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" And that true North, whereof we lately heard A straiu to shame us : ' Keep you to yourselves ; So loyal is too costly ! friends — your love Is but a burthen : loose the bond, and go.' Is this the tone of empire ? * * 1* •p T V V 1* * * ' The loyal to their crown Are loyal to their own far sons, who love Our ocean-empire with her boundless homes For ever-broadening England." Tennyson m\, C themselves warm perennially at the other end of the world, nor even in less remote portions of the empire, if they are left, as it were, to feed upon themselves. The prevention of thi.*;, as regards Canada, is what we desire. These feelings want mutual benefit, well-sustained inter- course, adequate protection, recognition and esteem to support them, the expectation of continuity to support them ; and v/hat tie, what bond of union inore calculated to secure thet,e results than intimate political union, based on such principles as we may rely would prevail in its formation ? There is no doubt that our relations with our great Colonies generally caimot remain as they now stand. Their connection with the mother country has a tendency to become either closer, or loss close, than it ji 2 Aly I'mjiosul. T<1ty (if t.lio CdlDiiuii (,;• III'- liiHy. 8 CANADA AND TIIK FMI'IIIF. Tue -('^tsp ('un.iilii. The trnn rolo uial queHtion. now is — Btronj^cr, ninro intimate, morn citrtliftl than it now is — or tlu! revursn. Straiij^o to say, as if Jiatural inlliuiuajs w(!re not actinj; quickly cnouph, the tendency of Enj^lish governmental action, and tlio influence of the merely money-loss-or-j^ain opinions of several sections of English jjoliticians, have certainly of late not been in the direction of increased cohesit)n and adhesion — the contrary. The j^ood sense of the people, liowever, has put this matter right. It 1ms heen laade clear that the English people would regard the loss of Colonial territory, not to si)eak of the breaking up of our Colonial empire, as an enormous blunder and calamity. With the instinct of a dominant race thoy understand what its effect would 1)e upon the position of CreaL .'Britain among the nations of the world. They foresee tliat such disintegration raiist ultimately lead to a large decrease of that glory and usefulness which oven the most un-English Englishman secretly thinks of as belonging, in part, and some very ap[,(eciable part too, to himself individually, as an Englishman; not to speak of the wrong wo should be doing, by aban- doning, as derelict, the extraordinary opportunities which the Almighty, as far us we may judge, has specially allotted to our nation. „f What I have said of the Colonies generally may be said of Canada in particular. It is impossible to over-estimate the loyalty and good feeling of the Canadians, of whatever race. But we must, nevertheless, admit, that for the reason just stated, the connection of Canada with the mother country will either become more settled, deep-rooted, and strong — or the reverse. The alternative is inevitable. 1 will not speculate on her future if abandoned by p]ngland ; but, whatever that future might be, it is certain that England would suffer in power, prestige, and pocket, more than if Canada had remained part of the empire. I listened lately to a debate in the House of Commons, in which it was roundly denied by an advocate of tilings as they are, that there is such a thing in British politics as "a Colonial question." There is such a question ; and T will tell you broadly what it is, as regards Canada, and what it will be, as regards other great Colonies. It consists in the overjxjwering fact that a great community of Englishmen will not consent, for any long time, to occupy a merely municipal position. It is in accordance with human nature, and particularly with English human nature, that such a community should desire to spread, at first hand, its own principles and ideas, and advance their practical developement and acceptance in as direct a manner as possible, among the nations of the world. Canada is a municipality. The sense of exclusion, the want of weight, is deeply felt in Canada at th'j present time. The best among the younger men feel crippled, abashed. There is among them a sense of fetterei^ strength in the comparative inability to hold forth to the world, in i, aonal individuality, the practical em- bodiment of their teachings. Ireland and Scotland do this to some extent through the British Parliament. Canada has no such opportunity, and, therefore, feels dispirited, delinquent. This feeling suggests to her fusion with the British Empire, not severance from it. CANADA AND TIlK KM! IKK 9 t A^;aiii, in consitloria;^ my jiroiiusaj, ihi- iucmi'iiI asiiect of the civilisuil p*,''Jj"a„j world must be rocojziniseti. SpeuUcin and writers Iiavo indeed iKjiuted lug. out, ill a general way, the vast protective in'.jKjrtauco of a Rathcriug of IinixTJal resources under sonio arrangoniont, such as may possibly be opalty unlearned, honour untaugkt." As regards the United States, whicli Mr. Gladstone referred to, let mo remind you that until the trans-continental railway was made the quicl^cst comnnmication between the Atlantic and Pacific States was for letters IH to 19 days, and for passengers 21 to 24 days. The country passed through a terrible civil war, yet the Federal Government business in the Pacific States went on as usual. The railwa;*' has shortened the time of communi- cation now to about a week, weather permitting ; that is to say, has made the commiiiiication between the extreme eastern and extreme wostcn'n States of the Union, just about what it is, or will soon be, between England and Canada. A good ro!igh test of the value of means of communica- tion for governmental purposes is the timo. tiiat would be occupied in sending an army from one point to another of the territory of a nation. There seems httle doubt, judging by the teachings of the Franco- Germnn war, that an equipped army could be transported more quickly and comfortably between England and Canada than between the Atlantic and IVcific States of the Union. The Atlantic might be covered with ivsfiiate central steamboats, but a few single rails only will stretch across the desolate centre of tl;c United States. Yet, as above said. Government business goes on well between the east and west of the United States ; and I say that whot is possible under their political constitntion can be done under ours. I turn Mr. Gladstone's argument against himself, and adduce the United States' example in favour of my proposal instead of against it. It matters little whether a Member of Parliament is carried over the water or over the land to his place of bnsiness, and a day or two more or less on his journey is of no consequence. I would rather have tho disadvantage of our sea Atlantic than of the land Atlantic v^lnch they have within the United States. I dare say some of you have travelled across that country, and know what is seen west of the Otli parallel. When yuii get west from Omaha, the settlements l)ecomc .scarcer and more primitive; you .see long stretches of wild prairie. irniiiii of the United iStates. only here and thcic broken by scattered cornfields. At length agri- CANADA AND THE EMPIRE. rs culture totally ceases; the landscape is a barren solitude; the grash becomes thinner, and the appearapce of a tree rarer. Journeying' on- ward, tlie morning shows tlie same scenery which night had veiled— the same barren plain, broken only by rocky banks, the same thin vegeta- • tion. By-and-by the desert comes in view— a level plain as far as" the eye can reach, covered with a white crust of alkali like a snow-field. Hour after hour is passed without a break in the monotony. Upon the whole then, for many reasons applicable on both sides of yy^ the Atlantic, we are unable to let matters rest, or to let them drift, as stand Htiu!"""' Lord Melbourne might have proposed, because if wo do so, they will move on without us, and take a direction unfavourable to our mercantile and national prosperity. It is possible that less advanced steps, and less extensive change, may be proposed and perhaps adopted, but these minor and more hesitating measures would, I think, but precede the eventual change which we advocate. The course of legislation in this country has for a considerable time been becoming from necessity more and more Imperial in its scope. It seems almost like continuing a man in boys clothes to keep the England, present and to come, within the limits of the same machinery as the more contracted instrumentality hitherto found sufficient, or, I should rather say, usable. AVo seem now to be in a position not, in many respects, unlike the position once occupied by England when an entire and permanent imion with Scotland was found to be essenti.