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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. rata > elure, A 3 OX 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 Mr vM ON THE INTENTION OF THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT TO UJilTE THE PBOVIKES OF BRITISH JORTH AMEBfCA AND A REVIEW OF SOME EVENTS WHICH TOOK PLACE DURLNG T3E mm OF THE PROVINCIAL PARLIiMENT IN 185J IN QUEBEC. '■■M BY HENRY TAYL OR, TORONTO 1858. V.' / PART I. A REVIEW 09 SOME EVENTS WHICH HAVE TAKEN PLACE IN THE HON. HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY OF UNITED CANADA, IN LAST SESSION. PART II, OBSERVATIONS ON THE SUPPOSED INTENTION OF THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT, OF FORMING A FEDERAL UNION OF ALL THE PROVINCES OF BRITISH NORTH AMERICA, BY REPRESENTATION IN THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. PART III. SOME REMARKS ON THE HON. MR. HINCKS* ANSWER TO THE HON. JOSEPH HOWE'S (of NOVA SCOTIa) PLAN ON THE SUBJECT ; AND REMARKS, ALSO, ON THE CONCLUSION OF THE RUSSIAN WAR. %> 1 A PREFACE. The publication of this work, has chiefly originated from the following circumstances : Public opinion, as to the conduct of the Honorable Legisla- tive Council of the Province, having of late years, from various causes, sunk to a very low ebb, so much so, that the Honorable Hon-^c '^f Assembly was at length led to propose and carry out the very extraordinary measure, namely, that the constitution of that branch of the Legislature should be shorn of the high honor it had hitherto possessed, of being nominated by mandamus of the Crown, and that it should be now rendered elective. The author of the present work, feeling, and being con- vinced that any deficiency in the energy and zeal of the Legislative Council of the present day, is not a sufficient reason for depriving the future of the Province of a constitu- tion which had b.-^en founded on the well tried one of the British Nation, and which has hitherto preserved the union of these Provinces with the powerful empire of Great Britain, and thereby secured the permanency of their prosperity under that constitution. The author proposes, therefore, in this work, to support these opinions, and to shew in what manner the Legislative Council could be brought sufficiently under the influence of public opinion, without depriving it and the Province of the high honor it has hitherto possessed of being nominated by the Crown. This forms the first part of this work. The second part contains the plan for the future representa- tion of all the British North American Provinces in the British House of Commons, which the author believes the present advanced and advancing condition of the Provinces requires, would be the most conducive to their welfare, and would meet the wishes of both sections of the Province. The third part of the work consists of remarks on the Hon. Francis Hincks' answer to the Hon. Joseph Howe's plan for the representation of those Colonies in the Imperial Parlia- ment, ard also remarks on the conclusion of the war with Kii.ssia. I now ^jonclude this preface with observing- that perhaps the reaaer, aflor duly considering the itleas we have brought forward in this work, shewing the high advuiitagesa modified representation of the Colonies in the Imperial Parliament would confer on llu'in, may consider the idea a good one, it having been also sanctioned by eveiy party in the House of Commons of Great Britain tH the time of the Keform Bill, and by some of the highest authorities; audi myself, certainly believe, and not only does the present advanced and advan- cing state of these Colonies justly claim such a measure, but that none would tend more to promote the strength and security of the empire and its vast dominions. i \ / lie Hon. ■ plan for Parlia- J var with J perhaps % broil i^^ht -J tuoditiod 1 rliarnent m one, it 1 House of ; Bill, and I certainly 1 ad van- | sure, but | igth and i PARI I. A review of some importa?it events irhich have taken 2)lace in the Honorable House of Asscnihly of U?iitecl Canada f in its Session of 1854' in Quebec, Since the publication of the second edition of my last work on the Present Condition of United Canada, Toronto, 1850. the Clergy Reserves have been secu- larized by the Legislative Assembly of tlie Province. In tliat second edition I stated my ideas on that sub- ject, and in pages 182-3 I stated that — " At all events, should it be made apparent to the Provincial Legislature, in the cnso of the question of the Reserves l)enig re-relerrcd to them, that the (jiiantity of land is greatly more than sufficient for the due maintenance of the Protestant religion, would it not be just and proper to leave as much of these Reserves in the hands, and for the service of the Protestant Churches, as the Provincial Parliament, should in its wisdom deem sufficient for that purpose ? But to deprive these Churches entirely of every pro- vision for their maintenance wonld, it appears to me, be a mpst serious attack and obstruction on the religious practice of a very great part of the Province. " I have now only to remark on this long pending and vexed question of the Clergy Reserves, which has occasioned so much irritation among the various sects of Protestants, that it appears to me to furnish a very powerful argument in favor of the plan I have proposed in the first edition of that work, to these various sects, and to their respective Clergies, namely, the calling of a convocation of these last, for the purpose of trying* whether such modifications of their various creeds and forms of Church Government could not be effected, so that one great national Protestant Faith and Government might be established ? ' " I have now only to add on this subject, that it is possible that had the Church of England taken up some such plan, as Thave recommended in that work, for the formation of a National Union of Protestants, I have little doubt that many of the other Protestant sects would have joined in the endeavor to produce such a Union of all Protestant Churches, and in that case I say it is i)ossil;le that the secularization might have been prevented. The secularization of these lauds has taken place from two causes : first, from the large" quantity of land, suffered for so many years to remain unim- proved, and thereby to occasion much inconvenience to the settled parts of the country for want of roads through it ; and secojidly, (])y the unceasing endeavors by persons inimical to those Churches for whorti these lands were reserved, or otherwise from political motives), to excite the people to seek this seculariza- tion. It is true, indeed, that a popular idea has prevailed in the Province, that the proceeds of these Reserves has been applied to erect Churches and to supply Clergy to some communities who could afford to do so of themselves, and that this was not according to the real design of the Royal appropriation. IIow well founded this idea may have been, I am unable to say, but, as it is certain the original intention of the donation of lands by Geo. III. was to supply those congregations who should be unable to do so themselves, I hold it therefore as positively consistent with justice, that such portion of these Reserves as would be required to enable such congregations to be duly supported, should have been held intact and sacred, from all invasion ; and moreover, I feel convinced that a great majority of the good and respectable people of this Province would coincide in this opinion. As it is, one branch of the Legislature has secu- larized all of these Reserves, absolutely designed for that pious purpose, without providing for such con- gregations or bodies of people, who may be hereafter found totally unable to provide Clergy or places ot worship for themselves — namely, poor emigrants, I t it is ken up : work, istants, testant rocUico in that might L place tity of iinim- nience roads [eavors 1 these olitical ilariza- 3vailed 'servos supply to do ing to IIow in able ion of supply do so ijstent ves as to be t and feel and lide in secu- jd for con- jafter les ot rants. coming to the Province ; and, as to one miserable argument I have heard on the subject, namely, that there was no direct Grant, I say, as there was a direct and positive Reserve of one-seventh of the lands for the purpose of aiding the Protestant Churches, it superseded the necessity of any Grant from the then owner of the lands, namely, the Crown of Great Britain. Now we have yet another branch of the Legisla- ture for immediate reference to on this subject, namely, the Legislative Council. This Council has, indeed, fallen low, vci ""■ low in public opinion of late years, though in former times they have boldly sup- ported their rights of legislation. We have now to see whether they will do so on the present occasion, and whether the rights of religion will find in them true defenders. As a friend to these rights, and as I hope — a true born Canadian — I shall here exercise my right to give my opinion that the Council should not pass that Bill for secularizing the Reserves without an amend- ment, to the effect that those congregations or bodies of Protestant subjects, who could prove they are not competent to erect Churches or Chapels, or to main- tain a Clergy for the purpose of divine service in them, shall be enabled so to do by proceeds of these Clergy Reserves. In my work on the Present Condition of United Canada, Toronto, 1850, I have addressed the Clergy of the Church of England, and of all other sects of Protestants, on the subject of establishing a convoca- tion of all Protestant Churches, for the great purpose of forming a National Union of all of them, by ascend- ing to the source and fountain head of Chistianity, and founding a National Protestantism on the simple and sublime words of the Saviour alone, without recurrence to any other authority whatever. I have stated in that work, that 1 did not believe the refor- mation complete without this National Union of the Churches ; thp.t with it the reformation would be perfect and durable, and that by those transcendent minds who should be found to have capacity and zeal to enable them to effect this great purpose, a 8 fame would be acquired, as great if not superior to that of tlic luiiiiders of the reformed religion itself. Now we lind by some of the English prints, tliero is a design of calling a convocation of the Church of England, but that alone would not ellect the accom- plishment of tho «,reat j)urpose 1 contemplate, unless they invited the otiicr Protestant Churches to coinbine with her in the great attempt. She Inis not yet done 8o, and therelbre 1 now iii)peal to the Church of Eng- land in Canada, to call a convocation for this great purpose. The Church of England ministers, for many years, have suflbred much annoyance by the animosity of other sects of Protestants. Now, whether the Bill for secularizing the Clergy Keserves passes or not into law, it aj^pears to me a most favorable opportu- nity for Ibrming such a convocation, and thereby endeavoring to effect this glorious union of all Pro- testant Churches presents itself; for if the Bill passes into law, the inveterate source of animosity on the part of those sects will be removed, and one great cause of disimion A\'ould bo overcome. The Churches of England and Scotland, should now show a willing mind to conform and carry out the real spirit of the founder of their religion, as shewn in the 17th chapter of St. .John's Gospel, verse 20th : '- Neither pray I for these alone, but for them who believe in me tlirough their word." And verse 21st : " That they all may be as Thou Father, art in me and I in Thee ; that they also may be one of us ; that the world may believe that Thou has sent ?> me. It appears to me, that this passage^, gives an unde- niable proof that the Saviour contemplated and designed the unity of His Churches. All the himiane and wise feelings of our nature speak in favor of such a union, and let no feelings of party spirit oppose it, for the time is come for its completion, when we find that such is the divine will, and it cannot then be opposed without a great sin. B' all the accounts 1 have met with for some years past, it appears to me that all sects of Protes- tants are well aware that it is from the unity of the Churcli of Rome that it dorivos its power. Tho same uni'y miionji; rrutostant Chiirt'In's would f^iv(^ tlicm cM^iuil strength, wiiicii event would \)o mere to tlieir advantage than any difli'ience oi' i'urms of wor- ship that yet e'xists among them. This thiy, th(; f)th .Decem])er, ISnk it, jippenrs tho Legislative Council has j)assed the Clergy lleservo Bill without any amendment. By this Bill, the entire remaining hody of tho Clergy Jleserves, which was destined hy the Crown in llie reign of Geo. IJI. fitr the support ol" the Pro- testant liiitli tind practice, has been swei)t away, with one condition only, and miid<' comiiulsory by the imperial riirliiiment, that the incomes of the ])re- sent incumbents should be ])aid tliem by the Provin- einl (Jovernment during their natiu-al lives. The Clergy of the present day arc; iheretbre secure in that resi)ect. But how will it be alter their demise ? The congregations of the various churches or cha})els of the towns and villages will then be uiuler the neces- sity of remimerating their Clergy themselves. They may pcrha})s be competent to do so. Jhit wliat is to be the case with those bodies of poor settlers, who will be annuully coming out to the Province '? The Clergy Reserves are all swept away. The congregations of the towns and vilhigcs will hnve enough to do to pay Clergy f(jr themselves; and thus the poor settler who is just able to build a shanty lor himself and family, must ])c without the means of public decent religious service. The Legislative Council has, therefore, failed in remedying the evil, by passing this Bill without an amendment relerring to the future of the Province, and insisting on a certain portion of ^Ve Reserves being retained lor the purpose of assistin^; those poor settlers and emigrants, who may be found totally in- competent to erect places of divine worship for them- selves and families. The Council has thus entirely (iiiled in sufficient energy to protect the just claims of the Protestant re- ligion, whih brings to my mind a conviction that some part of the institution of that Council requires a change. Ihey are appointed by the Crown. That is 10 llf il an honor to themselves and to the Province, which I consider they should not be deprived of, as T more- over believe it to be a great guarantee for the existing and happy union of the Colonies with Great Britain. But referring to the peculiar case of this Province. I do think they shoidd hold their stations during " good behavior only." At the same time, in order to insure the independence of this branch of the Legis- lature, I think that a number of members of the Coun- cil, quite sufficient for the business of the Province, should be appointed, and that being done, the execu- tive should not then have the power to increase that number in order to carry any party measure. By th(3se means the independence of the Council would be secured, and would also be brought to a sufficient dependence on a decided majority in public opinion, for if that opinion should be found by the Crown to be decidedly against their conduct, they could be displaced. And having been thus led by my reflections on the conduct of that Council, in not insisting on some pro- vision being reserved in the bill for these poor settlers who will be coming out yearly, to enable them to erect proper buildings for the practice of divine wor- ship ; and, having been led also to point out how I conceive the future independence of the Council may be secured, I have now to present my opinion on a subject of perhaps greater nnportance. I refer to attempts Avliich have been for some time making to destroy the constitution of one branch of the Legislature of this Province by another branch, namely, the House of Assembly. ,, ,, Now from what sort of persons this attempt has originated I am not aware ; there were few if any petitions from the great body of the ])cople on the subject, that 1 know of, still there may be many dis- posed for the measure, ns a majority of the members of the House voted for it. It was well known that the estimation of that Council had sunk low, very low, in consequence of their agreeing to the passage of the Rebellion Losses Bill, and their subsequent conduct has also been censured. This will possibly f I', «5 *| Lime •h of nch, •S has ■1 it any L the dis- bers that K rery lage lent ibly V.-' account for the displeasure of a large body of the people with that Council. But it is not by any means a sufficient reason that, because the Council of the present day have fiiilcd in their duty, that both the present and future of the I'rovinc should be deprived of the honor, advantages and strength of the British constitution, which in the recent requirement of the Provincial Legislature, has been extended and confirmed to them. This British constitution has enabled Great Britain to maintain her liberties and independence lor ages, in the midst of surrounding despotic nations. But this was not effected by abandoning that constitution on every internal or external attack, hut by ujiholding and adhering to it through every difficulty. But to my great astonishment, the British Ministry appears to have sanctioned this attempt to overthrow so important apart of the constitution of the Province. One man — and one man only, I believe — namely, the Earl of Derby appears to have foreseen and foretold in Parliament the probable effect which such an act would have. He gave his opinion that if an act were passed rendering the Council elective, it would pro- bably cause a republican government in a fiew years in Canada. It is true that the British government has agreed to let the Legislature of the Province manage its own affairs, without interference on their part, so long as that management does not affect the great interests of the empire. But, as to the constitution of the Pro- vince under which it has safely arrived at its present prosperous condition, I consider, they have no more right to destroy it, than they would have to destroy the British constitution, should any contingency ar- rife, to excite part of the people of England to de- mand it. The value of the British constitution greatly de- pends upon its stability, and the persevering mainte- nance of that stability, and the reason why the people of England do maintain that stability is that they know it is in the nature of that constitution, that all errors or improvements respectively can be corrected or adopted by it. 12 ! I ii So precisely^ is it' in this Province. I have shewn above how, in my humble opinion, the Legislative Council could be amended and brought sufficiently under the influence of public opinion, and, I trust, this safer course iiiaii the one proposed by the intended Bill, would he sanctioned by that ponion of loyal and intelligent people, who, I verily believe, constitute a great and influential part of the Province. It is therefore to be hoped, that on mature conside- ration, our Legislature may discover, that by a due infusion of energy and independence into that Coun- cil, it may be brought much more under the influence of a well authenticated public opinion, without de- priving it and the Province of its highest honor — the nomination to its high oflice by the Crown as t^e fountain of honor. The representatives of the people in the Provincial Parliament have before them the great question, whether the constitution of the Provinces as regards one of its branches, shall be invaded and overthrown or not. I attended at some of these debates, and I proceed to make some observations on what I heard there : Monsieur Cauchon, I believe, began the debate. This gentleman is charged, if I recollect, by one or more of the debaters, to have been formerly much against the overthrow of the institution of the Legis- lative Council. The French inhabitants of this part of the Province, have no doubt, reason to be glad of the transfer that has been made to them of the free constitution of Great Britain, in exchange for the rather despotic power of the government of Canada when under the French dominion ; and I believe a great majority of them is grateful for the change. - , But it is not to be expected that they should have the same strong attachment for the British constitu- tion as a Briton has. This attachment of a Briton is owing to the long experience he has derived from the past history of his country. There he finds that this constitution had been for ages perverted and almost destroyed by the despotism of some of its sovereigns. 13 But the inraato principles and force of lhr\t consti- tution at length arose, and re-established itsv: If on its present firm and unshaken basis by the glorious revo- lution of 1688. And it is the constant and immove- able attachment to this constitution of true liberty, which has enabled the British people to maintain that liberty against the assaults of foreign and sometimes internal foes. And yet there was the notorious Mr. McKenzie, who during this debate, this Mr. McKenzie, who by the lenient nature of this constitution, has been per- mitted to return here to enjoy its blessings, after having largely assisted in their destruction, — here is this man returned to Parliament to legislate under this constitution, presuming to compare it with, and as it appeared to me, to prefer to it the constitution of the American States. Let it be noticed, however, that this constitution of the States has yet to go through many of the phases and attacks, similar per- haps to those which the British constitution has glori- ously survived. It is yet to be seen whether the vast divisions in that country, one-seventh or one- eighth of its population remaining to this day in a state of slavery, whether the selfish interests and licentious manners they indulge in are not capable of destroying those qualities of the heart and mind, which can alone maintain true liberty. The British constitution has, I say, survived these attacks and others equally great. Let not then any man compare it with the paper constitution of the States, which has yet to undergo its own trials. In the debate, this man after vainly boasting of the great advantages conferred on the Province by the RebeJlion of 1836-7, observed truly enough, that per- haps he had erred by want of patience. Yes, if McKenzie had been as profoundly acquaint- ed with the qualities and nature of the British con- stitution as he ought to have been, his attachment to that constitution would have given him and bis co- adjutors that patience he failed in. He would have considered that if the grievances he had complained of, and for which they were about to throw the Pro- vince into civil war — if these grievances were really u considered to be a sufficient ground of war — that there were constitutional means by which the majority of the people could have procured the redress of these grievances peaceably ; and if the majority of the peo- ple did not consider them a ground of war, which the discomfiture of that Rebellion by the people, and by the people alone, clearly proved j then the liebellion was wrong and liable to the dreadful consequences of producing civil war. This same member of Parliament, in reply to Mr. Brown's assertion, that there were no petitions from the people for overthrowing the Legislative Council, was apparently much nettled at the observation, and in a violent tone of voice and manner, recapitulated the various attempts that had been made by the Le- gislative Assembly for this purpose. But, attempts made by the House of Assembly or parts thereof are not petitions from the people. The people or the majority of them at least seldom petition, unless the grievances they complain of are of great and real importance to their welfare or security of their rights. Now it is well known how gentlemen who wish to have the representation of the people in their hands, contrive to turn the complaints of a few to their own ends ; only promise to their constituents that if they allow them to represent them, all complaints shall be removed and great advantages secured to the consti- tuency, — and the business is done, . The Hon, Hilliard Cameron, a speaker of consider- able oratorical powers, said, that whatever might have been the conduct of the Legislative Council in former times, in obstructing the acts of the lower branch of the Legislature, yet since the acquisition of responsible government, the case with that Council was much changed, and that it was rather liable to the charge of too easy a compliance with these acts of the lower House than the reverse, which in one important instance, I trust I have above shewn to be the fact, with respect to their passing the Clergy Re- serve Bill, without attempting to procure in it a clause to aid those settlers who will be annually coming 15 than for the Legislative As- out to the rrovliirc, perhaps totaljy iinahle to biiikl Chiirchei or Chapels for themselves and families. Mr. Ferrie, although professing in his speech great respect for the British constitution and for Conserva- tive principles, proposed a plan for electing the Coun- cil, which I confess surprised me much, considering the high Tory principles he advocated, when con- cerned in the Montreal Herald^ some years since, when