of a herd of four or five cows, a drift of sheep, a litter of pigs, perhaps a mare and foal: call him Patrick Malony and accept him as symbol of his class. ... He is fruitful enough. There is no race suicide in Ireland. His agriculture is largely traditional. His butter, his eggs, his cattle, horses, pigs, and sheep are sold to leal dealers. He might be described almost as the S13 i\ m iTi: * <44.UV -I t n •I! f :' I ■7 •i: • 'J, i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES primitive economic caveman, the darkness of his cave unillumined by any ray of general principles. . . . The culture of the Gaelic poets and story-tellers, while not often actually remembered, still lingers like a fra- grance about his mind. We ponder over Patrick, his race, and his country, brooding whether there is the seed of a Pericles in Patrick's loins. Could we carve an Attica out of Ireland? Before Patrick can become the father of a Pericles, before Ireland can become an Attica, Patrick must be led out of his economic cave. . . . Our poets sang of a united Ireland, but the unity they sang of was only a metaphor. It mainly meant separation from an- other country. Individualism, fanatically centering itself on its family and family interests, interfered on public boards to do jobs in the interests of its kith and kin. The cooperative movement connects with liv- ing links the home, the center of Patrick's being, to the nation, the circumference of his being. ... I be- lieve the fading hold the heavens have over the world is due to the neglect of the economic basis of spiritual life. The cooperative movement alone of all move- ments in Ireland has aspired to make an economic soli- darity in Ireland. The social and economic service of coopera- tion is this: it enables farmers to own and use modem machinery, to buy feeding material, manures, and seeds, and to construct fertilizer 214 IRELAND pUnts .t W eo,t. sUnCrd quaMty, ^d on l„ge ^™ It ffves control over m..K.b,.„d,Wty miprovM the transportation facilities for produce It sdb to advantage through its own .^Ts mtead of through a long ci«uit of middl^n It «.ves a system for borrowing money at a lower mt^rest and for a longer term. It p„i a. ZZ .IrifT "1 1" " """^"'«' ""O »ter- a^on of Ideas, leading to close, hard economic th«*mg, mvention and discovery, and a wX sp:^ mtellectual fertilization. I„ „ne pUee where a creamery was nearly started, the coflper- ators report, the whole scheme was destroyed by *e «mouncement of a leader of public opinion that every pound of butter must be made on National principles or not at aU." But the work of uncoiling ancient griev«,ce from co„! ai wUL You will see in a single village the cooperafve societies supplying seeds, m^ures, and m«:hmery to the farmers, establishing «ed,ls, marketmg egg, gathered by the women runnmg a station to improve the breed of poul- tiy, conducting a knitting industo', and selling grocenes and provisions. MS * ' .' ■ J I « ■ -^*i. f • " » < I 4 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES There comes a limit of saturation, and coop- eration has probably sucked up as many peasants as its present capacity admits. That capacity must be increased if cooperation is to increase in the next twenty years at the rate of the last twenty. More and better land, now held by landlords for grazing, must be freed for tillage. The existent railways must provide better facili- ties for farmers. A system of spur railways to mine-pit heads and of light railways through neglected districts must be established. The village of BelmuUet in western Mayo is forty- six miles from a raih-oad. There are anthracite seams a few miles out from Dublin. Seven miles of light railway, at a cost of $1,250,000, would connect the mine with its market, and reduce the cost of that coal from forty-three or forty-five shillings to twenty-five shillings. One of the young Irish leaders says, "Any extensive work- mg of Irish coal or copper is contingent on the assent of the vast British mining interest to Irish competition." The creation of machinery and fertilizer must be undertaken on a larger scale. In short, production must be increased by the application of capital. Can that capital be S16 IRELAND found ? Will i, be by Irish parii^entary „a„, by t.sh taxation. „r by f„„ig„ i„ve Jeror ^tt the cooperators themselves be willing to lay a -de a percentage of their profit for the purple of extending the movement tiU it has efcd .11 Ireland? A solution must be found for a movement either grows or dies. The present situation is abnormal. The t.ma^ value of Irish exports to Great Bri^t wli B f °T. '"" '■""''""* «-"«- dollars- h™ fed H ^ '"" '^' "^^8^'' "•»"' one hundred and forty milhons. A elear Mi„ .„ m-y Of sixty milhon dollars has flowe^Tn : Imh farmers. Fish, butter, and eggs have at o.he:rr;hi:-:o:fdtve'rentr'' "- jn^ish agriculture were devel.pX~:Z Ireland sends live stock and the produce of hve stock to Great Britain Sh. j i^ m,,«™ u """"Win. She sends sheep and mutton, bacon, ham, live pigs, poultry, butter .nd eggs Next to the production of ii;e st<^k' the marketing of butler U th. r„ ,. • industrv Th. f """," ^^ """St important maustry. The farmer has received increased MT I /: I :| 1 ■ I! !i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES prices to account for most of this gain, but the production also has been somewhat increased. Some of this extra money has gone for increased cost of production, feeding stuffs, and fertilizer. The rest of the money has been banked. "The last two years are the most phenomenal in Ireland's history," says the department of agriculture, and they tell me that "the farmer has come off in a gold coach" during these war months. Plunkett House, headquarters of the cooperators, tells me that there is undoubtedly more money return, but that the farmer's live- stock has been sold, and must be replaced, and that his plant has deteriorated, so that he is n't any better off in productive wealth. Such a thing as agreement on any matter in Ireland is not obtainable in the present atmosphere of pas- sion. It is probable that the law of gravitation violates the Sinn Fein principle of self-help, and that the ethics of the gospel are under suspicion in four counties of Ulster. "What too many people in Ireland mistake for thoughts are feel- ings. Passion has become dominant in our pol- itics." But in the end Ireland must be ruled not by rhetoric, but by "first-class thinking on the 218 f«>« «■< -y *v Ui J Mi .'■ IRELAXD fife of the countryman. The gemus of rural hfe has not yet appeared." The Irish situation is the heritage of landlord- "«n. usury, famine, land legislation, grazing, emi- ^.t,on. When these had operated, Man^™ reduced m popuUtion, and the good land wa, l" out ,n vast grazing tracts, and the poorer land «e called congested districts. The congested- districts board exists fni- «,- _ - «,„. "" purpose of cutting tho« areas up into holdings, enlarging existing hoWmgs td, they ^^ . ••payingZ.ositio^" 2 ** of uneconomic, making r«.ds, and creat- mg new holdings. This is a long job, and will consume many years before completion. It re- qu.r« both time and money, and there is a short- age of money, as the British Govenunent has shut down on the extension of financial help "Counties like Meath, with the richest hmd in Ireland are under grass and virtuaUy destitute *he total cultivated area of Ireland is 2,400,- MO acres. In pasture and grazed mount«n land there remain 12,300,000 acres. Livestock 219 H t r my i Hi ' F. •:[' INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES is to crop production as four is to three. There were 500,000 acres in wheat in 1851. In 1914 there were 86,000, a decicase of 92% per cent. The total decrease in tillage has been seventy per cent. Eleven per cent, of Ireland is now arable land, and sixty-four per cent, hay and pasture. Eleven per cent, of France is hay and pasture, and fifty-two per cent, arable land. The land acts are permissive, not compulsory, and the landlord can refuse to sell. He does so refuse, and continues to hold the land for graz- ing. Compulsory purchase was proposed in a bill, but the landlords' convention rejected the bill, and the British Government was unwilling to press a contentious measure. While I was in Ireland the Earl of Meath had his estate agent write in reply to a request that he allow his uncultivated land to be parceled out for the production of food: His lordship is in sympathy with the general idea that more land should, during the war, be brought under cultivation for the production of food. Lord Meath has not a large quantity of land in Bray, and he would be glad to know if others, who may httve more, have been approached by your society and, if not, why this 920 li IRELAND h" not t^ don.. Ho co„.ider. th., th. .„pp,y „, m.lk ,n . p„p„,o„, dWrict like Br.j, i. . „„, „ " ' . . Pnce. Fo, the,e re.s„„, Lorf M„th c.„„o. ." ■"' "'y '» «««u:, "eleven months' lease" is as noisome in Ireland as the in- junction in America. As there is an immediate market for cattle, the smaU farmers bid against one another for grazing land. They cannot af- ford to wait for the slower greater market for gram which would be theirs if they boycotted the ^aang hinds till the owners sold them for tillage JVothmg short of a mandatory state policy wiU cure this primary cause of Irish poverty. Every statement of an economic situation re- qmi^es careful qualification. Ireland has made a steady gain since the ebb-tide of the 1850's. Her deposits and cash balances in joint-stock banks, post-office and trustee savings-banks, were re- IRELAND =«% *»0,000^ „ ^^^, $I«,000,000 in stocks two ye.rs ago. The business of the mil- waysneariy doubled in thirty years, though much of this money went into EngUsh hands, and the raUway system is imperfect «,d unmufled. In Wl her emigration was 71,000; in 19U, 20.- 000. No picture of degeneration fits the facts. But the reconstructive legislation «,d state grants and credit system have brought Ireland only half-way. A bolder, more drastic program must now be adopted if she is to overcome pov- erty and become the productive country which « her true destiny. Machinery and fertilizer must be purchased on a far Urger scale, the Und must be opened up, a better system of cropping ^!T^ '"' agricultural plant must be es! tabhshed, housing must be bettered. Faith in her future is what Irehmd needs from her friends, and money as the expression of that faith. The labor, and trade-muonists of Ireland have faced this situation, and their conference stated: W. d»,.rf that rtq>. be takB, iimnediatdy to brin, under cultivation larie area. „» «.. „ • . r* ... . , , "«" *■*•" "' tne grazing landi — by d^t labor on «i atenriv. scale uadcr Uie Dq»H. l; ■ t mm i ■p: CHAPTER V SOCIAL STUDIES WHAT OF ENGLAND? To feel the spirit of a nation at war is one thing and an easy thing. You can not help being caught into the current of their will and purpose But to convey that spirit to your busy friends three thousand miles away is a much harder thmg I have been going around from man to man in England, trying to get just that phrase and sum- mary which would make the British response clear to our people. Each one of these men, who has been good enough to pause in his war work to help me, has given a flash of the island spirit. Lord Northcliffe said to me: "No one will accuse me of failing to criticize the mistakes of the British army in the early months. But I want you to know that to-day we have the finest fighting-machine in the world It has taken time to buUd it, but now we have it. Tell your people that." S28 SOCIAL STUDIES Viscount Bryce said to me: "The British people are unanimous as they have never been before." The poh'ee commissioner of Scotland Yard, in charge of the secret service, said to me: "Have you noticed in talking with the pacifists how discouraged they seem? They have no sense of a growing movement. They are disheartened because the great mass of the British people are not supporting them." Then he turned to his telephone and gave instructions to call wj Ports- mouth and find out the time of arrival of the hospital-ship. His wounded son was due home from France. G. K. Chesterton said to me: "Democracy is on the march." His brother is a private in the ranks. Lloyd-George talked with me of the welfare work carried on for the ministry of munitions by Seebohm Rowntree, who has turned from his own factories of six thousand workers to care for the health of a million government employees. "Here," said Lloyd-George, "is the greatest attempt ever made by a government to surround the lives of the workers with safeguards for their 8S9 * «' ^4- , • ». ! i ,f )- INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES health and weU-being. And it was the making of munitions that brought us to it. It was war and sheUs. It is always true that humanity has to descend into heU in order to rise again the third day. It is only through heU that it can achieve its resurrection." But not all these distinguished men together have quite revealed the central flame, and then suddenly it was shown to me by a girl. She is a wage-earner in London, and every day on her way to her office she passes Fishmongers' Hall by London Bridge. This ancient place has been converted into a military hospital. To the house surgeon she wrote this letter: Dear Sir, I am taking the liberty to write to you to ask if it is true that often a soldier's wound could be the easier and the better healed were there plenty ofskin available to graft on to the wound? I have been told that many wounds are badly healed because the doctors cannot get skin. If this is so, I would con- sider ,t an honor to be aUowed to put myself at your disposal at any time in order that my skin might be taken to graft on to a wound; I am prepared to give as much as would be practicable to take from me. This is no impulsive movement on my part. I am obliged to come to town each day to earn my own liv- SSO M i SOCIAL STUDIES ing, and am therefore debarred from working for the oldiers as other girls of .,. own age are doing I hat two brothers fighting, and for their sakes I e^, " nu^std something. I an, writing to ,our hospita U3e for n,y services I shaU be obliged if jon wiU kindly inform me where I could go. ^ VHY THEY WILL WIN England is at war en masse, and the proof of It IS not that she has raised an army. Any country can raise an army if it has to. The proof of It ,s that she has changed a cherished habit. That means a spiritual change. It is a lot harder to break up a habit than it is to fight an enemy. The fact that two million persons are saving money to give to the Govermnent for carrying on the war ,s the clearest single proof that the Eng- ish nation is at war. By temperament the Eng- iish are a colonizing, adventurous people. That means they are an open-handed people, to whom the careful ways of thrift are distasteful. Then too, they are a race of individualists, doing what they Lke with their own-a race to whom collec- tive effort is a bore. But they violated their in- stmct m order to win this war. For the English ttl i^i »! ^~. -h^ _^„^ • h IM 1. INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES were free spenders, and it revealed more devo- tion in them to raise two hundred million dollars in individual subscriptions than it did to raise five million men in recruiting. One has to show the English eflFort in these broken bits and flashes rather than by any one overmastering display. That is because Eng- land is a tangled, self-willed democracy, of a vast variety of purpose. But when England began to alter its life, to sacrifice what was precious and ancient, then it became clear that she had com- mitted herself beyond recall, that she was moving to an end beyond defeat. The appeal for war savings was a general ap- peal made to all classes of the country. It put money into the hands of the Government with which to wage war. That money is spent for production by the nation instead of being spent for consumption by the individual person. The terms of the arrangement gave to the "saver" security, an excellent rate of interest, and the op- portunity of withdrawal at any time. This use of money frees labor from "luxury" work to nec- essary work. The man grooves a big gun in- stead of pulling candy. The woman makes Sd2 i^ .'.»-< *^< SOCIAL STUDIES sheUs instead of fancy waists. This release of labor concentrates the national effort on the work of victory instead of leaving the workers dis- persed among parasitic trades. The heart of the war-savings scheme is this: you buy a "war-savings certificate" for fifteen shillings and sixpence. In five years the Gov- ernment wiU give you a pound for it. Less than four dollars has become five dollars. Of course the worker cannot make an investment of fifteen shillings and sixpence at one time. So he joins an association in his school, factory, store, or club, and subscribes his penny or sixpence each week. These associations are like our fraternal organizations. They appeal to the social sense of the group. There are other forms of war sav- ing, such as exchequer bonds, but this system of certificate is the popultx way. It is cooperative investment. If the person does not belong to an associa- tion, he receives a war-savings card, with thirtv- one spaces on it, each for a sixpenny stamp. He buys the stamps at the post-oflice as often aa he can. When the card is full, he hands it in, and receives a certificate, worth fifteen shillings INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES and sixpence, and good for a pound at the end of five years. Such speakers as Lennox Gihnour of the na- tional war-savings committee go around the coun- try addressing men and women in factories, and boys and girls in schools. This is one of the stories used by Mr. Gihnour in his campaign: "I met in a railway carriage a man who had just returned from the front. He was a mem- ber of the Army Service Corps, and I got into conversation with him. In the course of our talk he said: " 'I am one of those chaps that always like to prove what I sey. Would you mind looking at my pay-book.' "This in support of some assertion he had made. I replied that I should be delighted, and I looked at his pay-book. The last entry was three hundred francs, which he had drawn for his holiday; and immediately in front of that there was an entry, 'War-savings certificates £lO is. 6d.,* which is the price of thirteen war-savings certificates. "I said, 'I see you have some of these war-sav- ings certificates.' 234 ■j,, itn « < « < ron. SOCIAL STUDIES Yes, and I am going to get some more.' 'How did you get these?' Well,' he said, 'we get them in the squad- " 'Did any other chaps get them?' " 'Oh, yes, they did.' 'I said, 'How did your squadron do?' " 'Well.' he said, 'my squadron— it was given out on parade that it was the backbone of the whole lot.' " 'What,' I asked, 'does that mean?' "*Well,' he said, 'I will tell you. There are five squadrons in our base camp, and mine did the best of the lot.' " 'What did it do?' " 'There are.' he said, 'a hundred and fifty men m a squadron, and we contributed .£2289.' " 'What,' I asked, 'did the other four squad- rons do?' •'He laughed. 'They did £200 among them.' Well,' I said, 'there is always an explanation for everything. Why did your squadron do so well, and why did the other squadrons do so poorly?' " 'You see,' he replied, 'our major was keen, ft85 It: M 1 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES and he spoke to every one of us and told us what we ought to do.' "I asked, 'And the other majors, what did thev dor " 'They handed out the leaflets.* " That is the secret of the success which has at- tended this evangelistic campaign. It is the per- sonal appeal, friend speaking to friend. And the motive for giving is rendered in the head- lines of the pamphlets, and posters: "Save for England." "Save for your country." In North Nibley, one of the smallest villages in Gloucestershire, the inhabitants subscribed eighty dollars in a fortnight. Wigstan Magna, in Leicestershire, is in the cen- ter of the hosiery and boot-making district. One of the factories has between three hundred and four hundred operatives. That factory pur- chased two hundred certificates in one week. Yarmouth has fifty associations and four thou- sand members, and has subscribed ten thousand doUars. This city lies on the east coast, where the Zeppelins have stimulated the civilian con- sciousness. It was out from Grimsby where the fishing- SOCIAL STUDIES Wlers have been lost by mines and submarines. The answer of Grimsby was made by seventy- three war-savings associations. In one week 4600 certificates were purchased. At an East End factory in London 128 girls jomed the savings crusade in a single week. Only two girls are not members. In three months the girls saved over $230. They did it by chipping in their threepenny and sixpenny bit each week. Norwich paid into the post-office $75,000 in six weeks. The boot and shoe operatives of Northampton are subscribing five thousand dollars a week. Keithley, in Yorkshire, is the heart of the woolen trade. It makes uniforms for the Rus- sian army. It saves five thousand dollars a week an average of six shillings and eightpence for every inhabitant. The domestic servants of Gillingham in Kent have united in a war-savings association. This reminds me of the touching gift of ten shillings which I once received from an English house- maid for ambulance work in Belgium. Let no one doubt the spirit in which this money of hum- «87 1 i '»•—• *• **■<«. V 1 il 'If k> I '-J [\il :.!l f* INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES We persons is given. It is given because a lit- tle nation was crushed, and because their broth- ers and lovers are fighting to free that little na- tion. Xo high-blown dreams of empire, no lust for territory, no desire for power and wealth, are in these obscure gifts. They are conscience- money to Belgium. They are the pitiful earn- ings of a democracy passed over to a suflFerinir people. * In Plymouth, with its docking and shipping trade, eighteen thousand persons began to save in one week. At Preston, in Lancashh-e. $100,000 was turned over to the Govermnent by the workers m the period of four months. There is an elementary school for 850 boys near Newcastle. The boys brought in four thou- sand dollars from their families in eight weeks, and then kept up the average of five hundred dol- lars a week. In Battersea one of the school-boys brourfit in he sum of five hundred dollars m penmes col- lected among the three hundred boys and their workmg families in ten months. The thing that irritates us about England is 298 SOCIAL STUDIES the same thing that offends us at home. Here JM no well^iled autocracy that runs on a smgle track to a visible goal Instead of that clean smooth, organized, docile affair, it is a democracy,' with an immensely rich variety of life sprawling •U over the place. The air is full of voices, be- cause everj' one is aUowed to speak. If you don't like it, remember what it is that you don't like: ,t IS a free people, choosing to make its own mii»tekes. living its own life, and just now out on the war-path to chase some trespassers off the premises. Doubtless, if the critics were running the performance, they would give a more unified and polished proceeding. But no group of per- sons are running this war. The people are run- nmg It. So, instead of losing strength as the pressure increases, they gather force and mo- mentum with each mistake. They teach them- selves by failure. The wiU of the great Gennan general staff can be snapped by defeat, because the staff is a handful of men. But the wUl of 45,000,000 people can not be broken, because it IS the will of these school-boys and working-girls of domestic servants and munition-workers, of a democracy whose sense of pity and justice has fta9 'ji >ii i 'I '* i •■ "•* -tt, ^»,i, ■«-**, INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES been touched. The mistake in estimating the English effort is to measure it at any given time, because it is a continuaUy growing effort. It is like a gathering of waters from mountain streams and the drift of hills and from inexhaustible rams. The confluence keeps widening and deep- ening from a thousand tributaries. The pool can be emptied, and soon it is not only filled again, but is larger than before. The English are a "sentimental nation." I quote a distinguished English officer when I say that. Captain Basil Williams. It is true. They are as sentimental as Americans. An appeal to cold reason, to personal aggrandizement, to a ramy day, or to a shadowy future, does not more them in the slightest. But something that con- cerns the welfare of helpless children or of per- sons whom they love releases all that is best in the EngUsh race. I know this, because I worked in a Red Cross London office in the early weeks of the war, and I found that the smallest appeal to the English public for help in clothing BeU gians brought in a large response-a response, in fact, so overwheUning that it stuffed the office X40 i . i-. - . , m m i iroM^ -jfct , SOCIAL STUDIES rooms with supplies. PersonaUy I have never dealt with a public that is so swiftly generous. When the fuU facts of Belgian relief are made public, it will be found that it is the EngUsh who have fed them and sheltered them, raised the greater part of the money, widened and adjusted their own home life in order to absorb an army of refugees, and steadily continued to provide funds without spurts and without fatigue. > better proof of this racial sentiment and kindliness can be had than by studying a few of the fifty-four million posters and leaflets of recruiting, and the hundreds of thousand publications for war sav- ing. The appeal is rarely to self-mterest. The appeal is to the heart, to the great objects of the war, the ideal of liberty, the cause of freedom. This national saving is not being done by ob- scure, hard-working Enghshmen and English- women to make their own old age cozy. It is being done to free Belgium and strengthen de- mocracy. If the evangelists who have gone about Britain preaching war savings had spoken to a commercial motive, they would have whistled in vain. Ml ' . it i' 1 l» f -J L INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES dragons' teeth England is developing a set of problems at lightning speed that will require a generation to uncoil. I can only indicate them. It would fill another volume even to state them in detail. The first attempt to treat comprehensively the new machinery and buildings created by war needs has been made by the annual "Engineering Supplement" of "The Times." What is to be done with this new plant? has been the question asked by many, and answered by none. Mr. Hodge, the mimster of labor, states that seventy- five million doUars of new capital has been ex- pended in the extension of plant in the iron and steel trade. He estimates that by the end of the war the sum will be one hundred and fifty mil- lions. He says: "i don't care whether it is by tariffs, by prohibition, by bounty, or any other method, the plant in our country must be util- ized." Private plants, numbering four thousand seven hundred, have greatly expanded. There are over ninety-five new national factories. The "Engineering Supplement" quotes one firm as prophesying "a reduction in the proportion of M9 ; .' 