^l to the peace, safety, and happi- ness of both kingdoms ; only in place of the England of that time, we now have to put Great Britain and Ireland ; and in place of the Scot- land of that time, we have to put one or other of our great deiiendencies —I suggest Canada. I limit my proposal to Canada, though the question onco raised is like many otI)tr questions ; it raises others which, with yimilar clain.s, promise similar nnd increased advantages. It is not fi-om any levity of estimation, nor from any neglect of due investigation, that I ask you to buar in mind that the incorporation of Canada is my object at present. This may, or may not be, the first instalment of a more abundant union of British territory, full of pro- mise for good in the world. I am not required, and am probably unable to siieak for otlier communities, which are well able to make plans and to speak for themselves. Well, then, having regard to these weighty facts which I have brought to your notice, and bearing in mind, especially, that legislation and administration are strictly matters of business, in arranging which all theory should be avoided, it seemed to us desirable to seek for some remedial arrangement that should be in harmony with the historical experience, and with the expectations of the British people. ' Ve asked ourselves the question, whether nothing could be found in the wide experience of the empire to help us in this matter. Upon reflection, it appeared that the proix)sal I have named to you Union «.f Eng. Avould ])robably meet the case ; that is to say, the proposal to form aii If"'' "'"' ««;otian<> incorporating vnion ivith Canada, and to adopt, as far as may be dcnt.^"^ '"'*^' suitable, the Canadian political system/or England, Inland, Scotland, 14 CANADA AND THE EMPIllE. Stick to prcce dcut£. and Canada. The naion of England and Scotland, as before observed, is a good precedent for our guidance, and so is the formation of the Dominion of Canada. The practical character of this present proposal, and the probability that it would really remedy grievous ills that exist, and others that arc imminent, are viewed by me with confiding satisfaction and hopeful- ness, principally because I know how matters work in Canada, and because I am practically acquainted with the questions involved in the union with the Dominion, of provinces which had not at first joined it. I am aided greatly also by the teaching of history. There is a remarkable similarity in the proceedings of the English and Scotch Commissioners who settled the terms of union between England and Scotland in Queen Anne's time, and in the proceedings of the statesmen who agreed to the formation of the Dominion of Canada in the reign of Queen Victoria. The same questions appear in the protocols, and are discussed in almost the same order. They appeared again whenever a colony joined the Dominion which had not at first joined it. I hoj)e to see these old well-worn questions once more considered within my lifetime by the Commissionsrs who may arrange for practically carrying out the proposal which I advocate. Our descendants may hear similar questions discussed between Hindoos and Brito: iS of one empire. I point with hopefulness to these facts, and particularly to the fact that the Canadian political constitution has been tried, which goes far with us practical, precedent-loving Britons. We love to do as our fathers did. We approve the tentative process by which, in nearly everything national, this country has advanced. We liave been accus- tomed to take a step, and give it an almost wearisome test of practical advantage before we take another. Our people generally would, I think, with difficulty be persuaded to any other habit. Well, then, let us turn our eyes for a moment to the joivceed in gs in the case of union hctwuen Fncjland and Scotland. The great majority of the Scotch people at first desired rather a federal than an incorporating union, because Scotland was an ancient kingdom, and the people thought Ihat an incorj.orating union with Engl.'ind would imply a surrender of their national independence. This obstaele wns the chief obstacle to the long projected union, which had been naturally suggested by the union of the two crowns in one person. I'vorociiitigH in Opinion, lunvever, in time favoured the idea that nothing but an entire oi"^ kiiKliiiHi iiiid union of tlie two kingdoms w^uld ensure perfect and lasting friendship acotiaud. between th-ni. When Scotland agreed to this, it was considered that nothing remained but to adjust details ; not, as it turned out, a very easy matter, for many conflicting interests had to be harmonised, and deep-rooted prejudices to be overcome. First came the fiscal question of the apportionment of the public burdens between a wealthy ition loaded with debt, and a poorer and less indebted nation. It was argued that equal taxation over the United Kingdom would be ui.'just, as Scotland would be compelled to CANADA AND THE EMPIllE. 15 1 contribute towards the extinction of a dobt which Scotlaiul hfid not incurred. England objectcid to this, that any great exemption in favour of Scotland would have the effect of transferring most of the trade from England to Scotland. The way in which this dilficul*- question was settled was as follows : — The English Commissioners considered equality of taxation a neces- sary condition of an entire and permanent union. They regarded this as a vitally important element in the treaty. Accordingly, they pro- posed that there should be the same customs, excises, and all other taxes, and the same prohibitions, restrictions, and regulations of trade throughout the United Kingdom. Recognising, however, that this would be hard upon Scotland at first, owing to the poverty of the country, they at once anticipated objections by oflfcring compensation in money for the sacrifices which the arrange- ment might demand from Scotland. The general principle of this proposal was accepted by the Scottish Commissioners, but at their request the matter was discussed in detail. In diis subsequent dis- cussion, the Scottish Commissioners could not help suggesting that some limit should be fixed beyond which the amount of taxation upon Scotland could not extend. To this the English Commissioners made reply that it could not be supposed that the Parliament of the United Kingdom would ever lay any other burdens upon the Uniied Kingdom than were for the good of the whole, and to allow any other supposition would set up an unanswerable argument against the Union itself. The end of it was, that what was