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'Tfl^W^B'*'" 
 
THE 
 
 SDWSPILaiOiiVIB SiSB^^fSBSS 
 
 9 
 
 THX 
 
 FISHERIES AND THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO TRANSACTIONS 
 
 AT 
 
 THE NEGOTIATION OF GHENT. 
 
 CoIlecUd and Publiibad 
 
 BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 ONE OP The commissioners op the united state? 
 
 AT THAI NEGOTIATION. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED BY DAVIS AND FORCE, TfRANKUn's HEAD,) 
 I'ENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. 
 
 ••••■••• ••■•••(•• 
 •••••■••■•«•«,«.. 
 
 1822. 
 
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 ■V' 
 
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 ^n vertisemejvt. 
 
 To facilitate the comparison between the Original and DupU- 
 cate of Mr, RusseWs Letter of llth February^ ||i| to Mr. 
 Monroe, they are in this Collection printed in corresponding 
 pages, with the variations between them numbered and printed 
 in a brevier type. The passages in the Ghent Documents, par- 
 ticularly referred to in the subsequent, discussion, are enclosed 
 in brackets. 
 
 i 
 
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 1^ 
 
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 '•^'i'- ' 'ifj'jgp^Ti'y!'^ 
 
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 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 During the progress, and aAer the conclusion, of the negotiatio* 
 «t Ghent, despatches were at three several periods received by the 
 executive government of the United States, from their plenipoten- 
 tiaries at that place. The documents relating to the negotiation, 
 transmitted by the first and second of these occasions, were commu- 
 nicated by messages from the President of the United States to Con- 
 gress, and thereby became generally known to the public. They 
 are to be found in the 9th volume of Wait's State Papers, and in the 
 7th volume of Niles' Register, and they contain the correspondence 
 of the American mission, as well with their own government as 
 with the British plenipotentiaries, from the commencement of the 
 negotiation till the SIst of October, 1814. The third messenger 
 brought the treaty of peace itself The correspondence subsequent 
 to the 31st of October, was of course communicated to the Senate 
 with the treaty, when it was submitted to that body for their advice 
 and consent to its ratification. But it was not communicated to 
 Congress or made public, nor was there at that time manifested 
 any desire to see it either by the House of Representatives or by 
 the nation. 
 
 In the course of the last summer, (of 1821,) I was apprised by a 
 friend, that rumours very unfavourable to my reputation, even for 
 integrity, were industriously circulated in the Western Country. 
 That it was said I had made a proposition at Ghent to grant to the 
 British the right to rmvigate the Mississippi in return for the New- 
 foundland fisheries, and that this was represented as, at least, a high 
 misdemeanor. I observed that a proposition to confirm both these 
 rights as they had stood before the war, and as stipulated by the 
 treaty of 1783, had been offered to the British plenipotentiaries, 
 not by me, but by the whole American mission, every one of 
 
whom had subicribeil to it. That the propoiial (o make this of< 
 t'er had been made to the mission not by me, but by u citizen of 
 the Western Country : that it was warranted, and as 1 believed, ab- 
 solutely required by the instructions to the mission at the time 
 when the proposal was made to the British commissioners, and that 
 if I had felt and shown great solicitude at Ghent for the fisheries, 
 I did not expect it was to be imputed to me as an offence, ci* 
 ther in my character of a servant of the Union, or in that of a na- 
 tive citizen of IVIaisachuaetts. He said the proposal wns at all 
 events to be so represented, thnt it wan charged exclusively upoD 
 ne, and that I should hear more about it ere long. 
 
 On the 16th of January last, Mr. Floyd, a member of the House 
 of Representatives of the United States, submitted to the House a 
 resolution in the following words : 
 
 ** Retolvtd, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to 
 be laid before this House, all the correspondence which led to the treaty of 
 Ghent, which has not yet been made public, and which, in his opinion, it may 
 not be improper to disclose." 
 
 The said resolution was read, and ordered to lie on the table 
 one day. 
 
 The proceedings of the House upon it the next day, are thus re- 
 ported in the National Intelligencer of ttie 18th of January. 
 
 Thursday, January I'.'tb, 1822. 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Floyd, the House proceeded to the considera- 
 tion of the resolution offered by him yesterday, requesting of the 
 President of the United States " all the correspondence which led 
 to the treaty ut Ghent, which has not yet beeki made public, and 
 which, in his opinion, it may not be improper to disclose.*'' 
 
 Mr. Floyd remarked that, as peace was now restored, there was 
 no reason why the whole of the correspondence which led to the 
 treaty of peace, should not be made public. He therefore modi- 
 fied his motion by striking out the excepting clause, in italic, and 
 inserting after the word "Ghent," the words, 'together with the 
 protocol." He would also observe, that the bill which he had this 
 day reported lo the House, contemplated a very considerable 
 change in our intercourse with the Indian tribes in the West, and 
 it appeared, by the report of the Secretary of War, made yester- 
 day, that 'i great influence was exercised over thnse tribes by our 
 Kuropeau neighbours in that quarter. The correspondence be- 
 tween the commissioners at Ghent em!)raced this subject, among 
 others, and he thought it was .lesirablc that the House should bf; 
 in possession of the whole of it. 
 
mm 
 
 mmmm 
 
 Mn/^mrfMc-eiained the Howe would hare no objeciionto 
 obtiining the in'brmatiort alluded to, if it were prciper to make it 
 public ; but he thought it would be proper to leave the President 
 in the form of the request, the option of communicatina such of 
 the correspondence only at he might deem it not improper to di«. 
 close. 1 his was the usual form adopted by the JHTouse and il. 
 though peace had taken place, there might be some parts of*lhe 
 correspondence which it would be improper to oublish. An on! 
 limited call for nil the information in the possession of the eovern 
 ment onthe subject, might create some embarrassment, and be' 
 hoped the mover of the resolution would restore it to its original 
 
 Mr. Floyd was unwillir^, by any act of his, to embarrass the 
 executive ; but presumed there was nothing asked for in this reso 
 lution which would have that effect, and feeling anxious to obtain 
 all the information on his subject which could be furnished, be pre- 
 ferred the motion in its present form. If the motion would reach 
 any state secret-admitting there ought to be any state secret, in 
 this government-he wished not to be instrumental in disturbing 
 Jt ; but he anticipated no such consequence. * 
 
 Mr. Lowndes rejoined, in subsiance, that although five or six 
 years had elapsed since the restoration of peace, it did not follow 
 that all that passed in the negotiations was Jroper for publ cat^n 
 Some parts of the correspondence it might be incompatible with 
 the public interest to disclose to the worW ; at any raK wa^ p^o. 
 per to except such as the President might deem the pubhrgood 
 required him to withhold. Mr. L. therefore moved to amLnd ?he 
 resolution by restoring the words, - and which, in his ^Monit 
 may not be improper to disclose." opinion, n 
 
 Mr. poyd thought there was. in reality, no difference between 
 himself and the gentleman from South Carolina. If the gent Zn 
 was apprised of any thing which it was improper to cL^muS 
 to the fiouse. to be sure that would be a different matter bufff 
 his remarks were general, and had reference to no parEa, facts 
 .n the corrt^pondenc, there was no reason for the amendment ' 
 The question being taken, the amendment was agreed o and 
 Thus amended, the resolution was adopted, and a commit^P^ nf 
 two appointed to carry it to the President. committee of 
 
 On this debate it was observable that the mover of the resolu- 
 tion had struck out the usual exception, which had been in hie 
 draft of ,t presented the day before, of such papers as in the Pre- 
 stent's opinion, it might be improper to disclose ; and had added 
 the words " together with the protocol - which had not been in the 
 original resolution. The words of exception were restored, after 
 debate upon the motion of Mr. Lowndes. The inferences natu. 
 rally drawn from these circomstances were, that in the day's inter- 
 
vmI b«twc«n tb« offering of th« rosolutioa, ind the dobate upon it, 
 •uggtitioni hud been made to the movei, that there might he mo~ 
 (ivei opemting upon the eiecutire, for withholding preciaely the 
 infbrmeUon that wac deaired, unleu the whole sliould be demand* 
 ed ; and that a requeat for the correspondtnct would be liable to 
 liiil in drawini forth the momentoua diacloaure, unleaa the protocol 
 •hould alao be required. Tbia special rererence to the protocol, 
 would more readily occur to o person who had been concerned in 
 the oeKOtiation, thnn to others, and the debute indicated at once 
 •ome eagerneaa to obtain very complete information, aome appre- 
 hensions that paina would be taken to auppreas it, and. some im> 
 preasion, that the evidence of the material fact to be elicited was 
 lodged in the protocol.* 
 
 It was in the protocol of *he conference of !«t December, 1814, 
 that the propeaal made to the British plenipotentiarie* relating to 
 the IVfitmin'Sippi and the fiaheriea waa contuined. But all the Ame- 
 rican plenipotentinriea had been preaent at that conference, and on 
 the face of the protocol it appeared that the proposal had been 
 made by them as a joint act of all. There waa a aubsequent letter 
 from them of 14th December, 1814^ to the Bntiah plenipotentia- 
 ries, signed by all, and referring to it aa an article to which they had 
 no ohjectionf considering it at merely declaratory. There waa nothing 
 in the documents showing at whose instance in the American mis- 
 sion, the proposal had been offered ; but in the joint letter of the 
 mission to the Secretary of State of 2&th December, 1814, it was 
 stated that a majority of the mission had determined to offer it, and 
 in a separate letter of the same date, Mr. Kutisell noticing this pas- 
 ei^ of the joint letter, acknowledged, in candour, that Ae had been 
 on that occasion in the minority ; and reserved to himself there* 
 ftAer, the power of assigning his reasons to vindicate his motives. 
 It will be seen in the course of the following papers, that the indi- 
 cation in the joint letter, that the offer had been made, upon a de- 
 terminatiou of a majority, had, by an alteration of the original drafl 
 been inserted, throut^h the agency of Mr. Russell, not (as he stated) 
 at his own desiire, but at that of Mr. Clay But neither Mr. Clay, 
 nor any other member of the mission, save Mr. Russell, had 
 thought it necessary at the time tfi inform the government how he 
 
 * Se« in the Appendix, Mr. Floyd's Letter, publiilied in tlie Richmond En> 
 quirer of 27th August, 1822, and the remarks upon it. 
 
 * i 
 1 1 
 
 IF 
 
lad Toted on the qaeition, or to Tindicate hii motiret for hit vott. 
 When the documents called for by the resolution oi the Hoaaci 
 •f 17th January, 1822, wore on the 29d of February commuuicatad 
 by the memago from the fresident, they did indeed ahow that tbia 
 portentoui proposal had been mmle ; but that it was by the concar- 
 rent act of all the Americun |jlcni|iotentiari«s. They also showed 
 that upon the expediency of muking the proposal, there had pre< 
 viously been tuken a vote, on which occcsion Mr. Russell had beeik 
 in the minority. The documents were, by order of the House, 
 bid upon the table, and there reposed for the space of nearly two 
 months till the 18th uf April. 
 
 In the mean time the correspondence from Wnshin|;ton, and the 
 newspapers inrloctrinatcd by it, had not been equally inactive. 
 Through these channels, the public were assured that the proposal 
 of offering the navigation of the Missiuippi for the fisheries, had 
 been made by me ; that Mr. CIny had uniformly declared that he 
 would not sign the treaty, with such an article in it ; and that the 
 proposal had been finally set aside, by Mr. Bayard's having chang- 
 ed his mind, and come over to the opinion of the minority. Not one 
 of these three sttttements was true, though Mr. Russell has since 
 positively asserted the second, and gone still further than the 
 third, by alle^ng that the proposal was actually made by a wmori- 
 ty of the mission, against the will of Mr. Bayard, and without giv- 
 ing him notice after he had changed his mind. 
 
 Nnne of these allegations could derive any countenance from the 
 documents communicated to the House, under their resolution of 
 the 17th ot January. But Mr. RuBsell's letter from Paris was in 
 reserve. The following papers will show how it was finally brought 
 before the' House, together with a new edition of it in the form of 
 a duplicate ; and how a third exemplar, varying from both, was 
 presented to the public, in the National Gazette at Philadelphia. 
 The duplicate was the first of these paperti seen by me, and from 
 the moment of my perusing it, I could be no longer at a loss, for the 
 origin of the storm, which a friendly voice had warned me was to 
 burst upon me from the West. The letter was a tale wrought op 
 with the ingenuity of a novelist, representing the proposition made 
 to the British plenipotentiaries on the Ist of December, 1814, as 
 a deliberate and wanton sacrifice of the peace and security of the 
 whole Western ami Southern section of the Union, for the doubtful 
 
 
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 ^"ir 
 
 '< 
 
 i;- 
 
 
 accommodatioD of a few Eastern tishermeu, annuaMy decreatiog in 
 number, entirely exempt from the danger, and unsupported by any 
 claim of right. To take away all excuse from this procedure, it 
 was represented as having been pursued by the majority, in wilful 
 and express violation of the instructions to the mission, as under- 
 stood by themselves, and in defiance of the remonstrances of the mi- 
 nority; Mr. Russell represented himself as having inflexibly opposed 
 it to the last, and ihe whole purport of the letter tended to the im- 
 pression that he bad, in the deliberations of the mission at Ghent, 
 opposed (he measure by urging against it nil the reasons which 
 were set forth in the letter itself. There was withal, a profession 
 of unfeigned respect for the integrity, talents, and judgment of the 
 majority, thus represented as having grossly violated their own sense 
 of their duties, and been prepared to lay open to British smugglers 
 and emissaries, and to all the horrors of Indian warfare, the unof- 
 fending citizens of the largest portion of the Union. 
 
 No one member of the majority was specially named in Mr. 
 Russell's letter, as peculiarly responsible for the obnoxious propo- 
 sal, but the joint letter of the mission to the Secretary of State, of 
 25th December, 1814, had been drawn up by me. Mr. Russell, 
 who had signed it without discussion, and without proposing any 
 alteration to it, excepting those noticed in these papers, had, as ap- 
 peared by this duplicate, taken it as the text for an adverse com- 
 mentary. The joint letter, written the day after the signature of 
 the treaty, to be despatched with it, had given to the Secretary of 
 State, a concise and sununary narrative of the proceedings of the 
 mission since the 31st of October, 1814, the date of their last pre- 
 ceding despatch. In this narrative were mentioned the circum- 
 stances under which the proposal to the British plenipotentiaries 
 of lat December, 1814, had been made ; the reasoning by which 
 it bad been discussed with them, the counter-proposition which they 
 had offered as a substitute for it, and their final acceptance, in its 
 stead, of the alternative which we had offered with it, of omitting 
 altogether the article by which they would have abandoned their 
 claim to the boundary line to the Mississippi. It was to the rea- 
 soning interwoven with this narrative, reasoning which had been 
 used by the American mission in debate with the British plenipo- 
 tentiaries, and as adversaries in argument to them, that I found Mr. 
 Russell's duplicate was a deeply-studied, counter-argument. He had 
 
% 
 
 "Wifclten. after tbe c^i^d^* . of the treaty, to dMhat for the 
 enemy wh.ch they had not done for lhem.elv., ; but the glaring 
 fallacy of h.B letter w«,, that it represented that which had beea 
 urged on our part in discuMion ivith them, as if ii had been a nub- 
 ject of debate among ourselves. It undertook to prove that the 
 principles which we had asserted, and the arguments we had ur* -d 
 to the British commissioners, in support of our fishing liberties 
 contested by them, were entirely without foundation ; that we had 
 no nght to the fishing liberties, and no right even to advance a claim 
 to them ; and that these had been among his reasons for refusing 
 dipra'te."* *° '^' ^'"^°'"^ "^" '^'P"'"^'*^" '^^ ««<^"''»K 'hem. The 
 
 *• Tain ficti, pravique tenax, quam n-jncia veri," 
 Wedded with these misrepreoentations, the objections which Mr. 
 May bad made, not only against the proposal wh. h was offered 
 but against an article which never had been offered, and alleged m 
 capping the climax of all Mr. Russell's reasons agai,.,t the propc 
 sals, that .t was in express violation of instructions wUch had been 
 ccncelled before the proposal was made. 
 
 Heterogeneous and incongruous as were these materials, they 
 had obviously been mixed up with the design of exciting the re- 
 sentment and indignation of the Western and Southern sections of 
 the Union against the offer made to the British plenipotentiaries 
 ^nd against those by whom it had been proposed. When the ori- 
 ginal letter from Paris was found, a comparison of it with .he du- 
 plicate disclosed this design in still broader light. All the new pa- 
 ragraphs had a direct tendency either to aggravate the criminality 
 and injustice of the majority, or to make special claims for the 
 writer to Western favour and gratitude, or to deprecate by Oatterimr 
 compliments the resentments of the Eastern fishing interest To 
 any person unacquainted with the real transactions at the n-^gotia- 
 tion of Ghent, the composition was mingled with so much address 
 and plausibility, that it was eminently calculated to produce its ef- 
 fect. It was difficult to suppose that the Ghent documents, and this 
 letter in particular, bad been called forth from their slumbers of 
 seven years for any other purpose. 
 
 There were circumstances of a peculiar nature, imposing upon 
 me the obligation of meeting this accusation at once, and in the 
 most explicit mauner. The documents called for by the House in 
 
 1 • 
 
 -■)?*• 
 
10 
 
 ? 
 
 tbeir fi.st resolution of 27th January, were to be furnished Irom the 
 Department of State ; and some mistrust had been discovered, that 
 there would be a disposition there to withhold some of them. The 
 second call, was for a paper known not to be forth-co* ing from 
 thence, until it should be furnished by Mr. Russell himself; for 
 which he had taken care to be prepared. Mr. Russell, too, by ob-< 
 serving, when he delivered it at the Department, that he was in^ 
 different whether it should be communicated or not, but if not, that 
 he wished it might be returned lo him, evidently disclosed a suppo- 
 sition on his part, that I should feel reluctant at the communication 
 of it to the House — that I should shrink from the exhibition of its 
 contents to the world. My official duty was to report it to the Pre- 
 sident for communication to the House, and if precluded from the 
 privilege of remarkinp upon it, I should have been reduced to the 
 singular predicamen of being made the silent reporter of my own 
 condemnation. A deceased, and an absent colleague, were impli- 
 cated in the charges of the letter, apparently as much as myself. 
 Could I in justice to myself, I could not in duty to them, be the 
 bearer of these imputations to the Legislative Assembly of the na- 
 tion, without declaring them to be unfounded. I did, therefore, in 
 reporting the paper to the President, request that in the communi- 
 cation of it to the House, it might be accompanied by my Remarks. 
 The following pages will show the sequel. 
 
 In the collection of these papers, however, the defence and jus- 
 tification of myself and my colleagues of the majority, forms but a 
 secondary purpose. Its primary intention is to prove — 
 
 1. That the principle assumed by the American mission at 
 Ghent, st the proposal of Mr. Clay, atfd in a paragraph drawn 
 up by him that the rights and liberties of the people of the 
 United States in the North American fisheries, were not abro- 
 gated by the war of 1812, was a just and sound prir.jiple, en- 
 tirely conformable to the law of nations. 
 
 2. That the article first offered by Mr. Gallatin, which was not 
 proposed to the British plenipotentiaries, and the amendment 
 to the 8th article of the project, also offered by Mr. Gallatin, 
 which was actually proposed to the British plenipotentiaries, 
 And by them rejected, was only a declaratory recognition of 
 that same principle, applied to the British right of navigating 
 the Mississippi, as well as to our fishery rights and liberties. 
 
11 
 
 3. That, considered even on the narrow ground of conflicting 
 sectional interests, this article and amendment proposed to 
 place the East and the West in the same state as before the 
 war ; without gain to one or loss to the other, 
 
 4. That the objection, by the minority, against the article and 
 amendment, insisted, in principle, upon the sacrifice of ao 
 Eastern for the benefit of a Western interest. 
 
 5. That the Eastern interest to be sacrificed, was of very great 
 importance to the Union, and of vital magnitude to the State 
 of Massachusetts ; while the Wesfern interest, for which it 
 waa to be immolated, was altogether speculative and imagina- 
 ry. It was most truly denominated, b3r the member of the 
 mission now no more, bragging a million against a cent. 
 
 If, therefore, the letter of Mr. Russell, of lUh February, 1815, 
 from Faris, had been the real exposition of the motives of the mi- 
 nority, for objecting to the proposed article and amendment of Mr, 
 Gallatin, its whole foundation, both of law and of fact, failing, would 
 have left the minority without any justification for their votes what- 
 soever. With regard to the comparative value of the two interests 
 in quesUon, it was impossible for the minority with more sincere 
 and deep conviction to believe the views of the majority to be er- 
 roneous, than the majority thought those of the minority to be so. 
 But it never entered into my head, and never eould have entered 
 mto my heart, to treasure up these errors of opinion for after-use 
 against a colleague of the mission ; to " set in a note-book, con, and 
 learn by rote," opinions expressed in the mutual confidence of as- 
 sociates in a great national trust, in order to » ring them forth, after 
 many years, as engines to ruin a rival reputation. 
 
 But the letter from Paris was no exposition of the opinions which 
 had been manifested by the minority at Ghent. The principle, 
 that the fishing liberties had not been abrogated by the war. had 
 been asserted by the mission at Ghent, on the proposal of Mr. Clay 
 The refutation of it is the most heavily laboured part of the letter 
 from Paris. If individual opinions upon the expediency of particu- 
 lar measures adopted by the mis., n, are to be made the test of 
 merit or demerit for individual members of the mission, it is not a 
 little whimsical that Mr. Russell, for the minority, should now dis- 
 claim the principle adopted at the motion of one of them, and which 
 
 has been completely successful in nmintaioiiiir t! 
 
 the interest in dc 
 
12* . 
 
 fence of which it was advanced, and pin all their claims of superior 
 service upon their ineffectual opposition to a proposal which they 
 did actually concur in making, and which failed, not in consequence 
 of their objections, but because the enemy disdained to accept it. 
 If by the sturdiness of their adherence to their opinions, they had 
 prevented the proposal from being made, there might have been 
 8ome semblance of a claim to credit from those who tremble at the 
 sight of an Englishman afloat upon the Mississippi. If the enemy 
 had eagerly snatched at the offer, and British emissaries, British 
 smu^Iers, and Indian wars, had swarmed upon us, in consequence, 
 the minority might have had some apology, for disengaging tl^eir re- 
 sponsibility to the act, and casting upon their colleagues of the ma. 
 jority all its evil report. But bo far as the proposal could possibly 
 have operated mischief, they are answerable for it by their con- 
 currence. So far as the immediate rejection of the proposal by a 
 clear-sighted enemy, can test its possible consequences, the event 
 affords as little cause for the minority to glory in their foresight, as 
 their assent to what they tfiought so pernicious, gives them reason 
 to be proud of their firmness. A loud call upon the nation to dis. 
 criminate between the profound wisdom and comprehensive pa- 
 triotism of the minority, and the dulness, absurdity, and contracted 
 spirit, or treachery, of the majority, could scarcely rest on weaker 
 grounds, than upon the aversion of the minority to principles which 
 they nevertheless did sanction ; and upon their arguments against 
 measures to which they did subscribe their names. The majority 
 have asked for no discrimination. As one of them, I have as little 
 desire to conceal, as to proclaim, my separate agency in the transact 
 tions of the mission, or my vote upon any measure discussed by 
 them. I ask, only, not to be misrepresented. 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 21st September, 182'2'. 
 
CORRESPONDENCE WHICH LED TO tHE TREATY OF 
 
 GHENT. 
 
 Etlracifr^ ^ Journal of the House of RepreHnlalivc of ihe United Statu. 
 
 JANUART 16, 1822, 
 Mr. Floyd submitted the following resolution vis • 
 
 Ghent, which has nm Jl^ "„ .td^pubrtXS 'i^ '"" ^^""^ °' 
 
 not be improper to disclose. ^ ' **"''"' "* *"■ opinion, it n^f 
 
 Th4 said resolution was read and ordered to lie on the table one day. 
 
 JTAWeART 17, 1822. 
 On motion of Mr. Floyd, 
 
 The House proceeded to consider the rcso'.ution submitted hv ».5™ - ^ 
 and the same being again read, and modified to read aTfofloJ?-'"'" ^"""'^'^y* 
 
 Resolved, Tliat the President of the United States h« «„....'. ^ 
 belaid before this House, all the corresponln fwhLh len th.V''"" '" 
 Ghent, together with the Protocol, which'has norye^b^Vma^e itlle'"*^ "* 
 
 ?o^^te"n^J:ret^a:iSt^^etnS 
 
 To the House of Representatives of the United States: 
 
 suance of a resolution of the House of the 1 7th oTrnuirV 1 J 
 ■ Washingtci, 21,t February, 1822. ^^^^ MO/rOE.* 
 
 Department of State, 
 rri. « - Washington, 21st Feb. 18M 
 
 ing the President of the United States to caLe lo be l.-'Ph' f"^''T 
 The President of the United States. ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^MS. 
 
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 14 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE, &c. 
 
 American Note No. 6, in amixer to British Note No. 6. 
 
 Ghent, November 10, 1814 
 
 The undersigned have the honour to acknowledge the receipt 
 of the note addressed to them by His Britannic Majesty's Plenipo- 
 tentiaries, on the 31st ultimo. 
 
 The undersigned had considered an interchange of the project 
 of a treaty aa the course best calculated to exclude useless and de- 
 sultory discussion, to confine the attention of both parties to the 
 precise object to be adjusted between the two nations, and to has- 
 ten the conclusion of the peace so desirable to both. Finding, in 
 the note of the British plenipotentiaries of the [21st} ultimo,, a mere 
 reference to the points proposed by them in the first conference, 
 with the offdr of assuming the basis ofuti possidetis, on which the 
 undersigned bad in substance already declined to treat ; they did 
 not consider it as the project of a treaty presented in compliance 
 with their request. They proposed, in their note of the 24th ulti- 
 mo, that the exchange of the two projects should be made at the 
 same time. And it is not without s6me surprise, that the under- 
 signed observe, in the note to which they now have the honour of 
 replying, that the British plenipotentiaries consider their note as 
 containing the project of a treaty, to which the undersigned are 
 supposed to be pledged to return a counter-project. 
 
 Believing that where both parties are sincerely desirous of bring- 
 ing a negotiation to a happy termination, the advantage of giving 
 or of receiving the first drafl is not of a magnitude to be made a 
 subject of controversy, and convinced that their government is too 
 sincerely desirous of that auspicious result to approve of its being 
 delayed for a moment upon any question of etiquette, the under- 
 signed have the honour to enclose herewith the project of a treaty, 
 accompanied th some observations upon several of the articles, 
 which may more fully elucidate their object in proposing them. 
 
 The British plenipotentiaries stated, in their last note, that 
 they had no other propositions to offer, nor other demands to make, 
 than those contained in their note of the 21st ultimo, which, with 
 the reference to their former declaration respecting the fisheries, 
 contains only two propositions, viz : that of fixing the boundary 
 from the Lake of the Woods to the Mississippi ; and that of adopt- 
 ing, with respect to the other boundaries, the basis oi uti possidetis, 
 
 *\\n answer to the declaration made by the British plenipoten* 
 tiaries respecting the fisheries, the undersigned, referring to what 
 passed in the conference of the 9th August, can only state that they 
 are not authorized to bring into discussion any of the rights or li- 
 berties which the United States have heretofore enjoyed in relation 
 
 * Paragraph drawn by Mr. Clay, and inserted at hU proposal. 
 
 I 
 
15 
 
 thereto. From their nature, and from the peculiar character of 
 
 the treaty of 1783, by which they were recognised, no further 
 
 stipulation has been deemed necessary by the government of the 
 
 United States, to entitle them to the full enjoyment of all of them.] 
 
 The undersigned have aready, in their last note, explicitly de- 
 
 cMned treating on the basis of uti possidetis. They cannot agres 
 
 to any other principle than that of mutual restoration of territory, 
 
 and have accordingly prepared an article founded on that basp* 
 
 They are willing even to extend the same principle to the other 
 
 objects in dispute between the two nations ; and in proposing all 
 
 the other articles included in this project, they wish to be distinctly 
 
 understood, that they are ready to sign a treaty, placing the two 
 
 countries, in respect to all the subjects of difference between them, 
 
 in the same state they wevp: in at the commencement of the present 
 
 war ; reserving to each party all its rights, and leaving whatever 
 
 may remain of controversy between them, for future and pacific 
 
 negotiation. 
 
 The British plenipotentiaries haviijflr, in their note of the 4th of 
 September, communicated the disposition of their government to 
 receive favourably a proposition which should acknowledge the 
 boundary from the Lake ofthe Woods to the Mississippi, or to dis- 
 cuss any other line of boundary which might be submitted for con- 
 sideration, the undersigned answereil, that as soon as the proposi- 
 tion of Indian boundary should be disposed of, they would have no 
 objection, with the explanation given by the British plenipotentia- 
 ries, to discuss the subject. 
 
 The government of the United States had, prior to the acquisi- 
 tion of Louisiana, been disposed to agree to the boundary, from the 
 Lake ofthe Woods to the Mississippi, from a wish not only to ar- 
 range that subject, but also to settle, in a definitive manner, the 
 differences respecting the boundary and islands in the Bay of Pas- 
 samaquoddy : and its assent to the proposed stipulation of that 
 boundary was refused on account of the acquisition of Louisiana 
 the boundaries of which might haye been affected by it. The un* 
 dersigned cannot agree to fix the boundaries in that quarter, unless 
 that of Louisiana be also provided for in the arrangement Thev 
 accordingly submit for consideration the article on that subject 
 which appears to have been agreed on between the British and 
 American commissioners in the project of convention of the year 
 
 In respect to the intended review of the other boundaries be- 
 tween the British and American territories, with the view to pre 
 vent future uncertainty and dispute, the undersigned propose the 
 reference of the whole subject to commissioners ; and thev ore- 
 Bent accordingly five articles, drawn on the principles fonnerlv 
 
 ntf St. ^r'^x/'^'' ^°''^''" *'°' '""''"^ ^^^ ^"''*'°'' ^W^^^tiogthe 
 ;- ^\^ f j""-^ already agreed on, respecting the Indian pacification 
 if wcluded m the project ofthe undersigned. In confSrmitJ with 
 
?08imS*I„HT'"°"' *?iy °^*'* T^^'^'^ '''''''^''^ *« '•««t'-^'^™ the 
 
 nosti itiefl. and to prevent the employment, of the sayages in war 
 and one reciprocally granting a general amnesty. ^ ^ ' 
 
 jp *; T ^ other subjects which have been presented by the un- 
 
 Keeping in viewr the declaration made by lord Castler-airh in 
 te"r rr/ilh r' ''.^"S'"*' ''''^ toMr.^iilllS n h?s I'e^ 
 Propose onti,,r'°'^^'"' *''^' *^ ^'- ^«"^««' ^^^^ undersigned 
 SXor nrLn . P"?'^ f *'"^' *''^*^^'^«^' '^'^hout affecting%he 
 by means^pll E"'*°^ *'*^''" '°"''*''y' *° «"«•"?* ^o accomplish, 
 ha«Ser tohiln t *^ 1?"*'°"' ^^^ °*'J«« for '^hi'^h impressmen 
 Hed trpL. ?K*^°''«^* necessary by Great Britain. The pro- 
 i«ch dS[v ,^n"L K°^ T']y conditional, and limited in duraUon. 
 eacij party mil be bound only so far, and so long, as the other shall 
 
 fomUv w!Jh !h?'P''' -"f ^'""^l^"' " ^^"«^«^ t° be in perfect con- 
 LvToth nlttn, ^'r^r^l^l'^f '^^ '^'^ «f °«tion«. «« acknowledged 
 1801 hp?»? o Tb« 'Jf^^P't'on i« borrowed from the treaty of 
 S frTmTh. '"''.^"i"'" '"'' Russia, and the residue of^e 
 
 JrrJlf/*'''**'"^ *° indemnities, consists of two i.arts : the first for 
 iiregular seizu, es, captures, and condemnations of American pro 
 ?rn.r,«?!:*'"^ *° ^^^ established laws and usages of ™at,ons pre. 
 rrregXui:^^^^^^^ ^'^ ' ^^^ the^econd t sim'i a" 
 
 Md eSilhpH " 'l"""^ ^''^ '^^^' ''"^ <^o"t^»''y to the known 
 
 MsesofthP fii ''^r *'^'^^''- ''«*'^«^" civilized nations. The 
 United Sute,h/PP'^ delusively to claims of the citizens of the 
 fi„»i K S. ' ?^?»"8e, the cat ses of such claims were then con- 
 
 fumed C^'hfR'vl'"^*" '^'''' P^^"««' *° -^ «'"-• It ^ pre 
 iW»if ®''''."** government will itsglf be sensible of the 
 
 in S^hI""' f °^- '"'^r""y f«^ '"J""«« •^^""'"itted by it officers 
 n violation of principles avowed and recognised by itself pS' 
 
 r\ '?ov^^ '^"*''' f™°^ 'ord Hawkesbury to Mr K „/of n?h 
 t'n ',m'"V.V*;V''°'" ^^- MerryfoMr wi ol'of 2th 
 
 of SrSoo *"h''' ^^•''" '" i^°""^"' °f November. 1807. and 
 beenTsnpSi undersigned will observe, that these hWinJ 
 
 Stei? S havtl";.. ' T""' "*" r'^"^"^" «g«'"«t France, anl 
 nieir oDject having altogether ceased, it is just to indemnify the 
 
 ini 
 
17 
 
 citizens of the United States for losses experienced by the effect 6f 
 measures intended to operate against the enemy of Great Britain, 
 and wh.ch fell almost exclusively on a country, which was no party 
 to the war. The United States have never ceased, and at this timJ 
 contmue to demand, from France, indemnity for the losses thev 
 have experienced by the effect of the decrees of her government 
 ID Violation of the law of nations. verameni, 
 
 K J*lt ""i!" If •'^ ^^^ '^'^""'^ »'"•'* **^ '^'« ^''ticle apply equally to 
 both the belligerent parties. They have been, diring the war 
 subjects of criminiilion on both fides. The American government 
 can give no stronger and more signal proof of its disfmprobation of 
 every departure, under colour of its authority, from the established 
 usages of legitimate warfare between civilized nations, than by the 
 oiler of mutual reparation. 
 
 The article fixing a limitation for captures at sea, does not seem 
 to require any comment. 
 
 The undersjped present their entire project in this specific 
 form, with the full expectation of receiving from the British pleni- 
 potentiaries their explicit answer respecting all the articles embra- 
 ced in It, and a project also reduced to specific propositions, and 
 embracing all the objects which they intend to bring forward 
 
 ihe undersigned renew to the British plenipotentiaries the as- 
 surance of their high consideraUon. s "le as 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, 
 J. A. BAYAKD, 
 HENRY CLAY, 
 JONATHAN RUSSELL, 
 
 To .».» PI • . • . ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 To the Plenipotentiaries of His Britannic 
 
 Majesty, &c. &c. &c. Ghent. 
 
 ^Vji7pr'*i'V''''^^y ^-^^^"^ s«6m»«ediy the A^nerican to the 
 British Plempotenttanes at Ghent, on the lOthday of Nov 1814. 
 
 Treaty of Peace and Amity between his Britannic Majesty and the 
 United States of America. 
 
 His Britannic Majesty and the United States of America desirous 
 of terminating the war which has unhappily subsisted between 7he 
 
 Z XlT' 'H\°^"^r'"^rP°" P'^^'P'^^ of perfecrrecipro' 
 tr'IT ' friendship and good understanding, between them, have 
 fsLtv P"^P°!f'«PP«"»ted their respective plenipotentiaries, that 
 hi ^ K. '/ ^"tf«'c Majesty on his part has appointed thr right 
 honourable James Lord Gambier, admiral of the White Squadron 
 l2l' f^W ^''*' """"^y Gon^^^vn, Esquire, a membe! of [he 
 i7mrL n'T"* f;?. V°?«>^ Secretary of State, and William 
 Adams, Esq. Doctor of Civil Laws ; and the President of the Uni" 
 
 .d 
 
18 
 
 ed States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, 
 has appointed John Q.mncy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, 
 Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gallatin, citizens of the United'State's. 
 who, after a reciprocal communication of their respective full 
 powers, have agreed upon the following articles : 
 
 Article I. There shall be a firm and universal p?ace betw«>en 
 his Britannic Majesty and the United States, and between their 
 respective countries, territories, cjties, towns, and people of every 
 degree, ■viMiout exception of persons or places. All hostilities 
 both by sea and land shall immediately cease. All prisoners on both 
 sides shall be set at liberty. All territory, places, and possessions, 
 without exception, taken by either party from th other during the 
 war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, shall 
 be restored without delay, and without causing any destruction, or 
 carrying away any artillery or other puolic property, or any slaves 
 or other private property ; and all archives, records, deeds, and 
 papers, either of a public nature or belonging to private persons, 
 whichi in the course of the war, may have fallen intct Jie hands of 
 the officers of either party, shall he forthwith restored and deliver- 
 ed to the proper authorities and persons, to whom they respective- 
 ly belong. 
 
 Article II. Immediately after the respective ratifications of 
 this treaty, orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons, officers, 
 subjects, and citiz*»n8 of the two powers, to cease from all hos- 
 tilities. And to prevent all causes of complaint which might 
 arise on account of the prizes which may be taken at sea after the 
 signing of this treaty, it is reciprocally agreed that the vessels and 
 effects which may be taken in the Channel and in the North Seas af. 
 
 ter the space of from that of the signature hereof, shall be 
 
 restored on each side : that the term shall be from the Chan- 
 
 nel and the North Seas to the Canary Islands, inclusively, whether 
 
 in the ocean or the Mediterranean : of from the said Canary 
 
 Islands to the equinoctial line or equator, and of in all other 
 
 parts of the world, without exception. 
 
 Article III. Whereas that portion of the boundary between the 
 dominions of his Britani.ic Majesty in North America, and those of 
 the United States, from the mouth of the river St. Croix, (as the 
 said mouth was ascertained by the commissioners appointed for 
 that purpose,) to the bay of Fundy, has not yet been regulated and 
 determined ; and, whereas, the respective rights and claims of hia 
 Britannic Majesty and of the United States, to the several islands in 
 the bay of Passamaquoddy, and to the island of Grand Menan, have 
 never been finally adjusted and determined, the said islands being 
 claimed on the part of the United States as lying within twenty 
 leagues of their shores, and south of aline drawn due east from the 
 mouth of the river St. Croix ; and on the part of his Britandic Ma- 
 jesty, as having been, at or before the former treaty of peace, be- 
 tween the two boundaries within the limits of the province of Nova 
 Scotia : Id order, therefore, finally to decide these •everal (jues« 
 
19 
 
 tidns, it is agreed that they shall be referred to three commUsionei*, 
 to be appointed in the following manner, viz : one commissioner 
 shall be appomted by his Britannic Majesty, and one by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of 
 the Senate thereof, and the said two commissioners, shall have 
 power to choose a third ; and if they cannot agree, they shall each 
 propose one person, and of fhe two names so proposed, one shall 
 be drawn by lot, in the presence of the two original commissioner*, 
 and the three commissioners so appointed, shall be sworn impar- 
 tially to examine and decide the said questions according to such 
 evidence as shall respectively be laid before them, on the part of 
 the British government and the United States. The said commis- 
 
 missioners shall meet at and shall have power to adjourn to 
 
 such other place or places as they shall think fit. The said com- 
 missioners, or a majority of them, shall, by a declaration under 
 their hands and seals, determine the boundary aforesaid, from the 
 mouih of the river St. Croix to the bay of Fundy ; and decide to 
 which of the two contracting parties the several islands aforesaid 
 do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the 
 former treaty of peace. And both parties agree to consider such 
 decision as final and conclusive. 
 
 Article iV. Whereas^nfiither that point of the high- lands Ivine 
 due north from the source of the river St. Croix, and designated in 
 the former treaty of peace between the two powers, as the north- 
 west angle of Nova Scotia, nor the northwesternmost head of Con- 
 necticut river, has yet been ascertained : And whereas that part of 
 the boundary line between the dominions of the two powers which 
 extends from the source of the river St. Croix, directly north to 
 the above mentioned northwest angle of Nova Scotia ; thence, aloDR 
 the said high lands, which divide those rivers, that empty them- 
 selves into the river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the 
 Atlantic ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut river • 
 thence, down, along the middle of that river, to the forty-fifth de- 
 gree of north lattitude ; thence, by a line due west, on said latitude 
 until It strikes the river Iroquois, or Cataraguy, has not yet been 
 surveyed ; It is agreed, that, for these several purposes, three 
 eonimissioners shall be appointed, sworn, (mutatis mutandis^ and 
 authorized to act exactly in the manner directed with respect to 
 those mentioned in the next preceding article ; the said commis- 
 sioners shall meet at , and shall have power to adjourn to 
 
 such other place or places as they shall think fit. The said com- 
 missioners, or a majority of them, shall have power to ascertain and 
 determine the points above mentioned, in conformity with the provi- 
 sions of the said treaty of peace, and shall cause the boundary afore- 
 said trom the source of the river St Croix to the river Iroquois, 
 or Cataraguy, to he surveyed and marked according to the said 
 provisions. The said commissioners, or a majority of them, shall 
 make a map of the said boundary, and annex to it a declaration, un- 
 der their hands and seal?, certifying it to be the true map of th# 
 
ronll? T'' of Nova Scot.a ; of the north westernmost head of 
 fhZl'T "'"'• ""^ '^^^"^'rther points of the said boundary a. 
 they may deem proper; and both parties ai;ree to consider such 
 ttwp and declaration as hnally and conclusively fixing the said boan- 
 
 lion7f?hfh^' ^''«''7'»'y the former treaty of peace, that por- 
 C^JILa "V^ ^^t *,'"'■'"'' ^-"'^^ '''■»'» t'»« P«i"t where the 
 &"„ t^fr i°[ "«'■**' '^•''*"*^" «'"•'«« ^h« riler Iroquois, or 
 Cataraguy, to the lake Superior, was declared to be along tht mid. 
 
 „♦•?■. ;^"Yk' '"''' ^'^^ ^"*'"*^' ''^'•""gh the middle of «aid Jake. 
 
 lake Erie ?h^n^p'T'""";f""°" nf ""T' ''^*^««" "'at lake and 
 Skp Fr ! ' f ^"^^' " «"8 '« ""'Jdle of said communication, into 
 lake Ene ; through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the 
 
 m£.T'"Ti'T'":' T "'" '"''" ""'•«" 5 thence, through the 
 middle of said lake, to the water communication between that lake 
 
 Sdl of »JrT '■ And fereas doubts have arisen what was he 
 middle of the said nyer, lakes, and water communications, and whe- 
 ther certain islands lying in the same were within the dominions of 
 JisBntannicMajesty or of the United States: In order there "ore 
 finally to decide these questions, they shall be referred to three 
 commissioners to be appointed, sworn, (mutatis mutandis) and au- 
 thor zed to act exactly m the manner directed with respec to those 
 
 iTZlt !° t' n ^'"''^'''^ ""'''''''■ T*'^ ''^^ corSmissioners! 
 shall meet, m the hrst instance, at , and shall have power to 
 
 adjourn to such other place, or places, as they shall think fit The 
 said commissioners, or a majority of them, shall, by a declaration 
 under their hands and seals, designate the boundary through he 
 said river, lakes, and w»t3r communications, and decide to which of 
 ^!}Z\T A^ Pf ^'^' *^^ '^^^'•»' '^•^"ds lying within the said 
 mers, lakes and water communications, do respectively belone in 
 conformity with the true intent of the former treaty of pefce 
 
 dSsive ' ^^'^^ *° ''°°''''^'' '"'*' ''^*''''°" ^' ^"^' «°^ «oa.' 
 
 Article VI. It is further agreed, that the said last-mentioned 
 commissioners, after they shall have executed the duties assigned 
 to them in the preceding article, shall be, and they, or a major ty of 
 them, are hereby, authorized, upon their oaths,^'mpartiallyo fix 
 anddetermine, according to the true inteat of the said former trea- 
 ty of peace, tha part of the boundary betiveenthe dominions of the 
 two powers which extends from the water communication between 
 
 j£e d7>"f Z W^^^^rT^'i" '^' most northwestern point of 
 the Lake of the Woods ; to decide to which of the two parties the 
 
 lSl\tti^l°^ V^' 'f ^'' ""^'''^ co'nmunications.Ld risers! 
 forming Ihe sad boundary, do respectively belong, in conformitv 
 
 7ul wtl'oTthl'"* ?1*^' T' ^'^^"^^ '''^y °f peat , andTcTus J 
 m^rkpT^^hl •^'''^'""'^"''^^''^'l"'^^ ^t to be surveyed and 
 marked. . The said commissioners, or a majoritv of them shall hw 
 ^ declaraUoB, under their hands and seals, id^nale th" bo^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 I 
 
21* 
 
 aforeaaid, state their daeision on the aoMfJnn- «k 
 them, and particularize the latitude and Jo.1? *r? '^^''''^'^ *<* 
 western point of the Lake of the Wool Sr ''' '1'^ '"^" "*»'"^'»- 
 of the said boundary as they mSj dl°™ iVo^t ''i'L'i tV 'T^ 
 "'wr;if VLf« cleoision'as anal rnd?::;c.u.ivt'°^' P"^'" 
 
 th^s^:^dii':^;Si^;: ::^;^^^ 
 
 CaratLsanidedlntc^The ftatemeirof thl'''"' '''P'^''^^ ^«' 
 the journal of their proceeding Th!l?h«?f- ^''«''; «"**""♦'• «»«' of 
 agents of his Brkanr iS3' f„d to fh'i''"'' . ^'Vl"'" ^« ^»»« 
 States, who may be res JSvin?^ agent, of the Utiited 
 ageth; busineT. in S'il of i^ei^TelttiVT' '"^^'"^'^ *« -"«"• 
 said commissioners shall be resoprnS^ governments. The 
 
 be agreed between the t^ronr't:' Ir^^^^^^^^ 
 «ettledatthetimeoflhp*.v;hl V!? agreement bemg to be 
 And all other expense atten^^^^^^^^ of this treaty, 
 
 frayed, jointly! by "hrtvvop ties thr^^ commissions shall be de- 
 «eriLi,^edand alloVed b^a mSvo?t ^""S previously a«- 
 
 the cale of death. Sness 3n!liol ^^ commissioners. And ia 
 place of every soclt^^lIZTrTs^^^^^^^^^ 
 ;u the same manner as such commiss ion'er ;;i'^^, ^ ^'olnre? 
 
 thi is'Lurm^InSel l:'ZZlV''' 'T'^'^ ^''^*' '" -« -^ of 
 
 been adjudged to be wifhin tht I ' ^^ such decision or decisions, ^ 
 such possession ^^"^ dominions of the party having had ♦ 
 
 soutTarth'l'cJmtrrf^omTh: '"V ''T ''' "-'»> - 
 the Lake of the Woo^funt I itThJf f""'^ northwestern point of 
 allel of north latitude ^nd from hPn'!T^ 't- ^^'^y^'^^^h par- 
 west, along and -th tre^Xara''e «h'nl\Y"''T^:,'""'^^ 
 between his majesty's territories anJfhJnP .u *?f dividing lina. 
 the westward of the said V«kp 1 ? !u ^* *^^ ^"''^^ States to 
 ritories extend ntha qua ter and thnV.h''' ^^/f^^P^^tive ter- 
 «tent. form the southern bou'ndatnJK' ''•'^ ''",^ '^«"'t« ^^at 
 
 ries. and the northern Sou dary'^flhe^Sr^'' V"' ''V''" 
 United States • ProviJpH fkoV *u- ■ . territories of the 
 
 be ™-.„'e'riV b' To E'cl'lTl"""'' "■»» 
 the territories belongine to or r »;ml!f k -.u -^"^'''ca, or to 
 
■MM 
 
 ■eia 
 
 u 
 
 AHTictK IX. The United Stetei of America engage to put nt 
 end, immediately after the ratification of the preient treaty, to 
 hofiilitiea with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom they 
 nay be at war at the time of soch ratification, and forthwith to 
 restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, 
 rights, and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been en- 
 titled to in 1811, previous to such hostilities. ^ 
 
 Pro ^ed always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to de< 
 list from all hostilities against the United States of America, their 
 citixens and subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty 
 being notified ta such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accord* 
 
 And his Britannic majesty engages on his part, to put an end, 
 immediately aAer the ratification of the present treaty, to hostili- 
 ties with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom he may be 
 at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to 
 ^ such tribes, or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights, &r<d 
 
 privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entiUed to in 
 J81], previous to such hostilities. 
 
 Provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist 
 from all hostilities against his Britannic majesty and his subjects, 
 upon the ratification of the present treaty being notified to such 
 tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. 
 
 Article X. Ilia Britannic majesty and the United States shall, 
 by all the means in their power, restram the Indians living within 
 their respective dominions from committing hostilities against the 
 territory, citizens, or subjects, of the other party : and both powers 
 also agree and mutually pledge themselves, if at any time war 
 should unhappily break out between them, not to employ any In- 
 dians, nor to admit of their aid and co-operation in the prosecU' 
 tion of the war against the other party. 
 
 Article XI. Each party shali effectually exclude from its naval 
 and commercial service all eeamen seafaring, or other persons, 
 * subjects or citizens of the other party, not naturalized by ihe re- 
 spective governments of the two parties, before the day of 
 
 ; seamen or other persons, subjects of either party, who 
 
 shall desert from public or private ships or vessels, shall, when 
 found within the jurisdiction of the other party, be surrendered, 
 
 provided they be demanded within from the time of their 
 
 desertion. 
 
 No person whatever shall, upon the high seas, and vrithout thr 
 jurisdiction of either party, be demanded or taken out of ar ' ' 
 or vessel, belonging to subjects or citizens of any of the parties, 
 by the public or private armed ships or vessels belonging to, or in 
 the service of, the other, unless such person be, at the time, in 
 the actual employment of an enemy of such other party. This 
 
 article shall continue in force for the term of years. Nothing 
 
 in this article contained shall be construed thereafter to affect or 
 impair the r';^'A^' *ii either party. 
 
23 
 
 AuTicLt XII. ffeith«roftheeoirtnK!tiiigp*rtia.ihan hereafter b« 
 engaged in war aj^ainit a? ' third power, to whi-h *„^ .1.. „.k_^ ./. 
 (he parties shall remain neutral, it m agreed that erer^ veiil of the 
 neutral party, tailing for a port or place belonging to the e, emv 
 of the belligerent, without knowing that the same is bosieMd 
 bockaded, or invested, may be turned away frvm «uch porter 
 place, but shall not be detained, nor her cargo, if not contraband 
 be confiscated, unless, after such notice, she shall again attemot U 
 enter • but she hall be permitted to go to any other port or place 
 ihe may think per ; nor shall any vessel or goods of either 
 party, that may have entered into such port or place before the 
 same was bes'eged, blockaded, or invested by the other, and be 
 found therein alter the reduction or surrender of such piece be 
 liable tj conhscation, but shall be returned to the proprietors 
 thereof: «. d, m order t-^ determine what characterizes n blockaded 
 port, that denomination is given only to a port where there is. bv 
 ae disposition of the power which attacks it with ships, atationirv 
 or sufflciently near, en evident danger in entering. ^* 
 
 Article Xlli. It is agreed that indemnity shall be made bv hit 
 Bntannic majesty to the citizens of the United States, for all iJsses 
 •nd damages sustained by then during the late war between Great 
 Britain and F lance, and prior to the commencement of the present 
 war by reason of irregular or illegal captures, seizures, or con- 
 deranatiomi of vessels and other property, under colour of autho- 
 rity, contrary to the known and established rules of the Jaw of 
 
 " Tf *!. '! "."''** *«'*?**'' *'•'»* indemnity shall.be made by 
 Jht i* J^^^if/'^S parties, to the subjects or citizens of thj 
 other party, for all losses and damages sustained subsequent to the 
 commencement of the present ivar. by reason of th2 seizure or 
 condemnation of the vessels or cargoes, belonging to the subjecta 
 or cit^ens of the one party, which, in the ordinary course of S 
 merce, happened at the commencement of hostilities to be in the 
 ports of the other party ; and by reason of the destrucUon of un^ 
 fortified towns, and the pillage or destruction of private proper"? 
 and the enticement and carrymg away of negroes, contrary to the 
 nS *'**'''"***^ '■"'®" *'»*^ «««««« of '^w between civilized 
 
 it is agreed, that, for the purpose of determining the indemnities 
 due by each contracting party, in conformity with the provisions 
 of this article, commissioners shall be appointed in the following 
 r \uaner, viz : one commissioner shall be named by his Britanni? 
 majesty, and one by the President of the United States, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof; and th/ said 
 two commissioners shall agree in the choice of a third • or if thev 
 cannot agree, they shall each propose one person, and of th» two 
 names so propos d. one sha!! be taken by lot. in the presence of 
 the two ongina commissioners, and the three commissioners thus 
 appointed shall be sworn, and authorized and empowered im- 
 partially, to examine into all such claims and complaints 4in I to 
 determine the indemnities which may be justly due for the' same 
 
■(»' 
 
 24 
 
 The taid commiuionsrs shall meet at 
 
 and shall have 
 
 power to adjourn to such other plade, or pbces, as they shall 
 tbink fit ; they shall also have power to appoint a secretary, swear 
 and examine witneases, and have all asgistance and lac'MUes neces- 
 sary to effect the object of their appointment. 
 
 The award of the said commissioners, or a majority of them, 
 shall m all ca^es he final and conclusive, both as to the justice of 
 the claim, and as to the amount of the sum to be paid to the claim- 
 ant and claimants. And his Britannic majesty and the United States 
 agree and undertake to cause the sums 50 awarded to be due hr 
 them, respectively, to be paid in specie, to such claimant and 
 claimants without deduction, and at such place or places, time or 
 times, as shall be awarded by the commissioners. 
 
 Article XIV. It is also agreed, that no person or persons, re- 
 siding withm the dominions of one of the parties, who may have 
 taken part with the other party, in the war between Great Britain 
 ana the United States, shall, on that account, be prosecuted, mo- 
 lested, or annoyed, either in his person or property ; and that all 
 8uch persons disposed to remove into the dominions of the other 
 
 party, shall be allowed the term of months, freely to sell 
 
 their property, of every nature and description whatsoever, and 
 to remove acr -dingly. 
 
 Article . This treaty, when the same shall have been rati- 
 fied on both sides, and the respective ratifications mutually ex- 
 changed, shall be binding on both parties, and the ratification shall 
 
 be exchaiiged a^ in the space of mouths from this day, 
 
 or sooner, if possible. 
 In faith whereof, we, the re pective plenipotentia. ies, have 
 
 signed tins treaty, and have thereunto affixed our seals, 
 t^one at Ghent, the day of -^ one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and fourteen. 
 
 British Note, No. 7. 
 
 The undersigned have had the honour to receive the note and 
 project of a treaty of peace presented by the American plenipo- 
 tentiaries on the lO^h instant. 
 
 The undersigned are of opinion that the most convenient course 
 for them to adopt will be to return this project with their marginal 
 alterations and suggestions on the several articles of which it is 
 composed. The existing difl'erences between the two governments 
 will thus be brought more immediately in view, and it is hoped 
 that, by confining the discussions to one project, the negotiations 
 may sooner be brought to a favourable conclusion. The first part 
 of the 10th article appears to be unnecessary, and the stipulation 
 contained in the whole of it altogether inadmissible. Though his 
 majesty's government sincerely hopes thai a renewal of the war 
 between his majesty and the United States may be far distant, yet 
 the undersigned cannot consent to enter into any engagement as to 
 what shall be the conduct of their government, if such a war should 
 unfortunatelv nrcur^ 
 
25 
 
 With respect to the Htb and 12th articles, his maiesty's^oyei-ii. 
 me.,t has strongly manifested it*, sincere disposiUoMo the 8i>e*^^^^ 
 restoration of peace, by agreeing, under all the preLnt c Lum 
 
 t.) which these alleles relate. No advantage can arise from en- 
 te.ing into discussions, upon a successful result of which the Ame- 
 rican plenipotentiaries have stated, more than once, that they wUl 
 not make the conclusion of the peace at all to depend ^ 
 
 With respect to the 13th arUcle, the indemni6cations prooosed 
 by It, as applied to the actual circumstances of the wa? aETSo 
 unprecedented and objectionable, that any further perseve'rance of 
 the American plenipotentiaries in requiring them. is^n^SSed 
 by the undersigned : if, however, contrary to expectation 3.^ 
 mfications of this kind should be ;equired,^all hop^e of brL ng tJ^ 
 Bogotiationstoa favourable issue must prove abortive: The un 
 dersigned are instructed explicitly to declare, that as their Z 
 vernment makes no claim on account of losses ;ustained by Britfsh 
 subjects arising out of a war declared by the UniJed iaiTt 
 neither can their government agree to make compensaUon forlolles 
 .ustained in such a war by the American people. '*"°° '^"^ '**""' 
 i he undersigned are, however, willing to agree to a stimilaHn*. 
 by which It shall be provided, that the courtfof jS^tlcefn S 
 country shall be open to the just demands of the respective peo 
 pie, and that no obstructioft be thrown in the way of their re7o?er; 
 
 CVI^'tmr"^' °r'^'^^' °''^"^^'°'^ -J'-^-^y ^- orX^ 
 With respect to the lith article, the undersigned do not concur 
 
 tLZT^ ^Z 'tU r'^ «*'P"'«"o" «« i« there proposed 
 tiZj ""*^^7g"«d think proper to add. that, with respect o par- 
 ticular alterations suggested by them in various articles of th J 
 project, they are ready to enter into such explanations as mavb! 
 reouired of them, with the sincere desire of endeavouring to re 
 concilethe pretensions brought forward on the part of the r re- 
 fpective governments. ^ ^'^ '® 
 
 The undersigned have forborne to fnsist upon the basis nf ^.r 
 jom,?ert,, to the advantage of which thev cons'Se thefr countr^ 
 fuily entuled. But should this negotiation terminals in ^ 
 contrary to their hopes a.d just expecJ tls^Sri ? p J^^^ 
 against any claim or demand beine- ur^eH h« tuL a ^ • P^^^^est 
 ment in /ny future negJu^r^n ^ote^ete^^^rt'h^^fS 
 which his majesty's government have now%hown ?hemse Ive w.I 
 hng to afford to the speedy restoratior. of peace '''^"'^'^"^ ""'' 
 1 lie undersigned avail themselves of the present nnn«r*„„w * 
 
 GAMBIER, 
 
 HENRY GOULDBURN 
 Ghent, November 26th, 18,4. ^^I^LIAM ADAMS. ' 
 
Project tfa Treaty, as returned bv thf British to the American Pleni- 
 potentiarieSf 26{A JSfoiveifber, 1814. 
 
 , Trtatj of Peace and Amity, between his Britannic Majesty, and 
 the United States of America. 
 
 The fullowing marginal remarks 
 and alterations were made and 
 proposed by the British pleni- 
 potentiaries.. 
 Note. It is proposed to omit 
 
 altogether the words that are 
 
 noderlined. 
 
 i \ 
 
 AntlCLE L 
 
 (1) places or 
 
 (2) after the exchange of the ra- 
 tifications as herein after men- 
 tioned. 
 * It is thought more advisable 
 
 His Britannic majesty and the 
 United States of America, desi- , 
 reus of terminating the war which 
 has unhappily sul^isted between 
 the two countries, and of restor- 
 ing, upon principles of perfect re- 
 ciprocity, peace, friendship, and 
 good understanding, between 
 them, have, for that purpose, ap- 
 pointed their respective plenipo- 
 tentiaries, that is to say, his Bri- 
 tannic majesty on his part has 
 appointed the right honourable 
 James lord Gambier, admiral 
 of the White Squadron, of his 
 majesty's fleet, Henry Goulburn, 
 esq. a member of the Imperial 
 Parliament, and under Secretary 
 of State, and William Adams, 
 esq. Doctor of Civil Laws ; and 
 the President of the United States, 
 by and%ith advice and consent of 
 the Senate thereof, has appomted 
 John Qjuincy Adams, James A. 
 Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan 
 Uu8sell,and Albert Gallatin, citi- 
 zens of the United States, who, 
 after a reciprocal communication 
 of their respective full powers, 
 have agreed upon the following 
 articles. ' 
 
 Article I. There shall be a 
 firm and universal peace between 
 his Britannic majesty and the 
 United States and between their 
 respective countries, territories, 
 cities, towns, and people, of eve- 
 ry degree, without exception of 
 (l) ^Tsons or places. All hos- 
 tilities, both by sea and land, 
 shall immediately cease. (2) Ml 
 prisoners on both sides shall be set 
 at liberty.* All territory, pLicee, 
 and possessions, without excpp- 
 
''».^rt-'-«l* 
 
 &7 
 
 lertcan Pleni' 
 
 that the prorision respecting pri- 
 80Der« of war, should be the sub- 
 ject of a separate article ; the 
 draft of an article od this f abject 
 is subjoined. 
 
 (1) belonging to 
 
 (2) and taken by 
 f3) of the 
 
 f 4) originaHy captured in the said 
 forts or places, and which shall 
 remain therein upon the ex- 
 change of the ratifications of this 
 treaty. ' 
 
 (9) as far as may be practicable. 
 
 Article II. 
 (6) shall have been exchanged, 
 
 (7) exchange of the ratifications 
 
 (8) the period of the exchange 
 of the ratifications, 
 
 (f>) the same term of- for 
 
 all parts of the Mediterranean. 
 
 Jon, taken ^ (1) either ptrty 
 from (1) the other during tli« 
 'wr, or which may be taken 
 •fterthe signiug of this treaty, 
 shall be restored without delay 
 and without causing any destrac- 
 tion, or carrying away any' (3) 
 artillery or other public proper- 
 ty. Or any slaves or other pri- 
 vate property, (4) and «|| ar- 
 chives, records, deeds, and pa- 
 pers, either of a public nature 
 or belonging to private persooc 
 which, in the course of the war* 
 may have fallen into the hands of 
 the officers of either party, shall 
 be (6) forthwith restored, and de- 
 hvsred to the proper authoritiee 
 and persons to whom they re- 
 spectively belong. 
 
 Article II. Immediately af- 
 ter the respective ratiCcations of 
 this treaty, (6) orders shall be 
 sent to the armies, squadrons, 
 officers, subjects, and citizens, 
 ol the two powers, to cease 
 trom all hostilities : and to pre- 
 ''*'!*«" causes of complaint. 
 Which might arise on account of 
 the pnzes which may be taken 
 at sea, after the (7) signing of 
 this treaty, it is reciproSuir 
 agreed, that the vessels and J- 
 Jects which may be taken in the 
 Uiannel, and in the North Seas. 
 
 after the space of fron 
 
 Wthat of the Signature hereof, 
 shall be restored on each side ; 
 that the term shall be * 
 
 from the Channel and the North 
 Seas to the Canary islands inclu- 
 «'^;'y' (9) whether in the ocean 
 
 or .he Mediterranean : of — 
 
 from th^ said Canary Islands to 
 the eqnu )ctial line or equator. 
 
 ^"V^. inallothe; 
 
 parts of ne world without ex- 
 
 ception. 
 
•■pum 
 
 I 
 
 2t 
 
 Article III. JThereas it was 
 stipulated by the second article 
 in the treaty of peace of 1 783, 
 between big Britannic majesty 
 and the United States of Ameri- 
 ca, that the boundary of the 
 Unitj^d States should compre- 
 hend "all islands <yithin twenty 
 leagues of any part of the shores 
 of th^ United States, and lying 
 between lines to be drawn due 
 east from the points where the 
 aforesaid boundaries between 
 No?a Scotia on the one part, and 
 East Florida on the other, shall, 
 respectively, touch the Bay of 
 Fandy, and the Atlantic ocean, 
 excepting auch islands ae now 
 are, or heretofore have been, 
 withia the limits of Nova Sco- 
 tia :" And whereas claims have 
 been made by the government 
 of the United States totcertain 
 islands in the Bay of Fundy, 
 which said islands are claimed 
 as belonging, to his Britannic 
 niajesty, as having been at the 
 time of, and previous to, the 
 aforesaid treaty of 1783, within 
 the limits of the province of No- 
 va Scotia : in order, therefore, 
 finally to decide upon these 
 claims, it is agreed that they 
 shall be referred to two com- 
 missioners, to be appointed in 
 the following manner, viz. one 
 commissioner shall be appointed 
 by his Britannic majesty, and 
 one by the President of the 
 United States, by and with the 
 advice and consent of the Senate 
 thereof, and the said two com- 
 missioners, so appointed, shall 
 be sworn impartially to examine 
 and decide upon the said claims, 
 according to such evidence as 
 shall be laid before them on the 
 part of his Britannic majesty and 
 of the United States respective- 
 
 Article hi. Whereas, that 
 portion of the boundary between, 
 the dommions of his Britannic 
 inajesty in Aorth Jmerita, and 
 those of the United States, from 
 the mouth of the river St. Croix 
 {as the said mouth was ascertain- 
 ed by the coinmissioners appoint- "" 
 «dfor that purpose) to the Bay of 
 Fundy, has not yet been regulated 
 and determiued : And whereas, 
 the resper/Ave rights and claims 
 of his Britannic Majesty and of 
 the United States, to the several 
 ^islands in the Bay of Passama- 
 quoddy, and to the island of 
 Grand Menan, have never been 
 finally adjusted and determined, 
 the said islands being claimf.d o» 
 the part of the United States as 
 lying within twenty leagues of 
 their shores, and south of a line 
 drawn due east from the mouth of 
 the river St. Croix, and on the 
 part of his Britannic majesty, as 
 having been, at or before the for- 
 mer treaty of peace, between the 
 two countries, within the limits 
 of the province of JVbate Scotia : 
 hi order, therefore, finally to de- 
 cide these several questions, it is 
 agreed that they shall be referred 
 to three commissioners, to be ap- 
 pointed in the following manner, 
 viz. one commissioner shall be ap- 
 pointed by his Britannic majesty, 
 and one by the President of the 
 United States, by and with the ad- 
 vice and consent of the Senate 
 thereof, and the said two commis- 
 sioners shall have power to choqse 
 a third, and if they cannot agree 
 they shall each propose one person, 
 and of the two names, so proposed, 
 one shall be drawn by lot, in the 
 presence of the two original com- 
 missioners, and the three commis- 
 sioners, So appointed, shall be 
 sworn in^artially to examine and 
 
ly. The said commissioners 
 shall meet at • a^j 
 
 — " ' — 3nfl 
 
 shall have power to adjou'rn to 
 
 fh °?n'' F'^'^*' ^'^ place's, as 
 they shall think fit. The said 
 
 commissioners shall, by a decla- 
 
 ration or report, under their 
 
 Hands and seals, decide to which 
 
 ot the two contracting parties 
 
 the sereral islands aforesaid do 
 
 ly^Tl^y^^^'^'^S^m conform. 
 ity with the true intent of the 
 said treaty of peace of 1783: 
 and ,f the said commissioners 
 
 Joth parties shall consider such 
 decision as final and conclusive. 
 It IS further agreed, that, in 
 the event of the two commis- 
 sioners differing upon all, or any, 
 ot the matters so referred to 
 
 l^fl!°'**rlu*''®^^^"*o^botb,or 
 either of the said commissioners 
 
 iy omitting, o act as such, they 
 shall make jointly or sepirate^ 
 
 to the government of his Britan- 
 mc majesty as to that of the 
 United States, stating. i„ detau! 
 the points on which they differ 
 and the grounds upon which 
 their respective opinions have 
 been formed ; or the grounds 
 upon which they, or eK of 
 them, have so refused, declined 
 ^r omitted to act. And his Bri- 
 tannic majesty, and the eovern- 
 
 mentofthe United States* he^e. 
 by agree to refer the report, or 
 reports of the said commissi^n!^ 
 ers, to some friendly sovereiirD 
 
 or state, to be then DameS f?r 
 that purpose, and who shall be 
 requested to decide on the dif- 
 ferences which may be stated m 
 the said report, or reports, or 
 upon the report of one coZ 
 nussioner, together with th« 
 
 2» 
 
 decide thisaid qu^tt-ons, accord. 
 ZVr 7^\^«'''«»e* as 'shall re, 
 'pectively be laid before them on 
 ^* part of the British goverZ 
 ment, and of the Unite f States, 
 J hesatdcom .mssioners ,hall me^ 
 ~ 7 ■' *""' shall have potb^ 
 er to adjourn to such other pHaZ, 
 
 Z^placej, as they shall thUjit* 
 I fie said commisaioners, or a *««. 
 jortty of them, shall, by a declt 
 ratton under their hands and 
 seats, determine the boundary 
 aforesaid from the mouth of tkt 
 
 ^J^^rStCroixtotheBayo/pZ 
 dy, and decide to which of th* 
 two contracting parties the seierZ 
 islands aforesaid do respective^ 
 belong in conformity with t& 
 true tntentofthe foLer trel 
 of peace ^nd both parties agri^ ' 
 
30 
 
 girouD<)9 upon which the oth«r 
 commissioner ihnll have no re- 
 fused, declined, or omitted to 
 act, as the case may be- And if 
 the commissioner "o refusing^ 
 declining, or omitting to act, 
 •hall also wilfully omit to sttite 
 the grounds upon which he has 
 •o done in soch manner that the 
 •■id statement may be referred 
 to such friendly sovereign or 
 itnte, together with the report 
 of such other commissioner, 
 tl.fn such sovereign, or state, 
 •hall decide, ex parte, upon the 
 •aid report alone. And his Bri- 
 tannic majesty, and the govern- 
 ment of the United States, en- 
 gage lO consider the decision oi 
 , auch friendly sovereign or state, 
 to be final and conclusive on all 
 the matters so referred. 
 Article IV. 
 
 Articlk IV. Whereas, nei- 
 ther that pointof the Highlands 
 lying due north from the source 
 of the river St. Croix, and de- 
 signated in the former treaty of 
 peace between the two powers 
 as the northwest angle of Novar 
 Scotia, nor the northwestern- 
 most head of Connecticut river, 
 has yet been ascertained ; and 
 whereas that part of the bound- 
 ary line between the dominions 
 of the two powers, which ex- 
 tendi) from the source of the ri- 
 ver St. Croix directly north to 
 the above mentioned northwest 
 angle of Nova Scotia ; thence, 
 along the said Highlands, which 
 divide those rivers that empty 
 themselves into the river St. 
 Lawrence, from those which 
 fall into the Atlantic ocean, to 
 the nortbwestemmoat head of 
 Connecticut river ; thence, down 
 along the middle of that river to> 
 the forty -fifth degree of north 
 Vititude ^ thence, by a line due 
 
''•':?!tfP!T-i 
 
 i\) two. 
 
 (2) unless otherwise specified 
 m the present article. 
 
 P) of 178a 
 
 (4) And, in the evient of the 
 said two commissioners differing 
 or both or either of them refus-' 
 ing, declining, or wilfully omit- 
 ting to act, such reports, decla- 
 rations, or statements, shall be 
 made by them, or either of them: 
 and such reference to a friendly 
 sovereign or state shall be made, 
 in all -espects. as in the latter 
 part of the third article is con- 
 tamed, and in as full a manner as 
 M the same was herein repeated. 
 Article V. 
 
 31 
 
 '^est, on said latitade, ontil it 
 •trikes the river IroqaoiM. or 
 Lataraguy, has not yet been sur- 
 veyed. It is agreed that, for 
 these several purposes three (I) 
 commissioners shall be appoint- 
 ed, sworn, (mutatis .rmtandit) 
 and authorized to act exactly in 
 thr manner directed with re- 
 spect to those mentioned in the 
 next preceding article.(2) Th« 
 said commissioners shall meet 
 ** » and shall have pow- 
 er to adjourn to such other place 
 or places as they shall think fit. 
 The said commissioners, or a 
 majority of them, shall have 
 power to asceftain and deter- 
 nMue the points abovementioned, 
 «n conformity with the provi- 
 sions of the said treaty of peace, 
 (3) and shall cause the boundary 
 aforesaid, from the source of the 
 river St. Croix to the river Iro* 
 quois, or Cataraguy, to be sur- 
 veyed and marked according to 
 the said provisions. 
 
 The said commissioners, or a 
 majority of them, shall make a 
 map of the said boundary, and 
 annex to it a declaration, under 
 their hands and seals, certifying 
 It to be the true map of the said 
 boundary, and particularizing 
 the latitude and longitude of the 
 northwest angle of Nova Scotia, 
 oj. th« northwesternmost head 
 of Connecticut river, and of such 
 other points of the said boundary 
 as they may deem proper ; and 
 both parties agree to consider 
 such map and declarati' n ai 
 finally and conclusively fixing 
 the said boundary.(4) 
 
 Article V. Whereas, by the 
 former treaty of peace, that por- 
 tion of the boundary of the 
 United States, from the point 
 where the forty-fifth degree of 
 
32 
 
 north latitude strikes the river 
 Irbquoiii, or CBtaragiiy, to the 
 Lake Superior, was declared tu 
 be along the middle of said river 
 into Luke Ontario, through the 
 middle ot'suid lake until it strikes 
 the communicatioii by water be- . 
 tween that lake and Lake Erie ; 
 thence, along the middle of said 
 communication, into Lake Kric, 
 through the middle of said lake 
 until it arrives at the Hater com> 
 munication into the Lake Huron; 
 thence, through the middle of 
 said lake, to the water communi' 
 cation between that lake and 
 lake Superior : And whereas 
 doubts have arisen what was the 
 middle of the said river, lakes, 
 and water communications, and 
 whether certain islands, lying 
 in the same, were within the do- 
 minions of his Britannic majes- 
 ty, or of the United States : In 
 order, therefore, finally to de- 
 cide these questions,{ 1 ) they shall 
 he referred to (2) three commis- 
 sioners, to be appointed, sworn, 
 (mutatis mutandis) and authoriz- 
 ed to act exactly in the manner 
 directed with respect to those 
 mentioned in the next preceding 
 (3) unless otherwise specified article.(3) The said commis- 
 
 (2) 
 
 doubts, 
 two. 
 
 ID this present article. 
 
 sioners shall 
 instance, at • 
 
 meet, 
 
 in the first 
 and shall 
 
 (4) report or 
 
 have power to adjourn to such 
 other place or places as they 
 shall think fit. The said com- 
 missioners, or a majority oftiiem, 
 shall, by « (4) declaration, under 
 their handj and seals, designate 
 the boundary through the said 
 river, lakes, and water commu- 
 nications, and decide to which of 
 the two contracting parties the 
 several islands lying within the 
 said rivers, lakes, and water 
 communications, do respectively 
 belong, in conformity with the 
 
(J) *aid treaty of nsd. 
 (i') designation and 
 
 (3) And in the event of the 
 SHiiUwo coinniiwJoners diflerinjr 
 
 «r both or either of them refu!: 
 ing. ticchmng, or wilfully omit- 
 !!'« *" «<^t. "»ch reports, declara- 
 JJons, or statements, shall be 
 ;n»de by them, or' either of 
 »iem ; and such reference to a 
 Jnendly sovereign or state shall 
 
 be.na.le. .nail respects, as in 
 the latter part of the third arti. 
 cle IS contained, and in as f»|| a 
 
 "eieS''''^^-"^'^--^-- 
 Article VI, 
 (4) two. 
 
 M 
 
 true intent of tht, fi\ r 
 
 i-^y'/.^«l.tdi'i.if^;rr: 
 
 t e«. agree to consider such 7«i 
 deasion «. ,,«, ^, ^ M«) 
 
 (6) of na^s. 
 
 (6) of i78S. 
 
 {^) report or. 
 
 Article VI. I# j. r . 
 
 ««reed. that the sJVlrS 
 ;nent.oned commissio^^^/"'* 
 
 they shall haveexecuted, bed- 
 fe«ass,gned to them in the or-' 
 
 <»ed.ngartlcle, shall be, and tbeT 
 l*-^ "majority of them, aVeheS 
 authorized, linon *k1;Z . ^ 
 
 ine said >rmcr treaty of peace 
 
 r>) that part of the boundart k^ 
 
 ^^veen the dominions of thTit; 
 
 powers which extends frJm tZ 
 
 water communication beLen 
 
 and rivers A. '""'""'<=«"«"». 
 boundarv do """"^ ^^^ ««•<» 
 
 loog!t?onfi mi^P^tr^^^^ 
 
 parorthiixi:^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 quireu.tobesurveyed;/dmar. 
 eu. The said commissioners 
 ^ramajcnty of them, shall, by I' 
 
 I 
 
94 
 
 (I) potnti. 
 
 {%) parU of. 
 
 (3) (lotignntion nnd. 
 
 (4) Aiul in the cvont of the 
 •aid >wo cummi»iiiun«r« difl'cring, 
 or both or either of them refui* 
 ing, ileclir iiig, or wilfully omit- 
 ting to not, mirh, rp.pnrti, doclu- 
 rations, or atutemcntt , nhidl be 
 mitde by them, or t>it!>er of 
 them ; and «<\ch rcfercince to it 
 fi>iendlv novoreign or ttute shall 
 be made in nil respects as in the 
 litter part of the third article is 
 contained, and in as full a man- 
 ner as if the same wa« herein 
 repeated. 
 
 ARTKiLK VII. 
 
 (5) two. 
 
 (6) all. (7) reports. 
 h) statemsnw. 
 (9) and. 
 
 and lealst deiignate the bound< 
 •ry aforetaid^ state their decU 
 ainn on the (i) ffutid'oni thus re* 
 furred to them, and pMrliculnvixe 
 the latitude and longitude of the 
 must northwestern point of the 
 Luke of the Woods, and of such 
 other (2) pninin on the said 
 boundary, as thny may deem 
 proper ; and both parlies agree 
 tn consider such (H) decision m 
 iinul and conclu«ive.(4) 
 
 (10) cdnU«»cliu'$. 
 
 Artici.k Vtl. The several 
 boards uff5)commiHt4ioners men- 
 tioned in the four preceding ar- 
 ticles, shall ruspectively havo 
 power to appoint n secretary, 
 and to employ such tiurvcyors, 
 or other persons, as they shall 
 judge necessary. Duplicates of 
 (6) their respective (7) declara- 
 tions (8) and decisions of the 
 statemmt (9) of their accounts, 
 and of the Journal of their pro- 
 ceedings, shall be delivered by 
 them to the agents of his Britan- 
 nic mnjestv, and to the agents of 
 the United States, who may be 
 respectively appointed and au- 
 thorized to manage the business 
 in behalf of their respective go- 
 Ternments. The said commis- 
 sioners shall be respectively 
 paid in such manner as shall be 
 agreed between the two (10) par* 
 ties, such agreement being to be 
 
'»■ 
 
 (I) oqiiKlly. 
 
 (a) contTBCtinij. 
 
 (3) orof 4hQ lovoreign or iMr. 
 •0 referred to, un in many ol'iho 
 preceding articles contained. 
 
 Articir VIII, It is agreed 
 that a linj, drawn due west, from 
 the Lake of the Woods, along 
 the 49th jarallel of north lati- 
 tude, Bhal, be the line of demar- 
 cation between his Britannic 
 majestv's territories and those 
 01 the United States, to the west- 
 J'ard of the said Lake, so far as 
 the territories of the United 
 ft?tes extend in that qnart<»r: 
 
 3d 
 
 •JttUd if th« timt of th« •!. 
 «haiig.of<ht ratiticntiont of<hJs 
 «r««'y; and all other eapenses 
 attend.ng the «,ud commiisiona, 
 
 t».e two pnrtli,.. ,^/.i^ ^; J 
 pr»vu,u,ty a»r,rtain,d and allot!. 
 
 death, sicknesa, resignation, or 
 nrcesinry absenc«, the place of 
 «vary such commissioner, ra. 
 "Poclively, shall be supplied ia 
 the siime manner ns such com- 
 miM.oner was first appointed i 
 and the new commissioner shall 
 take the same oath, or affirmt- 
 tion, and do the same duties. 
 , It i" lurthcr agreed betweto 
 iie two (2) parties, that, in cas« 
 any of the inlnnds mentioned in 
 any of i\xQ preceding articlea, 
 
 which were in the possession of 
 one of the parties, prior to th« 
 commencftiient of the present 
 war between the two countries, 
 iliould by the decision of any 
 oj tlie boards of co/nmissionera 
 aforesaid, (4) f«U „ithm the do- 
 minions of the other party, all 
 grants of lands made previous to 
 that time, by the party having 
 had such possession, shall be m 
 
 valid, as ifsuch island or islands 
 had, by such decision or deci- 
 "ions beon adjudged to be within 
 
 the dominions of the party hav. 
 ing had such possession. 
 
 Art/cle yill. h i, J 
 
 that a t,„e, drawn due north or 
 »outh, (a, the can may be) from 
 the matt northwestern point of the 
 Lak' of the mod,, until it ,hall 
 intersect the fortyninth parallel 
 of north latitude, and from th* 
 point (f such intersection due 
 west, along and mth, the said 
 parallel, shall be the dividing 
 hpe between hi$ majesty', ter- 
 
S0 
 
 wmI the Kftiii iiii« hImM. to that «x 
 lent, form the ioutherti bouiititiry 
 •r hi* Britannic Mtij«tty*s ttrri- 
 |ori«i. and the oortheni bountin* 
 ry of tbo tcrritorios of tho I'nitnd 
 CTtntei. It b«inK alMraya diiitinctijr 
 undentuod, that nothini^ in the 
 preattnt nrticlr Hhnll \m construed 
 to extend to (he Northwcat 
 Goa*t of America, or to territo- 
 ries belonKing tu, or cbiiined by, 
 either party, on the continent of 
 America, westward of the Stony 
 Mountains. [And it is further 
 •grcoil, the Ntibjects of his Bri- 
 tannic majesty ohail, at ail times, 
 have uccoHs from his Uritannic 
 majtiity's territories, bv htnd or 
 inland i<uviKRtion, into the afore- 
 said territories of tho United 
 Sttitcs to the river Mississippi, 
 with their goods, effects, ami 
 merchandise, and that his .Britan- 
 nic majesty's subjects shall have 
 •nd enjoy the free nattigntion of 
 the said river.] 
 
 Article IX. 
 
 Approved. 
 
 ritoriti and thnte of the Unittil 
 State; to th« wttfward of tht taid 
 iMkt, ai/ar a$ their latd reipee- 
 tive terriloriet itrttnd in that 
 quarter; and that the laid line 
 ihatt, to that extent, form the 
 xoulhern boundary of hia Britau' 
 nic innjcily'e taid territories, and 
 the northern boundary of the $aid 
 territories of the United States : 
 J'nyuiufd, that nothing in the pre- 
 sent article shall he construed to 
 extend to the M'orthwest Coast of 
 America, or to the. territories be- 
 longing to, or claimed by, eithef 
 party, on the continent of America, 
 to the westward of the Stonjf 
 Mountains. 
 
 Artici-j: IX. The United 
 States of Anjeric.R engage to pot 
 an end, imnicdintoly after the 
 ratification of the present treaty, 
 to hoHlilitios with all the tribes 
 ornations of Indiana with whom 
 they may be at war, at the time 
 of such ratification, and forth- 
 with to restore to such tribes or 
 nations, respectively, all the 
 (loflsessions, riglits, and privi- 
 leges, which they may have en- 
 joyed, or been entitled to, in 
 1811, previous to such hostili- 
 ties : Provided always, that such 
 tribes or nations shall agree to 
 desist from all hostilities against 
 the United States of America, 
 their citizens, and subjects, upon 
 the ratification of the present 
 treaty being notified to such 
 tribes or nations, and shall so 
 desist accordingly. And hit Bri- 
 
*% 
 
 Article X, 
 (nudtnjisible. 
 
 AarrcLE XF. 
 Inadmissible. 
 
 37 
 
 tannic majflaty «ngtg«t, on bit 
 
 after the f tUfic.tlon of tin. pr«. 
 
 •ent treaty, to hoitilitiei with til 
 the tribe, or nation, of Indiuii 
 
 with whom he may be at war, at 
 the time of .uch raUficatloo, and 
 forthwith to reitore to ^ch 
 
 all, the poMe«.ioni, righto, and 
 pnvilegei, which they may hava 
 «njoyed or been entitled to in 
 18II, previoui to «uch hoitiii^ 
 ties : Provided always, that such 
 tribes or nations shall agree ttf 
 desist from all hostilities agajoat 
 hi« Bntannic majesty and hia 
 "ubjecto, upon the ratification of 
 the present treaty being notified 
 
 Ik f"*^'»^*"^««' or natfons, and 
 «nall so desist accordingly 
 
 Article X. Hig Britannic 
 majesty and the United SUtea 
 «hall, by all the mean, in thS 
 power, restrain the Indians livimr 
 within their respective domin- 
 ions from committing hoftilj. 
 ties against the territory, citi- 
 zens, or subjects, of the other 
 party. And both power, also 
 agree and mutually pledge them, 
 aeives, if at any time war should 
 unhappily break out between 
 them, not to employ any Indiana, 
 nor to admit of their aid and co* 
 operation in the prosecution of 
 the war against the other party. 
 
 *ff» r',?*^ X'- Each party shil 
 efl^ectually exclude from it. na- 
 val and commercial service, all 
 •eamen, seafaring, or other per- 
 sons, subjects or citizens of the 
 other party, not naturaUzed by 
 the respective governments of 
 
 the two parties before the 
 
 day of-—.. 
 
 Seamen, or other persona, 
 subjects of either party, who shall 
 aewrt from public or priratft 
 
m 
 
 11 
 
 Article XU. 
 InadouSBible. 
 
 ships or vessels, shall, whea 
 found v^ithin the jurisdiction of 
 the other party, be surrendered, 
 provided they be demanded with- 
 in from the time of their 
 
 desertion. 
 
 No person whatever shall, 
 upon the high seas, and witboXit 
 the jurisdictioM of either party, 
 be demanded, or taken out of any 
 ship or vessel belonging to sub- 
 jects or citizens of any of the 
 "•»'1;ies, by the public or private 
 i:>. :; id ships or vessels belonging 
 ■" . r in the service of, the other, 
 c.css such person be, at the 
 time, in the actual employment 
 of an enemy of such other party. 
 
 This article shall continue in 
 
 force for the term of years. 
 
 Nothing in this article contained 
 r^-all be construed thereafter to 
 effect or impair the rights of ei- 
 ther party. 
 
 Article XII. lifcitherof the 
 contracting parties shall hereaf- 
 ter be engaged in a war against 
 any third power, to which war 
 the other of the ^ <rtie9 shall re- 
 main neutral, it is agreed that 
 every vessel of the neutral par- 
 ty sailing for a port or place be- 
 longing to the enemy of the 
 belligerent, without knowing that 
 the same is besieged, blockaded, 
 or invested, may be turned away 
 from siich port or place, but 
 shall not be detained, nor her 
 cargo, if not contraband, be con- 
 fiscated, unless, after such no- 
 tice, she shall again attempt to 
 enter ; but she shall be permitted 
 to go to any other port or place 
 she may think proper. Nor 
 flhall iny vessel or goods of either 
 party, that may have entered 
 into such port or place befoi-e 
 the same was besieged, block- 
 aded, or in vested J by ihe otber^ 
 
39 
 
 AUTICIB XIII. 
 Inadnissible. 
 
 and be found therein after th» 
 reduction or surrender of auch 
 place, be liable to confiscation, 
 but shall be restored to the pro- 
 prietors thereof : and, in order 
 to determine what characterize* 
 a blockaded port, that denomina- 
 tion IS given only to a port where 
 there is, by the disposition of the 
 power which attacks it with 
 ships stationary or sufficientlj 
 near, an evident danger in en- 
 tering. 
 
 ARTicLe XIIL It is agreed that 
 indemnity shall be made by his 
 Britannic majesty to the citizen! 
 of the United States, for all losses 
 and damages sustained by them 
 during the late war between 
 threat Britain and France, and pri- 
 or to the commencement of the 
 present war, by reason of irregu- 
 lar or illegal captures, seizures, 
 or condemnations of vessels and 
 other property, under colour of 
 authority, contrary to the known 
 and established rules of the law 
 of nations. And it is also agreed, 
 that indemnity shall be made, by 
 each of the contracting parties, 
 to the subjects or citizens of the 
 other party, for all losses and 
 damage sustaiaed subsequent to 
 the commencement of the pre- 
 sent war, by reason of the sei- 
 zure or condemnation of the 
 vessels or cargoes, belonging to 
 the subjects or citizens of the 
 other party, which, in the ordi- 
 nary course of commerce hap- 
 Eenec;, at the commencement of 
 ostilities, to be in the ports of 
 the other party ; and by reason 
 ot the destruction of unfortified 
 towns, and the pillage or destruc- 
 tion of private property, and the 
 enticement and carrying away of 
 negroes, contrary to the known 
 and established rules anA ... 
 
 iQanpAtfi 
 
m 
 
 of war, betvreeD civiliaed na- 
 tions. 
 
 It is agreed that, for the pur- 
 pose of determining the indem- 
 nities due by each contracting 
 party, in conformity with the 
 provisions of this article, com- 
 missioners shall be appointed, 
 in the following manner, viz : 
 one commissioner shall be named 
 by his Britannic majesty, and one 
 by the President of the United 
 States, by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate there- 
 of; and the &aid two commission- 
 ers shall agree in the choice of 
 a third ; or, if they cannot agree, 
 they shall each propose one 
 person, and of the two names so 
 proposed, one shall be taken by 
 lot, in the presence of the two 
 original commissioners, nd the 
 three commissioners, thus ap> 
 pointed, shaJl be sworn and au* ' 
 thorized and empowered, impar- 
 tially, to examine into all such 
 claims and complaints, and to 
 determine the indemnities which 
 may be justly due for the same. 
 The said commissioners shall 
 meet at — , and shall have pow.- 
 er to adjourn to such other place 
 or places as they shall think fit ; 
 they shall also have power to ap- 
 point a secretary, swear and ex- 
 amine "witnesses, and have all as- 
 sistance and facilities necessary 
 to effect the object of their ap- 
 pointment. 
 
 The award of the said com- 
 missioners, oramajorityof them, 
 shall, in all cases, be final and 
 conclusive, both as to the justice 
 of the cidm and as to the amount 
 of the sum to be paid to the 
 claimant and claimants ; and his 
 Britannic majesty and the Unit- 
 ed States agree and undeiiake 
 to cause the sums ao awarded tjt, 
 
#• 
 
 )r thepur- 
 the indem- 
 contracting 
 r with the 
 icle, com- 
 appoJDted, 
 aner, viz : 
 I be named 
 ty, and one 
 he United 
 the advice 
 late there- 
 >mmi88ion- 
 ! choice of 
 mot agree, 
 •po«e one 
 
 > names so 
 I taken by 
 f the two 
 I, md the 
 
 thus ap> 
 n and au« ' 
 ed, impar- 
 
 > all such 
 i, and to 
 ties which 
 the same, 
 aers shall 
 lave pow.- 
 her place 
 think fit ; 
 ver to ap- 
 r and ex« 
 ive all as- 
 lecessary 
 their ap- 
 
 aid com- 
 ' of them, 
 Snal and 
 e justice 
 3 amount 
 i to the 
 and his 
 le Unit- 
 ideiiake 
 arded tji, 
 
 ARTICtE XIV. 
 Inadmissible. 
 
 41 
 
 be due hy them, respectively, to 
 be paid in specie, to such claim- 
 ant and claimants, without de- 
 duction, and at such place or 
 places, time or times, as shall be 
 awarded by the commissioners. 
 Article XIV. It is also agreed, 
 that no person or persons, re- 
 siding within the dominions of 
 one of the parties, who may have 
 taken part with the other party 
 in the war between GreatBritain 
 and the United States, shall, on 
 that account, be prosecuted, mo- 
 lested, or annoyed, either in his 
 person or property ; and that all 
 such persons disposed to remove 
 into the dominions of the other 
 party, shall be allowed the term 
 
 ^[ — months, freely to sell 
 
 their property, of every nature 
 and description whatsoever, and 
 to remove accordingly. 
 
 Article XV. This treaty, 
 when the same shall have been 
 ratified on both sides, and the 
 respective ratifications mutually 
 exchanged, shall be binding on 
 both parties, and the ratifica- 
 tions shall be exchanged at (1) 
 
 in the space of- month* 
 
 t jrom this day, or sooner if po*. 
 tible. (2) ^ 
 
 in faith whereof, we, the re- 
 ipeclive plenipotentiaries, have 
 Bigned this treaty, and have 
 thereunto affixed our seals. 
 
 Done at Ghent, the day 
 
 of- — one thousand eight hun- 
 nred and fourteen. 
 
 remarks, mad^ by the lair onTetS gthT^^^^^^^^ ''' 
 
 ncan minister' note, communicaUng sai§ projecrof 1 i^^^^^^^ ^"" 
 
 C. HUGHES, Jr. 
 
 Secretary American Mission extraordinaiy. 
 
 Article XV. 
 
 (1) Wasihington, with ajl practi 
 cable despatch. 
 
 (2) practicable. 
 
4% 
 
 Draft of arHcle to be inserted immediatelu after article td of the 
 
 •Ir/wrican project,* 
 
 All priionera of war tHkcn on cither side, an well by land m tr 
 ■ea, shall b« restored as soon u» practicable, nfter the ratiticationi 
 ofths treaty shall have been exchanged, on their paying the debts 
 which they may have contracted .luring their captivity. The two 
 contracting parlies r«s,>erUvely engage to discharge, in apecif.. the> 
 advances which may have been made by the othSr, for the .iste 
 Bancc and mnii(eiianc< ot such prisoners. 
 