edited by his friend lloht. Muir, and I believe, by himself since in the Montreal Gazette, This plan, if I rightly understand it, was to divide the Province into six divisions, and to allow every- body who voted for the House of Assembly, to vote also for the members in the Elective Legislative Council. What could this mode of election produce but two Houses of Legislative Assembly. The danger of such a plan was well pointed out by the famous lawyer and statesman. Lord Brougham, who cautioned the government, that if they did ratify the Bill, the qualification to vote should be much greater for ,the Council sembly. For my own part, I am of opinion that when a country has obtained a constitution which has for many years secured i|s prosperity, it tnght to be con- sidered too sacred by'i^s people, to be upset, especially as, it can bo by constitutional means reiovmed and amended. On the 21st March, there was a call of the Legisla- tive Council, on the subject of the Bill sent to them from the Lower House, for changing the constitution of the Council by rendering it elective. I attended the meeting, and am glad to say the re- sult was glorious for the Honorable Council ; for after a long debate, in which Col. Tache, the French Ca- nadian Minister, in a long speech, implored the Coun- cil not to pass the amendment moved by the Hon. Mr. Mathewson to postpone the reading of the Bill until the next Session, and warniiig them against the danger of the motion, declaring that if the amend- ment were carried, he would enter his protest in the Journals, so that the responsibility would rest on the Council. But, notwithstanding this threat, the Coim- 16 cil firmly carried the amendment, I believe, with a great majority, and, to this point, they did maintain their rights and privileges. In his speech, Ool. Tache observed that the Council would be more Conservative by Election than now, as they were now nominated by the Executive Coun- cil, who were under pressure of the House of Assem- bly, and that if they were in future nominated by the Governor solely, that would be contrary to what he called the Provincial Constitution giving responsible Government. Now it is true tluit while the Council as it is now nominated by the Executive, may be considerably under their influence, therefore, not so independent as they ought to be ; but, if tlie plan I have proposed or advocated in the Ibnner part of this work, to fix on a sufficient number of members of the Council to per- form the Provincial business, and, after that is done, not to allow the Executive to increase that number for carrying any particular measure, the independence of the Council would then Ijo secured. But there is much ni' -re to be said on the effects of the Council passing llie Kebellion Losses Bill, which was the first step to tliat loss of public opinion by the Council. The Upper Province did not, indeed, pro- ceed to rebellion. The Conservatives of Canada have a good deal of the horror of rebellion which was so remarkable anion"- the Tories of the times of James 2nd in England, although the Page of History leaves no doubt that he intended to have overthrown both the religion and liberties of his people ; the Tory party continued long to maintain their objections to resist- ance by force, and it is astonishing to read the absurd and unceasing arguments they used to justify their nonresistance, which nothing but the ultimate, in- fatuated, conduct of James at length overcame, as shewn by McCaulay's beautiful History of those times. Col. Tache may rest assured that but for this great repugnance to rebellion of that Conservative party in the Upper Province, on the passing of the Rebellion Losses Bill by the Legislature, a rising might have taken place there, to which the rebellion in the 17 Eastern part would have been but as a drop in the bucket. I was, at that time, an eye-witness to the public feeling The idea that, after risking their own lives and property in defence of the Govern- ment, that tiiat Government should consent to grunL that indemnity to rebellion, jn-oduced that degree ol* feeling in Western Canada. Thus, it would appear that it had more cause to complain of that Council than the Lower Province. The misconduct of the Council of the present day, however great, is uo just reason, why it and the Pro- vince should bv*, on that account, deprived of the ad- vantages and honors ol' the constitution granted to it, and under which it has signally thrived. I myself, remember when a boy, that Upper Cana- da then consisted almost entirely of woods, rocks and lakes. There was a small settlement at Kingston or Cataraqui, of French people, and another along the banks of the Thames, as may bo seen by Guthrie's Geographical GramniJir, at the years 1785-G. Now it has been o])served, by certain persons in their public speeches ol' hit«\ that there can never be an aristocracy in Canada, i sliould consider a priori^ that those who suppose so are not only democrats, and unfriendly to the British constitution, but that they must be entirely ignorant of the human mind in society. There can be no country on earth where there exists not some species of aristocracy. Examine the society of the United States, who really seem to be- lieve themselves to possess the only country where Freedom exists in perfection, and there, do we not behold the worst kind of aristocracy, that of money, at least I have never heard it denied to exist there. The fact is, that any twelve men could not assem- ble to discuss political or other subjects, but you will soon discover among them, the germs of the aristo- cracy of the mind. This is a gift of nature to the individual, or more frequently acquired by him by superior education and consequent reflection. The first wants of man being obtained, namely, sufficiency of good food, clothing and housing, he proceeds, by patient Indus- jl .''ill l|i^ IT' try, to acquire the means of enjoying the comforts and hixuries of life. Having obtained these, he na- turally seeks to obtain civil honors among his fellowf^ citizens. The mind in all stages of its existence must be employed, and fortunate it is, for the society he lives in, that instead of confining himself to the mere acquisition of wealth, his desire of elevation, natural to the human mind, leads him to seek those honors which public talents and opinion can procure for him. This is what I consider the true formation and origin of aristocracy in a young country ; and to sup- pose that these generous and noble ideas can never exist in such a country as Canada, is an unmerited degradation of its character, its patriotism, and its in- telligence. The Legislative Council has, in answer to the opening speech of Lord Elgin, on the subject of the constitution of that Council, acknowledged their as- sent that improvements in it will be required, and to which they would duly attend. I have above given my ideas, how these improve- ments could be effected, without depriving the Coun- cil and the Province of the honors of the British con- stitution. One chief objection to this Council, with a consider- able part of the population is, that 't is not sufficiently under the influence of public opinion. But, by ren- dering the members of it, who shall be hereafter ap- pointed by the Crown, enabled to hold their seats in that Council only " during good behaviour," — a suffi- cient influence of public opinion must ensue, because should it be found that the Council opposed and pre- vented measures manifestly for the public gO'jd, then the unanimous voice of the country being duly made known to the Crown and its executive on the subject, the Legislative Council could then be removed from power. It was, therefore, with great satisfaction I found, that the Hon. Legislative Council had shewn firmness and wisdom sufficient, to resist the attempts of the lower branch of the Legislature, to deprive them and the Province of the honors the British constitution l! ■■ 19 had conferred on them, by deferring the present con- sideration of the hostile Bill. It has moreover been said, by some advocates for this radical change in the Legislative Council, that imder responsible (iovernmeiit it is not from the Crown members receive their nomiiKitlon, but from the existing Ministry, who may have ii majority in the House of Asseml)ly. But the government and his executive are impowered by the Crown^ under man- damus to make that nomination. Now, in order to prevent the eflect of undue influ- ence of this executive over the independence of the Legislative Council, I have proposed above, that a certain number of members for the due transaction of business of the Province being thus appointed ; that tluit niunher should not be allowed to be increased by any Ministry; and, I conclude this subject by stating my humble y})i'iioii, that the members of the Council should be recommended by the government and his executive to the Crown, to be nominated by its man- damus " during plejisure," in order, as shewn above, how that Council may be brought under sufficient in- lluence of a well ascertained public opinion. Since the above was written, it appears that the Council, in an ensuing Session, has actually passed the Bill for rendering themselves elective. They have thus, in my opinion, given up their highest honor ; for the Crown, by our British constitution, is the fountain of honor. i ■ :*3'Si ^v PART II. iM '• I now proceed to the consideration of tlie supposed intention of the Im])cri5il (Government to form a federal union of all the I3riti,sli North American Pro- vinces. And, liaving considered this subject many years since, and the arguments and ])lans for this purpose of many eminent English authors, I shall first pre- sent in this work, a part of these arguments for the reader's information ; shall notice an idea, conceived by some persons in this Province, of a general govern- ment of all the North American Provinces, to be car- ried on in some })art of Ciiiiada ; and tlien endeavor to shew, that by fur the most eligible plan would be to have representatives deputed i'rom the various Legislatures of the Province, to sit and vote in the House of Commons on all subjects in Avhich the wel- fare and interest of the Provinces may be concerjied, and whereby their ju'csent state may bo elevated to those honors and consideration in the Parent Country, which their advanced and advancing condition en- title;,them. EXTRACT FROM "CONSIDERATIONS ON THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF CANADA."— Chapter V. , A consideration of a ReiirescntMive Union of all the British North American Pi'ovinces arid the Parent State, hy representatives chosen hy the separate Legis- latures of each Province^ to sit in the Imj^erial Par- liamentf as an ejficieiit mearis of securing the per- manent Unio?i of tJwse Colonies with Great Britain and their ultimate advancement. In the fifth page of our preface I have stated that about the year 1822, in an article I then published in the Montreal Herald, " I first mentioned the idea to the public, of the necessity that would probably arise 21 for a representative union of these North American Colonies with the Parent State," and I cngap^ed to resume the subject at a future period ; and I have also stated in tjuit preface what took place between Mr. Josoi)h Hume, M. P. and myself on this import- ant subject, to which I beg- leave to rel'or the reader. Durin*:^ tlio thirty years wliieh h:ive elapsed since tiie above mentioned year, the very serious events which have lately taken jilace in these Provinces have all, in my opinion, been gradually proving the necessity of a closer union with the Parent h?tatc,and 1 have now to redeem the pledge I then gave on this imix)rtant subject. And in order to introduce the subject properly to the rejider's attention and in proof ot its importance, I shall first make some extnicts from previous writers of eminenee on this subject, in Great Britain; and following them up with such observations as they present, I shall then present the plan of such repre- sentation as has appeared to me most practicably suited for these Provinces, supported by the argu- ments which in my humble opinion may serve to call the public attention, and that of the British Govern- ment, to the formation of this Union, as an eflicient means of securing their permanent connection with G. Britain and her Colonies independence. The lirst writer we shall quote is Governor Pownal, some account of whom is given by Mr. Chisholm, of this City, in his well written and meritorious work, entitled, Observations on the Rights of the British Colonies to Representation in the British Parliament. " Of the advocates (he says of this salutary and constitutional measure) the first and best was Governor Pownal, no common man, one who had served his country in the Colonies, both in a civil and military capacity long and faithfully, and who almost on every occasion, both foresaw and foretold the re- sult of that fatal policy adopted in his time with respect to the Colonies." The Governor's scheme was as follows, in his own words : ** It is therefore the duty of those who govern us to carry- forward this state of things to the weaving 'I:M:I Mi! of tliis load into our systoin, that Groat Hritairi may be no iiioro considered as the kingdom of this Tsio only with many apiKMidupjcjs of v>rovinces, colonies, settlements and other extraneous ])nrls, hut a Grajul Marine Dominion^ consisti?i^ of oitr Possessmns ift the Atlantic and in America united into one EmjnrCf in one centre wJiere the seat of Government is. " li it should he thou«^iit iliflieuit and liazardons to extend the Legislative rights, j)rivileges and j)re- eminenccs, the true ini])eriuni of Government, to wheresoever the dominion of tlie same extends, the administration must he content to go on in this ptole- maic system of })olicy as long as the various centres and systems shall preserve their due order and sub- ordination, or to speak in a more o^jposite idea, if we would keep the bases of the realm confined to this Island, while we extend the sui)erstructure, by ex- tending our dominions, we shall invert the i)yramid (as Sir William Temple exi)resses it) and must in time subvert the Government itself. If wu choose to follow the example of the Romans, we must expect to Tollow their fate ; would statesmen on the other hand doubt the predetermined modes which artificial systems prescribed, would they dare to look for truth in the nature of thin<5s, they w^ould soon adopt what is right, as founded upon fact. They would be naturally led into the true system of government, by following with the powers of tlie state, where the actual and real powers of the system of things lead to. They would see that by the various and actual inter- connections of the different parts of British Dominions, throughout the Atlantic and in America, by the inter- communion and reciprocation of their alternate wants and supplies, by the combination and subordination of their several interests and powers, by the circula- tion of their commerce, revolving in an orbit which hath Great Britain for its centre ; that there doth exist in fact, in nature a real union and ijicorporation of all these parts of the British DcminionSj an actual system of dominion, which wanty only to be avowed and actuated by the real spirit in which it moves and has its being ; by that spirit from which the British Government hath arisen to what it is j by the spirit 23 ofextcndin.fi: the basis of its representative legislature, through all the parts to wheresoever the rights, in- terests or power of its dominions extend, so as to form (I cannot too oAen inculcate the idea,) a Grand Mnrinc Do^ninicru^ consisting of our possessions in the Atlantic and in America^ ufiitcd into one Einpirey in one centre where the seat of Government is.^^ ISo liir wo have givtjn Governor Pownal's opinion on this great subject, and we have to remark on his first and second paragraphs, that he has there struck out a very strong and impressive argument in favour of the Union of the Colonies with Great Britain, " a Grand Marine Dominion, consisting of our possessions in the Atlantic and in America, united into one Empire, in one centre where the scat of Government is." The conclusion he draws in subsequent parts of his discourse it is true, was meant to apply to the system of laws and trade, as then relating to all the old Colo- nies; and although the same extent of evil effects might not ensue from them with respect to the pre- sent North American Colonies, still, the same argu- ment will serve to prove that much good will result to both Colonies and Parent State, from a Union, and, that the evils foretold by Governor Pownal may be prevented thereby from arising in future. The opinion of so respectable a person as Governor Pownal appears to have been, is of much weiglit in favour of the Union of the Colonies that still remain to Great Britain, yet as the principle, his plan of union is based upon, appears to be that the Colonics, after being united to the British Parliament arc then to be subject to Taxation by it, and as that principle is diametrically opposed to the plan of Union, I have all along contemplated as the one most suitable to, and consistent with the present Provincial constitu- tion, and indeed, with the capabilities of these Pro- vinces, and as we shall shortly introduce this plan to the reader's consideration, we shall defer our observa- tions on the principle of this taxation to that period. We shall now extract from the profound author of the " Wealth of Nations," Adam Smith, a part of his opinions on the Union of the Colonies by representa- 24 ii tion in the Parliament of Great Britain. This great author is thus described by his biographer, Dugald Stuart : " He has not only extended the boundaries of science, but enlightened and reformed the com- mercial policy of Europe." It is true it has been said, " that the practical ex- perience of modern times has corrected and modified some of the theoretical positions of this great econo- mist," but I have little doubt that by far the greater part of the profound commercial truths he has de- veloped, will never be controverted, but that being founded on the nature of things, they will derive conformation from increasing experience ; and, in the "well merited praise of his system of political economy, I beg leave here to quote the remark made by Lord Kenyon, at a trial which came before him in the King's Bench; several extracts were made by the Counsellor in the case, from works on political eco- nomy, written since Mr. Smith's " Wealth of Nations." His Lordship said, he had read Adam Smith's work and he had read all the works on that subject, since his time, and that he found them all Adam Smith, hashed u^). We now proceed to the extract from this g^eat work. " Towards the declens^'on of the Roman E-epublic," says Mr. Smith, " the Allies of Rome, who had borne the principal burthen of defending the State and extending the Empire, demanded to be admitted to all the privileges of, Roman citizens; upon being refused, the social war broke out. During the course of that war, Rome granted those privileges to the greater part of them, one by one, and in proportion as they detached themselves from the general Confederacy." The Parliament of Great Britain, insists upon taxing the Colonies, and they refuse to be taxed by a Parlia- ment in whom they are not represented. If to each Colony which would detach itself from the general confederacy, (xreat Britain should allow such a num- ber of Representatives as suited the proportion of what it contributed to the public revenue of the Eripire, in consequence of its being subjected to the same taxes, and in compensation admitted to the same freedom of trade with its fellow subjects at home j the number of its Representatives to be augmented as the proportion of its contributions might afterwards augment ; a new method of acquiring importance, a new and more dazzling object of ambition would be presented to the kucling rnen of each Colony. In- stead of peddling for the little prizes which are to be found in what may be called the paltry raffle of a Colony faction, they may then hope from the pre- sumption which men naturally have in their own ability and good fortune, to draw some of the great prizes which sometimes come from the whole of the great state lottery of British politics. Unless this, or some other, method is fiillen upon, and there seem to be none more obvious than this of preserving the importance and of gratifying the ambition of the leading men in America, it is not very probable that they will ever voluntarily submit to us, and we ought to consider that the blood which must be shed in forcing them to do so is, every dron of it — the blood — either of those who are, or of those whom we wish to have for our fellow citizens. They are very weak who flatter themselves, that in this state to which things are come, our Colonies will jje easily conquered by force alone. The j)ersons who now govern the resolutions of what they call their Continential Con- gress, feel in themselves at this moment a dejjree of importance which perhaps the greatest subjects in Europe scarce feel. From shopkeepers, tradesmen and attorneys, they are become iStatesmen and Legis- lators, and are employed in contriving a new form of government for an extensive Empire, which they flatter themselves will become, and wiiich indeed seems very likely to become one of the greatest and most formidable that ever was in the world. Five hundred different people perhaps, who in different ways act immediately under the Continential Con- gress, and five hundred thousand perhaps, who act under those five hundred, all feel in the same man- ner, a proportionable rise in their own importance. Almost every individual of the governing party in America fills, at present, in his own fancy, a station 2 26 r superior, not only to what he had ever filled before, but to what he had ever expected to fill, and unless some new object of ambition is presented either to him or to his leaders, if he has the ordinary spirit of a man, he will die in defence of that station. It is a remark of the President Hanault, that we now read with pleasure, the account of many trans-* actions of the Ligue, which when they happened were not considered as very important pieces of new.