called an equivalent to Scotland was agreed upon. The equivalent for that portion of the customs and excise of Scotland which would be npphcable to the liquidation of tho English debt was calculated, and found to be about 400,000Z. The debt of England Avas then about 18,000,000?. It was calculated that of every lOOOZ. a year of additional customs duty levied in Scotland, 7921. would go to pay the debt with which England was burdened, and of every additional lOOOZ. of excise duty levied in Scotland, about 625/(. would go in payment of the debt of Faighind. The "equivalent" was intended as compensation to Scotlai'd for submitting to this burden, The pressure of the Land-tax in Scotland also was modified, owing to the low rentals in Scotland as compared with England, and various exemptions from duties were granted temporarily to Scotland, for instance on salt, coals, windows, &c. A further agieement was, that the additional taxes levied in Scotland after union should, for seven years, be applied to tho encouragement of Scottish manufactures, fisheries, and to other useful national objects. Another great subject of discussion between the English and Scottish Conmiissioners was the Parliamentary representation. It is considered in Scotland that the Scottish Commissioners did not stand out with firmness on this matter. They argued that the true basis of rep.e- sentation was population, not wealth, and that the Scotch people formed 16 CAKADA AND TIIP: EMPIKE. PiocoedlnRS at formation of !)o- luiuion of Caiit'.da. a sixtli jiart of the populfttion of the island, and so forth. Tlio English ftrgument was that the number of Scottish rejiresentatives ought to be in proportion to the amount contributed by Scotland to the public burdens of the State. A number was fixed upon finally, as a compro- mise, without reference to any principle of representation. I need not describe farther the particulars of this Treaty, of which, on its ratification. Queen Anne, in her speech to Parliament, said it was a matter of the greatest importance to the wealth, strength, and safety of the whole island, and at the same time a work of so much difficulty and nicety in its own nature that all attempts for above a hundred years had proved ineffectual. As already said^ very much the same discussions as those hetvfeen the I'Jnylish and Scottish Commissioners took place between the delegates of the North American Colonies, who considered the question of the forma- tion of the Dominion of Canada a few years ago. The main proposal, that is, the desirability of uniting these colonies to the fullest extent permitted by circumstances, was opposed by none. But many different interests had to be reconciled, more perhaps than would have to be reconciled in incorporating England and Canada. Many matters had to be taken into account in order to prevent any one of the colonies from suffering by union with the others. The wealth, trade, popula- tion, resources, debts, &c. of the provinces had to be compared. In proportion to the population. Nova Scotia had the greatest revenue ; Canada and New Brunswick, the greatest debts. The expenditure of Canada, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland, was greater in proportion than that of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. The difficulties of detail, in fact, were very great, but it would be impossible to describe these here. An in,a;cnious plan was followed to arrange the money affairs of the provinces, so as to be just to all. Finally an union was accomplished. I recommend to your perusal the narrative of the " Debates on Confede- ration," which fills a volume of more than 1000 pages. It will explain the difficulties of the proposal, and show the good sense and patriotism of your fellow-subjects in Canada, who overcame these difficulties and gave us a valuable political precedent for our guidance. The Scottish and the Canadian piocedents will give some idea of the kind of work involved in the present proposal to incorporate Great Britain, Ireland, and Canada. Without these precedents 1 could not have ventured to bring the proiwsal within the domain of practical ])olitics ; but having something to build upon in these great precedents, 1 hoi)ed that the practical wisdom and sense of our political men and of our people generally would soon guide them, in conjunction with the loading members and people of the Dominion, in adjusting the necessary details. I have already said that I do not pro^wse to enter minutely into details at present. Details must be taken up and considered in due coui-se, after -we have arrived at some agreement on the general question. Any other method of treating so extensive a subject would lead to cc'-fusion. I trust you arc disposed to agree with me that CANADA AND THE EMriliR. 17 the proiK)sal which I mako would act triply in beneficial and needful directions. It would bind to us more securely our almost English Canada. It would be the first instalment perhaps of a more abundant union, full of promise for f^ood, and it certainly would harmonise with the relief of our present Parliament. Still, though these are the main points on which I wish to satisfy you, and though I do not profess to regulate details in this address, yet I think you may expect I'rom me some con- siderable statement of my views on the money or fiscal question, which is one of the main questions that will have to be considered. The arguments used at the time of the English and Scottish Union would be again used in this case, but the decision would have to be different, I think, in some respects. The main questions would be : — " The liability of Canada to pay a portion of the annual taxation needed for the interest of the national debt, which Or eat Britain is no^o liable for." " 2Vie future supremacy of the Imperial Parliament as regards Impe- rial Tariffs and other fiscal matters entrusted to it J" As regards the first of these questions, Cauada cannot, I think, be held liable for any portion of the interest on our existing national debt. That debt, must be apiX)rtioned as provincial debts to England. Ireland, and Scotland, which at present bear its burden. For future Imperial debts, Canada, of course, would be liable as a part of the empire. The accomplished fact of Canada being now entirely Iree from the existing national debt of Great Britain and Ireland at once militates strongly against the idea of her liability for it. It is one tiling to bear a burden, and another thing to return to it, or bend down \oluiitarily to receive it as a fresh load upon the shoulders, particularly when the debt is so enormous. Apart from this consideration, there are valid and just reasons why Canada should continue unburdened by our existing national debt. Large parts of this debt have been contracted, it is true, for wars wholly unprofitable to England, and wholly unnecessary. On the other hand, a lar^e chare of our debt has been contracted for objects that liave cou- solidited our power, and have been greatly instrumental insecuriui;- the peace of Euro[)e, and thereby allowing and facilitating our extraordinary commercial prosperity. Many other advantages have followed. This much, at least, we may say, under our system of expenditure, approved or not approved, England has become a country offering immense advantages to her people. The vast external and internal trade of this wealthy island, the advanced stage of civilisation she has reached, the innumerable opportunities she presents for talent, capital, and perseverance, the wide-spread comforts and means of enjoyment she displays, are the sequel, and more or less the consequence, of her policy and her outlay. Tlie very fact of our immense