 Jtmerican Ao. 7, f» reply to British JVo. 7. ^ 
 
 OiiBUT, 3oth Nov. 1814. 
 *!. \^« ;.""'«"'P"««^ have had the honour to receive the note of 
 the British plenipotentiaries of the 2Glh instant, together with their 
 man^inal alterations and suggestions, on the several articles of the 
 project of H treaty of peace, projiosed by the undersigned 
 
 rhc undersigned consent that the day of the exchange of ralifi- 
 cations be substituted to that of the signature of the treaty, as the 
 time for the cessation of hostilities, and for regulating the periods 
 after which prizes at s6a shall be restored : it being understood 
 that measures s.iall be adopted for a speedy exchange of rutifica- 
 irons, and that the periods in the second article shall be lixed ia a 
 manner corresponding with this alteration. 
 
 The nndersignod will also agree to the new article renpectina 
 prisoners, and to the mode of reference proposed by the British 
 plenipotent^iaries in »he third, fourth, Hfth, sixth, and seventh arti- 
 cjes, instead of that which had been proposed by the undersigned 
 But, in order to prevent delay, they will suggest that a time be 
 hxed, within which the commissioners shall make their decisions 
 and reports. 
 
 The undersigned will decline insisting upon the 10th, 12th, and 
 14th articles, and upon so much of the 13th article as relates to 
 indemnities tor losses and damages sustained subsequent to the 
 commencement of Uie present war. They wish to discuss the cases 
 of vess^ils and property, in port when war was declared or known • 
 and have the honour to enclose a copy of the provision made in 
 that respect by the United States. They will also waive the resi- 
 due of that (the 13th) article, and the Uth article, it being under, 
 stood that the rights of both powers on the subject of seamen, and 
 the claims of the citizens and subjects of the two contracting par- 
 ties, to indemnities for losses and damages sustained prior to the 
 commencement of the war, shall not be affected, or impaired by 
 the omission 10 the treaty of any specific provision with respect to 
 .those two subjects. ' 
 
 • Proposed by the British ministers. 
 
and 
 
 43 
 
 lo forhcBring to Jniiit upon the diicuiiion of lubiect. d.*«i. 
 involving intereMn important to tbeircountrv «,.l •"*^^*"" ^l^tff 
 un,ler«iKue.I view the propom.U off"rerbTfheii IVrnV .''** •''" 
 «H rounded on principled tie, mo«t «oder«tV«n,Wirtn:''';r" 
 give the «tronKo«t evidence ofthe anxious wi«h of H.-i^' ^^ 
 thnl the negotiation nhould be bronchi to aT.ppI'l;:"^*'''^^"'"^"* 
 Smcerclj. pHrticipatinK in the de«ire expre^Jd by 'the Brill«h 
 f lempotentiarieB, of endeavouring to reconcile the preten. ionl If 
 loth Kovernnjents on the few .ul.j.ct^ remaining for £cSn he 
 underH.g..ed have al«o ««,ent«d to mo«t of the alteration- popoeS 
 by the Bnt.8h plen.potent.nrieMo those parts of the project which 
 they have not entirely rejected. 0^ [tJ name of these ,UerS„. 
 the undersigned are compelled by their duty to object. ThJv CI 
 already stated, and now repeat, that, whilst requiring of Gre!J 
 Britain no sacrifice whatever, the government of he uJited Stetea 
 bas not authorized the undersigned to agree to any stipSon n! 
 , volv.ng any cession of the territory, or the .lerelictfon of any of th« 
 essential rights of the people of the United States. ^ ® 
 
 The objections of the undersigned are to one of the alteration* 
 suggested by the British plenipotentiaries in -the first mTTo 
 some parts of the preamble of the third article ; and to the eLhth 
 article ; and they have also some other verl,«Ulte ,dion to 1^1 
 r!\uu\'TT " ««"^«''«"^<'> «t such time and p^cj t 2r 
 suit the British p enipotentinries. for the purpose of disclS 
 hose points and of agreeing on the places and Le« lefrfnbS 
 in several of the articles. '*"'* 
 
 The undersigned renew to the British plenipotentiaries the as 
 Mrance of their high oonsideration. '"unea me a»- 
 
 JOim QUINCY ADAM.S, 
 J. A. BAyARD, 
 HENRY CLAY, 
 JONATHAN RUSSELL, 
 
 To the PUnipotenliarie. oF hi. Bn.a„„i« ^^^^^^ GALLATIN. 
 inaj«My, &G. tee. 6lc. 
 
 E*lrlut«fal<m0flheUniUdS(alapa„tdMyeih 1813 
 
 Britith Note JVo. 9. 
 The undersigned have the honour to arlfni>»io-i— tu 
 
44 
 
 ■nd in compHancc with their request for a conference, shall be 
 happy to recrive them at the Chartreux to-morrow at 12 o'clock. 
 Ttie undersigned request the American plenipoteutiariea to ac- 
 cept the assurance of their high consideration. 
 
 GAMBIER, 
 
 KENRY GOULBURN, 
 WILLIAM ADAMS. 
 Ghent, Nov. .loth, 181*. . 
 
 Protocol of a conference^ held the 1st December, 1814, a< Ghent. 
 
 .'enipotentiaries 
 ^s amended by 
 
 At a conference held this day, the Americ ■■. 
 proposed the following alterations in their proje 
 the British plenipotentiaries. 
 
 1. In article 1st, strike out the alteration consisting of the words 
 *' belonging to, and taken by," and preserve the original reading, 
 viz. '• taken by either party from the other." 
 
 This alteration was objected to by the British plenipotentiaries, 
 and after some discussion, reserved by them for the consideration 
 of their government. 
 
 2. Transpose alteration consisting of the words *' originally cap- 
 tured in the said forts or places, and which shall remain therein 
 upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty," after the 
 words " public property." 
 
 Agreed to by the British plenipotentiaries. 
 
 3. Article 2d. The term to be fifteen days in the Channel, in 
 the North Seas, in all parts of the Atlantic ocean to the equinoctial 
 line or equator, and in all parts of the Mediterranean. Two months 
 in the Atlantic ocean, to the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope, 
 and three months in all other parts of the w6rld. 
 
 In lieu of this alteration, the British plenipotentiaries proposed 
 the following, viz. " That all vessels and effects which may be taken 
 after the space of twelve days from the period of the exchange of 
 the said ratifications, upon all parts of the coasts of North America, 
 from the latitude of 23 deg. north, to the latitude of 47 deg. north 
 and as far eastward in the Atlantic ocean as the 65 deg. of west 
 longitude from the meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on 
 each side. That the term shall be thirty days in all other parts of 
 the Atlantic ocean, as tar eastward as the entrance of the British^ 
 Channel, and southward as far as the equinoctial line or equator, 
 and the same time for the Gulf of Mexico and all parts of the West 
 Indies. Forty days for the British Channel and the North Seas, 
 The same time for all parts of the Mediterranean, and one hun- 
 dred and fifty days for all other parts of the world, without excep- 
 tion." Which was reserved by the American plenipotentiaries 
 for consideration. 
 
 4; Article 3d. After the words " all island? within twenty leagues 
 
45 
 
 I substitute 
 
 of,'* insert " any part of" 
 
 ter the words " to be draw., uue easi irom the " ' ' ' 
 
 .Vee.Uo by the BritUb plenipotenitaries 
 5. Articl'i 3d. Strike out the words «' »!»>..«„. i • .^ 
 made by .he government of the Unhed sTates to cir' *'T ^/^ 
 the Bay of Fundy." and insert «' wherpTJhl ^'"? i"^"** »» 
 
 Agreed to b, ,e British plenipotentiaries. 
 
 article, contredj-'tl^^t'te "'aV" .r.-'lr^."' "" '"-'«■« 
 
 Mitll-e' '."h^rrdT-i tt ttfo'ex^^Z'tr""''' "?""«»» '° "''■ 
 of the." ^ ^^"^ ^^^ marginal words " many 
 
 -SE^S^)^^^-^ Of tBe 
 
 ^Ar fi m'rf «\^"^'^^ plenipotentiaries 
 
 the -safd^lt^ sTfar'at ' r;;;t Il^^h:-^^'^-; *^ ^* ^-*--<» o^ 
 ries," instead of the w;rds ' the ttr tlr" " ^^Al'^ff*"*^^* *«^"t«- 
 ^reedtobytheBSpre^irj^^^^^^^^ 
 
 of tr^olell?""^'' plenipotentiaries for the consideration 
 
 States shall continue tr^niov' th J rt '^''^'''**"^ °^ *•»« United 
 fish, ,n places wi hin th^ /.T^ • ^ ' •''^•''^y *° *«''«' '^'•7. and cure 
 secured^y th^ brlr treat!"nr'-'""'^''=''.°V^ Great Britain, a» 
 river Mississ|ppr!^ahL the eL^J'"'^ ' ""^ ^^^ ""'^'S^^'^" °^ *»>« 
 States, shall rema n fre^and ooen ^o'^h J^T*^'''""? °^ ^'^^ U""*** 
 in the manner secured bvth/-^'?. ^ «"l>Jf?ts of Great Britain, 
 that the subjects of his Britanni' ""'• *^.' 'l'^ '* " f"'^'^" agreed 
 access, from such plaTe as irvh.'"'^'/^/.'''" '^^ all timeT have 
 Britannic majesty's aforesrifterrf"'''^ ^'' ^'^•* P"^P°««' ^^^ his 
 hundred miles of the La^e of i/ w f ' .'^*?' '"''^ ^'^hin three 
 ries of the United States to tLr- ^«^^^'" the aforesaid territo- 
 the benefit of the nlv's^^^^^^^^^^ '" order to^njoy 
 
 and merchandise. XTelnoHa"''^' w.th their goods, effects, 
 be entirely prohibited on '"Jf «t'°" "^^o the said States shall not 
 
 be payable'^oHe mportaUon 7tZ°* "''^' f ""! *^"^'«« «« -«"« 
 ofthe said States and on .In" P^ ^a^e into the Atlantic por^ 
 regulations. '' "'^ """ ^«"^o'''"'«g with the usual custom-house 
 
 JsktS'"'"' "" '''' ^'^^ t^"^ '^""^h plenipotentiaries for 
 
46 
 
 The American plenipotentiaries also intimnled their willingness 
 to omit Article 8th altogether, if that course should appear more 
 adviaable to the British plenipotentiaries.] 
 
 The American plenipotentiaries further proposed, in conformity 
 with their note of November 30th, indemnitications for ships de- 
 tained in British ports on the breaking out of the \var, and after- 
 wards condemned ; which was resisted by the liritish plenipoten- 
 tiaries. 
 
 After much discussion on this point, the conference was ad' 
 jouraed. 
 
 Protocol of Conference on December 10th, 1814.- Ghent. 
 
 The Protocol of the preceding conference, held on the Ist 
 instant, was settled. 
 
 The British plenipotentiaries stated that their government could 
 not consent to omit the words in article 1st, " belonging to either 
 party and taken by the other," unless some modiiication should be 
 introduced, cither by excepting from mutual restitution all those 
 territories which are made by any articles of the treaty the subject 
 of reference to commissioners, or by excepting the Passamaquoddy 
 Islands atone. 
 
 Received by the Amorican plenipotentiaries for consideration. 
 
 0:^[The British plenipotentiaries then stated, that with respect 
 (q the 8th article, their government offered, in lieu of the Americau 
 proposals, to retain the amended article as far as the words " Stony 
 Mountains," and to insert the following stipulation : 
 
 " His Britannic majesty agrees to enter into negotiation with the 
 United States of America respecting the terms, conditions, and re- 
 gulations, under which the inhabitants of the said United Slates 
 shall have the liberty of taking fish on certain parts of the coast of 
 Newfoundland, and other his Britannic majesty's dominions in North 
 America, and of drying and curing fish in the unsettled bays, har- 
 bours, and creeks, of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Islands, and Labrador,* 
 as stipulated in the latter part of the 3d article of the treaty of 1783, 
 in consideration of a fair equivalent, to be agreed upon between his 
 majesty and the said United States, and granted by the said United 
 States for such liberty aforesaid. 
 
 " The United States of America agree to enter into negotiation 
 with his Britannic majesty respecting the terms, conditions, and re- 
 gulations, under which the navigation of the river Mississippi, from 
 its source to the ocean, as stipulated in the 8th article of the treaty 
 of 1783, shall remain free and open to the subjects of Great Bri- 
 tain, in consideration of a fair equivalent, to be agreed upon be- 
 tween his majesty and the United States, and granted by his ma- 
 jesty."] 
 
 Received by the American plenipotiaries for consideration. 
 
 In the 7th article the British plenipotentiaries proposed, aftei- 
 the words *' all grants of laud made pr<. vious to," to omit the word» 
 
47 
 
 « to tiiat time "jnd insert "previous to the commencement of the 
 war ;' so that the %ne would read " all grants of land m«de pre^ 
 nous to the comme jcement of the war." ^ 
 
 Agreed to. 
 
 The British plenipotentiaries proposed th« inierUoa of the fol- 
 lowing article relative to the slave trade. • "«» oi me loi- 
 
 " Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcileable with the orin 
 ciples of humanity and justice, and whereas both his majesty wd 
 the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to prom^e 
 Its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the contraS 
 parties shall exert every means in their power to accompUsh tf 
 desirable an object." —f "«u lo 
 
 Received for consideration. 
 
 <TmK®,''iu'^ plenipotentiaries proposed the following provision • 
 That the citizens or subjects of each of the contracting parties 
 may reciprocally sue in the courts of the other, and shaU m«ftt 
 with no impediment to the recovery of all such estates, rights orl. 
 perties. or securities, as may be due to them by the laSs of th« 
 country in whose courts they shall sue." ' 
 
 Received for consideration. 
 
 „ J''*^?!'*' P'^^'Pf*^"*'?:'^^ P»'°P°«ed in the preamble to the 
 pro. . of the treaty to omit the words "Admiral of the White 
 
 XlTeV' t Ef'li^'^'"'^^^ ''' ''' ^^'^^^ "- ^^ 
 Agreed to. 
 
 The American plenipotentiaries stated that possibly doubta 
 might arise as to the geographical accuracy of the words at the be- 
 ginning of the 8th article-" a line drawn due west from the Ldie 
 ot the Woods along the 49th parallel of north latitu ' '' 
 
 It was agreed that an alteration should be made to guard against 
 3uch possible inaccuracy. * «»*u«^5ainBi 
 
 The American plenipotentiaries proposed the followinir altera- 
 tion in the draft delivered to them by the British plenipo eSt^ri" 
 
 ?fiTh 1, 1™ ^/}^ "^^^^ ^^ 60 degrees norlh latitude, and to the 
 36th west longitude ; include the British and Irish channels in the 
 term of 30 days; inc ude the Baltic in the term of 40 dTy" instlaj 
 
 "Trcor;:^TSe^r^^^^-^ 
 
 I 
 
 Protocolof Conference on Decemhcr 12th, 1814 
 
 .taTt'^rstred?' ''' ^""''"^ ^°"'^^^"^^' '^^'^ - '^'^ '^^^ i'^- 
 
 (p=[Aftermuch discussion relative to the Istand 8th articles, the 
 conference ended by the American plenipotentiaries undertak ng 
 to return an answer, in writing, to the propositions brought forward 
 l>y the British plenipotentiaries, at the last conferenre f 
 
4f^ 
 
 Atnerican NoU, No. 8, tvritteu after the Conference of \ 2th oJBe- 
 
 cember, 1814. 
 
 Ghent, December l4U), 1814. 
 
 The undersigned, haring considered the propositions offered, in 
 the conference of the 10th instant, by the British plenipotentiaries, 
 OB the few subjects which remain to bQ adjusted, now have the ho' 
 noar of making th^ communication which they promised. 
 
 The first of them relates to the mutual restoration of the territo- 
 ry taken by either party from the other, during the war. In ad- 
 ■litting this principle, which the undersigned had repeatedly de-" 
 dared to be the only one upon which they were authorized to treat, 
 the British plenipotentiaries h<id, at first, proposed an alteration in v 
 the article offered by the undersigned, limiting the stipulation of re- 
 storing territory taken during the war, to territory belonging to the 
 party from which it was taken. The objection of the ondertigned 
 to this alteration was, that a part of the territory thus taken being 
 claimed by both parties, and made a subject of conference by the. 
 treaty, the alteration would leave it in the power of one party to 
 judge whether any portion of territory taken by him during the war, 
 did or did not belong to the other party, laying thereby, in the very 
 instrument of pacification, the foundation of an immediate misun- 
 derstanding, the mothent that instrument should be carried into ex- 
 ecution. 
 
 The British plenipotentiaries have now proposed to omit the 
 words originally offered by them, provided, that the Passamaquod- 
 dy Islands should alone be excepted from the mutual restitution of 
 territory. 
 
 The consent of the undersigned to this solitary e:^ception, if 
 founded on the alleged right of Great Britain to those islands, might 
 he construed as an implied admission of a better title on her part, 
 than on that of the United States, and would necessarily affect their 
 claim. The only ground for the exception consists in the allega- 
 tion of the British plenipotentiaries that Great Britain had, daring 
 some period subsequent to the treaty of peace of 1783, exercised 
 jurisdiction over those islands, and that the United States had sub- 
 sequently occupied them, contrary to the remonstrances of the 
 British government, and before the question of title had been ad- 
 justed. 
 
 Under these considerations, the undersigned, unwilling to pre- 
 vent the conclusion of the treaty of peace, will take upon them- 
 selves the responsibility of agreeing to the exception proposed, 
 with a provision, that the claim of the United States shall not, 
 thereby, be in any manner affected. The undersigned have ac- 
 cordingly prepared a clause to that effect, and which provides, also, 
 that the temporary possession may not be converted into perma- 
 nent occupancy. They had agreed to the alteration proposed by 
 the British plenipotentiaries in the mode of reference of the several 
 boundaries and territory in dispute, under the expectation that the 
 
4# 
 
 propoitd exception to « general restoraUon V^rould not be insisted 
 on, and they wjll add, that the objection to the temporary posses- 
 flion by Great Britain of the Passamaquoddy IslHnds, would be con- 
 sideraMy lessened by adopting a mode of reference which would 
 insure a speedy and certain decision. 
 
 [To the stipulation now proposed by the British plenipotentia- 
 nes 88 a substitute for the last paragraph of the 8th article, the un- 
 dersigned cannot accede. 
 
 The proposition made, respecting the navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi, in the alteration tirst proposed by the British plenipotentia- i 
 ries to that article, was unexpected. In their note of the 31st of * 
 October, they had stated, that they had brought forward in their 
 note of the 21st of the same month, all the propositions which they 
 had to offer ; and that subject was not mentioned either in this last 
 mentioned note, or in the first conference to which it referred. In ' 
 order to obviate any difficulty arising from a presumed connectioft 
 between that subject and that of the boundary proposed by the 8th 
 article, the undersigned expressed their willingness to omit the ar- 
 ticle altogether. For the purpose of meeting what they believed 
 to be the wishes of the British government, they proposed the in- 
 sertion of an article which should recognise the right of Great Bri- 
 tain to the navigation of that river, and that of the United States to 
 a liberty in certain fisheries, which the British government consi- 
 ucied as abrogated by the war. To such an article, which they 
 viewed as merely declaratory, the undersigned had no objection, 
 and have offered to accede. They do not, however, want any 
 new article on either of those subjects : they have offered to be 
 suenl with regard to both. To the stipulation now proposed, or to 
 any other, abandoning, or implying the abandonment of, any richt 
 m the fisheries claimed by the United States, they cannot subscribe 
 As a stipulation merely, that the parties will hereafter negotiate 
 concernmg the subjects in question, it appears also unnecessary. 
 Yet, to an engagement couched in general terms, so as to embrace 
 all the subjects of difference not yet adjusted, or so expressed as to 
 imply in no manner whatever an abandonment of any right claimed 
 by the United States, the undersigned are ready to agree.] 
 
 Since neither of the two additional articles proposed by the Bri- 
 tish plenipotentiaries was included amongst, or is connected with 
 the subjects previously brought forward by them, it is presumed 
 they are offered only for consideration, as embracing objects of 
 common and equal interest to both parties. The undersigned will 
 accede to the substance of the article to promote the abolition of 
 the slave trade. They cannot admit the other article, which to 
 them, appears unnecessary. The couns of the United States will 
 without It, be equally open to the claims of British subjects ; and 
 they rely that, without it, the British courts will be equally open t« 
 the cliiims of the citizens of the United States. 
 
Th« undesigned renew to the British plenipotentiaries the m^ 
 iurance of their high coniideraUoo. ««"«rid9 me m- 
 
 wSL**^*^'^^ ADAMS, 
 
 To thfl Plenipotentiaries of hit Britaii'^ic 
 
 majesty, &c. &c. fcc. 
 
 JAMES A. bayard; 
 HENRV CLAV, 
 JONATHAN RUSSELL. 
 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Such of he islands in the Bay of Passanaquoddy as are claimed 
 by both parlies, shall remain in the possession of the party in whwe 
 occupation they may beat Ihe time of the exchange of the raTifica! 
 ions of this treaty until the decision respecti,.>g the title to the safd 
 slands shall have been made, in conformity with the 4th artkle if 
 this treaty. But if such decision shall not have taken place wth'n 
 Zr~;^T'u* f u**** exchange of the ratifications of this treaty 
 such islands shall be restored to, and until such decision mav 'ake 
 place, shall be retained by, the party who had possession 'of the 
 .ame at the commencement of the war. No disposition made by 
 this treaty of the intermediate possession of the islands and territ^^ 
 nes, claimed by bo^h parties, shall, in any manner whatever be 
 construed to affect the right of either. ^ wnatever. be 
 
 British Note JVo. 10, in answer to American JVo. 8. 
 The undersigned have had the honour to receive the note of the 
 American plenipotentiaries, dated on the 14th instant, statng their 
 consent to except the Passamaquoddy Islands from the mutuVl re' 
 ZTnif^ ^fT'l T""'!*^ ^"""'"S 'he war. provided the clal of 
 h! iTf ^*^' 'if \°* ^^ *" «"y '"»""«'• «ff«<=ted thereby. To 
 he art cle proposed by the American plenipotentiaries, so fSrasit 
 L'vlfi ° ^'"t°^J«^^ th« undersigned are willing to'agree ; bu 
 they object as before intimated by them, to that p^rt of the pro. 
 posed article which would make it imperative on the commfs^on- 
 
 th7« hP^luil'/''' •?""'''? ''''^''' «"y ^^^^'l *•'"«' trusting that on 
 this head the American plenipotentiaries will be satisfied with their 
 dec aration that it is the intention of his majesty's government to do 
 all that belongs to them to obtain a decisiin without losTof Ume 
 
 ilten J.7rf ' f '^' '''f' '"•'J^'"^^' '^•" ^« ^«""^ to omit the c W 
 
 ntended to enforce a decision within some limited time, and to con- 
 
 tain a slight alteration in the third clause, by substituting in th°e 
 
 . i^^.K° ';'*'' «V^g«''ds the substitution proposed by the undersien- 
 ed for the last clause of the 8th article, a's it was offered solely ^th 
 TJrr °^«««'"'"g the object of the amendment tendered by the 
 American plenipotentiaries at the conference of the 1st instant, no 
 
6i 
 
 diflSculty wHI be made id witbdrawins it THa „uA.^- t 
 ferring to the declaration a,ade by the'm'tt tl'l"„te"«?«j.' f^ 
 «th of August, that th« privileges of fishinc within'Hifr f V u 
 B.it.,h sovereignty, and of uBing the Britidf teSor^'/?'** ""^^^^ 
 connected with the fisheries, were what Great fc^^^^^ 
 tendtograntwitho.it equivalent, are not des 100^0/ in*^ T^ 
 any article upon the subject. With the view of ron.'*^"''!."^ 
 jhey consider as the only'objcction ioZZZelt7ZX\l^l\' 
 the treaty, the undersigned agree to adon* fh« ^.rT ^ , '^'""o" ot 
 
 The undersigned avail themselves of this oooortuniiv ♦« . «, 
 
 z^v^lss^''- "^"•" '•■""»'' «'•'- "■eCSf.fts::; 
 
 GAWBIER, 
 
 HENKY GOULDBURN. 
 Oheut, December 22. I814. WILLIAM ADAMS. 
 
 Accompanying British Mete JVo. 10 
 
 No disposition made by this treatv n<* tn «./.», ^^ 
 Ulandsand territories cJmed J; b1[h pa LsshaTir'" '^ "'" 
 whatever, be construed to affect the rigCfeithe"' ^^ '"•'*^"" 
 
 Protoco/ 0/ Conference. 
 
 At a conference held this day. the proltoJofThr"""';' '''*' 
 ference was settled. ^ protocol of the preceding cpn- 
 
 The Am^ican plenipotentiaries intimated their rea.lin.« * 
 cede o the propositions contained i„ the note of the Rr.tf . ? ^t 
 potcntiaries, of the 22d instant. ^"^'^'^ P'*""'" 
 
 ?„^l^''l!°T'"^ alterations were then agreed to : 
 IV''®^'''^^''^'^'«'«fte»- the word'' cease ''ornJt^h. -^ 
 '' ^ K^fi^^f «^ "^^^^ ratifications," anH^s^r" as sZ ' ,?'^- 
 treaty shall have been ratified by both part es " IZ?^ f L'* 
 
 the words .. belo^n^XteX^^ Ja^S"^^' ^^'i^^ ''irV' 
 words " 8 gn ne of this trpafv " Jno^ . *u . ^J'* ■^"<^'' the 
 
12 
 
 belong," insert, ferbatim, the words of the amendment inclosed in 
 4he note of the British plenipotentiaries of the 22d instant, 6IIing up 
 the blank with the word " fourth," 
 
 2d article. The second article was altered so as to read as fol- 
 low* : 
 
 Ar+icle II. Immediately after the ratification of this treaty by 
 both parties, as hereinafter mentioned, orders shall be sent to the 
 armies, squadrons, odicers, subjects, and citizens, of the two pow- 
 ers, to cease from all hostilities; and to prevent all causes of com- 
 plaint, which might arise on account of the prizes which may be 
 taken at sea after the said ratifications of this treaty, it is recipro- 
 cally agreed, that all vessels and effects which may be taken after 
 the space of twelve days from the said ratifications, upon all parts 
 of the coast of North America, from the latitude of twenty-three 
 degrees north to the latitude of fifty degrees north, and as far east- 
 ward in the Atlantic ocean as the thirty-sixth degree of west longi- 
 tude from the meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each 
 side ; that the time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the 
 Atlantic ocean north of the equinoctial line or equator ; and the 
 same time for the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexico, 
 and all parts of the West Indies ; forty days for the North Seas, 
 for the Baltic, and for all other parts of the Mediterranean ; sixty 
 days for the Atl^i^tic ocean, south of the equator, as far as the 
 latitude of the Cape of Good Hope ; ninety days for eveiy other 
 part of the world south of the equator, and one hundred and twenty 
 days for all other parts of the World without exception. 
 
 It was agreed that the article respecting prisoners of war should 
 be the third article, and that the words " as hereinafter mention- 
 ed," should be substituted for the words, " shall have been ex- 
 changed." . 
 
 The articles numbered in the original project 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, to be 
 Respectively numbered 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. 
 
 In the 4th article, it was agreed that the blank should be filled 
 up with the words " St. Andrews, in the province of New-Bruns- 
 wick." 
 
 In the 5th article, it was agreed that the blank should be filled 
 up with the words "St Andrews, in the province of New-Bruns- 
 »/ick." 
 
 Ndar the end of the 5th article, substitute the word •• fourth" 
 for " third." 
 
 In the 6th article, it was agreed to fill up the blank with the 
 words " Albany, in the State of New-York," and to substitute the 
 word '* fourth" for «' third," in the concluding paragraph. 
 
 In the 7th article, substitute the word " fourth" for '• third," in 
 the last paragraph. 
 
 It was agreed that the article respecting the African slave trade 
 should be the 10th article, and that the words " use their best en- 
 deavours," should be substituted for the words "exert every 
 means in their power." 
 
sad as fol- 
 
 treaty by 
 entto the 
 two pow- 
 B8 of com- 
 h may be 
 s recipro* 
 tkeD after 
 D all parts 
 !Dty-three 
 } far east- 
 rest longi- 
 1 OD each 
 rts of the 
 ; and the 
 >fMexico, 
 >rth Seas, 
 an ; sixty 
 ar as the 
 jiy other 
 nd twenty 
 
 ar should 
 mention- 
 been ex- 
 
 i, 7, to be 
 
 be filled 
 iv-Bruns- 
 
 be filled 
 ir>Bruns- 
 
 ' fourth" 
 
 with the 
 ilute the 
 
 lird," in 
 
 ve trade 
 best en- 
 :t every 
 
 53 
 
 The 15th article of the proiect tn >.« ^ 
 agreed to insert in it, after thrwords « n^ ^".^''^1'^ ^^ ' *» ^^^^ 
 - without alteration by either ofXrn„r r**"' ''^^'' **"« '^o^ds 
 
 Omit the words " ii?h all orarftl? !f ^""S P^''"^^-" 
 blank with the word " foSr " '^Insertl^L fr*'''-:.' ^'" "P *»»« 
 words " in triplicate." The bS ^f ^ ''?'** " '*°°«'" ^he 
 article formerly proposed by them t to 2T.'"'' "^'S«^ »»>« 
 cuted by the citizens or subject" of^onp"? °^ ^'^ l^ ^^ P''o««- 
 justice of the other. ResS bv *h? a " '°'' '° ^^^ ^«"rts of 
 ries. resisted by the American plenipolentia- 
 
 The conference wis adjourned to the 24th ina* e .^ 
 of signing the treaty. ® ^^^** ^°^*' ^'^^ ^^e purpose 
 
 3%e American Plenipotentiaries to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Sm-W«l, «, u Ghewt. 25th December, 1814. 
 
 thrJe'copTe ^TtlettZT:!^^^^^^^^ <>- ^^ the 
 
 United States^ig^ed LrevruTn. bv ^'^^'"^ ^"^«'° a°d the 
 
 Britannic majest/and by us ^ ^ ^ Plenipotentiaries of his 
 
 The papers, of which copies are likPwU «« r 
 exhibit to you 80 fully the progress nfthi "ow forwarded, will 
 departure hf the Chauncey that fewliv "^P^'^^'"" ^^nce the 
 will be necessary. It mav bp LST ^'i^'^'^^^l, '•emarks from us 
 thatinth^interi«^^etn^hnr;l' "^' ''"T^'^^r, to state. 
 , treaty Was senTtoibeBritrsh pfen 2. 7 *" °" f"*'* P'^^**^* ^^ '^ 
 communicated to us the aLer^o ^^ /"^"^^^^ 
 had sent by Mr Dallas nnnT. ? '^^^ despatches which we 
 
 published fnThe S S ates Cre ^^^^^^^^^^ T- ".^''^'^ ^«^ "^^^^ 
 
 In declining to insist on the S/^''''-^'' '" ^"^land. 
 indemnities, ^e -adTa formal dSaSThS^P'T^^^^ '^"^ 
 parties, on the subject of seamen anTfhL I '^^ "Sbts of both 
 
 losses and damages sustained pLrti.h.''"' '° '"demnities for 
 war, should not be aWcted or mp^red^ ^^ »*>« 
 
 F?omlrr''^p^T'°" on S7wo'/ui^:tr'"""' '" '^^ 
 
 rrom the time when the oroiPrt nf^K^ """jccis. 
 was returned, with the pr^Ce^L^^ols^i •';'^''^'°*^^ "^^ "«' 
 unless new pretensions on the part of ftrp?.^R v "' •'♦PPa'-eut, that 
 vanced, the only important SifiJrf ^'^eat Britain should be ad- 
 were those rela^ir^ he ^Ifr^ be discussed, 
 
 during the «'ar ; t^o he navrati Tf ^p T 
 '.ubjects, and to the right of £0600?/ Irth r "''PP* *^> '^"'^'^b 
 »' sheries within the British urisSn In . ^Tl-^ ^'^'^' *« '^^ 
 titutiou of captured territorf whtrw; h T ""^ of a general res- 
 governoient, It fir*t, wished^t; confinnt to tfl?"'''.'^' '^' ^"^'»^ 
 
 d.d not belong to tL ^»>e^^a2f li::^:^^'^ ^1;^^^ 
 
d4 
 
 they acknowledged it to be tbeir object, tbat each party should, 
 until a decision had taken place with respect to the title, retain 
 possession of all the territory claimed by both parties, which might 
 have been taken by such party during the war. They proposed, 
 however, to limit the exception from mutual restitution, to the is- 
 lands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy . As it had been, on both sides, 
 admitted, that the title to these islands was disputed, and as the 
 method of settling amicably those disputes was provided for in the 
 treaty, we had not expected that the British government would ad: 
 here to the demand of retaining the temporary possession of those 
 isla^ids. We insisted, therefore, on their being included in the 
 general restoration, until we had reason to believe that our further 
 perseverance would have hazarded the conclusion of the peace 
 itself; we finally consented, as an alternative preferable to the 
 continuance of the war, to this exception, upon condition that it 
 should not be understood as impairing, in any manner, the right of 
 the United States to these islands. We also urged for a stipulation,^ 
 requiring an ultimate decision upon the title within a limited time ; 
 but to this we also found opposed an insuperable objection, and we 
 were finally induced to accept, in its stead, a declaration of the 
 British plenipotentiaries that no unnecessary delay of jthe decision 
 should be interpo<jed on the part of Great Britain. 
 
 At the first conference on the 8th of August, the British pleni- 
 potentiaries had notified to us, that the British government did not 
 intend, henceforth, to allow to the people of the United States, 
 without an equivalent, the liberties to fish, and to dry and cure 
 fish, within the exclusive British jurisdiction, stipulated in their 
 favour, by the latter part of the third article of the treaty of peace 
 of 1J83. And, in their note of tfie 19th of August, the British 
 plenipotentiaries had demanded a new stipulation to secure to 
 British subjects the right of navigating the Mississippi : a demand, 
 which, unless warranted by another article of that same treaty of 
 1783, we could not perceive that Great Britain had any colourable 
 pretence for making. Our instructions had forbidden us to suffer 
 ou"* right to the fisheries to be brought into discussion, and had not 
 authorized us to make any distinction in the several provisions of 
 the third article of the treaty of 1783, or between that article and 
 any other of the same treaty. We had no equivalent to offer for a 
 new recognition of our right to any part of the fisberies, and we 
 had no power to grant any equivalent which might be asked for it 
 hy the British government. We contended that the whole treaty 
 of 1783, must be considered as one entire and permanent compact, 
 not liable, like ordinary treaties, to be abrogated by a subsequent 
 war between the parties to it ; as an instrument recognising the 
 rights and liberties enjoyed by the people of the United States as 
 an independent nation, and containing the terms and conditions on 
 which the two parts of one empire had mutually agreed thence« 
 forth to constitute two distinct and separate nations. In consent- 
 ing, by that treaty, that a part of the North American continent 
 
5A 
 
 shoald remain aubiect to the Britiali i«^.A: *• 
 United States had-'reserved to th"msii?^^^^^^^^ 
 haderer before enjoyed, of HsbrnTu^n J^Jt '^^^^^^^^ 
 and of drying and '^ urine fish nnnn ♦hiTi. ^^^ ^^ thfrcoalts, 
 tion had beeS agr dio bv theThP^ .« ^''?'' ""^^ <»»" r^^n^a- 
 not why thin iZ. ly^hen^no new erLt h„T^ ^'''^' ^^ »«'' 
 » prior right, always enjoTed shoufd b^ fllT? f'^^^^S-'^o^ of 
 more than any other of thrrLhl-«? "^^ '°^(«'te«' by a ^ar, anj 
 or why we shLuZel ane^t^u^^^^^^^ jndependencei 
 
 than we needed a new aS in H«.i /o'/ts enjoyment more 
 Britain treated with «s aslree overe?^' Inl'^/ ^'J'^ ^'^^' 
 We siated this principle, in gt^erlf ter^'« ? /k** 0^^".^^ * «*"*««• 
 fentiaries. in the^ote which^we seit'tr/h *^!^^"t•«h plenipo- 
 the treaty ; and we alleged it J! ?k *''T '^'''» our project of 
 
 stipulation was dleVed by onrlv^' ^''''?*^ "P*^" ^^icf no new 
 the people of the U^hed StatI/ n rr'"l"^"^«««'^ ^ secure to 
 lated in'their favour bj'th'ifr'iUns"!^ "b^ aes stip,, 
 
 oi our note was given bv ihp Rr;*; u 1 • ^° ''^P'y to that part 
 turning our project "fa tre%^" L V ^;;P;^«'';'«"«« ; »>"». in^-e- 
 articles, stipulating a right for Br tlh «!*'' '^ *° °"^ ""^ **^« 
 "saippi. Without adveSn-?o the ^L,^^'f *? "«^'8«*« the Mis- 
 usage, if the principle were ust th!tT f ^^"'^7"'* immemorial 
 peculiar character, remained "n force in «n f*^ °^ '^^^' ^'''^ "« 
 ing the war. no ne^ stipXuoi was nerP«J '\ P"'^'' "otwithstand- 
 jects of Great Britain the S ofJ^^^^T^^t'' '.'/"'"« *<> *»•« «"«>. 
 as, that right was secured bf the "^ertfSip'. *^*^^"''PP*' «« ^" 
 hand, no stipulation was necessarvfn 5l ^P V"'' **" the other 
 United States the liberty tXh JL tn H ""'V^ ^'^^ P^*'?'* of the 
 exclusive jurisdiction of Great BHtan W '"'I ^'.^' ^'*'^'» ^^e 
 tion of the Mississippi as a nlw .L' .i^^^^ '^^^'^ the naviga- 
 fhould grant it withZ an equtaS"' if't^ev'^"? 1°*. I'P^*^* ^« 
 had been granted in 1783, thev must * r/l ^ .t^ '*. ***'=''"'^ 't 
 peop eof the United States to theTibertv to Si'^ '}^ .''"™ °f *'^« 
 fish, m question. To place both ««* 7 u ^'** ^"'^ to dry and cure 
 versy, a majority of us dete^^fned^to nl^?°"f "" ^'""'^ ^^'^tro- 
 firming both^ights : or wr^ffJrpH °Sf'*° ^'^'"'t an article con- 
 in the treaty u^on boJh.'and to wlt «.r'"!K*''"^L *° »^« ^"^"t 
 finmg the boundary from the Lake of the Wo!f^^' ?"' "l"^'^' ^^^ 
 finally agreed to this last prdposal b„t nn* ^^.' I'^^tward. They 
 an article stipulating for aHrri'ego iatlT' '^'^ ^'^ ^''^'''^ 
 given by Great Britain for the navi?aS o?o an equivalent to be 
 the United States for the liberty S^h.J k'^ M'ss'ssippi. and by 
 'sh jurisdiction. This article w?«? ^^^^"^' ^'thin the Bri- 
 •ts professed object, s nee bo h ^aZZ^^^'T'^^'y^ ^'^'^ '-'«Pect ta 
 without it, to negotiate upon thfrs^bwtrfJ^ '"J'^^*' P°^«^ 
 rejected it. although its adontinf ^".''i^t^ *^ they pleased. We 
 d-y of the 49th dlg^.^^ of iffde we f ofT ^ '"'^ ^«"«- 
 because .t .ould have been a Sa7:Lt!;;i;;t-a^^ ^^^ 
 
66 
 
 our claim to the liberty as to the fisheries, recognised by the trea- 
 ty of 1783. 
 
 You will perceive by the correspondence that the 9th article 
 was offered us as a sine qua non and an ultimatum. We accepted 
 it, not without much hesitation, as the only alternative to a rup* 
 ture of the negotiation, and with a perfect understanding that our 
 government was free to reject it, as we were not authorized to sub- 
 scribe to it. 
 
 To guard against any accident which might happen in the trans- 
 mission of a single copy of the treaty to the United States, the Bri- 
 tish plenipotentiaries have consented (o execute it in triplicate : 
 and as the treaty with the British ratification may be exposed to the 
 same danger, the times for the cessation of hostilities, the restora- 
 tion of capture? at sea, and the release of prisoners, have b^en fixed, 
 not from the exchange of ratifications, but from the ratification on 
 both sides, without alteration by either of the contracting parties. 
 We consented to the introduction of this latter provision, at the 
 desire of the British plenipotentiaries, who were willing to takea 
 full, but were unwilling to incur the risk of a partial ratification, as 
 the period from which the peace should be considered as concluded. 
 We are informed by them that Mr. Baker, their secretary, is to 
 go out to America with the British ratification. 
 
 We have the hoiiyur to be, very respectfully, sir, your most 
 humble and obedient servants, 
 
 JOHN QUiNCY ADAMS. 
 
 J. A. BAYARD, 
 , HENRY CLAY, 
 
 JONATHAN RUSSELL, 
 
 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Extract of a letter from Jonathan Russell, esq. lo the Secretary of 
 State, dated Ghent, 25th December, 1814. 
 
 " My necessary occupation, at this moment, in aiding my col- 
 leagues to prepare our joint despatches^ puts it out of my power to 
 furnish you with any details or observations exclusively my own. 
 
 " As, however, you will perceive by our despatch to you of this 
 date, that a majority only of the mission was in favour of offftri"ng 
 to the British plenipotentiaries, an article confirming the British 
 right to the navigation of the Mississippi, and ours to the liberty as 
 to the fisheries, it becomes me, in candour, to acknowledge, that I 
 was in the minority on that question. I must reserve to myself 
 the power of communicating to you, hereafter, the reasons which 
 influenced me to differ from a majority of my colleagues m that 
 occasion ; and if they be insufficient to support my opinion, I per- 
 suade myself they will, at least, vindicate my motives." 
 
57 
 
 Mr. Oallatin to the Secretary of State. 
 
 ancea in some of the neiffhbnnrinir s*.*-,.. u j ' „ appear- 
 
 *.«•»/.* nr »L iT "5'g""0""ng btates, had a most unfavourablft 
 effect Of the probable result of the Congress at Vienna w/w 
 no correct informat on. The views of ah thl r ' ® """ 
 
 were precisely known, from dartT dfy to the bS" ^"7" 
 From neither ofthem did we in anv sS*. J • ^"^'^^ '".'""try. 
 of their intentions, of ?he general orosner; nf ?-"'* '"^ "•*'%""°» 
 interest they took 'in our cE litrS BrSr^'n'' "^ '^"^ 
 reason to believe that all ofthem wire deTrouMh it L^hUcTnu! 
 
 of our ability to resist alonp JL „ aAorded, by its eventi, 
 
 power of En'glLdTaid ouTh'avfng bTe^ Z? 'Zttf' 7'""^ 
 assistance, and after she had made^uch an eC^*'^;* ?^''''^ 
 on equal terms, will raise our character and Vnn-l °*'*^">.P««*^« 
 
 on our o„„ ^'/HS^^l^tr ^S^^^^^^^ 
 
 you will find two, hougrneXr i«a^n^^ to precedent. 
 
 article of the treafv of UtrpX ? l^^^'" P°'"^' ^'^- ^^"^ 
 
 article of our treatv wkh S ' v** *^ '"""" P"^* °^ "'^ 
 
 no alternative betwVerbreak^n^ offTh ^°"^°'^' that there was 
 the article ; and thaf^e ac'e ° J^^ " negotiations, and accepting 
 ject to you^approbatiL oTrtSon' °"'^ " P''^"^'''"^'' -<^ «"b- 
 
 terlitj^rfcnt IT^^^^ ^^« ^^--^ restoration of 
 
 have obtained an afteraSnirt 'a '^ P°««'»>>« that we might 
 to it. The BriS"nlvernm;;t Tn''' "«^^^^^ ^"^ our opposition 
 of peace : a wfbTe'roTnt t'^^^^^^^ ^ ^« f^^'"" 
 
 success in the Gulf of MeirJrn Ir. ?l ' ■■ ""^P*""* «^ sou?« 
 
 duce a change in he r dlnn!'. I "^^^^ '"*^'^^"*» "^ight pro- 
 
 question had^ been referred he"^'" 1^7 ^'f' t^^'^^y^ ^"^^ the 
 consent to a .elin^^Tn? ^f "^i^'ZJt^^ ^ ^ 
 
 1 
 
aardoui to risk the peac« on the qoestion of the temporary possei. 
 flioa of that amall islapd, since the question of tiUe was Yullv re- 
 served ; and it was, therefore, no cewion of territory. 
 - On the subject of the Bsheries. within the jurisdiction of Great 
 Britain, we have certainly done all that could be done. If, accord- 
 ing to the construction of the treaty of 1783, which we assumed 
 the right *w not abrogated by the war, it remains entire, since we 
 most exphcitly refused to renounce it, either directly or indirectly. 
 In that case, It IS onlv an unsettled subject of difference between 
 the two countries. If the right must be considered as abroirated bv 
 the war, we cannot regain it without an equivalent. We had none 
 to give but the recognition of their right to navigate the Mississippi, 
 and we offered it. On this last supposition, this right is also lost 
 to them ; and, in a general point of view, we have certainly lost 
 nothing. But we have done all that was practicable in support of 
 the right to those fisheries-lst, by the ground we assumed, re- 
 specting the construction of the treaty of 1783— 3d, by the offer to 
 recognise the British right to the navigation of the Mississippi— 
 MIy, by refusing to accept from Great Britain both her implied re- 
 nunciation of the right of that navigation, and the convenient bounds 
 ary of 49 degrees, for the whole extent of our and her territories, 
 west of the Lake of the Woods, rather than to make an implied 
 KSe°' °° °"'^**'^*' *° ^^^ "8^* °^ America to those particu- 
 
 n niil'^"^''^ *^"* ^r«at Britain is very desirous of obtaining the 
 northern part of Maine, say from about 47 degrees north latitude. 
 to the northern extremity of that district, as claimed by us. Thev 
 
 ihFV^ r «/r''' ^^^i^^^eraptie* into the Bay des Chaleurs, ij 
 the Unit of St. Lawrence, has its source so far west as to intervene 
 between the head waters of the river St. John's, and those of the 
 streams emptying into the river St. Lawrence ; so that the line north 
 from the source of the river St. Croix will first strike the heights 
 of land which divide the waters emptying into the AtlanUc Ocean 
 (river bt. John s) from those emptying into the Gulf of St. Law- 
 rence, (river des Chaleurs,) and afterwards the heights of land 
 which divide the waters emptying into the Gulf of StfLawrence, 
 (river des Chaleurs,) from those emptying into the river St. Law- 
 rence ; but, that the said line never can, in the words of the treatv.. 
 strike any spot of land actually dividing the waters emptying into 
 the AtlanUc ocean, from those which fa-ll into the riz-er St. Law- 
 iTSf; ?u ^? the foundation of their disputing our claim 
 
 IhcXrof P ""^ " 'A^'f '^'* **l*y ^'^ ^^ '^•^P^^^d to offer the 
 whole of Passamu^uddy bay, and the disputed fisheries as an 
 equivalent for the portion of northern territory, which thev want 
 w order to connect ilew-Brunswick and Quebec. This may ac- 
 count for their tenacity with respect to the temporary possession 
 ot Moose Island, and for their refusing to accept the recognition of 
 their right to the navigation of the Mississippi, provided they ,e 
 cognise ours to the fisheries. ^ ' 
 
curriDg to her charters/ ^ '^ ^°"'^"*" y^»"««* of, by re- 
 I have the honour to be, with respect, &c. 
 
 The Hon. the Secretary of Stat.i ALBERT GALLATINJ . 
 
 of the United States, Washington. 
 
 APRIL 18, 1822. 
 
 Mr. Floyd submitted the following resolution, viz • 
 
 Resolved, That the President of the United fit«t«. k 
 be communicated to this House, if not inTurTous S th- '!?"'""' *° ""»* *• 
 or communication which may have bieTrlSed iroJf\^'^^A''''y ^•^"" 
 JWre, one ol the Ministers of the United Stat« l/ Jonathan Russell, Es- 
 Ghent after the signature of that Catv and wh"^ ""''"'^'^ *^« treaty of 
 «y to the indications contained in sa d Mini ?«1 '» ""*! *""" '" <=°nform. 
 December, 1814. '" '*"" Minister's letter, dated at Ghent, 26Ui 
 
 • The said resolution was read and ordered to ,i. on «.. table one day. 
 
 APRn 19, 1822. 
 j lie resolution submitted by Mr FtnvA «„ . , 
 «ad agreed to by the House. ^ ' **" ^"^"day, was taken up, read^ 
 
 fton 0/ 19<A ^pril 1822. ^' ' * ''"'""'' '<» '*"'' ^"o/w- 
 
 To the House of Representatives of the United State, • 
 
 oftNT9f^:r4t%7^Sir/t'he^ 
 
 eommunicated to the kouse ?f ^n. -^ President "to cause to be 
 any letter which «% Cve beeS lecS"? '' '^' ^"'''^ '"»«r««t 
 one of the Ministers wirconcTuV/fK I f''°" Jonathan Russell 
 
 ity with the indicationstnTab "din i^^ 
 
 1814," I have to 8tat«» ih^t u • ,"®' o* ''^^t'^ of December 
 
 Secreury of Su.e t/?,' VpelriLt!™' "" r"'"""" '» ^« 
 •ucb document had been deSdfit^^''"'' - ^ '''"• """ "" 
 partmenl, I eiamined and fS amonsthe archives of (he De- 
 
 of 'ha' -escripdoT^rTed rji^r^rr'^" 'r '' " '^''" 
 
 fatt^Kntet^trpSHv-^^^^^^^ 
 
60 
 
 delirered there " a paper purporting to be the duplicate of a letter 
 written bj^ him from Paris, on the 11th of February, 1816, to the 
 then Secretary of State, to be communicated to the House as the 
 letter called for by the resolution." ' 
 
 On the perusal of the document called for, I find that it commu- 
 nicates a difference of opinion between Mr. Russell and a majoritv 
 of his colleagues, m certain transactions which occurred in the ne- 
 gotiations at Ghent, touching interests which have been since satis- 
 factorily adjusted by treaty between the United States and Great 
 Britain. The view which Mr. Russell presents of his own con- 
 duct, and that of his colleagues, in those transactions, will it is 
 presumed, call from the two surviving members of that mission 
 who differed from him, a reply, containing their view of those 
 transactions, and of the conduct of the parties in them, and who 
 should his letter be communicated to the House of Representatives' 
 will also claim that their reply should be communicated in like man- 
 ner by the Executive— a claim which, on the principle of equal 
 justice, could not be resisted. The Secretary of State, one of the 
 Ministers referred to, has already expressed a desire that Mr. Rus- 
 sell's letter should be communicated, and that 1 would transmit, at 
 the same time, a communication from him respecting it. 
 
 On full consideration of the subject, I have thought it would be 
 improper for the Executive to communicate the letter called for 
 unless the House, on a knowledge of these circumstances should 
 desire it ; in which case the document called for shall be commu- 
 nicated, accompanied by a report from the Secretary of State as 
 above suggested. 1 have directed a copy to be delivered to Mr 
 Russell, to be disposed of as he may think proper, and have caused 
 the original to be deposited in the Department of State, with in- 
 struction to deliver a copy to any person who m ,y be interested 
 tv u- ^r . .a. JAMES MONROE.* 
 
 Washington, May 4tb, 1822, ' 
 
 Department of State, 
 
 Washington, May 3, 1822. 
 
 The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of 
 the House of Representatives of the 19th ultimo, requesting the 
 President " to cause to be communicated to the House, if not inju- 
 rious to the public good, any letter or communication which may 
 have been received from Jonathan Russell, Esquire, one of the 
 Ministers of the United States who concluded the treaty of Ghent 
 after the signature of that treaty, and which was written in con- 
 formity to the indications contained in said Minister's letter, dated 
 at Ghent, 26th of December, 1814," has the honour of reporting 
 to the President, that, until after the adoption of the said resolution 
 by the House, there was upon the files of the Department of State 
 no letter from Mr. Russell, of the description mentioned thereia • 
 
t it comma- 
 a majority 
 I in the ne- 
 since aatia- 
 HDd Great 
 s own con- 
 wili, it is 
 it mission, 
 V of those 
 , and who, 
 sentatives, 
 I like mau- 
 e of equal 
 ane of the 
 ; Mr. Rus- 
 ansmit, at 
 
 kui lb«t Mr. Rnnell himaeir b» .;.,. ^ .■ 
 
 rnent,. communication parportLrL,t,"'y*|.»' *« Depot- 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the House of n. 
 
 nicate to this House the le.te, „/ ''' ^"'""^ States ba requested .„ 
 message of the 4th of vr,i ! '^'"'a'l'an Russell. esauir« ! / ? ""mu- 
 
 and ordered to li, on the table o'Sda;. """'""""' ^«°«»^t "^ the House, re.d, 
 TimW . MAT 7th, 1822. 
 
 ,,,. CWGRESSIONAl 
 
 friend, who attended to what na..« J i. i^" **"• •»» Mi. Fuller's m«.- * 
 
 following sketch of the pr^ceedK th'at ^""•'""^ "«' ^om ™ "o.^; S .h^ 
 to be substantially correct.] ^ °" *"" °'=«=''««n. It is brief, but^ SltreJ 
 
 Mr. FuIIer^rTorudoTr'r"^"^''^**^^' »«2^. 
 
 ing the PresidVnTJotmi^LThr^^^^^ -quest, 
 
 esq. relating to the treaty of Ghent iJT' °^- ^"'''^•an ^usse 
 .Tfh'"' ?,^d been received fSRt!' ^Z''^.^"^'* ^°»«u« - 
 either of them, in explanation of Xl^t^n ?t"'P°*«"t'aries, or 
 
 %? Fr.*''" Tl'^'' °^'ts adoXll"'' "^ ^'- ^' ^as called 
 GhS rX^i cV"^^^^^^^^^^^ resolution for th. 
 
 before the House proposing an esShlL ^*. "^«'' and the bi» 
 «ident, however, had not thoughrpront^^^^ '^^'^: ^« ^he Pr^^ 
 
 in question, when specially cfllelfor he .Mr»^"? '-'*-^' "'^ ^'""^ 
 
 S '^^"VO had moved to 
 
hiiv« the m««iiAg« committed to • eommitt#t of which he nu « 
 m«mbtr, but th« motion h»(l not prcvNil^d M« hnd, howavtr, 
 hop«(!, ninc« h« hitil <(Miilf«() fVom nK«in r(>(]UMtin|| the letter, thMt 
 no, other gontlemnn would heve Mro|ioMeii it. it wm menifett thel 
 it hm) been withbcM to prevent tne etcitement ami ill bluotl which 
 the content! mip^t produce. He hoped the reiutution would not 
 be Adopted. 
 
 Mr. Fuller oMid, he wnn hnpny to hear fVom the Kenllemnn fVom 
 Vir|inin. thnt he hud been induced to nltntHin from h I'urther, cell 
 fbr Mr. k'l letter to orevent the PKcitement of" ill blood/* end ho 
 would by no meMnii be behind him, (Mr. I'lo^d,^ in nuch « liiud- 
 iible intent ; l)ut, in bin opinion, the communicntion of the letter, 
 dod of the explnnntion of the other comminwiunrre, to Congrew 
 end to the uublic, would hnve n far Kfenter tendencjr to rIInj^ the 
 ill blood, if eny etiited, thiin the auppreifiion of the txplanatinn, 
 while the letter wm in effect nrnde public. The PreKident^n met- 
 nege informed ui, Mr. Fuller oeid, thnt he hnd tmnimilttui the letter 
 to the l)ep«rtment of State, and directed copioi of it to be delivered 
 to peraonn who nbouKI apply ; conwiMpinitly, it woubi loon reach 
 the new«p«per«, while the commentR or explanationii which outbt 
 to accompany it would bo dVectually f«nppre*«ed. Nothing, in hi» 
 opinion, could be more unfair than thuw to Rtitle all reply. It re> 
 minded him, he »aid^ of what ho had of late frequently witnessed 
 in this lloune. %vhen »ome bill was tionding, and, before it was un- 
 derstood, one of its opposecs would make a speech agniniit it, and 
 conclude with a motion to hy it en tkr tabh^ which ^trecluded nil 
 debate, aud, consequently, all explanation. The indignation pro 
 duced by such a course every itentlcman must have observed and 
 sometimes have felt. There was notbiuK so safe and honourable 
 as a full disclosure of the statements of both sides. He reKretled. 
 he said, that bis colleague, the writer of ibo letter, was not in his 
 seet, M he was sure be could not object to the call, more especially 
 as it appeared from the moss!»gt>, that \\w gentloninn himself had 
 furniabed to the Department a duplii ate or copy ol' that letter tu 
 he communicated to CeORcess before the original biul boon found. 
 As to the suiasjiextion that tbo Hbont correspomlence or the letter 
 in question could tbn>w a single niy ot light on the subject v>f the 
 occupation of Columbia river, it was* too iniprol»aMc, M r. Fuller said, 
 to have ever entered bis mind ; but if the gtMitleman from Virginia 
 (Mr. Floyd) had expected it at (ii-st, ho could see no reason for 
 his giving over the pursuit. He hoped the House would see the 
 obvious justice of Adopting the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Cocke said, be coidd see no reason tor calling for the letter: 
 the **resident had declined conuuunicating it, and, tbcrcibre, he 
 thought it not proper in the House to persist in the call. 
 
 Mr. Sergeant said, be rojie to correct the error into which the. 
 gentlenfHin from Tennessee (Mr. Cocke) i>ad fallen, in snpj>osing 
 the President had " declined*' conunnnicating Mr UusseU's letter. 
 It appeared, on recurring to the mcssi^c, (a part of which Mr. if 
 
Ma.].) tlint h« m«rely diwlinc.l mncilitK th« l«u«r. withotit nl.<> 
 
 ..onen. «. .„ n„g..ti«(.d th« Umiy, or h,,^ ortr,«m:.|,«ulU ;«Z . 
 
 twon.c, « both t«|Hh.ri«n.l M,-. H.Mi.l. I.« coulK.J^K 
 tlon wl,«t«v«r to Uh, re.olutlu,,. which .eemeU. uX «K 
 circum, .,„«M. to ,mk .,o ,uor« th».. w... .h.« to th« .uiviveri o'Z 
 to brKr"""' ' " ""'"'""* *"'" ""?'*«•'•"'• «•"' ♦*»'» »'«d « liih" 
 
 !.«'!!.';■/ r'^\*'' ?'''"'' '.""*.•''"« •''" '"""""«• ••«'"'• »••" »«'•»»• t»f which. 
 tr/op;I;Jai«'r' ""' *'"'■" •" I.«Hi.ul«Wy Hitead«d to. wahdr.';; 
 
 • "^^ ' ;' ^V><« '«•• the .•.mah.tior.. ,m i. wouhl .how thu w^.tirn ue"! 
 ' fh!.? "•""<"'■ "'""' ""*'•""«« ♦*ero di.rogurd«d or iHciared • 
 
 liMinpi to upciire tho lUhoiieM of thu »wn. 
 
 the ueglire"''''" *"*' "'*"* '*''"*""'* *"'"' ""'^ °"^ ^^ **"" ^"''^*" '» 
 
 than lin^rlt, htl, om „/ thr hn,mlnntuirin oriZunird!£^^^ 
 
 Tcitlie iluuia of H«|irfiNeiilativoi: 
 Incomphunco with the re-ohition of the House of HnproBenta- 
 
 !lll «n V°„j:""'7»'*^«l« '" t»'"l Ho«»« (ho lettrr of Jon.thM., Ku«. 
 ivl ; I2t ^ "^ '" '" *"" ""'"'"«*• °'" "'« -*«'' """""t, together 
 
 to tW,m n?'"!".'.'""" l""" "" '.'*' "'"^ '"'^^ •'«'^«*^«"' 'Htttive there- 
 to.lromHny ot th« othor mmigler* of the United Stales who ne- 
 
 Ko^iHted the treaty of Ghent." i herewith tr mit a report from 
 
 e Secretary ot State, with the docuuienU callml for hy that re.i" 
 
 DppnrtmentofSmto, 
 
 rJ«Ulent'on?yrr ;^?!f. !"".""' '^'^"""'' of trunsmittioK to the 
 
 «ife^ at l^n T .""' ^ ^''l'" '^"' '■^"""•''*'' "l>o» the paper depo- 
 
 Jon thl 1 ;?'!?•''"' '•^.^l!'*" "" '^'^ '-^^'l "*'»»^' '"onth, by 
 
 Statpl n r • ''! ^""•' " ^^^^ plenipotentiaries ot the United 
 
 lWofltn/'''^'''r''^" "' ^!''^'"'' '" ''♦^ communicated to the 
 
 ■t ofthJI mrTl'r"' ": *'■" |«^««'-«»"«^d »"•• l>y <heir resolu. 
 
 AUIv reX« n T!l'""'^l ' ""^ '^"^ ^«' ••'^'"'•^ "'State respect^ 
 
 £e7e « ;.^^^^^^^^ the President wonhl transmit to the JlouJe of 
 
 on m, n r Ia^ »f;m««kH, together with the above mentioned 
 
 uy the House. jouN qUlNCY ADAMS. 
 
u 
 
 I'ttil*, 1 1 til IVluHiiiy, laiA, V 
 r.HMi«n, ulurh mdi.r^d ,„„ to .lUVor fro,., « ..mjoniy ohJI " 
 
 ivul, our m,«onm„ to provrit- almolu.il 'inutility. aSST. 
 th . m,.ouiUK .u. nmv M.,uil,.tion u,,. „r,y more hecr.aurv o« tl 
 
 o»th« »ov«r«.gnty ««d indrpoudoncc oftl,« lluUtuI Stutus * 
 
 TliP nrtiolc pr»)po(ie«l ..ppenroil nUo to l.p incunsiiitent with our 
 
 M m'^oI''!!"; ? ^'^ '?"^''''""' I •^" ""• ^^'"'^»' ''«»*'»'' "• t" "unW (Ij urn 
 h„I fi 7'"'' •" ^'^ '"*""»«''* ""« .li-icus>io» ; for, it ooul, , ot bo 
 bohovea that wr wrro Mi Ken to ((») ..l,n.i«,e 'on » .uh^ct 'vhich 
 nc Horo rr«trniuo,l fron, (7) dl.ruMing, ,uul th«t .u, 0) IZS, 
 
 r«^^on. ^ ' • completely rofrainml from (he interdicted di^ 
 
 V « m iorifv of 1 ""'' '"':°'"I»««' '•« .>\^th the principle, iorled 
 ,L" '"'''^'"'r «f «'"> nn-sion, nnd with the construction which 
 
 Tr ?H i lei In » • r"'"- ."^ r *^ '""f'^y ^""^ '^"'•^'^t in thew 
 Kv v«;.. n r *'"' ^^o'^truo .on, .tt>ecatne u, to «ct accordingly ! . 
 
 ««cy to errSr ^ ""' '"""' '"" '' ^"' »«»«<^«"«ry to «dd inconlJt! 
 
 I freely confow, however, that I did not accord tvith (he inaiori- 
 
 V. either m heir view of the treaty of 1783, whence hey Sod 
 
 be,r principles, or of our instructions ; ami h«l ^^Kreut oSon 
 
 to prop.>„„g the article did not arise iVom «n unxfefy to rocoS 
 
 our conduct with our i asoning and declaration.. ^ "' '* 
 
60 
 
 * loVfUtAT*..] 
 
 Br-t'-h right lotbi„«vSon of uS^^ "f '"''^.''" ^onfirmlni X 
 h« Amohcan people ,otke«,u^^j^^^^^ ""'' »^« 4l c^' 
 
 .*'l« (•'') proposal of. iicli .n «.«! I 
 
 terJiclcJ.li,o„.,i„„."'"'"' '^"'•"■"Pletcly rowUd fromlhe in 
 
 ■neir pnnciplej, „„, ofoor iiuir ,,, r ''^' "bencc Ihiiv d«r/K.,l 
 ^.on ,,„p„„„, ,h, J° e'S i'-^j »»V «.<l tha, ,„,, g™""^ 
 
66 
 
 [PRIVATB.] 
 
 I could not believe that the independence of the United States 
 was derived from the treaty of 1783 ; that the recognition of that 
 independence, by Great Britain, gave to this treaty any peculiar 
 character, or that such character, supposing it existed, would ne> 
 cesaariiy render this treaty absolutely inseparable in its provisions, 
 and make it one entire and indivisible whole, equally imperishable 
 in all its parts, by any change which might occur in the relations 
 between the contracting parties. 
 
 The independence of the United States rests upon those funda* 
 mental principles set forth and acted on by the American Congress, 
 irji the declaration of July, 1776, and not on any British (12) graat 
 io the treaty of 1783, and its era is dated accordingly. 
 
 The treaty of 1783 was merely a (13) treaty of peace, and there- 
 fore subject to the same rules of construction as all other compacts 
 of this nature. The recognition of the independence of the United 
 States could not (14) well have given to it a peculiar character, and 
 excepted it from the operation of these rules. Such a recognition, 
 expressed or implied, is always indispensable on the pari of every 
 nation with whom we form any treaty (15) whatsoever. France, in 
 the treaty of alliance, long before the year 1783, not only expressly 
 recognised, but engaged (16) effectually to maintain, this independ^ 
 ence ; and yet this treaty, so far from being considered as possess- 
 ing any mysterious peculiarity, by which its existence was perpe- 
 tuated, has, even without war, and although a part of it contained 
 words of (17) perpetuity, and was (18j unexecuted, long (19) since en- 
 tirely terminated. 
 
 Had the recognition of our independence by Great Britain given 
 to the treaty of 1783 any peculiar character, which it did not, (20) 
 still that character could have properly extended to those, provi- 
 sions only (21) which affected that independence. All those general 
 rights, tor instance, of jurisdiction, which appertained to the Unit- 
 ed States, in their quality as a nation, might, so far as that treaty 
 was declaratory of them, have been embraced by (22) such pecu- 
 liarity, without (23) necessarily extending its influence to mere 
 
 (24) special commercial liberties and {%S) privileges, or to provisions 
 
 (26) long since executed, not indispensably connected with national 
 sovereignty, (27) or necessarily resulting from it 
 
 The liberty to take and cure fish, within the exclusive (28) juris- 
 diction of (29) Great Britain, vvas certainly not necessary to perfect 
 the (30) jurisdiction of the (31) United States; and there is no reason 
 to believe that such a liberty wa« intended to be raised to an equa- 
 lity with the general right of fishing within the common jurisdic- 
 tion of all nations, which accrued to us as a member of the great 
 national family. On the contrary, the distinction between the spe- 
 cial liberty and the general right appears to have been well under- 
 stood by the American ministers who negotiated the treaty of 1783, 
 and to have been clearly marked by the very import of the terms 
 which they employed. It would evidently have been unwise in 
 them, however ingenious it may be in us, to exalt such a privilege 
 
[ovrucxTt.'] 
 
 ^7 
 
 I could not beliere that the .odependenc* of th« Unfted State* 
 was derived from the treaty of 1V83 ; that the recogn^tlSo of th!! 
 mdependence, by Great Britain, gave to thia trentl^nv J i 
 character, or that such characte;, supposing teSlJirM'''*' 
 ce..nly render this treaty absoIulelyTnsepfrl:'^: U 'T^^^^^^^ 
 and make it one entire and indivisible whole eouallv imVll J t u, ' 
 jn all its parts, by any change which might ;ccr J Ku'w 
 between the contracting parties. relation* 
 
 The independence of the United States rests nnon fl.Ao« f j 
 «ental principles set forth and acted on by t^e ISan Co„Z**" 
 .n the dechnrtion of July, 1776, and notU any S (?K 
 .n «ie treaty of 1 783 ; and its jera is dated accordingly ^ *^ 
 r« J K•''^^7 •*[ "^^ ""^^ '"^'■^'y « C^) treatifofpeaci and there- 
 fore subject to «ie same rules of construction aa all othercomS 
 o th.a nature. The recognition of the independence of he S 
 States could not (14) have well given to it a peculiar character and 
 excepted ,t from the operation of these rules. Such a rXni«^^^^^ 
 expressed or .mplied, is always indispensable on the part Xve'v 
 nation with whom we form any treaty (15) ^hatcver.*^ France iJ 
 the treaty of alhance. long before the year 1783. not on. e"prU" 
 ly recognised, but engaged (i6) effecluaUy lo maintain this inde^n 
 dence; and yet this treaty, so far from being considered as ooss^s^ 
 ing any mysterious peculiarity by which ite existence wa/peril: 
 tuated, has even without war, and although a part of it ronf«.S 
 words of (17) perpetuin, and was (18) unese^te, Lg (19) .2^^ 
 
 Had Ihe recognition of our independence by Great Britain friv^r, 
 Sof ^ h'fV^ 'J'' any peculii characte?, whfch fdK 
 (20) yet that Character could have properly extended to those pro 
 visions only (2 ) u,kirh affecud that independence. All thosel^„^' 
 ral rights, for instance, of jurisdiction which apperta ned tf Sfj 
 United States in their quality as a nation, might, soTr ^' that re^v 
 was declaratory of them, have been embraced by (22) that pe47 
 arity without (23) nec«,m/y extending its influence io m^vrm 
 special Wer/,« and {^o) privilege,, or to provisions (i^)lmsZcfl 
 Tiltl "''* '»'J'«P«"««b ly connected with national sovfrZX 
 (27) nor necessarily resulting from it. "^^eigniy, 
 
 Ser V »';:!l^;h ^" '^^'^''^'y' the distinction between the specia 
 
 t„.A M ^"l^ ««"*''•■'' right, appears to Save beenwelunde" 
 
 stood by the American ministers who negotiated thrtre^v ofnaT 
 
to the rank of a sovereign right, and thereby to have assume,) tu^ 
 
 ty to be an indispensable condition of our national e»i«fpJo a 
 thus rendering that existence as precarious tt?e.Sertv1;s'.^ 
 They could not have considered a privileee whJrh fhJl ^ . 
 made to depend, to a very considerkb reltPnr f.. f ^ expressly 
 Won eveSs and private^nterestri parta^^^^^^^^ 
 and entitled to the duration of the inh«ppn7 n, t- '^''f «cter 
 reignty The settlement of the shor s S KnTtTj/ T'^ 
 been effected by the nolicv of thp Rriti«h^ ' ^ *""®' ***^« 
 have made the LentKiti h s„bjec f Sndrr*^ '^' ''°"" 
 that policy, necessary to the continuance of a Lrv '"^Jr^^l?* 
 portion of that (33) iibe,.y. Thev could Lf\ ^ considerable 
 place, within the^ control of a foreign (S) got^t'"'^ f*""' i** 
 
 from the operation of those events on which the^si? . '*' ^'^ 
 or termination of such treaties depends Vas in iLr """" 
 compelled tc believe, if any such peculiarity bebneed ToT'' 
 provisions, m that treaty, which had an immediate conniionw^S 
 our independence, that it did not necessarily affLf /L ? ^'*^ 
 the whole treaty, (37) or attdch to a SeKe^wh?^^^^ ""*"'"^"* 
 gy to such provisio^ns orany rdation^toSnL^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 I know riot, indeed, any treats, or any article of «Trpof ' i. * 
 ever may have been the subject to which kretted orT"^' '"''**' 
 which t was expressed, that has survived a wa between h^ "* 
 ties, without being specially renewed, by reference ^rredtafTn' 
 ^ISt^ r"^*K'^^'^P"''^^^- ' cannot, indeed, (^) co„ce?v " hie 
 po sibihtyofsuch a treaty or such an article ; fori how^vTr dear 
 and strong the stipulations for perpetuity might bL th^L stinulf 
 tions themselves would follow the fate oLrdi^nary unexec„ ed "n 
 fKrlrr'lvS^^' ^"^^^'^^^^ ''^ declaredLento^rprr-- 
 
 rest exclus vely on its peculiar character our tiSe to a^v o7thP 
 rights mentioned in it, and much less our title to the fi«,hL rloNr*, 
 m question. If hostihties could not affecUhat trLt^ 4^^^^^^^^^ 
 gate Its provisions, why did we permit the boundar e^ asslned bv 
 It to be brought into discission, or stipulate for a (4l)res2o„ IfaS 
 
 StTecur^S tT' '"'"^ '^' Present war? If iuch (42;^,!:" 
 was secured by the mere operation of the treaty of 1783, why did 
 we discover any solicitude for the statv. ante bellum, and kot 7esi t 
 the principle of uh possidetis on that ground ? ' " ""^ ™sisc 
 
ioVtUCATE.] 
 
 69 
 
 erty to be an indispensable condiUon rour 2- 1""^ '"'^ * *^''- 
 thus rendering that existence as prewriL n^*!!^ ^f'.!''"*^^' «°d 
 They could not have considered »nl?i ** *^« ^'^^^ 't««If. 
 
 presslyrnade to depend, Ta very eoL^^^^^^ T**'*^ '^^y *"' 
 
 tinuance, (32) o„ miie ev;at. and/rivate tnSrl»t!*^''^ ^'' '*» ^^n- 
 
 he character, and entitled to theduM^^^^^ pat taking of 
 
 ties of aovere gnty. The settl Jml«* !/ *L . * 'nhereot proper- 
 
 time, have beef ekt^ V^hl^ojt^ft 1?'?' u^'**"*' "^^J 
 and would have made ihe LetofiZ^i l-^"!^^ a^^^ernment. 
 ence of that policy, necessarv to Ik- ^•'"'^J'*'^^ "°'*«»' the infla- 
 derable portfon o?C S Slge '^ ?Jl7,r,5 ^^ ? je.y co°n.^ 
 thus to place within tie control of a ?L? z^* ^«^e 'n^int 
 subjects, an (35) integral part, as we noUf f P (^ P***" "d it. 
 vilege, of our national rights "^*'^* ^° *^*"'«<^er thiaprf. 
 
 It IS from this view of the subipr-t tu„, i i. 
 to beheye that there was nShingTn 1 tre«,^^r'.Sr <^°°^t«ined 
 essentially distinguish it fromllVnnrvtyj^ ^ ^^^^^ 
 account of any peculiarity of character frlm.h?'- "^ ^^^^ **' <»» 
 the operation of those events on which tT/^V"'*'' *'"*' °'fro« 
 mination of such treaties depends * ^^ cominuanc, or ter- 
 
 * was, in like manner, coraoejipd tn h-i- •/• 
 arity belonged to those provTsio" sin that r'/ '^'!!? f"'^'^ ?«<="«- 
 mediate connection with our indrDendpnL tu^^''^?'*''' **«** «° •«- 
 riJy aflect the nature of the whole trea^?37?'* ''f''^ ''°* °«<^«««a. 
 
 e.e{r;E::;^Ki;:'q-f--ny^ 
 
 , in which It was expressed, hat Ls'vlL'*^*'' ^ **>« terms 
 parties, without being spec ally reJlw^Jh ^''^'' '^^^^^^n the 
 in the succeedingtreaty of peace I .1 '.^ reference or recital 
 possibility of suet a ireJ/^7VsTlTn'^^^^^^^ 
 clear and strong the stipi ations for 1 T^"^^ ' ^*""' »'«'^ever 
 
 stipulations themselves wSawthrff*";*^."''^''^ ^^> these 
 ed engagements, and require, aS a wlrtSl^;*^'?'"'^ ""««<=«*. 
 the parties for their revival. ' *°* declared assent of 
 
 ^on2:ZTiP\[Ttr^^^^^^^^ confidence in our 
 
 exclusively on its peculiar character our ^.r.*"^^" ''^^'^S to rest 
 
 mentioned in it ; and much less our it^e to hV« T-^ ^fi''* "«»•*- 
 m question. '^ ""® to the fishing (39) priviLg, 
 
 Ifhostilities could not affect that treaty /'40^„ u 
 vision*, why did we uermiMho 1 T'A^ ""' abrogate its pro- 
 
 brcught int'discus^on'^orTt puttera /in' ^^'«"«*' ^^ '*' ^^ b« 
 taken from us during the prt'enf^ir /l s ^^^^^^^^^^ ^?" ^''''^ 
 secured by the mere operation of the trLtv o/J^fl/"?*':".''"* 
 discover any solicitude /b»the statu] IZUi ^?' *^''^ *^"* "^^ 
 principle o/«rt>a„,Ve/,> on that ground *'"""•' ""'^ "°^ *•«•'•» the 
 
 
 
70 
 
 [raiVATE.f 
 
 With regard it the fishing privilege, we distinctly stated to you, 
 in our letter of the (43) 2l8t of December, that, (44) «♦ at the time of 
 the treaty of 1783, it was (45) no new grant, we having always before 
 that time enjoyed it," and thus endeavoured to derive our title to 
 it from (46) prescription. A title, derived from immemorial usage, 
 antecedent to 1783, could not well owe its origin or its validity 
 (47) to a cofiipact concluded at that time, and we (48) could, therefore, 
 in this view of the s^ibject, correctly say that this privilege (49) was «o 
 new grant ; that is, that our right to the exercise of it was totally 
 independent of such compact. If we were well-founded, however, 
 in the assertion of our prescriptive title, it was quite (50) unnece^- 
 sarj to attempt to give a kind of charmed existence to the treaty of 
 1783, and to extend its (si) undefinable infiuence to every article of 
 which it was composed, merely io preserve that title which we 
 declared to be in no way derived from it, and which had existed, 
 and, of course, could exist, without it, 
 
 it was' rather unfortunate, too, for our argument against a seve- 
 rance of the provisions of that treaty, that we should have disco- 
 vered, ourselves, (52) a radical difference between them, making the 
 fishing (53) privilege depend on immemorial usage, and, of course, dis- 
 tinct in its nature (54) and origin, from the rights resulting from our 
 independence. 
 
 We,indeed* throw pome obscurity over this subject when we de- 
 clare to you that this privilege was always enjoyed by us before the 
 treaty of 1783, *,'aence inferring that it was not granted by that trea- 
 ty, and in the same sentence and from the same fact, appear also to 
 infer, that it was not to be forfeited by war .any more than (55) any' 
 other of the rights of our independence, making it thus one of (56) these 
 rights, and of course, according to our doctrine, dependant on that 
 treaty. 
 
 There might have been nothing incomprehensible in this mode 
 of reasoning, had the treaty recognised this privilege to be derived 
 from prescription, and confirmed it on that ground. The treaty 
 has, however, not the slightest allusion to the past, in reference to 
 this privilege, but regards it only with a view to the future. The 
 treaty, (67 1 therefore, cannot be construed as supporting a pre-exist- 
 ing title, but as containing a grant entirely new. If we claim, there^ 
 fore, under the treaty, we must renounce prescription, and if we 
 claim from prescription, we can derive no aid from the treaty. If 
 the treaty be imperishable in all its parts, the fishing privilege re- 
 mains unimpaired without a recurrence to immemorial usage ; and 
 if our title to it be well-founded on immemorial usage, the treaty 
 may perish without affecting it. To have endeavoured to support 
 it on both grounds, implies that we had not entire confidence in 
 either, and to have proposed a new article, indicates a distrust of 
 both. 
 
 It is not, as I conceive, difficult to show that we (58) cannot, in- 
 deed, derive (59) « better title to this fishing privilege, from pre - 
 5cription,4han from any indestructible (jutlity of the treaty of 1783. 
 
[©tTFLrCATE-] 
 
 With regard to the fishing ] 
 
 7J 
 
 m our ietter of the (43) 25tf o^f DecS 7,t,^"*'J«"j « *? JOI, 
 
 the treaty of 1783, it was (45) noneu,grar^''ru ^ ^ V ""* *''"*^ ^^ 
 
 that time enjoyed it, and thus endeavoured Lh^'"^ *''^"^ '**^°'« 
 
 from (46) prescHpiion; a title derived from 1^J*^•'^^°"'' *'"^ *** '' 
 
 cedent to ^783, could not well owe iuZ,lTTr''\^!.'^' «"*«■ 
 
 any coH,pact, concluded at that time ; andl"' ?i ^S**!*/' ^V *' 
 
 in this view of the subject, correctly savtr»f i-^ * ' therefore, 
 
 , Jhen no new grant ; that is/that oSrStoi P"" "«" (**^ "" 
 
 totally independent of such compact If ^ *''^'*^"^ "*'•* '^ 
 
 Wever, in the assertion of ouC'escrind! "".^fi^ '^*" ^°""^««»' 
 (50) unnecessary for U8 to a»o«,r.**-?P*'^® *'*'e. »t was quite 
 to the treaty of 17J3 ^IdTexteTd'it: ^t?? .^^^ ^^'^^^^d existS 
 
 n^akingthe fishing (5^) '^Jlll^/.o^^ f^^^^^^^ them. 
 
 and of course, distinct, in it? nature (SiT.ni '°""«™o"al usage, 
 
 rights resulting from our independence '" '" '"''"' ^^°™ *he 
 
 We indeed throw some obscurity over this snhi... ^ 
 Clare to you that this privilege was a^tVvJ 1 • "^ > "^^^^ ^e de- 
 the treaty of 1783 ; thence inferZ thrt i^U?°^f^ ^>^ "« before 
 treaty, and, in the same sentence and frl.^ " ^"""^^^ ^^ **>»' 
 also to infer that it was not to h!^!? l Tu*^® ^^'"^ ^^ct, abpear 
 CSS) any other »/ /A.^S/-?.X^i^^r/'^ t^ ^'T' ^"3^ -"oreTha^ 
 »ho,e rights, and. of course. aSdlnT/o'n 5 "^ '^ ^^"» °°e of f^) 
 
 hat treaty. There might have beenlt J ''"""' '^^^^"dant on 
 this mode of reasoning, had the tr.!? "^'''"'S .«»'=o™Prehen8ibh in 
 be derived from preSriotinn a ^ ''f ogn'sed this privilege o 
 
 The treaty, how^evrrZtou'hlluStra^^ °° *'«* «--i 
 reference to this privilege, but re/ardJ k In "°"u*^ ^^^ P««*' '"« 
 ialure. The treaty (57jc;„„o , ehSre Ip J^ ""/"^ ? "'^"^ "> ^^e 
 inga pre-existing title, bit as cinta ntl' *'°"«*^"«d as support- 
 we claim, therefore, under he treSv w^.' ^T' ""^'''^'^ "*^^- Jf 
 tion ; and if we claim from prescrtptfon t^"'* ''!"°""^« P'-e^crip. 
 the treaty. If the treaty be S hablTin 'JJi'^f"'* °** ^'^ ^^^^^ 
 «ng privilege remains uniipaire*? Sout « r^ '*" P^''^^'^'^^ ^'h" 
 monal usage ; and if our title to it be weHfonnn'"""*^* *° '«"»«- 
 
 voured to support it on both grounds it.^r fu ^** ^'^ve endea- 
 confidence in* 'either, and to have pr^Sra n'* ^" ^«'' "°^ «»^'^« 
 a distrust of both. proposed a new article indicates 
 
 (Jeriv^ ("?; :: blr;S'to'tt"fi H- ^'"^ *^«^ -« ^^«) «-. -deed 
 
7fi 
 
 [^RfVATR.] 
 
 ?!*■!" "^Ji.^ ^ ^ '"**'" " "• *° "• inapplicable to the (61) partle. 
 trid to the (62) «ubj.ct, and to be defective both in (68) fact and effect. 
 
 ^fK:?n 1*1" •!rJ*'* •"""•"""•iai enjoyment of a privilege 
 
 RiwaK? • •*"""**M*'°"' ^y ^^*^'^ "'»'j«<^t«' tfa* inhabitants of 
 British colonies, could not well be considered as evidence of a title 
 
 to that pmUege claimed (M)byth.cit«en. of an independent repub- 
 ^iT ;X''}t ? "^?««'»»'^e jurisdiction of that republic. ^The 
 people of the United State., a. such, could have claimed no special 
 E-il!Sl T^ ^?«, domiBions of any foreign power from iLimemo- 
 ria^ usage, n 1 783 when the longest duration of their own existence 
 la that quality washtUe more, atthe utmost, than the brief period 
 of seven years, wh.ch ,s surely not beyond the memory of man, 
 {ultra "^rt'itn homtnts.) The people of the United States had 
 never, n fact, during that period, enjoyed the fishing privilege a 
 rr f L5?r? ^^^^^JS?""^ prevented therefrom by the existing 
 state of hosti, ties. Nor could the inhabitants of the colonies, ori? 
 ginally con.Utut.ng the United. States, even in their colonial cind - 
 tion. acquire against their sovereign any right from lone uZe 
 (65) 0, n«« lapse of time, (M) („«u«m f mpL 4 occur) The bT 
 tish .overeign was always competent to regulate («7) and retrain W. 
 It-?? i°i *' '^^T^'^^e '•««' intercoune with each other, when- 
 suhwt i fr^'*'' *?' ™«]'* ^'''"'^ P«>P«r' ""d had he forbid his 
 JSI « k'° *.k^ r'''"^^ °^ ^"*> Massachu«t„. to fish (69) anJ dry and 
 SL „ K i frJ^y"* harbours, and creeks of Labrador, which, by 
 
 S« ir V ^^^''k ^i*''* conceived themselves discharged from 
 the obligaUon of submitting, on account of any pretended right from 
 immemonal usage. The fishing privilege, Zrefore! enfoyed by 
 British subjects w.thia British jurisdiction, could give no perma- 
 nent and independent right to those subjects themsekes and 
 (71) a fortiori no such right to the citizens of the Suited States 
 Claiminp under a (72) different estate and in «\lJ«L..^„f -f * 
 
 Gre., BriUio .nigh.. i„'de,d. a, „ell prliUo^S °p" erSS 
 
 can establish a prescriptive right m thJ people of New-Orleans 
 uTJe ^17 ^«'^,f "^"f'^ ^? '^^^ that presc/ption i. (74^ iaappS?;: 
 ble .0 the part.es. it is also. 1 conceive, inapplicable to the subject. 
 
 Had the United States, as aq independent nation, enjoyed from 
 
 Efen estlbli hed"' a'hZ VTu'^'''^ "«^^ ^''^ ^^^^' »>«-« thence 
 been established. A right to fish, or to trade, or to do (76) anTrti,., 
 
 act or thing within the exclusive jurisdiction of a foreign s ate -. a 
 (77) «a,ple power, a right (78)of mere ability, (y«,«er«/SJS iC 
 
UvrucAn.} 
 
 Yd 
 
 Preicrtption («o) «pp««rf to be Jn«.»..r i . 
 
 As to the parties :~ihe immi^! vS*^ '" C«3)/««-< and ,jr«/ 
 within Britiab^risd ctioS! b? BrS"^ l^J'^y-^nt of a pri^ W« 
 BriUsh colonies, couJd not well bl!o •?''-^*f**' *''« '"' S»itSf 
 to that privilege. (64) clatd b" cZlTf/''^ «« evidence of a tiu/ 
 lie, rcHiding within the excluJv^l^I- ^^ *" '"^'eP dent reilub 
 people of the United States '« "^u"''''""" °^ ^h«t repub ic Tk: 
 privilege wthin the doLtC ITtTfJ.' ""''' ^'"''" '" ^^V^^^ 
 monal asage, ,n 1783, when theloZltA '«" P^'^*'- ^rotn imme- 
 istence in that quality was little Jl^'f duration of their own et 
 period of seven yeal^, which fsS"* ''!\"^'»o»^ than the brief 
 man, (ultra me,mrium\ornSiis) Thi^ "^^^ ^J^^^ ^^^ memory of 
 had never, in fact, during that periL ^''P'! V^^ ^""^^ StJtes 
 a moment, being effectuallv nf Mn/ fJ^^^d the fishing privi/eee 
 state of hostilities. Nor coumR, '\°'f therefrom by the e,i2 
 ally constituting the Unit rSt?t::t'"'?"^f ^^^^'^ oJl^,^^ 
 acquire against their sovereiSv ri.h? f" '''*."' ^°'»°'«' '^'""'itSn, 
 mere apse of time, (66) («w£K fl^^'•°'n 'ong usage. (65) „ tJi 
 vere,gn was always competent" 7eX??S*^•^ ^''^ «''^"h so. 
 their commerce and intercourse w^^hir.^ 1°' '** '^'^''»'« «»""» in 
 however he might think prope? And h-'. "*?"•' ^^'^''^^e^ ^nd 
 in the province of (68) Ma8.fchu'.et« Si^"*'' «*>'**«'' »"« subjects; ^ 
 cure fish, in the bays harbonrr f ^' *** ^'h, (69) „d ,0 drV and 
 |>1*!>« -7.had (7Vn?.ltr;X^^^ 
 imagined that they would have cnZJ- V^J '^""' '* 's not to bi^ 
 from the obligationVsubmX:;;;ra:^^^^^^ d.charged 
 
 from immemorial usage. ^ accc unt of any pretended right 
 
 withi'yrUi"h%Sc^^^^^^ by British subjecte 
 
 ent right to those subjects themSL P«/"a«ent and independ-* 
 nght to the citizens of the Vnitedl^S 'f ^ ^''^ "^"''"^'^ noCch 
 fcrent esiate, and in a different caDaci/v r ''^' """«' "^^er a (72) cS 
 as well prescribe for the p"SS; S-T *''"«''' «"'«ht, indeed 
 as we for any of the priviS whi!^t ^'^f sovereignty over ue 
 I do not think it neLssarftoTnaSL''? ^V^'^ asfe? subject 
 people of Massachusetts wJi{°J^^'''^ how far the practice K 
 
 wHoie original thirteen'S^it'^S^Sate^^^^^^^^ i?> ^'^ P«' l^« oft 
 
 including Louisiana ; or how far <h!^' °^ **'* '^"'ted States now 
 of Boston can establish a pTescri^^^^^ 
 
 Orleans. I trust 1 have -a'JZl^ ^ '^"1 m the people of n/JT 
 (74W«.a*fc .oMept^r'^ *°°"fi^ '^ «how that prescrit^r" 
 
 UnitJd'^^e;.lsr?nt;e;^^^^^^^^^ to the subject. Had the 
 morial, the fishing privS i„ „ ''?' *"J°>e*'> ^om time ,mmf 
 
74 
 
 [rRivjiTe'.) 
 
 'pjending oa tjiie will of such state, (79) and is consequently impreicripti* 
 We. An indcpfindent (^O*) title can be derived only from treaty. 
 
 I conceive, therefore, that (80) our claim to the tinhing privilege^ 
 from immemorial usage, is not only unsupported by the (8l)facit 
 but cannot, in (82) effect, result from such usage. 
 
 I have, (^) from this view of the subject, been led to conclude, 
 that the treaty of 1783, in relation to the fishing liberty, is abrogat- 
 ed by the war ; that this liberty is totally destitute of support from 
 prescription ; (8*) and that we are, consequently, hft without any title 
 to it whatsoever. For, I cannot prevail upon myself to seek for 
 such a title in the relative situation of the parties, at the time of ne- 
 gotiating the treaty of 1783, and contend, according to the insinqa* 
 tion contained in our letter to you of the (85) Slst of Pecemt^er, that 
 the jurisdiction of Great Britain over the colonies, assigned to hep 
 in America, was a grant (86) from the United States, and that the 
 United States, in making tlis grant, (87) reserved to themselves the 
 privilege in question. Such a pretensiop, however lofty, is so in- 
 consistent with (88) the circumstances of the case, and with any sober 
 construction which can be given to that treaty, that I shall, I trust, 
 be excused from seriously examining its validity. 
 
 Having thus stated some of the reasons which induced me to differ 
 in opinion from a majority of my colleagues, relative to the cha- 
 racter of ihe treaty of 1783, as well as with regard tq every other 
 foundation on which they were (89) disposed to rest our title to the 
 fishing privilege, I shall now proceed to explain the (90) causes 
 which influenced me to dissent from them in the interpretation of 
 •ur (91) instructions. 
 
 These instructions forbid us to permit our (9?) rights to the trad» 
 beyond the (93) Cape of Good Hope, to the fisheries, and to Louisiana, tO 
 be brought into discussion. I conceived that this prohibition ex- 
 tended to the general rights only, which affected our sovereignty, 
 and resulted from it, and not (94) to mere special liberties and privi- 
 leges which had no relation to that sovereignty, either as to its na- 
 ture or extent. 
 
 The right (95) relating to the trade Ueyond the Cape of Good 
 Hope, was the right which belonged to us as an independent (96) na- 
 tion, incomipon with all other independent nations, and not the peripission of 
 trading to those parts of the East Indies which were within the ex- 
 clusive jurisdiction of Great Britain. In like '^•iianner, the right to 
 the fisheries, contemplated by our instructions, was, (97) 1 con9eived, 
 the right, common to all nations, to use the open sea for fishing as well 
 as for navigation, and (98) not to the liberty to fish (99) and cure fish 
 within the territorial limits of ^ny foreign state. The right to 
 Louisiana, (loo) which was not to be brought into discussion, was the 
 right to the empire and domain of that region, and (lOi) not to the 
 right of excluding Great Britain from (102) the navigation of the Mis- 
 sisflippi. 
 
 How far we conformed to this instruction, with regard to thegC' 
 neral right to Louisiana, it is not necessary foi me here to inquire ; 
 
(OwpiicateJ 
 
 75 
 
 independent (80») right can be derived only IVoin trcaCv 
 
 I conceive, therefore, that (80) a claim to the fisbini uriviicge 
 from •mmemonal usage, is not only unsupported by the (SjJ^^ 
 but cannot, in f82) ejTect, result froih fucb usage 
 
 I have, (03) in this view of the subjpct, been led to conclude thnf 
 
 he treaty of 1783 in relation to theihing liberty, rabrogaledt 
 
 the war and that th.s liberty is totally destitute of support from 
 
 prescnption (84) and consequently, .hat we are lefj without «ny Utle 
 
 o ,t whatsoever For I cannot prevail upon myself to seek for 
 
 such a title in the relative situation of the parties at the titZ Je 
 
 negotiating the treaty of ,783, and contend, ac'co';S!;^Vthe 1"^,! 
 
 ion contained i our letter to you, of the m 25th of Decemb*^ 
 
 last that the jurisdiction of Great Britain over the colonies assign- 
 
 fhA n •r/ST'''''"' «g'-»nt(86>°Mhe United States, and 
 that the United States, in making this grant,, (87) rtservedlo ihtmselte* 
 he privilege •" q«'estion. Such a pretension, however lofty, is sA 
 inconsistent with (88) the real circumstance, of the case, and with any 
 jober construction which can be given to that treaty, that I shall, 
 1 trust, be excused from seriously examining its validity. 
 
 tf avmg thus stated some of the reasons which induced me to dif- 
 rer ID opiDjon from a majority of my colleagues, relative to the 
 character of the treaty of 1 783. as well as with regard to every 
 other foundation on which they were (89) disposed, inconsistently, to rest 
 our title to the fishing privilege, I shall ndw proceed to explain the 
 (TO) reasons which influenced me to dissent from them in the intei-- 
 pretation of our (91) instructions relative to that privilege. 
 