^, but every man then says, he fancied himself of some importance, and the innum.erable memoirs which came down to us from those times were, the greatest part of them, written by people who took pleasure in recording and magnifying events, in which they flattered themselves they had been considerable actors. How obstinately the city of Paris, on that occasion, defended itself, and what a dreadfnl famine it sup- ported, rather th;in submit to the best, and afterwards the most beloved of all the French Kings, is well known. The greatest part of the citizens or those who governed the greatest part of them, fought in defence of their own importance, which they foresaw was to be at an end, whenever the ancient Govern- ment should be re-established. Our Colonies, unless they can be induced to consent to a Union, are very likely to defend themselves against the best of all mother countries as obstinately as the city of Paris did against one of the best Kings. " The idea of representation was unknown in ancient times. When tlie people of one State were admitted to the right of citizenship in another, they had no other means of exercising their right but by coming in a body to vote and deliberate with the people of that other State." The admission of a greater part of the Inhabitants of Italy to the privileges of Roman citizens, com- pletely ruined the Roman Republic. It was no longer possible to distinguish between who was and who was not a Roman citizen. No tribe could know its own members, a rabble of any kind could l»e intro- duced into the assemblies of the people, could drive out the real citizens, and decide upon the affairs of the Republic as if they themselves had been such. 27 But though America were to send fifly or sixty Representatives to Parliament, the doorkeeper of the House of Commons could not find any great difficulty in distinguishing who was and who was not a member. Though the Roman constitution, therefore, was ne- cessarily ruined, by the Union of Rome with the allied states of Italy, there is not the least probability that the British constitution would be hint by the Union of Great Britain with her Colonics. That constitution^ on the contrary, would he completed hy itj and seems to be imperfect ivitJiout it. The ("s^nnhhi ivltich deliberates and decides concerning the oy airs of every part of the E?npire, in order to he properly in- formed, ought certainly to have Kepreseyitativcs from every part of it. That this Union, however, could be easily effectuated, or that difficulties and great diffi- culties might not occur in the execution, I do not pretend, I have yet heard of none howexer which appeared insurmountable. The principal perhaps arise not from the nature of things, but from the prejudices and opinions of the people, both ot this and the other side of the Atlantic. We on this side of the water are afraid least the multitude of American Representatives should over- turn the balance of the constitution, and increase too much, either the influence of the Crown on the one hand, or the force of the democracy on the other. But if the number of American Representatives were to be in proportion to the produce of American taxation, the number of people to be managed would increase in proportion to the means of managing them, and the means of managing to the number of people to be managed. The monarcliial and democratical parts of the constitution, after the Union, would stand exactly in the same degree of relative force with regard to one another as they had done before. The people on the other side of the water are afraid that their distance from the seat of empire might expose them to many oppressions. But their Representatives in Parliament, of which the number ought from the first to be considerable, would easily be able to protect them from all oppression. The distance could not much weaken the dependency of 28 m i 1 the Representative upon the constituent, and the former would still feel that he owed his seat in Par- liament and all the consequence which he derived from it, to the good will of the latter. It would be the interest of the former, therefore, to cultivate that good will by complaining, with all the authority of a member of Parliument, of any outrage which any civil or military officer might be guilty of in that remote part of the Empire. The distance of America from the seat of government besides, the natives of that country miglit flatter themselves, with some appearance of reason too, would not be of long conti- nuance. Such has hitherto been the rapid progress in that country in wealth, population and improve- ment, that in the course of little more than a century, perhaps the produce of the American might exceed that of the British taxation. The seat of Empire would then naturally remove itself to that part of the Empire which contributed most to the general de- fence and support of the whole. Such were the opinions in favor of, and the high authority conferred on the scheme of representative Union of Great Bvitain with her former and present Colonies in North America, by Mr. Smith, a Union which, had it been adopted in due time, would very probably have j)re vented the separation of the present States of America from the Parent Country. I have, however, to repeat the same observation with respect to this great author, that I stated with respect to Governor Pownal's plan of Union, at the close of my observations on the extract from it, namely, that the idea of taxation of the Colonies after the Jnion by the Parliament of Great Britain, is diametrically opposite to the plan of Union I have formed, and will shortly be laid before my readers. The Colonies are already subject to taxation by the Provincial Legislatures, and I feel persuaded that no plan of Union by which they would also become liable to a second taxation by the Parent State, would be acquiesced in by these countries. The observations of Mr. Smith in the first and third paragraph, which we have quoted, are admirably calculated to shew the utility of Repreiselitative Union 29 in an extensive Empire, inasmuch as we conceive it may be fairly infierred, that had the allies of Rome, when admitted by her as Roman citizens, been duly represented by deputies sent from each State to sit in the Roman Senate or National Council, we say it may be fairly inferred in that case that the Roman Empire instead of being ruined by her allies would probably have endured for numerous ages longer than she did. Mr. Chisholni, in the work I have above mentioned, has therein quoted the objections of the celebrated Edmund Burke, to this Union of the Colonies with the British Parliament, and has I think, very well answered and refuted these objections, independently even of the newly acquired accession of steam power in crossing the Atlantic, which it seems Mr. Chisliolm had predicted in his work, and has now the sa- tisfaction of seeing those predictions pretty nigh realized. In corroboration of the idea mentioned above res- pecting the ]n*ol)ably greater duration of the Roman Kinpire, had it possessed the discovery of representa- tion, we shall now mention instances of some countries which have derived solid advantages and durability therefrom. Ancient Greece itself, is almost a sufficient proof of this, and had she had the foresight to have prevented the fatal influence of Macedon in her National compact and to have preserved her National virtues, she might perhaps have descended in her former glory to the present day. The Germanic Diet, and more particularly the United Provinces and the Swiss Cantons, are strong proofs of the capacities of Union in preserving the liberties of Nations even when surrounded by power- ful and despotic Nations. The United Provinces in the midst of every difficulty, became at one time one of the greatest commercial countries in the old World, and have even sometimes been able to dispute the Trident of the ocean with Great Britain. England herself affords a brilliant example of the strength and power of Representative Union. In her fertile land of liberty this species of Union lyis been 30 ill! m gradually improving since the completion of the Heptarchy by our renowned Alfred, up to the recent establishment of Parliamentary reform, by which she proved the fact that her glorious Constitution is competent to purify itself from all corruptions. And it is devoutly to be hoped that the prosperous acquisi- tion of this reform, may not destroy that moderation for which the British Nation, in her political charac- ter, has been so conspicuous, and that she will soon perceive that the extension of Representative Union, to all her Colonies, in a manner adapted to their circumstances, must not only promote their peace, security and prosperity in a degree hitherto unknown, but eventually consolidate the power of her Empire. Scotland, by the great advances she has made since her Union with England, in agriculture and in several branches of manufacture and in commerce, is a proof of the advantages of Union by Representation. The industrious spirit, the mechanical talent, the enterprising genius of the Scotch might perhaps have otherwise lain dormant for ages. Ireland, though last, Avill not be the least- who will reap advantages from her Representative Union with England. She is sufficiently represented there by able advocates of her interests and fair demands. And she now probably requires little more than an efficient and wise code of poor Laws to introduce peace and secuiity into her country ; and the advan- tageous employment of her labour and talents by British capital will then ensue, and produce a new career for her agriculture, manufactures and com- merce. The United States may certainly be considered as having presented to the World a prominent instance of the advantages of Representative Union ; although it must be confessed that the rise and gradual increase of late years of a most licentious spirit among that people both in their domestic concerns and most especially in the late treatment of these Provinces by a part of her population, gives strong indications to believe, that unless they retrace their steps, by the enactment of wise and salutary laws for the accom- plishment of that end, some disastrous events must 31 3 ana in ensue in that country proving that even liberty itself— the greatest gift of Heaven — may be abused, and, if not preserved within the bounds of reason, moderation and religion, may produce the misery or ruin as well as the welfare and prosperity of a nation. Trusting now to have briefly shown that the several countries above mentioned and the extracts we have quoted, form a combined and powerful evidence in favor of Representative Union, 1 shall now beg ieave to conclude this part of the subject with an observation on that part of Mr. Chisholm's work, which treats on the '' National and constitu- tional right of the Colonies to Representation in the Imperial Parliament." These rights arc treated in a very elaborate manner, and the autlior appears to be much concerned that the right of Representative Union has been so long opposed and denied to the Colonies. But it is consoling to observe that in the discussion which took place on Mr. Hume's motion in August, 1831, in the House of Commons, it appears to have been conceded by all parties in the House that the objections which had been offered by Burke and others, to this great measure, are now cancelled and done away with. By the passing of the late Reform Bill, the Colonies having been deprived of their former Parliamentary advocates, namely, those gentlemen who w^ere greatly interested in the Colonies, but had lost their seats by that Bill, it was therefore the opinion of the parties in the House above mentioned, that the Colonies should be some- how or other represented in i urliament. The question therefore is fairly open to be laid before it. 1 shall now present to the reader the most interest- ing part of Mr. Hume's speech on this subject, so important to these Provinces, and his scheme ol repre- sentation as stated in the reports of the House. House of Commons f August 16, 1831. On the motion for going into a committee on the Reform Bill, Mr. Hume rose to submit an important motion to the House. Every one was aware of the great importance of the Colonial interests ; and those 32 1 1 i| who were acquainted with the nature, extent, popu- lation, and wealth of the Colonies, naturally inquired whether they were entitled to representatives in Par- liament. The population of British India amounted to eighty or ninety millions of souls, and its wealth and commerce were infinite. There were besides thirty-four Colonies including the Canadas, contain- ing a large population and most extensive resources. He asked the House why so important a part of the King's Dominions as the Colonies — important both as regards their po[)ulation and Uieir riches — should not come within the reach of so important a change as that now contemplated in the constitution of that House. It was a clear proposition, as he conceived, that every British interest ought to be represented in that House according to its population and prosperity, and were not the Colonies to be put in a situation in which they might participate in the power conceded toother portions of His Majesty's Dominions? By the common law of the land every Englishman who expatriated himself to one of the Colonies of this country, carried with him all the rights and j)rivileges of an Englishman, subject only to the changes which the local circumstances of the Colony in which he resided rendered necessary. The internal regulations of the Colonies were placed under the control of the King in Council, until the Colonies assumed such a position as to enable the inhabitants to manage their own affairs. The House, however, had never divested . itself of the right to manage the external interests of those Colonies which had Local Legislatures, or to regulate their commercial arrangemcmts either with the mother State or with other countries. Every person was aware of the immense importance of the Colonies, which naturally divided themselves into distinct classes. The British i^ossessions in India formed one peculiar class, held under a particular tenure ; the second class consisted of the Crown Colonies, under the government of the King in Council, and having no Legislature ; and the third and most important class consisted of those Colonies which had a Legislative Assembly for their internal government. He begged the House to keep in mind 33 the distinction which he drew between these separate classes, as the proposition he was about to submit was in some degree governed by the distinction. He conceived that the Crown Colonies should have the same privileges as other Colonies, and have Assem- blies to legislate for their internal regulation. It was sufficient for him now to state that this privilege was denied to nine Colonies which were known as the Crown Colonies, — Upper and Lower Canada, how- ever, and fourteen of the West India Islands had Legislative Assemblies to tax and regulate those Colonies. This, then, was an obvious distinction, and on which depended the difference he proposed to make in the extent of the rt'})rescntMlion. He pro- posed to give a more extensive representation to those Colonies which had no Legislatures but were governed by the King in Council, and at the same time he did not intend that the Colonies which had Local Legislatures should be wholly unrepresented in the Imperial Parliament. By the Statute 18 George HI, Chap. 12, the British Legislature was prevented from interfering with the internal affairs of the Colonies which obtained Local Legislatures, but power was reserved by the same act to make such regulations as should seem expedient with regard to the commerce of the Colonies, however much these regulations might affect the interests of one or all of these Colonics. It was therefore in the power of the British Legislature to reduce any one or all of these Colonies to beggary, or greatly to promote their prosperity, a power of immense im- portance to the whole of the Colonial interests. What he now proposed was to give the Colonies a partial representation, — such a representation as would place a person in that House capable of stating the grievances, and of giving informaticin on questions which, perhaps effected the existence of them as Colonies of this country. In looking to the state of mis-government into which the Colonies had fallen, more appeared to have taken place from the ignorance of the House and the country, as to the real interests of the Colonies, than from any design to pass laws which would produce evil consequences — (hear, hear.) S It was important that the House should be placed in a situation in which the best information might be obtained with regard to the Colonies, if it were only to avoid the recurrence of those evils which the British Legislature had before inadvertently and un- advisedly fallen into. He conceived that such an alteration would place England in a much better relative situation as regards its Colonies. Twenty- five millions were now paid annually by this country for the support of its civil and mditary establish- ments, (putting out of view the sum paid for the interest and management of the debt ;) and of that enormous sum raised out of the taxes of this country, how large a portion arose from the expenses entailed on the country by its Colonies 1 either as regarded the financial view which the question presented, or the rights of the Colonists as English subjects, he submitted that this subject was most important, and deserving of the most serious consideration. Hitherto a large portion of British subjects, resident in the Colonies, were deprived of any legitimate mode of laying their wants and wishes before that House. It was true some gentlemen connected with the Colonies found their way into the House. But one of the greatest and most striking objections to the Reform Bill had been that, when it came into opera- tion, the same means would not exist for enabling gentlemen connected with the Colonies to obtain seats ; and a large portion, if not the whole, of the Colonies would be left without any legitimate mode of conveying their wishes or wants to the Imperial Legislature. He (Mr. H.) did npt mean to say that even after the Bill came into operation, some gentle- men connected with the Colonies might not obtain seats for populous places in the United Kingdom, but that was a very different thing from having a Member for each of the Colonies, or a number of the Colonies united, who would sit as the Representative of the Colonial population, and be ready at all times to state the wishes of his constituents, and suggest any propo- sition which he deemed calculated to increase the wealth and happiness of that Colony with which he "WM Qonnected. With a view of preveating tl^e 35 evils which would arise from a great increase of the number of Rcproscntutivos, he proposed to limit the number to the lowest extent, by whieh the jnirposcs ol re{)resentu,tion would bo fairly answered. He did not wish to add to the r-resent number of Kepre^ sentiitives, but according to the plan })roposed by Ministers, there would be thirty-two Members fewer than there was at present. The number he proposed to add to the House lor the Colonies, would make httle difference in the relative jiroportion of the numbers. Members who look(?d at diflerent interests with a partial eye would probubly take a dillerent view of the subject from that which he (iMi. H.) did. Some gentlemen may conceive that iiritish India should be considered above all things, and others would prefer the interests of the West India Colonies ; whilst some would advocate the claims of Ceylon, or the Cape of Good Hope, and consider them [lararnount. He begged to be understood not as proposing what was free from all objections, but only as approximating to what he believed would give satisfaction, it would be obvious to every one who heard him, that, to make the Colonies really useful to the mother country, they should be on the best possible terms ; the Colonies should derive some advantage from the mother country ; all reasonable ground for complaint should be removed, and they should be treated in every respect as adopted children — (cheers.) If this system of policy was pursued it would render the Colonies ten-fold more valuable, and they would feel more satisfied with their situation, even where the policy of the mother country obliged her to limit the means of their prosperity. However anxious gentle- men might be to preserve the relative proportion of Members between England, Ireland and Scotland, he was sure none would be so niggardly as to say that a few Members for the Colonies would derange the proportion to an injurious degree ; more especially as the three countries were benefitted by the Colonies. His proposal was that the Colonies should be repre- sented in that House by nineteen Members, which he proposed to divide in this way : m 36 !M MEMBERS. British India, ---------- 4» Tho Crown Colonies, 8 BritishilAmerica, - - 3 The West India Colonies, 3 The Islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney and IScrk, - 1 Total, - 19 With respect to the West Indies, he proposed to give to MEMBERS. Jamaica, ----------- I Barbadoes, Grenada, St. Vincent and Tobago, 1 Montserrat, JSt. Nevis, St. Kitt's, and Tortola, 1 In all. which he submitted was as small a number as could possibly be given to tho West India Colonies— (hear, near.) There was another group of Islands under the British government and influence, and 1 ying contiguous to our own shores, the inhabitants of which, although British subjects, had always been treated as foreigners — he alluded to the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Al- derney, and Serk, which had no representative assem- blies, but were governed by the King in Council. To this group of Islands he proposed to give one repre- sentative ; and if this was done he thought the popu- lation of those islands might feel they were English- men, what it was not possible they could have hereto- fore done — (hear, hear.) He felt that nineteen Mem- bers was a large number to propose to add at once to the representative bod^ in that House ; but when Members looked to the interests those Members were to represent, he hoped they would not consider that he proposed too much. From returns whicii he held in his hand, as to the population and trade of the Colonies, he would state some details on which his plan of Colonial representation was in a great degree founded. British North America contained nine hun- dred and eleven thousand inhabitants, of which two hundred and twenty-nine thousand were freemen. At 37 present tlic exports from the British North American Colonies exceed two million five hundred thousand pounds per annum — (hoar,) and llic imports were up- wards of one million one hundred thousand pounds. From this statement the House would see the impor- tance ol those Colonies — (hear, hear.) Mr. Hume then gave a statement of the population and trade of the West India Colonies, Gibraltar, Malta, Cape of Good Hope and Australia, and British India, which is not interesting to us to state ; he then goes on to observe : The next consideration was, the mode in which it was proposed that those representa- tives should be elected. Now what he (Mr. H.) meant to propose was, that every man entitled to set upon Juries in India, should also be entitled to vote for a representative. As to tlie West India Islands he said he saw little or no difficulty on the mode of election for them, as the inhabitants chieiiy possessed the power of electing persons to manage the internal affairs of the respective islands. He then observed, that the truth was, if the government hoped to keep Britisii America, they must resort to some such measure as that he proposed ; for this he was convinced, was the only way to put an end to the bickerings which were constantly going on, and to attach the Colonies to the mother country. Ho had a |»otition signed by ten thousand persons of the Canadas, complaining of grievances ; and, if they had representatives such a petition, he believed, never would have been called for. To the Canadas, with the adjoining islands, he proposed to give three mem- bers. To Lower Canada, which contained a popula- tion of four hundred and twenty-three thousand, he would give one member ; to Upper Canada, which contained, according to returns on the table, one hun- dred and eighty-nine thousand inhabitants, but ac- cording to recent information, two hundred and sixty- five thousand, he would also give one ; and, to New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, Newfoundland and Bermudas, with a population of three hundred thousand persons, he would give a third member. The mode of election was to be the same as that proposed for the West India Islands. Upper Cj 38 II ^ and Lower Canada should return one Member each j and the islands should choose delegates to elect their representative. One point yet remained, and that was how were they to find their way to the House — (laughter.) He did not consider such a topic a subject for laughter. The ex-Secretary of the Admiralty may laugh ; but — (Mr. Croker : I did not laugh) — it was possible there were errors in his calculations j but he thought it could not be denied that, considering the distances of the places and the complicacy of the de- tails, he might be excused for making some errors. The third plan was that, on the commencement of a new Parliament, no Member should sit till the new Members were returned to the House. There could be no great evil in that, because they could be returned for the West Indies in six months, and for British India in a year. He thanked the House for the atten- tion they had paid to him. The subject was one of great importance j and he thought the Colonies, in order to be of service to the mother country, ought to be placed in a situation which would induce them to co-operate with it. If the subject were submitted to a Committee, he was quite sure they would find no difficulty in preparing a Bill which would meet with the general views of the country, and afford means to the Colonies of laying their grievances before the House. One objection to the measure u^as, that the Colonies already had legislative bodies of their own selection ; but it ought to be remembered that these legislative assemblies could legislate only on internal affairs, while the most important part of the business was that legislation which applied to their commerce, and which was made by the mother country without their interference. For these reasons he thought they were entitled to representation. He had no intention, however, of dividing the House on the question. All he wanted was to lay the details before the House, and leave them for future consideration and discussion. The Hon, Member concluded by moving, " that it be an instruction to the Committee to make a provision for the return of this House of Members to represent certain Colonies and foreign possessions of His Ma- jesty." Such was the elTort then made by Mr. Hume to produce a Colonial representation of the British Par- liament, and which as will aj)pear by the following speeches of which I give extracts, that even the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at that time Lord Al- thorp,and also several eminent Members of the House, did not only approve of the measure but gave Mr. Hume great credit for bringing it forward ; and these Provinces have to lament that he should hav-j suffered himself to have been so far led away by the repre- sentation of certain weak and disloyal characters in this country as to have prevented him from following up the valuable measure in a future session of the Parliament. By the subsequent conduct of these men in plunging the Provinces into rebellion and its disas- trous consequences, he has good reason to repent his connection with them, and as a just retribution for the encouragement he certainly gave them by his " Domination Letter," it is to be hoped he will ere long retrace his steps, and endeavor once more to effect the passing of the measure for Representative Union by the Imperial Parliament ; by this means he will be able to atone for the evils he is (by a great part of the loyal population of these Provinces) considered to have brought on them ; and will promote their peace and security, by a measure the best of all calcu- lated so to do of any that can be desired, namely, the rendering them an integral part of the British Empire. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said lie had no intention of following his Hon. friend through all his details, because, it must appear clear to every Hon. Member, that it would be improper particularly at the present moment, to introduce such a clause into tjn Bill — (hear.) In fact he could hardly believe his Hon. friend serious in attempting to introduce a new system into the Bill, after theyjiad been sitting up- wards of a month on it in Committee — (hear.) When the Hon. Member spoke of the importance of the Colonies, and the claims they had to the protection and support of the mother country, he agreed in every word that he had said, but, even from the Hon. Mem- ber's own showing, it would be inexpedient to intro- duce a aew and complicated measure into one which. 40 i'i God knows, was complicated enough — (hear, hear.) They had sat already a month in Committee, and if they were to adopt the principle of his Hon. friend, there would be no end to the business. He was sure his Hon. friend had not brought it forward with any injurious intention, but looking at its complicacy and the discussion to which it might lead, he could not conceive any one of a more hostile tendency. He would not, therefore, enter into any discussion, be- cause if the subject was to be taken up at all, it ought to have a separate discussion. He would only appeal to the House whether such an addition to the Bill would not obstruct its progress, and, discussion on it only delay the House from going into Committee ? — (hear.) Sir John Malcolm said he would not follow the Hon. Member for Middlesex through the detail of his speech, but he must confess he thought the Hoa. iir-m, tleman had made out a case in favor of his motion. It was necessary there should be a species of repre- sentation for India and the Colonies, of which they were of necessity deprived by the Bill. He need not urge to the House the reasonableness of having in it men conversant with the manners and habits of the people of those distant parts of the world connected with this country. It could not be denied that the operation of the measure would remove that facility by which the Colonies had been hitherto represented, and this seemed to be felt by the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself. For his (Sir John Malcom's) own part, he certainly should support the proposition of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, but without pledg- ing himself to any part of the detail into which the Hon. Member entered. He trusted that His Majesty's Government would give their serious attention to the subject, and propose some expedient to meet the diffi- culty created by the Reform Bill, with respect to a want of Colonial Representation — (hear.) He appre- hended that when the Bill was passed. Government would direct its attention to that great question, the subject of India, and he should endeavour to bring to that discussion, a mind free from prejudice. Upon that subject he would not now enter, nor would he detain the house longer, knowing there was an anxious desire to go into the Committee on the Reform Bill — (hear.) Sir C. Wethcrell said that the attention of the House was now called to a subject as important as any which had come under its discussion. The opinion of Mr. Burke had been quoted to show that he was unfavourable to the Colonists having direct represen- tatives in that House. A more able man, one with more information, and a great desire to benefit his country, could not be found. Now what did Mr. Burke in effect state I Why, according to the abstract principle upon which the House of Commons was then constituted, the Colonies ought to have representatives, but practically he felt it a great difficulty to overcome. But Mr. Burke was speaking of the existing constitu- tion of the country — (hear, hear.) And if the consti- tdtion was to be torn up in the way the Bill contem- j)lated, the difficulty in having rcju'csentatives for the Colonies under the noAv constitution was not insuper- able — (hear, hear.) Mr. Biu-ke's objections was, be- cause it was contrary to rming the Federal Union of the Colonies, 1 consider, that the formation of it in any particular part of them would be a iruitilil source of jealousies and dissatisiiiction among them, and would in liict come short of tlie very object of their true elevation, namely, a certain inltuence and voice in the affairs of the Empire itself. With respect to Eastern Canada at least, I feel tolerably convinced, they would — (I si)eak of the Majority) — never willingly agree to such Federal Union ; and Western Canada does not shew any wish for such a' Union with the Lower I'rovinces, thouuh Some consider it natural enough that these should be willing. I shall now proceed to shew, that the present advanced state of these North American Colonics requires some immediate steps on the jiart of Great Britain, to retain them as an integral part of her Empire, and thereby to meet their growing desire of elevation in the national scale by their liepresentative Union with the Imperial Parliament. In the year 1841, two years alter the publication of the work in which I advocated this liepresenta- tive Union, as shewn in the foregoing extracts, the population of the two Provinces amounted to little ii; 52 more than one million of souls, whereas by census of Eastern Canada in 1851, their population was 890,261, and of Western Canada 1851, 952,004' souls, making a total for both East and West Canada, of 1,842,265 souls, and by calculation for this year, 1855, a popula- tion of 2,701,336. I now shew by an extract from the census of 1851-2, the gradual increase of the two Provinces now united, in some of the principal articles of agri- cultural industry. ilB ii! 93 o C3 ci S o o a c< r .0 fcJD =2 o ci 00 N o o p < H H CO < o o 1^; Q O (1. Q O !z; pn H. H OS o Pi H PL< Pk. pa !=> Q O 09 1-1 & =§ CO to cj too TT CO C< O 00 O^ C* ■^ CO 00 CO 1-1 CO I- CO r^ PiH CO o #v »- "I" ^ -^ '^ 1-1 00» u: fN CO ofi — O CO Tf t^ •* ^ » »\ ^ 'M tfi -^ l^O •-* Oi cO rf iO fc*. « ::^2QQc:aHO 1— I C-l en 1-H {>• lO »o CO in fN CO ^ CO Q GC -^ ^ CO 00 crs QC ^ «>. »^ ^ #s r« vs C>» « 00 I> .-^ Oi 00 t- 'r! --H c* CJ5 r- 00 ko CO C0 1-« CO ^ <;o c^ CO "-H 1-t ■5 ^ a v. w O 5 c^ (A o 73 . — . ^j 03 • '*i r/i bD ^ »o o 00 L^> f*^ ^ ♦>. lO 'T) o 00 CO 05 *\ •s o rt* CO 1 ZL T-i k_H i-M • '-' . o o ococo cj TT r- 1- to en 2 — o i:cn put up, which would not ])!iy. 'J'he proS})erity of Canada, thank God, does not depend upon our getting the traffic or carrying trade of a foreign nation. It depends and arises from the natural increase of pupii- Jation of o;ir own country, and the consequent increase of producf; of all kinds — natural and artificial from the land audits waters. When last in 7'oronto, I waited on the Governor General Sir Kd. Head, and stated to him a design of publishing the present work, on the intention of the Imperial Government to unite these Provinces. His Excellency asked if it would not be as well to post- pone the publication, until J knewit was tlie intention of the British Government so to do. Now it has cer- tainly, for some time p;jst,been stated in the Province that such was tlie intention of the J^rilish (government. ]1 was even reported l)eforc the arrival Ik re of the present Governor, that he was coniiuii* out fortius very purpose, although that does not appeur 1o have been correct. Now, as appears by the above extracts, several of the most eminent writers of Great Britain have udvu- cated the plan, and last though not leasi,11ie hit(3 Member of Parliament, Joseph Hume, brouglit the subject before the House of Commons at the Reform Session, and it was agreed by all parties that w- the Reform Bill had been passed for England, that there- fore all her Colonies should be at least " partially " represented in that House. , * •.. s As f ir back as the year 1839, I had published a small work in Montreal, advocating this measure, and I have to remark that I sent twelve copies of the work down to the Hon. Joseph Howe's brother, in Halifax, then editor of one of the Halifax papers. Since then, (only a year or two ago,) it appears the Hon. Mr. Howe has brought forward a plan for the same purpose of representation in the British Parlia- a Vt-i '\ 56 Hi 'it' "A t . ; ' ) ■ ( ■ ment, which according to his opinion, is much wished for in the Province of Nova Scotia. Now if the Lower Province feel this desire and claim for representation, much more so has the more populous and extensive Province of Canada to look for it. In order then, that the present advanced and advancing condition of this United Province, and its almost certainty of a great future one, may proceed in a right and safe direction, and believing that this advanced and advancing condition will entitle it to look for a higher station in a national point of view, than it at present possesses, I therefore consider its representation in the National Council of the Empire will give it that elevation ; and I proceed to shew the necessity of this in the present position of the United Province. It is true, too true, that elements of discord have abounded in this Province. Varieties of religious opinions have, in ancient times, produced most incre- dible, bad effects between the two great divisions '^f theChristain religion, but, unhappily, it is not in the. " two divisions alone, we find this to be the case. Among the numerous Protestant sects, we sometimes find a degree of animosity against each other, not much less than in the above case ; yet it is consoling to see that the intelligence and scientific activity of the age is gradually wearing out these asperities. Often it happens that people coming out from Pro- testant England^ or Scotland to Lower Canada, feel a great repugnance to the rit( sceremoiiies and practice of the Roman Catholic Chiinli, and 1 doubt not if we could ^ee into the feelings of many of these persons we should find them not unaccompanied with alarm, and accordingly we see sometimes men of talent ^mong them, empl yed in attemps to overthrow the doctrines of that Church. After remaining some years in this country, they find the '^utility of these attemps, and also that there is no cause of alarm whatever from that source. I was born in that part of the Province, and have lived in it for nigh forty years, a good deal of which 57 was among the French Canadian population, and I have never felt the least molestation on their part on account of religion. With respect to the discord still existing among the Protestant sects, I some years since published my ideas on the means of restoring unanimity amung them, in my work on the " Present Condition of United Canada,*' London, C. W., 1850, and second edition thereof in Toronto. I have therein shewn the weakening effects of these divisions on the Protestant Faith, and suggested to the ministers and laity of the Protestant community, the necessity and wisdom of ascending together to the original foundation of Christianity given us by the Saviour of mankind, to try, if a concentrated code of Protestantism could not be formed on His sublime principles of unity, peace, and good will to man ; and 1 am happy to observe, that some of the sects are already proceeding on a plan of union of some of them, and 1 have here to recall my readers to what I have addressed in this present work to the Church of England in these Pro- vinces on this subject. And I am still more happy to observe that in a late convocation of that Church in the Diocese of Canter- bury, England, this very subject was brought forvv^ard by some Church of England Clergymen, with respect to the Methodist persuasion, to enable them, if I rightly understood, to take up Episcopal functions in that Church. It appears, however, that in conse- quence oi the wording of the memorial or address on this subject, some of the Bishops present objected to certain observations contained in this address, and it was therefore ordered to lay on the table for the pre- sent. The idea, having however, been thus taken up, let us hope that the introduction of it will be adhered to by its supporters, and lead hereafter to a union of peace and good will of all sects. In fine may we not hope that Christianity may be in time restored to that unity, peace and good will to mankind, which there can be no possible doubt was the design of its divine founder that it should be, and I conclude this great subject with one remark. The population of the world is said to be 1.000 mil- s' I 1 58 lions. Of these only 3 to 400 millions are Christians. Now all the Christian Churches must wish the ex- tension of Christianity. If it were possible to form a union of all Christian Churches, would not the power of the extension of Christianity be proportionally in- creased ? Now, having discussed the question of the elements of discord in the Province, 1 proceed to consider the best means of removing them, and have for that end the more pleasing task of considering the influence of the elements of attachment to its constitution. To myself, who have stated in a former work, that I remember when a boy, that the Province of Canada consisted mostly of woods and lakes, and who now behold in it a country not only capable of supporting above two million of inhabitants, but also of exporting near one million of barrels of flour annually, — nothing more should seem requisite to produce on me a great attachment to that constitution. Having been educated in England and served my apprenticeship in its vast metropolis, I there imbibed a great admiration for its splendid constitution, for that constitution which appears to be due in great part to its physical separation from the neighbouring continent — (where despotic rule has very generally prevailed)— that noble constitution which is perhaps better calcu- lated to preserve the true, natural, and dignified liberty of man, than any other in the world. 1 have therefore, from long experience, imbibed the idea, that a love and veneration for the true principles of that constitu- tion is the best foundation for the happiness of the people of these Provinces. I therefore believe, that to support permanently the part of that constitution which we enjoy and under which the United Pro- vinces has made an unexampled progress, will be a proof of the soundest wisdom ; and, I moreover be- lieve, that by far the most enlightened and worthy portion of its inhabitants will, on due reflection, be of the same opinion. It is true that some very singular statements have been lately advanced in the Legislative Assembly, that we had not the British constitution in the Province, because some of the minor parts of it were 59 deficient. But what of that 1 We have the very soul of that constitution ; we have its democracy in its Legislative Assembly, chosen by the people ; we have its aristocracy, hitherto nominated by the CroT^n or its representative, from among the most influential persons of property, and who it is to be inferred would be in general chosen on account of supposed sufficient talent and zeal to maintain the public weal and security ; and we have the re{)resentative of the sovereign to preserve and protect that constitution, and to see it duly administered. Such then are the elements of attachment to the constitution of the Provnice, and when we consider the wonderful progress it has made under this constitu- tion, it seems to me we may say of any deficiencies in it, what Hamlet says of the ills of life : " It is better to bear with them, than fly to others which we know not of." Previous to a further consideration of the advantages that will arise to the Province by its being represented in the British Legislature, I shall make one observa- tion on a plan that is mentioned in the Quebec Gazette f of June 7th, 1854, by a Mr. Hamilton, of Halifax, Nova Scotia, who, after stating that this plan had been advocated by some eminent men in Nova Scotia and in Canada, goes on to shew why this idea of Union with the mother country by representation has taken so firm a hold on the North American mind. These sensations, if existing to that degree in the Lower Provinces, may well do so in tbe more exten- sive and populous region of United Canada. The British Government having, after a struggle of many years, been compelled to abrogate the Corn Laws, (and for want of a due representation of these Colonies in the Imperial Parliament,) without the precaution of granting some boon by way of compensation to them, a very serious degree of dissatisfaction ensued in this Province, which added to that occasioned by the passing of the Rebellion Losses Bill, alienated the minds of many of the most influential people from the Parent State, and led them to favor the idea of annexa- tion to the United States, and had it not been for the *.4 • '1 60 singular advance of wheat and agricultural produce^ which, notwithstanding the promises of the advocates for this uhrogation, has risen in })rice nearly as high as ever it was before, it is possible that the wish for that annexation would have continued to this day. It is evident then, seeing the existing state of things- in these Colonies, and their rapid advancement and desire for progress, that it will stand the Imperial Government in hand to render that desire for advance- ment safe, and a means of consolidation of the strength of the Em})ire by a closer Union with its Colonies, thereby elevating them to a share in the honors of representation in the Imperial Parliament, whereby the zeal and talents of those Colonial Kejvresentatives may be enabled to bring Ibrward such measures as they may conceive adapted ibr the increase of their trade. navigation and commerce, and may also be animated with a due ambition to employ the power of that zeal and talent for the general benefit of the Great Empire itself. I shall now consider the mode by which the afore- said Halifax writer proposes to form this Union, and thereafter to advance some further arguments in favor of the })lan I have })roposed in a former part of this work, for forming this Federal Union of all the Colonies in the centre of the Imperial Parliament. It would appear then, that this writer wishes to have all the North American Provinces united into one general government, which should be empowered to levy taxes for them all, as he mentions not a word as to retaining the local Legislatures of each Province. By his plan, therefore, the various Provinces, who hitherto have paid taxes imposed by their own Representatives would now be deprived of that, and find the Representatives they sent to the general government, subject to the control of that general government in the important concern of their taxation. 1 cannot therefore believe this mode would be approved of by the Lower Provinces, but I believe it would prove a source of endless discontent among them. The Members of the larger and more populous Provinces would outnumber those of the smaller, and would perhaps be preferring their own interests. 61 *rhe revenues of all the Provinces must, in case of a general government of this description, be at the disposal and distribution of that general goveniment, whereas, as it is at present, the funds of each par- ticular Province are applied to its own particular use. But even should this plan of Union be adopted, it would still leave the Colonies where they now are. They would still remain Colonial dependencies, whereas by the plan of representation we recommend in this work, they will be elevated to a share in the Imperial jurisdiction of Great Britain, and thereby become equally independent as herself. There, in the heart of the British House of Com- mons, our Representatives might bring forward motions for removing any sources of dissatisfaction which may exist, and bring forward and advocate any plans they may consider competent to advance the trade, commerce and navigation, and general prosperity of the Colonies. I have heard it indeed objected that the number of Representatives that could be thus deputed by the Colonies would be so small as to have but little weight, and that they would be merely seeking their own advancement and become servile tools of the British ministry. Now, as to the first part of these assumptions, it will be found of little weight ; for the Colonies of Great Britain all over the world are very numerous, and the government of Great Britain have of late years shewn a disposition to act very liberally to her Colonies. In fact, she finds it her best advan- tage so to do. But it is very certain that the success of this representation of the Colonies would probably greatly depend on the quality and character of the Representatives chosen ibr that purpose, by the Legislature of each Province. To send men to stand up for their elevation and advancement, merely on account of their influence or wealth therein, is not sufficient. These would perhaps be content with the enjoyment of the honors of so high a situation. But the men required to render the trial successful must be men of known and long tried devotion to the welfare and advance of the Provinces — and of talents, zeal, and energy to produce it. h M As to the latter part of the above assumption, namely, the conduct of our Representatives in the Imperial Parliament, I observe, thiit their conduct would' be narrowly watched by our Colonial Legis- latures, and they could be removed from their seats if their misconduct or want of due exertion for the interests of the Province demanded it. I have little doubt, therefore, that there would be found men of talent and zeal for the advancement of the Provinces who would desire no higher honor than that of representing them in the Imperial Parliament ; but although that might not be always the case, and that the employment of their talents should become an object with the British Ministry, they would of course be expected to vacate their seats as Repre- sentatives of the Colonies, and not to sit unless rechosen by the Provincial Legislature. The representation then of these Colonies in the Imperial Parliament, by men of powerful talent, and of great zeal for their advance, is certainly the best way to produce that elevation of them, which their rapid progress seems to require ; and should that Parliament agree to allow such a representation as I have proposed in the former parts of this work, namely, to leave the taxation of these colonies entirely to their separate Legislatures, and to allow us ta send Deputies to the Imperial Parliament to sit there, and to vote solely on all questions relating in any shape or manner to their advancement, we may then be said to possess all the advantages of Inde- pendence, with the addition of a very great one for a young country, namely, that we shall have the defence and protection of one of the most powerful maritime nations to enable us to maintain that Inde- pendence. Such, then, is my decided opinion of the safest and surest mode of producing the elevation of the Colonies. Now as respscts the interest of Great Britain her- self in this union of all her Colonies by representation, it appears to me to be exceedingly manifest. These political relations and interests are of such vast extent, that it would appear to require the 63 united energies of every part of her Empire to manage them with due effect. For instance, in the case of the dreadful scene of warfare Great Britain is now in. The generous love of freedom and hatred of oppres- sion for which the British nation has been long distinguished, has been excited to o high degree by the recent conduct of the Emperor of llus»ia regarding Turkey. Great Britain and France have resisted this conduct with most unexampled bravery and constancy in the midst of great suffering from diseases arising from climate, and a great deal of avowed misconduct in the supply of our army with the necessary materials of warfare . Now it appears that this war has tended greatly to aftect the commerce of this Province, at least such is the opinion of many of our merchants, and although in the plan we have advocated in the work for the representation of these colonies in the Imperial Par- liament, we do not claim the right of voting for or against any measure by which the people ofEnglaiid are to be taxed, seeing that our plan proposes that the colonies shall be taxed by their own Legislatures solely ; yet as these colonies are greatly interested in the question of Peace or War, it, does not seem unreasonable that they should be allowed the privi- lege of declaring their opinions and arguments on the subject, although not allowed to ivte therein in the Imperial Parliament. By this means would be derived the talent and the energy of every part of her empire for the con- sideration of the Councils thereof, and perhaps it may be observed that the people of the colonies, being less interested and agitated on the subject, might possibly be found to form a cooler and more mature judgment on this highly important question of Peace or War. Now I myself remember wars between the Russians and Turks, many years ago, and which wars did not produce the overthrow of the Turkish Empire, and even, in the beginning of the present war, the Turks repeatedly repulsed the Russians. It appears also to me, that the generous desire of Il'l 64 the English people to defend the weak against the strong, wus not the only motive for their interference ; but that an idea prevailed among them thut if the J'ussians conquered Turkey, tliey would be able thereufler to attack our Kast India possessions. It has, however, been pretty well proved, that before Russia could carry an army into India, it would cost hor the loss, by that march alone, of more than 100,000 men. But this is not all by any means, that is to be said on this subject of attack of our East India possessions. Great Britain has a population of above one hun- dred millions of [)eople in the East Indies ; and I am informed that a certain part of them — the Sepoys — form, when incorporated with our European troops, very good soldiers. Now, if the plan of repre- sentation of all the possessions of Great Britain, pro- posed by Joseph Hume at the time of the Reform Bill, and agreed to by all parties in the British House of Commons, were now put into force and action, it would raise the East India population to a. degree of freedom, and inspire them with the courage of a free people, to defend their liberties against any power Russia could send to destroy them. But it would appear also, that this supposed danger to our East India possessions, was not the only motive of the war on the part of England. We have been told by several writers, that the Russian Government is bent on the overthrow of the liberties of Europe, and that they have the power to do so. This appears to me a much more extravagant idea than the probable loss of our East India possessions, and I here subjoin an account of the population of those countries, which are to be thus overthrown : 65 POPULATION OK THE FOLLOWING COUNTRIES. COUiNTRIES. POPULATION, Emrire of Austria 37,'1'13,033 Duchy of Badon, (Lirnilod Monarchy,) Huraria, <* « Beljiium, " . H Demnark, " '' Franco, (Empire, but reprc: iinted in a Parlia- motit,) 1,362,771 4,619,6'16 4,3.59,0fK) 2,296,697 .