1,1 SOCIAL STUDIES three machines to one available for future use." A firm of marine engineers says that sixty per cent, of the new machines will have to be scrapped, because the tools are over-driven and worn out. But even these estimates leave from twenty.five to forty per cent, of the new ma- chinery available, and this is an enormous ex- pansion in productive capacity. Thus in one year armament firms introduced twenty-five hun- dred new machine tools. The large majority of engineering firms agree that these works, with their new machinery, will be used for the inten- sive manufacture of standardized articles. The iwsembling of parts at these central plants has es- tablished manufacturing practice in the use of gages, and created the conditions for standard and interchangeable manufacture. As one firm writes: "In small tools— twist drills and milling cut- ters—we believe that by standardization and judicious publicity we may fiU a large portion of the business held formerly by Germany and the United States." One hunared thousand gages have been made in the technical institutes in the last eighteen ai3 ' ft' iiii: ji INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES months. The ,jrage standardizes the engineering industry, and enables it to produce on a vast scale a great variety of manufactured articles. Stand- ardization is essential to low-cost manufacture and large output, and the establishment of stand- ard IS dependent on the accuracy of gages, de- fining specified dimensions of absolute magni- tude, and limiting permissible variation. A professional engineer writes: Our locomoiivec differ onlj in relatively small de- tails, excepting valve-gears. The main sizes of cylin- ders, piston-rods, connecting-rods, side-rods, crank axlos differ only very slightly in the same class of en- gines Hundreds of various forms of l«-in x20-in. horizontal engh.og exist, differing only in a very small degree in the actual detaU. that count in actual wear and tear and the life of the engine. Could not aU these detaUs be agreed and standardized? If a few more usual type, of engines-marine, steam rollers, etc—were standardized, quite a number of o.r present munition factories could be engaged in manu- facturing connecting-rods and side-rod, only, other, the cyhnders and pistons, others the valve-gears, etc.; and m busy areas, without much carting, whole en- gine, could thus be assembled in special shops dealing with special engine, to the great gain of our home, colonial, and foreign cu.tomers. A similar course i. £44 SOCIAL STUDIES demanded very specially for electrical machinery, fit- tings, and telephones. The munition factories could further be used to great advantage in fostering and nursing the British production of agricultural machinery, at present sadly behindhand, and manufacturing it as standard repeti- tion work. They would also be suitable for making improved machine tools, as well as mining tools, such as rock-drills, etc.; and standard ships would be greatly improved if fitted not only with the standard engines already mentioned, but also standard winches, pumps, steering-gear, refrigerating-apparatus, etc. The output in the engineering trade can be increased at least twenty-five per cent, even with the machinery that existed before the war, and with the new machinery that percentage wiU go considerably hi^er. Inevitably standardization leads to oiganiza- tion and the creation of combines or trusts. Motor-car makers suggest the use of the great new plants for the purpose of producing cheap cars to compete with those of American make. Akeady efforts are being made to bring about a combination of British makers. But it is not alone in the engineering trades that trusts are likely to be formed. Already I 1 1 IJi i( I 'ii 1 ! U I u \l INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES capital is concentrating in other industries. Lord Rhondda purchased a group of Welsh col- lieries, and the "Welsh Outlook" reports: Lord Rhondda now controls over S% millions of cap- ital [pounds, not dollars], pays iVi millions in wages every year, and is virtually the dictator of the eco- nomic destiny of a quarter of a milUon miners. Ru- mors are also current that Lord Rhondda is extending his control over the press cf Wales. To control such vast, irresponsible economic power as his will be the task of Parliament; but here we meet with a new war-created problem. During the war Parliament has largely lost its control over government, which is administered to-day by a temporary group of kwyers, finan- ciers, and imperialists, surrounded by a larger group of permanent expert officials. And this group in turn is enlarged by a small army of vol- unteer social workers. Not only do these hidden experts administer government, but they create new legislation. As a government investigator reports: The change in the mode of industrial legislation may be summed up as a tendency to move from the politician towards the expert. S46 SOCIAL STUDIES Even before the war men were saying- "The political machine of U>-day presupposes that pop- ular opmion shall have no initiative. Officialdom ZL7' •* ^^ '""P^"^ of the remaining social This is a tendency in the direction of beau- reaucracy. and the value of it rests in the intel- ligence and character of these inner manipulators and their responsiveness to public need. A par- liamentary committee sits on its biU of recom- mendations, like a hen on its nest, and rises with a cacUe. Sometimes the product, when hatched. IS as distressing and unexpected as a duck's egg m the poultry farm. I suspect that the recon- struction committee and the franchise committee are gomg to find that their sober, weU-rounded draft of recommendations wUl develop startling methods of locomotion. The law itself, hatched m the pmacy of committee-rooms. sallies out with a special dynamic of its own. We have lost all surprise that our correspondence should be pawed over before we see it. our house, in- vaded by competent or incompetent authorities and their representatives, our religion regulated or otherwise catechised. ' ! I i * 1 I t '![ I ' ■»> «47 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES So says one of the "Cambridge Magaane" group, who have retained their sanity in a war which temporarily unhinged H. G. Wells and Arnold Bennett, and lifted Austin Harrison, St. Loe Strachey, Leo Maxse, Gwynne, Horatio Bottomley, Robert Blatchford, and Northcliffe into leadership of public opinion. To these crea- tors of constructive thought, "out to beat the Boches," such a question as "Who shall guard the guardians?" is academic in " a world of blood and iron, controlled by men who do not take what they would call a Sunday-school view," as the realist editor of the "Spectator" writes. But Parliament was at least an honest attempt to give the people a check on the behavior of the men in power. And now this inside clique has taken away Parliament, and no one knows where they have secreted it. When it has been discov- ered and restored, it will have still other problems with which to Trrestle. How are the three thousand million pounds of national debt to be paid for? Indirect taxa- tion means high prices on food and doming, a high cost of living. Taxation of income, death duties, conscription of profits, is "class legisla- 848 SOCIAL STUDIES tioa" The only a«I way out here i, of cou«e P.y. h« debt, by ,u««»ful work not lUone Z m Wtmg the market, but n,.i„Iy by provid^ mg It with commodities. L Will" : "^^ '"' P""""'- ^-^l-nd » Wkmg of conung over on the good old Me- Kmley AmencM b«i,. The «,eient battle- ^ie.^^fo.eedhyjre;^'^:^.--^: »»«• of Ubor. are finding the «,urce of aU eco- nom„ weakness in free tr^le. A convenient, one- phrase «unm«y solution of a complex matter i. •Iways appreciated by men who don't enjoy the P~ce,s of orgam«i„g thought This i, no »d. dm cMversion for. portion of the Tories. Dis- ~eh held that "the ultimate «m of the Free "»rael^ to see our national prosperity upheld ^by a skUfuI agriculture and by anT:^^ commerce. S40 f I J ■li: M n 1 * •I I I Hi ir M !^7 iir*] ^ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES That "alike" to be effective would require some of the same magic which Joshua used on the set- ting sun, for England is an industrial coun- try. But Disraeli and many of the later Tory protectionists acted from long-held conviction. Whereas there is a touch of extempore when Mr. Hodge, the new minister of labor, intoxicated by his association with peers of the realm, cries out in Pisgah vision that England is done with free trade. At least it wil^ pay him to study the happy industrial proletariat in Fall River, Law- rence, and our other protected cities before he turns to tariff reform as the sole salvation of a country that requires immense quantities of raw material. This is the danger which England faces, that her leaders will run after panaceas of protection, business government, scientific management, in- stead of dealing with what is the heart of each one of her problems — human relationship. CHANOil At the Labor party conference in Manchester in the first month of 1017 one of the leaders said: If the soldier wu worth two pounds a week when he S50 SOCIAL STUDIES w« destroying things, was he not worth two pounds when he was producing? A country which can find mUhons of "quid." to feed the cannon's mouth can find miUions to feed the worker's mouth. The Other day I was sitting at luncheon with the mayor of one of the great English cities. He said to me: Never again wDl there be the cry of "No money to spend." A thousand million for war, and you haggle over twenty millions for education? Give us educa- tion. Continue the high wages. Don't knock off the war bonuses. Make them permanent. Pay unskilled labor a minimum of thirty shUlings, and later raise it to two pounds. We don't need to worry about the "killed trade-unionists. Let them fight for their three and four pounds. There wiU be no trouble after the war. Labor will obtain its demands. Wages can't be lowered. The workers won't let them. That is one of the new ideas brought into Eng- lish life by the war: there must be a better use of money and a wider distribution of it than in the past. This idea wiU be applied, for instance, to the care of motherhood and child welfare. At the maternity centers one has now the spectacle of the state keeping the mother and child alive, but under-nourished. If the state is to intervene «5l 'I If- . f fl J It J iiii'f t #^# 1,1 .'1 ii INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES at all, it must do so vigorously. Otherwise the cost of intervention, which is paid for by taxa- tion, fails to result in a sturdy race, paying back the subsidy by production. There is a phrase in golf about following through the stroke. It ad- mirably expresses the thoroughness that is needed in social reform. That imperial and foreign policy concerns the individual worker, and can make him prosperous or uncomfortable, is another idea which the war has brought to the British mind. Imperial pol- icy, which by its very nature is democratic, is it- self a foreign policy. When you shovel together free nations, which are a belt around the world, you have necessarily established a series of con- tacts with backward races, subject peoples, and imperfect democracies. The domestic policy must be influenced by the foreign policy. As an instance, one of the first matters to be taken up by the British imperial conference will be that of Ireland. The recoil of this on foreign policy will be powerful. It will clear the air for an Anglo-American understanding. Great Britaiii, in accepting the idea of a British commonwealth. I SOCIAL STUDIES hta in reality extended the principle of demo- cr«t,c control to foreign policy. This means a e-sening of secret diplomacy. It is a coherent, thoughtful, and determined effort to put into ex- ecution the excellent desires which The Hague Conference stimulated, but did not make effec- tive. One of the duties of a modem nation is to mduce its citizens to exercise the responsibili- ties which they in reality possess, but do not care to acknowledge. It has required a preliminary course of education to accustom the British dominions to the idea that they were concerned with foreign policy. By groups of informal con- ferenoe. by much excellent pamphleteering in The Round Table." by all sorts of books, articles. «id talks from Cromer. Milner. Lionel Curtis. P. H. Kerr. Ray Lankester. and Woolf. the re- ipoasibUities of the British state have been em- phasized. The pressure of the war has served to accelerate a tendency of thought that was al- ready m operation. In fact, none of these ideas IS really new. All have been famiUar to thinkers for a number of years, but there is never any large number of thinkers loose on this planet at ftSS m 1 T J! Mf h. I b, ' i N ■ 1 1 'I ' I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES any one moment. So it takes time for thought to shake down among the people, and finally to reach an application in government. As these ideas spread, the British public is be- ginning to keep a close tab on its leaders. It in- sists that they be representative, and when they take 8 side-track, the democracy cuts loose and leaves them lonely. The war has given us three instances of this in Hughes of Australia, John Redmond, and Mrs. Pankhurst. Mr. Hughes was elected premier of Australia to represent a democratic community in terms of social legisla- tion and administration. He sailed to England, became inoculated with the belief that he was a war-lord, advocated at the Paris conference a trade boycott, which would have isolated Eng- land from the markets of the world more effectu- ally than a shoal of submarines, and finally, fed by flattery, swelled to the role of dictator and declared for conscription. His home people voted him down, some of his cabinet resigned, and to-day he is a minority premier. "Stick to your last" is the meaning of the swift troundng which the Australian democracy gave him. John Redmond is head of the Irish National- fA4 SOCIAL STUDIES ists, but he no longer represents young Ireland And the reason is that, in a burst of parliamen- tary fervor, he pledged Ireland to the cause of theAlhes. That was not for him to do. He was sent to Westminster to push through Home Kule, not to cooperate with Downing Street in foreign policy. The Irish people refused to be picked up in his right hand and set down in the trenches. When war broke out Mrs. Pankhurst dropped her militant campaign and went out recruiting. Ever since then she has watched the Balkan de- velopments, pounded Lord Grey, urged a fight to a fimsh. She not only dropped her militant campaign; she dropped the woman question. Jihe no longer foUows social legislation, the woman's wage, hours of over-time. But she was a leader precisely because of the woman question ; so her following has dropped away, and she is no longer ranked by the women reformers as one of the general staff. Thus the organ of the women trade-unionists, "The Woman Worker," writes a "message that might have come" from Mrs Pankhurst: "I desire to inform members of the Federation SS5 fl' i Si urn INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES that in my view their duty should be to march in as many processions, create as much disturbance, and take as many collections as possible." And there is a more deadly home-thrust than that. Her own daughter, Sylvia Pankhurst, has gone on with the work of social reform for women, and to-day has a strong following. There is another reason why Mrs. Pankhurst has lost her follow- ing, and this is that her following have under- gone a psychological change; but of that I will speak later. What concerns me here is that Mrs. Pankhurst abandoned the woman's movement for the national cause, and that in doing this she lost OMitrol of her part of the woman's movement. I am not engaged here in debating the ques- tion whether Mr. Hughes was not correct in urg- ing conscription, whether Mr. Redmond was not far-sighted in pledging Ireland, and whether Mrs. Pankhurst was not patriotic in subordinat- ing women workers to soldiers. I am only say- ing that they did not represent their constituency, and in taking the new tack they lost their follow- ing. What the democracy is learning to say to its leaders is, "Represent us or get out." I don't see in these manifestations of the popular wish SS6 SOCIAL STUDIES any new idea, but I do see a swifter and more sensitive application of the principle of demo- cratic control. Leaders remain leaders only as long as they are channels for the collective will. Another change I feel in English life is an emotional chan^^. It is the disappearance of the hysteria that was caused by suppression. I don't refer to the orgiastic elements in the English nature that are revealed at the comer public house and on Bank holiday. The.se are the peri- odic explosions of the natural man. It was in- evitable that Enghind should have created the Salvation Army and indulged in Mafeking Night. The normal Englishman is a free, noisy CTeature. who talks by the hour, interrupts pub- lic meetings, and lives as a human being should. Any one who does n't know that has never spent evenings in country mns, and has never traveled in a third-cUss compartment. The English worker is a sociable person. Nor am I referring to the upper class, which has spread its govern- ors, explorers, and sportsmen over the earth, and whose women ride to hounds, drive ambulances under the guns, and speed up the suffrage cam- paign. «S7 II' I li: It ' I I I I'] ^ m M I 2 J ' i 1 1 It »i i I'- ( ill ! 'I f r INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES I am speaking of the English middle class, the forlomest middle class known to me. France and America have nothing like it. The suppres- sion of emotional life in the women — the creation of the pose of "good form," the severely reticent lady, neither heard nor even seen in public — has resulted in a rather wide-spread hysteria in that one stratum of the community, the middle-class layer. These women are desirous to be true to type, to do nothing that is not correct, and the result has been a prim and regulated life, full of negations, with the instinctive impulses and de- sires of a free, creative life left out of the reckon- ing. Nature punishes this suppression with nervous maladies. One London specialist told me he knew of several himdred such cases. This hysteria was shown in manifestations of the militant suffrage movement. I am not speaking of the leaders. Mrs. Pankhurst is a very charming woman, of determined will and well-balanced mentality, who adopted a program of action because she believed she was forced to it by the demands of the situation. Mrs. "Gen- eral" Drumninnd is the most delightful humorist, with the exception of Chesterton, whom I have ^'MM.^r^-Jt'^.:. ■■•H'-r-jf . .C\ . SOCIAL STUDIES ever met. She is luminously sane. My wife and 1 spent three days with her at Havre, and she held us through the evenings till midnight with her reminiscences of carrying a hansom-cab into the House of Commons, floatmg in a tug down the Thames past Parliament, and addressing the statesmen on the Embankment, who had ' , sit and listen because they were chained to heir afternoon tea. Another time she was in the gal- lery of a crowded public hall and, in trying to go out, became entangled in the pedals of the organ, and sent out wailing notes. Miss Kenney is a modest, earnest young woman of clear, idealistic purpose. This handful of leaders who manipu- lated the Women's Social and Political Union are expressing themselves. But the movement attracted an element in the middle class which is in spiritual bondage, and some of these showed signs of hysteria in their response. The bitter- ness of tone in the books of certain EngUsh women writers is another indication of suffer- ing. To all such victims of suppressed vitality, lead- ing to anxiety, melancholy, and hysteria, the war has come as a release, for it has given them cxcit- Sff9 ^t : I ? > I f f II I h I -'iNj (■ V; i 1 ; : 1 ' ( 1 i ■^ 1 *' ( 1 .j1 -► -K&^. * , , iy ! ! INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES ing occupation. They have entered industry, commerce, government employment. They have nursed soldiers, cooked at canteens, and become a part of the great communal life flowing past them. These minor changes of idea and attitude and emotional response are all a part of the great change which has come over England. Life is no longer a monopoly possession of the upper classes, of the male sex, of the mother country, of the Westminster Parliam *nt, of the captains of industry. Life is not a mer to be postponed to the hereafter and the cL. r invisible. It is the product here and now i)f one's will and energy, fed by impulse, and shape by thought. One- self is the person concerned, and the happiest so- ciety in which to feel at home is a democracy of equals. 1* I ! ^ H A BATCH OF PAPERS Instead of being ponderous and exhaustive, and writing this like a sociological report, I shall tell what I like and dislike about British journal- ism, and we shall get along faster than by the heavy-footed way. I like Chesterton's paper, 960 •^w . SOCIAL STUDIES "The New Witness," since G. K. C. has taken it over. Others that write his style annoy me. as an echo m the auditorium amioys an audience who want to hear the speaker himself. I like "The New Witness" because GUbert K. Chester- ton seems to me the best thing England has pro- duced since Dickens. I like the things he be- ^eves in. and I hate sociological experts and pro- hibitionists and Uhlan officers, which are the thmgs he hates. I feel in him that a very honest man is speaking, so I am glad of his views even when I differ with him. He is a useful correc- tive on public opinion, too. He dislikes the ser- vile state, by which he means the coming orderly, regimented Utopia, scientifically managed by Sidney Webb. That is the kind of talk we need, because aU of us in social work (and who is n't a social worker to-day?) are forever hunting and hairymg the poor, itemizing their food-supply. shadmg off just the proportion of caloric differ- ence between starvation and under-nourishment. And when we catch the line where the poor sat- isfy us that they can puU through, we are going to impale them with a minimum wage. I like his mipudence to Northcliff .. because Northdiffe S61 t t fl INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES it a dangerous sort of man in a modern democ- racy. He is dangerous because he does so much good; but I wiU get around to him in a moment. As a journalist Chesterton gets only about a quarter of himself into action. But even a quar- ter of Chesterton is good measure. He leaves out all his overtones, the lilting verse and jolly stories and incomparable essays, those flashes of good criticism and exultation. He works very hard at his journalism. That is why he does n't do it so well as his careless things, which give him fun. But for all that there is no other editorial page in England or the United States written with the snap, wit, and honest humanity of his paragraphs. I hope he won't blunt himself by overwork. It would be an international loss if that sane, jolly mind is bent to routine. Eng- land has need of him. There is something cosmic about English plans of reconstruction, something of the weary load of destiny about their imperial commonwealth. It is a pleasant thing to be able to remind ourselves that the same race that pro- duced Curzon and Milner and Carson, heavy men, with a sense of predestined seriousness, after all produced Chesterton. Ojfwpwwji •v*a*s^"^ SOCIAL STUDIES I have to jump the Imh Sea in order to find Mything so much in earnest and gay as the "New Witness" in these months of management by one who teUs me that he is "the world's worst editor." I thmk the independent spirited little Irish week- hesa« admirable. They sass the censor and the ord heutenant and the Castle. I met some of the editors, poor men and honest, editing and wntmg papers in which they believe. They seemed to me worth all the sleek, timid JVew York crowd put together. They speak their heart out, then take the galley proof around to the censor, and he slashes out seditious" paragraphs, and they publish about h« f their heartful. I have seen these carved-up galleys and the pleading, warning, threatening letters cf the censor. These journalists are pretty much everything in their shop-editor and contributor and proof-reader and office boy-be- cause their papers are often one-man concerns. A man believes something hard, and being Irish, he has the knack of stetement, so he publishes a paper. One of them told us he had a weekly circulation of 10.000; another had 6000. These weeklies have literary quality. One of them. I li f i it' I ■ il'l i)i fi'l J' f 5 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES "New Ireland/' is stuffed full of good things by A. E., James Stephens, Katharine Tynan, and the rest of that gifted group. There is some- thing pathetic about the editors I am speaking of ; I met several of them. I don't mean pitiable, because you don't pity men who are better than you arc. But there seemed something hopeless about the success of their efforts within any span of time that would concern them at all. I sup- pose it is just an extension of the feeling that we have about any clean, unrewarded effort in this present world of ours where men of the sort of these Irish editors, with fine hopes about human- ity in their heart, go lean and tired to their grave. Some of them are ak-eady in prison, and more of them will be there before the Irish question is well settled. Coming back to England, one has to have "The Nation." It is much like our own "New Repub- lic." But what is a discovery in "The New Re- public" becomes a formula in "The Nation." "The New Republic" is cock-sure, omniscient, and "I'm not arguing with you; I'm telling you," because its background is scanty, and it has the freshness of a virgin mind. "The Nation" is •6* SOCIAL STUDIES •11 background, mid ao is a little weary. It has the slightly fatigued mind of one who has lived • lifetime with the noble aspirations of our Mter- cl«. radicals, and needs a change, but won't take It. I have read "The Nation" since 1908, and I never felt this ennui so much as during these war months. Like many other radicals, it was caught between the Zeppelins and the submarines without a program. It had nothing to say. and Mid It. Latterly it has had a rebirth. Bertrand Russell published a fascinating book a few months ago. called "Why Men Fight." I have been watching that book seep out through the pores of "The Nation" ever since. "The xXation" makes me tired because its sincerity « stale; but. for aU that, it is one of the best weeklies in England, and it comes closer to mterpreting the viUl thought of England, the currents of tendency, than any paper known to me. Only I wish it were not so languid in teU- mg about vital thought. It is of course well writ- toi. a quahty it shares with forty other papers. That gift of a good working style is rather wide- spread. It comes of having a literary tradition and a weU-read university crowd. There must 165 f n\ il IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT.3) // <^^ 4^ <1PPLIED_^ IN/HGE . Inc .^ar 1653 East Main Street ,^=^ Roctiester, NY 14609 USA ^Sgr^ Phone: 716/482^)300 •^=r.^S Fax. 716/288-5989 1993. Applied lm«g«. Inc . All Righu RcMrvad '^ k <^ ^ i Ok f-* AfAfcJ > >l i^ I [i IXSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES I speak as the editor of a journal which enjoys a circulation and wields an influence unique in newspaper history; and as one who, for good or evil, has gained the ear and the confidence of a sufficient section of the British public to make or unmake Ministers. Stated with true British restraint, that is a minimum appraisal of the place Bottomley holds in public esteem. In the same issue Lloyd- George leams he is not to be broken at the first kick-off. "So long as he does this— but not a day longer— he may rely, for what it may be worth, upon my unqualified and disinterested support." I heard a British colonel say the other day that Bottomley should have been in the cabinet. He writes a picture-post-card style, like that of Arthur Brisbane, which is spotted with battle-cries and catch-phrases such as "a business Government," "Germany's Death-rat- tle." He is really funny in a way that "Punch" would like to be. He has a genuine pity for the lot of the poor, and I think in that, and not in his raw conceit and vulgarity and barrenness of ideas, lies the secret of his hold on a portion of the people. When it comes to the downright spade-work of reconstruction, where briglit 268 SOCIAL STUDIES phrases are not a substitute for hard thinking. I foresee a sharp tussle for mastery between the Bottomley type of mind and the reaj leaders of i^ngland. Surely the real leaders are men like Seebohm Rowntree, Zimmern, Lionel Curtis, and Prothero, who put fundamental brain-work on the mdustrial and imperial problems. Mean- while I read "John Bull." and so does England. There is no wrench in passing from Bottomley to Lord Northcliffe. Both are "practical men." who want things done now. Northcliffe is a big ^nial man. carrying a sense of immediate power' He suggested io me a cross between a district leader and a captain of industry. He will do any- thing for you personally, like a Tammany boss. It gives him a sense of his own power, and it ex- presses a genuine human liking in his make-up. He cuts across lots to get into action. He writes well, talks well, and has a hard horse sense that has served England in the present crisis. Whether he will continue to be of value will de- pend on his ability to broaden his vision of the mdustrial struggle. He has the arrogance of men who make swift decisions, and who are in the position to carry them out. He has a sharpened S69 I. H • if! 'ti '] INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES sense of reality, but it is a materialistic sense. Whether he will help the new world after the war is a question that is troubling aU who have watched his astonishing career and realize his force. There is a danger of England too hastUy reshaping its ideals. Because it has been slow and unorganized it is turning to American and Prussian methods. But it will be a loss if it lets in the whole materialistic philosophy of results, success, and efficency. And just here is the damage of a man like NorthcliflFe, because he is a sort of Prussian superman, who is death on slackness, but blind to any meaning that can't be caught inside of three dimensions. There was a restraint in English journalism before his time. I noticed the other day that he published in his "Daily Mail" a cartoon of Raemaekers, and used an underline which made it seem that Raemaek- ers had drawn his picture in order to throw scorn on Viscount Grey. Actually the caption had been faked in the office to serve the political ends of the paper. That is dirty journalism, as dirty as America's Yellow Press. I am not trying to offer wise conclusions in this chapter. I am only recording impressions after many years of daily StlO SOCIAL STUDIES re^g to the EngUsh pr«. So I leave North- cliffe w,lh no fo.mul.ted opinion. I see valuable thmg m the m«, which I feel to be ruthless and ™. It seems to me un-English, or Tel am all »™„g about the temperateness and kindli- less of English character. '■The Manchester Gu«^ian" i., „„« of the best newspapers in Enghnd. To praise its edi- torials ,ts dramatic reviews, its baUnce of news. Its judicial, and yet spirited, attitude to custom and diange, is what President Hadley tersely calk a work of supererogation." It is as good r •" T «™ °' '"^ ^P"^'" Republil," ^he K«>sas City Star." .