 These instructions forbid us to permit our (92) rights to the 
 trade beyond the (93) Cape of Good Hope, to theJUheriei.andto Lmuiana, 
 to be brought into discussion. I conceived that this prohibition ex- 
 tended to the general rights only, which aflected our sovereignty 
 and resulted from it, and not (94) the special liberties and privilege's 
 which had no relation to that sovereignty, either as to its nature 6r 
 extent. 
 
 The right. (95) relative to the trade beyond the Cape of Gootl 
 S^r\ '^''^ t*»e "gJ^t w*>»ch belonged to us as an independent 
 (96) nation, and not to the permission of trading to those parts of the 
 ^ast Indies which were within the exclusive jurisdiction of Great 
 Britain. In like manner, the right to the fisheries, contemplated 
 by our instructions, was, (97) i conceive, the right to use the open setf 
 /oo> J"^ ^* "^f^l "' ^•"' navigation, and (98) not the liberty to fish 
 (99) and to cure fish, within the territorial limits of any foreign state! 
 ^ He right to Louisiana, (lOO) which, by those instructions, were not to be 
 brought into discussion, was the right to the empire and domain of 
 
 nW) thfr* ''"'^ ^'"*^ " ri^" ^if^y^"^. excluding Great Britain frpm 
 (iwz; the free navigatiou of the Mississippi. 
 
 JtTJZ !^%^°"^?'''»«'? to this instruction, with regard to the ge- 
 nerai i jght to Lumsiaaa, it u aot i»ecessary for me h«-e to inquire : 
 
w 
 
 [fritatb.] 
 
 1»ut certainly the majority beJieved (lOs) themielves permitted to atfnt 
 a rery explicit proposition with regard to the navigation of its prin- 
 cipal (104) river. I believed, with them, that »« were »o permitted, and that 
 w« were likewise permitted to offer a propoiition relative to the fishing liberty, 
 and had the occasion required it, to make proposals concerning the trade to the 
 British East Indies. I was persuaded, that tr<)ating relative to these privileges, 
 or dbcussing the obligation or e^ .?\vr: of ;. > .anting or witholding them, re- 
 spectively, violated in no wav .> . it •suo.'iorij, or affected the general rights ' 
 wUch we were forbidden to b. . g into diiic«t.sijion. 
 
 Considering, therefore, the fitibing liberty to be entirely at at» 
 end, without a new stipulation for its revival, and believing that we 
 were entirely free to discuss the terms and conditions of such » 
 stipulation, I did not object to the article proposed by us because 
 any article on the subject was unnecessary, or contrary to our in* 
 structions, but I objected specially to that article, because, by con- 
 ceding (105) in it the free navigation of the Mississippi, (106) we offered, 
 in my estimation, for the fifhing privilege, a price much above its value. 
 
 In no view of the subject could I discover any (107) analogy between 
 the two objects, and the only reason for connecting them and mak- 
 ing them mutual equivalents for each other, appeared to be because 
 they were both found in the treaty of 1783. 
 
 If that treaty was abrogated by the war, as I consider it to liave 
 been, any connexion between its parts must have ceased, and the 
 liberty of navigating the Mississippi by British subjects must, at 
 least, be completely at an end ; for it will not, I trust, be attempted 
 to continue it by a (108) prescriptive titls, or to consider it as a 
 (109) reservation, made by the United States, from any grant of sove- 
 reignty which, at the treaty of peace, they, accorded to Great Bri- 
 tain. , If, indeed, it was such a reservation, it must have been in- 
 tended for (llO) our benefit, and, of (Hi) course, could be no equivalent 
 for the fishing (U^) privilege. If it is considered as a reservation 
 made by Great Britain, it will reverse (113) the facts assumed by us 
 in relation to that privilege. 
 
 Th'rf (114) third article of the treaty of 1783, respecting the fish- 
 eries, and the (115) eighth article of that treaty, respecting the Missis- 
 sippi, had not the slightest reference to each other, and were placed 
 as remote, the one from the other, as the limits of that treaty could 
 well admit. Whatever, therefore, (116) was the cause of inserting 
 the fishing liberty, whether it was a voluntary and gratuitouis grant 
 on the part of Great Britain, or extorted from her as a condition 
 on which the peace depended, it could have had no relation (H?) to 
 the free navigation of the Mississippi. Besides, the article relative 
 
[nvrucm,] 
 
 11 
 
 cit proposition, with rpTgrd to th^l nt^r'i- ^ '*''«''>' "pK- 
 (iO^frivJ;; now/chi. offer VS.t;f^frS"?u/ '"^ »'""^'P«» 
 be . V.0 atioa of the .n.troctions i„ que. L but I con.i'r '."««''*••''' "« «• 
 
 the.e .„«ruction, we were explicitly a.id implicitlv dt^^^^P'"» ^•'>- % 
 
 •tipulatioii wi,ich might restrain the United T«.Af '"'"»«''" «o •void an* 
 
 yador. from the naviSati.n of the lake. "nd r W. eS!^'^'*'* »"« B"«i* 
 
 JurudkHon." This in.tn.ction applied wiJhtheTeateS? "L^^^ "«'■ •«*• 
 
 While I believed, therefore, that we ^»JZrmUu,dil% "^P''' 
 lative to the fishing liberty ; and that Tn triT.j? " * P''Opo.ition, rt- 
 
 discussing our claiLo it/weTn no w^^'o XT?nr:?t?o ^ ''"'"^' «''» 
 the general right, which we were forbidden tS brine into Z'"" "^•^•"•d 
 lieve, and do still believe, that we were exnil^lv «*„! '^'".""'O" i » did b«. 
 ;o offe. or to renew a stimulation foT he Te^a C l"'L^rR "^ ^''l'"'" 
 M.ss,ss.pp,, a river within our exclusive jurisdiction ' ^ ° ^"""'' "^ »"• 
 
 t^onsideriDg, therefore, ttie lishirie liberty to Ha »,.♦• . 
 •nd, Without a new stipd.tion tor it ZiZ and bJ '^'^ *'."'» 
 y were entirely free to discuss the terms and conditio '«!?« 'l^^ 
 «t.pulat.oo, I did not object to the article proposed bin, .'""*' * 
 aay article on the subject was unnecessary or contr^^r/o*'""'* 
 8troct.on., but I objected specially to thataHHe bSJ k '''"* 
 ceaing (105) m it, to Great Britain, tjfrte uavi/ation nf?h T' ^^ <=*'»- 
 (106) we not only directly violated our instructfnn? h ? ?® ^"Sissipp,- 
 nation, a price ^uch abL iU ««/i^, an? whiS coJw n-r^" 't'' '" "^ "«- 
 
 In no view of the subject, Uld I diseo^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 relation beetween the two obiects • «r>rl th^ , ^ i ^ analogy og 
 
 them and -akin Jhl'muCeqd ^^^^^ 
 
 be, because they were both f2und Tthe treatf of nSs'T.^*^ 
 treaty was abrogated bv the war <>« i ^^ -a -7. , *'^* "that 
 connection betw'ee^^t^^Srts mu'sVa^rcf^^^^^^ ^^'^^ 
 
 navigating the Mississippi, by Briti8h7ubS'r, / V'.''*'^y °^ 
 completely at an end- for it will IT i*-*.!' '""^*' ** »e«8t be 
 tinue it by a oS);;«;'4l'iS^^' ";''/;"«* be attempted to ,,on, 
 
 tion made by the United StL«fr!: consider m aa a (108) restrv,. 
 
 at the treaty of^P^Mhl;^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 ieX:d^^sr::-^St--5S^^^^ 
 
 likewise for our benefit. If Jt isTl' S* ^"^ *^® ^'*'»"8 ^"*> P"^"«Se. 
 Great Britain, it will reverse (li3 aj^bf ,f ." reservation made by 
 lation to that privilege '^''"' *'''""«'^ ^y "« « ri 
 
 The (114) /Atrrf article of the treatv of i la-i 
 eries, and the dis) eigfuh of ha, trttK 783, respecting the fish- 
 had nottbe-slightesfreLInce to«-H'?KP^*'"«. ^^"^ Mississippi, 
 
 remote, the onl from the Xr as the limiJ: ""^^ P'"*^"^ " 
 
 well admit; whatever. therS (lie n.S? ^^^.^bat treaty could 
 inserting the fishing liberty wSerk ZT. \ "^T '^^ ^«"»« ^ 
 tous grant on the part of Gr^at Brhl Tr L^'^i^F ^"'^S^'tui- 
 condition, on which the peacrdeoenS Tf ,?l*^ ^'■'"" "^^^ " « 
 lation an, wuh the f.e '^atM^^^^^^^^^ 
 
n 
 
 [¥tt^kftt.,\ 
 
 (« (hi* rU#r muni, iVnm U)« i*v(«l«iil v(«wt nf (h«« pnHii>t «( (ht 
 (im<*« t^'^Hu 0'^) *)**''' Kviuiuutil tviniioit* (it eufh utliMr» mid iVom (ItMlr 
 
 lUl«r*»d i»i' ituiiunl rtutl P'ntrtl whrtntH)j»». «iul niriil*lii*il m pulijwel 
 thr cnm|»««n»«w(i<m or ni\ju«(m«Mi( (» ««y »(lu»r pruviniiMi iif (Imt Iri'uly. 
 Wo(h |»nrti0« hpUi'Vtil (luit U»i« rlv«»r (mi(li«»il ihi» (offitiulpn of 
 bo(h, und (hm, oC «'o«««r. both hiul « il«l»l ii» H^ iinviy;«»iMii. Al 
 8pHi« iHwu^Mpd both bunk* of thin vif«t, (n n oiiii^bbMiililn (liMttncv 
 lV«tm i(* moii(b, mul otto uC Km Inittk* iipitily llniMiKlntiit \in wboln 
 <i«t«»n(, bo(h imiltr* bitti lUt iiitiM-otil in (iititiiiK U\ iinvpiit tbii( power 
 Y^H>m olvndtiiMinit it< tinviKuiion. Itiul not lbi« iu'Ut'b> b(>i<it iiitPiiiiiHl 
 tt> pn^Ap* tbp pni(i«»i> in n'btUon (o M|min, (bi'V ^1 '«0 w.kiIiI, iirntmliljr, 
 h«v» tmiilwJ •» t«» (bi> MrtviKiUlon o('(bo rivn- (l"*t)nMhint. (bnir own 
 tvnltoi ipii pm»>n»UMl on it. \m\ not biwn MipnluliHl I\m (bin nnvittu 
 W«n to (bp o«'i»u«, wbiob ftp«M>»muily oin liiMl ii tbioiigb lbi> exuliiilvt 
 t«nitoi-i«i* o( 8p»un. 
 
 ir (h« oiiYumnlnnrrit biul b(«pn, it) (itot, «nch mm tbo |>«u*(i((*n nt thw 
 lim« boli«»v«d (bi»m to bo, inni with « vunv to wbiob (lioy m>(t>il \ ov 
 h««t (bpup rin'un»»t«noi>» unlmomirntlv «»ii|nMle«i>p«l no imlic«l 
 fbiintt<* ; (Jit>Mt lUitiiin woub) biut> ituinpil now no mum (bun *b« 
 wmiM hrtvn urnntPtl by (bo (»W) if*v(vnt ol'lbi' uHirlo in I'obUion io 
 Otji)ih« M(»«ii>»t)>)«l, Mnd wonbl not, nny n)oi*« (bini in (7lt,1, biivc m^ 
 lkw«m|p«\gi'il i»ny tm«ivul»»nt to bo oonU'vroil by il Ibi* our liiierty 
 vdrttiv** to tb«» (UbvMfB. Tbe riivmn^tunrpi*, bowovpr, nfwnniiMl 
 hx (h<> pMHi«>!>, lU tbo (in\<«, in robtlion to Ufml Hiitiiin, »nil iVuiti 
 Wnioh her rigbtK wniv tlmbn'wl, hnve not only, in port, bPfii ibuco- 
 veitHl mUto htno Pitintod, bultbosi* wbioh did pxlc* »i«vp biu<n rn- 
 tiihciy chrtnni»»l by »nlM»t>qnon( rvcntn. It bun (»< ) hr"" nii.i»it«innrt 
 that (h« torritoripi rtMignvd to U\ii[\i HHlinn. no whpio, in Irtct, 
 it»«rh«»d tbi» MiMJMippi ; «nd tbp n<«|oi«i(ion oC l.ooinimin l»y the 
 tnit«d St»«t<>» (IW)I»«!< Ibrcvpr rpnmvnd tbo .Sp«nii»h juii«dictiott 
 lh*t nvor. 
 
 Tb0 wbol»> oon«idorution. tborolon*, on tbo purt n'Tlrmt Hrlbiin, 
 whothov dorix od (Kint hor toiiiloi ial uinbtn. or \hm\ bor purl of lb« 
 rvoiprv>ortl obUpc«tion« robaivo to Hpnin, bwvinn ontiroly lailod, ouv 
 enK««g«m«nt», ontorod into on »rr,ount of lbrttoonBider«tion,in»y b« 
 t«irly V on«trued to bntro tonninntoti with it. 
 
 In thin viow of the )»«l>ioct, Gre.it Brilttinoould huvo hnd no title 
 to th« n«vim»tiiM» of tbo Miwiiinippi, oven if a wwr hnd not tflkon 
 
 Since botwoen tbo prtrtio!«. To I'onow, tboroforo, tbo otnimii of 
 IroAt Hritrtin, under Hmt urticlo, nubjort to thin ronntruction, wonid 
 be grunting her nothing ; wnd to rojiow tbnt urlicle, indopomlent of 
 this constiuftion, nnd without Hny roforenoo to the ciroum«t«ncoi 
 th*t «tt«ndod itK origin, in t78,i, or to the ovonts which havonincA 
 occurred in relation to it, wooM bo grnnting her ndvuntiigon not 
 • ©nlv entirely (•W\«ttt.inter»t, m it rolatos to tne urticle iturlf, but, 
 (lffr)»tt b«U«v«f ot much grentcr importnnce thtin nny which wr 
 cOKkH derive flrotn the liberty relative to the tiisherie*. 
 
^p^Wi 
 
 [ovrilOATl.) 
 
 7t 
 
 MH HI or iHynmiiimil in niiy ,,{Uov i ,„i,i/ /-n 7"' ''"' «""»PP»I- 
 
 I'oU.. m„l .1,,,, of !..,«« II , .V ?' ' T.'r' /»''' /•''^"•"'«- ^f 
 pM«M.JlHMl,h«,,k,o.i|,i,;v;\' 7''\V"«/". A,Hj,„|„ 
 
 limll«.| I, ,0 u.. ,„.vl«..ion .V i V^^ '^ -""" h«7 
 
 whirl, tlipy „d«„|, or h«,l tl.^.ri Z1.„L • ".'' *"*"' • *'«'* '0 
 
 »»«co„lWr.i.l by U. for our iLVey rdX « o ^^^^ »« 
 
 '•••Ion to Uvm rirlSiTom wirh d?i" "'' ''""'• '» r- 
 
 '"r« ""' •'"'^ '"^v;!' ir^ltt ;j/^^^^^ «'««^"'^«i. 
 
 but tlioNu wliiili dill i.k,.t !..„« I ' , •"" t« imve «« ile4, 
 
 Ort»»i JlritHln, no wlinro. in furl rn«r !1. .i «• * "f'*^"' "•••Uned U> 
 qui-ili«nofho;.i.i.nuj;Vl^'Sffi^^^^^^^ 
 
 1 1« S|Mni.h j'.ri«d.ctlo,; from th .rrivr q W^^^ t"'*"". r""'*««^ 
 Oierolbrc, on tho p«rt of Ureu tri 2 Ji. .. "i'" P'":*''*"*"""!!. 
 territori.,! ri«l,t., oV from I «r « r 5 ?' ^i'"/*'"'" '^rt"^ ^•"'"n her 
 t«live to H|*in;i.,,vin/« t" r fild'rr'P'"'*"' •''''««t»OM. r.. 
 Into, on «ccoont of tl.Ht c nI,"lL i„?. 'Il /'"KWeni,. .„ter«d 
 hnv« tmn.in..t«.J with jt/^""""""^""""' •"«> »>o l«,rly conitruadto 
 
 In ttiifl view of the Huliinrt Hfnnt n..:* i <• • 
 to the n«vigntioM of 'he Ei.S "vl; ?" *"*.'" '""' °* »'^'» 
 pince hetwwn tho ui.rt e« Tn' '* ^ l! " '?'"' *"«' "»» ♦•ken 
 Or.«l Hrituin. undor fh Scl« lET' r ''''^'•" *''« ^'«''"- «f 
 b« Kr«ntin« h^r nothing ^^^ t « C'thVt nr^I^-r'^T"^ 
 Ihii ronstruction, md without anv rZrlr.1 ? .. ' "'.•'«P«'"'«nt of 
 thut attended it. Origin In 1 7X3 or [oTlu! „ *? "'? '^''■^"'"••ance. 
 occurred in r«luti«,?to it/ Wuirbo , LI rh.r'''.'"' ^"^* •'"^« 
 
 could derive fro^lTbtn:!:^;:^^^^ -»»-»» - 
 
 # 
 
80 
 
 [PRIVATB ^ 
 
 lUl 
 
 III! 
 
 :;!J! 
 
 !ill!l 
 
 ff the artiele which we (l28)ofifered merely intended to rescue the 
 third and eighth articles of the treaty of 1783, from the operation 
 of the present war, and to continue them precisely as they ivere 
 immediately prior lo this war, the third article being then in full 
 force, and the eighth article being no lorger (129) obligatory, we 
 ehouh have attempted to exchange, like General Drummond, the 
 dead for the living. 
 
 It is not surprising, therefore, that- the British government 
 should, in suspecting such an intention, (130) have rejected our pro- 
 position. ! was opposed, however, to making the proposition, not 
 only because I was convinced that it was (131) offered with ho such 
 intention, but because I believed it would give to Great Britain 
 the free navigation of the Mississippi, under circumstances, and 
 evidently for an object, which would place it on very distinct 
 grounds from those on which it was placed by the treaty of 1783. 
 
 The whole of the Mississippi being now exclusively within the 
 acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States, a sinorple renewal 
 of the British right to navigate it would place that right beyond 
 the reach of the war, and of every other previous circumstance 
 which might have impaired or terminated it ; and the (l32) power 
 to grant, on our part, being now complete, the right to enjoy, 
 (133) on heis, under our grant, must be complete also. 
 
 It would be absurd to suppose that any thing impossible was in- 
 tended, and that Great Britain was to be allowed to navigate the 
 Mississippi (134) precisely as she (13i>) could have navigated it imme- 
 diately after the treaty of 1 783 ; as if her territories extended to 
 it, and as if Spain was (136) in entire possession of one of its banks 
 and of a considerable portion of the other. The (13?) revival of the 
 British right to navigate the Mississippi would be, (138) under exist- 
 ing circumstances, a new and complete grant to her, measured by 
 these circumstances, and thence embracing not only (he entire free- 
 dom of the whole extent of (139; that river, but the unrestrained access 
 to it across our territories. If we did not intend (1*0) this, we intended 
 nothing which Great Britain could accept; and, whatever else 
 (l4l) might have been intended, if not at once rejected by her, would hereafter 
 have been the subject of new and endless controversy. When, how- 
 ever, we connected the icvival of the navigation of the Mississippi 
 with the revival of the (144) liberty of taking and curing fish within 
 the British jurisdiction, two things, which never before had any re- 
 lation to each other, we evidently meant, if we acted (143) in good 
 faith, not only to concede, as well as to obtain something, but also 
 to be understood as conceding an equivalent for what we obtained. 
 
 In thus offering the navigation of the Mississippi, and the access 
 to it through our territories, as an equivalent for the fishing liberty, 
 we not only placed both on ground entirely different from that 
 (144) in which they respectively stood in the treaty of 1783, and 
 acted somewhat inconsistently with our own reasoaing relative (9 
 
 11 
 
 m 
 
[DUPLICATE ] 
 
 81 
 
 If the article which we (125) offered was merely intended to rescue 
 the third and eighth articles of the treaty of 1783, from the opera- 
 tion of the present war, and to continue them precisely as they 
 were immediately prior to this war, the third article being then in 
 full force, and the eighth article being no longer (129) operative, we 
 should have attempted to exchange, like General Drummond' the 
 dead for the living. It is not surprising, therefore, that the British 
 government, in suspecting such an intention, (130) should have re- 
 jected our proposition. 
 
 I was opposed, however, to making the proposition, not only be- 
 cause I was convinced that it was (131) made with no such inten- 
 tion, but because I believed it would give to Great Britain the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi, under circumstance^^, and evidently 
 for an object, which would place it on very distinct grodnds from 
 those on which it was placed by the treaty of 1783. 
 
 The whole of the Mississippi being now exclusively within the 
 acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States, a simple renewal 
 of the British right to navigate it would place that ri<>ht beyond the 
 reach of the war ; and every other previous circumstance which 
 might have impaired or terminated it, and the (132) right to grant 
 on our purt, bemg now complete, the right to enjoy, (133) on the part 
 of Great Britain, must be complete also. It would be absurd to sup- 
 pose that any thing impossible was intended, and that Great Britain 
 was to be allowed to navigate the Mississippi (134) only as she 
 (135) would have navigated it immediately after the treaty of 1783, 
 as if her territories extended to it, and as if Spain was (ls6) in tho' 
 entire possession of one of its banks, and of a considerable portion 
 of the other. The (137) recognition of the British right to navigate 
 the Mississippi, would be, (I38) under existing circumstances, a new and 
 complete grant to her, meabured by these circumstances, and, 
 thence, embracing not only the entire freedom of the whole extent 
 of (l39) the river and its tributary waters, but unrestrained a' oess tO it 
 across our territories. If we did not intend (J40) to offer jhis, we in- 
 tended to offer nothing which Great Britain could accept ; and what- 
 ever else (1*1) we might have inte .<ded to offer, if not at once rejected by her, 
 would at least have been, hereafter, the subject of new and endless con- 
 troversy. 
 
 When, however, we connecteo the revival of the navigation of 
 the Mississippi with the revival of the r'42) privilega of taking and 
 curing fish within the British jurisdiction, two things which never 
 before had any relation to each othef, we evidently meant, if we 
 acted (143) with good faith, not only to concede, at "ell as to ob- 
 tain nmething, but also to be understood as conceding an equiva- 
 lent lor what we obtained. 
 
 In thus offering the nav • ;ion of the Mississippi, and the access 
 to it through our territorie_, as an equivalent for the fishing liberty, 
 we not only placed both on ground entirely different from that 
 (14*) on which they respectively stood in the treaty of 1 783, and 
 acted somewhat inconsistently witb our own reasoning, relatiTC to 
 
8a 
 
 [PRIVATB.] 
 
 Il«p nriR^n nuA lmmort«Uty of lli« laUpr. Imt w« nltiTPd to ronoptle 
 <I4:.) ntu.h morf tlii«n Wo , nultl «»0|>P to |B;»hi (Hrt) l.y «|ia anBiiHmimi.i. 
 mi\U whitlitvi^r vipw uk ii^mpnrmlvf ei(«>fU mlitlil lift rslhimictl. 
 
 ri'om il\o ypnr 178a, lo tlir oomiMPitrPitiPttt «»f Ihp prpupnt wnr, 
 the Motuiil mlv«ntaat»s ili^iivptl tVoin tliPlifihinK ttnvilpg(> |»y {\\p u^o- 
 nle ot' thp I'nitPil Suups, wpip, arooitling to llio Ix^ni iiiformntion 
 thitt ^Uf)! ci»« ohtni<i on tltp pubjpr.t. very inconsidprfthle, and m»' 
 nuidly evupi'ionring » volnnlnry diminutioti. 
 
 It w«B di»rovriT(i lluit lltp olVm-ity mid liumidily (»f tltp ntmoB- 
 pliPiT, owing \o nimop* iiupMunt tbgn. in tlip high noiihpin lntitUv>ei» 
 tvljcro Ihid privilege ««« , hiplly lorntpd, |»rpvpnipd thp ptrprtunl 
 euriitg of iisi) in lliopio ipjrioni, Hud. conspquonllv. Ip!«!«pnpd very 
 mucli (hp vidiip of the (14!0 iihurty of Inking them there. Hy ftr 
 the giprtleM purl ot tl>p lish takon hy our lUhpimpn l»r»forp the pre- 
 Bent war, wn* (U9)fB(.Rtii in il,p opp„ „p,, or (l:>«)u|inn our own 
 cuHstH, Hml onrpd on (Ifli) out own iihon>f.. 'piijs lunnrh of the Unh- 
 crips Imr k»ppn found to Iw i!H<xhrtnHtil»|p, and hiui b^m purNUed 
 nith »o mnrh more corttnnly «n«l do-pnit h tluui the privilc od por- 
 tion (l:.«) within th» HiiUiii juri-dirtion. IhiK it \u\n not only l.prn ge- 
 nerally prrfi.rrrd In- our lUliprnion. hut would prohiddv,on longer 
 esperipnoo. Iwuo lipon tdmont univ.M^dly usod hy thorn. It wiw 
 to t>e holioved, thorrloro, th«t n disoontinnnnop of the prlvllegp of 
 taking «nd on nng tish, wijhin the Hrilish jurindirtion, would not, 
 nt all. diminish ll»p asiffrpguto <puu»ti(y taken hy the ppopip of the 
 Initod StatPS or (1X1) viry imuennlly vn.y th<> dptniU of the hURinCBfl. 
 That part of tho tijhoriofi whiclj would (1.^4) Mill h«\«. hi-lon^r,! to un 
 ««ttnaiion. lu'iog .'xhauf^MpM, would allbrd an ample field for all 
 the capitid and imlostry hitherto omplovod in thp general hiuineit 
 of lishmg, or mproh;uidiM»» of lixh, and on that tield iqight the few 
 fisherman, who had hhUorto used tho lil>erty of taking and ruring 
 f»«h wuhin thp jurisdirtion of (I'roat Hritain, pxort thpir nkill and 
 lahour without «ny ?priou«« luconrpnionco. (' W) 'I"l''''lil»prtv, liu- 
 We^l5(0'" a very considerahlodegroe hy the torms in which'itwas 
 granlt>d. to he curtailed hy thpji^ovprnmpnf andsuhjects ofa fo eign 
 PtatP ; alrpu«ly growing into voluntary dij»uspl)y our own citizens on 
 account of th^ dittio.ulties insonarahic from' it', and ahsolutoly inca- 
 pable of oxtPn»ion ; was totally nnnoressary to us for »uh8l«tence 
 or ocrupation. and athmlod, (t67)in nn wny, any conunercial facility 
 or political advantage. This privilege, too, while it wan thuA of 
 little (J5R)or no utility to us, cost Great Britain literally (159) nothing. 
 
 The free naviiration of the Mississippi, with the necessary accesi 
 to it, is a grant oT a very different character. If it was not hereto- 
 fore used by Ureal Hritain, it was, perhaps, becmse she did not 
 consider herself entitled to it, or because tite circumstances of the 
 moment suspended its practical utdity. The trpxty of 1783 stipu- 
 lated for her the navigation of this river, under the presumption 
 that her territories extended to it, and, of course, could not intend 
 to give her an access to it through our territories. 'J'he British 
 pofwssions to the westward of Lake Krie, being altnyt entirely 
 
l»trptitcAtii.j 
 
 »d 
 
 (he origin nnd immorJrtliJy of tlio InUer, but wo ofToml to o«f.c.i,i»- 
 (145) «u.A «,o,« ,htt,. »ve could hope lo gain (I *fl) bi IL tXr-m.^ 
 
 a»K nn.M,;, ly .>tpr,r e„ci„« « ,„|u„t„ry diminolio.K ""'""«'^'«"''^'« 
 It WHS .l.«r.,vorc,l il,„t the obnrurifv iin.l humidity uHUi^ ,.i.n«. 
 phore, ow.Mg to al.noM inco^MOt tog, n, tl.n high norther lull /Z 
 
 much lh« VHlur of t .,. (Mh) ,rivii««« of i„kinK tliom thZ ,v Ju- 
 th« 8iotttfl.l part or 11,0 ii«h token by our IwhoroZ hifo,?. « 
 
 c«H«l«, nn.l cured o,. i',i)our.h..re. 'Tbi« br«r.cJM,f l^ ZJZ 
 
 iii.«Jk.i...«,i I... .)"""<"'«'"", tlint It boM not only been irt-nerully^ 
 
 K re ti'i' ;""' ^""^'•'»«". ''"t would, probuldy! on lon^r r« T 
 
 nc noe, have been nlmo«t univormdiy UHe.l by tliem. It war to I <. 
 
 e leve, I, tbereb,n, tb.,t n di«con(inu,u,ro ofUie p"vilel of.iki ! 
 
 ini I I'; ""'•';" ^'•*' "'■'""' J''''i«^'i«ti«n.lvoold1fo? t HIL 
 
 iUmUy Inlbcrto employed in tbuKenerAl bi.«irl!«nf <• ' '"" 
 
 cb««dueot(w.;„,^o;;tb„;ntK^b :^n^^^ 
 
 h.lberto. u.ed the Uberty of taking .,nd curb.^i'h w u,,n u'e ?«' 
 riHd.ct.on ol Ureat llrituin, exert their skill «nd lubouTw hout aC 
 
 con.i;bM.:r"r"""^''';' r'^ '''••"' "''^'-^^ nabie, /.o^r^t^jj 
 
 consider, blu degree, by the terms in which it w.ii granted to K 
 curtailed by the Kovernment and subjects of a fovZn2ir nti i 
 
 Z? mnl "^""*»K«- '^his privilcg, . too, while it wa I u if 
 
 little (158) ttiKl procariouB ul htv ''• iih r.rt«f h * u •. .. "* 
 
 (V>njnomng. ^ '" "*»<^^»t Great Britain literally 
 
 litfed, for her, the r„„,™" , ,► Ivi,., ," T"''/' ""' ''"l'»- 
 
04 
 
 [fRIVATS.] 
 
 utiROttled, rendored, perhaps, the free naTij^tion of the MiHsisfiippi, 
 for the moment, of little adv<intafl[e to her, ptirticularly as her right 
 to reach it tvus at least equivocal ; and as, by another treaty, she 
 could curry on trade >vith our Indians. 
 
 This naviKHtion might, indeed, for a lonn time to come, be of lit- 
 tle use to her for all the ! 160) legitimate purposes of transit und in- 
 tercourse ; but every chaiuce that could take place in this respect 
 must increase its importance to her; while every chnnge in the 
 fMihin;!? liberty (161) would be to tho disadvantage of the United 
 States. 
 
 The freedom (l<?2)of the Mississippi, however, is not to be esti- 
 niated by the mere legitimate wne^ tiiat would be :na,le of it. The 
 unrestrained and undeHned access which would have been inferred 
 from tlie article which we proposed, (163) would bave placed in the 
 hands of Great Britain and her subject!! all the facilities of commu- 
 nication with our own citizens, and with the Indians inhabiting the 
 immense regions of our western territory. It is not in the nature 
 of things that these facilities should net have been abused for un- 
 righteous purposes. A vast field for contraband (lU*) and inirigua 
 would have been laid open, and our western territories would have 
 swarmed with British smugglers and British emissaries. The re- 
 venue would have been defrauded by the illicit introduction of 
 English merchandibo, rod the lives of ourciti/.ens, and the security 
 of a valuable portion of our (1<»5) country oxposed to Indian hostilities, 
 excited by an uncontrolled British influence. (166) if our iii- 
 BtruGtions to guard against such an influence forbid us to renew the British li- 
 berty to trade with our Indians, we certainly violated the spiiit of those instruct 
 tions in oflfering tho means of exercising that influence with still gr&ater facility 
 and effect than could resuli front that liberty. 
 
 What was there in tho fishing liberty, either of gain to us, or loss 
 to Great Britain, to warrant, in consideration of it, a grant to her of 
 such means of fraud and annoyance ? What justice or equality was 
 there in exposing to all the horrors of savage warfare the unoffend- 
 ing citizens of an immense tract of territory, (167) not at all benefited 
 by the lishing privilege, merely to providfe for the doub:'ul accom- 
 modation of a (168) few Afihernien, iti a remote quarter, entirely ex- 
 empt from the danger ? 
 
 Such have been the reasons which induced me to differ from a 
 majority of my colleagues with regard to the article in question, 
 and 4liich 1 trust will l>e (169) thought sulticient, at least, to vindicate 
 my motives. 
 
 The unfeigned res|)ect which I feellbr the integrity, talents, and 
 judgment of those gentlemen, would restrain me from opposing 
 them on slight grounds, and a deference for their opinions aiaketi 
 me almost fear that 1 have ' rred in dissenting from them on thd 
 present occasion. I can but rejoice, however, that the afticle, as 
 
(DUPLICATE.] 
 
 85 
 
 tied, rendered, pvlinpu, Che free Davi«ition nfth. ut ■ ■ . - 
 he momrnt. ofliuie advantage to hrr; parti. ?i'^^'''*? 
 to re«ch ,t «.H8. nt least, enui?ocHl ; and K J ' ^ " ^'' "«''* 
 coul. narry on tr«de with onr IndLn ' ^^ ••">ther tr«ty, .he 
 
 ^^^'^:^t:r^lCti>^^ be or 
 
 n..in, hhert, (^oL . ,« L ^^^ ^:^ :tz isiji:^ 
 
 The freedom (162) of navigating the MisfiiMinn: u 
 to be estimated by the mere lecitimatp ..ll *W ' ^°'^«^er. " not 
 
 ie. The u„re.t.Led anT.InT i'^ ^ cce^t^^^^^^^ 
 been inferred from the article whirh wl .?f * ^""ch would have 
 placed in the bands of Gre t BrTtaif amU^erTh^^ """' ^^^^ 
 
 t.e8 of communication with our owrcilLpn/"*''^,"'^^^^^^ ^«'='«- 
 inhabiting the immense regio^of our wSnTe„ho^^^ 
 •n the nature of things thf.t these facili.i!. «? . . . "^^l '* " no* 
 abused for unrighteous purposes A ^a'fi'L?^^'^ "^* l"^* ''««•» 
 and for intrigue would h.ve lleen laid open lift '°"*:«''«»'* ('«*) 
 nes would have swarmed with BritSh , . *"■ *^*''^''" ^^''^^O' 
 issaries. The revenrwm d h .vp it "f*!'".'"*^ ^"^'«b em- 
 introduction of ^^..li.:;lrn:;;:ll;!n; ;:^tiihetr,':f '' *'*^ '"'^'* 
 
 nnd he sec- , valuahle por ion of our ne^/ "'" ''^•^*"»' 
 
 have been exp lian l.o«tiii.. ''""; ^'"r (165) country, would 
 
 tish influrnce JZ^uTV f ^^ "" ""'^^"troHed Br. 
 
 of I7y+, " allowing the North \vt!t(T '''«"«"re, .o renew the ueaiy 
 
 trade, whh the In.ilan tnb'ttl^ l^^S'at ';"'^''. ''""''' ^'^ '^»-y«'- 
 of which have been most .unsib/., /,« e or'el *'"' "'* ''*"»'"«"« eAfect. 
 
 the 8pin, of those i„«tru.Mions in on^!;! ' I, P^ea ' "If '' "^ • ■ ""^'"'^ ^'"'■"•«' 
 with still greater facility and effec tl a,f r uiri rn I, f ''''"u""^ """ '"""«"« 
 
 What was there in the tishirg her v SL^l"'"/''".*'^^^^^^^ 
 to Great Britain, to warrar.t, ^S;^' Jf^/.f '" *« "« «>- ^oss 
 of such moans of fraud and an mvTnceTwh f "l-^ «'*«"* '° h*'' 
 was (here, in exposing to all hrhorrors If ''"''"* ''^^T'^'^y 
 «nonondingci.ixe;,s of an imn,er,7e trTt of tpLw ''^^,7,'^'"'^"'' '^^ 
 
 or but fair„ly, benefited by the ishLnr 1 ''^' ^^'^ "**'"' '"• 
 
 for the doubtful a.co.nm'o .tion of a aeswf '«?"'''''^ '' ^'^^^'^^^ 
 
 zz:r^^'^- remote SJ^i:.^^'!^;^;^:^^^:: 
 
 The iinfHia;n"d respet-t whi^h 7 :',..! /u„ tt • . 
 and,i,„l,na„,, of ,„„„!' ,„„u,t;„, .iuldtsf^'i^'r^ •"'■"'■ 
 
86 
 
 iFniVAT&.l 
 
 proposed by us, was rejected by Great Britaip ; whatever were 
 her reasons for rejecting it ; whether, as above suggested, O^o) ihe 
 •uipected some tacit reservation, or want of faith on our part, or sup- 
 posed, from the price w« at once bid for the fishing privilege, that 
 we overrated its value, and might concede for it even more than 
 (171) the navigation of the Mississippi, with all its accessary advan- 
 tages. . . ' 
 
 (172) We are still at liberty to negotiate for that privilege in a treaty of com- 
 meVce, should it be found expedient, and to offer for it an equivalent, fair in ir« 
 comparative value, and just in its relative effects. lu any other way, I trust, 
 we shall not consent to purchase its renewal. 
 
 I have tlie honour to be, with profound respect, 
 
 Sir, your laithful and obedie»it servant, 
 
 JONA. RUSSELL.' 
 
 M7 areument to demonstrate the abrogation of the treaty of 1783, by the pre- 
 sent war, and the consequent discontinuance of the fishing privilege, will, I trust, 
 not be ascribed to any hostility to those who were interested m that privilege. I 
 have been always ready, and an. still ready, to make every sacrifice fo't'" Pre- 
 servation of that privilege which its nature and utility can justify ; but I have 
 conscientiously believed that the free navigation of the Mississippi wa? pregnant 
 with too much mischief to be offered indirectly jnder our construction of the 
 treaty, or directly, as a new equivalent for Uie liberty of taking and curuig fish 
 within th« British jurisdiction. 
 
 We had three other ways of proceeding : . 
 
 First To contend for the indestructibility of the treaty of 1783, thence mfer- 
 ing the continuance of the fishing privilege, without saying any thing about the 
 navigation of the Mississippi, which would have reserved our right of contesting 
 this navigation on the grounds I have mentioned, specially applicable to it. 
 
 Seeondli/. To have considered the treaty at an end, and offered a reasonable 
 equivalent, wherever it might be found, for the fishing privilege. 
 
 Tldrdly. To have made this liberty a siK qaa non of peace, as embraced by 
 the principle of status ante helium. . , ,o . 
 
 To either of these propositions I woald tame Mwnted, aut I could not consent 
 to grant to revive the Biitish right to the »^is»w»n of the Missisiippi, m Older 
 to procure or prcferve the fishing liberty. 
 
[duplicate.] 
 
 87 
 
 proposed by us, was rejected bv Grant WrU,:- i. . 
 reasons for rejecting it ! whelhe^r, ^^tl^.TT^^Z^^^^^^^^ ""V. 
 
 Iiave suspected some tacit reservation or want S f !?' ^ ^ ™**'* 
 or supposed, from the price we at once T^ L thp'^K'^'P''''' 
 lege, that we overrated its vi1„p »n\ li^u. 'or the fishing prm- 
 
 morethan(17l)ti/^rn Jiof thlw^ '— ''^' ^°'' '* ^^^^ 
 cesiary advantages. °^ '''^ Mississippi, with all its ac- 
 
 .udSot",eTurei;VSfe;^e"a^:S\rr^^^ '' ">isu„der.tood. !„ 
 
 mterests on any of.he constituent 0^^ No 1« ''"'"'' *" ""''«"*1"« tht 
 
 than I do, a branch of imlustry wE „ot onlv Lh"",'""'''''**'^ "PP''"^'"* 
 
 seems to create it. Nor nan any one nor. Z^ , J° "*"*""'' *«'»''*'. >>"* 
 
 •patriotism of those citizens who'are";" dTuTt "^an'f 'h' ','' usefulness, and 
 
 to deserve well of the republic In ti.n^f J ', '' '^^° '"^*'« "«'" «as«d 
 
 flicting elements, the treasures of te deep o'e^ u?. '""^ '''""•'' "™''" ^°»- 
 
 of war they contribute, by their skill IZi^i^ f- "'*" country; and in timet 
 
 «ut, in our country, wheJ. a are equaf h "f"'"^'/" *"" ^''^'"''' *»d «'»'/• 
 
 the many must be ^refor.ed ti e S; i ^1:71"'=""'^ ""' prosperityif 
 
 In giving this preference, I will fianklv rm f ,1 ""T" '"'"e"" of »»>« ftw. 
 
 .ions and locarpredilections, a d t„ S^teu o "h co'.' 'V"'."" *"'^ P"^" 
 patriotism; and to this patriotism I dare BnnP.i f ""^' °^ * '""'* ""'''^S*"* 
 with those to whom I am officially responsib fh . '"^ /indication, not -.nl, 
 more immediat«lv r«nn<..,„^ ;„ "L- 'P"""'''''' f'"' '^"1' those with whom I am 
 
 more immediately connected in socie y and whn, '"! '*""" *'"^ ^''°™ ' «"» 
 to have been unfavourably affected by \l'e vi'ws whicH? ""'',''' T"''""^ 
 my duty to adopt. I have always bep Im , ' ^'^'"' ''""""* '» «° '>« 
 
 fishing privilege which its na ^efor co ,na alL """l' ""^ '""''*" ^"^ '"• 
 I conscientiously believe that the' free a^%" io„ 7^"^ ^""l"* J^'^'j^' ^-' 
 access to it which we exprenslu offered n!^ ^" Mississippi, and the 
 
 to be offered, indirectly ^3 our 7' , P'"^R'"°t «^i'h too much mischief 
 
 tney were in fact offo.S, IT/ ew ^SStr l^v^'TV ""' '"'^''^^ " 
 ing fish within the Vrh\l ,....:.^:„.:.:?"""''*'"' ^""^ »'»« ''berty of taking and dr». 
 
 ing fish Within the L»ritishjuri?diction. 
 
 I will frankly avow. hoivpv»r tho»\_ • 
 
 Great B.i,Hin,'calcuh:ti ^ :rti;e ^ cS '2lT'"' 77"' ""'' «''" "«' «»>« 
 has sent against New-Orleans confiZn PO^'crful expedition Vhich .h« 
 
 the mistrefsof Louisiana and Cirut^t'rs"';^^^^ •"»- ^-'"«' 
 
 uaend to abandon her conquest undertf^^^rVf'reta'y ^^^henf '' '"" 
 lier ministers had. almost fir.m ii.„ ireaiy ot lihent. 
 
 «nly affected to considr our aliliUon 7^?'''"""' "' ''" "^'gotiation, not 
 agrandizement, but nisinuate^a'S ""u our t^^^^^^^^^ T"^"'=« «^ "^ 'P'"* «f 
 
 to obtain the free navigation of the Ms ^^0^ ° .' '• ^'''f«'^^i"g. 'herefore, 
 sent to part even with the lisliin.r liiVo!!' P^ ' "othing, she would not con- 
 
 pointed L her views on Lo;.tia;^a a 7l . u*;;' i.ro:^'""'; '' ^'? ^« '^-P" 
 uwct .i.a» »K„ ....II .... , , .. » """ * '"'St In Cod and the valour of the 
 
 west that she will be, I shaH ..i^b; ^ , ^d if i^ .J^f *T ^^'""' "^ '^ 
 
 and just in its r.la.ive eriect. ; a.t to'n lo S brVt'^r^h"'"''"'^'"'' ^'*'""' 
 .uo.e wise than to demand it as a .onrf.So peace o ' ''^J^ >^«^"l«"tIy 
 beyond its worth, and which, hovvevor excessive rm'-^h ? "'^"/"V' * P''c« 
 fused, merely by the operation of thosl nl ' " '"'*'*''^ °'^ '"'*"g «' 
 
 meviiably eiiei.dered Ly a rtefifwar. ""•"^'^"'"■"«'l'""'g l">««o..s which are 
 
 I have the honour to be, with liie iiinst r>rr>f„. i 
 and obedie'.t servant, " profound respect, sir, your faithful 
 
 To the llon'ble Jamks Monroe, JONA. KUSSELL. 
 
 iicc^VoJ tHauZflhe United StaUs, ice. &c. &c 
 ^,,l*!:!!f .^Py^'^-rP^P^^ '«''' ^v Jonathan Russell, esn. .t <K. n„. 
 
 House of Kepre.se;tativef Sfthe Unttelrstate"'"""'''^'' '^ '^' 
 
 J. Q. ADAMS, Secretary of State. 
 
88 
 
 p> 
 
 Mill' I 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 On a Paper delivered bu Mr. Jonathan Russell, at the Department of Slate, on 
 the 22d of jipril^ 1822, to be communicated to the House of Rtpresenlativesj 
 as the duplicate of • Letter written by him at Paris, the Uth of Februarj/, 
 1815, to the ihen Secretary of Slate, and as the Letter called for by the Resolw 
 iumofthe House, qfldth April, 1822. 
 
 The first remark that presents itself upon this duplicate, is, thct 
 it is not a copy of the letter really written by Mr. Russell, at Paris, 
 on the 11th of February, 1815, to the Secretary of State, and re- 
 ceived by him. The latter was marked "private,^* and, as such, 
 was not upon the files of the Department of State ; and, although 
 of the same general purport and tenor with the so-called duplicate, 
 differed from it in several highly significant passages, of which the 
 following parallel, extracted from the two papers, presents one 
 example : 
 
 ORIOINAL. DUPLICATE. * 
 
 *• How far we conformed to ** How far we conformed to 
 this instruction, with regard to this instruction, with regard to 
 the general right to Louisiana, it the general right to Louisiana, it 
 
 is Dot necessary for me here to 
 inquire ; but certainly the majo- 
 rity believed (103) themselves per- 
 mitted to offer a very explicit pro- 
 position with regard to the navi- 
 gation of its principal (104) river. 
 / believed, with them, that we were so 
 permitted, and that we were, likewise, 
 permitted to offer a proposition relative 
 to the fishing liberty, and, had the oc- 
 casion required it, to make proposals 
 concerning the trade to the British 
 East Indies. I was persuaded, that 
 treating relative to these privileges, or 
 discussing the obligation or expediency 
 of granting or withholding them, re- 
 spectively, violated, in no way, our 
 instructions, or affected the general 
 rights which we were forbidden to 
 bring into discussion." 
 
 is not necessary for me here to 
 inquire ; but certainly the majo- 
 rity believed (103) themselves to be 
 permitted, their own construction to the 
 contrary notwithstanding, to offer a 
 
 very explicit proposition with 
 regard to the nnvigiition of its 
 principal (10*1) river; now, this of- 
 fer. 1 considered, for the reasons just 
 suggested j not to be a violHtion of the 
 instructions in question, but I consi- 
 dered it to be against both tiie letter 
 and the spirit of our other instructions 
 of the 15th of April, 1813. By these 
 instructions, we were explicitly and 
 implicitly directed ' to avoid any sti- 
 pulation which might restrain the Unit- 
 ed States from excluding the British 
 traders from the navigation of the lakes 
 and rivers exclusively within our oum 
 jurisdiction.^ This instruction applied 
 with the greater force to ihe Missis- 
 sippi, because, as it i> believed, it was 
 the only river to which it could apply. 
 ** While I believed, therefore, that 
 we were permitted to offer a proposi- 
 tion relative to the lishing liberty, and 
 that in treating concerning this liberty, 
 or in discussing our claim to it, we in 
 no way violated our instructions, nor 
 affected the general rights which wc 
 were forbidden to bring into discussion, 
 I did believe, and do stitl believe, thai 
 
89 
 
 DOPLICATK. 
 w« were exprewly and unequivocally 
 forbidden to offer, or to renew, a stipu- 
 lationfor the free navigation, by the 
 Br.t.sh,of the Mi«,,.:ippi, 'a rivet 
 *"""" °"f exclusive jurisdiction.'' 
 It 18 here seen that, while in the oricinal letter Mr r.,» n jj 
 mth tl,„ .najorhy of hi, colleag„e., oeifeJe /ha "e^ere pel fiS 
 
 had been discussed at the meetiniya nfiuli ^?<=eroDer, I8I4. It 
 preceding mh ,„d ^.h ofToSer On S^zThTr';' °" '^ 
 Ihe American plenipolentiaries hadreceiv ed a leutr 5 "■' '"°?"'' 
 
 " lum, you will understand fh.?v!! ^ f *° the«ta/„*an<e 6c/. 
 " basi^ of a treaty '' ^°" '''■^^ authorized to make it the 
 
 Now, the status ante helium unon wh.vk *.,« 
 and unequivocally pero^.ttedircl" e^^rettr^rdtdTort 
 the recognition of the entire treaty of peacrof^TSi hw.Th ^ 
 vival of the tirst ten artirlps nf tui * \ f '^'^' "^^ ^"^ re- 
 
 freedom to the BritisMona^^^^^^^^^ "? '^"'^ the 
 
 into our territories, and frelfrade with o.r?^'' ''"' ^?^ '^S''^^' 
 
 tTW^V't '''' ^' the"rn:f;;':ti:nf o T5 r a"-.i is r '"■ 
 
 cited by Mr. Russell, considered by the Pre"dpn. L, ^*^'^',?r 
 that It was omitted from that couv whirh LT cancelled, 
 
 to Congress, of "so much .ft hF' V .• «^ ^^en communicated 
 
 terms L whidi w^wr:!! t X"; reV:ee^'''"'VV%^^' 
 several printed ouiea were ihuTfl """^^ PP«ce, and of which 
 
90 
 
 19th October, 1814, tVesh from Washington ; nor at all poesible 
 that he should have considered us as then bound by the instruction 
 «f 15th April, 1813, to which, :a his duplicate, he now so emphati- 
 cally refers. The 11th of February, 1816, was yet so recent to 
 the date of the conclusion of the treaty, that, in writing the original 
 of his letter, the recollection of the new instructions of October, 
 1814, had doubtless not escaped him. But when the duplicate w»« 
 written, other views had arisen ; and their aspects are discovered 
 in the aggravation of charges against the memory of a dead, and the 
 character of living colleagues. 
 
 But whether the real sentiments of ,VIr. Russell, at Paris, on the 
 llthof February, 1816, with regard to the transactions to which 
 this passage relates, are to be taken as indicated m the original, or 
 in the duplicate, certain it is that the vjjhement objections to the 
 proposed article, which, in the duplicate, appear to have made 80 
 deep an impression on his mind, had as little been made known to 
 his colleagues at the time of the discussions at Ghent, as they ap- 
 pear to have been to himself, wjien writing the original of the same 
 letter. 
 
 The proposal, to which the whole of Mr. Russell's letter, in both 
 its various readings, relates, was made to the British plenipotentia- 
 ries, not by a majority, but by the whole of the American mission, 
 including Mr. Russell, as may be seen by the protocol of the confer- 
 ence of the 1st December, 1814, and by the letter from the Ameri- 
 can to the British plenipotentiaries, of 14th December, 1814. In 
 that letter, already communicated to the House, the American ple- 
 nipotentiaries, referring to the article in question, expressly say : 
 "* To such an article, which they viewed as merely declaratory, the 
 undersigned had no objection, and have offered to accede :" and to 
 thfit letter the name of Mr. Russell is subscribed. 
 
 At the time when the letter from Paris was written, or within a 
 few days thereafter, all the colleagues, whose coprluctit so severe- 
 ly censures, in relation to measures, to which Mr. ilussell's sanction 
 and signature stood equally pledged with their own, were at Paris, 
 and in habits of almost daily intercourse with him. They little sus- 
 pected the colouring which he was privately giving, without com- 
 munication of it to them, of their conduct and opinions, to the heads 
 of the government, by whom he and they had been jointly employ- 
 ed in a public trust of transcendent importance ; or the uses to 
 which this denunciation of them was afterwards to be turned. 
 
 Had the existence of this letter from Paris been, at the time when 
 it was written, known to the majority of the mission, at whose pro- 
 posal this offer had been made ; to that majority, who believed that 
 the article was perfectly compatible with their instructions, con- 
 sistent with the argument maintained by the mission, important for 
 securing a very essential portion of the right to the fisheries, and in 
 nowise affecting unfavourably the interest of any section of the 
 Union, they would doubtless have felt that its contents called much 
 more forcibly upon them, to justify to their own government them- 
 
91 * 
 
 •elvea and their motives for making that oroDOisI than Mr R... 
 .ell conld be called upon to justify fum,eH^forme;eyhav?ng^ee; 
 
 Jdveie n.rtv h A r/h"'"^.^'""!: '" P'«l'"«i°g. and which the 
 Mverae jiarty had notthouRht worth accej.'iug. 
 
 i he writer of these remarks is not authorized to .ppak for hi« 
 
 rP rhfr ''^'''* ""T"'^ ' ""■'' "'''^*^°'" '« "^'^ alike^eyond the 
 reach of censure and panejiyr.ck; and the oth., , well able when 
 
 he shall meet th.s d..clo.«re, to defend himself But he beireveJ 
 of them what he affirms of him.cif, tiK.t had they entertained oHhe 
 projected article, and of the argument maintained by the mis ion 
 he sentiments avowed in either of the vuriatious of Mr. RusselTs 
 letter from Pans, no coi. i.leration wo.iid have induced them to con- 
 In JiK\''n*'P°r7 '^' V '"•''"'■'''« ^''^•'- "^^e" to . paper declar- 
 *ng that tJiey hud no objection to it. 
 
 wifh'l'hi^''.' '/ r'n ^'*'' ''''"''^ *''^^ ^•'''^ t^'o^ght it reconcileable 
 mth their cluty to their country, had they entertained those senti- 
 ment . to have subscribed, on the 25th of December, 1814, the 
 
 «T„ r«T;."^r^' ""''■'" '', '^"^ f'^'^'^^y °^ S»«te, already com. 
 »unicated to Congress, and on the s -ne day to have written the 
 separate and secret letter, fore-announ ..g that of 11th TfcVuI 
 ry, I a 16, Irom Pans, 
 
 Besides the memorable variation I .tween the original and du- 
 p hcate of the letter of 1 1th February, 1816, which has been e/ht 
 bited m parallel passages extracted from them, there are others not 
 less remarkable. In the course of the duplicate, the total and un 
 Son ?!^ «^andonment of the rights of the poor tishermen is com- 
 coun?Iv thi"- \" ^^'l"7^P«"^'p>:'c upon their usefulness to the 
 country, their hardy industry, their magnanimous enterprise and 
 their patriotic self-devotion. Uttle of lifis appears in the^rTginal 
 and that l.ttle, m the after-thouglu of a posircript. Towarrthe 
 
 wrTe;' 'bv hfs'M ^' 'r T^ ''r^'^y takes'possession of Ihe 
 writer. By his " trust in God, and in the ralour of the West," he 
 foresees the victory of General Jackson at New-Orleans. He fore- 
 sees the convention between the United States and Great Britain 
 of October 1818. In the original there isnu prophecy-nV.' trS 
 in God, and in the valour of the West." ^ '^ ^ ""*' 
 
 borlte^nl! T'^i '""'rf! '4^.-*''" "'P'"' «^^^^ ^«"«r f<^™ inela- 
 borate and deeply meditated dissertation to prove • 
 
 of 1 tV^'^Ik'"?*^ ^^T'I! ^**^ ^"'^'.'^ ^^''^^' ""d Great Britain, 
 JJl \ V^t^l which upon Its face is a treaty of independ- 
 ence, a treaty ot boundaries, a treaty of partition, as well asa 
 r S ? r^'^^T'^^'' '" ^'l^^t'^n^tion, all his signatures at 
 Ghent to the contrary notwithstanding, a mere treaty of peace, 
 totally abrogated by the war of 1812. ^ 
 
 '* Jn n ^l"^ '""'^ ^^''K' ""^ ^ ^'^""^y *'«■ ^^»«'-»»' consisting of 
 two parts ; one, of rights appertaining to sovereignty and in- 
 
 «?'».!! rr V""'^ ^^" "'*'"'"• "'' ''P"*^'''' g^«"t« and privileges; 
 ot which the former were permanent, and the latter abrogateU 
 
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 92 
 
 3. That the principle<i nsiiided, and the argameDt maintained, 
 by the majority of the Ghent Mission, and to which he had 
 subscribed his name in all the joint communications of the 
 Mission, as well to the British plenipotentiaries as to his own 
 government, were a mass of errors, inconsistencies, and absur- 
 dities. 
 
 4. That the offer to the British plenipotentiaries of a right to the 
 British to navigate the Mississippi, was, in the opinion of the 
 majority, and also in his own opinion, permitted by our in- 
 structions, and in no ways violat'^d them. 
 
 5. That the same offer was directly contrary to thu construction 
 given by the majority to their instructions, and, as he bad 
 always thought, and still thought, contrary to explicit and 
 implicit, express and unqualified prohibitions, in those instmc- 
 tions. 
 
 6. That the offer of the right to navigate the Mississippi, as an 
 equivalent for the fisheries, was the offer of an excessive price* 
 for a privilege worth little or nothing. 
 
 7. That, extravagant as that offer (to which he signed a letter . 
 declaring that he had no objection) was, it was rejected by 
 the adverse party ; because they thought it an offer of the 
 dead for the living ; or because, they hoped to get still more 
 for the worthless privilege ;; or, because, they expected ta 
 
 . take and keep Louisiana, and thus get the navigation of the 
 Mississippi for nothing; or, because, they were blinded by the 
 unhappy passions incident to war ; but that he foresaw: that ' 
 they would hereafter grant all the valuable part of the same 
 worthless privilege for nothing. 
 
 8. That there was no sort of relation whatsoever between a 
 privilege for the British to navigate in waters within our ju- 
 risdic^.ion, and a privilege for us to fish in waters vnthin Bri- 
 tish jurisdiction ; becaaf^e one of these privileges had been 
 stipulated in the third, and the other in the eighth article, of 
 the treaty of 1783 ; and therefore, that it was absurd to offer 
 one as an equivalent for the other. 
 
 9. Lastly, that the offer to the British of the right to navigate 
 the Mississippi, was pregnant with mischiefs to the western 
 country — to " the unbending citizens of an immense tract of 
 " territory, not at all, or but faintly benefited by the fishing 
 " privilege, merely to provide for the doubtful accommodation 
 " of a few fishermen, annually decreasing in number, in a re- 
 " mote quarter, and entirely exempt from the danger." 
 
 Upon most of these points, so far as argument is concerned, it 
 might, upon the mere statement of Mr. Rasseirs positions, be left 
 to his ingenuity to refute itself. His first and second points, with 
 regard to the character of the treaty of 1783, considered ae> doc- 
 trines, are evidently inconsistent with each other. T^he variation 
 between the original and duplicate of bis letter upon the fourth and 
 fifth points, is something more than inconsistency ; something more 
 
03 * 
 
 '«ven than self-contradiction. The wl.ftin.i-« i. » *. 
 *ue of misrepresentation of e.erfprrt of it V" f J«borio« Ji.. 
 duct and sentiments of his colleagues whl . "^^'^^ ' °^ *^ co"' 
 of the mission ; and of h L own S.T f "^^^t.^ted the majority 
 
 tion to them. U substantia^cwis th-''"!^ '° ''^^''^' 
 wanton violation, in the face of hisSmn "'■^^ deliberate an^ 
 and unequivocal' instructiW faeTr ,^^^^^^ PO-itivS 
 
 sacrificing the interest, the peace, the coSSL*' ^°^*^« ««ke of 
 whole western country, to the douhtfi.i ® */'"^*"*^« o^'tbe 
 
 eastern fishermen, and{;*rupporfof flirtrrh'^'^l^^^ 'i « ^^'^ 
 the shadow of a right *'*' " °* a claim to which they had not 
 
 in cpposition to them ^""^agues, and of his own conduct 
 
 grantingloTetthThe'!?r^^^^^^ ^'i-^- o^an article, 
 
 equivalent for the irant of rfi-hf "^'^^ !"« '^^ Mississippi, a« m 
 «2n,as if ithad bfenl/ep^JjtJir^^^^ British TurisdiS 
 
 grants, in a distinct article, wC reLen " /nlh*''?^ ^l '^ »•'' 
 gotiation at the time when it was made tnT *''^'**** ""^^^^ "«- 
 It was made, and to the consideralTor 1 h!° .^ u'''''^" "P«° '^Wch 
 
 Mr. Russell reprLLtrthc Side - -^ ''J' '^^"' •°*^""^- 
 stances, when it was bvbothD«r^i« f'^ ffifred under circum- 
 
 had no claim to ter^it^ t Zmlst^TJ^t' ''** ^ ^"^"^ 
 
 . ™*^- .Kussell represents the offer of a ri^ht f« „ '^ . ... , 
 «i8s,pp,,and of access to it from the Britifhtlr^r'^*^ *''* ""' 
 and unqualified ; asgivins access trR.?fK. ^r"*^'''*^ ^s general 
 issaries to everi paftTf the wp« pr *" ^^^^^ ^""^ ^"^ish em- 
 with all ourlndi^s ^ Thtpro^talCS'l-/.' •''*^^*^^»"« 
 a single spot of the British t'errftory, 7o the r^ei^'foj Z"'' '^^^ 
 
 warfare upon the weslern countrr^'ntelt :n?erT °^/"^'"* 
 proposal, not that which was made but fh!?^^/ u^°f®? ^^""^ * 
 torted by his misrepresentationr ' *^«t into which iti,di,. 
 ^ Of the conduct and sentiments of his colleairues 
 
 spirit of their most explicitTd imX?t .v "^ the letter and the 
 
 instructions from their own goveZment "XV"^ unequivocal, 
 
 with having violated the?r ow^ncSuction of the?^''/'''?' *^'^' 
 
 . ? '^ ^T ^^^'' •" «°other reading o??hrsamerPtl?*'"'*'°!f- 
 to have been written on the same dav Hp !T-,1^^' purporting 
 all violation of their iJtrilrtiTnT 7a . ^^•l"'*^ ^^^^ entirely rf 
 of that opinion. ""*'"^*'°°«' »°d declare, he had always be^ 
 
 18 
 
Mr. Russell ascribes to his coUengues opinions which they nev^ 
 <ntertaineil, arguments which they never advanced, and doctrines 
 tvhich they not only would discfaim with indignatioD, but diametri- 
 cally o|»po9ite to those which they did maintain. He imputes to 
 them the opinion that the Independence of the United States was 
 derived only from the treaty of peace of 1783, and that all the 
 rights stipulated by it, in favourof the people of the United States, 
 Were mere grunts from the crown of Kugland. This was the 
 British doctrine, whirh Mr. Russell well knew his colleagues re- 
 jected with disdain, hut which he himself countenances! by main- 
 taining the British side of the argument, that the fishing liberty, 
 stipulated in the treaty of 1783, was abrogated ipso facto by the 
 war of 1812. 
 
 .He imputes to them, as an inconsistency with their other imput- 
 eti opipioir, that they rested their claim to the fishing privih'gc, 
 Upon preuription ; and this notwithstanding all the light of learn- 
 ing with which he had irradiated them, from the lucid sources of 
 **jux mcntfacuUulh ," of" nitrn memoriatn /i<wiinw ;" of'*nullnm 
 tempus orcurril rcgi ;^' and of the imprescriptible character of fish- 
 eries. Of all this not one word was said at Ghent. The majori- 
 ty never asserted the right of the fishing privilege, as resting upon 
 the right of prescription ; nor had they ever the benefit of Mr. 
 Russell's learned labours to prove that it was not applicable to the 
 strbjecf. 
 
 3. Of his own conduct and sentiments, in opposition to those of 
 ihe majority of his colleagues. 
 
 The parallel passages from the original and duplicate of his let- 
 ter remove aW necessity for fur. her proof of this. But that is not 
 all. Throughout the letter, Mr. Russell holds himself forth as 
 having been the intrepid and inflexible asserter and supporter of 
 the rights of the West, against the majority of his colleagues ; as 
 having, by a painful struggle, obtained a conquest over his early 
 prejudices and local partialities, and enlarged his intellectual facul- 
 ties and patriotism, to become the champion ami vindicator of the 
 interests of the West. Of all this, nothing was made known to his 
 colleagues of the majority at Ghent. The article to which his 
 letter conjures up such formidable objections was drawn up and 
 proposed lo the mission by a distinguished citizen of the western 
 country. It was opposed by anotner citizen from the same section 
 of the Union Of the five members of the mission Mr. Russell 
 was the person who took the least part in the discussion. He nei- 
 ther objected that it was contrary to our instructions, nor depre- 
 ciated the value of the fisheries ; nor painted the dangers of British 
 smugglers and emissaries, or the horrors of Indian warfare, as im- 
 pending over the umf ending inhabitants of the western country 
 from the measure. He gave, it may be, a silent vote against pro- 
 posing tbe article ; and, when it was determined by the majority 
 to propose it, concurred in proi'osing it ; was present at the con- 
 ferences with the British plenipotentiaries when it was proposed 
 
95 
 
 those which he ha^iT'.e ' rel^fn k^bl ''' "«' ^'"''^^^ «"« <5* 
 them; |,„t, plainly and simply beca^i'' «'», t^ jevise for 
 
 wUh coadition« which maRVnorXo/^^^^^ '' ^"^ <^'°«g'^d 
 Rvalue to induce them to concede th»m-r"^"''.'i'"' "* ''''''**"^* 
 Br,t,«h jorisdiction, should conlinuV i^ Z "'""« 'l'^*-'''^'"' »^i""« 
 
 and bis country, that he ever assented t ^ '' '.? ^''\ '^^'^^'^i^nce 
 under the slightest obligation to assent! h a ' ""' "*^ »^''« "^^^ 
 Jon y, .t would have been equa7v v .1 ?! './' 'I." "'^ °^*'^*^ »». 
 or signature as with ii. More £ n '^^?"' '*'' concurrence 
 and on more than one occas o,. sLniZVh''^^'" ""^ '^^ '°'«'io^ 
 Jhne signing the treaty, if pa HirX '1 " *^^'^'™'»-''ti^n to de. 
 
 Bnt.sh plenipotentiaries sho'il be a eSto'T' T^''''"^ ^-' ^^^^ 
 refusal by any one member to concurTn .nv ^ ^^"^ '""J''^''^ A 
 a majority were agreed, won d Z\Zi ^ '"!"*"''<^ "?«" ^hich 
 Jo re-consider their vot^ and „ .11 nr, rr^ '"'*'!'"'' '^^ '"'yority 
 In a case of such transcendent ?,^ Probability to have cancelled it 
 generous policy, hZTeZ tXrTnrtt"' °""^'' '"^^'^^^ 
 saciihced. in defiance of the mosrevMrT ' ?' ' '^""''^"'j^ 'o be 
 tiOQs.to the paltry purnose ofT ' ?' ''"'^ ""q^aJified instruc- 
 titute of all c'laimVrrh ho'w oStT '""Z ^^'^^^"^^"' ^"- 
 conference with the British uL^^ 1 * • • ^""® ' "^ patiently i„ 
 of it^to them ? HowcoSd he suSll h''"'"'' ""^ J°'" '" »»>« ^^er 
 ing he had no objection to ii' £ « ' « ' "'m T*^ *» '^"^'' ^^clar- 
 measure of the majority and'thevha!i;t 1'"''"'^'''?^^"^ ^'^'^ th'« 
 doubtless have reported his own P^'"'*'^^ '" '*• he would 
 
 dissent ; his colleagues of the m^ government the reasons of his 
 reported theirs ; Z^e XSZZ"^' 'l "'^^ '"''""^'' ^^^'^ . 
 rested, as ,t ought, upon their re pecZ «L T P*"'^ '"^"''^ ^^^^^ 
 ally in the measure ; to sign aH tCn. '' ^° 'i^"*^"^ individu- 
 secretly io write to he gofornmen? fMT "Pf^^'^S '^' «"^ ^he^* 
 and misrepresentation, fSTt nnH.L '''' f '^^"'"''«' reproach, 
 indeed, a shorter and oVS^^L^ e,s ''''''' "'''° ^''^'''''^ '^^^^^ 
 Mr. Russell, therefore rtiA .\ 
 
 the opinion. di^loT^lrii," tae" frorp;:- '" '7r' »' «'•'»'. 
 for u„.ie i„ the represe>,latir„f i i ?"/""''/"'' '"^ been as un. 
 
 ^ered. ,f ,t„e were an, force in hi, ..^™en; ^^IJ^tret 
 
96 
 
 •urti. or nny corractnexs in his itntoments nijninit hit coUenguof, 
 it is propflr thoy i«ho«l<> be wiOtMl nnil fixiuniiiod | 
 
 L«t, un, tliorol'on», exumino tl»o proposoil article in both iti 
 p»rt» :— -rtrst, nK rolmcii to (b« li»l»iiiK lil»«M'ty for ii« ; and seromlly, 
 to the nnvii^iition of ihv M\n<*mw\)i l>y tho Biitiih. And, in order 
 to Rdfiortun tho propriety of tho principlo« unnumpd, nnd of the 
 msimuron udoptm! by tha Amerioim couuniasionorn, ns now in 
 quoHtion, let ii« prfimiiO tlie iituto of thinn« iw they oxinted, and the 
 circmmtunreii under which thin proponid wus olTered. 
 
 By the third article of the troatv of 17«3, it wu« agreed, that the 
 people of the United States shouhl continue to enjoy the fishorioi 
 of Newfoundland and the Bay of St. liuwrencc, and at all other 
 plucea in the »ea. where the inhabitants of both countricn used at 
 any tiiM theretofore to fish : and, also, that they nbould hnve certain 
 fiihing libertieii, on all the fishing coa»t within the Hriti»li mrisdic. 
 tion of Neva Scotia, MuRdalcn Inlands, and 1-iibrndor. The title 
 by which the United States held those fishing rights and libortiei 
 WM the same. It was tho pos«fl«sory use of the right, or, in Mr. 
 Runxeir* more learned pliraso, of the '' jus meufJrtfuUatiB,'' at 
 any time theretofo'-o as British subjects, and the acknowledgment 
 by Great Britain of its eonlinmnre in ihc people of the United 
 States after the treaty of separation. It was a national right ; and, 
 therefore, as much a right, though not so immcidiato an interest, to 
 the people of Ohio and Kentucky, aye and to the people of Loui» 
 ■iana, after they became a part of the people of the United States, 
 M it was to tho people of Massachusetts and Maine, The latter 
 had always used it, since they had been British colonists, and the 
 coasts had been in British dominions. But, as the settlement of the 
 colonies themselves had not been of time immemorial, it was not, 
 and never wus protentled to be, a title by prescription. 
 
 Such was the title of the United States to the fiaheriea— prior 
 possession, and acknowledgment by the treaty of 1783. 
 
 The commissioners at Ghent had received from the Secretary of 
 State a letter of instruction, dated 525th of June, 1014, containing 
 tho following passage i , . r * 
 
 ♦' Information has been received from a quarter deserving o at- 
 « tention, that the late events in France have produced su an 
 "effect on the British government, a* to make it probable u.at a 
 *• demand will be made at Gothenburg, to surrpntler our right to the 
 ** fisheries, to abandon all trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope, 
 " and to cede Louisiana to Spain. We cannot believe that such a 
 « demand will be made -, should it be, vou will of course, treat it 
 f* as it deserves. These rights must not be brought into discussion. 
 " If insisted on, your negotiations will cense." 
 
 Now, it is very true that n majority of tl-e commissioners did 
 construe these instructions to mean, that the right to the fisheries 
 was not to be turrendercd. They did not subtilize, nnd refine, and 
 inquire, whether they could not surrender a part, and yetnot hnng 
 the right into discussion, wheUicr we might not give up a liberty, 
 
9t 
 
 I yet rfstain n right ; or whether it who an arpnm0f,f n* «« ^ 
 
 and 
 
 tnent, 
 
 not to be nurrtndttrr.d, 
 
 thnt the right had been {'orfci?., bV^ ':^„ra:rhj tVC^'f J 
 
 American r.HnnuM.onc,.,, «, thoy .li;i at the flpHt conferonre .Mhat 
 
 th* BntH . ^ovcrnn,..nt did not intend to ^^rnn^ to the United 
 
 fh r' f;'^".''""'''^. !''^' l"'^''''«"^ Tunnerly granted by trcntv ^o 
 them, of iHhuiK *vilh.M thu limilH of the BrilfMh «ovoroi(rtUv «lJ 
 
 •' neri^^'S it (• I "• •"''"i''"' ^'"•""^••'- ^«"p«'nHS cS 
 murh n Tl L r » ''.'*'""''.?; Novr; to „|,lai„ the »urren,hr of th.ii 
 much of the nahencB, nil tluU tht, Bntinh nlcnipotonliarien ro,M 
 po«Mh!y denrc, was, that the An„.rican co nnn^Hion" houM «i 
 qiiiOHce .« the principle, that the treaty of 1 783 Z «l roS bv 
 
 me ig hi. Mr. Kus^ell, iif we can mako any thine of his nnr.im«r,/ 
 
 ine rcuection, that, m the rn,'ht hul not been brouffht into di.r... 
 «on, the .nRtrnclionn would not have been violated. """ 
 
 But, however clearly he expresses thi» opinion in hii letter nnil 
 however pmnfully he endeavours to fortify it by argnm ont hi ^ 
 vor did disclose it to the same extent at Ghi .f TI,I i ' "?" 
 which it wa« possible to .„.ot thlttitatio^oVthe BHttrZ^^ 
 potenUanen. without .urrcnd.rin. the rights wli h i jeoptd^ed 
 w«« by denying the principle „,,on which it wa« fouiided S 
 
 enco ot 783 was of tbat class ot treat es, and the riht in nuirljAh 
 of he character, which are not abrogai;d by a slbseVueSt war* 
 hat the notification of the intention of the British ffovernmenTnni 
 to ren... the grant, could not atfect the right of tL^UnUedStlti- " 
 which had not been forfeited bv the w«r -ISth^ • . • .' 
 
 ^ .Un ij. 0.rce. ...e "..Ue^tlZ^'tLrd Uto^^tSZmS 
 Bnt™ to revive, nor ,m, new article lo confirm it. '" 
 
 J-U, i„d«oe„«W, „eo.,.„ry ,.l?et^;TSo„ ?o™?„'^'^^^^^^ 
 the British demand of surrender had been ont forth k?.*? j • 
 itself, and maintainable on the m^t eXreed hnl.i !°""*' '" 
 ous principles of international kw ?t wTasi a„rm^inf«r'^^ 
 by the American plenipotentiaries at GhnT nni?r Tl."*"'".*^ 
 ment of Mr. Russet, i'sutlSThrfi^htriib tV ;,'b to'"t 
 »nto d.scu.ss.on, at least it did ml surrender the rigS ^ 
 
 a was not acceded to by the British plenipotentiaries Each 
 party adhered to its asserteJ principle ; and the treaty was onrf,7 
 ed without settluig the interest iivolved 171 fe thrtimp' 
 and aker the original of Mr. Russell's letter oAhe Hth Februa^' 
 1816 was written, the principle asserted by the American nS* 
 
 tCTonr''."* ?'^'"*' '^'^ ''•^^" ^*'" «««"*«^ »"^ mafnSd through 
 two long and arduous negotiations with Great Britain, and haa passid 
 
98 
 
 the ordeal of minds of no inferior ability. It has terminated in u 
 new and satisfactory arrangement of the great interest connected 
 with it, and in a substantial admission o( the principle asserted by 
 the American plenipotentiaries at Ghent; by that convention of 
 20th October, 1818, which, according to the duplicate of Mr. Rus- 
 sell's letter, ha foresaw in February, 1813, even while writing his 
 learned dissertation against the right which he had been instructed 
 nottosurrenfjer, and the only principle by which it could be de- 
 fended. 
 
 At this time, and after all the controversy through which tha 
 American principle was destined to pass, and has passed, I, with- 
 out hesitUioo, reassert, in the face of my country, the principle, 
 which, in defence of the fishing liberties of this nation, was, at my 
 suggestion, asserted by the American plenipotentiaries at Ghent. 
 
 I deeri! this reassertion of it the more important, because, by the 
 publication at this time of Mr. Russell's letter, that plenipotentiary 
 has not only disclaimed all his share in the first assertion of it, but 
 has brought to bear all the faculties of his mind against it, while the 
 American side of the argument, and the reasons by which it has 
 been supported against arguments coinciding much with those of 
 his letter, but advanced by British reasoners, are not before the 
 public. The principle is yet important to great interests, and to 
 the future welfare of this country. 
 
 When first suggested, it obtained the unanimous assent of the 
 American mission. In their note of 10th November, 1814, to the 
 British plenipotentiaries, which accompanied their first projet of a 
 treaty, they said, " in answer to the declaration made by the Bri- 
 " tish plenipotentiaries respecting the fisheries, the undersigned, 
 •• referring to what passed in the conference of the 9th August, can 
 " only sfate, that they are not authorized to bring into discussion 
 " any of the rights or liberties which the United States have here- 
 •' tofore enjoyed in relation thereto. From their nature, and from 
 •' the peculiar character of the treaty of 1783, by which they were 
 "recognised, no further stipulation has been deemed necessary by 
 *' the government of the United States, to entitle them to the full 
 " enjoyment of all of them." This paragraph was drawn up, and 
 proposed to the mission by the member with whom Mr. Russel! 
 coocurre(i in objecting to the proposal of an article confirmative of 
 the fishing liberties and navigation of the Mississippi, and as a sub- 
 stitute foi: it. The mission unanimously accepted it : and the fish- 
 ing liberties being thus secured from surrender, no article relating 
 to them c»r to the Mississippi was inserted in the projet sent to the 
 British mission. 
 
 But one of the objects of the negotiation was to settle the bound- 
 ary between the United States and the British dominions, from the 
 northweist corner of the Lake of the Woods westward. That 
 boundary, by the treaty of 1783, had been stipulated to be, " from 
 •' the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods on a due 
 •♦ west course to the river Mississippi ; and thence, down the mid- 
 
fl9 
 
 die of the Missigsippi, to the thirty-first desree of north ]»tih.AM » 
 while, by the .'ghth article of the same treatrirhad hpVn ./• ^ C 
 3d that '* tha navigation of the river Mi«sS^ ?^^^^^^ 
 ;; the ocean should forever remain free and o^n o7he subS of 
 " Great Britain and the citizens of the United States '» ^ 
 
 The right of Great Britain and of the United States, at the tim*. 
 of the reaty of 1783, to make this stipulation with regard to th! 
 ZSr^' '^' Mississippi, might be.\.nd afterwards^va,,'' e'. 
 tioned by Spsin, then a oossessor also of territories nnrn7hl^ 
 nver, and indeed of both its banks. IromrmoTth oTb^LrTa" 
 t. ude than hat thus stipulated as the boundary of Jhe Un ted 
 States. But, as. between Great Britain and the United St^tl, 
 there could, at the time of the conclusion of the trLtv ot^i7ft'f S 
 no possible question of the right of both to make IVs ipufata 
 the boundary line .tself being in substance a concession of t^erri torr 
 to the river, and down its middle to latitude 31, which Great ErtS 
 was undoubtedly competent to make, and the United Satestor^ 
 ceive. Now, the United States having received the cession Ld ihl 
 boundary with the right to navigate the riverwrtheeles^ 
 condition that the navigation of the river should forever remafn 
 
 fo'tLT '^n" '' ""'^"^ '"^J^^*^' «"^^ ^'"^'"g expressly as'enteS 
 to that condition, without considering it as infringing upon anv rtbl 
 of Spam ; they could not, consistently wita good faith Cacaumnl 
 afterwards the right of Spain, allege thut this acquis tbnabUved 
 tat™ tTp 5' «»^''f^°"«^ the prior engagemen? with Sreat Bri 
 tain. Ihere is, indeed, in Mr Russell's letter a hi.«ifntmJ^.» 
 ment to that effect; the odious character of whic\' S^^^^^^ 
 ve, ed by its subtlety. The United States had alwavs iHsh<tprn« 
 
 rjJhlf ^ c 1783, and had obtained the acknowledgment of that 
 r f.n ^["'"SP«.n herself, many years before they acquired her ter 
 ntorial right by the purchase of Louisiana. With what front then 
 could an American negotiator have said, after the latter period ?o 
 a British minister :-You have no right to the LvS'^n nf ih 
 Mississippi ; for although, on receiving fro,^ you a part'o the river" 
 we expressly stipulated that you should forever eK Tr ght o it5 
 navigation yet that engagement was a fraud upon the rights of 
 Spam ; and although, long before we had acquired these S of 
 Spam she had acknowledged our right to navigate the r ver^founl 
 ed upon this very stipulation of which you now claim the benefit 
 yet I will now not acknowledge your right founded ontlTS 
 stipulation. Spam, no party to the compact between you and me 
 after controverting it as infringing upon her rights, finally acceded 
 
 Bu't w;"t""' TP k''''"" *" "'' ^' ^^^V'^^^^e with thSe rights. 
 But we, who made the compact with you, having now acouirpd Ihl 
 
 adverse rightsof Spain, wilf not allow^u the bLeficiTuse of mir 
 own compact. We first swindled and then bullied Sp^fn out of her 
 rights, by this eighth article of the treaty of 1783 : and now hav 
 ing acquired ourselves those rights, we Jlead the^ for hoSgour 
 engagement with you for a dead letter, "w'uing our 
 
100 
 
 Thin, and nothing more or less than this, is the nubstance of Mr. 
 Rosseirs argument to show, that perhaps the Uniied States were, 
 by the acquisition of Louisiana, absolved from the obligation of the 
 eighth article of the treaty of 1783, even before the war of 1812. 
 
 But, says Mr. Russell, the treaty of 17R3 was made, under a be- 
 Iief of both pitrties, that it would leave Great Britain with a portion 
 of territory upon the Mississippi, and i/icrc/'ore entitled to claim the 
 right of navigating the river. But the boundary hne of the treaty 
 of 1783, was a line from the north westernmost point of the Lake of 
 4he Woods, due west <o the Mississippi. And after the treaty of 
 !l783, but before the war of 1812, it had been found that a line due 
 ,'Hre|t,from the northwest corner of the Lake of the Woods, did not 
 •trike the Mississippi. Therefore, continues Mr. Russell, Great 
 ^Britain coulri claim no territorial right to the navigation of the ri- 
 ver ; and therefore had no longer any claim to the benetit of the 
 jeighth article of the treaty of 1783, 
 
 To this it may be replied : First, that the British claim of right 
 to navigate the Mississippi, was not founded solely on the territory 
 which it was believed they would retain upon that river, by the 
 boundary west from the Lake of the Woods. The eighth article 
 of the treaty of 1783, was a separate and distinct article, stipulat- 
 ing the rig.it of both nations to navigate the river, without any re- 
 ference to boundary or to territory. But the boundary, the ter- 
 jritory,and the right to navigate the river, were ail, in that treaty, 
 cessions from Great Britain to the United States. And, had it even 
 been the intention of both parties, that Britain should cede the whole 
 of her territories on the Mississippi, it was yet competent to her to 
 reserve the right of navigating the river for her subjects, in common 
 with the people of the United States, and competent for the United 
 States to accept the cession, subject to that reserviition. They did 
 80, by the eighth article of the treaty. And in tins point of view, 
 the British right of navigating the river, within the American ter- 
 ritory, was precisely similar to the American liberty of fishing 
 within the British territorial jurisdiction, reserved by the third ar- 
 ticle of the same treaty. 
 
 But, secondly, the discovery that a line due west, from the north- 
 westernmost corner of the Lake of the Woods, would not strike 
 the Mississippi, had not deprived Great Britain of all claim to terri- 
 tory upon that river, at the time of the negotiation at Ghent. The 
 line described in the treaty was, from the northwesternmost point 
 of the Lake of the Woods, " on a due west course to the river JMts- 
 sissippi." When it was found that the line due west did not touch 
 the Mississij pi, this boundary was annulled by the fact. It re- 
 mained an unsettled boundary, to be adjusted by anew agreement. 
 For this adjustment, the moral obligation of the parties was to adopt 
 such aline as should appro>:iraate as near as possible to the inten- 
 tions of both parties in agreeing upon the line for which it was to 
 be substituted. For ascertaining this line, if the United States 
 were entitled to the benetit of the words " on a due west course," 
 
 « 
 
101 
 
 Britain wa» «qunlly enUtled to the benefit «f *i. 
 
 Before the ,v.r of 181«, three aboruVe ««emn» 57?"* «^°"«d,. 
 he part.8, to adjust this boundaW Th« & ^"^ ***" "'"'e by 
 1 794, Khen it was already coStored £^/ ? ''^ *"« ^-^^^^ of 
 the line due west from the lakriouM nn. ^ . ""^ ««certained, that 
 By the fourth article of the treaUon i?l "l'*"*'* **•* M»«wippi 
 ■urvey should be made to ^certain \Zf '\"'^ "«''**^ ^»>«t • Joint 
 result of that survey it sho„M o. "'? ^'"'^ ' *"*' *»'•*. if, on the 
 imersec. the river ^theoSa TZ'' '''"' *»«« "^^^ line woul3 not 
 •• tiation,to regulate thrboinHr'^ P'^'f**' " by amicable nej^' 
 ;; justice and Sll co„ve„Te„c7 an^d' 'i"„ !,'lV""^-' -ccordin/S 
 •• of the treaty of 1783/' ThTs ""v^v '^''^°''""*y *<» the intl t 
 •econd attempt to adjust the linT w^. k ^.k'" "*^«'' "'"J*- Th« 
 the 12th of May, ms hv Mr Ki^' ^^ i^f convention signed o* 
 fifth article of ih ch^^^f^- reci.i^. tL'"'' '""^ ««'^'^e«bufy ; thS 
 nhne drawn due wes from the Lake of ^w"'?''*''''^*^' ''^''^^' 
 
 ""»>;>.•. This coCenUrn oorC LTT ^''"T /'^* "^''- ^-- 
 tempt at adjustment had been madSh^ "i-"^*^' ^^^ ^^ird rt- 
 »nd Mr. Piikney, of J 806 and 1807 ». "I^e^*'''"'^" o^ Mr. Monroe 
 proposed and "greedT X the l'-"" ^^ -"-""'''^ ''*** ''*«'^ 
 northwestern point of the Lake of ^f-^*^ ' ^ ^^'^ ™°'' 
 
 of latitude, and from that point dJelprt' ^° ^^! '^^'^ ?«"*"«' 
 parallel, ^./ar as therTspectivl ZJ ' *'*'"^5°'^ ^^''^^ ^^e said 
 And with tllat article Z^^U^ZZr TfolCJ'^* ^"-^'-• 
 
 "goods and effects of his Sstv'ssL ''t- **'«« ««'PP'. with the 
 " the benefit of the naviluon of th» r^ "^•'*'''' '° °'"*^«'' <« «»Joy 
 " the treaty ofpeacerbSween h s m./ 7'''^?''*''^ ^° ^hem by 
 ;; and also ly iSe thi;d aS^of'rheTeS^f att''""^' '^^*'' 
 " and navigation, of 1794 AnH if i. 7 fu^ ^"'^y* commerce, 
 
 ;; jesty's «ubjects%hali;L ike ma Ver and'a";:!.'!''' '""'l ""'' °"'' 
 •' access to all the waters and rrrpraSi^ • ! ^' ^""^'' ^ave free 
 
 « the river Mississippi "nd 1 /nr " "^^ " ''*''^'*" ''*'* °'' 
 This negotiation W.S sn«nini ^ navigation of the said river." 
 
 ni«try. andVSrtarrStsl'jd'^ ' teh^V^ ^""^^^ "'^ 
 vations upon the two articles ronf«S" • .' ^^'^ fo"owing obser- 
 ;on to Messrs. MonJoeldPinkn^v of aotb '^^^'" ^'' «' 
 
 J 3 ■, 
 

 102 
 
 M liuippi, i< not to be itllowcd to Fritiah Bnbjects, with their goorii 
 *' or t«nert«, unleM micli nrticles shall hHve piii^l hII tUv diitifi, and 
 " be within all the cimtom hoiDte regulatiunit, ap()licable to goods 
 '• and effocis of citi/enii of the United Statee. An nccen throirgh 
 •| the territory of the United States to the waters ^nnnin3^ into the 
 '• western lide of the Missisjiippi, is under no modi ticationw hater- 
 ** er to be stipulated to British subjects." 
 
 SiKTh then tVHS the stiite of ihinKS in relntion to this interest m 
 question, at the time when the war of lOIit 'orokc out j and at the 
 oegotiation of Uhent, the same question of boundary ngain occurred 
 for iKljintment. The right of the British to ii 1,'ne from the Lake 
 ftf the Woods to the Missi$$ippi had never been renounced : and, 
 •t the last negotiation between the parties, four years after the 
 United 8tate«i had acquired Louisiana, and with it all the Spanish 
 rights upon the MisxiMsippi, the British government, in assenting 
 to take the 49th parallel of latitude, as a substitute for the line to 
 the Mi$timppi, had expressly re-stipulated for the free navigation 
 of the river, and free access, to it from our territories ; to both of 
 which Messrs. Monroe and Pinkuey had been explicitly authorized 
 (o Jiccede. 
 
 Under this state of things, it had never been admitted by the Bri- 
 tish, nor could we maintain against them by argument, even that 
 the Mississippi river was witbia our exclusive jurisdiction : for so 
 long ati they had a right by treaty to a line of boundary to that ri- 
 ver, and consequently to territory upon it, they also had jurisdic- 
 tion upon it ; nor, consequently, could the instructions of 16th 
 April, 1813, hud they even been still in full force, have restricted 
 the American commissioners from making or receiving a proposi- 
 tion, for continuing to the British the right of navigating the river, 
 which they had enjoyed, without ever using it, from the time of 
 the treaty of 1783, when the United Slates had received, by cession 
 from them, the right of enjoying it jointly with them. 
 
 Bearing in mind this state of things, we are also to remember, 
 that, in the conference of 19th August, 1814, and in the letter of 
 that d»te, from the British to the American plenipotentiaries, (iS«e 
 WaWs State Papers, vol. IX. pp. 334 and 338,) they bad claimed a 
 new northwestern boundary Ihie from Lake Superior to the Missis- 
 eippi, and the free navigation of that river. 1 o this the American 
 commiHsioners had answered on the 24th of August, 1814: The 
 undersigned perceive that the British goveriment " propose, wlth- 
 " out purpose specilically allen;ed, to draw the boundary line west- 
 " ward, not from the Lake of the Woods, fl» it now m, but from 
 *• Lake Superior:" and they objected to it, as demanding a cessiOD 
 of territory. 
 
 The British plenipotentiaries, on the 4th September, 1814, re- 
 plied : 
 
 " As the necessity for fixing some boundary fi/r the northwestern 
 
 ** frontier has been mutually acknowledged, a proposal for a discus- 
 
 ' sion on that subject cannot be considered a& « demand for a ces> 
 
103 
 
 ' tjon of Urritory, unlfM the Unitad r,tatei 
 thiit tfiero m no limit to th^-r te 
 
 ■M preparej to iw(«rt 
 nut ilirection, Hod that. 
 
 itories . 
 
