IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0 ^1^ 1^

^.^ Ui 112 MOO

1.1 l.'-KS

^ M

L25||U|||,.6

« 6" -►

SdKices
Corporaaon

23 WfST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. MSBO

(716) S72-4S03

CIHM/ICMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHIVI/ICIVIH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de niicroreproductions historiques

Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notei techniques et bibliographiques

The Institute has attempted to obtain the best
original copy available for filming, features of this
copy which may be bibliographically unique,
which may alter any of the images in the
reproduction, or which may significantly change
the usual method of filming, are checked below.

Coloured covers/
Couverture de couleur

I I Covers damaged/

Couverture endommagde

Covers restored and/or laminated/
Couverture restaurie et/ou peiiicuiie

I I Cover title missing/

Le titre de couverture manque

I I Coloured maps/

Cartes giographiques en couleur

Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/
Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire)

I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/

Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur

Bound with other material/
Reli6 avec d'autres documents

Tight binding may cause shadows Oi distortion
along Interior margin/

La re liure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la
distortion le long de la marge intdrieure

Blank leaves added during restoration may
appear within the text. Whenever possible, these
have been omitted from filming/
II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoutdes
Icrs d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte,
mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont
pas 6t6 filmies.

Additional comments:/
Commentaires supplimentaires;

L'Institut a microfilm^ le mailleur exemplaire
qu'il lui a it6 possible de se procurer. Les details
de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du
point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier
une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une
modification dans la mdthode normale de filmage
sont indiquAs ci-dessous.

□ Coloured pages/
Pages de couleur

□ Pages damaged/
Pages endommagdes

Pages restored and/oi

Pages restaur6es et/ou pellicul6es

Pages discoloured, stained or foxe(
Pages d6color6es, tachetdes ou piqudes

Pages detached/
Pages ddtachdes

Showthroughy
Transparence

Quality of prir

Quality inigale de I'impression

Includes supplementary materii
Comprend du materiel supplimentaire

Only edition available/
Seule Mition disponible

I — I Pages restored and/or laminated/

r~T| Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/

I I Pages detached/

r~T\ Showthrough/

I I Quality of print varies/

I I Includes supplementary material/

I — I Only edition available/

Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata
slips, tissues, etc., have been ref limed to
ensure the best possible image/
Les pages totalement ou partiellement
obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure,
etc.. ont 6t6 filmies d nouveau de fapon d
obtenir la meilleure image possible.

This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/

Ce document est film6 au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous.

10X 14X 18X 22X

26X

30X

12X

16X

20X

24X

28X

32X

ails

difier

une

lage

The copy filmed here haa been reproduced thanka
to the generoaity of:

La BibiiotMqua d« la Villa da Montrtel

The imagea appearing here are the beat quality
poaaible conaidering the condition and legibility
of the original copy and in keeping with the
filming contract apecificationa.

L'exemplaire filmA fut reproduit grAce h la
gAnAroait* da:

La Bibliothiqua de la Villa da Montrtel

Lea imagea auivantas ont 4ti reproduitea avec le
plua grand aoin, compte tenu de la condition et
de la nettet* de l'exemplaire film*, et en
conformity! avec lea conditiona du contrat de
filmage.

Original copiea in printed paper covera are filmed
beginning with the front cover and ending on
the laat page with a printed or illuatrated imprea-
aion, or the back cover when appropriate. All
other original copiea are filmed beginning on the
firat page with a printed or illuatrated imprea-
aion, and ending on the laat page with a printed
or illuatrated impreaaion.

Lea exemplairea originaux dont la couverture en
papier eat imprimte aont filmte en commenpant.
par le premier plat et en terminant aoit par la
derniire page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impreaaion ou d'illuatration, ao'.^ par le aecond
plat, aelon le caa. Toua lea autrea exemplairea
originaux aont filmto en commenpant par la
premidre page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impreaaion ou d'illuatration et en terminant par
la dernidre page qui comporte une telle
empreinte.

The laat recorded frame on each microfiche
shall contafn the aymbol — «» (meaning "CON-
TINUED"), or the aymbol y (meaning "END"),
whichever appliea.

Un dea aymtolea auivanta appara?tra aur la
dernidre image de cheque microfiche, aelon le
caa: le aymbole — ► aignifie "A SUIVRE ", le
aymbole V aignifie "FIN".

Mapa, platea, charta, etc., niny be filmed at
different reduction ratioa. Thoae too large to be
entirely included in one expoaure are filmed
beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to
right and lop to bottom, aa many framea aa
required. The following diagrama iJuatrate the
method:

Lea cartea, planchea, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre
filmfo d dea taux de reduction diffirenta.
Loraque le document eat trop grand pour Atre
reproduit en un aeui clichA, il eat filmA A partir
de I'angle aupArieur gauche, de gauche A droite,
et de haut en baa, en prenant le nombre
d'imagea nAceaaaire. Lea diagrammea auivanta
illuatrent la mAthode.

rrata
o

leiure,
id

32X

TRANSACTIONS

THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE,

SESSION 1892-93.

NOTES

ARCHAEOLOGICAL, INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL,

ON THE

WESTERN D£NES

WITH AN ETHNOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE SAME

BY THE REV. FATHER A. G. MORICE, O.M.I.

Read 4th November, 18^3.

.•t.

• • '. .•

i » %

•• • • ••

' • •

> . • • ■

• • • I

•

' 1 ■

i
1

:?■•'

•

1S92-'J3]

NOTES ON THB WESTERN D^Ni^S.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Introduction 5

CHAPTER I.

Ethnological Sketch ." 8

The Name " l)6n6" 8

Distribution of the Ddn^s 10

Main Characteristics of the D^n^ Race 17

Distribution of the Western Ddnds 22

CHAPTER II.

Preliminaries 32

Philological -^2

Works and Implements Unknown Among the Western D6n6s 35

CHAPTER III.

Stone Implements 3g

Industrial Stone Implements 43

Stone Weapons of War and of the Chase 53

CHAPTER IV.

Bone and Horn Implements 66

CHAPTER V.

Traps and Snares 84

Fish Traps g>

Land Animal Traps 03

Snares qo

Observances of the Hunter and Trapper 106

CHAPTER VI.

Wooden Implements , i ,

CHAPTER VII.

Bark Implements ,20

Esculent and Medicinal Plants ,27

Other Bark Implements ,32

4 TRANSAOTIOlfS 0> THB CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [VOL. IV.

CHAPTER VIII.

Copper and Iron Implements , 136

Copper Implements 136

Iron Implements 140

CHAPTER IX.

Skin Objects, and Twined and Textile Fabncs 14;

Skin Objects 145

Objects of Mixed Material 1 50

Textile and Twined Fabrics 1 56-

CHAPTER X.

Dress and Personal Adornment 162

Common Dress 163

. Ceremonial Costume ijz

CHAPTER XI.

Habitations 1 84

CHAPTER XII.

Monuments and Pictography '. 199

Carved Monuments 199

Pictography 206

Index 213

Works quoted or referred to 219

Addenda et Corrigenda 221

1892-93]

NOTBS 05 THE WESTERN Dl^M^S.

INTRODUCTION.

" Archseological " is rather inappropriate in connection with the
present monograph, whose scope embraces nothing archaian or really
ancient. The prehistoric D^n^s are the D6n^s of but yesterday. For,
what are the one hundred years which have elapsed since the discovery
of their country compared with the twenty or more centuries which
separate us from the famous civilizations of ancient Egypt and Assyria ?
Yet, to check possibly too sanguine expectations from such archaeologists
as may happen to read these lines, I hasten to declare that it is perhaps
more easy to present the lover of technological lore with graphic illustra-
tions of the arts and industries which flourished among the subjects of
the Pharaohs and the Assyrian monarchs, than to thoroughly illustrate
from actual specimens the ensemble of the arms, working implements,
household utensils and ceremonial paraphernalia, which should concur in
reconstructing the peculiar mode of life pursued by the primitive D^n^s.
The original Egyptians and Assyrians have left us, besides authentic
records of their own doings on imperishable material what p^oniises to
prove well nigh unlimited' stores of practical illustrations of their past
sociology in their tombs, their temples and other public monuments.
So that the antiquarian's task is greatly facilitated by the abundance of
ihe material at his command. Furthermore, where the hieroglyphic and
cuneiform chronicles fail to clear up difficulties of interpretation or to
enlighten him on the particular use of ancient implements, he has only
to delve into Herodotus and other historians for the desired light.

Not so, however, with regard to the prehistoric D6n6s. As I have
elsewhere demonstrated,* that family of American aborigines, and more
especially the Carrier tribe to which prominence will be given in the
following pages, is charactetized by a wonderful power of imitation and
self-adaptation which prompted it, upon the advent of the whites, to dis-
card most of its native customs, indigenous weapons and working
implements. As a natural consequence, many of the latter are now in
a fair way towards complete obliteration. Moreover, the nation's
historians, I mean the old men who witnessed the manufacture and use
of some archaeological articles the duplicates of which have caused
speculations from more than one antiquarian, are fast disappearing from

•Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic?"
Canada, Section II. 1892.

Trans. Roy. Soc.

•6

TKANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

the scene of this world. So that the sooner the D6n6 technology is
brought to light, the better it will be in the interest of science.

Indeed, should any value whatever be attached to the present
monograph, I feel quite certain that it will be entirely on account of its
opportuneness. Undertaken twenty-five years ago, it could probably have
been made more exhaustive. After the lapse of an equal spjicc of time,
its usefulness as a contribution to archaeological knowledge would be
problematical. I am at present the possessor of the only remaining
specimens of some objects illustrative of the past Carrier sociology, and
my familiarity with the language and original customs of the Indians to
whose spiritual wants I minister, might not be enjoyed by a successor
among them until time and circumstances deprive its use of much of its
value.

These considerations, corroborated by the requests of scientists whose
advice I have not the right to disregard, have emboldened me to attempt
a description of such technological objects as can be illustrated from
specimens in my possession or which are still in common use among the
Western D^n^s. The number of these, as will soon appear, is somewhat
limited, and therefore my task cannot be very arduous. I only regret
that my mineralogical shortcomings render an exact description of the
material used in the fabrication of stone implements in a few cases impos-
sible. For the identification of such rocks as are adequately described,
I am under obligation to Dr. G. M. Dawson, Assistant Director of the
Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa.

As technology is the prime object of this monograph, the industries of
the Western D^n^s will be mentioned in so far only as may be necessary
for the clear understanding of the nature and use of the objects therein
described. Which statement should not convey the idea that I intend to
make light of their claims to importance in an ethnological contribution.
With a little reflection, it will become apparent that all human industries
need material aids or means to manifest themselves, and their results
must also take a concrete form. Now, these palpable data, be they the
products of human ingenuity or the instruments employed in their
development, are per se technological items, and by reviewing the latter,
one cannot help treating of the former. Therefore I simply mean to
say that the archaeological, rather than the industrial, plan will be
adopted in the following pages. In other words, our divisions shall be
based, not on the industries of the Western D^n^s, but, as far as practical,
on the material of the weapons, tools, utensils, fishing devices and other
implements under consideration.

18y2-93]

NOTKS ON THK WESTERN vtsis.

As for the third, or sociological scope of this paper, I think that our
title will be justified not only by numerous transient mentions of native-
customs and practices, but more especially by extended descriptions of
the Aborigines' usages and superstitions in connection with fishing and
trapping, their domestic economy as regards diet and remedies, their
ceremonial dress, their habitations, etc. However, for more systematic
information concerning the Den6 sociology, the reader must be referred
to another paper published some years ago under the title of " The
Western D^n^s ; their Manners and Customs." *

Mythology may be regarded as a mirror wherein the psychological
ideas and the particular social institutions and mode of life of a people
are faithfully reflected. Therefore I have not deemed it inconsistent
with the nature of my subject to intersect the following pages with a few
short legends or traditions, especially when these may prove a help,
towards the formation of a more correct idea of the objects hereafter-
described.

•Proceedings Can. Inst., vol. vii., p. 109, ft seq.

TRANSACTir S8 OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

CHAPTER I.

Ethnological Sketch.— The Name "D^nI

I '■ )

For the benefit of such of my eaders as may not have seen my former
essays, I must repeat that by D<in6s I mean that large family of Ameri-
can Aborigines commonly known under the names of Tinn^, Tinneh,
Tenni (Bompas), Tenne (Kennicot) and Athapaskans. As I have already
pointed out elsewhere, all of these appellations are inappropriate. For
more reasons than one, they should, in my estimation, be discarded in
favour of " D<^n^." Neither Tinn<5 nor Tinneh have any meaning in the
dialect of the many tribes into which that extensive stock is divided.
The ethnologists who are responsible for these nicknames gathered them
from the desinence of several tribal names probably badly pronounced,
and certainly misspelt, by the earliest voyageurs or traders who made
mention of these Aborigines. The verbal suffix 'Tinne, or 'Tenne, is
evidently the terra they aimed at rendering. Now to the native ear the
difference between T and '1 is infinitely greater than is with us that
which exists between such letters as W and G, since these are commut-
able in the Aryan languages,* while the former are not in the D^nc
dialects. Thus, in Carrier, ta means " lip," and 'ta " feather ; " to means
*' up," and 'to " nest ; " tts stands for " younger sister," and 'tis for
" coals ; " tas is the root for " heavy," and 'taz signifies " backward ; "
tidstaih is equivalent to " I dance," while 'nas'taih means " I ripen."
These contrasts could be multiplied almost ad infinitum.

Furthermore, 'Tinne, being a suffix, cannot stand without its verbal
support. Thie would-be noun is composed of the root of the verb
hwos'ten (or kwos'tin, etc., according to the dialect) which means " I
inhabit," and the personal plural particle ne (or ni) resulting in the
verbal noun hwo' tenne (or kwo'tinni, etc.) " inhabitants," which when
suffixed to a name of river is contracted into 'tenne, etc., as in Naz-Koh-
Uenne, Tsij-Yich- tinni. Thus this pretended word corresponds in every
particular — save that in Den6 it is a verbal not substantive, affix — to the
final -enses of Lugdunenses, Maseilienses, Carthaginienses, Colossenses,
etc. Now who ever dreamt of denominating by that final the latin
speaking peoples ? Who would, for instance, call Ens the French nation

'As is evident from tne conversion of William into Gulielmus, Gu-^lielmo, Guillermo, Guil-
herme and Guillaume ; of War into Guerre and Guerra, etc. ; of Warrant into Garantir, etc.

18y2-»3.1

KOTICS CN THE WK8TKKN villlKa.

because it designates as VArisiens the inhabitants of Paris ; as
Londoni^«5- those of London, etc. ? Yet the identity of the two cases
is so evident that I need only translate the above, and say London-
hwo'tenne, Pali-hwo't€nnc, to bring it home to the dullest intellect. As
with the -enses and the -ens of the Italic tongues, so it is with the '/enue
of the D6n6 idioms ; it never applies but to names of places or at least
of ethnographic divisions. Another point of similarity is that it varies
with the dialects, being 'Unne in Carrier, '//»«/ in TsijKoh'tin, '(/cnne
in Tsti'ktihne, etc.

Lastly the correct pronunciation of these word-endings requires a
lin;4ual explosion which cannot be obtained except by those already ini-
tiated into the mysteries of the D6n6 phonetics. Hence the absurdity of
designating a whole nation by an accidental suffix, impossible of pro-
nunciation to the great majority of the readers, which is no word of itself
and changes according to the dialect of some twenty or more different
tribes.

Another name no less widely u.v.d to denominate the D^n«i stock, and
for which Gallatin is said to be losponsible, is '* Athapaskan." Now fancy
the propriety of calling th' hole iiritisli, not merely English, race, say
Bristolians or Manchesterians ! Tiie Bureau of Ethnology of the Smith-
sonian Institution which has ar! ^pied this name in its official publications
has to confess that " it has been objected to by a number of missionaries —
students of various dialects of this family in the North-Wcst — but," it is
added, " priority demanded that Gallatin's name .«;hould be retained." *
Methinks, however, that time cannot of itself convert a wrong into a
right.

Rev. E. Petitot replaces either vocable by D6n^-Dindji^, thereby
" uniting in one compound word the southermost tribe, the Chippewayan
or D6n6, with the northermost, the Loucheux which calls itself Dindji^."t
This name, which is undoubtedly a vast improvement on any of the
above mentioned, and has the merit of containing two genuine Indian
words, correctly spelt, has perhaps the disadvantage of unwittingly con-
tracting in the mind of the reader the area covered by the nation thereby
designated. The Chippewayans are not the most southerly branch of
the family not only on the North American continent, but even within
British America. The TsiiKoh'tin and the Carriers inhabit a stretch of
land several degrees of latitude more to the south and are nevertheless
territorially connected, without any intervening gap, with all the North-

• Bibliography of the Athapaskan Languages, by J. C. Pilling, p. v. ; Washington, 1892.
i Monographie des Dini-DindjU, p. xix. ; Paris, Leroux, 1876.

TKAN8ACTION8 OF THE CANADIAN l.VBTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

ern Dene tribes. Therefore, on his own basis of word formation, the
nbb6 Pctitot .should call the whole race Tani-Dindji^,* not D6n6-
Dindji^.

Hut v,e should not overlook the numerous offshoots it has spread out-
through the Western and Southern States of the American Union, and
whose tt'rm for " n)an," and consequently for themselves considered as
aborigines, is practically identical with " D6n6."+ Why then should we
not call the whole stock D/n/, after the native name of the most central —
taking into consideration the southern scattered tribes — and one of the
most populous branches thereof ?J We could perhaps find a precedent
for this in the names of such European peoples as the Italian, the
French and even the English, which came to be given the entire nation
after they had long represented one of the most important of its original
tribes, the Itali, the Franks and the Angles or Angli.

Despite their minuteness, the foregoing remarks have been deemed
neces?ary since their substance, as embodied in a foot-note to a former
paper by the writer does not appear to have received the attention he
cannot help thinking it deserved at the hands of Ethnologists. Even the
few who have noticed it now seem to labour under the impression that
the D^n^s are a branch of the Athapaskan family lately made known
to the scientific world !§ Such is the force of habit! Others suppose that
Tinne and D6n^ are the same word under two different dialectical forms.ll

Distribution of the D^n^s.

:i :

No other aboriginal stock in North America, perhaps not even'
excepting the Algonquian, covers so great an extent of territory as the
D6n^. The British Isles, France and Spain, Italy and any two or three
of the minor European commonwealths taken together would hardly
represent the area of the region occupied by that large family. And yet
it is no exaggeration to say that few American races are less known than
the Northern D^n<^s who, in point of territory, constitute the main bulk

* T^)ii is the TsiiKoh'tin word (or " man."

t It should be rememliered in this connection that in all the Dend dialects the vowels have
almost MO linguistic importance whatever, ihe quintessence of the words being condensed in the
initial consonants of each syllable. Also, it may he worth noting here that T and D, P and H,
G and K, etc., are conimulable even within each separate dialect.

:J: The aboriginal race of the Alaskan littoral is called Tlingit after the word it uses to say-
"man." Why should this not also be the case with the Dene family?

§The Athapaskan Bibliography, /nwiw, 1892.

II Language as a test of Mental Capacity, by H. Hale. Transact, R. S. C, p. 81, 1891.

1892-93.]

NOTKS ON THK Wi^STiCRN D^lNl^.

of the whole nation. West of the Rocky Mountains, they are to be
found from 51" 30' of latitude to the borders of the Eskimo tribes, while
on the east side of the same range they people the immense plains and
forests which extend from the Northern Saskatchewan down almost to
the delta of the Mackenzie River. From West to East they roam,
undisputed masters of the soil, over the almost entire breadth of the
American Continent, though a narrow strip of sea shore country separates
their ancestral domain from the waters of the Pacific and those of the
Atlantic. With that unimportant restriction, they might be said to
occupy the immense stretch of land intervening between the two oceans!

In the words of Horatio Hale, this is, east of the Rocky Mountains
" a dreary region of rocks and marshes, of shallow lakes and treacherous
rivers, offering no attractions except such as the hunter finds in the
numerous fur-bearing animals which roam over it and afford the native
tribes a precarious subsistence. When this resource fails, they live on
lichens which they gather from the rocks." * West of the Rockies, the
country inhabited by them is rugged and heavily timbered, dotted with
numerous deep lakes, and intersected by swift, torrential rivers. Their
staple food is venison and salmon, according to the geographical position
of their tribal grounds.

I have already given, in a volume of the " Proceedings of the Canadian
Institute, "t the names and habitat of the northern tribes together with
their approximative population. Let me only remark that in that list
I classed the Beaver Indians as a separate tribe merely to conform to
the long established custom of the traders and missionaries. But as in
America, Ethnography is based chiefly, if not entirely, on Philology, I must
explain that, from a philological standpoint, the Beavers {Tsa'temie in
Carrier) are genuine Tst^'kehne. The idiomatic differences noticeable in
the speech of these two artificial divisions are not any more pronounced
than those which exist between the dialects of the Lower and the Upper
Carriers. The reason the Beavers go by a distinctive name even among
their congeners is that, being citizens of the plains, they cannot with
propriety be called Tse'kehne or " Inhabitants of the Rocks" viz. : the
Rocky Mountains.

For the perfect completeness of our aboriginal census, we should add
to the above the Sarcees, a band of Ts(§'k6hne who, upon a difference

* Languiige as a test of lMenta^Ca^a;ity p. 81 * TrauEact R. S.' C. Vol. IX., Sec. U, 1891.
i'l'he Western Ucncs, «[c., ^roc. Can. Iiist.^ V'^ov.,vii., p. 113.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

arising from a trivial offense,* separated, not very long ago from the
main body of the D6n6 nation and were adopted by the Blackfeet, an
Algonquian tribe, among whom they have since lived, while keeping
their linguistic autonomy. They do not number more than lOO souls.

An ethnologic problem which is not yet, and will perhaps never be
solved, is the question, How did it come to pass that large portions of
the D^n^ nation detached themselves from the main stock and migrated
south ? When did this exodus occur? What was the route followed by
the adventurous bands ? The man is probably yet unborn who will
satisfactorily answer these questions. It may be that the interested
tribes have some legends or traditions which might throw some light on
the subject ; but I think this is hardly the case.f As far as the northern
Ddn^s are concerned, they do not t;ven suspect the existence of any
kinsmen south of the Tsi|Koh'tins' territory. Two facts only seem pretty
safely established, namely : the separation of the southern from the
northern tribes happened centuries ago ; and, moreover, the national
movement resulting in the division of the nation into two different
camps was from north to south. The first assertion is proven by the
fact that "when the Spaniards first met them [the Navajos] in 1541, they
were tillers of the soil, erected large granaries for their crops, irrigated
their fields b}' artificial water-courses or acequias^ and lived in substantial
dwellings, partly underground." J In support of the second statement,
I need only refer to a tradition current among some western tribes
according to which "days were formerly exceedingly short; so short
indeed that sewir ^ the edge of a muskrat skin was all that one wonran
could do between sunrise and sunset." This unmistakably points to tiie
arctic regions as places of Tevious residence.

Unknown to themselves, important branches of the great D^n^ tree
thrive thousands of miles away from the parental stem. As far as I can
ascertain from the latest and most reliable source § available, they are.
or were until recently : —

* According to Mr. W. E. Traill, an H. H. Co's officer who has passed many years in close
proximity to the Sarcees, this separation was caused by the following circumstances : A party of
Tse'kehne were target shooting when a dog happened to take on the arrow planted in tho ground
as a target one of those liberties of which the canine gent is so fond. Thereupon the dog was
shot by the possessor of the arrow, upon which that of the shooter was killed by the master of
the original oflfender. Then followed numerous reprisals which could only be stopped by the
voluntary departure of one band of rebte^ fairtilies which became the .Sarcees.

t The above had been writ^fe.i for' somie. timf , wfeerf I read ;n I>r. Brinton's .,4wf/iV<r« Race
thai. " the Navajos havft lifo rtip.tni&de'nce of 'heir ['ncestrSl hnr.ie t?i the North."

X ririnton's Americin "Race, p. 72, citing A'. A. I^^andelier " Indians M the Southwestern U. S."

§6oth Annual Report Comm;ssioper^(jf^Indian Affairs, 1891. »„"'

I! t

cot "

• ■ c CI

« p (I

1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S. IS

1. The Kvvalhiokwas *, the Umkwas and the Totunies in Oregon.
The Report of the Comnr.issioner of Indian Affairs, for 1891 (Vol. II.»
p. 82X gives 78 as the number of the Umkwa population in the Grande
Ronde Agency, with additional, though undetermined, numbers in the
Siletz Agency. According to the same authority, the Totunies on
Rogue River aggregate 47, while their congeners on the Siletz reserve
cannot be numbered owing to their intermarriages with alien tribes.

2. The bands respectively called Hoousolton, Miscolt, Hostler, Matil-
den, Kentuck, Tishtangatang and Siaws in California!, but better known
under the collective name of Hupa, from that of their common reserva-
tion in the Hupa Valley. They aggregate 492.

3. The Waildki, likewise on the Pacific (Gatschet), numbers unknown.

4. The Navajos, in Arizona, the most populous and flourishing of all
the D^n^' tribes, since they number, according to the latest and most
accurate accounts, no less than 16,102 souls. J

5. The various tribes of Apaches of which the following is a list
showing their habitat and present population : —

(a) The Oklahoma Apaches, in Oklahoma Territory .... 325

(d) The Jicarilla Apaches, in Colorado 824

((i) The White Mountain Apaches, in Arizona 130

(e) The Coyotero Apaches, in Arizona 423

(/) The San Carlos Apaches, in Arizona 831

(£") The Tento§ Apaches, in Arizona 760

(/i) The Apaches of Camp Apache, in Arizona 1,878

• Contradictory statements and apparently misapprehension as to the names and present status
of the Southern Pacific Coast D6nes render an exact classificatibn of them difficult. 'I'hus Mr.
Horatio Hale (Lan^iage a: a Test of Mental Capacity, p. 85, 1891) speaks of the Kwalliiokwas
as still lingering in one of the P.icific States, while L)r. A. S. Gatschet, in his work on "The
Klamath Indians of Southern Oregon, Vol. I. p. 45," published one year earlier, states that they
have disappeared together with the Tlatskanai, another Dene tribe. The same ethnographer
mentions side by side (op. cit.) with the Hupas the Waildki, reference to whom I find in no other
author. The Totunies are called Totutunies by H. Hale (op. cit. ), Tututenas by Dr. Brinton
(op. cit.), Tootoonas by Mr. Morgan (6ofA Ann. Rep.), Tutatamy by P. de Lucy-Fossarieii
(Exlrait clu Compte Rendu stenographique du Congrh international des sciences ethnop-aphiques
Etude de philologie ethnographiqve par M. P. de Lucy-Fossarien, Paris, 1881).

+ After Prof. O. Mason (The Ray Collection from Hupa Reservation, pp. 206, 207).

+ According to Horatio Hale (Language as a Test, &'c., p. 90), that tribe was erroneously
thought to number in 1889 as many as 21,000 members.

§ These are not all pure D6nes, many l^ing mixed with the neighboring tribes, or even ; .o-
^ether aliens as to the race to which they belong.

TRANHACTI0N3 OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

In Mexico, the number of Apaches is doubtful, since, according to
Dr, D. G. Brinton, "although the Mexican census of 1880 puts the
Mexican Apaches at 10,000, no sucli numbers can be located."* The
same author then goes on to state on the strength of information
emanating from Mr. Henshaw, of the Smithsonian Institution, that " the
only Apache band now known to be in Mexico are the Janos or Janeros
in Chihuahua, made up of Lipans and Mescaleros.f

6. The Lipans, in New Mexico, who have dwindled down to forty
individuals. Their original home appears to have been on the Rio
Grande.iJ

It would not be pleasant to be represented as playing the role of the
carping critic. Yet even the fear of appearing to merit this uncompli-
mentary epithet, cannot deter me from pointing out how utterly meagre
and unreliable are the data possessed, even at the present time, by the
best ethnographers relatively to the D^nd stock. Despite the correct list
of the Northern tribes given by the writer in the last volume of the
" Proceedings Canadian Institute," I find that Dr. D. G. Brinton in his
recent book " 7'he American Race," published at Washington two years
after the aforesaid classification had been printed in Toronto, omits no
less than six D^n6 tribes of the great northern division. To show how
utterly mixed ethnography appears to be when it is a question of locating
the various D6n6 tribes, and thereby to excuse the details into which I
find myself obliged to enter, I take the liberty of quoting the following
sentences from the above mentioned work : —

" These [the D^n^s] extend interruptedly from the Arctic Sea to the
borders of Duiango, in Mexico, and from Hudson Bay to the Pacific. . .
The Loucheux have reached the mouth of the Mackenzie River, the
Kuchin are along the Yukon, the Kenai on the Ocean about the penin-
sula that bears their name, while the Nehaunies, Sekanies and Takullies
are among the mountains to the south. The Sarcees lived about the
southern head waters of the Saskatchewan." §

Now, with all the deference due to such a veteran ethnographer as
Dr. Brinton, truth bids me state that : — First, It is almost absolutely cer-
tain that no branch of the D^ne family is stationed on the Arctic Sea.
the whole coast of which is occupied by Eskimo tribes. Second, There

* "The American Race," p. 69, Washington, 1891.

t J6u/.

t The Karatikawa Indian,, etc., by A. S. Gatschet ; Cambridge, Mass., 1891.

§ The American Race, pp. 68, 69.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERM D^NI^S.

are no D^n^s on- the Hudson Bay any more than on the Pacific. The
former is peopled on the north by the Eskimos and on the .south by
tribes of Algonquian parentage, while several alien races cover the whole
northern coast of the latter, with, perhaps, a single insignificant excep-
tion.* Third, The Loucheux and the Kuchin are one and the same
tribe under different names, the first being that originally applied to it
by the French-Canadian voyageurs, while the second (which should read
Ku-tchin or Ku-t'qin, the last syllable being exploded with the tongue
and teeth) is more in honour among English-speaking ethnographers.
The latter vocable is the exact equivalent of the Carrier " hwo'ten ", the
Tsek^hne "hwot'qen", the TsijKoh'tin " kwo'tin ", all of which, as we
have already seen, signify " Inhabitants." Fourth, The Kenai spoken
of by Dr. Brinton are probably the K'naia-Kho-tana of Ur. Powell and
both authors may be right in placing their habitat on the Pacific Ocean.
Yet it must be admitted that this would be more evid-Ot, were not Dr.
Brinton to transport it, ten pages further on, among the immense plains
■claimed by the Blackfeet as their ancestral home.f 5th, The would-be
Nehaunees, Sekaunies and Takullies call themselves Nah'ane, Ts^'k^hne
and TaKefne respectively. 6th, The Sarcees norv live about the southern
head waters of the Sf.skatchewan, but formerly lived some degrees further
north among the Beaver Indians with whom they are congenerous,
even as a subdivision of the Ts^'k^hne tribe.

Nothing but a desire of serving the interests of ethnological science
has prompted the above remarks. That I can prove all I advance will
not be doubted by those who are cognizant of the opportunities I enjoy
of ascertaining the real ethnologic status of the tribes by which I am
surrounded or of those which are so closely relateu by blood and language
with that among which I now live. The inaccuracies which they are
aimed at correcting must also be my e^cuie for venturing to present
below the list, as complete as I can make it, of all the D^n^ tribes. A
very few of the southern tribes may be unwittingly omitted; but I would
rather sin by omission than by exaggeration. All the northern tribes

* riiis is the ICnaia-Kho-tana who are now Siiid to reach the coast on Cook's Inlet (Ur.
Towell's " Indian Linguistic Families," 7th Ann. Rep. Mur. Eihnol.). But the fact that this
learned ethnographer associates thereto the " Ahthena " of Copper Kiver renders the i<leiitifica-
tion of that tribe somewhat doubtful, inasmuch as the ".\htena," unless they are misnamed ^
must be exogenous to the Dene stock, since that very name means in Dene " foreigners," and is
used by our alwrigines to designate all Indians of non-Dene stock. K'naia-Kho-tana, however,
seems to have the right linguistic ring about it, and apparently refers to the " people of the river
K'naia," whatever this last noun may mean.

t " Their [the Blackfeet] bands include the Blood or Kenai zxid^ the Piegan Indians" p. 79.
The italics are mine.

iipi

16 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [VOL. IV.

are given without an exception, though I do not detail the ramiBca. ions
or subdivisions of the Loucheux, and therefore omit any mention oi the
Kenai or K'naia-Kho-tana. The figures represent the population of
each tribal division. In the case of the southern tribes they are com-
piled from the latest official accounts available. For the north-eastern
divisions they are those of Rev. E. Petitot corrected down to date by
Mr. Rod. Macfarlane, an H. B. Go's officer who has passed over 40 years
of his life among the Indians he enumerates. I am myself responsible
for the figures representing the numbers of the north-western tribes.

CLASSIFICATION OF THK D±Nt TRIBES.
Northern D^n^s.

About

Loucheux : Lower Mackenzie River and Alaska 4,400

Hares : Mackenzie, Anderson and MacFarlane Rivers 600

Bad-People : Old Fort Halkett 200

Slaves : west of Great Slave Lake and McKenzie River . . 1,000

Dog-Ribs : between Great Slave Lake and Great Bear Lake. . . . 1,000

Yellow-Knives : north-east of Great Slave Lake 500

Cariboo- Eaters : east of Lake Athab.iska 1,200

Chippewayans : Lake Athabaska, etc 3,000

Ts^'k^hne : both sides of Rocky Mountains 500

Beavers : south side of Peace River 700

Sarcees : east of Rocky Mountains, 51° lat. north and south . lOO

Nahane : Stickeen River and east 700

Carriers : Stuart's Lake, north and south i,6og

TsijKoh'tin : Chilcotin River 460

Southern D£n£s.

Umkwas, Totunies and (?) Kwalhiokwas : Oregon 150

Hupas : Hupa Valley, California 492

Waildkis : Northern California (?) ' 3^

Navajos : Arizona 16,102

Apaches : Oklahoma, Colorado, New Mexico and Arizona 5,702

Lipans : New Mexico 40

Total of the Northern Tribes 1 5,960

Total of the Southern Tribes* 22,616

Total of the whole nation* 38,576

* Exclusive of the problematic Kwalhiokwas, the Umkwas of the Siletz Agency, the Mexican
Apaches, or any such bands as are not controlled, even remotely, by the office of the U. S.
Commissioner Indian Affairs.

M!'

lH'J2-93.]

NUTES ON THE WESTERN DENES.

A tribe of Atnas, Adcnas, Atnahs or Ahthenas, whose habitat would
be the extreme north-west of this continent, is occasionally mentioned in
ethnographic literature as belonging to the great D^nd- family. Pilling
gives it a place in his " Bibliography of the Athapaskan Languages.'^
There must be here a mistake either of name or of identification.
" Atna," etc., is a Dend word which means " foreigner, heterogener," and
is used to qualify all aboriginal races which are not Denii. Either then
the Atnas of the travellers and ethnographers are not D6n^, or if they
belong to that race they must be misnamed.

Main Characteristics of the Xyt^t Race.