debt, incubus as it is, has its advan- ta^i^es, as it affords a safe investn:;ent lor ca[)ital, and your heavy stock- Tlie Fiscal Ques- tiun. 18 CANADA AND THW KWriUE. Kiac«iQuwiion. holtlor is no moan supporter of the genius and cncrp;y of the country, and no mean employer of its industry. Our national ileltt is also a strong inducement to settled order and political moderation in tliis country — a country whose social organization cannot, from some points of view, be said to be very wholesome. Our debt, then, glad as we might be to be rid of it, has its favourable aspects, strange as at first sight it may apix'ar to say so, as well as the drawback of paying its interest. How can wc ask the Canadian to share the disadvantages, without Ids being able to share the advantages, as wc share tiiem, and still may share them ? From the nature of things, the Canadian cannot fully have the advantages in this matter which we have. The resident Englishman alone has the full benefit of these fixvourablc results, and for this benefit I think it is just that he should continue to pay the taxes required for the existing national debt of Groat Britain. The Canadian enjoys but in a very limited and remote degree a share of these specialities, and he should accordingly be free. As regards other money arrangements, I will advance no merely speculative theory, however good. I will do, as I have endeavoured to do from the beginning — I v/ill point to experience. Your attention shall be directed to" the actual arrangements with respect to Colonial debts at the formation of the several colonies into the Dominion of Canada. The following arrangement was agreed to, at the formation of the Dominion, with respect to the separate debts of the colonics which were to form the Dominion, .ad with respect also to future Dominion revenues. The Dominion took over the debts of the colonies as they stood at the date of the formation of the Dominion. The Dominion also takes the p\iblic vcvenues, but it pays to the Provinces certain fixed sums yearly to enable them to support their governments, and to i)lace the burden of the whole public debt and its interest, in equitable shares, upon the people of the several provinces. This arrangement would be suitable on incorporating Canada with us. I may here interpose the remark that the reasons which I advanced for not requiring Canada to share our existing debt did not apply to the case of the Dominion taking the debts of the colonies. The colonial territories formed an integral part of the whole country that was about to be embraced within the Dominion, and the inhabitants of each shared, more largely than in the case of Britain and Canada, the benefit of the general condition,' social, political, and othenvise, which prevailed throughout our North American territory. The reasoning, therefore, which supports the non-liability of Canada for the existing national debt of Great Britain, would in this respect be inapplicable to the case of the Dominion government in its dealings with the North American colonies. I would propose, then, that at the time of imion the Imperial Government should take over the public debt of the Donunion of Canada. For the future, the Imperial Government would receive the CANADA AND THK KMPinE. 19 with anccd )ly to olonial about larcd, ;fit of vailed rcforo, itional ic case erican public Imperial revenues ot the Imperial territoiy called Canada, just i''i3caUjucflUon. as it would receive those of the other Imperial provinces of Ent^land, Ireland, and Scotland. The Imperial Goverinnent wordd j)ay to thest; several [irovinces, or their provinciid subdivisions, ceilaiu hxed sums yearly for purposes just described. This is the actual system now working smoothly in Canada, which has provinces that will soon bo as populous as Scotland. The idea is not unfamiliar in Enjj;land, and would merely be an expansion of the plan by which a certain i)ortion of the Imperial revenue is handed over to local bodies as a subsidy towards the discharge of local expenses. Probably the fair way to adjust the amount of the payment from the Imperial Government to the provinces would bo to make it propo - tionate, as it is at present in Canada, to the number of the populativ^ x of the different provinces. I will now name some matter of fact and tangible good effects that would be produced by the adoption of the fiscal settlement which 1 have shadowed forth. All British goods, of which the Cauadlaais import very considerably, would be procurable by Canadians at a lower price 'han that for which they can now obtain them. Our almost unbounded opportunities for cheap production and manufacture in England would more and more benefit the Canadian consumer. He would be benefited also, jirobably, by the wider field that would be opened up for his benefit from English competition at home in producing for the Canadian market. This last- named benefit applies also to the advantage England would receive by the arrangement. It would be mutual. So also would be the benefits derived from opening and securing the trade of the Pacific, in addition to that of Central Canada. Tliese benefits would be mutual, but very specially in favour of Canada, owing to her geographical position. A certain section of the Canadian population, whose opinions arc entitled to grave consideration, would probably, at the first glance, object to my plan — I mean some of the manufacturers in Canada. They would say that in a comparatively new country, protective import duties were necessary for manufacturing interests. They could not compete witli the producing powers of a country so powerful in her manufacturing resources as England. Speaking of Canadian opinion generally, I believe the following to be an approximate estimate of Canadian opinion on the matter of import duties. The general opinion of Canada, at present, especially among the farmers of Ontario and the people of the maritime provinces, appears to be in favour of as much free trade as possible, but import duties for revenue necessities are not objected to. It is- thought that the present import duties should be gradually reduced, as fast as the exigencies of the country will permit. Even many Canadians, who are not thorough Free Traders, consider that the present moderate tariff is high enough to afford all the incidental CANADA ANl) THK F-Ml'inr. ! r iv'lucfti Question, protection roqiiircd. On tho wholo, then, Fn<.';li8li n.id Cuimdian opinion on tjiritr matters will bo found not to dilTor muclu But, as above said, tliore is a ro8[K!ctablo minority who nrpiuo that a certain amoimt of protection wonhl stimulate such manufactures as Canada is naturally tittcil to untlcrtuke, and would produce greater diver- sity of enipk-; L".it in the country. They say tliat the want of this variety of employment is one reason why youup; Canadians go to the States, This party would like the 20 per cent, tarilT list restored, with several alterations. They would balance the increase of duties on imported manufacturcvl goods by reducing tho duties on tea, sugar, spices, ami other articles of common use, which do not como into competition with manufactures that can be beneficially carried on in tho Dominion. The case of this minority, many of whom have made fixed invest- ments in the country, should be considered. The general reply I would give to this minority is that we must bear in mind that tho population of Canada, as a whole, is, and will be specially, an agricultural population. Its manufacturing interest, as compared with its agricultural interest, is not at present, and probably will not be, weighty enough to make it desirable to sacrifice, in any large degree, the latter to the