 •• P»n of tli« treaty of 1783 wasfm.nZl Vk '.'"" '^"'«^'> «»>«» 
 
 ;; no boundary w.u%verjhc„ . ntst'olbk^ """ "'^''"°»^''-^da« 
 
 " Araerico |.leui™a.„li„rk'.f~3°° ,„ '"""''«";»"'' "'•'tile 
 " «ry Iron, the Jke of e W™^)^ " ?i*'°J'''""."''''K« >h« bound. 
 
 recur to the treaty of 1783 w th r rn?-!. " correspondence 
 
 fii" f9rce. a. an appeal for either in Ln .onT^r / * ' •* '^ *^»'' J'^*'" 
 predion in the above Ameri an „ite M^iil n '^l^'l"""- ''^^ «• 
 »tnow i,r the referete oThetriU-lI^ .0^^^^^^^ 
 error in the treaty of 1783 and thlil u- *'^® g«ograuh cal 
 
 rangement of 1 80r( he nh^rtest line frf'T'? I' ^T''*' '^^ ^r' 
 to the Mi«.i„ippi,)Voth acCtt tt'e ;: of' m'^t^.'^r'?' 
 of all proposition and all aru'uinenr Vn!f „ F '^^ *" **"« ''»«"' 
 
 -r, .../, „,.,, „.„„„ xr.i;e™irp^:"ffi;^„ tr„:: 
 
 J.. heir .0.. of 2,.c October, ,8.4, .he Britiah com„Usi.„o„ 
 
 te eipect, from .he di"c„s,"oalhkh ^hi. "!"''"'^''> "" leJ 
 Jergone, .h„. .he nor.hrrrotl','','; "''r.'he'Lt""'/ T 
 
 NiX°;s,ttrtVrrc^.:';i:^';,::;^-™ 
 
 note which accompanied it, to meet the nnh^ /^^^ '"''•' "' *'''' 
 the part of the British government that h T. tw.ce given oo 
 grant, without equivalenl the 1 b" Iv of H hF ^'^,"°» J°^«»d to 
 iu.sdiction. the^unte^U J;l;Xer;S^^ 
 
 t« 
 
 (( 
 
lOfi 
 
 
 lid, itifAnniDf; them that the American go? ernment did not contider 
 the firihiug liberties as forfeited by the war, and that they would re- 
 main in full force without needing any new grant to confirm them. 
 At tbis stage of the negotiation, therefore, the American plenipo- 
 tentir'ries did actually pursue the first of those three other ways of 
 yrocesding, which Mr. Russell, in the postscript to ^he original of 
 bis letter of 11th February, 1815, says they might uave taken, and 
 to which he adds that he would have assented, namely, to contend 
 for the continuance of the fishing privilege, notwithstanding the 
 ^ar, without saying any thing about the navigation of the Missise 
 sippi. It cannot but be surprising to find Mr. Russell, within three 
 Dkonths afler these events, writing privately to the Secretary of 
 State, stating thi9 as a course other than that which we had pur- 
 sued, and that he would have assented toitif we had ; when it was 
 the very course that we did pursue, and he had assented to it. We 
 ^d contend, not for the indestructibiliiy, as Mr. Russell terms it, of 
 the treaty of 1783, but that, from its peculiar character, it was not 
 •brogated by the mere occurrence of war. We never maintained 
 that the treaty C/f 1783 was indestructible, or imperishable, but that 
 the rights, libe t.es, and boundaries, acknowledged by it as belong- 
 ing to us, were not abrogated by mere war. We never doubted, 
 fi>r example, that we might be, compelled to stipulate a new bound- 
 ary ; but that would have been, not as a consequence of mere war, 
 but the effect of conquest, resulting from war. The difference be- 
 tween our principle and that of the British was, that they, consider- 
 ing the rights acknowledged as belonging to us by the treaty, as 
 mere grants, held them as annulled by wa? alone ; while we, vie\^- 
 ing them as rights existing before the treaty, and only acknowledg- 
 ed by it, could not admit them to be forfeited without our own as* 
 gent. Britain might have recovered them by conquest ; but that 
 could not be consummated without cur acquiescence, tacit or ex- 
 pressed. Mr. Russell, who absented to our principle, and asserted 
 it with us, now says he always thought the British principle was the 
 true one. If the American mission, at that trying time, had acted 
 tipon it, be never would have prophesied the convention of October, 
 1818. 
 
 The eighth article of the projet of a treaty, sent by the Ameri- 
 can commissioners on the 1 0th of November, offered the bounda- 
 1^ which had been proposed in 1807, a line north or south to lati- 
 tude 49, and westward, on that parallel, as far as the territories of 
 the two countries extended ; and said nothing about the Mississip- 
 pi. But when, on the 26th of November, the British plenipoten- 
 tiaries returned the projet, vvith their proposed amendments, they 
 accepted the 49th parallel, westward, from the Lalce of the Woods, 
 for the boundary, but with the following addition to the article : 
 ** And it is further agreed, the subjects of his Britannic majesty 
 «* shall at ail times h.ive access, from his Britannic majesty'? terri- 
 *' tories, by land or inland navigation, into the aforesaid territories 
 " of the United States to the river Mississippi, with their go9<^. 
 
" atS^h "!** T'^^'^i'*'/"'* *^* *»» BritMBJc majesty's subieck 
 flha^J haveand enjoy the free navigation of the Jaid^er »' 
 
 Jr r A "'^' **"'. ^"'"'"'^ **'^*' «"he conference ofutD«««« 
 ber the American plenipotentiariefl proposed to strike nnJ ii. *k 
 words, and to substitute the amendment Stained a1^he^*t^,^Jr!J 
 tha conference, already communicated to Conn-iss H- ^^^^ 
 that^the .elation which Mr. RusselJ, within th^e month. I?" 
 wards, so singularly professes not to perceve between tte«l-^'* 
 
 but'for; J'. '' r ""'^""'PP' "^^'««^'°' ' "ot oiSy X fit arc's? 
 but forced itseif upon the American plenipotentiar:e8 tUvK J 
 
 cidlly instructed to do. by asserting that the treatv of 1 783 h«/S!l 
 been abrogated ipso/acta by the war. Two day before Je't^ 
 this counter projet, they had received from W^hinln a fre hk 
 Jtrucfon, expressly authorizing them to conclude a tre^v on a." 
 
 ine treaty ot 1783 is yet in force, you have the rjght of naviMtii* 
 ta^f; T''';r»' "' have the fishing rights and' lilirtTel S 
 FkI • K. ; "' ■yP^^'^y' the treaty is nbrogated, how can vou cS 
 
 Jtipulated admission of both, o^ llUZ^ln^rZT WeMT 
 you ,n app .cation the choice of our principle or of your own' 
 
 The Biitish commissioners took the proposal for referrc'e to 
 tbe,r government, by whom it was immediately rejected But t 
 «how how anxious they were to obtain from us {he Turret der of « r 
 
 fn. h! M •"'' '"*' ^^^^ ^''^^P'y *»»«y ^^ ^'^d the righUf navi^N 
 ing the Mississippi, as one of the last eipedients of negotiation £ J 
 
 tZff'^T ^'•"^'^ «g''««'ng that, after the peacf, Se "L del 
 would further negotiate "respecting the terms, condi ions a^nd re! 
 « gulations, under which the inhabitants of he UnS sJate?-' 
 'ZLThTK ^'^^^^''-g^^rties. ^^inconsideraToLffZr 
 « I?rri J.\ ^ W^^ "P^" '^^tween his majesty and tbeS 
 
 fir?*! ? foresaid ; and a reciprocal stipulation with regard to the 
 British nght of navigating the Mississippi. As the partiS .ftir h! 
 peace would have been just as < .mpeLnt further rnejott^^^ 
 these poin 8, if so disposed, without this article as with if s oolv 
 
 IJ tL i • ^- ''f'^'-t.es, andon the British side, of the right to nlvil 
 gate the Mississippi ; with thii^ difference, that we should have sw- 
 
Mnacred, in direct vioInUon of oar inatructions, u reul, ezlritiiic. 
 practical liberty, which, even in the warof our Independence, had 
 wen deemed of the higheat importance, and atita close had been, 
 with infinite difficulty, secured ; a liberty, of which that portion of 
 Ifte Union, whom it immediately concerns, hud been, from the time 
 01 the treaty of 1783, in the constant, real, and useful pouession : 
 While the British would have surrendered absolutely nothing—ji 
 right which, by inferenco from their own principle, was abroaated 
 by the war ; a right which, under the treaty of 1783, they had en- 
 joyed for thirty years, without ever using it, and which, in all human 
 probability, never would have been of more beneficial use to the 
 British nation, than would be to the people of the United Stales the 
 ttght^of navigating the Bridgewater canal, or the Danube. 
 
 There was certainly an inconsistency on the part of the British 
 tovernment, la claiming a right to navijjate the Mississippi, while 
 •Merting that the treaty of 1783 was abrogated by the war : and 
 when pressed by us U say on what princiide they claimed it without 
 offering for it an equivalent, they said the equivalent was, their ac- 
 ceptance of the 49th parallel of latitude for the northwestern boun- 
 
 f^^o!!" L , ''"®' ^^ "^^^^'^ ^''*'y *^*^''« entitled by the treaty 
 ot 1783, ifo the Mmtssippi As they gave up the line to the river, 
 tBey 4aid they had a right to reserve its navigation, and access to 
 It lor that purpose. They hiid said the same thing to Messrs. Mon- 
 roe and Piokneyin 1807; and the principle had been assented 
 S-M^L *"?• r"^ '**® subsequent sanction of President Jefferson, 
 sun the whole argument leaned upon the continuing validity of the 
 treaty ol 1783; lor the boundary line, as well as the Mississippi na- 
 vigation, was null and void, if that treaty Wiis abrogated. We re- 
 plied to them, that, although we were willing lo agree to the 49th 
 parallel of atitude for the boundary, and thought it of mutual in. 
 terest that the line should be tixe*!, we were yet not tenacious of 
 It ; we could not agree to their article of mutual surrender, with u 
 pledge of future negotiation ; b^t we would consent to omit the 
 boundary article itself, and leave the whole subject for future ad- 
 justment. And to this they finally agreed. 
 
 The advantage of this to iis was, that we carae^out of the war. 
 without having surrendered the fishing liberties, as they had been 
 emoyed before, and stipulated at the treaty of 1783. We were 
 still tree to maintain, and ^ve did, after the conclusion of the peace, 
 effectively maintain, the existence of the right, no^withstandinK the 
 intervening war. The British government still insisted that the 
 treaty ol 1733 was abrogated by the war ; but when called upon to 
 show, why then iney treated the United States m an independent 
 nation, and why in the treaty of Ghent they had agreed to four 
 ■everal commissions to ascertain the boundaries, ♦'according to tlie 
 true intent and meaning of that same treaty of J 783," they finally 
 answered, that they considered our Independe.ice, and the boun' ■ 
 daries. as existing facts, like those of other nations, without refer- 
 ence to their origin. This left nothing but a dispute about words ; 
 
-<). 
 
 107 
 
 Mr «re applied the 
 
 " "...^-. which the"coEd?d 'wil'h ItrS't'n^"'*!''" ?^;*^ 
 
 «ent of Independence nnd to the boundSS ThVv ^r^^i'^S 
 the whole treaty of 1783 as n British erant W. ''•y 5,«""?«r«l 
 . d British acknoiledgement. They never .iLTh! "^'•«'^«''«<^ * aa 
 attempted by Mr Russell HpIwoL t.^. ® "'<^« '*'«<'"C»ion. 
 
 part of the treatv, or Sted M'-^ "," /"'"^ ""^ impcrmhabli 
 could not. «nd SVr vlTstK he?ln I . "'^ "eht- ^ hich they 
 consent. By theif pr SleThPvS.l ' '^ ''**'""^ *^'"'°"* ««' 
 ami when thiy notifiK'^nt'i r^h? f lu"''*.''*''"'"*^ *•»« '^hole : 
 grant.. ^.J^^^^^ttnJ^^^^^^^ -ntend to 
 
 Hon, but that they meant to oaJe us he riJ^rnf Z*^^ 
 
 ...r./«.«/,a«,-,. a'nd theSlp"! .>t?^^^^^^ T^* •'"~ 
 
 what that writer verv P«nii,.:»i, ' .' ^^^"^ *° ^a^e ■«•» 
 
 which could nofbeacLS^ "**' .!^"* }^'y ^"« ri«»»f 
 
 not be lost by non useT He ouih? T'^f '^^ "«''''' ''^'''^ «^°"W 
 •o less clearly iTvs down thar.thn ? *° '"''^^ '"*"' ''*'«» Vattel 
 to itself a (ish^r/upon i J own c Xtd wth"" T^ «PP.''opHaf 
 tion, yet, "if it has once arkr>wredL ?h. Jl *" '^ °\" J""'"^'«- 
 « nations to come and fish thprpf? *'''."""**° "K*** "<' other 
 ' - from it ; it his eft th t tiZrl * ""^ '""?*^'' "^'"*'« t^em 
 " least with respect to thol^whn^ k*' f*^""'''^* ^'"^^'^O". «t 
 And he cites trhtn^Hr ' :n'';h: c^t "f KT °k''^'* 
 common to them with other nations bec.ri thpv ? !f'^' f '*®"''f 
 .pnntedittothemselves,/romM/w^^^^^^^ they had not appro- 
 
 blender thread by which the nibunrh- *° *^!'''^"'«"oe upon the- 
 were in fact suspLded at he Negotiation JfTh""/*^ '^^ ^'^'"^ 
 precise as our instruction werf in ?n J' ^'•'"^* «"«» 
 
 Kussell had disclosed at GhpnrtK*^ -^ *"'"'•«"''«'• them, if Mr. 
 8ion of his letter if he h-.d n h,/ « P'"'""' ?°^^^ '» either yer- 
 
 .yn..intainedt^;:!;:irrof^;L:rrr^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 ways enjoyed Sout sT withlfl ''r?,^'V^*^'"'^ ^''^y »'^'l «'- 
 
 ioL; iii had so t :;iirdt^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 1783 was totally and aSet X^^^^^ the treaty of 
 
 sothoroushly inverted the rpnl ,h»1 fr vl ^ *"* '^'"' ' •^*'« ^ad 
 
 it in such glowing colom TI Jl^Z '^f .'^""''•'^"' ""'^ P»'"ted 
 
 the West foa « 'allot r..-^^:^^^^^ 
 
 that perseverance which i. ihe l..,t „f .: , °. ."" ' ''• "' 
 
 M<l g'ven Ihem nolice that he^ho'l iTrTnSri,?. ,"'"*"''■ 
 
 th. ».nd,o.,i„„ „f M™ei.„.d hi, ->,o;iV"rdiff:„'" f,;";;::c! 
 
•ad, . -Of •ill, if another mind could have I>e«n found in (lie mitv 
 Mon, capable of concurring with him in thone views, it would at 
 IsMt hu equircd of the majority an inflexibility of fortitude, 
 beyond isiat of any trial by which they w ere visited, to hare per- 
 •eyered in their proposal. Hud they concurred with him in his 
 opinion of the total abrogation of the treaty of 1783, by the mora 
 Act of the war, the lishories in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on the 
 coaiit of Labrador, and to an Indefmite extent from the Island of 
 Newfoundland, were lost to the United Btates forever, or at least 
 (ill the indif^ant energy of the nation should hove recovered br 
 conquest, the rights thus surrendered to usurpation. In notifying 
 to OS that the British government intended not to renew the grant 
 of the fisheries within British jurisdiction, th^y had not said what 
 extent they meant to give to these terms. They had said they did 
 not mean to extend it to the right of the fisheries, generally ori» 
 the open seat, eiyoyed by all other nationfj. {See Letter of tht Amt^ 
 riean Ommmioners to the Secretary of State of t2lhJlvimt 18l4 
 WaU's State Papers, vol. 9, p. .321.) But there was not wantina hisi 
 torlcal ex^ition of what Great Britain undeistood by her exclu- 
 sive jurisdiction as applied to these fisheries. In the 12th article 
 of the treaty of Utrecht, by which Nova Scotia or Acadia had been 
 ceded by France to Great Britain, the cession had been made •• in 
 •^inch ample manner and form, that the subjects of the most 
 "Christian King shall hereaftci* be excluded from all kind of fish- 
 " ing in the said seas, bays, and other places on the coasts of Nove 
 •♦ Scotia ; that is to say, on those which lie towards the east, within 
 •♦ THIRTY LEAGUES, beginning from the island commonly called 
 " Sable, inclusively, and iience along towards the southwest." 
 
 By the thirteenth article of the same treiity, French subjects 
 were excluded from fishing on any other part of the coast of the 
 Island of Newfoundland, then from Ca[)e Bonavista northward and 
 then westward to Point Riche. By the fifteenth article of the treaty 
 of Utrecht, between Great Britain and Spain, certain rights offish' 
 ing at the Island of Newfoundlaml, had been reserved to the Gui- 
 puscoans, and other subjects of Spain ; but in the eighteenth article 
 of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and Spain, of 1733 
 his Catholic majesty had desisted, "as well for himself as for hij 
 successors, fro ill pretension which he might have formed in fa- 
 vour of the Guipuscoans and other his subjects, to the right of 
 fishing IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD of the Island of Newfoundland." 
 In these several cases, it is apparent that Great Britain had assert- 
 ed and maintained an exclusive and proprietary jurisdiction over 
 the whole fishing grounds of the Grand Bank, as well as on the 
 coast of North America, and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Nor 
 are we without subsequent indications of what she would have 
 considered as her exclusive jurisdiction, if a majority of the Ame- 
 rican commission at Ghent had been uh ready as Mr. Russell de- 
 clares himself to have been, to subscribe to her doctrine, that all 
 our fishing liberties bad lost, by the war, every vestige of right. 
 
^f» Id the aaiBmer of 
 
 109 
 
 rvr, ID the •QBomer of is i a tu 
 nXni '^!'»"»ciation of the United St^tT ' r ' ' ''J' •ccepting thi 
 
 i he second article nFthu = 
 
 and tbe valour ol the We-* " • "^ ««Mell, m mv *^tr,Z -.^ -r. * 
 connected 
 
 ' jeaioufliea, but to tbe «f,n„i*^*^ "*"**'»<> the pre 
 
 **^ithoat yielding at JirMr Rn'' 'if- «°''«' J"S 
 e valour ol' the West " r k ^""ell, in my "truftin n^ 
 
 ♦I,* • T ^^'" '•'"St in 
 the;m^,f« of the We.t. 
 
 ' ^ave the 
 
no 
 
 peirf«cl aod nodoabtinftreUaoce, tbat to the ctear-sigbted iotelligiince 
 of the western county, the gorgons, and hydras, and chimeras dire, 
 «f Mr. Russell's itniigination, raised by incantation from the waten 
 « of the Mississippi, will sink as they rose, and be seen no more. 
 Without professing to sacrifice any of those ties of duty and alle- 
 ^aoce, which bind me to the interests of my native State, I cannot 
 illow Mr. Russeirs claim to a special ardour for the welfare of tho 
 West, to be superior to my own, or to that of the deceased, or of 
 ti>0 living colleague, with whom I concurred, without mental re* 
 •orvation, in the measure subscribed to, and denounced by, Mr. 
 JAiisseHl We were all the ministers of the whole Union ; and 
 Mre I am, that every member of the majority would have spurned 
 with equal disdain the idea of sacrificing the interest of any one 
 l^art of the Union to tbat of any other, and the uncandid purpose 
 of awakening suspicions at the source of their common autbori-> 
 fy here, against the patriotism and integrity of any one of his col- 
 leagues. 
 
 I shall conclude with a pass'ng notice of the three alternatives, 
 vrluch in the postscript to the original of his letter of 1 1th Februa* 
 ry, 18ld, he says, we might have taken, instead of that which, a« 
 tie alleges, we, against his will, did do. We had, says he, three 
 oUl«r ways of proceeding : 
 
 *> First. To contend for the indestructibility of the treaty of 178S, 
 ** thence inferring the continuance of the fishing privilege, without 
 *( seyiog any thing about the navigation of the Mississippi, which 
 ** would have reserved our right of contesting this navigation, on 
 **the grounds I have mentioned, specially applicable to it. Se- 
 <* condly. To have considered the treaty at an end, and offered a 
 ** reasonable equivalent, wherever it might be found, for the fishing 
 " privilege." Thirdly, To have made this liberty a sine qua non 
 ** of peace, as embraced by the principle of status ante helium. 
 
 ** To either of these propositions" (he adds,) " I would have as- 
 " aented. But I could not consent to grant or revive the British 
 '< right to the navigation of the Mississippi." 
 
 He could not consent ! He did consent : see his name subscribed 
 to the letter from the American to the British plenipotentiaries of 
 13th December, J814— ^p. 44 of the message of 25th February 
 
 last. 
 
 It is, indeed, painful to remark here, and throughout this letter 
 of Mr. Russell, how little solicitude there is discoverable, to pre- 
 serve even the appearance of any coincidence between bis rea& 
 sentiments and bis professions : half his letter is an argument in 
 form to prove, that the treaty of 1783 was abrogated by the war ; 
 yet, be says, he would have assented to contend for its indestruc- 
 itbitittf, so long as it applied only to the defence of the fisheries, 
 reserving his special grounds of objection to its being applied to 
 the navigation of the Mississippi. I have shown, that the inde- 
 structibility of the treaty of 1783 never was asserted by any of the 
 American commissioners ; but, that the principle tbat it bad not 
 
ill 
 
 States. coJlld ^l "bri^d but Chei tn'^^^^^^ "' *•*'*' ^"•»«» 
 first assumed in defence of the fisheS o^?v ^^H^'M^^"' ""^ ** 
 any thing of the Mississippi. When LreL^ i^'*'?'"* ">•"< 
 the navigatioD of the Misslioni r«m. ? fu®' X^f '^^^^^^ <<>» 
 teotiarietrMr. Russell^. peJfUjSnrt^hL P'^^'P^ 
 
 pnnciple, in favour of ou? demand Sf u *''l''PP''=«.on of oar 
 what were these spedal obJectTon, J 7ti V ^""^ "''S^'*- B«»« 
 ' our oiro wrone-tVaud anK^r ''«^e «''°*'"' **"»* **»ey wew 
 
 to Great BrUaln. Mr. rIL , ' ^e^'di^ T'"' It^'*'*^''^ ^^f 
 at Ghent, and. if he bad. a Sity ^f [ul'^l'^*' *»••»• objectioi 
 
 -«red.,.haveheena.hamed^oX^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 and offer forThe S hinrp^.vLTi'^n!.'" *u "'^ °^ "^ ^» «"' «»^ 
 .V might be founl^Z Kr^wn^M ^^"k'''' ^^^'^^^^n*. ^herevei 
 not affirm that we bad auThorUv t^^'lJl''''^^ ^'^T^ " ' "« ^"* 
 we had been speciaUy instructed ««f7^ equivalent whateyer- 
 
 he would have^urre'Hdered S rurcSThem ft'^'"' "^ S' 
 price again. purcnaaed tbem at a reasooaU* 
 
 i. .1' «'™1e™'?f'"r • 'Hetv.''h''/»TtHlf ''»""'^« "-■««'■ 
 
 Bon of peace, a, embraced bX»ri„ 1 *"V ""^ " ' »"• T» 
 
 A sine ,„; „„„ for tte stahiltram f'/'l™ f^" """"^ 
 
 contradicted by the letter reaHv wrSn h V "u ^ »va8 d.^tinctly 
 
 rreu-'e^'cTeS-'frfeHSrH^^^^^^ 
 
 ?re5t:b^e-ri;?£-:;Stl%S'^^^^^^^^ 
 
 tbe duplicate. The professions if 3SL.H ™ fKravations ,b 
 rity^ talent, and J«Jgmerof ,1 e^tt" '^It^docuf 
 IB the same letter, represented as .o weak a£i.rJ .„jf,f i ' "' 
 1 can, for u,y „wo part, „.i.h„ «ce7»« l;:2.'?;«tT'"t°K 
 
113 
 
 b«m eompe1:«a to speak u in these remarks I have done, of a per- 
 jon dwtintiuisl.ecl by the favour of his country, and with whom I 
 had tieen Hssoriated m a service ofijigh interest to this Union, bra 
 been nmong the most painful incidents of my life. In the defence 
 ot myself and my colleagues, against impututions so groundless in 
 themselves at first so secretly set forth and now so wantonly pro- 
 mulgaled before the legislative assembly of the nation, it has beeD 
 impossible entirely to separate the language of self- vindication from 
 that of reproach. With Mr. Russell 1 can also rejoice that the 
 propwa! offered on the 1st of December, 1814, was rejected by 
 the BriUsh government, not because 1 believe it now, more than I 
 did theti, liable to any of the dangers and mischiefs so glarinff in 
 the vaticinaUons of Mr. Russell, but because uoth the interests to 
 which It relates have since been adjusted in a manner still more 
 aati!.factory to the United States. I rejoice, too, that this adjust- 
 ment has taken place before the pubiication of Mr. Russell's letter 
 could have any possible influence in defeating or retarding it. The 
 convention of aoth October, 1818, is the refutation of all the doc- 
 trines of .Mr. Russell's letter, to which there can be no replk It 
 bas adjusted the fishing interest upon the principle asserted by the 
 American mission at Ghent, but disclaimed by Mr. Russell. It has 
 given us the boundary of laUtude 49, from the Lake of the Woods 
 westward, and it has proved the total indifference of the British 
 government to the right of navigating the Mississippi, by their 
 abandonment of their last claim to it, without asking an equivalent 
 for Its renunciation. 
 
 With regard to the magnitude of the fishing interest which was at 
 stake during the negotiation at Ghent, I believe the views disclosed 
 in Mr. Kussell s letter as incorrect as the principles upon which he 
 would have surrendered it. The notification of exclusion was from 
 all fisheries within exclusive British jurisdiction. I have shown 
 that, historically, Great Britain 4iad asserted and maintained exclu- 
 sive proprietary jurisdiction over the whole. Had we tamely ac 
 quiesced in her principle of forfeiture, without renunciation, we 
 •hould soon have found that her principle of exclusion embraced 
 the whole. That a citizen of Massachuoeltu, acquainted with its 
 colonial hrstory, with the share that his countrymen had had in the 
 conquest of a great part of these fisheries, with the deep and 
 anxious interest in them taken by France, by Spain, by Great Bri- 
 tain, for centuries before the American revolution ; acquainted 
 with the negotiations of which they had been the knot, and the wars 
 ot which they had been the prize, between the three most powerful 
 maritime nations of modern Europe ; acquainted with the profound 
 esnsibihty of the whole American Union, during the revolutionary 
 war, to this interest, and with the inflexible energies by which it 
 had been secured at its close ; acquainted with the indissoluble 
 links of attachment between it and the navigation, the navy, the ma- 
 ntime defence, the national spirit and hardy enterprise of this great 
 republic ; that such a citiz'^n, stimulated to the discharge of duty by 
 
113 
 
 a freah inatrocUon from hi* •«-*- 
 
 the part of Great Britain, to demJnd7i ^^^ "l, °^ "° intention. o5 
 tt, sooner to break off the neSion th *"^*''' "^ '« 'urfe^er 
 
 ; annual? ^eclLill^^^,^^^^^^^^ of a feHaKS 
 
 o me H. that he ahould deliberately si. 3 '^''""«' "°^ unaccountable 
 treaty was concluded, and S* to hul^'""' *^° "^"t*^* "ft" the 
 d.88ertat.on to Prove that there whs „oZ''T?^ " cold-blooded 
 the pnncple upon which he andhis rnll> absolutely nothing, in 
 defence, and that be considered the fi.f"*.'\" ^'"^ '•««*•*' ^ts future 
 ••at an end, without a new Sl«»fn J'"?''^^'''y "^ he entirely 
 
 . Such were not the 8ent7mer^f • "■ ''" ''*'''^«'-" 
 21'jiouen, atGhent ; su h ^^IV^p^^S^^^ ' 
 
 of he wwter of theU remarks ^He rS''^ "?* *^« -entimenta 
 faction, upon that deep and ea ^esf rP^nJfr'' ^^'^ "^'•«'»e satis- 
 ft«ted at that t<me. by theexecSLlfn^ ^*"' '"^'^ •°t«'*e«t mani- 
 States. ,„ the positive and uoqSlZ»Zt!r't '^ '^^ ^^^^ 
 to the comm 88 oners on n« J!! -^ • "*^"°" of 26th June lfti4 
 theMerie,. He rejoic^" th«t?h '^^?*'°° ^^^^^ver ro C^ Lit* 
 «d ; that the nation iS,'';^t'; ^^^ '•^Jjr.r ippHcitroJ^;: 
 ties unimpaired, preserved as weH from .f "' •' * ^'Shts and liber- 
 aa from the force of preponder^dl.. ^* *'*''"'*^« of diplomacy 
 •eas ; and he trusts that the hi o "^^.^f/ "P°" ^''^'r eleiJent. t?e 
 tails, from the instruction nottos7rrentrT^^^^^^^ '" «" '^s Je! 
 elusion of the convention cf 20th nM "">**«»•'". to the con- 
 warning to the statesmrn of 'SL^Untn ^nT'' "'" «-« «oC„ 
 
 -r-ed by any^r-i- li^n :- J^t^i^^ 
 May3,i8S5. "'^^^ QUINCY ADAMS, 
 
114 
 
 I 
 
 THE TRIPLICATE. 
 
 In the Nutionul firtzrUo, of 10th Mny, 1022, printed nt Philadel- 
 phia, thero win puliliMhotl, liomlt'd "Fur l,fie Niitiuniil Qnxtitto," ■ 
 *' Letter of JoiiRthun KuMell, Kit|. to the Moo. tho Secretary of 
 State, in relation to tho nt Kotiiitionii iit Ghcint." It whm dated Parii, 
 11th Fohruiiry, IUir», not marked "/ormifo," and in the lanH' im» 
 "^•r WAi aoconipuniod \>y the following article, under the editorial 
 •ad : 
 
 NEG0Tr\T!0N9 AT (JIIFNT. 
 
 The call made in Congrcm for a piirtiruhir letter of Jonathan 
 KuRNell, V.in\. on the lubiHcl of tho noj(oti«tion« lit (Jhont, Iho mip- 
 |>o8od object of that calf, and tho cxtiaordisiiir^ tcnour of the Pre* 
 •ident*« ronlv to it, have excitud a jjencral curioftlty rcKpecting the 
 contents of the document, about which an air of myntery and preg. 
 nant importance wiiii thua thrown. Tho Pr^aident Mtated iii hii 
 mesxnge, ai our rcadcri will recolluct, that ho had found the loiter 
 •nion« hix private pancm, marked "private," by tht; writer, who«e 
 view of hin own conduct and that of hist collKtiguos waa such ai 
 would demand from tho two atirvivinft membura of the Ghent mis- 
 sion, a reply containing their view of tho trimaactiona in (pioHtiun ; 
 which r«ply, tipon the principloi* of equal juaticq, ought to be com- 
 municated at the same time to Con»:rcHs. The President stated, 
 •lao, that he had depoaitcd the original of tho letter in the Depart- 
 ment of State, with inatrnctions to dolivcr a copy to any person who 
 might be interested. 0:^[A copy has come into our hands, for the 
 exnctnoas of which we can vouch, and which wo publish entire, 
 (his afternoon \] and us the House oJ' lloprosentatives has repeated 
 the call fer the document, in terms that have empowered the Prc- 
 ■ident to submit with it whatever ho pleiiNcd of a relevant purport, 
 we may expert to be soon able to lay before our readers, the com- 
 munication, in the nature of an answer, which the Secretary of 
 State had expressed a desire to be permitted to oQ'er. 
 
 Most persons will, we apprehend, lind that the ideas respecting 
 the character of the letter, which they had been led from what has 
 passed, to form, are in a degree erroneous. Mr. Ku^scll has not 
 arraigned the conduct or questioned iho motives of his colleagues, 
 who composed the majority oo the point discussed — on the contra- 
 ry, he has, we observe, empbiitically borne testimony, towards the 
 end of the letter, to their integrity, talents, and judgment ; and his 
 purpose seems to have been, not to prove that they erred, so mtich 
 tts to furnish a satisfactory apology for his b.aving ditrered with them 
 in opinion. If he marked the letter " private," it is not thence to 
 be inferred that he meant it to remain scvret for them, or absolute- 
 ly ; but merely that it shouhl not be considered as a part of the 
 public and official record of the negotiations, or otherwise than his 
 
116 
 
 of Ghent. w„. not mndr«rth«rS"o« nf M 'M *" *''* '^''••'r 
 conwm,«n.c of romm.,nlrnti«r, Ul I r„„dfhH,"^ '"»«' '« 
 
 he h«.f no Hh,.rc in ,ho cnll for the p v t^ loflrrl ' Vl'''' """'"«'•' 
 
 paimge of,, ,hort CKtrnct of 11 In IV Vnm m T, ' ''X *•" <o»o»viiig 
 'l«"t .uhnntic, ,„ Congro,, r'tlSJ WXh Jy'''^' ^''^ '*^«•'• 
 
 lirli(!lB connriM im ihn lUi.i.i. .1 . . . """"K 'o »"• Brltlih n nn nn»»«.i..i-- _1 
 
 port -y opinion, I por.uxlo my««lf iLeywi" ,;,?«„, "r." '"•"Sclent ,0 .up- 
 
 roluloi 10 the article mf, one, ' '■. '""}' '"" "'"». »l"cli 
 
 «mh December. ■"nT.S'rr „„i'Tl,e''r,l™ '" "'""' «•"»•• 
 tongrcM. "°"S "•** l''»I'o«« comniunicoted to 
 
 K«ti„g the Ml.,i«|ppi 5 « doin^n I, Vh^ro„,„"''''''' ""'^''•'" 'f"" '«£ 0? S 
 of timt Name ireaty of l7ti'L «,„ iJ ' "'"' *«'f'.i.ted by anoihnr « .? , 
 colourable prc.o.te (br , nVktr O?"? T r"'^'' "•"' "'««t^St k.H '''' 
 right to thn fl.l,„He. ,0 ;. S,,//;/J"« '"'^"""^ "-'I rorbidden u fo .JjioZ 
 
 the B'itiiih government. Wu rontendeil th»f .1 *"'^''. ""«''« bo asked for it h» 
 coneldero,! m one entire and perma" t cJmnn.r ""'°'n '"•"^ "^ l^"^, mu bj 
 
 wh K .K »"'lepend.«nt nation, and rontalninV.l ^. P''°P'''°'">o t^nited 
 which the two pHrtHofono cmplrl had ,„.S"V !"'"""' ""'^ ^ndltio ". on 
 «ut« two, diitinct and .eparato nation, '""'"""J' ««'•?•'', thenceforth to con,! 
 pan oHhe North American coVthlT ho, Id rc2 •'"'"!!. "^ •"-« treatrtha?." 
 die .on. the people of the United Stat.« ll, "'"»'» '""ject to theBriti.h iur « 
 Which they had 'ever before enj^yoj 'oVi J'siTr';"^, «« '"'""e've. .j" hb"r 
 to hT« "f •='''''"8«"hupo„\he ,ho eV. nnVihi. .^" P"» °f «ho coa««, "nj 
 to by the other cnntra.-ting p„rfy. We .kin. , '""fr"""" '""' •"^«n a^cJd 
 grant, hut u .r,ere .ec„gn|,ro , of a prior^i^r LTL^^ "''* "^""3', thnn no^„ow 
 
 ^.^ « -r, .„y „„,, „„„ „„^ „.. p^ -^'^c::r;:^sz::£^ 
 
 '..j?.,.,-,t . 
 
116 
 
 W why wt khnnhl n«t«l n n«w iii|Miliitlon Air lit •n|o*nwnt, mere than *« mM^ 
 
 r«m«ln«i In fore In .11 K. p.,,,, no.wl.h«.„,lt„; ih. war/o^nVw ,lu7S 
 wa. «.r...«ry to -cur. .o .h« .ubjrc. of .lr«M Bru.lo, .hJ gl ' J «IiJS 
 
 i^c.irrf r».;:;;:'" -- '- "'^ - «•" ^'-' -g rc.:r r-t 
 
 .h.d b..n«r«„.eH U. 178.1, tlwy ,„u.. «. ,i„|„ .h. o «l, , oV.h. lonl. of Z 
 UnUid 8...... to th. Ub«rly .o ft.h, ami to dry and rur. flth. la oCt T« 
 
 pl«« both p.,|„u b.y«nd aU fur.h.r c«n,ro»«My. a nrnjo.'; i?.^" . . li.lj 
 
 o olfer adml an a,.i«l« confirming bo.b rl«hi., or, w« o.r.nml .. |" .amJ 
 .lm^ to b« .U«n. In .b. .raa.y «pj,„ bo.b, and .o l.av« ou. al.o«n.h.r U a arllSI 
 tl.flMltiK. ha boundary fro... tha Lak. of ili. Wood* w.itwartl. Th.» S. 
 •«»•(< .0 thi. laMpr..p«.al bu.no. until .hry had propo.ad an artlcia iiSt' 
 ing for a fu.uva nB»o«la.lon for an miUlvnl«ni to Im Riven by (JraatKafn ft.V 
 tho nnviRa.lon of tb« Ml«Ulpp|. «n,l by .hn Unlt.d Stat-./for ." hbJ.v « t,. 
 the fi. erle. wl.bln UrI.l.b Jurl.dlc.lon. ThI. ar.lalo wa. mu^c ! 1 J;"^.; ri- 
 ■pact tolt.profti.»a.lob|rct, ilncaboth novernmnntu had U In tb.lr ik WV, wlJhl 
 out I., W neRo.la.a upi,n th.i« .ubjec. If ,h.y p|«.,„d. We reUtfld l? al- 
 though It. adoption would have wr.aed the bou.ulary of the 4Utb d.trae of at . 
 tud., wa., of the Lake of ,he Wnod^ be. a«,e I. would have been « fb ^ aia I 
 
 2;;i;rt'i:.;7nS" ""''•""• '"""• '"-'•^ •• '^ »»"• «•»»•""' "^i"'"" 
 
 For th(» more complet-^ comprehension of t!ie foreiroinir «»trnct 
 nnd Mr. Kuanell a letter, wo copy the urticic, and two extract! rrom 
 the instructions of the Americm commissioners. 
 
 Arlick nffkrtibi, the ^mritmtojh, Driti,\ Plmipotmtiariu at Ghrnl, on /Aa 
 
 Ul of Ueffttifter, 1814. 
 «« The inhabitintu of the United 8.ntc8 nhnll continue to enjoy Iht Ubtrly .« 
 lake, dry, an.l cure f.Kli in places within the txrlmtve furiidiclion of Great Rr 
 tain, a» Mcui-ed by .he former treaty of iKiace ; and the navigation of th. rlv.r 
 Ml»«twlppt, w.tUiu .he excIu.ivo jurl^liciion of tlie United 8tate», .hall r.main 
 tH« and op..a to /A« «,A,rW» .j/' Ortat HnMn, in the manner lecur.d ' W 
 treaty ! and it is further agreed jhnt Ike *ui,jeH» of hit linlmnic mqim^j,,ui 
 aiallhmcihait accmjromtitrh fiiaceatmof^ 4,r wfcr/erf fo, that mrr^^ i 
 hflirttanni'^ maJcttf,U afortsaid UrrUoriN, ivftnmainnd wilhin thm ," "i 
 mUft V the IM-*' or the »r<W.«, in the a/onmid territones of the United Stalt^ 
 (0 the rtwr Musui!>$i*pt, in ordtr lo mm IhrbmffU of l.;e naviitation of that 
 ntrr, mtkthw good^, rffeet*, atid mcrehatuti^e, whose' importntv^ into the Mid 
 Ms,»hnll mt Ite mtirel), pr,>hthtte,l, on the payment of the $me dvtiet « 
 v^Hld be pttyahte on the tn^rlation q/" the tame into theAtlnntte portt ot th* 
 Hid ittates, ttitdon amfomint mth the mml cuttom-houie regulation* " 
 
lit ^ 
 
 wHhlh ih« limit. 01 ,h. UnSK;/"r/'U'V'"''" '"'i'*- ' '•»•" "iSl 
 E«ir.ct of • |«„r f,o« ih« ,.m, ,„ ,h, ,«m. a«t^ Jun. UU 
 
 »ur r.^AMo ih« n.h.. !,. -to .b.„r„ TuXJI' " """!,"»""i, «« ■««•«( 
 
 b. mndt. Should iri,;: T«ru" wiiro/roTl'"""'"'''" •'"" *"''-*' • "i*™ 
 
 b«H.v. ;,hh him b„,b fh°X ' rtty S'A^'Vr' IT"" ™^^ 
 'nir..n(J iluit much miKbi.f mi,K?i, "»» "«• »l>rog.tec| bjt tb« 
 
 predicted or desired thin roLlt J^li hi .U.' • ^I'T T^^ '»»^« 
 mitted even an error of J...i!m i. ^® '^.•""Ppointed. If he com- 
 
 country, and whosi^rVaXjardlv'^'''* '*"'* '^^'P '*>^« ^^ 
 tion ari so f«r acknow e7J^ nil*! -J ""'^ »'/"'*" "' J'»t '•«fle«^- 
 tical parties of the S .h»? S '"'^ ^ ^''^ °*''«'' ''^ ^^e poU- 
 admit'ted. AVwhenTe^n,e B »>« ^""X 
 
 .tancesanddetuihof rlnn,' t w II Drlh"!?^" '"• '»• ^ircum- 
 kno^Iedged by candid mi^^'e raMo'J^i""'-^^^^^ '" 
 piir»Ufidl)ythemaioii(vof»hAV««,J^^ • . "'^" *"* coune 
 
 Inconsistent wit^ hTlfe-t dro^irrh"?""^^ ^''^««'»«'« 
 
 rican „egoii..tors. We hlldr^' e . o^'b^Se tS"' ^'"•• 
 •lonera of the article offered to tbem lo hL f ? ^''* .<^«T'"- 
 but at the same time we think j/o!?!'! i . " ^°''*""ate incident, 
 question of the P^meSt'wti^':^ t^^^^^^^ '" ^ 
 
 be pronouL -ed on the proposal." "'^^ ^'^^ ^'"*' *• 
 
 Jertion ?roin'!«*^/' '?r''"' ^f '^« "«'^»"«" °f *»»« copy~th# 
 wsertion from f^ood antkorUy, that Mr. Russell had had no •hJrJ 
 
tL^*^'" f *!l« calls of the House of Representatives of 17 Jm^ 
 1822, for the Ghent documents, or of 19 April, 1822. for his own 
 letter, and above all, the extract from the instructions of 16 April 
 1813, which had never before been published, but of which Mr' 
 Russell had recently obtained, from the records of the Depart 
 ment of State, two copies, were undoubted indications that the 
 pubhcation rame from Mr. Russell. The editor of the Gazette 
 jiasmdeed s. ace stated, that the editorial article was written by 
 himself; but it was evidently written upon representations directly 
 or indirectly from x\Ir. Russell. The opinions expressed in the 
 editorial article were his own, but the facts for which he vouched 
 and the extract from the cancelled instructions, could have been 
 furnished him only by, or at the instance of, Mr. Russell. 
 
 The copy of the letter was not exact, as will be seen by the fol- 
 lowing extracts from a subsiquent editorial article in the Natioaal 
 Gazette of 26 May, 1822. «»"w««i 
 
 " We insert, to-day, the reply of the hon. John Q, A^Jams, Se- 
 cretary of State, to Mr. Russell's communications to the govern- 
 ment respecting the negotiations at Ghent." 
 
 •' Upon the merits of the main argnment, we do not intend, and 
 indeetf have not room, :o express an opinion to-day ; but we may 
 remark at c -e, that so far as regards the proposal to allow the 
 Britiah the ^e navigation of the Mississippi, Mr. Adams has plac- 
 ed his conauct and views Deyond the reach of calumny and misap- 
 prehension for the future. It will be seen that Mr; Jefferson in 
 1807, then President of the United States, expressly authorized 
 Messrs. Monroe and Pmkney, who were negotiating in London to 
 accede to astipulation proposed '^y the British government for the 
 navigation of that river, and access to it from our territories on 
 submitting to the duties and custom-house regulations applicable 
 to goods and effects of citizens of the United States. 
 
 " The pamphlet of documents prihted for Congress embrace* 
 not only the original letter of Mr. Russell, as received by Mr. Mon^ 
 roe, but the paper which Mr. Russell on the 22d April last left at 
 the Department of State, as the duplicate of that, letter, and which 
 contains passages not to be found in the original. In publishing the 
 letter of Mr. Russell, we undertook to vouch for its exactness as a 
 copy, circumstances having led us fully to believe this to be the 
 case.^ On comparing it, however, with the printed original, we 
 lound the tollowmg variations in the text. 
 
 " Quotation from our publication : ' From the year 1783 to the 
 
 * commencement of the present war, the actual advantages derived 
 trom the hshmg privMege by the people of the United States 
 
 * were according to the best information that we could obtain on 
 the subject, &c The text of the original is-/ can obtain on the 
 
 subject. Again, our printed text is, ' because by concedinc in tt 
 
 * (the proposed article) to Great Britain vhe navigation of the Mis- 
 «8iS8ippi,we directly violated our instrucUons, and we offered' 
 &c. 1 be phrase, we directly violated our imtructims, is not in thL 
 
110 
 
 tyiu' '° *• Po»t»cript of the letter io our text it in said * w« 
 had three wavs of proceedinir •' the tov* iniAuc V * ^ 
 
 -k- u ^®!^® • *** '*** variations between the text of th^ lot^..^ 
 State*' duplicate, deposited in the Department of 
 
 tbe^jtLTb tbrN^'fr "'"'*""'^''»***°*^'"8 *»>'» publication of 
 purDosranH th. . ? f ^"^*'"^' '^^'"^ ^^^^ t'«« selected for the 
 
 with the evc/nL^nr ^^Z^^^^' ,. The letter in the (JaJette was. 
 stored b„Tn"^,?^^^ ''""'' ^'^^ original letter entirely 
 
 Srucdons''^^^^^^ ''"^* ^«« " we directly violated ouf 
 
 Sio'„^7the cife^ ^\' necessarily cnpecte^ with the 
 
 panTn/edifonTaS ^'''^'fj"' publiahe/as part of the accom- 
 to hCe been vk,lli .'^J' **"''" ^^'"^ ^^e instructions alleged 
 sell a„d heLdreal a ^P A ^^ wasa/ier I had shown te Mr. Rns- 
 
 wiu, arparenfalsoTl^t \r R *""? i:^^"'^*'^ ^^°«^ instructions. Jt 
 prlSwrnsi f fo'^'/u i'- ^r" ''"'^' ''^^^'^^ he left Washington, 
 wh?nTom the PrtiSentrmll'*'^ Philadelphia, and at /time 
 House of the ISth nf A i f "^^ •" """'^^^ *° **>« <=«» from the 
 b^c'mmV'iLle^^^^^^^^^ '«^^^^ -"W npt 
 
 f^rom the Boston Stafesmm of 27 June, 1822, 
 MR. RUSSEtL'S REPLY TO MR. ADAMS. 
 
 mu^'iTairlT/hV^^^"^^ ^'S*'^^* * received a copy of the com. 
 rSesenTadvP* „ l"\r'^f' ^^ ^^^ Presidenf,7o the House 
 ISs of f ? ter V ' tV;'/ *'f/ T^*'- J^^ communication 
 February 38li w ^ • ^'*. '^'''""° ^o"" Pa*"" <>« ^he 16th of 
 
 la?t,^and of ti remark' oi CTh"* ""^ ^'"l'' ^ T ^''' °^^P"» 
 for nn*«,ith=#V J- Vu ? ^'^' Adams o» both. 1 say on both— 
 
 peaks o2 of hu^ '^'' *^ ^•^P*''-^ «'' ^r. A<lams to the President, 
 DenartnS 1 ^^%'^^™"^'^« P" the paper deposited by me at the 
 SSrapVv /^^ yet acioside/able portion of those 
 
 The messJ^e "* ^'^^^ Department in 1815. 
 
 conLTrs t£ coLimn. f'j''^^"^ ^'^^ ^'^^ '^''^ ""• '"^^e^J' evidently 
 that Mter on^v 7/?^ ^''"^ 'T''^ °' ^'' ^^^-ns to be coplined to 
 tba the lettelwh rh V";!'*'""™ '^^ ^'^'^'^ t^"^'' ^^'^^at message. 
 
 w^s s^Drise 1 Jh.!?'' ""^^ ^° ^" communicated to the House. I 
 S LTp fh^r T'.r receiy.ng the printed documents, to 
 
 £L elrt pJh '" 'l!"^ ^^^"^ *^«"«^^^"'- °» the 6th, or. without 
 af Mav .h»n t i^^ '""'* '«"' ^"^ been communicated oq the 7tl| 
 •f May, ^w had been signjtied by that messa-e. 
 
iM 
 
 ISO 
 
 wom^eft if^hT!!?^"*^" "° f**. ^**'' »'*"'« beJief that, at so late • 
 be m!3i L -r T"' ^° *^"*'» '" reference to that message, wo^ald 
 S from Pari. '"'l'\u^** •' '"*^"**' P'«^"*^« *»»« '«««r onlv rece v- 
 It^ M^^luJ^ ^^'^ corresponding report of the Secretary of 
 wwks of L iT'^ Ta''''^ <l.m.nisbed nhen. on reading theV 
 Kce inJ^rn T' / <'"*^<>^«>'«*J that they mainly owed their ex^ 
 Sethe ^«i. ""15 ■^'' r° * PT"' ""^'^^ •'^^ *>««» considered not to 
 Honi S^' '^"'l^*' ^'"''«°** ^*''<^*' h«d »'een obtruded on the 
 
 narhliJ^f """'w° S^ ^^'^ °^ ^''J^' the very next day after my de- 
 Eui'°"' ^'"^"'gto'^' ^ ^"t to the House of RepresenStives 
 
 Sr^mo^aT'teltk^^ ^t' publicaUonof 
 
 least he hnH u^^ua' • t^ member from Massachusetts, at 
 
 inJhf hi r'^"'** seem that the evidence furnished by these facts 
 othts of ^.1?'!" '"®'''"/' «* '^««*' t'* d«ter him from accusTng 
 of the naUon r"*°° Promulgation before the legislative asse^^ 
 
 for^makbt C'?' ''"!' '^'^^^^^' ""'Sht have been the motive 
 made t^e^ cal, on Z"?7r'P;'!''''''- T''^ '^' S«"tleman who 
 Xhledto hPtriif *!.th of January, for the correspondence 
 not thp lil? ®*/y °' ^.^^"*» "°t already made public, I had 
 
 accord ngly to the DeDnrtm^nt^f ^A '**^1"'^^?ed, and I repaired 
 
 mentioned, should, with thi approbation of mJ L 'k^"'*"^ ^"'^ 
 moated. Mr. Adams at th^t timT^t ^ ' ^oame, be commu- 
 
 I had written such a ettir tor .^.hP'''''^ "'^ dissatisfaction that 
 
 This is all thrpartidpat in ihThVL'T'^'f/ °" ''' ^^"^«"^»- 
 with the call of the ntho/wy had, directly or indirectly. 
 
1«1 
 
 . IsI^^ATrll' tl^tr^ti'lt ^« -« 0^ the 
 
 extract of m, Jetler of the 25th !f A' *''''^'r'''y occasioned by the 
 tioned. which the fir. SS h,d blflf ^ ^l''* above iel 
 had never communica ed^XnS ^ ^^ ^hat »»«Dber I 
 of my letter written at PariV fo? »h tS.'"' °*S^»''^»e. the contents 
 other, any account or copy jfc^A^ ^^ *^»"«^: \^^ refused to 
 to me, as I believed, for puWirSn a ' ^°'" "'^'''^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ «PP"ed 
 I uniformly asaigned^te recessi v in t "''"?° *""' thus refusing, 
 consent and approbation oTthe cltthnS ^'P'"'^"'.^^ Jh« PrevioS 
 lar publication of a letter written • authorities for the regu- 
 
 vice, to one of those authorit" ^^"^ T'*'''^ '» ^^e public sir. 
 All the participatforwhich rhrj"^ "I.'"'"*',"" t° that service. . 
 DepartmeSTof S^a e in con^seauli". '^f' '"" ^«^' ^^ '««^« «t<he 
 Z?*/>ar^,«e„^ the paper whSff«K«° «iy/*cflrto« from ^to 
 cate. The simpfe facts aJehes^ ^""^^'^^^ «« « ^upli- 
 
 April, a gentleman emplored in The d1 ! ^^^^^S «^' ^he 20th of 
 .meat my lodgings and SrTd if 1^1?^°* '^'^ ^^^^e called on 
 
 the letter which LdbLnTanedli'^"'^ ^"P''*^«te of 
 
 communicating any thinras a dun,?'; I 'nt.mated a reluctance to 
 i»ot be presented ae sucli L the^Hn ' ^u °^«*'^^«*'' ^^at it need 
 presented to the Department Thf^i^-' ^"l^^^ed to ha^e it so 
 on that occasion. *'"""*'"*• This.s, m substance, what wassaid 
 
 wa?°niuhe'relL?\'tfnhe%,^^^^^^^^^^ ''^'^-^- Adam, 
 
 applied to me for it The woTf J'^'l>*'^ P""«"«" ^^o had 
 written on it, in consequence of h^^^. ^up hcate" had indeed been 
 I gave no further intimation much 1?" " "* '^°^^ "^^'-^^ ' ^ut 
 so. He made no inquiry andlmlT '"^ «««"'•«•'<=«. that it was 
 merely, that I left it IbiThe exami„a?bn o? M ""??** ' °^«^''^«<» 
 was indiiferent whether it wof^nl • °^ ^^- ^^ams ; and that I 
 House, or not, as the let! ^cXT"^^^^^^^^ *^« ^«» "^^^^e 
 
 I expressed the expectation that if »«' i5 k *^ "'*' '"^ communicated, 
 received it accordingly ' "^^"'^ ^^ '^^urned to me. He 
 
 A few d.vs afterwards I again visited the Department of State. 
 
 observations exclusivtly my own. " '" """"* *"« «'«'A any details o, 
 
12fc 
 
 *iid was again so unfortanale as not to find Mr. Adams there. I 
 •aw, however, the gentleman with whom I had left the paper, and 
 
 Sri, ?r'?9 ?' l^*f r.'* '•"u **?? •''**''^' " **' supposed, by mis- 
 WKe m 1822, be had taken the liberty to correct it, by inserting 
 
 •» k iJ " "° objection, but repeated my expectation, that if 
 II sboald not be d emed proper to use it for the purpose for which 
 u had been delivered, it wbuld be returned to me. 
 
 I made a third visit to the Department of State, on the 3d of May, 
 It I remember correctly. Mr. Adams was then in his office, and 
 in passing thither, I learned from the gentleman who had received 
 the paper delivered by me on the 22d, that it had undergone ano- 
 • ther alteration m its date, and that 1816 had been made to give 
 place to 18 16. This last alteration was, it seems, found necessary 
 to make the paper agree in date with the letter received from Pa- 
 ns, which had at last been found ; and thus to be able to use that 
 paper, with a better grace, as a duplicate, and to abuse it with the 
 more confidence for its variation from that letter. The corrective 
 power, assumed, appears to have been limited acccordingly. 
 
 Mi. Adams soon spoke of the paper which I hati left, on the 22d. 
 and had not proceeded far without complaining of its difference 
 from the original which had been found. This circumstance he 
 !k**^*u iV"'"^*'' P'*''*'''"''"''^ offensive. In vain I represented 
 that the difference between the two was not material ; that neither 
 was personal or accusatory; that both were merely defensive: 
 and that I was willing that either or neither should be communicat! 
 ed, as he might judge proper. I soon perceived that it was too 
 late to offer explanation with a prospect of success. He was not in 
 a humour to listen to me, even with civility ; the manner in which 
 lie treated the business, destroyed, in me. even a wish to conciliate 
 or appeasa hira. 
 
 1 J *IT ^i^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^''^' principally to show, that the paper was 
 left a the Department of State, not on my own proper motion, but 
 that It was left there on the application, and marked duplicate at 
 the suggestion of a person belonging to thaf Department, and pos- 
 
 nUoX ' '""^'^'r^ ^^ ^'- ^^'""'' ^^'^ «°' application was 
 altogether unexpected by me, and was made without any previous 
 inljmation, suggestion, or encouragement on my part ; and had it 
 not been made, that paper would never have been left at the De- 
 partment of State, nor in any other manner presented to the pub- 
 lic. Having twice failed in my attempts to see Mr. Adams, 1 had 
 
 ^L^Jr. '^^''^ °^^.7"S those explanations which the case ap- 
 peared to require, until it was too late to offer them. 
 
 I considered it an act of frankness to place the paper, when thus 
 applied for, whatever might be its merits or defects; in the po^er 
 of the person who might consider himself the most liable to be af- - 
 tected by its publication. In thi^ act there was certainly neither 
 secrecy nor concealment to offend him. He had the sole power to 
 pubhsh.t or not, as he might j.,dffe proper, and to consult his own 
 teelings and interests, m forming fcis decision. When a private let. 
 
1^3 
 
 never been intended, and to which if „» k ?' ^'"' ""^'^^ '» had 
 rented without my cU«en I cer inlv'S d"hJ" ^''' '««» ?'«' 
 permitted to make those correct '0^ ^1 *^-' **'''* ' '^«•' 
 which appeared to me to be proper "0 elbfh!/"^^ '° Possession, 
 tageously before that tribunal Thl ^ T «»«« most advan' 
 
 this opinion, as the papTr wa 'no to be Th? '=°°'l*!f "^'^ «"t«rt«n^d 
 previous examination Snd ^0^^^ of fhVJf * "*''^'*'^^ '^'^''««* 'he 
 the views with which it «,n. the adverse i>arty. Such w«rt 
 
 But he communrca 5 «;" "vrreTtfr'^ '°?r'' *^^'- ^'^^^ 
 Hnd with it, he c>isingenuVus;1:m;tn?caT^^^^^^^ '''''' «^'' 
 
 to him, not as the paper called for E- P'P®''' entrusted 
 
 pHssionate invective and intemnl'.^ ^ convenient vehicle for 
 
 if justice, or even decency 1Z;dfm*'r'""' '^^^^^ «»«• 
 
 »«iU, 1 sboulo have believed tZn . \ jPresented no obstacle, 
 of the people of the Um,ed 's^t" ZlT, ^''' '^^ Representative. 
 
 cent to have deterred him from ;7udt^ and' "' ^T ^^*" «"«" 
 proceeding. ™ "^^ ^"°« and ^regular a course of 
 
 ;>«r;>0H ««c/ /enor, with the so callnH , ?^ °^ *?* •'*°'" /^««'-°^ 
 several highly significant pLsam '' H. ** '**^' ^'^''^ ^'''^ it *«* 
 a parallel extracted from t^he two DaDp!^ ^u'^Tl '^ «" «"»PK 
 parallel, the contradiction th«/XE "^ .1^"*=" <'r«'« thij 
 that lUid not believe, in thl her paper that' w^ '"' ^^P^'' ^^'^ 
 hy our instructions, at Ghent to off!?! '»• ^® "^^^^ permitted, 
 t.on by the British, of the Mi sisslDi^'s^^^^'r ^'' "^^ °«^*««- 
 parallel passages exhibiting such TV„ * a- *'°'^e^e^ from th« 
 
 the 2511, of Drcember^f ,he",m, „„ ''•'"'''i'^,' '" i"" ''«P»<«'' of 
 'aid, •■ our iostruclions h ,<l forh ^i "■■•. '"'"'i "'"'• "•■«» 'key 
 
 " Informahon hat been reccivp,) fVr.^ »«c, »oi». 
 
 /«/« «i'e«y* in Fra9u:e have produced L,^, „ ^^'"i"' *'"«'^''"^ aUention, that t/,e 
 10 make it^probable that a JmaZtint Zfll 7^ f ^"^"'^ government, 1 
 riglu to thejisheries, to abandon Jltaal SX, ^f'^^Jg^ tomrren^cr our 
 cede Louisiana to Upain. h e caZnii ,P'"^*'''^ ^"Pe of Oood Hope, and to 
 
 trough, into cIisc««ion. If lU'xll] on vo„r „!"" -'• • ^''"' "^^'' *""« "»» *>« 
 
 led on, yoltr negotiations will cTase.'* 
 
124 
 
 .The duplicate aho refert to the same instrnctioni, and perfectly 
 agrees, so far as it does refer to them, with the ioteruretatioa «f 
 them ID the origiDal letter. 
 
 Tfu original letter says, The duplicate says, 
 
 •♦The majority believed them- •The majority beliered them- 
 selves to be permitted to offer a selves to be permitted, their own 
 very explicit proposition, with construrtion to the contrary not- 
 re^rd to the navigation of its ithstanding, to offer a very ex- 
 pnncipal river. I believed mitk plicit proposition with regard to 
 then* that we were so permitted, the navigation of its principal ri- 
 and that we were likewise per- ver ; now this offer I considered, 
 mitted to offer a proposition re- for the reasons just suggested, 
 lative to the fishing liberty," &c. not to be a violation of the instruc- 
 tions, in question," &c. 
 
 Instead of any contradiction or inconsistency, there is here a 
 perfect accordance in the sense of the two papers, in relation to 
 the instruction of the 25th of June. 
 
 I will here observe that my letter, written at Paris, in 1815, wat 
 as may be readily ascertained, confined to a discussion of the 
 grounds which the majority assigned or suggested, in the despatch 
 of the 26th of December, for the offer of the navigation of the 
 Mississippi for the fishing privilege. To justify my own conduct 
 to my government, in opposing that effer, I believed that it would 
 be sufficient, at the time, to show why the reasons of the majority 
 had not satisfied me. In preparing the paper which I left at the 
 Department of State, I believed it to be proper, for the causes 
 already suggested, to assign, for my justification, an additional reason 
 which had influenced me in the course which 1 pursued, at the 
 time. The paper therefore, says, in speaking of the offer, " but 
 I considered it to be against the letter and the spirit of our instruc- 
 tion of the 15th of April, 1813." (6.) 
 
 Mr. Adams, in his remarks, admits, at least by implication, that 
 " the letter and the spirit" of this instruction was, indeed, against 
 that offer, when he resorts for a release trora the obligation of ob- 
 serving it, to other instructions, of the 19th of October, 1814, 
 which, he says, were received on the 24th of the following Nor* 
 authorizing the status ante bellum, as a basis of neg(rtiation. He 
 
 (ft) Exlrdct of a letter of imtrwtions from the Secretary or Stat», totheAmeri' 
 can Commissioners, dated 15th April, l8l3. 
 «' The article in the Treaty of 1794, which allows British traders from Cana- 
 da, and the fiTorth West Company, to carry on trade with tfie Indian tribes, with- 
 in th'. limits of the United States, must not be renewed. The pernicious effects of 
 tills privilege have been most sensibly felt in the present war, by the influence 
 which it gave to the traders over the Indians, whose whole force has been 
 wielded, by means thereof, against the Inhabitants of our western States and 
 territories. You will avoid also any slipulatim, that might restrain the United 
 Slates from increasing their naval force, to any extent they may thinkproper, on 
 the Lakes, held in common; or excluding the British traders from the naviga- 
 tion of tlie lakes and rivers exclusively within our own jurisdiction.'' 
 
 says, 
 
 ••If 
 !<hall m 
 
123 
 
 evidently means to Insinuate if not to assert tl,„f • 
 the basis, thus authorized, the Americ«„ mi ' *" T'''^^'*^' "^ 
 proposition, relating to the navi^aM^n of Jhf m°". ^"*="*««d ^^^ 
 fishing privilege, on the 28th and 29th of Nnv ^T''W «nd the 
 
 ^^^^^hl^^^ J4« -- of the mission .a. „ot 
 
 this proposition, nor did ani ^trity at tSZ^'' '" ""^^^''^n to 
 
 niater. and repeld?re"'esT;, Z^^ -,^'- British ., 
 
 'vpuld communicate all the other sneHfi.n '° •'^^"' *''''l they 
 "•nary article proposed by ZlSh7or.T''''T^ ^'^'^ P^e"^ 
 been accepted by us) ofrefinTa s im tn^ '""^"^ ''"^'"S "^ready 
 by both parties. ^Th^e B^ '„ LSr'bv' .h'''''""^^ '^^ P''«J«<^'« 
 of that month, declined complyTg S thi '' "*''" *^^ ^'^^ ^Ist 
 they bad already by their note of tl,e^> st olT^'k ^'''^•"g *»>«' 
 cated to us all the points upon which the! u p « T"'*'' communi- 
 After he receipt of this note w^ mitT .? '"^^ructed to insist. 
 I'eve, in order, lirst. to decide' if wp Th \F^^^'' ^"^'V '^«y. I be- 
 complete project to the B^i t i L'ltrs wifhTr^ «" ""^ P'-t. a 
 multaneous one. ou theirs, and then Spm"* T'^^'^S «» « si- 
 to prepare and digest thi proiecr'un^M /l "'^InfJ^^'i*^*'^ *« ^o«o. 
 when it »vas presented. DuS' this nl f ? °^ November 
 question, after having been rrc^ted Iv fndth '^' Pr^Po^i^ion in 
 was carried, a, a ;,a?^ of the »7S in / 1 ^^-^'^"^'''^ discussed, 
 •n^'jonty Mr. Cla/ ancliy.elf SJ" ' tr'JI'™"'''"' *'^ « ^arj 
 . After the majority had thus TZlxT }^ "PPo^ed it. 
 just mentioned ^n article of the co emollT'''"? '''^ Proposition 
 faction of the minoiity at this decSn 7 • .^'^J^*' '*^« '"««'««8- 
 declared that he vvotdd ign nT tr'l'^^^^^ 
 should make a part, induced thrmo'fvn.r;''? '^V" «'*'^'« 
 raan who .s now no more, to nl ,x ftf pI^ iTJ'^"''"-ly the gentle- 
 consent ta^resent our projert V- Z^^^ adherence to it, and to 
 
 such an JKle in the project or -.s Mr A \ "" ''•l'^'*^' '"^^ead of 
 a substitute for it, the mi.^.-! V ■ . ^''^'"' biinself avows as 
 Clay was i^.rt^d in h' 'o f ithe'To Jl 7t'' '^ ^'^ "^" 
 
 That this proposition had been X .ded on h'r'^'j 
 November, i. not only to be inferrpd f- ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ "^ ' 
 
 Ad.. -,s, just mentioned! that a J.^vl /'TK^fu '^**"'«' ^^ ^r. 
 our note of that day, but is evorti v *^ ' t"'' ^^^» •"^^^''ted in 
 tracts of two letterJWlnch I Xes eVarthl i^ '^' folio. inge^? 
 can minister at Paris. ^^'oressed, at the time, to the Ameri- 
 
 The liist is dated at Ghent thp AiU e xt 
 says, '^"^"*' 'he 4th of November. 18 14, and 
 
 jg y«ct non. iha question 
 
 « 
 
126 
 
 llhicbmost perplexes us is the fisheries, and we bare not yet de< 
 cided on the mode of proceeding, in relation to it. They have told 
 us that the libeily of taking, drying, and curing fish within the ex« 
 elusive juricdiction of Great Britain, will not be continued to us 
 without an equivalent ; we cannot relinquish this liberty, and we 
 cannot offer territory ^s an equivalent. Shall we then offer the 
 free navigation of the Mississippi, which they apparently suggested 
 with this view. I think this will be carried in the affirmative, al- 
 though I have yery serious objections to the measure." 
 
 The other letter was dated the 20th of November, 1814, and say* 
 as follows : — 
 
 " Without having been deceived relative io the di. position of the 
 
 inajorit^, on the subject of the free navigation of the Mississippi, I 
 
 *m happy to inform you that this disposition was not inflexible, and 
 
 we finally transtnitted our project without the article that had at 
 
 first been carried" This article was as follows : — 
 
 " The right and liberty of the people and inhabitants of the Unit- 
 ed States to take, dry, and cure fish in places within the exclusive 
 jurisdiction of Great Britain as recognised (and secured) by the 
 former treaty of peace ; and the privilege of the navigation of the 
 Mississippi, within the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, 
 (as secured to the subjecis of<}reat Britain by the same treaty) are 
 hereby recognised and confirmed." 
 
 " Besides the objection to such an article ivhich had occurred to 
 you, and which had not escaped us, the blending of the two points 
 together and making them mutually dependent on each other, which 
 was not done in the treaty of 1783, made this article the more ob- 
 jectionable." 
 
 From these facts it is manifest that the solution afforded by Mr. 
 Adams for " the difference in my mind between the writing of the 
 original and the duplicate" is not correct. A despatch, received 
 on the 24th of November, could not well have bad any infiuence on 
 my reasons for opposing a measu^-e, previous to the 10th of that 
 month. 
 
 I have accused no one of acting against instructions, but surely 
 I ought not to ofi'end if I discovered a disposition to aH^ as far at 
 least as might ht expedient, in conformity to my own constructioa 
 of them. 
 
 Mr. Adams, when I last saw him at the Department of State, 
 showed me on record, an instruction to the American ministers at 
 Ghent, dated the fourth of October, K'l4, apparently with a view 
 to freshen my memory in relation to our dispensation from the obli- 
 gation of observing the instructions, which 1 had alleged as a cause 
 for opposing the proposition, with respect to the Mississippi. I 
 had not proceeded far, however, in its perusal, before Mr. Adaaisr 
 interrupted me by saying that he believed it had not been received 
 at the time, adding, after a momentary pause, that he did not know 
 if it had ever been received. The instructions of the 4th of Octo- 
 ber, which had never been received, had just as much in£ueace pa. 
 
r«7 
 
 ceived on the 24lh o<\Noveaiber TSnri! !\^ *"" '"struction re. 
 although highly s«tisfao.or;7it VrglJed 2^ f.^'' *'''«-• 
 
 considering what had already been^nn! h ^u\ *'°"''' "«* "'e". 
 •ffect on the future negott&r On the m^^^^^^^ P'^'^^'^^^' 
 
 had, in substance if not in namPfliriL *0(h of hat month w« 
 position to that of the « "«oS-/ ^ proposed that basis in op. 
 our note to ti.em of tL dSe wf '^"'^f ^ ^ ""'' ^^versaries. [„ 
 
 the statu, ante T.^ whl?;n,°fth^^^ Thf ' ? ''^'^"!,P''^'='«-^ 
 agree to any other principle than i.r ""'^^''^'S'^ed •' cannot 
 
 territory. Jd have accSn^ly'^^Jeia L an\r?^r '"/°r*'«" *>^ 
 bas.8. They ore willing even to exK th« "'^ ^''""^'''' °" *»>«* 
 other objectH in dispuJe between thpS f- *""** ^^"*">^^ '« ^he 
 all the other articles ncluTdln !k ^ ""^'°"' ' ""^^ '» proposing 
 
 tinctly understood hat he! «: *re:dv";r,''' '""'J "'^^ '° '»' ^'- 
 two countries, in respect^LT/ /A^ ^a • /'^ V ^'^''^y P'a^ing the 
 them in the same sSey ZJilli t*h^"* "-^ ^^'"^"" *^«^^«en 
 .ent war, reserving to Sp a;: /t'Sra^T 
 
 British right to nal^rthe' M ss.?^p'^^^^^^^^^ o^ fhe 
 
 circumstances, a new and com^/e^e g^a^ntTo her Ir a /•''"*'"« 
 
 fishing liberty, we not onlv nL.!!^* .r'' ''' ^" equivalent for the 
 
 from fhat on Xch they L^^^ '"''"'"''^ ^^^^^«' 
 
 &c. y respectively stood in the treaty of 1783 " 
 
 NoTemberleTe "no/in'.*"'"'"™ °'''™" ^ ""^ ^S* "^ «»* If 
 
 ters on our project which fhpv Kol V ^ *"® British minis- 
 witl».anexplLafory„oteoft£e^26th 'whT'' '' «« on the 27th, 
 said at the^se meetings n Jelatfon to ih^^ ^''' ^'^''^ ''^^^ ^««" 
 the alteration, resnectinlif ml^V Mississippi, on account of 
 
 «.a..aeMha, offer „„;TcL':;;'s:?^::/^1:::^':l~« 
 
?J- 
 
 
 <tHtyoflh« mi^MrtM. Mr. Urtyunl, iit ri^tMrniiiR liomn Ihtm fh«» 
 mi«o olMho Hrltiwh initiiiit^r*, whr«ir IIm' I'liiiUMi'iirit ol' ll»o t«l nl 
 l)n('«M»l)f»«' hml Ikmmi liohh'n, voiy ptijiliiMHy ilctlnn'il «n Mr. (^Iwy 
 niitl (It im>, lH«<li«!4rtlii>lnrli(m Ihnl (Iti* olVc^r' hnti lirtMi iiiiiilu n>Uhmn 
 
 lolhnpi^ liM't*. to ii|i)u>ul lulUe recollvoUoii ol' Mr. f Inv itt cotuirm. 
 •lion ol' mv own, »' ' 
 
 '\\\« rxpluHHiion whirh ! h.«¥rt rIv#»m, ivill, f fni«t. I.r ■tifHrlfiii |.i 
 •htuvUmi tltort> ooiild hitvo Imwi iiu (mprn|trji<lv in '(Idling, nt itnv 
 tlnm, tlio iiiMnirlimm ol' lh»» imh of April, ini.i, n^ ruihlihiMff nii 
 ol\j*otlMH, n( Inwt tlili-intt <l»o 1111.1 tl\\n of N.m , fo u prnnnMilinii 
 to rovivooriuniiiHio In {\vpi\{ linliiin'ini«ht ti.flir Tito miviiriUioti 
 of (ho jMiMiMipni- H rivor witliin our lutt'luniv*' jiiHiiilii'iioii. An 
 thi« \xM tlo> onl.v topic, in iho pnpor IrH itt ll»V I>opiufoi*nnt ol" 
 Slttlo. whicli u«« not in llio Icttor roooivoij IVoin Turiv which roiiM 
 bv tho most sirklik itnngiotUion, l>«« utrfliood into mmtiurk upon othont 
 I n\u\\] (iiko hot liltlo otMioo oCiho rcumUn olMr. Ailnnw In rplnlloii 
 to (ho romrtimlor olihiU piipor. 
 
 The opinion which I (horo «n>nto»to«t, ron.omiiiK Iho rmm of 
 tho rojorUon of our |n-opo-i(i,)n l»v thn lirllinh ininiMfrn. wm m 
 opoMon (onn«Ml noon nfior (hut ovont, lunl I iiiontionoil it In novflral 
 IH«r«on8, purticulurly to tho Auioriivni minii«t<*r nt Purln, nt orRhonl 
 tho (imo my lo(tor w«» 01 Kton i«t (liii( pliico. A " trn«t in Oo.l noiI 
 (ho vulonr of tho WoM." for (ho ili«tippointmont of our onomion 
 wn* nrttoriUly mijw:oMo«l, n( (ho timo. hy n ploiiH imd pntriotlr rorn 
 flilonco in (hoso who ooro uhlo imd mlfiht he willing to «lofonH ui, 
 «mi cortwinly htnl nothiiiR in It of pivphooy. It wnn ovidontly more 
 i''(y l»> tho iWt oftho Knul, 
 
 wino to pim n tniM thoro (hitn ittudnrlhrfv ..■ mr mn m uio r.m, 
 which woro swImnnnR in HriliNh wtitor-. Nor wtiN (hero nny wm- 
 bhmcn o( pnMlicliont.f (ho troiity of IJilH. in n holiof timttho nNhinif 
 I>rivilom' miKht (hoiv.iftor ho t>h(nlnofl, hy nojatotitidon, " without 
 miv rxmninymitr<fuivaff»(, whntovor,'* iit (hut holiof wi\« not only 
 »u«.-«t»s(o.l by (ho niitnro of tho oio<o, hut nu(hori»!o(l by tho explicit 
 ortornm.lo hy (luMUHish mihl«(or«<, on (ho loth of noromber 
 nui. (bus to nojrotiHto suul to «;inn( (ha( privllojjo in roiwiilorHdoii 
 ol i\j,iir tnihfllcnt. Hy (bo mo-Hoiv of I\rr. A»l»m», mo extrava- 
 ^tC«Hf f!i»ivah»( in prorijioly o<]UhI to no rifuivrtlrnt nt nil. 
 
 As 10 (ho somiinoni which I oxproo^iod in frtvour «»f (ho fnhormon 
 imnuvlirttolv intoroMod in thiit pvi\ iloijo, ii ih .•» fiontimont Hlwnyn 
 «n>l ovorv where foK hy mo, luid oouM not be oxpronsed out of 
 timo or pluro. 
 
 Thus much for (ho intportiint iliflVirncc*. hrlwoon tho privnto 
 letter rocoivoil from INuis .uul (ho paper Id) nt (he Depiirtmont of 
 St.ile, which have alVonhHl niich nn luoplo (iold (o Mr. Adnms for 
 thedisplny of (ho oiiviahio iittcihutes of his bend nnd bonrt. 
 
 1 shall now mukoa leu brief obiierviKions on tho principal cbnr;rcf» 
 which he exhibits ajunst mo, of inconsistency tmd misrepresent- 
 ation. 
 
 The principle, thut the treaty of 1783 w«9 not, on nccount of itii 
 
'vh^-'" 
 
 130 
 
 rm\y l.«.«t. «,.«». „v..n (V„m tim ..v.m.'l ..r Mr A.I, ,n« l.iftllf ih, 
 
 h«pjr««n.,,h. uflm..! I,y Mr, (•Ih.v. „,l,„iuing IhM II ;. ill" 
 
 •t/'i<<<«/# t.Mi |uu|u,«il|„„ wl.irl, Urn ,„i„„,if. |,„,|„,, ,'1', tJ 
 
 M n t fim ly |„. coi.n,|,.,,,,I ... ..ii ........io...... nckr.owlfl.lgmm.t I.vTo 
 
 lu ion oMIk, llnifMl HuHvh w.i«. ..vmnllv, t|„. ,,,; ,lt \ZZurn 
 
 en a .i Mi. A.l..«i.» in. (he;.. ,,«. ii.it vurm.U I <lo not rrrolliirt 
 M..U«| „l,„ ,„ h,« «,,,„„,,l„ lottor of tho amh of n«ci.mb(»r ini4 
 
 ^i«nt , nly to prcvt-i.t tl.o propositi.,,., nlrcn.ly .|od.l»..l or. hv t mi 
 
 far iKMwmo tho minority willi,.«t« go io Jlo.; i„i* (h t I"! ' 
 l).it w HM».v,M- . W..H propoMMl to m„„;tio„ tho lrnf,h riithth/nav : 
 gnto tho JVl.M.«Hippi, th.,y .ioiforo.ly r..«i«t,.,| it. ^ " ^' 
 
 ..i»M ; 1"'"* "'"" '•"""'"',»»»" "'« proponMl cor.nr.i.i..K !».« Hriti^h 
 rif^li to the ..nv.K.,i,o.. of tho MiMiKMippi ,„„I o...., to tho hinJ 
 
 l»t o( Dcocn b.3r, ..t which that proi.os,,! mn, at lei.Kth, ma<l« «„,! 
 iniMioo whK.h SHt.i that " to «.i.;h an article, Jiich thru vimed a, 
 
 ;2Je?to ::S7' '" "•""•"'«""' '""' "" «''j-^'-"' "nVrvc jf! 
 
 (r) 1>/.«W o/« kU^r fron. Athrr, aatlnHn, K,u. to th.: Sr.cntary of Slair, 
 diitrii 'Itiik DrnmOfr, J (1 1 4. ' 
 
 «• On Mr «<//,>W of thr. Ji,hrri>:», wHhm th, /vrisdirtion of Cheat nritiiin 
 
 •y me I, cat!/ nj 1711.), w/ur/t we imnmrrl, thr ritiht wtm iwt al,rnin,hd iJiU, 
 
 tmmht two rounlrus. U tho ,1^1.. ,n.,H. ho ro„Hh!nrn,| n, nhroSTJ .1 n 
 war, H-r vanmt regain it whlum a.. c.|„ivnl«,„. /f> /,arf Jlrt^lhe hZ ! 
 
••comber, IHM, (d) hn would thcro h.ivo .etMi tlnit. in f^cl, awa- 
 
 «o;Jli*.'M 'S^r'/i'/r'!' r '*' ""^ •'^ •:'"*""' "•* "•'•'"* p/'" v'«"e»./.«r.>* /.«rf 
 
 l^'iJ^ '^«'W.VM/«. ,viU,oui .u. •,,Mlv«l.n.,, ,4. MfrlmloJUH, aJtl 
 
 .^.r A, ,/u/jj.,,.^,, „,,,,,, ,^,,,,v, ;-^-,^^ - 
 
 to ««> l.r«u«h. In.., .Il,r,.„ ,M,, „„rf A.rf „„, null.,, 1 -,.,| ,m /,. ,„L a^HiZ^m 
 
 n Kr«nt any ruulvnlmt, whivfi rnt^h, br ,ukrd fof U hu ih' Hr 7^*^ L IZ./ 
 
 J2".«/ ,r«r Ar*.wH /A* ,..rtr*,« ,„ ,/^, «« ,;,„n/m.„ r<r„;nM.U»V M^rK/n ,rf 
 wn/«.«mff fAr /rrm* and conU.Moru o» .rAi./, M« /ir,, ..or/* ../• ow tmuin Airf 
 
 rr-miS//^ / '«' *7 '!'"■ " "r' "' "'" ^"'"' '^'"""•^"" co..tln«nt,AoMW 
 A?i. /w ^^"r" "" ""^ «"""' *"' " '"'«•'« re. OKnUil,., of n prior rU ". 
 
 l?J^»ZSn Zf 1' "^Ay~«H</ .rr «/%erf ,/ c» the gfvund upon which m 
 
 ^iTXiiTL 'i *"';,"' ,'-'-'«'""V "«r ;»ro/Vr/ «/' « /rrfl/.v, /Af^ addrd a dame 
 IZ •' '*'.'"^""/«' *tipulatmfrfor a ,if(hl for liniMsJjtcttio navigate Ihl 
 
 reJil i ;'i'"'"'^r/''''' """'•««'.V«/-178.% iVom it. peculiar ch.u..ri«r 
 wo* nrr^««rv/oifriirf to hembjects of Grraf IhHatn the ri^ht of n« ./c'Wi«ir 
 
 fLTofrlt'^ ,^*'' "l^f.i" '^''^rj* '•"">''' mthmth'eAlJrejurJ^' 
 ttoH Of Gmi/ tintatn. If ihei, „,ked Ih, lumKaliou „f the MissUsimn n. • 
 
 /Aey aj4fd U became, had been granird m 17();J, the,y mml recogi»u the rlaZ 
 
 Tip/flfc both points bfyond all future conirovi.rsy, a majority or vade- 
 termiMd to otter to «dmit an article rnnr.,mi.,g botif rights. 
 
 Sl»t».««oo(S7Jui:«. lirwuicl. Key.as. but ii u h.,e, », ^ „bU,|,ed ui lh« Boilat^ 
 
131 
 
 ,fnritif only, unci not tho 
 
 ,,.'.. .y only, unci not tho whole of thn mi.iini. ^--' i i . . . 
 propo«!. The word, of th., X.rt.h in J! ' *" ""f ''^ *^* 
 I-Hl,.r., .. to place both r«in Itim MltS^ ? "'"' »'^"- 
 Mr. Aciiiinii munot that ilntixiiri. .....i «i """•^""i K "oth right*." 
 
 f..ot WJ.H. ho',.0. ptuivcirSi::' *""'• "' '*"** '••»•• »"«•••«' -^ 
 
 1 ho proioool wa» n moro r«ronl of the fiirt. «,l.;..k i. i 
 thoro n..ul« h.«l or h I not i "L P^oof thut n propo.ition 
 
 Doci'tiihor Htiitcd that th<. .. 1- " "«',>'>^o ocol of thi- J^t of 
 
 t»,c A.neHca.. .n!l"i L" ,' Ifr :Xo"' ^Ih'o^' th ? ""^^^ »'> 
 ply roc»g„i««,| that fact. Neither thutLVirolnr. ?"""' •'"- 
 nuitiu that IhiM pron.ual h..<l . . 1^^'"^"' o«* <•>»» rioto Inti. 
 
 lOth of Novo.nb«r. to uS o o m?ki. 'T'!"''"' '^•'''"'•« "'• 
 "Hually competent o make 11^ ho uTof lf/*'"V''''''"'"'' '^«'-« 
 or. tho 14th of timt month UmtZl .. i '^f *=""''"""• ""d to lay. 
 
 they had no «l'iection"rS'h it%,^"o^;jite »' th """• ** '^ '^ 
 in not oxproM nir their iimetit Ht ii ,;» ">'^«"e' -The mmority, 
 
 ing 10 ,ii. that "oto! caZt b^ V:;; s '^ '"' '•'^"•- 
 
 ently Riven thoir uHnent. Thov h I ,.»/ T . ^° *""'*' 'nconiUt- 
 and whoro only their opnojl ^coll i '"'.'' ''"^. »"*•'»"'''"' »*'•«» 
 «nd produced no ovil *'tJ ha « d .^bed !'"'' "^»«'''^'»' ''««ct. 
 British mi„i,torH by protc*"., lllt,^^^^^^^^^^^ th» 
 
 hnvo refused to i.W, « ZT?-. fm ^ V^' ^'*® '""J^^'v, or to 
 Imvn produced ev ''o dv J .uM T *T*'"" *^ *'^"^ »^^ '^ouM 
 party di.,entior. in ou c^ouncilT and !''' '^"''"^^^f '' »» ^^e «dver»3 
 trous effect on tho ZZTelol^^^^^^ '^''^ *•""" '""^ » «*"«- ' 
 ifolf. ,uch » diHcove y " S m v .;r n ••*'''""^».'" »''« Propo,«I 
 !«r proposal, wa, cli. lldt'enlfe UrvE' fl/V' ^''^'^- 
 .n their estimation, and to induce them o'ccent it 1'" ^'^P"""'' 
 matmg the very evil which wo deSuecl T L ' /'';!!,^'^«»""'- 
 nty was, in roHpcct to the othei ., h„ ? . r ' '^^ °^ "*« 'n"Jo- 
 Mr Adam, hmllf acknow/dgen h t^'' i^ woUlv Y'^'^ ' «•"* 
 tahd without my concurrence « g„a uTe w i h if'" 'f.!'-^ 
 opinion therefore, it would have been leTiH nn7i • > '*'• 
 reasons junt stated, it would havt bee St Ini^ /" ""'"*' ^°'' ^''^ 
 "otor.o,.ly .-efused my acquiescc^^rin^ffi^, "^^'^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 J or what IS called assem, cmcurrcu^ ., -^ ■ " "' V'® '""Jority. 
 merely an acquiescence in that w 1 ' 'o Ch"*'" *''«.°«'*"-. »va. 
 Have long sii^ce accounted to my o„sc ', Le Id" "^'^'r^^'"'^ ' 
 account to my country. Bv the , r li. i '«• '^ "''*^ cheerfully 
 minority. thoJ.h tVee'to dZ , o " 'l^^^Jr"'"'"'"'^ ''^ 
 bound to submit to them. If Mr \.\1L i *^'' majority, are 
 
 i» Huh view of the ri«l ts and du "tcTf ""* "^i:^" ^'"' "*• 
 
 present another in.tan^fin whi w. JiflW 7'"''^' *7 ^^'l' ""'j' 
 opinion. ^ '^'' •''""'^ ''«»« each uther ia 
 
 ■V' 
 
tn 
 
 a ./„*'*•! °®i 8'?'® ** *'^«"^ '^o^*' which Mr. Adams sata " it mt 
 did, &uer having said that I concurred with Mr. Clay in on 
 it. "I did entertain, and express at Ghent, the opinions dig 
 
 ; may be ! 
 
 1 opposing 
 
 in «„ i^f. » J i. f-V. f ''P''«f8 at Ghent, the opinions disclosed 
 
 I did state them with sufficient precision and perspicuity to entitle 
 M A consideration which they might deserve. 
 
 Mr. Adams charges me with ascribing to mv colleagues opinions 
 ivhich they never entertained, arguments which they never ad- 
 vanced, and doctrines which they not only would disclaim with in- 
 dignation, but diametrically opposed to those which they did main* 
 tain. Let it be remember, i here that my letter received from 
 
 raris was con/ led, in justifi - of my conduct, to combatinc the 
 
 opimons, arguments, and d i»m., f the majority, which, in the 
 despatch of the 25th of DC ^. - 1814 (d) were stated b; them! 
 or at least by Mr. Adams, f. a«. ..^spatch was drawn up by him. 
 Mr. traHatin, indeed, in his separate letter of the same date (c) 
 does not go to the same extent. He merely states the asmmptton 
 of the peculiarity of the treaty of 1783. ^ 
 
 To support this charge, Mr. Adams says I impute to my col- 
 leagues an opinion that the Independence of the United States was 
 derived from the treaty of 1 783. 
 
 In what part of my 'letter he iinds such an imputation I am at a 
 loss to discover. In contending against any peculiarity of that treaty. 
 1 simply said " I could not believe that the Independence of the 
 United btates was derived from the treaty of 1783." Without admit- 
 ting such a derivation of our Independence, I could not perceive 
 indeed, any ground for tl-e peculiarity ascribed to that treaty ; for a 
 mere recognition of a prior right furnished none no other treaty 
 containing such recognition having been considered as possessing it 
 In denying such a derivation, although fairJy inferrable from the 
 doctnne ot 3Ir. Adams, I charged no one with believing in it but 
 I removed the only foundation, as I conceived, on which the doc- 
 trine of Mr. Adams could be supported ; and now, in disclaimin*' 
 that foundation, unless he can show a belter, he virtually renounces 
 that doctrine. 
 
 He savs, also, that I impute to my colleagues " that they rested 
 their claim to the fishing privilege on prescription ;" but he adds 
 that, " as the settlement of the colonies themselves had not been 
 of time immemorial, it was not, and never was pretended to be a 
 title by prescription." This appears to have been a recent dis- 
 covery. In the letter of the 25th of December, above mentioned 
 It is said, " this liberty, then," (1783) " no nsw grant, but a mere 
 recognition of a prior right always enjoyed." And again, in the 
 same letter, " without adverting to thi ground of prior {..id imme- 
 morial usage," &c. If I erroneously inferred from these passages 
 that a titb was claimed from prescription, my error, I trust, will 
 be considered a venial one. Mr. Adams can undoubtedly explain 
 what he meant by '' a prior right, always enjoyed," and by *• the 
 ground of prior and immemorial usage." He did not mean, it 
 
J33 
 
 seenis, way thing like prescription. Is he quite sure thn* 5„ Ai^ 
 cussing th.s privilege, while'in England, rjeTo 18 S t; 
 never ^t up a prescriptive tiUe, or a title from imrnemorial usa^e ? 
 
 Mr. Adams likewise asserts that I represent «' X Sr/ > *^ 
 tide, granting to the British the righl o'f nan^ati^g^^^^^^^^^ 
 as an equivalent for the fishing privilege in Britkh ,^,S5' ? '^^ J 
 
 certainlybelieved that itmigftLve^fen^ol^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 Its original form ; and that, if so interpreted, it could hprnS^ I 
 
 r^r anTo^r r°"". '^ ""'1'^ «' ^P'^ combua^c^Tf' ^t^t 
 right, and of that privilege, as they stood, independentlv nf ^a^u 
 other, m the treaty of 1783. That the nLrrgXn of t Missis 
 sippi was, at last, offered, not under the princinle of Mr aj 
 or the .^«^«, ante helium, which thus far were the stn^hlft t^n'' 
 .9«.W.„/, sufficiently appears from the documents; no^^^^^^^^ 
 .ng the 5«6,ey«e„r intimation that -we considered "haTofferas 
 
 77^1 iZtTS'' .^"''^'^' ^^' ^'^''^t'"' i° his sepa^te letted 
 ot the 26th of December, says, "if the rio-hf m„«« *'"*"^*= '«"«r 
 
 ^ as abrogated by the war, ^e iof reg^i^tliZ t a^^^e'f 
 We had none to offer but the recognition of the r g£^t toTSe 
 the Mississippi, and we offered it:' ^ navigate 
 
 Ja ^tr T' • *'"'*' ^'^tisfactorily explained the inconsistencies 
 and tissue oj murepresentations with which Mr. Adams has w th 
 so much dignity and propriety, charged me. To whom i^c W 
 
 '^:s^:^n:^^-'' -- '^ ^-'^ ^-^^^^^ - ^-S 
 
 With regard to what is considered so serious an offence, mv Hot 
 having shown my letter, written at Paris, to my colleagues aUhe 
 time, will njerely observe that the majority had dreldv in he 
 de.putch of the 26th of December, (c/) 'given their reS for he 
 affirmative, without taking any noticed? the reasons on which he 
 minority supported the negative. I believed it just, therefore to 
 account for my conduct, by stating my objections to the reasons'al! 
 S Y mLrrr V"' ''■ *»»«- objections my letter waTcot 
 ?! 1 I ""P" /" the majority nothing which they Lad not 
 alleged for themselves. Their case was before the Kovernment on 
 tfaeir own showing and 1 did not believe that there^was a^v ob^ 
 gation to consult them on the case of the minority. To the only 
 
 Tl f 1 . • ""''.r". ^r^'" ^""^ " ^'•■^^* •"*«'•««* i« that case, I d d 
 show, at the time, the letter written at Paris. I certainly wLs nit 
 
 aware ot the proprienty or etinuette of communicaVing aTr va^^ 
 or separate letter to my colleagues, particularly as their priVWor 
 separate letters had not been communicated to me. ThTthe^ 
 did occasionally write such letters is not only probable, but the let- 
 ter of Mr.^Gallatin, of the 26th of Decembef, furnishes Vroonn 
 point. That letter of Mr. Galiatin was uever'shown to mrand 
 certainlN aever felt myself aggrieved because it was not, although 
 he stated in it the grounds iu which he had acted as one of the ma 
 joiity. 
 
 1 here most solemnly protest, as Mr. Adams appears to believe 
 
 17 ^ 
 
J3f 
 
 haClTrLl!' *''' "*S- '""^ ^^^ P'""** ''•"^^^'^3^' "'»» nothing which ( 
 weakn.^- "i ^'!i.f"'«^*'y «•• "-rotely intended to impute either 
 we«kne.g, absurdity, or treachery, to the majority, ami to infer 
 
 distorted by passion and a "jealousy that discolours every ^h^L - 
 oD.^.onlJ'^ ** difference, and I believe, an honest diff/rence^f 
 3 if I fel Tm'T ''"i'?'"f °^ ""^ colleague,, on certain points 
 and It I felt it to be my duty to act accord nj? to my own. I certainlJ 
 
 ?1I, L'm*«i-'* 1'"*' **•' «r "'.' '' '"^ «>?--" '- those to wC 
 I was immediately accountable for my conduct. In doina this I 
 
 accused no one-and if in endeavouring to prove that mv^oJJi i, 
 was correct, I implied that the opinion of those who dlSed'^from 
 me was incorrect, I did no more towards them, than what!from the 
 defen.W?Kf-^ ^''^•'?'^' ^"' inJi«Pe'»«We. or than wh.t they in 
 Mr aZ • /Pi"'''"' ""'''* necessarily have done toward/me" 
 Mr. Adams indeed, goes much further. He appears to believe 
 
 ientls'diir'"" ''r'- ^««?'«-«ted from r^Zach. In a co„' 
 scientious difference of opinion between fallible men. who reason 
 J ut to err, there can be no just cause for reproach ; bufa pretend- 
 «d difference of opinion between infallible men must Decessarilv 
 mply wilfu error somewhere. 1 do not pretend to iSiriitv 
 and sincerely pily tl. se who dow It may be less difficuU Tsome 
 nmds to abuse the man. than to refute the argument "Lensre 
 process •"'"^Presentation is. indeed, t shorter and eaS 
 
 ]7j^'"hv''5*''"'*'r?''- ^f."'"' ^"'•'« doctrine that the treaty of 
 I :; S^Jff"'°" f !*? PecuJ'unty, could not be abrogated by war 
 
 J^V\^^\7'^^' ^"^ concerning the relative value of thTnavi.' 
 
 gation of the Mississippi and the lishing privilege. 
 