„d "The DaHa, "The Westminster Gazette" has a delightful t^- f P'^™t "here they turn English ™«es mto decasyllabic Latin, develop the ca- p.b.ht.es of words whose initial letter is ^ and ^.te tmy es«.ys on "How to Enter an Omnibus." A. G. Gardner writes poUtical studies and <*«™cter sketches in his "Daily News" that re- mnd an American of Colonel Watterson's best if' I • i il i, •. X 1 \ i ' \ y n « ti I' Hit I?fj ^ i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES I have grown very weary of J. L. Garvin in the Sunday "Observer." He has felt the neces- sity of "putting a punch" into it every week till he writes portentously of "tanks," which should be left for Chesterton, and of the map of Europe, which is the vested interest of Hilaire BeUoc. The best writers of Great Britain sprinkle themselves about on the editorial pages in a way that makes the breakfast paper a voyage of dis- covery. The "New Statesman," the "New Age," and the "Cambridge Magazine," with its amazing digest of foreign opinion, are quite ir- replaceable because no other periodicals fulfill their function. I used to read the "Spectator," till Strachey's militancy in several fields grew wearisome. The individualistic penny weeklies and month- lies are unfailingly bright. It seems strange to me that we have nothing of the sort in America. The suffrage papers; the one-man aflFairs, like George Lansburj^'s "Herald" and Sorollea*s "Everyman"; "The British Weekly," with its ex- cellent literary letter by Robertson Nicoll; "The Christian Commonwealth," with its analysis of labor conditions and of advanced Nonconformist «72 \l u ■•■*-»/*«.* SOCIAL STUDIES thought-aU combine to give the in.pre,«o„ „f a «lf-comc,oua public opinion fed «,d reuewed by the free play of the individualistic mind Of the heavier reviews, "The Fortnightly," Nine eenth Century" .nd "The Contempora^" »e valuable for obtaining that sweep of fnterl harfly a glmpse m our popuUr magazines. Table. Men hke Lionel Curti, Kerr and A. E. Zimmera are working here at the prin- ciples of reconstruction for industry and the emp-re It is solid, close-wrought work, wres- thng at the problems of the modem world with an absence of theory and rhetoric. No other smgle pubhcation has had the influence of "The ««und Table" in directing British public opinion^ TheRoundTable"help«,toprep.,ethe^und for the chmges which c«ne through with the war. They and the Fabian group and the Workers" Educational Association and the workers them- selves have between them sprung the most dra- matic revolution in one hundred years, and it is stUl only m it, faint begimiingi Somebody is going to teU me that my Ust is n't ■I I > u < INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES complete, and that I have omitted the most weighty, the most significant paper on the isknd. But this is not a catalogue, and it is not a guide to self-help. It is merely the record of the likes of one man who reads for pleasure. So let them bring forward their "Chamber's," "Hibbert Journal," "Quarterly Review," and "The Edin- burgh," "Truth," "Comhill," and "The New Age." ■\\ FBEE SPEECH One of our most prominent American social workers returned home the other day from a foreign tour. She was quoted as saying that she had found liberty suppressed everjrwhere. A mo- ment later in the interview it appeared that her experience in England consisted in cutting across the island and jumping aboard her boat at Liver- pool. That lets her out. If she had remained in England she would have found that liberty is a lively possession there just now. I have never before seen the "subject" act with so much initiative and I have never heard him express himself so vigorously. Mr, Bertrand Russell receives an excellent free advertisement from «74 SOCIAL STUDIES to state them m one of the best books writ- ten m recent years. "Why Men Fight." The book IS widely advertised and favorably reviewed In a tune of incalculable strain half a dozen conscientious objectors are dealt with unjustly and shamefuUy while some thousands are dealt with honorably. And conscientious objectors are only two per cent, of the total number of clamiants for exemption. These others are in reserved trades." they are the "sole sup- port of a family, they have built up an indi- vidual business. And of all these cases, only four per cent, of the decisions have been appealed agamst. Conscientious objectors would never have been heard from if Parliament had not created their status. There are no conscientious objectors in Germany; there is the shooting- squad. It is only in a free country that liberty can "raise a rough house." England is a free country. There are plenty of criticisms that lie agamst her for mental sloth, for mistaken foreign pohcy. for unconscious and deep pride; but aman IS still free to carry out his policy and speak his mmd. The perfect proof is this: in the year 275 -;. / U' ? INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES 1915 she had 698 labor strike*. At once the vigilant critic of England wiU say. "The laboring man is not patriotic" Let me first point out that this is an exactly opposite charge from the charge that he has lost his personal liberty. Secondly, it is untrue. He is patriotic, but he feels no loyalty toward the profit-makers. The striking miners were accused of holding up coal from the navy and endangering the battle-ship fleet. But they showed figures to a friend of mine which proved the exact point to which they could proceed with their strike without lessening the source of supply for the navy. The worker is enough of a man to die for his country or work for it till he drops; but he does not care to be exploited by profiteers under the gUb phrases of national service. The labor situation to-day is the proof that England is free. But England has no publicity sense. She ad- vertises all her blunders and crimes, and goes silent when she does well. The failure of Loos is publicly proclaimed. The Admiralty competes with the War Oflice in giving bac impressions of great things done. England allows freedom of speech in Hyde Park, in "The Herald," "Com- 876 SOCIAL STUDIES nion Sen«." "The Ubor Leader." "The N- tion." "Forward." She allow, ii t„ n M.^naM.Phi«pS„owdtp:Ii^^ y«.. Lowe, Dioki,«o„, Lambury, Syl,U S hum. and . hund^d other voice7«.d o,^! t But when ri,e restrict, one ».„ from the m J. *" '^PP*^ ■" ""d encroached on the liberty of cml courte have upheld the rights of the perm En!^^! r ^ ^"^^ P~™» «"»• But aU that Engird ,p«.ks of i, the Defense of the Reahn Ac^. .f . b«d of grim officers were yanking *|™«gl.ng c,vd,.ns into penal servitude. When EngUnd has . choice offering that w«Ud win between the attraction and the neutrj public To any one that miderstand, Enghmd this is agreeable, because it is all . part of her mudd^ng ^.taess. Hands off her ancient liberS,? «.d the hands are stiU off. But to an outsider the dm of pcrcmiial, lively protest seems like the «77 I !t llj) ' H i ( 1 !i ■ i ill i i I Hi m INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES wail of lost souls, a race sold to slavery. It has given a wrong impression to America, where it is not yet fully realized that the wealth of Eng- land and the industrial work of England are the sources of strength for the Alhed cause, and that the Somme offensive is only the gentle prelude to the music that will tune up in Picardy this spring. And yet the Somme offensive sucked up the German forces from both fronts, let Italy and Russia smash ahead, and enabled France to shake the army corps from Verdun. The big guns and the shells of England's four thousand seven hundred controlled shops are the decisive factors of this war. A set of rather cocky German officers were led recently through the square miles of preparedness that lie back of the English lines. Their expression altered as the massed, detailed abundance of the blow that gathers there was unfolded before their trained eyes. Home was never like this. Now, whOe it is a pity to puzzle us who are Americans, there is no seiious harm in it. But the real demerit of putting the worst foot for- ward is that it misleads the enemy into thinking there is n't a big kick coming from the best foot 1878 iK 1 SOCIAL STUDIES in the background. I am a peace-loving mm «d » the inte^^ta of the Ge™,an pca^^tTd' cl«k I w„h that Germany could have a picture of the E„gi^ ,ff„rt which is only in the first arc of ,ts ascending curve. The Govermnent would then withdraw its troops on aU fronts, cede Al- sace-Lorraine, sign indemnities, and thank their tnbal de.ty for the easy terms of peace. The whole English effort is the spectacle of a democ- racy on the march. It is accompanied by grum- bles and mistakes, and is as haphazard «, affair as om- first two years of Civil War; but back of tte wasted motion is an inexhaustible strength. The key of the whole performance is set by the ™ ""y »■"» ""vy- No one has caught the «sent..l note of the British fighting men. Mr. Kiphng has a harsh and brutal way of rendering the aff«r. Because he is a man of genius, he creates h« effect, he leaves his impression; but his "not an mterpretation of the spirit of these men. Mr. Noyes has cast the drama on sea «,d land m M, heroic Elizabethan key, but a modem demomcy does not phy up to his setting. It goes about things in its own way. tight-lipped in 279 i I 111 ' 1 •.is : »■■ d-M" M 1' "■ ' ; * H \ i ]| \ \i , i>4 i m '1 'i 1 1 '. f ! k ■ I ^1 1 A -' '11 ! i 1 ' 1 1 \v '1 ' t /., i ^.ll iH, . '1 i i : J i \ J, *§]i m if.J " i L' f .': ■ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES suffering, and good-humored in bad weather. The War Office ought to turn some one loose among the million in Picardy who would really capture the extraordinary ensemble. O. Henry would have been the man for this job. There has long been a slang phrase for a man who was going out for an evening of pleasure in the West End of London. When he wished to say that he was planning a jolly supper party and an evening at a music hall, he summed it up by saying he was "going west." The men at the front who tell of the death of a comrade say, "He has gone west." The British Tommy throws a lugubrious exag- geration of shrapnel and flies and trench-mud into his songs, fills his chorus with expressions of a desire to go home, and sticks it at the Somme. As G. K. Chesterton said to me: "The English people have never found their full expression in religion or poetry. It is in humor where the English nature comes through." The popular Tommy attitude toward trench- life is that of "grousing," and no one has inter- preted this so well as one of the men at the front. Captain Bruce Baimsfather. He gives no mock S80 SOCIAL STUDIES heroics about the glory „f ^t^^ ^ pamphlets by the hundred thousand "I,^ recruiting material. *^ But England knows that if she quenched free speech she would lose the war Sh. m thf «.», k . *"* would lose tte war because she would be destroying the of^hngs by spattering them baek with a jest his„,„^ , Englishman must speak h« mmd openly, register his "kick" against dis comforts, and be "agin' th,. „»*""'*''- With ti,.» 1 ^^ ™ Government." W^ that dearance he settles down to steady 2 No one knows what would happen if the nabon were thoroughly muzzled. The attlnl h.3 never befo« been made. It has lien 2 only m part in this war. • THE EIGHT OP AsyujM A couple of critics of these chapters on social change have said that I am too buoyant in ^. 281 its t i I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES ing a painful process. The reconstruction is not going to be as easy as all that, they say. Un- skilled labor is going to have the fight of its life. Women face a bitter two or three years. The forces of reaction have been strengthened by three years of militarism. The trade-unions have been shot to pieces by the concessions they have made under the munitions acts. The gains which cost them three generations to achieve have all been swept away and will never be restored. A large portion of the ^nu ss has been nothing but the official organ for doctored news. Many hundreds of men are in jail because "Christianity has become punishable by ten years' penal serv- itude under the Military Service Act" (which is a pungent reference to conscientious objectors). I have given a wrong impression if the reader thinks that the principle of democratic control is being established without a severe fight; but *he point is that it is being established. Whfc._ j has only a short time and limited space at dis- posal, it is hard to render a social change without either writing wordy surface generalizations or else getting messed up with details. Perhaps the simplest way of making clear that it has cost 28a SOCIAL STUDIES suffertog to win this freedom, .„d yet that the victory, s bemg „„„, fa to consider one appiiea- t.on of demoeratie eontrol in these years of stress. I choose the "right of asylum" to prove my point that England stiU champions freedom. It » « fan. choice, because the right of asylum rocked m the balance and nearly went under T was violently assailed by the Scotland Yard pol.ee and the Govermnent itself, but the Eng- li* people rallied and saved it. The hounding of Kuss,an political refugees in London, which has gone on under cover of "military necessity," probably mjured the English cause more severely u> America in the early days than any other officd blun_der of the war. The news was spread broadcast among our social workers Jj'. T""'^ ^"^^ ^ 8'^^° her hos- pitahty to exUes from other hmds who had fled from iyramiy. To her in time of persecution have ^me the Huguenots, Louis Kossuth, Maz- ^m^Karl Marx, Engels, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Kussian refugees. As one of the peers in the House of Lords said: It h.. b«n our boart for ca,tari« that thU eouB- ass ' ( mMj\ 1 i ■BPfl . 'f H|<:' I 1 B*l ' • ) p|j' • I /d-'^ ; i f: i 1. INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES try is a hospitable refuge for those who flee from other lands. At the time of the Massacre of St. Bartholo- mew in 1572 and of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1686, we were the refuge for the Huguenots. Victor Hugo came to Jersey to escape from the des- potism of Napoleon III. Those who have sought a refuge here have been subject to the common law, answerable for their actions, but not for their opinions. Under cover of the war the Scotland Yard police began to harass the Russian refugees in London. They attacked the Russian Seamen's Union. The Russian Seamen's Union exists to fight the conditions under which the Russian sailors work. It exposed "the beating of the men, then* confinement m cages, their being put in chains, deprived of food, heavj^ . les, flogging." It concerned itself with the conditions of the ships and the low wages. By the Russian com- bination law the right to organize was denied to Russian seamen, so their union had to locate its center of activity in a foreign country, and chose Belgium. It was driven out from Antwerp in October of 1914 by the advance of the German army. It crossed to London. On December 20, 1915, the police of Scotland Yard raided the office of the union, and seized the documents, in- S84 ii SOCIAL STUDIES eluding . list of persons in Russia with whom the un.n corresponded. At the sa»e time the^oL r«.ded and h.s manuscripts and letters for ten years back were confiscated. So heavy and far- «.chmg was the hand of authority that when the umon appealed to the National Sailors and Fire- men s U„,„„ „f g^^,^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ •t.t-athery, wrote: you must not forgat y„„ .„ . , e|*n country ..though ,„„ beloug to onf:, „ r :,, t but we have go. to look after the interest of our eou .' ry at present, and do not want any unpleasantnes. at w-! can be calJed before the autborities for doin, thino. we can do with freedom in normj tin,es. * *^ A little group of English people saw that the ~ "«ht of asylnm was about to be abolished So they made their appeal to the British trade- umons. In "The Railway Review," "The York .^re Fa^o^ Times." "The Amalgamated So- «ety of Engmeers Journal," and "The Cotton Factory Times" they saw to it that articles of protest appeared. But the police were determined that free «85 f \\ .V U .' ( •^1 h INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES speech should not prevaU. A labor conference was to be held in London on January 6, 1916, and a leaflet had been prepared, setting out the facts of the attack on the Russian refugees, and called an "Open Letter to Trade Unionists." Accordingly, on January 5, the police raided the headquarters of the "Russian Political Prisoners* and Exiles' Relief Committee," at 96 Lexham Gardens, Kensington, London. They seized one thousand copies of a financial report, con- taining the seditious information that the Wool- wich trades council had given six pounds to the Russian committee, that the National Union of Railwaymen of Bletchley had given fourteen shillings, that the Independent Labor party of Tantobie had contributed eleven shillings and eightpence. Exhilarated by their success, the police proceeded to commandeer the reprints in leaflet form of the articles that had appeared in "The Railway Review," "The Yorkshire Fac- tory Times," and "The Amalgamated Society of Engineers Journal." Nor did they overlook a thousand copies of the "Open Letter to Trade Unionists," which were to have been distributed on the next day. S86 SOCIAL STUDIES The home secretary, Mr. Herbert Samuel, said to the House of Commons on July li, 1916: "Russians of military age settling in this coun- try will, unless they prefer to return for military service in Russia, be required to enlist in the British army. The details of the scheme are now being worked out." They were. The police set to work iUegally and without due authority and said to the Rus- sian refugees: "You have to go back to Russia. Here is your ticket; you are to be at Euston Station on such and such a day." Charles Sarno had come from Russia three }ears previously. An order was served upon him; he was to be deported to Russia. The order was challenged. When it came to argu- ment the representatives of the crown abandoned «ie case. Immediately on leaving the court, Samo was again arrested, and told that he was to be put on board a ship bound for Rus- sia. It was announced in the House of Lords that no invitation or request whatever had come from the Russian Government for England to take 887 T^ - I h ill 1 !.! INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES this action. It was a purely spontaneous and gratuitous act on the part of the British Home Office. The home secretary stated it was quite false that he had ever ordered any man to go to Russia, and he said that there would be no de- portations. Finally, Lord Sheffield, on July 27, 1916, made a well-reasoned speech to the House of Lords in which he defended the right of asylum, lashed the Government and the police, and etched the eminent Jewish home secretary, Mr. Herbert Samuel, in unforgettable terms. He said: "If I were a Jew or had a drop of Jewish blood in my veins, I would sooner cut my hand oflF than say to one of these men, 'If you do not enlist in the British army, you, being a Polish Jew, shall go back, not where you like, to any part of the world, but to Poland or to Russia.* " Earl Russell stood side by side with Lord Sheffield in defying the Government policy, and once again, as on more occasions than one in British history, the lords saved the liberty of the individual men from the encroachments of the Government and the indifference of the Com- mons. The English people had no wish, of S88 SOCIAL STUDIES course, for this tyranny. They had no knowl- edge of it. Graham Wallas has warned us against the modem conception of the "Psychology of the Crowd." He has warned us against seeing populations as individually thoughtful and tem- perate and collectively blind and ferocious. It is the fallacy of our generation to believe that whole peoples go insane in a wild swirl, and do this thing and wish that thing by imitation and suggestion and sympathy. Of course political movements are in fact carried out "by men con- scious and thoughtful, though necessarily ill in- formed," and these movements seem to the slack observer, fed on our popular sociologists, "to be due to the blind and unconscious impulses of masses 'incapable both of reflection and reason- ing.' " It is so with the right of asylum and the suppression of the Russians. The English peo- ple have not gone war-mad. They have not risen up to overthrow the principles of freedom and justice for which they have in the main long contended. But under cover of the war, when the attention of millions of the inhabitants was strained on another matter, a little group of militarists, pol- S89 1 \ i I i . I" ! I II It i It * ;i 'I V 7 \u ii \ n I. I (ji '1 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES iticians, and policemen have tried to carry out a reactionary program. It is familiar to all stu- dents of the institution of police that it is the tendency of their practice at times of strain to "take away a man's character by administrative decree on secret police information." It is not that they fail to act honestly on the best of their "information and belief"; it is that the secret and one-sided examination, followed by peremptory action, is not a perfect method for establishing truth. "Spy," "crook," "anarchist," and "per- vert" are words for them that do duty in place of public legal procedure. The attempts to harass Russian refugees have been fewer and feebler since Lord Sheffield spoke. In November ^he British authorities removed four Russians from a Danish ship, but their case was tried in open court. And in a case tried on the same day, January 11 of this year, concern- ing a French political refugee, the lord chief- justice laid down the British law for all such cases, and restored the ancient tradition of the nation. He said: "Parliament had not given the home secretary power to make an order which would forcibly S90 SOCIAL STUDIES remove a man from this country to another country to which he did not wish to go." English justice refused to be muzzled by con- scription, munitions acts, military service acts, and the Defense of the Reahn Act. So ended the second chapter of this record. Chapter one showed certain English authorities as stupid as the poUce of Chicago and New York during "anarchist" flurries. Chapter two revealed the English people as alert in the defense of freedom as m the days before the war. The right of asylum had been reaffirmed. Then came chapter three, with the entrance of the new British Government. The new Gov- ernment represents the triumph of the executive over the Parliamentary legislative division of authority. Mr. Bonar Law announced on Feb- ruary 27 to the House of Commons that Russians in England must enlist as British soldiers or be deported to Russia. On the same day at the Old-Street Police Court the Magistrate said to David Cohen, a Russian: iL I ! ' ! i' 1 r We do not want you here if you are not going to do your duty. If you succeed in proving that you are of «91 !? ! f i^i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES Russian nationality, I shall do my best to g«t you sent back. On March 7, 1 attended a debate in the House of Lords, where Lord Sheffield pointed out that the home of an Englishwoman had been raided while she was held in prison with no charge made against her, and in her absence papers were con- fiscated. These papers were pamphlets in de- fense of the right of asylum. Lord Sheffield then cited the case of a Russian refugee in Lon- don who wished to return to the United States, where he had taken out his first naturalization papers. The letter of the Home Office was pro- duced in evidence, and this letter refused the Rus- sian's request. The Secretary of State for War, the Earl of Derby, replied for t^e Government. He said that one of the seized pamphlets, entitled "The Right of Asylum," was of such a character as to make it unfit for circulation at this time. Very skilfully he created an "atmosphere" about that pamphlet, so that the listener felt that it was treasonable and seditious. But I possess a copy of that pamphlet, and it is not unfit for circula- 292 h SOCIAL STUDIES tion m . free country. It is » appe., fc^ l„„. don R«ss,«.s not to be ^t back. It i,-si„,p,y The "noble Earl" went on to refer to one of wTf of Russians as suspicious, and there- fore a fan- field for official investigation. He Tu "t"" "" ^'^'^'-^ » official pohV v*.eh would place those suspicious persons i the ftriuy. The Lord Chancellor spoke next. Lord Fin- ely, the present Lord Chancellor, is always worth b^g. because he is naive. It was he who in « debate on admitting women as solicitors, said: women? I do not beUeve th.t the active practice of a ..mother, .„d ,n attending to their families. I regret ttat there are man, .„™n ,ho do no. ha.e an opp^:^! tunilj- of marriage in th!> country. Prob.hlv i„ *• oppc^tunitie, .a, be found for then, ill^p ";r„; :^f."^Lr ""' -" '-"- «" ■"»^- <" In the present debate on the right of Asylum, he was equally delightful when he said that the S9S Uli :|m' liH 'hi II IB .y INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES Russian political refugees owed a duty to their nation, Russia. Lord Sheffield was snowed under by these vigorous reactionaries, and the old man hobbled away on two canes. But for all that, he had made it clear that an ancient right was being re- moved by executive decree, instead of by con- stitutional methods. If the British people wish to abolish the right of asylum, they should be per- mitted to do so by Act of Parliament. No nation, with all its yoimg men in the field, will tolerate the presence of non-combatant aliens, filling the jobs vacated by the citizen army. The Mayor of Bethnal Green said recently. Men have to sacrifice their little businesses or their small factories to serve at the front, and neighbors of foreign parentage step into their places and reap the reward. Two other mayors of East London, represen- tatives of the borough councils, local tribunals, and of the London County Council, supported his statement and passed a resolution calling on Parliament to remedy the evil. The alien must be willing to defend the nation in which he makes 294 SOCIAL STUDIES his residence or else leave for some other land not under war-pressure. But he should receive the right to select his destination. To force him to return to a country which would imprison hhn, « as m.just as it is for him to claim protection in a country which he is unwilling t defend. PUBLIC OPINION En^and would have been one more quiet, comfortable power of the second rank but for its northern and western counties. Its recent his- tory would have been the history of HoUand if It had not been for the storehouse of coal and iron m the mdustrial provinces. It was out of them and out of the people bred there, that she has' derived her vast strength in meeting the new world created by the industrial revolution that came m one century ago on the invention of machinery. Those northern and western parts of Great Britain have won the fight of democ- racy^ and established the principle of democratic control. What we used to mean by England was southern England. It was Oxford, Cam- brid^, and London. The genius and the vital- ity of the kingdom were gathered there, and the 295 r 'I j..»f B^., . urn v INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES radiations went out from those centers to make the impress of what the world knew as English influence. Imperceptibly the change has come. The governing class has ceased to govern. The type of Englishman who was bom to rule is left with- out a job. Power and virtue have departed from the old order. The Oxford and Cambridge hierarchy exist in a vacuum. Patriarchal Eng- land, reared in the humanities, impervious to modem ideas, indi£Perent to alien points of view, unconsciously arrogant, heavily stupid, kindly, cultivated, and honorable, was unfitted to the modem world of quick thinking, swift action, sympathetic cooperation. It is dying in our sight. In the first weeks of war the shell of that little England collapsed; the organism itself had long since weakened. In its place has arisen a far more formidable, far more democratic state, the British conmionwealth. As fast as power shifts a psychological change takes place. The English nature and charai^er are visibly altering. A swifter order of men are in control. The men of power show Celtic char- acteristics. Under the touch of the new influ- 296 .1;' SOCIAL STUDIES »ce. which is industrial and democratic, there .» a brightening and quickening. The old inartic ulateness passes. The race grows talkative. It responds to excitement. Public opinion, as it reverberates in London, is no longer the public opinion of Great Britain. K IS not the publi opinion of the ComwaU n>.ners. of the South Wales miners, of the indus- tml centers of LIvctk-oI, Birmingham, Man- diester, and Glasgow. It is not the public opmion of Montreal, and Sydney. London and the south of England do not speak for the com- monwealth. "The M«,chester Guardhm" un- derstands the sentiment of Glasgow and Mont- real, but the London "Morning Post" does not. When Lloyd-George struck out his brilliant suggeshon for Ireland-a suggestion which will bring the solution of a question seven hundred years old-he spoke the requiem of the Endand known to us in memoirs, novels, and letters; the England of our college literary course, of the his- toric tradition, the caste system, the landed gen- try, the noble lady, the faithful servitor, the hack- ney coachman, the genial vicar, and the Oxford 297 .' I , ii ii.= i '.'1 i ! I ivAi M.i' 'It 1*1 ^ I ' Itif 1 i « ^^«B!^-«,*»-..«', #.j.^,..