^ 5,400 486 flreal Britain, (Limited Monarchy,) *' Holland, " « 27,430,325 3,267.638 Hanover, ** ** 1,173,711 Portufjal <' •- » Saxony, *' « 3,412,500 1,894,431 Sweden and NorwaVt ** 3,667,812 Switzerland, fUepublic') 2,320,000 Turkey. ( Despotic Governineiit.) 15,500,000 Smaller States, say 144,052,943 5,000,000 Total PoDulation of all the ahove. , 149,052,943 Thus it would appear that the population of Europe is not much less than two and a half times that of Russia J but their mode of warfare and their scientific superiority, is probably much grenter. The majority of the nations above mentioned, are limited monarchies, and were they convinced that the design of the Emperor of Paissia in this war, really was to bring them under its despotic rule, there can be no doubt that it would inspire them with courage and means to prostrate him. It therefore appears to me, reasonable to believe this could not have been his design. Accordingly, before her last Emperor died, he directed his ambas- sador at Vienna, not only to agree to the four points proposed to him by the allies, but to accept their own explanation of these points. The present Emperor, also gave the same directions. Then the cause why 68 P 1 1 1- W who can effect for England and the world, that secure, honourable, and permanent peace that shall permit them to pursue the true course of an enlightened na- ture, the diffusion of the discoveries of science unmo- lested, and the progress of national improvement that shall remove the distresses and increase the comforts and enjoyments of mankind. But to retuin to our subject — Su'^h then is the plan of Representative Union of all the Colonics of Great Britain, which I believe to be the most suited to obtain for them that elevation which their advanced state of population, prosperity, and intelligence seem to require. If the Imperial rarliament will agree to such a representation in it, as we in this work have proposed, namely, to allow the present Legislatures of these Colonies to retain their present right and power of levying the taxes for the support of the government of each Colony, and also to send deputies to the Imperial Parliament, there to sit as Representatives of these Colonies, and there to bring forward such measures as may appear to them rjeedf'nl to redress and remove any grievances or diflerences thu^ may hereafter arise therein, and also to bring forward any measures or regulations in regard to their trade, commerce, or navigation which may appear to said Representatives required and promotive of these interests, — the Colo- nies will then have acquired a portion of that elevation in the national government, which all parties, in the Hon. House of Commons of Great Britain did, at the time of passing the Reform Bill for England, agree that these Colonies had a fair claim to. We have stated in our plan of re})resentation that us that plan makes it indispensible, that the Legisla- tures of the Colonics shoidd be exclusively empowered to levy the taxes for each of their Colonies ; so we have not claimed fur our deputies to the Imperial Parliament, to vote on a question of the taxation of the; people of Great Britain. But as these Colonies are greatly interested in the question of peace or war, it is perhaps possible the Imperial Parliament might allow to our Representatives the right to deliver their opinions on the great question of peace or war, though not to vote on it. iini 69 I observe, further, that a very wealthy district of Upper Canada, as has been notified in the last Session of the Hon. House of Assembly, intends to petition Her Majesty either to unite all the Provinces of Bri- tish ISorth America or otherwise to dissolve the union of the Canadas, and I have now only to re{)eat my observation in the Ibregoing puges of this work, that the progressing state of these Trovinces will probably require some movement on the part ol the Imperial Parliament to meet it, if they intend to preserve the integrity of the Empire. The applause and enconiums gained by the United Provinces in the late Industrial Exhibitioas of England and France, may give the British Ministry a fair idea of what this country is likely to become in a few years, and although Mr. Molesworth has attempted to shew by his calculations, that the Colonies are an incum- brance on the British nation, I trust i have also shewn, in my work on the " Present Condition of Canada," published here, that Mr. Molesworth's calculations are founded on short sighted views, that in them he has omitted the most important one, namely, that these Provinces double in twenty to twenty-live years, and some times much oftener, and that as the cost of their government instead of increasing was probably di- minishing, therefore, the value of these Colonies to Great Britain will be greatly increased, for their de- mand for manufiictured goods will be doubled as the population doubles. I humbly conceive, therefore, that any Ministry that incurs the risk of detaching these Provinces from the Empire, by any such vaccil- lation of conduct, will incur a terrific responsibility to their country ; and, that on the contrary it will be their highest wisdom to unite them, integrally, by a fairly modified representation in the IraperiiJ Parlia- ment, and thereby secure to this Great Empire the talents, zeal, genius, and wisdom of every portion of it. ^ ^-^^:,.^--- n:^ ,*i 1 •! * m. ■S-if^ ?r ■^>^; k:ii ' •':: :: * ■ ■'w.. PAUT III. I' ■I ill; So^ne remarks on the Hon. Mf. Ilhicks* answer to the Hon. Josejih Howe''s {of Nova Scotia) plan of Repre- sentation of t]ie North American Colonies in the Im- perial Parliament, It appears that in the month of March, ISo-i, the Hon. Joseph Howe delivered a speech in the House of Assemhly ot Nova iScotia, or published a pain]>hle.t in Halifax of that date, containing a i)lan for procur- ing the representation of the Provinces and Colonies in the Imi)eri;d Parliament. Tliis plan of Mr. Howe's he republished^ it seems, in London, where the Hon. Mr. Hincks then Av^as, who replied to it I believe in another pamphlet. Having first published my plan for getting this re- presentation for the Canadas in 1839, 1 had forwarded twe've copies of that work to Mr. Howe's brother in Halifax, who then was editor of one of the Halifax papers. My plan of that date, 1839, Avas precisely the same as what T have now presented in this work with some additions. = * .^ The plan presented by Mr. Howe in his speecli. or pamphlet^I have not seen, but in a letter of his, ad- dressed to Mr. Hincks, he states the general nature of his plan to be a representation of the Colonies in the Imperial Parliament. In that letter, however, he does not explain whether the present Legislatures of the Colonies are to be retained and to possess as they now do the exclusive right of levying revenue on their people. In a part of his pamphlet, Mr. Hincks charges Mr. Howe with intending, by the plan of representation he has brought farward to overthrow the Constitution of the Provinces, and thereby to produce the dismem- berment of the Empire. Now if that plan goes to de- prive the Provinces of their own Legislatures to levy 71 revenues, the charge would certainly be correct ? but if that plan suffers them to remain in free force, and these Legislatiires are solely to be represented in the Imperial Parliament, but Without the powt r of taxing the Colonies, this would not overthrow the Constitu- tion of the Provinces, but rather support and invigorate it, and the chargr of Hinckfion Howe would rather revert against himself, as to overthrowing the Consti- tution, for I believe he always voted and advocated, while in NovalScotia, for the overthrow of the Legis- lative Council as far as its aiipointment went by the Crown, which I consider to be a great secui;ity for the Union of these Provinces with the Parent State. Again, by the aforesaid letter to Mr. Hincks, Mr. Howe complains much, that Colonists are never ad- vanced to oilices in the British Government and claims that right equally with all other subjects. Of this cbiim, there cnn bo ro doubt. If Kepresentatives, wiio sliouhl be deputed from the Colonies to sit in Par- liament, or indeed any individual Colonists whatever, seek Lippointmeiits, and ol)tain them from the British Ministry, they certainly have as much right to accept them ns any other subject. But then, these Repre- sentatives would have to resign those seats imtil re- elected by their constituents in the Colonies. Mr. Hincks seems to accuse Mr. Howe of throwing out certain threats in case of a refusal, by the Impe- rial Government, of representation of the Colonies. If any such threats have been made by him, or any one else, they must certainly be considered as absurd and unauthorized by the Colony of Nova tScotia, and certainly not thought of by any other, that I am aware of. In some part of Mr. Hincks' pamphlet he mentions that, the practice in the United States^ in the repre- sentation in Congress, of what they name '* United States Territories, is as he : 72 '•:|i ill I perial Parliament, namely, to vote on all questions relating to the Colonies, but not to vote on any ques- tion of taxation of the people of England. Mr. Hincks, moreover, referring to the representa- tion of the Colonies in the Parliament, says, that re- presentation of them in the Imperial Parliament, un- accom])anied by our parlicipatiun in all the Imperial liabilities, would be a most unreasonable demand. Now it must be allowed that if the Colonies de- manded from the Imperial Parliament a right to sit there, and vote on all questions of taxation of the peo- ple of Great Britain, and at the same time that their own Colonial Legislatures should have the exclusive right to raise their own taxes in their Colony, Hincks' remark would then be correct ; but, in my j)lan of re- presentation, it is expressly stated, that as each Co- lony is to have their right, exclusively of the Impe- rial Parliament, therefore, we do not ckiim for our Kepresentatives to have the right of voting on any question of taxation of the people of England. This demand uf va modified representation ai)pears to me perfectly jusi- and reasonable ; and that it would tend to give to these Colonies that elevation which their advanced and advancing situations will soon require, and which it is probable the Imperial Government will accede to, Mr. Hincks, it is true, has resided a long time in Canada, and displayed considerable talent in it, still he is not a Canadian ; I am, and feel that the country being now so advanced, has a fair claim and right to some voice in of the Empire. I now present some remarks on the conclusion of the Russian war : Since the completion of the manuscript of this work, Sebastopol the great, has fallen by the indomi- table valour of the French and British armies. The fleet — that Russian fle^t^ which was the cause of the former conference for Peace, being broken up, has, as it is said, been destroyed by them, lest it should fail into our possession, and, thank God, a great obstacle ibr pieace is destroyed along with it. the general interests and government 73 This Peace then, is at last concluded, and the great question I wish to consider is, how this Peace is to be rendered dumble or permanent. There appears to me two ways to effect the procu- ration of this vast blessing. The allied powers, previously to the conclusion of Peace, seemed to have declared from what I have been able to collect from the speeches of the Govern- ment, and of influencial Members of Parliament, that they must have security given by Russia, that she would not in future invade the rights and liberties of other nations. Well, v. hat kind of security is that to be ? Mere treaties and promises contained therein may be evaded, and we appear to have little faith in any such. It is considered by those who seem to believe in the almost omnipotent power of Russia, and the am- bitious designs of its government, that the conquest of Turkey is its object in order to enable it to over- throw our power in the East Indies, and of course to giin possession of that country. If then a treaty, offensive and defensive were made between Turkey on one part, and England, France, and any other powers that might agree to join in it on the other. By means of such a treaty as this, and due preparation made to carry it into effect, would it not be shewn to the Russian government that the acquisition of Turkey was unattainable, and would ^ not therefore^ cease to attempt it ? The second plan I would propose for the securing the blessings of this permanent Peace is — That^ Great Britain should immediately proceed to concentrate all the power of her Empire by the prin- ciple of representative government, introduced into all her Colonies, east, west, north, and south. And now I proceed to consider the consequences of such a measure on the strength and elevation of her Empire. With respect to the Representative Union of all the British Colonies with the Imperial Parliament, it will be recollected by the reader, that in a former part of this work, I have shewji that the profound author of the " Wealth of Nations," Adam Smith, has stated 4 • s *■■■ ' I SI--'-- ';-.i*i P-i* .Y.»> 74 IV in that immortal work, that if the American States had b jen represented in the British Parliament, thiit mea'tire would have opened a great safety valve for the desire of promotion and for the ambition of the leading men in those States, which would probably have prevented the separation from Great Britain. So in the same way^do I believe, that were all the Colonies now duly represented in Great Britain, all the power of the Empire being thus concentrated, the strength and elevation of it would rise proportion- ably in the estimation of the European nations. So far then, as to the defence of our East India possessions by tiie means of Representative Govern- ment. The same good effects would most probably ensue in all our national concerns. The entire physical force of the Empire being thus concentrated by a due participation in the Government by every part ol it, every part would be interested in its preservation and defence as the great Palladium of its own rights and liberties, and it would be difficult to conceive that any nation would, without great provocation, involve itself in a war with an Empire thus constituted j and therefore, we might with good reason expect the pre- sent Peace to be durable and perhaps permanent. It is possible, however, that before these blessings conld be effected, a powerful mind must arise to direct the councils of our nation — a mind superior to the ruling fancies or passions of the day, and whose breast is animated with the feelings of humanity, love of peace and philanthropy, worthy of the nineteenth century. A mind of this description might, by con- centrating all the forces of this mighty Empire, give to its. people. and to mankincLa secure and permanent Peace. And it is possible that the present condition of Old England may yet generate such a mind, which that the Almighty may so dispose is the prayer of the Author of this work. Having brought the manuscript of this work to this point, it is with much satisfaction I have to state that from the glorious accounts we have since received from the East Indies, it appears that^the sun is not yet to set on the J3/itish Dominions ; and I now pro- 75 sings irect the )reast '■e of enth coii- this Ithat Ived not )ro- ceed to advance the great, additional and powerful inducements this favorable turn of events in that part of the Empire affords us iur endeavoring to obtain the elevation of out country by .he re})reseuta- tion of all the Colonies in the Imperial Legislature. I verily believe, on a sound review of the past and present state and condition of India, there is no other mode of government of that country which will secure its permanent tranquility. With the view then of elucidating this opinion, I shall have to shew considerable extracts from works of eminent writers upon Indian Affairs. The loss of that vast and wealthy country, would of course be immense to England, and some have even stated t e idea, it would prove her ruin ; and indeed if the ideas which have of late gained ground, that the shortest, cheapest, and therefore the bc-st channel for the transport of the goods (hitherto sent by sea to and from India, China ami England), come to be verified and acted upon, by the cgiisiruction of a railroad to the Pacific through Canada, there is no doubt that the possession of Great Britain of those East India settlements and their tranquil govi^rn- ment will be almost of as groat importance to Canada as that of her own. This Canada, as some old country people call it, is the country of my birth, and for which I have during many years endeavored by such abilities as I may possess, to advance the agriculture, commerce and general prosperity. v .- Many respectable persons have come to Canada in pursuits of trade and commerce, and have indeed tended to augment these elements of her prosperity ; but it appears to me they cannot feel the same exalted desire for her advancement as a native born and well informed Canadian. Nature herself instils into such a mind a peculiar feeling of this sort, he appropriates to himself the grand and noble gift of Providence of such a country, and casting his mind's eye over the immense extent of its improvements, he feels therefore , an unalloyed wish to extend them. He is at home in every e:Lertioii so to do, and it is uot oiily 1 «fN>«*- • 1 1" lA-'i ■»!> 76 ! !' u iil the present condition of his country that thus animates him, but also the prospects of a great, future for her. 15ut^whon ho observes the augmented violence of ])nrty spirit which has existed of late years, and is still existing in our Province ; when he remembers .hat diirini!,' tiicse years a not uniniliu?iitial part of the ])oi)iilation, aftiially began to think ol' a separation I'roin the rarcjit iState I )y annexations^ vrith a neigh- bouring repul)lic ; wiicn he perceiv. s at this present, day, the virulent opi)osition of parties producing charges of the grossest corruption in tlie State, which must tend if believed in, to bring the Government of the country into downright eontempt, and thereby jiroduce seditious and hostile movements of a part of the people ; he naturally en([uires, why these charges, if unfounded, as tiiey are said to be, are not rebutted by constitntionnl lv,f;al means I And if he docs make such enquiry. In- Will probably be told, as I have been, that this practice has gro^^ ji common in this free country, and these charges are not heeded. Now, I do thank God, that this my country is free ; but I thank Him as devoutly that in it there are laws to protect the characters of its inhabitants from unjust aspersion and unfounded defamation, for without such laws the existence of any Government, of what- ever party, must be perilled and unstable, and the pub- lic peace destroyed. Again, should one party main- tain its majority for a short time only, this state of virulent opposition might be rrdy shifted from one party to the other ; but should the former party maintain its majority for a great length of time, it is probable the political passions of the outs might be greatly augmented ; for although we may allow that much of its opposition arose from an opinion of the misgovernment, or inability of that in power, it is yet highly probable that a much greater part may be secretly induced by the desire for place and power. Now to what this unceasing contest for place and power might in time load, it is impossible to say ; but as experience is the mother of wisdom, let us advert to the opinion on this subject tp the celebrated Adam Smitli, on the method of preventing the War of Independence that took place with our late American Colonics. " Thus a new method of acquiring importance, a new and more dazzlin;L( object ol" ambition wonkl be presented to liio leading men oC each Colony. Instead of peddlinrr ior the iittlo prizes which are to bo iowid in wluil may be called the pahry ratile of a ('olony faction, they may then iiope trom the pie- sumption wliich men naturally have in lh( Ir own abiliiity and good fortune, to draw .sonn.' of the great prizes wliicli sometimes come froiri the whoU; of the great .state lottery of British politics. Unless tliis or some other method is (alien upon, and there seem to be none more obvious than this of preserving the impuilance and of gratifying ihe ambitiim of the leading men in America, it is not very probable that tliey will ever volun1nrily submit to us, and we ou^ht to consider tiiat the blood which must be shed in forcing them to do so is, every drop of it — the blood — citluM' ol'lliose wiio are, or of those whom we wish to have fur our fellow citizens." Josepli Iliimc, in bis ])lnii of ivcprescntalion of the Colonies of (J real, ijrilaiii in the liiijx'rial House of C(nnmons, wbicli,ns is just .shown, a\'iis approved of by all piirties in that House, projxjsud fijiiv iVlembers to rei)resent the t^ast Indies, and J cannot but believe that had this been done it would have prevented the doleful events that had just happened there. How this would have been eflected, 1 trust to shew in the course of this work. Now although it is impossible to foretel wdiat may be the evil issues of a long con- tinued .state of virulence of party spirit in this Pro- vince, and although we may hope and pray that such issues may be overruled by a merciful I^rovidence, still we know that such political passions go on by what may be called a geometrical progression, and we say that all real lovers of their country have a desire to prevent their evil effects, and to do so I proceed with my plan of Representation in the Imperial Parliament by Fjederal Union. Sometime before the late disturbances in the Pro- vince broke out, during the great disputes between the Colonial Government and the Houses of Assem- bly, Lord John Russell dispatched a letter to the then Governor General, reflecting on those disputes, and stating to him, that he would find no surer way » » •'• TV •; '.1 -■'■■» » ■ '. V 78 of seeming' ilio approbation of tho Crown, than pre- serving good terms with both Houses of Assembly^ some time after tliis the [Ious(^ in a Memorial to the }3ritish (Toverinneiit. declartul llioir rij;ht to Respon- sible Government as part of tlie eonstitiition of Greai Britain, and ahho' it has siuee then, and is now gen(?r:dly believed to be conceded lo by (he British Government, yet no direct Act of tia; British Parlia- ment has to my knovviedLn*. been ena<;ted to that effect. Now responsible (lovernmeiit as 1 understand it, is.lh;it the (Tovcrnor (icntn-.i! of the Province shall be gaidf.'d l>y his Council, and that this Council is to be responsible to iho other branches of the Legisla- ture for their nd ministration, i Allowing this responsibility to be thus far establish- ed, there can be no doubt that a very important part of the constitution of Great Britain is thus given to the Province, iiiul provided it be regulated by rea- sonable compromise and actual concessions ])etween the parties, it may be beneil'ial. But with respect to the virulence of these \), ,es, I think it equally certain that it has much augmented since this respon- sibility has been in practice, and in the case above mentioned of cither party being kept out of power for numbers of years this virulence may continue to aug- ment to the detriment of the peace and advance- ment of the United Province. Now one great and effective means to prevent this, I consider, v/ould be to obtain the right of the Legis- latures of the Colonies to depute a certain number of Representatives from their Body to represent them and the Province in the House of Commons of the Iinpcrial Parliament, by this means it is probable some of the most restless men would find a higher and more alluring field for their ambitio?i. " It was important that the House fihould be placed in a situation in which the best information might be obtained with regard to the Co'onies, if it were only to avoid the re- currence of those evils which the British Legislature had before inadvertently and unadvisedly fallen into. He con- ceived that such an alteration would place England in a much better relative situation as regards its Colonies. Hitherto a large portion of British subjects, resident in the Colonies, were m 79 %i\ deprived of any loffitimato mode of layingr their wants and wishes before that Houmo. It was true some gentlemen con- nected with the Colonies found their way into the H< use. But one of the j^reatest and most striking objj;ctionf< to the Reform Hill had been that, when it came into operation, the same means would not e.viMt for enablinj; i^entlemen con- nected with the Colonies to obtain seats ; and a Iar<]je portion^ if not the whole, of the Colonics would be left without any legitimatr; mode of conveying their wishes or wants to thj Imperial Legislature." When I reflect on the great advancement that has taken place in British Nortli America since my first remembrance, it would ap})earto me she might well be contented with those natural powers of advance- ment which her existing condition still presents to her, yet we find the Lower Provinces are moving to endeavour to obtain this Representation of the Colo- nies in the Imperial Parliament as is stated by Mr. Howe, of Nova Scotia, in his letters or Pamphlets on this subject, and certainly, Canada, as the most popu- lous Province, has much more cause to seek for it ; antl I cannot but believe, could we obtain this right and privilege of Pv,epri\sentation, numbers of j)ersons of property would emigrate to this Province on ac- count I'f it. Moreover, had we men of zeal and talents sufficient to procure it, they might, from their Seats in the British House of Conmious, discover sources of trade and commerce for it yet unforeseen. The Black Sea, for instance, is said to offer a great source, and Africa by the late discoveries in that Country of Livingston.