 I still difler with him, in respect to the consistency of his nrin 
 
 cip^ w, h the proposal which was tirst decided on, imd after an^ 
 
 nod of hi-ee weeks, actually offered by a majority. ^^ 
 
 I shall probably continue to differ with him on thes. points un- 
 
 ess he can produce other and better reasons for my JoTvereb, 
 
 than those contained in his remarks. ^ conversion 
 
 knoZ'!" ''".^t'-ine, he appeals to a class of treaties which are not 
 known to exist, and to the ordeal of minds with Which ht. IZ no 
 made us acquainted. He relies on instinct when he says " Isto, 
 here for a moment to observe how imtinctively both parties recur 
 to the treaty of 1783. with a consciousness iL it wLyetTZt 
 
 ZthJl *^ *'!^*"« privilege, granted by that treaty, would 
 
 to betu a'n enS ' "'"''""' "^ '^"'^'''*^"'' '^"« considering th'aUreaty 
 Express renunciation or conquest, that is, consent on our nart 
 or force on the part of Great Britain, might, according to Mr 
 Adams himself, abrogate our rights under the treaty of J 703- and 
 
 ofmlT r"^f ^ '^^ ''•'""' '^"'^ ^y ^^''''''> "« c'n l>e deprived 
 of our rights under any treaty. The peculiarity, therefore, for 
 
136 
 
 Mr 'i2Im."^fn "" '?"*'"/^'' V^^ °" • ^ery equivocal foundation. 
 uTcontliTt^'Tu) ''"« ."*!'°*'« to >»*»« 'J'h«t convention doe. 
 
 arisen on .h 1^ "" / ^*^' ^"* '^"*''« ^'^^ differences which had 
 R ♦h '"'y*^*^' ^y »» grant entirely new. 
 
 nnS^» **'''^' . "". *^/"*«" renunciation was necessary, on our 
 wh?ch wrT.'"^"" ^^"^ ^'*^'"« »''"'^"«S«. the m;,/ia-« renunciation 
 cieif .« « T" 'f^' was made by the British, cannot be auffi- 
 ^rto Vfr a7" * !,'^^"-/'ght to navigate the Missigsippi-accord- 
 «ng to Air. AdMms, therefore, that right i^ unimpaired. 
 
 ' nrJvfl! 1" ^ *""* "°' "''"'"S ^° renounce (,r to eurrendcF the fishing 
 Eh f K *!• '? '>''<;Onq"e«t, but i was willing to adopt a doctrine 
 .Ti iir ?'''' r^^[" *'*'''*'^«' t° ^^ the true one ; and which, 
 at t Jr. * "' *^ ^''' ^*""'^* °^t^'« *^^»>"'8 privilege, released us 
 the Lrr^t *''°™ "r. r'« "»'the Bntish right to navigate 
 the M,fl9„8.pp., because I believed those cvilb outweighed that be- 
 
 All ♦horlf "^^^ "° ''""'^ *'"^« to change this opinion. 
 l»riv elp i, u ;i, ?'""' W' '" ^'^ *'^'"'"'''« concerning Ide tinhing 
 beiZy' A "^ "'^ ^'''^ renounced certain part«, which mfhoui 
 toThP RrT'h «*^i« «""'''^«; l^'d been found very inconvenient 
 the fiJhin ^ ' "1'' l^'^l y '"^'^'' ^'th regard to the magnitude of 
 on whfoTl '""^^'u^^ ^"^ '^"''^^"^ *° ^^ ^ '"correct as my principles 
 of S flV '"""'^ ^"^' surrendered it. If I erred in my estiu ate 
 Adamt f^r^ ''"r'^'"' ^^^'^ '' "°^*>'"S •" these remarks of Mr! 
 which ThJr?;?*''?^ '"^ T""'-. ' «^ted on the best inlbrm.t.on 
 which I had at the time. And, if I erred, my error could not de- 
 serve reproach. I believe, however, that the views, disclosed in 
 ray letter, did notjiinderrate or depreciate that privilege. The most 
 authentic information which I have until now been a\.le to obTZ > 
 i.n!„?" ;'*';' •^"'*'^' "''^ °P'"'0» '^hich I then entertained in re- 
 « h tin !!.• : *"" '?!"1;"?^^ ^y respectable citizens well acquainted 
 ♦Ti rIv J — ^- ''"^ ^^"^ ""' "o tish are now dried or cured within 
 the British jurisdiction, and that most, if not all that are taken 
 here are taken by the few fishermen who have not suffident capT 
 tal to procure vessels of adequate size and strength to fish on the 
 grand banks or in the open sea ; and that even those few fishermen 
 are annually decreasing in number. 
 
 With regard to the British right to navigate the Mississippi, Mr. 
 Adams says that it was a mere phantom-that they had ;.;W it fo.^ 
 JOyears without using it-thatin all human probability it uever would 
 have been of more beneficial use to the British nation than would 
 be to the people of the United States the right of navigating the 
 Bndgewater (!;anal or the Danube ; and that, in surrerrderinVu! " 
 the British would have surrendered absolutely nothing. AUhough 
 all this was not said at Ghent to the same extent, yet Mr^ AdH.ns cer- 
 tainly did express there his great contempt of the British right to 
 
 «^f. r1 ir^''^'' *''"' '''^^'' ' *'»^« goo'^ 'e^^o" to believe, how- 
 ever, that there was not another member of the mission who en- 
 
 t| 
 
IKtlrll!.?'"? .JPi"'-'"i: ^"*''' "'•'"''«f ••"«««»«•« "lifforently 
 mprS„r all hlr''^''S"?.'"^ '" '"' "^^" •nfonn.uion J 
 
 ?aT„ Fr"*?""? worth obnolutfll)- nothing. Mr. (ialhitin Hi>nflari 
 Llil I ';;"^''' ^,* «qu«l,«l!..«t. to tho ?»hin«nrivieg^ •n; 
 Mparate listur, nireudy montioned, (c) ho mivi •« f tho risrht'' /-rh* 
 fi-Hmg privilege) .. mu«. be ro.,«id«Vi.l «. Xog ted ,y? 1 war 
 
 •ipp right, w«,fnined ni much ng wo loit by nhroirutinir the lUhil 
 
 Pr...lege--«„d Hn», in n gfn.ral point «/ v,L3«v f li.t nS. nJ 
 
 by nbrogatmg both; thu« making the twoofeuua v«| ,i * 
 
 I certamly d.flero.l very much from Mr. A^al in hi. estimate 
 
 lenJitoZtr »t;'r^';--"-^-' with.rc::«;:'u"or 
 
 unaer nn proposal. I did not appreciate it by the mere benenlint 
 or logitima e uses that might ba mode of it. I(h ilorncri ro« 
 •idered to be derived from its evils-from tho «b isHf it «ml (V^m 
 the permdoai facility which it would aHor I to ^{^1 iZlifl^ 
 
 Indians. If our instructions, af tho 1 6th of Anril h I'l k.. i 
 
 themhnbuant, of our «■<,,<„.« simcs and TciZZ ^ * 
 
 of .vidence, consi.tmg ,,ri„cip,.llj, of ll,o corro^pll™. If IS 
 inAmenoR. <«lal)li,lw,, Wyond nil nilionnl doubt lb. dhV. 
 
 Indians from commencing hostilities. It Jas only bv . t irtLm 
 
 ^^z^ ::c^^''' --^« "-" «-^ bVh tii 
 
 Here was surely evidence to prove the danger of giving to Bri. 
 
V 
 
 *«n a«ei, prHcticnIly derived JVom tSi .• k'I^""' '° ""^ grout «. 
 n«vig«te the Mi,,i„Lr, yoY,h 1^ i.*''* ^'^ «PProacn nnd to 
 ">««"• or ttccew, woull „niub,« ilvl. . • 'T'"* ''?='''"« tl.o only 
 
 ' »»|ould hone 10 find chnHtv for Lv L.i! ''"*' 'a *''''. ?»'*"'«"• »* U 
 "Hchu«ett«, 1 bPlievod thui,,lMr.?^„ T'"^"", '^.^ " ^'ti^'O" of Mn«. 
 7 should troHt f«i.Vw £,;;;'•"'' ^f'y ''^'^"••••'^ »h«t 
 f ion, mid to do Hi,/nZ.H h*/ T^ *'"'®'" "««»•«" o'' thft 
 '^"itod Stale., it wnl my du v t„ ?. *^"' ^^•. .^" « '"'""tcr of the 
 whole. "" "'^ ""'J' ^« «ct impurtially toward, the great 
 
 ^^o:';:riz^j^^';^^ -t». ^u cond«ct. m 
 
 »v««, n- he nlleged, iLmZu^Cl '"»«"<"">". If that liberty 
 'tte thorn, by ofleH «r „C"r ■ , "* the genoral right, why .epa- 
 
 our inHfniction., Include I in S.i . ? ^ "'" ''''•rty wa., by 
 ;tn,ction« forbid u. toting Lt*ilh^■^*''^*^•"" '^' ""«''«"« '"- 
 I'berty w„, an attribute 7ou I„?ln L? *'""r"'" ' ^'^ *»>•" 
 continuance on the rcrii/LS of „?!/'*'""*'; '"^'^ •"^'^ «"" "i 
 offer to .uMke it an arSS Ll i "^'' ""*' °* *''« "«'9o time 
 
 no iuch pecuIiaJayt' ,..;'[ ''f/hZlT ^^'^ ^^"'''^« 
 an attribute of our Ind n,J,lZ« i '\ <''«t.I«b«rty wn« indeed 
 
 treaty, but on tho.e S.J "I'/iJ, '"^ '^^ •'* '^«P''"^<'^> on no 
 Glared pr«viou. to any S^^J^^ on wh.ch it ha.J been de- 
 energy which dictated m d iTolli. cd'ih^'^ «•«"••*'"" 
 
 «verth«t Independence, ortT,7,h« j '' l*'!^'"'"''''"- ^^'^«n- 
 -overeignty, wllioh r^cce'Z^^f^^^^^^^^ f the 
 
 queitioned, I tni.t in (Jod , u\ ulTi "' ' .'"" ^"^ denied or 
 »'ut of nil, thHt wo .h..li 1 ♦ *- ^^l'*'"''' ""t of the Wc.f onlv 
 
 to the dead leuer of „ trSr':r' *° '^ *''''".'"'' <''' " vinionarj!?; 
 the nation, of the worlll ^' " """"'^ °"'' '*'«''''" ""^^ rank Btmml 
 
 Hpt'rlttrrtrtting it't" m "'"t "" ""P^^-'^^^ ^^^ ""PHn. 
 'il/erality of my ?e K' j.it^rif Ttdt"' ""'' '•'^^ J"-^''^* «!•"' 
 e<i with the r/mark. of m; Adam 1 hoT ''rr'«"«'y «ntru.t- 
 P«per which hu. mainly .eon tr.nl • ^'^'r'"'^ ^"" »^'th the 
 ^'•J «n opportunityT«inSntu v-'oirlr- "T ' ' "''''"'•> ^'-ve 
 nnd been .pared the unpleZnt nTi^ f "J"^. ""'"*' '''fP'n»«tion., 
 public. If 1 have no? rS or 1 of "^.^ "' •'•"" "I'Pcaling (o the 
 Adam., it i. becaSr l^no /bIt'lher:V"'^ "cri„,on/ofM,* 
 respect which I owe to v'elf and to L "fr'""/'^' ^^ ''"•'get the 
 jvth Mr. Admn., the nor^ hv wlih U i''"'''"* ' '"S''«t' «q""lly 
 the virulent character 7ll^reirk.bu^r?1 ^' <'*'«t for 
 
 rea.on to reioice if m JiL^!- !? •.' '"^ '"'"'" ''nve abundmif 
 
 -.they.i!:ri;:i;'trrv'et^d'tm':r^^ 
 
 n»Bht hav« been Uinastrou* to the conn fry. "'"" '" "''"^''' "'^^ 
 
 ^ JONATHAN RUSSELL. 
 
iim 
 
 #V«Hi thf. J^ntUmnl tnttHigtnefr' «/ Jufy 17, UfS, 
 MH. ADAMS' KFJOINDI-JK TO Mli. KUSSELL. 
 
 Mr. Jotirtth«n Htm^ell linving thought piopor to tr«t»«fer the iceno 
 of hM ftttuok \i\m\ t\w oliainrtpi- hikI cohdiicl of Ium .:n|lt»nK««P), thn 
 m»\ioi'ily of lh« Into miBMofi to UluuiJ uihl n!>|ioi;iiilly iipoii mine, 
 from the IIoiihh oI' Reproptnututiveii ol'tho Uniteil States, whorp he 
 flr»t volcntroretl tobiinK i( rorwurtl, to lltn nn\V!»|m|iorii, it bccomen 
 nrooMiiry for \»y Mnuv, .uul that of mv colleiigiieK, iignitiHt thii 
 aiMtiU. »o «|)|»l^ to hilt iittW MutoiiKMtU no , . ;>ror.'i»tiitumii ii Ipw of 
 thoao " rorr*c<Mm»" whioh, ttt (hp mil ok u ioiint; of Upprpient- 
 ntive?. I «liil Ai*\Ay (o the original utid d»,j»,xut« of hU Irtter of 
 11th Febru«i,y, 1815. 
 
 Thi» \w\m' \m\AMwi\ hy Mr. l{(isHr|| io Hk^ Ho^ton Stutoniimii, of 
 thn a7tl. ol .lmn» luM, l»«mr» the muiu. i«lu(ioii to troth that hid orl- 
 Rinal lotlora tiewr to their ilu|>lioul«», Htiii hin Bunliincutr* to hin 
 
 KIglltltltrCM. 
 
 Nrurly twoeolmnnsof ihepBpurpMhliRhfMl in tho Honlon S|»te«. 
 WHO, Hro occupied with u nurrHtive of rirroinntiuireii which proood- 
 od. Httinded, mul followerf,, 4h« dojlvorv, hy Mr Ko«h»^|I, at tho 
 Dfinirtttient oi Stute, on the nA of April hwt, of lh« pnper pur 
 MortioR to ho H diipli«:Hte of hie letter ol I Ith Fehrunry, 1U15. from 
 rorw, to the then Serretitry of .st,uc. I,, the oourne of this rinrrw- 
 tive. iMr. Kussoll innkex the followinu; tulminnion ; how relot;ltuitlv, 
 the very Btrnoture of the sentence in which it it containod, will 
 show ; Hnd it in prooer that it should he «'xhlhited in his own words : 
 
 " I certainly did believe that I wan poinnitted to make thone cor- 
 " rectioiw ot the copy in po«8CSNion. which appeared to rne to be 
 " proper to cxhiltit my v^ase moM advantngeously before thattribu 
 •• rial"— (the tribunal of the public] 
 
 The reuMMiN of iMr. H unwell for believing thtit he was permitted, 
 in l8i!«, to make corrections which happened to suit his own pur- 
 
 EoscB. tn« paper fornixhed by himself to be cotnmunicated to the 
 louse ol Hepre«entHlives ol the I'nited Stales, as aspeciJic letter 
 written by him in Paris, in the year l«|f>, are as singular und sur. 
 prising as the belief itself. They consist of insinuations and infer- 
 ences that he had furnished the paper at m« solicitation ; that tho 
 word '« c/M|./irai«,"' writlen upon it, with his own hand, gave no 
 fuHher intimation or assurance that it was so ; that I hnd tho sole 
 power to puljhsh it or not. as I might judge proper, and to consult 
 my own teehugs and interests in forming my decision ; and that the 
 jmper was not to be cxhibite.l to the public without the previous 
 exaouuation and consent of the aovkksr rAuTv. And with these 
 ingenious principles, he has interwoven a statement of facts, with 
 which he has believed himself permittad to take the same liberty 
 that he had taken with his own letter ; making in them tho«e cor- 
 rections which appeared to him necessary to exhibit his case most 
 ■idvanttigeously betore the tribunal of the public 
 
of 
 
 139 
 
 mcnt of ilu' rciil I'mt, i. „.„.,T !,"'''' '° "'J'' "'"• !•> « mnre 111111 
 Tl." r.„. ,1,,.. r;,!':;" I" "•''"" •""■'■"ly r™. uXlt 
 
 <o be commummv,] in theil , 3 n rl» i ' *'' '^J;'"'* ♦''« P«P««» 
 
 P»P«ri, I /«.mc?Hmon«HM.m , '. ornl '''J ^^"U;'''! '"''"« for tho«« 
 
 ;y.cr.ury of S(„t.,,,„I;„, ^^ jr ,Tf w m/' "'""«" »« '^e 
 
 ^•" »i«n«t»,., of t|,„ t,.o,„v. I njr, f?« T'"'.'" '*' "'««'«y «fter 
 
 '"feci pilnripnily (o Mr. l(u«r||W Irt' ^"'' ^l'*'''"*''' ^'''^ '» •"«• 
 
 'vhich It hut been «tii»#i«l »i.../« • • -'" *'' f^«cemb«.r I814 in 
 '0 tho British r: y ^ « S'S ?''^. '""♦ "«t«r'nin«,I t" oC 
 
 '" tho minority on that or nLn " ' J"' ^'^''' ""'"'^"♦) «"»• 
 
 "' communicating imZ\TrT:T '"'"7*"' »" »"m«filt the poJrJJ 
 With Mr.R„S;wZ,^! ^ot^^^^^^^ "- '"'""%! 
 
 not now troublo the publi" ItV«l Vn r^i.?"^ "^ !^' "'"«• ^ «^"" 
 '«''tho .M.rpo«e of ..niworinir the T^J of L ir"*"'"!" '^^"'" «'«« 
 'ovorrd th«nxi«t«nce oftlT« «tto? «„,/ *'"""''• that r f|,.«trh'«. 
 
 b '. l«u»n ornot. It w«. not rS Zthilll \? ''"C"ment« to 
 'or «t wng not n ntirt of fh« JL. '' . """ '''" '*'"«»' »f the cnll 
 
 no bearing upon thf inform. fionwhh S^ ^"Migncd. .It had 
 Houdo «« the motive foiMhe.^..;*u '*""' """W'ff'I to thi* 
 ny ti«tion which it co^^ni t ;l^'.tutor* ''^'"""^ '« "'« 
 '»" « been taken in the joint miwion ZimI ^^" '■"" ^"'^ ^^''•c*' 
 vote upon « ,,„e«tion whether ,n feh 'nT'"'^'""' «"d th«t 
 
 »vhen made, bad b«en rejectrd Mr u .T"' ^' '"'"^«. «"'ich. 
 
 •'or.ly,nndre«orver|«,Lrolf;i.« r *"^i' '"'•' ''«''" *» the n^. 
 
 thereafter, for Ibe purpo ?of viiljl^r^^ "*^'«"'»« ^i. re.'on , 
 
 All whether it would be 1 ono, n . ^ ''•« motivei. It was doubt- 
 
 ••""! Mr. HussolP, «oH X\L"tt S ''r "'^T'^^^'^^'^P'''^ 
 "«H«nBtn rejected offer whirl. U.V- '"« motives for v,Minc 
 t'- other lid, tbir,:/J ' i If^iZT^ '" '"'*'''"*^- B"^ ^ 
 oogo .at on. the moHt d:;.in,!:;Vo„f o h^!^^^^^^^ 7'»^"'ff to th« 
 ' »»' bad been made. The rail rnlJl?/ 1 '"'?"'•«' ^o"* »vbich the 
 ^Pocnd intention of eliciting thettero'';r r'? '""''^ ^'t'' th« 
 wb.ch ,t a.te.frd. To Unll wlafeir !f, ";?'^^«:'r''. "'' the fact 
 
 P Irtlry nii^},| ],.^^, 
 
 <? "!VI'?S 
 
140 
 
 riae to surmises of special motives for veiiing from the eye of Con- 
 gress, and of the nation, the discovery of that fact. As Mr. Rus- 
 sell was upon the spot, and a member of the House, I determined 
 to mention the letter to him, and place it ai his option whether it 
 should be communicated to the House or not. 1 did so, at my 
 house, as he has stated ; and it was on the 26th of January. But 
 Mr. Russell did not say that he had no distinct recollection of the 
 letter, to which 1 alluded, ajd that he wished to see it before he 
 gave his consent to its publication. I had not asked his consent to 
 its publication. I had told him there was such n letter ; and left 
 it at his option whether it should be communicated in the answer 
 to the call of the House of Representatives, or not. His first re- 
 ply was, that he thought it was a private letter, which it would be 
 improper to communicate to the House ; but, after a pause, as if 
 recollecting himself, he said he wished to sec the letter, before giv- 
 ing a definitive answer. To this I immediately assented. Mr. 
 Russell accordingly repaired to the office, and saw his letter ; not 
 m my presence, or in the room occupied by me, but in that of Mr. 
 Bailey, the clerk who has charge of the diplomatic documents. 
 Mr. Russell then desired to examine the whole of the correspond* 
 ence relating to the Ghent negotiation, and afterwards twice in suc- 
 cession requested to be furnished with copies of one paragraph of 
 the instructions to the commissioners, of 15tb April, 1813. That 
 paragraph is the one which, iti the duplicate, is cited so emphatic- 
 ally, and with so many cumulative epithets, in support of the charge 
 against the majority of the mission, of having violated both the let- 
 ter and the spirit of their explicit and implicit instructions. After 
 all these examinations, and after a request to be furnished with a 
 copy of this most pregnant paragraph, in all of which he was in- 
 dulged to the extent of his wishes, he told me that he saw no ob- 
 jection to the communication to the House of his separate letter 
 of 36th December, 1^14 ; with the exception of a part of it, not 
 relating to the negotiation. He was informed that the pail only in- 
 dicated by himself would be communicated ; and accordingly that 
 part only was communicated. Mr. Russell then added, that there 
 was another letter, wt'itten at Paris, conformably to the indication 
 in that of 26th December, 1814, and containing his reasons therein 
 alluded to ; and- which he wished might also be commMnicated with 
 the rest of the documents, to the House. This was the first intima- 
 tion I had ever received of the existence of the letter of 1 1th Fe- 
 bruary, 1815; and i told Mr. Russell that, if it could be found up- 
 on the files of the Department, it should be communicated with 
 the rest. I directed, accordingly, that search should be made, and 
 afterwards that it should be repeated, among all the files of the 
 Department, for this letter. It was not to be found. After a delay 
 of several days, for repeating these ineflfectual searches, I deemed 
 it necessary to report, in answei lo the cM of the House ; and the 
 documents were all s^nt, including that portion of his letter of 25th 
 December, 1814,whivhhe himself had marked for communication. 
 
141 
 
 It WM not alone to me that Mr. Russell 
 
 had 
 
 *♦ 
 
 Februarv'iaTr'J'tl^uP''*"®^*'^*'^"'* 
 
 ♦.'iJh the other documents to the House' h! k 5® communicated 
 the statement of Mr. Bailey, repeatedly manifested th/'*''*"^ ^l 
 to him. He had even gone so lar a<i tn Jnr«l I- *°* ^""n* ♦^"h 
 
 copy of itatMe„don^'nd:o^dr1irh^^ ^-^l - 
 
 from himself would be received at the Dllrtmlr/ ^'^P^ ^^ it 
 eat.on to the House. He did not. indeed, make EL^' • °'"?""''- 
 jne nor was { then informed that he hadCde ^U^ «jj^« «"q"iry t 
 I had been, I should have immediately answ^rL #k i •*®*"'7- '^ 
 received and communicated I knPU. „n. J^ * ^^""^ '* "'O"" be 
 of the letter : but I knew that. Xever Thty S 't T^^"** 
 have no objection to their bein^ conimnnLf !^ 1^^ ,•*«' ' <^o«ld 
 Russell hiiself; and for frorsuspeSi timV^ 
 himself permitted to make any X^rat on! f^heTon' ^^''«!'«^'»« 
 sent purposes, I should havethoueht th« b»l ^■^' *° ""'^P'"*- 
 upon his honour. ^ ^^ ^''''^ suspicion an outrago 
 
 But 1 had no desire of my own that thp loffn« L ij * 
 Bleated. I regretted even tC Mrfil '?i t !''?''^ ^« co"""""- 
 part of his letti of 26trDecembe; 18 4 wh\'^°'''' *'''' '^^ 
 d sagreement with the majority of th'e mi si'on sh ^r^""^*' *»" 
 nicated. I regretted that he had ev^^ fh Y*^""^** *»* ^^o"™"' 
 the Secretary 'of State wL^d leen his 50"'!^^^^^^^ '' '"f""" 
 and I was perfectly assured, that there neve^LKstp'd '''^*°'' '' 
 when there could have been any neces, Tv rL klf . ^®. * moment 
 motives for that vote. I was assured thJ^. n J-,k"" .u '''*'*''^*t« ^ia 
 
 If he had not been so over-earnest in his sc ifudl \l ^f^M^^* 
 And I was equally convinced, that after he harl tnuV **" *^®'°* 
 not ultimately redound to his credit I h»5 *°'*^ />«•". it ^ouia 
 towards Mr. Lssell. ot'^W^atelnte ct 'rsrh^^^^^^^^^^ '' ^-^y 
 than ten years, that of friendshio which in n« • . ' '°'' ""^^e 
 
 had been, in word. deed, or thSughTvi^^^^ 
 ciate .n a trustof great importance, the general resuU nft?\T°; 
 been satisfactory to the country, h^ had Si h-3 li • "^ 
 
 to me, to my peculiar recard With tLu^^ :f ? ^'^""«' sacked 
 ties of that^rLt truslWd mi^g^eVt &^^ f 
 
 aggrandizement by the • debasement pf any of mrcoilpl '^"^ 
 had sown no aeed of future accusation agafnst a b^rothir '"''• ■ ^ 
 sioner, m the shell of a pretended vindicairbf myse f I'h T?; 
 up no roo of rancorous excitement, to be planted aftpr L^i^^^ 
 of years, in the soil of sectional prejudice, or partV^^^^^^^^^ ^'P'^ 
 I lamented to discover that Mr RusJli hoi ^^ Prepossession, 
 colleagues of the majorityj anJ'l wi morttfipT '** *^'f ^"^ *"'» 
 Bess with which he appear^rdetermlnTd '^f ^bUrf:^^ 
 agreement of opinion, and the part that hp LS S • • ^^'^ *^'^" 
 world. I felt that it neither bpr»mp m? ♦ t-^*° '" '^' to the 
 .ication of either of his 1 «er^^^^^^^^^ Hol°'ffl!? '\' 'u'T"" 
 n.r Officiously to offer him fjcilitiestr^hTcomttS^^^^^^^^^ 
 
♦ 142 
 
 be had not suggested to me himseir I, therefore, did not aak him 
 to furnish, himself, a copy of his letter from Paris, to be communi< 
 cated to the House ; but, on the Slat of February, reported to the 
 President, for communication to the House, all the other docu* 
 ments, embraced by their call of the 17th January preceding. 
 
 The message from the President ^o the House, communicating 
 (be documents, was delivered on the 23d of February, and was or- 
 dered tu be laid on the table. 
 
 On the 19tb of April, the following resolution was adopted by the 
 House, having been first moved the day before : 
 
 '^Retohedf That the President of the United States be requested to cauie to 
 be commur'oated to this House, if not injurious to the public good, anj tetter, 
 or communication, which may have been received from Jonathan Russell, Esq. 
 one of the Minister* of the United States who concluded the Treaty of Ghent, 
 after the signature of that Treaty, and which was written in conformity to the 
 indications contained in said Minister's letter, dated at Ghent, 25tb December, 
 1814." 
 
 It will be observed, that nearly two months had intervened be- 
 tween the report of the Ghent treaty documents to the House, and 
 this second call, which Mr. Russell has admitted was made at his 
 suggestion. 
 
 On Saturday, the 20th of Apfil, the day after the adoption of the 
 resolution of the House, and even before it had been officially re- 
 ferred to the Department for an answer, Mr. Daniel Brent, the 
 chief clerk of the Department, without consulting me, but knowing 
 the anxious desire that I should feel, of being enabled to report 
 the paper called Lr by the House, knowing also that it was not 
 tipon the files of the Department, called upon Mr. Russell, at his 
 lodgings, and inquired of him whether he could furnish the letter 
 desired ; and was told by Mr. Russell that he could, and would de- 
 liver it to the President. Mr. Brent, it seems, su^ested that it 
 would be better that it should be delivered as a duplicate than as 
 a copy, to which Mr. Russell assented. This distinction, whic'.i has 
 reference chiefly to the forms of office, would not have occun id to 
 me. Between a copy, marked as such by the writer, signed by him, 
 and all in bis own hand-writing, and a duplicate, furnished as such 
 also by the writer. I can perceive no difference of substance, 
 though, as evidence in a court of Justice, or as a document in the 
 public archives, one might bear the character of an original paper, 
 and the other only of a copy. Mr. Brent had too much respect for 
 Mr. Russell, to imagine it possible, whether he gave the paper as 
 a copy or as a duplicate, that he should give it other than as the let- 
 ter originally written, and called for by the resolution of the 
 House. 
 
 Mr. Russell, however, did assent to the suggestion of Mr. Brent, 
 and, with his own hand, wrote the word " duplicate" on the paper, 
 which he had already prepared to deliver, to be reported in answer 
 to the call of the House. He did more : he erased with a scraper 
 (lie word "copy," which he had previously written in its steady 
 and the traces of which, are sitU discernible on the paper. 
 
14S 
 
 ^ ^'*?*; *!i!"l* ^^^* Mr. Ruisell meao. wh«n, hi the BortoA Sfatw. 
 
 !J?Jn \ ^''"''J'® '"'^''' **^* '"'**" »»« delivered the paper 
 
 [duphcate] had indeed been written on it, in conJeqafioce of hit 
 
 OTucA le$$ any atiurance that U nas so.'' The«e are Mr Rum. 
 jell .own words ; and what can they mean ? They haye beVn, at 
 least by .ome portion of the public, understood to mean, that h« 
 paper had been styled a duplicate, not by Mr. RuNell, but by mt 
 O no 'the word was written with Mr Russell's own hand ; and 
 when I received the paper I knew not that there ever had pLs'sed 
 a word between Mr. Brent and hiro whether it «hould be delivered 
 
 5! ' ^°PJ'^?** *"'.* *^"Py- '^^^ ^°"°" Statesman, of the same daj 
 m which his reply is published, says "Mr. Russell, without much 
 reflection, consented" (to give it as a duplicate.) I should think b« 
 had time enough for reflection, while at work with the scraper, to 
 efface the word " copy," for which it was substituted. Mr Ru». 
 Bell s meaning is, therefore, that, although he wrote the word du- 
 plicate with his own hand, yet he did not intend it should be re- 
 eeived as an intimation, much less as an assurance, " that it 
 
 *VA 9 SO • 
 
 Mr. Russell had been explicitly told by Mr. Brent, that his call 
 to inquire whether he could furnish the paper called tor by the re- 
 solution of the House, bad not been at my desire, or with my know- 
 ledge, but of his own motion. But it seems Mr, Russell did not be- 
 neve him ; and instead of delivering the letter, as he had said be 
 would, to the President, he brought it to the Department, and de- 
 livered It to Mr. Brent himself; observing that he was indifferent 
 Whether it was coirmunicated to the House or not ; but, if it should 
 
 'vu • ^^^^^^ '* '"'.gh' •»« returned to him. 
 
 The singularity of this observation is not among the least extra- 
 ordinary incidents of this transaction. Mr. Russell, who, while the 
 farst resohition of the 17th of January, calling for the Ghent treaty 
 document*, was to be reported upon by the Deoartment of State, 
 had expressed to me, rjid repeatedly to Mr. Bailey, the wuh that his 
 letter trom Pans should be communicated.— Mr. Russell, at whose 
 Buggestion the specific call from the House of the 19th of April, 
 lor that letter, had been rooved^-Mr. Russell, who in the interval 
 had written to Mendon for the original draft of his letter, had re- 
 ceived it from Mendon, and on the morning after the resolution of 
 the House calling for it, was already prepared with a •• copy" of it 
 to deliver to the President, a copy consisting of seven folio sheets 
 ot paper^transforms this copy, at the suggestion of Mr. Brent, 
 ^wto a duplicate, and after having again on Saturday declared to Mr. 
 Brent his wish that it might be communicated to the House, brincR 
 It on Monday morning to the Department, and in delivering it to 
 Mr. Brent, says he is indifferent wbe"ier it should be communicat- 
 ed to the House pr not ; but, if not, wishes it may be returned to 
 fciro. * 
 
Hi 
 
 rfiZinl'^ [h« WMning of this Urdy heiilaUoo and new-born io- 
 Jfference whether , -hould be communicated or not ? Why does 
 he say that the appl.cation from the Uepartment of StaVe L S 
 letter wa. made wi hout any previous intimation, suggestion or 
 encouragement on h« part; and that, had it not been^ade. that 
 
 Kv nT'*" "'"*'■ *"^" ''**'" '*'"' "» ^'•^ Department of Stale nor 
 jnany other manner presented to the pubhc ? Why did he brinirit 
 
 t°to the pTT"! • "5 '"r' i^'d^Mr^Brent that h^e Jouhl deTvVr 
 Droved W^v H ' r^ ""^ '*'"' ^'"'P"'"'' "*' **• ^'•- «'•«"» h«d «P- 
 KeJartm.!^ o^f tV ^ r '•"P'«"!°», '» »» «» 'J«'»«nd "Pon him from the 
 iTr ? M 1 f '"^^ of B private letter, never intended for the pub- 
 
 K •/»?.*!'■ °°'' "".^ P*"°" ** *^« Departmi^nt of State, knew 
 that the letter was private. Mr. Russell knew it, ahhough he had 
 
 cembeJ itT^T ""'""""'^ ^ 'i'™ *''«* '^'^ "^oTt letter of D^ 
 cember 25 1814, was among the documents of th« negotiation at 
 the Department, and asked him whether he cbo.e ft should be 
 commun.n«ted to the House; he had then at firs? told me that he 
 thought that was a private letter, which it would be impriper to 
 commun.cate ; but when, after having examined it, heSed tha^ 
 part of .t should be communicated, he had told me there was an^ 
 ther letter written from Paris, which he wished migbtX be com- 
 municated. He had not spoken of it as a private letter, nor didTe 
 deliver the A.;,/«:a^* as such to the Department. He om.tLd tVom 
 It the word oma/e which had been written by himself upon the 
 onginal. Tli.s omission was doubtless one of those cor Jections 
 
 before the trthunal of the public. Its tendency certainly was to 
 excite asuspicion in the public mind, that the original Ker walo? 
 had been upon the files of the Department, and L n the answej 
 ^rm J""' ' "^ '^" """'" ""^'"'^ J«*nuaryr.V hadV^Tup. 
 Mr. Russell's delivery of his duplicate at the Pepartment of State 
 
 ^I'Tu J ^"^^i'f ""'""'y '^^'''^ M'-- Brent had made of him 
 whe her he could furnish a duplicate of the letter called forby Te 
 iZTT of the House, if applicaUon should be made to him 4r it 
 Mr Rr«.j;rJ7* "^^ f^^'^l'^r ' «"^ ^'•- ^'•^^t had tow Wm VJ 
 /^L Zl « ? r'"- ^'^''«/' i^«^* «t the Department as a public 
 /««er, and as if the origwal itself had been also public. What then 
 
 SfhH^h it „5 * f ''*'' f ^ "l?'. ^^ ««^'«« ^^"^ ' had the sole power to 
 pub uh It or not, as I might judge proper, and to consult my own 
 
 feelings and interests informing my decision? There was « a reso- 
 utiOD of he House of Representatives," calling^pon the President* 
 
 Id'Th. w^.'°°"?"rf*f'' *" *^r « ^«««^ Specifically designa?- 
 «d. The writer of that letter, after repeated expressions mora 
 
 h!rir.'°°°^Kf k"^""^ *' ?*" ""'^ *° ^' Bailey, that he 13 
 that letter might be cominun^cated to tl^eHouse.niw brought tqthj 
 
 #• 
 
149 
 
 Deptftment ndupUeate of it. and «ays I iras ^t J » 
 or not. a« it might suit my feeling, and ,Wrt '^'^iT ^'^ P"*»'"h it 
 f/**"" •«"»••«"» or the dutL of a Scretarv of S?; '^''- ""«««" '• 
 that, m the unm\ course of buginesH ^h«^ ?*" ® "" ""^ «<> know 
 was referred by the Preeiden to (hi L?""/"*'"" "'' "'« «<»«• 
 report, and that when once his etr^'h!ii'"''"'r"* «^ ^t«t« Tor « 
 ot the Department, it vJaTmv n^f "** f^^nd'^'ivered by himself 
 of it to thS President* ^oo^^m ^ S t 'thl^H^ '' ''^''^ "' 7 
 rectly charged me with treason to my countrt T .""^ '* ^^ 
 little ess, my only and inflexible duh^as S..^; " 'V!"''''-ectly did 
 report it to the President for commnni. ♦• "''?''^ °'^<«*e was, to 
 terms of the resolution of the iZre 1?^ ^ % the 
 
 have withheld it from the House if Tn hit a""^""^ ''"'««'* "night 
 cation would be injuriout to /aJ Ia/v •'-«'"*'''* ^^e communi. 
 President, and notlwas the jX'^"*tn ''"'•■ »»"' of that, the 
 dent, in forming his judgmen. £ thoTi'ht ?"""*'"•* ^^e Presi! 
 opinion upon it, with what face could I fS '^'"Pf '' *° ^°"»"'t my 
 withheld? If the letter was not a tissue nr'"' *''«^ it-houldbj . 
 Secretary of State, and the Min ste 'o?Z Frn'r?J""'*"'«''«-' »h« 
 were men unfit to hold any station whatlv.y^'f.^ ^'"'^^ '» *>«^'ce, 
 country ; and that was the in.pres«il "v^ ? *^« ««"'«« of thei; 
 duced by the letter, at least tbrZhout h^l"^ '"**"'^"' '^ be pro- 
 >ng section of the Union. uZ Xt nr!^ "'«"" «"^ '°°«t g^w- 
 ed the President to withholdTe commu'l"" '°"''' ^ '"'^^ «dvi,. 
 public interest ? If there was ruthTnthe 1^*7 "'. "'J""°"» *<> th« 
 not be too soon known to C^ngrerand to i " .'^ contents could 
 that the conspirators against the neacef. I a ""''"J"* " ^«» fi«in« 
 ants of the Western cJuntrv should hi "*^ ""offending inhabit! 
 J«c, and that the world of thTwest Jodd h'""'''"^ ''^^'"•^ *he pub. 
 ext.t of their obligations to ^'^!^::^\:^^:^ 
 
 coS'o'St'tteXt t^et^r^ r'^'*^"*^-' to-Port'a 
 ewer to their call. On XZl777tVV^' "°"««. '« «n- 
 
 such as not unfrequentlv hannpno ..„ "PP"?«d it an inadvertencv 
 than the current yVr KTtU hS'of ^'^."^ °' ''^^^ S 
 unconsciously for the date of the or1rina7 i L^^tS l' '^^^tUt^ted 
 «.at he word copy had been written dot at tf^A *''^" P^'^^^^^ 
 /«;)/»c«.'«, and scraped out. The er™ h 5V"^* **^*he word 
 •cautious and deiicat^e hand ; its atteSion of'.J •"."*? ""*'« ^'*h « 
 per, was not perceptible to an „nli f- °' ^'^^ texture of the oa- 
 ness of the in^k whe^n ^Urmed Zt^h^^ '^' ' '""^ '^ ^hefreS 
 Pjete. In the progresfof bSnh^! • -T^ ^^P^^''*'*' *<> he com- 
 heen some dayUfitt^n upon pa^^^^^^^^ 'V"^ «fterit b^ 
 
 Natne pe.eptible, and aJe'i?^- al^St^^^;^ -jd.ooa 
 
146 
 
 words, the date, and the whole letter, are in the hand-writing of 
 
 Mr Russell. ^ . .. j i. :i 
 
 On reading the letter through, I found it had been composed 
 with a view to be received and understood as if all written at Paris, 
 in February, 1815. Yet 1 was confident it had not all been so 
 written. I was particularly struck with the following passages. 
 «• I will frankly avow, however, that my impressions were, and atiU 
 " are, that Great Britain, calculating on the success of the power- 
 "ful expedition which she has sent against New-Orleans, confi- 
 " dently expected that she would have become the mistress of 
 " Louisiana, and all its waters ; and that she did not, in this event, 
 " intend to abandon her conquest under the terms of the treaty of 
 
 «• Ghent." 
 
 ♦' If she be disappointed in her views on Louisiana, and 1 trust 
 «« in God and the valour of the West that s*c will be, I shall not be 
 " surprised, if, hereafter, she grants us the fishing privilege, which 
 •♦ costs her absolutely nothing, without any extravagant equivalent 
 <« whatever." 
 
 " At any rate, we are still at liberty to negotiate for that privuege, 
 •< and to offer for it an equivalent, fair in its comparative value, and 
 «« just in its relative effects." 
 
 " I trust in God she Will be"— in a letter dated Pans, 1 1 Febru- 
 ary, 1822 — signed Jonathan Russell— addressed to the Hon; James 
 Monroe, Secretary of State— and delivered by Mr. Russell to be 
 communicated to the House of Representatives, in answer to a call 
 suggested by hiuiself for a letter written by him in 1815! And 
 Mr. Russell charges me with disingetiuousness, for communicating 
 this paper to the House ! And Mr. Russell talks of respect for the 
 Represetitatives of the people of the United States ! 1 am in the 
 judgment of my country, upon this state of facts. But as for Mr. 
 Russell, when he wrote that—" I trust in God, she will be"— and 
 came to the narne of Goo- -did not the pen drop from his hand ? 
 
 I took the letter to the President, and expressing to him my sus- 
 picion, that the above passage particularly had never been written 
 at Paris, requested him to cause search to be made among his pri- 
 vate papers for the original letter, if there ever had been one. 
 The search was accordingly made, and the letter was found. On 
 comparing them together, 1 immediately perceived that the original 
 was marked private ; which the duplicate was not. I turned im- 
 mediately to the prophesies of the duplicate : in the original they 
 were not. I looked to the passage in the duplicate, which repre* 
 ietitsthe fishingprivilege, not only as utterly insignificant, and trifling 
 in value, but as having been proved to be so by the best informa- 
 tion " we (the plenipotentiaries at Ghent) could obtain on the sub-* 
 iect," There was a whole system of misrepresentation in these 
 words we could obtain: for they represented the incorrect estimate 
 bf the value of the fishing privilege which they introduced, as the 
 result of information obtained by the whole mission at Ghent, as 
 having been there diacuBsed, and as aggravating the wrong of th« 
 
147 
 
 knt 'Jp^n th!nJri„?ui;iS^^^ ^- -hat they 
 
 as I did, that the infoSon il^ all lu? r"'" ""'"«• ^oowing, 
 formation concerning the S*.T.f ™« "formation ; that no in ' 
 have been, obtai^eTby th/ Llt^L^^^^^^^^ »*««»' «>r coZ 
 
 doubts as to its value, ixpS,^ "y Mr £ J?.'T "'^'"^ 
 been even a subject of conversitJnn iLu ^"?«®"' '* bad never 
 the real letter from Part to . p. i ^ ""fsion-I turned to 
 himself there, and Yound he h^^'X„ ^^^^..^'^^ -Pre«^ 
 information that /can obtain on thriubip;* ,*'?''^'"g »<> the b^t 
 that all tnat tale about the obscuphv3 k •i.'"'' '""nediaWy 
 phere, in the high northern iS,h1^, and hum.d.ty of the atmos- 
 Librador fishery wrnoMn f K -^ to degrade the value of the 
 
 been informati^'/Lo'^ht : 'oVt jneTttp "" r '^"^^^ '« ^-^ 
 d^scovery which it discloses wS„ot /rlVJ^Sl'^r^" ' ^^^^ the 
 made known to the mission Jharthp'^l ^^^"^ ^° ''^^^ ''^^^ «^er 
 curing of the fish, were in 'the orLinaf feCr '^r?°"^ *° ^^e 
 vapours of Mr. Russell's imaginotlon aMpl ' '^ "°* "'^'"^^y ^^e 
 suk of the best informatio^S t couiJTm"" ""T.**^"" ^^e re- 
 «aw too, the motives for tL subs tution nf /?°' ^9 ^ '"«t«°% 
 «n the duplicate, for the Mords / can ' tbi^ " '"^'f''' T ^""'^ '" 
 ginal had been written the bill nfS ? ! °' '^'°«'- ^^ the ori- 
 tained against the Sritv o^hp '^'°^''5^ 
 say, in their defencr^C Jthl! h ^^"'''°'^' '^^^ ^''«™ «t liberty to 
 jng liberty, it had been af^t^ Zl^' ''^^ ^'"^ ^ 
 liberty to inquire, why Mr. Ru, sell inthJ7"' '* *"''* ^^^^ «t 
 fishery question, had not revS to the- r^^^ "?*>» tl'e 
 
 obscurity and humidity andTnces' ant fo^«^h f f '""* '^•'^^^^''J' ^^' 
 the value of the fishiL libertv ThT' ^^"^ ::,^^«sened so mich 
 took from them all suci mean/ of defenTe "f r '' ''^ '"P""'^ 
 «s navmg wilfully sinned a^ain^t their HpHp^ 1 '^P^«f««ted them 
 !ng sought information of the value of thp f . "7 '^^^ ' as bav- 
 ing obtained proof of its worthlessne,/ f"^?^ hberly-as hav- 
 Hi offering fol^it an equivTuent wWcrwrtl'ttli^-r^^^^ P^^^'^*^'^ 
 British emmissaries. and all the horZ. J i ^.^''*'*'' '™"gSlers, 
 
 the «»#n^%inhJbitantrofthe Wesrwrf^ warfare, upon 
 corrections which Mr. l^jsseil brlipl^ k- ,1 '"' *'"« «^ those 
 'vhich appeared to him Xe" to exll,?/ h?'^^'™'"^^ '' ^^^^' 
 ously before the tribunal ofS public v ^'' '^^ ""ost advantage- 
 
 r^^^^^72^^:^ ^- papers, .hen , 
 absolute surrender and S^r sacr^rP nrl^'^^^^^ 
 cheering cup of consolatS doled ou' *° ^^^^ 
 
 for he extinguishment, as far as Mr Russen^ hhn7'''",f ^""8 
 of their means of subsistence *^thJ\h^ f- . °"" ^^""I'l a^afl, 
 
 Perity of the many, muarfie ^^rLrf 'o thT c'„' ''''"''*^ «"^ P'''^^' 
 nor interests of the few •'' tn tt 7 ?y convenience and mi- 
 for early P-posse::io:rsile ^.^l J^^^^^^^^^^ 
 '^'1 -bstuuted in the duplicate, ft tt^^^^^^S^^^^^^^ 
 
148 
 
 origfinah that his argument to demonslrale. the abroji^Htion of the 
 treaty of 1 783, by the war, and the conse(\\ient discontinuance of the 
 fishing privilegCj would not be ascribed to any hostitity to those in- 
 terested in it — the mingled emotions at the bottom of the soul of 
 the writer, betrayed by these self-accusing and self-extolling varia- 
 tions from his letter aa it had been originally written, excited in 
 my mind a sentiment too much cheered with merriment, and too much 
 mitigated by compassion, for anger to have in it any part. But when, 
 in place of a paragraph in the original letter, expressly declaring 
 that he had believed with the majority that the propositions relat* 
 ing to the navigation of Ihe Mississippi and to the fisheries ^* violated 
 in no way our instructions " I found foisted into the duplicate a pa- 
 ragraph, accusing the majority not only of the violation of their 
 instructions, but of a wilful and wanton violation of them, as un- 
 derstood by themselves ; and to support this interpolated charge, a 
 cancelled paragraph of instructions solemnly cited, of which he 
 had, within two months^ obtained from the archives of the Depart- 
 ment two successive copies — let me candidly confess that the senti- 
 ment uppermost in my mind was indignation. Mr. Russell com- 
 ments upon the infirmities of my temper, and says, that when 
 aflerwards i pointed out to him, face to face, these palterings of 
 his own hand-writing, and gave him proof, from the records of the 
 Department, that the instructions cited by him in support of his 
 charge against his colleagues, hud been cancelled at the time to 
 which the charge applied, I was not in a humour to listen to him 
 even with civility. This I deny. I did listen to him with civility. 
 The reason that he assigned to me for the variance between his ori- 
 ginal and his duplicate was, that the whole of the original draft, 
 for which he had sent to Mendon, had not been found, and that he 
 . had been obliged to make up the two last leaves from memory. 
 He said, too, that there was no material variation o^' facts, as re- 
 presented in the two papers. He said, as he says in the Boston 
 Statesman, that he bad felt himself at liberty to alter the paper to 
 make his case better for the public eye. He said he had never 
 written against me anonymously in the ncwspopers, and intimated 
 that, in the year 1816, when I wiis in Europe, there had appeared 
 in the Boston Centinel a paragraph, charging him with having 
 been willing, at Ghent, to give up the fisheries — a thing of which I 
 had never before heard. He assured me that, in bringing his letter 
 before the public, his motive had not been to combine with my 
 enemies to ruin my reputation. To all this I did listen with per- 
 fect civility and composure ; and the last words with which I parted 
 from him> however painful to him and myself, were not wanting in 
 civility. They are clearly impressed upon my memory, and I 
 trust they are upon his. He is at liberty to publish them if he 
 thinks fit, as they were spoken. I should not have alluded to them 
 here but for his charge of incivility, which is as groundless as ail 
 the other charges of which he has been the willing bearer against 
 ine. 
 
* 
 
 But 
 
 149 
 
 duplicate of the letter called forbyTheH™.; co«ld f«™.h the 
 
 1822 drat in 1 air 7:1 ^^^^^ Department of the date from 
 
 too near at handTad^it of it, h • " ''^'^"^'r *'^^. '"^"^"*'«° ''^ 
 As to his giving eXDhn^Hnn . "^ ''V^ ^* ^^«* *'"« «"** P'««^«- 
 give ? What exnIanSrh J ° •™^' '^''"^ explanation could he 
 
 nished a paper as a ToIiS PjPer written by him e had fur- 
 had been detectS "/"P''^"^« ^^ '*• "> h« own hand-writing. It 
 
 ont, Lt it wafsusceDt.T;^^^^ '"""'; ''^*.^«'"^' «"d yet so liffer- 
 deaine- and tL!.^^."^ °° *''P'«"''*'0" consistent with fair 
 
 attempting to accounr?or"^° '"'''"J^ Mr. Russell is reduced 1 
 proofKhHasforitnolnT' ""^^^ '^^ ■""«* unanswerable 
 rately^oeksLa^otgyfoHt^r^^ «« '^-P- 
 
 him, by the alterition of ihl' 7/ ^r ?."^ *° ""^ ^ '^"^'g^ *» entrap 
 1818, and then to fa^rl^ ff^ «( h's duplicate, frJm 19m to 
 
 to MnB uTy^Kco^p^^^^^^^^ ' «-« th« 'J^P'icate 
 
 President, for clmuSion to th. H^'*^'' 'l,^\'^.P^'^^^ ^o the 
 be copied to Mr Thomn, tk * °"^^- ^^'' ^«''«y ««ve it to 
 a youSg man of a HvTr^l h "'*m' ' ^'"^'^ '" *»»« Department, 
 of the leuer to be ''Paris uZlf^^ '"'tlo f.^'-^^'ving the dat« 
 Mr. Russell had been tTr'oiifhr'F'. ^^f I '"^ '^°°'^'"g t*'^' 
 Congress in this citv nnf ^ ^^ '^^*''® °^ ^''^^ "^o^th attending 
 had^be^n dei^'aLurjf '°J ^'r a moment that .his datf 
 Brent, who. -crulgTirhtm'Z''ih?d^^^^ ^^• 
 
 inadvertency, authorized him to rect.Tv ^1n J^ ^.S"" ^^ *° 
 
 ton thought that he mieht eS^L ?hl/l- ^ ^^^ ''°^^' ^^- ^*'''«- 
 ther, bv makinff theTamP nh ^^^[^"^^^^^^ to Mr. Russell fur- 
 
 fiispWthTrSelrrghttTur Lr^^^^^^^^^ "« P--d 
 1816, thinking that was thHeiTnlhlkV"? '^''°** over them 
 This change was not only IKultlt' *-' ^«l '''•'««•'. 
 made known to me was LTn mvln k ^ ^^^^^S^ ? but when 
 that all would be serXh i^' u-^ ""y '"®- ^'•- ^rent supposed 
 Russell rimself and oSiJ^k""'"'"^ ''"°''" '^^ alteration to Mr. 
 date of the ;2; He ir "o^.*^" rr^R^ ^'l? rectification of the 
 of the chan'ge. but bJotghrhrorigtal^^^^^^ ^T^^^^ 
 
 and showed the date of it to Mr hifnt Jofa .u ^«P«''''nent. 
 rection. I onlv <i»lr !,« J ;„? V *° confirm the second cor- 
 
 only ask, how intense must be the pressure of that con- 
 
IfiO 
 
 tcjoatnesf, which attempts (o palliate the variations in Mr. Riis- 
 fleil s two papers, by represeMing incidents like these, as crafty 
 Wiles of mine to ensnare his innocence ? 
 
 Mr. Russell complains that, after the original of his letter had 
 been found, the duplicate should have been communicated to the 
 House at all. He complains that I should hare presumed to make 
 remarks upon both of them. He complains that 1 wenj to the 
 House of Representatives on the 6th of May, and there in person 
 sought for a member who would consent to make the call which 
 was necessary for the qlJicial publication of my personal remarks. 
 As usual, part of these statements is true, and part is not — my call 
 at the House of Representatives on the 6th of May, was accidental ; 
 being on my return from witnessing the experin>ent of Commodore 
 Rodgers's noble invention at the Navy- Yard. I did not there seek 
 for a member who would consent to make the call. I never asked 
 any menjber to make the call ; though I told several members who 
 «j)ioke to me on the subject there, and elsewhere, that it was my 
 wish the documents should be communicated to the House. The 
 President's message to the House of the 4th of May, which Mr. 
 Russell had seen before he left the city, had informed the House 
 of my desire that the letter should be"communicated, together with 
 a communication from me respecting it. 
 
 The truth is, that my desire for the communication of Mr. Rus- 
 iell's letter to the House had commenced on the same day that his 
 own had ceased. Mr. Russell, from the 26th of January to the 
 22d of April, had been indefatigable in his exertions to bring this 
 letter before Congress and the public. He had procured the ori- 
 ginal draught of it from Mendon ,• he had procured the call for it 
 from the House ; he had endured the toil of re-writing, with his 
 Own hand, at least once, a letter of seven folio sheets of paper ; 
 he had brought, and delivered it with his own hand, at the Depart- 
 ment. At the moment of fruition his appetite fails him. Doubts 
 of consequences to himself, as well as to others, seem to flash across 
 his mind. He leaves the paper — For what ? For communication 
 to the House, in answer to their call ? No [ " To put it in the 
 powef of the person who might consider himself the most liable to be 
 (ffficted by its publication" — for the " previous examination and 
 Consent of the adverse partv." He seems to invite objection to 
 ijs being communicated. He is quite indifferent whether it be 
 communicated or not, and, it not communicated, he desires that it 
 may be returned to him. But to make its terrors irresistible, he 
 has double and treble charged it with crimination of violated in- 
 structions ; and to vouch his charges, has twice armed himself 
 with official copies from the Department, of the cancelled part of 
 the instructions of 15th April, 1813. 
 
 I had never wished for the communication to the House or to the 
 public of the letter, until I had seen it. The effect of its perusal 
 upon my mind was certainly different from what Mr. Russell ap- 
 pears to have anticipated. I saw at once what it was and what it 
 
\ 
 
 151 
 
 tneant. ! also saw, ,n a great measure, what jls writer was whicn 
 had ..ever seen before, and the discovery of the oS'let e? 
 two days after, disclosed him to me in aH liis irlorv Crf k ■ ♦ ' 
 wtlTh?dt*^^". Z' ' ---^^--i -faulty lee^; 
 
 and before the nation. In the original he had be^n a secrel ae* 
 ?ar:;rre'rhf;S\2' «f -•"•^f ^'-- '« the Tplica'^hi Zi 
 Ipect andt T h' "«^ ?"' *^ professions of unfeigned re- 
 spect and to all the secret discolourings of the conduct and oni- 
 wonsofhisco eagues.hadadded the nfw Ld direct charee of a 
 
 h^Tn K K ^"''^ '*''^"°'' ^''*''° these charge/would, in my es. 
 timation, have been equivalent to an admission of their t uth To 
 
 hZ: 7ZZ6 to'™' 1^*^ '''' P^-g-riosi!;: whickt^^ lo?g 
 Deen stimulated, o see this mysterious and fearful letter would 
 
 o?meer.r''""'' ^^ ^^-o^^^^^^- course was left me buTthat 
 tiZTAf^ u^ ^'''"'''^ ''^^'''^ *"» **»« «ce«e "'hich he himself had 
 recessatv'fL^^ operations ; and I knew that little more wouW be 
 necessary for my own vmdication, and that of mv colleagues in th^ 
 
 Mr. Kussell h mself, to expose to the House at once the charac t»V 
 of the accusation and of the accuser. I did. therefore desire that 
 
 hfcomm :"rif/\' ^r*^"' 'I' -"y '•^'"-'^^ upoTthem hould 
 steadTaXf Vff' "°"'\' ^"'^^"» "'«"♦ 'f Mr. Russell, in- 
 fetead oi affecting indifference, had fairly acknowledged bis error 
 
 ravJE ht'"' fur^'^ "*^'^ "^^ '^^ communSJed, I Sd 
 
 R ^u?u ?"" '" t*"^* ''^l"®^^ to the President. 
 >trS?i *h^,. !«"f « "'ere communicated to the House ; both were 
 Swhlh.;? '^u ^«"**^th«''- resolution, which w'as foj^^anj 
 formitv withTh^ ;' ^r '•^"^^^.''^rom Jonathan Russell, in con^- 
 ceX^r iRii^' indications contained in his letIerM)f the 25th De- 
 amoSffi. r * ^''T^'"^*.? "P°° ^""^^i and if that has proved 
 ft nnnn I °'!r'' f' ^T'l' ''^ ^^^^'^^ '•«««"«ct that he brought 
 
 upon himself It was Ji.s fault there was any difference between 
 
 l?n«U. ''"T:;\"P«°- He should also remember, that if the orT 
 gnal alone had been communicated, he would have been deprived 
 
 *A fil* ^"f" ^." " •"•! !!'''«° '» supposing that I attach any importance 
 Lit \''' t^^^Sf^^ihentMon to his professions, or proy! 
 of^ S. •?.'^- ^*'? ^'^"'""'" -^^^ th^'-e b« between the word 
 « L.S ' ""'^ .''!; '^•thDut protest, who, after writing the word du- 
 ZlT. ^'*° If^"?*" '^""^° ^"'^ ^'S"^** hy himself, to be communi- 
 TThT ** P"hl.c document to a legislative body, tells the public 
 imi be gave no further intimation, mnrh lo.... «„ „«e Ti-. ^. 
 
41 
 
 152 
 
 *«» SO, and avows that it was not so ? M the name of God, under 
 Mr. Kusseli s pen, could not deter him from converting the past 
 into the future, that he might enjoy the honours of prophecy, and 
 couple with his trust in the Deity, his confidence in the valour of 
 
 f HT ®n' '"^^'^ ®''*^"*'^ *^°°''^ * ^^"^ ^*"" considering the declaration 
 ot Mr. Russell as either more or less sincere for beine backed by 
 hw protest ? ^ 
 
 '' To add a perfume to the violet 
 
 " Is wasteful and ridiculous excess." 
 
 But if Mr. Russell, after delivering on the 22d of April his du- 
 plicate at the Department of State, and especially after he knew 
 that the ongnal had been found, was no longer solicitous that either 
 of them should be communicated to the House, he had neither 
 given up the inclination, nor the intention of appearing before the 
 public as the accuser of his colleagues of the majority at Ghent. 
 He left the City of Washington on the 6th of May, the day after 
 the House of Representatives had received the President's answer 
 to the call of the 19th of April— with that answer the President 
 communicated to the House my report to him, which had been 
 accompanied by a copy of the duplicate left by Mr. Russell at the 
 Department for communication. But the President did not com- 
 municate the copy of the duplicate itself. He informed the House 
 that the original had also been found^that it had been marked as 
 a private letter, by the writer himself^that it disclosed differences 
 of opmton which would naturally call for answers from those im- 
 plicated by it ; and that I, as one of them, had already requested 
 that it might be communicated, together with mv remarks upon it. 
 Under those circumstances the President declined communicating 
 the letter called for, unless the House, upon a knowledge of them, 
 should desire it~in which case he informed them that it would be 
 communicated, together with my report upon it. 
 
 All this was known to Mr. Russell when he left the city ; and it 
 IS presumed that he also knew that the call for the Setter would not 
 be renewed by the mover of the resolution of the 1 9th of April • 
 yet Mr. Russell went to Philadelphia, and there caused to be print- 
 ed in the National Gazette of the 10th of May. another variety of 
 Tuf^""^^ ^i^h February, 1815, from Paris/to Mr. Monroe- 
 still differing from the original— differing also from the duplicate, 
 which he had delivered at the Department, but satisfactorily prov- 
 ing with what '--ronuity he had told me that the two last leaves of 
 his original di ad not been found at Mendon, and that he had 
 beenobliged to supply their contents in the duplicate from memo- 
 ry—thetripheate of the National Gazette was accompanied by an 
 editorial article, vouching for its authenticity as a copy—vouchine 
 from good authority th^l Mr. Russell had had no share in the call 
 (of the House of the 19th of April) for the private letter— and 
 commenting m a style, the apologetical character of which indicates 
 Its origin, upon the privacy, which it urged was not secrecy, of the 
 letter; upon the professions of Mr. Russell's respect for his col- 
 
153 
 
 face of it, came directiv nr ?nH °\,'*'Pj«'nacy-all tl.is, upon the 
 The lette'r, as pubtheJ^irthe NTti^u"'" ^'^ ^"««^" h'-nselt! 
 private, «s the oriil had been u hth ""'""' r' ''°* '""'•'^ed 
 ^President's message. Jt had S.^^'h^k'' "°'^ '^"°"'» '''•«'» the 
 franchised fishermen -he tel f p" i ^''^ P«««gync upon the dis- 
 
 and -bdued predii:U'%rJX'srsit ''llT''^^^ ^k^'^'^^'^- 
 spirations, and the trust in ftnH T!i lu '^"^ prophetic in- 
 which were in the duTcate and n'," ?. ^^e valour of the West, 
 off all the cumulative eph^^ '*:* ^g'""'' ^' had stripped 
 
 of a wilful violation oTin^t^ct on '" ^^.^^P'^^'^'^to the ch'arge 
 charge of havine vioI.tPH hi;. ^ ^ '^^^ *^^" dismissed the 
 
 ea:p/ic,Y and implicit ca^ZZ^' ^. ^ emphatic citation of the 
 But it had rJine6tle:^r^^^^^^ V^ ^P"'- ^813. 
 
 that lummous exposition nf „*r^^ I ■ , " '"'^ ^ can," in 
 fogs which had bC rscovered To r' '^'''f '"^ '"^^^^^^^^ 
 
 value of the Labrador fiherV and »Hh k^*.^"''*'"'^ '''""""^'^ t»>e 
 tions were no longer cited .'nf'h.? /^r"^.'' *^ cancelled instruc- 
 the remnant of infer^Lt "ctrfe'^ h1 l^^ev^S!;' T ^ *^ ^"r ^* 
 they were expressly subjoined ptfn'o !. ^ *'''*^ ^^^'^ violated, 
 with an abundance of Sised worn/P'"'?'^" *" '^^ publication 
 of this violation ; and tb w^^^ S'm P?"^ °"t *'^« heinonsness 
 shown to Mr. Russell a t^e n^*^ . interview in which I had 
 
 the letter of 4thSbfrr8H'?:XT' ''''''''''' ""^ ^'^ "^ 
 not, but that of the letter of the i 'J h n , .'*'"°)''""""'"^' "'^ich had 
 received before the pronosll „I k^u^u' ^^^'*' "'^'^h had been 
 rested, had been irrtfaVSi,? ,f '^^ '^"'^' ^^ ^'«'»"o" 
 
 plicate of the NationalGaietl h d i^o^^^^^^^ • ^^'" "'" 
 original, which haj been dismissed fZ'T. i^^P"«<«^'•ipt of the 
 tlife three hopeful other waTs of 1-°^^ duplicate, containing 
 sell's resources of ne-otratToTtwn !^'^'"/ ^^^''^^ hy Mr. Rus? 
 over, instead of the ''course '^^ iTt '^''' '^' '^^S^^'^^'on was 
 only being omitted. The trTpl cL % i^^xr""' '^^ '^'''^ '^^^r 
 short, proved that the orijnal drift / ^^t ^^''^''«' G«^««e, in 
 plete ; and that all Us oZ^ il'!'"? * ^ ^'"^°" ^^^ *'««" ^im- 
 duplicate, and its on ssS h 'd £ "'' "' *'"" '' '^""'^ «f the 
 memory, but to superfluities of 1'::,^^"^' "' *' ''^^*^"^'^« °*' 
 belr:^;Vli::srof ^:7.^^^^^^^^^^^^^ «,^- R-seH, in bringing 
 ment of his colleagues. 'rS I L'lh'rK"'*'""' ^'^ '""P^^^h! 
 was such of me. is fulll admTtid b^^ ,?^^"f ™''^'«°~t^^^^ it 
 man by styling' me th^ W^er ^ ^^T^^^ States- 
 sufhciently indicates his disposition n^/h*^ '" ^^'^ publication he 
 to concentrate his charges aSt 1 1^ ^'"^^''' "^'''^ operations 
 marks upo„ the oridn.r nnf^ r^ ''^""^- ^« 't so. In rav i 
 •tyled ita/aTow3?l:!:^t^'^''^«^« of his accusatory l^tfer I 
 — "-^ ""'^"^'Preseniaiions. He complains of 
 
. 154 
 
 tbifl a« of virulenee and acrimonj/, which he bortsls of not having re- 
 turned. If virulence and acrimony hjul no otlier vehicle than hiii ^h 
 Iringuage, if they could be disguitted under professions of unfeigned 
 respect, however cautiously Mr. Russell had abstained from them 
 in bis original letter from Puris, he had l)een much less observant of 
 that decorum in the duplicate, prepared with new relishes of crimi* 
 nation to suit the appetite of political hatred ; and (he publication in 
 the Boston Statesman is by no means sparing either of virulence or 
 acrimony against me. The whole tenour of his argument in the 
 original letter, against his colleagues, was sneering and sarcastic. 
 In the Boston Statesman, besides direct charges against me, of disin- 
 genuomness. of having matle an unprincipled mi\ unprovoked attack 
 upon him, of disrespect to the House of Itepre.sontativcs, of Infirm- 
 ities of temper and taste, and of being a dreaming visionary, ho tries 
 even the temper of bis wit to assail me, and l)y a heavy joke upon 
 an expression used in my remarki*, indulges ]m own instinct of mis- 
 qnoling my words to make them appear ridiculous. If this bo Mr. 
 Russeirs mildness and moderation, it looks very much like the viru- 
 Jence and acrimony of others. In the transactions of human socie- 
 ty, there are deeds of which no adequate idea can be conveyed in 
 the terms of courtesy and urbanity ; yet I admit the obligation of a 
 public man to meet with coolness and self-command the vilest arti- 
 fices, even of frawd and malignity, to rob him of the most precious 
 of human possessions, his good name— '» thrice happy they who 
 miwter so their blood." If in my former remarks upon Mr. Kus- 
 Bell's Janus-faced letter, or in this refutation of his new and direct 
 personal attack upon my reputation, I have, even in word, trans- 
 gressed the rule of decency, which, under every provocation, it is 
 still the duty of my stition and of my character to observe, though, 
 unconscious, myself, of the offence, I submit to the impartial judg- 
 ment of others, and throw myself upon the candour of my country 
 for its forgiveness. This paper has been confmed to a demonstra- 
 tion of the frailty or the pliability of Mr. Russell's memory, in r^< 
 tton to facts altogether recent. As, upon an issue' of focts, I do not 
 even now ask that my word alone should pass for conclusive, state- 
 ments of Mr. Brent and Mr. Bailey, relative to the production of 
 Mr. Rus-ielPs letter before the House of Representatives, and to 
 the incidents from which Mr. Russell has attempted ta extort a 
 charge of disingenuousness against me, are subjoined. My only 
 wish is, that they should be attentively compared with Mr. Rug- 
 sell's narrative. 
 
 In another paper I shall prove that Mr. Russell's reminiscences 
 of the proceedings at Ghent, bear the same character of imagina- 
 tion substituted for memory ; and that what he calls " the real his- 
 tory of the transaction," [the fishery and Mississippi navigation pro- 
 posal,] contradictory to the statement which I had made in my re- 
 marks, is utterly destitute of foundation. 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 Washington, I3th July, 1832. 
 
U5 
 
 Mr. Brtnt", Sfatement, 
 
 J)ep-rtment of State with i copy of hT, "uor from i^ ""'' ^'^''''^ '""'"''^ ««»• 
 btate, « hich wa» rtforrod to i„ « re olu io„ l[l .!^"'' !° ""' ^"'>""y «f 
 raNsURe (but which had actually pa Jd ,r . a? b forfw. '"u"" """' °" «»• 
 noproscntu.ives, upon the motion of D„clor F fvS ?. '"^ '":'«'' ""' "«"»« «f 
 J.ould be adopted by th'n House, and rrelL ulic^r" •''" ""'*' '"«'"'»«'' 
 for .. ; obsorvioK to hi.„ di«tincti; u,k| pIrUcu la 'J'^hoJ ""V T"'*« "» ^m 
 «l>"r.ty to make such an appncatio.rmS anj ^ha. r'"' "'"' .' *•"" "» •- 
 ««<;(<rtiini the facts iust .tHiJ,! i '"J""^"* «"<> 'nat my entire objert waa tn 
 
 - that his .i/^Iuei^raS'Je" ntiy'-l^aZutlVfi^t'ir' .""V "r*^'" ^^"-^ 
 •l-esiio., ; that he had it thereby inZ 021,, „"' "'" ''"" "' "•• '«"« ia 
 set about making one imm/2elv J.rh ^ «'""//''""<'"ip' «f U, ami w„uS 
 •ho President. 'up„„ wh^h I rfnarkd Vat Th "''''"'' ,'" '^°"''* «««'-«, a 
 course, the original haviuR been a7d"c2 to h ., "t,"""^, *" ^ ""' P'^P"" 
 ry of State. I then obse.^ed to Mr. TulS thnl ,' 'ri'''''"' '"'"'" »«"«'*- 
 di.plicate than as a copy ; that he kn^w ,h '• • . ''* '"'^ *""'" ''«''''«" «« M • 
 
 to all .uch communication.. He seemed lZ.i '^1'^""" ''*'"" ^*''' "'S""' 
 11.at he would conform to it, riTouTJvh,/ „.rb/'^ ^^'^ "'R8e«tion, and Lid 
 , trould prelcr Rivinga copy.'a.suci" or hf., h' fl't'"'' ""'""'•ion that be 
 «i..plicH,e of the idetuicl^ieuer 4keo o andTf ^T"^' ""^ «•»"" »''«» • 
 Mansmitted by him from Paris to trthenSer?., Tc •"' *"''='' »"•<« »>«« 
 by a double n.o.ive to this injuirylfirrby a„ hlL;*;..' "'^k f "" P'"'"'P»«'* 
 wient to which I bolon^d should alwav. hi '">'";""' wish that the Depart- 
 renuired of i. by the fl^use o7ltj ^at /e^'^a '" J't" t'"" '"''^'' ^ 
 hons.on that, if it were not so prepared in his na ?' "'="'""y' '»> an appr.- 
 t.ons might bo made aRainst the Head of tha nr/n . ' "?? ""Ju«t imput.- 
 ^us of obviating. In This interview, m/ Russe^lfniH ""''.''''''='' ' *" *'««'- 
 mce Doctor Floyd had eubmitied hi« I«t . • "'^ *''■' '* ^'"> «« '"«in- 
 
 ^cntatives , that he was inC^^ tf^/ b^'thi"''"": 'I "f ."*'"«° «^ ^^P^- 
 connmunicated to Coneress for hl^^ iVSi'.- ^ ""''' """ '"» J«»" "hould b« 
 .he negotiation of the Sy o/cherwl? *?a!f '"^ /.-'.''« ''"'^ »»'^<'" ^ 
 8ame gentleman's first motion uuon h^ ,»Inf . V '''' ^'''''"'''' ' but that th, 
 knowledge or advice. On the 2^iJ,l "''J""' ^^' '"*''<' without hia 
 
 ...e, in Jy room at "he 5epa men of Stat'e % T""',' "*''• *'""*'" '""'"«'' « ' 
 «ith a request that I would delTve" it over ,„h ^^ "'''""'" "^ "'« Secretary, 
 plicate," a copy of .vhich wa Imlrated Tv' f" T" *"*"' "f "'^^ ••^"' 
 Representatives, on the 7th of MayTaJ ^bservi'^.i J I''*'".' l** ""' """'''' "^ 
 no particular solicitude about it, J„5 reout. ■^^'IV "" •": '"'* '°' ""»' ''« ^'I* 
 him, if not used by the Depar ment A 31! "'"." '"'«»'' ''« '•««"fn^'<l to 
 put into the hands of Mr^Thoma, Thr...?^ " ""^ afterwards this pa,H,r wa. 
 to be copied. Perceiving haT i? bore 5;!e at 'P„"r °' "l" S'^''' '^'^ ''^« ''^'^e' 
 1822, when Mr. Russell was known .A f .''"' °" "'® ""> *" *ebruarT. 
 this city, as a member of the Hous; of Renre^r^ri*'^ "T''' "^ ^ongrew?^ 
 asked my advice whether he shouW inserMhat H« ''!'. """ ^°""« S^'tJem"" ' 
 told him, without hesitation/to insetlSlfi^.? '.",«i* ""^y " "°» ' »"»d I 
 evidently, from inadvertence naSe In fs.ak '!.^ ''i ^*^^' " *^'-- «""«» "^ad 
 it that date accordingly and Zl.il « " '"/'"' ^"^"^ ^r. Thruston gave 
 
 self, which he was ran cr.blnrundl'rr"''''"' "'V""'*"" '" »»'« P^P"^ ^^ 
 thorized to do so, and tha it wouW nevl . '^'^"""".'hat he was likewise au- 
 Mr. Adams came to be app 1^6^ of Zll ^ °'^"'=« ""•<^"'" of any sort. When 
 teration in the date of tff"«du„nLS» '"';^*"''''' P^'-^ularly of the al- 
 
 much surprise and displeasure unlnth" ''"P"' ^'^ '"""''""ted and expressed 
 
 -.w immediately aft r tLJ hLpCd andrwh"' ,^"' **" ?""^"' '^"o'" ' 
 "«y nappenert, and to whom I communicated what had 
 
136 
 
 been (ton*, expreised hii full and entire approbation of it ; and the next day li« 
 brought to the office the draught from which he atated the " duplicate" wai pre- 
 pared by him, bearing date Paris, llth February, 1815, which he particularly 
 ■{lowed to me, aa a corroborative justification to the Department of State for 
 the alteration that had been made in the date of his paper. It was then, 1 
 think, that I informed him of the substitution which had been made in the offico 
 copy of the year 1815 for tliat of 18l6, to correct our own mistake ; aud he au- 
 thorized and requested me to have a like alteration made in his "duplicate,*' 
 which was accordingly done. Mr. Russell, upon this occasion, again expressed 
 bis indifference as to the determination of the Executive with regard to this 
 "duplicate,'* aud repeated his request that it should bo returned to him if not 
 used. 
 
 Ih one of our conversations I aBkcd him why he had delivered that paper to 
 ne, and not to the President, to whom he had said he would deliver it ? His 
 reply was, that he had done so because he deemed that course most respectful 
 to the Department of State, being under the impression, notwithstanding my de- 
 claration toiha contrary, that 1 had sounded him upon the subject of the paper 
 in question by authority, (meaning, I presumed, by direction of the Secretary 
 of State,) and that it was actually required at the Department of State. 
 
 In a conversation between Mr. Russell and myself, on the 1st May, in Mr. 
 Bailey's room, at the Department of State, in the presence and hearing of that 
 gentleman, he fully and expressly admitted and confirmed the correctness of the 
 statement given in this paper of the conversation iK-tween us of the iiOth of 
 April, at his lodgings, with regard to the facts that the call of Doctor Floyd for 
 litB letter had been made at his suggestion, and that I mentioned to him I had 
 no authority to make an applicaliomto him for a copy of that letter, and that I* 
 made none. 
 
 ,., , DANIEL BRENT. 
 
 :yashinglon, lOthJuly, 1822. 
 
 Mr. Bailey's Statement. 
 
 Several days after the passage of the resolution of the House of Represent- 
 atives of the United States, of 17th January, 1822, moved by Mr. Floyd, and 
 calling on the President for copies of certain papers relative to the negotiations 
 at Ghent, but before the copies had oeen communicated to the House, Mr. Rus- 
 sell, of the House, called at my room in the Department of State, and expressed 
 a wish to see a letter addressed by himself, separately, at Ghent, to the then Se- 
 cretary of State. He stated that the present Secretary of State had mentioned the 
 letter to him, and had desired to know whether it was his (Mr. Russell's) wish 
 that this letter should be communicated to the House with ot^ier papers embraced 
 by the above call, or not. This letter, (a short one, dated "Ghent, 25th De- 
 cember, 1814,") was accordingly shown to Mr. Russell by me, in a volume con- 
 taining the original communications from our Plenipotentiaries at Ghent, which 
 had been bound and lettered in the Department several years before. Mr. Rus- 
 sell, on reading the letter, said that he saw no objection to the communication 
 of it, and asked me if I saw any. The reply was, that none was seen. Ho 
 tiaid that the concluding paragraph, as it related to his return to Sweden, and 
 not at all to the negotiations at Ghent, did not require to be communicated to 
 the H'use. 1 requested him to mark such part as he wished communicated. 
 This he did ; and, conformably to this, the copy was made, by subsequent di- 
 rection of the Secretary of State, and thus it appears in the printed copy, p. 50. 
 At the same time, or very soon after, (1 do not remember which,) Mr. Rus- 
 sell expressed a wish that the letter might be found and communicated, whicfa^ 
 in his letter of 25th December, 1814, he intimated his intention of writing. 
 The wish was repeated at subeequent times, both at my room and elsewhere ; 
 and much desire was manifested by him on the subJRct. 'Mr. Russell and my- 
 self together, as well as myself separately, examined at diffexeit titnes tte 
 
167 
 
 Irf r, """ •"•="* '«'- h«d b;;„ J «'„•":'"'? informed m. th., W.'C 
 •«ion to him .ince the call of 17,h Jai.uarv • . 'h^k 'T ^'- ""«•«»'« d.elM. 
 Rumll', le„er of 25th December isT/U.. J ''' "'"•"" •»•<' of Mr 
 
 '>ome, (in Ma««achu8ett.,) and that ».» T ' ''"P^ "^ '« ''•'•. but had .t 
 <'aughter there; but .uppisXm iou drtl?' V""^^ ^^ w'ri.^ T^' 
 (flr.t) call. He «,ked me if I supposed 1 co'. ^' " '°"P"''"'=" ^*«b tS. 
 •nd communicated to the House S The^.h'. """' ""V '^*""«' be received 
 not know sufficiently what was ubuTi 1 . k ' '"P*"' ^ "PUed «hat I did 
 the .'duplicate" at'the Ca^S ^^'o'l/me" k""' k^^'" "^"•'^ d" v«"d 
 w'l? S' "If •^''PJ^' ""-^ 'h- she had B^^' l""" *''« •" "ad written ,o hii 
 While Mr. Russell, at his firKf „■,,:* 
 office he noticed a paragraph in the 1,17 ""•»'"'"« varioua record, of the 
 of 15th April, mi respectU filtZ-H "*^ 
 
 ^i"ch was omitted in the copy^e„ 1 r ' ' '^-"'"L" "V ''""«• ' « paraSran! 
 8«ge of 13,h October, ISlT^see W„^, T"' ''^ ^'- ^'"'^••"n with bl^^ 
 ^hich,i,i, believed, ^aHneUrouSM-n^ ''"P""' ^"'^ »» P- 3S7 )T„d 
 ^ette of loth May, hn Of hi Mfan, '",',' "PP"*""' '" «he Nation^ Ga^ 
 direction of the Secretarv r m,,i «••• Kussell requested of me a codv n„ 
 
 w«k, after, (, .1-*^:^ f i. ^^ A^hirrr "w"'™ "" "^^p^ = ";d?i;v,?." 
 -;..or„otfou..d,a„dLki„g^iiK;r:^iSwr^^^^^^^ 
 
 (whXs,S;^:lSi;r.;f;^^^^^^^^^^^ was at my room, and , aid 
 
 '";Wy without his knowledge, or wit Ztron. Z *"? ."""'"" ^°' "^bat call «,. 
 effect. He also said he did' not kn^w Mr f1 ,? '"*"! ''*"'» """"". to tZ 
 tnonon (for the call of 17th Ja".uarr) ^^"^ " """'"" '"'" """'i^g bi. fir" 
 
 tered from 1822 to ,816, TnlV6\%^''ZTnt\J'^ ''"" •"•''"« "•«««'- 
 alteration, expressed distinctly his displeasure afthl- ^^"'""V' °» «e«ing the 
 Russell next came to the Department Mr R'-"! «='«'»"'"a''ce. When Mr. 
 h.m the incident of the alte.ation from 1822 t„ 1816 "'^ ^JT"!'* mentioned to 
 impression, scarcely leaving a rioubrtho.f.-. m »' ""^ ^■"'' " «™"«>y my 
 this intimation happened at 5,is or li,! ^ ^': ^'^"' " uncertain whether 
 that 1816 was put Z Met IsT ZthTlnL'''- i^""""') '"«•»•«" 
 the copy lor the House, if such was Mr «■ J^n' . *'°"" *'*' **'* '*'**^'"R o^ ^ 
 only assented to the altUation, (To ISlsS h.T ' '"'*?''•'• **'' R"8«ll „ot 
 •bus, in a manner more emphaic and formal M;*"*"*""'' *''" " ™«bt be read 
 porting, that he wished this d clara. o„ o hts to bP "".""'""^^ "*»""*' P"" 
 alteration. And, at his next r^li hi k u ? ^^ ^^^^° «» authority for the 
 he made the duplicate, anXaSr^xhibrfhs'f. "'"' i.!!' '^'^-S'-t from wh ch 
 brought it to me, to show that " IsS* wasl Z . t" '° ^" ^''*'"*' '" »'" "om, 
 was plainly "1815." ^ was a mistake in copying. The draught 
 
 .ho?d7oir/itrsrpi:ret\,!;eT:' ;t^ '•'"^^"^ -« -^^-^ that it 
 
 sel, with the sole exception of he da el'° *''« P^^' '^'P""'""' ^y Mr. Ru 
 Mr. Russell's special request ' "" ''^ ^"'''^^ ""'''•fi«d according ,« 
 
 Bre^nt recVifurate'^S ctVet^J^'l tit'; "j^"' r". '" "^ -- -^ Mr. 
 20th April,,whe„ Mr. BrenrSe certab Tnn^r"'^"'* ^'- ""«"'"» O" «be 
 ^e«er. The recapitulation in su^^^S'reX tS ^SZ i^lSrS^ 
 
158 
 
 RiiiUll, that hit inqwlrhi* were wholly without ihe mithofUy of any other per- 
 son ! that his objert wattoknow whether Mr. Rumell could aiid would futniih 
 th« letter, If It should be wonted, and if he ihould be apjJI^d to for it ; and 
 that Mr. Rumll told Mr. Brent that he could and wouU furniih it to the Pre- 
 •ident I and that he ftirther told Mr. Brent, (on Mr. Bmnt'i intiuiry,) that Mr. 
 Floyd had made hit (lecond) motion on hie (Mr. RuMelli) euggeition. Mr. 
 Ruijell nitenled to the correctnew of thii recapitulation, explaining the last ob- 
 •ervatlon by taying, thai Mr. Floyd, before he nioTed the eecond call, ailwd 
 him If he could give him (Mr. Floyd) a copy of the letter, and that he (Mr. 
 Ruiaell) declined, %pd told Mr. Floyd that If he wlehed a copy ho muit roova a 
 
 '•*"^''** JOHN BAILEY. 
 
 Woihinglm, loth Jttly, nVl. 
 
 From the Ifalional InleUigmrer of A»gusl 7, 1822. 
 TO THE EDITORS. 
 
 In the reply printed in the National Intelligencer of the 1 7th 
 ultimo, to a publication by Mr. Jonathan Russell in the Boston 
 Statesman, of the 27th of June preceding, it was stated that the 
 subject would be resumed in another paper. That paper, »vitU 
 others elucidating all the topics of general interest discussed in Mr. 
 Russell's letter, has been prepared, but will be presented to the 
 public in another form. Mr. Russell's letter from Pans, of 11th 
 February, 1816, was ostensibly a vindication of himself and' his mo- 
 tives against an accusation instituted by himself— ^elf-defence 
 against self-impeachment ! The substance was, a secret impeach- 
 ment of the majority of his colleagues before their common supe- 
 rior authority. That accusation he saw fit, during the late session 
 of Congress, to bring before the Legislative Assembly of which he 
 was a member, and shortly afterwards to produce before the pub- 
 lic, in newspapers, nt Philadelphia and at Boston. If, in meeting 
 this accusation wherever it has appeared visible and tangible, I have 
 been compelled to present myself more than once to the public at- 
 tention, it has been under circumstances deeply mortifying to me, 
 and assuredly not of my own choosing. I h?ve been called to re- 
 pel a succession of charges, supported by the name of a man high 
 in the confidence of the country ; an associate in the trust which 
 he substantially accuses me of having betrayed, and implicating the 
 character, conduct, and memory of other citizens employed on the 
 same service. It has, indeed, recently been suggested that this is 
 a mere personal controversy between Mr. Russell and me, with 
 which the public have no concern. And why was it brought before 
 the public ? So long as the purport of Mr. Russell's letter was 
 merely propagated in whispers— just hinted in anonymous para- 
 graphs of newspapers, and hoped not to be true in charitable letters 
 from Washington, however infamous the imputations with which it 
 was occasionally bound up and circulated, a man conscious of his 
 ianocence, and secure ia the uprightness of his intentions, might 
 
1A9 
 
 overlook and deipi»« it. Bat, when made the object of two «ic. 
 ce«ive legislative c« In for obiolete and forgotten tl ocumpntr t..Vm 
 peted l,eforeh.,nd throushout the Union. ^,f;;:h^ut;S■ 
 «ure, wh.ch w«re to b!^t a reputation worthies, iftbrestimaUon 
 of it^oMCMor, if not unsullied ; when pertinaciousfvTbtnidM 
 upon rongre^ „u.l upon the nation, by a cSllea«ue?„ fte tA„,a^^ 
 •on denounced, by a part.c.pator in the act reprobated by hhZTf 
 pr nc,p,e, a„d dut.e, of a higher order than those of mer7„ero„d 
 dehcacy commanded me to solicit the attention, first, .f the Housa 
 of Representat.veH. and, secondly, of the natio^. to my defen" "J 
 hat ofmy CO leagues, arraigned before them. Th7defence ha^ 
 
 to whirh r'" •''' ''T'^y ?t''^ '^"^^^ ^"'"^ limits rLattaet 
 o which It IS opposed ; and if, in the course of it, the attack Je If 
 has necessarily been made to recoil upon the accuser it w 1 becausL 
 nothing could more forcibly tend to show the futility of The charm 
 than an exposition of the conduct of him who produced them Tp! 
 mo then be permitted to say, that this is not a mere persoTaJ con 
 troversy between Mr. Russell and me, with which the DubHrhT; 
 tronTrh"- /'^''^-^- begin, nor can it so end Xi^^^^^^^^^ 
 tion at Ghent was an event of great importance in the hi3 of 
 tbw Union. It was conducted by five Co.timissionem rl/itf^? r 
 different sections of the country.^ One of tKreat^bS^^^^ tl 
 the entrusbng of critical negotiations to CommZlSXlw •^. 
 
 catise. Of these dissentjons I believe there were as few at Ghent 
 as in any negotiation, by Commissioners of equal number uDonhif 
 torical record. Until the last winter, I had flatte^ed^^Vsdf 51; 
 
 Ho?,! /*r'' 'f ''''''''' *^^^P'"'°» ^'^ b««" of a charaXwhth 
 It would have been ever necessary to disclose to the world l„ 
 making the diausht of th« inin» uL^ .*• o^ u f.! '"f '^'^'J^: '" 
 
 place ^i:v^::;r^::::^7:^^^:i:j^:^^:^j^ 
 
 enes.) 1 he draught having been passed round to all the members nf 
 Oi^e mission for revisal, was brought back to me by MTuussen 
 with an alteration, ,vhich he said was desired, not by h.mbutbv 
 Mr. Clay, to say. instead of "«,e ojeredr "a majoritv of us d^ 
 ermined to offer." Now, although the ^xpressSs S used h ?d 
 been strictly correct, and the offer had beJn actual v made hv f'^t 
 whole mission, I readily assented to the ..IteSn^rLl 5' 
 that Mr. Russell's purpose was to lay it as a corner-stone TfZr^ 
 fabrics, either of self-accusation and' defence, or of social dfS 
 
 thatTrrh^' "" ""^' "^''^S^" '' *« « «elf.contradicUon of mine 
 that I say the proposition was made by the whole mission -.m^ 11* 
 
 »n the joint letter of 25th December, it was said TmZku Z^^ 
 
 tTA ':" '^'' \'- «"^ "'« contradiction i^oft; ownSinf^"" 
 
 0?thtthT Mr7u^^;n"'^^'r^ 'rheofler^rtde . 
 
 yy in^ wuoje. JVlr. Russell proposed another amendment, for which 
 
160 
 
 he neither mentioned, nor did I then suspect his motive. The let- 
 ter says, "We contended that the whole treaty of 1783 must be 
 considered as one entire and permanent compact, not hable, hke 
 ordinary treaties, to be abrogated by a subsequent war between the 
 parties to it." Mr. Russell's proposal was to change tli|kword 
 must for might— to read " we contended that the wholi^treaty 
 might be considered," &c. But to this alteration I objected that it 
 would not state the facts as they were— that we had actually con- 
 tended that it must, and not that it might be so considered ; and Mr. 
 Russell immediately yielded to this objection, which he could not 
 dispute. He assented to this passage of the letter, as it was first 
 written, and as it now stands. The use which he even then pro- 
 posed to make of the alteration, if it had been admitted, I now per- 
 ceive, but had thru t6o sincere a regard for Mr. Russell to surmise. 
 Tliere were, in the course of the negotiation, many difierences 
 of opinion, and many votes taken ; but, excepting this solitary case, 
 no one member of the mission thought it necessary to record the' 
 fact, or to make it known even to the Aitierican government. As 
 all the members of the mission had finally concurred in the pro- 
 position upon which the vote was taken, and had signed their nan' ^g 
 to it in the communications to the British plenipotentiaries ; and ..s 
 there was then no allegation by any one that it was not fully war- 
 ranted by our instructions, 1 certainly thought there was as little 
 necessity for announcing to our government that a vote had been 
 taken upon this proposition, as upon any other question which had 
 occurred— yet, when it was desired by any member of the mission, 
 that the proposition to which all had pledged their names and sig- 
 natures to the adverse party and the world, should be recorded, as 
 having been previously determined by a majority only, I could 
 have no objection to its being so stated. Mr. Clay did not think it 
 necessary either to accuse or to defend himself for having been iu 
 the minority. The course pursued by Mr. Russell was neither 
 candid towards his colleagues, nor friendly to the liberties of his 
 country. Under the guise of accusing himself, h% became the se- 
 cret delator of his colleagues. But his letter from Paris was not 
 confined to its professed object of vindicating himself for his vote 
 upon the Mississippi proposition. He travelled out of the record, 
 and racked his ingenuity and his learning to refute the principle 
 assumed at the proposal of Mr. Clay himself— the principle upon 
 which no vote had been taken in the mission ; but which had been 
 adopted and inserted in the note of 10th November, 1814, by una- 
 nimous consent ; the principle that, from the nature of the fishing 
 liberties, smd the peculiar character of the treaty of 1783, they 
 were not abrogated by the war. And now, seven years afterwards, 
 when, by the mainienance of that very principle, we had, in a sub* 
 sequent negotiation with Great Britain, secured in a new compro- 
 raise, without abandoning the piinciple, the whole essential interest 
 m the fishing liberties ; when, by the same negotiation, we had ob- 
 tamed the abandonment by Great Britain of her own ground o{ 
 
161 
 
 a cali from the House of RpnMof * ? entirely drawn up by me • 
 
 the Ghent document^ Mr Tus dl LT 'T^^ ^'' *^« ^^^'duTof 
 
 t.on whether his old dentaS' f ^^.^f./^P ^^^^^ «- op- 
 
 witb the majonty, shall or shall not beTmm„n- ri**^'''*^*^'"*"* 
 
 deliberately decides that it shallTJ^d lZ?^Tff '''i^^ «°"«' 
 
 repose, till he has brought before CnJZ ?'u'^ ^"'^ '^'^'ers no 
 
 of attainder against his ell eague^ new vam„Tf / ' "^''T^ ^^' •»•» 
 
 passions of the day : it is now tnn f T ? ^^^^ ° '"'* *•»« PoMtical 
 
 personal controve^y between MrRt'^.H 'V^'' '^'' " » "^re 
 
 public have no concern: ^'^" ""*" •"« '^'th ^Wch the 
 
 ^-^^^:Z^^ ^-is, that .e ..e ./, 
 
 degree pernicious to oneTf the m^f ' ^ '^'' '" ^ ^'g^est 
 Union. *Tbe pretension that tr on v'tS?l'"''^u^^^^ °^ this 
 . temporary grant of the Brhish kin^ rivll M ^^T.^^^ *'^«'' » 
 was equally unfounded in Ewand fn ?act Th. *"' P''^^"'"^' 
 for the averment of its extinction thJ P^ ''^^°° assigned 
 
 and all articles bf every trea'v~W "' "^'i'S^' ^ «" ^''eatieT 
 tions ; and if it were^'wou,/-' warrnTTh:' '^ ^ '^" °^»«- 
 from It. The character and vaL of ?hi conclusion drawn 
 
 the Mississippi, are in the Tetter from Paris Sv"'" '^''''"^ ^^ 
 and perverted by exaeeeration tk [ t^"^ m'srepresented 
 is eq'ually misreJrS? rpervert^^^^^^^^^ fi^hinV liberty 
 
 possession of this liberty has twiclbeen tL P"''^^^?''^- ' ^^« 
 which wars with Great Britain hnv! h ^."'''""S hmge upon 
 
 ther of those occasTons ZlrtZtT ^°°f '"^^^d- If Spon^ei" 
 letter had prevailed wTth theTme £ ZlT^ '" ^'' «"«««"'» 
 the Newfoundland, Gulf of St EeTeTn^T^^^^ "7 "^^'* i° 
 would have been lost. The same nirnn' ^^^rador fishery, 
 «gai„. I undertake to proretLrrr"'^''''^P''"'*»'^'y«"«e 
 calls it. of his letter, is in all L ''r^^^^^ ZfZT/' ''• ^'' ^"«««» 
 pitious to the cause of his country ""^^""^^'^ ^ 't wx- unpro- 
 
 the?;;^rn::::;i^^^^^^^^ this controversy fn. 
 
 ihe Ghent documLfs called Kj the reso^tL'" ^.H '"S'"'^'^* 
 Representatives ; the message of^thTprSn 7"! ^ » '^""^^ «*' 
 Mr. Russell's letters and my Remarks hifn„M ? **>« ««"se, with 
 in the Boston Statesman LH^Tn'''P"^''c«t'«n of 27th June 
 
 tional Intelligence ! with'other naoVr'; '"Tf- ^''^'"^^^ '» ^^e S 
 tations of Mf. Ru^eliral'^Sis^ g^^J '^^^f^^th^ 
 
 treaties and treaty stipulations ; the vaL of tlJ^- ^ """• "Po*-* 
 gation to the British, and of the fishinTliL^f ? Mississippi navi- 
 by which we have hdd andlti I tWem %lrthr' ''' "^'^^ 
 any difference of opinion betwPPn f hi a • ' ^here ever was 
 at Ghent upon rneasC n S"hev alSl^ P'«"'P«t-^n"«nes 
 never have been made known to the oubifl'"^ concurred, would 
 an e,ual share of re.poi.sibiirt/rforJilTchX ha^tot' ct' 
 
 WW 
 
tented auJ grateful for the aatisfactioD of our common country widb 
 the general result of our services, I had no private interests or 
 feelings to indulge, at the expense of others, and my earnest desire 
 would have been, to have seen in every member of the mission, 
 for the rest of my days, no other than a friend and a brother. Disap* 
 pointed in this wish, my next hope is, thiii. even the discords of Ghent 
 may be turned to the promotion of fiiture harmony in the Union. 
 From the nature of our federative constitution, it is probable that 
 hereafter, as heretofore, the most important negotiations with for> 
 eign powers will be committed to joint missions of several mem- 
 bers. To every such mission nnd to all its mtsmbers the Ghent 
 negotiation will uflbrd instructive lessons, as well by its union as 
 by Its divisions. The conduct of Mr. Russell will aflord a negative 
 instruction of deep import. It will teach them to beware of leaguing 
 invidious and imaginary sectional or party feelings with the pur< 
 poses of the enemy, against our rights — of assuming the argument 
 of the enemy against ourselves — of proclaiming, without necessity, 
 differences of opinion upon rejected propositions — of secret de- 
 nunciations in the shape uf self-vindication — of crude and shallow 
 dissertations against essential interests and just cl&ims, and of in- 
 terpolating public papers to adapt tbem to the purposes of the mo- 
 ment. It »vill tench them to have n higher sense of the rights and 
 liberties of this nation, than to believe them to lis held nt the will 
 of H British king ; and it will warn them to turn their talents 
 to better uses than that of sacrificing the essential interests of their 
 country. These are public concerns of great moment, and n just 
 understanding of them in every part of the Union is indissohibly 
 connected with a just estimate of the conduct of the majority of 
 the Ghent mission, hold forth to public censure by one of their col- 
 leagues. For a view of the whole ground it will be indispensable 
 to compare the documents of the negotiation with the references of 
 both parties to them in the discussion, and to that end it will be ne- 
 cessary that they should all be included in one publication. I ask 
 of the candour of my countrymen to be assured, that this publica- 
 tion will be addressed to no temporary purposes^ to no party feel- 
 ing, to no sectional passions, but to the whole nation and to pos- 
 terity, upon objects which, although implicating immediately only 
 the conduct of the negotiators at Ghent, are of deep and perma- 
 nent interest to themselves. 
 