former. Indeed it may be called a poli- tical and a social necessity not to do so, Tt is by no means my wish hero voluntarily to propose anything injurious to Canadian manufacture, but I am compelled to treat my subject as a whole. Should the fiscal arrangements I propose be made, it would perhaps be just towards Canadian manufacturers to follow the Scottish i)recedent, and allow time before the Imperial tariif came into force on certain articles, with an option to Canada to adopt the wholo Imperial tariff sooner if she wished. This option was given by the Dominion of Canada to some of the provinces desirous of joining tho Dominion, b'v; specially circumstanced. Cf courbo, as Canada progressed in population and in commercial im- portance, we must expect an increase also in her manufacturing powers. Her exemption from the heavy provincial debt of England, inherited from the old national debt, would favour the progress of Canada, and be a considerable set-off against her unequal competition with England as tlie possessor of unbounded opportunities for cheap production. It should, however, be a great object to allow no change that would stamp out Canadian manufacturing progress, A nation which is agricultural only docs not keep pace usually now-a-days with the mighty moving world around it. I have, in an humble way, been a champion of free-trade in one part of Canada, and therefore I need not say that I approve free-trade. But to all rules some exception is allowed, and this case of a comparatively new country is just the one where, though thoroughly approving the rule of free-trade, one may be obliged for political reasons to have recourse, to a certain small extent, to the exception. Canadian trade and manufactures must not he extinguished, indeed such a i)rospect would go for much in inducing Canadians to reject an incorporating union. Tlie matter should be fairly discussed, as between CANADA AND TIIK EMriUK. 21 moving two great nations with conunnn intcresta. I would cxix;ct, for my fibcuI yiu'stion. part, that ('anaila, after the fullest consiileration, would find it to be her plain interest to join the enii)irc without any large fiscal reserva- tions. As an Imperial province, represented in the lm|ierial Parlia- ment, Canada would be on the same footing as the other Imperial pro- vinces. She would get capital and population from England more quickly and frwdy than she does now, and, in a few years, with her coal-beds and water-power, it might be the English and not the Canadian manufacturer or producer of certain articles who would feel the pressure of competition. The feeling to be encouraged is that an English manufacturer should no more think of complaining of Canadian than of Scotch competition. To speak now, further, of the benefit that would attend the fact of the above proiiosed fiscal settlement as regards Great Britain and Ireland. One short sentence will in itself convey to you quite enough to make you sec its desirability to this country. It v/ould probably double or treble the present English trade with Canada, as the splendid unoccupied territories of British North America filled up with jKipula- tion. At the present time no country receives so large an amount of goods per head from Gr(iat Britain as Canada. The matter for the Canadians to weigh in this fiscal business seems to be whether they prefer their present iX)sition in reference to taxation, duties, &c., to the advantages which th^ change holds out. I hope they will see that they really would be no losers, but greatly gainers, by accepting the plan which I propose. There also would be no loss of dignity and prestige by thus forming Canada so closely a living member of the body Imperial — the same circulation for each and every, and for the whole. I sincerely hope the reasonableness of these views will be accepted on both sides of the Atlantic. Before passing from this part of my subject, I will renew my protest for the encouragement of existing manufacturing interest and trade in Canada. I ofler my proposals as a whole. I meet again any objection that may be urged against any partial deviation from accepted general principles, should such deviation be found necessary. The present case is anomalous. It falls under the head of special condition, not perhaps contemplated until lately by any one. I view it as a case where special treatment is required. We know how to meet special cases. We do not repine in doing so ; for instance, on the abolition of slavery, a large award was made by England to the West India proprietors. 1 might also refer to our action in regard to the late French treaty. Few condemn these actings ; and in dealing with Canadian manufacturers, placed as they are now placed, and affected as they might be, I think no one would condemn a liberal adjustment of partially conflicting claims. It would be a mere surface argument, against my suggestion to say that in England any particular manufacturing interest has to submit to the loss occasioned by a change in the law. c 22 OANADA AND TUK KMI'IUK. FNiolQiiPHtlon. And it \\'nul«l ho a mcri' siirfiic(^ ar^nmont, for two reasons. Ill tilt! first itlace our irlialr inanuracturiiif^ iiitcn^st is never jeopar- dised by le<;al eliange, as niiL!;lit iierhaps lie tlie eas(! in Canada. Secondly, when a merchant or manulaeturer in England bu<;in8 his business, he docs it with the full knowledge that he is subject to this ..hance. It is one of the risks of his coimnercial life, and must h:\ as far as it may he, insured a;:;ainst by makiiig it form one part of his calculations of needful profit. Now, nothing of this can bo said of the Canadian manufacturing interest, as far as the effect of any possibly Imjierial iiittM'vention is eoiicerned. We must deal with the whole (jucstioii simply on principles of justice ajiiilied to the existing eon- ditious appertaining to it. I have stated what I think would lie just. We symitathise to a larger extent, even in this country, with any particular interest injuriously afl'ected by legal eliange, but to inflict a continuous depression, or worse, on Canadian trade generally would be intolerable. 1 will just remark, in jiassing from the fiscal question, that there is a second course open in place oi' an incorjiorating uiiit)n with Canada, namely, a closer connection of Canada with us, leaving our national burthens as they now rest — on our own shouhlers — and leaving her own burdens to Canada, and also the regulation of her own fiscal affairs. This half-and-half federating project v.ns once cherished in Scotland, but, as I have shown you, was discussed and abandoned at the time of the union with England. It would not suit the case of Canada. It might or might not suit remoter portions of the empire. I am not prepared to support any such proposition satisfactorily by argument. So much, then, iipon the fiscal question. Having now spoken of the fiscal or money question, as one of the principal questions for our consideration, I remind you that in an earlier part of my address I enforced the need of some gathering of Military and Imperial Htrengt^ and 2>o>ocr proportionate to the increased dimensions of'canadar""'^*'*'* ^^ danger looming before us, owing to the present lamentable condition of the civilised world, in which nation appears to be set against nation. Loo 3T)eat, at the immense aggressive powers of many nations at ''ay! Whole populations are turned into armies, while boundaries of our own islands are choked up already by a that is almost to be called a pigmy population to supply . .