If there is in the broad world a family of human beings which, though
a mere subdivision of a larger group of the genus homo, plainly demon-
strates, through the diversity of its many branches, the fallibility as
ethnic criteria of all but one of the various sciences which go to make
up Ethnology, this is most certainly the D^ne family. Savants now-a-
days seem too prone to study man as they would a mere animal. Per-
haps they overlook too easily the fact that he is a rational being. If
a part of the animal kingdom, he is there a king without peer ; and to
judge him after the same standard as we do the brutes of creation should
be considered unscientific. We hear constantly of bodily measure-
ments, of anthropometry and craniology. Now, without entering into
the technicalities of these sciences, let us apply their test, I do not say
to those portions of the Den^ people which live thousands of miles apart,
but to a few coterminous tribes of that nation.

On the Western slope of the Rocky Mountains live side by side three
tribes, the Ts^-'k^hne, the Carriers and the Tsi[-Koh-'tin, which may
furnish us with convenient material to experiment upon.

The Tsd'k^hnc are slender and bony, in stature rather below the
average, with a narrow forehead, hollow checks, prominent cheek bones,
small eyes deeply sunk in their orbit, the upper lip very thin, and the
lower somewhat protruding, the chin very small and the nose straight.
Go and inspect them, and perhaps out of every ten men, five who have
long been fathers will appear to you like mere children. I have never
seen but one fat person among them and none that was bald.

Now the Carriers are tall and stout without, as a rule, being too corpu-
lent. The men, especially, average i'", 660""" in height. Their forehead
is much broader than that of the Tse'k<§hne, and less receding than is
usual with American aborigines. Their face is full, with a nose generally
aquiline and in every case bettci formed than that of their heterogeneous
neighbours ; their lips are thicker and their chin more prominent than

lET

(!'■!

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE

[Vol. IV.

those of the Tsd'k^hne. Their eyes are also much larjjer and of a very
deep black. Haldness, though rare, is sometimes noticed among them,
while a few are literally obese. I am very much mistaken if two crania,
one of an individual of each of these tribes, would not be pronounced
by a craniologist as belonging to representatives of diametrically different
races.

The TsiiKoh'tin, on the other hand, are short in stature, bioad faced
and broad shouldered, with prominent cheek bones, heavy jaws and a
nose which is not uncommonly thick and flattish. They may be said to
have some physical resemblance to the Chinese. This description
applies also to the Babincs, who might be considered as a branch of the
Carriers.

The only points in common between the three tribes are the dark
eyes, the black, coarse and straight hair and the small hands and feet.
Large hands and feet, however, are occasionally met with among Carrier
men.* I do not speak of the complexion, because it varies even in the
same tribe according to the occupation and food of the natives. A
hunter will never return from a tour of two or three months in the
woods without being considerably bronzed, while his fellow tribesman
who has remained at home, without being as white as a Kuropean, will
yet be fairer complexioned than most individuals of the Salish race of
the South. Even in the matter of beard, a notable difference is observ-
able, inasmuch as full beards, dark and coarse, heavy with hardly any
shaving, are by no means rare among the Babine sub-tribe, v/hile the rest
of the Western D^nes are remarkable for the scarcity, or sometimes the
total absence, of facial hair.

If we now consider the Den^ nation from a psychological standpoint,
the contrast between its divers branches will be still more startling.
The Northern D^n^s are generally pusillanimous, timid and cowardly.
Now, can this be said of the Apaches ? The Northern D^n^s are more-
over lazy, without skill or any artistic disposition. Is it so with the
Navajos ? Even among our Carriers, the proudest and most progressive
of all the Western tribes, hardly any summer passes off but some party
runs home panic stricken, and why ? They have heard, at some little
distance, some "men of the woods" evidently animated by murderous
designs, and have barely escaped with their lives. Thereupon great
commotion ana tumult in the camp. Immediately everybody is charitably
warned not to venture alone in the forest, and after sunset every door is

• I have also seen several really fair-haired Carriers, a peculiarity which is so much the more
remarkable as it certainly can nut he ascribed to blood mixture with persons of Caucasian descent.

1892-93]

NOTK8 ON THK WEHTKRN D^N^S.

carefully locked against any possible intruder. Compare these puerile
fears of the Carriers with the indomitable spirit, the warlike disposition
of the " terrible Apache." Compare also the rude, unartistic implements,
the primitive industries of the same tribes with the products of the Navajo
ingenuity, their celebrated blankets and exquisite silverwork especially-
and tell me if in this case psychology is a safe criterion of ethnologic
certitude.

A noteworthy quality of the Northern D^n^s, especially of such as
have remained untouched by modern civilization is their great honesty.
Among the Tse'k^hne, a trader will sometimes go on a trapping ex-
pedition leaving his store unlocked, without fear of any of its contents
going amiss. Meanwhile a native may call in his absence, help himself
to as much powder and shot or any other item as he may need ; but he
will never fail to leave there an exact equivalent in furs. Now compare
this naive honesty with the moral code in vogue among the Apaches.
Read also what is said of the Lipans, another offshoot of the D^'n^ stock :
they " live in the Santa Rosa mountains from which they stroll about
making inroads in the vicinity to steal horses and cattle."*

With regard to mental attainments and force of character, I have
shown in a paper read before the Royal Society of Canada.f that all the
north-western tribes, Nah'ane Carriers and Tsi[Koh'tin, which have come
into contact with alien races have adopted the most prominent practices
and customs of the latter. Such is, to a great extent, the case even as
regards mythology. Nay more : they have gone as far as to borrow the
language of their neighbours in connection with their traditional songs
and ceremonies. On the other hand, many TsiiKoh'tin and not a few
Babines speak Shushwap or Kitikson, while not one full blood individual
of the two latter stocks has acquired enough of the D^n^ languages to
decently hold conversation through them. The Den^s think it a mark of
enlightenment to imitate the alien races with which they have intercourse,
while these show the little esteem they profess for them by callirg them
" stick savages."

Now hear what a competent authority says of the D^n^s of North
California: " Aext after the Karoks, they are the finest race in all that
region, and they even excel them in their statecraft, and in the singular
influence, or perhaps brute force, which they exercise over the vicinal
tribes. They are the Romans of North California in their valour and in
their far-reaching dominions. They are the French in the extended

*The Karaukwa Indians, by A. S. Gatschet, p. 41 ; 1891.

+ Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous, etc? Trans. R. S. C. Sec. n, 1892.

TKANHACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vot. IV.

diffusion of their language. They hold in a state of semi-vassalage most
of the tribes around them, exacting from them annual tribute in the
shape of shell-money ; and they compel all their tributaries to speak
Hupa in communication with them. Although most of these tribu-
taries had their own tongues originally, so vigorously were they put to
school in the language of their masters, that most of their vocabularies
were sapped and reduced to bald categories of names."*

The Northern D«^n(5s, who are eminently gentle in disposition, have
generally shown a remarkable receptiveness. And this explains how it
is that, with few exceptions, they are all to-day practical Christians, and
conform to the customs of the whites as much as their social status will
permit. In opposition to this, we find that the Navajos and the Apaches
still hold to their superstitious beliefs and ceremonies, and keep them-
selves aloof of any civilizing influence. This is so true that when, some
years ago, an effort was made by the U. S. Commissioner of Indian
Affairs to secure a tract of land close by the Cherokees' territory for the
location of the Navajos, the former who, as is well known, have made
great strides towards civilization, refused to entertain the proposition^
" asserting that the Navajos were not civilized Indians,"! I have never
noticed any mention of real improvement in their midst since that time.

As for the Hupas, their agent stated ten years ago that they " are not
to-day any more enlightened, advanced, progressive, industrious or better
off in any way than they were when the Reservation was established,
about twenty years ago.":[: That time has brought no change in their
dispositions is made clear by the following words of their agent in his
latest Report (1891) : "They all cling to their own customs and laws as
being far better than any others, and seem to look upon many of them
as sacred. . . . Many of the Indians seem to look upon the attend-
ance of their children [at school] as a favour to the teacher or the agent,
and expect some reward for it."§ In strong contrast to the indifference for
intellectual attainments manifested by the Hupas, let me refer the reader
to what I said in a former essay || of the craving for knowledge evidenced
by our Carriers, and the remarkable results it has produced even under
the most untoward circumstances.

|H»

* Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. iii., p. 72.

+ The Cherokee Nation of Indians, by Ch. C. Royce, Filth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethno-
logy, Washington, 1883-84.

+ Indian Affairs Report, 1881, 6; apudO. E. Mason's The }lay Collection, p. 207.

§ Sixtieth Annual Report Commissioner Indian AffairF 1891, vol. i, p. 220.

II The Western Denes; Proc. Can. Inst., vol. vii., p. 165.

nil I

NOTK8 OS TIIK WK8TKRN D^.N^.

1892-93.]

Again, the folk-lore of the North-Western Dends greatly differs from
that of their immediate Kastcrn neifjhbours and conprcners, while there is
no point of affinity between that of cither, divisions and the mythology
of the Navajos.

How is it then that tribes of aborigines occupying so widely separated
territories and so utterly dissimilar from a psychological, technological,
.sociological and mythologies. i standpoint can be classed under one single
denomination as DcntJs ? The answer is in every mouth : this is owing
to linguistic analogy. Language, therefore, is the trait-iiunion which
unites into one homogeneous body such apparently heterogeneous ele-
ments. Through it we arc certain that the same blood flows in their
veins, and that they are the children of a common father, whoever he
may have been. If any stronger argument can be adduced in support of
the paramount importance of Philology as an ethnological criterion, I am
at a loss to discover what it can be.

Hence it will be .seen that my initial remarks concerning that class of
modern scientists who lay so much stress on the physical structure of
man to the detriment of his special characteristic as a distinct genus,
thinking and speaking, were not unwarranted. \{ &\ic\\ \.\\<i ensemble o{
the peculiarities which differentiate him into a rational, social being
cannot lawfully claim the first place in the ethnologist's estimation, a
fortiori this cannot be granted to those features which he possesses in
common with non-human animals. In the words of Horatio Hale, "the
grand characteristic which distinguishes man from all mundane beings
is articulate speech. It is language alone which entitles anthropology to
its claim to be deemed a distinct department of science." * One needs
not be a scientist to see the correctness of this view, and it is a long time
since Quintilian said : " When the Creator distinguished us from the
animals it was especially by the gift of language. . . . Reason is our
portion, and seems to associate us wit*^ the immortals ; but how weak
would reason be without the faculty to express our thoughts by words,
which faithfully interpret them ! This the animals want, and this is
worth more than the intelligence of which, we must say, they are abso-
lutely deprived." f

I have not so far been fortunate enough to come across any vocabu-
lary of a southern D6ne dialect, and the only continuous Navajo texts I
have ever seen are those of the '• Mountain Chant " published by Dr. W.

•Language as a Test of Mental Capacity, by II. Hale; Transact. R.S.C., Vol. ix., p. 77,
1891.

+ Quintilian, translated by La Harpe, Dijon, 1820.

THA.N8ACTION8 OF TIIK CA.VAOIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

Matthews* Now, clothing thrsc texts Aith the orthography denotivc of
the peculiarly exploding and sibilant sounds, which I think they must
receive to become correct renderings, I find side by side, with some terms
proper to the tribe or borrowed from adjacent stocks, no less than
seventy-two words which are easily recognizable here, at a distance of
perhaps 2,000 miles from the nearest Navajo. To form a just idea of
the proportion of genuine lJ6n*^ with local or foreign words, it should be
borne in mind that these texts are composed merely of a few words very
often repeated.

Dl.->TRIUUTION OF THK VVksTERN D^.N^S.

Now that we have made some acquaintance with the divisions and
main traits of the Ddn^ nation in general, we may particularize and
furnish the reader with more precise ethnologic data concerning the tribes
whose technology and industries we are about to review. These we have
already named : they are the TsijKoh'tin.The Carriers and the Ts<J'k^hne.
As some savants have done me the honour of asking for more detailed
information on their ethnographic status than were contained in a former
paper on the same, I shall now proceed to give their tribal subdivisions
or .septs, together with their aboriginal names, the habitat of the natives
thereby determined and, as far as practicable, their present population^
and the number of their villages.

West of the Rocky Mountains we have from south to north : —

The Tsi/Ko/ittn, who actually inhabit the Chilcotin valley and roam
over the bunch grass covered plateaus that skirt it on either side, from
the 50" to the 52° 30' of latitude north. Their territory is bordered in
the east by the Fraser River, and in the west by the Cascade Range of
mountains. But not unfrequently a few bands manage to cross over and
make inroads for hunting purposes into the territory of the Sisha| and
other coast tribes. Of course the latter resent these encroachments upon
their ancestral domains ; but as hunting for peltries is not extensively
practised by them, the harm done by the poachers is not very great.

It is perhaps worth remarking in this connection that the " Linguistic
Map of British Columbia" prefixed to Dr. F. Boas' Report on the B. C.
tribes for 1890+ is somewhat inaccurate in that it gives the TsijKoh'tin
quite a tract of land on the east side of the Fraser which, as a matter of
fact, is now and has been occupied from time immemorial by three
villages of Shushwap Indians, viz.: Soda-Creek, Sugar-Cane and Alkali-

• Kifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1883-84.

+ . Sixth Report on the N. W. Tribes ol Canada, London, 1890.

i^y.'-'j.ij

NOTKS ON TIIK WKHTKKN U^N^Ji.

2;»

I-akc Nay more, until recently the Tsi|Koh'tin did not even extend as
far as th^' F'rascr Some 25 years ayo the bulk of the tribe inhabited
Na'kOnt'iiln, a vill<ij;e on the lake of that name ($-' 4"' 'at. by
125' 5' lon^j.) close by the Bilqul is' territory, whence they migrated
almost in a body to the more fertile lands they now occupy.*

From a sociolofrical stanil^ioint ihcy might be divided into the quasi-
.sedentary and the nomadic TsiiKoh'tin. The former dwell on the north
banks of the TsijKoh, called by the whites Chilcotin River. They arc
divided into two groups, viz.: the T/JS-Ko/i-'/iu (people of the Splint River)
with one village on that creek close by the Fraser, population about
75 ; and the T jA-theil-Violi- tin (people of the river that trails through
the grass) who have two villages near the Chilcotin 35 and 45 miles
respectively west of the Fraser. Total population 190. An independent
band of some 35 individuals, an offshoot of the same sub-division, has
established itself near the F>aser facing F'ort Alexander.

All of these Tsi[Koh'tin have abandoned their original semi-sub-
terranean huts to dwell in log houses covered with mud according to the
fashion prevailing among the neighbouring whites. They also cultivate
wheat and other cereals, peas and potatoes with moderate .success.

The nomadic Tsi(Koh'tin are called by the whites "Stone Tsi[Koh'tin"
by allusion to their fovourite naunts, the rocky spurs of the Lillooet
mountains and of the Cascade range where they live, largely on marmots.
They have no fixed abode and except during the winter, they are
constantly shifting from their southern to their northern borders, that is
from the aforesaid mountains to the Chilcotin River, where they generally
pass a few weeks of the fair season. I know of no more primitive
people throughout the whole of British Columbia.

Apart from the above regular subdivisions their still remain at
Na'kilnt'iCm, or in the proximity of that lake, a few straggling members
of the same tribe.

In his late paper on "the Shushwap people of British Columbia," Dr. G.
M. Dawson gives f after Mr. J. W. Mackay, Indian agent, an interesting
account of a hostile excursion of Tsi[Koh'tin warriors into the country of

* Were native testimony retjanied as an insulficient prouf" of this, pliiloloj^y might still furnish
us with corroborative evidence of unquestionable character. Thus the most remarkable fenture
of the present teiritory of the Tsi[Koh'tin tribe is its magnificent bunch grass (Agropyrum
[Tri/icttm] repens L.). Now they call it (Enna-CjA, or "grass of the foreigners," i.e., the
Shushwap. This particular species o( grass is not met with north of the valley and bordering
tablelands of the Chilcotin River.

t Notes OP the Shushwap people of 13. C. ; Transact. K. S. C .'"'ec. U, p. 24, 1891.

f; I

TUANSACTIONS OF THK Cn.NAUIAN INSTITUTK.

[V. .. IV.

the Shushwap. On the authority of that narrative, the would-be invaders
wore pushed back by superior numbers into the Semilkameen valley
where, by their prowess, they compelled their pursuers to come to terms
and make a treaty of peace from which intermarriages soon resulted.
" These strangers, who are said to have come from the Chilcotin country,
are thus the earliest inhabitants of the Semilkameen valley of whom any
account has been obtained." * Seven, out of thirteen words given by
Mr. Mackay, as remnants of the original language of the invaders, are
undoubtedly TsiiKoh'tin, and make it certain that the Semilkameen
Shushwap are partly of Dene parentage.

Immediately north of the TsijKoh'tin we find the Carriers or Takhejne,
the most important in nui; oers, most widespread and progressive of all
the north-western D^ne tribes. They extend as far north as the 56" of
latitude and are coterminous with the coast tribes on the west and the
Crees and Tse''kehne on the east. The Coast Range on the one side and
the Rocky Mountains as far as 53'^ lat. on the other, separate them
from their heterogeneous neighbours. North of the 53°, they are in
immediate contact with the Ts(^'kehne.

The Carriers are semi-sedentary Indians. They have fixed homes in
regularly organized villages from which they periodically scatter away in
search of the fish and fur-bearing animals on which they subsist. From
south to nortn, their tribal subdivisions are : —

1. The 'jthau'tenne (a contraction of n^tha-koh-'tenne, people of the
Eraser River). They now have but one village, Stella (the Cape)
contiguous to the old Fort Alexander, formerly one of the most important
of the H. B. Co's. posts in Briti.sh Columbia, now abandoned. They were
originally several hundreds : they are now almost extinct as a sept.
Whiskey and loose morals owing to the vicinity of the whites are
responsible for this result. They are co-terminous with the Shushwap
in the south and the TsijKoh'iin in the immediate west. I do not think
that fifteen individuals of that sept now remain

2. The Nazkutenne (people of the river Naz). They are likewise
greatly reduced in numbers, there not being actually more than 90
members of that sub-tribe, though they stil' inhabit two villages Quesnel
and Black- VVater.f The same causes, especially tht former, as played
havoc among the qthau'tenne, are slowly but surely working out the

* Ibid. p. 25.

t The Black- Water or West River followed up by Sir. A . Mackenzie to reach the Pacific
Coast.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^IN^S.

ultimate destruction of the Nazku'tenne.
them are on the Fraser River.

Both villages inhabited by

3. Due west of the Black-Water village and ascending the river of that*
name to its source, we meet with a third subdivision of the Carriers, the
Nu-tca-tenne (probably corrupted from Nii-tcah- tenne, people down
against the island). These people dwell in four small villages. Trout
Lake, qus'kaz,* Pe-i'ka-tc^k,-f- and ^'ka-tco.J The latter is composed
of a mixed population of D^n^ and Belqula descent whose first white
visitor was the writer, ten years ago. The Nu-cha-'tenne formerly had
several other villages (Tsitsi, qrak, etc.), the sites of which are still dis-
cernible through small clearings in the forest. Their present ^otal
number may be a little over 135.

4. Immediately north of the Black-Water village, at the confluence of
the NutcaKoh with the Fraser River, we have one village, Fort George or
7«V//,§ the population of which forms one separate sept, the Tatio-
'tenne {people a little to the north). It numbers actually 130 persons.
The Fort George Indians have on the east side of the Fraser very large
and productive hunting grounds as far as, and comprising, the Rocky
and Caribou mountains and spurs thereof. A village of the same sept,
Tcinlak at the junction of the Na'kralKoh or Stuart's Lake River with
the NuchaKoh had formerly a flourishing population which was, not very
long ago, practically annihilated in one night by the TsijKoh'tin.

V Two villages on Fraser Lake furnish us with our fifth tribal sub-
division of the Carriers. Their population goes under the common name
of Natlotenne (contracted from Natleh-hwo' tenne or people of Natleh.||)
About 135 persons form the population of their two villages Natleh and
Stella, ** one at each end of the lake.

The aggregate of the above enumerated septs constitutes what I
generally designate under the collective name of Lower Carriers.
Though slight linguistic peculiarities give to each of them a real individu-
ality, yet the dialect of ail contains very important characteristics com-
mon to the whole aggregate ^''hich differentiate it from that of any of the
septs or subtribes which remain to review.

* " Half-qus," the name of a carp-like fish.

+ " Wherewith one catches fat."

J: "The Big-fattening."

§" The Junction."

II " It (i.e., the salmon) comes back again."

** The Cape.

fti:

ii..

.t J

TBANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN 1N8TITUTK.

[Vol. IW

thii

Under the name of Upper Carriers I include :-

, 6. The Na-kra-ztli'tenne or people of Na'kraztli* Stuart's Lake
They inhabit two villages, Na'kraztli and Pintce+ on the southern end,.

and on the middle of Stuart's Lake. They number 1 80 souls, and they
are of all the Carriers those who have made the greatest strides towards,
civilization.

7. Immediately to the north-west, on the same lake and its tributaries,.
Lakes Tremblay, That'iah, % and Connolly, a second subdivision of the
Upper Carriers, the seventh of the whole tribe, occupies four smal
villages, two only of which are regularly organized with a chief and the
usual native officers. These are Tha-tce, || and Sas-thtit§ rejpectively at
the confluence of Thatce river on Stuart's Lake and near Fort Connolly
on the lake of that name. The others are 'Kaztce ** formerly an
important locality on Thatce river and Ya-Ku-tce ff at the north-western
extremity of Stuart's Lake. The original home of all these bands was
at the end of that lake, as is manifest from their common name as a sept:
T'^az-tenne, people of the bottom or end of the lake. Their total
population is not over 90.

Some nine or ten years ago, Drs. Tolmie and Dawson published
conjointly a valuable ethnological map of this province, J+ which does not
tally in every respect with my description of the northern limits of the
Carriers' territory. The line of demarcation between the Carriers and the
Ts^'k^hnes' hunting grounds passes, on that map, through the middle of
Thatlah lake, giving the latter a large "'-.rip of land wkich I grant to the
former. I must explain that the authors of that map thereby point to the
de jure or original territory of the Carriers, while I sketch above the
de /ado or actual limits thereof By right Bear's or Connolly lake and
adjacent country belong to the Tse'k^hne tribe ; but, as a matter of fact>-
the village which is situated close to the H. B. Co's. fort is now the

•For the etymology of this name, see "The Dene Languages," Trans. Can. Inst, 1889-90,,
p. 188. .

+ Confluence of the Pin river.

+ "Bottom of the water," the equivalent of the French "Fond du Lac." The real native
name of tlus lake is Kil-r9-p»n, lit, " burden- near-lake."

II "The tail," (i.e., confluence in the lake) of the water. '

§ " Black Bear bathing place."

•• Confluence of the 'Kfz river.

■ft The confluence of the river VfKuz/li, (the outlet of YaKo lake).

++ Appended to " Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian tribes of B.C.; Montreal, 1884,

Mill

1892-93.]

KOTES ON THE WESTERN D^Nl^S.

rendezvous of representatives of three different tribes, namely : the
Ts^'k^hne who perioaically congregate there for trading purposes and
have no permanent residence ; the Carriers, a band of whom now
inhabit the village and hunt in the vicinity of the lake with the consent
of the form.er ; and the gtnas or Kitiksons from the Skeena river who
are considered as mere intruders and as such live there only on sufferance.

Both the Na'kraztli'tenne and the T'laz'tenne receive from the Babines
the name of 'Kutsne.

The following subdivisions might be designated under the collective
name of Babines, since in language they are practically one, and the
custom of wearing labrets which gave its distinctive name to one of them
was common to both. They are : —

8. The NituUinni (in Upper Carrier Natdtenne) or Babines who
inhabit the northern half of Babine lake in three villages and number
actually some 310 souls.

9 The Hivotsu'tinni (in Upper Carrier H'zvoUd tenne) or people of the
river Hwotsutsan.* They are called Akwilgc^t, " well dressed," by the
Kiliktons, their immediate neighbours of Tsimpsian parentage, and after
them by the whites. They inhabit two villages, Tse-tcah,+ KeyaP-
hwotqat,! and two smaller places now organizing, Tsei-'kaz-Kwoh,§ and
Moricetown on the HwotsotsanKwoh or Buckley river and what is
known in the country as the telegraph trail. All of these localities are
within the northernmost extremity of these Indians' hunting grounds
which extend from Fran^ais Lake up to the Skeena River. Several
members of that sept are allied by blood with their alien neighbours, the
Kitiksons. They number about 300. .

The language of these different branches of the Carrier tribe, while
remaining essentially the same, undergoes however marked variations,
corresponding to its ethnographical subdivisions. Upon that ground 1
have even sometimes asked myself whether distinct individuality as a
tribe should not be granted to the Babines whose linguistic or even
psychological peculiarities are so glaring that they cannot escape
detection even by the most careless observer. Much of their dialect
would indeed be " greek " to an 'jthau'ten visitor.

It is also but right to warn the reader that the three main divisions
of the tribe into Lower Carriers, Upper Carriers and Babines, although

* Almost equivalent to "Spider."
t Down against the Rock.
::0)d Village.
§ River of the axe edge.

iif ■
, I'll

ill

-28

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

ipii

[Vol. IV.

§m

i: i\

founded on language and geographical distribution, are not recognized
by the Carriers themselves, who knew of no other than the above
enumerated minor subdivisions.

The TsiiKoh'tin and Carriers have a well organized society composed
■of the hereditary " noblemen " who own the land, and the common
people who hunt with and for them. They formerly had no local head-
chiefs. Moreover, irrespective of the ethnographic divisions based on
language and habitat, they are divided into several gentes the members
of which believe themselves bound by ties of the strictest relationship.
They were originally exogamous, and throughout the entire Carrier tribe
matriarchate or mother-right is the law governing succession to titles
and property.

Among the Tsd-k^h-ne, or "People-on-the-Rocks" a simpler and more
primitive social organization obtains. That tribe, through necessity as
much as from natural inclination, is entirely nomadic. As salmon is
unknown throughout their territory, these aborigines have to be almost
constantly on fhe move after the moose, cariboo and other large animals
on whose flesh they mainly subsist. Father- right is their national
fundamental law, and the whole tribe is composed c*" bands slightly
differing in language, and with no regular chiefs. In fact, their society,
such as it is, might almost be termed a perfect anarchy, were it not that
the advice of the oldest or most influential of each band is generally
followed as far at least as regards hunting, travelling and camping.

Though each band has traditional hunting grounds, the limits of these
are but vaguely defined, which is not the case with those of the Carriers.
Furthermore, several members of one band will not unfrequently be
found hunting unmolested on the land of another. Therefore no very
strict boundaries can be assigned to the following tribal subdivisions
which comprise all the Ts^'k^hne population \yithin the political borders
of British Columbia: —

1. The Ytl-tsA-fqemie, or "people down over there" {i.e., in the
direction of an expanse of water) are the band which from time
immemorial bartered out to the Carriers the axes and other primitive
implements of which due mention shall be made further on. They are
so called by the rest of the tribe by allusion to their commercial relations
with the Carriers of Stuart's Lake. Their hunting grounds lie from
Salmon River* to MacLeod's Lake and thence to the Fraser, by 53° 30'.

2. The Tsi-kih-ne-az, or " little-people-on-the-rocks " roam over the

* There are so many Snlmon rivers in the north of British Columbia that it may be necessary
to explain that the one here mentioned empties itself into the Fraser a little above Fort George.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THR WESTERN i">£N6s.

29>

land which extends between the latter lake and the summit of the Rocky
Mountains. They are often to be found hunting on the western slope of
that range.

3. The To-ta-fqenne (" people-a-little-down-the-rivef ") inhabit the
eastern slope and adjacent plains of the Rocky Mountains within British
Columbia.

4. The Tsa-fiynne (who call themselves Tsa-Jmh) or Beaver-people,
roam over the large prairies contiguous to the Peace River, on the south
side of that stream and east of the Rockies.

5. The Ts^-ta-ut'qenne (the people against the Rocks) as hinted by
their name, have their habitat chiefly at the base of the Rocky Mountains
on the north side of the Peace River. *

6. This is perhaps the proper place to mention the Sarcees* who have
been adopted by the Blackfeet Confederation, and actually live east of
the Rocky Mountains by about 51° lat. north.

7. To the north of all the above sub-divisions, from the 56° to the north,
we find the Sas-chiit-qenne or "people of the Black Bear" whose trading
post was until last year Fort Connolly on the lake of that name.

8. Another band called Otz9n-ne (people between or intermediary)
claims the land which intervenes beLween the territory of the Saschut-
'qenne and that of the Ts^lohne on the west side of the Rocky
Mountains.

9. Those Tsd-loh-ne (people of the end of the Rocks) live immediately
north of the latter and their chief trading post is now B. L. C. (Bear-Lake-
Outpost) on the Finlay River by 57° of latitude north. Their name is
due to the fact that their habitat is an immense plain which is said to
intersect the whole of the Rocky Mountains which are popularly believed
not to extend any further.

The aggregate population of all these bands does not exceed 1,300.

The Tsd'kehne are known to the Carriers under the name of j'tat-'tenne
or " people of the beaver-dams," while the latter are responsible for the
distinctive name of the Carriers — Arejne, " packers." The nickname
Ta-Kej-ne by which this tribe sometimes calls itself f is of recent origin
It has no meaning in its language to which it is exotic, and I cannot

* Their aboriginal name as a sept is unknown to me. A century ago they had 35 tents with a
population of 120. (History of Manitoba, p. 85).

t Indeed they even call thus all the races of Indians by opposition to the whites.

'■(

i:|

y lif

i; J

'■^ m

■ :||

WB^tmrnfi

1 ;

li 1

^ il

1. '

: i ■

. ,1!

, I;

'■;:'^ jji!

■W

I! !

' in

:l|

?fH-rii

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

imagine whi nee it originated. It is the would-be Tacullies or Takullies
of the ethnographers.*

The foregoing information will be found recapitulated in the following
list showing the tribal subdivisions from south to north of the Tsilkoh'tin^
the Carriers and the Tsd'k^hne.

Tsilkoh'tin Tribe.

Stone TsijY^oKtin ; immediately south of Ch'lcotin River.
TpsKo/ttin ; ten miles north of the mouth of Chilcotin River.
T'pthetlKoh'tin ; north bank of Chilcotin River, 45 miles from its mouth.
Independent septs ; Fort Alexander and Nakfintl'On.

Carrier Tribe.

'jthau'ienne ; Fort Alexander.

Nazkti tenne ; Qucsnelle and mouth of Black Water River.

Nutca'tenne ; on Black Water and throughout its basin.

Tand tenne ; Fort George.

N atld tenne ; Fraser Lake.

N dkraztlt tenne ; Stuart's Lake.

T^as' tenne ; upper end of Stuart's Lake and tributaries.

Babine Subtribe.
N^tu'tinni ; Babine Lake.
Hwotsu! tinni ; Buckley River and Fran^ais Lake.

Ts^'k^hne Tribe.

YiltsMqenne ; from Salmon River to McLeod's Lake.

Tsf k^hneaz ; from McLeod's Lakes to the Rocky Mountains.

Totafqenne ; immediately east of Rocky Mountains.

Tsat'qenne (the Beavers) ; south side of Peace River.

Tsb' tauf qenne ; base of Rocky Mountains close by preceding.

* The number of different orthographical readings of the names of the north-western Dsne
tribes is truly wonderful. Thus the Carriers (TaKeine, the " Porteurs" of the French Canadians)
are called Tahkali and Tahcully by Anderson, Teheili, by Dawsc i and Takully, 7'acully,
Takrilh by others. The Tse'kehne are Thi-kka-ne to Petitot, Ihekenneh to Kennicott, and
Sicany, Siccani, or Sikani to others. I am ashamed to own that I have myself countenanced in
former papers the wrong reading " S^kanais" of my predecessors here.

1892-93.]

NOTES OK THE WESTERN D^N^S.

Sarcees ; immediately east of Rocky Mountains, 51' lat. north.
SascMtqenne ; Connolly Lake and north. West side Rocky Mountains.
Otz3nne ; north of preceding, same side of mountains.
Tsilohne ; north of preceding, same side of mountains.

To the above I should add the Na/vane * whose hunting grounds
lie to the north of those of the Ts^'k^hne. But I am not familiar enough
with their tribal divisions to state them with any degree of certainty, nor
■do I sufficiently possess their technology to speak authoritatively of it.
It may however be broadly stated that from an archaeological standpoint
the Western Nah'ane may be classed as Carriers, while the Eastern
Nah'ane are to all practical purposes regular Tsd'k«§hne.

:!i

»■'

* The so-called Nehawni of Pilling, the Na"ane of Petitot, the Nahawney of Kennicott, the
Nehawney of Ross and the Nahawnies of others.

11:

UMiS

^1:

f f

TIIANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

I ' ni

I :!

|Ii ■ !

i,„ Mil

ill

,1!

■;.' , ii i
ii' -l!

CHAPTER II.

Preliminaries — Philological.

Even Philology is not without bearing on Archaeology. More than
once the former will prove a great help towards elucidating such problems
as the relative age or history of the human products whose aggregate
constitutes the raison d' ette of the latter. Thus the necessaries of native
life, those objects which are the most indispensable to savage man and
whose appearance as technological items must therefore have been the
earliest are, as a rule, expressed in D^n6 by monosyllabic roofs as thuy
water ; Ktvan, fire ; jo, fish ; tsa, beaver ; 'kra, arrow ; pif, snare ; ku/i,
trap ; etc. Other objects or implements of more complex nature or less
general import, or the use of which supposes higher steps in the industrial
ladder, are rendered by polysyllabic words. In the language of the
D^n^s, the more primitive an object, philologically also the simpler its
name. Implements of complicated structure or of recent introduction
among the aborigines have almost invariably names of similarly composite
fabric.

These considerations have led me to give, either in the text or through
foot-notes, the aboriginal name of each item of native technology men-
tioned in the present monograph. As we shall presently see, some of
these names admit of no literal translation ; but when such translation is
possible, it shall accompany the Indian word. Unless otherwise noted,
those names will be in the Carrier dialect.

That the reader may the more easily recognize the category to which
such words etymologically belong, and thereby judge of the place the
objects they represent occupy in the D^n6 technology, I deem it not
irrelevant to reproduce here the following paragraphs from a former paper
on the D^n^ languages.

" Considered in their material structure and etymology, the Dene
nouns may be divided into four classes. These are the primary roots
which are all monosyllabic as in Chinese. Such a-re^/a, sky ; tM, water ;
/j/, stone ; J^j, black bear; etc. TJieyare essentially nominative: they
neither define nor describe the object they designate ; they merely
differentiate it from another. I consider them as the remnants of the
primitive Den^ language, inasmuch as they are to be found with little or

Ihi :!

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S.

no alteration in all the dialects of the family, whatever may be the dis-
tance intervening between the aborigines who speak them.*"

No etymology or other explanation than that of the text v;ill be given
of words belonging to this category, because they admit of none. Thus
the context will indicate for instance that R^/ is a war club, that we is a
kind of fish trap, etc., without any attempt being made at explaining the
origin of either word, or at giving a more literal sense of them than that
furnished by the translation, which would be impossible. They have no
derivation, but on the contrary may serve as the compounding elements of
other words of secondary import.