 JOHN qUiNCY ADAMS, 
 
 August 5, 18S2. . 
 
 «»i 
 
163 
 FURTHER STRICTURES 
 
 ON MR, RUSSELL'S REPRESENTATIONS AND ESTIMATES. 
 
 /. Jyavigatiim of the Mississippi^Worthless to the British. 
 Inthe ioint despatch of the 25th of December, 1814 to th« S*. 
 cretary of State, signed by all the members of the American mis' 
 
 wJi.h »h?*"'' ' TJl^r ""'' '^•^^^ '^^ *•>« circumstanceruDder" 
 which the proposal had been made to the British plenipotenUaries 
 md rejected by them, of a stipulation, confirming the pJovS of 
 he treaty of 1783, in regard to the fishing rights and SeS o' 
 the people of the United States, and to thi right ortheBrhUK * 
 navigate the Mississippi. It was there stated fhataj„ the W 
 ncan mission, in answer to the notification from the British that 
 he.r government did not intend to grant anew the fishing 1 berties 
 had asserted Ihe principle, that from the peculiar chraderof the 
 reaty of 1783, and ihe nature of those rights and liberties no fur 
 ther stipulation had been deemed necessaFv by the eoveJnCl ^ 
 the United States, to entitle them to tbeVulf enfovment oTall ff 
 
 10th of November, 1814, a project of a treaty containing no arU- 
 cle or stipulation on the subject ; after the BriS^h plenipSfeStiaries 
 had. on the 20th of November, returned that project with alteraS 
 proposed by them one of which was a stipulation that bS S 
 .lects should, at all times, have access to the river Mississippi and 
 the free navigation of the river— to meet this demand, and to olare 
 both points beyond all future controversy, a majority of the mission 
 determmed to offer to admit an article confirming both rights 
 _ Nothing can be more clear and explicit than this statiment that 
 the determination of the majority was taken after the 26^ of Jvl 
 remfcer, 1814. Yet directly in the face of it, Mr. Russell.ln the 
 Boston Statesman of 11 June, affirms that at the mission meetiZ 
 of the 28th and 29th of November, •• whatever might ha?e been 
 "■aid in relation to the Mississippi, on account of the alteration 
 respecting it, made in the 8(h article of our project, by the Bri 
 " tish plenipotentiaries, no new resolution was there taken by the 
 ♦' Jimencan mtsston to offer the navigation of that river for the f-hino- 
 l[privilese This offer was ma<(e on the 1st of December.'in ^-i,? 
 tue of the vote taken before the 10th of November, and which 
 'a °'^'?°"Sn suspended, had not been reconsidered or cancelled '♦ 
 And he adds, " I am the more confident in this statement as I di* 
 " tinctly remember that when that offer was actually made it was 
 " unexpected by a majoritv of thk mission. Mr. Bayard, in re- 
 turning home from the house of the British ministers, where tL 
 " conference of the Istof December had been holden, very exoli 
 !! <^U.'y Jeclared to Mr. Clay and to me, his dissatiafacUon that this 
 ^^ otter had been made without his having been recently consulted iu 
 relation to %t. I dare, in regard to these facts, to appeal to the 
 recollection of Mr. Clay, in confirmation of my own '' 
 
164 
 
 Marvellous indeed I Ho then this wonder-working and terrible 
 pronoMl, this portentouR •acrifice of the peace, comfort, and Hafety 
 of the western world, wax actually made in full conference with 
 t.sc Bntjsh pl«nipoteiitiuiie8, not by n miyority, but l>y a MinoniTV, 
 of the American mission. And Mr. Bayard, who had chKnged bia 
 tnmd, stood bv, and saw the proposal made, heard it discussed, 
 •aw It entered on the protocol m the proposal ot the American 
 plenipotentiaries, and afterwnnis signed a letter declaring he had 
 A** J ^J?*^*'<'" '0 '' ; while all the time he was not for, but against it. 
 And Mr. Clay and Mr. Uussell, who from before the 10th of No- 
 vember had known the change of Mr. Bayard's mind, they too. 
 witno5is«d this insolent usurpation, by the minority, of the mm% 
 and rights of the whole mission, without daring to avow an objec- 
 tion to it either in the presence of, or in correspondence with, the 
 British pinnipotentiiiries, or in the meetings of the mission itself. 
 Mr. Bayard contents himself with whispering his dissatisfaction to 
 Mr Clay and Mr. Russell ; and they, instead of vindicating the in- 
 aulted rights ot the miijority, rosorvo it as a secret, which Mr. Rui- 
 soll, seven years after the death of Mr. Bayard, divulges to the 
 world. 
 
 The anecdote is an outrage on the memory of Mr. Bayard. Mr 
 Clay will not respond alfirmatively to the appeal of Mr. Russell.' 
 I have no occasion tor appealing in this case to the recollection of 
 any one. I speak not only from the express and positive testimony 
 of the joint desmtch of 26 December, 1814, but from the record 
 of a private diary, kopt by me at the time, in which are minuted 
 from day to day, with all the accuracy and detail in my power, the 
 proceedings as well of the mission, as of both missions in their con- 
 ferences : and I now affirm, that on the 20th of November, 1814 
 after a discussion of more than five liours, in which every member 
 of the mission, except Mr. Russell, took part, a vott was taken 
 upon thR proposal of Mr. Gallatin, to accept the proposed altera- 
 tion o( the 8th article of the project, prssented by the British 
 plenipotentiaries, relating to the navigation of the Mississippi ad- 
 ding to It a counter stipulation for securing the fishing liberties 
 within exclusive British jurisdiction ; that a majority of the mis- 
 sion voted for this proposal, and that Mr. Gallatin should prepare 
 for consideration the next day, an amendment to tha 8th article con- 
 formably ;— that on the aiUh of November Mr. Gallatin did pro- 
 duce this amendment, which, after another long discussion was 
 agreed to, and was the same ottered to the British plenipotentiaries 
 as appears by the protocol of the 1st of December, 1814 It was 
 to this vote ot the majority, and to this alone, that the joint des- 
 patch of 25 December, 1814, referred ; and it was to this rote 
 thus stated upon the lace of the despatch, that Mr. Russell referred 
 in his separate letter of the same date, when he said that he had 
 been oti that occasion in the minority. Yet it was not without rea- 
 son that III my tonner remarks upon his letters I said, he gave it. 
 ttHiy be, u silent vole against the proposal . for. from the minutp« 
 
160 
 
 member; „nd Mr it.lnU ^^ '"* ^n- ^^^ '"'*« «'' the fifth 
 
 theae op^rnit^ei Z^^^^ not unmlhng to avail himself of 
 
 ' K I rep<.at tC 5'« ♦"! * "o'vever that fact may 
 
 pr-JMed in Mr R ;liv nrJ ^""'•""''' ""Pres-ion, which he ex- 
 Ei., that he%^r.f 1;^^^^^^^^^^^ -tradicted hy 
 
 lOth of November Th„^^^i^^^ taken before the 
 
 not one worj of the vl ?r'"*; i^'^''\''^ »^' ~^^^^ December, say. 
 had Mr. R cuJ :p^^^^^^^ of November \ nl 
 
 to it whatever. X^ sXn l^t iL^f December, any reference 
 confound them together X^lhl J "''''" ^T '"'*^^'' attempted to 
 position wlS iTm^d; th. nV"'^"!" °^"''««"S«R«in«tthe pro- 
 Ised by Mr Clay aeni? ; Ut wf T"*"' *"'"" ""^ ""^^^^ »'«'' »>««« 
 
 t«e of the vote Men e^L'Tl.rLrm:!!:." ^"°™"" """"»"■ "-^ "'• 
 «. fonl^""^ "^ '"^ ""' *» ''/"" ">« >Oth of November i. 
 
 the article d ed by ^'r UusseTin^hlT f''Sf ^^ ^'' ^«"«*'" ^«« 
 last. As it was finally set lie t °''°° ^'"'"T " °^27th June 
 
 01 
 
166 
 
 The ailicle was diecussed further, chiefly bchvcen Mr. Gallatin 
 and Mr. Clay, at meetings of the mission op the 31st of October, 
 •no an the Ist, 2d, and 3d of November. 
 
 I bad till then taken no part in the discussion. The following 
 «re extracts from my diary of subsequent dates, when, at meeting? 
 of the miraion, all the articles of the draught were discussed. 
 
 4 November, 1814. " The great difficulty was with regard to 
 ** the tisberies. Mr. Gallatin's draught proposed the rent ival of the 
 *' right of fishing and drying fish within the British jurisdiction, to- 
 " gether with the right of the British to navigate the Missiosippi, 
 *• both taken from the peace of 1 783. I was in favour of this. Mr. 
 *' Clay has an insuperable objection to the renewal of the right lo 
 *' the British of navigating the Mississippi. I then declared myself 
 *• prepared either to propose Mr. Gallatin's article, or to take the 
 " ground* that the whole right to the fisheries was recognised as a 
 " part of our national independence ; that it could not be abrogated 
 " by the war. and needed no stipulation ^br its renewiU. Mr. Clay 
 " was averse to either of the courses proposed, and said that after 
 ♦' all if the British plenipotentaries should insist upon this point, we 
 " should all finally sign the treaty without the provision respect- 
 " ing the fishery. Mr. Russell expressed some doubt whether he 
 *• would sign without it ; and Isexplicitly declared that I would not, 
 ♦' without further instructions — I could not say that I would, with 
 ♦' them." 
 
 6 November, 1814. " The article concerning the fisheries and 
 " the navigation of the Mississippi as drawn by Mr. Gallatin was 
 *' further debated, and the vote taken upon it. Mr. Clay and Mr. 
 « Russell voted against it— Mr. Bayard, Mr. Gallatin, and myself 
 «' for proposing it. After the vote was taken, Mr. Clay said that 
 *' he should not sign the communication by which the proposal 
 ♦' would be made." 
 
 7 November, 1814. "Mr. Clay proposed a paragraph for th« 
 ♦« note to be sent to the British plenipotentiiines, as a substitute in- 
 " stead of the article respecting the fisheries and the navigation of 
 «* the Mississippi, which had passed by vote on Saturday. Mr. 
 « Clay said, that in declaring at that time that he should not sign 
 «' the note accompanying the project, if it included Mr. Gallatin's 
 " article, he had not intended that it should in any manner affect 
 " the minds of any of ua. If the article should be proposed and 
 " accepted, and a treaty otherwise not exceptionable should be 
 «' obtainable he might perhaps ultimately accede to it ; but the 
 «« object was in his view so important, that he could not reconcile 
 «« it to himself to agree in making the proposal. His proposed pa- 
 " ragraph took the ground which I had originally suggested that all 
 «* the fishery rights formed a part of the recogiution of our Inde- 
 «« pendence, and as such, were by our instructions excludfu from 
 " discussion. I said I should have preferred the proposal of Mr. 
 " Gallatm'a article, as placing the subject out of controversy ; but 
 " that as we could not be unanimous for that, I was willi>;.a: to take 
 
167 
 
 "5 r ?f' paragraph, by which we should rc-orre all our riehti 
 and at the same time execute our instniriinna m » °"^5 « -f* 
 
 Mr. Russell has taken infinite oains to faatr « i • . 
 
 ci K, and Its consequences. He has represenlc.i it as on the oart 
 
 ed it wftrhot'c:f In" '^',f ^''" °^"'y ^^""'•'y' fo"- having assert! 
 ;m..;7- ^ ^^""y colleagues who are yet willine to bear the 
 
 imputation, not as a preteo:t, but with sincerity of heart! and a, very 
 zealous believers in it. But were every other Hying member of 
 
 ini\Tl 'V V '^'"'"''T^' ^hat they assumed this principle only 
 
 ?de ed it onlv .r.7'.""'''' f"^ ^^ « P^'''^'^ *>"* ^^at th'ey col 
 ^P? At ^ •' ^^^ '^''^"'" °^ a visionary, I would answer—the 
 dream of the visionary was an honest dream He believed what he 
 
 ;t"fith:l"'Norfh- f/f'» ™Jsht confidently add •rh^tl'ed 
 
 t^ons with Greit R^i? "? ^ °'l^ ""^^^^ P^"''^' ^^^^ ^^e negotia- 
 tions with Great Britain since the peace, and the convention of 
 
 ibi J^""'*?/"'^^!" °^'^.''''^' ^'^^t '^ t^« P'-i^ciple was assu- J by 
 tZr;?nifest^d r;l «''--P-™-e:that spirit was much mor^ 
 strongly manifested by the majo ity, and particularly by me in ac- ' 
 
 Br ti'sh nIPn inof"^''^ -^ never deny, that from the time when the 
 Kntish plenipotentiaries notified to us, that their government did 
 no intend to grant the fishing liberties without an equivaTont I 
 felt an inexpressible solicitude for their preservation^ I have al- 
 ready remarked thatthis notification was made intermsso indefinite, 
 
168 
 
 that its object apparently was to exclucle us from the whole of the 
 Wewtoundland, Gulf of St. Lawrence, and Labrador lisheries. Mr. 
 Kussell has not ventured to contest this position ; nor could he 
 have contested it with success. The notification, us entered upon 
 the protocol of conference of 8th August, 1814, made up jointiv 
 l»7 both parties, was as follows : » J J 
 
 m/k^II® ^f'*'^^ commissioners requested information, whether 
 ^^ the American commissioners were instructed to enter into nego- 
 
 i. l!f ''°r °^}^^ "^"^*' P°*"^ ^ ^"* before they desired any answer, 
 ^^ they felt it right to communicate the intentions of their govern- 
 
 'ment as to the ATorth American fisheries, \'v/.. That the British 
 ''government did not intend to grant to the United States, gratu- 
 •'itously, the privileges formerly granted by treaty to them, of 
 
 Jishtng wtthtn (he limits of the British sovereignly, and of using 
 ' the shores of the British territories for purposes connected with 
 
 the lishenes." Wait's State Papers, vol. 9, p. 330. 
 The remark upon it, made by the American mission, in their 
 letter to the Secretary of State of 12th August, 1814, was this : 
 
 \( V "y^?,*^*^^"* o*" what was considered by them as waters pecu- 
 
 ^ harly British, was not stated. From the manner in which they 
 
 '^ brought this subject into view, they seemed to wish us to under- 
 
 « *"":*"** ^"®y ^^^^ "ot anxious that it should be discussed, and 
 
 hat they only intended to give us notice, that these privileges 
 Jiad ceased to exist, and would not be again granted without an 
 
 equivalent, nor unless we thought proper to provide expressly in 
 
 the treaty ol peace for their renewal." Ibid, p. 321. 
 
 And what were the limits of British sovereignty, as to the North 
 American Ijsheries ? Ask the Abbe Raynal. 
 
 "According to natural right, the fishery upon the great bank 
 ought to have been common to all mankind ; notwithstandine 
 which the two powers that had formed colonies in North Ame- 
 nca, have made very tittle difficulty of appropriating it to them- 
 selves. Spam who alone could have any claim to it, and who 
 romi the number of her monks, might have pleaded the necessi 
 ty of asserting it, entirely gave up the matter at the last peace, 
 since which time the English and French are the only nationi 
 that frequent these latitudes." RaynaVs History, book 17. 
 Ask the commentator on the marine ordinance of Louis XIV 
 V aim. Alter assigning soundings, as the e* .;nt of sovereign juris' 
 diction, upon the sea, in regard to fisheries, he says : 
 
 .« /hot" f° ^}^ right of fishing upon the Eank of Newfoundland, aa 
 hat island, which is, as it were, the seat of this fishery, then be- 
 
 " 3 ? 7.""^ u T' '^ ^^^"^ ^y ^^''' ^^••^"^^ that other nations 
 
 could naturally hsh there only by virtue of the treaties. This 
 
 ^^ has since changed, by means of the cession of the Island of New- 
 
 ''Lm,ux"iv'"?'^f *?.">« ^>g'isb. by ti.e treaty of Utrecht; but 
 1.0UI3 AlV, at the time of that cession, made an express reservn- 
 
16t 
 
 w ^?1h■:f.elrK^'.'•v!;:^ «^ '^-'"""'■■•■■'> 
 
 ra 
 
 A J . 1 «. ' ""' ''"'"n, vol. !J, n. C93. 
 
 .0^°ml? h^fS"' '" "" «'P°" °» "■• •'"teri. Jf ,., Feb™. 
 
 " .ng was approprialid („ tCnSo " °''J<'"')"'« n|!l'toffi,h- 
 pei.ce enlirdy. * '' ■""" '"'"''«'' "« «»"• " »«" (be 
 
 NoUu;.',!;u'':*!.'u,t!,ir,,ve7b"^h t"""''«=''"''« f" "•«»• 
 
 mure 4,„gerou*, .h„„ ,he BnS'u'^v'er^ IZ^'"^'""" ^ 
 
 leot, the recogniUon of the rS • T.'."' """"'"S' "' "w «quiva. 
 co„t,h,ed i„ the Ze treatfof 78? ' ? TTl'^^^'^^Wi, 
 mpotentiarie, had demandedlbe rl'ewa? ""'"' "' ^"'"'' P''" 
 
 Mr. Gallatin was a citizen of the W<>a>o..» r . 
 
 pable a. any other member of the mS „f ° ■7' ""'' " '""• 
 tial interest of one quarter of the uS ,„' ?""""°S »" "sen- 
 ther. I was, therefore ..roVoSLV ' .'1 ",°""°'' '"'«™" »f «»»• 
 jected to on a priS; of ZS"""'?,''' 'V ''"'"«'='« "fc- 
 more so, to hearTr Ksse ,T& ^wT' """"'v''"^ ««» 
 disclosed by his vote thai t » fiVi,.' ' " *"' "I""'"" had been 
 
 /«,c^ part i;fte"c?J„\;'1t'sTfari'M't"'',l'S' *•'■/■ 
 
 legKrtblnllsXTe, trsTrZ*""^^^^^ 
 
 rence. tbatit siCen'ed U >oS ^' ^jT^ZtSTLZZl 
 
170 
 
 pofled that both interests should be placed on the same footing on 
 which they had stood before the war. The first and piuamonot 
 dutv of the government was to bring the nation out of the war. 
 with all Its great interests preserved, it was not to gain m advan- 
 tage for one section, by the loss of an advantage to another The 
 principle of Mr. Gallatin's arfirle was, that neither section should 
 gam or lose by the iss. : >' .!n . r. The principle of the objec- 
 tion to It was, that tha VV,>st shoM gain, by the sacrijtce of the in- 
 terest of the East ; ,iii(l Uie luain motive assigned for it was that 
 the East was a dixajfected part of the country. ' 
 
 Much, too, was said of the comparative value of the two liber- 
 ties ; not by Mr. Russell, who had not then made, or at least did 
 not disclose, his notable discovery of incessant fogs, and their dele- 
 terious effects upon the fisheries. But .'juhN .ore expressed on 
 one side, whether the fisheries were of much value : and opinions 
 were very conlidently expressed, on the other, that the navigation 
 of the Mississippi would be to the British of no value. Neither 
 evidence nor argument was adduced to show the small value of the 
 fisheries. But that the navigation of the Mississippi would be to 
 the British of no value, and of no injury to us, was proved first 
 by the experience of thirty years, from the peace of 1783 to the 
 war of 1812, during which they had possessed it without inconve- 
 nience to us or benefit to themselves ; secondly, by the apparent 
 tact, that alter abandoning their claim to a boundary line to the 
 Mississippi, and consequently the power of ever forming any settle- 
 ment upon Its banks, there was neither present nor prospective 
 tnteresl, which could make the mere right of navigating it down- 
 wards to the ocean, of any value to them. It was absolutely noth- 
 ing more than a right of travelling upon a highway ; and all rational 
 Foresight, as well as all past experience, led to the conclusion, that 
 the privilege would remain as it had been, merely nominal. The 
 objections against this reasoning were all speculation against fact • 
 all surmises of what might be in future, against the uniform tenour 
 of whiif had been before. When, afterwiirds, the proposition of the 
 first of December was actually made to the British plenipotentia- 
 ries, the immediate rejection of it by their goyemment, and the 
 reasons which they assigned for rejecting it, demonstrated that they 
 considered it at least no equivalent for the part of the fisheries of 
 which they intended to deprive us : and their final abandonment 
 without any equivalent, of all claim to it, in negotiating the conven- 
 tion of 1818, completed the proof that they had always considered 
 If as a mere name, the only use they ever could make of which was 
 to obtain, if they could, something for renouncing it.* 
 
 * I take this opportunity to rectify an inaccuracy in the statement of ray re- 
 marks upon Mr. Russell's letter, that at the negotiation of that Convention the 
 navigation of the Mississippi was not even aiked by the British. On recurrin* 
 to the documents of that negotiation, I find that it was asked, but easily aban- 
 doned. Our NejotiatOTs were instructed not to accede to it. 
 
171 
 
 right, otherwise than by ma nil 'rnt k' f^^?.' '''' ""'''^"7'^ ^^ 'hi. 
 must and would be as it h^.l hlT ^' *V" '''^ °»'"''e ofthinKs it 
 value to the.„, and'o'n^d !«;:";: ^.f 'Wir''""^ "^'^ ' «' - 
 sons are now before the public^ and if a LZ °P'"'"" ""^ ''«»• 
 be given, I shall be ready to -.cknnwlJ ?k I •l"'"'^'" ^° ^^^em '^«'» 
 in entertaining it. But I sha I noH kS ^'' ^^""' '^^^^ '""^''en 
 that was said at Ghent and m..I i '^'' 'V^'^ «"«^*'''. any thing 
 
 Mr.Russe... I shX^tTatXVn ^^Ter^'i^f ^^^ «"«^^^^ '^^ 
 ance to us of the Mississinni l?i •. ^ ^he immense import- 
 deeper sense of it th^ri Se .\'\ !rh;'"^"ll''"- • ^° "»» ^^as « 
 tion. The navigation of tho miine il nf "** ^^"''"S °" ^^^ n^^^' 
 people of Germany and of Fn,nc. " PpV'"'"""^^ "nportance to the 
 the right to this navigation b^th ,s'cend '""" T. ^''^''''' ^y ^^^ich 
 lated for all mankind?* The peouTe of JPn ^^^^«"di„g, is stipu- 
 as much as the people of Fran^ce or «/r ^"'*"*^ ?'«^^« «"J°/" 
 lue to us ? Is !t of ravv inj, ry to i^'TT^, '« '^ «'' «"y va- 
 ansvver Mr. Russell's pcrSlmiri' '^'^""not take for an 
 his perpetual confoundi^rS^ thin cle fir.T"'' ""^ '^l ^"^^^'''" » 
 latm, which was never propo ed o ie r/'' '^^'''^ ^ *^''" ®''' 
 mentto the 8th article whi.h .„! .'^"''' ^'th the amend- 
 
 his perpetual conSng "f'b Tb P^rr/^^^^^ *'.^'? ''".' ^^^^^^^ ^ 
 *»f 1794. Mr. Ru.sell .-.va h^T *"'^"*^ ^d article of the treaty 
 
 another memberof thVXion 3". 'Tk^" '" '^''«^«' '^at ndt 
 The best possible proof Tu Mr T.ln'V^^^ T '" *»»'« «Pi"ion. 
 found in th'e straits'^ o which te fs r due J?'' ''^'-^'^--^ it, is 
 against it. His ingenuity clord vLe a phulroh " f^T"^' 
 proposal as it was made • so be snhlluJJ^-u "''Jection to the 
 the article first proposed by Mr rl.r' '" i''^'**' '* **"^ '''"^ 
 another, the third ar'^^ic.e oHh^treatv on7q4 T^l^^^'"'^ ; at 
 jectural inferences of abuse wbirhU..? ' «*» third, his con- 
 lege, as if the United States woj Id h^f'h ^T '"^^'^ °^ ^^e privi- 
 them. His argument is neTeSttih "** P"*^*^ *° control 
 
 ime : and at the future Congress a ttemfn' T mk " '^" ''^ interdicted to na 
 of the principles, accordinglo wLic the d , ^t ^"'^ '"*''« establishment 
 
 dering on the Rhine, may be regua ej tnZ " \' 'T'^ ^^ »''« ^^'''^^ bor- 
 
172 
 
 ' the MwsiMippi precigely as she could hare navixated it imme- 
 
 •' diately after the treaty of 1783; as if her territories extended 
 
 to It, and as it Spam was in entire poMession of one of its banks 
 
 and of a considerable portion of the otiier. The revival of the 
 
 ^' British right to navigate the Miasinsippi, wonid be, under exist- 
 
 • mgcircumstiinces, a new and complete grnnl to her, measured by 
 
 • these circumHta; es, and thence embracing not only the entire 
 freedom of the whole extent of the river, but the unreslruined 
 access to tl across our territories. W we did not intend this, we 
 
 • intended nothing which Great Britain could accept." 
 
 Now observe the amendment to the Rfh article of the projected 
 treaty, as it was proposed on the Ist of December, 1814 and re- 
 jected : 
 
 " The inhabitants of the United Slates shall continue to enjoy the 
 ;; !'^«''iy '?> t'^''^ •''-y. «"'• c"re fish, in places within the exclusive 
 jurisdiction of Great F3ritain, as secured by the former treaty of 
 peace; and the navigation of the river Mississippi, within the 
 exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, shall remain free and 
 • open to the subjects of Great Britain, hi the manner secured by the 
 satd treaty; and it is further aj^reed that the subjecU of hisBri- 
 ♦' tannic majesty shall at all times have access, from such place as 
 may be selected for that purpose, in his Britannic majesty's afore- 
 said territories, west, and within 300 miles of the Lake of the 
 Woods in the ftforesaid territories of the United States, to the 
 river Mississippi in order to enjoy the benefit of the navig^.tion 
 Of that river, with their goods, etfects, an.; merchandise, whose 
 importation into the said States shall not be entirely prohibited 
 » on the payment of the same duties as would be payable on the' 
 importation of the same into the Atlantic ports of the said States 
 ' and on conforming with the usual custom-house regulations." ' 
 After reading this, if you inquire how it was nossible for Mr Rus- 
 sell to say, in the passage of his letter immediately preceding it, that 
 we oflered the navigation of the Mississippi to the British otherwise 
 than as it had been secured to them by the treaty of 1783, and that 
 we offered them unrestrained access to it acro'ss our territories • 
 the only possible answer to the question will be, that it was necea-' 
 sary for his argument to say so ; for the very proposition which he 
 says was nothing which Great Britain could accept, was the identi- 
 cal proposition which we did make, and which she did not accept. 
 We did offer, in express terms, and in no others, the navigation in 
 the manner secured by the treaty of 1783. We offered the access 
 to It, restrained to a single point of departure, 300 miles west of 
 the Lake of the Woods ; restrained to the admission only of goods 
 not prohibited, to the payment of duties on merchandise admitted 
 and to compliance with all the custom-house regulations. Mr Rus- 
 sell says that It embraced the entire freedom of the whole extent 
 of the river. And so it did at the peace of 1783 : for it was then 
 secured to Great Britain, not only by the treaty with the United 
 
173 
 
 Stat»i, bat by her treaties with Spain ; »tcnr»A l«j„„i • 
 farniore unreatniined than in ouT DroDn.»i r 1^^ 
 with Spain, she wa. entided to the CJLb^^^^^ *'^*''* *»*»«« 
 moath of the river, and thatnonW^T/e^els V" m''.°"' °'^ *•"" 
 v...ted. or subjected to the par.... . ■ < . «„„ Zv If' *" '^''PEf'** 
 r;gbt, therefore, which ,ha Uo.d ' ve S^W uid^5"thT'*''- ^'r 
 l«t December, 1814, wonla u r^ b',n 8of«r „.. •*P'^P°"' "^ 
 ry e«tendid, precisely the . .. „' Ser L »"* ?u«'""' *«'•"*<'- 
 
 and so far a, related ti th/ien • Ihf.Vi "il'^'^'^ "' °^ ''83 J 
 m ^83, infinitely more re.tricL uJi ua^u ''*'°°«*'' **> Spain 
 tie- with Spain/ Yelund r '!* adv« » '? "J"**' '^"•- '^««- 
 cured to her by her treaJiel J ol /'«*' °'^^''* "«•>* «" "C" 
 u«e to her ; fof the s mple Jeason that?A. aT" '''"' ''*^" °^ ««y 
 river. Now, her bounj^^r/i^ihu^ /"".'*"'""'"' ^" ^»>« 
 tion of Ghent, precisely S'slel It h J r*""^* °* *''« "«««««- 
 pence of 1783.^ She had formed no phi *"'° "«'"*"^ "P«° «* ^he 
 «he w«8 entitled by that trea^v^o a Hn. fri '"J^^ ^" **"* "^«'" ' »>ut 
 to it. We proposed ?o her a Li^Tnl k*'!'^"''* ""^^^ ^"^^^ 
 from it ; which'she offered to aSwi I h'^/k'' ''°"'*^ ^"* *>" ^^^ 
 Fight to navigate the river All t hi' .h *''* /e'ervation of the 
 Ithe right which Grea Br'tairf hai eniov^n'' *5""'?''*' ^«*'^««« 
 1 783, and that which she would have in Jl 7^*; *''* ^••««*'«'' *>*• 
 of 1814, was to the disadvltage of SreXlh^^'^'"'" P^^^T' 
 annulment of the value to her even rnn«„ I "i '"'^ '^^"^ *« the 
 right. ^' ^^'^^'^ contingent and eventual, of the 
 
 w.'''^®.^o•'thlessnes8 to the British of thiQ r:«K» r • . 
 Mississippi, had been very disf-nctlv pLceLi' 5 |^«v.«ating the 
 out in the debates, in the bSp^m **''*"*' *''®"'''j' PO'oted 
 
 articles of peace of November 1782 r„7h'r '^^. P'^^^^^^^^ry 
 of Carlisle said, in the House of Lords • * °"'*'°°' ^^^ E"'^ 
 
 " treaty in the hands of he sZZT T'" »I^*^*•• '' ^^ '^^ 
 "standings is this fallacy addrSnr f ^^''^^ «''''* ^^ ""Jer- 
 •• tional beings is this delusion Slated ."''^ ''''"^''''^ '' "- 
 
 •• ttr:^^:;^^^^^ ^^ -^-^^ - to stipulate 
 " cation with it. Wi,a was me ;n7b^?.";' ^^^ cut off all communi- 
 '• ^ as agreed on in the trTa";;: ^^ ^OTi::::^:^!^ 
 
 " nication by which we could tran^nLr^ ^""^^^ '" "° '^o""**"- 
 •• short, the'artic J^f^the uavS^^^^^^^ '"-'^et. In 
 
 ;' suit on our undeTstandin^, ad^^d to aU the^nTrK '''' "" '"• 
 " property by the present peace '' •'""^* ''*'"'^' ^^ '^'"- 
 
174 
 
 i< 
 
 Viscoont SackviUfc :— <« All the forts were on the American side 5 
 *' the immense diwrict of country which supplied us with masts was 
 " gone ; the Indian nations were abandoned ; and we were insult- 
 ed with the navigation of the Mississippi, when all its benefits 
 " were taken away." 
 
 To all this, the only reply of the minister, the Earl of Shel- 
 burne, was ; 
 
 " The navigation of the Mississippi has been reprohftted as an 
 " useless acquisition. Could men seriously assert this ? Was a 
 *• navigation of so many hundred miles up a country where there 
 " is a call for our manufactures, an useless thing ? Surely not." 
 
 i^aiuard^s Parliamenlary History, vol. 23. 
 
 In the House of Commons, lord North said : 
 
 " There seems to be a peculiar mockery in the article which 
 ** grants us an eternal and free navigation of the Mississippi, frrm 
 " its source to the ocean, in participation with the United Staies. 
 *' Such is the freedom of the navigation, that where we were not 
 •' locally excluded, we have effected it by treaty We were ex- 
 •♦ eluded by the northern boundary. The east is possessed by the 
 *' Americans. The w^sl had been ceded by the peace of Paris to 
 " the French, who had since granted it to the Spaniards ; and each 
 *• shore, at its mouth, is ceded by the present treaty to Spain.—- 
 ♦* Where is then tuis navigation, so free and open, to be' commenced ? 
 " All the possession, I believe, that we shall ever have, will be iis 
 " nomination in this treaty. We must be content with the grant, 
 " without the possession." p. 451. 
 
 Mr. Fox : — " By the boundaries which have been so carelessly 
 " prescribed, we have excluded ourselves from the Mississippi ; 
 " so that we only retain the name, without being able to enjoy its 
 *• possession." p. 635, 
 
 To these objections, no reply was made in the House of Com- 
 mons. They were all grounded on the very obvious principle that 
 the mere right of navigating a river from its source to the oceaUj 
 can be of no use to a nation, having no settlement on the river • 
 yet, at that time, as Great Britain retained a boundary line to the 
 river, she might have subsequently formed a settlement upon it 
 which would have given value to the right. At the time of the 
 treaty of Ghent, thirty years of experience had proved the corr 
 rectness of those views by which the right of navigating the Mis- 
 sissippi, reserved to the British by the treaties of 1783, had been 
 represented as merely nominal and worthless ; and by the propos- 
 ed 8th .-vrticle of the treaty. Great Britain was to abandon her claim 
 even of ever coming in territorial contact with the river. 
 . Until a better answer, therefore, than this can be given to the 
 opinion that the proposal offered to the British would have been 
 if accepted, of no value to Ihem, and of no injury tc ns, I shall take' 
 the liberty to consider it as demonstrated. Nortviil it be sufficient 
 
175 
 
 for Mr. Russell to say. that he «it"'l riiffi»«» • • . 
 Will probabl, continue t'Sifferln^';^ o" TvufrV'S '"^' ''''' 
 for I have proved from his own worA. %I k™ ' °" ^^^^ PO»°t • 
 , differ from mme. as to the pronoJart.li 1' '^P*"*"" *^»d ao« 
 differ with me now, it -s odj iaTlcit L'^i'J" ' '"*' '^ ^^ ^«e« 
 ^ As to the value/the comparatTveva^ ^"'' '''"•««'^- 
 
 this admission of a mere naC nVhf in f ^ ^'^^'"'^^ ^o us, wia» 
 of our high-ways, cSulnaHvlcLrlTr^r'/ *** '''''* °" o°« 
 the citizens of every StateTnZf^^ i ^^ ^'''^''^^ ^'^^ ^ all 
 my surprize that it should be demedhv v'*""°'. '««'" ^'^^hold 
 if a citizen of GeorgU sllld ' ^h/k,'' It? "^ ^a««achusett8. 
 prove that the right oVcultivaUng'^o'tot or a Sen 'ofT^* *^ 
 should maintain that the right ot' raisin" «n„ '^'"^^" J?*^ Louisiana 
 the people of the United St^ates isTt to 1.1""' "''' ^^^'^^^'"e to 
 nation of his countrv th.^ h ! r • ® derision or to the indie- 
 
 effectual prporfF\*„^d'':f' ,.,t'«''t«t'«» "'ould prove the mofi 
 
 not as an Tdle am sement to how'wi?h'T'"' ^'"u"'' ""^ '^""«" 
 wildestabsurdities might be maintained hSr ""''' '"g^nuity th^ 
 addressed to the supreme authority of th^^ ^ ^'"^-^ «tate-paper, 
 not at the mere IheLtTcal rtht bn^ 1 ^ ^T°".' ''"'''"g ^'"^^tly 
 
 the citizens of GeorgTa or of Loi^^^ ^^ 
 
 currence with a fJ^n power coSi and directly tending, i„ con- 
 
 forever-what wouIdThr pTople of Slo^r ' ^° 1'?""" ^^^'^ ^^ ^^ 
 tvouJd the people of the Sd Sta?«« f' ?^ ^°"'«iana, what 
 
 Should it fUl appear, t^Trhls ve^r^ i^^n^VtThe^ •-. 
 
 his composing the work was i mpmhil r ' • ^®'")' *"»'' of 
 charged and Instructed trdefendnJ °^. ^^'""i^^on specially 
 formidable of nationarenemitfrh'e at eTh^^hr h* ^'*^ T^ 
 
 defence of this fight while Urcon^tl' r"'""'°^ '^^ '^-"^ «°^ «»'/ 
 himself was yet charged^tN ts suoToft Z' T' £'"''•"«' «"d ^e 
 own signature, exhaust hiding ut/ to prove thl -'?'''' *''» 
 destitute of foundation, aDd ftyle it tbe*^ dream of""'"'''" '"''">^ 
 ridicule one of his coJIeae^ies fJr believL if « ,1 '"''*»»«''3^' <» 
 nation of incidents would doubtless D^^2f/ ' '^'' •"*'* *^*^"'>'- 
 character to the conterpl 'on of the^^Z ' ?"""' '"^ P«"t'<=«» 
 rested in his conduct and Tthl \ ,^^*«^«« "'o«t 'mmedsately inte. 
 
 obliterated from the^'r mfmoVy "' "''"'*' ^^^''^ °°* ««"" h. 
 
 That which a native citizen of Georgia of nf r 
 have done, under the cin^n,a.t^nl\ .^°^8'* °' °* Louisiana wou d 
 cultivating cotton Jfsug^rL been Jit ^''^''i '^ '^^ "^^^ "*' 
 of Massachusetts, has d^e in rrhonr n^H WH, a native 
 The xVewlbundlakd, NovTs^oti^ G.Tof sf'r' '" ^^' ^'^'^'y- 
 brador fisheries, ar^ n nature and i.K ' ^"T'^"*^*' ^'^'^ ^• 
 their value and of th/ "h to share in ^^ ^""^t^"''''" ''otb .f 
 
176 
 
 cultivate cotton or sugar. To be cut off even froni that portion of 
 it which was within the exclusive British jurisdiction in the strict- 
 est sense, within the Gulf of St, Lawrence, and on the coast of La- 
 brador, would have been like an interdict upon the people of 
 Georgia or Louisiana to cultivate with cotton or sugar three-fourthi 
 of the lands of those respective States. The fisheries of Massa- 
 chusetts are her cotton plants and her sugar canes. She is not blest 
 with the genial skies, nor gifted with the prolific soil, of southero ' 
 climes ; but that which nature has denied to her shores, she has 
 bestowed upon her neighbouring seas, and to thera she is indebted 
 for copious sources of nourishment and subsistence, if not of opu- 
 lence and splendour, to thousands of her sons. 
 
 Of the value of these fisharies, none but general information was 
 possessed by the American negotiators at Ghent. Their instruc- 
 tions were, not to inquire into their value, but not to surrender any 
 part of them. After the peace was made, while Mr. Russell was 
 intent upon his discovery that they were worthless by reason of 
 incessant fogs and humidities of atmosphere, and straining his dia- 
 lectic powers and his diplomatic erudition, to prove tiiat the right 
 to them was irretrievably lost, I was impelled by my sense of 
 duty to seek more particular information of the value both of that 
 fishery, generally, and of that portion of it, which, by the most re- 
 stricted construction of the notification which we had received, 
 would be denied us if that notification should be carried into effect! 
 I obtained it from various sources ; but principally from one of the 
 most distinguished merchants and statesmen of this Union : and a« 
 It concerns an object of great national interest, I shall publish it, 
 with some additional observations of my own. It will have the ef- 
 fect of sunshine upon ai! Mr. Russell's fogs. 
 
 Immensely valuable as it will prove these fisheries to be, yet if the 
 question involved in the article first proposed by Mr. Gallatin bad 
 been such, that while securing to the people of New England the 
 continued enjoyment of them, it would in any the slightest degree 
 have impaired the enjoyment, by the people of the Western 
 Country, of tUir right to navigate the Mississippi, the objection to 
 it would have been serious and great. Could it bave affe*cted mo- 
 ierially their enjoyment of that right, the objection would have 
 been insuperable, and. Mi-. Gallatin never would have thought of 
 making the proposal. But no such consequence could flow from it. 
 The people of the West are left by it in the tull enjoyment of all 
 their rights. Nothing was taken from them. But British subjects 
 from Canada would have been entitled to travel by land or water to 
 the river, and to descend in boats to its mouth. They now enjoy 
 the right as much as they would have enjoyed it if the article had 
 been proposed and accepted. The only difference is, that they now 
 enjoy it, as not prohibited by law, while by the proposed article it 
 would have been secured to them by treaty. 
 
 The objection to Mr. Gallatin's proposed article, therefore, was 
 an objection to securing to New England the continued enjoyment 
 
of the fisheries, because the orice of u. «. u 
 jn.t British subjects to travel^a Kwav^^^^^^?, ^""'^ ^« <« ?•«- 
 It was impossible to make of it a fv thfni „^^ ^'''*«''" ^''^^^n- 
 cernedas I felt for the fate of tbl filh* ^ ■' ""'^ deeply con- 
 that the objection was made tot Not fc?' ' ^''''^y •'^g^««e^ 
 accepted by the British plenipotemLr J- f ?''''^ '^ ^«»W be 
 value which they set upon the fishe/ra;^ h'"" ^'l' ''"^^ the 
 which they must estimate the naked St TnJ^ ^^'hlessness at 
 Mississippi, to consider it as probable fhl/^.,"' °^ navigating the 
 proposaf. But our duty a. £1Tp' V^*t '^«)' ."'^"'d accept the 
 the defence of all its ZhL 27 ih! f *''«.U"i«n. charged w" h 
 and specially instructed t? Tut^X^l^t "^*^" '^'^-nmll 
 everi, fair exertion to preserve them a 5 J''^^"^"' ""^^ to use 
 
 «a^one of the only two possible m^de/n"r ^Z' ^'""''"'^ P'-^Po^a" 
 Nevertheless, as a 8troL«n.nff°^^'^'''=ting it. ^ 
 
 article wa, made, av^e^dV l^ S?^^^^^^^^^ 
 «?*re/y sectional ; after a discus.ior conT. r.^"f'P"'^««' interest 
 «'ve days, at the last of which only i^d "J ''"'""^'^ ^'' «"'=*^*'«- 
 vote was taken, I did, on the 4th of mI l^" P"'*' ""^ before the 
 pared either to propose Mr Gaiat^n^a*'"^''' ^^^''^''^ myself pre^ 
 that all the rights and liber iesi" he S"''' "''^"'^'^^ the ground 
 a part of our national indepeXfe tht'^^^ ^^re recognledTn 
 gated by the war, and needed no st!;..!?- ^7 '*'"''' "«t be abro- 
 aBjert this principle in th: note" tt^r^^^^^^^ renewal^to 
 
 tentiaries, with the project of the treaf! ^ ^ ^''"''•' P»«n'PO> 
 altogether. r J ^ "' me treaty, and to omit the article 
 
 Mr. Russell, in the acuteness of h.'. ,,- 
 consistency between these Uvoopi?io,r«'?P\'°°1' *''«^''^«''« '"•" in- 
 he charged it aa an inconsis ency^ o^ L l'"^^,^"^'- ^'^"^ Par.;. 
 In the Boston Statesman ho return 'o it ns„r-^""'^°^^^« '"'^^'O" 
 According tc his doctrine, the asso tion Lf » r" Tf ""«'?tency ofmine. 
 suent with the offer of ^ stipul .t ion Jbr if/?^* "^ '">"'''^ '« ««^«"- 
 t"ht H °f -^^ P^«'''"inaries. of November mr"'""" ^^« ^--^t 
 th.8 doctrine, iWo«m/«„f with the Dpri' ^l^^' T^^^^<^ovdiDgto 
 Why stipulate for a right, Sh vo.f S h'""'^ ^''^"P^""^^'^^^^ 
 declaration ? 1 cannot^aste word« n ,?f..i^ '"'^"! *^^ ^«'"- "'^n 
 these. So of the pretended iro„I/l'^'r''^«''«h positions as 
 berty, leaving the r^A, to theXr 2 tn^. '[ • -'puJating for the /]! 
 in the treaty of 17*3. T^^e stinnLfi Z- "P''" the recognition 
 w.th the portion of right clL^rttb/^r'' '''' -°-«xSns he 
 was no motive (or asking a ;r S on fnr!h /'i:'^P•'"•^^ Tj.cre 
 Uuestion. If the Britifh V^ >,Xn£ri^1''^''^ *''^^ ^^'"^ no' 
 iha% considered our Jm/X/o/-Tf '''^•'"'* notified «o us 
 
 thought of askioit u n' «tipulat on «n!„ ' 'u"*'"'*^'' «''""'d have - 
 trme and Mr. Rut^el .I*^" ht "hat tlTl ;''''"• '^ th./r doc 
 abrogated by the k , and .^t o r i/ fl"'' treaty of 1 78.1 wL 
 
 b. the mere existence u war, was 3;^^^^^;;^^. 
 
J78 
 
 MOifbr uo necessity whatever to irtvc us thiit notitication. Thoy 
 might have concluded the treaty without SKving a word about the 
 jHhories, and then hiivfi told ii8 thut they hmf been forfeittd by the 
 war. But they knew better. They knew that not only war, but 
 conqucit, was necesssry to wrest from us any right or liberty recog- 
 nised by them as belonjijing to us by the treaty of 1783. To accom- 
 plish this conquest, dnspniring to obtain from us an express renun- 
 ciation by treaty, as they had obtained it from Spain in 1703, they 
 tried to obtain it by means of our acquiescence in this notitication ; 
 and they made it in indefinite terms, seeming to strike only at the 
 portion of tiie fisheries within their most restricted territorial ju- 
 risdiction, but susceptible, if once acquiesced in by us, of a con- 
 struction sanctioned by the who!e history and public law relative 
 to those fisheries, which would deprive us of them all, including 
 those of the Grand Bank. 
 
 The article proposed by Mr. Gallatin covered the »vhole ground 
 disputed by the adversary ; and the advantage of it to us, 'if pro- 
 posed and accepted, would have been, that we should hare issued 
 from the war, with all the fishing rights and liberties, as enjoyed 
 before it, uncontested. When, therefore, during the discussion, 
 and before the vote had been taken, 1 offered to abandon this ad- 
 vantage, and to rest the future defence of the fishing rights and 
 liberties upon the distinct assertion that they had not been forfeited 
 or abrogated by the war, by thus resting it, I knew that it would 
 
 be necessary to defertd them, after the conclusion of the peace 
 
 to defend them against the power, and the policy, and the intel- 
 lect of Great Britain. It was placing them all at the hazard of 
 future negotiation and another war: and I thought I ofi'ered a 
 signal concession, of deference to the mere sectional feelings of 
 one western meririher of the mission, by offering to accept the aK 
 temative. But I felt the most entire confidence in the soundness 
 of the principle which I asserted. I knew that it was sufficient to 
 preserve the fishing rights and liberties from surrender. I was 
 content with it as a fulfilment of our express instructions ; and 1 
 relied upon the determined spirit and active energy of my country 
 10 maintain it aftc* the peace. I had no doubt of the ultimate re- 
 sult, so long as our assent to the British doctrine and notification 
 was neither expressed nor implied. 
 
 My proposal was not however accepted, until, upon taking the 
 vote on the question whether the article ju-oposed by Mr. Gallatin 
 should be offered lo the British plenipotentiaries, it appeared there 
 was a majority of the mission in favour of it. This vote W}»8 taken 
 as has been stated, on the 5th of November ; and on the 7th the 
 substitute, being the proposition which I had suggested on the 4th, 
 was offered by Mr. Clay, and unanimously accepted. The article 
 \^m not proposed to the British plenipotentiaries, nor was the con- 
 sideration of it ever after resumed. 
 
 This transaction, therefore, was totally distinct f row that of the 
 ^8th and 21?th of November : and as it tenuinafod m uo act of th» 
 
179 
 
 of 26th December ! i'truc th«^ -» ^'^-^ *^'"*"'"'^ °^^'»^«* 
 the vo.e upon Mr. Ga atin'H Sli e I '. 'f ''^ ''''November, when 
 tion« of 1 9th October preSinfoti': T '"^'"^ '^'^ '"«*^"^- 
 8 ructions of iGth AprU, 1 8 iTcit^^v li?^ i *" PrS'^P'' «** "'« '"- 
 although writtc:. and on therZTJI I'i " m '" '" '»« ''»P''<^«tc. 
 «t « equally true, that thro' ^h*^ I oTho e Vile ^ '''''' '^ ' I'"* 
 vote of Jith November, «lthou«| ovo v ob roT'"'! P'r'^'"^« the 
 profound, and vieorous ml.wi ^ 1 1 ^ o»>J<"ction which un ardent 
 
 adduced, yet noTent o„ T J mat' ''''"'V «''''^'« ^ 
 
 Wonsof J5th April IRn ItlT " I'-Tagraph of the iristruc- 
 
 violate those tfsrutbn, and ifTh"' 'l"*'"' "'"' *''« "•''*<^'« ^^ou'd 
 would have been obirus' thai Ll^'^^'^f^'' "Ueged the answer 
 « claim to the boundary "L„ the mL"' •^''"' '"•'^'"" ••^'•''"^d 
 -.mc for granted thnt tiu r v^ wts w r 'T'.^^ '=°"''^. '''' "«' 
 tion, nor consequently that the i.Jr, ^ ".""' f^clusive jurisdic- 
 bHd us from HKreeine to a St ' '^'h April, j«i3,for. 
 
 •ubjects to its navi^on m' R "m r/Z'^K ^ ^'«''^ "''»'•*''«»» 
 admit, at least by miplication th . ?. . ?'' *^''' '" "'^ ''emarks I 
 slruction of I5th AprH J^^^^^^^^ letter and spirit of fhe in- 
 
 no such thing; but tL^ I hfvV^ZeiT,!^ '^''' . ' ^'^'"'^ 
 never, either in the discussion. nrrp!.T. V, ''"""'^''y- » say that 
 ber, 18ia - in those 0^7^X1 N"«^''t'^'' ""^ ^^^ ^-^^^m- 
 tions 6ti. .nril ifi] •T '11^ , ^'^ November, were the instruc- 
 
 to M. :«. /S';heDefrr;;Ts^^^^^^ nor did , sW 
 
 •rtructit ,. 4th and 19th OrtX, ll u '}l' '"^'^"'''^ "' the in- 
 from the obligation of observing ,f I' *° f''°?^ '^'»* ^« '^«''e released 
 I -bowed them to hi to prov^^ ?. Mn r*'""'''^'*'^ ^P'*'' ^«'3. 
 cate, fabricated at Washir X in 820 f " ''f "^'""^ "'^ h'« '^'^P"- 
 at Paris in 1816, he b7S? ol L^?"'" "' '''"' 'ctter written 
 gravated crimination "Is 1 « c'l r. "''^ ' ""'^ '^^''g^ *>''«S- 
 express words of his rea^et e but th fh!'; T^'i'''''^ by the 
 this charge, an instructionr v lich at ti l^.W 'h''''\'" P"'""'' "^ 
 was taken, against which he now ,1 *""«. "-hen the question 
 in contradiction to tXt " Ind'r?? ^^'"^J**. '^ '" J 8 16, averred, 
 voted, because he tl g t it 1^^^^^^^ he had 
 
 had been cancelled. I shoved them 1 b /"'^'"^^^^^ '^'^ '^"^^ 
 now alleged as his main moTi ve Ibr vol. ''??' ^'"'* ^^^^ ^^^^ 
 had not been and could nit h?v. been h?, "^T^ ^^^ proposition, 
 an invention of 182i. held for ha .n 'r""^ Tl'^*^ •" *''«t it was 
 
 I trust I have now^hown bevond r l'^'^^'"*' '" ^^'^- 
 same character belongsTo ^vS he caUsir. 'Vt^'^' ''^^^ '*" 
 offer made to the British ^leni J^ emi/rS^ ""^ ^^'^ 
 
 m^t contradictioft <„ th- AZZTl]^ ^ " '«°f December,, 
 given in my remarks on hT- ;tters ^ "* ""^ '^ ''^'''^ ' '•"^ 
 
 ^tatlfn!''2;'ir;,:;fh;;«^^ i- the Boston 
 
 ^ word to .a, «nd sii^s rsr:,;^^^- Tll^'^i/^ 
 
l,**^^ 
 
 180 
 
 r«pW. He tayc tie shall have abundant reason to rejoice, if in dU 
 reeling the inhrinities of my temper against him, they thall have 
 been diverted J rom a course in which they might have beeA di$astrou!> 
 to the country, U in the history of my life, or in that of the coun- 
 try, Mr. Kussell could nllege a single incident, in which the infir- 
 mities of my temper over have taken a course disastrous to the 
 country, I should have felt this Parthian shaft to boas deeply tinited 
 with venom to me, as witli bitterness from the heart whence it sped 
 But It has fallen short of its mark ; equally harmless to me and 
 useless to the profossad pntriotic wolf-devotion of the archer. 
 
 And how standH the account of Mr. Russell l At the ne^rotiation 
 •t'Ubent, he had, as a member of the mission, been irstructed in 
 terms the most positivp and unquulilied, not to surrender the fish- 
 eries. In that instruction, no sophistical distinction between a 
 nght III the hsheries held by virtue of our independence, and a 
 liberty in the hshsries held by grant from Great Britain, wjts war- 
 ranted or alio wed. No part of them was to be surrendered. \nd 
 the instruction was pointed and precise, to break otf the negotiation 
 •ocner than surrender them. The British plenipotentiaries had 
 presented the demand o( surrender in such form, that there were 
 only two possibJe modes of saving them ; one, to agree to a new 
 stipulation recognising them ; the other, to maintain that thev hod 
 not been abrogated by tiie war. A stipulation fbr a new recomi. 
 hon IS oftered. Mr. Uussell votes apdnst it, because, as he alleses 
 « would deprave the western country of ,,n advantage, which thev 
 would othenvise derive from the war. He prefers that the East 
 ahould lose, so that the West may ^ain. by the result of the war. 
 He rejects the proposal which would place both interests on the 
 .ame ioeting as before the war. The East is his native section of 
 the Union. But it i» a disafecte>d part of the couiiKry : and then— 
 " VVestwdrtl the star of en 
 
 I tokri its caurae.'^ 
 
 Well—the other alternative i» pimented ; to auiintain that the 
 liberties in question acre not akmgmted by the war. Mr. Russell 
 ^ubBcnbes to this : but he now sa«« it wm " in the spirit of com- 
 promtse as a pretext to preserve :be fishing privilege, and to get 
 rid of the other proposition. Sol»«quently, Mr. Russell assents 
 to the other proposition itself, and subscribes his name to a letter 
 declaring that he iiad no objection to it. But this loo be now says 
 was only in deference to the majority, and for fear that if be did 
 not subscribe, the enemy would accept it. The enemv, however, 
 despise this equivalent, .o extravagant in the eyes of Mr. Rus»ell : 
 and no sooner is U oflered to them than they reject it. The peace 
 18 concluded, i he Mississippi navigation is not conceded to the 
 Kritish ; and the preservation oftiic tishing liberties to this aatioD. 
 depends exclusively upon their maintaining the principle, that 
 they had not been abrogated by the m.r. Six weeks after sigwng 
 this treaty, Mr. Russell, still commissioned as a member ol the 
 mission tn negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, lia- 
 
IftI 
 
 tie., deliberately sits *Jow„ IT-S "/fr^L'^*^" ""'' «»hin« Hber- 
 
 were irrefrtevnbly logt ; that there w«. „n « ^ I'"*"'"? "^«rtiei 
 hem rem«ini.« /that the prinanleTln II'k^^^ '<^ 
 
 eaguos h«.l staked them at Ghent'^ ta T. 1«^ *V* *"'' *"• «°^ 
 
 that our c; 'v title to them IZu ^ *''^®''" °^ • ▼«»«oiiBrv : 
 
 perfient for u» to recover thefn wm bv ofltr' r^^ll ''°"''''« «" 
 anient, "foir in it. comnurS v«h.7 «^«"»« ^^ ben, on eq«i. 
 feet.;" and, as the proCde.t o/ all hS J"'* '" "-«•«'«« veV 
 Jhe„.th„t thisequivSent n.rb:^tat^.'';S-^^^^^^^ 
 
 the^„!:tb^hol!S"h:^tC|.'"J^^^ 'tto 
 
 way, to be intercepted by the enemv ' i ^T'^* '^ '" ^""O"* 
 «Je«tinatlon, after the ratification of Z' " '""'''"''• ''°'^«''«''. *»• 
 time when BruishcruiZ sttJofed onT^'r h''''j"'* '^''' **»« 
 an American fishing vessels not ^ In J 1 ''"'!!''8 K'-ound., ,v«rn 
 the shores. Such f. the nrartica exE ' '^'^'" *'"^ "»»'" <»f 
 government of Omr meon'^rg i^the SlT ^'^J ^^ ^^^^ «"«•»» 
 intended to exclude us from fshint «?*'*! "?.t"'c«tion that they 
 *-.>„^y .. and that eipoZntZum^^^ f ^^'"^ ''■ 
 
 public Inw applicable trthe case andTt? '^ "" ' '^ ''''^°"«» 
 upon the law of nations. Thrr;,lLiit "'o^- T?"'"*"* '^"*«" 
 men, thus interrupted in their honiT- J *»• American fisher- 
 from theexerciseof it ftnd/h» 'ndusti^. and interdicted 
 
 consequent discontinuance of th^fi-l; °.^l^^ by war, and the 
 must have been received about tLt "5 r^'^F' T *"" *""" '0 
 State. If the argument had h!« "*!•' ''^ *''® Secretary oi 
 
 boriously wrouglft wha a 1^""" "* ""C'^^^*'"'' «« it had been"^la- 
 
 forMr.Lnroeto\Ltm,tinLnr'« !! ^""'"^ '^"^^ "'^PP'-^^l 
 
 s>i2:i':rL"nr :ar ^^^^^^^^^^ ^'^^^^^^^^^^^ Sef -'vt 
 
 ruption of the fishermpr fS to remonstrate against the inter- 
 A Correspondence rtKBHtiTh'"'"'" '^' '''«^*«°*" »^« "«''°o- 
 the question as to thf abrogftrof'tr^^^^ '" '^''/^'' 
 
 roughly discussed. The orderTo ^L ii«?l ^ ^' *'®^ ""^ "*<»- 
 disavowed, and partly rouSrmanVed Thl „T'!' r ^'""^ P'^''^'^ 
 tinued until that ot xL canveS of 1 8 1 « "'''5°*'^''?" ^»» '^O"" 
 ed in it. The Bnf.Bh „-«! ^ ^^ commenced, and nwrg- 
 
 •-.y of .783. A. „„,. didTgr/rlii':? fhl ifS^l" 
 
182 
 
 rcOooBcc the doctrine, that all their right* and libertiea, recognised 
 by the treaty ol 1783, were in full force as if the war of 1812 had 
 never occurred. The conflict of opinion was adjusted by a new 
 article, as little liable to be abrogated by h future war, as the treaty 
 of Independence. By this article, we have expressly renounced 
 a snaall portion of the liberties within the exclusive and limited 
 territorial jurisdiction of part of the British provinces, and have 
 received in equivalent an enlargement of those liberties on the 
 coast and shores of Newfoundland. The substance of the contest 
 has been conceded to us ; and each party has adhered to its doc- 
 trine. Now, if Mr. Russell had been charged with this negotiation 
 on the part of the United States, as, at the time when he wrote 
 his letter of 11th February, 1816, there was a probabiJity that he 
 might be, what would have been his situation, and how would this 
 great interest of bis country have stood, if when first ordered to 
 remonstrate against the interruption of the American fishermen by 
 British cruisers in 1815, the British government had answered 
 him by a copy of his own letter, written but six months before at 
 Pans ? To his own situation, perhaps, his memory may furnish 
 him a parallel, from the feelings with which on the 29th of April 
 last, he leamt that the otiginal of his letter had been found. But 
 for the interest of his country, what had his letter left him the power 
 to say to the British government, in the case supposed ? For the 
 maintenance of the liberties of his country , he had disabled his own 
 pen, and sealed his own lips. He had come forth as the champion 
 of the cause of their adversary. The fisheries on the banks of 
 Newfoundland, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and on the coast of 
 Labrador, would have been lost to this Union ; lost, by the pre- 
 varications (to use no harsher term) of a native of Massachu- 
 setts, Is this, the man who charges me with infirmities of 
 temper, which might have taken a course disastrous to my country? 
 
 n.Tiight of the People of the United States to the f'ishing Liberties— 
 Effect of War upon Treaties, and Treaty Stipulations— Peculiar 
 character of the Treaty of 1783. 
 
 When at the negotiations of Ghent, under an express instruction 
 Irom the government of the United States, sooner to break off the 
 negotiation than to surrender the fisheries ; after a noUficatiou from 
 the British plenipotentiaries that their government "did not intend 
 •' to grant to the United States, gratuitously, the privileges formerly 
 ^'granted to them by treaty, of fishing within the limits of the Bri- 
 "lish sovereignty, and of using the shores of the British territories, 
 " for purposes connected with the fisheries"— I suggested to my 
 colleagues, as an answer to be given to that notification, that all the 
 rights and liberties, in the fisheries, having been recogniitd by 
 
183 
 
 the peace, without an article concerning them m w th ort™- aS 
 nl«Sl°;r°"'T"' "»«°™o"«>y> «o far M their siCures ^ouW 
 pledge their sentiments, united with me in asserting that nrinc^nS. 
 U certainly did not enter into my dreams, that seJen trar& 
 befor/r f^f'lT""'"" colleagues would traduce thrdoctnne 
 
 cr^eofttlTfrA'''"'^''^^ '^^y country, as equivalenuH 
 crime ol state, and denounce me in the face of the nation «. o 
 
 visionary di-eamer for believing it. ' "' " 
 
 1 first suggested it as an alternative, for an article nroooseH K« 
 
 another member of the mission, to be Offered fr^nersS^^^ 
 
 recognising agam those liberties, fo. an equivalent recStionn;- 
 
 tfie same pnnciple-.I had no objection to that article because k 
 offered notlnng but what I considered as necessarHv flowinrfrnm 
 he principle itself, and because, if accepTed.Tt wou^d^not 3y W 
 secured the interest, and the liberties in question, but have Dre 
 ttem Itt" controversy with the ad'verse partj coSn " 
 them. But as one member of the mission had raised very earnest 
 objections against the article, and as I was anxiously desirouT of 
 e"?; iTo'the'^u'"^' '? "^" as of protecting th'e t'e L oJ 
 
 L^irgre^f^ltij! -^--^^^-'^^ future firmn<::stdt 
 ..'\t['e soundness of the principle itself I firmly believed and 
 still believe :--I had proposed the assertion of it btforeihTZe 
 upon the question whether Mr. Gallatin's projected article fihn.^H 
 be offered to the British plenipotentiaries Ld' been taken lit w^^ 
 «ot then accepted, but after the vote had been taken, and a maT 
 
 ^S l^'^te^oTce'd-^br^^^^^^^ -"^ ^^-^- 
 
 Lsubstitut^ea for the ^arUcVe whfch U l'a\r SL^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 The paragraph as it appears in the note of 10th November 
 1814 from the American to the British plenipotentiaries! sTgned 
 by all the members of the American mission, i/as follows 
 
 ' In answer to the declaration made by the British plenipoten- 
 tianes respecting the hnheries. the unde™ic..ed, rcferrinKto wC 
 passed in the conference of the 9th of Augo t. can only rtatJ 
 that they are not authorized to bring into dfscussion a^y of 4e 
 'yghtsor ftfcm,e. which the United States have heretofore «! 
 joyed .n relation thereto. From their nature, and TZZ pe 
 cuhar charac.r of the treat) of 1783, by whieh they were rl 
 cognised, no lurther stipulation has beei de^^med oe^celsaTy^ 
 
 \ 
 
 m 
 
 -j5-rp-n- 
 
184 
 
 *' the goreniment of the United State*, to entitle them to the full 
 " enjoj^ment of all of them." 
 
 Ab the treaty of Gh.-nf. was concluded without any article rnlat. 
 ing to the fishenee, the only grounds upon which our rights and 
 liberties in them could be maintained against Great Britain after 
 tlie peace, were contained in the principle asserted by this para- 
 grapli. They rested, therefore, upon the nature of the righU arid 
 liberties of the people of this Union, in and to those fisheries, and 
 upon the peculiar character of the treaty recognising them. What 
 was the nature of those rights and liberties ? And what was the 
 peculiar character of that treaty ? 
 
 The nature of the righis and liberties, consisted in the free par- 
 ticipation in a ^Acry. That fishery covering the bottom of the 
 ?° V "^ rI*'^ ""fo""'' the island of Newfoundland, the coasts 
 of New-England Nova Scotia, the Gulf of St. Lawr^pce, and 
 Labrador, furnishes the richest treasure and the most benefi- 
 cent tribute that ocean pays to earth on this terraqueous globe— 
 By the pleasure ol the Creator of earth and seas, it had been con- 
 itituted m Its physical nature one fishery, extending in the open seas 
 around that island, to little less than five degrees of latitude from 
 ihe coast, spreading along the whole northern coast of this conti- 
 nent, and insinuating itself into all the bays, creeks, and harbours 
 to the very borders of the shores. For the full enjoyment of an 
 «qual share in this fishery, it was necessary to have a nearly ae- 
 neral access to every part of it. The habits of the game which it 
 pureues being so far migratory that they were found at different 
 periods most abundant in different places, sometimes populating 
 the banks and at others swarming close upon the shores. Tht 
 latter portion of the fishery had, however, always been considered 
 as tf.e most valuable, inasmuch as it afforded the means of drying 
 and curing the fish immediately after they ivere caught, which 
 could not be eflected upon the banks. 
 
 By the law of nature this fishery belongP'l to the inhabitants of 
 the regions in the neighbourhood of which u was situated. P.v the 
 conventional law of Europe, it belonged to the European nations 
 which had formed settlements in those regions. France, as the 
 first principal settler in them, had long claimed the exclusive right 
 to It. Great Britain, moved in no small degree by the value of the 
 hshery itselt, had made the conquest of all those regions upon 
 France, and had limited by treaty, within a narrow compass, the 
 right of France to any share in the fishery. Spain, upon some 
 claim of prior discovery had for some time enjoyed a share of the 
 fishery on the hanks ; but at the last treaty of peace, prior to the 
 American revolution, had expressly renounced it. 
 
 At the commencement of the American revolution, therefore, 
 this fishery belonged exclusively to the British nation, subject to a 
 cerUin limited participation in it reserved by treaty stipulations 
 
186 
 
 granted, with mciLZr.^Zs'ofle^^^^^^^ ^^ been 
 
 iisberiesto «wW^.A ,„6/ecr ViL rlh.* .°' sharing ,„ these i 
 "the trade of fishing upon the coa«t,?f VVi ""^ exercise 
 " the 8eas thereunto adioimnl- nn ^ewEngland, in any of 
 
 "salt water rivern wSe th?v' iLX'"'""' '^ '^' ^^'^ «e«»%r 
 with the power to use the /ho/e for uurnor"' '' ^^'''" ''^^'^'^ 
 fisheries, was expressly granted m.rh'^rf ^""'f ^ted w.th the 
 of Massachuflclts Pay as it hi h ^^ '"Z'^^' '" ^^^ last charter 
 There was a gross mist Vp ,, ^r'" '"• ^^''''' '^''^ P'-eceded it 
 kingofG.oatBSnmI;fh\ eint^.r\'^'^ ^hat the 
 
 fisheries to the people of tfc'ovt;r'r''^i''*^ «r,jo^,nent of these 
 
 was their birth.ri^ht^,Ltt/;S it wrth'"""^ ^7' '' 
 38 secured to them by charter and VhoRv*^''' 'P^^'^' ^'g»'t 
 Belf could deprive them of ^^ ?hfv M '/"'l P''"-''«'"«"t it- 
 acts which provoked and ju fi^ft.T . ff ^"^^ °"'^ ^^^ ""« o^ those 
 InMarch 1775, the British narl, " '^f^'^'"''*'?" of Independence. 
 " the trade and commerce onh .' "' '"^"'"^ V "" «^^ *« '«««'•«*» 
 " and New Hampshi^ and rnl •''*'^'P'^'' '^ Massachusetts Bay 
 "Inland, and Provrde^'ce "piant HiT •''^ f ''"^ *•«"* and Rhode- 
 
 " Britain, Ireland, and the BriJ^ih isi;;H Vu '^"'^'''''' »« ^'''^-l 
 "to prohibit such provinces and rS' "" ^^ ^^'««* '"^'«« ^ «nd 
 " fishery on,the Banks ofNeuSndtnT 'J'^" ^""^'"fe on any 
 
 "i::t::^r^-ts ^--^^t^ ^^^-^ ^^^ ^'^^^'" 
 
 " his motioS by dociarl th^;" '""l T' '""^ ^'^^^'^ " «"PPorted 
 "trade with thfs k.wE^i *^'' .?., ' ^'r'^»"« had reused to 
 " them to trade with any other n«l "^"l '^'* ''^^ '^"""^^ "«* ^"ffe'' 
 ♦' the fishery on the Banks of Ni V J" P^''^'^" "■-"•. he said that 
 
 '« and all thl other! .n America w'sTh".'"'"' ""J !.'^- ^'^'^^ ^-'^'' 
 " Britain, tlierefore we mi/htdl«nll ^^.^ ""'^^"hted right of Great 
 '' although the two houTef had nCdX *T f/ T ^'^'''^''- '^^^^ 
 " in rebellion, they had declared th-T^'^ '^ ^ Massachusetts Bay 
 "province. It Jas jttMrlt i '• "' ! •'"^""'*'° '" that 
 ">Aen«." HansJd'sZl^Zn^^^^^^^^^^ that province of its 
 
 In the debates upon this b H « I,? , r^' ''"^- *^' P' ^^^' ' 
 quence of both parUes in the RHH h ^ r ^''""' '"""^ «" ^he elc 
 On this bill Mr. Ch aries Fox sa d ^K'r\"\r^^« called forth, 
 "calculated to put an end to «n ' fh ? ' K" must have been 
 " authority of Great BrUain n.l t^ '^'"""'t^ *^^ ^^^ legislative 
 " tended to show to the colonTes tlTtr'* ^'^'^ '^ """^^ be in- 
 " supreme authority which parhampn^''''"L'''' no one branch of 
 " manner, as to render it rin.n/ a'^^^ "°^ "^"^^ '" «"ch a 
 " sist it." Then afteren LT n *u ^^"^' ''"^ necessary to re- 
 «ion. he added^' but the SSi !^^''-Pf«'^'«"« acts of oppres- 
 ' ^ Americans that th!/^^^ttS;J:- J^--^ Je 
 
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186 
 
 « most oppressive, and worse than any of those they h»d hitherto 
 .. ?K- 1 ^^''"* •*"'** '''*"^^'^' *''''* ^''^ •»'" was meant for no- 
 "rebflHon." «««Perate the colonies into open and direct 
 
 *« JJ""- Bl'-ke pursuing the same idea, and enlarging upon it, appried 
 Mwbeth'"" br«"g»»tfo'-'vard the bill, the passage from 
 
 .. ^ "I am in blood ' 
 
 Stept in so far, that should I wade no more, 
 " Returning were as tedious as go o'er." 
 
 He said " that the scheme w».s new, and unheard of ih any civil- 
 ized nation ; to preserve your authority by destroying yourdomi- 
 
 *Jn.ons. It was rather the idea of hostility between independent 
 states, where one not ueing able to conquer another, thinks to re- 
 
 "fte^'resources^ ^^ ^^ *^' ''•'' '^^'^''^^'^S '^ ^^^^^^ and cutting off 
 
 On the passage of the bill through the house of lords there 
 was a protest against it, signed by sixteen peers, among whom are 
 the names of Rockmgham, Camden, and FitzwiUiam. Among the 
 reas. ns of this protest are the following : * 
 
 "Because the people of New England, besides the natural claim 
 of mankmd to the gifts of Providence on their own coast, are 
 specially entitled to the fishery by their charters, which have 
 " never been declared forfeited"— 
 
 « l.'ri?!?K"'* T ^°"<=«'''« that the attempt which has been made to 
 bribe the nation into an acquiescence in this arbitrary act bv 
 holding out to them (by evidence at the bar,) the sp^^s of 'thj 
 
 " ^^L?ff ^'*'"'^' ^^'^ "Pwardsof three hundred thousand 
 pounds sterling a year, to be a scheme full of weakness and in- 
 
 « 1m?ii of '"decency, because it may be suspected that thede- 
 sire ot the confiscation has created the guilt : weak ber aii«.P it 
 .opposes that whatever is taken from th.^olonil L ^f Se to 
 
 ♦ be transferred to ourselves. We may trample on the rules of 
 justice, but we cannot alter the nature of things We cannot 
 eonvey to Great Britain the advantages of situatk,; which New 
 i^ngland possesses for the fishery." 
 
 But reason and eloquence were vain : the bill, styled by Mr 
 
 " anlMln S"-^"*^ Pr^' ''^''^''^ ^""''^ sentenced theCe 
 and sustenance of America," was sanctioned by the then usual 
 
 mT^Z "^ ''''''' J^T' °'' P«'-''«'»«»t; and itl tho ' pecia^ly 
 ment aned among the charges against George the third, in the De- 
 
 " 2?» ,"f '"^«P«"^«"*^«/ " H« has combLd with oiherstosub- 
 
 ject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknow- 
 
 edged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of TeicX 
 
 ;; ;^eg;;'at.on_/or cutting off' our trade M all paTof'he 
 
 Had Mr Russell been awemher of the Congress of 1776 with 
 what admiration would that illustuous body have listened to hi's doc- 
 
187 
 
 ♦him fffT'* ?'° •"' r«™ °^»«"«"» 'm;,«,;c^^,'^;.*°^rcut 
 
 «ad Mr. Russell been prime minister of Great Britain in I77i; 
 with how much easier and speedier a process than hto /^ 
 
 of l. A • P"''^™'"' .Mntinued Id force duringthe whole var 
 the prehminary artic es of Novembpr 1 7Po *« k- u^u ™:"**^ 
 
 Se KpWNe°„'F" rr?^' "'/'"'«<"' "'"« '«- »f-turl to 
 
 .uuuu, inai irom the 17th of February to the 14tb of Aa»ii«f 1770 
 
 t shoald or should not be made » sinequa „on for wa^e «, ho» 
 they should secure the cmlinuam^: of that portion SfThe fish/™ 
 
 rX't' "^ouM 'fKt'J ir '""'''■.""^ "fii^S/co'n'clud'ed'S 
 
 tteT^rn^i't^rrBVtrptrr^^^^^ 
 
 1 I 1 *°'^*^ "^''*^'® °^ *•*« preliminaries of Novemher 1 782 anH 
 also by he corresponding article of the defiStive"reaVof i^^^^^^^ 
 the lyhole of the fishing rights and Hbertierwerrsecur Jd and rf* 
 
 Srs~th:;S"' r^r^r' Pre-existingra'd^^Tt ^o'^y 
 orants-the variation of the terms iq the article, seeuring the ri^ht 
 
mmmmm 
 
 188 
 
 ieiish on the banks of Newfoundland, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
 and at all other places lo the sea. ard the liberty to fish on the coasts' 
 of Newfoaodlaod and the other British provinces, arose onlt from 
 the circumstance, that by the same act which recognised these li- 
 l»ertie3, (the ireaty of peace,) the territorial jurisdiction of those 
 provinces, which had until ♦hen been the same with that of the o*her 
 British colonies, became to the United States a/om;^ jurisdiction, 
 -he continuance of the fishing liberty was the great object of the' 
 article ; and the language of the article was accommodated to the 
 severance of the jurisdictions, which was consummated by the 
 same instrument. It was co-instantaneous with the severance of the 
 jurisdiction itself; ^nd was no more a grant from Greet Britain 
 than the right acknowledged in the other part of the article ; or than 
 the Independence of the United States, acknowledged in the first 
 article. It was a continuance of possessions enjoyed before • and 
 at the same moment, and by the same aci, under which the United 
 States acknowladged those coasts and shore.8 as being under a fo- 
 reign jmiadictioa, Great Britain recognised the liberty of the peo- 
 ple of the United States to use them for purposes connected with 
 the fisheries. 
 
 This also was the peculiar character of the treaty of 1783, in 
 which our title was recognised to the rights and liberties in the 
 fisheries. They had all thfe' qualities mentioned by the authors on 
 the laws of nations, as appropriate to periaanent and irrevocable 
 acknowledgments : ' 
 
 " Who can dou! ;," says Vattel, « that the pearl fishery of Bah- 
 "rem and Ceylon, may not lawfully be enjoyed as property ' And 
 «• Uiough a fishery for food appears more inexhaustible, if a nation 
 
 has a fishery on its coasts that is particularly advantageous, and 
 "of which It may become master, shall it not be permitted to ap- 
 "propnate this natural advantage to itself, as a dependence on the 
 «♦ country it possesses ; and if there are a sufficient number of fish 
 " to furnish the neighbouring nations, of reserving to itself the great 
 " advantage it may receive from them by commerce ? But if, so 
 « far from taking possession of it, it has once acknowledged the com- 
 " mon right of other nations to come and fish there, it can no longer 
 « exclude them from it ; it has left that fishery in its primitive free- 
 ** rn?' S '®^^^ "^''^ respect to those who have been inpossessim of it. 
 ** The English not having taken the advantage/rom the beginning, 
 *' of the herring fishery on iheir coast, it is become common to them 
 "with other nations." Vattel, b. I, ch. 23, § 287. 
 
 In the third article of the tteaty of 1783, the liberties of the peo- 
 pie of the United States in the fisheries within the British xNorth 
 American colonial jurisdiction were, in the most rigorous sense of 
 the words, acknowledged/rom the beginning— .for it was by the very 
 same act. which constituted it, as to the United States, a foreign 
 jurisdiction. '' * 
 
 (I 
 
189 
 
 Tliat this was the understanding of the Art:^!^ k .l « . 
 vernment as »vdJ as by the WiLn n!? f T *'^ *« ^"t*'** go- 
 
 demp„.tratioo, by the debates'rSre^rutn'J' ^^Pr^^^^ 
 articles. It was made in both Houtes rmt Iffu ^^^ P'^^ehmirary 
 to the treaty. la the House of SmisiordNtr'/. "'j^^^'""^ 
 as minister in 1775, had brought inand rarZi .u '''.^''^'"^Q'^ho 
 depriving us of the fishery bufwh^ had now L * °"«? *'i* ^'' «>' 
 opposition, said : - By the third artSjplf- " '^^^^'" "^^'^e 
 reci,,oeay, given tL AmerTcan 'atunrmfei^^^^^^ 
 of every lc,ud on the Great Rant oil . ■ "§"* *° ^a^e figfa 
 
 ;; Newfoundland. But thi^l "o 'siirnt^'we^h"''^^ ^^' '' 
 " them the right of fjshioe in the Gnlf nf Qf i ® ^'*''® ^'^° S'^^-n 
 ;; other place! in the sea'^heSe fhey t'e t^LT' '"^^ «" 
 i^rou^A u*, the privilege of fishing Sv h^^^'J".* ^"J*'^'^^' 
 poM^er of even pSrtakinl of the fifher^wLh'we'tHr"'/-'" 
 We have not been content with rp<iioT.in„ .k. ^^ still retain. 
 " even share what we have l^t T S J^ir^'c^ P°««««sed, but 
 " to fi8h on that part of the coL ofN^^^^f,^'^^' ^^^^ liberty 
 ;; fishermen shalf use. AU thel Llels fhafth "' ^'"'^ ^""^^ 
 " or cure the same on the islanrf rJ?i,- ' * . ^ ^^« "ot to dry 
 •• to take our property for which we^h.vl ^'''?' '^7 ^''^ «* "^erty 
 ;; of the islan J: Thils cerTainly HtrikinVrn .'"^ ^'^} r ^^»«'°^ 
 " equity which we find is the basis of nr •^''*'^. °^^^^^ "^eral 
 " where shall 1 find an instance o?,h,f ' P'^«'^»^.onal treaty ! But 
 
 " forth in the ineamWe ? We ha4 iivenThTA^^*^'^^ '« «'«° «« 
 ;; mited privilege of fishing on a U th'e coa ts ^avf^T *''^"""- 
 our American dominions! But where have fhi *"'' ''?^^'' °^ 
 " principle of recip.ocitv. given uflTh/t • • i ^H^' "°^«'" this 
 " of their coasts, bays, o;^creeks' I oS'^^'u^ '^^'^^^"^ ««y 
 ;; could be found, were it only 'o giVe J coTour ^t'^'u^ "" '''''^'^ 
 " procity. The advantage we shonr:i h^p' / *•"' ^""^^^^ '"eci- 
 " cannof be a consideradon ; for every rer-^^" 'v ^^ '" "■''"'"' 
 " to Grent Britain seems to have ble7enthl?v f P'?'^''^^ advantage 
 "and meaning of this peace in ^InV^'l^'S" *° t^« '"tent 
 
 "should have'thoughtit'^uld haveb/enT'"'''V''^5^™« * 
 •• tion not to have given without thllen Jl f ^ °^ administra- 
 " 8ion which they could never demand « T'^.^^^K^^^^ ?«'"'»•«- 
 - at a loss to consider ho^^e couTd "/"'t nr"h^ '"'^^f'''' ' «"» 
 " as a right, when they assumed an if h!' 7 ^''^^ ^""''^ ^^'^i™ it. 
 '• rated the^ from our^soTerignty " ^'"^'"'^ ""^'""^ ^«« ««Pa- 
 
 In this speech, fhe whole article is conoi^Ar^J -„ • 
 concession of British property nor U^hll ^ ^"^ "nprovidenfe 
 est distinction in the natureonhP^r»nM f ^ suggested the slight- 
 on^he banks, -d thV^r^^^ote^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 " by Britain, is in the nex aSo Z a / v '^' '''"''" '•'''«'««^ 
 " right inhe;ent in the Amerl ans Xh'tt ' \^' 'V^"^'^ ^ « ' 
 '* subjects, they arc . c.«.Sr;^t:::S^;^ ^ 
 
190 
 
 *'' other hand being reserved to British subjects to approach theiiT 
 " shores, for the purpose of 6shing, in this reciprocal treaty." 
 
 In the replies of the ministerial members to these objections, 
 there is not a word attempting to contradict them, or hinting at a 
 distinction in the tenure of the title between the right and the li- 
 berty. 
 
 Sncli was the nature of the rights and liberties of the people of 
 (he United States in the fisheries, and such the peculiar character 
 of the treaty of 1783, by which they bad been recognised. The 
 princfple asserted by the Anrerican plenipotentiaries at Ghent ; dis- 
 avowed and combated by Mr. Russell, in his letter of Uth Febru- 
 ary, 1815, aifd now treated by him as the dream of a visionary, 
 was, that these rights and liberties, thus recognised, could not be 
 forfeited by a! war, and that no new stipulation was necessary to 
 secure them. The vrhoie fishery, as well without as within the 
 special territorial jurisdiction, had been the common property of 
 the British empire : so had been the whole territory to which it 
 had been incidental. By the treaty of separation, the territory 
 was divided, and two separate sovereign jurisdictions arose. The 
 fishery bordered upon both. The jurisdictions were marked out 
 by the boundary line agreed upon by the second article of the 
 treaty. The fishery was disposed of in the third artrcle. As com* 
 mon property, it was still to be held in coonnon. A^ a ^ essession, 
 it was to ber heli! ty the people of the United States, as it had beea 
 held before. It was not like the lands partitioned out by the same 
 treaty, & corporeal possession, but in the technical language of the 
 English law, an incorporeal hereditament, and in that of the civil 
 law, a right of mere faculty, consisting in the power and l-berty of 
 exercising a trade, the places in which it is exercised being occu- 
 pied only for the purposes of the trade. Now the right or liberty 
 to enjoy this possession, or to exercise this trad^, could no more be 
 affected or impaired by a declaration of war. than the right to the 
 territorj' of the nation. The interruption to the exercise of it dur- 
 hig the war, could no more affect the right or liberty, than the oc- 
 cupation by the enemy of territory could a^iect ♦'*e right to that. 
 The right to territory could be lost only by abant' nient or renun- 
 ciation in the treaty of peace ; i»y agreement to a new boundary 
 line, or by acciuiescence in the occupation of the territory by the 
 enemy. The fishery liberties could be lost, only by express re- 
 nunciation of them in the treaty, or by acciuiescence in the princi- 
 ple that they were forfeited, which would have been a tacit rcnun« 
 ciation. 
 
 I hope it will not be deemed an assertion of infallibility, when I 
 say, that I present this argument to my country, both as to the na- 
 ture of our rights and liberties in the tisheries, and as to the pecu- 
 liar character of the treaty by which they were recognised, with a 
 perfect conviction that it cannot be answered. But if I am mistaken 
 in that, sure I am, that it never has been answered, either by, the 
 British government or by Mr. Russell. 
 
191 
 
 If admitted, it leaves the question, whether the treaty of 1 783 
 J^as or wag not abrogated by the late war ? a mere question of uaf 
 lesg speculation, or of national pride. That fiW/irsSesmPn nn!! 
 J.ar.8t8 should manifest some impatience, andset^e p^^^^^^^^^ 
 to cause /«.Mreaty to disappear from the archives oTtheir nat^na 
 mun,ment« .s not at all surprising. That an ^».'r,W state m" a 
 should partake of the same anxiety, is not so natural thm, Jh J? 
 may be traced to the same system of public law^^S tS' 
 oerce ""d lighenes of the colonies, before th^ Revolution were 
 supposed to be held at the mere pleasure of the Brit h crown 
 ■ It IS not necessary to deny that the treaty of 1 783 was as a mSi 
 compact, abrogated by the late war, so^long as wTth^e asse Zn 
 of Its being so abrogated, is not coupled the assertion thatTnv one 
 rght or liberty, acknowledged in it as belonging to the people of 
 tl.e United States,- was abrogated with it. But wLn the Br tish 
 government or Mr. Russell assert that all the other right' and ,^ 
 bertie* acknowledged and secured to the United sEbvthi^ 
 
 SfiT"'^ f l^r-^'^"' «^^^P^ °- portion of I L prosper? 
 in tne fisheries, sUpglated ,n one half of one article, I say there '"s 
 
 nothing either in the nature of the liberty contested/or in^he Irt 
 ilfZ "'•rf'^." recognised, that will Iwarrant their 4ist net on 
 that the whole treaty was one compact of irrevocable acknowledV 
 ments consummated by the ratification ; and that the thfrSTrUcfe 
 »n particular, adjusted the rights and liberties of the parlies in and 
 to one common property, of which neither party could ever X- 
 wai^s divest the other without his consent. ' 
 
 When, therefore, the British government and Mr. Russell assert 
 hat war abrogates all treaties, and every article of everv treatv 
 they have yet proved nothing for ^heir argument ; they must pro! 
 ceed to affirm, that with the abrogation of the treaty by war all the 
 rights and liberties recognise^ in the treaty as befong^ng to* ei heJ 
 party, are likewise abrogated. And herein lies the fjlacy of heir 
 argument. We ask them, was the acknowledgment of the InZ 
 pendence of the United States, in the first artfcle of the treaty o? 
 1783 abrogated by the war of 1812 ? Yes, says Mr, Russell but 
 the Independence of the United States resledlpon their own Se- 
 claration, and not upon the acknowledgment of Great Britain V/ith 
 regard to all other nations, undoubtedly our Independence rests 
 upon our own Declaration, for they never contested it But Great 
 tui^^?fui ""^^f^ a.^ar of seven years against it, and it was by vir- 
 tue of that article of the treaty aloi,e, that she was bound to acknow- 
 ledge oyr Independence. And this constituted one of the peculiar. 
 Ities of the treaty of 1 783. Our treaty with France, of 1 7^78 con, 
 in?!^ "m ^'' '1^ 8t»P»'«iing the acknowledgment of our Independ, 
 hlT: . /'J*'^ '*''^!f '^ ^^^, necessary with any nation which never 
 
 cfthlu V \J.u^ ""f ^'''^ ^"^«'"''t ^«« the whole object 
 Pf that treaty. All tl»e other articles were merely arrangements oi 
 
 te^uJ^f f''j"8traent8 of consequences flowing from the recognition 
 •f the Arst jm:Up1?, If the acknowledgment of our Indepfnd^Jcf 
 
mwmmm'^'i' 
 
 1921 
 
 b the fiTBt arUcle of the treaty of 1783, wrs abrognted by (he war 
 Of 1812, from the firrt hour of its declaration by CoiigrcM, Grent 
 Bntain might bnye treated us as rebels nn she had done tliroiiali the 
 whole war of the Revolution. 
 