* * Fron] Livingston's Mit^do* . y Travels in Si)uth Afric; ^ in cluiPtev hh, page 104, • Mr. OswcU ond I then pro- Peeiic'l 130 miles to the north east, to Lespeke, nnd in the end of June, 1851, we were rewaided by the discovery of the river Zambeen, in the centre of the Antii>ne, and if any thing like a chain of trading nations had existed across this country* between the latitudes 12'' 18" south, ihis magnificent portion of the river must have been kiown before we saw it at the end of the rainy season, at the time v/hen the river is about its lowtst, and yet there is as a breadth of from 3 to 6 hundred yard^ of deep flowing water. Mr. Oswell said he had never seen such a fine river, even in India ; at the period of its annual inundunation it will rise full twenty feet in perpendicular height, and floods 15 or 20 miles of land adjacent to its banks." It is probable then that a great source of trade will be found up this river Zambeen. •V^M ■%■■'■ f; 1 » • ■ .-!^^'^ 'j^'i' .it, 80 May wo not also hope and expect that as great changes will probably ensue in the Government of India^ new sources of Trade may be opened in that rich and extensive Country. Now, notwithstanding the general contentment of the people of these Provinces with their present con- dition as Colonies, there is yet, with many,jiltho' the idea of annexation with the Stutes, has disappeared, and which indeed considering the present slate of these States as to commercial troubles could not but. be reasonably expected, still there m re people in the?«' Provinces who look for something bc^yond, something in the shape perhaps of independence of the Province, but as we have in our present condition neither army, navjj nor money to maintain this independence against the despotic powers of the world, there iurt4 we may, I consider, congratulate ourselves if we can make such an arrangement with Grent Britain i»s will in fact give us that Independence equally with our (el- low subjects there and secure it to us by tlie vms). power of Her anus ironi any attein})ts to invridc il. It appears tliat Lord Bury, forniorly Sfcrotary lo our Governor General, in a speech, he (liord Jvery) delivered, I believe in Mrtncliester, favored tliiy jdeti of representation e'" *V<' li.itish oi' Colonies in Ww Imperial Parliament: but ho appeared to recommend its being brought about be sending Ambassadors to England for the pur})ose : iiov/ that would be putting us in the light of a foreign Nation which we are not, and it would also prevent us from what, by my plan, I conceive is very desirable, namely : the assimilation 5f all Her Colonies, so as to form a jjerfectly integral part of Her Empire, and thereby have a vote or voice in those affairs which may aflect ourselves. The consideration • of this representation of the •Colonies in the Parliament of Great Britain is indeed yet in Embryo. Many talented men have supported it, and I now strenuously call attention of these British North American Colonies to this very import- ant question of Federal Union ; for, should we be en- abled to obtain the establishment of the plan I have hereby the honor to propose to them, of a modified representation of them in the Imperial Parliament, it HI would, I feel porsimded, elevate the ]insition of onr country to tluit station whicli I consider its Ap;ricul- tuml iidvancenient and ea[):il)iliti(\s, its coniniereial iiubits and its intelligent aud energetic character, entitled to. I cannot therefore but helieve in consistence \vitli these ideas which 1 have lon^ refh'cted on, that thoso honorable, loyal and intelligent niimis of thcso Pro- vinces, who have Ibrnied just Jind suniul ideas oi' tho truest interesis thereof, will agree that those interests will be best secured by a just re|»resentatii)n ol" tie it. Legislatures in the Ini[)erial rjirliament, and nuio particularly 1 trust anil hope tliat some of our ahleaiul zealous Members <. C uur rroviueial Parliament will deeply reliect on the honor aud elevation that will he thus conferred i:])on thesii Provinces aiulou themselves, and that they will lhere(i)re ghully employ their abilities fur the promotion of these Provinces by this plan of Pwepresentativt; Pniun.* Having now show n how the evil of -two virulent contention between pulitieal parties in the Province may, in my long considered opinion, be mutually con- ciliated or st)ftened down, and the Province elevated to that dignified station w^hich her yuTsent advanced condition seems to require, I now proceed to consider this question of Colonial represeiitatioii in Llie Parlia- ment of (Ircat Britain in a much more extended and national sense, namely: in rete'rence toils probable effects on our vast East India Possessions, both as a cure for the past dreadful events which have lately taken place in that Country, also as a pov/erlul, and I trust, certain preventative irom such dreadful events in future : " Insubordination and mutiny, it was found, are not fanUs of recent gmwlh among the native troops of India. Now that + i-'o thiit l-y this great measure of represcntjition of all Ijer Colorr.oy, rho uiothcr country may he enabled to avail herscli' of the opportunities to be thoroughly informed of the existing con- dition oi' every one of them— may bo enabled to redres.^ all well- founded discontents, advance their commercial copacitics, and avail herself also of the united talent, eneigics and geuiuii of every part of her great Empire. 4* '. 1 H .% :'H •*.■•■,•'- si- '"•*!«' ■ I*' ••'.^- ••.■■.'■'-.■ .». «... •■:•..■ '-■ 82 the startling events of 18')7 are vividly presented to the public mind, men begin to read again the old story of the outbreak at Veliore, and aeek lo draw instruction therefrom. A little more than half a century ago — namely, on the lOth of July 1806 — the Luropcan barracks at Vellore vrere thrown into a state of great oxcitoment. This town is in the Carna- tic, a lew miles west of Madras, and in the presidency of the same name. At two o'clock in the morning, the barracks, containing four companies of the (i9lh regiment, were sur- rounded by two" builaiions of sepoys in the Company's ser- vice, who pourrd in a heavy lire ot musketry, at every door and wintlovv, iipuu the soldiers. At the same time the Eu- ropean sentries, the soldiers at the main-guard, and the sick in the hospital, were put to death. The officers' houses were ransacked/and everybody tound in them muraered. Upon the arrival of the lihh Ligl)t Dragoons, under Colonel Gil'es- pie, the sepoys were inimediatejy attacked ; six hundred were cut down npon the spot, and two hundred taken from their hitling-places to be diol. There perished of the four European c »mpanies, a hundred and sixty-four, besides officers ; and many British officers of the native troops were also murdered. Ivothing ever came to light concerning the probable cause of the outra«re, but this — that an attempt had been made by the military men at Madras to change the shape of the se2)oy turban into something resembling the helmet of the light ipf-\ntry of Europe, which vvould prevent tha native troops from, wearing on their foreheads the marks characteristic of tlieir several castes The so]is of Tippoo Saib, the deposed ruler of Mysore, together with many dis- tinguished Mohammedans deprived of office, were at that time in Vellore : and the supposition is, that these men con- tributed very mati-rially to excite or inilame the suspicions ot the Hindoos, co?icerning an endeavour io tamper with their religious usages. There was another mutiny some liino afterwards at NuuJeydroog, in the sanie presidency ; and ii was found indispe]L>-able 1e disarm four hundred and fifty Mohammedan stipoys, wiio had planned a nmssacre. At Bangalore and other places a similar spirit was exhibited. The governor of Madras deemed it necessary, in very earnest terms, to disclaim any intention of tampering with the native religion. In a ]-»roclamation issued on the 3rd of December, he said : 'The right honorable the governor m council hav- ing observed that, in some late instances, an (vxtraordinarj degree of agitation has prevailed among several corps of the native army of this coast, it has been his lordship's particular endeavour to ascertain the motives which may have led to conduct so different from that which formerly distinguished the native army. Fiom this inquiry, it has appeared that many persons of evil intention have endeavoured, for raali- ^li^ ng the ippcK) cious purposes, to impress upon the native troops a belief that it is the wish of the British government to convert them by lorcible means to Christianity ; and his lortlship in council has observed with concern that such malicious reports have been believed by many of the native troops. The right ho- iiciHblo the governor in council, therefore, deems it proper, in this pul)!ic manner, to repeat to the native troops his assur- arce. that the same respect which has been invariably shewn b^ the British government for their religion and their cus- toms, will be always continued ; and that no interruption will be given to any native, whether Hindoo or Mussulman, in the practice of his religious ceremonies.' Notwithstanding the distinctness of this assurance, and notwithstanding the extensive promulgation of the proclamation in the Tamul, Telinga, and Hindustani languages — ihe ferment continued a considerable time. Even in iVIrj-ch 1807 when some months had elapsed, so universal was Lie dread of a general revolt amon^ the native troops, that the British ofhcers attached to the Madras army constantly slept with loaded pistols under their pillows." The causes of this sudden outbreak in possessions which have now been for centuries under British rule, have been variously stated by sundry writers. Last Night (January, 22d 185S,) I attended a Lec- ture given in Toronto by a fxentleman who had long resided in India, He attributed the outbreak to the existing practice of the Castes of the Country.* He supported the conduct of the East India Com- pany, against the charge of having done nothing for the progress of the Country, and said on the contrary that ?hr^y had done as inuch as was done during the course of forty years. Respecting Missionaries of Religion sent India, he observed that the mith5 be allowed to preach the Christian religion then, but that if any particular favors or encouragement were granted them by the Government, the same scenes as had taken place at Lucknow and Campore, would be re- newed.! * Stating that by educating the native population, the practice of the Castes will be done away, that it was the opposition between the Castes kept them quiet, but by educating them the Castes will be destroyed and they will then unite in a rebellion. t This Lecture appears to be of considerable t iiont,and we shall give our own ideas of the true cause of the outbreak, in the sequel oftbigwork. I:" f ' >• m:: •f- t ' ■ -;•»• I shnll now give an oxtrant on the subject of India, from Lord MclcuJfc 's puptrs, cJited by J. W. Kayc, Loudon, I85f) j *< He then proceeds to ur^e the claims of the village Zemiiidais to consideration, as having the best title to enter into tiirect engaiiements \vitl» the Government for the land revenue, and coniinues : — ' Settlements should be made for perioils of ten, twenty, thirty, forty, iifty. or one hundred years,— the longer, perhaps, the better. At all events the periods should be sutliciently long to admit of considerable profit being made by the cultivators from their own labour and enterprise. This is the very essence of the system.' " * On the good effects of such a system as this ' (we now quote the commentary of Mr. Kaye,) 'Metcalfe descanted with no common earnestness. He wrote as one whose whole boul was in the eause. He showed how wealth would be ac(!umulated — how security would engender providence, and liow a spirit of imlependence would be acquired — how commerce and education would be promoted — how^ the people would be elevated in the social scale, and rise to the height of moral and intellectual grandeur, never attained by them before. It was nothing, he argued, that by so raising them, we might teach them, in lime, to emancipate them- selves from our yoke, in spite of all such considerations as this, our duty, he said, was clear.' •' Upon this latter point it is due to Lord Metcalfe's memory to quote his own language. He said : — ■ " < There may be those who would argue that it is inju- dicious to estubiiph a system which, by exciting a free and independent character, may possibly lead, at a future period, to dangerous consequences. . . . But, supposuig the remote possibility of these evil consequences, that would not be a sufficient reason tor withholding any advantage from our subjects. Similar objections have been m^ide against our attempting to promote the education of our native subjects ; but how unworthy it would be of a liberal government to give weight to such objections. The world is governed by an irresistible Power, — which giveth and taketh away domi- nion, and vain would be the impotent prudence of men against the operations of its Alrniglity influence. All that rulers can do is to merit dominion by promoting the happhiess of those under them. If we perform our duty in this respect, ' the gratitude of India and the admiration of the world will accompany our name throughout all ages, whatever n.ay be the revolutions of futurity ; but if we withhold blessings from our subjects, from a selfish apprehension of possible danger at a remote period, we shall merit that reverse which time 85 has possibly in store for us, and shall lall with the minfrled hatreii and contempt, the hisses and execrations ol maidiind.' " ' [f this hat! been writtan yesterday' (remarks Mr. Kjjyo), < there would have been nothing ncjliceable in it ; but torty years ago such languaiie was not often to be fouiul in the de.spatches of our Indian iunctionaiies.' 'J'his is well de- served an.l discriminating commendation. It is equally true and honourable to Lord Metealle that twenty succeeJing years of uninterrupted success and advancement, terminating in the attainment of the highest station in the Governmoit of India, — perhaps the proudest elevacion to which a Ih-ifish subject can be raised, — li;id failed to debauch the simple integrity of his understanding, or to abate the earnestiiess with which he paid homage to the great principles which ought to govern the administration of our empire in the East. " * If,' lie said in 1835, ' their argument be that the spread of knowledtio may eventually, he latal to our lule in India, I close with them on that point, and maintain tliat, whatever may be the consequence, it is our duty to communicate the benefits of knowledge. If India could only be preserved as a part of the British Empire, by keeping its inhabitants in a state of ignorance, our dominatio.i would be a curse to the country, and ouglit to cease. " But I see more ground for just apprehension ir> ignoiance itself. I look to the increase ot knowledge, with a hope that it may strengthen our empire ; that it may remove prejudices, soften asperities, and substitute a rational conviction of the benefits oi our (Jov;^rnment ; that it may unite the people and their rulers in sympathy ; and that the did'erences which se- parate them may be gradually lessened, and ultimately anni- hilated. ■ Whatever, however, be the will of Almighty Pro- vidence respecting the futuie government of India, it is clearly our duty, as long as the charge be confided to our hands, to execute the trust to the best of our ability, for the good of the people. The promotion of knowlediie (of which the liber- ty of the press is one of the most ethcient instruments), is manifestly an essential part of that duty. It cannot be that we are permitted by Divine Authorhy to be here merely to collect the revenues of the country, pay the establish rnonts necessary to keep possession, and get into debt to supply the deficiency. We are,, doubtless, here for higher purposes ; one of which is to pour the enlig'^tened knowledge and civi- lization, the arts and sciences of Europe, over the land, and thereby improve the condition of the people. Nothing, sure- ly, is more likely to conduce to these ends than the liberty of the Pi-ess.' " I make these Extracts in justice to Lord Metcalfe's jr. .1 J'* ^^A-^'-^ '^•.:!^: ^ ■•"H ;,ifly"i.? f:^ 86 memory to show how unjustly he was accused by cer- tain persons in this Province, of being an East India tyrant. It was also stated by tie Lecturer on India, given last evening here, that the Natives of a part of India had formed themselves into a Society, and had trans- lated into their own language some of the papers of certain Foreign Nations, which papers were very inimical to the British Government, and which, if I rightly understood the Lecturer, was one cause of the outbreak. It would appear then that if the Natives of India are to be allowed the boon of a free Press, it should be granted on certain conditions and restrictons, for in Great Britain herself the I'ress is liable to the restrictions and penalties of the Laws. If then it be realy the case that a society is formed for overthrowing British rule, it offers a more powerful argument for some means to be immediately taken by that Government to prevent this issue, and none will be more efiectual than giving their leading men a part of the free Government we enjoy. I liave given in this work all the debates that took place in the Imperial House of Commons, on the introduction of Hume's motion there for the repre sentation of all the Colonies in that House, by which debates it appeared that all parties agreed that it ought to be done. To represent India four Members were allotted by Hume's motion, and I have but little doubt if that great event had taken place at that time, the dreadful scenes that have lately happened in. that Country would have been avoided. In regard to the causes that have produced these outbreaks, we must first observe that we have 180 millions of people to govern and keep quiet there. Now these people were, before our conquest of them, under the rule of various Princes of that country j and if we revert to the numerous crimes that have taken place in many countries oC Europe, and even in our own, in ancient times, for tlie acquisition of supreme power, we shall, I believe, acquire a great insight into the causes that have produced these outbreaks in India. Numerous have been the instances where !'*J1». •■'--<»« ^1 87 monarchs, in various parts of Europe, have slaughtered their own relations for that purpose. I believe what was stated by the Lecturer a'ouve mentioned : that Great Britain obtained possession of India first by making commercial treaties with the Powers there established, and which treaties l)cing broken by their Powers, occasioned the wars in which by conquest Great Britain acquired her possessions in that country. Various wars have occurred there since that time, no dou])t in the view of regaining their ancient pos- sessions by tliose Princes. Indeed it shews us the nature of that country, as I have heard to my astonishment, that the British government had before the outbreak no less than 200,000 of these Sepoys and other natives in their army of India ! On my enquir- ing the cause of keeping so large an armyuf natives, ] was told, that it was needed to keep the population in peace and order ; and the idea certainly presented itself to me, that if no other and better method could be found fur that great and good purpose, it would be better to abandon the counry in toto. Now, I thank the Almighty Ruler that there is, I believe, a better, and a wiser and effective way to produce this good and wise end — that is, in giving it a due share of the free representative government we ei.joy ourselves. In this work, I have given the opinion of the pro- found author of" The Wealth of Nation.^,"' respecting the War of Independence with the Americ;iu States. This profound author there states his opinion, that if those Colonies hiid been represented in the i'ritjsh Parliament, they might have been still retained by the Crown of Great Britain. Precisely, I believe, will bo the case with our vast i^ossessions in the East Indies. Therein is a population of 180 millions of people — a people in whose country is found some of the finest und grandest works of art in the world ; and although the great l)ulk of the population may not be equally advanced in point of knowledge as our own, still the Indian mind, when it has had the advantage of edu- cation, is found in possession of a considerable degree of intelligence , and they have shewn several proofs of K i. ■^ 88 litcrnry excellence* Although it may be the fact, that the musses uf this people — whether Mahomedan or Hindoo tSepoys — nmy not as yet be sufficiently in- structed and civilized to be entrusted with the repre- sentation of a free government, yet the upper and educated classes are found possessed ol'great acutencss of mind, f , . It appears indeed astonishing that Great Britain — possessing herself Freedom in perhaps its greatest comparativ^e perfection — should have governed a popu- lation of 180 millions so nuuiy years, without bestow- ing on it some share of that precious gift which her noble and wise constitution has produced in her own dominions, her [)r(.^sent [aosperity. I have now i-iven iiie ideas of some -others on the cause of the late ontbreiik, and I now give my own idea of the origin of this cause. It is this: — The Kings, Princes and Kulers of India, for ages before the conquest by Great Britain, were almost al solute Sovereigns of it. They must in general have re- gretted the loss of that Sovereignty ever since that conquest. Accordingly, we find that frequent wars have since broken out, namely, the Sikhs, AlTghaiis, &c. I therefore conclude that the true cause and the origin of this outbreak has been the desire of those Kings, Princes and former Rulers to recover their ancient possessions, and, with this view, they have worked upon the fears for their religion, whiclr^ve know are so easily excited in the iiatives of India, and taken the opportunity oiTered them, by the Govern- ment sending out a great part of the European army to Persia, to begin this outbreak. I shall now present some extracts from the Chronicle * Extract from History of Imlk, in tbe Library oi" Le^i^is- lative Assembly : — " Imlia, previous to British conquest, Avaa governed by its Kings, Princes, &c., and, as far back as the lOtli centuiy, |.)Osses^ed many authors of the liisiory of their Country and those adjacent. Some weie authors of books con- taining 4000 pages" t For this purpose they havf 'p-orkcd upon the religious fears for their religion of the natives, which wc know are so easily excited in these people. 