" The second category comprises roots of simple import which are
genuine unsynthetical substantives though polysyllabic, generally dissyll-
abic, in form. To this category belong words as t^ne, man ; t'sbkhk,
woman ; paflran, lake ; etc. They possess, to a limited extent, the
properties of the monosyllabic roots, being likewise merely determinative
and oftentimes varying but little with the change of dialect."i*

Here it may be added that even in these nouns there is generally one
syllable which is more important and contains, as it were, the quintessence
of the word. Thus it is with the ne of i^ne ; the t's^ of t'stkhk^
thep^n oi pailnn. In composite words, such syllables only are retained.
So the Carriers will more commonly say ne-aran murderer, than tdne-dran,
while in such compounds as ji-ts^, she-dog, and pdn-tco^ big lake, the
weak or secondary syllable has also disappeared.

" The third class contains composite nouns formed, as a rule, by com-
pounding, though sometimes by agglutinating, monosyllabic or dissylla-
bic roots. Such are ne-na-pa-ra (literally : man-eyes-edge-hair) eye
lashes ; tspe-ii, wild sheep horns ; tnai-rJ, vegetable oil instead of inai-v.^,
literally, fruit-oil. These nouns being mere compounds of roots belong-
ing to the two former categories have the same degree of relative
immutableness with regard to the various dialects as the radicals which
enter into their composition.''^

In like manner, implements designated by names of this category
may be of as ancient origin as those denominated by words of the first.

Thus, tsa-m-pi], beaver snare, contains two ideas of simple import —
the medial in being merely euphonical and demanded by the following
p. That words of this class may not be confounded with terms of the
preceding, their compounding roots will be separated by a hyphen,

•The Dene Languages, etc. Transact Can. Inst. vol. i, 1889-90, p. 181.

Mbid.

Xlbid, p. 182.

i\
vx.

1 \

i i

(!■

f
I

TRANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

1 ■ ;!H

" The fourth and last class is made up of verbal nouns which, as their
name indicates, are nothing else than verbs in the impersonal or personal
moods employed to qualify objects of secondary import with the help
sometimes of a radical noun, sometimes of a pronoun, and always of a
prepositive particle prefixed to, or incorporated in, the verbal substantive.
Of this description are the words /^j/^«-^/'^<?/ (lit. with-earth-one cleaves),
plough; n-kzv9t-s92ta (lit. it-on-one sits), seat; d'ten-pa-yaW (lit. work-
for-house) work-shop."*

Very few of the objects or implements designated by words of that
class can be regarded as of really ancient origin.

As for the orthography followed in the present monograph for render-
ing aboriginal words, it is as follows : —

The vowels have the continental sounds. When accentuated, they
undergo the same phonetic changes as French letters do when affected
by similar accents. Thus d, i, o, have the same sound as in French ;
e and ji as in Italian ; / is sounded as the e of " mets ", ^ as that of the
English " ten ", while 9 corresponds to the so-called French e muet in
«uch words as je, te, le. W is always a consonant.

Subject to the following remarks, the consonants have also the con-
tinental sounds. H is strongly aspirated; fl represents a nasal n followed
by a common or sounding «; / is a lingualo-sibilant which is obtained by
the emission of a hissing sound on both sides of the tongue curved up-
wards previous to its striking the lingual letter ; r is the result of
uvular vibrations, and when immediately following a guttural {g, k, kh,
'k, or K) it is almost impreceptible to the ear ; K, and R, are respectively
k and r pronounced with a very guttural inflection ; q nearly resembles /y,
both letters being simultaneously sounded ; c represents the English double
consonant sh. The apostrophe (') prefixed to k, t, g, adds to the regular
pronunciation of those letters the exploding sound peculiar to most
Indian languages. J is intermediate between s and c.

T/i, kh, arc equivalent to t-f-h and k-f h and are produced by a
single emission of voice. T's and t'[ are " exploded " and their exact
value cannot be realized otherwise than by hearing them pronounced by
a competent person.

The hiatus is represented by a period in the upper part of the line (■).

* Jbid., ibid.

1 llll'l !!

1892-93.]

NOTES ON TilK WK»TKKN DKN^S.

Works and Implements unknown among the Western D^n^s.

Before attempting to detail what our aborigines have or had of
archxoiogicai ware, it may not be amiss to enumerate what they do not
have and apparently never had.

Throughout the whole extent of their territory, no mounds, enclosures,
fortifications of a permanent character or any earthen works suggesting
human agency are to be found, nor is their existence, past or present,
even as much as suspected by any Carrier, Tsd'ktihne or Tsifkoh'tin. In
the same manner, pottery, clay implements, perforated stones, mortars,
ceremonial gorgets, gouges, stone sledges and articles of shell either plain,
carved or engraved, have to this day remained unknown among them.
They did formerly, and do still occasionally, use stone pestles. But for the
mortars common among natives of most heterogeneous stocks, they
substitute a dressed skin spread on the ground whereon they pound dried
salmon, salmon vertebrae, bones, etc.

Such sweeping assertions may astonish those readers who have already
been informed by Dr. D. G. Brinton that among the D^n^s "utensils
were of wood, horn or stone, though the TakuUy women manufactured
a coarse pottery and also spun and wove yarn from the hair of the
mountain goat."* This statement is quite a surprise to me, inasmuch as
I supposed it was a fact well known to Americanists that no pottery of
any description existed among such north-western stocks of aborigines
as the D^n^, the Tsimpsian, the Haida, the Kwakwintl, the Tlinget and
the Eskimo. As for the spinning of the hair of the mountain goat Dr.
Brinton probably confounds the Carriers (his Takully) with the Pacific
Coast tribes which did and occasionally do make good blankets out of
that material.^

I have also mentioned the mortcrs among articles unknown to the
■original D^n^s. Therefore I must call attention to a statement of A.
Niblack in his valuable monograph on "The Coast Indians of Southern
Alaska " wherein he says : " These [mortars] were by some people
supposed to indicate that in early days these Indians ground maize as
did and do the hunting Indians of the interior''^ The italics are mine.

, "The American Race, p. 71.

t A gentleman speaking de visit states that "yarn is spun from the wool of the mountain goat
'(not the mountain sheep or big-horn) and is woven into excellent blankets which are highly
coloured and ornamented." (Notes by Mr. J. C. Callbreath in G. M. Dawson's "Notes on the
Indian tribes of the Yukon District " etc., reprint, p. 6). But this statement applies to the
Thajthan division of the Nah'ane, not the Carrier tribe.

:!:The Coast Indians, etc., in Ann. Rep. of the U. S. National Museum, p. 281 ; 1890.

! I

t hi!

V. \

TKAN8A<;TI0N8 of THK CANADIAN IN8TITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

ill!'
■'Ill'

h ■

it'

These words, coming from an author who is generally so well informed,
are at best perplexing. To whom does he allude in this reference to the
maize growing huntsmen of the interior ? Most people will answer that
it must be to the D<5n^ Indians who, in the latitude within which the
subjects of his sketch are stationed, people the American Continent
practically in its whole breadth. Of course, he cannot thereby refer to
the Iroquois and the Hurons whose habitat is close to the Atlantic, not
the Pacific coast. Now it is .so well known that the D^nes were but
recently innocent of the least attempt at cultivation that I cannot regard
this extraordinary assertion as anything else than a slip of the pen.

A natural apathy, lack of artistic ambition or want of skill caused the
Western D^n^s to be practical, rather than aesthetic craftsmen. Where
extra exertion was not absolutely necessary, it was very seldom bestowed
upon any kind of work. Therefore most of the implements which we
shall examine in the following chapters are exceedingly simple and
sometimes even rude in appearance. For instance, the D^-n^', knowing by
experience that a stone lashed, while in its natural state, to his fishing-
net was doing as good service as the most elaborate sinker, never
attempted to fashion it into any of the artistic shapes given similar
implements by many other families of Aborigines. For this reason carved
or even merely grooved sinkers are also to be classed among the indus-
trial implements unknown to the Western D^n^s.

A fact which will perhaps elicit incredulous comment is that not only
our Aborigines' earliest acquaintance with tobacco, native or Nicotian,
dates only from 1792 for the Ts^'k^hne and 1793 for the Carriers, but
even the very act of smoking was unknown to them prior to those dates.
As a consequence, pipes of any material or form are an adventitious

i;ri

item amongst them. Fig. i represents the earliest known model of pipes
of D6n^ manufacture. It consists of a stone bowl with a serrated base
wherein a wooden stem has been inserted. Bowl and stem are connected

i«y'j-'j3,]

NOTK8 ON 1HE WKHIKRN DENES.

by means of a chain of dcntalium shells alternating with coloured glass
beads. A pipe strikingly similar in form, but minus the string of shells
and beads, was also in use among the Shushwap Indians, the southern
neighbours of the Western IX-nt^s, as appears from a sketch in Dawson's
" Notes on the Shushwap People of British Columbia." *

Against the above assertion as to the absence of smoking pipes among
the primitive Denes, it might be contended that the TsijKoh'tin, who
were more venturesome than the two other tribes, must have known
through the Coast and Shushwap Indians, the species of wild tobacco
which is said to have been cultivate;! by the natives of Queen Charlotte
Islands, or gathered in its wild state by the Shushwap.f But to any
person who is aware of the irresistible attraction all races of Aborigines
feel towards the use of the soothing weed, whether genuine or counter-
feit this hypothesis will appear altogether gratuitous. .Albeit the tribal
intcrcour.se between the Tsi|koh'tin and the Carriers was /ormerly a
rather rare occurrence and not always of the most friendly description,
had smoku.g been in vogue among the former, the latter could not well
have failed to notice in their neighbours a practice which is claimed to
have appeared so strange to them at the time of their first meeting with
th ' whites. Now both the Tse'k^hne and the Carriers are positive that
it was unknown to their ancestors previous to their encounter with
M3-tsi-ra-n3tjoil \ or Sir Alex. McKenzie ; and they still recount, with
no lack of amusing details, first their stupefaction at beholding smoke
issuing from men's mouths, and then their scorn for tobacco when they
ascertained that it was not edible. §

' ' 1

i i :

* Transact, R. S. C. p. 12, fig. 3 ; 1891.

t Vide: "On the Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands," by G. M. Dawson, p. 114b,
115 b, Montreal, 1880 ; " Notes on the .Shushwap People of B.C.," by G. M. Dawson, Trans.
R..S.C. Sect. II., p. 23, 1891 ; "Descriptive Notes on Certain Implements," etc., by Al. Mac-
kenzie, Trans. R.S.C., Sect. II., p. 55, 189: ; "The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska," etc.,
by A. P. Niblack, p. 333, 1890.

tin Tse'kehne : "his hair is plentiful," perhaps by allusion to the wig or queue worn by Sir
Alex. Mackenzie.

§ The derivation of the word »te'ka, by which the Carriers designate tobacco, has long
puzzled me. It must be either a borrowed word or a word formed by .igglutination, as the name
of the horse {yesih-ii, " elk-dog " or domestic elk). Now I have studied that word in the
vocabulary of over twenty tribes, all contiguous, mediately or immediately, without being able
to discover anything like an homonymous equivalent. On the other hand, the two parts of which
it is composed. 3te and 'ka, are genuine Carrier particles which, taken separately, are not with-
out meaning, but to which no rational signification can be ascribed when joined together. Yet
the names of all new objects in the Dene languages are either borrowed from foreign dialects, or
more generally formed by compounding, that is by the juxtaposition of two or more names of
objects already known. Thus, in TsijKoh'tin the name of the tobacco is ts3j-yu, which means
"smoke-medicine." Altogether, the Carrier (and Tse'kehne) word designating that imported
plant ha^ the appearance of an old root of the second category, which is to me inexplicable.

I \

I :

J if

i;|:

]

•|l;

13,

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

■> u

[Vol. VI.

Pipe Fig. 2 is of recent manufacture, and bears testimony to the
TsijKoh'tin's faculty of imitation. It has been \\ rought out of an impure
steatite or soap stone. Its stem is a wooden tube connected with the
base of the boivl by a double string or chain of black beads. The stem
of such pipes is more generally lengthened through the insertion of a
perforated brass cartridge shell between the base and the mouthpiece.

Fig. 2.

Specimens of pipes identical in form, and sometimes in material,
though many are of serpentine, are also found among the Ts^'k^hne.
But now-a-days the poorest Carrier scorns them as utterly unsuited to
his present state of civilization.

'in

III!

''It'lii

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^lNl^S.

3»

CHAPTER ill.

Stone Implements.

Some scientists seem to have an innate fondness for the mysterious and
the insolvable. Upon the slightest pretext they delight in creating difficul-
ties or proj 'ounding problems. They long for novelties and must soar
above the c )ncepts of such weak-minded mortals as are naive enough to
pay any attention to the " Hebrew myths " of the creation of man and his
comparatively recent appearance on the scene of this world. Whereas in
modern times we have no authentically recorded instance of mound
building by American Aborigines,* and because some of those artificial
works are of considerable magnitude, they jump to the conclusion that
the so-called mound-builders must have been a very ancient race, more
advanced in civilization than the Indians of our days and altogether
different fiom them.f In like manner, because in Europe, and in some
parts of America stone implements have been discovered which are of a
particularly rude pattern, they mfer that these remains being found in
river beds or, in Europe, imbedded in geological strata supposed to have
been formed at a very remote epoch prove the existence, not only of
prehistoiic, but even of pre- Adamite man. Students who prefer to rely
on the authority of such an unerring guide as the I^ible to following
modern savatiis through their ever shifting, if not conflicting, theorie'=,
cannot but remark, I fancy, that, in the same way as the latest researches
tend to confirm the opinion of those unprejudiced antiquarians who from
tbi! beginning doubted the great antiquity of the American mounds and
the extraneous nationality of their builders,^ even so it must ultimately

* As will appear from note + the Cherokees did erect mounds, though unobserved by the: whites,
within the present century.

t ".So strong in fact is the hold whicii ihis theory . . . has taken of the minds of both
American and European archaeologists, that it not only biases their conclusions but also moulds
and modifies their nomenclature, and is thrust into their specuiuions and even into their descrip-
tions as though no longer a simple theory, but a conceded fact." Burial Moiauis of the Northern
Section oft'-. (J. S. by Pfof. Cyrus Thomas ; Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol. p. 80.

+ F,idence corroborative of this assumption would fill many pages. .Scientists in every way
'jualified to speak on this subject and to whom nobody can refuse a hearing have clearly shown
the futility of the theory which ascribes the erection of the mounds to non-Indian races. Prof.
Cyrus Thomas, than whom I think there is no more reliable authority on the subject, lays down
as one of the conclusions derived from the mound explorations under the auspices of the Smith*
sonian Institution that " nothing trustworthy has been discovered to justify the theory that the
mound builders belonged to a highly civilized rare, or that they were a people who liad attained a

'^1

l!:iii

h;I

I !':|

:'fi
■ .i

1 .-.h

TKANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vou IV.

prove to be the case with regard to the fabulous age ascribed to what are
called palaeolithic implements. By the end of che last century Voltaire and
his school 'vere wont to adduce the pretended enormous antiquity of the
Egyptian monuments as an irrefutable evidence of the inaccuracy of the
Mosaical chronology. Time -.vnt on, and the days came when Cham-
poUion and Sir. H. Rawlinson deciphered the Egyptian and Assyrian
inscriptions. Then the very same works which fifty years before were
instanced as an excuse for the encyclopedists' sneers at the Scriptures
were converted into the best extrinsical proof of the accuracy of the
Mosaical account.

I am not an archajologist, much less a geologist. Yet, upon entering into
a question in connection wherewith so many strange and, to me, evidently

ilk

liit;lier cultu.e status than the Indians. It is true that works and papers on American Archaeology
are full of statements to the contrary which are generally based on the theory that the mound-
huildeni belonged to a race of much higher culture than the Indians. Yet, when the facts on
which this opinion is based are examined with sober scientific care, the splendid fabric which has
been built upon them by that great workman, imagination, fades from sight. The links

discovered directly connecting the Indians and the mound-builders are so : -imc- - '^\d so well
established that there should be no longer any hesitancy in accepting the ih" \ / '. > '- two are
one and the same people. . . The testimony of the mounds is very u<^.iJeviiy against the
theory that the mound-builders were Mayas or Mex'jans" Work in Mound Exploration of the
Bur, Ethtiol., Washington, iSSf, p. ii-ij. To corroborate by actual facts my position on this
question, I glean from the same paper the following extracts : — "In another Wisconsin mound
. . . was found lying at the bottom on the original surface of the ground, near the center, a
genuine, rtgu'arly-fornied gunflint. In another Tennessee mound some 6 feet high and which
showed no signs of disturbance, an old fashioned horn handled case-knife was discovered near the
bottom. . . From a group in Northern Mississippi in the locality formerly occupied by the
Chickasaw were obtainal a silver plate with the Spanish coat of arms stamped upon it, and the
iron portions of a saddle. At the bottom of a North Carolina mound, part of an iron blade
and an iron awl were discovered in the hands of the principal personage buried therein. .
At the bottom of an undisturbed Pennsylvania mound, accompanying the original interment
. . . was a joint of a large cane wrapped in pieces of thin and evenly wrought silver foil,
smoothly cut in fancy figures." Ibid. p. 9 and 10. I have underlined the names of the stat--
mentioned to show that mound-building in post-Columbian timts was by no means locr 1 r
exceptional. To the above should be added the still more significant fact that in a small V;/\l; -
turbed mound in east Tennessee a stone with letters of the Cherokee alphaiiet ruddy ,'ai-' <;fi
upon it was lately discovered by a party of American explorators. 1 he problem uj iki, '''■■■n
Mounds, p. 37, note l. Dr. D. G. Urinton in his latest work, The American Race, p. 87-86,
admits that "there is, to say the least, a strong probability that they [the modern Muskokis] are
the descendants of the constructors of those ancient works " [namely, the i.nounds in their
vicinity]. Over and above the authorities already quoted, here is how Dr. J. W. Powell, the
learned head of the Bureau of Ethnology, .Smithsonian Institution, ends a review of an import-
ant paper by Mr. W. H. Holmes : — "This eliminates one more source of error cherished by
lovers of the mysterious to establish and exalt a supposed race of Mou.id-Builders." Third
Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. Ixiii. ; Wi'shington, 1884. Nobody will deny that that
gentleman, owing to his official position, enjoys opportunities of judging of the merits 01 " ;merits
of a cause of which few indeed can boast. Lastly, it must be added that unlimited e' •<>'■■. x <j;oes
to prove that in almost every case the modern Indians occupy the exact territoryv.tr; i"; :!'•
forefathers lived when they first came in contact with the whites.

I i. U ■

'illlil

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DENES.

false theories have been built, I feel the necessity as a Christian and an
observer of my own surroundings to put on record my utter disbelief in
any proposition which may run counter to the natural deductions from
the Book of Genesis. True, even Christian anthropologists are far from
aj^reed as to the probable age of man, since such a learned orientalist as
the Abbe Vigouroux suggests* and Father Thein inclines to believe +
that creation dates from over 8000 years as against the 6000 which it
was customary to reckon as the maximum distance which separates us
from Adam. Yet methinks that there are limits beyond which modern
interpretation of the sacred text cannot safely go. I suppose that no
person who has any regard for the authority of the Bible — I am tempted
to add, and for sober, common .sense :J: — will believe in the hundreds of
thousands of years attributed by .some to pal.tolithic stone implements
and consequently to man. To show that there are valid rea.sons to
doubt the correctncGc cf 3uch chronological computations, let me adduce
here a few facts derived from the very source to which they are wont to
point in confirmation of their extravagant theories, I mean Geology.

The great antiquity attributed in Europe to stone implements is based
generally on the age of the geological strata wherein they are found.
For the sake of briefness, let us choose those the formation of which is
the most easily accounted for, say the alluvial strata. Pieces of pottery
found at a depth of thirty-nine feet in the mud of the Nile delta were
pronounced by antiquarians of repute to be 13,000 years old. Such
authorities as Sir John Lubbock and Sir Charles Lyell asserted in various
papers that those Egyptian relics must date back from 12,000 to 60,000
years. Now, Sir R. Stephenson found at a greater depth in the delta,
near Damietta, a brick bearing on its surface the stamp of Mohammed
AH ! § The discoverer of the pieces of pottery " rated the growth of the
mud deposit in a given spot at only three and a half inches in a century ;

^ Les Livres Saints, etc.. Vol. III., p. 238.

+ Christian Antbropology, p. 245, New Yoili, 1892.

t For my own justification and to i'lustrate tlie vagaries of some modern scientists, let me
recall the fact ; ai from the supposed vesti_i,'es of mar. discovored in the strata of the tertiary
period, some I'ior' s assijjn a date of it least 300,000 years before the tiefjinniny; of the historic
epoch. Now a clever I'-'lian writer wh(' has made an aiithmelical computation of the nundjer of
men who mast have been exi,-,^'ns: on thj earth at the time commonly assigned to the creation of
Adam according to that hypothesis, finds that this number cannot be expressed without 434
figures ! Suppose the habitable part of the earth extended in a series of stories each one meter
':■ height and filled with men in the ratio of 10 to each square meter as far up as 400 times the
r.idius of the moon's orbit and the limits of the earth's orbit will be reached and yet the number
of these men will be represented only by the figure 2 followed by 26 ciphers.

§ Christian Anthropology, p. 267, New York, 1892.

! 1

!
f

J (

.'1

I 111

tHi

THANSAtTIONS OF THI-i CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

but a description of the same spot by a Mohammedan writer only si.\'
centuries ago shows that tlie mud is deposited at the rate of over eigh-
teen inches in a hundred years."*

An Enghsh resident in India recounts that the foundation of a house
he had himself built was carried away and strewed along the bottom of
a river at a depth of thirty or foriy feet below the level of the country.
" Since then the river has passed on," he says, •' and a new village now
stands on the spot where my bungalow stood, but forty feet above the
ruins ; and any one who chooses to dig on the spot may find my re-
liquice there, and form what theory he likes as to their antiquity or my
age."t

Again, antiquarians of a geological turn of tnind .should remember, it
seems, that in most cases the agents which now produce alluvial deposits
were fcrrerly many times more powerful and that therefore strata con-
taining logical relics were formed at a proportionately greater
rate. Tak' instance, the valley of the Somme in France. No region
has probably become so famous in the Annals of Archaeology. The
Somme is to-day a modest river with very quiet waters. Now, accord-
ing to M. de Mercey, who has made a careful study of its history, its
waters at the Roman epoch were fifty times more abundant than in our
days.:J: Moreover, it is a well established fact that the sea at that time
must have extended to Amiens, since below a marine deposit nine feet
thick coins have been found, the most recent of which bears the effigy of
a prince who died A.D. 267.§ In the neighbourhood of Lille, a medal of
Marcus Aurelius was found at a depth of twenty-five feet under a triple
bed of reddish clay, muddy slime and peat mixed with sand. ||

Thus Geology refi;";s itself the theories of the partizans of the great
age of the primitive stone implements, theories which they claim to base
on geological grounds. Let us now see what History has to say on the
same subject.

The contention of the majority of antiquarians is that the stone age
long antedated the historic period. In opposition to this, O. Fraas states
that "arrows with sharp flint heads, and especially stone axes, stone
chisels and stone hammers are found among the Germans, even down ta
the time of the Franks. . . . According to Herodotus, Ethiopians

• Southall, Recent Origin of Man, p. 474.

f Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, p. 327, Aug. 1863,
X Bulletin de la Sodt'tJ GMogique, 1876-^ p. 347.
, § Christian Anthropology, p. 260, New York, 1892.
\\ Mati'riatix pour Thistoire de P hom/ne, p. 136, 1878.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S.

accompanied the army of Xerxes, who were so savage that they possessed
only weapons of stone and bone . . . ; they had long bows made of
the ribs of palm leaves and reed arrows with pebble points ; their javelins
were pointed with the horns of gazelles." * Five hundred years later,
Tacitus says of the Fenni : " They have no (iron) weapons. Their only
means of attack are arrows to which, having no iron, they give a bone
point."f Caesar tells us in his De Bello Gallico \ that the Gauls, while
besieging Alesia (5? B.C.), made use of stones and pebbles. An epic
poem of the fifth century describes two warriors battling with stone
axes.§ St. Ouen, bishop of Rouen in the seventh century, speaks of flint

hatchets in his " Life of St. Eligius." As far down as 1066, projectiles of
stone were in use in Europe according to William of Poitiers. It even
appears that more than a century later the Scots of Wallace made use of
stone arms. ||

History records many other similiar examples. I am well aware that
the advocates of the great antiquity of man and human implements base
their views on divers other reasons. But I think that all of these can
be as easily disposed of. ' '

Industrial Implements.

The facts above recited are necessary to establish the really modern
origin of many stone implements which some regard as absurdly ancient,
and tn^refore if, in the course of the present monograph and more
particularly of this Chapter, D^nd implements or weapons are occasionally
assimilated to objects, even palaeolithic, of the same description found in
the alluvial strata of Europe my comparisons, instead of appearing
preposterous, should be const, ued as additional evidence of the relatively
recent origin of the European "finds." For, I cannot helj thinking that
some spear heads, for instance, which were in use here but one hundred,
years ago are identical in form and finish v.'ith weapons of the Solutrian
period of the unpolished stone age. As for the industrial impler"^nts,.
and especially the axes of the prehistoric Den^s, though they might not
perhaps be classed with strict propriety among palaeolithic implements^
I think they could not properly be styled neolithic, since they were
mostly unpolished, except at the cutting edge.

* Dii alien Hohlenbeivohner, p. 30.
. t.(4/«<(/ Christian Anthropology, p. 320.
JBookVn.,81.
§ Ampere, Hisloire lill^raire.
II Ciiristian Anlhropolotjy, passim.

,(,

i. i

1 !

1 p ■

iiii

3M ii

TPANS ACTIONS OP THE CAXADIAX INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

■'d

l:^i|l

[ilii

Hi H
li

Thus in fig. 3 we have a celt of a dark coloured, very close-grained rock
which shows absolutely no sign of polish except at the cutting edge
and, if I am to credit the Indian from whom it wSs obtained and who
used it for some time as a skin scraper, even this faintly polished edge
was wanting when the instrument was found on the surface of the
ground. It would seem that these rude, unpolished axes were, at least
among the Carriers, much more common than those entirely or even
partially polished.

•U

Fig- 3- K size. • ' F'g. 4- ^^ size.

Fig. 4 hardly exhibits any trace of improvement on that primitive
pattern. Iiiueed the specimen it represents has even cost the maker a
smaller amount of exertion, since one of its flat surfaces is merely the
original surface of a blackish siliceous stone in its natural water-worn
state, while the reverse is evidently the result of the splitting of the
pebble out of which the implement has been made. Were it not for the
unmistakable attempt at obtaining by friction a finer edge than is usual
in scrapers, one would almost suppose that it has been designed for
dressing skins rather than cutting wood.

The specimen illustrated by fig. 5, though unpolished except at its
broadest end, is more axe-like in shape. It is of a shaly rock externally
rusty-looking, but internally of a reddish gray transversely striated with
fine parallel lines.

The implement represented by fig. 6 again differs both in form and
material from all the preceding specimens of stone axes. It might be
described as gouge-shaped, were itnot that no concavity corresponds to
the convex exterior. No attempt at diminishing by friction the bulging
surface of the stone has been made ; its main asperities only have been

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DESlfcs.

polished off. It is of a gray basaltic rock, regularly wood-veined and
very hard.

)

Vig. 5. '/^ size. Fig. 6. ^ size.

Here (fig. 7) we witness a sort of transition between what might perhaps
be called the medio-palaeolithic and the neolithic types, in that this adze-
blade has been treated to a partial polish elsewhere than at its edge.

Fig. 7. yj size. P'P- 8. 'A size.

It is of a fine-grained volcanic rock which has been rendered rather hard
by pressure subsequent to its original cooling. It is disproportionately
thick and fully 8}4 inches long.

-'■ ^;)

iij

il:

,; I

' n

:'l

) ■

h\'iy ■!

J ■ I ■'

I ' 1 i

B'l I :

%']

lit. ?i;

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITDTE.

[Vol. IV.

All these differences in type and material are suggestive of what
appears to be a well established fact, namely that the Western D6n6s
had no fixed standard in view when engaged in the manufacture of their
adze-blades. Any stone of sufficient hardness and consistency was
probably picked up, and after a rough blocking off, was given as sharp
an edge as the material was susceptible of acquiring by means of the
least possible exertion. No attention whatever seems to have been
paid to the details and no regard manifested for the elegance of the
implement.

This remark applies to adze-blades of genuine D^n^ origin. But the
Carriers, especially the more prominent members of the tribe, possessed
much finer axes of which fig. 8 is a fair example. This is a thoroughly
polished stone axe. In shape and material it is typical of all the
polished implements of that class. They are, as a rule, of a greenish
gray rock identified by Dr. G. M. Dawson as fine felspathic slate
or falsite. Although they were extensively used among the Western
D(^nes, it would hardly be consistent with truth to credit the latter with
their manufacture. Indeed I am rather inclined to believe — and this is
borne out by the declarations of living aborigines — that, in so far at
least as the Carrier tribe is concerned, most of them were imported from
among the neighbouring tribes. The Carriers of the old stock were
exceedingly poor workmen, and their old men are unanimous in
asserting that their best axes were bartered from the Tse'k^hne and
the sea-coast Indians. It is therefore quite possible that the implement
above figured had an extraneous origin.

mil W ''

Fig. 9.
All these various types of axes were hafted to a handle generally of

I 11
I I

1892-93.]

NOTES ON TUB WESTEKN Di;Xl?;S.

black thorn,* Pninus spinosa, as is shown through fig. 9. The adzes thus
obtained never had a cutting edge fine or hard enough to serve crosswise
against wood, and the axeman's strokes had always to be directed
obliquely.f

It must be noted also that, among the Carriers, such instruments were
possessed by the notables and a few wealthy heads of families only.
The common people had recourse to fire to cut their provision of wood.
After having freed the main roots of a tree of the earth adhering thereto
by means of slight excavations underneath, they would light there a
small fire with vegetable matter with the result that the tree would
inevitably topple over at'the latest on the morrow thereafter. Then the
smaller limbs were trimmed off either with a hard stick, with a stone club
if any was at hand, or, among the Babines, with a bone or horn implement
specially fashioned for the purpose. Smaller trees were next crossed
over the trunk at the proper intervals to give the desired length to the
pieces of wood, after which a fire was started at each point of intersection
and maintained by the children or the women until both the larger and
the smaller trunks were burnt asunder.

If too bulky to easily burn in the fire-place, the wood was then split
with the help of wedges and a roughly formed wooden maul. Except
among the TsijKoh'tin, the stone hammers and sledges so common
among the coast Indians were unknown. For peculiarly heavy work
such as sinking down the stakes on the solidity of which depends the
firmness of the salmon weirs, they sometimes did, and even now do, use
such elongated stones as bear the greatest resemblance to their Invofs^z
or wooden maui ; but these are never pecked or fashioned into regular
sledges.

Fig. 10.

The Carriers' wedges^ were either of hard wood, of the part of the

"' In Carrier VM)9Sftco, "big thorn."

tThe axe is called tsei in Tsi[Koh'tin, tsii in Tse'kehiie and /«/ in Babine ; whilst, curiously
enough, the Carriers now call it, and seem to have done so as long as any old man can remember,
Ise-tsii, or stone-axe. Nevertheless, the Dene name of this primitive implement is evidently (se/
or tsii, a primary root. '

+ Yil, pr. root.

u ^ \

li \ f I

'ii

!■■

■iSii

•V:l'il
11

tiiilii

TKAN8ACT10.N8 OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

cariboo horns next to the skull of the animal, or, in some cases, of stone
(Fig. lo).

Fill. n.

The implement illustrated above (Fig. ii) is a pestle* of a coarse
variety of quartzite, of which Fig. 12 gives a sic'-- view. The lower
half of the instrument has been left undisturbed by the artist, the handle
only being pecked and smoothened to a fine enough finish. This pestle
did service among the Babine Indians.

Fig. 13. }4 size. Fijr. 14. |^ size. ' Fig. 15. }i size.

A very different model is shown in Fig. 13, wherein we have an
implement of TsijKol^'tin origin. It served a double purpose, being at

* Pe-3ts3l, "wherewith one poniKls," v. n.

iiil'i"

i i

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S.

4»

the same time a pestle and a hammer.* But the mode of using it was
identical in both cases ; the contact between the matter pounded or
hammered was only at the bottom of the larger end, the hand grasping
the instrument in the middle. I have witnessed old men working with'
such stone hammers among the Skwahomishf with whom the TsiiKoh'tin
have occasional intercourse.

All races of American Aborigines are proverbially improvident, and
our Western D<^n6s cannot be said to form an exception to the rule. Yet
these very implements, when used as pounders or pestles, testify to the
fact that the Carriers at least had at times a thought for the morrow.
In times of plenty, they pounded therewith dried salmon previously well
grilled by the fireside, and kept the mash in a tcajyaj, one of their bark
vessels which shall be described further on. When this had been
sprinkled over with salmon oil, the vessel was hermetically closed and
the whole laid aside for use when, owing to the failure of the fishing
season or any other cause, the natives were hard pressed by famine.
Under similarly strained circumstances, salmon bones, or indeed the bones
of any animal, were, and arc, also likewise treated, and made to obviate
similar needs.

i i

Fig. .16.

Here(figs. 14 and 15) are slickstones or stone scrapers.J which serve in the
process of tanning hides. As may be seen, they are of a very primitive pat-

* Pe-^Wpz, "wherewith one pounds or hammers," a verbal noun*

+ The Sk'qo'mic of Dr. Boas.

XPe-3ltzih " wherewith one scrapes " in Carrier ; tse-tqH, "stone-broad" in Tse'kehne.

ill

I'l!:

1 1 I

?•■'

! ,1

S • fr

1 ■ i-

i'f

■i^J:

iiii

ill

ifiir

■"ir:

W 1

II''

TKAN8ACTIO;J8 OF THK CANADtAN INSTITI'TE.

[Vol. IV.

tern, and neither of the two evidences any regard for elegance. And yet
they are fair representatives of their class, even of tiiose which arc still in
use among the modern Carriers. They generally consist of flat halves of
oblong pebbles one end of which has been slightly trimmed by chipping
with a hard stone. I'he object of such implements being to soften by
repeated pressure the hide which has already b.^en stripped of its hair and
adherent blood and fat, these scrapers receive no polish whatever. This
is why I rather hesitate in classing among the skin scrapers the
instrument represented by fig. i6, which is a "find," and was not, like
those above figured, in actual use among the natives when handed to me.
It is of a very fine grained black volcanic rock polished at the broadest
end a, and as it is drawn natural size, it is, if any, the smallest skin
scraper I have ever seen.

Fig, 17.

Most of these tools have received ver}' little artificial trea<- it in their

ntanufacture. In fact, they are almost invariably made a; ws : any

flat pebble which is likely to split as desired and thus yield easily suit-

Fig. 1 8.

able material for the intended scraper is secured up between two stones
on the ground and then split asunder by vigorously throwing a large
stone on its upper end. The half which best answers the purpose in

1892-1)3]

NOTKS OK TIIK WRsTKKN DI^N^IS.

view is then trimmed to the proper shape by chipping off any too
prominent asperities, or blunting the cd^es, should these prove too sharp.

The scraper is finally haftcd, as shown herewith, by inscrtinj^ it in the
cleft end of any stick at hand over which a rope or buck line is securely
lashed. Tliis hafting is but temporary, as the stone part only of the
implement is usually kept among the family chattels.