-,,^ ■ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES don. He proposed that the matter of Ireland be handed over to the imperial conference, the con- gress of the five democracies. England's time had gone. She could n't solve the ancient wrong, but the new commonwealth could solve it. Take it away from the tired kingdom, and give it to the young democracy. Government is no longer an aflFair of historic tradition. It is a very trou- blesome matter of digging out the facts, and ap- plying them to brand-new and rapidly changing conditions. It requires qualities of swift decision and execution. Industrial working-class Eng- land takes over the Government, assumes control of life, and side by side with radical Scotland and Wales and Australia and Canada creates the new state. With the passing of Little England, the "literary" Englishman whom we have known passes, the courtly and simple nobleman, the charming litterateur, the "scholar and gentle- man," and there comes in his stead a democratic person, open to ideas, willing to learn, and very willing to work out in partnership the problems of democratic control. There are clever men who are attempting to capture this newer England and to manipulate 298 SOCIAL STUDIES its public opinion. They discern certain of the creative elements in the change, organization, efficiency, business methods, government by ex- perts. Two such men are Horatio Bottomley and Lord Northclitfe. Through "John Bull." "The Times." "The Daily Mail." and other publications they wield a wide influence. Bottomley and Northch-ffe are of the familiar type of American company promoter. They are a mixture of the politician and the financier. They have a tough niasculine geniality, a shrewd common sense, and what is called "an miderstanding of human nature, which means a knack of playing on the a)arser impulses and motives of the democracy. Essentially they are bad leaders, because they don t believe in the best qualities of the masses of men whom they are leading. They see that average human nature is easily flattered, is loaded to the gunwale with prejudices, and that it can be manipulated by phrases promising action. Excitement, change, the sense of "something domg. are pleasurable to the average man A newspaper program which "makes and unmakes" mmisters. creates heroes and villains, wrecks and reconstructs, gives a continuous performance of S99 I It u ! ) t ■' ' *-:.l»,-.^ -*<,tfr»,.'.„i,^^ ^-. .S.;--|i^^,„:^.,; r ' *;■ INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES moving pictures to its readers. In the flicker of the film ideas and true political policy lose their sovereignty. By making use of the new forces of democracy, such men as the modem popular journalists may have it in their power a little to misdirect them. This failure of sane public opinion to register itself is ahnost inevitable in a society where the millionaire proprietor is able to conduct a chain of newspapers which reflect his own mind, and which misrepresent his readers in certain matters by giving them what they want in the general news of the world, in pictures, and admirable special articles, and in hammering through a program of reconstruction, much of which is sound and responsive to the needs of the community. I am trying to untangle what seems to me the silent and real opinion of the nation from the voices that fiU the air. Any one would be sin- gul^ly inept who pretended to interpret with any finality the public opinion of a people. What I give is merely the product of contacts with a few thousand British. The experience is all necessarily incomplete and superficial. This is offered merely as what I have seen and heard. 800 SOCIAL STUDIES It is a coUection of little fragments of public opinion. The stuff talked in certain London centers is misleading and mischievous and sometimes wil- fully malicious. It is the bitter cry of persons who have lost their influence. There are little groups of elderly men and women in London who inflame themselves with hate of the German people. They speak of them as a nation of beasts, outside the human race. This is very unrepresentative of English public opinion, which has made the clear distinction in its mind between the doped, duped German people and the band of predatory assassins who are in con- trol of them. Again, on Ireland, I can quote an English oflicer, whom I heard say on his return from Dublin: "Remove the Nationalist politicians from Westminster. Suppress the Irish newspapers. Then give them cor jcription. They wiU yield." He and "The Morning Post" represent that minute fraction of "die haxds" who feel the tide floating them down the beach and try to dig their heels into the sand. The will of the British 801 I W 1 . i I '-I ■t vli U K I *p. \'i i*.-,f«SV»«.- •>i^*'-«-« V r '*i^ ..-fcv,;. *p(- #t ■ »v '*^_ ■•^J; Phi 111 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES people is for a settlement of the Irish question. There is no hatred of Ireland among the masses of the community. The desire of the average Englishman is to be let alone and to let other people alone. It is always necessary to find out whether a statement of opinion represents the mass con- sciousness or whether it is spoken from personal bitterness and class interest. I can quote Leo Maxse, who writes in his "National Review," "There is nothing in common between the stand- point of the civilized part of Europe and the United States." But I am quoting a shriU and lonely voice. The mass of people in England are as unaware of America as the middle West is unaware of England. They are not scornful or antagonistic. They are indifferent with the large indifference of ignorance. In the part of the English community who are aware of the United States as the "big show." to quote a Broad Street cotton broker, there is little resentment and much good-will. The "Tommy," the farmer, the shop- keeper, when he meets the individual American, has the tolerance of his kind for all alien folk that come from some other country than his own. SOS SOCIAL STUDIES They aU seem a little strange to him. but they are all right." He includes the American with the Australian and the Welshman. Public opinion, then, is not really concerned at all with exterminating German clerks, oppress- uig Irish peasants, amioying American business men It is not "out" to govern the world or rule backward races." What are its concerns? Its main concern at the moment is to go through with a bad job to the end. to win a victory in order to have a lasting peace. Englishmen hate war. and they were first astonished, then irritated, and finally angry that any nation should let loose a hideous slaughter into a fairly peaceable world. They were slow to believe German methods of fnghtfuhess. In the early months I could get a hearmg, but little credence, for the atrocities I had witnessed. A good-natured skepticism was the response. But once thoroughly in a nasty busmess, they are now determined to see it through. They will hang on. It is hard for them to pry loose when they have taken hold. When their clutch has automatically clicked and got set, there seems to be no device in the machin- 803 I ' ..i I i ' '1 'Hvhich their own impulse toward freedom has created. Pubhc opinion to-day is constantly in the attitude of a man who has his desires answered before he has stated them. The democratic state is moving faster than the individual citizen, and he is mentally con- fused. The moving finger writes, and public opinion will have to find its place in the appendix to the Book of Acts, recording the establishment of democratic control during the Great War. 306 • " • <• *»• *6*.V<^li. i-«*..*»^«*,.^. .4 ^ J^,^ ,^ SOCIAL STUDIES WHERE THE LANE TURNS A letter has come to me from a friend. He is a charming writer, feUow of a Cambridge coUege. He objects to my smnmary dismissal of the older England as recorded in the preceding chapter. He says: "If ever there was a typical Oxford man, with an Oxford cast of thought in the direct Oxford tradition, it is H. A. L. Fisher, the new minister of education. The new ministry of labor, being forced to get a permanent head capable of deal- ing with the problems they are up against, does not get a trade-union leader, but an Eton-Balliol scholar and fellow of All Souls. I am afraid, as a narrow-minded pedant, I am convinced that brains are what always tell in the long run, and I don't think commerce or "life" or the newer universities are yet the equal of the old univer- sities in producing and training brain. More- over, Oxford and Cambridge are not "south of England," as you suggest. Their geographical position has nothing to do with then- nature. They are the oldest and most independent repub- lics in E gland and totally ex-territorial, like the city of Was! gton." 307 i? i I ! I firl 1 :' Uh m m f l< INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES Of course he is exactly right, and I believe we are both right. Now is the meeting of the old and new, and even a profound modification of structure will include vestigial traces. Every summary statement concerning so complex a thmg as the modern community must wait for venfication on psychological records which have not yet been made. "Crowd psychology" is still in the hands of hasty generalizers and pseudo- scientists, who write of the "herd instinct." So It IS with this book. It is a personal impression, and It paints in broad colors. A. E. Zimmem of the reconstruction committee, H. N. Spalding of the welfare department of the ministry of muni- tions, and Dr. Fisher, the minister of education have all cautioned me against over-emphasizing the speed of change in so stable a community as the British nation and against making too logical and inteUectualistic an analysis of British char- acter. The Briton is a sociable, humorsome fellow who moves slowly and is not logical in his ways, but proceeds along the lines of his own individualistic psychology in contact with his own peculiar and ancient environment. But a reconstruction is under way. A peace- SOS ^ ■/ i ^-'''i tf #*- , '#* 4**t. , 4c« -» JtV ib * > • » . ■♦ ' -*-*T*..rf^*r^.i^i-* ^•,4bii^^. t^^,^i SOCIAL STUDIES back to grass. Industrial cities and massed pop- Illations came in. And that new control of the enviromnent altered the other aspect of govern- ment-the relationship of man to man. Indus- trial organization created new alinements of party, interest, and class. The governing* class began to flutter in a world not reahzed. like the thm-voiced shades about Ulysses. But the mass of the people, to whom the power passed, have not yet found their leaders. Two civilizations are coexistent here. One is a very ancient and noble civilization. The other IS new and chaotic, caught in the process of becoming. The ancient civilization was sure of Itself, possessing a tradition and code of action The new is too busy to develop a technic of life or manner. It does n't know where it is going, but It IS on the way. The effect is that of electric lightmg in Warwick Castle or a trolley-car to Stonehenge. Everywhere in Great Britain one feels the modem thrusting through the rich soil and surface cake of what is older than the life of man. "The Popular Magazine" and "The Top Notch" are widely read in Ireland. In the little Hampshire village of Emsworth bright, new S13 : i •i I-! ii. t i'i.ll rl-K I.' I m lit; INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES jerry-built bungalows rise close to the huddle of centuries-old fishermen's cotta|-s, and motor- cars flash past thatched roofs under the great spire of Chichester and come to rest in a ren- ovated moss-grown inn. Peasants touch their hats as you pass and call you "sir," and the girl conductor of the omnibus is sometimes as curt and scornful as a Chicago expressman. In the Devon hamlet of Lewdown the farm women with whom we lived continue to make clotted cream as their likes made it when John Ridd climbed to his courting, but eagerly borrow my London paper every evening after the chores are done. The church is still firmly established, but the congre- gation waits for the afternoon service, and the afternoon service is held in the cinema house. The kmg is a very gallant and modest gentleman, but he does not possess the power of Arthur Hen- derson or the influence of H. W. Massingham. Still stands the House of Lords, but the lords of power are Devonport, Rhondda, and Northcliffe business lords. The telephone and tram-car stretch their wires through lanes where the cavaliers rode, and there is an excellent tele- graph service in the village in which Baring S14 Vi "•a'r'"iV«K«C%*j4»,«»J».-%,« '-•»*■**■ «*!'**# ,'v-*.: ii^T^ *_4 #,*,*l*;##Ai;J«_* SOCIAL STUDIES Gould is writing the legends of his country- side. The new-comers are not taking the Kingdom by violence. They do not tear down the old. No, they take the heart out of it, and let it wither like a plant stung by the frost. The wreckers will never march through England armed with condemnation writs and blasting-powder. But gradually the light railways spread their threads, while "The Daily Mail" scatters its modernism to millions. It is possible by careful selection to convince oneself that the former things have not passed away. It is true that they linger, but new forces are in command, and England of the poets is an old-age pensioner in the house of her daughters of the British commonwealth. They make war in vain who fight against these things. Raw energy is in the saddle, and the galled jade must gallop to new spurs. THE NEW WAY Liberalism has ceased to be a political theory and has become a program of reconstruction, planning reform by intensive intellectual effort. After the Napoleonic wars a period of deadness 815 :'li ij i f 1 ■ If- m i. 'I i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES set in. and gradually middle-class liberalism, bar- ren of ideas, assumed control. It did not come to grips with its world, because it did not have the proper method. But in recent years the way to study human society has been discovered. A group of university men began to put their thought on the organization of human life. The working-class party sprang up. There has never existed so wide a division between the inteUectuals and the workers in England as in America. The English workers have neVer swallowed whole the Marxian analysis. They have preferred step by step reform to the spreading of a theory. As the result of much patient piece-meal work, based on "the accumulation and analysis of eco- nomic knowledge," a whole new body of legisla- tion was incorporated into English life, beginning with the year 1906. That process continues. The principles of this reconstruction are derived from the conception that a community must work hard with its mind in order to organize a good so- ciety. Untrammeled by dogma, the practical English intelligence, both of the working-class brain and of the intellectuals, has set about re- shaping its institutions of property and state. S16 SOCIAL STUDIES The Fabian Society and "The Round Table" group have aided in the work of collecting facts and sharpening the analysis. There have been brilliant scouts like Wells and Shaw. But back of them, and providing them with the equipment for their sorties, are the hard workers with a genius for taking pains, like the Webbs, Seebohm Rowntree, and Bruno Lasker. "The develop- ment of more delicate logical methods and the accumulation of recorded observations are now making deliberate thought about mankind less in- exact and misleading than at any other point in history." Lately, many persons have been thinking with the lash on them. .How to stop the Zeppelins, make shells, and overcome the damage of war— these questions are being dealt with at high speed. The community is becoming aware of itself; it is devising an imperial economy, which correlates industry to national needs and includes the family budget in its process of thought. The easy generalizations of political exiles and closet- philosophers have been displaced by fact-inves- tigations and analysis from the records. Laissez- faire, the economic man, economic determinism, 817 :'i ;i li : 11 jJi ''1 -1 * ... ■ ■ 'mI .1 i tUf^ , fu INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES and the other substitutes for hard work, no longer content the community which wishes to find itself. Patiently and gropingly, a synthesis for the new society is being formed. Ahnost unobserved, a hterature is forming around the social movement. It is a literature where the pressure of thought has been so intense and controlled that it has wrought for itself a special style. I feel sure that if Professor Saints- bury were to extend his anthology of "English Prose Rythms," he would include paragraphs from Bertrand Russell, A. E., Edward Carpen- ter, Lowes Dickinson, Havelock Ellis, and Gra- ham WaUas. They carry a tone and accent, giv- ing pleasure to the inward ear. These men write a clear and precise English, which travels easily and without fatigue, and often rises to beauty on its own momentum of thought. They seem to have lifted the technic of style to a new level; perhaps no higher than that of several earlier periods, but different. They have introduced a fresh cadence into the prose music of the last four centuries. There is an absence of premeditated eloquence, of overstatement, of the wind of words. There has come a realization that the limit of lan- 818 SOCIAL STUDIES guage in one direction had been reached with "multitudinous seas" and "purple riot," and that the prose writers who pushed along that track of the poets reached a point of strain in De Quincey and Landor beyond which laughter lurked. The inevitable reaction gave us the clear, cold drear- iness of Herbert Spencer and the suppression and aridity of Arnold. But these modern prose writers, interpreting the new social order, have taken a fresh trail. And I do not doubt they have abolished the purple patch as effectually as they have avoided the anemia of thwarted imp'ilse. Their meaning is more exactly expressed than in the pages of men who used loosely and cheaply "God," "nature," "happiness," and "society." But the pains of a scientific precision have not silenced the music. There is none of the jumbled ter- minology of our troubled "sociologists" and psy- chologists. These men have lifted their scholar- ship into simplicity. It is perhaps only an interesting chance that two of them are math- ematicians, but it is profoundly significant that all of them are students of human s. jiety, not in the old literary way of projecting Utopias, but 819 "i : It iJi It'*' . INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES through the process of hard thinking on the facts of life. "In the end it is the psychological question of fact which wiU have to settle the ethical question of conduct." It is no longer enough for us that a passage in a book shall be "well written," as the famous and uninteUigent pages of Lecky on prostitution. Writing that concerns itself with society, if it is to win a response from us, must be grounded on observation of the facts. It must bring a sci- entific method to bear on "the vast and constantly growing accumulation of recorded observations." Surely in these choice writers of the reconstruc- tion we have that quality which the democracy, if it is wise, will cherish. We have that natural aristocracy, that sovereignty of the best, which alone is able to set a standard for the mass-peo- ple. THE NEW AMESICANI8M Around «0,000,000 happy firesides the fathers of America will gather this night with their unbroken family circle, with their children upon their knees and their wives by their side, happy and prosperous. Con- trast this with the fathers, husbands and brothers of S20 Ml SOCIAL STUDIES the Old World, dying in the ditches. . . . Who is it that would have our President exchange with the blood- bespattered monarchs of the Old World? ... He is the world teacher, his class is made up of kings, kaisers, czars, prmces, and potentates.— .SCTiator OUie James, Permanent Chairman of the Democratic National Con- vention. With the causes and the objects of this war we are not concerned.— IToorfroa Wilton, President of the United States. The superb assurance of Captain Hans Rose, coupled with his inimitable ability, shown when he brought the U-63 into Newport, Rhode Island, paid and received visits of courtesy, handed to an American newspaper man a letter for Ambassador von Bems- torff, dived and was away on a mission of destruction within three hours, carries with it a wholesome savor of knightly conduct that goes home to the moral center of every American.— "TA^ Evening Gazette," Cedar Rapids, Iowa. I write this article as the result of conver- sations and correspondence with a wide group of Americans and English and French, made up of politicians, economists, historians, psychologists, and literary men. I find in thoughtful men to-day both in America and Europe a challenge of certain tendencies in our national thought. I 8«l 'hi : M i "Iri i ' ll 'I ? i. iJ J] I ti t t \h iff ■ ' 1: INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES believe that challenge to be well grounded. A great mass of talk and letters suddenly came to focus one day in what one man, a distinguished scholar, expressed to me. So in what foUows I have taken the lines and phrases of his thought. But what he stated is only the clear expression of what many are saying and feeling. We have failed to teach our true American tradition to new-comers, but certain of our newspapers and of our popular voices have been busy in creating a legend of Americanism which contains an element of falsity. We have dis- played a self-complacency in our proclamation of freedom, a readiness to assume that it was our monopoly, and that no other nation understood so fully what it meant or had done such service for it. This has led to a lack of sympathy with other nations that have achieved freedom or are aspiring after it or are helping to strengthen and extend it. This attitude has been reflected in our school histories. The establishment of Amer- ican independence is represented in these school- books, in newspaper writing, in popular speeches, as a protest against tyranny, a breaking-away from Old- World chains. But this is not how SOCIAL STUDIES scientific historians of the modern school see that event. Despite her grave mistakes then, Eng- land had endowed our States, as she has endowed every settlement of European stock which she has planted, with the institutions of self-govern- ment, from which sprang our desire for a wider freedom. Despite the many mistakes she has made since, she has carried freedom and justice to new populations, and has been an unwearied breeder of free nations. Our popular concep- tion of our Revolution, our self-complacency in our proclamation of freedom as an Americ n monopoly, have kept us out of an organic rela- tion with the whole world of civihzation. We have failed in recent years to feel that this world is one, and the cause of freedom a single cause, to whose fortunes no free society can be indif- ferent or neutral. That breach is a tragedy, per- haps one of the greatest tragedies m history. It has been a bad thing for civilization, because it has weakened the defense of freedom by alienat- ing its strongest advocates from one another, and persuading one of them to stand aloof from its struggles. It has been a bad thing for America, by leading her to imagine that she is not as other S8S ^ ?/' ^'\] ml ■^rf^*i*i ^. <««»^, -'-'^'^•witei u (1 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES nations are, and that the working out of the great issues of civilization in Europe had no interest for her. This falsity in the popukr view of the Euro- pean situation has cut us oflF from sympathy with other peoples who have loved freedom not less sincerely. We have continually misunderstood England, the tyrant state which America had defied. We have had the curious spectacle of a friendship between the two nations that was al- most whoUy one-sided. England has repeatedly helped and supported us; we have not really be- lieved that England stood, in the main, for free- dom and justice. And what is true of our atti- tude toward England is true in varying degree of our attitude toward the other "old strugglers" of Europe. We have not believed it was our duty to give support to Belgium, to the French, or to the Italians in the struggle for the enlarge- ment of liberty. When the autocrats of the Holy Alliance were, as Canning put it. "aspiring to bind Europe in chams," they crushed the movement toward free- dom in Italy and Spain, and then purposed to crush it also in Spanish America. Canning, in 8«4 SOCIAL STUDIES the name of Great Britain, defied them, recog- nized the independence of the Spanish colonies, and made it plain that the British fleet would re- sist any attempt to send armies to South Amer- ica. He approached our Government with the suggestion that the United States should take their stand by the side of Great Brit.-'in. Presi- dent Monroe's message was the result. That was the promise that America was going to make freedom her concern even outside of her own bounds. It was not a proclamation of suzer- ainty over the double continent. Monroe's mes- sage and the fear of the British fleet kept Euro- pean armies out of South America. It is the British fleet which has in recent years saved the Monroe Doctrine from challenge. But our pop- ular conception has turned the Monroe Doctrine into an assertion of American self-containedness and indifference to Europe. Again, in the Spanish- American War we made the cause of freedom outside our bounds our own cause. But having done this, we came to regard it as only an American question. There was nothing which the Spaniards did in Cuba com- parable with what the Germans have done in Bel- 826 i ' »'^ ! 1 ill (rj i : i^, i F-t# *« fe Vf Ji%^ > • »% 1 » •» ill M fll^ 1 INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES out over polar ice, splashing through swamps, and rolling through the seven seas. But these men are a tiny fraction of the com- munity,_"n,en of Biddeford in Devon,"_and then. Idea of England as a good place to see once a year or once in three years is n't the national- ity of the mass. The nationality of the mass of people lies deep, and in quiet days they hardly know they have it. There is a lot of sUent pride m the navy and sea-power, and the "Britannia rule the waves" line probably comes as near to Mymg something as a popukr song usually does. But of a dramatization of the "Ishmd-Queen" there is none in the popular mind. The uncon- scious pride is enormous. You feel it in the ah- ject loneliness of an Englishman off British soU I have had very intimate English friends in New York, and there was always a kind of "lost" quality about their personality. They were ioyal to the pkce that gave them bread, but they waited for the return with a long and touching patience. It was my fortune to see them re- turned, and catch the sigh of relief which the first years of the home-coming called out. Every sunple UtUe thing seemed good to these men, and SS4 SOCIAL STUDIES they would point out to me the wide commons of Wimbledon and the small, friendly locomotives of the suburban railway. An Englishman has to suffer before he knows he has a country. It is suffering which the war has brought, the sense that something precious and intimate is im- periled. The Englishman likes the customs of his country and his own way of carrying on. Very slowly he learned that something was going to intrude and destroy that private wilfrMess, that right of the individual man not only u> his life, which is a little thing, but to his own peculiar way of living it, which is an important thing. His sense of possession of individual liberty is stronger than his property sense. Gradually the impression came upon him that there was a hub- bub across the channel, and that the noise was growing louder, that if he did n't do somethmg there would be no end to it. His peace and quiet would be gone, and he would have to live by some one else's rules. As a young Englishwoman said to me: "We don't want strangers to step in and impose on us their manner of life. We don't want to be speeded up." But still we have failed to reach the basis of ass si ffr $ ll v:.*l INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES the instinctive nationality in an EngUshman. I think it lies in the feelings grouped around his locality and his set of friends, the values that are closely familiar. One hears a man from Ber- nardsville. New Jersey, boast about Niagara Falls and the Rocky Mountains as if they were landscape features of his back yard; but an Eng- lishman, if he talks at all, wiU speak of the fields he has hunted across, and the pleasant turn of the hills that are in sight from his windows. I was glad to get it on good authority that I was right about this local patriotism. Captain Basil Williams has made a careful study of the organization of the British army. It is the func- tion of his department to do so. He told me the nature of the appeal by which the millions of men were recruited. It was n't a vague, noisy crusade of advertising posters and general patriotism. It was directly aimed at where the men lived and their feeling of comradeship. The regiments were recruited by counties. (A few regiments came from more than one county.) The unit of recruiting is the battalion of one thousand men. In the original standing army, and in the new armies, the basis of the system is the regi- 386 ■«•!- '*^lb«|.