1 i (i ■M. 89 of the Revolt in India, by Messrs. Chambers, of Edin- burgh — a work apparently of considerable accuracy and talent : '' How little our public men are able to foretel the cours(j of political events in the East, is shewn by the very first para- graph of the governor general's narrative; ^ When I sailed troni England in the winter ot 1847, to assume the govern- ment of India, there prevailed a universal conviction among public men at home that permanent peace had at length been secured in the Knst. b(?f()re the summer came, we wert; already involved in !i second Sikh War.' There was a re- bfiUien of the Dewan Moolrijj against the recognised sovereign of' Lahore ; but lh(» renewal of war is attributed mainly to th(3 ' spirit of the whole Sikh people, which was inflamed by the bitterest animosity against us ; when chiel" after cliief desert- ed our cause, until nearly their whole army, led by sirdars who had signed the treaties and by members of the Council of Regency itself, was openly arrayed against us ;■* and when the Sikhs even joined with the Afghans against us. It was not a mere hostile prince, it was a hostile nation that con- houted us : and the ludiaii (Government, whether wisely or jiot, dechiccd wjir. })iit foilh its power, maintained a long (';unj>aigji, defeutcd ind siituiucd the Sikhs, drove back the insurgent Aluhaiis, uiid ended ijy iiniiexing the Punjaub to the British territories. Scarcely had the Auglo-Iudian armies been relieved from these owerous duties, when war called them to the regions beyond \hr (ianges. CiMlain British traders in the port of Rangoon had been sul^jected to gross outrage by th^ otiiccrs of the King of Ava, in violation of u pre-existing treaty ;, and the Marcjuis of Dalhousie, acting on a high sounding dictinn of Lord VVellestey, * that an insult offered to the British flag at the mouth of the Ganges should be resented as promptly and as fully as an insult offered at the mouth of the Thames,' resolved to punish the King for those insults That Monarch was "^ arrogant and ovei bear- ing' — qualities much disapproved, — where not shewn by the Company's servants themselves ; lie violated treaties, insulted our traders, worried our envoys, and drove away our com- mercial agent at Rangoon ; and as the government of India 'could never, consistently with hs own safety, permit itself to stand for a single day in an attitude of inferiority towards a native power, and least of all towards the court of Ava, war was declared. After some sharp fighting, the kingdom of ?egu was taken and annexed.*' I take the opportunity here of mentioning a little circumstance that had taken place in Halifax, Nova Scotia, when Earl Dalhousie — the father of the present .4 "' i m- '<* ■ * > -'V •^ i- 90 % Earl — was (xovcrnor of Nova Scotia. His little son— llifi jircsoiit Earl — was then nij^h ei^iit years of age, and liaviiii^ occasion to pass tlie Government House frequently, I often saw the child near it, and remember sayini*- to him one morning: "You are, I believe, going to bo a great hero !" and am happy to find he hiis verified my ])rediction, and, in addition to that, has done a vast deal for. the advancement of the great country he was appointed to govern. The next extract will shew, also, he added to the libendity of the Indian Government : " A bogislativo Council had been organised, diBlinct from the Supretne Council : the public having actress to its ciclibei- ations, and itb debates and papers being printed and issued to the world. The Indian civil service, by an act passed in 1853, had been thrown open to all who, btdiig nalural-born subjects of the Ihiti.sh sovereign, should offer themselves as candidates tor examination and admission." '* Equally in moral as in ndniinislralive matters did the Marquis of Dalhousie insist on the manifold improvement^of India daring the eight yens preceding >856. Schools for the education of nalivt-s had been c.^l iblished ; the Hindoj College at Calcutta had been revivtul and improved ; a Presidency College had been founded in the same city to give a hi;iher scale of education to the youth of Bengal; similar colleges had been sanctioned at Madras and Bombay ; grants in aid to all educational establishments had been au- thori/ed, subject to government inspection of the schools aided ; a committee had been appointed to consider the p ans for estabiishinji:! regular universities at Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras; a distinct educational depaitm^mt had been foimed at the seat of government, with director-generals of public instruction in ait the prisidencies and governments; and the East India Company had, by a dispatch framed in 1854, sanctioned a most extensive educational scheme for the whole of India, to be rendered available to all t^^e natives who might be willing and able to claim its ?/ /antages. The delicate subject of female education had not Dean forgot- ten. Instructions had been given to the officers of ttie edu- cational department to atTord all pos.jible encouragement to the establishment of female schools, whenever any disposhion was shewn by the natives in that direction. There is a peculiar difhculty in all that concerns female education in India, arising from the reluctance which has always been shewn by the higher classes of natives to permit the attend- ance of their daughters at schools. Mr. Bethune commenced, and the Marquis of Dalhousie continued, a delicate and cau- 91 tious attempt to oveiconu; tliia uiuvillingne.^?? by establishing a Hindoo liulies' school at Calcutta; and tho iiiinuli; ;Lrives expression to an earnest hop(5 and belief that the femalo character in India will 'jjradu.illy bo bio;ii:rht unifr the elcva- tirinr influence of moral and iuteHectnal education. As the native mind was thu.s songlit to be ameliorated and slrcn^tli- ened by education : so liavl the prevention or cure of bodily maladies been maile an object of attention Adilitioual ad- vantages had been ^[ranted to natives wno applied tiienisc.lvea 10 the study of medic:il science:?; the numbtjr uf si; ii r.-j iissi.-^tant-surgeoa in tlu? Company's service." And now, in order to shew the great works estab- lished in India, under E-.irl Dnlhoiisie's government, I make the following extract : *• The activity in irrigation-works atid canal-cutting had unquestionably been very great, in IS")! the Ganges Canal was opened in its main line, for the double })nr[)ose of irriga- tion and navigation. A miijfhty work this, whicli no mutiny, 110 angry feelings, should induce theEngli:,h public to tor<2et. it is 525 miles in len;;th, and in some parts 170 feet in widlii ; and considered as a canal for irrigation, ' it slaiuis uaequal^ed ill its class and character among the elTorts of civilised ii.itions. Its length is fivefold greater than that of aU the main lines of Lombardy united, and more than twice the length of tho aggregate irrigation lines of Lombardy and Egypt together — the only countries in the world whose works of irrigation ri.se above insignificance ' Nor is this all. ' As a sing e work of navigation for purposes of connnerce, the Canges Canal has no competitor throughout the world. No single canal in Europe has attained to half the magnitude of this Intlian work. It nearly equals the aggregate length of the four great- est canals in France. It greatly e.vceeds all the fii.st-cla.ss canals of Holland put together; and it is greater, by nearly one-third, than tho greatest navigation canal in the United States of America.' Pausing for one moment just to ob.servo that the writer of the words here quoted seems to have tem- porarily forgotten the great canal of China, we proceed to state, on the authority of the minute, then when all the branches are finished, this noble Ganges Canal will be 900 miles in length. It will then, by its periodical overflowings, 1ui I'-.-'ri'l .' >j 92 'H irrigate a viiltion and a half of acvcsy thu.^ lessoning; tlu; torriblo apprehensions of famino or dearth amon«jf millions ot human berngs.*" And, to shew tlmt ibrmer Mutinios have liappcncd before this lust dieadfiil one : ** Ap^ain, in 1849, Sir Colin Campbell, serving under Sir Charles Napier, reported lluit the i22d H(Mi<;:al reiriinent had mutinied on a question of pny, in which they wcrr cleurly in the wrong ; but as the Pi.iijdub was at that time in a erilicjl state, Sir Charles ilid that which was very opposite to iiis general character — ho yieltied to an unjust demand, as a measure of prudence. It may have been that sepoys counted on this probability when they mutinied. No less than forty- two rcgnnents were ascertniueil to be in secret correspond- ence on this matter, under lirahmiuical iulluence — one ot whom went so fjir as to thn?aten the comnuindiny: oHicer thai they could stop enlistment if they chose. In 1850, Naj)iei' was cotnpelled to disl^and tin? 6Gth rciiiment, lor mutiny ai Peshawnr. In l85'2, the 38lh regiment was ordered to pro- ceed to Hurmah ; the men objeettHJ to the sea-voyage, and refused to de})ait ; and the aulliorilies in this case ;:^rav(,' way." In order \o <2;iv(' 1h ' rejidcr suiiu* explaiiutioii <»i the subject of the eartfidge (piestioM, I add the (blluw- ing extract : '* To return now to the allairat Dumdum. When the com- plaints and suspicions of the sepoys were made known, in- cpiiries were sent to England for exact particulars relating to the obnoxious missiles. It was ascertained that the new car- tridges were made at the Royal Laboratory at Woolwich ; and that Captain Boxer, the sup-3rintendent of that depart- ment, was accustomed to use for lubrication a composition formed of five parts tallow, five parts stearine, and one part wax — containing, therefore, ox or cow's fat, but none from ])igs. He had no prejudices in the matter to contend against in England, and \i^ci\ therefore just such a composition as ap- peared to him most suitable for the purpose. The cartridges were not sent out to India ready greased for use ; as, in a hot country, the grease would soon be absorbed by the paper : there was, therefore, a part of the process left to be accom- plished when the cartridges reached their destination. " It appears to have been in the latter part of January that the first open manifestation was made at Dum mm of a disin- clination to use the cartridges ; and immediately a corres- pondence among the authoriiies commenced concerning ii. When the complaint had been made, the men were seemmi?- I'll J ,- ly appeased on being assured that the matter would bo duly represented ; and as a means of conciliation cartridges with- out grease were issued, tlio men btMnp; allowed to apply any lubncatiujT substanco they choso. It was I'urtJior determined that no more ready-made cartridjj;cs should be obtaineil from Knj^land. but that bullets and pajuT shonid be scut separately, to he put together in India ; that experiments Hiu)uhl be jnade at Woolwich, to produce Hotue lubricating substance jieo from any of the obuoxiuus ingredients ; and that other f'iperiments should rueanvvliile be made by the (i th Rilles — jit that time stationed at Meerul — liavuig the same object in view. " During the incjuiry into the manifestation and alleged motives of this insubordination, one fact was elicited, whicti, if correct, seems 1o point to a date when the conspirators — wlioever they may have been — began to act upon the du])es. On the 22d of January, a low-caste Hindoo a^kod a sepoy of the 2d Bengal Grenacliers toTiYm a little water from his lota or bottle ; the other, being a H'rahmin, refused, on the ground that the applicant would defile the vessel by his touch — a magnificence of class superiority to which only the Hindoo theory could afford place. This refusal was :!,et by a retort, that the Brahrnin need not pride himself on his caste, for he would soon lose it, as he would ere long required to bite off tlie ends of cartridges covered with the %l of pigs and cows. The Brahmin, alarmed, spread the report ; and the native troops as is alleged, were afraid that when they went home their friends would refuse to eat with them. When this be- came known to the '^nglish officers, the native troops were drawn up on parade d encouraged to state the grounds of their dissatisfaction. \11 the native sergeants and corporals, and t"' .-thit is of al' . > privati •*, at once stepped forward, e.vpre.'- d t'leir abb' : reii '^ of having to touch anything con- taining me fat of cows or pigs, id nggested the employment of wax or oi'l fov \u\ icating the cartridges. It was then that the conciliatory men ires, noticed above, were adopted. '' Still were there tro 'hies nnd suspicious circumstances ; hut the scene is now transferri' 1 from Dumdum to Barrack- pore. This town, sixteen miles from T vlcutta, is worthy of note chiefly for its connection with the supreme government ot India. The governor-genLMal has a sort of suburban re- sidence there, handsome, commodious, and situated in the midst of a very beautiful park. There are numerous bunga- lows or villas mhabited by European families, drawn to the spot by the salubrity of the air, by the beauty of the rioogly branch of the Ganges, at this place three-quarters of a mile in width, and by the garden and promenade attached to the governor-generars vifla. In military matters, before the Revolt, there was a * presidency division of the army,' of hJ. ru s ' •< ■' r- \i IP' ' >. ^r^^. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) T // M// '"-**">.^ &^ "^ =^ f/. ^ 1.0 I.I IA^12.8 |50 ■^" 1^ I2ii 1^ 12.2 I' ^ 1^ 12.0 •a IL25 in 1.4 I 6" Photografte; Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 \ ;V •s? \\ \^ '•«> 4^. -^ ■4' <^\^ ^^^< ^^^ \ ^. 4^ 94 i' ■i'l; i '^t kSI 'i^' which some of the troops were in Calcutta, some at Barrack- pore, 2nd ti small force of artillery at Dumuum, nearly mid- way between the two placed ; the whole commanded by a general ofli(!er at Barrackpore, under whom was a brigadier to command that station only. The station is convenient for military operations in the ciistern part of Bengal, and for any sudden emergencies at Calcutta. Six regiments of na- tive inlajilry were usually camoncd at Barrackpore, with a full complement of offiejrs : the men hutted incommodious lines, and the officers accommodated in bungalows or lodges. " It was at this place that the discontent next shewed itstlf, mnch to the vexation of the government, who had hoped that the Dundinn aiiair had been satisfactorily settled, and who had explained to the native regiments at Barrackpore what had been done to remove the alleged cause of complaint. 'J'he sepoys at this place, however, made an objection to bite off the ends of the cartridges — a necessary preliminary to the loading of a riHe — on account ol the animal fat contained, or supposed to be contained, in the grease with which the paper was lubricated : such fat not being permitted to touch the lips or tongues of the men, undei peril of defile- ment. ISonie of the autho'ities strongly suspected that this renewed discontent was the work of secret agitators rather than a sponianeous expression of the men's real feeling. A here was at the time a religious Hindoo society or party at Calcutta, called the iJhurma tSobha, suspected oi having spread rumors that the British government intended to compel the Hindoos to become Cnristians. Ctmtemporaneously, too, with this movement, linee incendiary fires took place at Barrack- pore Within four days ; and a native sergeant's bungalow was burnt down at iianeegunge, another military station in Lower Bengal. It was natural, therefore, that General Hearsey, the responsible officer at Barrackpore, should wish to ascertain what connection, if any, existed between these incendiarisms, iniri;^ues, complainings, and greased- cartridges. This was the more imperative, on account of the relative paucity of En;2lish troops in that part of India. There were four native regiments quartered at that time at Barrackpore — namely, the '2d Gienatiiers, the 34th and 70th Native Infantry, and the 43d Kative Light Infantry ) whereas, in the four hundred miles between Calcutta and Dinapoor there was only one European regiment, the Queen's 63d foot, of which one half was at Calcutta and the other half at Dumdum. The general held a special court of enquiry at iiarrackpore on the 6th of February, and selected a portion of the 2d native Grenadier regiment to come forward and explain the cause of their con- tinued objection to the paper of which the new rifle-cartridges were composed. One of the sepoys, Byjonath Pandy, stated that he felt a suspicion that the paper might affect his caste, 95 TWB On being asked his reason for this suspicion, he answered that the paper was a new kind which he had not seoii before ; and there was a ' bazaar report' that the paper contained animal fat. On being requested to exuiTiiije the paper care- fully in the light, and to explain to the court what he saw objectionable in it, he replied that his .suspicion proceeded from the paper being stiff and cloth-like, and from its tearing differently from the paper formerly in use. Another sepoy, Chaud Khan, was then examined. He objected to the paper because it was tough, and burned as if it contained grease. He stated that much dismay had been occasioned ia thcr regiment by the fact that hew;ngthe well- known power of what in England woukl be c;J!ed 'public opinion,' the answer of one of the sepoys is worthy of notice ; he candidly^confefjr^ed that he himself had no objection to use the cartridges, but he could not do so, as his companions would object to it. While these occur: ences were under scrutiny, a jemandar of the 34th regiment came forward to nairate whathe knew on the matter, as affording proof of con- spiracy. On the 5th, when the fear of detection had begun to work among them, two or three of the sepoys came t-i him, and asked him to accompany them to the parade ground. He di{l so, and ther ; found a great crowd assembled, com- posed of w.en of the different reg'ments at the station ; they nad their heads tied up in hankerchiefs or cloths, so tliat only a small part of the lace was exposed. They ioid him they were determined to die 1or their religion ; antl that if they could concert a plan that evening, they would on the next night plunder the station and kill all the European s and then depart whither they pleased. The number lie st.ited to be about three hundred. It was not at the time known to the authorities, but was rendered probable by circurnstances afterwards brought to light, that letters and emi>ftavies were beixxg dispatched, at the begiiming of February, irom tho _-f j»- !•■ r^*f '- v i> l. fertile, that nothinjj short of oilicial roturns will exonerate a description of it from the cljarg<^ of exaggeration, so pros- perous, as not merely to rival, but surpass most other countries on the face of the earth, so healthy in climate, so 101 lu.'autiful ill ticenery, si abundantly supplied willi niaguilic(jnt Jakes and rivors, so full of commercial resources, and so rich in minerals, that 1 am overi)o\v('rcd with the mnL,niitui!u of the task I have imposed upon my,'-ell in alteniptin;.!; to coim-y an idea of it. As regards its exlenl, onjilting the territories continuous to it, ami under lirili.sli ;-way, and liinitin;^' myr^elf to Canada J'loper, it is 1,6C0 mik?s Ioii^j:, with an averaiii! breadth of 2.'i0 miles, being one-third larger than France and Prussia, and nearly liu'ee times ;is iaiuo as Ureal IJritain jind Indatid. Il contains an area oJ 3n0,0t]() scpiiuo miles, or r^-lO millions of acres. '< From recent authorities we (ind thit tlu^ increase of tlio popuhi'ion has been most reTnarkiible. 'I'hus. in 1HI25, tho number of irdiabitaiits of L'pper Canada was only J5S;,()'J7, which is not iriore than the present po{'nh)tion ol liio Scottish County of I'orth, and coiisiderabiy le>s than l!:ai ol' Cnmber- h.nd. ' In 18.52, tlie nnnduir had fiMMi Drr^.OtH. The valiia- lion of cultivated hind lor the p/urpo-j! of lociil asses-^m.Mit was ill currency, JL"l,8'^4,9tui in Jh.'iO, and no less £0,3."3.6o() in 1845. This, however, was cojisidered to bo greatly under the real value, for we lind by the ()lri(dal (Joveriinienl Return, that the as.-essablc! vaUie in l^X>, was .1.4'J;(;27,.'3fi2, an inciease seemingly iiicredible, and yet^vouched for by the I'c.-I antliority '* Tho gre Cohimbia River, leading to the Pacific, but as the Company's Cliarter was then being in part withdrawn from it, the answer given to me was that they were not then prepared for taking up any plan on the subject of my memorial. 102 while tranpcrbing the language of this witness to the ini- porlunco of our possessions. ** ' The route throuf^h British America is in some respects even prL'tenibh; lo that "llirouirh our own territory. Wy tiie former the ilibtance from Luiope lo Asia is some thousand miles shorter than by the Jailer. Pasning close to Luke Suj)erior, travurbinj^' tlie vval(;r shed which divides the streams flowinij,- towartls tin; Arctic Sea. iwin those which have their exit s throw ofi' their old allegiance, nor will that ever, under any circumstances of provo- cation, be attempted without deep regret for the in- fatuation of the mother who has forced them to so repugnant a course Therefore it seems to us that it is the duty as wi^ll as the interest of the mother coiuitry to take especial care that, through the negligence or inattention of our Government, or their blind adherence to ibrmer usages, no cause of r(?al compluint, such as may breed dis- satisfaction, shall be given to our North American Colonies ; but that, on the contrary, all their repre- sentations, whether emanating from the local legishv- tures or from j)rivnte men of inlluence, authority and experience shall receiv^e minute and careful attention, and be dealt witli in a candid, liberal or eidightened spirit. Now, then, lei. \i^ eiKjiiiro what are the .spceiul grievances of which Canada and the other American colonies have cause to complain <;f ? So fur back as the year 1838, after the suppression of the disturb- ances, the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada, presented to the Governor a Report embodying the wants and wishes of the loyal portion of the popula- tion : that representatives from the Colonies of North America should have seats in the House of Commons in the proportion of two for each of the two Canadas, Nova Scotia, and New Lriinswi.-k, respectively, ;Mid one each for Newfoundland and Cape Breton, la all, ten from the whole Trovinces of British Aorth America We may here remark, that tlie idea of Colonial representation is not a new oui*. During t^^e discus- sion on the Reform Bill in 1S31, a motion was brought forward by the late Joseph Hume, to the effect, that Members would be given to the Colonies ; but party excitement was then too high to admit of the rational 10;-) ronsifloratioif of such snbj<»ct, :ni(l \\\r nidtfoii wns iiegulivcd.* The demuuds on tht* part, of'tlu' ('iiiuuli.ius art- not speculutive or ein[urioal : tlu-y urisc tVuiii a d«.'lil)ei'al«^ impression tliut by such iiifaiis only ran the (.'olonits |)e preserved in j)erinanent tl(.'|)eiidt'in'r upon Ihc; British Crown. Their loyalty is heyondall (|iie.s1i(iii : in lUct there is nothing that they tlrcad so niueh as ii severance of tlie present tie. iiut tlioy see clearly (inougli, that the system of goverwnieiit now pursued is inconiputible with their wellure, dignity and })osi- lion, and must, sooner or later, lead to that consum- mation which they most earnestly ilej)Jore ; and there- lore it becomes us to listen with respect und attention to the statement of such a man us Air. Justice Halli- ])inton, who is neither a demagogLie, iin agitator, ?it>r an alarmist, but a highly intelligent and accomplished gentleman, cognizant of the feelings of his countrymen, und whose ardent wish is, that the l')iion between ih'itain and her Colonies should be mjide so close as to prevent a disruption. Air. Hallibarton, then proceeds to grapple with de- tails, and in the lirst place exposes the liiUacy of the statement constantly made by the advocates of the })resent system, who say to the remonstrating Col- onies '' you have a resjionsible d'overnment, yon manage your own atfairs — what do you complain of? His explanation upon this point is deserving of the most minute and serious attention. '^ I will iinswer tliis question, and I uni happy to do so hero among practiciil, rullec.liii'r, tliinkini>' mon tluilwill under- stand me when 1 speak ; and hret, 1 say we don't complain, and 12d, we not only don't govern om- own alfairs, but h e no voice in their management and are not even consulted ujout them. 1 say we don't complain, and lor two short reasons : * On this Mil)jcct tho Editor of this article is rather mistaken In the lornier part of this work, 1 Imve given an extract of Hume's luotiofi, • and of all tlie speeches made on the subject in the House of Commons, and shewn that all parlies agreed that Mr. Hume's motion was a right and proper one, that the t'olonies should be represented ; but the Cliancellor of the Exchequer objected ouly that the discussion would delay the English Reform Bill, and that therefore the motion should undergo a separate discussion. a" ^>^-/ ■♦:, , ■ •" » * "rif^ . .