To the unthinking reader unmindful of the straits to which man may
be reduced in the absence of the proper material and while too hard
pressed by more urgent needs to look for it, the above (Fig. i8) might
not be more than a useless piece of (juartzite. Hut an experienced
archiL'ologist will not fail to detect therein unmistakable signs of human
handiwork, and its fine, if somewhat serrated edge will at once suggest
that it did formerly duty as a cutting tool. It is a salmon knife, which
served first to rip the fish open, and then to cut longitudinal furrows
through its flesh previous to exposing it to the action of the air.
The large flaking noticeable near its blunt end is not accidental, but
served as a grip for the thumb, while the index and medius fingers rested
respectively on the back or thick side and on the reverse surface of the
implement.

i ■[

Fig. 19. Fig. 20.

Figs. 19 and 20 represent stone knives* of different pattern and
use. They are skinning knives and their material is augite-porphyrite.

{.;

* The Carrier word for " knife " is the same as that for " iron," viz., pzthih in Upper Carrier
and 3 this in Lower Carrier.

'i V

: 1'

:#!i ■!,

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

Both are drawn natural size and their cutting edge is at the fore-end.
Knive fig. 19 was used without handle, b-' fig. 20 was hafted to a short
stick as is manifest from the side notcnes discernible therein. The
identity of these instruments is beyond the possibility of a doubt, as it
has been established by the testimony of an old Indian who used him-
self similar knives in his youth when no better ones were obtainable.

The most servic«,able and therefore most highly priced working or
carving knives in use among the prehistoric D^n^s were nothing more
or less than beaver teeth sharpened when necessary, by f''iction on a
hard stone. But owing to the perishable nature of the material, none
is now available for illustration. The only stone carving knife which has
ever fallen under my observation is that herewith figured (fig. 21). I be-
lieve it to be of genuine black flint. The cutting edge is at a and it is still
very keen. Notches at /> and c, though slight enough, appear neverthe-
less to be quite intentional, and were it not for the symmetrical rounding
off of the broadest end, they would suggest a double handle as the
original means of facilitating work therewith. The Indians neither
account for these notches, nor satisfactorily explain the mode of handling
the knife.

1 1 1 '^^'

!P:

M i

w^ m

}4 ^ize.

Fig. 22, represents a picece of broken object the original use of which
is likewise problematic. It is of a variety of green marble variegated
with yellow and rusty red. The broadest end has been thinned to a dull
edge and, except where it shows signs of accidental breakage, it has
received an exceedingly finu polish. Indeed, though it has been found
here, at Stuart's Lake, I believe it far too skillfully finished to be of
D(§n(5 manufacture. It must have been imported from the Coast. But

189-2-93.]

NOTES ON THK WESIERN D^N^S.

what renders this relic particularly remarkable is t.ie presence of the
very fine ^jrooves noticeable on each of its three unthinned edges, two
only of which appear in the cut above, the third being on the reverse
of the implement. This peculiarity, while rendering the identification of
the find more difficult, suggests a similarity of form though certainly not
of use, with an implement formerly common among the Carriers under
the name of dzili, "it grinds through." It consisted of two stone tablets
carefully polished at least on one side so as to permit of their being
closely joined together. In the middle of their polished surfaces was a
groove obtained probably 1 y poking, not friction, which when both
tablets were superposed formed a cylindrical hole through which gam-
bling sticks, arrow shafts, e':c., were repeatedly passed md thereby given
an exquisite finish. None of these implements is now extant. They
were the equivalent of t'ne wooden wrenches used by the Hupas under
similar circumstances.

Weapons of War and of the Chase

Prominent among these were, of course the arrow,* and its correlative
the bow.j

The arrow heads * of the Western Denes were either of stone, of bone
or horn, or of wood. ^ he form, no less than the materi il, of the stone
arrow points greatly differed. In fig. 23 will be found specimens repres-
entative of the most common patterns. Many of them are quite
diniinutive in proportions, and would seem to i)artake more of the nature
of play-things than of that of the deadly weajKms they undoubtedly wore.
As regards shape, those marked a and b maj' be described as the typical
arrow-points of the Western Duties. In common with specimen, r, whose
main peculiarity is the absence of one of the usual side notches, they are
of a blackish resonant rocc which I long mistook for a variety of flint,
but which Dr. G. M. Dawson declares to be a very fine grained augite-
porphyrite. The Carriers call this stone pts, and it is one of the 16
varieties of rocks known to their vocabulary. They used it in the making
of the largest number of their n .-isile weapons, arrows, spears, etc. It is
but right to remark here that the point a is so much larger than most
genuine Dene arrow heads, that some Indians claim it was a bow, not an
arrow point. Of the bow points further mention will soon be made.

" 'AVa, prim. looi,

■\'3j!lii, Sinj^ulnil)- enough the Carriers have .1 collective name for bow and arrow taken to-
gether. This is 'Kra-zza.

X ^'iinlai, aecond . root.

r ' !''

' SI

'ii

iii

I{|.!:

;tf !i

TKANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTR.

[Vol.. IV.

A less common and more valued material, called nalre in Carrier, is
the obsidian of which the arrow-point marked d is formed. Such points
are generally very small, e represents the most beautiful of all the arrow
heads in my possession. It has been ingeniously chipped of a hard
crystalline rock identified by Dr. Dawson as smoky quartz. Its form and

. , ■ Fig. 23.

finish display evidences of exceptionally good workmanship, too good in
fact to be Den^ ; and I cannot help supposing that it must be some relic
left among the Carriers by some coast warrior after one of those many
conflicts recorded in the traditions of the old men. Other points, such
as those labelled /, //, are of a species of translucent vitreous rock which
probably does not essentially differ from that of specimen e.

That marked // is remarkable for the absence of both notches. It is
long, narrow, and so thick that but for its intentionally thinned edges it
might be taken for a drill point. A few arrow heads as that marked g
are of chalcedony, tsi-lkrai (stone-whitish). They are as a rule of a
rather rude description.

All the above are drawn full size. Specimens d and /, when seen
otherwise than on paper, appear very small and tiny indeed. Yet it
would be erroneous to suppose them to be mere anomalies or exceptions.
Judging from the number of Dene arrow heads in my coliection, such
diminutive implements form at least one quarter of all the arrow heads
now extant.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THK WKSTERN UJ&NES.

Lastly, a few points are of a black, very hard and fine-grained stone,
differing from the material of all the arrow heads already described.
Such is that marked j. It is the only one of that description which I
have ever seen. It is blunt-tipped, and with hardly any edge or sign of
flaking. It has the exact appearance of an implement very much the
worse for wear.

There are to-day no well-authenticated Western Den^ arrow-heads of
bone or ivory in existence. Their tip w?s not pointed like that of the
stone weapons. They were mere beaver teeth in their natural stale
secured to a shaft. Some of these were also of the root part of the cari-
boo's antlers, and both bone and horn arrow-tips were considered
exceptionally effective.

Fig. 24.

F««- 25-

In Figs. 24 and 25 I have tried to '' ..strate the mode.s of connecting
the stone points with the shaft, as formei 'y practise 1 by our aborigines-
Sometimes the shaft was simply cleft open to receive the point (Fig. 24),
and sometimes it was slit at the end as in Fig. 25. In ei ner case, point
and shank were firmly fastened together with sint-u and pitch. The forc-
shaits used along with the arrows of some American races were unknown
here.

The shaft* of the Western D^ne arrows was ^n^ ably of seasoned
amelanchicr (A. alnifolia) wood. As partially visil.c in Fig. 25, delicate
grooves, one on each opposite side, ran through the shank of the weapon
and were intended to facilitate the detection of the game when it had
been only wounded. The blood issuing from the wound, by flowing

* Kss, a primary root.

I! I

Ml f

in; |i

\:i. HI ||h

j'f I'll

-!'!
5

TKAN'SACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN IN8T1TUTK.

[Vol. IV.

freely through these grooves, dropped on the snow or bare ground in a
less-scattered condition, thus aiding the hunter in tracking the animal
ere it was finally dispatched.

Fig. 26.

Fig. 26 gives a fair idea of a Carrier arrow ready for use. As rnay be
seen, the feathering is triple. Tlie tips only of the feather quills are fast-
ened to the shaft. Sinew and piuh were restored to in order to secure
the part of the quills adhering to the shaft end, while sinew alone generally-
sufficed to fasten the larj^er or root end of the feathers.

A variety of arrow* which was entirely of amelanchier wood with-
out stone or bone point or shaft grooves did service in connection with
target practice or one of the games which shall be described further on.
(Chap. VI.)

The Ts^'kehne, who to this day live almost entirely on the spoils of
the chase, formerly far excelled the Carriers in the manufacture and
use of hunting weapons. Some of these, which were indeed in actual
use among the Carriers, were nevertheless of undisputed Ts^'k^hne
origin. Such were the " cut arrow," the triple headed arrow and the
blunt arrow.

, - i--\. 27.

The "cut-arrow " i^kra-tcdn-kivyj, lit. " arrow-stick-ci\t ofif") was so called
on account of its peculiar shape (fig. 27). Its point was made of a
cariboo horn and " was awl-like in form. Its broader extremity was
hollowed out to receive a wooden shaft which served to dart it ofT from the
bow as a common arrow, with this difference however that, when in
motion, the horn point detached itself from the shaft. This projectile
was deadly, and intended only for use against a human enemy or for
killing large game."t ,

Fig. 28.
To shoot smaller game they had recourse either to the triple headed

*'kt-squh, verb, noun, meaning as far as it can be translated : "it shoots in as far as the
feathering. "

+ The Western Denes, etc. Proc. Can. Inst., Vol. vii., p. 140.

1892 03.]

NOTES ON THE WK8TKKW DENNIS.

arrow shown in fig. 28, or to a wooden blunt arrow (fig. 29). The former*
consisted of three flat pieces of bone, or more generally horn, cut trans-
versely at their broadest extremity and fastened to the shaft through
their siualler end and sides by strong sinew threads. It did good service
even against large animals, and it is not more than 40 years since it has
entirely fallen into disuse.

Fig. 29.

The latterfhas been drawn from a specimen obtained from a Ts<^-'kehne
who, in common with the majority of his fellow huntsmen, to this day
finds this simple and primitive looking projectile invaluable against
grouse, rabbits, etc.

Even such an apparently insignificant act as that of releasing the
arrow while shooting has been analyzed so as to yield modern scientists
material for ethnic divisions. Professor Morse thus classes the different
methods in vogue among American, European or Asiatic archers : —

(i) Primary. — The notch of the arrow is grasped between the ^nd of
the straightened thumb and the first and second joints of the bent fore-
finger. It is practised by children generally, and by the Ainos, Deme-
raras, Utes, Micmacs, etc. ^

(2) Secondary. — The notch of the arrow is grasped with the straight-
ened thumb and bent fore-finger ; while the ends of the second and
third fingers are brought to bear on the string to assist in drawing.
Practised by the Zunis, Ottawas, etc.

(3) Tertiary. — In this release the forefinger, instead of being bent, is
nearly straight with its tip as well as the tips of the second and third
fingers, pressing or pulling on the string, the thumb, as in the primary
and secondary release, active in assisting in pinc>ing the arrow and pull-
ing it back. It is practised by Sioux, Arapanos, Cheyennes, Assini-
boins, Comanches, Crows, Blackfeet, Navajos, Siamese, Great
Andamanese.

(4) Mediterranean. — The string is drawn back with the tips of the first,
second and third fingers, the balls of the fingers clinging to the string
with the terminal joints of the fingers slightly flexed. The arrow is
lightly held between the first and second fingers, the thumb straight and
inactive. Prrctised by nations around the Mediterranean, by moJern

* Tav.w3s, second, root.
+ Thds., prim. root.

;!■■

■

iMit '

M Ik

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

I Vol. IV.

archers, Flemish (usin^ first and second fingers only), Eskimos, Little
Andanicse.

(5) Mongolian. — In this release the string is drawn by the flexed
thumb bent over the string, the end of the forefinger assisting in holding
the thumb in position. The thumb is protected by a guard of some
kind. It is practised by Manchus, Chinese, Coreans, Japanese, 'lurks
and Persians.*

Our Carriers followed the first or primary method of arrow release,
while the Ti^.i 1 ^hne conformed to the fourth or Meditterranean. I am
not acquainted with that in vogue among the prehistoric Tsi|Koh'tiii.
The above details are given to show to what advantage even the slight-
est difierences in the performance of an act common to all primitive
peoples can \>z turned by the acute observer and reflecting scientist.

Although the scope of this paper, to be consistent with its heading,
should be restricted to stone implements, I feel that I cannot well separ-
ate bows from arrows in my treatment of the weapons of the chase. As
far as my information goes, three varieties of bows, exclusive of cross-
bows, obtained among the Western D^nds. Of these two were proper to
the Ts^'k^hne, and the third to the Carriers and probably the Tsi[Koh'tin
as well.

Fiy. 30.

The regular hunting or war bow of the Tse'k^hne was of mountain
maple {Acer glnb rum ^ Tow.) and five feet and a half or more in length.
The edges, both inner and outer, were smoothened over so as to permit
of strips of unplaited sinew being twisted around to ensure therefor the
necessary strength. These pieces of sinew were fastened on with a glue
obtained from the .sturgeon sound, which also did service for all kinds of
gluing purpo.ses among each of the three tribes, while still in their pre-
hi.storic period. The central pa.t of the bow, which was so thick as to
appear almost rectangular, was finally covered with a tissue of differently-
tinged porcupine quills.

Great care was taken to obtain a bow-string impermeable to snow and
rain. With this object in view, delicate threads of sinew were twisted
together and afterwards rubbed over with sturgeon glue. This first
string was then gradually strengthened by additional sinew threads
twisted round the first and main cord, each overlaying of sinew being

*See Anthropology in 1886, by C. T. Mason, p. 538.

ffl

fii

1892-'J3.]

N0TK8 ON THE WESTERN D^Ni:8.

thoroughly saturated with glue. Finally when the siring had attained a
sufficient thickness for efficient service, it was repeatedly rubbed over
with the gum of the black pine {Adies balsatnea).

F'g- 31-

A less elaborate bow (Fig. 31) is still to this very day in use among
the Ts^'kehne in connection with the blunt arrow already mentioned. It
is of seasoned willow (Salix longifolia), aid being devoid of any sinew
backing or other strengthening device, its edges are more angular than
those of Fig. 30. Its .string consists merely of a double line of cariboo
skin slightly twisted together. The specimen figured above measures
four feet ten inches.

Fig. 32.

The Carrier bow was never much more than four feet in length, and
the wooden part of it was invariably juniper (/. occidentalis). Instead
of being twisted around as i,i the Ts^'k^hne bow, the shreds of sinew
were glued on the back after vhe fashion of the Eskimo bow, with this,
difference, however, that in the Carrier weapon the sinew was not plaited.
When a layer of thin sinew strips had been fastened lengthwise on the
entire back of the bow, it was allowed to dry, after which others were
successively added until the desired strength had been cuiained. A
process analogous to that whereby the Ts^'k^hne bow-string was made
was followed in cording the string of the Carrier bow.

It is hardly necessary to remark that both of the aforesaid war and
hunting bows disappeared aunost simultaneously with the establishment,
of the North- West Company's posts throughout Western Dtin^ territory.
However, it may be said that as late as 60 years ago fire-arms were still'.
destderiita among the poorest class of Aborigines.

Here is a Tsekehne crossbow* of modern manufacture. It does duty
against small game or for target practice, and is also used by children as a
plaything. Although the old men assure me that they have always seen
such weapons among their fellow huntsmen, I cannot believe that cross-
bows were known to the original Ts^'kehne. It is much more probable
that they have been derived from the band of Iroquois established in
close proximity to the territory of the Beaver Indians. My purpose in.

* TVkis f, "tliat which darts off," in T.se'kehne.

I'll

I : ■::

TKANHACTIONS OF THE, CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

mentioning them here is to show that the faculty of self appropriation
and adaptiveness which more particularly characterizes the Carrier mind,

Fig. 33.

IS, to some extent, shared in even by the Ts^'kehne tribe which to this
day has little reason to boast of its material progress.

A detail which it may also be worth noting is the mode of holding the
bow while shooting. The Carriers, who almost invariably knelt while
shooting, held it in a horizontal position, while the Ts^'kehne used it
perpendicularly, one end of the weapon resting on the ground.

To return to stone implements. Besides the arms already described
the Western D^n^s had recourse, when on the offensive, to five other
varieties 'of weapons; the spear, the dagger, the war club, the temple-
lancet or skull- cracker, and what might be termed the counterpart of the
modern bayonet.

This latter arm was called sjthv-la-dtn'ai^ which may be freely
translated "fixed at the end of the bow." Its name explains its nature.
It was brought into requisition by the warrior or the hunter when too
closely pressed by the enemy to shoot, and was used as a spear. Such
points were of identical material with that of arrow-heads, a, b and c, fig.
23, and were chipped to the shape of figs. 34 and 35. The latter point
is rather ruder in appearance than the average bow-points. Indeed from

*Lit. " bow-end-appended to ; " plural. P////«-/a ■<//«.'«, a verbal noun.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S.

the cut giving a side view of it, it would seem that it had been left un-
finished. These weapons were inserted in a slit at one end of the bow

Fig, 34. Fig. 35.

(fig. 32) and securely fastened therein with pitch inside and pitch and
sinew outside.

Fig. 36, k size.

Fig, 37, size.

TKAXSACTIOMS OP* THE CA>f\DIAK INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

::|| if

K-Si

liF'

! W

u m

jlra

The spear heads* in nowise differed from the bow-points, save perliaps
that they were generally larger in proportions and narrower at the base.
Herewith are shown representative specimens. Fig. 37 is, by exception^
of felspathic slate. Its shape and make would suggest to the archaeologist
a comparison with the laurel leaf points (^the so-called Solutrian epoch.
It is drawn full size. One of its surfaces shows hardly any trace of
flaking and almost perfectly flat.

In fig. 38 we have a^type of a very different description. It I'.cks the
exquisite finish of the preceding and is double-pointed, so thac the base
is not easily distinguished from the tip. As may be seen from the out-
lines of its side, its shape is far from elegant.

Fig. 38.

Fig. 39-

All of these spear heads were hafted to a pole five or six feet lon.j
pretty much after the mode of connecting the arrow heads with their
shaft.

* The heads of these and all missile weapons are called nAntaV. The spear, shaft and point,
is named in Carrier sfK-tAfz, or " hook-staflf. "

Hill

s9i'-9;{.]

NOTES 0\ THE WE8TKRN D^NKH.

To all appearances, the stone dagijers* of the prehistoric Diines were
distiiifjuishcd from their spears by two peculiarities : the shortness of the
handle and the greater dimensions of the blade. I would call the
attention of antiquarians to the size, shape and finish of the above
illustrated dagger blade (fig. 39). Altiiough eviilently broken off at
the tip end, it is still fully Sj/^ inches in length and 3 inches in width.
Yet it is not more than -3^ of an inch in its greatest thickness. It has
been chipped off to an almost perfectly flat surface, the flakes being as in
the Solutrian implements remarkably large and shaving-like. iNeverthe-
less this exquisite relic of prehistoric workmanship has been found, not in
the cavern of Solutrd, but scarcely two hundred yards from where these
lines are written. I may add that it was found on the surface of the
groundf and is of exactly the same material as the great majority of
D^ne arrow heads.

The Den^' dagger was carried about hanging from the belt through a
a leather thong, as is now done with its modern substitute, the steel
poniard.

40. y^ size.

* Mecyal, secoiul cai.

+ 'rhe foregoing had i)eeii written for some time when f came across the following passaije of
Mr. 1). Hoyle's Archreological Report for 1891 (p. 10) whicli I had overlooi<ed in the haste of tiie
first reading : " While many specimens (especially flaked one~) found in different parts of the
province, may be classed as palKoliths, they have, up to the present time always been lound
associated in such a way with neoliths tiiat it is imi)ossible to de-ii,i,'ii.ito them as jiolxolitlis with
any degree of certainty. Leaf-shaped "flints" have been pickeil up that are 'piite as rudely
formed as any from the deepest stalagmite deposits of Kurope, but never in situations lo suggest
that they are other than rough-hewn tools or weapons, wliicli, as such hail a purpose in the
economy of people wlio are capable of producing better things. Until we find specimens of this
kind, as Dr. Abbot found them in the Trenton gravels, or in some situations isolated from all
others, or distinct as to material or coating from specimens of a superior quality in the same
neighbourhood, we shall not be warranted in making any distinction relative to time of possible
production." It is gratifying to hear of would-be palseoliths bring found even in E.istern Canada
alongside with neoliths, for this coincidence appear.; to me a confirmation of the opinion that, in
America at least, these divergei ^.es of type are suggestive less of distinct epochs than of unequal
skill in the craft.smen, or possibly ethnic difference in the race, that produced them. I ain
persuaded that had Sir. A. Mackenzie examined with the care of an anticjuarian the arms of the
Western Denes whom he met one hundred years ago, h.' would have found both styles co-existing
among them.

I if

Miumim"

» ' I f:

THAN8ACTIO.\8 OF THE (.ANADIAN INSTITUTE,

[Vol. 1\\

Apart from the above missile and cutting arms, the Carriers and
Babines possessed two other offensive weapons of stone, which they
called respectively, R^/ and //W7*'R.

The first is the war club of which at least two different types existed.

Fig. 40 is a club of a grayish basaltic rock which has
been treated to a partial polish only, as its surface is
naturally smooth. A variety of the same was of bono,
or more generally of cariboo horn. Its shape and use
were identical, but its length was about double that of
the stone weapon. I-'ig. 41 represents a club of a different
and perhaps more common pattern. It is of carefully
pecked granite, and though the specimen illustrated is
imperfect, the base and knob being wanting, I have had
no difficulty in reconstituting it to its original form after
other similar weapons I have seen in several parts of
our district. To the knob at the small end was
fastened a buckskin line which, being firmly wound
around the wrist and hand of the warrior, ensured the
safe keeping of the weapon amidst the excitement of
the fray.

^.-''

The skull-crackers, vulgarly called "tommy-sticks," of the plain In-
dians of the North- West Territories, are well-known even to others th.m
archaeologists. I have never suspected their presence among the ances-
tors of our present Dene population west of the Rockies until last year,
when the example (fig. 42) was found in Hwotsu'tin territory. It came as
a revelation upon the Carriers, none of whom was found who could do
more than guess its use. It is somewhat peculiar in appearance, and its
groove is but rudely and irregularly formed.

Fig. 42. '/i size. Fig. 43- /4 size.

The innocent-looking little piece of partly polished stone designed in
fig. 43 was, in the hands of a Babine Indian, a rather treacherous
weapon. It is the temple-lancet or skull-cracker * referred to above.
After it had been securely hafted to a wcoden handle three or four feet

* T/lg/'fPR.

1892-93. J

NOTES ON TIIK WESTKHN DiCN^S.

eft

long, stoiic lancet and handle forming, when connected, a scythe-like
implement, the warrior — or indeed assassin, as the case may have been —
struck therewith his victjm on the temple, oftentimes thus causing instant
death.

Before bringinf^ to a close this chapter devoted to stone implements, it
may not be amiss to say a word concerning the art of stone chipping as
practised by the prehistoric Den^'S. I remember having read in a publi-
cation emanating from a learned society, an elaborate di.ssertation on
this subject wherein the author took great pains to elucidate difficulties
which to me appeared to be mainly of his own laking. It may be that
the rules of the craft varied with the localities and the material em-
ployed ; but here, among the Western Denes, there was -lo great mystery
about the operation.

The material chosen in preference to fashion arrow or ^pear heads with
was loose, broken pieces of the rock such as were found on the surface.
Of course these were confined to a few localities only, wherein were
situated sorts of quarries which were very jealously guarded against any
person, even of the .same tribe, whose right to a share in their contents
was not fully established. A violation of this traditional law was often
considered a casus belli between the co-clansmen of the trespasser and
those of the proprietors of the quarry.

The first operation consisted in roughly blocking off with a hard stone
the pieces of the flint, the removal of which was necessary to obtain

a vague resemblance to the intended
weapon. Then grasping the flint length-
wise with the closed fingers of the left
hand (fig. 44), the arrow-smith carefully
pressed off the flakes with an elongated
stone held in his right hand, until the
desired form and finish were obtained.
Fig. 44. A piece of buckskin served as a pad

to protect the hand against the asperities of the point.

I owe these details to an old chief who has been an eye-witness to the
operation, I should add that in not a few cases a moose molar tooth
replaced the long chipping stone. I know also of a very few points the
sharp edges of which have been polished off by friction.

■w

i ! ■ 3 !, ill

- m

I i

; Jfl

m "■

■6G

TllANSACTIO>f3 OF THK CA>fADIAN I.VST(TUTK.

[VcL. ly.

Hi 4

jii!i

CHAPTER IV. ' "

Bonk and Horn Imi'Lemhnts.

Several bone or horn objects formerly in use ainon<^ the Western
D^nt^s have already been mentioned in connection with stone implements
■of congenerous nature. As they were mostly weapons or working tools
which have long been replaced by iron or steel substitutes, few of them
could be illustrated from existing specimens. Such as will
be found described in the present chapter are, however,
still largely used by the natives, even of the Carrier
tribe.

» '

They are, with few exceptions, industrial implements.
Among those which serve in connection with hunting or
trapping, one of the most conspicuous is the tsa-yu-thej
(beaver-medicine-recipient, or castoreum bottle). As will
be seen further on, this same vessel is of birch bark
among the Carriers. But the Tse'kehne, who are essen-
tially huntsmen and whose country abounds in large game,
make it out of a cariboo horn, and adorn (?) it with such
primitive designs as may be noticed in fig. 45. Therein
the trapper keeps the castoreum which he dilutes either
on the steel trap, or in the mud contiguous thereto, in order
!•''!,'• 45- to decoy the beaver into its ultimate capture.

Of course this mode of trapping is practicable only during the spring
or summer months. In the winter, beaver is sought after with nets set
in holes cut in the ice a short distance from the rodent's habitation and
store. I have elsewhere given an account of this winter trapping which
will, perhaps, bear reproductipn here. "Once they have found his [the
bcaver'sj lodge, an indispensable preliminary to secure his capture is to
discover the exact location of his path or trail under ice. It appears
that he follows well marked routes when swimming from, or returning to
his winter quarters. Thes • our Denes easily find out by sounding the
ice in diffxi'rent directions wic.i cariboo horns. Their well exercised ears
readily discover by a peculiar resonance of the ice where the rodent's
usual path lies. So, at a given point, they cut a hole wherein thej' set
their babiche beaver net,"* taking care to plant at a short distance a

*"The We.steni Denes," etc., Proc. (!an. Inst, vol. vii., p. [31,

1892r93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTKRN D^XilS.

stick the upper end of which is provided with little bells — the counter-
part of the beaver nails and pebbles which did duty in prehistoric years.
To this upright stick the side ropes of the net are attached in such a
way as to be ready for use when the game is to be ensnared. " Then
the hunter (should I not say fislier ?) proceeds to demolish the beaver's
lodge, in order to drive him off. Should the game not be found there
tiie same operation is repeated at his adjoining provision store. When
the undulations of the water tell of his presence therein, he is fright-
ened away to where the net is set. Supposing that the beaver is swifter
than his hunter and reaches the net lefore the latter, the efforts he will
make to extricate himself therefrom will agitate the small bells before
mentioned, and the hunter will immediately make for the hole and draw
him out before he has time to cut himself clear of the net."*

Fig. 46.

Fig. 46 represents the may, a bone device indispensable to the efficiency
of the beaver net. It is attached to the end of the net which is laid out
at the opening in the ice wherein it floats on the water. The side strings
of the net are passed through the centre hole of the bone piece (mas)
and thence connected with the littb bells at the top of the outstanding
stick, so that by pulling them up, the farthest end cf the net, which is
under ice, will be drawn back to where the mas is secured, and thereby
the game will be bagged, as it were, and speedily killed on the ice.
These bone pieces affect divers forms, several of which are .symbolical.
Thus the mas .shown above, is intended to represent a beaver. It will
be remarked that the design is highly conventionalized. Yet, even a
child (of Dene parentage, of course) will recognize at once its significance-
Barbed liarpoons f such as those shown in the accompanying figures
are resorted to when the Den^ is out beaver hunting — not trapping or
snaring, — that is in such ca.ses as when the beaver is met with free of any
trap or net. Until a short time ago those beaver harpoons were made
of cariboo horn ; but to-day implements of identical shape wrought out
of steel files or pieces of iron have almost entirely superseded the

* Ibid, p. 132.

\3ta-t'syi!, "lip or barb-bone."

h i

ill

I'iii i' f^

li^

TRANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. lY.

original horn weapon. To-day, as formerly, they are securely fastened
to a handle three or four feet long, wherewith they are launched at the

fijT. 47. yi size.

game much as would be done with a regular lance. The shaft is
intended to secure greater impetus and efficiency to the weapon. The
specimen illustrated by fig. 47 is a find, and is therefore more ancient

Fi{.i;. 48. )4 size.

than that shown in fig. 48 which is quite modern. A comparison
between these implements and those of similar intent in use amoni^
widely different races of Indians all over North America cannot fail to
elicit the remark that the same needs create the same means. *

In the act of dressing hides several bone or horn implements are still
used among the Western Denes. These are the fat-scraper, the hair-
scraper, the bone-awl, and the skin-scraper.

Fig 49.

The firstf is made of a split cariboo horn (fig. 49) and, as its name
indicates, it serves to scrape off the fat adhering to the fresh skin. This
fat is received in the concave part of the implement and thence trans-
ferred to a bark vessel close by. In the form above delineated, it is more
of a Tse'kehne than of a Carrier tool, and as such it does service more
particularly in the treatment of marmot {Arctomys inonax and caligalus)
and wild goat {Aplocerus hiontamis) skins.

The Carrier equivalent therefor generally consists of the socket end
of the shoulder blade of the cariboo, left almost in its natural state.

*.Str Ann. Rep. Canad. Inst. 1888, p. 58, figs. 100, lOi.

i Pe-t/ia-}lso, "wherewitii the flesh-side is scraped " (of a licpiid or fat substance): fourlli
category of nouns.

18'J2-!)3.]

NOTES CN THK WKSTKKN DENES.

This implement is used in connection with grease or fat scraping of any

description. /

i M/.C.

Once the hide has been freed of most of its fat and blood, it is soaked
in cold, and then in warm, watci, after which one of its extremities is
lashed up around the smaller end of a stout pole leaning on any kind of
support, a wall, a fence, etc The hair is then removed by energetic
action on the skin hanging down over the pole with a scraper* formed
of the tibia of a cariboo (fig. 50). Hy reason of the peculiar tenacity of
the hair, moose skins are now operated on with a short curved steel knife.
But the bone instrument shown above is still very extensively employed
in connection with any other kind of haft- scraping.

After having been thoroughly rubbed with the brain of the animal, its
skin is next extended within a wooden frame as is practised by most
tribes of Aborigines. The holes near the edges through which the line

Fi-. SI.

which fastens it to the frame is passed, were formerly and are still in some
localities, pierced with bone awls -f* identical in form and material with
those occasionally found in mounds. They are of the fibula bone of the
cariboo, or, as in fig. 52, of the black bear. The latter are more common
among the Tsi[Koh'tin. In times past such awls were resorted to when-
ever any skin or bark perforations, such as are incident to the art of
canoe building or sewing bark vessels, were found necessary. They are
now obsolete, steel having almost entirely replaced bone in the fabrica-
tion of any such tools. Yet the specimens illustrated above were in use
among the Carriers and the TsilKoh'tin immediately prior to their being
given me.

* I\'-)ia-ilqc, "wherewith one scrapes off" (i.e., hiiii) ; fourth cati'^ory.
i'jInvH-tsii, " knee-bone awl " ; third category.

f li

I ! !

I: \f-\

I . -. M f-'l

( ' >» I

If I

ii;

TIlANSACriONS OF TilK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

The object in view wliile spreading the skin in its wooden frame is to
remove its " mack " or inner cuticle. This is accomplished by means of
bone scrapers * which are everywhere essentially the same, but whose
form or even material varies accordini,^ to the tribe by which they are used.

!•"'«• 53- H sizi;.

Thus the TsijKoh'tin scraper (Fig. 53) is of bear bone and vvedgc-likc
in form. The skin wrapping shown in the cut is quite often wanting.

■ 1^

lis I

Jii:

i"^e- .S4- 'A '^'Z'i-

The Carrier scraper (Fig. 54) is of cariboo bone and shaped somewhat
like a chisel. Its main peculiarity consists in the teeth cut in its edge to
prevent its slipping too easily over the skin and ensure better gripping
power. Identical implements are at times found as relics ot extinct
races in many parts of the northern American continent, and I still
remember how the perplexity as to their probable destination evi-
denced through the lines of an antiquarian, who some years ago was
describing one of them, brought home to me the advantages enjoyed,
even from an architological standpoint, by persons actually passing their
life among the aborigines.

Among the Tse'k(5hne the skin .scrapers are of cariboo horn, thinned
and reduced to the form of that delineated in fig. 55. A piece of buck-
skin wrapped around the end held in the hand facilitates the handling of
that rather awkward implement. The serrated edge of the Carrier
scraper is also reproduced by the Tst^'kehne. Or indeed it is quite as
likeK' that the Carriers have learned this peculiarity from the Tse'kehnc,
who in their turn have borrowed it from the Crees and other Algonquiaii

* j//'i(i-iihi:V, "it scrapes (liy pecking') the flesh side."

1892-1)3.]

NOTKS ON THK WESTKRN DK.Nlis.

tribes of the East, all of which observe it in making their skins crapers^
while the TsijKoh'tin, who are the most distantly situated from them,
seem to be ignorant of it.

All of these scrapers also do service in the process of skinning animals
as means of separating the hide from the flesh.

If we now pass from bone implements connected with hunting to such
as are laid under contribution as means of furthering the fishing
industr)', we may note in the first [)hice the ta-kret* or fish harpoon (fig.

!'"'«• 56- M size.

56). The cut renders a detailed description of it unnecessary. The only
wooden parts are the shaft and the socket, rc^nu which is wound the
skin line which fastens the two side hooks of the harpoon, while it secures
in its proper place the middle prong. The hook pieces are fa.stened with
sinew. An archaeologist fond of comparisons cannot fail to notice the
resemblance of this weapon to its Eskimo equivalent such as illustrated
in fig. 453 of Dr. F. Boas' " The Central Eskimo, "f The ta-kret serves
t'" dart a large species of white-fleshed salmon (Oncorrynchus c/iouic/ia,
VValbaum), called kcs by the Carriers and qes by the TsijKoh'tin. Now-
adays these implements are mostly of iron or steel ; but their shape has
remained unaltered. •

1 size.

The TsiiKoh'tin spear salmon with a harpoon of a totally different pat-
tern (fig. 57). It is double darted, and so made that upon fastening in
the flesh of the fish, both darts detach themselves from the forked shaft*to

* " l,ip-(lart," by allusion to its mouth-like a]>pearance.
+ Sixth Ann. Rep. IJurenu of Ethnology, 1884-85.

i''

I' t>

till

TUANSAC'lIONS OF THE CANADiAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

imm

which they are secured by means of a plated raw-hide line. The whole
detachable points of this implement were originally of mountain sheep
horn ; but in modern specimens the tip is generally of iron and occasion-
ally of copper, the barbs only being of horn.