-4- SOCIAL STUDIES mental local idea. Devonshire means something to a Lewdown man that Columbia County, New York, does not mean to a Hudson man. The Devon man and his people have shot rabbits and ruled the sea from that village in that county for several centuries. When the war began and ktrge numbers of recruits poured in, the old regimental system was maintained, and every new battalion was affil- iated to some old regiment. The first new units were the special reserves, a battalion or two for each regiment, corresponding to the old militia. Then there came battalions of territorials, cor- responding to the old volunteers. These terri- torials would be chosen from the smaller country districts. Then followed the service battalions. It was difficult at first to obtain equipment and housing. So municipalities organized bat- talions in their own locality, and handed them over when the army was ready for them. Men said they would like to go with their neighbors and pals. Clerks, sportsmen, foot-ball players, men with the same interest in life, chummed to- gether. War was a strange, new job, leaving the individual man lonely, and he wished to face 887 :'' -!' i m r ■1: INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES it with friends. These "pal" battalions were still attached to the original regiment. In both the service and pals battalions Kitch- ener wished reserves. So each battalion added to Its one thousand men five hundred more men, making a reserve battalion. Thus there resulted a reserve battalion of service battalions, and a reserve battalion of pals battalions. There is no unit of numbers for a regiment, which can have two thousand men or twenty thou- sand. One regiment has twenty-six battalions, but the expanding numbers are glued together by the comradeship of long association in the pursuits of peace anu by the sense of locality. The first two armies, Kl and K2, were new service battahons from every regiment of the British army. The old army was thus dupli- cated by the first two new armies. The third new army, K8, was raised where recruiting was best, largely in the northern and western por- tions. K4 and K5 were made up of pals battal- ions. Of course all the other arms of service medical staff, engineers, artiUery, were raised locally, and were represented in these units. And this appeal to local patriotism has been the 888 SOCIAL STUDIES method of increasing an army of five hundred thousand to five million. Every regiment has ancient rights and priv- ileges and points of local pride. The Honour- able Artillery Company has the right to march through London with fixed bayonets, and the men exercise the right. At the entrance of the city they halt, unbuckle the bayonet, and thrust it into place. This ancestral quality to an army unit gives an esprit de corps that the men inherit, and a tradition which touches them to quickened service. It is a survival of the old linked bat- talion system, which provided that there should be two regular battalions, one normally abroad, and one in England. Overseas service and peace had combined to create the system. It gave an expeditionary force to guard India and South Africa. The old feeling was entirely regimental. Lately there has been an extension of the scale of feeling corresponding to the vast area of the war itself, and the division has become more important than ever before, and develops a self-consciousness of its own. This extension of feeling and organization keeps step with the new organized state, which is replacing the 389 ■ . > m M INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES tiny village republics of local self-government. But local pride is still the tap-root of English nationality, and I shall not forget the inhabitants of Stratford as they gathered around the public notices that recorded the performances of the "Warwick^hires." In the early days of the war the German chanted "Deutschland." but the Tommy sang of Leicester Square. Just now "Blighty" is the word. Soon it will be some other phrase, but always it will teU of a httle place, a city street or a eountry lane. -4» 840 '-<*<>•* -i**.^^ CHAPTER VI LLOYD-GEORGE I HAVE recently come from a long talk with Mr. Uloyd-George. What he convinced me of was that he miderstands and cares for our coun- try. Frankly, I had doubted this. I was left subdued by his militant interview on "Hands Oflf," which was harsh and necessary, but which did not bind Downing Street, London, to First Avenue. Cedar Rapids, Iowa. For two years I had wished that an EngUsh statesman would lift dear of his business with the enemy and give a word for neutral public opinion. Lloyd-George talked and Ustened for an hour and three quar- ters on the one subject of the middle West of America. He understands the people. He knows that the pubUc policy of the nation is de- termined there. He knows that our democratic experiment is being decided by the prairie States. He quoted a remark of Henry Ford not with amusement or scorn, but as significant By that 341 ' J i k i I INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES he revealed that he knows more about the real America than half the editors of Eastern news- papers. He understands America with the same sym- pathy which Lincoln showed for the Lancashire cotton operatives in his famous letter to them. Lloyd-George has the same desire for a frank presentation of facts that Henry Ward Beecher revealed in his appeals to the British public in the industrial cities. What he wishes is that our people should hold the same sympathy with the struggle of the European democracies that the working-classes of England learned to feel for our Civil War struggle, after Lincoln and Beecher had made clear to them that we were fighting for human liberty. Mr. Lloyd-George does not regard the war as a dog-fi^t or as a sporting proposition. He sees it as an incalcu- lable tragedy. With his Celtic imagination he lives in a profourd sense of the pity and the waste of it. He has as little hate and bitterness as the soldiers of England and France with whom I have lived at the front. He has a habit of informal breakfast at a sunny little flat about ten minutes away from Downing 84» "t ;tv>»*- saaft .%^ 4 ' '<^' '-nftis : -'OO^' "^-l^fc,.' LLOYD-GEORGE Street. Here two or three of his friends meet him. He comes in well rested, and decides points of policy and' indulges in reminiscence, amusing and poetic. And all his talk has a lightness of touch. The guests of this morning were Mr. Davies, the war secretary; Seebohm Rowntree, the manufacturer and social worker, whose books on the study of poverty are as well known in America as in England; and H. N. Spalding. Mr. Rowntree and Mr. Spalding are conducting the department of welfare work in the ministry of munitions. "Are you giving them welfare?" he asked Mr. Rowntree. "Here," he said, turning to me, "is the greatest attempt ever made by a government to surround the lives of the workers with safe- guards for their safety and health and well- being." "What Americans and English need more than any one thing else is a smoking-room acquaint- ance, where they exchange their views informally and get to know the man." It is this smoking-room intimacy that Mr. Lloyd-George gives to all whom he meets. He is not afraid of being himself. He is as daring 848 ■r }\ ! » M INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES in his comments on men and things as Mr. Roose- velt, as charming as the late William James. He is used to being loved. The lines about the eyes reveal a man who works his purpose by geniality in a flow of fun and charm and sympathy. The political battles of twenty years Lave left less iia- pression on his spirit than the victories he has won as peace-maker and harmonizer. He re- ferred to two editors who have recently been at- tacking him. He said: "I don't mind their criticizing me. I can take blows and I can give them. But they are mak- ing it hard for us to get together after the war. We don't want differences when we come to the work of reconstruction." He ends a talk by being more completely the master of your thought than you are yourself. He states it clearly and beautifully, and reduces it to a program of action. "To understand your people or any people," he said, "it is necessary for one to pass inside the temple." He practises what Sainte-Beuve preached, that to know a religion you must be a worshiper inside the church. So week by week Sainte- 844 ^'ft.i'-V. I * «% ^ • ♦'•'MKta t^^ . »r — »%t » V, ,i»^ ^ ^ ,, LLOYD-GEORGE Beuve became a mystic and a pagan and an epicurean as he served up the soul of the writer whom he was interpreting. This is the high gift which Lloyd-George possesses. He can step up to the very altar of a man's most secret bt^hef. This is the gift which has made him the one Briton who is perfectly understood in France. He spoke only a couple of sentences inside the citadel of Verdun, but they revealed to France that be knew what that symbol meant to them. For in his best moments he becomes something other than the grim fighter, and the adroit pol- itician who uses all the tricks of the game. Sud- denly for his hearers, and unexpectedly to him- self, he lifts by an exquisite imagination to the place of insight, and becomes the voice of ob- scure people, and understands men he has never met. If he talks with a slangy person, he dis- charges himself in vivid, staccato phrases. The nature and direction of his rebound are deter- mined by the substance that he encounters. He was bom to react. He has a mind that kindles, and a style that rises very lightly and gracefully into poetic beauty. There has been no such pas- sage of prose produced by the war as that para- 846 i INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES graph of his on "little nmtioiu" at the beginning of the fight. A breezy young officer of the flying service once told me the shameful secret of Lloyd- George. It was that the war minister went around obtaining advice from experts, that he really didn't know all about it by him- self. Earlier in the war a prominent banker told me that the then chancellor of the exdiequer was not the financial authority which the multitude thought him, that he held consultations wilh lead- ing bankers, that, in fact, the chancellor had con- sulted with his own firm. Lloyd-George is the leader of a democracy be- cause he chums with experts, and swings to the currents of the collective will. His personality contains the virtues and the perils of the democ- racy itself. For it, too, may some day establish a bureaucracy of experts that could be the tightest little oligarchy of history, and it, too, may yet swing to tides that are ebbing. It is not often that one sees a community incarnating itself in a single man. But the British democracy has its incarnation in Lloyd-George, responsive 84o ^*J-- •'-=«>=--«, 'iWrt •■.■--a.=s« m.. ml ii LLOYD-GEORGE to vast subconscious forces, and turning to specialists for aid in crises. He faces the most difficult years of his life, and he knows it. A man of his temperament can conduct a great war. AH that was needed was the inspirational quality to rouse his people, the energy to set them at work, the creative imagina- tion to see the war in its extent, its duration, its requirements. None of these tests has over- taxed his powers, for they all lay inside the area of his competence. But when peace comes, there is no longer one straight road to a clear goal. All the forces of reaction will coalesce. All the bad counselors will make a cloud of wit- ness about him. All the paths to immediate power will lie in "playing safe." If he remains true to himself, he will be cursed with a vehem- ence which will make his early years seem a sweet season of delight. There will be no easy vic- tories. All will be tiumoil and bitterness, for we are at the beginning of the greatest fight of the ages — the fight of the democracies inside themselves. We had our little Lloyd-Greorge in America, a well known former district-attorney of New York. He had the same transcendent 847 ^ j INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES charm. But the wrong crowd got him, not by illicit means. They whe largest sea-coast resort, and how he told n of returning a Grcrman lad to his home-country a* «er the war broke out. There is a kindliness in the race. Many times I have been irritated by some- thing pig-headed and unconsciously arrogant in the people, the quality which Havelock Ellis describes when he says, "It is the temper of a vigorous, independent, opinionated, free-spoken, yet sometimes suspicious people among whom every individual feels in himself the impulse to rule." It springs from the tradition of a govern- ing class, and I once heard one of the most famous men in Europe tell how a certain English noble- man always made him feel: "You belong to a race which we once ruled. Really, we ought to be ruling you now." Then there comes to me ihe intimate talk I recently had with a librarian. 863 f 'i ''-?. >5'^i„. INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES "For five generations my family has been in the public service," he said, "and I could not be happy elsewhere. I receive five hundred pounds a year. Recently, a business house offered me nine hundred pounds, with the promise of promo- tion. But I could not be happy in other work. We do not want money, primarily, so long as there is security, and enough for a decent living, and a pension, perhaps, at the end of it all. What can money offer compared with public strvice?" That is the secret of v^ %t is best in English life: the finest men in pui c service, a level of conduct, clean administ-'atiin and government. The democracy must never wer that standard. For the opportunity of i* eeting the moving spirits of the reconstruction, the leaders of labor, welfare work, the woman's movement, cabinet ministers, writers, officials, I owe grateful thanks to H. N. Spalding, Seebohm Rowntree, and Geoffrey Butler. They were tireless in effecting new connections for me, unaware that they them- selves were among the most valuable of the group whom I met. And from the many talks I have -LVl-flL VALE seemed to verify what I have long believed — ^that the British people are a great democratic force in the world. I believe that in accomplished reform they are a generation ahead of the United States, and that they see more clearly than we the immense responsibilities which the principle of democratic control creates. I am convinced that our own future is bound up with that of England, that together with Eng- land and France we can face the world with security, and gradually and painfully make the democratic principle prevail. I am convinced that, divided, both England and America will be fatally weakened, and that the future will be poorer because of the split. What is needed is interpretation of each country to the other, lead- ^,ing to intellectual understanding, and finally to good-wilL For that common understanding I consider it of importance that England shall con- quer a certain arrogance, a certain unwillingness to accept us as grown-up, and that she shall clear the Irish situation. For that common under- standing I consider it of equal importance that America should cease her policy of aloofness, and 855 ..^S«Kr.^<\.V INSIDE THE BRITISH ISLES overcome the self-complacency which believes that our country alone is the land of freedom and justice and the champion of democracy. Then, together, in humility, we can achieve greatness, and extend the principle of democratic control 866 n APPENDIX IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT la an outline of the new imperial commonwealth to which Lord Milner haa given hia approval the functions of tlie im- perial parliament are auggeated: The flnt of tbeM is the support and maintenance of the navy and naval establlshmenU and forttflcations througlKNit the empire. The second U the control of the expeditknarjr army and the niaip- t«iance of a skeleton millUiy est«bli«hmcnt for the empire by which the natlonal-servke militias that must certainly follow this war could be gunned, mobiliaed, and directed in an bnperial crisis. The third is the imperial contnri of the food-supply and of the tanperial resources of raw material. The fourth is imperial transit, posts, money, sUndards, ports, and seaways. The ftfth is the com- mon imperial trade policy. The sixth Is the supreme direcUon of education, not with any power of prohibition, but with unlimited powers of endowment, to maintain the comnMm laofcuage and the supply of hifher education universally throughout the empire. The seventh is the maintenance of the supreme court of the empire. The eighth Is the control of foreign p<»licy and the continuation of the Imperial trusteeship over the non-represented dependencies. THE LABOR COLLEGE The modem British radical is a man in conunand of the figures in hia induatry. Hia wage demand is not a blank cheek drawn againat the full productive power of industry. It is an exact atatement of the aoMunt of cash which the employer haa joat put into his own pocket. This type of worker is perfectly willing to hold a conference on the basis of a abov-down of fKts. This mental clarity ia not tme 857 • -'*., m APPENDIX :ii of the BUM of labor, but it ia true of the advanced gronpa. Education bai been at work and baa given them an intel- lectual baaia for their deairea. Thoae deairea, ezpreaaed in the form of demanda, arc leaa noiay and more deadly than the old daaa-conacioua battle-criea. There ia an atmoaphere of amokeleaa powder to the ayndicalist movement in the handa of the minera, railwaymen, and engineera. An admirable atudy of thia intellectual ferment in the South Walea coal-fields haa been recently made by a spe- cial correspondent of "The Timea." He abowa bow the minera, when they tackle Lord Rhondda and the other barona of the collieriea, figure out coats from statiatica, and challenge their management to a Joint audit In describ- ing the careful preparation whkb these men hvrt received, he says: What In It that makes South Wales the faidustrtal storm-center of Great Britain and why Is it a fruitful ground for food agita- tion and peace propaganda? The answer li> simple. Subject a fiery and educated people to a soulless, dehumanlaed, eaoMaerelal machine for the extractloa of gold out of labor, and yon will Inevitably breed a seething discontent whkfa must somewhere find tts outlet. Their flcriness Is sufldently known, but the Celtic temperameat alone does not explain their violence of action. To it Is added a degree of education which would astonish some of their absentee employers. There are scores of men working in the Welsh pits who could pass an examination in Iltsen or Shaw or Swinburne, or could lioid their own In an argument on economics or politics with the average memiier of Parliament. Tliey owe their training, not to the state or to the municipalities, but to the educational facilities provided by the Independent I^ibor Party and other organisations. In the current number of the "Merthyr Pioneer," which may be regarded as the organ of the Independent Labor Party movement in South Wales, appears a column and a half articie, one of a series, on industrial history, dealing with the earliest wrftten records of British history from the point of view 858 APPENDIX work, which be.r on the .ubj«t For yean p^t fre. evoUni cjM^ n economic^ tadurtril hi.torjr. .ml „„yi., .object, h.4 b«n held Jn I L. P. branch-rooo. in the various mining center^ •mdmany of the younger member, have t.lirn full «lv.nUge of H^l" !!r "If.'.*^""**™" moreroent which hu it. center In C^^t!^ r n ""-"^ °" '»•*"'> '•J' P-*t •"«'enU of the wi; «».hi, f:. ™' ."»"♦»"«'. «t "-y He remembered. wue.Ubli.hed M the retult of dimti.f.ctioii with the cur- J^r^Jp^r.";:' -":•'• "^""^ *"«" "*'«"•» " — »'^'- ferred to Earl. Court. London, and thence it ha. .pread the doc trhie of ela» war far a«l wide. Recently It came under the joint control of the South Wale, Miner.' Federation and the ITt Ilf"/.! "^?^»- "^ •P^'W 'ffort. are now being r^. .^ .'*• *"'' ""»"««»«»» tW« district, chiefly by lee' T»M J^**"^"*"** """*"**• ""^ ««P*«tlTe «x.|etie.' room.. A third educational agency 1. an organiMUon called the Pleb. League, which atou. at the education of the woricer, by mean, of cla«« fa. ««iology. lndu.trUl hi.tory. Marxian ecomHnlc^ and » Zt «.!/«. '•""'''^ "' y"""* "*"*" •»»*«'»» tW« teaching, bu m«,y of them are Mnt by their lodge, to the Central Labor college^ London, and come back to preach what they hare learned -m^nly a. a gospel of open ho.tlUty to the employer, and con- •Unt agiUtten for the complete extractkm of their proflU. The Centr.1 Ubor CoUege, deMribed •bove, is .n inati- toUon in the weat of London, one of the heads of which has been Mrs. Bridges Adams. Mrs. Aduns is an intern.- Uonal Socialist, who has made a lifelong study of education. She and others founded Bebel House in London, which was to be one of the headquarters of the international so- cUlist movement. Then came the war, and Bebel House was used by the refugee Russians as a headquarters. The police raided it during one of their stupid official campaigns against Russian political refugees. Mrs. Adams has waged a continuous and at last a successful fight against the Eng- lish oiEcial betrayal of the right of .sylum. I give a full 859 r-jr~-',- M- - - .i»M. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // fe ^•^ ** ^tk^ '''■^*<^ /- \^ ^ 1.0 I.I It i^ ^ us 1^ ■ 2.2 2.0 i25 i 1.4 1.8 1.6 p1^. ^/ 7 ^ 7 150mm /^PPLIED^ IIVUGE . Inc JiBi 1653 East Main Street ^srj Rochester, NY 14609 USA ^s r^ Phone: 716/432-0300 J^sr^^Sl Fax: 716/286-5989 « 1993, Apptwd Image. Inc , All Right* Rnarvcd <^\ ^\' o ;\ '^ »5u^ k <^^ APPENDIX I I i acconnt of the matter in the chapter entitled "The Right of Asylum." The point is of interest here as showing how various expressions of radicalism interlock. The woman who has helped the miners of South Wales to fashion the weapons of their powerful syndicalist movement is the per- son who has defended an ancient English liberty. Mrs. Adams believes that little trust can be put in labor leaders. They grow official, tame and compromising, and lose responsiveness to the aspirations of the mass of the people. She believes that only by diffused intelligence will the labor movement prosper, and not through individual men becoming under secretaries, pension minister, and min- ister of labor. And this distrust of labor leaders she ex- tends to university movements for "the education of the workers." She fears that they will make the social move- ment "upper class," and the education itself a desiccated, carefully edited non-explosive brand. So Mrs. Adams and others have conducted the Central Labor College as an in- stitution growing out of the people themselves rather than something given them from above. Step by step with the growth of her institution and other democratic agencies of education the Welsh miners have raised their standard of living and strengthened their position in the community, till to-day they are a force so formidable that the Gov- ernment capitulated on their latest threat to strike, and enforced a wage increase. They are probably the most radical labor group in Great Britain. LAND The Duke of Sutherland has decided to sell his Shrop- shire seat, Lilleshall, an estate of 7500 acres. In a letter to the tenants the Duke writes : I have hoped against hope that I might not be forced to part 360 APPENDIX 8i«te mainly of^« i^I^ ° 1?^^°"* ^'^ patrimony con- briluv rH!"" '''^Tl ""^^^ «°°^ «f°"" -J»-h -" W f .. ''"^' ^ ^°°^ ""P'''«" t° bring man and knd ogether wa« about to end in remedial !egislat"n Now these reforms have been postponed till peace corned But legislation will be introduced after the close of the wa" o bruig labor back to the land, and to bring the land blck from grass The famous "New Doomsday" inquiry showed :":,;s:frcrrr ^-^ --' ^"' "-" upon tl« land system and the wo^I^s o^ A?^ ZTl"""^' """"^ years o, rule b/the BrL^Z^^Z^^J,""' '' *"° ""^'^ and W*f ^" ""?'• °^ ^''^ agricultural land of England and Wales « worked by tenants and not by owners. "Se S6 oXl""' "*^"* °' ^°«^*"'* -'^ Wales is .^nt $650,000,000 a year. The land is under-cultivated. The Govermnent appointed The Land Inquiry Committee to find out why. Their report was brought S o^^TZ r t^tr ^ ^"- ''' "-- ^^ •^-"- The Committee found that one reason of nnder-cultiva- t.on « the insecurity of tenure of the farmer. T^rgTw. to qmt, or a higher rent, has led to this inaecurity of the S61 ,;i\ m '.l[ APPENDIX ^ i.' w I r> I small holder. This insecurity of tenure prevents the tenant from making improvements. He deserves compensation for increased fertility due to continuous good farming. In- stead, he often is shackled with a higher rent for his own improvements, and under the present system of taxation these improvements are rated and therefore penalized. Another reason is labor. Bad farming and low wages together have driven many of the best men to the towns. Those who remain as laborers are underpaid. A large amount of land is withheld from its best use for the purpose of sport, and a considerable amount more is under-cultivated and in some cases under-rented owing to game preservation. This land, instead of providing food for the people, provides sport and delicacies for the few. Between 1881 and 1901, the number of game-keepers in- creased from 12,633 to 16,677, while during the same pe- riod there was a large decline in the rural population. There are instances of agricultural land, formerly rated at 20 shillings or more an acre, turned into plantation, and then rated at one shilling an acre, including the sporting right. In such cases the law has put a premium upon mis- using the land. Reforms are necessary in taxation and rating of this land used for sport. Other reasons for under-cultivation follow: Land lies waste. The farmer can not obtain adequate capital nor facile credit. Better transit by light railways, waterways, etc., is needed. Cooperation is still imperfectly practised. Scientific education is required. Much of the land must be split into small holdings. Too much land is in pasture in- stead of tillage. Even in dairy fanning, "more cows could be maintained, and, if they are properly managed, more profit obtained, on an arable farm than on a grass farm." The "Nation" has reduced the total area in England and 362 APPENDIX W.le, ™der crop, .„d g,„. ,„ ,|,^ , Clover .nd roUlion grasses, H .crcs .r.Me. SmaU holdings are one of the remedies Pn.,Uoi, any abstract joy of ownership, but almost universally for X : CeT'. *'; "*^^'-^«°" °^ -"-'•^P- So th rem- edy proposed IS to create security of tenure Mth., fi, peasant proprietorship. It shou J be sarthat the/e "^ wide difference of public opinion on this point of smalt rented holding yersus peasant proprietorship. The "m that tV "*r '' '''' ^-••.'->? k APPENDIX • fcrelation that ire had such a supply, and while the Oennant were paring, for UtUe lots. £300 a ton for lucfa oU, we are buyinc It for the Government at £38 a ton. In the Pacific Ocean, bordering on British Columbia; In the mouth of the St Uwrence, and the waters around Newfound- land and Labrador, apart from our own home waters-under an Empire monopoly (though we must have the consent of the dominions In thU matter), we could become the purveyors of fl.sh In all forms, almost to the whole world. Already Newfoundland was sending on an average 300,000 torn of cod to the Mediter- ranean and neutral countries. There was p-actically no limit to the quantity, and the Grand Trunk Pacific had already offered refrlgeraOng plant to bring fish from Prince Rupert Island to Liverpool at a penny a ton, which would be reduced to three farthings or a halfpenny on big Government contracts being en- tered into. This development could take place Immediately. The necessary shipbuUdlng and equipment must take time, but after the war-lf the Government aUowed it-the whole of the vessela now used In the North Sea for mine sweeping and other purposes would form the nucleus of an Empire fishing fleet. The quantity of fish consumed in this country was 600,000 tons a year, which was equal to one-fortieth of the total food consumed per head of the population, and the scheme might Incieaae the fish supply to at least four times that quantity. It will take ten years to develop the ideas the committee wish to carry out It must be apparent to every one that no private individual could accomplish such a great work In the way that an Empire Council could do. There was the objection that It would be SoclaUstIc for the State to carry on such a business; but the committee would begin where vested Interests were the least in force-except as regarded the fishermen engaged In the business -and that was In the bed of the ocean. All on board the fishing vessels, from the captain to the lowest man, should parttoipate in the proceeds of the catches. If the State secured a penny a pound, which was £9 Gs. a ton. It would be quite possible to make a gross profit in 10 years of £36,000,000, out of which the sinking fund for the development charges must be met. It would be for the State to regulate the prices in every town in the coimtrv, and the State should have the control of the home flsherfcs as welL S68 I APPENDIX thouwnd doll.„ m bringing two hundred .ere, of eocoa- o ten thousand dollar. .„ .ere in .bout ten year.. So it r.L *h"" 'T"""'' '°"''*' "' ''"^"""^ '°' ^^' ^t«t« to de- .b vV™' "."V"^""' '"'"*"»' °' P.Im-land,, whieh prob- ably amount to sever.l million acres. WHO DOES THE WORK.» .il'' ♦ Tl"°" ''"! •*"" °"" "''^'*' ""^ h.. it been pos- sible to take out four million men and still c.rrv on the productive industries of Great Britain? The clearest shortest answer to this has been given by Sir Leo Chioaza Money: ^ ln^,Iia«I* "'" '"""'"'"* '*'*• " - '''«"«• Produced more tb.n tr.di?otlt"f,^" Jl *^*!" *"««»l«««on of production in some iraaes, notably the engineering trades. (3) Large amounts of new capital have been applied bv the Oovernment to many important industries ^ JJJ M.nv *^' ^^ " '*°"'^*' "' restrictions upon output. ^^) Many women have talcen up productive work for Tflrst ^ ^P, H!*" •»» '^n » great contraction of the vast amount of ma e labor normaUy employed upon non-productive and un" on" Jc work, in some cases the unnecessary work has disappear^ aul Cen'o'^ir " "'^ '^'^ *'^'" "P '-' ^ "- ^"-»d "y He goes on to say: Before the war a very large proportion of our male workers we e engag.