|Ual to the accumulation of men whom a hostile alliance might oppose to us. I can hardly see from what sources, under the existing organisation of the empire, we can with confident reliance depend on drawing the supplement of force which a combination of untoward circumstances might denmnd. The strong man armed keeps his goods in peace. We should be both strong and armed. Ten years ago the militia systems of the various colonies which are now embraced within the Dominion were rude and defective, but Canada has now a thoroughly organised force, which increases every year in numbers and efficiency. At the enrolment in 1869 the enrolled reserve mi'itia, comprising tl- popr a fore: TANADA AND THE KMl'IllE. 28 jcopar- 2;iji8 hi» ■j to this r political ways ; also in our estimation of her, and in the loyal 24 CANADA AND THE EMPIRE. Political Consti- apricciation of Emfljinil by her people, ot whatever race ; and I submit llUlon of Canada. , ^ ... r i i- i • .• , i-.- to you that a succesyful working cxanipic in practical politics, witn such a population as that of Canada, is, so far as it goes, the nearest approach possible that we can have as to what we may expect from the same system if adopted in Great itain and Ireland. Let me explain to you the geneial jiriuciples of the Canadian consti- tuticn, so thsit we may judge of the value of the Canadian cxam])le to WH ill this discussion. Many of you, perhaps, have a vague idea that the Canadian constitu- tion is like the Ainorican ; whereas, in fiict, tiio two are as unniixable as oil and \vater. I'he line which divides a constitutional monarchy from a republic is quile appreciated in Canada. 1 will state to you the truth in this matter. The Canadian consti- tution differs ossentiJIy from the Am.erican ; and differs from the American essentially on those points which probaL ly have alarmed and repulsed Knglishmeu. I shall not more largely than is leiiuired for my pur]X)se refer to the Federal Constitution of the United States, because it does not form a l)rocodent which can be folio- cd in our empire. The principle of the United States federation — a principle regulated, but not greatly weakened, by the late war — is that each State is a .sovereign Stite, which consents to delegate to a central authority a jiOition of its sovcieign jiower, leaving the remainder, wiiich is not so delegated, in its own hands, absolute and intact. I need hardly remind you that this is not the jwsiticn of British Colonies and dependencies'. Instead of being isolated sovereign States, they are integral parts of the British empire. They cannot delegate their sovereign authority, even in part, to a central government, because they do not jn^ssess the sovereign authority to delegate. The first important fact in the Canadian constitution is the fol- lowing. 1 hope you will bear in mind, as regards Canada, that, so far as the Canadians could effect it by legislation, they followed the exami)le of Scotland, and provided that for all time to come the Sovenugn of Great Britain should be the Sovereign of British North America. This was not an act of mere sentiment, but the result of political conviction. By this firm adherence to the monarchical i)rinci])le the Canaditiiis avoided, for one thing, an inconvenience inherent in the constitutiou <.'!' the United States. The President of the United States, durin rmed ami er to the )t form a regulated, •,tate is a ithority a is not so ly remind ndeucier'. parts of authority, ot jiossess s the fol- , that, so lowed the come the ish North result of Canadians titutioi) of 1 of ofiicc, )n. With ty of the n of office, , his own her, have secured another advantage not cnj >yed in the United States Canadian constitution provides practically for an effectual control, to bo exercised hy the Canadian I'arliamcnt over the government of the country. Thi system of executive administration commonly called " res[)onsible government," which had existed in Canada since 1841, was retained in the new Dominion Constitution of 18G7 ; and thus an advantage was secured which is not enjoyed to the same extent 'n the United States, Tlorc, the President, during his term of oilice, is, more or less, according to the force of his character, in a great degree a desjx)t, a one-man power. Ho commands the naval and military forces. As head of the executive, he has an immense amount of patronage. He exercises a veto-power as a branch of the legislature. He is perfectly uncontrolled by responsible advisers, though coniroUed, in certain respects, by the United States' Senate. 'J'he Cabinet of the President of the United States is composed cif departmental (iHicers merely, whom ho is not obliged by the Constitution to consult with, unless he chooses to do so. In Canada, as in England, the Sovereign can act only upon the advice of ministers, and these ministers are directly responsible to the l)eople through Parliament. Another advantage in the Canadian constitution is the avoidance of what is commonly known as the States' Eights difficulty. This diffi- culty and danger, arising from conflict between the Local and Central Governments, has existed in the United States ever since they v. ;rc formed into a Union. The difficulty is more or less incidental in ali federations. Tho separate States of the union, from the first, as already said, declared that each State was a sovereignty by itself, and that all tho fK)wers esseni;ial to, r.nd incident to, sovareignty, belonged to each State individually, and continued to belong to each, except those jwwers which, by the constitution of the United States, were transferred to, and conferred upon, the general Governuicnt and Congress. I am careful in noting this grand and almost fatal defect in tiie con- stitution of the United States, not only for its own gravity, but because 1 think it very probable that many persons, who may not have made thcuiselves intimately acquainted with the particulars and ii\cts of tho Canadian constitution may, under the impression that it resembles the American, receive with an unfounded and unnecessary suspicion and dread the idea of any English political action following upon a full ap[ireciation of tho Canadian example in political matters. I trust this plain atoment ef the facts of the case, both in the United States and in Canada, will remove from such persons any remain- ing prejudice, and that they will juilge the matter by its own merits. Not only may they dismiss fror.i their minds any drt>ad of ill con- setjuences arising from a kindly consideration and even adoption of the Canadian example, but they will also, I think, so ; that the removal of the States' Eights ditliculty, should such be feared, is so entirely in the hands of tho British Government, and the warning of neglect so The Politiuil Coiusti- lution uf Cunada. 26 CANADA AND THE EMPIUK. Political Coiwti- palpable and so thorouifhly staitlin:;, as evidenced in the late horrible tution of Canada. ,.,,,., , ,»r, ■, , i struggle m the United btatcs between the North and the South, that fear on this head really should not needlessly prevent them from contemplating and duly weighing the prospect and advisabiUty of sucli projiosals as those which 1 suggest for your consideration. Well, then, you see that in Canada a political constitution exists which totally differs from that of the United States. Warned by their neii^hbuurs' example, the Canadians began at the other end. To use a homely simile, they took up the other end of the stick, and they believe they have got the be?"