Both the Carrier and the TsijKoh'tin harpoons are hafted to shafts
sometimes as much as I2 or 15 feet long, so as to render them serviceable
from the top of rocks or precipitous river banks emerging from the
rapids where that species of fish is wont to congregate.

Implements of that size are designed exclusiv^ely for salmon fishing.
For smaller fish, besides the lets, which will be described in their proper
place, the Carriers have recourse to a bone or steel harpoon of analogous
model with that of fig. 56, but reduced in dimensions and hafted to a
short handle. If in the winter time, bait is used as a means of attracting
the fish. H.a-ing cut in the ice a hole of sufficient diameter to observe
the movements of the trout underneath, the Carrier drops and gently

Fi-. 58.

oscillates in the water bone imitations of Coregone fry (fig. 58), hanging
through a sinew line from a wood or bone piece held in the left hand. Upon
biting the bait, the fish is speedily speared with the above mentioned
harpoon.

Here (fig. 59) we have a fishing implement which, though of a rather
primitive style, yet requires but little explanation. The lancet or pin-like
part of the hook* only is of bone, while the shank is of wood. This
implement is drawn natural size. In remote localities, during hunting
expeditions away in the woods, it is found to this day very serviceable.

A fishing device less modern in appearance is shown in fig. 60. It is
called by the Carriers tlu'-satefl a word which cannot be better translated
than by "lying on the bottom," though the actual equivalent of that phrase
would \)e tlu^K-ssthan. A very small fish is used as bait and fastened in

* Q^s ; prim. root.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S.

this wise to the implement ; the whole of the bone pin including the sinew
line to which it is attached is passed through the anal part of the fish

Vig. 60.

■1

Fig. 59-

and then one-half of it is inserted lengthwise through the body of the
fish commencing from the point of initial insertion of the sinew line to
the head, after which the whole is dropped in the water and held as in
the case of the bone coregone bait. The larger fish, generally the loche
or turbot {Loia maculosa) which is very voracious, overlooks the other
half of the implement left bare, and by gulping down the small fish
gives warning to the fisherman, who instantly pulls up the whole, thereby
sinking the bone pin in the gills of the large fish which is thus easily
secured.

As a rule, the small end bones of the loon's wings, or occasionally
even young beaver ribs, are the material chosen to make the two last
mentioned implements. The same probably served also to fabricate the
needles of the prehistoric D^n^s. But none of them is now extant, and
this may be a mere conjecture.

Before proceeding further, a word about the species of fishes more
extensively sought after by the Carriers and the TsiiKoh'tin may not be
out of place. They are of course very numerous, but king among them
all is the salmon, and of the five species which are now known to ascend
their rivers, the suck-eye {Oncorhynchus nerka, Walbaum) or tha-llo * is
by far the most important either on account of its economic value or of
the prodigious numbers of its annual run. Ne-"t in abundance' and

* "Water-fish."

\?M

' '1

»' I 'I

it! I

i i

a^ f

THANSAC'TIOSS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vl.L. IV

importance as an article of diet is the large white flesh salmon or X'.w
which has already been mentioned. These two species are common to
most of the streams within Carrier, Babine and TsijKoh'tin territory,
thoui^h the latter avoids not a few minor tributaries of the larj^e rivers.
One is particular to Babine lake and outlet — it is the hump-back salmon"
(O. gorbuscha, Walb.) It is not of much value. The two other spccic>,
thestU'\ and ta-tzn<\ in Carrier are quite plentiful in such streams as
discharge their waters through the Skeena river ; but according to loc.il
observations they make their appearance in Stuart's Lake and immediate
outlet only when the next run of the tha-llo is to be'extraordinarily large.
As far as I can judge the tliestlc is the 0. keta of Walbaum, such as
described by Jordan and Gilbert ; § but I can find no specific name for

the ta-tz3R, whose native name is an exact translation of the scientific
word for all the Pacific Salmons : 'V'"'?, hook ; i^oy/.o';, snout ; Carrier :
ta, snout (and lip) ; tssK, hook.

To the above should be added the kJs9l\ or land-locked salmon
{O. Kennerlyi), which is much appreciated by the native palate and
captured mainly with the help of fish traps or 'kuntzai. It \9 however
inferior in point of economic importance to the great lake trout {Salveli-
nus nainaycush, Walb.) called//^ by the Indians and which is extensive!}-
sought after either during the autumn months or the cold season. In
the former case it is quite frequently dried and cured as the red salmon
or thai o. The other trouts to be found in lJen(§ lakes or rivers are the
common trout {Salmo purpuratiis, Pallas) and the bull trout [Salvclinits
ma/iiia, Walb.) There are also two species of whitefish, the Coregonns
dupeifonnis (Mitch.) and the Coregoims qiiadrilateralis of Richardson,
which in some localities are caught in such large quantities that man}-
thousands are usually kept frozen for use during the winter.

The above are, of course, the best fish available here. But as the child
of the forest has not always the choice of his diet, he must more often
than once content himself with such carps or carpiodes, such suckers
or catastomidx as may chance to venture too near his drag-net. These
seldom fail him. Their name is legion, and I will not be so rash as to
attempt a nomenclature of them.

• S13IH 'ofl, a word which to a Dene ear appears quite fureign.
t A noun of the second category,
t " Lip (and snout )-hook."

§ Synopsis of the Fishes of North America by 1). S. Jordan and Ch. H. tjilbert, Wasliingtoii,
18S2.
II Almost equivalent to "small Xv.t " or white flesh salmon.

18'J2-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S.

I did not mention the sturgeon (Accipenser transmontanns, Richard-
son), because, although it is a welcome visitor to our lakes, its visits are
too rare and far between to entitle it to serious consideration in this
connection. It is caught in large meshed nets.*

To join the two extremes, I will add to the sturgeon, the largest of
our fresh water fishes, the thcpnak^^ a very small fish which I think is not
known to Ichthyology. It frequents a few little lakes only, and is
taken with scoop-nets during the few mild days which usually interrupt
the severity of our winters. The quantity of that fish brought home
after one single afternoon's absence from the village is sometimes really
enormous.

To be complete I should have noticed among bone implements serving
fishing or trapping purposes, the ^/e,* or ice-breaker. This is, however,,
a mere pointed cariboo horn, which tends to disappear as a working tool,,
being gradually replaced by a piece of iron or steel, whenever this can,
be obtained.

There is a horn wedge which, even at the present day, serves to split
the slender rods of which are made tne 'kuntzai or fish baskets, which
shall be described in the chapter devoted to wood implements. As in
most implements requiring hard material, cariboo horn is chosen to.
make these wedges.

Fii^. 62. X ^^''■^•

The above figure requires no explanation. A glance at tlVe horn' ladle

■'I!

} ••

Mi !'■

* The Carrier name of the sturgeon is /e-tio, " ijig-fish."

t A root of the second category, tlie first syllable of which refers to the lake bottoms from
which these fishes seem to suddenly emerge,

+ 3"/^ means " horn," ami is used to designate even steel ice-breakers. The ancient name for
them is Isoillzif in Carrier which is evidjiitly identical with the present tzorontzii "f the
TMjKoh'tin.

iiiHiil

I •' ij I

IrfVI in'ftl'

t i

■:• r

llll

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. VI.

and spoon therein represented will show that our Western Ddnt^s' handi-
work is of a very poor grade indeed compared with that of the elabor-
ately carved Haida, Tsimsian or Tlingit spoons. The only attempt at

Fig- 63. X size.

design or ornamentation of any kind appears in the Tse'kehne spoon or
ladle (fig. 6^). Genuine Carrier utensils of this class, which are either of
wood or of horn, are even plainer than those above illustrated. Evi-
dently our Den^s have no eye for the beautiful. In all cases of horn
spoons the material is mountain sheep horn.

The manufacture of such household implements necessitates the pos-
session of no extraordinary amount of skill. After the horn has been
split in two equal halves, a spherical, smooth-surfaced stone is heated,
and to expand the too contracted sides of the horn they are applied
thereon and gently pressed out, a layer of pitch having previously been
spread over the stone so as to give consistency to the material of the
spopn and prevent its artificially distended parts from returning, when
cooled, to their original shape. The finishing touches are then given
with the carving knife.

Keeping within the same class of industrial bone implements, we come
on the bark peelers * and the cambium scrapers.-f" Both of these arc
in great demand every recurring spring for the purpose of extracting for
food the cambium layer of the shrub pine {Pinus contortd). Their name
sufficiently describes their use. Below is the Carrier type of both
peeler and scraper, which, it should be remarked, are oftentimes much
larger than those after which fig. 64 has been drawn. In fig. 65 we have
a double-edged scraper, which, though known among and sometimes used
by the Carriers, is more frequently seen among the Tse'kehne. The
various styles of these useful implements are all of cariboo horn. The

* EnWqai, " it penetrates liy tearing," a verbal noun.
\ Rltzo, " that which scrapes," verb. noun. -

1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN Dli:N68. ll|

shavings like cambium thereby obtained is much relished by the natives,

Fig. 64. yi size.

who even collect it at times for the purpose of drying and keeping for
use during the winter months.

I'iK- 65. Yz s -e.

If from the indispensable or useful we pass to the agreeable, the
gambling sticks formerly used among our aborigines may claim our
attention. Here, again, we find the elegantly-carved gambling sticks of
the West Coast tribes replaced by simple polished pieces of lynx or
other animal's bones without any particular design, and with the mere
addition to one of the pair of the sinew wrapping necessary to determine

the winning stick. The Babine specimens
(fig. 66) are rather large and must prove
awkward in the hand of the gambler. But
they have the reputation of being preven-
tive of dishonesty, if distinctions between
the honest and the dishonest can be estab-
lished in connection with such a pastime as
gambling. Such of these trinkets as are
Fig. 66. y^ size. hoUow have generally both ends shut with

a piece of wood, and contain minute pebbles andjgravel which produce
a gentle rattling sound iu the hand of the native, much to his own satis-
faction.

IMI

TIIAXSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. VI.

Fig. 67 represents the TsiiKoh'tin and fi^. 68 the Tsc''kt5hne equivalent
of the Babine gambh'ng sticks. It will be seen from the latter that the
Tst^'kdhne, who are the most primitive and uncultured of the Miree tribes
whose technology is under review, are again the only people who in il.is
connection, as with regard to their spoons, have made the merest attempt
at bone carving.

""-^nrrMMi^~ ' -^'-^

Fit'. ^1-

Fig. 68. Yz size.

The game played with these bone pieces is, I think, too well known to
demand a description. The jerking movements and pas.ses of hands of
the party operating therewith, as well as the drum beating and the sing-
ing of the spectators or partners, are practised among most of the Indian
races, especially of the Pacific Coast, which have occupied the attention
of American ethnologists. The Abbe Petitot says in one of his latest
publications* that this game is adventitious among the Eastern Denes
who have borrowed it from the Crees. This remark is no less apposite
with regard to their kinsmen west of the Rocky Mountains. Although
no other chance game possesses to-day so many charms for the frivolous
Western D^n^s, the old men assure me that it was formerly unknown
among their fellow countrymen. That their testimony is based on fact,
the very name of that game would seem to indicate, since it is a mere
verb in the impersonal mood : nst'sra, " one keeps in the hand while
moving," and is therefore cf the fourth category of D(ine nouns. The
word for "gambling sticks," such as used in connection with nat'so'a, is
7i3i'ta, which is the same verb under the potential form and means " that
which can be held in the hand." Any of the surrounding races,
Tsimpsian, Salishan or Algonquin, may be held responsible for its intro-
duction among the 'Vestern Denes, for they are all exceedingly fond
of it.

The original counterpart of the modern nat'sa'a was the atlih;\ which

•I think it is in his book En route pour la Mer Glaciale, Paris, 1888.
t May be translated by "Gambling " in a general sense.

luing
;<linii
pcrce
appro
conifc
sittiiii

"Ii
youn
outsic

■of this
«r this

]-!)

•2-!>3.]

NOTKH ON THK WK8TKKN UKNI^iS.

ill times past was passion. .tcly playctl by the Carriers, but is now
altofjcther fort^ottcn except by a few elder men. It necessitated the use
of a quantity of fincly-poh'shed bonesticks, perhaps four or five inches
lon;4, of which a correct idea may be <fathi red from fi^. 336, ilUistrating
.Xiblack's "The Indians of Southern Ahiska."* Tiiese bones wjre
called alti\ a root word of the second category, impljintf much {greater
antiquity than that of the no'ta

Speaking of atlih, a tradition which has some bearin;^ thereon comes
up for a share in the reader's consideration. If of iit^ interest to the
arch;eologist, it will serve a sociological purpose and maj' have the
.idvantage of furnishing us with w pcinture dc tmrurs, as the I''rcncli have
it. Here it is. f

"A young man was so fond of pla)-ing atlih that, after he had lost
every part of his wearing apparel, he went so far as to gamble away his
very wife and children. Disgusted at his conduct, his fellow villagers
turned away from him and migrated to another spot of the forest, taking
along all their belongings, and carefully extinguishing the fire of every
lodge so that he might perish.

" Now this happened in winter time. Reduced to this sad fate, and in
a state of complete nakedness, the young man searched every fireplace
ill the hope of finding some bits of burning cinders, but to no purpose.
He then took the dry grass on which his fellow villagers had been resting
every night and roughly weaved it into sornn sort of a garment to cover
his nakedness.

" Yet without fire or food he could not live. So he went off in despair
without snow-shoes, expecting death in the midst of his wandering.s.

" After journeying some time, as he was half frozen and dying of
hunger, he suddenly caught sight in the top of the tall spruces of a
glimmer as that of a far-off fire. Groping his way thither, he soon
perceived sparks flying out of two columns of smoke, and cautiously
approaching he came upon a large lodge covered with branches of
conifers. He peeped through a chink and saw nobody but an okl man
sitting by one of two large fires burning in the lodge.

" Immediately the old man cried out: ' Come in, my son-in-law ! ' The
\oung man was much astonished, inasmuch as he could see nobody
outside but himself 'Come in, my son-in-law; what are you doing out

* Rep. U. S. Museum, 1888, pltite Ixiii.

t It must be remarked that in the version the most in vo;^ue among the Carriers, the beginning
■of this legend is very different from that a(lopted hero after Julian ^tetsd-iiiya (he walks aiiead)
of this place, .Stuart's Lake.

iii

il,!'

i i

Hill! 'I

§i§:'

li'li

flili 1 1

■f-Hip't-i-

i::

TIIANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN IN8T1TUT?;.

[Vol. VI.

in the cold ? ' came again tVom the lodge. Whereupon the gambler
ascertained that it was himself who was thus addressed. Therefore he
timidly entered, and, following his host's suggestion, he set to warm him-
self by one of the fires.

" The old man was called Ns-ydW-Jnoolluz * because, being no other
than Yihta,-f- he nightly carries his house about in the course of his
travellings. ' You seem very mi.serable, my son-in-law ; take this up,' he
said to his guest while putting mantlewise on the young man's shoulders
a robe of .sewn marmot skin.s. He next handed him a pair of tanned
skin mocassins and ornamented leggings of the same material. He then
called out : • My daughter, roast by the fireside something to eat for your
husband — lie mast be hungry.' Hearing which, the gambler, who had
thought himself alone with Na-yaK-hwollux, was much surprised to .see a
beautiful virgin % emerge from one of the corner provision and goods
stores § and proceed to prepare a repast for him.

" Meanwhile, the old man was digging a hole in the ashes, whence lie
brought out a whole black bear cooked under the fire with skin and hair
on. Pressing with his fingers the brim of the hole made by the arrow, he
took the bear up to his guest's lips, saying : ' Suck out the grease, my son-
in-law.' The latter was so exhausted by fatigue that he coufd drink-
but a little of the warm liquid, which caused his host to exclaim : ' How
small-bellied my son-in-law is ! ' Then the old man went to the second
fireplace, likewise dug out therefrom a whole bear and made his guest
drink in the same way with the same result accompanied by a similar
remark.

" After they had eaten, NsyaRhwolluz showed the gambler to his
resting place and cautioned him not to go out during the p.ight. As for
him.sclf. he was sron noticed to leave the lodge that and every other
night ; and, as he came back in the morning, he invariably seemed to be
quite heated and looked as one who has travelled a very great distance.

"The g.imblcr lived there happilv with his new wife for som.e month.s.
But his former passion soon revwcd. As spring came back, he would
take some alt^- in an absent-minded way and set out to play therewith
all alone. Which seeing, his father-in-law said to him : ' If you feel

* Lit. "lie-canies (as uilh a sleii.i,h)-a-liv')ust'.'' The final hwolliiz is proper to tlie dialect of ihe
lx>w<;r Carrier.-;, ihoiij^h the tale is navrated by an Upper Carrier, wiiicli circumstance would .icxiw
to indicate that the legend is not, as so many others, borrowed from a 'l"simpsian tribe.

+ Ursa major.

tSak-?slii, " Slie sits apart."

§ See the Chapter on the Dene habitatioas.

mumm

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THR WESTERN DENES.

lonesome here, my son-in-law, return for a while to your own folks and
gamble with them.' Then handing him a set of alte and four tdtquh*
he added : ' When you have won all that is worth winning, throw your
tatquh up over the roof of the house, and come back immediately.
Also remember not to speak to your former wife.'

"The gambler then rr.-ade his departure, and was soon again among
the people who had abandoned him. He was now a handsome and well-
dressed young man, and soon finding partners for his game he stripped
them of all their belongings, after which he threw his tatquh over the
roof of the lodge. He also met his former wife as she was coming from
drawing water, and, though she entreated him to take her back to wife
again, he hardened his heart and did not know her.f

"Yet, instead of icrurning immediately after he had thrown his tatquh
over the roof, as he had been directed to do, his passion for atlih betrayed
him into playing again, when he lost all he had won. He was thus
reduced to his first state of wretched nakedness. He then thought of
NayaRhwoUuz, of his new wife and his new home, and attempted to
return to them, but he could never find them."

A third chance game was proper to the women and was
played with button-like pieces of bone. It was based on the
same principle as dice, and, in common with atlih, it has long
fallen into disuse. Its name is atiyek.

The three bone implements which remain to be described have
likewise disappeared from among the Carriers to whom they
were proper. Thus fig. 69 shows a telni or ceremonial whistle,
which could not at present be identified by one-twentieth of the
living Carrier population. It is made of the larger wing bone of
the swan, notched near, and slit at, one end exactly as shown
in the above figure and without the insertion of any mouth-
piece. On great ceremonial occasions, the notable or native
nobleman, who was privileged to accompany his dance there-
with, kept it constantly in his mouth unsupported by the hand,

and from time to time extracted therefrom loud, shrill notes, which

added not a little to the liveliness of the scene.

The object represented by fig. 70 differs but little from the preceding,
the material being identical and the form almost so. But its use and
destination are widely different. It is a (s^n-kuz or "bone-tube"

Fig. 69.
X size.

* A long throwing roil which serves to play anotiier game. It will lie figured ami exulained
further on.

t In the bii>lical sense of Cogiiiri'it.

R' '1

6r i

ii fl.. s .

I! ■'! i

TUAN'SA 'ONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITLTK.

[Vol. IV.

through which Carrier and Babine girls attaining the age of puberty had
to drink under pain, it was said, of contracting dreadful throat diseases
should they attempt to quench their thirst by helping themselves im-

'■'»• 70> /4 size.

mediately from the water vessel as was done by common folks. This
trinket was constantly carried about, hanging from the sinew and down
necklace usuall)' encircling the neck of such pubescent maiden.s, also as a
specific against malign influences.

Fig. 71. yi ''ize.

Closely connected therewith was the double-pronged comb shown in
fig. 71. It was worn in the hair and likewise connected with the
medicinal (.') necklace through a long, loosely-hanging string adorned
with beads, or, in primordial times, dentalium shells or other small articles
of native ornament. Its use was not restricted to pubescent girls, but
this comb or tsi-lts?t^ as it was called, was also common to young men
attaining maturity. It should perhaps be remarked that in this latter
case the instrument was of wood, not of bone. " Comb " is rather a
misnomer when applied to such an object which .served merely to scratch
one's head with, as immediate contact between the fing^ers and the head
was then reputed productive of fatal diseases.

Apropos of diseases it nia\- be mentioned that bleeding as a surgical
operation was, and still is, frequently resorted to by our Western Uenes.
So far as my infortnation goes, there was in pristine times no surgical
instrument such as an equivalent of our lancet employed in this con-

ftfl

He.-xd-scratcbes," vcili. 11011:1.

lS<jL>-93.]

NOTES ON TIIK WKSTEKN DENl^JS.

iiection. It would seem that the operation was formerly performed either
with a bone needle or awl, or more commonly with a sharp-edged stone
arrow head.

Fitr. 72.

Fig. 72 illustrates the change brought in the native huntsman's economy
by modern civilization. It is a little piece of bone carved to the shape
•.'>f a fantastic being, half animal (viz. coyote), half fish, on the back of
which little excrescence:; have been left, the object of which is to hold as
many metallic caps for use with a shot gun. This little trinket is
fastened to the string of the powder-horn or to that of the shot pouch.
It is more commonly cut out of a piece of thick leather without any
attempt at design.

-ux"::

:1*i t'''^

TRANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN 1N8TITUTK.

[Vol. IV.

[«!:■

'flSl

mwH

Hiiii^

CHAPTER V.

Traps and Snares.

kish traps.

Judged by their staple food, the Carriers and the TsiiKoh'tin are mari-
time or coast tribes, since they mostly rely upon the annual run of
salmon for their sustenance during the whole year. But, owing to the
topography of their country and their peculiar environments, their mode
of securing their supply of the fish materially differs from that adopted
by the coast Indians. Nay more, even among themselves the process
varies according to the localities and the nature of the fish stream. It
may be broadly stated that at least seven different devices are resorted
to, which I shall presently endeavour to explain.

In the first place one should not forget that the salmon almost ex-
clusively referred to in the present paragraph, that on which the two
tribes named above mainly subsist, is the so-called Fraser River salmon
{Oncorliynchus nerka, Walbaum). It is exceedingly gregarious in habits
and usually plentiful. As will soon be seen, these two peculiarities are
taken occasion ot by the natives to facilitate its capture.

Where it is practicable the Kamstkadals' method of salmon-fishing is
followed. This consists in staking across the river in its whole width
and leaving for the fish only narrow passages ending in long, funnel-
shaped baskets from which escape is impossible. Owing to the import-
ance of this industry, some detailed explanation of the whole process
will not be out of place.

At intervals of forty or fifty feet heavy posts are driven as solidly as
possible in the bed of the stream from shore to shore, and on these will
depend the strength of the whole structure. As an additional guarantee
against the action oi the current, as many prop> or braces are sunk
slanting down stream and secured against the upright posts close to the
water line. In this and all similar cases the fastening material consists
of wil'ow, high cranberry bush or spruce s^iplinj; ' attle, Finally, heavy
poles, as long as can be -otind, arc laid transver><\\ on the forks formed
by the intersection o^ the piles with their pro|>. and the result consti-
tutes wh.at may be called the skeleton of '^iV ^t i The intervals be-
tween the upright posts are afterwards ri.^ in by poles driven dov^^n in
the bed of the river, and as these are e^a-ed on the upstream side of the

l«92-93.]

NOTES ON THE WEHTKRN D^N^S,

long railing already mentioned, no artificial fastening therewith is required.
The weir is then ready to receive the fishing apparatus, which consists of
the hurdles,* the bottle-like baskets nti':rzv^f-f and the narrow terminal
baskets, K^s.^

The hurdles are made of different sizes, according to the place they
are to occupy. They are simply barkless spruce switches, held slightly
apart by a few transversal sticks laid against, not entwined with, the
trellis work, and there secured by being wattled with wattup or spruce
root. The larger number of these hurdles serve to line the upstream
side of the weir, thereby closing every possible issue through it, while
with the rest are constructed corral-like enclosures guarding tl.e mouth
of the baskets, as shown in the accompanying diagram (fig. 73). The

'''K- 73-
entrance to these corrals, and thrrefore to the tr;ip, is at a, and is gener-
ally half a foot wide. A vtand for parts of the barrier or weir. The
salmon upon stealing in finds its way up blocked at /^, and by a >i(lev -,<
evolution comes in sij^ht of the lojig conduit prepared for it in t;
of the nazrwat or main basket c\ together with the narrow termiral
cylinders d. With a view of liberating itself from the hurdle enclos&sre,
it swims down as far a> the terminal cylinders, which, being too narrow
to permit of its turning back thus determine its capture. O'-hr-s
following will soon pack even the broader end of the auxrwat to :. . ...1
extent that oftentimes no moving room is left. ^he doited outlines in

* 7a-st';u, a contraction of tcm-^t'j't, " ^tick-'wnreil.'

t A contraction of miiihi-wH, " cylimlric.il nr -.-le nioiiili (and lou^ in lira<ly).''

* Prim. root. Means auy long, sleiuler and anootli-surfacetl »«aemiagt, as u iiawile, a stem.
So named l>ecause it is convdered as tiie dandl'- of the (iinnel-lil. asket or nttmvj;.

Ill

)!:

TKANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN INSTITUTK.

[Vol. IV.

the above dia^rram represent the end of each basket which, it is useless
to add, is left opened so as to afford a free passage for the fish. Such
traps are generally constructed in pairs as is shown above.

Instead of shutting with trellis work the furthest end of the last Kss

or narrow cylinder, some add thereto a
large rectangular box-like reservoir pro-
vided with a conical conduit or entrance
(fig, 74) tapering into the box so as to pre-
clude the possibility of the fish escaping
once it hc\s ente-ed and found the liberty of movements it lacked while in
the narrow baskets. Therein the salmon crowd in such numbers that they
soon get packed as sardines in a box and finally squeeze themselves to
death.*

This trap is efficient at night only, and when the large ter-
minal basket just mentioned is wanting, the nazrwat has to
be watched lest the fish remaining at its mouth eventually
make good their escape. At least two Ind' ins go every
morning and lift up with wooden hooks (ng. 75) such
parts of the trap as cannot easily be reached by the hand
and carefully empty its contents into their canoe. The K3S«
are but temporarily connected, being detachable at will
Two or three, or in extreme cases as many as four, are
ordinarily added to the nazrwat.

The nazrwat measures at least 1 5 feet in length and as
much as 6 or 8 feet in its greatest width,f while its narrow
end is not more than 6 inches wide. Uniform with the
latter is the Kas, which is of variable length, lO feet being
probably the minimum and 16 the maximum.
Clear pieces of Douglas fir ( Pinus inurrayqna) are the material chosen
in the preparation of these fish traps and of all those which
remain to describe. Once a suitable fir trunk has been split
into portable sizes the wood is allowed to remain a few days
in the water, after which it is converted with the help of the
bone wedge (fig. 75 bis) into long and very slender rods which
are then shaved smooth with the knife and assigned to their
respective places in the structure. The encircling pieces are
of spruce {Abies nigra) and are wattled to the longitudinal
I.-joTts bis. rods with the usual wattup or spruce root.

* These reservoirs are called yHta-sK.ai,a. coiuraction o( yit/af-JsKai, "it (recipient) lies down
stream."

tThis, of course, varies with tlie deptii of the stream.

'i^^^

Fig.

/3-

isy2-9;5]

NOTfcS ON TIIK WICSTEKN UENKS.

f^t

The nazrwat and its correlative, the K.^s, are exclusively designed for
the capture of the salmon. A second fishing device, less restricted in its
use is the 'kun-taai* It works on the same principle as the j/zAwlw?/ or
terminal fish-box. It is a large cylindrical basket about 15 feet long and
at least four in diameter. Its bottom end is made of sticks radiating
from the centre, while its entrance is provided with the tapering conduit
or "heart," as it is called by the natives, which we have already noticed
in \\\G: yutasV^ai. Only in this case it is much longer, since the apex or
inside end of the truncated cone-like aperture reaches almost to tlie
middle of the whole basket. To make the safe keeping of the fish doubly
sure, the converging sticks of this inner conduit are made to project inside
beyond the small hoop to which they are fastened. These pin- like stick-
ends easily dissuade the fish from trying to escape.

The 'kuntzai was formerly used in connection with beaver trapping,
and to-day it does duty in several localities against the musk-rat. In
such a case the lattice work is made of sticks so broad as to resemble
laths more than rods, while the interstices between its component paits
are so small that they leave no room for the rodent's snout should it
attempt to gnaw off pieces of it. As an additional measure of safety for
the trap, stones are also scattered on its bottom, upon which the game is
said to direct its attention in the hope of effecting its escape. When
used as a trapping implement these baskets are laid in the bed of sluggish
rivers or creeks previously jammed with branches and boughs of conifer-
ous trees.

But what we are presently joncerned with is fish trapping. The
'kiintzai are used here (Stuart's Lake) in conjunction with the nazrwor.
They are likewise deposited in the bed of the stream, but with their
mouth or entrance end in inverse positions relatively to the direction of
the current. I think that no words of mine can better explain their use
and respective positions than the accompanying diagram showing both
nazrwat and 'kuntzai weirs with their hurdle corrals and baskets. A is
the 'kuntzai weir which is semicircular and extends to the middle of the
stream only. For this reasf)n, though it is built on the same principle of
piles and braces as that of the nazrwDt, the necessary strength is more
easily obtained. Its shape ()recludes the possibility of being latticed as
the former, yet every issue is carefully stuffed with spruce boughs. B
and {7 alone are regular hurdles simil.ir to those forming the corrals of
the main or up strcim barrier. D represents a partial trellis left open at
the proper intervals to receive the mouth of the 'kuntzai e, which are laid

I i

I •

* App.-irently a contraction of 9'Mn-?stzai, " fish-ova are lying down," wliicli etymology is hard
to explain, since those tisliim^ iniplenieiUs have inoiv at least) no relation to li-li ova.

V Ii :

|:.i

!' ■%

r i 1

' 'W

{1 ■

1 jlf'W^'

'**''

rili

J 11

■1

fl\ i 1

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. VI.

down in parallel order to the number sometimes of ten or twelve.
Immediately facing the row of basket entrances a large beam F, hewn
on the upper side only, partly floats on the water and is partly
supported on the forks of piles driven in the bed of the river.

Fig. 76.

So much for the apparatus. Now as to its working. The fish, which
is constantly following its way up stream finding any further progress
impeded by the staking across the river G, remains there almost station-
ary during the day feeling shy of the nazrwat traps prepared for its
capture at night. So it frequently happens that within the space inter-
vening between the complete and the partial weirs large numbers of the
fish have congregated ere the sun sets. Therefore natives, manning as
many canoes as are available, drive it by dint of noise and by well
directed strokes in the water, first into the corral A, D, F, and then to the
cylindrical baskets wherewith it is secured. Then, at a given signal, one
man from each canoe jumps on the beam F, and lifts up the entrance end
of the baskets as a precaution against the possible egress of a few fish,
while his partner returns by canoe to the opposite end of the trap to
empty it of its contents. A lid or door a there prepared on the top side
of the trap facilitates that operation. The lifting up of the 'kuntzai at
the entrance extremity is the work of but a moment, inasmuch as it

;? ■?

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTKRN D^Nlts.

chiefly results from the dropping in the water of the large stone i^", which
keeps it sunk to the proper depth.

Both the nazrwat and the 'kuntzai are serviceable in such places only
as the outlet of lakes or shallow streams where the current is slow
enough to permit of the erection of the necessary weir. Where this is
impossible, a third and even more ingenious device — since once it is
placed in position, it does all the work of itself — is resorted to. Lattice
work projecting a few feet only from the shore is erected in the water,
connected wherewith is laid on the bottom a tobogan-like basket with an
opening near its curved end. The fish passes through this into an un-
covered canal-like conduit leading into a large latticed reservoir where it
is caught. The apparatus becomes more intelligible by a glance at fig.
"jd wherein we have a sectional view of the whole. The lines marked

Fig. 76.

a, and b show respectively the bottom and the 'surface of the water.
The upper part of the entrance basket c is flat and serves at the same
time as a bed for the canal d which is formed by the addition of two long
hurdles e on either side of the main or lower basket top. The salmon
having entered at c soon finds its way upstream blocked at _/i where the
basket is rather narrow. But, as its instinct' is decidedly against the
wisdom of a backward course, as soon as it becomes aware of the free
passage prepared at^, therein it runs and thence to the trap h laid out
for its capture, i stands for one of the stakes which hold up the trap or
reservoir while they secure the whole structure against the action of the
current.

This fish-trap is called 3s, and it does also good service against the
land-locked salmon and other mmor fish, such as trout, ling, etc., in such
streams as are favored with a strong current.

Where the river is of a more sluggish character, a fourth device, called
ive, is resorted to. Though differently constructed, it works on the same
principle as the preceding. Its use requires the building of a regular
weir or staking across the entire width of the stream, and several such
traps are laid out, side by side, pretty much as is done with the nazrwat.
7

1 i «

n"'W

'if I i

111

^ I'

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN ISSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

The diagram fifj. 77 gives a longitudinal section of this fishing con-
trivance, which, after the details furnished above, hardly needs a word of
explanation. It suffices to follow the smaller arrows of the figure to
understand the movements and account for the capture of the fish. Let
me simply add that all the component parts of this trap are originally
distinct and separate. They are merely kept in their proper place by
means of willow oark wattlings.*

7m77MF77m7

Less complicated than any of the preceding fish-traps is the ihc^-sKai
(laid down on the bottom), which is also of latticed work and whose
general appearance cannot be better described than by comparing it to a
coffin (fig. 78). Its catching device consists of a sort of trap-door
attached on the inside to the top of one end and slanting down until it
almost touches the bottom of the box-like apparatus. This door is so
arranged that it slightly yields up to pressure from the fish and shuts
down on it once it has entered. The th6s-Kai is used in shallow streams
only.

Fig. 78.

A sixth method of salmon fishing which is likewise practicable in a few
localities only is that wherewith a t3-sYiai,^ or pot hangei basket has to
be employed. "In some places where the stream contracts to an
insignificant width and, in escaping from its rocky embankment, produces
a fall deep enough to temporarily impede the salmon's course upwards,

* In the accompanying diagrams, the smaller or inner arrows show the course of the fish, while
the larger ones point to the direction of the current.

+ A contraction for to-?sKai, "it (a recipient) stands up."

) I

189-.'-93.]

K0TE8 ON THE WE8TKRN DEN^S.

the Carriers simply bridge the fall over and with bark ropes suspend
therefrom a sort of lattice, seven or eight feet wide, the lower extremity

of which is curved up like a pot hanger
(fiff- 79)- When the fish attempts to jump
over the fall, he strikes the latticed barrier
and drops back into the basket-like bottom."*

Lastly, where none of the above described
modes of capturing the salmon are available,
the Carrier or TsijKoh'tin has still a seventh
expedient, more inconvenient and less profit-
able it is true, left at his disposal. This is
fishing with the bag-net (fig. 152), Unless
the run of salmon be exceptionally large,
this method is rather tedious, and either dire
necessity or the passion of a sportsman only
can be adduced as an excuse for this kind of
fishing, inasmuch as it is impracticable except
at night. I still remember coming up some
'^" ^'^' ten years ago, the mighty Fraser then swollen

up to the brim by the July freshets. As we were making very poor
time painfully poling up stream, I had resolved to profit by a beauti-
ful moonlight to compensate by night boating what we necessarily lost
on account of the slowness of our progress during the day. As we
neared the Indian village we were making for, we frequently sighted
from a distance human forms standing motionless on every available
rocky promontory projecting into the river. Upon approaching them,
we would perceive that they were intently gazing on one spot in the
water, and when questioned as to their success, their almost invariable
answer would be: Sukrak ! thallo hul9K ! "Not a bit; there is no
salmon.!" They were bag-net fishing.