^ ,„ non-productive work. All our minerquarri" M IT^P ,I^T, '"""°"''- Therefore it was true that OF OUR MALE POPULATION AGED EIGHTEEN YEARS AND S69 ^1 I i :^? •'ol I'i ft i/ri APPENDIX OVER ONLY ABOUT ONE IN THREE WAS ENGAGED DIRECTLY IN PRODUCING INDUSTRIAL WEALTH, What were alJ the rest doing? Distribution, education. Govern- ment aervice, coinnierre, etc., nre all ImportHnt. but can It lie pOMlble that two out of three malei*— to sajr nothing of feowle* —were needed to carry lliein on, as compared witli only one in three devoted to producinR things P Most certainly the devotion of io large a proportion of males to non-productive tasks was not only unnecessary, but a sifrn and a portent of Industrial decadence. Tlie talcing of men from non-productive employments has en- abled women very easily to inalie substitution in many cases, A won an worlcs the lift which before the war was worked by an able-bodied man. doing work which no able-bodied man should ever do. The laundry van, which before the war was driven by an able-bodied man, is now driven by a girl. You go to the bank and •ee capable young women dealing with the books and papers which yesterday were supposed to demand the services of stalwart youn* men, ' * At the insurance offices, which before the war employed a great army of young men, girls And no difficulty In accomplishing the work. At the offices of the National Health Insurance Com- missioners the work Is being done by girls quite as well as by the battalion or so of men who recently were thought to be needed for it. In tens of thousands of commercial. Government, and local government offices female labor is doing what the other year was thought to be men's work. The idea, therefore, that because a man was a petty clerk, or a shop assistant, or a Uft-man, or a driver, or a door-opener, or a 'out, or a commission agent, or something of that sort, before the war, he must necessarily go back to his old job, while the womai who has taken his job Is to return to her old work. Is entirely mistaken. Organise our power supply; reform .lur railway system; set to work on a decent canal system; determine production in the metal trades and the chemical trades; enlarge our wheat area definitely and compulsorily. Do these things, and there will be such a call for labor in connection with them, and In connection with other useful employments arising from them, that in peace as in war, we shall find that the difficulty Is not to find jobs for tlie men, but to find men for the jobs. 870 APPENDIX THE CHURCH of Eng^^tncl, believing th«t "tlie brotherhood of Z ChTl. *l . .^'"'•"" C.lhedr.1, belonging to the Church of England, to preach in the City TeSpfe pulpit report,? """"'*'* ''" '•"""> ^'' >«'^' "The Ti»«" to preach In th^ city /Jpie ^''j.^T j'ij""""i "'*"'"°" ^n^;t:X -^. -£^- ^- ;iS- - ..on o, Ch.ch o^rrTaV^X" ^ SC ^.n^- COMPULSORY DEMOCRACY eff^rin'frL:::/^"'^ "'^ ^'^--^ — «- ^^ those conunoditie^tLt we cTex;^;; Z ll Tl" *° '^''"' '* •broad other munitions of w.^ Tyou dl^^v """ '"' '"^ national energies into wron«. rh.„„ T ., ^ 5""" "penditure ing It with a successful peac^ """^ ^"^ *" ""*' '""J- Let us transpose that into it, equivalent for normal life. All we can do ft the wolf>M «* n. nappy -nd healthy P^^onTZ''! ^rL^Ttn 1''^'''' to work at productive InHna.i-. '^"aine life, men and women commodities th^^e can e^l^^ T Z^ T"*^" *" ^°''' »* t^ose other products flth^"cr^:S:^;;f H T'"' "'^ *^'*" ""^ •"-"" If. by your expenditure on 1 , , "' «»«'n«ble satisfaction. Of cJpfta,rrn*p*ruct ve Z; '"rdi'''^ ^*'"' '"''^*™'"* into wron, channefs. .y so U^^^^ -"e^'l^rrtir^;^^ 371 APPENDIX which we depend for establishing a high standard of living for the community, and so finishing the labor war and ending it with a successful peace. * The principle of organization and conccntraUon, backed by compulsion, in the interests of the community has for the first time in English history been widely applied. Once applied, it becomes permanent, and is subject to ex- tension. The compulsion has been used to force men to go and die. It has been used to make them work at certain jobs at a fixed rate of pay and to give up other jobs. But it has not been used, except in "controlled" firms and in a lumted way, to take control of profits, and it has not been used to force capital to invest in one enterprise and not in another. A man's life is not his own, his power of work IS not his own; but his money, if he is wealthv, is his own. He can invest it in making absinthe; he can lend it to an exploiter of African labor; he .an create an anti-so- cial industry with it. One needs oaly to state it for ita absurdity to be seen. Capital will be increasingly governed as labor is already governed. When political democracy was formed, it was inevitable that industrial democracy would result, however tardily. So it is with any partial ap- phcaUonof principle. Once it begins to operate, it grad- ually extends itself over the full area of its function. The principle of compulsion, applied to the life and labor of men will a little later reach property, that last sacred strong- hold of privilege. ' * These changes are more searching than the direct changes by death and wastage of the war, but it is the war that has hastened them. "The success of this revolution was chiefly due to the wisdom of those who allowed it to develop grad- naUy and almost imperceptibly from existing insUtutions." 87« ' %'mfi.fu^,^:^ *• *. t^ -fc* * rf APPENDIX COOPERATION, SOCIALISM, SYNDICALISM eefCL'T''"; " '*" °'** '•""" °' '-'=''«'^«d profit. .«m ir»K . ""^ °^ organizing industry. Individual, ism, with Its instinct for prooertv will nf -, «"viauai powe,W „,.e.,„t ,0..^ ,t. pHv..e ,.„t::J:^ ^^p! 'rty, and th.t property, n.,te.d of beioi held to . f-- l"d., -m be widely di,Wb„W. The JL,.l „f'p^! ..WMd proprielorrtip to l„l.,rf u «, to.t.J ^. 5ptzr.st=;vre;ir That lueans precisely that associations of producers (trX fTirtrrti^"^ TT r-"^ -" *^« -^^^- on "The n f. °""'"*^ *^'» »«^"««« in the chapter The Lh T?- '' " *'^ '"^"""^ ^y syndicalism The other solution is the control of industry by associa- ion, of consumers. Those associations are volv^Z ^^ wnTrrT'h"'' r^?"^' '' ^" ^*-*« "^ -^'^p" isr TWe '^l '"'^"""" ^•y cooperation and social- on Ja ", "° **f "'"'' ^ P'^'^'P** ''«t^««» coopera- tion and socialism, but there is a sharply marked dlfflt ence m the area of application. "^ a«l'*7 "*^*''"' '''''*'''' ''^ association of producers or by nl* ^ «ynd'cali8t will exploit the consumer by high pnc s and over-emphasis on the social value of hi, own particular trade. The cooperator and ,Ute .ociaUst ^11 373 i APPENDIX exploit the worker in order to get products at a low price, and state socialism builds a powerful bureaucracy of expert officials, who form an oligarchy inside the democracy. The ineradicable instinct for property will temper both move- ments, and Parliament will remain one of the direct ex- pressions of the people's wish between these contending forces, and will continue to act as a corrective of modem government, which is government by cabinet and committee, leaning increasingly toward state socialism. In short, ao one movement or tendency fully expresses democracy, which must use each in carefully controlled degree. The method of that control is the problem of the future. The cabinet and the bureaucracy have meanwhile grown strong, and Parliament has weakened. In the future no one tend- ency inside the social movement is likely to be the Aaron's rod and swallow up the contending tendencies, though so- cialists, syndicalists, and cooperators make the same whole- hearted claims for their pet solution that advocates of big business, free trade, and empire development make. Out of all these powerful "pushes" will come a resultant, a collision into harmony, whicti will be the new order, the reconstructed community, the organized state under demo- cratic control. A figure will make this clear. In the warfare in France and Flanders there is a series of separate spaces that can be made untenable for the enemy. There are the differing zones of shrapnel and of infantry fire and a space between them, and that space belongs to the machine-gun. There is a similar division of effective function in the attack on the capitalistic system. There is an area that the municipal and governmental control of industry does not reach, and a portion (not the whole) of that area is reached by the co- operative movement. There is a further area reached by 874 * - »;JfA:.T»» V *-«( *,^ *^4itfm . APPENDIX Ion. Jelh^X '""•*' """^'^ ""^ '«" 11I1.I trade of ih. m ' ■"'""' "■'«°' »' «■= •»- In itsoH nothu,, ^ tbT^Z^.,, ' rP"'"»° "off". P-oU.„ or ^\J: TZ °J„; J«' •"■""on „, tt. o.rr4ir„^:jr.^?:^?;:r^ state socialism. The state " f * "^ '^''^''^^l""' «g«inst WiU the „,„p, be orde"d out Sn t tl™ "'Z'""' *o ^...ticr ru-r.:i;XTeU oT tod. p.5.«„„g . ,j„.^j » .m ^Tto t ro:nf=s::rroe4'.::LT'"^''''- do«.oo«c.. And .^sri;'r„xr::^s°v„' -one ..p,..^„„ „. ^ ^ ^^^ ^ :^ZZ^ What has cooperation in Great BriUin ,?««- *» enty years of experience? It has esteXr ."1 '"" ^ at the present U„e «ftet^ dLt ^ Ttt r C^^h three million members, controllinir sales to t^V i' . '°" -^'^ "««o„ do„„, . ,i:':z ri-td,' 375 Il .*■.'■♦ 1 J < ■r i! APPENDIX to the value of seventy miUion dollars a year. The re- search committee summarises the service of cooperation. I( has afforded in manufacturing and in wholesale and reUil trading an alternative of working-class origin to the capi- talist system. Manual workers have proved themselves capable of administering it under democratic control. It has steadily grown for seventy years. It has kept down retail prices, distributed millions of dollars as dividend on purchases, money that would have gone to the capitalist class. By cooperation the manual workers are receiving a training in the administration of self-governing industrial republics. CooperaUon within its own area has done away with that specialized brain power known as directive con- trol, which consists in cunning for the defeat of rivals under cutting, nibbling at wages, adulteration, cornering the market, promotion, stock-exchange gambling. A ten- dency in cooperation, as in socialism, is to put administra- tion into the hands of salaried officials. Thus the English Cooperative Wholesale Society has twenty-one thousand paH employees, directed by a salaried committe of thirty- two members. The business of cooperation is not likely to go far be- yond the articles consumed by that portion of the wage- earning rJ-ss enjoying fairly regulai employment and wages, . - r with the "black-coated proletariat '-clerks, petty officials, and the like. The submerged tenth are un- able to avaa themselves of cooperation, and the one-eighth or one-tenth of the population known as the middle and upper classes do not care to avail themselves of it. But it is those other classes, from unskilled laborer to minor pro- fessionals, with incomes from $250 to $2000 a year, who are increasing in numbers and importance, and who are entering into control of the new social order. Cooperation 376 i 1 i i »■ *■■ •■■-•» 1 1. . .•»••* * . «. *• tin.M.'kf.^^. *■* -»*-3 APPENDIX ture for foreim cf^nJ.^ 1 *""*" P''* «' »«°"f«c. li^e the Po^tlef a:f tLlt^^^^^ "t ^""^^ ^'^"''^"' d-y-by-day consumers do nor^^.'^'"' ^ ^'"■'='' *''« of ««i«inistration, or „ winch ??!*"*' " """*"« «"" " «quired. AccoXly tu ;fl"T'^^' «°^"--' tion will remain outside he rl^I, "''"""''^ P"'^"'- «tion. Cooperation r not Lu °^''°°P"«t-« organi- system for arajorit;:f:irwX^- U ''' T*"-' tive for a minority. workers. It is an alterna- What has socialism done? TKo = the Fabian Research Committee L th"?'^ "" ^^^" ''^ Government has alreadHlr "*' 'P'^« «^ ^»'5. jrrown its police potrlL'TnTha^^t:^^^^^ ^'^"^ -*- ^on of public services-housekeeoL "° -dministra- How are we to know the^!ff ^ ? * """"""^ s<^«J«- and capitalist enterprise. Jr^^''^"" ^^ tration in a given den!;hn. *'? "^ ^''^*^" «'J'»>°«- whether any e«ess ff "^1 T *""* "" " «°«"«««c is - to the pXVtL':its::;orTL^^^^^^^ «"- owner or shareholders, but to p«b^ ! °^ '"^ P"'''«*'= - century ago government cle^d itseTr^. ''°"" *** then government has entered many fields ""^ 877 APPENDIX •n expenditure of a thousand million dollars a year. This largest of all industries in its three functions is passing in- creasingly throughout the civilised world into governmental organization. Thus the inland conveyance of letters by private enterprise is to-day left to countries like Abyssinia, Afghanistan, and Arabia. The construction and maintenance of roads is virtually nowhere a service of private capitalism. The United Kingdom is now spending yearly nearly one hundred mil- lion dollars on thoroughfares, with approximately 100,000 men constantly employed. Local authorities in Great Britain in 1913 were operat- ing 171 tramways as against one in 1881. In 1918 the municipal capital in tramways was $275,000,000. In waterways, embanking, lighting, watching, ports, the docks and quays are nearly everywhere provided and maintained by government. The capital outlay in Great Britain is over five hundred million dollars. Of the total railway mileage of the world, just about half is owned and worked entirely by government enter- prise. The railways of Great Britain- have been in the hands of private capital, but during the war the Government has coiitr lied them, and there is a powerful movement to- ward nationalizing them. This movement resulted a few weeks ago in nationalizing the railways of Ireland. In public health and sanitary work we see in local-govern- ment water undertakings of Great Britain twenty thousand men employed, and a thousand million dollars administered in premises, plant, and machinery. The removal of house refuse, city drainage, and street sweeping are increasingly governmental services. Public baths, public laundries, and swimming-pools repre- 378 '.,-ar^^i>»%«.». wv;. '•i».-»» i*> ■ APPENDIX Sute medical service is steadUy spreading: doctoring for the destitute, governmental insurance systems, public med- r, T'u! "^ "diversities, hospitals, asylmns, schools, pris- Z; r ?fP"^^°^' workhouses, anny, navy, poUce, post-office. Nurses, chemists, and doctors are rapX be- coming the officers of the community. Where already per- haps one hundred thousand of them are in public instttu- Uons and government departments the rest wlU shorUy be. In land improvement, there are already over three hun- dred local commissioners of sewers, spending about two and a half million dollars a year. Several million dollars a year are spent in India in new irrigation canals, in improv- ing the network of water-channels, in banking river chan- nels. At this moment Ireland requires an expenditure of . few mdhon dollars to drain her bogs, set her river-levels, and establish an irrigation system. Public education, recreation, parks, libraries, music, dances, piers, museums, art galleries, government books and other prmted matter, are all employing men and women and absorbing capital. The printing bill of the British Oovemment alone is over five million dollars a year. Banking facilities are passing under governmental con- trol. Metallic coinage and the issue of paper money are state services. British post-office savings-bank deposits and trustee savings-bank deposits amount to twelve hundred and fifty million dollars. The British Government lends money to land-owners, local authorities, public-utility socie- ties for agricultural improvements, drainage, and housing, and to the householder wishing to purchase his own home In the purchase and sale of securities for customers the post- 879 til If APPENDIX W i n in«ter.g«ner.l of Gre.t Britain doe, « busine.. of mfllion. . year. In 1915 the British Government took under ita wntrol the Inveatment of capiUl. In 1914 the Bank of England, as the agent of the British Government, pur- cha«d over five hundred million dollars of bUls of ex- change. In light, heat, and power the same tendency toward state «.d municipal ownership is at work. Over three hundred capital ,s two hundred and twenty-five million dollars. The WMnes town council claimed four years ago that at from sixteen to twenty-four cents per thousand cubic feet it was supplying gas, with a profit, cheaper than any other gas plant, governmental or capitalist, in the world. Nearly three hundred cities and towm in Great Britain are now supplied with light, heat, and power by the municipal elec trical department, representing an investment of two hun- dred and fifty million doUars, annual gross receipts of over twenty millions, and employing abo- twenty thousand per- Government has gone in for housing, building farm- laborers cottages in Ireland, municipal lodging-houses in Great Britain, tenement blocks in London and Liverpool, and developing suburbs. As I show in the report of H.e Land Inquiry committee, there is beginning a vast ex- tension of governmental rural cottage building, which will provide 120,000 new dwellings, or ten per cent, of the pres- ent number. ^ S*^^'"^ °' ^T^ I"*"" " ^°'^'* """-' • f •<* of 240,000 square miles, administered by the Government of India for the public benefit, producing a net revenue of ten million dolUrs a year. English municipalities are begin- ning to afforest their water-catchment areas. 380 U, APPENDIX The largest fanner in the United Kingdom is the Irish Government, where the congested district* board ha, S3,000 rent.p.ytag ten«,t. and an average of . quarter of a mil- prXT' "" '** -d^i-i-traUon for stock and sale of The mines in the United Kingdom have been under pri- vate ownership But the Government recently took over W? :: '° ^""' '^"^"' -"«* ^'^'^ » P-bably the first step ,n the nationalization of most of the fields. Ire- land s prosperity will leap up if her coal-deposit, are freed, lliere are many government enterprises in manufactur- ing industry, producing the articles required for public use, tastead purchasing them to the profit of private^oncerns: The municpahty with its tramway service, erects its own works and car-sheds, generates its electricity, builds and olBce gets the bulk of its mail-sacks made by the prison de- partment. At this writing the British Government is considering tak- ing over the manufacture and sale of liquor, which will make ,t one of the greatest shopkeepers in the world. it L" T T "! T. """""^ °^ '^' "«*=««''^ committee, it IS theoretic to debate about the principle of socialism re««, private capitalism. The tendency toward public ownership ,s under full swing, and no phrases can stop it! LtsTaC rVs^ ^'" - ^^"^^"^ '- ''' -^-- In these days, the Colonial Office has more the attributes of -n XTThenTL'"' """'""^r"^ ^''"'*^"' *"-" those"oTe „: -Tfi ? 7 J ""' ""*'""*' °' Government I am a coal and tin miner in Nigeria, a gold miner in Guiana. I seek tto^r in one colony, oil and nuts in another, cocoa in , tw-Tji rtsTivrii""' "^^ '"'''^ -*"' to^-l"arrm7nT jects of my daily care. ... My days and nights are spent in Z 881 1'^ I m it APPENDIX •tudy of medicine, in the details of raUw.y construction, with dwire that the smallest >um of money may lay the Urgest numh< of mUea of track In the fewest possible days. Six years ago the census showed in government employ ii England and Wales 788,530 persons, 290,500 in state de partments and 588,951 under local authorities. It is rea sonable to estimate that in Uie United Kingdom over on< nuUion are now In public employment, one-sixth of al gainfully employed persons. The Socialist or Labor parties can not fully claim this government action as the result oj their propaganda. The bulk of this socialist enterprise has been initiated and carried out by persons of the aristocratic or propertied classes; by business men and experts, and middle-class rasidents. Men like Joseph Chamberlain were not "out" to introduce the cooperative commonwealth, though unconsciously they have hastened its coming. The reasons that have directly led to this spread of socialism show that the consideration in the creators of the policy was the interest of the community as a whole and the in- terest of the citizens as consumers. The test of the policy is not by theory, but by practice and experience. In four great fields both socialism and cooperation are as yet largely leaving the field to private capital. Those fields are: the special service of the idk rich, much of in- ternational trade and its finance, the unorganized portion of the shipping industry, and a large part of agriculture and fishing. And yet even in agriculture the coming leg- islation is leaning heavily toward what is virtually state con- trol; and in fishing the Empire Resources Development com- mittee are putting through a program which is socialistic. State and municipal ownership and management now administer in the United Kingdom seventy-five hundred million dollars of capital. The capital thus administered S82 APPENDIX and the volume of business thus done is probably « hundred 2nl "f S'"' 'iu''"* °' «^''«P«""<"'. •«! is increasing with gi-nt strides. This state .nd n.unicip.1 socialism is most -uccessful in communication and transport, land hnprove- »ent sanitation, and public health service, education and recreation, extraction of coal and other minerals, banking and insurance, manufacture and distribution of certain commodities and the construction and preparation of arti- cles required in the public service. . J^p *"*"P'jf " °f cooperation and of state and municipal »oc ahsm hardly ever compete with one «.other bec.-^ their spheres are distinct. The Cooperative Society ^. duces and dutributes mainly ordinary household supplies. Soc.al.sm has devoted itself to commodities and service, un- smted to cooperation. This division of function will un- doubtedly long continue. The more a government engages in industrial functions as contrasted w.th functions merely of police and national defense, the more essentially democratic does its administra- tion tend to become. But as yet, parallel with what we have seen in cooperation, the humbler grades of emploveea in state and municipal service have as little influence on the management of their department and are as much governed from above as if they were in capitalist employment. On the other hand, in comparison with joint-stock cap- italism, government management of industry means ulti- mately a large number of independent employers and an increase in local control. And this because in practice there IS a rapid growth of municipal enterprises, with a multipli- caHon of separate employers. Whereas in capitalist enter- prise there is the supremacy of the national trust and combine, such as Lord Rhondda's in South Wales, over pri- vate industry, thus lessening the number of employers. 883 u 'f'lii » APPENDIX - Tlie exten.ion of .ute .nd munlcip.1 m.n.gtment I. r.p- •ervlce. .l«.dy governinenUUy «imlnl.tered in one pUce L'Th '" ^'""'"^ ''""«''* »"'»*' P"""^ .dnitaUtr.- Mon, the .ggrcgate volume of sUte and municipal .ocUlLm will be lncre.«.d probably five- or ,ix-fold. Such an » .- creaae, without adding a .ingle fre.h industry or «:rvlce to hose already successfully nationalised or municipalised in one country or another, will probably bring into the rvlce of national and local government an actual majority of the adult population. With cooperation developing along « own lines, the combihation of soc.lism and coSpiratlon wl 1 mean th.t probabiy three-fourths of all the worid's Z of collective enterprise: certain branches of agriculture, .rt. Invention, new markets, new individual enterprise. The futuw organisation of industry and the state will there- fore include more than one form of control. There is need to secure for person, employed in cooperation, in govern- ment enterprise, and in private enterprise some realVontrol over their own working lives. With that method of control I have dealt in the chapter on "The Discovery." There is need, also to secure for the users and consumers of par- ticular products and services some real power of influencing their production otherwise than by Parliament and the town council. Such are the conclusions of the research committee, which I have reproduced largely in their owa words. Out of it .11 emerges the outline of the coming England, of social- ism, cooperation, syndicalism, big business, private property 384 APPENDIX WORKSHOP COUNCILS o™mee before the w.r came. Que.tlon. of hour., piece r.te.. .ml dlacipHne were de.lt with. The dispute. <^r^d production iBc,e.«d, .«| higher w.ge. nJpT ' WORKERS' CONTROL count i!..Iier .nd Si. .h.rd Garton .re the trustee. h.« «..de a creful invest^.tion of industrial conciio?. return, among those who «h.hu ?* ^^" ' '*'^ ***"" «' t^*'' pre«n oondfttoT Amo^ th """^ '^"j^'y "*" ^l^ontent with or who tmy^b^nJ^nZ ^""^ .*'"' ''*"' '«*"«*•* '" F'-"ders many .Tloo^toZfd'^J" -f "g .h,,,, ,, ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ««.. Of o„^at rZ. "» rT"'"""^ »»»«-"» on the spot that iucip,ent"vorTo a veT^^^^^^^^^^^ T? "'"^ '" « «^-t«^ «' rank^ t)w. fl^Kf . . . ^^ *" number of Ihc men now In the example of that to whi^K *Z '*?"**"'* *«» t**"" only an extreme 1« ll« mor. d«.«™„ LtS ""•' *,*'P'™' '««»:m™t which P~ch„ *„.««. ...^^^J':^^;,^^"" P.H, .i*h 38fi li fl! M H i ■■ I APPENDIX The war has not put an end to industrial unrest. Every one of the old causes of dispute remains, and others of a more serious nature have been added in the course of the war The very moderation and unselfishness shown by the responsible lead- ers of Organized Labor are looked upon by important sections of their following as a betrayal of the cause and by some employers as a tactical opportunity. The employers know nothing of the effect of a new process on the nervous system of the worker. They know nothing of the fatigue from overwork or monotony. They make no study of a standard of living. They go blindly ahead, as if men and machinery, alike, were tools to be manipulated. That an aim of industry should be a good life for the worker is in idea which would sound strangely in the ears. The workers understand nothing of overhead charges, depreciation of plant, the risks of capital. They know nothing of the policy connected with buying and selling. Consider the analysis Sir Hugh BeU has recently made of his own costs, as given in the "Round Table" for Sep- tember, 1916: His firm makes steel, the raw materials for which are produced from his own coal and iron mines and limestone quarries. In every ton of steel made 70 to 75 per cent, of the cost goes as the wages of labor. There remains 2S to 30 per cent, for all other outgoings, including profit The turnover on a steel busmess in this country about equals the capital Invested. If this profit amounts to 10 per cent., of which 3 per cent, at least must go back into the business to maintain the works, he thinks himself lucky, and the 7 per cent, left must cover interest on his capital as weU as the profits for his enterprise and risk. The remaining 15 to 20 per cent, goes to cover rates and taxes, raUway freights and so forth, part of which again goes to labor. Out of what fund, as Sir Hugh Bell asks. Is he to pay a 10 per cent increase in wages? If he paid 10 per cent more, he would have no profit at ail and could not continue the business. The increase in wages, then, can only come from within, by greater 386 APPENDIX efficiency In management or greater production per man. There are, no doubt, many businesses whicii liave some monopoly value, where capital secures a greater return; there are others where the return is less and the business Is decaying. But except when abnormal conditions arise, as with shipping now, or when a monopoly or a patent exists, the picture given by Sir Hugh Bell is more or less applicable to Industry in general. No paper resolution, no legislation, and uo economic the- ory can alter the facts of the industrial situation. But an adjustment and a gain can be made by a new release of productive energy on the part of the management and the men, by consultation between labor and capital, and by hard intellectual effort put on each detail of both the in- dustrial process and the industrial relationship. Labor is going to demand higher wages. To obtain them, labor must produce more goods, and the employer must Improve his methods, instal new machinery, and consult the worker. Some employers will meet the situation with su- perlatively good management— a management that will wel- come the worker to a share in control, and will increase pro- duction and wages without financial loss. Some employers will make decreased profits, some will go to the wall, and some will fight the new conditions. If wisdom prevails on both sides, a new constitution of industry will be achieved. AUDITING WAGES AND PROFITS The whole wage question will become increasingly a mat- ter for expert accounUnts. This will mean a joint audit of costs, presented by management and men, and determined by the state. In the South Wales coal-field the figures as presented by the federation executive, after the cost of standard labor and stores and other costs of production have been deducted, show: 887 y I I I APPENDIX Period Wnn.. Kron, April. 1910, to June, im erT. . ^''^'' "July. 1915. to June^ Z././.S ^^' ""'^ "'" Qnarter ended June 30, 1916 h^m 34.05 w o succession oi wage uicreases. THE TIE VOTE The present proposals for workers' control through work- th^r«n ^^%T''"''' «t«°g •« couneU members with the managers of the industry, wiU become partners insreld ners at first. The extent of their control will be L.r m^ned by their ability a«l their self^onsciluTpower^r: HOUSING In the city of Stanley, England, "overcrowding is found to exist m 50 per cent, of the houses. It can hardlvT doubted that the existence of overcrowding on so seWo^ . scale s one of the chief factors which gives "4 to such 169 per one thousand births." So .ays the auLiUtlve 888 Profitt .... 