* - 106 ♦l • ( -,- -:■ 1 r ^ Ist, wc have no body to complain to, and 2d\yf it' we had, we have no m(?ans of making ourselves be heard. We have been told with much fiiiperciiiousness by a noble Lord, who had the happy knack of embroiling himself with every Co- lony in turn ; that when wo are ripe for independence, and desire it, no r^biection will be made to it. We are obliged to him for his permission, but assure him that his consent is not required. He cannot retard it, lor 1:0 one values his opinion. Neither do wo govern our own aiiUirs. We manage our local matters, and there our power ends, as I shall show you ; but if we don't complain I will tell you what we say : they say that your Eastern and Western Provinces, together with your other foreign possessions contain a population of 100 millions of Colbnisis,* and thai iheij are all unrepresented, that they are all distinct and (iisjointed, that England in the hour of need, as lately in the; Crimea, could draw no assistance in men or money from them, tlio'' lliey were able and willing to have contributed both, and wo say that when this is the case there is something wrong in the organization of the Empire. We say that in North America, there are five Colonies, covering a space larger than all Eurnpuy unconnected among them- selves, and unconnected with England, with five separate jurisdictions, five separate tariifs, five different currencies, and five different orders of laws, witli no cominon bond of Union, and no common interest, with no power to prevent the aggres- sion of strangers or of one on the other, no voice in the regulation of their Trade, their intercourse with each other, with foreign powers or with England. That they are often involved in war witliout their consent, and that Peace is con- cluded withouL their concurrence in the 'J'roaties We say that we are consigned to the control of an oliice in Downing street, in which there is scarcely a man who ever saw a Colony, who has, however clever he may be and however well disposed (we make no personal remarks — they are all honorable men) yet who has no practical knowledge of us." Since the publication of Earl Durham's report upon Canada, making a comparison witli the United States, so unfavorable to these Provinces, '* The lapse of twenty years has effected (as the Edinburg Magazine says) a most enormous change, and Canada is now, both in population and property, advanc- ing in a ratio infinhely more rapid than the States — Lotus quote from the last published volume of Allison's History of Europe, the following particulars: " During the ten years, from 1841 to 51, the United States increased 37 per cent., the slave 27 per cent, and tiiis cer- tainly was a sufficiently large increase for a country number- * Say rather 200 millions, there are 180 millions in the East Indias, story of States lis cer- imber- " ' ' 107 in^ at the commencement of the period nearly 17 millions of inhabitants ; but it was trillini^ in comparison with the growth of the two Cariadas during llie same years, the popidation of which, chiefly in conspqnence of emigration from the British Islands, increased no less than 59 percent., while the increase of the Upper Piovinco was 104 per cent. In 1834 the exports from Canada were £1,0IS,(HJ0, her imports £1,06^,300, while in 1854 her expo'ts and imports taken together were £13,940,000, of which £4,622,000 was composed of imports from Great Britain ; so rapid anil' sustained a growth is per- haps unexampled in the history of the World. Not less remarkable has been the increase in the Agricultural produce of the Province, which in Upper Canada has nuadrupled in ten years preceding 1851, while its Shipping has doubled during the same period, and the consumption ot British man- ufactures since 1852. Avhen the gold liiscoveries came into play, is on an average X'2 6s. a head tor each inhabitant Deing more than double of what it is in the United States whare it is only £1 2s. per head." In page 123 of the same Magazine, it is said " For example (recurring again to Halliburton's pamphlet,) we find the following enumerated among the Colonial grievances." " We say, that a whole Province like Prince Edwards Island, was granted away in one day, being first divided into sixty-seven Townships, which were disposed of by Lottery ; that the Magdalen Islands, fifty-six miles long, lying directly in the mouth of the St. Lawrence, were some time since granted to an old Admiral and are now in strict entail ; Canada having no deputy at the Colonial Office, and no Member of Parliament to prevent it.'''' " We say that our rights are bartered away without our concurrence and without our knowledge, that recently a Treaty, relative to the Fisheries of Nova Scotia, was entered into with the United States, with no other notice to us, than to chooce delegates to attend and advise. The delegates were chosen and were never asked to meet the Commissioners, and the Treaty teas signed without them. That the people were compelled to submit to, and adopt it by a threat from the Americans that they would punish their refusal by discrimin- ating duties. This was done in such haste, that the fishing limits were left unsettled, and greater confusion and trouble was caused than previously existed." " When Lord Ashburton ceded more than four millions of the best Timber Land in New Brunswick, together with nearly 150 miles of the St. John, and a right of passage thro' the remainder of tho river to the Ocean, (also the best Mail 111 ^ * '■■■ -ki-A I* /, '" 4! ' -^c A; V**r Tfr:" I OR h t route to (.'aiiada) we lliliik il nut uiu'casoaable ihiit the pcoplf of the Provinces should have luid :i. voice in llie arrangcnnenl of the Treaty, or tiie ri^ht and jwwer to call liim to account in Parliament. Wn ask if Canada had liad a representativi- in the House of Commons, or delegates in the Colonial OfiicM^ whether Newloundland would have been permitted to •;niui as it has ilone, a monopoly to an .\mericau Company for ;i European line of Telegraph, to her e.vclusion so that she musi now derive her English news from New Vork, or if Cn^ai Britain thinks proper to give a permission of registration to Americans for their Vessels, without any equivalent, whetlRT it is equally riglit to ijrant a similar privilege to them in tlic ('olonies without the consent, or In like manner to grant tlieni a f'Oasting Trade without reciprocity in our ports, wlit'rehy our commerce is crippled in a way only intelligible to Mer- ciiants.-' " For instance, an American Steamer can leave Boston willi freight anil passengers for St. Johns, New Brunswick, toucliin^ at all the intermediate ports of the States ; but a Colonial Vessel must proceed direct to her port of destination, nor can Rhe take a freight from any port or place on the Atlantic to California or any other port in the Pacitic, because they interpret to be a coasting voyage. I stop not to enquire il this is right or wrong ; but it seems to me no more than decent when the rights of others are legislated away in this manner that their concurrence should at least be asked." The Colonists desire to be represented in Parliament not for the sake of gaining political power, but simply that their voice may be heard upon matters which deeply alTect them in the great deliberative and Legislative Assembly, and justice as well as expe- diency and interest recommend their claim to the earnest consideration of the Country. Returning now to the present revolt in India, and having given numerous extracts and my own ideas on the causes thereof, we must approve of the conduct of the India Government in declaring to the people, by the proclamation of one of their Generals, that they had not the least design of *' converting them by forcible means" to Christianity. And, indeed, although the Saviour, in the New Testament, gives command to his disciples to go through all the world to propagate this religion ; yet in no part does he ordain the use of the sword. Even when he was personally seized by the Jewish rabbies, when one of his disciples prepared to defend him, he lOM •i . .- expe- to the says: "Put up Ihy sword!'* ft is, tliProUm', l(» l)c luiderstootl ])y nil Christianity, that it is not 1o In- propagated and enforced by the sword. It is a reliiiioji of" LVace, and is to be defended and propai^ated by peacea])le means alone — by patience and snlnnissiou to the will and gnidance of Providence. Now, for near a century, Missionary Societies, instigated liy this command of the Saviour, have gone into various l)arts to i^ropagate this religion, and especially in India. The success of their endeavors 1 liave nut been able to learn the exact amount of ; but have been informed it does not probably exceed fifty thou- sand converts, which, when we consider the vast population of that country, is small indeed, and shew s the strong attachment of the great body of the people to the religion they have been born in. The right of one man, indeed — if he feels great faith in his own religion — to endeavor to convert his neighbors to it, ' is perhaps indisputable, — that is, by means of persua- sive argument ; but it appears to me evident, that God and nature strongly established religious feel- ings in the souls of all men for wise purposes, and that although the Christian may strenuously endeavor to diffuse its blessings, it is the wisdom of Providence that is to choose and fix the time for great revolutions in it, by her own dispensations. Thus we are shewn by the scriptures, that the cause of the deluge was, that " Sin and idolatry prevailed ovar the world." So, in our OAvn reformation, we are told it was pro- duced by corruptions arisen in the churches. What, then, are the efficient means to counteract these attempts to excite the religious apprehensions. of this vast population ; and to calm or overawe the aspirations after power of their native Princes and Sovereigns and most influential men ? The British Government has told them, by proclamation, they had no design whatever to molest or change their religion, and this has been of no avail to prevent rebellion. Words, then, they will not believe : the only remain- ing way is action. They are a people that, before the British conquest of the country, were governed by most despotic means. It is, therefore, reasonable to believe, the IV.-;'; >'^ ; > 'A' i^^^':' I ■.% ^K ^-:i^-!1; '■■■,*"• 'i. it' ■ Jr< m 110 .f. ■• higher classes of that society have still considerable influence over the great body of their people. Give, then, to their influential classes some share in their own government, by due representation in the Im- perial Parliament, where they may employ their talents and zeal for the advance of their country. Shew them, that we intend and will govern therp by the same constitution and laws we are governed our- selves, and thus divide and conquer them. Whatever, therefore, may be their religious or poli- tical turns of mind, they are still men, and must have the same passions as the rest of mankind ; and these will require only sagacity and wisdom to lead them into the right way to secure their prosperity and satis- faction with British freedom and rule. I conceive, then, that the great elevation this boon of representation would give to the leading Sovereigns, Prmces and influential men, in India, must so gratify their ambition and love of rule, that they would not only gladly accept it, but also use their best efforts and influence with their countrymen to make it generally acquiesced in. But having conferred this boon of liberty, they must of course be taught to un- derstand, that the laws and penalties of the British Constitution would be irrevocably enforced on them ; and, to ensure their obedience thereto, there must be no more sending the European troops to fight in other wars. The number of native troops must be reduced as low as possible, and so incorporated with our own army that no danger of outbreak could be successful ; and possibly, also, the British forces for the govern- ment of that country must be greatly added to. "Now I have to mention a singular prophecy that was made to myself several years before this revolt in India, by an intelligent man who had resided long in the East Indies ; he said that he believed that England could not maintain possession of that Coun- try long ; I trust that the prophecy itself will be found erroneous, but it shews this man had formed a true idea of the then state of thin^ijs there or such a dread- ful revolt could not have happened, and considering the natural desire of the human mind to restore itself to possessions it formerly held, we cannot be much lie d- 111 surprised that Uiese Sovereigns should be tempted to avail themselves of the opportunity (a great part of the British army having been sent out of the Country to the Persian War,) to endeavor to regain their former possessions. They no doubt considered the population would be with them in their endeavors or at least they thought that by working on their politi- cal and especially their religious feelings and preju- dices they could bring them o\ er. In their attempts to do this, they have employed means which to us (who are in a great measure unacquainted with the strong feelings they have for their religion) appear perfectly ridiculous and absurd. (The biting of a greasy cartridge, . ■ -■ : tt * «>»,.•'.■■• * * ' ' ',;■*■•■ . ■• :: ■,\'~:i i'"' r^t 112 Tins reproseni alien of tlu.' Peoplo (»(" India iu tli«^ 1 !;)»!. IIoii.s«i! of Ctniinions ol' (irent. Britain would of conrsc he on tlie snnio terms as for the otlier British Colonies. On all questions any way connected witli the welfare or safety ol' those Colonies, they would be allowed to .speak and vote. On the great question of Peace or War, they may or may not he allowed to vote Init allowed to speak and give their opinions as may be hereafter determined in by Parliament. These then are my liumble opinions on the most effi- cient way of securing the peace and prosperity of British India. The glory, and the greater strength of the Empire ol (^reat Britain are involved in this question ; and she cannot avail herself and enjoy the intelligence and energies of every part of Her vast Empire without a liberal and justly modified Repre- sentation of all Her Colonies in Her own House ol" Commons. It may perhaps now be proper to offer my ideas on the subject of quieting the minds of the Indian peo- ple on the danger that had been instilled into them on this subject. We have aliove given abundant ex- tracts from BlackAvood^s and from Chamber's revolt in India to sheAv how and wht n their fears of this danger to their religion were declared, and that they would at the risk of their lives defend that religion, and there can be no doubt the rebellion was engendred by these artifices. Let then the exertions of Missionary Socie- ties proceed if they please in their missions ; but it is evident the Government cannot commit itself in this Business without endangering the peace of that Country. Now it is decidedly my opinion that if we wish, in obedience to the Saviour's direction to spread the Gos- pel in India, we must first begin by placing its native inhabitants in a position where their minds may be raised above the darkness that pervades them, and to effect this we must first attack and remove the causes that have instilled into the minds of the people those unfounded prejudices and fears for their religion which evidently appear to have caused this rebellion. This I have I trust shewn to have arisen from thos;e who formerly had possession of the country, and who have i "%^ i"i/< J , ave 113 no doubt long sought for an opportunity to regain that }x)ssession. We must calm tlie desire ibr power of their former Kin^s, Princes or Governors of whatever description, those men of extensive properties and influence among their Countrymen, by placing judici- ously in their hands, some share of the Government of their Country by means of some modified re|)re- sentation of it in the Imperial Parliament. This I conceive will be striking at the root of the disease. And not only will their former rulers and present men of inflaence l)y their wealth or their talents bo tiiereby gratified in their love of power, but also the very fact of their Country possessing a Kepresentativc Government, must infallibly in tlie course of time enlighten their understandings and infuse into them a just sense of the blessings of a free Representative (lovernment ; and I do verily believe that inteligenco inseparable from such a Government will be the true way to prepare their minds for the reception of the Christian faith. Yes, I do believe tlmt this enlightenment of the India mind — by giving it :i share of our free govern- ment — would ])e found the most, perhaps the only, effective way of shedding the liglits of the Gosj^el there — thus adopting tlie peaceful and endearing prin- ciples of this religion. Now it has been ofHen found that, according as the necessities of a country has required them, talents of that peculiar quality have been found to arise. And certainly never was there a time wlien such quality was required by Great Britain tiinu at the present time. May this great quality l)e now generated, and may it, with the indomitable energy and wisdom of true genius, proceed to unite every part of the nation by representative power, and by this concentration produce and extend the safety, honor and glory of this mighty Empire. In a former part of this work, I have said : " It is possible, however, that before these blessings could be effected, a powerful mind must arise to direct the councils of our nation — a mind superior to th« ruling fancies or passions of the day, and whose breast is animated with the feelings of humanity, love of '^::^: •; i • V- ■I ^'i^-^'i r4 , , , • ;'■- »«:-fl !■ ','/.■• " ■ '*■ ■ *r lU peace and philanthropy, worthy of the nineteenth century. A mind of this description might, by con- centrating all the forces of this mighty Empire, give to its people and to mankind a secure and permanent Peace. And it is possible that the present condition of Old England may yet generate such a mind, and I trust and hope all loyal people of these Provinces will not neglect the opportunity that may shortly offer itself to secure the elevation of their country and its comparative Independence by representation in the Imperial Parliament ; and I, moreover, believe it will be the duty of the Imperial Government to watch over the entire integrity, security and consolidiition of the energies of every part of its vast Empire, by a general though modified representation of it in the Imperial Parliament. Some persons with whom I have conversed on this subject of federal union, agreed it would, in the pre- sent state of these Provinces, be a valuable thing, but did not appear to approve ui' their being represented by deputation to the House of (vommons ; they have taken np the idea that, if the Imperial Government agreed to that, they would expect to have the right of imposing the taxes for the revenue on the P|ovinces. X^ow, by referring to page 31 of this work, they will find " that i: was stated by Hume — the mover of the resolution for representing the Colonies — that, by the statute of 18th Geo. 3, chap. 12, the British Legislature was prevented from interfering with the internal affairs of the Colonies, which contained local Legisla- tures," but they have the right to regulate their foreign commerce. And they will find by the plan of representation in the House of Commons advocated in my work, that we claim for our own Legislatures the sole right of levying the taxes for the Colonial revenues, and we therefore do not claim the right to tax the people of Great Britain. This, therefore, prevents all objections on the part of the Imperial Parliament to grant us this modified representation in their Commons, by which means they would merely confer on the Colonies the same independence now possessed by their subjects in •"i on in that htof we le of tions 5 this hich the ^tsin 115 Great Britain without interference with that of England. In a former part of this work, I had stated, in a note, that I had memorized the East India Company in London, about the years 1830 or 1834, on the subject of the most practical route to the East Indies lying through the Canadas ; and I have now, also, the great satisfaction to find that a Company is now ibrming in England for this very purpose. If, then, this is to be accomplished, it will make Canada one of the great centres of the world's commerce, and the amount of capital and settlement it may bring out here is per- haps inconceivable. And as I trust I have shewn, in the course of this work, that, even at present, owing to the advancing state of our progress, we have oven now a jnst and fair claim to some kind of representa- tion in the Imperial Parliament, what must our right and claim be lor the great future most probably awaiting these Colonies 1 ^ I wish to notice a work published here, which ob- tained one of the prizes given by the Canadian go- vernment. It is written by Mr. Murrison, is I con- sider an honor to himself and the province, and I am well i)leased to find he approves of the plan of Fe- deral Union of all the colonies by representation in the Imperial House of Commons, which as I have shewn above I have proposed and supported for the last 20 years by several publications. Mr. J. C. Tach6 has also published a pamphlet on the Federal Union of the British North American Provinces. In thjs work he seems to point tolerably well and diffusely to the advantages of a Federal Union of all these colonies ; but, I was much sur- prised on reading his observations of Judge Halli- burton's plan of representation of the colonies in the Imperial House of Commons ; he, Mr. Tach6, appears to consider that plan perfectly impract cable. Now, in ISS^, I published Joseph Hume's plan brought by him before the House of Commons at the time of the passing the English Preform Bill, when all parties in the House unanimously agreed that the colonies ought to be represented in the House of Commons. Mr. Tach6 appears also to have overlooked one great I?- ■ ••'v« ♦., ■'% ^-m ■■■ , 4 ■ ic '" ■<■'■ 'I- ■. •1.., m nw 116 advantage and high honor and elevation of position which wonld accrue to tliese provinces ])y their re- })rescntation in the Imperial House ui" Commons. For, by a mere Federal Ufiio/i of the Frovi?ice^y that is, without reprt'senUition in the Houfie of Commons of Great Britain of these provinces, they would still re- main in the condition oi' colonies to her ; whereas, by a representation by deputies from the. various Provin- cial Legisljiturc, lUcy IIj;' colonies would acquire an equal indepe/idoice ivillt Great lhitai)i herself. I hold it therefore that every loyal and intelligent Canadian would justly endeavor to obtain this great honor and elevation for his country and may well be proud of the boon. The. colonial interests could not fail to be well supported by their rc'[)re.sentatives required, for no less than 4-0 colonies when seated in the Hon. House of Commons ol'this great empire. Having after months ot exertion endeavored In eflect the publication of this work, and having only now been able to accomplish it, I have in this respect onl}'' to observe it may possibly br fiuourable to the stile of the W(.)rU, for since Ihc manuscript has ]»e(-ij iinished, the plan otFederalVnion of these Provinces and of their Representation in the Im[)erial House of Commons has not only been supported by several writers as shewn in the notes, but I have at last the great satisfaction to tind that the Governor General in his closing speech to the Legislature, has declared his intention to o])en a communication with the Im- perial Government and the other Nortli American Colonies on the subject of this Federal Union, and three members of the government have now arrived in London for that pur}iose and commenced opera- tions thereon. And T sincerely hope the high and important object of sucli a Federal Union as will confer on these Provinces, the honors of the same in- dependence enjoyed by our fellow subject in Great Britain, will be obtained. Although — as I have said above — there are hopes that the sun is not yet to set on the British empire, yet, by the most recent accounts from India, the re- bellion there appears to be by no tneans over. One letter, I believe, from Calcutta, says, the rebellion in lopes pire, i re- One Dn in 117 central India is only commencing, and in other parts rebel forces still arc roaming through the country. Now, there is also one very mysterious circumstance in this rebellion. That arch criminal, Nona Sahib — who is charged with destroying so many of'our women and chiklren — hns not been captured. His troops, indeed, have been often defeated. Biil tin; British forces in India cunnoL bo less than 80,000 or 90,000 men, and it certainly would appear to indicate some great capacity in that man so long to have escaped the vigilance which we must su[)pose has been em- j)loyed to arrest him by so large a fon^e. There is yet another circumstance in tliis rebellion to be noticed. The Aflghans, who destroyed so many of our troops at Caboul, have, I believe, not yet appeared in this Indian war ; and I must here beg leave to jnention a singular anecdote regarding that Caboul destructive retreat. When I was a boy, living at Quebec — my native city — there were the 44th and 31st regiments in garrison there. One of these regi- ments was almost entirely destroyed on the retreat from Caboul, and the other of these regiments was afterwards employed in revenging the deaths of their comrades. The Mahraltas are also a great j)ower that might come against us. Moreover, it w*ould ap- pear, by some aecoimts from India, that the great masses of the people have not as yet risen against the British (Tovernment ;, but while that Government is aware, by sad experience, how the prejudices and religious leelings of that people can be excited by the leading men there, it appears to me to be incumbent on our Government to take every possible means to frustrate Buch intentions ; and I believe the most effective one will be found by leading the hostile de- signs and ambition of those leading men into another direction, by giving them — as I have attempted to shew in this work — a share in the representation of their own in our free and representative country. ■'. ■ -,"*■■• , If •■"■ i ■ ■ M -v. -?■■-. 1^/n