Where the natural rocky projections are not pronounced enough
wharf-like scaffoldings are erected for the convenience of the fishermen.
Some such are to be seen on the HwotsotsanKwah which evidence no
mean engineering capabilities.

In describing the Den^ fishing contrivances, I have occasionally used
the foot measure as the best, because the most common, means of deter-
iiiining their dimensions. Useless to say that this is not the recognized
stai (lard of length measure among the natives. Before proceeding
lni!:!..=;r, it may not be irrelevant to enumerate their various measures.

* The Western Denes, p. 1 29.

:tt

I i

• ' f

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

C-^^^

1.0

1.1

>tt Ui 12.2

IL25 i 1.4

Sdences
CbrpcTdlion

23 WiST MAIN STtEET
WIBSTM.N.Y. MSM

(716) izausoa

<lf

TRANSACTIONS Or THE CANADIAN INSTITUTB.

[Vol. IV.

II ■

They are : —

1. Horw^-t/iisni',* the fathom, measured from end to end of the arms
extended.

2. Ne-tayo,^ the half-fathom ; from the middle of the chest to the tip
of the fingers.

3. Ne-fsA-ht, X the smaller half-fathom ; from the breast to the
extremity of the hand.

4. Ne-kran-k9z, || the yard ; from the shoulder to the end of the fingers.
. 5. Ne-t'stl/a,% the cubit ; extremity of the hand to the elbow.

6. Ne-lla-tcdn- kdK** the hand-length ; the hand up to the wrist. '

7. TYZ/^^R.+f is the width of the fourfing ers sKghtly stretched out. It
IS a net-mesh measure.

8. U- kw3-sthan,'!^ the finger-width. It is obtained by laying on the
object measured as many fingers pressed together as may be necessary.
It is the smallest D^n^ measure, and is resorted to in connection with
pieces of tobacco, of bread, of costly cloth, etc.

The largest and most commonly employed is the first named, horwa-
thisni, which serves to measure houses, fish-traps, nets, logs, etc.

Another measure of length of a more complex nature is obtained by
pressing one hand over the breast and reckoning from the tip of the
other hand to the elbow of the folded arm. It is therefore equivalent to
three-quarters of a fathom.

To preserve their salmon the Carriers and Tsi[Koh'tin have recourse to
the well known method of drying. After the head has been cut ofT, they
open and clean the fish, after which they expose it for one day or two to
the rays of the sun. The spine and vertebrae are then extracted, together
with the flesh adhering thereto, which is destined for the dogs' larder or
used as bait when trapping. The fish is next furrowed inside with a
sharp knife as a precaution against putrefaction, and, two wooden
splinters having been driven through the flesh so as to keep its inside
constantly opened, it is dried beneath rough sheds by the action of the
sun and air aided by the fire and smoke underneath.

As for the heads, which are considered by many as the morceau dilicat
of the salmon, they are cut open and smoked or their oil is extracted in
this wise : After long willow twigs have been spitted through them, they

* Lit. " along it it is embracei ; " verb. nouu. § " Man-elbow end."

+ " Man-chest." *• " Man-hands-stick (wrist)-after."

J " Man-breast-on." tt" It straddles," fourth category of nouns.

II " Man-arms-half." +^ " It-over-it (long obj.) lies," a verbal noun.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^.

are deposited in the water on the sandy shore of the lake or stream till
they reach an advanced stage of decay. The stench they then exhale
is simply asphyxiating. But not so with the natives, it would seem,
since they do not recoil from collecting them and, after having slightly
exposed them to the action of the sun as a means of evaporating the
water they have absorbed, they submit them to a thorough boiling in
large bark vessels and gather their oil in bags made of salmon skin.
This they greatly relish, and have recourse to whenever they wish to
enhance the natural succulency of their .service berries and other fruit.
To a civilized palate it is simply an abomination.

LAND ANIMAL TRAPS.

While the fauna of Northern Ikitish Columbia could be more varied,
it is nevertheless abundant enough to relieve the more pressing needs of
the Indian tribes stationed within its borders. With one single ex-
ception all the larger mammals on whose meat the prehistoric Dtin^s
subsisted are still to be found there. By this exception I refer to the
elk {Cenius canadensis, Erxl.) which the Carriers assert to have been
indigenous to their present territory, but which has long disappeared
from among them. Philologically speaking its successor is the horse,
which both Carriers and TsijKoh'tin call a domestic elk (yi'zi/i, elk, // dog
or domestic animal), while the Tsd'k^hne see in the noble animal nothing
but a " big dog " ji-tco. From an economic standpoint however, it is
now replaced by the moose (Alee americanus, Jardine) and the cariboo
(Rangifer caribou, Linn.)* The deer (Cariacits virginianus leticurus)
which is unknown to the Ts^'k^hne and rare among the Carriers is
exceedingly plentiful among the TsijKoh'tin. But Providence has given
the former two valuable mammals which are practically wanting among
the latter, I mean the mountain sheep (Ovis montana, Cuv.) and the
mountain goat (Capra americana, Rich.) whose native names are t^pe and
3spai respectively. Other animals which are sought more for their meat
than their fur are the hoary marmot ( Arctomys caligatus), the ground-hog
(A. monax, Linn.) and last but not least the hare (Lepus americanus).
The porcupine (Erethizon dorsatus epixantlius) was formerly hunted
for the sake of its quills which were greatly prized as an article of
ornamentation.f

Most of the other mammals hunted by our D^n^s are valued chiefly
for their fur, though the meat of almost all is appreciated as an addition

* The moose is called ttni, and the caribou, hwotzih, by the Carriers.

tThe marmot is called Piin; the grounp hog, 'katU; the hare, Xvr and the porcupine,
t'fquk.

!;'!

I I

: III
: hi J

TRANSACTIONS OF THB CANADIAN IN3TITCTK.

[Vol. IV.

to their provision store. Prominent among them is of course the beaver
(Castor fiber, Linn.), which is called tsa by all the Western D^n-i tribes.
Its small congener, the muskrat {Fiber zibethicus, Linn.), is the beaver of
the children and the poor, to whom it is known as the tsi^'kc't. However
a much more precious game even than the beaver is the black bear
{Ursus americanus, Pallas), called sas by both the Tst^'k^hne and the
Tsi;Koh'tin and s^s by the Carriers. Our Western Denes, who usually
prove so cowardly against a human enemy, are so courageous when
matched with almost any wild beast, that among them he would not be
considered a man who would be afraid of a bear. Personal encoun-
ters wherein bruin comes out second best are by no means a rare
occurrence here, and not a few Carriers still bear the marks of the bear's
teeth and claws Even the grizzly (i/. horribilis) is no terror to them. I
have here at my side an Indian who has killed one with a revolver, while
I am well acquainted with another, a most reliable man, who by his fear-
lessness and sangfroid put to flignt a bear of that species with which he
had been sitting face to face for perhaps a quarter of an hour without
receiving as much as a scratch from the monster, and without having
used the shotgun which he had rot had time to load. The main point
in such awkward circumstances is not to betray the least fear and to look
one's adversary right in the eyes. Show any degree of hesitation r.nd
you are lost. Although no two species of the grizzly bear are known to
science, it might be, however, that the sliyas, the bear of which I am
speaking, is but a variety 'of Ursus horribilis, inasmuch as the Indians
pretend to know another and much more formidable one which they call
tsa-rana or " he busies himself with the beaver," by allusion to its favorite
occupation, beaver hunting. This animal they fear, and so far they pro-
fess never to have killed any adult of the species, but to have occasionally
seen a few. It is, they say, much larger than the shyas or common
grizzly ; its heel is proportionately narrower and the fore end of its paw
much broader. It is worthless as an economic item, as it emit:> a most
offensive smell.

The other fur bearing animals sought after by the Western D^nes are
the marten (Mustela martes. Rich.), the ^^\iGr(Mustela canadensis, Linn.),
which the Carriers call a " big marten, " Icsnnih-tco, the otter (Lutra
canadensis, Turton), the wolverine (Gulo lustus, Linn.), the lynx {Felis
canadensis. Rich.), the fox (Vulpes vulgaris), the wolf (Canis lupus
occidentalis ), the coyote (Canis latrans), and the two small carnivores,
the ermine (Prttorius vulgaris, Linn.), and the mink (P. vison, Brisson^
In addition tc ivashi, its regular name, the lynx, whose ancestors are
believed to have had intercourse with women, is often half jocosely
called sAnW, " my first cousin " by the Carriers. As to the different

IS92-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN oilN^S.

varieties of foxes and wolves, they are recognized and differentiated by
adjectives, not distinct names, in the native tongues, as they are founded
merely on colour, not, as with the dog, on anatomical peculiar-
ities. It is a well known fact among our aborigines that, for instance,
red, cross and black foxes are found in one and the same litter, so that it
seems naturalists should not see more difference between a red and a
black fo>: than they do between a gray and a white bull-dog.*

When not chased or killed by chance as happens in the course of one's
travellings, the above named fur bearing animals are procured either with

Fig. 80.
traps or snares. At least three varieties of the former contrivances, all
of genuine D6n^ origin, are still in general use, and a fourth, the bear

*It should be mentioned here that alioriginal usage prevents the hunter ff^r killing for him-
self any of the largest animals, especially such as are chased for their meat. Alter his game has
been brought down, he will invariably give it to one of his companions, or if he happens to have
none, he will cache it up against wolverines or any carnivorous animals and return to the village.
Then he will say to any one whom he chooses to favour with his spoils : " In such and such a
spot in the forest I have shot a cariboo for you. Go and fetch it." To act otherwise would be
equivalent to courting the scorn of every hunter of any standing in one's place.

' 'i

i ' M)

r. I i'i

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

:ii:

trap, though now a thing of the past, is still remembered by old men.
liS main or fall part consisted of trunks of small trees united into a sort
of lattice work by means of muskeg pine saplings interlaced through
them. To ensure additional efficiency for the structure, large stones were
laid over it, heaps of which are still to be seen in several places, generally
close by the banks of salmon streams. I can find no native in a position
to satisfactorily explain the mechanism of this trap. All I can gather is
that it was very effective, not only against black bears, but even against
grizzlies.

Fig. 8i.

To secure martens and other small land game, the Carriers never use
but the trap shown in fig. 80, which is very simple in construction. It is
merely composed of a fall stick a, one end of whfch is thrust in the
ground in an oblique direction, and which springs down on the transversal
or ground stick b, through the falling off of the pole c, resting upright on
the bait stick d. To prevent the game from getting at the bait otherwise
than through the trap, a rectangular enclosure is erected with snail
pickets generally against, or close to, the bole of a spruce or pine tree.
Should the fall stick not exactly correspond in position with that lying
on the ground, the marten might survive the springing of the trap and

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DENES.

»r

eventually effect its escape. To guard against such an accident, two
stakes e are driven in the ground on each side of the falling apparatus.
The use and working of the weight pole / need no explanation.

Much more complicated, as may be seen from fig. 8i, is the action of
the lynx trap. The device causing the capture, if not the death, of the
game, is identical with that of the preceding, save that two weight poles
instead of one are used. But the principle of the apparatus itself is
altogether different, and might be pointed out as an evidence of no mean
ingenuity. Although I have faithfully outlined in dots the working of
the trap while in the act of springing, some further explanation of it
may be necessary.

The general principle governing its action is the balance principle.
The fall stick being pressed down by the weight sticks, thereby forces up
the furthest end of the lever a, which is balanced on the post b, acting
as fulcrum. As an immediate consequence, the string button c (fig 82)
is started up and at once arrested in its flight by the
horizontal sticks d engaged between the button and the
perpendicular pole e. The reason of the springing of
the trap is now easy to understand. The lynx, or fox,
upon trying to get at the bait laid on the ground a little
distance off within a picket enclosure, is bound to tread
on the trip stick e which is thereby disengaged from the
pressure of the button, which immediately whirls up
yielding to the action of the weight poles on the lever, as shown in the
dotted outlines. Both the post and the perpendicular pole e are stuck
in the ground, and the latter, as well as the weight sticks, are set up
through the branches of the tree under which the trap is prepared.

Fig. 82.

Fig- 83.

A somewhat different setting of the same trap is obtained by engaging
the trip stick above, instead of below, the middle of the button piece. In
this case no bait is provided for the game, but the trip stick is thorough-
ly rubbed over with castoreum, by licking which the animal springs off^
the lever, whereby the fall stick slips down on the base.

II I -I

^ TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN ISSTITi TE. [VOL. IV,

A modification of this trap is occasionally used by a few to capture
the beaver. But as the Crees are credited with its invention, no further
mention of it is necessary.

Fig. 83 represents a kind of trap differing in every particular from the
three already described, it is proper to the Tse'k^hne and does service
against marmots. As shown in the cut, it is usually set in front of the
animal's den, and its action or working apparatus has some resemblance
to the common figure four trap. Its trip stick a is laid across the entrance
of the marmot's den and is disposed .so as to form a right angle with the
left side of the spring stick b. Of course this is concealed from view with
dry grass, leaves, moss or any other available vegetable material. In
order to give even a clearer idea of the mechanism of the trap, its com-

I) \

Fig. 85.

» Fig. 84.

ponent parts will be found separately drawn in fig. 84. Let it suflfice ot
add that, while the fall stick is looped to the springing piece b, the small

end of the latter is at the same time notched in the trip stick a and con-
nected with the post c through the double string d, which presses in the
extremity of both trip and spring pieces.

These traps are not hastily constructed on the spur of the moment
with any chance material taken at random from the immediate vicinity
of the spot where they are set. They require some little care in their
preparation, and they are therefore made at home, and carried about
with their different parts tied together as shown in fig. 85.

SNARES.

Whilst we are occupied with the divers contrivances invented by native
ingenuity to capture land animals, it may be well to give some idea of
the Western D^n^s' methods of snaring the same. To such as may be
tempted to call in question the appositeness of such minute details, I
would beg to point out that the aborigines, whose technology we are
studying, are pre-eminently huntsmen no less than fishermen ; and to
call complete a review of their industrial implements, which does not

1892-83.]

NOTES ON THIi: WESTEHN D^N^B.

«0

embrace their various fishing and hunting contrivances, would be equiva-
tent to supposing well constituted a body lacking nerve or bone. Besides
giving us some idea of their proficiency as craftsmen, they enable us
to witness, as il: were, the workings of their mind as applied to their
means of providing for the necessaries of life. So that those very details
which may appear unimportant to the superficial reader, add in the
estimation of the scientist, a psychological interest to a study which is
primarily technological. What has already been said of the Western
D^n^s' fish or animal traps has leJ us to the conclusion that, if those
aborigines are wanting in the appreciation of the beautiful, they are by
no means devoid of the faculty of judging and selecting that which is
best suited to the attainment of their ends. A review of their snaring
devices cannot fail to confirm this impression.

At least eight different methods of snare setting, generally varying
according to the nature of the game, obtain among the single Carrier
tribe. I leave it to the following figures to explain the details, and shall
content myself with noting en passant that which they cannot tell.

Fig. 86. ^

Figs. 86 and 87 represent bear-snares * whereby the game is either
choked down on the ground (fig. 86) or flung up in the air (fig. 87). The
action of the former is exceedingly simple, though it cannot fail to prove
very effective. Of course it is clear that the bear upon getcinjj engaged
in the noose, which is in all cases held in the proper position through

* The root for snare in general is /</, and this word is suffixed to the name of the game for
which each snare is intended. Euphony demands that it be preceded by aii m ; therefore bear-
snare is tts-mpi/ ; lynx-snare, washi-mpii, etc., in Carrier.

1 _

! i

( ■

*i.!

' I;*

1-f.,

100

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTSTUTE.

[Vol. IV.

small strings lashed to the bushes near by, will, to free himself therefrom,
pull forward or backward. Either movement must result in the fall of
the post a and thereby of the beam b.

Fig. 87.

As to the second mode of setting the bear-snare, it may be necessary
to explain that as soon as the game is noosed up by the falling of the
crossed poles, he will naturally, in his efforts to disentangle himself,
struggle for a support for his paws so as to annul the action of the noose.
This is provided for hi.ii in the shape of the wooden piece noticeable
under the small end of the lever. But as the role of the hunter is not
one of mercy, he has taken care, prior to setting his snare, to bore through
that piece of wood a hole large enough to ensure its slipping down with
the contraction of the noose. So that by pressing down on it, the animal
only hastens its own death. The manner of lashing the lever or balancing
pole to the post is shown in Fig. 88. It is reputed the safest and is
adopted with regard to all other snares requiring a similar appliance.

The setting of the cariboo snare cannot be simpler. As shown
herewith, it merely consists in a noose attached to a stout stake (fig. 89)
with which the game scampers away, and becoming engaged among
fallen or standing trees chokes himself to death.

Until a few years ago, the Ts^'k^hne were wont to use these snares
extensively and with no mean results. As many as forty or fifty were

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^.

101

set in a line through such defiles or passes of their mountains as were
the most frequented by the roaming bands of cariboo. After two of
their most active hunters had been deputed to watch at either end of the
line, the others, numbering fifteen or more, would, by loud shouting and
firing of guns, drive the reluctant game to the snares where it was
captured.

Fig. 88

Fig. 90.

Fig. 89.

In figs. 90 and 91 we have snares very differently set, though they are
intended for the same kind of game, viz. : the lynx. The working of
the apparatus is in the first model identical with that of the cariboo snare.
The little stick planted in the ground is destined to no other purpose
than that of holding the noose in position with the help of the two side
strings.

Fig. 91 though more complicated in appearance is no less easy of
understanding. It is composed of two levers balanced on their posts,
the end of the main or snare pole being engaged under that of the
other, which is prevented from yielding to the weight of its larger end
by the temporary stick a set thereunder. The struggling of the lynx
when caught in the noose will cause this to drop off on the ground,

I'll;

3;'; '1 '
\ i 1 ■

i ;

i
■•lit

109

TRANSACTIONS 01^ THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[VOU IV.

whereby the small end of both levers will spring up, leaving no possible
chance of escape to the game.

Fig. 91.

The fox snare (fig. 92) is likewise based on the balance principle, and
needs no further explanation than this : The snare string above the noose

Fin. 92.

is wound round a stake solidly driven in the ground and a detachable
transversal piece of wood in such a way that it unrols itself by the

1892 93.]

NOTK8 OK TUB WKSTKRX vf.StH.

loa

slightest movement on the part of the noosed animal. This connection
between the transversal and the ht>rizontal sticks I have tried to illustrate

'■'«• 93-
by fig. 93 ; but I think th?*^ its working requires to be seen to be fully
understood. This snare ,es also good service against marmots.

Fig. 94.

Fig. 94 represents a mode of snare setting usual in connection with
the latter game only. It needs no explanation, since*the lever of fig. 92
is simply replaced here by a bent down switch.

F"«- 95-
Lastly fig. 95 gives us an idea of the rabbit snare as it is commonly

! I

I r

hn ■ i i

104

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

set by our Carriers. The method is identical with the preceding, save
that a switch forming a semi-circle is substituted for the stake to
whi :h the movable cross-piece is temporarily fastened. Of course this
necessitates a change in the position of the latter which in this case is
laid horizontally over the apex of the hoop.

, The strings of the cariboo and bear snares are made of moose or
cariboo skin strands, generally four in number. As a protection against
moisture or any other deteriorating agent, they are in most cases wrapped
with thin strips of willow bark. Hempen twine such as is for sale at
any H. B. Co. fort nowadays serves against any species of minor game.

Before leaving this subject, it may not be amiss to mention that even
waterfowl were formerly sought after by means of snaring devices.
Ducks and grebes were then the coveted game. The snares consisted in
a noose cord of vegetable fibre attached to a stick firmly driven in the
bottom of the piece of water, more generally in such shallow places as
the fowl ordinarily frequent when feeding.

Waterfowl of any larger species such as geese and swans, especially
the latter, are said to have been secured in olden times, by an ingenious
stratagem which cannot be better described than by relating the follow-
ing fragment of the Carriers' national legend wherein the famous hero
gstas plays such a wonderful role.

" In the course of his travellings, gstas came upon a family consisting
of the father, two sons and a daughter. One day, the old man sent his
sons to try their chances at catching swans in his hereditary fishing-
place. The young men, who had already heard of gstas' wonderful
deeds, said to him : ' Cousin, we always lose our time in our attempts at
catching swans. Our father wants some to make for himself a head-
dress and a breast blanket* for the winter. People say that you
generally succeed in any enterprise you undertake. Come then, and
help us.' gstas readily consented, and went out with them.

" When they had reached the family fishing grounds, they perceived
eight swans lazily gliding on the water. ' Have not you taken a rope
along with you?' asked gstas. Upon which they pointed to a long rope
which had been left there for future use in a similar emergency.

" Presently gstas donned a head-dress made of the head and neck of
a swan, and, taking the rope with him, swam slowly towards the swans
imitating in every point their movements. Then he deftly tied the feet

* See the cliapter on Dress and Personal adornment.

1892-93.]

N0TF.8 ON THE WESTERN D^N^S.

105

of five of them to his long rope without as much as awakening their
suspicions, and swam back to the stake driven in the bed of the river to
•vhich he secured the end of his rope. Being now sure of his game, he
took off his head-dress when the swans perceiving their mistake took to
their wings, but were soon arrested in their flight by the retaining rope
and stake. They were then taken by the wily stranger.

" The young men who had on previous occasions tried the same trick
without avail, were delighted at the success of their guest, so much the
more that nobody before him had been able to get by this method more
than four swans at one time. They therefore invited him on another
day to give them a further proof of his ability, and even to outdo himself
if that was possible. Much flattered at their encomiums, gstas this
time tied the legs of no less than eight swans. But as he was swimming
back to attach the rope to the stake, he unwittingly lifted off his head-
dress, upon which all the fowl flew off taking up with them gstas who
was thus carried very far away into the countries beyond tht horizon."

The story then proceeds to relate how, new Vulcan, having let go the
rope, he fell down upon a rock wherein he sank and was buried alive.

Whether this or any analogous mode of securing waterfowl was really
practised by the prehistoric Carriers cannot, of course, be now positively
stated. Strange as it appears, some such stratagem may have been
resorted to, since we read that in China waterfowl are caught by wading
in the water up to the neck with one's head hidden in a gourd
and then seizing the bird's legs to finally draw it down in the water with-
out ever revealing one's personality.* Be that as it may, the modern
Carriers know it only by tradition. They now prefer to build small
circular huts of coniferous boughs or even walls or cairns of stone in the
favorite haunts of the fowl behind which they hide and by imitating
their call, prevail upon them to approach within shooting range when
they are easily dispatched.

I have enumerated the fishes and land animals trapped or otherwise
hunted by our Western D^n^s, and described the various devices made
use of to secure them. I leave it to the following list of the names of
the lunar months in two dialects to furnish the reader with some hints as
to the time when they are generally sought after.

*See Six Legendes AnUricaittes identifiies h t histoire de Moise, etc, par U R. P. Petitot,
Missiotis de la Congregation O.M.I., Paris, 1877, p. 741.

I I 1 t ■ i

106

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV

< Names of the Twelve Lunar Months.

'!|]

^ I

In Carrier.
Sa-tco, the big moon.

Tc9Z-S9l*

Tcsz-tco*

Cin-uza, moon of the spring.
Tdkus-xiza, moon of the carp.
Taiir-uza, moon of the summer.
Khdl-uza^ moon of the land-locked

salmon.
Thallo-za, moon of the red salmon.
Ptt-uza, moon of the bull-trout.
joh-uza, moon of the white-fish.
Panrdn mfs^v^ei, "du/ing its half

one navigates."!
Sa-tco-dinat, "next to the big

moon."

In Ts^'k^hne.

Infsih'Sa, moon of the wind.

Yastase-sa, moon of the snow-
storms.

A/tta-inza, moon of the golden
eagle.

RatqMnza, moon of the wild goose.

Sas-inza, moon of the black bear

Mdndh-icMla'oje, moon when they *
take to the water.

H^ke-ta, " the buffalo ruts."

^tsiz-inza, moulting moon.

Sa-tsHle, little moon.

Sa-td, great moon.

^'kat, "the fat (of the animals)
disappears."

Ma-thdn-thdn-tsHle, " what freezes is
covered vith bare ice."

The first of these months corresponds nearly to January.

The size of che page prevents me from giving side by side with the
above the names of the TsiiKoh'tin months. Their main peculiarities
may be thus resumed : March is the " moon when one comes out of the
subterranean huts " ; April is the moon of the sucker ; July, that of the
Kes, or white-fleshed salmon ; August, that of the red- fleshed salmon ;
November is called "this month we all enter the subterranean huts,"
and December is the moon of the ice. It will thus be seen that different
social habits and occupations have left their impress even on the names
of the months such as recognized by the three D^n^ tribes under study.

Observances of the Hunter and the Trapper.

Prior to their embracing Christianity, the Western D^n^s had recourse
to various other means of ensuring success while engaged in hunting.
Several superstitious practices were observed, the neglect of which was

* Tlie root Tctz is now meaningless. The finals s»l and Uo mean " small " and " big " re-
spectively.

1 1, e. Lake Stuart is opened to navigation during the half of this month.
+ L e. The goslings.

1892-93.'|

NOTES ON THE WBSTEBN Dl^NES.

107

regarded as entailing unavoidable failure. Most of these were based on
their regard for continence and their excessive repugnance for, and dread
of, menstruating women.

As soon as a Carrier had made up his mind to try his chances at bear-
snaring, he separated a thoro for a full month previous to the setting of
his snares. During all that time, he could not drink from the same
vessel as his wife, but had to use a special birch bark drinking cup. The
second half of the penitential month was employed in preparing his
snares. The omission of these observances was believed to cause the
escape of the ganle after* it had been snared. To further allure it
into the snares he was making, the hunter used to eat the root of a
species of heracleum {tsd'^p in Carrier) of which the black bear is said to
be especially fond. Sometimes he would chew and squirt it up with
water exclaiming at the same time : Nydstluh ! may I snare you !

Once a bear, or indeed any animal, had been secured, it was never
allowed to pass a night in its entirety, but must have some limb, hind or
fore paws, cut off, as a means of pacifying its fellows irritated by its
killing.

Speaking of the meat of snared animals, I cannot help remarking that
young women having their menses could not eat of their head, heart or
hind part without exposing themselves to a premature death through a
kind of rabies which was sure to attack them in after years. This infir-
mity led them to keep tearing off the flesh of their arms with their teeth.
If perchance they were favored with a lucid moment, they improved it
by making their confession to the shaman. " When young, I ate of the
head, etc., of an animal " they would say. Thereupon the medicine man
would suck from the body of the patient what was represented as the
tabooed morsel unlawfully swallowed, and forsooth the woman was
cured !

. The heart even of water-fowls was forbidden to similarly circumstanced
young women, who had also to abstain from cutting up the grebes which,
among the Carriers, are caught each spring in such large numbers. These
fowl are full of blood, and their being manipulated by such persons
would communicate to the latter either haemorrhage or unnaturally pro-
longed menses.

If in the woods with his wife, the hunter would also prefer to see her
tear herself up in the bush and thorns, to let her pass in the narrow trail
wherein he may have deposited his snares preparatory to setting them.
Should she as much as step over without touching them, her mate would
certainly consider any further attempt at capturing game as futile and
useless.

'\ i

108

TRANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

The skulls of the bears whose flesh has been eaten up are even to-day
invariably stuck up a stick or the broken branch of a tree. But the
aborigines fail to give any reason for this prcictice.

If the Carrier was to use traps instead of snares, the observances pre-
paratory to setting them varied somewhat. When martens were the
intended game, the period of abstinence from sexual intercourse was
shortened to ten days or thereabouts, during which the trapper slept by
the fireside pressing down a little stick over his neck. This, of course,
could not fail to cause the fall-stick of his traps to drop on the neck of
the coveted game ! The chewing and squirting up of the heracleum root
were observed in this as in the former case. The deprecatory formula
was merely changed into Nyiiskuh ! may I entrap you !

When successful, the trapper had to be very careful that no dog touches
his prey, which, to avert such a misfortune, he had to hang up a peg in
the lodge as soon as this was practicable. Contact with a dog would
certainly indispose the game's fellow martens against the traps of the
hunter responsible for such a slight.

No superstitious practice appears to have been followed as a prepara-
tion to beaver hunting, save that to ensure a larger catch, one-half of each
trap was daubed with red ochre. But nobody who does not care to con-
demn himself t>) useless efforts at securing any further supply of the game
must be unguarded enough to swallow the little patella bone of the
beaver. In like manner, if after having captured a beaver, a Carrier has
the carelessness to let one of his dogs get at that bone, he may as well
resign himself to return home empty handed. During the whole beaver-
trapping season, his first captrre will infallibly be his last.

Lynx not only was not eaten by the women, but even when once
snared, it could not be brought in the lodge through the doorway.
Women as well as men daily enter through that passage, and the former
must have no intercourse, however indirect, with the feline. So it was
introduced by men into the lodge through the smoke hole in the roof.
It was touched by men only, its flesh boiled by men and eaten by men.
The reason of the aversion of the women for the lynx will appear irom
the following legend : —

" A young couple of Indians was living in the woods. One morning,
as the husband was absent chasing large animals, a stranger of surprising
beauty and apparently endowed with superhuman powers came upon the
young woman " Follow me : you shall be my wife," he said to her.
But as she was very much attached to her husband, she strove hard not to
hearken to him. Yet such were the stranger's charms and hidden powers

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE MTESTKRN vis&a.

109

that her mind was as if paralyzed in his presence. As she pretended that
she had no provisions for the journey, he told her that the distance was
short, and that he had plenty in his own place. Whereupon he seized
her and she had to follow him. Now the stranger was no other than the
lynx. She managed however to snatch from her lodge in leaving a
grouse {Dendragaptis franklinii, Dougl.) which her husband had shot a
while before. As she walked behind her seducer, she would pluck a few
of the grouse's feathers and down and drop them along thereby marking
her trail on the ground. By the time that she reached her new aome, the
bird was entirely stripped of its feathers and down.

" The lynx's lodge was full of pieces of the fat of cariboo and moose
hanging up to dry. Before dark, he went out to do a little hunting a
short distance off.

" Meanwhile the young woman's lawful husband who had experienced
no difficulty in tracking her, thanks to the fallen feathers and the
trampled herbage — for it was summer time — came upon her as she was
sitting lonely in the lynx's lodge. She at once told him the story of her
abduction by the stranger. At the same time she insisted that the latter
was uncommonly powerful, and cautioned her husband against using
violence in this case. " We had better try and take him by stratagem,
for both of us together are nothing to him," she said.

" She had barely uttered these words, when the lynx came home after
a successful hunt. The woman went out to him and said presenting the
new comer : " Husband, here is your brother-in-law, for he is indeed my
own younger brother." Upon which the lynx asked : " Have I then a
brother-in-law V — " Yes indeed, and a very good one," answered the
woman. Then her own lawful^husband told the lynx how very pleased
he was to see his sister married to so good a hunter and thereby delivered
from her first husband who had been living with her against the wishes of
all her relations. To confirm the sincerity of his declarations, he pre-
sented the lynx with his own quiver full of arrows, keeping only his bow
for himself. " I will hereafter see you more than once," he added " and
each time I shall make you similar presents."

"The lynx was so pleased that he insisted upon preparing himself his
guest's supper.

" Now prior to his return home, the young woman had related to her
real husband how the lynx had asked her whether she was having her
menses. Lest she may have been tempted to prove unfaithful, she had
answered affirmatively, though that was not the case. Hearing this, the
lynx had manifested a great dread of her and left her untouched. They

1 ill

! 4 ! J

i \-

TRANSACTIONS OF THB CANADIAN INSTITUTR.

[V >L.

IV.

had then, her husband and herself, agreed as to the plan to follow to
effect her deliverance.

"Therefore, after they had eaten to their content, she purposely
attempted to play with the lynx, while her husband, who was lying on
the opposite side of the fireplace, feigned sleep. But each time that she
tried to touch the lynx she was sharply rebuked : ' Skranthahoilkr^s*
you will thiow a spell over my arms,' he would say. Yet she would not
desist in her endeavors to keep him awake so as to render his sleep more
profound once he would fall asleep.

" At length after he had been a while soundly sleeping, she motioned
her husband with a stick that now was the time to act. Therefore he
cautiously seized his bow which was double pointed, as one end of it was
provided with a long horn dart while the other had a stone spear head.
With all his might, he sank the horn dart into the lynx's breast, while
his wife chopped off his head with a stone adze she had kept concealed
in her bosom.

" After he had transpierced him with the horn dart, he and his wife
turned him over and he repeated the same operation on his back with
the stone spear head of his bow. They did not leave him till he had
been reduced to a shapeless mass of bone and flesh.

" Ever since, our women have been afraid of the lynx, for he is indeed
a ravisher."

In the estimation of the Carriers of the generations gone by, fishing
was not fraught with the same perils as hunting, and therefore few, if
any, superstitious precautions accompanied it. Indeed the only vain
observance which can be mentioned in this connection was that "/hich
forbade women having their monthly flow to cut or carve saimon,
inasmuch as this was reputed to seriously endanger the health and
especially enfeeble for life the arms of the transgressor.

When no shaman was at hand to consult about the quantity of the
salmon coming up, either the elements or some peculiarities in the
vegetable kingdom afforded them a means of prognosticating the nature
of the forthcoming run of fish. Thus a continually rumbling thunder or
the early fall of ♦■he service-berries portended to them an abundant
harvest. I would not affirm that these ideas have no longer any hold
on the mind of a few modern Carriers. Those persons who are au fait
with the popular notions current among the lower classes of the Old
World will, I think, hesitate before tasking my Indians with uncommon
credulity.

* Thahodkris is hai to translate in English. The lynx means that her touch while in her
unclean state will incapacitate him for the chase.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON TUK WESTEKN D^N^S.

Ill

CHAPTER VI.

Wooden Implements.

I may mention as having some relation to one of the objects of the pre-
ceding Chapter, namely fishing, the hzcofs^z* and the talh/.^ The former

Fig. 96.

is the wooden maul which serves to drive home the piles of the salmon
weirs used by the Carriers. It is bottle-shaped, and of the hardest wood
obtainable, generally birch (^/V«/rt/<?/jrrt^f^fl).

Fig- 97-

The latter is the wooden float attached to their nets. Here we cannot
fail to remark that the Western D^nes had in this connection an oppor-
tunity of exhibiting at least a minimum of artistic taste, and, as in most
cases, did not improve it. The cut (fig. 97) shows the working of the
float when in actual use. v "

Such entirely wooden implements as are unconnected with either
fishing or hunting are relatively few and unimportant. Therefore we
need not tarry long in their description. Commencing with those which
serve recreative purposes, we may refer in the first place to the tstquh
(fig. 98) of which mention has already been made in the course of a

Fig. 98.

* Second category of nouns.

t A verbal noun almost equivalent to "it floats up."