9.67 ....34.05 APPENDIX favestigation "Livelihood .nd Poverty-A Study of Work- •And it goes on to report: ton^r^rj^:^:;^^^^^^^^^^ "-e a* war.„,. ampton. were living in n^^^y bll; t'h ""''*'?"' '* '''"*''- the liousehoid were so low S r'""' *''«^ ^^K** <>< > head of three chUdren ZlZ '7 Ireat IStf T "'''^ ** '"""^ "' our inquiries is not inteLiTtenl uT ^''"^'^ '''*^"''='' ^^ due to exceptional* Sr„rr«Tjar;err^^^^^^^^ dustnes of tlie towns concerned Of all thi I J poverty w^eh have been brought ['J;: ^^cTror TlZ workers ^ T^T^'^ ''" "'" *'''' ^««^^ "^ t"*^ --* p" ^ ea™ ilTtt;'rshiri;'7nT"*- rv: "^"''"^ '' p*' -"*• than one quarter! nd i^'^.o out of7v"A '" °' ""= *""'"' ""'^ of the arlnlf moll . '^^ *°""**' """"e than one-thlrd oMhe adult male workers were earning less than 24 shillings per Sixty years ago, the population of England and Wales was evenly divided between town and Country dw^e« Now four out of every five persons are living in the towns and only one o„t of five in the country. Turing to ruraj conditions, as described in the investigation "How the La- borer Lives, we find: Seventy per cent, of the agricultural workers in England and Wales are paid laborers, having „o direct financial interest in t^ Jamili!! %l'T ""•""' "'"*'' ^^'^'"' *" '"^™»'"« ^ their families. This is a serious fact, for probably in no other V» ropean county is there so high a proportion of'^a^icuUur^ work" ers who are "divorced from the soU " In ion? tK- . , of ordinary agricultural laborer.t' Vn^ T *""^ ""^"K"* y gncuuurai laborers m England averaged 17 shiUtoKs 889 f|j ^m "'^'^-■4i h i II: i APPENDIX 6 pence. It n,«y be taken as an established fact that a family of five persons whose total income does not exceed 20 shilling 6 erty line." If we now turn to the actual wages of ordinary al rkultural laborers we find that with five exceptions. Sr;vTraT The r. '" "''^, ™""^ "' '^"«'""*' ""'^ ^^'«'- "'- below 5^ s^nce Ilio *"' -gncultural laborers have actually diminished It^P^M^'w' *'^'u"" " """"""* *" "-"«^ ^hat this means. It means that from the point of view of judicious expenditure the be aU and end ail of life should be physical efficSncy V means that people have no right to keep in touch ^ithZgrelr world outside the village by so much as taking in a weekly news paper It means that a wise mother, when shf is tempted to buy t^ flm.r ? T""y^''^ "' «'heap oranges, will devote the penny to flour instead. It means that the temptation to take the shortest railway journey should be strongly resisted. It seems that toy and dolls and picture books, even of the cheapest quaUty. shoufd triuH Hrr'""'i *'"* "'""^"^^ '"^^^ ^ practicau; tdi inguishable from other days. It means that every natural long- tog for pleasure or variety should be Ignored or set aside. It stifle? Z"^ ' t "'! ^'"""'* '°"''' '^'''' »' -t-no^Phere. tha sUfles and hems in the laborer's soul as in too many cas^ his cottage does his body. ^ "" The motto of one of the villagers is given: "We don't live, we linger." And yet, with these appalling conditions of primary poverty in city and country, it is true that "there has been an enormous improvement in the conditions of the industrial population in Britain during the last sixty or seventy years. There is a residuum of the population liv- ing on the • argin of subsistence, whose lot could not have been much worse in 1830 than it is now. It is possible that the size of this residumn is as large, or even larger, now than seventy years ago, but it bears a smaller proportion to the total population." 390 APPENDIX LIGHT RAILWAYS Belgium has 22.8 miles of liaht railw-^ f square miles of territory. Greatiri tat^Ts r^^JT T to every loo square miles. That is Zi I ""''' one-half times as many miles of lli!' f ^'"" ^"^ '' ''"'^ to her total area as G- " f r ':''''' '° P'^P-""" inore agriculturists, but it means th f" "'""' ".°* ""'^ workers ean and do live on th.)!, ■ ""'^ industrial of cities. Twenty tir "'^' ""'^"'^ °^ " "'« »J'«°s » Belgium are etl'^'^" ''"*: "' *'' '^"P"'' P"^°"« the whrp;'L:StrraUnd' ^ f ^" ^^"^ °^ urban communes "EvIrJ^h °°'^ ** P" *^«°*- '° ginm one hear of trac s omL" ^"''^^ *^-«^ Bel- agriculture or commerce bvn^ ''Tf "P *° P'°^*«»''« TheextraordinaTrvdopiutT *^' ''«'* """*--•' extent due tc Jse f^i urL/trr " " *° "° '""" in bulk and in small ^m^Ls Tth'7T\1 P"'"" system of light railwa'ys has been Ide ^teetht R '''' tree « "Land and Labor-Lessons from Betum '^T summarizes a detailed consideration as foTlowlf "' In comparison witli her si«» n«i»j i. system of niain and light raX'^^fr 1 '^ °'°^* «*««l-e u>ost all her main raUwavt Z„^ 'T^' *" ""* '^°'J^- Al- flnanclng her light ra;iwa7^:^J,7;;j^^^^^^^^ she is "c property at the end of a TeS „Ct 7 '"" '^°'°'' ?"»>- appreciable cost to the publirru "e Th^"" °' T"' """""^ "^^ that light railways cannot do Ze ihan jutroavt ^ ""^'^ will never show so hi«h a retnm ,.,, . , ^ ^ *^'' '^"J'' and ists to choose them if pretenceTo^r h" I" ^"'"'^'^ ^"P""'- If economically managL. however C ' k '"-«^«tae„ts. without loss, and they are o7Ine' n'h. .^ "■" Poetically country districts and deveL^L at JuU ' '"'"^ '" °P^"'"« "P - that small holding, ..r^^^^^ ^-^ ;;^- 391 Si (J ii ir ! I i \i i m { ^i ] I t i r ! I , ! u\ APPENDIX such means of chop and rapid transport as light railways afford, Canals, wliicb are almost aU naUonal property in Belgium, are looked upon as hlgii roads, and the State is satisfied if the very low charges made for their use cover, or almost cover, the cost of upkeep. The very low rates charged for the transport of goods both on railways and canals are a great benefit to industry as weU as agriculture, and the extraordlnaiy cheapness of the work- men's tickets upon the raUways has economic effects of a far- reaching character-«nong others it facilitates decentralisation of population and Industries, and thus largely destroys the monopoly of landowners in towns. CHURCH ATTENDANCE In the midweek of November, 1916, this advertisement appeared in the "Guatdian": The LIVING of Catherston Leweston, near Charmouth, Dorset, is VACANT. The adult inhabitants of the parish are 82, the full value of the living £74; value last year £67 17s. Healthy, southern locality, near the sea. No rectory-house. A few years ago, the "Daily News" made a census of London churches. At that time the number* of City Churches connected with the Established Church was 45. The attendances at all these churches on Sunday morning was 4,634. At St. Alban's, there were IS persons present, of whom six were children. St. Mildred's had 14. In the morning, St Alphege had 37, of whom 21 were children. In the evening, 37 came, but one child was unable to come, and an additional woman attended, and saved the average. Of the total 45 churches, eight had attendances of over 100 in the morning. In one Noncomformist Congregational Church, the City Temple, there were S,4«8 persons in the congregation, as compared to 4,634 persons in all the 45 churches of the Established Church. It is doubtful if the community will permanently carry that burden of expense for a venerable state institution. 392 APPENDIX MONEY OH EDUCATION The labor exchanges are constantly thrown a«rain.t h„ man Droblema n^^ * ^l . <'"rown against nn- WOMEN IN INDUSTRY the? for tt^'"*'^^" °'^'"'^ °"^^ 'J--*--- Are tfiey for instance, willing to undergo a lonir industrial tr-mmg from which they will be graduated skiufd wooers One investigator states that in dressmaking materials they Ustes llT™ 't""'' °""" ^'""^"^^ ^"^ *° their ^arto^n/ k1 ""J" °''"P^ *^" ^^^'^^ P<»'«°°« i» this de- rr " sTud;."^ *'^^ '-^^ ^"^'^ '' '' *^--^- by a Miss Proud in her book on "Welfare Work" reports: Jn^Zi^i\^^f:ZJl'" """?" *" '"^ ^^"^ »-Wnes which If they remain untrained, they remain unskilled, and can not reeeive the wages of sWled labor. Are they ^ form ^ great new proletarian mass of unskilled labor, with low 393 ll j r*-! APPENDIX wages, while men workers direct them and receive a high wage ? Will such a division, growing ever sharper, answ the woman's craving for equality, which is one of the mi impulses of the woman's movement? Will a system of wa slavery, with men eternally in the position of boss, foi man, and superintendent, seem a fuller life than the hom Factory inspectors and employers state that the girl i to the age of twenty-five often has her mind only half < her work and the other half on her prospects of marriaf The evening is to her the most valuable part of the di because she then becomes a social being. In a large ai exceptionally he<hful factory the women left at abo twenty-five years of age. "Their evenings," said the manager, "have ceased to matters of first-rate importance to them, and they do n mind entering domestic service." Miss Proud summarizes this sort of report, of whi there v. ere many: The suggestion is that women, as a rule, do not give themseh unreservedly to tlieir work until they no longer anticipate givi themselves In their offspring. Psychological facts like these leave us with few of t old-time catcli phrases such as "Equal pay for equal work WOMEN AND POPULATION Adelyne More in her excellent pamphlet "Fecundit; ve sus Civilization" has Cvyllected extracts from a wide rea ing of recent discussions on Birth Control. She quotes frt Frau Stritt, president of the Woman Suffrage Union Germany, who occupies a position in the German suffra movement similar to that held by Mrs. Fawcett in En land. Frau Stritt writes: 394 APPENDIX their conclusion ti,e real /Zrl^ "'** '" *"'"'' ""'"«'» «" Thus In a certain LlVZ^l """' "^ '** «'"'»'"• ^"^W.o,. .. *A. woman queln '" ""°" ''"""°" '^ *° *- "^^^''^J and Frau Stritt quotes from Dr. Rutgers- «on Dotii for military and industrial success " s«v, V... rnann: food for powder and food for fac^s tL f ." Adeljne More sees the two problems. w":;r:s*rS.rre^„Lrt^°"" t ™"«» (ed.l™i„dri ,„d t^ dL«»d ' "P""!""" V the She quotes from Alfred Naquet • we.«. .„ --.^i°;^;,?ore.rrprt";;.: S95 APPENDIX dread which wLttve ^El^HLr ^7 '" ^'^ ""^" perwn.1 experience is concern^ J, - *'. ^^'' "^ '" " " sure is one of the m.nv ! i . *™'''"» '''*»''• "nd I '« rate. Now. if f Jo^ed^^ xJX'li "* *'^ '""'"^ '"'* generally lc„own amongst ^omen it 1..M 7 ""' *" ^*""' abrogate the flr.t curse^ .ndT^eLr^ir'^l^T '"' *' powering dread. ™"eve ineir minds of an over Sidney Webb wrote, . few years ago: This restriction would f*n/i ♦,» classes, of which we LT-n . ""P"**" ''""*° ^^^^ . ° ^® '"^« «n instance in the Athenian r.t„ *vereadin The Greek Commonwealth": Women tended to become crvstalH««1 inf« »_ -the household matron underThe tS ' S ^u '?'"*' *^' other male protector and fL . ^ J^ ' * '"'''""«^ «" «<"»« ^ept him for o.asiona7„r«s ^e l^^^'Z'Z^Z''^ ^" 396 "*-'*-.-r^3fM APPENDIX "companion." It was "rLnln. .. '** *'" '^''*" " « theyo'un,Athe;;„„Tnco3":,tC.:;: rtrr'r '^'"^' '^'"'™ aCjru r :; rr.~ -^^^^^ — - from whJch tZ natlvT "^ '" "" ^"''^"•^ "' ''^'^ P^t'e^ of pleasure" sav.nl*:. ^""'^ companions for the sake which tire is no ,,„???''• ""''*'"'' » ^J*-" distinction in Tho,.rh f*!r ^ r "' ^"'•'''«"s of our houses." ~5,ri~Sr-r"™.."."=: the memoi oJ Athln, i '^* "" "" '"''"''^"' '"*"'• ""^ ««ved to cte.Th7r """ * ''P^'^^'' "' '^'^^h " «^ "«* possible Anstophanes in his Lysistrata. "Athens witnessed the ri/e of a movement for the emancipation of woman." Euripides did not avail, because organizing social thought had not arrived at the solution. To-day the effort is renewed to ff' mnif ""'7 .^ *''' '"""^ """^ '^""P^- dispositions of millions of individual women. War and the strife of labor and capital are surface ripples compared with the mimense instinctive forces let loose bv this effort Governments and trade-unions wiU be broken if they op- S97 l'!^^'^'i"*i ftffitiAitii (>•■] APPEXDIX 't,- CLOTHES At the meeting of abareholdeis of the tu St^t w hou-e Co.pa«, . «t pro/It for U.e ylmoT^^'^ W" announced. In I014 th.. «,„«» J *3i5,00 ch..n..„, ,„ ^pu.nCij'^rp^ ,.;vrrw ^^ draper}- coinp.nr, „|d Ui.» ■■«,.. »hoIeMl ."Pl". re,„ireo»„u .h » .heT; JL .7 "" •'"°' " firnis. Messrs. J. F & H R„l» * ,, f"" °» '«« -ora . .. pro« r, i5.*t2;;:„r.tt:X"e' ""• P^'talj. Me-m. Hunter, B.rr & Co ofGU, cr]r reH rvr', '^ "- '•^^' £i9iKa . ""„ " * ^o- w»e figure for last year was Ai2,J58 against ^10.380 in 1013 Tl,j« .-. th t- x^ was A4»,i88. Messrs. AUiston & Co. have tam^A . loss of ^M06 in 1918 into a profit of £l 1,156 last /e^r Balancing this increased expenditure we h«v. housands of cases, of which mTs. P m^', Reeveshas oT lected examples such as the following: S98 APPENDIX women an .U buying a pi«„o or gramophone") aoDean. to h! Z '.-T.r-.rrrsir' '"•'4 ■'" - - cosU h*- ini/ J^ '""»''«" «' » sWlUng ay, pence for it. Her coal TRADE LNIOAS AND VOTES rOil WOMEN If the recommendations of the Speaker's Franchise Con- number nearly 11 miUjon out of . manhood of ,21/0 mil- suffrage question, and, instead of a unanimous finding, they have passed on the onus of giving women the vote to Pa.^ principle, and present a "proposal" which will give the suffrage to six million women out of U miUion. In short. hey have s.de-stepped," and left "Lloyd George's munf- IT C w ° "'r^ '""^ "-*•""" *° "'" ^''^ -^e if they can. The Woman s Movement in Great Britain will con- tinue to be in part political, not because it does not value the human implications of woman's position in the modern world, but because it believes the franchise is necessary in order to achieve those higher values. The insistence on Votes for Women ' has wrongly seemed to some continen- 399 fe-pa.^^ % '»,•• I I li * ; I 5 ,i APPENDIX no/f t'Lf '"^"^""^ catch-phra.se of women who had not plumbed the meaning of feminism IndustriaUy working women face the same situation as ^it,ca% The fight for a decent standard of hWng i only in us beginning. There are only 74,000 factories and workshops out of 277,000 in the United Kingdom under regulations or Special Rules. At Barking, a fiL, engaged in the manufacture of India rubber goods, was empS 000 women. Soon after the outbreak of war the fiZ ZedTr ^"'T ^ ''^ Warping shed^uld be eL ployed .f they signed this agreement: "We, the under- signed, agree to work without a Trade Union." The man- to a Trade Union." Eighty of the women belonging to tS 7oZ7t?,''TJ "'""'^ *° ''«^ *^« paper.'^Th ma! jority of them found work elsewhere Certain trade unions have opened their membership to women-the Dockers' Union in the Transport Workers' Federation, some of the unions in the Federation of Fur- -hing Trades the National Union of Railwayman, a^d wn.t7 . , ^\^"e^'^ movement of women into men's work has taken place-has not made up its mind, anHas miprovased a Speaker's Conference compromise in which Workers, by arrangement with the Amalgamated Society of Engineers. About 40,000 women have been so organLd out of 500,000 women munition makers. The wTk ng w mans pi is either the sweat shop or trade-untn" d4ute's-,tly:r ^'" '-' ^°"« ""^^^-^ ^ -«« -^^ -atus .:^^^:xtrri;;^rr:^:-wo..enis 400 APPF,.VDIX radeship all their privileges i.e insecure. And that line of separation is equally a convention be- tween men and women. "The Woman Worker," the organ of the woman's trade union movement, states: the^tlnTn? "^ "', "^"'"^ ""'^ '^•'" ""^ t*""^ «'«' have had the help, not merely of their own orsanizations. but of the great men's unions. The Government protection of wages has C given^ not in proportion to the needs of the worker!^ or to tS usefulness, but solely in proportion to the strength of the de- And it instances Newcastle, where there are 6,000 women trade-union members, and the award given in the case of Messrs. Armstrong Whitworth's is superior to others, the time rate being fixed at 5 pence an hour, with special rates for gagers, examiners, and danger zone workers. So, in the next five years, women must win over Govern- ment, the men's trade unions, and the employers. IRISH RAILWAYS Irish railways were investigated a few years ago by the British Government. Their commissioners found that the Irish railway problem is the restriction of agriculture, in- dustry and trade in Ireland, because internal and export transit rates are on a higher scale than the rates charged for conveyance of commodities which compete with Irish products in Irish and British markets. The decadence of Irish industries has been accelerated by the establishment of low through rates from British manufacturers to Irish villages, rates which have been much lower in scale than the local rates frou Irish cities to Irish villages. The British-controlled Irish railways favored the British manu- 401 « i ' "Wint^lgl^ MM** APPENDIX !l ! facturer at the expense of the local Irish manufacture: hat Zuhtr ^ '"•' ''' "^"^^ -' ^--^ ^"^-'^« But not only have through import rates into Ireland fo many years been relatively lower than the Irish interna rates, but also through rates from abroad to British porti and interior centers have been on a lower scale than the export rates from Ireland. As the result of this, not onl, has Irish commercial industry been strangled, but Irish -^.culture has been crippled. Even Irelfnd's one bis agricultural industry, livestock, expanded only about 16 per cent in twenty years, and the cattle trade employs comparatively little labor. In eggs, Russia has beenU- L fiV w"f ^^n'*''"'* ^"^''°'^- 0° November 14, 1916, T. W. RusseU, vice-president of the Department of Agriculture Stat, i publicly that by far the largest pro- portion of the damage done in transit to exported ^gs Lk place after the eggs had left Ireland. Winter dairying would be stimulated by proper railwav wJuld te " ^°f ^""^ *° ^^^^^^"^ f-Co^gne there would be prompt action. But Danish butter came into t7e I Tk°.V'' ^'""P*' '=^°*"^ °^ '"^^ I™h butter trade Irish butter is not to be had throughout the year in q^ntity enough for home consumption, though climate and agreultural conditions of Ireland are more favorable for wm^er dairying than those of Denmark. Better methods of prc^uc ion and a reduction of railway rates, encouraging farmers to go in for --^inter dairying, are both needed. The classification of Irish goods, each with its own rate, Stat 3 to? / ' 'T'^ ""' ^"^ ^'^P"-"- ^--en stated to the Railway Commission that "the influence exer- cised over Irish railways by English companies is a bad influence, a growing influence, and likely to grow further " 402 APPENDIX The Managing Director of the City of DubUn Steam jacket Company asserted that the London and North Western Railway Company practicaUy controls the Irish wT/hT: ""^ '^"' * '°"P""y ^^^ ^'' °^°' *•>«» <=°»Peting w,th that railway company across the Channel, is virtually powerless, as whatever rates it agrees to, his company hL to agree to the same. f / "« Just as Ireland has been importing food when she could produee .t so she has been making large imports in coal when she has extensive coal fields. Here, as in agriculture, raUway facihties are needed. The required additional cap- tal for openmg certain of them up will be forthcoming when the requisite railway communication is provided. This is true of the Castlecomer and the Arigna coal fields. Four miles of raUway will release the Arigna mines Of the field at Coalisland, E. St. John Lyburn, economic geologist and mineral expert to the Department, said: ai.r;LTl5*^!°„''H""."'^ rS' ^''"^ " ^'"^ '«' *"«! holes. JTno .K . developed for JJMOO.OOO or $2,000,000. There fa no otl«.r counfo- but this where the trial would not have b^n made before now. There are about 60 million tons of cod, ^3 that can be multiplied by ten or one hundred, as the de^te are revealed by the scaling of the trial holes. ^ In this one instance, it is capital rather than railway facihties that are required. But at Wolf Hill, and for most of Ireland, the primary need is railway facility. Capital will follow opportunity. The condition of low rates and special faciliUes in raUway transport is a traffic large in volume, regular in transmission, and presented to the car- riers in a form convenient to handle. This means regu- larity of supply, a volume of consignments, good packing of produce, cooperation among producers. The low Con- tinentel rates, which have helped to capture the British 403 I. i*-^-*iik t'fft. *%*«^__ ._,„ -^ ^^^wacrCP**y*,^^-%ry-^^^.^^.^^i,jp,_^^^ t^gf -I !^ t* ■ 'J ti ? : i APPENDIX to state ownership of lines ^°^"°°>ent subsidy an< ov^ti^tL^-t!^^^:^:::/---, e^et.^^ announced. A broad state p licy n'tSa^"A\'"^" seeds, machinery and a unified and Llji^' ^"*''"'"' -m bring prosperity to Ireland /nl't""'^ "''""^ sidv carries with if fJ» * Government sub- land h«,elf ,iU LlTe^ ^^'^ '" ""' """' ''^ the time has come for - « J . ^ ° *'*•*<" ««««> IRISH AGRICULTURE $18,500,000. ^x",wo,00O, wheat flour culLrsfr"' --P-ident of the Department of Agri- time is bringing food 7,ZT' Go'^^nment at the present doing this at iLTi 'r every quarter of the globe.*^ It is whilf there areTverS ZLZ J' "' '""'' '"'''■ ^'"' ^^^ "« he tilled with pwat to r ^ """ '" ''^'''"*' *'"'•'' "'ght the State. ^ *** '"™*' """^ '»°»«se advantage to 404 ht »*-«<•"■<,» »V .». ^,,J ■*-',. ^..». „^ -^-•j ',-A.-*j!if !^. *.^. **s^ .t'ia*^TR!^i» APPENDIX vJvu ^'^P"*"*^"* °f Agriculture states that there is every hkebhood that next season the supply of superphosphaS will not equal the demand. This will prevent the manuring of grass lands. Some thousands of tons of sulphate of cop- per was exported, not for military purposes. "It was taken from Irish agriculture," says the "Freeman's Journal," "at • time of its sorest need and sold to protect agriculture in other countries. Hence there was only a limited supply theTlTght"" "**""' '" *^" '°"°*'^ *° '*'" '^^ ravages of it was sold to France and Italy for spraying grapes. Sure nf ^'K^"'* "' ^°^"^'' '^^' « the cause of the faUure of more than one-fourth of the Irish potato crop thi! Mr. fiunciman, speaking of the United Kingdom, said: nut It/" V' l!"''"^ '"/^ "°t °nly because many horses have been of the big agricultural implement makers. Irish agriculture has been crippled at the very crisis when food IS necessary for Great Britain to v^in the war. Sup- plies of seed, fertilizer, imported food-stuffs, and agricul- tural and dairy machinery, are shortened when they ought to be greatly extended. * An important study of Irish agriculture has recently been made by an expert whom I know, who signs himself "Agri- cola. I am not at liberty to publish his name. One of the high officials of the British Government in Ireland recommended these articles to me as giving a just picture of conditions. I summarize the conclusions in what fol- lows. Irish agriculture is backward because three-fifths of the 405 '***•♦'* "•#.*>« #»t; • .■^,*<«^c..«V%?J*A.'-c .MM li: n '» ■.'II li I I' f J' APPENDIX land « held by one-sixth of the landholders under ter restricting or prohibiting tillage. Four-fifths of aU t IIZ "Vi °" '^^ '"™' '" '^'^ »' f°' food to li stock and only one-fifth is sold either as human food, food for «on-«gr.cultural live stock, or as raw material f also be deducted the one-seventh which farmers and the s^t' r,. '""^"« P''^"*^* " one-seventh crops a, six-sevenths Ine stock and produce for live stock. The) "room then for extension of the croo area of Irelan wh.cu would both benefit the live stock production and i crease com food for the population. Care must be take m increasing tillage not to let cows run dry for want o sufficient food. But care can be taken to s'afe^ard H stock and yet to release the acreage of Ireland f^r tillag^ Over sixty-four per cent, of the land of Ireland is i, grass or crops. At every stage in his history the Irish agriculturaUst has b«., since the days of CromweU and the Stuarts. atrfn".' "•^*'"»«f, "f »'=* «' *he Irish farmer has continued strong against alien legislation. Ireland, and the wholesale evictions that cleared thousands of acres were the beginning of the gracing ranches that Ir^ tl^Suse of contention in our own day. "*" anJfV .^°r^"'' ""'* Sixty-seven thousand three hundred and thirty-five acres of wheat were lost to the plow. losI'^f^wftJ'^.?"*™".'' "°"''^ •'^ '^^" to ^ote that the loss of this food ,n th,s crisis In his country's historv is due to The decrease in the area of all com crops since Sir Robert Peel's 406 ili f-.-.K"* «.■»»,»<, ****"*'4ft**f* •(t*'^!^. i,«»^. ^ ., « » ^ » ^ I APPENDIX Plantation ''rheme was ata^^A i i"i.g.i..«ii„„r,.'r^ s°!f •'°"°,'' "'"'"" ■"" land now h., „„w ,Tj . * '° "'"""8 '» '«' '«" Ml. Of King', Comty Th.™. I. L^ • ^*"'' 1^' " ««« bo^ ... *.i.S rbtd^S '^IT^- rigation would be possible and th. • ^' "' peat conid be used CyXnvtrt^ ZT TJ"' °' production of power. ^*° '^""*"^' ^" the TRUSTS Lord Milner writes: The future belongs to bi«-sc.,e business or to such sn^er 407 'i »-**i» •»->■-»♦ - ■-f*'«»:^:*-»<*jf.;^tJVft^ ■: ', I, fti i APPENDIX iJ bustaesses as can learn to work together and to pool their aources or cerUln objects-the fuU use of sclenC r«e. e^ouVt^atur *'""-^"^'' ^"^^^^-"^ ^^y - ^-^- But large-scale production alone does not solve the lal difficulty. Our mining combines in the West and Pei sylvania, our steel combine in the East, our interstate-r. way combines have not softened the labor conflict. T pomts of view are common in discussing big combin, One IS to fight them as tyrannical and to try to break th, up into compeUng units; the other is to swaUow th. whole. Nether satisfies. Is the large unit necessarily t most efficient? Is there no limit to its size.> If in tl given case, it is the most efficient, what shall be the meth. of democratic control .> These are questions more ferti than ethical questions of the "good trusts," and theoretic questions as to whether Mr. Rockefeller is the middlema between mdividualism and socialism. A powerful group < men are urging the syndication of industry in EnglL. They approve of "the large scale" for business. Doubtles, they will be successful. But when they have achieved i they will be faced by the same pwblems that America no wrestles with. THE DECAY OF PARLIAMENT Sidney Low in "The Fortnightly Review" says that Par liament has ceased to be a government-making organ, anc that government in the future will continue to be carried or by great administrative commissions appointed by the cab- inet, directly responsible to it, and removed from the direct control of Parliament. The democratic machinery of the nineteenth century has broken down. A new machinery is being slowly con- 408 1^* t*^ '■■* V*»v ■--«34j*^,»^^^__, ^^f^9*,^ ^r«L^, APPENDIX "P . b^, of T. »l„d J T"' ^""" """ '■•" «"«» tralization of nowpr nn/l ^^ ^i • js'vcs cen- The fe, e.„ get Zltaln^T '' °"u"' ™P»"»Mfty- «ve men, with ,7> T j «">■-"»!»>> gorerimeM of eU wtl f " ""' °'"* ""'"'" •" -"'-< «■» W-r Co„„. "..ere'Lr:;r::'po;L;rr:„r '" -^ - 409 I- I "'^4h£» t »*'*^-'^*-<%^ K*t^ iC^ -■^-^fc" «"#A^«"if^fc ;*-^ **g» ■- .1 ,t' APPENDIX •ponslbility and weakenei executive power. But th machinery is outworn and is sure to bo scrapped. It w constructed on the theory that the .state is made up of ci *ens who can conduct their corporate life through rcpj scntatives. That theory is an over-simplification of go emment. To sum up present tendencies, the executive is rapid defining itself and constry?ting its machinery. It is tern ing toward the organized states directed by a few powerf executives, surrounded by administrative departments. : has outpaced the legislature, which is drifting impotei on the tide of state socialism, devised by expert officia and enacted by the handful of five men in control of go^ ernment. This new legislation was demanded by the con munity not through its Parliamentary representatives, bi by the new channels of trade-unions and government d( partmrnts (military, naval, munitions, board of trade, horn oflSce, and local government board). But not only has the legislature been outpaced. Demo cratic control over these executives and experts has failei to keep step with the rapid growth in their power. Th community has not yet devised checks upon them. Repre senteUves in Parliament, elected from geographical locali ties, are now seen to be only one of the needed effectiv( controls. The citizen is not only and essentially a residen in an area called Battersea who elects a Battersea man t( safeguard Battersea interests. The citizen is also a pro ducer and a consumer, and he wishes those functions safe guarded in government. The citizen as consumer is gradu ally establishing cooperation and local and national owner ship. As a producer he strengthens whatever trade-unior he belongs to (whether as doctor, business man, barrister, teacher, railwayman, or locomotive engineer) and is slowlyj 410 «^«<-^ft^,V . '^^-JS APPENDIX D^^rllirr"^^ •='*-^'"'''"«^ '-«'' district, .