^ end. They strengthened the General Government. The Canadians gave the General Government all the great subjects of legislation. They conferred on the General Government, not only specifically and in detail, all the powers which belong to sovereignty, i)ut thoy also express^ declared that all subjects of general concern, not distinctly si)ecifiecl as subjects lor the local governments and legis- latures, should be referred to the general government and legislature for decision and action. They avoided, it is believed, the risk of serious conflict of jurisdiction and authority, and yet provided ample guarantees for local institutions and local laws. At the hazard of being tedious, let me further say, with a view to your full and entire ir formation on this matter, that, as regards those subjects which belong of right both to the local and general parliaments, it is provided by the Canadian constitution, in order to prevent a con- flict of authority, that, when there is a concurrent jurisdiction in the general and local parliaments, the same rule shall ap[)ly as now applies in cases where there is a concurrent jurisdiction in the Imperial and in the Colonial parliaments, and that, when the legislation of one is adverse to, or contradictory to, the legislation of the other, in all such cases the action of the General Parliament nv .st overrule, ex necessitate, the action of the local parliament. There is nothing, tlvn, left to be desired in the action of Canada with reference to a constitutional monarchy, and a strong sett'ed Upper House in government. You may ask, what has been done about an Upper House ? ^J'here is an Upper House lor the whole Dominion, and the provinces may ha\ e one or not, as they please. Some of the provinces have, and some have not. The most populous province, Ontario, has only one legislative Hot «. It gives satisfaction to the people, and thus pro- mises to show uiat the existence of an Upper House is not, in all cases, necessary to constitutional government. A second House, however, though perhaps not necessary in every province, will probably be always necessary for tha whole Dominion if the Dominion continue^ to exist in its present form, as it certainly always will he for the British empire, owing to the increasing complexity of modern legislation, and the eonse(iuont need of revision. The Upper House at present existing in the Dominion is called a Senate. Canada. CANADA AND THE EMPlllE. 27 horrible ith, that nn I'vom of such ndcrance. 1 look especially to views and objects that are in strict harmony with our better and more elevated aspirations and motives. Surely we value an increased means of making known our faith, our principles, our knowledge, our civilisation, of teaching others to know them, and in their turn spread them wider and wider. Surely, even in this world, there is something worth esteeming and seeking for, besides wealth and power. I trust I am addressing Englishmen and Englishwomen, to whom these ideas will not appear visiouary or overstrained. My appeal is to motives and sensibilities that our own knowledge of human nature, and the positive action of whole nations of men prove to us to be powerful and efficient. Modern examples, as well as ancient com- munities, read us the same lesson. Have we not of late seen the speaking of the same tongue form a large item in the statements and claims heralding important Continental changes'? The very spread of our own language, and its real adoption and usage, would in the course of time have far greater eifoct than at first sight might strike those whose thoughts have not been specially directed to such matters. The prevailing use of a language not only has its commercial effects, but in its own silent, unobtrusive, but penetrative way, influences the perceptions, thoughts, feelings, and grasp of those who use it. I speak, perhaps, more of the educated and influential classes. Our own language is a thoroughly good representative of ourselves ; indeed, the language f most nations is more or less a faithful representative ol" them. Ijanguage itself is not only a development, but when de- veloped forms a not unimportant element in the shaping of national character. I will now, in approaching the conclusion of this address, refer to a point already noticed, and which, until duly examined, has probably to contend with vaguely adverse ideas in many minds. I mean the effect of my jtroposal on the dignity and infiuence of the British Croivti and Executive. If we compare even the present exalted position of the Sovereign and British Orown Crown of L^ngland with that which woiild be occupied in the case of a ""^j^^ rJf Trcd'^'t'o more extended incorporation of British territories, the largest admirer of royalty" and monarchical splendour will have good grounds for being satisfied with a position such as would then be displayed. But, before naming that position, I would observe that this would be an imfair comparison, inasmuch as at present the Knglish Crown concentrates a very large degree of dignity and splendour from its sovereignty over our great colonics and dependencies. If, however, the views and expecta- tions of some political men are well founded, this sovereignty must eventually witness colony after colony, quietly, I hope, and peacefully, if it must be so, emei'ging into new conditions of natural existence apart from us. The real comi)arison, then is, between the aspect of tho Crown, as mider my projiosal it would be placed, and that which it 32 CANADA AND 7HE KMI'IRE. flucntial genemlly, vvouM occupy in case of almost rclapso into isolated and sclf-sup[K)rting dignity and |K)vver such as would accrue in the event stated. 13e it recollected that the lapse of time, we must fiiirly reckon, will sec Canada and many of these colonies far more populous, wealthy, and important than they are now. I must think the position of the English Crown most dignified as the acknowledged head and Imperial ruler of such an assemblage of nations as would then subject their highest and most vital interests to its decisions. Surely, the English Crown, in place of losing, would gain both dignity and power from the intensified bond between England and other portions of the Empire. Having mentioned the probable future position of the Crown and the central government, let me now refer to the position which would be thus opened up to our nobility, landed gentry, and wealthy, influential classes yeneraUy. f n^of*^ °^ ^°^'. '^^'^y have, indeed, in England occupied a proud position. In no posai on the In- country in the world, probably, has a more general and marked respect classes ^^^^ deference been maintai led, and so long maintained by the people generally towards their nobility and social superiors. The duties of these social superiors, like their position, have ac- cordingly been special. They have inherited not only social dignity, but also social obligations. They have inherited also, as a rule, an access to all our great offices of state, our highest appointments, where one man's action tells so widely for good or for evil, for happiness or for misery, and no slight share of the feelings of our people generally towards the upper classes, as upper classes, is due to the splendid ser- vices in every department of life rendered by eminent men of rank and station. Indeed, in these days, we may almost say, without disrespect, that such members of their class largely float the class itself. Now, what must we expect, as regards the above, from the adoption of my proposal ? The answer, I think, is very obvious. The nobility, gentry, and wealthy influential classes generally, would fully share the increased dignity and influence which I have shown would accrue to the Crown. The avenues to high station and authority would be both widened and lengthened, and each step would lead to proportionally in- creased esteem and dignity. The opportunities for usefulness would be more numerous, and the objects of much of that usefulness on a grander scale. Many men would then be almost compelled to occupy leading political positions in the country, where only perhaps one now finds an opening for his exertions. In place of regulating small municipal aifairs, as is frequently the case now, the Tho future im- niembers of the two great houses of the British Imperial Parliament periai Pariiameut, would deal with matters of the most exalted concern, and would have an opportunity of giving sufficient time and attention to them. They would have authority over matters that concerned the whole people, tlie peace, order, and good government of the Empire. They would have to do with everything that was not expressly placed under CANADA AND THE EMPIUE. 