 Waa the boundary line of the treaty of 1783 abrogated by the 
 war of 1812 ? The Ainericnn plenipotentiaries certainly did ool 
 10 consider it, when they spoke of it in one of their notes, as tho 
 line " as it now is." Nor did the British plenipotentinries so consi. 
 der it, when they demiuided the express stipulntion of another line, 
 by tho treaty then to be concluded. They claimed it, not because 
 the boundary of the treaty of 1783 was abrogated, but by the right 
 of conouest, as a cession of our territory ; and the demand was 
 resisted on that ground. The articles in tho treaty of Ghent, 
 which refer to the boundary line, do not rnnew or confirm the arti- 
 cles of the treaty of 1703, which they recite. They refer to 
 them, as reference is ilways made to treaties in full force, and 
 merely add new stipulatioos for ascertaining the line described by 
 then^, according to the true intent and meaning of that treaty. 
 
 If, then, none of the rights, liberties, or possessions, rccognissd 
 by the first and second articles of the treaty of 1783, as belonging 
 to the United States, were abrogated by the war of 1812, by what 
 light, and upon what principle, could Mr. Russell consider tho 
 fishmg liberty, recognised as belonging to them by the third article, 
 to be entirely at an end^ without a new stipulation for its revival. 
 The whole of the third article, concerning the fisheries, was aa 
 much a recognition of pre-existing rights, liberties, and posses- 
 sions, as the hrst and second articles. With regard to that identi- 
 cal portion of the article, which Mr. Russell considers entirely at 
 an end, the words of lord Loughborough, which I have cited, prove 
 that It was universally considered, at the time when the treaty of 
 1783 was made, as a recognition of existing rights, as mqch as all 
 the rest. Mr. Russell says that the fiabing liberty, within exclusive 
 British jurisdiction, was not necessary to perfect the jurisdiction of 
 the United States. What then ? It was not a perfection of jurist 
 dictions, but ^ division of common property. The whole fishery 
 had been the joint property ol both parties. When the separation 
 was to be consuumated, it was agreed that that property should 
 $till be held in common ; that the people of the United Siatea 
 thould continue to enjoy the right of exercising the faculty upon 
 the banks and open seas, and should have the liberty of exercising 
 It m the unsettled bays, creeks, and harbours, where they had be- 
 fore exercised it as British subjects, but which were thenceforth to 
 be Within a foreign jurisdiction. There is nothing in the import of 
 the term liberty, nothing in the limitations expressed in the article, 
 fiolhing mthe principles of English law, or of the laws of nations 
 applicable to fisheries, which can warrant the pretension that this, 
 more than the rest of the article, or than any other article in the 
 Ureaty, was a grant of privilege, revocable at the pleasure of Great 
 BntaiD, or forf(pitab|e by w^r. ft|r. Russell, i^ his letter, frcqqept- 
 
193 
 
 of we«k„e.. in hi, Zument An «!^ "r^" '*"'^ "" indication 
 
 the diMlncHon be wee* K.ea^i",/oTr' ^''«"!;'' r^"^^'' "'"^k* 
 iog manner : "'•""""« ^^ ^^"^ '*<"'d«, in the folloir- 
 
 •' elam, for it is set above oil niZ.lnr. "^ i i **?"•' = '* '" "*»» « 
 
 ' ;; « /'n:.>.V.^.. for it CHnnot l^^^ eT^^ i v" urltBr/''*''" I "^'^ *' '* 
 
 •• unconditionally be taken «wny IwrnrlC.' ' ' ''""«• "*"* 
 
 Such i« the purport of thc'"wonMif'"t *^."""*^""--''"< "'""t. 
 and by theap^icK of ilt Thrtltt;" /^.If r^' 'f"'? ' 
 power which the Americans were to o j^v wiJhin h J *? '^* 
 
 diction, to carry on the tieherv it i« „»?^* **'*' "ritinh juris- 
 
 •negotiators of the treaty mi.took .IT i " ^'^P'e«"n'ed that the 
 in any manner ayn^'mlTwllh a pivS " ""' "'^^ "'^'^ '^ - 
 
 treS:wuttiTc:v;:o^..^^ 
 
 diMolved by the war of 1 hi" i "^^ "'''"'J!' «<^ "A^ was totally 
 liberty wit J„ BriS iLdicti ,n7ti. 1 .7S ' '"^r ^''"^ "'« ««'''"J 
 the treaty, was abrogate wht' Tlflf^ '''' «!"rd article of 
 yr the right to it cfuld not be forf^ted iy 'wVr '"th"/ ''^°'' '^"^ 
 of Its exercise during the war coud nn «^Lo ^ / ^ 'I'^Peni'ion 
 
 beea very soleL.ly .f/cy S^he &.l's,'',°' ""•'if '> , " •■»• 
 
 " which Ibey are proWdoJ td d„ri„ „T' L' Rf^'^'j" ''«' f" 
 
 cond vaa the soveraim ivi h »hnl i. ' ""''/'■«<'«ri-l' Ihe <e. 
 contrndici, (he doSeThnl »»r Hi.lr" "S*"""'?""- " "ot only 
 
 for the purpo'e 0? dS?.,Z or ^f IIP,-"" "'"'"^ ■•""■•'='' '• 
 faith. "^ "Wgumng or of palhatlng a violation of good 
 
 thauX?o7tt"b:i;!;rl:eriL'n''r- " """' «""-«"' «f 
 
 .ne.ie» and tba, nVc'X^rd'e 't^tbirto';"' 'tT "'* 
 *nn tvnter. „p,„ .he W. of „.,io„.. ha^i'e^'JaT.i.i.IjL"."' 
 
194 
 
 and expressly luid it down, that all articles of a treaty made during 
 war, or having in contemplation the state of war, as that in which 
 they are to take etfect, remain in full force, and are not abrogated 
 by war. This, therefore, cohstitiites a large class of artitiles of 
 treaties which are not ahrogatod by war. Another class of arti- 
 cles, equally privileged from such abrogation, are nil executed ttipu- 
 lations — Cessions of territory, demarcations of boundary, acknow- 
 ledgments of pre-existing riplits and liberties, belong to this class— 
 and in it are included the first, second, and tbird articles of the 
 treaty of 1783. 
 
 All articles which have been cxecutrd, mny indeed be said to be 
 abrogated by the execution itself. The transaction between the 
 parties is consummated. In the case nf a cession of territory when 
 the possession of it has been delivered, the article of the treaty is 
 no longer « compact between the parlies, nor can a subsequent war 
 between them operate in any manner upon it. 
 
 So of all articles the purport of which is the acknowledgment by" 
 one party of a pre-existing right belonging to another. The en- 
 gagement of the acknowledging party is consummated by the ratifi- 
 chtion of the treaty. It is no longer an executory contract , but a. 
 perfect right united with a vested possession, is thenceforih in one 
 party, and the acknowledgment, of the other is in its own nature irre- 
 vocable. As a bargain, the article is extinct ; but the right of the 
 party in whose favour it was made, is complete, and cannot be af- 
 fected by a subsequent war. 
 
 A grant of a facultative right, or incorporeal hereditament, and 
 specifically of a right of fishery, from one sovereign to another, is 
 an article of the same description. It is analogous to a cession of 
 territory, and is in fact a partial and quaJifled cession. The right 
 is consummated by the ratification of the treaty. The possession 
 is vested by the exercise of the faculty. Mere war between the 
 parties, can neither impair the right of one party nor effect the re- 
 vocation of the grant by the other. 
 
 So that whether the third article of the treaty of 1783 be consi- 
 dered ae an acknowledgment of pre-existing liberties, or as a grant 
 of them, to be exercised within British jurisdiction, it was in its 
 nature permanent and irrevocable, liable, under no circumstances 
 whatever, to be annulled by the wifl of Great Britain, and capable 
 •f being lost to the United States in no other manner than by their 
 own express renunciation or tacit abandonment. 
 
 I have already cited a passage from Vattel, to show, that when a 
 iDation has once acknowledged the right of other nations to share iii 
 M Jiahery vfithin its territorial jurisdiction, it can never afterwards 
 exclude them from it without their consent. What says he of grants 
 by treaty ? 
 
 «* Treaties, which do not relate to objects of reiterated occur- 
 " rence, but to transitory, single acts, immediately consummated, 
 " conventions, compacts, which are accomplished once for all, and 
 " not by successive acts, as soon as they have received their e5(e- 
 
* 
 
 " ejition, arfithing. consummated anu finished. If thev are ralirf 
 hey have .n the.r nature an effect perpetual andTrreZcabU^ 
 
 In hke manner, as coon m a right ie transferred hvIirTf 
 •' vention, it no longer belongs to the sti^ S h ^ T/"* ""T 
 " affair is linished and concluded?" Va 1 6 2 .J I'.T.oo '*'* 
 
 "But we m«t not here confound treaties or ani.^^ ^ '^l'- u 
 ;' bearing the obligation of reciproc^ engat^eVcaT^^^^^^^ 
 ■ l>y ho concinued existence ot' the contJafrg power" wi ^ . ^ 
 
 ce. ved them, should afterwards be conquered or Za in «1 »k 
 . ' «te~C<,..«.„terj, «» Burlama,ui, Pan 4, c* 9,Tl6h 
 
 cognised in it, as belonging to the United Stal' tliT Z T 
 abrog t d ,h it, and con'sequently^l'fh' t'S.f co^ u^ oH V^^ 
 twf •/!«*'°'''^\"''Sument,that the fishing liberty soured td 
 the United States, by the third article, was enLlyatan^,TM 
 
 rrncinl?of£7''"-^r''^'-^'"^^"^«'' ^^^ - unw^arranld by any 
 principle of the laws of nations, as it was Dernicion.. tn tuJ^it^ 
 
 ny which it was secured, as was expresslv assprfp.1 h.,\iZ a^ 
 can plenipotentiaries ; and the ^ame'^pSpts l^id^iatLn^^^^ 
 to a new stipulation then, and do appL to h^ew " fnuTatfon^,'^^'*''* 
 made, as djd apply to the third article of tS^tS 7 m? 
 When Mr. Russell says thai I appeal to a class of treaties whth 
 are not known to exist, he only proves that it would hllllir 
 him to revise his studies of diplomatic Ld inte nTonaHar ' '"' 
 
 The doctrme that all treaties and all rights acknnwlpnll^ u 
 artjcles of treaties, are dissolved by war, hTn^l always bet he'j 
 to be sound even by the British government. In the debatesin 
 parhament on the peace of Amiens, lord Auckland said- 
 
 " Iw^ ^'^ '^°^i '"^^^ ^^^ '^'"'^^ °f ''^ the first publicists on these 
 
 ubjects, and had corrected himself in a mistake, stil prevalent 
 
 n the minds oi many, who state, in an unqualified sense that aH 
 
 -treaties between nations are annulled by lar, and S be «« 
 
 '• daily renewed if meant to be in force on the return 7p«ce% 
 
• V. 
 
 
 ^, 190 
 
 J, f"i9 true, that treaties in the nature of compact* or concessioni, 
 ^ '^ -» •• the enjoyment of which has been interrupted by the war, and 
 ** has not been renewed at the pacitication, are rendered null by 
 ' •• the war. But compacts not interrupted by the course and effect 
 *' of hostilities, such as the regttlated exercise of a fishery on the re- 
 " $pective coasts of the belligerent powers, the stipulated right of cut* 
 " ting wood in u piirticular district, or possessing rights of territory. 
 '• heretofore ceded by treaty, are certainly not destroyed or injured by 
 " war." 
 
 And again : <* It is not true that our non-renewal of the Dutch 
 ** treaties will liberate the ships and vessels of that republic from 
 " the ancient practice of itriking their flag to British ships of war, 
 '* in the British seas. That practice did not depend on the treaty 
 "of 1784, nor even on the treaty of Breda, in 1667. Those treo' 
 *• <!>« were only recognitions of an existing right. And the treaty of 
 *' 1667 expressly stated that the Dutch tliig shall be struck in such 
 *• manner as the same hath been formerly observed in any time 
 " whatsoever. The same remark would be found applicable to the 
 "sixth article of the treaty of 1784, by which the States General 
 " promised not to obstruct the navigation of the British jbjects i„ 
 *• the eastern seas. That article waa no compact or grant ; it was 
 " only an acknowledgment of 'a pre-existing and undoubted right ; 
 *• and was merely meant as a notice to our merchants that they 
 " wojld not be disturbed in the exercise of that right." 
 
 Lastly : " He had already slated the incontrovertible principle, 
 " that treaties or compacts, the exercise of which is not interrupt- 
 " ed by the course of the war, remain in full effect on the return 
 *' of peace. Our privileges in the Bay of Honduras had been given 
 " in lieu of ancient and acknowledged I'ights in the Bay of Cam- 
 '* peachv. Those privileges having been enjoyed without disturb- 
 ** ance during the war, are confirmed and established. 
 
 The earl of Carnarvon — a member of the opposition, said in the 
 same debate : 
 
 " It has been nearly admitted by ministers, that former treaties, 
 by the omission of renewal, are abrogated : tny noble relation 
 (lord Grenvillo) does not go that length, but he thinks we have 
 lost our title deeds in most cases, and has affirmed, that we have 
 thereby totally lost the gum trade. I am far from thinking any 
 of these conseqi.ence8 follow simply from the tacit omission of 
 the renewals. War does not abrogate any right, or interfere 
 with the right, though it does with the exercise, but such as it 
 professes to litigate by war. All the writers on the law of nations 
 distinctly affirm, that peace has only relation to the war which it 
 terminates, leaving all the former relative situations of the two 
 countries as before the war; and that former treaties, though not 
 expressly renewed, remain in full elfect, if noi expresply abro- 
 gated in the treaty of peace, or by private consent and acknow- 
 ledgment." 
 
 (( 
 
 « 
 (( 
 t< 
 <( 
 (t 
 <( 
 it 
 « 
 
Mm 
 
 W7 
 
 ** the lord^ icellor (EMod) laid that if by the oci^iiion of thVi 
 « men .on ol former treaties they were .11 to VcoJiide S a! ab^ 
 
 had no difficulty in wying that en addre.. .hould be voteS to hi! 
 
 «^«je.ty praying that he would diiwi.. his preaent miniate™ from 
 
 his councils forever. But he trusted that the fact wa, fw othT 
 
 ;; w.,e. and that the conduct of mini«te« de.er.edr,uch ce„^ 
 
 « llfj 'V^^ ''*? L" "'"''• *'''*' "ooduraa became the rightful pro- 
 -Sn»? ^^^k'""/ ^"^T t^y ^^o^que-t. end was never%ede! to 
 « Ch Tr "". ''tj'r^'dgmcnt, on the part of the ourt of 
 "fsth^H^Tr^'^^^'''' "^^''' cut logwood. In proportion 
 .. ;l k- L* w .* ^°?1"«t '^a^ paramount to the effect of treati.-s 
 ' our^iliht n"' \t' ''''r' specifically abandoned and reJ^ed; 
 
 Deen mentioned in the definitive i/eaty." 
 
 And in the debate in the House tf Commons, speakine of thi« 
 •ame right of cutting logwood in the B.y of Honduras, lord Hawke! 
 bury (the present earl of Live rpoc 1) said, " 
 
 <i i^J,**® ^""^ '"' 'r"* "^^^ "^^^ '^e^'e*' *o "« ^y the Spaniards ia 
 
 quito Shore; therefore it is a settlement which we possess of 
 ^ light, and to which the Spaniards were as much bound to refer 
 
 8ion. Hansard s Parliamentary Hutory, vol. StJ, A. D. 1802. 
 The doctrine of the non-abrogation even of commercio/ treaties, by 
 war has been ma.nta.ned by British statesmen and lawyers oj 
 tTo^P JnT"'' /^^l ^"""^ sometimes carried it furih^r thau 
 hZ ffu ""'"'^J' *•''''*' ^««" ^^'"^y to «dmit. Thus in the de- 
 1?^ K .* '^ °^CoT°"' ''" *''« '''>»^'"* treaty of peace of 
 S; if r*" *^'''"1'^ ^P'*'"' ""^ •«'•««» B"tain. Mr. Fox. al 
 uding to the renewal in that treaty of the treaty of Utrecht ; and 
 to the period of two years from the Ist of January, 1784, fired for 
 the negotiation of a treaty of conunerce, said : " /ending 'the negt 
 "Inl^^"' T? ••^««o?«hle to suppose the tLree nations would, in 
 commercial transactions, be bound by the treaty of Utrecht : and 
 ^^ this he imagined was the sense of the British ministers. But sup- 
 « ^rrZ^ two years should expire before the new commercial 
 
 «« wh»?^ M*' ''lu"'^ ^'"''^ P'**^^' « l^^'tion would naturally arise. 
 ^^ What would, in this case, become of the treaty of Utrecht ? For 
 
 « TJrn '"'"'* "/ "^'T" '^"' ^^^ ''■^"'y e/" Utrecht would, in such 
 - thnTfK- f ranamin full force ; but he knew, on the other hand. 
 '« V-u *u "''*• •'^^" ^^? *'P'"'°" 0^ the courts of Madrid and 
 rt Hon! i ';, ?'"'l^"' ""^ '^^'^^ contended, that if the negotia- 
 ' tions should end ,v,tho„t producing any new rommercial anrange- " 
 
 a 
 

 . i. 
 
 i9$ 
 
 ''*ent«, the treaty of Utrecht would, in that case, be completely 
 annulled." HanawdU Parliamentary Hi$tory, vol. 23, p. 1 147. 
 In the year 1686, a treaty was concluded between Louis the 14th 
 and James the second, regulating the commercial intercourse be- 
 ^een the respective subjects and possr sions of France and Great 
 Britam in Americc. It w«8 known by the denomination of the 
 Treaty of Neutrality. Two years after its conclusion, occurred the 
 revolution by which James was expelled from the British throne, 
 and a war between the two nations, which terminated in 1695, by 
 the peace of Ryswick. At the commencement of the next cen- 
 tury, broke o t the war of the Spanish succession, which, after 
 raging twelve yeara, closed in 1714, by the treaty of Utrecht. The 
 trea^ of neutrality had not been specifically renewed or named, 
 cither by the treaty of Ryswick or by that of Utrecht : yet on the 
 3d of June, 1728, the attorney and solicitor general, Yorke and 
 TMot, gave their official <^inion that the treaty of neutrality was 
 still in force, and instructions, founded upon its validity, were "iven 
 to the governors of the British colonies in America. 
 
 ! * 1741, commenced the war of the Pragmatic Sanction, or for the 
 Austrian succession, which finished in 1748, by the peace of Aix 
 la Chapelle — five years after which, the attorney and solicitor gen- 
 eral, sir Dudley Ryder, and Murray, afterwards lord Mansfield, 
 gave It as their official opinion that the treaty of neutrality of 1686, 
 was then yet in force. 
 
 The same question occurred in 1765, after the close of the se- 
 ven years' war, when the attorney and solicitor general, Norton and 
 De Grey, gave it as their opinion that the treaty of neutrality was 
 «o<then m force; but the advocate general, sir James Marriott, 
 gave it as his opinion that it was, and supported his opinion by an 
 elaborate, ingenious, and forcible argument. 
 
 These opinions are all to be found in the Second volume of Chal- 
 mers's Collectiori of Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, pp. 339—366 ; 
 and as the result of the whole, Chitty, in his Treatise on the Laws 
 of Commerce and Manufactures, a work published in 1820, says ; 
 " It has been considered that a general commercial treaty, not lim' 
 " ited by its terms to a particular time, is only suspended by a v/ar, 
 " and, that upon the return of peace, it will tacitly revive, by 
 *« implication, unless there be an express declaration to the con- 
 "trary." Chitty, p. 46.* 
 
 By the concurrent testimony, therefore of the writers upon the 
 laws of uations, and of the most eminent British statesmen and 
 lawyers of the present age, the genera! position that war abrogates 
 all treaties, autl the particular inference from it, that by the abro- 
 gation of treaties, the rights or liberties stipulated in them are con- 
 
 * Foi the references to these British authorities, relative to the effect of war, 
 upon treaties, and. treaty stipulations, I liave to acknowledge my obligations 
 to a learned and ingeaious friend, a nitmber of the Senate of the United 
 States. 
 
199 
 
 ^equently discontinued, are both utterly destitute of founijatioo. I 
 have been the more anxiously earnest in the developement of this 
 deinoo8trat:on, because the error of Mr. Russell, both as to the 
 principle and its consequence, is by uo means confined to him. In 
 the above extracts it will appear, that it was entertained by lord 
 Auckland himself, until called upon in the deliberations upon the 
 peace of Amiens, to examine thoroughly the doctrines of the wri- 
 ters on the laws of nations relating to the subject Be the opinion 
 of Mr. Russell what it may, the portica of the fisheries to which 
 we are entitled, even within the British territorial jurisdiction, is 
 of great importance to this Union. To New-England it is among 
 f ?°D valuable of earthly possessions. But the whole fishery 
 of the Bankd, and in the adjoining seas, is at stake, upon the prin- 
 ciples of Mr. Russell : by his doctrine we now hold it at the breath 
 of Great Britain ; for, by a declaration of war, she can extinguish 
 It forever. The foundations of the Union itself are shaken by 
 this opinion, if the fisheries of New-England are held at the 
 pleasure of Great Britain, one of the main purposes of the Union 
 to the people of New-England is taken away. So long as Great 
 Britain holds a preponderating power upon the ocean, whenever 
 a war between her and the United States may occur, this great 
 interest of New-England will be the first to suffer, and in the most 
 distressing manner. If, besides the endurance of this peculiar hard- 
 ship which is unavoidable. New England is to be told that her liber- 
 ties^ in the fisheries themselves, are nothing but voluntary donations 
 oi Lrreat Britain, which she has a right to resume, on the first firing 
 of a gun, the. vital interests of New-England are not on the same foot- 
 ing of protection, by the Union, as those of its other portions. In the 
 relative proportions of power and influence between the different 
 sections of the country, New-England will behold, without envy 
 and without regret, her sisters of the South and of the West, rising 
 to preeminence in wealth, population, and resources over herselt^ 
 But never ag-ain let her be told, and least of all by one of her own 
 sons, that her rights, her libr ties, or her possessions, are of trifling 
 or insignificant value to the nation, and that at the first sound of a 
 hostile trumpet they will be abandoned to the mercy of the com- 
 mon enemy ; or surrendered to the desperate chance of a repur- 
 chase for an equivalent wherever it may be found. - 
 
 In my remarks on Mr. Russell's letter, 1 expressed the hope, 
 that from the whole history of this transaction, the statesmen of this 
 Union would take warning through all future time, in their conflicts 
 with foreign powers never to consider any of the liberties of this 
 nation as abrogated by a war, or capable of being extinguished by 
 any other agency than our own cxpreas renunciation. Mr. Russell 
 takes alarm at this lest the implicit renunciation by the British of 
 the right to navigate the Mississippi should not be sufficient— and 
 he says, that according to me, that right is unimpaired. Mr. Rus- 
 sell's conclusion, as usual, is broader than his premises. He might 
 have seen that the object of my remark was to give warning to the 
 
'^pt ' 
 
 m 
 
 2oa 
 
 «tote«meDo< this Union, never to permit or abet the extinguwb- 
 ment of ^y of our liberties, by abandmment or surrender, which 
 woud be tacit renunciation. It was no purpose of mioe to say that 
 our liberties could not be so extinguished. On the contrary, it wai 
 precisely because after the notification of the British plenipoten- 
 tiaries on the 9th of August, 1814, our fishing liberties would have 
 oeen tacitly renounced, had we quietly acquiesced in it, that I deem- 
 ed the counter notification in the note of 10th November, or a new 
 stipulation in the treaty indispensable to save those liberties from 
 extinction. It was precisely because Mr. Russell had not only 
 Deen prepared to surrender them, but so eager to prove them al- 
 ready extinct, that I thought it necessary to give this warning to the 
 statesmen of my country, never hereafter to follow his example. 
 n was that counter notification, which saved our liberties (and our 
 nghls too) in the fisheries. Had the negotiation with Great Bri- 
 tain since the peace, been for the repurchase of liberties acknoir- 
 ledged by ourselves to be extinct, a very different equivalent must 
 have been given for them.from the naked right oftiavigating the Mis- 
 sissippi. 1 he liberties of this Union will never becapable of beine 
 extinguished otherwise than by express renunciation, so long as the 
 public servants to whom the defence and protection of them may 
 be committed are duly determined never to surrender them by im, 
 - plication. The incapacity of surrender is not in the liberty itself 
 but in the soul of its defenders. ^ ' 
 
 ih^^V"" *^* right of the British to the navigation of the Mississippi, 
 ttiey have not only renounced it, by their concurrence with Mr 
 Russell that the treaty of 1783 was abrogated by the war, but by 
 stipulating anew boundary line, which cuts them off from all claim 
 
 sat on R,"T *^^ ^^^' '^'J'?^"^ reserving the right to its navi- 
 gallon. 1 hey have abandoned both the grounds of their claim to 
 
 i.rnJ'"" •"?• *^°"t'g"'*y «fld ti-esty stipulation ; end an effectual 
 guard against it, more effectual indeed than any renunciation, is that 
 wane they have no territory upon its borders, they never can have 
 any interest in reviving it. Their very advancing any claim to it 
 Via^ ' ^^ ®° inconsistency with their doctrine4hat the treaty of 
 lltrK"^** abrogated by the war, and as they really had no interest 
 worth a straw in the claim, they finally abandoned it, to redeem 
 their consistency. They, like Mr. Russell, were willing enough to 
 adopt one principle tor operation upon their own claims and its on- 
 posite principle, to affect the claims of their adversary ; but as the 
 obje-tof their claim was of no real value, they finally preferred to 
 abandon their claim, rather than tbrmally to renounce their doc- 
 
 But there is one object which to Mr. Russell, ae a member of 
 Congress, seems to present matter for very serious consideration 
 Jf the navigation downwards of the Mississippi, by British subjects' 
 with merchandise on which the duties have been paid, and subject 
 to all the custom-house regulations, is a power of such tremendous' 
 consequence to the Union, and especially to the unojinding infaa^ 
 
H,f 
 
 2ei 
 
 «?S;1'^ ••""»"" beTrfb-teJ Mt°" How halt"" "• 
 « the T nion been palsied » Whv h»a ^i.^ j- *^ "^ ^'^^ arm 
 
 nothing proposed to be stinulatpd hv thf^A- ! * ^°®*'« ^m 
 plenipotentCiea on the fiTXc/mber IsL^^^^^^^ V' i^^^J'^^^^ 
 jects do not at this hour possess and h!vl' ^"'^ ^"*'** ^ub- 
 without any stipulation wCeJwLihp "f 7?.""*^^ *° «W. 
 the State ofLo!ii8ianaintrthTunLkL?-IS°°«[*''*'^"^ 
 « taken as a condition upon which ?hl ^flVl^^-^ ^^""^ '* ^^^a" be 
 " the Union, that the river MTssssioD. »L ,!*^*' ".'"'^orporated in 
 '• waters leading intrtheLmr«nF; ^?u *^^5«^'gable rivers and 
 " conmon A.^Jay, and Gulf of Mexico, shall be 
 
 " said State Is to ?he inLbS of o^L' T." *° **!f i°'^«»'»t«°t« of 
 "of the United States, WitCanv tax dut • '' ""? ^^ *""'*°"«« 
 " for. imposed by the said State " Th^fw^K?^"'*' °' *""' *•»««- 
 way. free to all the citizens of the Unt^ Z^i"^ u ^ ^°°"°°» ^'gh- 
 the constitution of the State of Lo?.S ■^^'' ^^ ^^'^ «<^^' and V 
 free to all foreigners at peace ^th?;!' n '."f T* <>*'fa<^t equally 
 quently toBritish sub^cr It^aL be DrS!h>'^/'''.''l^"^ '«»««- 
 no such law is in existence t»e prohibited only bylaw, and 
 
 source to the Jcean. It d7not tin^ ^^n'^rt^. the river, frim its 
 ascending the riv«r frL It °** "^ ^'^ '*^'"'* *^em to a right of 
 
 above thlttTo^rot^^'L^S^^ifer^"^'^ ^^^'^ vessels to^pLt 
 
 wifi;:srtS;L:/t:ffrLt;?rf ^* ^^- ^--"^ 
 
 h.s opinions with regard ^It UUe tf trr^rcorer^"^' ^* 
 
20*2 
 
 ///. Fishing Liheriien — their Value. 
 
 Or all the errors in Mr. RustelFs letter of 11th February, 1815, 
 to the Secretary of State, there is none more extraordinary in its 
 character, or more pernicious in its tendency, than the disparaging 
 ' estimate which he holds forth of the vaiue of the liberties in the 
 fisheries, secured by the treaty of 1783, and, as he would maintain, 
 extinguished, by the war of 1812. Not satisfied with maintaining 
 in the face of his own signatures at Ghent, the doctrine that all right 
 to them had been irredeemably extinguished by the war ;' not con- 
 tented with the devotion of all his learning and alt his ingenuity, to 
 take from his country the last and only support of right upon which 
 this great interest had, by himself and his colleagues, been left at 
 the conclusion of the peace to depend ; not ashamed of urging the 
 total abandonment of a claim, at that very time in litigation, and of 
 which he was himself one of the official defenders, he has exhausted 
 his powers, active and meditative, in the effort to depreciate the 
 value of those possessions, Which, while committed to bis charge, 
 he was so surprisingly Tntent upon relinquishing forever. 
 
 His first attempt in this patriotic career, is to represent this in- 
 terest as a merely sectional and very trifling concern, brought in 
 conflict at Ghent with another but a much greater and deeper inte- 
 rest of a different section of the Union. 
 
 His next enfleavour is to represent it as an exclusive interest of a 
 few iudividualti, the mere accommodation of a few fishermen, annu- 
 ally decreasing in number. 
 
 And, finally, he degrades the value of the object itself, by affirm* 
 ing that the fogs in the high northern latitudes prevented the effectual 
 curing of the fish, and that this liberty was totally unnecessary to us 
 for subsistence or occupation, and afforded in no way, (iu the du- 
 plicate he says in no AoKcsf way,) any commercial facility or political 
 advantage. 
 
 It is scarcely possible to render a greater disservice to the peo- 
 fV of ihis Union, than in their controversies with foreign powers, 
 tu array the interests of one section of the Union against those of 
 another. On no occasion can this be so dangerons as when the 
 power, with whom the negotiation is held, has the purpose of wrest- 
 ing from us the enjoyment of such a possession, the immedifitR in- 
 terest of which is confined to one section ; and I confidently aihrm, 
 that never since the existence of the United States -as an independ- 
 ent nation, has there been an emergency upon which there was less 
 reason for flinging into the discussion this torch of dissension, than 
 at the negotiation of Ghent. The aim of the enemy w;i3 at the fish- 
 eries. His object was to deprive us of them. The American ple- 
 nipotentiaries were instructed not to surrender them. What more 
 could the enemy defeire, than to excite within the American mission 
 itself, a sectional interest adverse to that of the fisheries ? He did 
 so ; and so far as Mr. Russell dared to indulge his disposition, moft 
 
* 203 
 
 Jd a more aealou- and acceptobie service T^^u""' ^"""^ P«'^<'«'m. 
 doctnne. of hi. letter of llTFebruaT'lBlS ^'^^''''''iH the 
 at luue, It was their aivument that h«?.'J J * /' *<* ^he object 
 •«cited, it w«« their interest hi w!! ^''*'' -*' *^ **>« spirit he 
 would have been the account to^bKl;"*- ^^ "«»* inrfeJS 
 heir nght of navigating the fiiljpi?/,^^^^^^^ have turned 
 hey disclaimed it, they could haTobtl'i^ir*'-^ "^"^''t '^hile 
 bat of the.e United StJtes to their fishtTlihiif- "' '«""n<^«tion. 
 immense d^proportion of what 'bey w3 i***"*'"'' *««*• the 
 change, they would have plan ed in thoh ^''r «"'"*«* »»y the «»- 
 of bitterness which neve? S Ll i*'*'''^ ''^ *''« ^"ion. a roi 
 Its blood Ffndthe fiSs bee^su^^^^^^^^^^^ «P »>"* i?S^ 
 
 of New.England came to inqulr" TheZ '^Z^^'' ^^e people 
 them, and how they had been & ZhJ ^f f^^'^^i' liberties in 
 been to be told~thev were ll! I\ ^ "T^^'d their feelings have 
 bidding British suK f^*''itl Z'' ""l^^ »«'" ^^e righf of for! 
 boats? With what Can'ru^a'n'c'e^rufd tt I'^^V^P' ^^-^ 
 We have lost nothing, upon the whni? v *^ *'.*''^ ^'^^''d i* said, 
 
 yo«rfisheries--buti;haCacquired be rl2 'f'^^ ^«^« '««* 
 Enghshmen from travelling a hiEv i„^^'«'^ ""^ '"terdicting all 
 
 It was notin the power of man 7^^^^ ^''^ Western Country — 
 t. detach the affeVns ofT iL'ToT^Ti'"''! betterX 
 
 »r^K:rb;s^^i^^^^ . 
 
 pose that the article WnoTrfthantE ' "" ^'^^^ ^° -^ 
 ed to mean , and then he infers tZftZoMh ^'^f*''*''^ P'^-P^^t* 
 to mean the same thing as tLtSlZifpT ''^^n ""derstood 
 and as the free access both of ill ""'^ ""^ *^« '''eaty of 1794 . 
 dians within our tSrt^, whi^h [hThTd "" '' *^«*'« ^'^^ ^^e ll' 
 caused inconveniences to usrwhich h«5 h ^"'" '^ "'« »'''*'«'>. had 
 structioiis of I5th April laiT K^ ''.''^^^««? mentioned in the in- 
 
 rJU '''' ^^'^^^ ^om Ve'contin^ait^^^^^^ ^" ^ «'-« -^ 
 he Mississippi. No such inference S/h"'J''«'^^ *° "«^'g«te 
 the article. The article was precTselv whl l^ ^'*" *''''"^° f^°«» 
 no more; a.id if, under colour ofT^RvV* P'"P'^''*^d to be, and 
 tempted to g.ye it a greater extension . '^ ^^^^^""^^ ^"'d ever at- 
 on .rely in the power of the rm:;;;;;''':^''^ ''"'"^^ ^^^« »>««« 
 . It IS the first common-ulacrnf?? ^?^"'^°'^«"trolthem 
 «)«, to mis-state the ouSn ?n Hi. '-'^ ^'^'^ sophistical reason- 
 
 «»akingthis.withoutSnorLce^^^^^^^^ ""^^''' «"«««"' «^"r 
 jnterest against another, chan.rthelf.'tnri-'r "^""^ ^^^^'"""J 
 

 901 
 
 f- 
 
 
 ing the Eastern interest, which he has brought in conflict wtt^ mch 
 other. 
 
 I have shown that the proposal acta ally made to the British pie* 
 nipotentiaries, was, by the admission of Mr. Ruasell himself, sd 
 worthless, that it was nothing that they could accept ; as in fact it 
 was not accepted by them. Let us now see what was the value of 
 this fishery ; this '* doubtful accommodation of a few fishermen, 
 annually decreasing in number." 
 
 From the tables in Dr. Seybert's Statistical Annals, it will be 
 seenllflit in the year 1807, there were upwards of seventy thou- 
 sand tons of shipping employed in the cod fishery alone ; and thut 
 ii. that and the four preceding years, the exports from the United 
 States of the proceeds of the fisheries, averaged three millions of 
 dollars a year. There was indeed a great diminution during the 
 years subsequent to 1807, till the close of the war — certainly not 
 voluntary, but occasioaed by the state of our maritime relations' 
 with Europe, by tfur own restrictive system> and finally by the 
 war. But no sooner was that terminated, than the fisheries reviv- 
 ed, and in the year 1816, the year after Mr. Russell's letter was 
 written, there were again upwards of sixty-eight thousand tons, 
 employed in the cod fishery alone. From Dr. Seybert's state- 
 ments, it appears further, that in this occupation the average of sea- 
 men employed is of about one man to every seven tons of shipping, 
 so that these vessels were navigated by ten thousand, of the har- 
 diest, most skilful, soberest, and best mariners in th^ world. — 
 *' Every person (says Dr. Seybert,) on board our fishing vessels, 
 ** has an interest in common with his associates ; their reward de- 
 '* pends upon their industry and enterprise. Much caution is ob- 
 " served in tiie selection of the crews of our fishing vessels ; it often 
 *' happens that every individual is connected by blood, and the 
 " strongest ties of friendship. Our fishermen are remarkable for 
 *< their sobriety and good conduct, and they rank with the most 
 '* skilful navigators." 
 
 Of these ten thousand men, and of their wives and children, the 
 cod fisheries, if I may be allowed the expression, were the daily 
 bread — their property — their subsistence. To how many thou- 
 sands more were the labours and the dangers of their lives subser- 
 vient ? Their game was not only food and raiment to themselves, 
 but to millions of other human beings. 
 
 There is something in the very occupation of fishernen, not 
 only beneficent in itself but noble and exalted in the qualities of 
 which it requires the habitual exercise. In common with the cul-' 
 tivators of the soil, th^r labours contribute to the subsistence of 
 mankind, and they have the merit of continual exposure to danger, 
 superadded to that of unceasing toil. Industry, frugality, patience, 
 perseverance, fortitude, intrepidity, souls inured to perpetual con- 
 flict with the elements, and bodies steeled with unremitting action, 
 ever grappling with danger, and familiar -with death : these are 
 the properties to which the fisherman of the ocean is formed by 
 
 I 
 

 '-4 " 
 
 •W 
 
 /.4t'«v 
 
 205 
 
 W« first, and found hi, m™?^? °;i,f . T°"' ">' ">inkind, tmgbl 
 
 of nations wars, the examnlA. r^full^ . deadliest rancours 
 
 of exempting. b/thecoStnsenfS^^ ^'''^ ^''^^^^' 
 
 mie,, fishermen from thToper.tion of ll f .v°'' exasperated ene- 
 with Prussia, they are expSf"",^^^ '» <>"«• treaties 
 
 ••Wio,c occ,i«« J«, areiTor .?; ^^^ among the classes of meji 
 
 the parties Xevsh.n h» n' ^* "^^^^ event of war betweei 
 
 with?ut'Se?t:fiot"No: tel de^^^^^^^^^^ t^^ ^'"'"^y"-" 
 conspicuous than their usefu ness their k?nd wL'TK^ '"" 
 man^of the ocean, far from his native land frnrnK^V''-. **"''^- 
 his fire-side, pursues at the consfan haS of S V ^"°''^' "°^ 
 the bosom of the deep, the desire of hUhf 1 ■ I ^'l S^""® "P°n 
 his situation ever intently turned toward- K-k'' ^^ ^^-^ °"^"« < 
 and his country. To be lost to th«r-^^^^ '"""*' ' *'''"^''^''' 
 
 fears ; to return with the fn, 11 n A- .*^ J^' *''^"' ^^^"««t edge to his 
 all his hopes By no men u^^^^^^^^^ *° '^^"^ '« ^he object of 
 
 tions bee'n mor^ c^s^tF;:::^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 New.England. From the Dror3 If 1 ■ ^ . * fishermen of 
 
 our national arm did it not impart firmness and ener^J" w7 °^ 
 told they were ^'ammally decreasing in numLr •" vFt *k u*"! 
 lost their occupation by the war »f hIk Y®* ' ^^^^ ^^^^^ 
 
 ermen of New-England. in the tu^ of w^^fnl i a^^ ^^"^ ^^^ ^'^' 
 peal to the heroes%t « / our nav^al wai-asi'th?'"^'"'!' ^P* 
 Algiers and Tripoli-ask the rXme^s o?!.^ the vanquishers of 
 chains of servitude, and of your „S frJ^^ "ih '^T "' r^^^ 
 annual tribute to the barbarifnrof ASa~c"ll o^hrf'''" '^ 
 of our last struggles with Britain-Lnsk H.^ on the champions 
 
 Stewart,Porter,?ndMaclnXr;:i;^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 hshermen were the companions of Jheir victories arfd sea ?dTh1: 
 
 proudest of our triumphs with their blood • and /aIh J! r ^ ' 
 
 t»l.e„ l„ „„r &ho™e„ before tL prcenf ".nrlrtu: *! ' 
 
 2o 
 
trpen sea, or upon oar own coasts, and cured on our own shoiea." 
 1 his assertion is, like the rest, erroneous. 
 
 The shore fishery is carried on in vessels of leas than twenty ton* 
 burthen, the proportion of which, as appears by Seybert's Statisti- 
 cal Annals, is about one seventh of the whole. With regard to 
 the comparative value of the Bank, and Labrador fisheries, I sub- 
 join hereto, inrormation collected from several persons, acquainted 
 with them, as their statements themselves will show in their mi- 
 nutest details. 
 
 ♦i.^d""*u'''^ P«"*><^ of t'^e negotiation, I had been satisfied, that 
 .he British plenipotentiaries would not accept the renewal of the 
 8th article of the treaty of 1783, (the Mississippi navigation) as an 
 equivalent for the Renewal of the third, (the fisheries.) In the 
 correspondence which followed their notification at the first con- 
 ference, that their government did not intend to grant the former 
 fishing liberties without an equivalent, they had even dropped 
 their claim for an article renewing their right of navigating the 
 Mississippi, until we met their pretension that the fisheries had 
 t»eeo forfeited by the war, which we first did in our note of the 10th 
 of November, 1814. The principle upon which I had always re- 
 lied, was, that the rights and liberties recognised in the 3d article 
 of the treaty of 1783, had not been abrogated by tbe war, and 
 would remain in full force after the peace, unless we should re- 
 nounce them expressly by an article in the treaty, or tacitly by 
 acquiescing in the principle asserted by the British plenipotentia- 
 ries. 1 here was a period during the negotiations, when it was 
 probable they might be suspended, until the American commis- 
 
 IT^^u*""" '*^*^^"'® "^'^ instructions from their government. 
 Alter the peace was signed I was aware that the question relating 
 to the fisheries, must become a subject of discussion with the Bri- 
 tish governrnent ; and I had been previously informed by the Se- 
 cretary of State, that if the negotiation should result in the con- 
 clusion of peace, it was the President's intention to nominate me 
 lor the subsequent mission to Great Britain. I felt it, therefore, 
 to be peculiarly my duty to seek the best information that i could 
 obtain, m relation both to the rigiits and liberties in the fisheries. 
 as recognised in the treaty of 1783, and to their value. The fol- 
 lowing are extracts of two letters written by me from Ghent, to one 
 ot the negotiators of the treaty of 1783. By attending to the dates 
 It will be seen, that the first of them was written three days before 
 the first, proposal by Mr. Gallatin, of the article relatinl^ to the 
 Mississippi and the fisheries, and the second, two days after the 
 signature of the peace. 
 
 Ghent, 27th October, 1814. 
 
 « My dear sir : The situation in which I am placed, often brings 
 
 to my mind that in which you were situated in the yearl7H2, and 
 
 I will not describe the feelings with which the compari.c,„, or I 
 
 might rather say, the contrast affects me. 1 am called to support 
 
207 
 
 iUj ""« '°*««*»;i' and in many respects the same ideutical points 
 and quwtionji. The causes in which the present war origiMted 
 and tor which it was on our part waged, will scarcely form the mont 
 insignihcant it^m in the negotiation for peace. It is not imDrnt.. 
 mentand unalienable allegiance, blockades and orderrincound 
 colon.Hl trane and maritime rights, or belligerent and neutral collliM 
 91008 01 any kind that form the subjects of our discussion It is the 
 boundary, the fisheries, and the Indian savages. 
 
 •• It IS nothing extraordinary but a strong evidence of the real 
 character of the contest in which we are engaged, that the noit 
 offensive and inadmissible of the British demands are pointed 
 against the State of Massachusetts. It is a part of her territory 
 of which they require the cession, and it is the fisheries of her 
 citizens which they declare themselves determined no lonier to 
 allow. 1 18 not the general right to the fisheries which they con- 
 tes , but the liberty of fashing and of drying fish within their juris- 
 diction, stipulated m the 3d article of (he pence of 1783 For mv 
 own part, I consider the whole article as containing parts of the 
 general acknowledgment of our Independence, and therefore As 
 needing no renewal by any future treaty. But as the subiect will 
 certainly come under the consideration of the government of the 
 United States, they will have time to give instructions founded upon 
 their view of it, before any peace can be concluded. There is no 
 doubt, whenever the negotiation is resumed, that this point will be- 
 come again a subject for discussion. If there is among your papers 
 relating to the negotiations of peace in 1782 and 1783, any infer- 
 ination tending to elucidate the third article of those treaties which 
 you can communicate to me, it may perhaps serve a valuable pur- 
 pose to the public. And as this letter contains more than i should 
 at this moment think myself warranted to communicate even to 
 you, but for the particular motive which occasions it, I must re- 
 quest of you to consider it as entirely confidential. 
 
 « Ghent, 26th December, 1814. 
 " My dear sir : I transmited by Mr. Hughes a duplicate of my last 
 letter to you, dated 27th October, which I still entreat you to an- 
 swer, if lam destined to a longer continuance in Europe, and upon 
 which I ask all the advice and information which it may be in your 
 power to bestow. It relates principally to the subject of the great- 
 est difficulty we have had in the negotiation, and that, which of all 
 others, IS left in the state the most unsatisfactory to us and particn- 
 larly to me. It has been now for a full month ascertained, that 
 unless new pretensions on the part of Great Britain were advanced 
 a treaty of peace would be signed ; but it was not until last Thurs- 
 day that I ceased to doubt whether it would receive my sigillure. 
 The British plenipotentiaries had declared to us at the outset of 
 the negotiation, that it was not the intention of the British govern- 
 ment to grant to the people of the United States in future the li- 
 berties of fishing, and drying, and curing fish within the exclusive 
 
4^ 
 
 2oa 
 
 Biiti&li jurisdiction ymhout an eauivahnt 'ri.«.,„ • 
 
 lemember. ia the U.i.d article orthe treaty if ITB^'-'lir" ^'c 
 
 kfSn°"^ ''^'''^ "•« general fisS t he Lntr^^^^^^^^ 
 knOHrledKed as our right, but these fishing privifeKes wUhTn the 
 British jurisdiction, are termed Siherties Thln^fil 
 «nent.con,ider the latter «, frl kine Jojfeited ipt''(l1',oTvTi;:: 
 
 rSt t'o nav?«te tie i'*''"^""''P'' *'''?^' '«'^' ^«^ ''o'-feited thdr 
 17M VhJl "^^ ^ Mississippi, recognised in the same treaty of 
 
 brought rnrruT-r^rUdt^rhortraS 
 
 ing on the same Footing : both as he'continZ t . f Y^ k '*""t 
 risdiction had been that of our owniovSn hv »t^ special ju- 
 
 term. them.el,e, and »otCt "hVartic e o^irfh 7"",°«™ **' 
 
 tha. one, more than L oLer^hmWbe liabte^r^^^^^^ 
 .ub,eqo«.t war. On the m.ta,e7delibeS„ .tfnto S « ■''^ " 
 gament to he sound, and it is to mv m^ .Lf ( . ""' "''■ 
 
 ourcJaim to the fisheries witW„ B?i,T,h''i'ri!r,-^ ""' ^^ "*'"'> 
 lained. Bot after the declarS made bv Jhe r1'° h °™ •"= "'''»- 
 «was not to be enpecled Zt IhTv „„„u k "'"'' «°"'"'"""'"'' 
 opinion without Stscul,!, SLicrii LbM^'f'' '° *'l 
 the result of this must ha,e heei "e Jy drXfol J^^° '■° j"'' '"?, 
 .noes inclined, and at this time most ?ec£w' S'eTal'r' ",'„' 
 
 the gilund upon which ourJ::e'rnmtt*de '^e J ^"r'rpS:;; 
 
 r„xrheVier'-?h^^^ir/orarirlL?p^:;¥""^^^«^^^^ 
 
 ^hcn the, c«ne to -/a-UpuStS^feli ^^8^^^^^^^^^ 
 
209 
 
 anart^!6reco«^j,„g;,f/J«^-^^^^ W*. offered' 
 
 thMioffer met. l.o»vever. with verv Jl *'''" •"» *^*" "ide. ; 
 
 ;je navigation of the Ms^Lip EmL?^.;"« '*' ""^^ '^''° though; 
 the contested part of thefi^he/L S'^T'^"^'^ '"°*"« valuable thnn 
 nient think ; for thev ,n«to«.l «f ^*^^ '° ^''^ ^''^ BriiiBh Jvern 
 stipulating t'o negotfa^t^Tereaftet fr^''"« '^ ''«'«^«'* "• «« artidj 
 Great Britain for the riX nf n . "" equivalent to be given hi 
 r^nited State, f^r the 1 fertifs^ff Sh'^^- ^''TPP'' ««* by thl 
 f'c .on. This was merely to obtalS fl^""" T^^"" ^^'t"** J»S! 
 hat both the right, were aCognte 'hv^r„"' '^'l^T^ •«»«'"-^» 
 I was determined not to subscribi^ th^'V .^^ t'»«t admission 
 last Thursday by the British niT * • ® "***"='« ^«» withdraw* 
 pro4,os„, to siy nothing 'n he' rtJC^^ ^^'^^ accepted ou? 
 Hrt^cle by which they had agreeTtLfn"^*'^^^^^^ to omit the 
 ^ake of the Woods should be the 49 h ^°""''«ry ^^st from the 
 
 iL^7K"^'^" ««'"« time referred Itn to fh'"""' ° ""'•*'' '«titude! 
 that the fisheries within British iS-^-^^"" ^"^"""^ declaration 
 granted without an eqVvSent It if pv^" 7 "J*^ °^^ 
 subject of a future neg^otiatTon The onk th"* '^'' I """"^ »>« 'he 
 now, was to preserve our who e clai'm „„^ii.^'"^ ^T'^^^ *« he done 
 consented to sign the treaty -!_ """"P^'^ed, and with that I 
 
 " As a citizen of Massachusetts I Mt :♦ # u 
 4uty not to abandon any one of £«; riSts i?f """Jr^^^Jiarly my 
 sign the treaty had any one of thp£ k ' ^"1' '^°"''' h«ve re/bsed 
 .mpossibJe to fo/ce a sti/ul^tL^ i ';avot\^^^^^^^^^^^ ^"* 't^J 
 
 a temporary possession of Moose IshnJ L . ^^heries ; and for 
 certamed whether it belong rhetJC'J^ """.'.'^ ">«" »>e ^! 
 continumg the war. — ^ " "°*» ^e could not think ol* 
 
 ^riri!;^^?^^^^^^^ f"?r "*°"' "■« 6". or 
 
 great «a.i,f»clion i„ saline Iha onr Lf "l"" "' »'«<• Ihivi 
 
 pondeDl and » „„„ p„b|i,hed mth Mr SJ''- "> "V ™'C 
 »as wrillen ig conseqaence of ik, J!'!: .J"" ? PeTOission. It 
 •bove leuer from me, Id" ^^ „j| be 7.TrTT '" W™ «f the 
 """ •«" «- of «r. Rosso.i.lelrer.'oVt Mo'ltVl^L'-^.t.' 
 
210 
 
 « iiif 
 
 " " BMton, Btii Mtareh. ISI^. 
 
 bir : In a former nqte, returning the tetter with which y<jM 
 had io obligingly fHVOured me, I had the honour to offer you my 
 congrittulation^ on the termination of the war, without waiting to 
 know what were the grounds of the treaty which concluded it ; 
 because, from the tenor of the previous correspondence, and^T 
 personal knowledge of nearly all the commissionerff, I felt a reli- 
 •oce that the arrangement would not be a dishonourable, although 
 ? acknowledge my rejoicing was mingled with fear least it should 
 be, at least in some points, h disadvantageous, one ; and thit expres- 
 sion of feeling I volunteered with the more readiness, aa th« intelli- 
 gence was received nt a moment when the national character had 
 been splendidly illuntrated by the recent achievement ut New- 
 Orleans. 
 
 " But I greeted the occurrence with smiles, principally not be- 
 cause I expected it would bring or restore to us ali the benefits we 
 fiossessed under former treaties, but because I saw no chance, but 
 rem this source, of happier proppects for the future. It was not, 
 however, the storm that howled along the lakes, or upon the sea- 
 board, that created the apprehension of an instant for the fate of the 
 contest, but it was the hidden fire that was rumbling within our own 
 bosoms, and which, under the continuance of the war, would, I be- 
 lieve, have made our country the theatre of domestic convulsions, 
 as well as of foreign warfare, and perhaps from its effects have of- 
 fered up some parts of it aa no very diflicult prey to the mercy of 
 the enemy. 
 
 ** On this head, I know, sir, you had better hopes, and thought 
 differently from me ; and I have now only to say, I am glad the ex- 
 periment hui* never come to issue. 
 
 '^ As the price of the purchase of an escape from evils portentous 
 a? these, I considered it as probable that the English government 
 might claim from us the contested eastern islands, and interdict all 
 trade between us and her colonial possessions ; and possibly still 
 further, that she would endeavour to extort from us the coast fishe- 
 ries around her own shores ; for, on the magnanimity or friendship 
 of Great Britain, or of any other nation, in matters of interest, I 
 confass I never had the ability to lash my imagination into any sort 
 of dependence ; but I did also cherish the belief that none of our 
 esisential or important rights or liberties would be u. i vsisaljed or sur- 
 rendered. Of the latter, the one of the greatest :;o!i "re nee in 
 reference to its intrinsic value, and as derived f . • c . s'cov.ry aru 
 possession, and confirmed by a formal treaty stipulation, is unquds- 
 tionably that to which you have referred — the coast fisheries on the 
 shores of the British possessions in North America. 
 
 " These fisheries, as most advantageously secured to the United 
 States by the treaty of 1783, and made at the time, as 1 have always 
 vsa Jerstood, a sine qua non of that treaty, offer an invaluable fund 
 of iiv«>?,Uh and power to our country ; one which has never been 
 diily attended to, nor justly appreciated, but which, if continued 
 
an 
 
 reached, io « *ery -muH deirei 1 11^' """' *'«*' ""doubilny 
 wn« capable of attaining X unltuled T?" ?'' i'^Portance ft 
 ^orld for the p«.t tweSty yrr. "nd tJ« "'"' '' . ^^« commercial 
 mercantile enterprise whicl^^; ;«TtJtl^%T,r """''"« "''>«'» of 
 •" pomt cf immediate con,iden ion « Id «. « ?*" '''"'''**'• '««'»•«». 
 "heriea into the back iriound h T r i ""«""on, to throw theic 
 
 •ystem of embargoes «Sd".t;irt?n "' "."^'' ""' «»»«cked by the 
 c W|,„ ,f war.'they were S^^^^ «'°PP-1 by a da! 
 
 reaching an importance which thof/.h ^"^0^' P'OKres.ing, and 
 country and ita«tate.men; lad become Cn""^ ""''"°*^'' *« "ur 
 vernmenta and more wealthy merch it' ./ "''"*'"'"« *° "'« go- 
 beginning to attract the attention • /''^ P''°*''nce8. and wnt 
 
 Graat Britain toward, them °" ""^ J^'*'""»> ^^ »«•« c;binet J 
 
 ofChalLta'nVtt'S'^^^^^^^ 
 
 and the CoaJt of LabrX appea';":!"^^' ^ «'^«'^- «' ««l7 
 God of Nature as the great ovTum If h^r ^f" designed by he 
 Po».tory of this species of food nZl ? 'Z^^^ i^exbnmml re. 
 r.can but of the^^Kuropean con^Lnt^ Mi"^ ^"PP'^ °'"''^« Ame. 
 catch them m endless abundance iS'm, *''®P'*oper season, to 
 to bait the hook and pull the S in i "^ *'^°''* " "*«'l«d than 
 
 necessary. I„ clear leather ne^riT"'""""^ «^«" »*>•« i» no" 
 
 Al this was gradually making hllr^L'^ ""''' '''«'"• 
 and vigilance of the NevvLuK- 1 ''"''"'" ^^ the enternrisc 
 prior to the year ms tLtTot'^^^^^ T' ''' « few .eTsonH 
 
 cod, the New-England fishermen I am ^nJ/^'^^'o^^^^^atching the 
 
 # 
 
212 
 
 are much better able to conceive than I am to degcribe ; but I witiv 
 pleasure point them anew for your consideration, an on many ac- 
 counts presenting one of the most interesting public objects to which 
 it can be directed. 
 
 Lucrative, however, and imposing in its individual and national 
 b< mugs, as this fishery was and was to become, it was IKtIe known 
 to the leading men of our country, and little spoken of by others, 
 even in Massachusetts, or among those who were actually engaged 
 in it, and a knowledge of its existence ,in any thing like its real 
 extent, or future capability, was perhaps confined to not more than 
 half a dozeo heads, (if so many,) in the whole of the Southern and 
 Western, and even Middle divisions of the Union. 
 
 '* The causes e,f its value and importance not being a matter of 
 great notoriety here, are obvious ; it was an employment not only 
 in the fishery, but in many instances undoubtedly in trade^ with 
 the British inhabitants ; those who were engaged in it made no un- 
 necessary promulgations of their employment, while the poorer in- 
 habitants of the provinces, tasting equally its sweets and advan- 
 tages, were alike disposed to keep silence with regard to it ; but not 
 BO situated were the provincial governments, and the more wealthy 
 of ♦he merchants of the sea-port towns. They had become highly 
 aF' ^ed at the expansion ol this fishery and trade ; jealous of its 
 f egress and clamorous at its endurance; they, therefore, of late 
 years, have repeatedly memorialized the government in England, 
 respecting the fisheries carried on by the Americans, while the 
 whole body of Scottish adventurers, whose trade both in import» 
 and exports, and control over the inhabitants it cartailed, have 
 turned out in full cry jnd joined the chorus of the colonial govern- 
 ments in a crusade against the encroachments of the infidels, the 
 disbelievers in the divine authority of kings, or the rights of the 
 provinces, and have pursued their objects so assiduously tbat'at 
 their own expense, as I am informed from a respectable source, in 
 the year 1807 or 8, they stationed a watchman in some favourable 
 positior. near the Straits of Canso, to count the number of American, 
 vessels which passed those straits on this empbyment ; who re- 
 turned nine hundred and thirty-eight as the number actually ascer- 
 tained by him to have passed, and doubtless many others, during 
 the night or in stormy or thick weather, escaped his observation ; 
 and some of these addressers have distinctly looked forward with 
 gratification to a state of war, as a desirable occurrence, which 
 would, by its existence, annul existing treaty stipulations, so inju- 
 rious, as they contend, to their interests and those of the nation. 
 With what degree of correctness this expectation has been enter- 
 tain€id, the future must determine ; but unfortunately these mur- 
 murs and complaints reached England, and were industriously cir- 
 culated about the time that our restrictive measures awakened an 
 unusual and critical attention to the commercial connection between . 
 the two countries, and probably the value and importance of this 
 branch of it is now at least as fully understood and appreciated on 
 the eastern as on the western side of the Atlatilic. 
 
213 
 
 en.,rt»taed them. F^m a^^ar?rf„.!''.°K° V"".""" ""> •"»" 
 an ««enerallv I „I^S i"""?" """"'""e '*«"■». 't lia> been, 
 
 considerable expense, and lake with them from the UniLd Sta^f 
 
 l.Lf! "'ft'"? t^'- '"''"" '^^ fi^h bite uell, which is not alwav; 
 the case, and haul the.r cod in a depth of water from 45 to SiT 
 
 hemb t^e hnlf ''"^' '""'^ ""^'^ '"'^ °P«» theTh! aid place 
 in „ nlnr i! '• u- '" ""*^"''^^' «°«^ ^consequently, in some degree 
 
 freir'l^ ''^''•'k'"^ '*?'"' «"^ after having ol^^tained a So^ 
 freight, re urn with .t to the United States, to he cured or dr e^'and 
 
 arl '.'t'^^'^f^'^"' '^"^ ^^^«^^ ii"^ i« «^one, or they can bo 
 er a^d' p«;':f i'l^^ ■"-!• ^ '-« deteriorated. becoLs^on 
 er, ano part of ,t make, an inferior quality of fish, called Jamaica 
 
214 
 
 tish, and the proportion of this Jamaica fish is much greater than it 
 would have been had the fish been dried and cured shortly after 
 having been taken, as is the case with the Coast and Bayf isbery ; 
 in addition to which, these vessels employed in ihe Bank Fishery 
 are unavoidably obliged to prosecute this business with a great 
 comparative expense, as to the wear and tear of their vessels, and 
 loss of time, and with an increased degree of hazard, both as to 
 safety and success. 
 
 " The Coast and Labrador Fisheries are prosecuted in vessels of 
 from 40 to 120 tons burthen, carrying a number of men, according 
 to their respective sizes, in about the same proportion as the ves • 
 sels on the Bank Fishery. They commence their voyages in May, 
 and get on the fishing ground about the 1st of June, before which 
 time bait cannot be obtained. This bait is furnished by a small 
 species of fish called capling, which strike in shore at that time, 
 r.nd are followed by immense shoals of cod fish, which feed. upon 
 them. Each vessel selects its own fishing ground, along the coasts 
 of the Bay o( Chaleurs, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the Straits of 
 Bellisle, the Coast of Labrador, even as far as Cumberland Island, 
 and the entrance of Hudson's Bay, lliiis improving a fishing ground 
 reaching in extent from the 45th to the 68th degree of north latitude. 
 " In choosing their situation, the fishermen generally seek some 
 sheltered and safe harbour, or cove, where they anchor id about 
 six or seven fathoms water, unbend their sails, stow them below, and 
 literally making themselves at home, dismantle and convert their ves- 
 sels into habitations at least as durable as those of the ancient Scy- 
 thians. They then cast a net over the stern of the vessel, m which 
 a sufficient number of capling are soon caught to supply them with 
 bait from day to day. Each vessel is furnished with four or five 
 light boats, according to their size and number ot mert, each boat 
 requiring two men. They leave the vessel early in the morning, 
 and seek the best or sufficiently good spot for fishing, which is fre- 
 quently found within a few rods of their vessels, and very rarely 
 more than one or two miles distant from them, where they haul thp 
 fish as fast as they can pull their lines, and sometimes it is said thai 
 the fish have been so abundant, as to be gaft or scooped into the 
 boajs, without even a hook or hne ; and the fishermen also say that 
 the cod fish have been known to pursue the capling in such quan- 
 tities, and with such voracity, as to run in large numbers quite out 
 of water <m to the shores. The boats return to the vessels about 
 nine o'clock in the morning, at breakfast, put their fiph on board, 
 salt and split them ; and after having fished several days, by which 
 time the salt has been sufliciently struck in the fish first caught, they 
 carry them on shore and spread and dry them on the rocks or tem- 
 porary flakes. This routine is followed every day, with the addi- 
 tion of attending to such as have been spread, and carrying on board 
 and stowing awhy those that have become sufficiently cured, until 
 the vessel is filled with dried fish, fit for an immediate market, 
 which is generally the case by the middle or last of Augiist, an*'. 
 
^^ 
 
 213 
 
 ^Vilh which she then proceeds immediately to Europe, or returns ' 
 w the United States ; and this fish, thus caught and cured, is es'- 
 teemed the best that is brought to market, and for several years pre- 
 vious to that of 1808, was computed to furnish three fourth parU of 
 all the dried fish exported trom the United States. This fishery 
 was also about that time taking a new form, which would have had 
 a double advantage, both in point of profit and extension ; for some 
 ot our merchants were beginning to send their large vessels to the 
 Labrador Coast, and its vicinity, to receive therejvom small fishing 
 boats they employed or purchased from, cured fish, to load their 
 vessels with immediately for Europe, thus saving so great an ex- 
 pense m gettmgthe fish to market abroad, as would in a short time 
 have given ouF merchants a command of the European markets 
 and would have also afforded an encouragement to a small but verv 
 ^ numerous boat fishery, which, from receiving the pay for their la^ 
 hour on the spot, could not fail to have been greatly excited and in- 
 creased, and enabling the persons concerned in the exportation 
 trom the coast, to receive at home the proceed, of their adventures 
 trom abroad, about as early as the bank fish could have been put 
 into a state fit to be exported from the United States : in addition to 
 which we were prosecuting a very productive salmon and macka- 
 rel fishery, in the same vicinity, as most of the pickled fish we had 
 
 s'horel-^ ^"""^ ^^^^^ ^"'''" *"* ^^^ ^^"^ ^^'^ ''""Sht on those 
 
 " J^j^P"*' Fnhery, then, most highly important and invaluable 
 as I think it must be admitted to be, even from the foregoing hastv and 
 imperfect sketch of it, merits every possible degree of attention and 
 effort for its preservation on the part of the government of the 
 United States. The refusal of the British commissioners to re- 
 new or recognise the stipulation of the treaty of 1783 respectinc 
 It, and the notification, I hope not formally given, that it would not 
 hereafter be permitted without an equivalent, are alarming indica- 
 tions m reference to the future peaceable prosecution of this fish- 
 ery, and of the dispositions of the British government with regard 
 
 " The difference of expression used in the third article of the 
 treaty of peace of 1783, as to the right of fishing on the Banks of 
 T^cwfoundland, and the liberty of fishing on tlie coasts of the Bri- 
 tish provinces m North America, however it might have originated 
 affords a diversity of expression which, in the present instance* 
 will be seized, and b- made to give the partizans of Great Britain 
 and of the provinces a popular colour of justice in support of their 
 arguments, when they contend, as I think they probably will do 
 that in so important a con .act the variance of language could not 
 have been a matter of a ;ident ; that if precision in the use of 
 terms m their most literal iense is any where to be expected it is 
 certainly to be looked /or in an instrument which is to form the 
 paramount law between two nations, whose clashing interests have 
 brought them into collision, and wiiich is generally framed bv men 
 
216 
 
 of the most distiogoished talents of each party, the acuteness of 
 whose conceptions is always kept in full play by the contending 
 . pretensions they have respectively to consult and sustain ; and that 
 therefore a distinction was nnade, and was intended to be made, at 
 the time of the negotiation between a right derived from the <3rod 
 of nature, and to be exercised on the common field of his bounty, the 
 great high- way of nations; and the liberty, permission, or indulgence, 
 as they will term it, to continue the exercise of an employment on 
 the coast at the very doors, and within the peculiar and especial 
 jurisdiction, of another nation : the one according to this doctrine 
 being a right inherent and not to be drawn in question, the other 
 a sufferance open to modification or denial altogether subsequently 
 to a war, according to the will or the interests of the party origin- . 
 ally acceding to it. 
 
 •' The liberty, for the expression of the treaty in the discussion 
 between the two nations must be admitted, whether it operate ad- 
 versely or favourably to us, rests for its own continuance either as 
 we assert on the ground of right as an anterior possession apd a 
 perpetual franchise, or as the British will contend on the existence 
 of the treaty of 1783. The first ground to be 8U{)ported on the 
 view taken of it in your own letter and in that which you had the 
 goodness to communicate to me, and even on the second, admitting 
 pro forma that a declaration of war does ipso facto abrogate all 
 previous treaty stipulations brought into contest by it, unless tacitly 
 or expressly renewed by a new treaty to be an acknowledged prin- 
 ciple of international law, still the right in question could, I be- 
 lieve, rest untouched and unaffected, although I know not with 
 what degree of decision or determination the negation of a future 
 use of the coast fisheries was brought forward in the negotiations 
 at Ghent by the British commissioners^ But while on the one 
 hand the coupling the offer to treat for a renewal of the liberty of 
 the coast fisheries for an equivalent with a proposition to treat for 
 a renewal of the right of the free navigation of the Mississippi, 
 also for an equivalent, unless, as has been suspected, they were 
 made with the insidious purpose of obtaining an 'admission that both 
 had already ceased to exist, shows the confidence they would wish 
 to appear to entertain in the soundness of their position, that the 
 war had extinguished both the right and the liberty ; for the former, 
 the free navigation of the Mississippi, if force of language and repe- 
 tition are to have any weight, could not well have been placed on a 
 stronger basis, it being very expressly and explicitly contracted for 
 m the treaty of 1783, recognised in that of 1794, and again men- 
 tioned m a provisional article in 1796, still on the other hand, the 
 omission in the new treaty to state that the treaty of 1783 had ex- 
 pired or been annulled, and a reference having been made to it in 
 several instances, is a yet stronger evidence that they did consider 
 that treaty as remaining in existence and of consequence, entitled 
 to respect and observance in all such of its provisions as had not 
 been specially contravened in the new treaty. 
 
217 
 
 of Britil N.Hh A *"'^' *° prosecute the fineries on the coasts 
 of British North America, With the exception of the island o£ 
 i^rtt"::, 'hi' "k^ ^^'J^^^ere the parties h'ad been accustomed to 
 use them, but where Bntish fishermen not only did but miJit 
 thereafter (that .s subsequently to the date of th^e freatyT p^Se 
 cute them, and th.s right, for it had now bccomra S} UbeX 
 b^ 7: tZf"' '^ Tr' ?f *y "-^^ "^-"'"^d and a^knlledge? 
 
 cou d fhl ! I ' ""^'"i: T^**"*^' "'"''« «« t^ it« duration, !nd 
 could then only cease or the limitation take effect on the happening 
 of one of hree events, that is, the surrender of the party Zsess^ 
 ing the nght and the annulment of the treaty wh.ch^coltted i , 
 or by an usurped and unjustifiable exercise if power on the one 
 part .n dehance of the rights of the other, and insolation of those 
 common pnnc.ples of good faith which can alone regulate the in- 
 tercourse between nations ; but the surrender of the righ' ha^ i^t 
 been made by the United States, and the treaty of 1783 ha? not 
 
 hL'2„Tnt''^^^''V'''^'l"^^^^*'•«^«^• because the parties 
 tjl > <>"b' not agreed to abrogate it, but have expressly refer- 
 red to It, and in the treaty of Ghent made a provision to carry the 
 stipulations a, to boundaries of the treaty of 1783, more fX and 
 
 Tittl^ '?'° f''' '' r" i' •'^'"g anLcontroveTted pSiJJ? 
 of the law ol evidence, that the whole must be admitted if a part 
 
 Ihrr'onrrlv" T '"""^ '^<'IP'o^^^ a°d mutual agreement existe to 
 the contrary, and as no such stipulation does exist in the present 
 
 i^^o illTVl '''"' "•" ' '^'-'^^ contend, even by the show- 
 w.>h ii^i! u? commissioners themselves, still in existence, 
 with all the rightsvand liberties incident to it, with the full and fre# 
 ose to the inhabitants of the United States ;f the fisherL,^^^^^^^^^ 
 merly recognised and secured to the United States by that treaty, 
 ihis IS the construction, whether to be supported on this 
 wiirl?nV'"^ °^'' ^^^'t ^ ^'"P^ '^^ go^rnment of our country 
 TprL? ^'"'^ 'V'. ' r^^' "^""'^ ^'^^^y i"^?onmt to the easier J 
 ZtTnAi' '?? '!^'/c ^^^ P'^'^"^ «"'^ future naval and commercial 
 power of the United States ; and should the British ministry or the 
 
 colonia authorities attempt to interdict this fishery, as I think they 
 now will to the inhabitants of the United Statesf he government 
 
 t'o Stafn"' V'"r "'•'' '"''' '*^^.'^°^* P'-'^^P^ «"^ «ff-<=tufl measures 
 to obtain and enforce a renewal or recognition of this right as it has 
 heretofore existed. It is a gem which should never be surrendered, 
 nor can It ever be abandoned by any statesman, alive to the inter- 
 
 nf nr!^""!'^''^^*^^'"?*''^^ '" ''" consequences with afree right 
 of navigating the Mississippi, it is even a much more unequal stfke 
 
 " '^y. ^'ght of navigating the Mississippi, since the acquisition 
 Vnit^T^T^ ^^^ possession of both sides of the rivei! by the 
 United States, and when the difficulties of the ascending naviea- 
 tion 9re considered, and the jealousy and inconvenience which the 
 
218 
 
 VntTufh^Tv,?/'^"^? must experience from artempting to ava.l 
 ail on ?h^\? "* '^?'"' ^°>''"' ""'^^P* «« •'^ '^^ higher branches 
 ti^de Th:; /''r"l'* ™^^ **'''"^*^ ^^^ prosecution of the fur 
 trade. 1 hig trade, however, although it employs a lawje number 
 
 fLrtlT' "'^r '^'!.*'^^" ^"y '""P^'^""* *o ^he natioraadru't 
 Ihl .1 operation of unavoidable causes, gradually lessen, and in 
 the course of a fewr yens probably recede altogether from the 
 p^at r.vers. She has, therefore, notwithstanding the opinion of 
 . 01 tne American commissioners and her own probable preten- 
 sions ot lairness given up nothing in point of value compared with 
 ine hi^he.ics, which, upon the same ground, she is itodoubtedlv de- 
 sirous of fortifying herself in withholding. 
 
 « In compliance with the intimation you had given me, I have 
 commen ed on this subject at much greater length even than I had 
 contemplated at the outset, perhaps, too minutely when I recollect 
 that a part of it at least must be much better understood at Quincv 
 than by myself, but the account of the recent state of thesl fish- 
 eries and the mode m which they were prosecuted, 1 thought might 
 not be unacceptable to you. My information with regard to them, 
 has in general been derived from respectable sources upon which 
 1 can rely, never having had any direct interest or concern in 
 the hsheries myself. 1 have riot attempted to apply the principles 
 of public law to the question respecting them, because the few 
 books of this description which 1 possess, are still at Wasl.injrton ; 
 and since the rising ot the council. 1 have not had time to make any 
 research elsewhere, and because I presume this part of the busi- 
 ness will be placed under the hands of those who will have both 
 the means and the ability to do it ample justice. ^ 
 
 ♦I had intended also in reference to the treaty of 1814, to have 
 
 made some few remarks upon the interdiction it may occasion, of a 
 
 trade between the United States and the British po/ts in India and 
 
 on Its operation upon the contested boundary on our North Eastern 
 
 frontier, so far as regards the right of possession to the Islands of 
 
 Dudley, Moose, and Frederick, in the Bay of Passamaq noddy. 1 
 
 have however, already so unduly trespassed on your patience, that 
 
 1 will only not omit them altogether. Both these objects attach 
 
 tothem some importance, but compared in point of value with the 
 
 possession of the fisheries, perhaps in a ratio not much greater 
 
 han the bullion m the mint at Philadelphia would be to the ore in 
 
 the mines of Peru. 
 
 • */ ^^*" K^ persuaded that in avowing the hope that all these ob- 
 jects may be disposed of in such a manner as best to confirm the 
 rights and secure the interests of the United States, I shall unite 
 fully m sentiment with yourself. 
 
 " I have the honour to remain, sir, with great consideration, vour 
 very respectful and obedient servant, ' ^ 
 
 " JAMES LLOYD.'^ 
 
 t 
 
2I» 
 
 ceJnt? hlS^J'thf/'r- ' ^^y respectable merchant, con- 
 
 „ n » , . Boston, May «Oth, 1815. 
 
 «^ fn „K*'' • "■ •' ^''e«e«^'y to your request to me, I have endeavour- 
 •n thl °^^T.^^''^'^ •"formation in my power relative to our fisheriS 
 nP„ «ud the ne.ghbour.ng States, with their tonnage, numb " S 
 men employed quant.ty of fish caught, quantity of saU used 
 and the probable prce they averaged at foreign markete It I 
 was no. acqua.„ted with this busine^ before our rev" uUonarv war 
 shall endeavour to give you a statement from the year l/oo To' 
 1810 ; to some my account may appear large or much exaeeerated 
 but I have conversed with several gentleman who have be?nTrf* 
 y concerned .n the business, and two of them took much pS 
 to asco.ta.n the number, etc. some time since ; and I find tbeyTo 
 ftr beyond me ; but 1 shall endeavour togiveyou as correct a sTatl! 
 ment as I can and wish it rray prove satisfactory to you! 
 lour humble servant." ^ 
 
 "My calculat.on ig. that there were employed in the Bank La 
 brador. and Bay fisheries, the years aboveLntioned 1232 vessels" 
 
 4 627 m!n /k ^7 '"u^ ^"^ P"^ '^"'"^ 36,540 tons, navigated by 
 4,627 men and boys, (each vessel carrying one boy.Uhev take and 
 cure, annually. 610,700 quintals offish ; they averse abVuTthre^ 
 fares a year, consume, annually. 81.170 hhds. salt, thl average c^t 
 of these vessels is about $ 2,000 each ; the averse price ofthei 
 fish at fore.gn markets is $ 6 per quintal ; these vlssels also mike 
 
 IZtS'iLtba'r^ri^^''''' ''''''' '^^°''' -^-^co^z^,: 
 
 exclusfvloFLlt ''' ^^«-^q"'P'"««ts cost about $900, annually. 
 
 4ft'fl.Tn f ^^^ v^sels that fish at the Labrador and Bay, I put down 
 48,600 tons navigated by 5,832 men and boys ; they take and cure 
 annually. 648,000 quintals of fish ; they ^ but one fare a year * 
 
 Itr is 1050 do l!.. ?k' '''r^'*^^ their equipments, provisions, 
 ^bfp »Vfhfh I '' ^''"'^ descnptjons of vessels are not so valu- 
 able as the bankers, more particularly those that go from the Dis- 
 
 mt of Ma.ne, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, as they are mostly 
 sloops of no very great value ; most of these vessels cure a part 
 of their fish where they catch them, on the beach, rocks, etc. and 
 
 he rest after they return home; several argoes of dr^ fish are 
 shipped yearly from the Labrador direct for Europe. The usuat 
 markets for those fish are in the Mediterranean, say Alican?, Leg 
 horn Naples Marseilles, etc. as those markets prefer sma fish 
 
 are ..ry small. 1 he average price of these fish at the market 
 ^hey an- .b.p.scd ^fn $ ' , ,u,,, vo.sols also mi»ke from their fish 
 
220 
 
 about 20,000 bbl*. of oil, which always meets a ready sale arid at 
 handsome prices, say from ^ 8 to JJ 12 per barrel, the most of it is 
 oousiimed in the United States. 
 
 ♦• 1232 vessels employed in the Bank, Bay, and Labrador fisheries, 
 measuring - . . Tons, 86,140 
 
 Number of men they are navigated by, 10,469 
 
 Number of hhds. salt they consume, 178,370 hhds. 
 
 Quantity of fish they take and cure, 1,158,700 quintal*. 
 
 Barrels of oil they make, 37,620 barrels. 
 
 " There are also a description of vessels called jiggers or smalt 
 schooners of about from 30 to 45 tons that fish in the South Chan- 
 nel, on the Shoals and Cape Sables, their number 300, they carry 
 about 4 or 5 hands, say 1200 men, and take about 76,000 qtls. of 
 lish, annually ; consume 12,000 hhds. of salt, and make about 4,000 
 barrels of oil ; their fish is generally sold for the West Indies and 
 home consumption. 
 
 " There are another description of fishing vessels commonly cal- 
 led Chebacco Boats or Pink Sterns ; their number 600 ; they are 
 from 10 to 28 tons, and carry two men and one boy each, say 1,800 
 hands ; they consume 16,000 hhds. of salt, and take and cure 
 320,000 quintals of fish, annually. These fish also are wholly 
 used for home and West India market, except the very first they 
 take early in the spring, which are very nice indeed, and are sent 
 ,to the Bilbito market, in Spain, where they always bring a great 
 price ; they make 9,000 barrels of oil ; these vessels measure about 
 10,800 tons. 
 
 " There are also about 200 schooners employed in the mackerel 
 fishery, measuring 8,000 tons, they carry l,e00 men and boys, they 
 take 60,000 barrels, annually, and consume 6,000 hhds salt. 
 
 " The alewive, shad, salmon, and herring fishery is also immense, 
 and consumes a great quantity of salt. 
 
 •> Whole number of fishing vessels of all descriptions 2,332 
 Measuring - - Tons, 115,940 
 
 Number of men navigated by, 1 5,069 
 
 Salt they consume, - . 265,370 hhds. 
 
 Quantity of fish they take and cure, 1,353,700 quintals. 
 Number of barrels of oi!, - 50,520 barrels. 
 
 Number of barrels of mackerel, 60,000 barrels, 
 
 " There are many gentlemen assert, and roundly too, that one 
 year there were at the Labrador and Bay, over 1,700 sail beside 
 the bankers ; but I feel very confident they are miuh mistaken, it 
 IS impossible it can be correct." 
 
 These papers will suflSce to show what reliance i'^ to be placed 
 on that information concerning the value of the fishing liberties, as 
 they had been enjoyed by the people of the United States from 
 the peace of 1783, to the war of 1812, which Mr. Russell in his 
 letter from Paris, of Hth February, 1815, says is the best iifor- 
 mation 'le can obtain ; but which, i» the duplicate of 1822, be di- 
 
221 
 
 ' l'**/V°S -^^ ^^^ information which A/ and his colleagues at Ghent 
 
 thef af.t'ri' '"1 'i^'. ''P^'t ^ ^'^^ 'nformaUoa^upon ^^"^11 
 they as i/ell as he had acted. It may be proper to refer also to 
 
 o?X'r/h^R 7V'' "^'^ extent of the fnteJe" in [he Lh rie^ 
 01 nrhich the British government intended at the negotiation of 
 Ghent toobtain from the United State, the tacit oJlmp^d s 'rren 
 der.^ 2. The value of this interest as estimated, by British autho- 
 
 The instructions from the Secretary of State to the American 
 SniTh"" ^'u^^^'^ co„.„anding them in no eveni toTurTn" 
 Jiuf ^!- 'f'' ^"^ '^'"f *• surrender should be insisted on to brei 
 off the negotiation, were dated the 24th of June, 1814. By a sinS 
 
 rvLrortLeroi-'r* f.r^"'^ ^'^^^ ^^- recd^edTthJ 
 evening of the 8lh of August, the very day upon which the British 
 
 plenipotentianes had notified to us thi intentions of the r gove n 
 
 Which °^ If T ?t 'J'^K^'^ •"*''« ^'"•''^ •American J^l^ries, 
 Which, as they stated, had been granted by the treatv of 1 783 
 
 1 1th o? June \tZf ''•''^'- ^^«'^^^^' P- 23runde/daIe'of the 
 inoi aI ^^1'. t'»«''e IS a memorial of the merchants and prin- 
 apM resident inhabitants interested i„ the trade and fisheries of 
 Newfoundland, to admiraK Keats, who had been somrtLe governor 
 /^folu"^^' ^"u^'''' then about returning to England, it wm 
 fhltnl'* .^«^«'»»'r' ^^I^ ^""^ •" the Register waf preceded by 
 !!f the dme? '""""''' ''^""^ ''''' '' '"^''«'« '^' poHar leelin^ 
 
 From Niles's Register of 11th June, I814.-The Fisheries. 
 " Ihe following memorial has excited , -nsiderable interest nar- 
 ^ularly in the eastern States, so far ae ive have heard of ts Z- 
 mutation, I cannot doubt, from the high ground assumed by G^eai 
 Brttam since her victories on the continent, but that she wUI at 
 empt to exclude us from the fisheries as the grand nursery of her 
 seamen, etc. This opinion is strengtl^ned by hosts of " Ltract^ 
 of Letters from England- Let tho^e who have calcu ated on the 
 "magnammity'' of Grea^fiWram look to it; those who have ea:- 
 
 Cpo^otd"^ '' '" ^"^'^^ " "^^ ''''''' '^' ^'^y «h^» -t '^ 
 
 " The Boston Centinel says this memorial is alarmingly interest- 
 
 n^/W.T'.^'r 'I ^r^^'"^ ^^'^"'^'''^ ^««**. the lai^goveror 
 of Newfoundland who has promised to give it his support " 
 
 ^^m peace mthout thefish^ries^ has begun to be ih'e cry. If «a- 
 <rio<»m has failed, we are pleased to see that ,Wer«« is about to 
 unite the people ; and 1 am very much mistaken in the character 
 of the ' middle' and ' south' if their representatives shall for a mo- 
 ment abandon the one lota of the rights of the ' eastern' population 
 however perverse it may have been to the views of I immens"* 
 majority of our citizens. If we • pull together^ all will be wdf 
 
 28 * 
 
222 
 
 E*tt.c.. from the Wmori.l «>' »h«^N, wfoundland M.rchan.. to Adoairul Ke.l,, 
 
 mJst?hieflv '3!i^;V"' "''•^'"'"" "' " «'''^»* ""'^ .ndependent nation 
 must chieflj^ depend upon our preserving the sovereiRntv of the 
 
 ^*fh fil ""*'°"' ^'f * heretofore enjoyed in the times of pe^e 
 
 ^:^^^z:i o^%rrrci^. -^ -- «^ <>^--- - 
 
 " By former treaties with France and the United States of Ame- 
 
 h^nklT ^7V'^!'^'^^ ""^'T^^ '!'**"" P^vileges on those shore., 
 banks, coMt of Labrador, and m the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in the 
 
 T" u^u°^ ^T «*<:«"«ncy'» memorialista highly impolit c. and 
 ^'h.ch the wisdom of the British government never would concede 
 except under very peculiar circumstances. ^^onceae 
 
 " Fifteen hundred American vessels have been known to bo 
 prosecuting the fashery at one time on the Labrador coast, bringing 
 w.h them coliee, teas, spirits and other articlen of contraband -!!!! 
 1 he intsrcourse of our fishermen with these secret enemies 
 
 to ou'r rherT ' Vl^' "'n ''? 'f"' '' ^'^^'^ '"°-' character Z 
 10 our fishery. The small planters and catchers of fish which 
 
 make the great body of the people on the coast of Labrador under 
 
 O^e influence of notions imbibed by their daily intercourse with 
 
 men whose interests are at war with ours, become dissatisfied w 
 
 their supplying merchants who are unable to meet their fordgn 
 
 competitors upon equal ground. The next step, as experTenfe 
 
 heirdebts rt'f '^'^' °",'-' ™«^"^ '» *''«'^ P°^«r to d'lscTarge 
 fhfL I k °^^''r'^ ""'^ insubordination follow, and finally 
 oZrT^ ^'T' "''""."^^'^ from their own government, andtS 
 emigrate to another, to the great loss of thei? country. ^ 
 
 ,.«. f • ' ^l P^''^®' •'^''^®'' **»« citizens of the United States 
 resort, in great numbers, to the Banks, where they anchor in v o! 
 ation of express stipulations to the great annoyance of this valua- 
 s^rtlT^ " "'' Newfoundland trade. Nor is it possible hat the 
 «UpuSlonf. '"'' '' °^''" '^'^ '' "^^^^^^ '""'^ '" '^' 'breach of such 
 
 AjIh^ *''''' ^'""^'"^ °"^ °^ ''"P«''t''^ concessions to insidious 
 have y^t'sHteT-'th^f"""' '^"''' ^""'* -cellency's memoriahst^ 
 
 ofiLrop:rd^uu:tT„z^ ^^ ^'"'"^"'^ '"^^ ^•^^ ^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 .f'l/jfil''*' ^"'^^^ ^^^}^^' '"^"' P'-ovisions, and every other article 
 of outfit are procured upon much better terms than the nature of 
 th.ng^ will admit with the British. These combined advantages en 
 frin ' T '° "ndersell the British merchant in the forego ma ket- 
 
 always be sustained under similar circumstances. 1- 
 
 litiJvifthT^'''^^ advantages since the commencement of hosti- 
 lities with America, derived to both our import and export trade 
 leaving now no competitors in the foreign market, and what fs oi" 
 
223 
 
 the last and highest importance, the increaae of otir meftni to makf 
 mariners, while those of our enemies tavai, in ike same proper* 
 tion, be crippled, nhow the wiadom of preserving the ' vantage 
 eround' we now stand upon. And your excellency's memorialists 
 ieel the more argent in their present representation, as the pros- 
 pects which happily have recently opened in Europe, may afford 
 a well-grounded hope that the time is not very remote when 
 negotiations may be opened for the return of permanent peace. 
 
 " From the protection afibrded to the trade of this island by 
 your excellency, as well as by his excellency, sir John B. War- 
 ren, a great number of fishing vessels have gone to Labrador from 
 Nova-Scctia, the number of them employed on the Labrador shores 
 this season has been double, and the absence of their former intru- 
 ders has enabled them to tish unmolested. Your excellency's me- 
 morialists beg to press upon your serious consideration, of w^ ch 
 they cannot too often urge the important policy, should fortunately 
 the circurastances of Europe ultimately encourage such a hope, of 
 wholly excluding foreigners from sharing again in the advantages 
 of fishing, fi,/.^ which a large proportion of our best national de- 
 fence will be derived." 
 
 The following extracts from Colquhoun's Treatise on the Wealth, 
 Power, and Resources of the British empire, further illustrate the 
 views of the British government in relation to the contested fish- 
 eries at the negotiation of Ghent, and the value of these ^sheries. 
 The first edition of Colquhoun's work was published on the 20th 
 of July, 1814 ; the second edition, from which these extracts were 
 made, on the 18th of April, 1815. In the interval between these 
 two periods, the ne&;otiation at Ghent commenced and terminated, 
 and Mr. Russell's letter from Paris was written. 
 
 Extracts from Colquhoun's Treatise on the Wealth, Power, and Resources of 
 the British empire — 2d edit. I8l5. 
 
 *• The value of these fisheries (of the British colonies in North 
 *• America,) to the parent state, will be more obvious after the 
 " lapse of 20 or 30 years, than at present. Certain it is, however, 
 " that their value is beyond all calculation : and their preservation 
 " as apart of the British empire, is of the most vital importance." 
 — p. 16, note. See also p. ^'.'4. 
 
 The value of these fisheries, in the table No. 8, p. 36, is esti- 
 mated at £ 7,560,000 sterling. 
 
 •' New-Brunswick and Nova-Scolia, from being both watered by 
 " the Bay of Fundy, enjoy advantages over Canada, which more 
 " than compensate a greater sterility of soil. These are to be 
 '• traced to the valuable and extensive fisheries in the Bay of Fun» 
 " dy, which, in point of abundance and variety of the ^nest fish, 
 *♦ exceed all calculation, and may be considered as a mine of gold — 
 
'■*? 
 
 I( 
 
 224 
 
 " « treuure which cannot be fatimft^j . •_ , 
 
 " labour. con,,,aralively spe^kJnl I k° ^'A^' »'"« ^^^'h little 
 
 " -II Europe."' pp. 312-31 J *' *^ '°"'^ '"' ^'^^'"ed to feed 
 
 : .;j^3;no ca„, this valuer crortSE!:^^^^^ 
 
 " '^^'iomn'i:;::^^^^^^^^ annex. 
 