„d national parliament, in hw profession and industry. Through work- colr""!' ^"'"* '^"*'"' '"'"^' «"^ "-««"•' -""»"tion commutees l.e .s asserting a control on government. Al- ready ,t .s unquestioned that the demands of such a union th«. the demands of members of Parliament. To coor- dinate these parallel and conflicting claims will be the com- ing task of government. The result will be a remodeled British Constitution. The present total eclipse of Parlia- ment .s more complete than it will be after the war. Some of Parliament s former power will return to it. A resultant will be estabhshed between the various pressures of pro- ducers and consumers, between syndicalism and cooperation and state and municipal socialism. TARIFF REFORM inl^X 'f '*/•" 'T ^ °"'^" ^° ^'"* ^"t^'n to thrust Into the forefront of politics minor fractional parts of re- called The Elements of Reconstruction" says: There is a danger-and nowadays it is the great danger-of be- canning just as b,l„dly superstitious about a fa riff (as^a Jt tt Undred superstition of Free Trad,). A tariff is perhaps a neces- sary part of any national economic scheme, but it is not in iSf an economic scheme. A tariff varies in public value wfth tte economic constitution of the State it protects. The counTiy wm modity " '"°*""'' *""" '" '~'''"^^' °' '" ""^~'-- CHILD WELFARE Sir George Newman, chief medical offic of the board of education, states: chUdren of school age is in existence, although all that ought to 411 9 Hi ' ^K^ m -i ^ i"*^"*, "fi- »U ,' i i- I M n.' i ' ^ APPENDIX be got from it N not yet being ol>t«lned. But the machinery f dealing wltli children between one year and five yeart of a| has yet to be built BACKWARD RACES The wfiole question of undeveloped countries and bad ward races has never been thouglit through by our peopl We are lazy-minded on the causes of the war, and cheria a vague pacifism, as if the instinct of nationality and tli lust for territory and new markets were non-existent. A. E. Zimmern writes: It may still l>c argued that the question Is not Have the rivilitr powers annexed Iji.ge empires? but Ought they to have done »t Was such an extcnsum of govertmiental authority justlflable c Inevitable? Kngllshmen in the nineteenth century, like Amerlcar In the twentiet'i, were slow to admit that It was; Just as th exponents of laissez-faire were slow to admit the necessity fo State interference with private industry at home. But in bot cases they have been driven to accept it by the inexorable logic o facts. What other solution of the problem. Indeed, is possible? He then quotes another authority on the impossibility o standing aside and letting adventurers and exploiters en ter, and on the need of backward peoples having contac with the outside world, and receiving protection from op pression and corruption. This is a "duty" of the grea powers — "a still better name would be the great responsi bilities." The late Lord Cromer, in defending his rule in Egypt once said: What, gentlemen, has there been no moral advancement? Ii the country any longer governed, as was formerly the case, ex cluslvely by the use of the whip? Is not forced labor a thing ol the past? Has not the accursed institution of slavery practlcall) ceased to exist? Is it not a fact that every Individual in th« country, from the highest to the lowest, is now equal in the eye? of the law; tliat thrift has been encouraged, and that the mosi 418 *- fr,- APPENDIX hiimble member of -society c.n re.p the fruit, of his own Ubor and Indu, rjr, that Justice Im no longer bought .nd wld, th.t every one 1» free-^r^rhaps some would think too free-to express hfa opinion,,, th.t King Backsheesh has been dethroned from high places and now only lingers In the purlieus and byways of the administration, th.t the /ertilWng water of the Nile is distributed Impartially to prince and peasant alike, that the sick man can be tended to a well-equipped hospital, that the criminal and the unatic are no longer treated as wild iH-asts, that even the lot of Ik" "11}^ ?r*"°" **"" ""' ''"■"P'^'' **•" '-y*^ °' ^^ reformer, that the solidarity of Interests iMstween the governors and the governed has been recognlwd In theory and In practice, that every act of the Administration, even if at times mistaken-for no one Is In- fallible-bears the mark of honesty of purpose and an earnest de- sire to secure the well-being of the population, and further, that the funds, very much reduced in amount, which are now taken from the pockets of the taxpayers, instead of being, for the most part, spent on useless palaces and other objects. In which they were in no degree interested, are devoted to purposes which are Of real benefit to the country;. If all these, and many other, points to which I could allude, do not constitute some moral advance- ment, then, of a truth, I do not know what the word morality Im- plies. Let as criticize as much as we like the arrogance of tone in this and in the English belief in general that they are born to govern. But what do we oiTer in place of their imperfect administration? Are we willing to take on our share of the job of internationalizing these plague- spots, or are we going to turn them over to the people who live there? Which people? To the Mahdi and Khalifa who rise on a wave of religious hysteria and cause the death of over five mUlion Egyptians in the space of fourteen years? To the particular tribe with the sharpest sword? To the most corrupt, and therefore most powerful, native ijrince who will use machine-guns on the "aliens" in the next province because they honor the prophet instead of the all- highest Lord Buddha? Is laissez-faire satisfactory? Ac- 413 (-■^ft^m.jj^i* n ■ -■^ •»• '■ *,* fr. •,.\- •* ^ *,. !i i , ,.^1 ^} APPENDIX tually there are only three "futures" for fh. j , countries: anarchv with fl,/ i ^ undevelope HORATIO BOTTOMLEY The value of Horatio Bottomley as a 1p-^„ • *• Thu 1, h.. contribation to child welfare: •"""»""• EDUCATIOW *««.. «» cX.»r'^"rt°;::::."" "-- --^ -^^^ This is his knightly militant note: du^° te%?r„*:r;aTce7 rs -r •^^-'^ ^™- "'t^ *»>» murders shocked dWlLuon are fll' ''*' '"^" *^^ ^•""«"<« men who reeled with dr^ when t "" "^IT "' "•«^'' " "«= chliaren done to death by t ^^bs o;tJ:^Ze^^,r °"' "^"-^ O^e of his contributors has a word for backward races- to bear the burden of^^r'we."* ^^''^^ """^ *° '^'P Hun to his knees-^IyTot t^L S ""! "'" ^'^ "'^^ «>« soldiers to help to ram th. Z^ /' '"" **'° "^°» "'<>'«» many of the^forS rlc« a^d iT? °'Z''^*"'^ "^^ ' •»«- are right, why ask the BTlUsStoxplr? In^*".' " *' '""" *i > , -.- •» * ( ' H; I m4 : APPENDIX Ownvim: I beg to observe that this U not the case Thotl"*? I'' ""' «sun,ed the Utle. I am the holder of T' At 1 ti T' father's death in February Iggi „„ .' * ' ^* *•«= **"« of m: notice in "The TtaS" -S „^' ^ ""*'''' published an obltuarj Maurice Fita Gib^; ^^tl^^'hlteT.f:""* *"** "^ '*"'- successor in the title ^"'«*'* '"*' *^"t » *«« bh stated clearly that I hold the m! * f.^u, "^"'^ **"°*«^' «"<* Jn descent from the saW Domin nil ^^''"" ^"^«''*' "^^-^ ^ith the first White Kn,»htMau,S.K?^'* ""*^ *'*'' '" ^'^^'^^ from or Gibbon. ^^itiT::^;^^ z^^'^v^^^^^ ShtranTK;^H"e^T" - th/^^S^^o'T C^ ^S the Ltie Of HaSin'^HUl ,n?^ "^ ^°''^*-^« ^«*« '«"- Br^Jrh'TJs; " riX'^li^G ";^ ^"•^^ ^^" "- »- *»•« the White Knight. ^ °"'*'7' ^'^^ «*-*" ««t I am I^CAL PATRIOTISM The English We of locality is often overlooked by for- d^fnot «i" ^E^IJL^r.TLT ^'^ ^"••^ '"^^ hia ««/.«J -^n I. ^" , • "' * Frenchman pa means 416 1 t' H =' e? i» . fcatjfc>j^!to*ifc«fe'j»A:-.^-fc 'j/,*» -,»* *«*4: *■ V » ... ^'^**t. APPENDIX by tourists h„t nt»w.™ic 7 . ' P'*««^*«d 'rom desecration THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH the British Commonwealth, He says- expansion than any o^Z Z^iJ^^'misZ'IZZ^ S7nlZ reC^:„^"tb"''" r !:•« -«" ^^ -«'-:titiessi;t^ in f i!r u"" ^"''*«l««'n«y he coloni«HJ Australasia. His Dlace Wi t^r^xtot 11""*;^'''-"^"'"''^ --« "- establish" " With the exception of temperate South America and parts of the western seaboard of that continent, our race has coLi^^^ Jl the regions of the new world in which it is pSsl^e for a European race to flourish. In the coming future nJ^rrpXle Trl'Sd^r"""'^ ^° ^'''''^'^' or infommand of ^ur^^i^ St!;«'^%*"'' Australasia may follow the example of the United in the Established Church, has visioned the same future 417 ! !, ' i: :( I! ! i APPENDIX WHAT TO READ formyreade/STo/ Z °°" important of thes my reader who cares to make a study Bertrand RusseU's "PrinclDlea nf «««• i n tion" rnnKij.i, J . » '^'uicipies of Social Reconstroc- tion (published m America as "Why Men Fi-hf •^ ^^ i.ro;pr.-s:irr.~-""~ voiume '"p3™'' Ti' ^ "''' "*°""'^ Table" «.d in the offiT^ M f ' "°"*""' " "'^^"^ »«>y"» of what the post- office would be under democratic control. ^ has kifdlv"^'' *'" '*"!*"^ '^ ^^'^ ^««°°*» G«fld. League, nas kindly drawn up for me a li«f «* .-* *-^»8"c, era' control Tl.- i- /• , . * °* references on work- control. The list includes "Labor in War Time" by 418 % APPENDIX G. D. H. Cole; the publications of the National Guilds League on "National GuUds," "The Guild Idea," "Towards a Miners' Guild"; "National Guilds," edited by A R Orage; "The World of Labor" by Cole; "The CoJ Trade"' by H S. Jevons; "Experiments in Industrial Organization" by Cadbury; "Trade as a Science" by McBean; "Coopera- t..'e ProducUon and Profit Sharing," an investigaUon by the committee of the Fabian Research Department The investigation by the section of economic science and statistics of the British Association for the Advancement of Science has been published under the title of "Labor Finance and the War." ' The pamphlet "Great Britain After the War" by Sidney Webb and Arnold Freeman is a short and valuable sum- mary. The Garton Foundation has issued a book on the "In- dustrial Situation after the War" which analyzes the revo- lutionary unrest and suggests remedies. Mr. Balfour is one of the trustees of this foundation. The investigations of Seebohm Rowntree are already classics for social workers. His studies of York, of agri- cultural labor, of land, of Belgium, are widely known. It wiU be found that his recommendations will be influential in the reconstruction. "The Times" has had four series of articles of high im- portance. One series has been republished in a pamphlet called "The Elements of Reconstruction," with an intro- duction by Viscount Milner. A second series was on the resources of the empire, written by Wilson Fox, and led to the formation of the Empire Resources Development Com- mittee. A third was on the South Wales miners, and was instrumental in leading the Government to take over the mines. A fourth was on the industrial situation after the 419 £ J ■1 \ I APPENDIX war, and is a powerful sUtement for workers' control I w written by Sidney Webh .~i j control, i pamphlet foL ^ ' "^ " °°" «P«Wi«hed i, MiM Proud', book on "Women and Welfare Work," with -n in roduction by Lloyd-George, ia a careful compilaul^ .^wlTr""T *" *"* "*•*"- °^ ""« British worke mre u. m/7. '""' *"** t'-de-uniona, and the atate. 1.- of f^ '''^'P"**'*- ^ *^e »-"'> but a valuable woI!r " '"^°'^°**«Jy °othi»g comprehensive on the woman s movement in it. preaeat development The Z ar« th.. ^°°^\"; Engineering" .re valuable for the are. they cover. Files of the "Woman Worker," the organ of the Women. Trade Union Movement, cover many sZ a^d si " °'"*'^ ^ ^"^^^ t° 8*^« coherence l^tanlfvt"^" ""^''"^'- "^^-^- ^ «-^ An excellent English statement of the Irish situation is ahrthii. . 2 •"** economic, with hi. own admfa! able rhythm in his volume, "The National Being- W ers in the Irish Cooperative Movement. No book exists to itLTd *tt f M^t'^ °' *^ ~«p"*«- "--«^ ^ ircland. It should be written. daf 1"S "f ^"*"^« "^ *»>« yo™« men of Ireland to- it^d" /"T 7f? """"^ of «,ch weeklie, as the "New i1jr«soU .^?'*'""'""""'"'y- Nowhere else whilT. i°^t u"^'" " "P""'°° «' th« idealism which is penetrating the younger elements of the naUon 420 APPENDIX oJ^^' t"\"" ■ ^'^ "' "^"^ P°»»llc.tion, of comment we^^ comsponding to Bryce's "America Common- 421 .«...•., ^, - i I ti': ^Kl s..'ac?*»«#j^< li? v ' "olution of Angl»- liKta problem by, 19S-204; quoted on tenant farmers in Ireland, iis, 3U, 364. Set ^ George RiuselL "A Nation Once Again": pa- trtotlc IrUh song, quoted. In*. "A Study of Working Class Households in NortJiampton, Stanley and Reading": quoted on bousing of worlc- Ingmen, 384, 38«. Adams, Mrs. Bridges, S6S, 346. Afforestation, SS. Agricultural communities: past success of, 60 tt $tq. Allen, Miss, 149, "Amalgamated Society of Engi- neers Journal," 285, 286. America. English emigration to. 31; wages of women in, »0{ birth-amtrol movement ta, H6{ attitude of, toward birth restriction, 124 tt ,tq • national thought fa, 317-326'. ott United States. A°£'t/I^"' type of, 329, 330. Anitchkto, Dfanitri, 285. Antin, Mary, 325. Aristophanes: quoted on eman- cipation of woman, 393. Arnold, Matthew, 211. Art: atUtude of modern democ- ney toward, 61 tt ttq. INDEX Artists' League, 103. Asqulth, Mr., 36. "Atheneura," 266. Atldnson, Miss, :01. Australia, 4, 9. ^9» tl™.^*''"' ^P*^ Broce: on the lommy" attitude toward trench flghtfag, 280, 281. fialcunin, 283. ^J'""'' Mr.: type of mtad of. «^^quoted on democracy, 367, Beatty, 3. Belgium: fa relation to social P^AIems, 69 tt ttq.; S Bell, Sir Hugh: analysis by, of wage problem, quotation, 48, 49. foot-note, on cost of pro- ductlon of steel, 382. Belloc, Hilaire, 272. Bibliography of reconstruction Bigland, Alfred: quoted on em- pire resources, 363, 364. Birth-control: problem of, 112 «t *«q.; movement fa Amer- ^«; English opfaion on. ' tX^r'* "'• '^^'^ Black, Clementine, 101 Blatchford, Robert, 348. Bloomfleld, 92. INDEX "Tory" type of Bonar Law: mind of, 8. Bosanquet, Mr»^ 101. Bottomley, Horatio, editor "John Bull"* 248, 267-;»69, 996; quoted on education, 410; attitude toward deatli, 410. Bridges, Robert, 272. Brisbane, Artliur, 208. British Association: report of, cited on modern automatic machinery, JJ, 59. British Commonwealth: plan and purpose of new, 4 et leq.; Influence of war on, 6 tt *»q., 96, 2i2, 243; relation of south of England to, 292, 293; IjotA Mllner quoted on, 353; Arch- dall Reid on, 412, 413. 8«» England, Ireland. British Empire: unification into one state, 7 tt »eq. "BriUsh Weekly," 272. Bryce, Viscount: quoted English war spirit, 229. Bums, Robert, 93. Butler, Geoffrey: quoted class system, 27, 350. Button, 62. of on on Cabinet: cause of changes In British, 7 et $eq.; predictions as to shifts in, 9. Cambridge: influence of, on class system, r?8. "Cambridge Magaslne," 240. Canada, 4. Canning, 321. Carels Frires, 380. Carpenter, Edward, 63; quoted on English people, 183, 184, 314. Carson, Sir Edward: 8; quoted on Ulster's attitude, 202. 263. 424 Cathery, E.: quoted cm right asylum, 285. Catholic Women's League, 109 "Chamber's," 974. Chamberlain, Joseph, 378. Chesterton, Cecil, 960, 261. Chesterton. Gilbert K.: remai of, on writing books, 6! quoted on the democrat movement, 229, 258; effect o on public opinion, 260^262; o the "Tommy" attitude towar war, -280. Child labor, 144, 166 tt leq. Child welfare: Sir George Scm man quoted on, 407. Chllders, Erskine: cited on th new social order in Ireland 177. Children: withdrawal of, fror industry, 144. "Christian Commonwealth,' British periodical, 272. Church: "brotherhood of trench es" tried in, 366, 367. Class system, 26 «t $«q. Clergy: influence of Church of England on socialism, 99 et Mq. Clifford, Dr., 3U. Clothes: women's Increased ex- penditure on, since entering industrial field, 393-395. Cohan, George, 267. Collet, Clara, 101. Colonies: attitude of, toward present status, 4. Combines. 8»« Trusts. Common people: awakening of, 13. S«» alto Workmen. "Common Sense." 274. Commonwealth: genesis of the British, 4 «t ttq.; effcu-t of war on, 6 tt ttq. Stt British Commonwealth. :-r-t»,afcr^.*.^^* Compaaloii help, w««; and ConaoUy, isa. effect of war on, « ,« „,. •Contemporary Review." 273 Cooperation: .tudy of, In Eae- land, 368-380. ^^ CoflperatJve communities: Influ- ence of, 99 «t $tq. C«|«peratlve socialism: tendency todperatlve Society, 379 Coflperatlve societies: in Ire- land. 213 «( „y. "^ "CornhUl Magatlne," 274. Cotton Factory Times," 283. Croatia, 96. Cromer, Lord, 243, 329; quoted ^^T"' ■dvancement of Eg^^under BHtlsh rule, Croom, Sir John HalUday: quoted on birth-control, 39|, Cuba, aaa. Curtis, Lionel, 253. 269, 273 mind of, 8, U, 262, 329. INDEX "'JSjy MaU- (London): 270. ..iC^.' " ' fi^oUA on labor. 41 1 "DaUy News" (London): 271 ." census by, of church attend- ance, 388. "Dallas News," 971. Devenport, Lord, 311. n I'^i*'"' '^'"" secretary, 339. Davis, TT,omas: author of^ong A Nation Once Airain" quoted, 192 ^ ' Davray, .Monsieur, 41 o Dawaon, Miss Damer, isfl. quo- 4S6 t*tlon from speech by. on po. licewomen, 161-163. Debt, post-bellum problem of naOonal, 248, 249 Democracy, England's influence on. 3 et $,q.; effect of. on k- nor. 5; influence of present war on, 65 meaning of, 9, as ■ producer of leaders, 10 ,t of Industrial, M*<„^.;E Hsh work„,a„ „,,i„,prlng of. 74, 76, three great sons of. 80, demands of England on n«w. 82 «« M(,.; war run by f . ^9. 252, attitude of. Z- ward leaders, 254 »t ,eq • compulsory, 367, 368. Democratic control: explana- tion of. 43 H ,eq.; Dr. Graham WaUas quoted on, Denmaric: relation of, to social problems, 69 ,<' *° '^'■' Desborough, Selbome. 863. Despard. Mrs.. 101. Detroit: a model Industrial city, DIcicens. Charles. 261. Dickinson. Lowes. 277. 314 Disraeli. Benjamin: quoted on tariff. 249. 250, 329. Dixroude, 70. Domestic policy, attitude of colonies toward England's, 4. ^n.l37 '*'"''**' ^"^^ *'^«-t Donnington Hall, 278 DostoyV^,,.. '''"'*«'■- '- Dreyfus trial, 176, ^7^rfi ^"- ^^"^ Gen- eral): Lloyd-George and. 20, if»; comparison of. with Chesterton, a58, m. \ U' tm } ': INDEX DuWtai coogMted popuUtion of, aOT. Du Croii women in the, factorv, 104. " Dunraren, Lord, S6S. Dmutay, ISO. "Edinburgh Revlear," 9T4. Education t tyitenu of, in Engw land, 305 et mq. "Ekmenti of Reconstruction," pamphlet: quoted, 407. Ellli, Havelockt quotation from "Euayt In War Time," by, 116, 119. \U, 314, quoted on Engllah arrogance, 349. Empire resources, 831, 93i. England I influence of, on de- mocracy, 3 »t »tq.; extension of power of, 4 «t itq.; tend- ency of, toward coiiperatlve ■ocialism, 1<; solution of labor problem in, 18 »t t«q.; privi- leged classes la, M et $tq.; penalty to, if industrial de- mocracy fail, 35 «t ttq., 58, 49; influence of, upon Russia, 64, effect upon, of cheap transportation for workmen, 70, 71} the supreme need of England, 71-73, demands of new democracy on England, 83, Zhnmem's views on Indus- trial Germanisation of, 89- 94, champion of freedom and Justice, 183, spirit of, at war, 288 «( $tq.; why, will win present war, 931 «( $»q.; tem- perament of people of, 231, 9S9, attitude of, toward tariff on McKinley basis, 249; heart of social problem of, 250, de- mand of, for representation, 954 «t i»q.; emotional change In, Wl «| *«g.; qoestion of lib- erty in, 974 •< ,»q.: 4ttitu4 of, toward free speech, 9T< «1| "right of asylum" gran ed by, aSi-iWi, patrlarcfai compared with modem, 99 »Sj passtag of Little, 99S Wfl; public opinion in, o peace, 999-SOl, systems c education In. 305 tt »«q.; cc existent civilisations in, 309 31!^, study of cooperation ii 368-380. English: "a sentimental naUon. 340. EngUsh Coaperatlve Wholesale Society, 379. "EngUsh Prose Rhymes." an thology, by Professor Georg< Salntsbury, 314. Englishmen : individuality of 16: faults of, 40, 41: national- ity of, 399-^36. Esher, Viscount, 381. "Essays in War Time": quota- tion from, by Havelock Ellis, lie. 119, 194, 314. "Eugenics Review," 419. Euripides: quoted on woman's emancipation, 393. Europe: impossibility of united commonwealths of, 6, demo- cratic forces in, 80, effect on, woman's flght for political recognition, 95 «( §tq. "Evening Gawtte." Cedar Rap- ids, Iowa: opinion of, of Cap- tain Hans Rose, 317. "Everyman," 272. Exports: Irish, to Great BriUhi in I9I6, 917. Research Committee, 426 Fabian 373. Fabian Society, 313, INDEX Factoriett Joint boards In, 40 j effect of war on, iii-Jii. Fall Klvrr, iAO. Fawcett, Mm., 101, 390. "Fecundity versui CIvliliatlon," by Adelyne More: quotatloni from, 390-^3. Female. S00 Woman. Femlnljta of the War Office and Admiralty, 118 et itq. Fisher, H. A. L., mlnUter of education, 303, 304. FIta-Glbbon, PhlUp John, let- ter from, 411. Ford, Henry, a07, 337. Foreign policy 1 atUtude of col- onies toward England's, 4 ,t #sg. "Fortnightly Review," 273. "Forward," 874. France: the privileged classes In, M, an, 96, 176; nationaUty in, 396. FrankUn, Benjamte, 323. Free Speech: attitude of Enjr- l«id toward, 274-281. *^^o *'***" ™«'«e" quoted on, »»9, 950. "Freeman's Journal": quotation from, (m agriculture, 400. French communards, 283. French railway strike, 41. French reactionaries, 14. ' French Revolution, 41, 96. Fumes, 70. Gaelic t effect of study of, 182. Galsworthy, 272. Gardiner, A. G, 271. Garton, Sir Richard, 381. Garton Foundation: result of Investigation of, quoted, 381. Garvhi, J. L., 272. "e«>CT*I, The" (Mrs. Drum- m mond): 148; comparlaoa with Chesterton, 248, 249. Germany: attitude of, toward woman, 100, 243 < IgtMrance of, as to England's resources. 278, 279. Ghent, 70, 86. GiUingham: domestics' war-sav- ^ higs assurlatlon of, 237. Gilmour, I.ennox: campaign story told by, 234-'i36. Giovanltti, 189. Girl; letter of, reveaUng true war spirit of England, 230. 231. -0.1 Gould, Baring, 311. Great BriUin: changes hi gov- ernment leadership of, 3 •( **q.; effect of war on rela- tions between, and colonies, 7 •t ttq., 100, 242; northern and western, to flgiit for democ- racy, 291 «t *eq.; public opin- ion hi, 291-302; study of ay- operation to, 363-380; Uriff reform to, 407. S«« also Eng- land. ^ "Great Society, The," by Gra- ham Wallas: passage from, on rights of small nations, 211. "Greeic Commonwealth, The": quoted on professional women, 292, 29a Gregory, Lady, 180. Grey, Viscount, 270, 363. Grimsby: relation of, to war- Mvtogs, 237. Gwynne, 14,248. Gymnastic ichers' Suffrace SoOtty, lOS. ^ Hague Conference: stimulus of, to British commonwealth, Haig, Sir Daaglu, 3. INDEX i '- Haroonrt, Lewlst qnoted on pnblk ownership^ 377. 'Harrtaon, Anatin, M8. Hay, John, 383. Henderson, Arthur, 311. Henry, O, «79. Henson, Dean, 367. "Herald" (London), i7». "Hibbert Journal," 374. Hodge, Mr., Minister of Labor: quoted on war's effect on new plants, ««; on free trade, 250. Holy Alliance, 391. Home Ofke, 6:2. Home Rule: new Irish attitude toward, 181, 183, 193-«7. pai- Mm* Honuey, 160. Hours: influence of long, on so- cial movement, 8A. Housing, 23, 69, 70, 384-386. "How the Laborer Lives": quo- tation from, on rural condi- tions, 385, 386. Howells, William Dean, 272. Hughes, Mr, premier of Aus- tralia, M4. Huguenots, 283. Hysteria: growth of, among English middle class, 258 et ttq. Independent Labor party, 90. India, 4, 5. Industrialism, 67 at »»q. /?«• oito Workmen. Inge, Dean: quoted on "lndui>- trial celibacy," 392; on future of British Commonwealth, 413. International relatkms: prob- lem of, 11. Ireland: pioneer woric of, in peasant proprietorship, 22; nationalism In, 173 »t ttq.; force of tradition in, 175, 176; industrial acUvities of, 179; attitude of the man in the street toward, 189, 190; total cultivated area and propor- tionate productiveness of, 219, 220; uncultivated land hi, 219-225; how, must be ruled, 219, 220; financial gain of, ■toce the 50's, 229 •( itq., 252. Irish agriculture, 400-403. Irish Agricultural Organisation Society, 179. Irish- Americans, 208. Irish newspapers: independence of, 263, 264. Irish people: changed attitude of, toward Redmond, 255. Irish players, 180. Irish question: 173 et $tq.; real, poverty, 206; a stumbling- block to England's conduct of present war, 209 et $»q.; Eng- lish pubUc oplnkm on. 297- 299. I- — . Irish railways t 397-400; British government control of, 399. Irish rebellion, 173-227, piuiim. James, Senator Ollfc: quoted on America's attitude toward present war, 317. James, Professor William, 340. Jameson, Sir Starr, 383. "John BnlT: 267, 295; extracts from, 410. Joint committees: settlement by, of trade disputes, 49 •( »«q. Journalism: studies in British, *60-274 ; effect of war on. 263- 267. KI: 334. K^: 334. K3: 334. 4S8 INDEX K4: 3S5. K5: S3A. -Kansas City Star," 271. Keithley ; war savings of, 237. Kenney, Miss, 359. Kerr, P. H, 253. Key, Ellen, 118. Kipling, Rudyard, 248, 273, 279. 363. * Kitchener, I^rd, 384. Kropotlcin, 283. La Panm *'). Lalwr: et of democracy on, problem, 5; elfect of war on, 14 et teq.; shell-mak ig as light on problem of, 18; ef- fect of peace on, quotation, 43, 43; future of, 73 tt teq. Labor College, 353-362. "Labor Leader," 274. Lady helps salary and duties of, 147, 148, 150; at ladies' hostel for war worlcers, 161 ; at army pay officers' mess, 152; at lodging-house, 153. Lancaster, Ray, 253. "Land and Labor— Lessons from Belgium," by Seebohm Rowntree: quotation from, 387. Land Courts: advocacy of, 360. Land Inquiry Committee, 357- 360. Landlordism, 212 •( t»q. Lansbury, George, 272. Laslier, Bruno, 313. Law, Sidney; quoted on decay of Parliament, 404. Lerdersi cause of change in, of government, 5; requirements of, in a democracy, 9 •< i»q.; England's iwed of wise, 71 «( Mf>« ot the woman move- 4i9 ruent, 101 tt teq.; demand for representative, 254 «( t«q. i^«gue of the Society of Friends, 103. Lee, Robert E., 190. Leisure: the problem of, 61 tt ttq., 68. Lever, Sir William, 364. Life: rules for "playing the game" of, 86 et teq. LhKoIn, Abraham: product of democracy, 80, 323. Literature: effect of social movement on, 314 et teq. Lloyd-Ueorge: 3; attitude to- ward drinJi, 18; and suiTra- gettes, 20, 25, 62, 100, 185; opinion of, on spirit of Eng- land, 229, 230; Bottomley on, 268, 293; study of, 337-345; quoted on editors, 340. London Graduates' Union for Women's Salfrage, lOS. Lutitania, 322, 324. " Lybum, E. St Jabat quoted on coal fields of Ireland, 399. MacArthur, Mary, 101. MacDonald, Ramsay, 62, 277. MacNeiU, Professor: quoted on partition question, 194-196. Machinery: modem automatic, ^t 59; problem of new. 243- 245. Mafeicing Night, 257. Maine, 322. Mallon, J. J.t 62; quoted on trade-unions, 397. "Manchester Guardian," 271 293. ' Man-supported family: passing of the, 105. f^-^e Marine engines, 17. Mame, 176. INDEX f! Marx, Karl: influence of, on English labor, 90, 983. Massachusetts I minimu m wage of women in, 98. Masslngham, H. W, 311. Maurttamia: 0ft. Maxse, Leo: US; quoted on United States, 998. Maasini, genius of democracy, 80, 988. Meath, Earl oft on uncultivated land in Ireland, 290, 991. MeUe, 70. Milner: type of political mind of, 8, 953, 969, 966, 399; quoted on trusts, 403. , Ministry: meaning of changes in British, 7 *t $«q. Money, Sir Leo Chioua; quoted on effect of war on work, 364, 366, Monroe, James, 393. Monroe Doctrine, 391 tt itq. Montreal, 993. Moore, George, ISO. More, Adelyne: on birth-con- trol, 300, 391. "Morning Post" (London), 966. ms.998. Morris, WnUam, 68, 67, 68, 90. Monnteagk, 188. Muir, Professor Ramsay: quoted on Irish tradition, 174, 176. Munition factories: future uses of, 9ii, 944. Munitions: relation of, to labor problem, 18i women and, 90 •I t*f. sional Women's Suffrage So- ciety, 108. National Mission of Repentance and Hope, 30. "National Review," 998. National Sailo.-s' and Firemen's Union, 984. Natiraality, 396-336. Nelson, Horatio, 3. "New Age," 974. New ConsUtutional Society, 103. "New Ireland": editors of, 964. "New Republic": 984. "New Statesman," 974. New Union, 103. "New Witness," 960-963. New Zealand, 4, Newborou^ Lieutenant I-ord: extract from will of, 419. Newman, Sir George: quoted on child welfare, 407. Nicoll, Robertson, 979, Nienport, 70. North Nibky: war fund raised in, 986. Northampton: war subscripUnan, Katharine, 180, 964. U-BS, 317, 394. Ulster (The Siwnese TwUi), 199-906. ' United States: fai reUtion to enduring literature, 93, 943. S9» .America. Verdun: 176, 978; George at, 341. Lkyd- 4S8 Wagss: influence of, on social movement, 95: key to prob- lem of, 49; effect of hl^r, on workmen, 68; relaUve, of women in England and Amer- ica, 08 tt ttq.; post-beUum problem of, 949 tt ttq.; la- bor's demand for higher, 383, 384. Wallas, Professor Graham: opinion of, on democratte control, 56; quotation from "The Great Society," by, on the rigfate of little nations, ail; quoted on Walter Lipp- man, 266, 989, 314. War: influence of, on plan of British Commonwealth, 6; tendency of, to fertilise radi- cal Meas, 14; effect of, on trade untons, 17; effect of, on England's middle dasa, S3; social problem created by, 998-359. War conference: hifluence of, on imperial constitution. 4 •( tta. War Council, 405. War savings, 999 tt ttq. War work: women and, IOC Waterways: plan for, 93. Wason, WIUlam,97t. INDEX Wattenon, CokMiel, itll. Webt^ Sidney t 13, Ml; quoted on birth-control, SM. Webb. Mn. Sidney, 101. Welfsre: work, US tt nq.; ef- fect of, deputment of gor- emment on relation between employer and employed, 68. "Welfare Work," |^ Ml« Proud i quoted on women in Industry, 389, 300. Welldon, Dean: wiidom of, as a leader, 99. Wellington, Duke of, 3. Welb,H.G., 13, 948, 979,313. "Webb Outk)ok"i quoted on Lord Rbondda'g dictatorship, "Westmfauter Gaaette," 9T1. Wharton, Edith, 979. Whitman, Walt: quoted on de- mocracy, 80. "Why Men Fight," by Bertrand RusieUt quoUtion from, on birth-control, 114-116, 965. 974. ' Wlgrtan Magna: record of, on war-MThigi certificates, 936. Williams, Captahi BasU: quoted on English people, 940, 339. Wilson, President Woodrow: l*St quoted on present war, 317. Woman questkm: solutkm of, 1», a0| full expositkm of, 97- 173, ausn. "Woman Worker": organ of women trade-unionists, quot- ed, 9U, 256. Women: serrlces of, bi natknal taidustries, 90 •( ttq.; emanci- pation of, 95 •( $gq.; suifrage •odeties of, 103; war work and, 10«{ future of, in Eng- ^ 198 0t i0q.; Seebohm nowntree's work hi behalf of, 135; post-bellum prospect for, faa; in industry, 389, S90; population and, 300lJ93; increased expenditure of, for ckithes, 393-395. Women polke serrfee, 159. Woolf, 953. Workers' control, 381-384. Workers' Educational Associa- tion, 77. Workmen: effect of war on efflciency of, 16 »t itq.; wUhes of, 44, 45; attitude of, toward modem macUnery, 66; ef- fect of leisure on, 68; condi- tion of, after hours, 69, 70; »l*«on of, 75 ,t „q.; attl- t«le of English, toward pa- triotism, 975 *( *tq.; prodnc- tiTe power of, durhir war. 365, 366. Workshop councils: meaninjr of, 50 0t ttq., 380. Yarmouth: ZeppeUns at, incen- Uve to war snbacriptkm, 936. Teats, 180. "Yorkshire Factory Times," 985, 986. Young England: voke of, on solutkm of Irish questkin. qootation, 186-191. Younger Suffragists, 108. Ypres, 96. Zek, 70. Zbnmem, A. E.t riews of, on pioneers of social reform, 89 «t t$q., 969, 973, 304; quoted on natkmallty, 388; cited on backward races, 407, 408. 484 eebohm behalf roipect r, 389, of, for (9. 4. uocia- »r on wishes award I ef- randi- ». 70; attl- d pa- odoc- war, uiing icen- DM," I OD tion. 1 on »ted ^V ^