38 tlic control of the local nutlioritics oUtical machinery, surely the jMoposed increase of direct dealing in local legislatures with 'persons and i)roperty would greatly tend to give an increased interest for localities and *lieir inhabitants. It would be practically teaching an answer to the question, "And who is my neighbour?" — a question in which there is very much. In proportion to the extension of my jiroposal would be the hope of even more gratifying results — a more widely-spread recognition of who is a neighbour. It is true that a member of a provincial, as compared with the Impe- rial Parliament — a member, that is to say, of a Scottish, Irish, or Canadian parliament — would not be thereby in so commanding and con- spicuous a position as that of a member of the British Imperial Parlia- ment. We must, however, bear in mind that these provincial legisla- tures, as at i)reseut in the dominion of Canada, would control and decide very important matters. They would be yreat legislative njpins. The future Pro- vincial Parlla- 3d CANADA AND TIIK liMPIUK. asscmhlies, and not mere lart/e vestries. The dimensions of their power would not he Imperial, but assuredly tlu-He dimensions would lie anythin'4 hut insignificant or unimportant. The le;j;islation of the provincial parliaments would directly affect the liaj)piness and every-day interests of very large niim})ei-s of men. That seats in tlie provincial parliaments would he greatly sought l)y the ablest and liighest in the land, and oft(Mi in preference to seats in the Imperial Parliament, I do not doubt. At the same time the candidates would include men of more various classes and occujiations than can now offer themselves for the Parliament at Westminster, and a very important result would follow, namely, that the sphere of the Executive might be beneficially enlarged, in some; respects, as the provincial parliaments would be truly representative assemblies. The subjects with which the j^rovincidl parliaments would have power to deal would be matters of a local or private nature in the pro- vinces, or such as affected the interests of the provinces apart from the general interests of the empire. The matters submitted to their care and decision exclusively (subject, of course, to a veto from the Lieu- tenant-Governor) would be amendments in the constitution of the pro- vinces; for instance, Scotland woiild decide whether she would have one or two legislative chambers, or five or ten provincial ministers of the Crown, or whether members could sit in both the provincial and Imiierial parliaments. The provinces themselves also would deal with education, jrropcrty, and civil ric/hts ; administration of justice; money affairs and taxation concerning objects within the provinces ; local jnihlic worhSf p)risons, hospitals, and asylums ; together with many similar and ^mighty concerns. Effect of adop- As legards our people generally, a general interest in actual public posjii" oi7 'tbo f^ff^ii's would be maintained among all classes, if my proposals were people KeueraUy. adopted, and all would more clearly see that they had common interests. It is certainly desirable that this feeling should be maintained. Much useful and valuable talent at present smoulders away unemployed. The decay and partinl absence of concern for everything out of the private circle of life is a regrettable feature in this country. I cannot see how it can be otherwise as things now are. In the present British Parliament we see results, springing from the same class of feelings, at work in respect to certain very important fields of action. I allude to the comparative, or rather absolute, perhaps I might say wicked apathy, with which matters not English (say, matters colonial), matters not English, not colonial, Indian for instance — the comparative apathy, I say, with which these matters are treated. The relief of Parliament from matters proper for consideration in )>rovincial parliaments would point considerably to improvement in this respect. More sufficient time for, more continued habit of, considering Imperial interests, would act \vell. A further innefit would probably follow from a more general interest in public affairs on the part of the public generally, and should it follow, great good would be effected ; it would be an important result of my CANADA AND TIIIC KMPIUK. 35 proposal. I sliould be sorry to see men unduly heated uiion politics — knowing more of other ])coi»le's business than their own. i do not advocate such an ascendency of public matters, l)ut assuredly we hwii) too little of other countriea lohuse fortune and condition directly affect UK. It is the ])oor who sufl'er most from ndstakes in foreign policy, and mifortunately they have not leisure to master difTicult questions that arise with other countries. ]f facts on each siihi were known and fairly art)rcciated, how greatly would dangerous international quarrels ofteii be lessened; how favourably would international depreciation ofteii l)o toned down! Now, more concern than at present exists amongst our intelligent classes nught be expected to lead to a better information on our foreign relations. The mass of the jieople would become tinged with the sentiments of those better informed than themselves, particularly during times of national excitement; and even this knowledge-, sup- ported by the amjilc justice which ever is in the minds of the peoi»l(', would be truly valuable in mitigating international exasperation. "We may also, I think, say that in a certain degree our })eople lien^ like their fellow-subjects and relations in Canada, would leani, both from the circumstance of nearer and more important connection, as well as from^ the example of others, gradually to feel increased interest and proportionate pleasvrc in matters and persons generally now almost foreign to them, and to share also the hun.anismg effects which I have shadowed forth, and which even the most influential classes in the land would not disdain to acknowledge. So much, then, ti to the probable effect of the adoption of my i)ro- posals upon the Crown, ujmi the more injluential classes, and iqwn political fedimjs and interests (jenerally in the nation. In conclusion, I repeat to you that my object in addressing you is to promote and urge the acceptance of the proposal of an incorporating union with Canada, by truthful advocacy and fair recognition and appre- ciation of absolutely existing conditions, both of facts, and of feelings and opinions. As regards the realisation of the benefits I have luiTd forth, the intelligent and considerate hearer will judge for himself, and I think his verdict will go with me. I hope that the subject will receive judicious, unprejudiced hearing on the part of thcnationj and be treated with temperate, sound advocacy on the part of its promoters. T respect- fully commend the whole subject to your consideration. Conclusion LONDON TRiNTED BY WTLUAM CLOWKS AND SONS, STAMFOHl) STKEF.T, AND CHARING CISOSS. 1^ *^ would iterest bllow, tf my ^m A mid rest ow, my