I'l

'■■A

;l t-

I 1
1 I

)■

112

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

native legend. It is a rod five or six feet long which is thrown through
the air so as to fall as far as possible from the initial point of launching,
the distance reached determining the measure of success attained. This
game was formerly much in vogue among the Carriers. It is now
obsolescent.

Fig. 99.

A great rival is mz9z, which is played with sticks ot almost the same
shape, (fig. 99) though much stouter near their fore-end. As [they do
duty on the frozen surface of the snow, the finest polish possible is
aimed at in their preparation. These sticks vary in length from three to
six or seven feet, according to the strength, possessed or assumed, of the
player. The Carriers are to-day passionately fond of this game, which
is played, as a rule, by adverse bands, the stake going over to the party
which first attains the fixed number of points.

Fig. 100.

Ta'ko- is another pastime which is somewhat childish in character. In
most cases it is played by the fireside in the camp lodge during the long
winter evenings. Its necessary accompaniments are a blunt-headed stick
(fig. 100) and two small, thin and springy boards firmly driven in the
ground, one close by each player. The two opposite parties sit facing
each other and throw the ta'ko' against the little board on the other side,
upon hitting which it rebounds to the knees of the successful player, who
is then entitled to recommence and continue as long as luck favors him.
Failing to get at the mark, the ta'ko* is handed to the other partner. The
number of points obtained indicates the winner. The old men profess
to be ignorant of that game, which is probably adventitious among our
Indians.

While we are treating of the games in connection wherewith success
depends on the skill of the performer, not on mere hazard as with nat'saa,
atlih and atiy^h, we may mention ^kei-la-p3s ("encircling willow") or
arrow target shooting, though the implement required for its performance

1892-93.]

MOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S.

113

and from which the name of the game is derived would, considered in
itself, be classed among the objects which shall form the subject matter
of our next chapter.

Fig. loi.

This is a sort of open work disk or wheel made principally of willow
bark strings, though the frame of the hoop is composed of three or four
switches very closely fitting each other and kept in position by a strong
lacing of strips of bark. Radiating from the axis, or heart as it is called,
are four cords of similar material stretched so as to form a cross (fig. loi).

As this was formerly the great national game of the Carriers, I may
be pardoned for giving its rules son ewhat in full.

A team of five or six men was matched against another of presumed
equal force, and after each player had been provided with a given number
of pointless arrows, the disk was set wheeling away by one team to the
cry of tldp ! tUp ! This was the signal for the other to shoot at it while
it was in motion. Should they fail to hit it, it was returned rolling to
the first team so as to give them an equal chance of making at it with
their arrows. As soon as the disk had been shot, the real competitive
game commenced. The arrows which had hit it, two, three or more,
became the stake for the rival team to win over. For this purpose the
disk was hung up a short stick planted in the ground near the team who
had succeeded in sending home the arrows, and it was aimed at succes-
sively by each member of the opposite party.' Should any one be lucky
enough to shoot it with his first arrow, the stake played for became his
irrevocable property. When the target was hit, but on a subsequent
attempt of the marksman, the stake was thereby won over, subject to its
being redeemed by any member of the opposing team performing the
same feat. In this case the game became a draw ; the wheel wai> set
rolling anew, and the nature of the stake was determined as in the first
instance.

ilil

1(5

it I -i

P t

■ I ■
: 1

114

TKANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN I.VHTITUTK.

[Vol. IV.

I have never seen 'keilapss played by others than children and young
men. But in times past it had a sort of national importance, inasmuch as
teams from distant villages were wont to assemble in certain localities
more favorable to its performance in good style. Indeed, until a few
years ago the sportin.^ field of some was literally dotted with small
cavities resulting from the fall of the arrows.

Fig. 102 represent.s the device doing duty among the TsijKoh'tin as a
spindle. Prior to the introduction of European textile
fabrics, its uses were doubtless of a much wider des-
cription than to-day. As a matter of fact, I have never
seen it in actual use except to spin or twist the rabbit
skin lines entering into the manufacture of blankets.
The discoidal attachment is wanting in the implement
such as known among the Carriers.

There can be imagined no simpler or more primitive
method of lighting fire than that originally obtaining
Fig. I02. among the Western D^nes. Instead of the somewhat
elaborate fire-drill in use amongst the northernmost congenerous tribes,
such as the Loucheux and the Hares, our aborigines' apparatus was
reduced to a short stick, generally of resinous scrub pine (P. contorta) set
revolving on touchwood by immediate contact with the hands as is
practised by the Wataweita of eastern equatorial Africa.*

Shall I speak of the \A/estern Denes' canoes } They certainly possess
no peculiarity to render them worthy of any mention, unless it be their
very rudeness of form and finish. Of course I do not here refer to the
birch bark canoes, which among the Carriers and the TsijKoh'tin, have
gone out of use since the last fifty years or .so. Of these I have .seen but
very few examples, and they were not representatives of their class.

Fig. 103. ■ ,

West of the Rocky Mountains, the present D^ne canoe is dug out of bal-
sam poplar trees {Popiilus balsamifera), and either because the material
will not admit of a similar treatment, or because our Indians have not yet
learned the method of expanding the sides by the action of fire under-
neath, as is done by the Coast Tribes with regard to their cedar canoes,
they are left almost as narrow at the centre as the tree was while in its

* See " Fire making apparatus in the U.S. Museum," by Walter Hough, p. 553.

l8a2-93.]

N0TE8 ON THK WKHTKRN DI^NI^S.

115

original state. A few cross sticks only prevent the sides from shrinking in
too much. This want of width, added to the fact that the prow is always
made of the broader end of the tree, renders these canoes very awkward
in stormy weather on our lakes, inasmuch as they generally compensate
in length what they lack in breadth.

Another fact worthy of remark is that the Carriers, who owe to their
frequent intercourse with the Coast Indians, much of their technology
and all such of their customs as are unknown to the rest of the Dt^n6
nation,* should have failed to take the hint from their maritime com-
mercial visitors and build wooden canoes, until they appropriated, some
seventy years ago, two rough "dug-outs" manned by a party of Iroquois
hailing from the Kast.

Their paddles offer hardly any noticeable peculiarities, save perhaps the
absence of the cross-like appendage at the end of the handle which is
common among maritime tribes. This is explained by the different
manner of handling the implement. While the Coast Indian when
paddling seems to divide his strength between propelling forward with the
left hand and pulling backward with the right, the edge of the wooden
canoe being made to serve as a partial fulcrum for the lever in his hands,
the Carrier, who unconsciously labours under the illusion that he is still
manning a frail birch bark canoe, does all his paddling away from his
dug-out without ever touching its sides. This exercise necessitates the
peculiarly long shaft of his paddle and renders useless the cross-end of
the maritime implement. The aforesaid illusion is so patent
that even while at the helm, he scarcely ever uses his paddle
as a rudder to steer his craft. He prefers to paddle out alter-
nately to the right and to the left, thereby communicating to
the canoe a kind of zig-zag course.

To return to the description of technological items. In fig.
104 we have an industrial implement whose destination cannot
be guessed, inasmuch as its form is rather misleading. It is
not an oar, but a 'ah-^cds. This compound word, when under-
stood, prevents the possibility of any misconception as to the
use of the object thereby determined. 'Ah is the Carrier word
for a species of fern whose bulbous root our aborigines greatly
relish, and tcd's means "paddle," and by extension any paddle-
shaped object. Hence this implement is designed to dig out
Fig. 104. ^j^g esculent root of the fern -ah. Yet, in spite of its name, it

* See my paper in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Sect. II. 1892, p. 109-
126.

ii.l

116

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

;

does frequent service as a mere pe-y^s - hahzvoso * or snow shovel, as
it is also used to clear of snow the doorway of habitations and space
adjacent thereto. It should be remarked, however, that the prehistoric
'ahtcss, was much ruder in form and finish than that herewith illustrated.

The bulb of this fern is eaten while fresh and baked a Vetouff^e in this
wise: "The natives dig out a hole about three feet in diameter in the
ground, pave its bottom with heated stones over which they strew chips
of alder {Alnus rubra) bark, and then fill it up with the roots. The
whole is then covered with earth and the roots will be ready for the table
ten or twelve hours later, that is when entirely cooled down."f

As far as I can ascertain, no such esculent root as 'ah grows in the
TsijKoh'tin's country. But its absence is more than compensated by the
pre.sence there of two very useful tubers, dsroilh and siintt, which resemble
respectively diminutive oblong and spheroidal potatoes. When these

Fig. 105. Fig. 106. yi size.

have reached maturity, they are dug out with the T-shaped tool shown
in fig. 105. As may be seen, there is nothing complicated in the nature
of this implement, since it is nothing else than a birch branch cut off
with its shoot. To ensure greater toughness to the material, its point is
generally treated to a slight calcination. Immense numbers of the
root are annually gathered. They are either boiled as potatoes or
smoked in the house. For the latter purpose a sinew or buckskin line is
passed through each of them, and while thus forming strings of vegetable
beads, they are hung up near the chimney or the fire hole. The smoking
process is rather long, and at its close, the tubers are eaten without any
further preparation, I have also seen this method practised among the
TsiiKoh'tin with regard to the smallest of '■heir potatoes.

From the culinary peculiarities of the TsijKoh'tin we may pass to their
faculty of imitation and adaptiveness as evidenced by the herewith

* Lit. " wherewiih-snow-is shaved off."
+ The Western Denes, p. 135.

1892-9:1.]

NOTES ON TIIK WKaTERN Dt^.N^a.

117

figured toilet article which had been made and was used by one of them
immediately before it was handed to me. If this comb stamps them as
good imitators, it must be confessed that it entitles them to no particular
claim to be ranked as artists. An examination of the cut will reveal the
extreme simplicity of the process of fabrication of this article. A set of
small holes have first been drilled with the hole-borer (fig. 130), alter
which the portions of the wood whose veins had thus been cut asunder
have been extracted with the knife Icavinj^ out what becomes the tines
or prongs of the comb.*

The original comb of the Western Dt^nes was remarkable for the length
of its prongs rendered necessary by their peculiar way of wearing the
hair prior to their first encounter with European civilization.
In all probability, it was made in about the same style as the
above Carrier comb (fig. 107) which is not a toilet article, but
served the purpose of ritual observances. To secure success
in his trapping or snaring operations, the Carrier had, besides
lying down by the fireside, dreaming, etc., to make use of this
three-pronged comb, which consists in the juxtaposition of as
many wooden p''is bound together with ainew lines.

Fig. 107.

\i size.

That our Western D^n^s are indeed a self appropriating
race is further evidenced by the tan'i or wooden cuirass which
the Carrier warriors used to don as a protection against the
enemy's arrows This was composed, as a rule, of dried rods of Amelan-
chier alnifolia (or Canadensis) disposed in parallel order and held together
by means of cariboo skin lines interlaced through the middle and near
both edges. It was identical with the wooden armour formerly in use
among the coast tribes from which it was undoubtedly borrowed. I have
never seen any ; but fig. 53, plate xv. in Niblack's "The Coast Indians
of Southern Alaska "f will give some idea of its general appearance.

Composed of the same material was the 'kei-tla-tlunX or shield, which
was oval in form as the Roman clypens. The mode of manufacture only
differed somewhat, as the branches or twigs of amelanchier were very
closely interwoven. No specimen is now available for illustration.

Another wooden implement which, though I have seen in actual use,
I cannot figure herewith for the lack of a specimen to draw from, is

•The Carrier name of the comb is tsi-llzti, " the head is curried," a verbal noun.

tA n. Rep. U. S. National Museum, 1888,

J Lit " willow (or birch)-the hand-hold " ; 3rd categ. of nouns.

118

TKANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

tlie tan-dsfjn (sticks-interwoven) of the Babines, Its name indicates
its mode of fabrication, but leaves us in the dark as to its shape or
destination. Imagine a rough arm chair without legs and made of stout,
split sticks of willow (Salix longifolia) or other wood secured by skin
strings, and you have a perfect id^a of its form. As for its use, it may
be properly pointed out by a simple reference to the plate xx illustrating
Ancient Mexican Carr'Ts, in Cyrus Thoma.s' paper on the Manuscrit
Troano.* The packing devices seem to be identical in both cases, while
the modes of handling the implement appear to have been different.
Our Western D^n6 women — useless to remark that among primitive
peoples heavy work ah - lys falls to the lot of the woman — pack from the
forehead with a skin line broadening in the middle, and, if the load is
unusually weighty, the ends of this line are made to pass around the
chest so as to render the burden more manageable. Among the
Hwotso'tin, ii fraction of the Babine sub-tribe, I have seen a woman thus
packing, apparently with the greatest ease, her invalid husband, a man
of more than average size and weight.

I shall purposely avoid speaking of the board boxes likewise used as
carrying mediums by some of our Carriers, because they are imported
from tfte coast, not indigenous to the Western D^n^s.

These other objects which, as sociological items, are also due to the
influence of the maritime tribes, but had become naturalized among, and
were made by, the Carriers, were the ni/riv3s, the hand'taih^\ and the
fsak. The first two are respectively the ceremonial rattle and mask,
none of which can now be illustrated from existing specimens. These
were almost the only objects of art of genuine D^n^ manufacture to
which I can point, and yet I do not think I unduly depreciate my
Indians' artistic capabilities by adding that they were rather below than
above the average of similar aboriginal carvings. The masks were used
only by mimics accompanying by grotesque gestures and jerking of the
head the dance of a privileged few. But the rattles served a double
purpose: thev did service in connection with a notable's dance, being then
held in the hand by the dancing personage himself, and also as jm
accompaniment to the incantations of the niiq3n,\ or shaman. Both
implements are, even at the present day, so common among North
Pacific Coast tribes that no description of either is needed by readers
ever so little au fait with American aboriginal paraphernalia It may

* Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. v., p. 20.

tLit. "that (round obj.) which is taken off;" the verb ha-nts'aih in the potential mood, .
J Lit. "he makes people sing." Not to forget that among most aboriginal races, song and
magic are convertible terms.

•lit;

1892-93.]

NOTBS ON THE WKSTKKN D^NES.

suffice to refer less informed readers to the plates or figures illustrating
Niblack's "The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska";* G. M. Dawson's
"Notes on the Haida;t" W. H. Dall's " Masks and Labrets.J" etc.

Fig. io8 illustrates an implement which, for the lack of another term
we must call a rattle, though in shape, use and native name § it
widely differs from the ab we mentioned ceremonial rattle. It
is campanulate in form and is composed of a rounded piece of
wood, hollowed out in its larger or bottom end and split asunder
as far up as that part of it which serves as a handle. It was
used by the participants in that aboriginal ceremony, th^, tJu't-
sdlrwas, II which I have described in a former paper.** By slap-
ping against one another, its two halves produced a very sharp
rattling sound which could be heard at a great distance.

This is perhaps the proper place to mention another piece of
D^n^ carving, the gentile totem, toad, grouse, beaver, etc., which
Fig. io8. on great festival occasions was exhibited as a means of attracting
Yb size, offerings, apparently to the said totem image, which were in
reality presents, voluntary or due, to the givers of the feast. Of course
no specimens of these carvings now exist among the natives.

The isak, the third borrowed sociological item mentioned above, was
a canoe or trough-shaped ves; ,'l, sometimes elaborately carved to the
; rms of its possessor, I mean the totem animal of the notable to whom
it belonged, and wherein food was served to the invited guests. This
large vessel was brought into requisition on the occasion of extraordinary
festivals only. Identical specimens are shown in plate xxxviii. of
Niblack's book.

Another kind of wooden utensil called t'sai or dish, which was often-
times inlaid with haliotis shells as an attempt at ornamentation, is also
known to have been possessed by a few Carrier families. But 1 greatly
suspect that the vessel, no less than its ornaments, had been bartered
from among the coast Indi-ns during the fairs which were periodically
held on the borders of the Kitiksons' territory.

This brings us to the consideration of the Western D^n^s' household
utensils.

*Rep. U.S. Museum, 1888.

t Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Canada, 1878-79.

+ Third Ann. Rep. Bureau "Ethnol ; VVasliington, 1884,

§,Ya</?Va', "from which there comes a slapping sound."

II "One runs out."

•*The Western Denes, etc., Pro. Can. Inst. Vol. VII, 1888 89, p. 154.

i«l

120

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

CHAPTER VII.

Bark Implements.

In no branch of aboriginal industry is the Western D^nds' and especi-
ally the Carriers' inferiority as workmen more apparent than with regard
to their household utensils. Most certainly no more primitive ware
could be imagined, both as regards material and workmanship. It has
already been pointed out that no pottery or clay objects of any description
ever existed among them. With reference to the Carriers and the
Tse'k^hne, the list of unknown technological items must be extended so
as to comprise even the twined basket-work vessels so common among
the majority of American indigenous races. These are replaced among
the aforesaid tribes by corresponding vessels made of either birch
(Bttula papyracea) or spruce (Abies nigra) bark. Only the coarser
variety of vessels, thoes the object of which is but temporary, are made
of the latter material, the remainder, those which are properly household
utensils, being invariably of birch-bark.

Fig. no.

Fig. 109. .

The most popular vessels among the Carriers are the two herewith
illustrated. Both are of a single piece of birch bark, and this must in-
deed be understood of all birch or^spruce bark utensils. The shape and
cut of the material previous to sewing are represented in figs. 1 1 1 and
ti2. In the former figure, besides these, the seams and stitches will be

1892-93.]

NOTK8 ON THK WESTERN DENNIS.

121

found faithfully deiineated. The curved bold lines in the cut indicate
the places of cutting preparatory to folding up the bark, and the dotted
outlines stand for what becomes the outside edge corresponding to, and

^'l, Mill \ ! %

1* i '-M

,l'l >

•ig. in

sewed with, the tapering piece of bark noticeable in the lower part of the
finished vessel. Such portions of the material as are comprised between
the bold and the dotted lines — a, b, c, d — are cut off once the adjacent

\ '\ 'IKi ~A .' I//

Fig. 112.

Fig. II3-

parts have been sewed. To give the necessary consistency to the rim, a
rod is made to encircle it on the inside. Furthermore, to still add to the
9

''}'

■''; I

:. ;i

122

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTK.

I Vol. IV.

solidity of the vessel and ensure greater neatness of appearance, wattup,.
or split spruce root, is made to pass through the bark and wrapped very
tightly around the rod and rim. In order to avoid striking successively
the same grain of the bark with the awl, the holes are pierced each re-
ceding backward till four or five have been stitched in, after which tlic
first of a new series is made closer to the brim. To break the monotony
of the wattup wrapping, small pieces of tcdn-na-{ qdj* or bird cherry
{Piuims pensylvanica, Linn.) bark are inserted, generally in the middle
of each of the four sides of the vessel, enough of their shining surface
being left uncovered to be easily visible.

The largest of the bark vessels above illustrated is called a tca]ya]. It
has, as a rule, a capacity of from three or four to ten gallons. As regards
the uses to which it is put, they are manifold. While the women are
gathering berries, it serves to bring home the fruit which has been
immediately collected in the smaller or thej vessel (fig. i lo). In the lodge
the tca]ya] is also the recipient of clothes, the sewing implements of the
women, the family heirlooms, the trinkets of the children, etc. More-
over, it serves frequently to cache up close by the houses any household
chattels which it is thought expedient to protect against mice. When
thus employed it is suspended, carefully covered with birch bark, from
the lower limb of a branchy evergreen.

Some tcaiyai, while remaining identical in form, materially differ in their
style of cutting and sewing. Of these fig. 113 affords a fair example.

None of the bark vessels of the Carriers is provided with a lid.

The second vessel, the thej, "receptacle," (figs, no, 112) somewhat
resembles the first in form and hardly differs in make, save of course, the
altered cutting of the bark. But while all the tcajyai are very deep and
as nearly quadrilateral in shape as the material will allow, the orifice of
the thei is oval and the vessel is proportionately more shallow. More-
over, all such specimens as e.xhibit a pretension to elegance have the
middle of their length rims somewhat elliptical. Inserted between the
bark and the encircling rod on both narrow sides are two buckskin
thongs forming loops to which is attached the neat yarn string — generally
adorned with multicoloured yarn tults — which serves to suspend the
vessel from the neck. The the[ is carried on the breast, while the tcajyaj
is packed, sometimes two at a time, on the back and the occiput. Some-
times, as is the case with the more stylish patterns, the cherry bark orna-
ments are replaced by dyed horse hair arranged so as to produce
geometrical designs.

* " Stick wliich one tears around," by allusion to the nioile of treating; its bark.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WEST.'^RS 1>I NE8.

r-'S

The the[ is above all a berry basket, buf it does also frequent service
as a drinking cup. Its size is subject to great variations, as it may con-
tain from one pint to two gallons. Both tcajyaj and thei are to be seen
in every Carrier household, and the latter especially is used so extensively
that there is hardly any girl, however so poor, who does not possess her
berry basket.

Fig. 114.

\J^

I I

£7

Fig. 115.

The vessel delineated in fig. 1 14 differs from the preceding in every
particular except material and the setting of its rim. It is shallow, and
almost rectangular in form, and the seams, instead of tapering from the
corners to the centre of the ends as in the above described, remain
confined to the corners. Fig. 115 will make "t clear that its manufacture
offers no serious difficulty. Here again the dotted outlines point to
those portions of the bark which are cut off after the vessel has been
sewed. As its main destination is to hold liquid, though but for a short
time, whether this be water, grease, or berry juice, it is made perfectly
water tight. Its native name is fsaiy a D^ne root, which means tray,
dish, or plate. The t'sai greatly vary in size, though they average a
capacity of five gallons. ...

. . Fig. 116. ■

Very much resembling this vessel is the fps-fsai or fish tray (fig. i t6),
which however tliffers not a little as regards both make and finish. It is
without a single seam, the corners of the bark being merely folded up,

;

It •'

!1H

1 ]'':i

r^'i ■<>'

}■;

i !

124

TRANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTR.

[Vol. IV.

and the svitch which encircles its rim is laid on the outside, instead of
the inside, surface of the bark edges. This also lacks the thorough
wattup wrapping of the rim, for which is substituted a spiral lacing of a
coarser kind of spruce root. To prevent the thin birch bark from yielding
too much to the pressure of the rim switch, a double lining consisting of
two narrow strips of bark is applied against the vessel's edge both on the
inside and on the outside.

It should be added that a few fish trays are also made with seams
exactly as the cor^mon dish or tray (fig. 114).

The length of this vessel is generally double its width, which, in
extreme cases, may reach as much as one foot and a half. It does
service pn'ncipally in connection with the daily net-fishing. The net,
which ha? been left to dry during the day, is at dusk prepared for use at
home, the floats and sinkers being there attached in their proper places.
The whole is then carefully folded and deposited in this tray, after which
the fisherman — or rather fisherwoman, since net fishing invariably
devolves on the woman — proceeds to the spot in the lake chosen to set
it. When it is withdrawn in the morning, two such vessels may generally
be seen in the canoe, one destined to hold the fish, the other reserved for
the net, which is folded therein as soon as drawn out of the water.

Fig. 117.

, Fig. 1 18

No vessels of European or American manufac are have so far replaced
any of the above described utensils. This is not the case with figs. 1 1 "
and 118, tor which tin or copper vessels have long been substituted.
The former, however, was still to be seen in actual use some ten or fifteen
years ago. It was intended to keep water in ; hence its Carrier name

lur

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THU WESTEKN DEN^S.

120

thA-thejy "water-receptacle." This circumstance accounts also for its
peculiar form — I mean the contraction of its upper part in faint imitation
of the neck of a jar. Of course this vessel was made water-tight, the
wattup used as thread being, after sewing, carefully pressed in with the
finger previously coated with the balsam of the spruce {Abies balsamea).

The latter is the original Carrier kettle or boiler,* which is now alto-
gether antiquated. It is seamless ; the bark of which it is made has simply
been folded up at its four corners and is so retained by means of a few
stitches and of an encircling rod on the outside of the rim. Therein
were boiled the roots, fish or meat of the family repast, and the aborigines
are still loud in their praise of its excellence as a rapid boiler. Naturally
enough, the frailty of its material required that care be taken lest it come
in immediate contact with the flames. These primitive kettles were not
only serviceable, but even much more durable than might be expected.
In fact, their only part which was at all liable to get burnt was the
wooden rim hoop, which had to be renewed from time to time.

On grand c sions, such as the famous "potlaches" or ceremonial
banquets f so much in vogue among almost all the British Columbian
tribes, large square boxes imported from the sea coast, were called into
requisition. When filled with water and meat or fish, heated stones were
repeatedly cast in until their contents were boiled.

The contrivance illustrated by fig. 119 consists of two parts, both of
which are of spruce bark. Its object cannot well be understood without
some details on one of the Carriers' most important industries, berry
collecting and preserving.

Conspicuous among the various species of wild fruit which yearly ripens
in profujion throughout their territory is the service berry (Ameianchier
alnifolia). So important is it in their estimation that they generally call
it merely the fruit, mat. At the end of every summer, the women j^ather
immense quantities of it, first in their thei and then in their tcaiyaj
wherein it is brought home. When not eaten fresh, seasoned, as a rule,
with bear grease or salmon oil, the berries are kept for future use under
the form of large, thin cakes resembling plugs of tobacco. They are
then prepared by a process which, if primitive, is not the less complicated

As soon as the desired quantity of the fruit has been secured, the
Carriers build on the ground, in a sandy spot, if possible, the below

*7V::sai, sec. root. The name of the modern kettle is usa',

f //onvftif/a, "the going near" a verbal noun, which confirms what I have written else-
where, namely that such feasts, no less than several other practices, are of recent origin among
the Western D^n^s.

126

TRANSACTIONS OP iKE CANADIAN INSTITL'TE.

[Vol. IV.

delineated boiler and tray. They commence by digging a shallow
excavation in the sand into which they lay one end of a rough bark tray,
thereby obtaining an oblique inclination for the whole vessel, the lower
end of which is alone folded up. Inside the upper half of the tray, a
boiler of corresponding width and made of a large piece of spruce bark
is erected and secured in position by three sticks driven in the ground on
the outside of both boiler and tray. This boiler has no other bottom
than that of the tray wherein it stands upright and wherewith it forms an
obtuse angle. As a consequence of this last circumstance an aperture is
left between the bottom of the tray and the lower edge of the front side
of the boiler, that facing the projecting part of the shallow vessel. A few
twigs are there deposited which will act as a strainer with regard to the
escaping juice of the berries. Once the boiler has been filled up with the
fruit, heated stones are cast in which have the double effect of pressing
down and boiling its contents. The juice escaping in the outer part of
the tray is transferred when necessary to another vessel. The berries in the

boiler having considerably sunk down and the stones beginning to cool,
a new supply of both is thrown on top of the mash, which operation is
repeated as long as the size of the boiler will allow. After all the juice
has thus been extracted, the residue of the berries is thoroughly kneaded,
after which it is spread out in thin layers on willow hurdles previously
covered witi. heraeleum leaves, and then exposed to the action of the
sun and air. By frequently sprinkling the mash with the juice of the
berries and letting it dry until it attains the proper degree of consistency.

1892-93.

NOTES ON TIIR WKSTKKN DEN^S.

127

it finally coagulates into cakes of uniform thickness which arc then
stored away for future use. When properly prepared, these will keep for
years and if sprinkled over with a little sugar, they are of tempting
succulency even to others than Indians.

Esculent and Medicinal Plants.

Hefore proceeding furthtr in our description of native utensils, it may
not be irrelevant to complete our knowledge of the means of subsistence
of the Western U^nes by a brief nomenclature of the other esculent
berries, roots or plants they use as food, as well as of the chief medicinal
herbs which they have, or had formerly, recourse to in case of bodily
ailment. Their flora, such as represented in their vocabulary, is some-
what limited, inasmuch as, with very few exceptions, only such plants as
have a place in their domestic economy are deemed worthy of a name.
Question, for instance, a TsijKoh'tin about the native name of a beautiful
flower which may strike your fancy, and if it is not that of an edible or
medicinal plant, he will look at you wondering if your mind is not
getting unbalanced and ask you scornfully : " Do you think that we eat
such a thing, that we should have a name for it ? " A great many berries
they do eat, and therefore honour with a distinctive name These, added
to those already mentioned in the course of the present moflograph, are :

The small, low-growing blue berry ( Vaainium myrtillus) which is
common in dry, stony places, such, generally, as are wooded with the
scrub pine. These are gathered in the autumn and cither eaten fresh,
when they are very succulent, or dried and kept until -needed for use. In
this latter case, they are first boiled in a common tin kettle, then thor-
oughly kneaded, and spread, without extracting the juice, over small
trellis, much as is done with the mash of the service berries. Their Car-
rier name is ydn-tii^-viav or ground berries.

A larger species of blue berries ( V. myrtiloides) is also much sought
after and treated, as a rule, as the small ground blue berries. Such is
also the case with the swamp cranberry {Oxicoccus palustris) which,
though rather scarce here, is none the less appreciated by the natives.
The Carrier name of the former is yajts3i, a secondary root ; that of the
latter 9yd! -kd-mav , or marsh berry, a noun of the third category.

Tatqe is a large, dark-colored berry, {Einpetrmn nigriiw) somewhat
acid and very juicy. When not eaten fresh, or seasoned with bear
grease, whole basketsful of it are deposited in long trough-like vessels of
spruce bark, tucked up at both ends so as to form provisional receptacles
therefor. After they have undergone the usual kneading process, heated

128

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

stones are thrown over the mash until it has boiled long enough to pre*
vent its deteriorating with age, after which cakes are obtained by drying
on hurdles, as practised with regard to the service berry.

A species of high bush cranberry ( Viburnum paneiflorum\ in spite of
its pungency, is also much appreciated by the native palate. It comes to
perfect maturity late in September, and is generally eaten with bear
grease. But when it ripens early enough, and when the service berries
are not kept in dried cake**, it is mixed with them to render them more
digestible. The service berry, when eaten alone, is rather heavy on the
stomach, and the addition of the cranberries is intended to correct this
drawback. The Carriers call the high bush cranberry tsa/is^.

The soap berry ( Shcpperdia canadensis), which is so unpalatable to a
white man, is not the least esteemed of esculent berries among the
Western D^n^s. It is either eaten raw or dried for future use. In both
cases, it requires some preparation to become edible. After it has been
mashed in a tin or bark vessel and sprinkled with a little sugar to soften
down its bitter taste, it is vigorously stirred with the hand until it
springs up into a beautiful rosy foam — whence its name — which is highly
appreciated, especially on a hot summer day. If not needed at the
time the berries are collected, their mash is put in a spruce bark vessel
and boiled by means of heated stones until nothing remains but the
roasted residue of the fruit. This is now given the form of the usual
plug-like cakes by spreading and drying on hurdles ^d finally stowed
away. When these are required for consumption, they are put in a
kettle, dissolved in a little water, and stirred with the hand as in the case
of the fresh berries and with similar results.

Two other species of single berried fruit called respectively tcitchtetce*
and noiltsn are generally eaten fresh. As far as I can guess, they
belong to the genus Viburnum. The first, which grows only on
mountainous soil, is black and resembles the service berry, but the
natives claim that it is unknown to the whites. The second is a blue
berry ripening on very tall bushes.

Nor should we omit in our nomenclature even the berry of the
kinnikinik {Arctostaphylos nva-ursi), which is prepared for eating
by roasting in a frying pan and mixed with salmon oil or the grease
of any animal. Its native name is tani/i in all the western dialects.

The natives also relish any species of edible — and sometimes to us
non-edible — berries, such as the raspberry {Rubus strigosus), the straw-

• Tliis name, though used amon-j the Carriers, is of undoubted Tse'kehne origin.

1892-93.]

NOTKS ON THB WESTERN D^N^S.

12»

berry {Fragaria catwdensis), the black currant (Ribes nigrum), which the
Carriers call " toad berry," etc. But none of these has the economic
importance of those above enumerated.

Besides these and the bulbous roots 'ah, sAntt and ssroflh which have
been mentioned elsewhere, the Western DcJn^s find in their immediate
vicinity several indigenous plants to diversify their daily menu of fish or
meat. Chief among these may be quoted the red lily {Lilium Colnm-
bianum), the bulb of which is used as an article of food by most
British Columbian and other American, or even Asiatic tribes. It is
cooked by boiling pretty much as is done with potatoes. The natives
harvest it almost as soon as it has sprouted out, a short time after the
entire disappearance of snow. The Carrier and Tsi[Koh'tin name i&
tsa-tcan or "beaver-stick."

Another plant of a different botanical family whose root is likewise
much appreciated as an article of food is the s9s or sweet flag (Acorus
Calamus). This root is eaten without any other preparation than
cleaning and washing in cold water.

The wild onion (Allicum cernuum) is also eaten, root and leaves^
either raw or slightU' roasted in the ashes. The Carriers call it fjo-tsd'Uy
" stinking grass." So is the root of the dog-tooth violet (Erythronium
giganteum), which is reputed excellent by the natives. Its Carrier

name is tcilkhe-rez, a compound word which is unfit for translation.

•

In the cow-parsnip (Heracleum lanatum), and a variety of the same
{kraz, in Carrier) it is the inner part of the growing stalks which is
preferred. It is often used while fresh and unprepared save by the
stripping of its fibrous envelope. But if fire is at hand, a Carrier will
generally treat it to a slight roasting through the flames previously to
peeling off the stalk. The H. lanatum is the kus of the Western
Den^s, a primary root, indicative of its importance in the estimation of
the natives.

The marrow of the willow herb {Epilobmm angustifolium) is alsa
much esteemed, as is manifest from the nature of its Carrier name, lias-
It is eaten before the plant reaches maturity.

Nor do the Carriers disdain the leaves of the Oregon grape (Berberis
aquifolium), which are simmered in a little water until no liquid remains.
This plant, however, was formerly more sought after than is done by
the modern Carriers, who call it d'tan-tcis, " simmered-leaf."

Another article of food, cheap because very common, but not the
least prized by the aborigines is the hair-like lichen (Alectoria jubata)*

I : i' ■ m

130

THAN8ACTION8 OF THE CAXADIAX ISSTITUI'K.

[Vol. IV.

which grows hanging from most coniferous trees, especially the Douj^ias
fpine — hence its Carrier name t9h-ra, "above-hair." The natives submit
it, after gathering, to a thorough washing, till it loses its outer colouring
matter. They next mix it with dough as one would do with raisins, and
bake the whole. The lichen has then on the cake the same effect as
would a copious application of yeast powder on a loaf of bread. The
Carriers assure me that, thus prepared, it is very sweet and savory.
Prior to the introduction of flour, they cooked it with grease.

Although the shaman's influence was great and his services frequently
resorted to among the prehistoric Western Denes, especially the Carriers,
natural remedies such as provided by the vegetable kingdom were by no
means despised by them. Nay more, their medical flora was rather
extensive, and it may be said to their credit, that several of nature's
most valuable secrets were no mysteiies to them. Among the herbs or
vegetable growths esteemed among them for their medicinal properties, I
may mention the following : —

Tatlis (Polyporus officinalis), a fungoid growth from the Douglas pine.
It was ground down into a fine powder and taken internally in a little
water as a panacea against biliousness. According to the dose, it was a
purgative or an emetic. It was very effective ; so effective indeed as to
be really dangerous. For that reason it has been altogether discarded
in favour of milder laxatives such as the bark of the elder (Samhucus
raceinosus), which is pounded while fresh and taken in cold water.