 ;; incalculable adva^t^t an3 empTov fv ,? ^"'Y *'«^" derive 
 " vewels in the fishery in the riveTs^^ll ""'"''" "'^ '"C" and 
 ;; of Nova Scotia. .hL ..TS; fioi T^ ' r« ? •^''^ ''^' 
 dense population of the Northern sS 1^!° ^'''''''»- The 
 ; in the vicinity of the most p ohSc tlZTi-^'^'l^'^ «""»tion 
 
 " the treaty of Paris, i^Mav 1ft uT,^"' .""f*"""'' ^^ f'^^co by , 
 " ble fisheries in North Zer'i.-' ^^-^ 1'''?'^ ""^^^^ ^osf valua^ 
 « ^^m« to the British cZn^Zl 7jTf?^ •^'^'"^ «' ''"» /"•"""< 
 in all the markets in EuVope and t"e We t'foH-""''"^ ^ "A'oly 
 certain valuable consideraSon frnm n r •"'^'®'' "''« "Kht to a 
 ;; the British government ^tcoSeLn?'^? "'"?^' *^ -'•«'" 
 "a fishery in these seas." pf'g^^^^^de the privilege ofcarryingon 
 
 " in thttd'^Jhr^ortH^ P-fi* *o *he individuals 
 
 -fisheries. Why, therefor:! rho'u,drot'2"''''.Vi«''^ *° »"«5i' 
 " nve a similar advantage from thp Sll • 1 ""'***' '''"«dom de- 
 " range of its extensive ^errSiSlnfc'i^ P°''*«'«« »^"hin the 
 ;; richest and most prolific in Le ^".^.^f.^;''^".' ^^^'^^P^ the 
 and vessel liable to confiscation wh'chshould^'""^ "^"'"J' ^^'P 
 *' hose seas without previously D^iT. * P';esume to fish in 
 
 " ing a license limited to a certaKlVr"^*^ ^."^^' «"d receiv? 
 '' ^ith the privilege of curinu surhfi h*^''?u " ^'^ "«.V be caught 
 ;; All nations to ha%e an equaTdaim to surS ' ' ^"'".'^ *«"''<>"!«? 
 tain stations, but to perliit none i^ ,1 ^,i'*;«"«««v'i.'nited ^ocer- 
 dies, except his majesty's subS whi^hJ •5'''^"'' ^^^^-In- 
 " nie, or in the parent state." p sis ''*'**'"" "««'dent in the colo- 
 
 "Fisheries.^nis^t'nirT^f':"'^*'^^^^^^ 
 « united kingdom. Whether the pol2'ion!.rfrP°''*^"^^ «° the 
 
 relation to the Americans, o7asTarrsiln of' '°"''^^''«^ "^'th 
 *• power, it IS worthy of the roost n»r^?.. °^^ S^eat maritime 
 ;; !"«"t. 3rr. Stewai has jtisuj rSkefin^'i'"'''" "^ ««^«-"- 
 
 -'and, (page .90,; that .^theU:?;^^ on, ZTLV^:'. 
 
c< 
 
 C( 
 
 l( 
 «< 
 
 «4 
 
 i< 
 
 «f 
 
 <( 
 
 (< 
 
 i< 
 
 <l 
 
 l( 
 
 r< 
 
 K 
 
 << 
 
 <( 
 <( 
 <l 
 
 225 
 
 rican States, io the Gulf of <?* t 
 
 of the wealth of the EHatern St«»« r ''* «.''^"'««'t »-e«ource8 
 "choonem.offromTOto iXon. ' '^''"" ^^'^h Rbout 2^ 
 
 of these, about HW m^keTfrlri '"Ik^ 
 on the Labrador shore from «h ***? ^*"'t' ofBelligle "d 
 
 European market is Ih'ipDeTo? .'." ""^^ '» '"tended fo; ?hf 
 
 on the north side of the i«lnnH . V*^°°°"*" 'n«ke their f«rl. 
 «on. returning vvith fin^" "^^^^^^ J^J^^^'' '"«''« two tHpl t a ta 
 are dned. The number oTm^'Vmni'' °? P^"^". ^here the fi,h 
 -ted at between titleen l^Vn^^E ^^ If^^''-^ ^ 
 
 -ted at between-^ IT^::!;;^^^^^ 
 
 to be very great. To see Trh ^''^ P^^^^ta on 
 
 ';ver on our'own coasts:::d in'olir/r^r^'th 
 
 «t are known lo be very creat 'i'^"' "",""' ""o ">e profit* on 
 
 and navol power on oJr^wn coasts «n ^^ " «°"^<^« ^^ 'vea.S 
 nbandoned to the AmericanTis mtch to b^ ""' '''y ^'^'^'^^^ 
 be distressing, were it not thatTh?! ''Totted, and would 
 »rhole, with such advantages as 'tt*""' ""^ ^«-o<=cupying the 
 tion, ,8 afforded in the cuh!vn?i« ?''°" P''«*^'"de all comDeS 
 "'ard's Island." pplaie 3lT " ""' ^^"'^•"ent of pS^^eS: 
 
 and .mmediate interest in tsl'^,t^^^^^^^^^ because the^c^ 
 
 they had rested a right tChtfiXneM^rn^""'^' ^-^ ^^^"nj'ing fha 
 &|"I. r'"^ ««^'»«t this wnlm', rtr'"^'*'^''»'°4hia 
 f nited States, including th*.Jr Jl!. ' • ' *"* «''gument thaAh^ 
 
 not claim bj r"-'>S,'a righUvhich'^r^'r '' l^«"'-«n cUw 
 the people o^Massachusetts ThI .« ^^ ^.?^" exercised onlv bv 
 
 «i!f Ju'' "' ^'•O" Jocal causes S' '^^^"J^^'nent or exer- 
 
 acquisition of Louis anT-'i^i"'''- ^'"^^ "^^^r a^rLaJ,; hv VL^ 
 
 .- — , „g aavs. 
 
226 
 
 the crown. 
 
 H 
 
 fishing liberties 
 wherever it max 
 continuance of a 
 
 hbirever lofty, is so inconsistent with the circumdtahcee of the case, 
 and with any sober construction which can be given to that treaty, 
 that he desires to be excused from seriously examining its validity. 
 From this contemptuous reference to a position to which he had 
 subscribed without hinting an objection, and which he cannot an- 
 swer, would not one imagine that the treaty of 1783 was a capitula- 
 tion of vanquished subjects at the <eetof a victorious and magnani- 
 mous master ? Mr. Russell's spait of independence, like his 
 patriotism, is bold and intrepid in generalities, pliant and submissive 
 in particulars. He gravely tells you, that until the Revolution, the 
 fishing liberties *" the colonies were held at the bare pleasure of 
 ':* ' Qxious for the repurchase of our forfeited^ 
 ■•^j is willing to give for them an equivalent 
 ; provided always, that it shall not be the 
 armtess right to travel upon a Western highway. 
 He disclaims all pretension to a liberty of his country stipulated in 
 a treaty, unless as a gracious temporary donation from the bounty of 
 his Britannic majesty, which, at the first blast of war, the mpnarch 
 had rightfully resumed j and although he has signed his name with 
 his colleagues to numerous papers claiming it as a permanent stipu- 
 lated right, unalienat . • but by our own renunciation, and in no wise 
 held at the will of the British king, he will not be thought so simple 
 as to have believed a word of what he has concurred in saying, or 
 to have imagined that at the treaty of 1783, the situation of the par- 
 ties was such that the United States could bargain for the fishing 
 liberties, or receive them otherwise than as precarious and tempo- 
 rary grants, resumable at the will of the grantor, so as to leave us 
 ♦• withcut any title to them rvhatsoevei ' V/as Mr. Russell ignorant, 
 that through a large portion of the Revolutionary war, it was a de- 
 liberate and determined purpose of Congress that the United States 
 should include the northern British provinces ? That express pro- 
 vision for the admission of Canada into the Union, was made, in the 
 Confederation of 1781 ? That, finally, when Congress prescribed 
 the boundary line, which, for the sake of peace, they would ac- 
 cept, and which was that stipulated in the treaty, they passed va- 
 rious resolutions, declaring the rights of the United Stales in the 
 fisheries, and the necessity of stipulating for them, if possible, by 
 the treaty ; but that under no circumstances, v/hatever, were they 
 to be given up ? That in all the deliberations of Congress the ne- 
 cessity of this reservation was avowedly connected with the aban-* 
 donment of the pretension to include all the northern provinces in 
 the Confederation ? That the terms of the treaty of 1783, or ra- 
 ther of the preliminaries of 1782, which were word for word the 
 same, were almost entiialy dictated by the United States ? That 
 this very third article, securing the fisheries, and that very portion 
 of it stipulating for the liberty within British jurisdiction, was made 
 a sine qua non, by the American commissioners, two of whom ex- 
 pressly declared that they would not nign the treaty without it?_ and 
 to solve Mr. Russell's scruples, whether an interest of the State of 
 
227 
 
 Massachusetts is an interest of the whoU r- 
 
 two commissioners was a citizen !f%fuH?'^°~*'»at one of those 
 
 nd,c„I„„, to deserve a» ^n,iT"' " '""-8'»™<» boMt, t„ 
 
 forth'; crcttT .ttTh- "'•■ '"'«™. 'o indirect inference. 
 
 says in his original letter of llth p I ""'""i '<"' "^ expressfv 
 
 that he people of the whole Western r?."^"'" °f 'O"" May. 
 : J'';^,^'" »;»» ■"'".ense tract of tSo,^""''^- ""^ " »"»ffen<li»g 
 
 P~;r 'Xt t:«^'if"; '-e eye of the H.„.e of He- 
 of those whici, appears ,o°h;:'sX",i,l'™' "!'' ^''^■' i"- 
 «r ; for m that version he nn^iifil!! !t ^ conscience of the writ 
 to them. «' or but fZlly- ^ L.-f"" T'*** ""^^ «^ «^^ by acWbl 
 ^' fens of an immense t^t of tPr.V^ '^^'^'' " ^»^« "noff;nd^n« S 
 
 even this concession to tKhfr'pn k f ^ "««*"' «« if grudgine 
 sentence to reduce it in JT "^'^®'^'°«n' he takes care in the «fmf 
 tent, by adding to hL «doS T "^""'^ "" ^' e»>arges it 'neT 
 
 '• ™en," the w^ds '^nnuX d^ reS^ ^ '^''T 4 ^^ ^"^ - 
 it was not so th^t tu^ ^ -^ "^creasing m numbsr " 
 
 wontto reasorortt\^^rr f^rff^"^ «-°'"^- -re 
 
 "theTrf' " ?n^^«-' by M^of 5;!^"-. ;7^. a resolution 
 
 the welfare of these United StatenhlTih?- I'*. •" ^''^»^«1 ^o 
 
 dt the expiration of the w»r Ik! i f . 'nhabUants thereof 
 
 " and undisturbed exercise of fh^-'^ '^""""^ t° «»Joy the free 
 
 ;; Banks of NewfoundfaTanI hrotSeTS ''t '^ '''' ^ '^^ 
 
 .. fj"? ^'"^raca, preserving invioLethI « r^ ''r'^' ^""^ «eas of 
 
 and the said States." ^ '"^'oiate the treaties between France 
 
 io^nnlt^LTn^ruZ^^^^ a-tionwas made by Mr 
 
 States," and the word wi tterZ'V''' ""'^''^ '' these lfn£' 
 ";elve. And so. on the Sth ofTut ^*.' ^°'' f '«» «'«'«« ou o£ 
 t was essential to the welfare of a/Z th. 'n '"'"''^'^ Passed-that 
 
 one section of 'the {jnfon l^T'^t ^''"^ ''" '"^^''^st important to 
 ported as the interes? of Ihe wEorft'/" ^^ <=onsidered and "^i 
 subjects from the navigation of he M^ • ' "«'?' '^ ««'»ding BrS 
 contended for, as the interest of h ^l'?W' «^ouId be claimed or 
 
 -hethergrcatorsmall"t:emia;h.W^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 ' ""' ^"" «""««ing to the fullest 
 
226 
 
 ej^eut, that it is, nevertheless, an intereet of the whole Union, I 
 only claim that other interests, alike local in their exercise, should 
 be entitled to the same benefit. If the gain by the .war, of a right 
 to interdict British subjects from descenc >ng the Mississippi river, 
 4^ad been to the people of the West an object of profit as great as 
 the privation of the fishing liberties by the same war would have 
 been to the people of the East an object of loss, the interests, as 
 concerned the whole, would have been equally balanced ; but in- 
 asmuch as the duty of preserving poasessions already and before 
 enjoyed, is paramount to that of making new acquisitions, the prin- 
 ciple of equity, as well as the spirit of union, would have dictated 
 as the true policy, that of maintaining both interests in the state in 
 which they had been before the war, rather than that of sacrificing 
 one part of the Union for the profit of another. 
 
 If the comparative value of the two interests had been as dis- 
 proportionate as they have been represented by Mr. Russell, and 
 the balance of value had been on the side to which he assigns it, 
 still the question of right, remaining the same, the small interest of 
 the East could not with justice have been sacrificed to the greater 
 interest of the West, without compensation. For although the 
 whoir ^Jnion may possess the power of preferring the interests of 
 the many to those of the few^ they have mo \ wer of arbitrary dis- 
 posal over the liberties of the smallest portion of the community. 
 If, by a solemn article of the Constitution, it is provided that the 
 private property of the humblest individual shall not be taken for 
 public use, without just compensation, how much more imperious 
 is the prohibition of taking away the scanty and hard-earned live- 
 lihood of a few fishermen, even were they annually decreasing in 
 number, to bestow new and exclusive benefits upon a distant portion 
 of population, without compensation to the indigent, without conso- 
 lation to the bereaved sufferer. 
 
2'29 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 The interests of the West are the interests of the whole Union-r 
 and so are the interests of the Ea8t;~and let the statesmen who 
 are the servants of the whole, beware of setting them in conflict 
 with each other. A review of these papers will show that the in- 
 terest really at stake in the negotiation of Ghent, a deep and import- 
 ant stake, was an interest of the East; that there was no Western 
 interest aflected by the article first proposed by Mr. Gallatin, or by 
 the amendment finally offered to the British plenipotentiaries at his 
 proposal, and rejected ; that the only plausible objection to it, rest- 
 ed upon a gratuitous assumption, contrary to all reason and expe- 
 rience, that it would have given a right of access to, and of inter- 
 course with, our Indians, to the British. This, the British had 
 possessed by another article of another treaty, acknowledged to be 
 extinguished by the wa^-but it would no more have been granted 
 to them, by a right to navigate the Mississippi, than by a right to 
 enter the harbour of New- York. The whole argument rested upon 
 a Jallacy ; a mis-statement of the question. Happy would it have 
 been for Mr. Russell, if, after assenting and pledging his signatures 
 to the decision of the majority, he had as cautiously withheld from 
 his government, and his country, the allegation of his reasons for 
 having voted against it, as he did at the time of the discussion, from 
 his colleagues. But, in the vehemence of his zeal to vindicate his 
 motives for one unfortunate vote at Ghent, which but for himself 
 would probably never have been known to the world, he has been 
 necessitated to assert principles of international and municipal law 
 and to put forth statements as of fact, more unsubstantial than the' 
 pageant of a vision. He has been reduced to the melancholy office 
 of misrepresenting the subject of which he treats the conduct and 
 sentiments of his colleagues in a great national trust and his own. 
 He has been compelled to disavow his own signatures, to contradict 
 his own assertions, and to charge himself with his own interpola- 
 trons. He has been forced to enter the lists as the champion of his 
 country's enemy, upon a cause which he had been specially entrust- 
 ed to defend and maintain— to allege the forfeiture of liberties which 
 he had been specially instructed not to surrender— to magnify by 
 boundless exaggerations, an ideal, and to depreciate in equal pro- 
 portion, a real, interest of his country— to profess profound re- 
 spect for the integrity and talents of men, while secretly denouncing 
 their conduct as treacherous and absur<i— and, finally, to traduce 
 before the Representative Assembly of the nation, the character of 
 the absent, and the memory of the dead. 
 
 It has been my duty, not only in justice to my own character and 
 to that of the colleagues with whom I acted, but in respectful defe- 
 rence to the opinion of that nation of which we were, and two of 
 us still are, the servants, to justify the conduct thus denounced in 
 
 ^9 
 
23U 
 
 the face of the country— anJ lo prove that the letter wliich contain- 
 ed that denunciation was o tissue of misrepresentaticns. The at- 
 tack of Mr. Russell was n1 first secret — addressed to the Execu- 
 tive officer of the administration, at the head of the t'epartment, un- 
 der whose instructions the mission at Ghent had acted. It was 
 made under the veil of concealment, and in the form of a private 
 letter. In that respect it had failed of its object. It had neither 
 made the Executive a convert to its doctrines, nor impaired his 
 confidence in the members of the majority at Ghent. Defeated in 
 this purpose, after i lapse of seven years, Mr. Russell is persuaded 
 to beheve that he can turn his letter to account, especially with the 
 aid of such corrections of the copy in possession as the supposed loss 
 of the original would enable him to make without detection, by bring- 
 ing it before the Legislative Assembly of the Union. Foiled in 
 this assault, by the discovery of the original, he steals a march upon 
 refutation and exposure, by publishing a second variety of his let- 
 ter, in a newspaper ; and when the day of retribution comes, dis- 
 closing every step of his march on this winding stair, he turns upon 
 me, with the charge of having, by the use of disingenuous artifices, led 
 him unawares into the disclosure of a private letter, never intended 
 for ihe public, and seduced him to present as a duplicate, what he had 
 not intended to exhibit as such. To this new separate and person- 
 al charge, I have replied, by proving the paper which contains it 
 
 to be, like the letter from Pans, a tissue of misrepresentations 
 
 For the justification of myself, and of my colleagues at Ghent, 
 nothing further was necessary. But the letter of Mr. Russell from' 
 Pans, contains doctrines with reference to law, and statements 
 with reference to facts, involving the rights, the harmony, and the 
 peace, of this Union. 
 
 " Dangerous conceits aie in their nature poisom.''^ 
 
 If the doctrines of Mr. Russell are true, the liberties of the peo- 
 ple of the United States in the Newfoundland, Gulf of St. Law- 
 rence, and Labrador fisheries, are at this day held by no better 
 tenure than the pleasure of the king of Great Britain, and will be 
 abrogated by the first act of hostility between thp two nations. 
 
 If his statements are true, those liberties are the mere accommo- 
 dation of a few fishermen, annually decreasing in number, too 
 worthless to be accounted to the rest of the nation of any benefit 
 at all. •' 
 
 If his statements are true, the propositions made by the Ameri- 
 can to the British plenipotentiaries, on the 1st of December, 1814, 
 gave unrestrained and undefined access for the British to the Indians 
 withm our territories— laid our country bare to swarms of British 
 smugglers, and British emissaries— and exposed the anofiending 
 citizens of an immense territory to all the horrors of savage warfare. 
 
 I now submit to the deliberate judgment of the nation, whether 
 I have not proved that these doctrines and statements are equally 
 and utterly without foundation— That the rights and liberties in the 
 
231 
 
 fisheries, are held at the will, not of ihe king of Great Britain, but 
 of the people of the United States ihemselres, founded upon na^ 
 tional right, unbroken possession, and irrevocable acknowledgment 
 — That their value both immediate and remote, direct and conse- 
 m2 u " r™^"«!'y important not only to the Commonwealth of 
 Massachusetts, but to the whole Union-That the proposition made 
 to the British plenipotentiaries, on the Ist of December, 1814, 
 
 Zr^lli ""T^^fk ^T^ S'^^° *° ^^^ ^"t'«^' '"«tead of an unre- 
 etramed and undefined access to our Indians, no access to them 
 whatever— That it would have given them access, even to the 
 Mississippi river, only from a single spot in the British territories : 
 and a right to descend the river only with merchandise upon which 
 the duties should have been paid, and subject to all the custom- 
 house regulations. 
 
 The question in relation to the Mississippi, can never be revived. 
 1 hat spectre is forever laid. Great Britain has not only disavowed 
 
 K A^ \? '^ '^^'''^ "'' "°"'^ ''^^« admitted as valid, she has 
 abandoned that upon which she herself exclusively rested it. Ot 
 its value, in confirmation of the opinions which I have expressed, 
 
 If^^oF'^T- f ^l*""' f °°™ ^^^ '^^^^^^^ •" parliament, on the peace 
 01 1782, which show how It was estimated by her greatest states- 
 men at that time. Those estimates had been confirmed by an ex- 
 perience of thirty years. The slumbers of the unofiending citizens 
 of the Western Country, can, therefore, never more be, if they 
 ever were, disquieted by the visits of this apparition to the 
 g.impser. of the moon. But the day may come, though I trust it is 
 far remote, when the title to our fishing liberties may again be in 
 peril as imminent as it was at the negotiation of Ghent. And if, in 
 tnat day, the American statesmen who may be charged with the de- 
 fence and support of the rights, liberties, and interests of their 
 country, shou d deem it among the qualifications for their office to 
 possess some knowledge of the laws of nations, some acquaintance 
 with the history of their country, and some patriotism more com- 
 prehensive than party spirit or sectional prejudice ever gave or 
 ever can give, 1 trust in God that their proficiency will have led 
 them to the diacovery, that all treaties, and all artides of treaties, 
 and all hberhesvecogmsed in treaties, are not abrogated by war ; 
 that our fashing iberties were neither before nor since the Revolu- 
 tionary war, held at the mere pleasure of the British crown ; and 
 1.! !f. r interests and possessions of one section of the Union 
 are not to be sacrihed for the imaginary profit of another, either by 
 
 alZflf} r^^^l °' ^^ '''*'"S them away as the interests of 
 O disaffected part of the countnj. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 h W€sternK.ri>jntaries, 
 
 In the remarks upon Mr. Russell's letter and duplicate, which 
 were submitted to the House of Representatives, I expressed the 
 most unqualified confidence in the justice of the West, and my en- 
 tire conviction that however justly the inhabitants of that portion 
 of the Union might have been incensed against the majority of the 
 Ghent mission, upon the statements and representations of those 
 letters, yet that when the plain unvarnished tale of real fact should 
 be laid before them, they would not only acquit the majority of any 
 intended sacrifice of their interests, but would find in the measure 
 itself, distmctly disclosed to them in its own nature, nothing to dis- 
 approve. In every part of this Union, when the whole truth can 
 once be exhibited to the people, there is a rectitude of public opi- 
 nion which neither individual enmity, local prejudices, nor party 
 rancour can withstand or control. Upon this public virtue of my 
 country I have ever relied, nor has it now, nor ever disappointed me. 
 I have the satisfaction of knowing from various sources of informa- 
 ti^on, public and private, thatthe general sentiment of the Western 
 Country, wherever the Remarks as well as the Letters have been 
 read, has done justice to the intentions of the majority, as well as 
 to the motives of Mr. Russell. 
 
 Yet, since the communication of his Letters to the House of Re- 
 presentatives, the uses for which it was suppose'd the production 
 of them was intended, and to which they were adapted, have 
 not been altogether abandoned in some parts of the Western 
 Country. The St. Louis Enquirer has pursued this purpose, in 
 the simplest form, by publishing the message of the President of 
 the United States to the House of Representatives of 7th May ; 
 and Mr. Russell's Private letter, and by suppressing the Duplicate 
 and the Remarks. 
 
 In the Kentucky Reporter, published in Lexington, and in the 
 Argus of Western America, published at Frankfort, various publi- 
 cations have appeared, exhibiting similar views of the subject, re- 
 presenting the proposition made to the British plenipotentiaries, 
 on the 1st of December, 1814, as a very grievous offence, and 
 ascribing it exclusively to me. The subject has, however, been 
 
233 
 
 vS!*illL'"'""" "r TP*"*'"*' '" *^^ ^oumAh Public Ad. 
 nrnnS ' ^"""^ °*''*''" ^^'"8^' '* ^'^ ^«*" inquired how, if the 
 
 proposal was so very exceptionable it could, under any circum- 
 stances have received the sanction or signatur; of Mr Clay ' 
 
 Ihe following erfitona/ article in the Frankfort Arcus of 18th 
 July, seems intended to answer that question, and aUhough col- 
 ^m.ng some severe strictures upon " the Secr;tary,'' minX wUh 
 them some cand.d admissions, in a spirit upon which 1 would w h 
 equal candour animadvert. 
 
 From the Argus of Western America, Frankfort, Kentucky, 18,h J.ly, i828. 
 THE GHENT MISSION. 
 
 dhJH'^ Penndoes not understand the circumstances attending the 
 Ghent negotiation, or he wilfully conceals the truth. ^ 
 
 th^vthn u * '"«'''"ct'«n8 given to our commissioners were, that 
 ilhVnr R .°? '«;?* *° ""^ stipulation by which the pre-ex stins 
 right of British subjects to trade with the Indians living within ou? 
 
 wetdtlUoS^l fhTwaf "^"^^ "'"^"^ ''^ ^"^'-' ^^'^^ 
 ^olL^^''® aclmg under these instructions, it was proposed by Mr. 
 
 witfa^clf'V.K' ^'i''^ '^' ^''^ »^^'g«^'''" °* the MissisLppi 
 7yt ?Z A '^ ^^Tu^^ ""J" ^^'"^^'^^'' ou condition that the liberl 
 of thpW .,*""? ^-^ ° V*'^, ^"'•'^ '^'t*^'" *^« exclusive jurisdiction 
 
 Un t.d S^t's "%T'' '''°"v '^^ '^'^"^'""^'l t« the citizens of the 
 united states. This proposition was strenuously opposed by Mr. 
 Clay on the ground that it would give the British those very means 
 of influence over the Indians of which it was the object ol thl go! 
 
 ZiZV" V'' '^'."k ^' ^^'"^^'^ '^y *»'«•'• insiructiLs ^At 
 fion .JIrT' '^'^T^' '°» ^"^'^'•''' ^^'■^ favourable to the proposi- 
 tion, and Clay »ud Russell against it. In the end, however, JBoLrrf 
 
 waS^thaTtii?^^ ^^^^^*«^- ^^•-"-' - -^ P-P-^on 
 " Subsequently, however, the overthrow of Napoleon having 
 kft us to contend single-handed with the undivided power of S 
 fd"to'?hr«Tr'"'"^ ^•''"Sht proper to change the terms offer- 
 structions t^ rh.^r^^'"™'"'' ""'^ «^'^°'''^i"g'y «eot additional in- 
 ff r!T M ^°*' directing our commissioners to make a peace 
 If practicable upon the simple condition, that each party should 
 be placed m the same situation in which the war found^bem 
 
 At the commencement of the war, the British had a right bv 
 treaty, not only to navigate the Mississippi, but to trade with all 
 
 ZZT^? ^°K •'"'• ^^'°"''^" °"'- ^^"'"'"^^ione^^ were instructed 
 be nZ A the continuance of this right, if r . oetter terms could 
 be procured. Under these instructions a proposition relative to 
 the Mississippi and the fisheries, similar to that which had been 
 rejected, was again presented, adopted, and sent to the British 
 commissioners. But it did not restore the right to navigate the 
 
 A • 
 
234 
 
 Mississippi in as full a manner as the British goTcrnrocnt desired, 
 and on that account, we presume, was rejected. 
 
 '*Now we believe the truth to be, that Mr. Clay still opposed 
 this proposition, believing that it never ought to be made b^ our 
 government, and perhaps was not necessar)^ to the conclusion of 
 the peace. But as the government had authorized a treaty to be 
 made on the statw ante helium, and as the proposition amounted to 
 nothing more, he did not refuse to sign his name to the letter 
 which contained rot only that, but all the other propositions made 
 in the treaty. 
 
 " The Secretary, in his strictures, confounds together the dis- 
 cussions which took place before and after the reception of the 
 additional instructions, by which means more discriminating heada 
 than Penn's have been deceived. 
 
 ♦- The commissioners at Ghent assumed the principle, that the 
 right to the fisheries in British waters, on our side, and the riu^ht to 
 navigate the Mississippi, on their side, secured by the treaty of '83,. 
 were not abrogated by the war, but continued in full force without 
 any new stipulation at the peace. The Secretary calls this the 
 American side of the argument^ and exults, with many thanks to 
 God, that it has been sustained through subsequent negotiations, 
 •ad particularly in forming the convention with Great Britain in 
 1818. Surely this exultation is not only without cause, but con- 
 trary to reason. If the principle so strenuously asserted by him 
 be correct, what have we gained by it ? At the close of the war 
 our right to the fisheries and the British right to navigate the Alis- 
 sissippi, existed to the full extent at which they were secured by 
 the treaty of '83, and would have continued so to exist without any 
 additional stipulation until this moment. But the convention of 
 1818, restricts our fishing liberties, and says not a word about the 
 navigation of the Mississippi. Hence, if the Secretary's position 
 be sound, we have lost by it a part of our fishing liberties, and 
 the British retain the right to navigate the Mississippi in its fullest 
 extent ! How can the Secretary consistently sjiy, that they abandon- 
 ed this right in tlie convention of 1818, when not a word is said 
 about it in that compact ? If he were PresideAt and the Bi-itish 
 were to claim the right to navigate the Mississippi to-morrow, he 
 would be obliged to grant their claim valid or contradict his owa 
 favourite principle ! !'* 
 
 Remarks on tl>c Above Editoria) Article. 
 
 This article admits that Mr. Clay did not refuse to sign his name 
 to the proposition made to the British plenipotentiaries on the 1st 
 of December, 1814, of confirming to the British the right of navi- 
 gating the Mississippi. It admits that the proposition was fully 
 warranted by the instructions of 19th October, 18H, and formally 
 assigns them, as his nn ive (or not refusing his assent to the pro 
 posal. It does, indeed, say that he believed the proposition 
 
893 • # 
 
 affirms that the instructions of J 9th October l«ui.,fh^ ff i 
 stuctbnsof 19Tho\ •"*'»« "'i«^io» "as taken after the „- 
 
 ch^^ ;: ci:GrL'l?:;:L^:e::" — «*— ^ »- «ppeai^ to m^ 
 le:;t ; vhi r'^^Ki-- ''^'^"" ^p""«"- '^'»>^- -"^y b^«- 
 
 na ht ^ '^'^ " P"^''<^ niinister uouhl be justified in refus- 
 
 ng h.8 signature to a proposition warranted or even reouLd bv 
 
 l?nUf 1 "■ *'"^ ''^'P«'=* ♦*'''• a ni»<^»i greater latitude than J 
 
 ^fbi-L^re^S'Silr.^;;?;;,?' 7^ itr°| ^'T ?'™' T 
 
 oMLl'^f"!.'"' 'r"'- '■™"" "- P?o -^ on 'STas3.' 
 
 ?r" m hi'/l^hT^r' """,' r '"' '"•' '"'" *"= "■"■"J "TthhSSt 
 r..?™ " J • ".'' '""'" ™''='' »" ^'o C'li <if November Thi. 
 
 IweenlheS^ course namely, Ihe receipt in Ibe inlerval be? 
 
 , »m„lt « .P«"od9 of the ».a. ,„.(«.«,„,» from the government 
 
 ■8 amp jr sufficenl to justify him for vieUine his assent at l?.rh„; 
 
 could be procured. Rut it intimates the bel ef of Mr cTav that 
 
 1 e ZZZ^lfA "T; ''■ '^''^''''^' ^-^ instfuctioif Ye 
 
 «ne of the government to this meo.uro, is «-eishty, and whoever 
 
will dol/ consider the situation and circumstances of this nation an5 
 Jts government, in October, 1814, will, I believe, not be very ready 
 ro join ma censure upon the government for offering a peace on the 
 ham of the state before the war. There was then a heavy re- 
 s|)onsibility, both upon the government and upon the mission at 
 trhent, that the war should be concluded. This nation would have 
 w •^"rt a r'Jpture of the negotiation upon light or trivial causes, 
 ana It It bad been broken ofi' ii[»on a refusal to continue to the Bri- 
 nsh a mere nominal right to navigate the Mississippi, possessed by 
 them and harmless to us until the war had begun,^e government 
 and the mission would have had a very differenWask to justify 
 themselves to this country, from that which they now have. If 
 instead of writing his letter of 11th February, 1816, from Paris' 
 Mr. Kussell had brought the substance of it home in his pocket' 
 nith the war still raging, and he had said, We have not concluded 
 the peace— we have broken off the negotiation— but here are our 
 reasons— producing his letter of seven sheets against the Mississip- 
 pi navigation, and the fisheries— What would the nation and the 
 world have said of the American government and the American 
 mission at Ghent ? After the responsibiUty has been removed, 
 and the peace concluded, it is very easy to «« enjoy the good and 
 cavil the conditions"— but in this case, measure still harder is dealt 
 out to the government and the majority of the mission : after the 
 good IS secured, the cavil is against conditions not annexed to it, 
 but merely once proposed— not against an actual stipulation, but 
 against a rejected offer— against a possibility extinct. 
 
 It IS sufficient for the justification of the majority of the mission 
 that itHuS authorized, and that they believed it to be required by 
 their instructions. But I cannot pass over 'his censure upon the 
 gavernment for issuing the instructions themselves, without notice. 
 I-arfrom deeming them blameable, I believe them to have been 
 wise and meritorious. The instructions not to surrender the fish- 
 eries, even at the hazard of breaking off the negotiation, Hiani- 
 rested a sensibility congenial to the true and essewtial interests of 
 the country. I have in these papers furnished proof that the in- 
 terest in the fisheries at stake in the negotiation,. was great and im- 
 portant. The disquisitions in the Western newspapers on this 
 subject, dwell largely upon the state of politics then prevailing in 
 the Eastern section of the Union. This is an invidious topic, and I 
 wish to dismiss It with ihis observation, that the administration of 
 Mr. Madison could not have honoured itself more than by maintain, 
 ing with inflexible energy against the enemy, the special interest of 
 ^at portion of he Union which had been most opposed to the war. 
 But had that illustrious statesman and patriot suffered himself on 
 that occasion to be influenced by narrower considerations, it could 
 not escape him, that however exceptionable the political course of 
 theSta e of Massachusetts might be, the portion of the people, most 
 particularly interested in these fisheries, neither countenanced nor 
 supported It. They had been the first, and were among the great- 
 
237 
 
 w.r »„d of .he Lo„t s,;!: M"b*t„lA"„7r ? V"* 
 
 Hacrificed the r iberties in th.. fmh^rv «, ml . ' '*' ^° •»■*« 
 
 ii« gmutude. „„ ituVhZTfoTZ'lZ^'^'TAtT''^'''^'' 
 
 vernmeiit. The initruction l.. .J-„. ' " "" ^"^'Km go. 
 
 .(a.e before iH.«TZX:.UyZnSl"T 'nt^'" °'*^ 
 
 and the fisheries, to themsplvpa Ti,:^ *^ .1 » f.^ose island, 
 deepest solicitude/ IWeffoPt'- *f L*^"" "** °''J«"* "''»''«**• 
 theiV pretension that the Ishtgb^^^^^^ ZnT^Tir .'" 
 war, were uoivearied. They presentrd it to .?« fn ^'^^'^f ^^ ^^^ 
 ingenuity could devise It wn,7»!! « * / u. '" ^^'^''^ ^"^^ t**** 
 iaft obstacle to thrc'r/culSonTrt t'^a^;'" TdfoS' -^"^ ^'^ 
 
 the wisdom and the importance of the instruction to h1 a ■ 
 m«8.on. to agree to a peace on the ba ^ of th^s^^te bf^p'T 
 war, was this : it enabled them to avoid a rupture of thlZlJ^^ 
 
 fLt tz.'et\^^lXo^.1"e^'^L^^lV^^^if '-"- 
 
 p„. „, ,„ the wrongfor the r„p,„re , a„3 «S,r.b.tl„^'„?^^^^^^ 
 c.p e, always m reserve, we were enabled to insist more pe«e,er 
 .nglyapon every particul r article in di«;nfflion. P'"""" 
 
 1 he editorial article in the Argus charges " llu Stcrelart," »i.I. 
 confounding, id his strictures (on the duplicate la»m ^ J?j- 
 sions which took place before and afte?, the receSof .h^^^^^^ 
 
23a 
 
 «. 
 
 It is nol llie Secretury, but Mr. RumcII, who confound* thenc 
 preceding an<J subBcquent diicussioni. The joint despatch of 25lh 
 December, lb 14, and Mr, Russell's separate letter of the same 
 date, say not a word of the discussions prior to the receipt of the 
 new instructions. They refer eiclusively to the vote taken on ibo 
 29th of November, and to the proposition actually made on the Ist 
 of December. Mr. Russell's letter from Paris, confounds together 
 the preceding and snb«oquent discussions. His duplicate brin|{s in 
 the cancelled instructions, »s violated by the proposal actually made 
 on the tirst of December, and his publication in the Boston States- 
 mnn of 27th June, affirms, that no tiote ivas taken after the receipt 
 of the new instructions ; and calls upon Mr. Clay to confirm the 
 assertion. It is hoped that the discritninatit^ heads will &ad that 
 in these pages, the Secretary has been suflBciently explicit in dis-* 
 tinguishiog between the first and second votes, and between the 
 discusiiions upon both of them. 
 
 The editorial paper states that the nrfirle first proposed by Mr. 
 Gallatin, and voted by the maiority, was finally rejected, because 
 Mr. Bayard changed sides. This is not altogether exact. If there 
 was any change of sides, it was by Mr. Clay. He brought forward 
 on the 7th of November, as a substitute for Mr. Gallatin's article, 
 which had been voted on the 5th, the very same proposition which 
 I had offered to take instead' of Mr. Gallatin's article, bejore the 
 vote upon it had been taken, but which Mr. Clay had not then been 
 prepared to accept. Upon this new proposal of Mr. Clay, Mr. 
 Bayard agreed, /or the sake of unanimity, to take it instead of Mr. 
 Gallatin's article ; and so did I, and so did Mr. Gallatin himself. 
 Mr. Bayard, of course, afterwards voted, on the 89th of Novem- 
 ber, for the proposition which was actually made on the Ist of De- 
 cember. 
 
 The editorial article of the Argus, after abating that the commis- 
 sioners at Ghent assumed the principle, that the right to the fiah- 
 eries in British waters, on our side, and the right to navigate the 
 Mississippi, on their side, secured by the treaty of '83, were not 
 abrogated by the war, but continued in full force, without any new 
 stipulation at the peace, observes, that " the Secretary" calls this 
 " the American side of the argument,^' and exults, with many thanks 
 to God, that it has been sustained through subsequent negotiations, 
 and particularly in forming the convention with Great Britain in 
 1818. The writer in the Argus appears to be chagrined at this ex- 
 altation of the Secretary, and exceedingly anxious to deprive him 
 of his satisfaction. But in the first place, this statement of the 
 principle assumed by the commissioners at Ghent, is again not alto- 
 gether exact. The principle assumed by them, was in these 
 words, drawn up by Mr. Clay : 
 
 " In answer to the declaration made by the British plenipoten- 
 " tiaries, respecting the fisheries, the undersigned, referring to what 
 " passed in the conference of the 9th AuguBt, can only state, that 
 " they are not authorized to bring into diacussion ^ny of the rights 
 
239 
 
 " or lihertiet which the United Stites have h«.i.«fof«- a 
 
 " rehition thereto. IVom their nature an J from ^J ' V^- "* 
 «• racter of the treaty of 1783 bv whi!h /I ' " I't-cuhar i i.a- 
 
 ;; f-ther ,tipui«ti:^l'bee;tet ,\'t^:jr^^^^ - 
 
 This principle, thus aasumed, the Secretary .In... ^nii .* d • 
 
 «umed, and has since been maintained, agains: the BM ll^ 7 
 argumenf nanouaced in the conference of t^h A urn 7fi?/ ^' 
 to wh,ch this paragraph was the formal annwer.tl^ lee ^trv would 
 not lew heartily add his thanks to Mr. Chiv for ha^fn?! V ♦?• 
 
 interest at stake upoo it, that lie tbould miiniair. ti.. a* 
 Iwy »ould readily call it Mr. Clay's side o™ ,e r , ''', t7", 
 
 feaion to suppose it as uoequivocall, that lntT«. . / i /"^ 
 a. he had made it his oflic?al, opinL'.""''/," Secret ."'hiS' 
 
 fcrarA%-tl™7;e^t:cry-5^^ 
 
 S^S9^.i^^^-i„^;L:~££=^ 
 
 British right of navigating the Mississippi, as well as in reUtion f! 
 the fisheries, and on this inaccuracy is Vounded the Lns^re r.h! 
 Secretary for calling it the Jlmeri/an side o/Larglmnt ' '^' 
 
 senTed bv°T"c?r '' T"f '^^ F""^'*^^*' ""'^ '« '^ '^^s pre- 
 seniea by Mr. Clay, and only m relat on to the fi«hpri..fl u 
 
 emphatically the American side of the arguZTmdstiluJ^.'^A 
 JO when afterwards the British plenipotfnrL deoi Id a Zu 
 lation in the treaty that BriUsh subjects should enjoy the rlht^of 
 
 o r'tS iet tZ'^' ^"' "^"^ '' " '""^ ^'^^^ P-Pot fS-oug^h 
 ul..! A '^ ^^ American commissioners then said to them • 
 If you admit our principle, you need no new stipulation to letur^ 
 to you this right ; we are willing, however, to recoenUp it L o 
 article, declaratory of both rights. If vou rewfi tn ?" "^"^ 
 foundation to claZ^ rl,,t of ul^^^^^^ 
 
 fore, no pretence for asking it by a new stipulation. The British 
 plenipotentiaries could not extricate themselves from this dileSma 
 They said they claimed the right of navigation, asan eoZaSo; 
 ahandoning their line of boundary to the MississiDDi Id f!rf • 
 to the 49th parallel of latitude.^ We offered tTe'm' to lea' e^J? 
 boundary as ,t was~which they finally accepted Throughout 
 the whole discussion, the principle assumed by the AmerS com 
 missioners, was the American side of th, argLent? ^ "' 
 
 It Tva« still 80 in the negotiations after the peace which terminated 
 
840 
 
 in the convention of 1818, and remains the American side of the 
 ai|;ument to this day. When, in the summer of 1816, British arm- 
 ed cruisers warned all American fishing vessels on the coast of No- 
 va-Scotia to a distance of sixty miles from the shores, they very 
 eignificantly proved what the British government had meant by their 
 side of ihe argument, and in entering upon the negotiation, imme- 
 diately flftprwards and inconsequence of that event, the Secretary 
 may be allowed tosjfeak with confidence when he says, that had it 
 not been for the principle assumed by the commissioners at Ghent, 
 he could not have taken the first step in it—he could not have al- 
 leged a cause of complaint — sixty miles was largely within the ex- 
 tent of exclusive British jurisdiction, as to those fisheries, if our lir 
 berties in them had been abrogated by the war ; and the American 
 minister in England would have had no more right to complain of 
 this warning, or of any exclusion by British cruisers of American 
 fishing vessels from any part of the Newfoundland fisheries, than of 
 the seizure of an American vessel in the port of Liverpool for a 
 manifest violation of the British revenue laws. 
 
 It was upon the rights and liberties, in these fisheries, as recog- 
 nised in the treaty of 1783, as unimpaired by the war of 1812, and 
 as unabrogated, although no stipulation to confirm them had been 
 inserted in the treaty of Ghent, that the American minister in Lon- 
 don did complain of this wai*ning and interdiction of the American 
 lishermen. He recurred immediately to the principle asserted by 
 the American commissioners at Ghent, at the proposal of Mr. Clay, 
 and consigned in their note of 10th November, 1814. On that he 
 rested the continued claim of the United States to all the rights and 
 liberties in the fisheries, recognised in the treaty of 1783, and en- 
 tered upon a full discussion of the question with the British go- 
 vernment. The result of that discussion, which was continued in 
 the negotiation of the convention of 1818, appears in the first arti- 
 cle of that convention. The editorial article in the Argus, says that 
 this convention restricts our fishing liberties, and says not a word 
 about the navigation of the Mississippi. The convention restricts 
 the liberties in some small degree; but it enlarges them probably 
 in a degree not less useful. It has secured thawhole coast fishery 
 of every part of the British dominions, except within three marin** 
 miles of the shores, with the liberty of using all the harbours, 
 for shelter, for repairing damages, and for obtaining wood and wa- 
 ter. It has secured the full participation in the Labrador fishery • 
 the most important part of the whole, and that of which it was at 
 Ghent peculiarly the intention of the British government at all 
 events to deprive us. This fishery cannot be prosecuted without 
 the use of the neighbouring shores, for drying and curing the f.sh : 
 it is chiefly carried on in boats, close into "the shores, and the loss 
 of It, even if the rest had been left unaffected by the same princi- 
 ple, would have been a loss of more than half of the whole interest. 
 The convention has also secured to us the right of dryk^ and 
 curing fish on a part of the island of Newfoundland, which had not 
 
,^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 241. ■ ■ -' 
 
 b«en enjoyed under the treaty of 1783 : it has narrowed down the 
 preteasions of exclusive territorial jurisdiction with reference to 
 those fisheries to three marine miles from the shores. Upon the 
 whole I consider this interest as secured by the conveSon of 
 
 nil'Zl r""" •' «dr«°t«g««"« «» it had been by the treaty of 
 178J ; we have gamed by ,t, even of fishing liberties, perbaw as 
 
 E> fif n ^''^■^ '.*''.* • ''"* '^ ""*• ^« have gained pr^cUcalMh^ 
 benefit of the principle, that our liberties in the fisheries rSised 
 
 ^V^l 'Tk'^ °^ ''^^' ""^'^ not abrogated by the wTof fs^f 'Tf 
 they had been we never should have obtained, without a new war 
 ^ny portion of them again. The error of the editorial artTcle in 
 he Argus, is in putting out of sight the difference between a con 
 tested and an uncootested right. After the conclusion of the peace 
 of Ghent, according to the American side of the argument Id ht 
 virtue ot the principle, assumed at the proposal of Mr Clav thi 
 rights and liberties ot the people of tL Suited Stli Tthes: 
 fisheries remained in full force, as they had been recoen"«ed bv 
 InH Tt^i ^^^^' Accordingto the BHtish side of the f ?g,fmenf 
 and o the doctrine of Mr. Russell's Letter from Paris, they were 
 totally abrogated by the war. The letter says, in ex^resMeTms 
 hat he hbertyv^a. "entirely at an end ,"' and that we we eTft 
 '^without any tule to it whatsoever- If this was he real doctrine of 
 he rmnority of the American mission at Ghent, has not the W 
 tnry reason to exult, and to give many thanks to God, that inS 
 ot avowing .t, they professed directly the contrary That m^ 
 Clay himself proposed to the mission, and the mission at his pro 
 posal adopted the opposite principle, the American side ofthFal 
 gmnent After the peace of Ghent, the right of the peoil of th. 
 Unued States to the fishing liberties ^as pfrfect, h.tS 2s c^L^t- 
 l,L ^u'lu"'^ ^ ^"'**'^ '"^' 'f '^' ^^S^ndnt, and what we bate 
 gamed by the convention of 1818, has been an adjustmenrof that 
 contest, preserving essentially the whole interest that was in dif 
 P« te. The first article of the convention is upon its flco the ad" 
 jnstment of a contested question. The documents of the neiotu" 
 tion prove how xX was adjusted, and show that we obtained the ad 
 justment by maintaining our principle. On the principle of the let" 
 ter from Pans there was no liberty to maintair^ no rLht to aTser 
 no contest to adjust : the liberty wlsgone, irretrievaSy lost * 
 1 he editorial article says, that " if the British were to claim fhp 
 right navigate the Mississippi to-morrow, the Secretary wolw 
 be obliged to grant their claim valid or contradict his ownZ^uri te 
 principle ! " The double notes of admiration annexed to th« 
 closing period of the editorial article, indicate a long cher'^hed and 
 intense desire to fasten upon the Secretary, in spitf of a I that he 
 can say, the deep crimination of the dreadful consequence, to 
 which his favourite pr.nc.ple might yet lead. Mr. Russe I. too has 
 LXo it'is thi.^''"" '"P' '' '''"''' '^^•"^^ ^^eSecretar;:' My' 
 
242 
 
 that the principle alludvjd to in its application to our fishint li- 
 berties, IS ^y favourite principle, I admit, knowing as I do, that it 
 has been the means of saving them from total extinction. That it 
 M my ffwn prmcipic, I have perhaps not more the right to say thao 
 that It was Mr. Clay's own principle : for it was at his proposal 
 that It was assumed by the American mission at Ghent, and the pa- 
 ragraph by which it was assumed, was drawn up by him. For aU 
 possible consequences in relation to the British right of navigating 
 the Mwftssippi, which may flow from the assumption of this prin- 
 ciple, Mr. Clay so far as official acta and signatures can pledge i« 
 •s responsible as I am. 
 
 But the truth is, that the principle can no longer be applied to 
 the British right of navigating the Mississippi, because they them- 
 selves have disclaimed it, and thereby renounced the right to the 
 claim. The right once disclaimed, cannot again be resumed. It 
 could not be resumed even after a tacit renunciation — a disclaimer 
 is still more. It was precisely because acquiescence on our part 
 in the principle asserted by the British plenipotentiaries, in their 
 notification of 8th August, would have been a s-jrrender and tacit 
 renunciation of the fishing liberties, that I deemed the counterno- 
 tification on our part, or a new article indispensable. But in assert- 
 ing a t>riRciple just and sound in itself, in defence of our own liber- 
 ties, we are in nowise bound to force it upon Q?eat Britain, in support 
 of any right of hers ; and as she has chosen to consider her right 
 to navigate the Mississippi by virtue of the 8th article of the treaty 
 of 1783, as abrogated by the war, we are neither bound to obtrude 
 «pon her that which she disclaims, nor to admit the claim, shouhl 
 she hereafter be disposed to retract the principle. 
 
 But this is not all ; the editorial article asks " how can the Se- ^ 
 cretary consistently say that the British abandoned this right in the 
 convention of 1818, when not a word is said about it in that com- 
 pact ?" It is precisely because not a word is said in the compact about 
 if, that the British have abandoned the right. By the second arti- 
 cle of the convention a new boundary line is stipulated, along the 
 49th parallel of latitude, which of coui-se cuts them off from the 
 line to which they were before entitled to the Mississippi. Dis- 
 claiming the right secured to them by the 8th article of the treaty 
 of 1783, the on/y ground upon which they still claimed the right, 
 was by virtue of the line which brought them in contact with the 
 river. At the negotiations of 1807, and at Ghent, they declined 
 agreeing to the new line, unless with a reservation of the right to 
 navigate the river, and of access to it, through our territories. 
 They demanded the same thing at the negotiation of the convention 
 of 1818, and presented an article to that effect. But they finally 
 agreed to the new boundary line, without the reservation, and 
 thereby abandoned their last claim to the right of navigating the 
 river. 
 
 The editorial article in the Argus, is sufficient to justify Mr. 
 Clay for his assent to, and concarrence with, all the measures 
 

 248 
 
 Jgreed upon by the majority of the Ghent mission. His serrice* 
 
 to the nation are sufficiently distinguished to enablp him ♦<!! 
 
 "'.th the assistance of nnjuJt aspefsions upon o?hir» '" '^"^"'"* 
 
 t / 
 //. Mr. Floyd's Letter. 
 
 From the Richmond Enquirer of 27th August, 182«. " 
 To tU Editors of the Enquirer : 
 
 ^"^"^■'^''■. VlROINIA, AUOMT 14, 1842; 
 
 myself alone, I have bien content T/resti^^Sms^to^ 
 he decision of those with whom I act^etT/ejXa Z" ^^^^^^^^ 
 the newspapers, or reporters to newspapers, either miZl.! I 
 me misrepresent me, or do not hear me. "wunderstand 
 
 In the commencement of this affair, I was not a HhIo «, • ^ 
 to see the editorial remarks of the WeekTy Relter „ cZfr ^ 
 Je publication of the President's message wShfiiM'°"''rt"« 
 Russell and Mr. Adams, subjecting mo t^ rmput.UonJn^^ 
 tioneering views" and the " ietting^,n" this busine r mv . *'•''" 
 was not lessened to find any thing in my crrsriiabi;?/'"^^^^^ 
 putations, as I have always felt the mZ perfect ronfiw *""'' T 
 correctness of my course': though I have^torhi.h 1 Tn' '° ^^"t 
 he correctness and integritv of the WeeklJ R?le/tS'h.°r ^^ 
 these remarks were intended for any other purp?ethl„ ^f"^* 
 an honest opinion of the transaction as it appeared to'hJm ^"^ 
 
 With these feelings, as soon as I recovered fromVL „ 
 onder which I was labouring- when the Reg^te^ w s r.?;""^/ 
 wrote a statement of the whole matter, to thfeditoT of ZT''* ' 
 whose independent republican course has imnrJl!L ^''^^PfPe^ 
 most favourable sentiments of his re'Stud: Zabi uj Z^T^l^ 
 «ng there would be an end to the affair ery soon S Vh /m'"'^' 
 portunities might offer elsewhere, of doinTmyself iustil. f ''' T 
 cd to the suggestion of a friend in withhddS C So I^l^'t 
 
 XiTiVcrioVk^r^^^ 
 
 the adoption of Mr. FuLV, re^lZ^llltlZ'l^^^^^^ l^l 
 
m 
 
 i%e President for the papers; which now appears to have bl^n 
 ilone at the instance of Mr. Adanas himself. 
 
 There is certainly something very singular in this affair, tV t 
 Mr. Adams, who has laboured with so much zeal and perseverance, 
 to impress the nation with the belief that Mr. Russell is not correct 
 in his statements, should, nevertheless, as zealously adhere to de- 
 clarations eiiuully injurious, and unfounded as it regards myself; 
 to the end, it is presumed, to justify his own conduct in procuring 
 Mr. Fuller to make the call which I had desisted from, and which 
 it seems was so desirable to him as a mean of getting into the news- 
 papers, — this, too. after Mr. Kussell had said he knew nothing of 
 liiy intention of making the request I did make. 
 . Mr. Adams, J hail believed, was too well acquainted with eti- 
 quette, to leave his lawful game, to send a shaft at me, however he 
 might feel towards iue ; but, since he has thought proper to do so, 
 I mrst defend myself. 
 
 Whatever a Secretary shall say of me, I think it but right, to 
 hold him responsible ; nor will I consent that he shall ransack bis 
 department to find a clerk to prop his desires by a certificate. So 
 far as it regards myself, I must protest against the certificates of 
 clerks, who depend for their daily bread, upon the capricious 
 smiles of a Secretary of a Department. 1 do not wish to be un- 
 derstood as making any remark upon Mr. Adams's certifying clerks. 
 It is possible they may be respectable, I know nothing of t'lem; 
 nor, can I, consistent with my own self-approbation, know any body 
 but Mr. Adams, who 1 presume, having reliance, and regardless of 
 feelings or opinions, boldly and confidently, reiterates in his re- 
 joinder, that Mr. Russell procured me, to subserve his purposes, 
 and make the call in the House which I did make ; which assertion, 
 I unequivocally pronounce to be utterly destitute of that verity 
 which ought always to characterize assertions made to the public. 
 
 The story is briefly this : 
 
 Last winter was a year, at my lodgings, in conversation with 
 some of my friends, we were discussing the advantages of the oc- 
 cupation of the Oregon, or Columbia river, the value of the fur 
 trade of our western rivers, the wealth to be' derived from that 
 trade in the Canton market, and the practicability of supplying the 
 valley of the Mississippi with the manufactures of China by that 
 route ; when one gentleman observ,ed, that the Mississippi had 
 been discussed at Giient, and from the character of the gentlemen 
 engaged in it, there was a strong probability, that, if I had that cor- 
 respondence, I would obtain something, which might be useful to 
 me. I had then presented to the House, my report upon the occu- 
 pation of that river, and would have to make an exposition of the 
 bill when it came up for discussiuti. 1 instantly determined to make 
 the call, as the proper mode of getting the papers : but, I soon 
 found my bill for its occupation, could not, from the place it held 
 in the orders of the day, be acted upon that session : I then deter- 
 niincd to postpone tlie call until the next session. Accordingly, on 
 
!^45 
 
 dWr^Jli^To/*^'* f*^!' commenting upon this, that, "it #ill be 
 
 tTZro(th^GS!n^V7r'''^ b*d intervened, between the 
 report ot the Ghent treaty documents to the Hoase and this se. 
 cood call, which Mr. Rusaell has admitted v.a. made U hia s^ffi^^^^^^ 
 
 on the 23d of February, and not dhly ordered to lie on the tuble 
 
 ZrtLT'f ^"' •'•^^'^'l^ ''"^''^^ '« *' /'^^«^' I had not an op^ 
 portun.ty of examming them until they were printed, which 3d 
 
 of course requ.re some days. But in that time, I 'had recTed 
 
 know ^f S '^ ^a'^ "^'"'Tl "^ "y ^«°^"y' «°d Mr. Adams Tdes 
 know I obtained leave of ab8enc6 for the remainder of the ees- 
 sion believing it not possible for me to return. 
 
 I left this city, I believe, about the 13th of March^ but mv fami- 
 ^ being restored to health, I returned to WashiS. and «r vS 
 
 and on the 1 8th submitted the second resoiuUon, calling specifically 
 
 tIv^'' 'r f "^^ ' **»"* --esolution was adopted on the iS 
 
 •er?? ^nnM **V«"i ^^^^"J.'^*" ^^> that, on examining the pa- 
 
 pers, I could no hnd any thing I wanted, though I did perceive 
 
 ZT^f' ^^'f}f '""'•'' ^''}^,^ '^' ^^th of December, from Ghent! 
 dot «n '»?h '^*'* '" '"'I?;? ^""^'""^ °»t"™»y <^«>"«»«ded he had 
 done so as he was a public man, and in the discharge, as I thought 
 
 i' '^ w l*° '"^' ^^^^'^'^S ^^^ ^^'"« of the Mississippi rirer! 
 I will take no part in the controversy between Mf. Russell and 
 
 ^n. tt'n;'h"°' ""^""^ * ""r ^""^^ W""«°' had not Mr. Adams 
 gone out of his way. in endeavouring to place me in an attitude 
 which he must know, nothing but his injustice could havreSfed 
 
 ♦ki v";'*'T/ f^,.^"<=h surprised at the memory of the friend of 
 the National Intelligencer, as at all the rest of this affair .he has 
 eertainly reported to that paper as far as he went »rbstanfwiy'' 
 
 ^ori ?J/'t ^J '" '^'^ '^'^''^ ' ''"^ **»« «'^rP"^« "» that hK. 
 TrIitl'Ji ?^ P'^^^'f P°r^ ''^^'^ my justification begins. I 
 
 ihli tn J "Vl"! fu'^!.""'' •"«''« *»»«"« '«'»"ts. and nearly in 
 these words : That I had made the previous calls, and had not re- 
 newed it, as the letter wanted had been .pecificklly desired.^d 
 
 tJ-nf^''\u^''l^^ '^""^ the wishes of the House, and mirfit 
 send It If ha thought proper, as he was the judge of the proprifty 
 
 iouIdTl' h^ "1*^*5?' «"°^*'" resolotioMo the same ffi 
 woS d nrn5r'""r« ^J^^ *''«°'*y °^ ^^^ "°««« ? «°d if the papers 
 roffir!?nr u-'"°*^"'*^*^*"« '*"*' »" ^'oo'^' between me? high 
 Le™ seem.H P""'^.^^*?'"' ^^ich the President, who had the pa- 
 pere seemed to insinuate, I would not be the means of producL 
 *Kat4,v.l. What I wanted was the information, which I .upJoS 
 
m 
 
 'paper« (o coatain relatire to the value of the M Uiiisippi, whidb 
 jvould, according to my view of the occupation of the Columbhi 
 river, show the value of the trade to flow in that channel, which 
 was to connect those two great rivers ; and that there could not 
 he any thing difficult to comprehend in that. That if the President 
 would tell the House such consequences would flow from the com- 
 munication, and at the same time state, that copies of the papers 
 would be furnished to any gentlemiin at the Department of State, 
 who might desire them, was a thing left for him to justify and to re- 
 concile : I wished myself to be correct, and said this for my owa 
 justification, and to sliow my owa consistency, and not the Presi- 
 dent's. 
 
 I will close these observations by observing to you, that I have 
 seen in your paper a few days ago, the remarks contained in a 
 Charleston Journal. I cannot divine how the writer knew 1 had 
 made a motion to refer the President's communication to my com- 
 mittee, before it was read. I conclude, though, it is much after 
 ♦he disinterestedness of the times, and that a diplomatic mission to 
 some of the new republics, may be the hoped reward of the hon- 
 est exertions of the writer. How was that fact ascertJHned ? there 
 M no record showing whether the motion was made before the pa- 
 pers were read or not — this minute fact is known to the writer so 
 distant from Washington, who does not ever> know the part of the 
 country I live in-, as he sUites me to be a member from the west- 
 it may be honest ignorance— I- believe, though I did make the mo- 
 tion to refer the papers, as soon as it was asccrtuined what the 
 papers related to. This is every day's practice, and I have now 
 papers referred to my committee which the House never saw, 
 which contained information I had sought through the medium of 
 the House, as I had done that, which was to be used when my bill 
 was called up. I will sa/more. that if 1, by any proper act, 
 could have prevented this affair, that I would have done so ; nor 
 will 1, either in public or in private, refrain from commenting upon 
 the public conduct and opinions of any public man, who may be 
 thought, or may tWnk himself entitled to office. My opposition 
 Jias always been political, and directed by the ideas I entertain of 
 the power which gentlemen may think themselves entitled to ex- 
 ercise, under the constitution of the United States. Hook upon that 
 constitution ns containing expressed grants of power,aad cannot ap- 
 prove any opposite opinion. 
 
 ' 1, as a public man, am willing to be judged by this test, and when 
 i, or others, cannot dgfend their opinion, injustice to the country, 
 they r ■• ' t to retire. In my public capacity I called upon the ex- 
 ecuti* '.anch of the government for papers expressly relating to 
 a national transaction, and for public use ; and if evil has resulted, 
 or private letters been divulged, it cannot attach to me. 
 I am, sirs, with great respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN FLOYD, 
 
 .i*:i4,.li£ 
 
lH^' »- ..'^ ^ ...^j.,-^|*y 
 
 ^47 
 
 ' ill Mr. rytir^ tSmr. 
 
 i'rtfm tb« Boston Patriot of ith September, 1822. 
 
 ^ . „ . BoiToif, 3d SarTUMBBR, 1823. 
 
 Vb <A« £Arar* o/- <Ae Boston Patriot : 
 
 Gentlemen : Having seen in thj Richmond Enquirer of the 27th 
 of August, n letter from Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, in which he upeaks 
 of the conduct of Mr. Adams " in procuring Mr. Fuller to make 
 the call" for Mr. HusseirB letter and Mr. A.'s remarks in rolatiou 
 to the Ghent treaty, I am induced, with great reluctance, to ad- 
 dress you a line on that sulyect, for publication. My great aversion 
 to appear, without evident neeewity, in the tiewspupert, alona 
 withheld me from this course, on observing that Mr. li<issell,in his 
 letter re-published in the Nalional Intelligencer on the ad of July, 
 *ays Mr. Adams '• sought for a member who would coniant to make 
 the call." — "To one member from Massachusetts, ut least, he lutd 
 applied in vai«, before he finally succeeded in his object." 
 
 It was perfectly obvious, on being informed by the President's 
 message of the 4th of May, that Mr. Russell's private letter on the 
 Ohwit negotiation was to he seen by gentleinen who might coll at 
 the Department of State, that it would be immediately uubiisbed in 
 the newspapers. The messflge also stated the wish ot the Secre- 
 tary of State, to have the letter communicated to Congress, toge- 
 ther vHth his remarks, explanatory of its contents. This course 
 appeared to me perfectly fair ; and in supporting the motion, which 
 I had submitted for the purpose, 1 assigned, among other reasons, 
 the palpable unfairness of making the letter public, while the an- 
 swer was suppressed. Several members, with whom I conversed, 
 concurred with me entirely in the propriety of having both commu- 
 nicated together. It seems to me, therefore, very singular, that 
 any censure could be attached to Mr. Adams, even had he, as al- 
 leged, requested or '• procured" the call. I do, however, explicitly 
 declare, that neither Mr. Mams, nor any other person, either re- 
 quested or *' procured'* me to move the call, or to do any thing in re- 
 lation to it. 
 
 I regretted the absence of Mr. Russell, and did not know of his 
 intention to depart from Washington, until he was actually gone ; 
 had he been present, however, it did not occur ♦) me, that he could 
 have any objection to the resolution, and it would not have pre- 
 vented the support I gave it. 
 
 Mr. Floyd's remarks, in opposition to the resolution, appear to 
 me more accurately stated in his letter, than as reported in the In- 
 elligencer; but the addition which he has supplied, seems not ma- 
 terial, in my view, for his •• justification." 
 
 Permit me to add that while I regret extremely the unfortunate 
 occasion, I nevertheless rejoice in perceiving that it has produced 
 
 L>tni t'h r*"*' ^^ *»«« ""PO'-t «nd bearing; of several important 
 wnts, which required only to be understood, to allay the jealousies 
 
 nf "o«r?' ^"' * * v"* '? ""^"""^^d, between the differen secS 
 of our country. Tour's respectfully, 
 
 T. FULLER. 
 
 'ml • 
 ill 
 
^m 
 
 tF, 
 
 From the National Intelligencer of 3ist August, 1822. 
 
 . To the Editors of the Ifational Intelligeijcer. 
 In U)« Richmond Enquirer of the 27th Auirust lfl99 tu^^^ ,. 
 puW.8hed a letter fron, \r. Floyd tp the edttofs of thTpapeTi« 
 
 tK^ertio^'^K'""''* *•**? ^"".V* '^' "'*'^»«' which he didTak7! 
 tT?« nfT^ °" -^ urreauivocally pronounces to be utterly desti 
 
 ae«!l^^h!rfK *"• '*^ri!'* Rejoinder, thus referred to, must have 
 seep that the name of Mr. Floyd is not so much as mentioned in it 
 
 Sv tdi,^''Jr'"^5*"°lf /'If r^*" °^*^« Resolution. onlvTa 
 •ay, that when Mr, Russell left the City, on the fifth of May I ore, 
 sumed he knew that the call for the letter would not beYenewed 
 by h.m. I have said that the call of the House of the 1 9th of 
 Apr.1, was made at Mr. Russell's instance or suggestion and that it 
 was ppocured by him. My vouchers for this assertion, are he 
 
 frJtr.?T°l.f!?"- *^"'''"" ''•"««'^ *» ^'' B''«"t «nd Mr. Bailey! 
 as attested iq their statements-trom the latter of which it appeara 
 
 5?'^ S* ^^f *^'' ^'- ^""«"'« Jitter was procured by him na£er 
 
 th«t if h ' r^'^** ^^' ^"''*" '^^^""«^ «^^*n«. t«"'ng Mr. FloVd 
 that If he wished a copy, be must move a call for it. Mr Flovd 
 has not denied this to be fact. If he did deny it, the question wouW 
 be upon the verity of Mr. Russell's assertL Tnd^"„Tof S^ 
 
 Tde tJiheTiSi^^** ^"«J^' "I^^y" *° characterize asserTon^ 
 precei? S T fev^ '" t ^f fP'^ »'»P':««ed as I could be by the 
 precept 01 Mr. Hoyd, or by his example. ♦. 
 
 W..hu,gtP,. 30th A„gu«, ,833. '"^""^ ^^'^^^ A^^S, 
 
 V. Further Remarks upon Mr. Floyd's Letter to the Edifor, of the 
 
 Richmond Enquirer. 
 
 The impartial editors of the Richmond Enquirer, in repubfish- 
 ,ng this letter of mine to the editors of the National iLuKcer 
 r2>elling the charge of Mr. Floyd, annexed to it a note o^S 
 Skiff's ^Pi'*''i"''^°\P°'"<*'* °"* •" °»y letter between the 
 
 wh rrl^/*/J''^'''f '^ '^^ "^!' *^^»»»« "°»»e of Representative, 
 which resulted from it, a nice distinction. 
 
 u jr**''f?**^"f ?° r^ *•'" '■ ^^' ^'°y*' had accused me of having, 
 regardless of feehnp or opinions, boldly and confidently reiterati 
 
 « ri '"^^Z Rejoinder, that Mr. Russell bad procured him. CMr, 
 Floyd,) to sqbserve h,8 (Mr. Russell's,) p«r;,o,«, and make the 
 call 10 the House which he did make." And upon thisaccusa. 
 
-'Tijir'^w'- 
 
 If 1 had «8,ertedf Zod/v ofMrZ^fZ'1 "f 'j;"^' 
 puted to me, he woufdhlTJhJ'' ^'''^''' **•"' ^'''c*> *>« >ti^' 
 
 sertioD. and oderUs truth hi^K*"**" '°.*»'^* ««'*"^« «* the 5 
 House, adopted upon hu^l.:^„!' ^^^ •"-«'-«°'> that the call of tS» 
 
 neither ia^^Z tha? Mr Flovd hnTrnT?'**' ^^ ^'- '^'"••'H' 
 Mr. Ru^eJl's purposes n^^^^ h.maejf ,„b,„„^„^ ^^ 
 
 justly take offeEce.^ The factSih7did 1 "? *''' '^'^y** '^'^"M 
 call for Mr. Russell's letter had bpL ^aTu'- '''""*•>'' **»«» *»>« 
 w not denied by Mr Flovd anj .s trl ?. " T** '"gK^^'-'OD, 
 to me an assertfon that iTad^ot made Iha m7V."'^'^ 'fT^"* 
 hii-aself ground to stand imnn iJ^T ■ ■ * '^y** '^o"''! make 
 truth upSn my asseS ^ ' '" '^''''^'"^ '"J"^'*^« ^° '^''°' ««d un, 
 
 ^rtnire^i^rr^rrr'^^h'^"^^^^ ^-"-^ ^- 
 
 thought, that Mr. Flofd ac^edl .1, ' ' , T^^^^ '"^^''t. nor 
 Russln/ I knew hirdXTeror;^ oCMr, 
 
 were applicable to «»« thnp/., * * "*•' *°' '«'' as the» 
 
 impote. was, the m>k ,,Zin <4W«„ IM' .'L""" 'r'""' «» 
 
 less reason couldVehaTe/or^;^:^ "*'» 
 
 cause to use the term, as applicable to Mr Fuller than it i^" 
 apphcab e to him. His rail nf lOfk a ."'"''' ^"^'^ * "*^» «■ 
 gested to himT Mr RuLlf %^^lt^' d"* *?!'" directly gug- 
 
 1 
 
i50 
 
 Miret) by any other member : but I neither nsfced Mr. Ftiller not 
 any other member to renew it. 1 did not, therefore, procure Mr. 
 Fuller, to renew the call and if I can be said to have procured the 
 «pll, moved for by him, it was only by the expression of a general 
 wiahto him, as to many others, that the papers should be commu- 
 nicated to the HoNse ; a wisb which had already been made known 
 to (he House by the me|i«age of the President. 
 
 Nothing offensive to Mr. Floyd was intended by me in my Re- 
 joinder, nor, if he had been governed by his own maxim, could he 
 have seen any thing offensive to him in it. Rut there is one thing, 
 at least, in which there is, between Mr. Russell and Mr. Floyd, a 
 tommunity of purpose : that of assuming an attitude of defence, for 
 Ibe purfipsc of making an attack upon me. 
 
 Mr. Floyd, in the p.iblication here alluded to, has indulged him- 
 ■elf in many reflections and insinuations against me, which, having 
 BO relation to (he subject of this controversy, I deem it most respect- 
 ful to the public to pass over in silence. I bear no enmity to Mr. 
 Floyd. Having no personal acquaintance with him, 1 can have no 
 feelings towards him, other than those excited by his conduct as a 
 pablic man, which is open to my observation as mine is open to 
 
 There had been a time when, upon a critical occasion, in which 
 tay public conduct was not a little involved, Mr. Floyd, still m^re 
 wiknown to me than at present, had in the House of Represent- 
 atives taken a part which had given him claims to my esteem-r-per- 
 fcaps to my gratitude. His conduct and opinions then, were doubt- 
 less actuated exclusively by public motives, and without reference 
 at all to me — yet I was grateful to him for his support of a cause 
 which it had also been my duty to defend : the cause of a hero, 
 upon whose public services was invoked the public censure of bis 
 country.* 
 
 Whatever were his motives for moving the first call for the 
 Ghent papers, or the second, for Mr. Russell's letter, as he thereby 
 only exercised his right as a representative of the people, I could 
 take no exception to it. There were no ties of private friendship 
 between Mr. Floyd and me, which made his case different from 
 that of Mr. Russell ; and if he had received his impression of the 
 transactions at Ghent from representations such as those of Mr. 
 Kossell's lett^, he might, without impropriety, move a call for the 
 papers, for the purpose of bringing the whole subject before Con- 
 gress, and the nation, and of exposing what he might deem to be my 
 misconduct in the transaction, even though it should have no bear- 
 iHg upon his bill for the occupation of Columbia river. 
 
 By his publication in the Richmond Enquirer, he seems desirous 
 of being understood to disclaim any otker purpose in moving the 
 
 • See the Debate in the House of RepresentaUves, on the Seminole War, 
 February, 1819, Mr. Floyd's Speech, I 
 
2H 
 
 mat bill— yet Irft dwclaimcr is not explicit. 
 
 w.AV*!lf P;®"*''"f •«*"«" o^" Congrew, as Chairman of a Comtak- 
 teeof the Houte of Reprtwntatives. he hud raad« a report recoaL 
 mendmgthe e.tabh«hinent of a territory at the mouth of Columbine 
 mer. He now states, that at that time, in convewal.oo at CI 
 lo^mgs with some of his friends, upon the subject oflhatreuoT. 
 
 wealth to be derived from that trade in the Canton market and 
 the pract.c«b,litv of supplying the valley of the M^wTssipJi w' h he 
 manuiactures ortbat route, one gentleman observed, that the JV i«! 
 •iss pp, had been discussed at Ghent, and from the chiracters of ha 
 genllemen engaged in it, there was a strong probabilitj th^if M 
 i%d had that correspondence he w<Hild Sbtain J^thingll^i 
 
 711 i?"*^n '" '*""• ^''°° '^y"'*'. *•« immediately deteiSne.l to 
 make the call, rs a proper mode of getting the papers, but alUv, 
 
 M If «7'"«*J to postpone the call until the next session. 
 
 Mr Fleyd has not informed the public, who it was that made the 
 suggestion to him, upon which he determined to call for the Ghent 
 correspondence ; but it was a person who knew that the Alississip. 
 
 Mr fIov? ".f^'"'**;' ''^^^^^^'■''l^ >*>«>. by suggetting this idea o 
 Mr.Hoyd. suTiciently manifested the disposition that the cor res- 
 pondence containing the discussion of the Mississippi at Ghent, 
 should be brought before the public. 
 
 io.^K^/*'^i?'''*"'*'J^*'**i **'" '°'S*'t be an occasion to obtain this ob- 
 ject, but where so much was known about the discussion of the Mis- 
 sissippi at Ghent, other purposes, besides the occupation of Co.' 
 lumbia river the fur trade, or the Canton market, were doubtless 
 oontempla ed in stiniulatiiig the call for the correspondence. I do 
 
 mI Tlovi*' K°T'''T, °^ r"** '"°^'''*"' '^ tbey ijere partaken by 
 Mr. Jloyd: but while influenced by them, he cannot claim the 
 privilege of impartiality, with reference to this inquiry, norshould 
 he have appealed to the public, as if he had been iniured by me 
 nn'Ti'o^ »t«t'nsthe fact, that the call of the House for Mr. Rus.' 
 
 hile f Kv J r? T'^^ ^•*[-' .*^« eusgeslion of Mi, Russell 
 himself. By Mr. f loyd's own showing, his first call for the Ghent 
 
 S^P m'; r VJ' fSg^'sted to him. He does not deny that the call 
 
 idde? e^r'th Vt"'"" '"^^ 'W''^ '^ »'™' ^^'J »•« "igbt have 
 ;„ ;! i' J M ' ^''^ n" .^^'"'"S ^"'■'^«''*> '» the Richmond Enquirer, 
 
 tha? pajeni' ' ' *"" '""^^'''"^ '" ^"'' ^^ ^^^ ^'^'^^^ ^^ 
 
 n.Jr!;^?of ^' now alleged by Mr. Floyd for his call of 17tb Ja- 
 
 nuap 1822, could not lead him to the suspicion, that there would 
 
 th-i r^ ?aT*""''% ? ^^^ Executive to furnish all the documenta 
 
 hat could be useful to him for his Columbia river bill ; nor does t 
 
 ndeed appear, that on the 16th of January, 1822, 'vhen he moved 
 
 £ «nl'^-ffi °?; •"" «"«P«*=t«^' o-- bad reason to suspect, there would 
 be any difficulty m obtaining all the papers upon the call. 
 
 * See fJie Richmond Enquirer of 2d Aogutf, 1822, 
 
• . « 
 
 fhc tM€ MeoM to have been different on the next day. Irfr, 
 Floyd then proposed to strike out from his resolution, the exception 
 <vf papers, which, in the opinion of the President, it migiit be im- 
 proper to disclose ; and to the demand for the correspondence, had 
 added that for the protocol. 
 
 The following observations of Mr. Floyd in this day's debate, 
 
 [I7th January^ 1822,] explaining his reasons for wishing for the 
 
 whoii correspondence, without excepting even such parts of it as in 
 
 the President's opinion it might be improper to disclose, are par- 
 
 (kalarly remarkable. He observed " that the bill which he had 
 
 •♦this day reported to the House, contemplated a considerable 
 
 *• change in the mtercourse with the Indian tribes, in the West ; and 
 
 **it appeared by the report of the Secretary of War, made yester- 
 
 •* day, that a great injlutnce was exerciied over those tribes by our 
 
 •• European neighbours in that quarter. The correspondence be- 
 
 # tween the commissioners at Ghent, embraced this subject among 
 
 « others, and he thought it was desirable that the House should be 
 
 ** in possession of the whole of it." 
 
 Mr. Floyd, in his recent publication, says that when the papers 
 were communicated to the House, in answer to this call, on exam* 
 iniog them, he could not find any thing he wanted ; but that he ex- 
 pected to find it in the letter of %. Russell, premised in his sepa- 
 TutB despatch of 25th December, 1814. He disclaims any inten> 
 tion, however, of calling for a private letter, and says, that if by 
 any proper act he could have prevented this affair, he would Itave 
 done so. Whether he found, in Mr. Russell's letter, when it was 
 communicated, any thing that he wanted, he has not said. There 
 was much touching the value of the Mississippi river, and much 
 about the influence exercised over those Indian tribes, by our Eu- 
 ropean neighbours in that quarter : the bearing of it, or of any part 
 of it, upon Mr. Floyd's bill for the occupation of Columbia river, is 
 not so perceptible as its bearing upon the object which he now 
 seems to disclaim. If he means to be understood to say, that he had 
 no other motive in calling for that letter than those that he has as- 
 signed in his recent publication, I should only regret that this paper, 
 when obtained, was so little suited to answer hi* expectations, or to 
 j;ive him the intormation of which he was in pursuit. 
 
 That he had other objects in view, it was certainly very natural 
 to believe, upon observing the earnestness with which he pressed for 
 the whole Ghent correspondence, without excepting such part as 
 the President might think it improper to disclose ; and upon com* 
 jparing I Is observations in the debate of 17th January, with the 
 eontents of Mr. Russell's letter. 
 
 His resolution of 19th April, called on the President (if not in- 
 jtirious to the public good) for any letter or communication, which 
 may have been received, from Jonathan Russell, after the signature 
 ttf the treaty of Ghent, and written in conformity to the indications 
 contained in his letter of 26th December, 1814. Although in this 
 call, tllere is neither qualification of the character of the letter oc 
 
253 
 
 tonmunkation, whether public or private of thm /*«- ^u* < 
 
 ^person by «Ao«». it n.i«ht haveV.n r-olived — T *?' °° !J!^ 
 
 der the first call of 17th Jacuarv rth« ?!» i ! *"""" "."* 
 first rtnd apron.! rail hi k \i .^' . *"* ^o**"^*' between the 
 
 •nee, and secondly, that this letter of Mr R..«2ii »k ij ^ 
 
 before Congress, (here cm\LTe6ly^n^^^^^^ 
 
 gard to the correspondence, mv wish to tra.SfJ if ^'^^ '*' 
 
 pnrnoaf frnm *K« k A. "'^ .'''"'' '^ gratify him was the more 
 
 thT.!i K« *''?,^P«' ^¥^ whatever might be his motive for 
 the call, he would be convinced there was none in the eiZtivI 
 for conceahnent. As to Mr. Russell's letter, be?ore I S^^^J! 
 
 jr^^VrZtr^iirr^^^^^^ 
 
 c^^vindi^^^^^ 
 
 Mr. Floyd, when he says that I procured Mr Pnii«- t^ u 
 a., call (of 7,h May,) wjch he, M^r. pl^ylt/d" U,ed f"l' 
 
 turned upon them w.th a charge of having caused the paU^t's 
 death by omUtmg to administer foxglove, a remedy known to L 
 uited for h.s disease. Thus Mr. Floyd, after moving caU for 
 Lr.M rV^r"' ^"bout excepting even such as thf Pres lent 
 might think It improper to disclose ; after moving a second cSl for 
 any Utter or communication, unless injurious to the pubhc Jood 
 which may have been received from Mr. Russell, on the suWecT 
 after manifesting the utmost impatience for the papers wrnot 
 sparing the excitement of suspidons that they wJuTd "4 «rb?ed 
 
 iirTffk *" ' "-T ^T' "P^'' '"^ ^°' concurring wUh him^n the 
 wish, that they might all be produced, and impute! iTall to^ ierire 
 on my part of getting into the newspapers. ^ 
 
 .^nlr** "l'?*°u^^® newspapers, but before the House of Reprc 
 sentaUves, that the motion of Mr. Fuller was adapted to bring me- 
 and It was at the call of Mr. Floyd, with the concurHng"m"n<i 
 
5Sfi4 
 
 agency of Mr. RusselU that I had been summoned there. Under 
 their anipices, I should have been introduced like a convict of tbd 
 inquisition, with my sentence upon my breast. My own wish was 
 to appear with the accusation against me, and my defence for the 
 House to judge upon both. If Mr. Floyd had then reason to de- 
 sist from his call, I had the more reason for wishing it renewed. 
 
 It was Mr. Russell, too, who chose to go into the newspapers, 
 first by publishing his triplicate in Philadelphia, and then his reply, 
 in the Boston Statesman. It was with extreme reluctance that I 
 followed him into that field, and I took the earliest opportunity of 
 withdrawing from it, until called there again by Mr. Floyd. 
 
 If Mr. Jefferson himself, the patriarch of the revolution, the 
 immortal author of the Declaration of Independence, in the re- 
 tirement r-f private life, in the last stage of his illustrious career, 
 surrounded by the gratitude and veneration of his country, justly 
 thought it not unworthy of himself, to meet twice in the newspa- 
 pers, the accusations of a nameless " Native of Virginia," because 
 they struck at his honour, I hope it will be imputed to no thii-st for 
 newspaper contention, if I, who in comparison with him am but of 
 yesterday, but holding a public trust, for which dishonour is dis- 
 qualification, have met in the public journals, the con iirring and 
 persevering, though variously pretexted and modified, attacks of a 
 native of Massachusetts and a native of Virginia, both supported by 
 their -names, both acts of men, honoured themselves with public 
 confidence, and both tending, if not intended, to rob me of that 
 good name, without which to me public trust would be a reproach 
 and exiiitence itself but a burthen. 
 
 The perusal of Mr. Russell's duplicate disclosed to me the mys- 
 tery ofruiii which had been brewing against me, from the very day 
 after the signature of the treaty of Ghent. It was by representa- 
 tions like those of that letter, that the minds of my fellow citizens in 
 the West, had for a succession of years been abused and ulcerated 
 against me. That letter, indeed, inculpated the whole majority of 
 the mission at Ghent, but subsidiary slander had performed its part 
 of pointing all the guilt, and fastening all the responsibility of the 
 crime upon me. It was I who had made the proposal, and Mr. 
 Bayard, after assenting to it, had repented. Such were the tales 
 which had been for years in circulation, and which ceased not to 
 be told, until after the publication of Mr. Russell's letters and my 
 remarks. Imputations of motives of the deepest infamy, were 
 connected with these aspersions, conveyed in dark insinuations, 
 and vouched for upon pretended ambiguous givings out of the 
 dead.* Several of the public journals from the first call of Mr* 
 Floyd for the Ghent papers, had caught enough of the oracular and 
 prophetic spirit, to foresee that it would result in my irredeemable 
 disgrace. The House of Representatives had called for Mr. Rus- 
 
 • See the Aurora, daily, for the last week in May, and the Richmond En- 
 quirer of *th June, 1822. 
 
i 'm m^m mm 
 
 255 
 
 wU'8 letter : Mr. Russell himself had furnished it, to be report^4 
 in answer to ifie call. Curiosity bad been potioned into eager- 
 ness for a sight of it, and of that eagerness Mr. Floyd had ex- 
 hibited no unintelligible share. If his only object was to obtain 
 information useful to him, with reference to the Columbia River Bill, 
 th? indexes to his mind, in the debate of the 17th of January, 
 1822, had mistaken their, direction. If he had another objedt, it 
 would have been candid to avow it then, and not to disavow it now, 
 Mr. Floyd says he will take no part in the controversy between 
 Mr. Russell and me. 1 should have had more reason to thank Mr. 
 Floyd for this profession of impartiality, if it comported better 
 either with the general tenor, or the particular import, of the pub- 
 lication in which it is contained. Mr. Floyd must not be allowed 
 at once to claim the rights of neutrality and to practise acts of en- 
 mity. The whole of his publication i Tull of hostility to me, as 
 inveterate as it was unprovoked : a neu al flag and a raking broad- 
 side are but indifferent vouchers for each other. Mr, Floyd now 
 comes forward in this controversy substantially as an auxiliary to 
 Mr. Russell, and as a pretext for it , he charges me with an asser- 
 tion which I never made, that he m; take it as personally offen- 
 sive to himself, and attack me under a colour of self-defence. I 
 never gave cause of oifence to Mr. Floyd, and if in the Ghent 
 papers for his profound researches touching the value of the Mis- 
 stssippi river, or the discussion of the Mississippi at Ghent, he 
 could not find any thing he wanted, the fault was not mine. It is 
 usual to look for information to places where it is likely to he found. 
 If an astronomer should point his telescope to the moon in search 
 of spots on the face of the sun, it would not be surprising if he 
 could not tind any thing that he wanted. 
 
 Mr. Floyd declares that he will not either in public or in private 
 refrain from commenting upon the public conduct and opinions of 
 any public man, who may be thought or may thin* himself entitled 
 to office. He adds that his opposition has silways been political 
 and directed by the ideas he entertains of the power which gentle- 
 men may think themselves entitled to exercise, under the constitution 
 of the United States. If, by these general expressions, Mr. Floyd 
 means any special reference to me, I have not the slightest objec- 
 tion to his commenting upon my public conduct and opinions, whe- 
 ther in public or private, while he will con6ne himself to that ex- 
 act verity, of which he has so sound a theoretic conception. I am 
 perfectly wilhngeven that he should take his Columbia River Bill 
 aa the text for a comment upon the discussion of the Mississippi at 
 Ghent. But if he comments upon the power which I may think 
 •myself entitled to exercise under the constitution of the United 
 States, from the ideas which he entertains of it, I shall only ask 
 the hearers to examine well the coincidence between my thoughts 
 and his ideas on the same subject. He says he looks upon the 
 ronstitution of the United States as containing expressed arants of 
 power, and cannot approve any opposite opinion. I hold no oppo- 
 
256 
 
 si^e opiniou, and if in his comments, public or private, Mr. Ployd 
 should impute to me that I do, I can only hope that his hearers will 
 . judge of my opinions as they are, and not according to the ideas of 
 them entertained by Mr. Floyd. 
 
 Mr. Floyd intimates that he shall hold me responsible not oniy 
 for every thing that I say of him, but for every thing that may be 
 said of him by persons in official stations under me. To the first 
 part of this determination I have no objection ; but he will excuse 
 me from holding myself responsible to him for what I do not say of 
 him, or for what may be said of him by any other man. The offi- 
 cial dependence of the subordinate officers of government, neither 
 in law, justice, or equity disqualifies them for the exercise of the 
 rights, nor absolves them from the responsibility of giving testimo- 
 ny ; and the credit due to that testimony, depends not upon official 
 station, but upon individual character. I called upon Mr. Brent 
 and Mr. Bailey for statements of facts, material in the controversy 
 l^etween Mr. Russell and me, and known only to them. They have 
 long held in the Department, offices of great trust and confidence, of- 
 fices for which no other than men of perfect integrity and unsullied 
 reputation could be qualified. They are not personally known to 
 Mr. Floyd ; and I do him the justice to believe, that if they had 
 been, he would have spared some of his reflections. But they are 
 extensively known to others, and wherever known, are respected. 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.> 
 
 PAVIS & FORCE, PRINT. 
 
 I 
 
*"J.WM | l«|n,il ' l | ij i p. i L 
 
 "I II.IWWI 
 
 B B I |W"H » 1 1 WI J H| 
 
 •m^i: 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 urnojtvcrtotii 
 
 Page. 
 3 
 
 Debate in House of Representatives of the D. S. ITth Januarr 1824. 
 From tlie National Intelligencer, 
 
 CORRBSPOWDBWCB WHICH LBD TO THIS TBEATT OP GHERIT 
 
 JExtract, from the Journal of the House of Representatives of the Unit- 
 ed States, of the 16th and 17th January, 1822, 
 
 Mr. Floyd's Resolutions calling for the Ghent Corres'^ndenco,.'.'.' 
 
 Message from the President of the United States to the House, trans^I! 
 t,„g the Correspondence, 2lFeby.I822. 
 
 Report of the Correspondence to the President of the United States by 
 the Secretary of State, , ' 
 
 American Note No. 6, in answer to British Not'eNo/v^'wNov* I8l7' 
 
 Project of a Treaty sent with the above Note ' 
 
 Rritish Noto, No. 7, *9fi'w*",".T** 
 
 » . , , ' ' • 26 Nov'r 1814. 
 
 l-roject of a Treaty as returned with this Note 
 
 Extract of a Law of the United States, passed July 6. 1812. 
 
 British Note,No. 8, .. . ^ ' ^"•••/V*"' 
 
 Protocol of ^onferlnce 30 Nov'r 1814, 
 
 Protocol of Conference, jq^^V J^^f' 
 
 Protocol of Conference ,^„ V . , » 
 
 American Note, No. 8 Z:ZZ""u^]^ 
 
 p^rrrf^rre^e,::::"'^^ 
 
 . . „, . ' •#..... 23Dec'rl814. " 
 
 American Plenipotentiaries to the Secretary of State of the 
 
 United States, 25n ' 1 
 
 Mr. Russell to the Secretary of State-Ext*rIcI,*.*.****,*.*.'.'*25Dlc'r ISU 
 
 Mr. Gallatin to the Secretary of State [ ././sDe'r llu 
 
 TUB Dt7PHCATE lETTERS AWD XHE REMAKS. ' 
 
 Extracts from the Journal of the House of Representatives of the Unit- 
 
 ed States, ,o , i« . 
 
 Mr ri„ ^, D , . 1» and 19. April, 1822, 
 
 Mr. Floyd's Resolution calling for Mr. Russell's Letter 
 
 Message from the President of the U. States to tl.e House.' * May, V8*22* 
 
 Report of the Duplicate to the President of the United 
 
 States by the Secretary of State, 3 jyj jggg 
 
 Extracts from the Journal of the House of Representatives' 
 
 of the United States, « ,»„ 
 
 ' 6and7May, 1822, 
 
 <Mr. Fuller's Resolution. 
 
 Kxtract from the National rnfBiii^o«o,., ,.f i-i.u , ,03^ 
 
 " c— '•'•'• •" ■'-ti« June, lozz 
 
 13 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 14 
 17 
 
 24 
 
 26 
 
 43 
 
 43 
 44 
 46 
 47 
 
 48 
 
 51 
 
 53 
 56 
 ST 
 
 59 
 59 
 B9 
 
 60 
 61 
 
 
 61 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page.. 
 t>ebateonMr. Fuller^s Resolution, ..• 64 
 
 Message from the President of the United States to the House, transmit- 
 ting the Duplicate Letters and the . Remajrks of the Secretary of 
 
 State, 7 May, 1832, 63 
 
 Report to the President of the United States of the Secretary of State's 
 
 Remarks, 68 
 
 Mr. RussclPs Private Letter to the Sec'y of State. Paris, ll Feb'y 1815, 6< 
 Duplicate, left 22 April, 1832, by Mr. Russell at tlie Department of State, 66 
 Remarks thereon, by John Quincy Adams 3 May, 1822, 88 
 
 VHX TRIPLICATB. 
 Extracts from the National Gazette. Philadelphia, lO and 25 May, 
 
 1822, 114,118 
 
 Mr. Russell's Reply to Mr. Adams. From the Boston Statesman, 27 
 
 June 1822, 119 
 
 Mr. Adams's Rejoinder. From the National Intelligencer of 17th July 
 
 and 7th August, 1822 138, 158 
 
 Mr. Brent's Statement, , 155 
 
 Mr. Bailey's Statement , l56 
 
 ITRTHER STRICTURES OTX MR. RCSSBLL^B REFRESGNTATIONB AND 
 
 STATEMENTS. 
 
 I. Navigation of the Mississippi — worthless to the British, .........•••.. 163 
 
 II. itight to the Fishing Liberties — Effect of War upon Treaties — Pecu- 
 
 liar character of the Treaty of 1783, 182 
 
 III. Fishing Liberties — Their Value, 202 
 
 Mr. Lloyd's Letter,.. 210 
 
 Nevk'foundlandMemoiial. From Niles's Register, of llJune,l8l4, 221 
 Extracts from Colquhoun's Treatise on the Wealth, Power, and 
 
 Resources of the British Empire, 223 
 
 Conclusion, 229 
 
 ArrEHDix. 
 
 I. Western Commentaries, ,. 232 
 
 Extract from the Argus of Western America. Fratflcfort, Keniucky, 
 
 18 July, 1822 233 
 
 Remarks on the above Extract,.. 234 
 
 II. Mr. Floyd's Letter— Richmond Enquirer of 27 August, 1822, 243 
 
 III. Mr. Fuller's Letter— Boston Patriot of 4 September, 1822, 2*7 
 
 IV. Mr. Adams's Answer to Mr. Floyd's Letter — National Intelligencer 
 
 f 31 August, 1822, 248 
 
 V. Further Remarks upon Mr. Floyd's Letter, ...^... 248 
 
T" '" ■ " >■■< 
 
 I* 
 
 KIIUATA. 
 
 Page 13, 
 18, 
 20, 
 2*, 
 
 25, 
 46, 
 
 71, 
 71, 
 
 77, 
 
 ~7, 
 
 f8, 
 
 86, 
 
 87, 
 
 108, 
 
 117, 
 
 12!, 
 
 121, 
 
 130, 
 
 133, 
 
 147, 
 
 152, 
 
 161, 
 
 200, 
 
 221, 
 
 line 5, for " arcady," read " already •' 
 last line bi,t one, for " boimdarifs," read " countries '» 
 hne 24, for " article," read '• article » """*"". 
 25, for "ratification," read "ratifications." 
 \V [°r"«ogotintiOMs,"read "negotiations." 
 i, from the bottom, for " plenipotiaries," -^ead "plei,U 
 potentiaries." , * P'eni? 
 
 20, towards tlie endj strilie out "the." 
 2J, for "dependant," read "depe.ident," 
 
 32, at the beginning of the line, add "from." 
 last hne but one, for " grant to," read "grant or.'» 
 Ime37, before "negotiation," add "of the" 
 31, for "then," read "than." 
 24, for " only," read " ably." 
 3 from the bottom, for ."rating," read «catin«." 
 J from the bottom, for "oity,"re8d "rity." 
 a, for "conference, read "conference " 
 
 2? '^^°";'i'^^«""'"'^'''-!:P''°P"«nty,>'read "propriety 
 ■ii, at the beginning, strike out " in '» t t" 
 
 12, for "orignal," read "original." 
 
 16, for " them," read " it." 
 
 6, for "9th," read "8th." 
 
 12, for «'24tb," read "25th." 
 
 *. after '<oj)inioi(,''inFrii " iipo;,."