The young shoots of two species of spruce Abies nigra and A.
baisaniea, were, and are still frequently, used as a febrifuge or against
any IJnd of complaint resulting in cutaneous inflammation or eruptions-
The shoots are thoroughly boiled and the decoction drank while warm.

A decoction of the boughs of the juniper bush (Juniperus occidental is)
is also considered effe :t;ve against such maladies as fever or measles.

In cases of surh cut?, leous eruptions as particularly affect young
children, the diseaserl n-.rt is thoroughly smeared with the mash of the
swamp cranberry (Oxicoccus palustris), and it Is claimed that beneficial
results never fail to follow within an astonishingly short space of time.

The root of the asi:)en (Populus tremuloides) thorou,i,dily chewed and
applied on cuts and bruises, is very extensively resorted to as a sure
means of stopping bleeding. Excellent and well authenticated results
have more than o ice attested its efficacy. In urgent cases, the bark of
the tree is used in'^tcad of the root.

The root of two other plants ji-hz-reh* a liliaceous plant, and the

♦Lit. "Doii — urine— root."

I8:fj-y3.]

NOTKB ON TIIK WKSTKUN Dl^lNlis.

131

heracleum. though of slower action, is nevertheless reputed cfTcctive
against h.umorrhage from cuts. It is mashed fine, and a poultice of it is
applied on the wound.

Infusions of the bark or leaves of the raspberry bush {Riibiis strii^osns)
served as an emtuenagoguc, while the same parts — or more often still
the wood with the bark — of the Vtbiirnum opuliis, a species of high cran-
berry, and of the bird cherry {Prunus pensylvnnica), similarly treated,
yielded a fairly good remedy against blood spitting.

They had also several tonics or astringents, among which figured : the
wild cherry {Primus virginiana), cold infusions of the inner bark of
which were taken as a stimulant ; the yarrow {^Achillea millefolium) and
the American sarsaparilla {Aralia nudicaulis), decoctions of which are
still quite valued ; the spearmint {Mentha viridis), which was used as a
tonic agciinst many ills, and last, not least, the Labrador tea {Ledum
paliistre), which, added to its medicinal properties, was often put to the
same uses as to-day the tea of commerce.

In cases of swellings and non-running sores the Carriers use fomenta-
tions of the red willow {Cornus stoloniferd) bark. For running sores and
ulcers of any description they profess to have an excellent salve in the
decoction of the bark of the osier-willow {Salix longtfolid) and of the
aspen mixed in equal quantities. The mixture forms a milky liquor
wherewith the ulcers are first bathed and then rubbed over with the
hand, thus causing the extraction of the humors.

Two species of horse tails, Equisetum hyemale and E. pratense, are
valued as powerful helps against retention of urine. Decoctions of the
herbs are drank freely until the desired effect is obtained. The leaves of
the uva-ursi are also used as diuretics, but their properties may have
become known among the natives through their intercourse with the
whites. . \'

One of the most effective of the native remedies is the hivollak {Arte-
misia Jrigida}) a sage-like plant which is used against local pains and
nervous shooting. The leaves arc laid over the heated stones of the
sudatory, while the patient sit^ in a reclining position over the steam
emanating from them. In extreme cases the leaves are applied while
fresh directly to the ailing part of the body, but such are their caustic
properties that they cannot be borne more than a few moments.

When no other remedy is available, the stalks of the black currant
{Ribes rnbrnm) are cut in small pieces, boiled for .snme time and the
decoction taken as a cough medicine.

To alleviate violent pains, they formerly had recourse to the bulb of

I i ;;

t ,■

132

TRANSAOnONS OF THE CANADIAN ISSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

the hemlock (Conium maculatum) which they roasted over the ashes,
and, after crushing with the hand, they applied to the ailing spot. But
owing to the poisonous nature of this root, they now refrain from using
it for any purpose. .

Of special value to the women as a help after parturition was the
hwujrdj^ a plant commonly known, I think, under the name of Devil's
bush (Fatsia horrida). The bark was mashf^ while fresh and taken
internally with a few drops of water by wor»en just delivered of a child
but whose after-birth had not been, or could not otherwise be, expelled.
It did also frequent service as a purgative for persons of both sexes.

Even such delicate diseases as sore-eyes had in the Carriers' estimation
a valued antidote in the vegetable kingdom. This consisted in a
mixture of the root of the soap berry bush and of the wild rose (Rosa
blanda) tree. After they had been stripped of their outside bark, the
cambium like layer next to the wood was carefully scraped off, mixed
with a few drops of clean water and delicately crushed with a flint or a
knife till a sort of ointment v/as formed which was then applied to the
eyes. Though sore eyes are by no means rare among the Western
D^n^s, no application of this sedative ever fell under my observation.

A few other plants or herbs are also used, the medical properties of
which have been revealed to the natives by the H. B. Co. people or, later
on, by the misnionaries. But all those above enumerated are strictly
aboriginal r-'.eriicines. •

Other Bark Implements.

We now revert to the bark implements. Two models of bark utensils
differing slightly in form and much in use from those illustrated in the
first part of this chapter are, or were, common among the Carriers.
One is the trough-shaped vessel aheady mentioned as serving to bail
in the fruits of the high cranberry. It is of spruce bark, of rude and
temporary make, and resembles the fps-fsai or fish-basket in every
particular save that it is deeper. Though it occasionally .serves as a
boiler with regard to edibie berries, it is more often used to cook for
their oil the heads of salmon or other large fish.

The last vessel of Carrier make
which remains to describe is now a
thing of th"; past. It was of birch
bark, flattish and rectangular, and
had but one narrow side (fig. 120)
Its brim wa.s, as usual, strengthened
^' ' by the apposition of a willow switch

running along its three sides. It served as a bathing tub for the infants

■"I

i:: I

1892-93.]

NOTKS ON THE WK8TKKN D^N^S.

133

and, owing to its chief peculiarity, it had to be kept in a slanting position
while in use.

The Carrier women originally carried their babes in regular cradles
made of birch bark curved up at the narrow end as the basket-tray of
our last illustration, save that thi'^ part was sewed, not merely stitched
in one place as vvas the case with fig. 120. The bottom of the cradle
was prolonged at the broad or open end to serve as a support for the
head of the infant. Starting from both sides a hoop of willow half en-
circled at the proper distance the head of the child, and was intended
to allow sufficient breathing room when it was deemed desirable to cover
it. The necessary lacings were passed through a band of buckskin
bordering the cradle on the outside.

With the advent of the whites these primitive cradlv°s disappeared, to
be replaced by the systematic swaddling clothes disposed as in fig. I2i,
which still obtain among the Carriers. Now, as in olden times, the
lacing is done with one string passed through bands of cariboo skin
ornamented according to the fancy of the mother. This string is so
arranged that by pulling both ends the swaddling envelope is drawn up
over the feet of the babe. Progressive mothers — and they form the
majority — nowadays substitute for this tightening device strips of cariboo
string buttoned at either end over each side of the swaddling clothes.

I- ■ 1

Big. 121.

Fi«r 122.

The TsijKoh'tin have preserved to this day their traditional baby-
baskets or cradles, of which fig. 122 will give a fair idea. They are
made of the twigs of a species of willow, and their bottom is generally

'i\i

l:{4

TUANSACTIO:.S OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

strengthened by the addition of a board The framework when com-
pletfcU i« thoroughly concealed beneath a closely-fitting covering of deer
hide sewed on il.e sides of the basket. As in the original Carrier cradle,,
breathing room is afiorJed by means of an osier hoop from which
toys or playthings, beaver teeth or iiails, etc., hang in sight of the child.

One peculiarity which I think is proper to the TsijKoh'tin baby baskets
is the bark conduit which may be noticed in our illustralion and whose
end is to preserve the infant against moisture, and also to reduce to a
minimum the trouble consequent upon bringing up such small children.

As the styles of baby cradles differ according to the tribe, even so it is
with the mode of carrying them. A Carrier mother carries her child
hanging perpentiicularly on her back by a strap running across her
shoulders and breast, while the TsijKoh'tin women carry their baby
horizontally on their back and suspended in its cradle by a tump line
passe^ athwart their forehead. In this they simply conform to the
custom of their southeastern neighbours, the Shushwap.

The Tse'k^hne vessels do not materially diff"er fvo.r' t .- "^ of the
Carriers, and their mode of treating and carrying the 'i.ic'k;.iine babies

tallies also with that of the latter. But the hou^^.e-
hold vessels of the TsijKoh'tin have no point
of resemblance with any of those I have thus
far described. No bark vessels are seen among
them, as they replace bark by regular basket-
work. I regret my inability to present the reader
with an accurate description of their root weav-
ing process. Yet, if memory serves me right, I
think that they coil, not twine, the root according
to the method illustrated by Prof O. T. Mason
in the Smithsonian Report for 18S4* and else-
where. However, all the household ute" ;s \
have seen among the TsiiKoh'tir. arc n- 'A
mouthed and wallet-like, none of them tapei-T
up as some of tlie specimens quoted by tli-
learned professor.

Their water vessel, the form of which I remem-
ber w< ll.is similar to that illustrated on page 18 of
Dr. G. M. Dawson's " Notes on the Shushwap
people of i>. C," t save perhaps that it is not
quite so narrow at the bottom. Many of them are elaborat'

Fit

123. Yx size.

o'-n;'

• Ann. Rep. I';irt ir., p. 294, pl.Ue V.

+ Trans. Roy. .Soc, Canada, Sect. II., 1891.

18y2-9:{.]

NOTES ON THK WESTERN D^NjIlS.

135-

mented with geometrical or animal de><i{jns. They arc generally of
about seven or eight gallons capacity.

A second vessel {fjasqaz in TsijKo^^'tin) much smaller and pan-shaped,,
does duty as a washing dish and receptacle for cooked food principally
the starchy bulbs snntt and ssroflh.

A third is elliptical and of about the same diameter across its breadth.

It is used as a washing-tub wherein the babies are made to stand
naked to be washed every evening by their mothers.

Hefore we close this chapter, we should not forget to mention the
birch bark tsa-yu-thej ox castoreum bottle (fig. 123) such as it is used
among the Carriers. The object of that implement has already been,
explained.^

X In the chapter on Bone Implements.

i' ;

136

TKANHACTIONS OP THK CAN'ADIAK IXSTITUTK.

[Vol. IV.

CHAPTER VIII.
Copper and Iron Implements.

f' ■ ■ ■ ■ .

'■ COPPER IMPLfeMENTS.

Rev. E. Petitot, arguing in favor of the contentiporaneity in the same
part of America of the bronze and the iron ages with the palaeolithic and
the neolithic epochs, has the following to say : —

" Avant I'arriv^e des Europeans dans la valine du Mac-Kenzie, Its
Couteaux-Jaunes et les Flancs-de-Chien connaissaient I'usage du cuive
natif ' l^ trouverent sur les bords de la riviere Copper-mine. lis s'en
fabriqua es couteaux, d'oii leur est venu leur num. lis faisaient en

meme ten.j iisage de la pierre poHe. Done nous avons ici contempor-
aneity de la pierre polie et du bronze. De leur c6t^, les Peaux-de-Lievre,
qui ignoraient le cuivre et qui ne se dounaient pas la peine de polir leurs
instruments de pierre, avaient d^couvert le long du Mac-Kenzie, a
I'embouchure de la riviere L'^-oia-la-delin, du ferologiste, et ils en fabri-
quaient des aiguillettes et des alenes de quatre pouces de long qu'ils
troquaient avec les Thekkan^ et autres tribus m^ridionales des Mon-
tagnes Rocheuses contre des peaux d'^lan a raison de dix pour une
al^ne." *

It is likely that most archaeologists will refuse to concede that the use
of copper knives by a savage people entitles the makers to be regarded
as having reached r'lat stage of industrial advancement commonly called
the bronze age. The use of copper is in this case too limited they will
probably say. This reason, plausible as it certainly appears at first, is
after reflection rather more specious than convincing. For was not this
the case even in the old world ? Were not stone weapons largely used
there contemporaneously with copper or iron implements ? No, answers
the antiquarian ; each epoch or age was very distinct and strictly
consecutive.

Let us see.

In Italy, C. Geikie found early uncoined money {cbs rude) along with
polished stone weapons; and a number of flint knives have been obtained
from Etruscan graves. Indeed a piece of coined copper money marking

* Rapport succinct sur la Geologie des vallhs de P Atliabaskaw— Mackenzie et de t Anderso,' ;
Paris, A. Hennuyer, 1875.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^silS.

137

a still later period has been found in an Etruscan tomb alongside with a
stone knife. At Bibracte, the most important town of the JEdul in
ancient Gaul, scientific exploration has brought to light work on metal
and coins mingled with flint arrow heads, polished stone axes and a
flint knife. Similar discoveries have been made in many places through-
out France.* In ancient Egypt, stone and metal implements were also
used contemporaneously.! In the centre and south of modern Africa,
the negroes, according to Lenormant "have never known bronze, and
work hardly any copper. Instead of this, they manufacture iron wares
in large quantities and for thi;: purpose make use of a process which was
not communicated to them from the outside. Hence they themselves
discovered the method of manufacturing iron, and when they gave up
the use of stone implements, they passed to the manufacture of this
metal."+

These few instances chosen among many others will, I hope, suffice
to prove that the sharp and almost instantaneous change from one age
to another and the strictly successive order generally believed to have
been followed in these transitions are, in many cases, more fancied than
real. Metal objects were apparently the property of the leaders and the
higher classes generally while the lower classes must have contented
themselves with the stone equivalents, just as in the Middle Ages only
the knights wore steel armour.

'1 he t copper and iron were to be found among the Carriers long before
these aborigines even suspected the existence of the whites there can be
no doubt. But the use of these metals was, of course, restricted to a
few fancy objects or working tools. Moreover, in so far at least as that
tribe is concerned, neither copper nor iron was indigenous and the former
metal only was wrought by its members. Concerning its introduction
among the Carriers, I take the liberty of reproducing here a short native
legend which I have already quoted elsewhere. §

"In times not very remote, ali the Indians (themselves amv.:'.g the
rest) congregated at a certain point of the sea coast, around a tower-like
copper mountain emerging from the midst of the water. Their object was
to decide which tribe should become the possessor thereof. When all
had united in shouting, the mountain began gradually to totter, and the
Haidahs who are blessed wiih big heads and strong voices caused it

* See " Christian Anthropology," New York, 1892, p. ^24.
t Ibid.

* "Dte Anfdnge der Cultur," vol. I. p. 57.

§ "The Western Denes," Proc. Canadian Institute, 1888-89.

ISbi

ill; ,

m ^

138

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAX INSTITUTE.

[Vol. TV-

to fall oil their side. ' Thus it was,' they add, 'that those Indians secured
the copper mountain, and we have ever since been obliged to have
recourse to them for what we require of that metal to make bracelets for
our wives and daughters.' "

The reference to this wonderful towering mountain of copper, fantastic
as it may appear, might perhaps be explained by the existence of the
monumental Pillar Rock on the shore of Graham Island, a sketch of
which will be found in G. M. Dawson's Report on the Queen Charlotte
Islands.* Even in prehistoric times, some Carriers had evidently visited
the Pacific Coast, as may be inferred from a few of their legends where-
in some peculiarities proper to that region are introduced with a tolerable
amount of accuracy. On the other hand, as most of their copper was
imported from the coast, it was but natural that, according to the custom
of primitive peoples of assigning a fabulous origin to extraordinary
objects, they should associate in their narrative the wonderful pillar-rock
with the no less wonderful yellow metal.

I might point here to the adventures of a mythic Carrier, a sort of
wandering Jew, who underwent many a stirring experience on the Paclhc
' Coast while in quest of a stolen wife, and who is the first personage
mentioned as possessing copper. The fact that the possibly historical
data hidden amidst the details of that legend are interwoven with many
miraculous circumstances, would lead us to suppose that the knowledge
of that metal among the Western D^n^s dates back from a rather re-
mote epoch.

Be this as it may, I have never met with more than five kinds of
copper objects of genuine Carrier or TsijKoh'tin manufacture. These

Fig. 124.

are the hair tweezers, the bracelets, the finger rings, the harpoon tips and
the dog collars. The hair tweezers f were originally of cariboo horn.
They then consisted of two thin pieces of horn given the required shape
by means of heating, and tied together at one end with sinew threads
(fig. 124). The copper tweezers were' of one piece and affected the form
represented in fig. 125. The object of both was to remove any super-

* Montreal, 1880; plate ii.

*■ 7'iP/-rt«/rt, "grebe- bill," a noun of the third category.

• •

181)2-93.]

NOTKS ON THE WESTERN Di^N^S.

18»

Fig. 126.

preferred in their

fluous facial hair. " Superfluous " should be understood here as synony-
mous with " any " hair growing on the lips, the chin or the cheeks, since
the Western D^nds kept themselves beardless. The prehistoric
Ts^'kehne, if they are to be judged by their immediate successors, the
eldest among the modern Tse'kdhne, indulged in the possession of a
queer looking partial moustache, which was obtained by leaving un-
touched the hair growing on the upper lip below, and exactly corres-
ponding in width with the septum, while on both sides the lip was other-
wise free of hair. The tweezers were worn on the breast, hang-ng from
the neck. They are still to be seen among the TsiiKoh'tin and the
Ts^'k^hne.

The Carrier na-ltJian* or metallic bracelets (fig. 126) were of an ex-

ccedingl)- smiple pattern.
As the hair tweezers, they
were originally of cariboo
horn ; but as commercial
relations became more ex-
tended, copper was soon
manufacture. In later
times pewter was even adopted and beaten to
the desired shape out of the spoons of com-
merce. I speak in the past time, because among
the Carriers especially, such trinkets are now
practically unknown.

When bartered from the Coast Indians, the
copper was generally in sticks or slender bars,
which were then wrought by hammering by the
Carriers. These bars remain almost unaltered
when used to give consistency to the collars of
their dog-harnesses, f When not ornamented,
these harnesses are probably similar to those in
use among the eastern Indians, and as such
would hardly deserve any mention. But the Carriers' fondness of parade
has long prompted them to add to the original pieces the blanket and
collar ornaments which I have thought worth the while to show in fig.
127. Of course these two additions are detachable paraphernalia, which
are not generally used, except when reaching or leaving a village. The
frame of the upper parts is of copper.

* Lit. " it (of a heavy material) is around."
\7i-t'lul, dog-ropes, 3rd cat. nouns.

%'-\m

I'W

1 > i .•!.

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN IN8TITUTK.

[Vol, IV

Fig. 128 can be adduced as a further evidence of that power of imita-
tion which I have more than once quoted as one of the
characteristics of the tribes under study, especially the
Carriers. Finger-rings,* it is hardly necessary to say,
were unknown among the primitive D^n^s ; but they
no sooner became aware of their existence among the
whites than they set upon fabricating them with what-
ever material at their command. One of the results
Fig. 128. .^y^g ^.j^g j.jj^g sketched above which has been found

here, Fort Saint James.

IRON IMPLEMENTS.

Whether hematite was known to the Western D^n^s prior to their
contact with European civilization cannot well be ascertained at the
present time. It would seem highly probable that it was among all the
tribes but the Carrier, which to-day has no other word for " iron " or iron
ore than that used for " knife." Even among the Ts^'k^hne, who call a
knife p^s and iron tsa-tsoile (beaver-dung), it is very doubtful if they ever
subjected hematite to any treatment calculated to reduce it to the shape
of a working tool. Yet I think I am warranted in asserting that iron
implements have been known and used even among the Carriers for at
• least two centuries, that is one hundred years before they had heard of
the whites. The memory of the appearance of the first iron axe at this
place (Stuart's Lake Mission) has been kept vivid to this day by the
descendants of its original possessor. Their narrative, when shorn of a
few excrescences, I believe to be historically true, inasmuch as names of
persons and of localities, together with minute particulars connected
therewith, are freely mentioned. Their veracity is made still more
apparent by the genuine and unbroken genealogy of the present chief of
this village up to the first possessor of the marvellous implement. A full
account of the deeds of the various personages introduced in the
chronicle might prove not uninteresting even to the general reader. For
the present I shall content myself with its initial chapter. The chief of
Stuart's Lake will be our narrator.

" The first man {i.e. Carrier) who ever possessed an iron axe was my
grandfather {i.e. one of my ancestors). His name was Na'kwsl, and,
owing to his rank as one of the most influential notables, but more par-
ticularly on account of the great age he attained, he has remained famous
among us. He was so old when he died that his hair had turned yellow,
after having long been snow-white. He was a most irascible man and

* La-th»l't9, "passed round the finger."

1892-93.]

MOTES ON THB WESTERN D]£n^8.

141

therefore much feared. What his age was when he got the iron axe I
cannot say. He must have been a grown-up man and full-fledged
" nobleman," since tradition tells us that upon receiving it, he convoked a
large crowd of Indians of clans differing from his to a grand ceremonial
banquet. Now this can be done only by a taneza* or nobleman. On
that occasion, the iron adze-blade was suspended from a rafter over the
heads of the invited guests so that they might have an opportunity of
contemplating it at ease. The implement was considered exceedingly
precious. It had come from some unknown place in the direction of
Tse'tcah.* It was thereafter taken great care of, and its possession was
the means of considerably enhancing my grandfather's prestige among
his fellow Carriers.

" Yet it was lost one day under the following circumstances. Some
men of Na'kwal's family were in the woods cutting spruce branches to
cover up the doorway of the winter lodge they were erecting, when the
skin line which fastened it to its handle as an adze getting loosened, the
blade suddenly dashed off and fell among the branches already cut. By
searching among these, the implement must have dropped down in the
snow, for it could never be found by natural means that winter."

The story then proceeds to relate how it was subsequently found
through the incantations of a medicine man who was richly paid for his
trouble, and concludes thus : " This happened a very long time ago, long
before my forefathers had heard of the whites."

That this is a fact is shown by a few words attributed to Na'kwal
which, though still intelligible, are nevertheless quite archaic, and also
by the following genealogy of Na'kwsl's posterity.

1. Ndkwal must have lived at least two or three scores of years after
the acquisition of the iron axe, when he died and was succeeded in a
genealogical point of view by

2. Tcitcanit, his youngest son, who had two wives and being of a jealous
disposition, was secretly drowned by them when in declining years.

3. Tcitcanit was succeeded as tsneza' or nobleman by a maternal
nephew named Tsalekujy^. This personage killed a man with an iron
pointed lance, and was himself killed when he was getting much advanced
in years.

* Near the Skeena river. See the map accompanying my paper, "Are the Carrier Sociology
and Mythology Indigenous," etc.? Trans. R. S. C, Sec. II., 1892.

il'ji

!'^ !

142

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITUTK.

[Vol. IV

4. His successor was Kivah, who made war and slaughtered hosts of
Lower Carriers. By a second wife he had

5. Atsu/, a second son, who died five years ago, over one hundred
years old, since he remembered the arrival of Sir Al. Mackenzie's party
in the country. He left three generations of descendants.

Reference has been made to a prehistoric iron pointed spear. Tradition
furthermore records the killing, in ante-European times, of
a cariboo with an iron or steel knife or dagger. This
happened on this lake, some 15 miles from here. Below,
the reader will also find figured a steel dagger which came
into the possession of the Carriers some no or 120 years
ago — their country was discovered. in 1793. It was instru-
mental in killing several men and was originally much
larger. The handle was also of a different description, the
knife being one of a class of steel daggers called in the
dialect of the Babines t'jak-nanisis^r, or " rounded at the
end " (of the handle). It probably resembled the instru-
ment represented by fig. 108^ of Niblack's "The Indians
of Southern Alaska."* «

The presence of steel implements, even so early and
so far away :n the interior of British Columbia, is not
calculated to disconcert the archaeologist, considering the
'g- '29. frequent intercourse the inland tribes had from time im-
memorial with the Coast Indians. Both Cook and i^Lion ascribe the
introduction of such tools among the Coast tribes to the Russians whose
first recorded expedition on the Northern Pacific Ocean dates from 1740.
But Na'kwsl's iron axe cannot evidently be attributed to the influence
of the Russians, since it had apparently reached this place long before
I. I. Behring's expedition was fitted out. Coast Indians must naturally
have been slow in parting with such valuable implements. Moreover it
should not be forgotten that not more than fifteen years before the
advent of the whites among the Carriers, iron tools were still so rare
among the Coast tribes that in 1779 a Captain Gray master of one of
the Boston trading vessels, is reported to have got at Nootka, on Van-
couver Island, two-hundred otter skins worth about $8,000 for an old
iron chisel If

* Ann. Report, National Museum, 1888.

t Christmas No. of the Victoria "Colonist," 1891.

■I'ih

1892-93]

NOTES ON THE WE8TEKN Df^Nliit.

143

Among the steel implements distinctly D^n^ in manufacture and
actually in use among the Carriers, are the hole-borer or drill,
the moose skin scraper and the crooked knife or spoke-
shave.

The first is made with a nail or any available piece of iron
securely lashed on the side of a stick or fastened in a slit
at its extremity. Occasional holes are obtained by rubbing
the drill between the hands while strenuously pressing down
the implement. But when a set of fine holes, such as those
F'g. 130 of the snow-shoes, is desired, the Carriers have recourse, in

-' 111

Fig. 131-

addition to the borer, to a small bow and a hard piece of wood which
they manage as shown in fig. 131.

! 'l'\

Fig. 132. }i size.

The name of the tool shown in fig. 132, tnnv3j* or moose skin scraper,
explains its raison d'etre. It has been patiently ground down to its
present shape from an old file.

' Second category of nouns.

144

TRANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

Identical material and mode of manufacture have likewise resulted in
the accompanying spokeshave or 9ras, the "drawknife." It is of the
greatest usefulness to the modern Indian, so much so that there is not a
house among the Carriers wherein it is not to be seen. They employ it
to finish the inside of their canoes, to shave off the rods used in the
construction of their fish-traps, to fashion the side and transversal sticks

of their snow-slioes, and to do almost any kind of manual work in con-
nection wherewith a white man would use a draw-knife or even a common
pocket knife. The lower grade of sras is made of the blade of a table
knife. The handle of the specimen above illustrated is of cariboo bone,
secured to the blade first by copper wire and then by rawhide lines
wrapped around. The whole tool is of native manufacture.

1892-93.]

NOTK8 ON THE WESTERN DKNl^S.

l«fr

CHAPTER IX.
Skin Objects and Twined and Textile Fabrics.

SKIN objects.

Under this head we will consider any native items wherein dressed or
undressed skin enters as the chief component part.

Passing references to the treatment of hides have already appeared in
the course of the descriptions of the implements used by the Western
D^n^s to free them of hair, fat or blood. It now merely remains with
me to add that after the skin in preparation has been rubbed over with
the brains of the animal, it is allowed to pass a whole night steeping in
cold water. It is then subjected to several rinsings in hot water, alter-
nating with thorough scrapings, until, being quite dry, soft and pliable,
it is given the form of a bag and placed over the smoke of decayed wood
or other vegetable matter. Once it has been thus smoked on both sides,,
it is ready for use.

I 1;

Mtei:

Among the TsijKoh'tin skin dressing is practically confined to the
hide of the deer, while among the Ts^'k^hne moose and cariboo skins

'I
n

146

TIIANSACTIONS OF THE" CANADIAN INSTITUTK.

[Vol. IV.

only are banned for use. Moose is rare within the Carriers' territory,
and still more so is the deer. Therefore, with that tribe, mocassins,
mittens and gloves, bags, etc., are aln' .st exclusively of cariboo skin.
We will here pass over skin articles, which belong to the native accoutre-
ment or, wearin^^ apparel, as these shall be treated of in the next chapter.

Confining ourselves to household or non-personal objects, we m?.y
mention no less thin seven varieties of lealher bags or pouches in use
among the primitive Carriers. Fig. 134 represents the household bag or
eztjai. This is generally the property of women and serves to~ contain
the family chattels, but more particularly such as are proper to the
women, clothes, pieces of tanned skins, working tools, articles of orna-
mentation, etc. This bag needs no description ; the cut cannot but give
an exact idea of its form. The bead work in some is much more elabor-
ate than in the specimen herewith figured. Before the introduction of
glass beads, dyed porcupine quills served to ornament this and all other
kinds of skin receptacle. The cover piece of this eztjai is also, I am
told, a modern innovation,
trivance.

This bag is never used as a packing con-

A variety of the same, but much reduced in dimensions, was formerly
the regular badge of widowhood among Carrier women, so much so that
the custom which required its use hrs given the Carriers their distinctive
name. Among them cremation was the national mode of disposing of
the dead. As a rule, on the morning following the funeral ceremony, the
relatives of the deceased, accompanied by his widow, were wont to pick
up from among the ashes of the pyn; the few remaining charred bones
which, if too large for ihe purpose in view, they did not scruple to
reduce by breaking to the desired size, These were then handed to the
widow to daily pack till her liberation from the bor dage consequent on
her new condition. This gruesome task devolved O'^ her for the space of
at least two or three years, and in extreme cases was prolonged to a
period of some five years. Upon the final giving away of property
which was the signal for the cessation of mourning, these bones were
deposited with the satcliet containing them in a box liMd on the top of a
funeral column near the village.

Some of these satchets were still in existence a few years ago. Their
cover, instead of fitting ovei the whole bag as in the houscho'd eztjai,
reached only half way down. Its sides were also sewn with those of the
satchet itself, so as to preclude the possibility of its contents being acci-
dentally thrown out. Of course, a string was attached to the satchet
and passed across the neck or or breast of the packer. A lining of birch

1892-93.]

NOTES 5N THE WESTERN D^N^S.

fy'l.M

'heir

the
acci-
:chet
lirch

bark also gave the receptacle a certain degree of jonsistency, and served
moreover as an additional protection for the bones.

The regular packing wallet * herewith figured is still very generally
used for carrying provisions during long journeys and might be termed
the native buffet, it is of two different materials ; its main parts are of
undressed moose hide with the hair out, while its sides, top and bottori
are of tanned cariboo skin. The skin of the upper part of the legs of
the animal is chosen in preference and sewn together, as may appear
from a glance at the illustration below. The packing band is also of
untanned moose skin. On either side of the bag, ears of tanned skin are
pierced each with two holes, the lower one of which is intended to
receive the strap when the walUet is not full. The broad or middle part
of this line passes athwart the forehead of the packer, and, after sliding
through one of the holes at either side of the bag, its loose ends are
drawn forward and tied over the breast, so that the position of th3 burden
cat) be changed at will. ' ■

Fig- I35'

*'iu'k6z, sec. root.

; . ,f.W

If
' 'i

;■:■:' -I

i : I m

■ ■••

■

148

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

Not uncommonly these wallets or knap-sacks are made entirely of
dried salmon skins sewn together. Once the flesh of the fish has reached
the proper degree of stiffness, it is carefully torn off and one of the skins
is shredded into fine filaments which serve as thread.

The jti'k^z generally does duty in connection with heavy burdens,
which means for anybody au fait with native sociology that it is the
appanage of the women. The men have also a packing bag of their
own intended as a receptacle of such light burdens as are incident to short
trips, and which shall be described further on.

The fourth variety of leather bags is the dog-bag, which is so much

like a common saddle-bag that I refrain from
figuring it here. No harnessirg dev'ice is con-
nected with it, it is simply lashed on the sides of
the canine with a separate line.

Fig. 1 36 also represents a ciouble-bag ; but
this is proper to the huntsman. In one end of it
he keeps his provision of powder, and in the
other that of shot or balls. Both halves of the
bag are shut by tying around the strings attached
immediately below the common or middle open-
ing. Out of this ammunition pouch the hunts-
man fills up as often as necessary his powder horn, and his ornamented
shot pouch which are parts of his accoutrement.

Fig. 136.

Fig. 137.

Here we have a Yjwdti-zdz or fire-bag. Its use has ceased with the
introduction of matches, and its name is now given to a small pouch of
different pattern, though somewhat similar in intent. The former served
to carry about or keep at home the tinders and parched hay originally

r (»':t

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DI<:Ni;S.

149

required to start a fire with the fire drill or more recently with the fire

steel. Its elliptical form was probably intended
as a help in guarding its contents against rain or
moisture. As an additional measure of precau-
tion, the pouch was generally carried under the
arm pit suspended from the neck.

Its modern substitute is of common cloth in
the form of a flour sack and with two strings
so arranged at its mouth that the pouch can be
shut by drawing them apart. Matches and
tobacco with a pocket knife are generally the
only things kept in this Kwanzsz.

Fig. 138 represents a needle and thread pouch.
Although originally of tanned skin it is now
Fig. 138. almost exclusively of black or blue cloth trim-

med with ribbons or coloured tape.

To complete our list of skin objects of D^n^ manufactur i, we should
add to the above the pe-sta (wherein one sits), a sort of cuirass in use in
prehistoric times especially among the Carriers. It had the form of a
sleeveless tunic falling to the knees, so that it protected the whole
body, since those aborigines generally shot kneeling. Its material
was moose skin which, when sewn according to the proper pattern,
was soaked in water, then repeatedly rubbed on the sandy shores
of a stream or lake and dried with the sand and small pebbles adhering
thereto, after which it wa'; thoroughly coated with sturgeon glue. Being
again subjected before dicing to another rubbing over sand, it received
a new coating of glue, and after this piocess had been cpcated three or
four times, it formed an armour perfectly arrow proof.*

* In his Appendice relatif aux amies de pierre des Indieitu aretn/ues publislied in 1875, the
Abbe E. Petilot, speaking of the Denes of the Mackenzie Hasin, .s thcu " ces Indieiis
arctiques pretendent qu'ils n' ont pas toujours habite sur le sol oil nous les avous trouves, mais
qu'ils ont vecu, & una epoque fort eloignee, dans une patrie plus belle que la presente. . . .
Dans cette terre . . . bien tour dans I'occident, un peuple puissant opprimait les Loucheux
et les Peaux-de-lievre. Ce peuple se rasait la tete, portait dc faux cheveux et se coiffait de
casques. . . . Ses guerriers se couvraicnt la poitrine d' urn- tin le de peau d' 6Ian revalue
d'une foule de petits cailloux coagules en maniere d' ecailles (ciiii , ce qui les rendait comme

invulnerables k leurs traits. ... A cette epoque fes Deiu i>indjies faisaient, disaient-ils,
usage de lances, qu' ils m' ont d6peintes comme des couteaux fixds par une ligature au bout d'
une perche ; d't'pieux, sorte de comes munies d' un crochet et egalement emmanch6es ; d'
arbaletes ; de dagues, et enfin de boucliers." Then the learned missionary adds that " auaine de
<•« armes offensives et defensives, . . . w'a suivi les DM-Dindjih en Anierit/ue." The
italics are mine, and it is hardly necessary to remark that the line thus pointed out would never
have been written had its author been acquainted with the original Carrier sociology. For, as

■\:-'

150

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN 1N8TITUTB.

[Vol. IV.

OBJECTS OF MIXED MATERIAL.

As may be seen by figs. 139 and 140, the Den6 drums, though poss-
essing minor characteristics of their own, do not essentially differ from
the tambourines in universal use among the North American Indians.
In every case we have merely a dressed skin — which is here of cariboo —
stretched ove a narrow hoop. The Carrier drum (fig. 139) not only had
no bottom strings, but its makers even dispensed with any cord as a
means of holding the instrument. The same piece of skin in which
almost consisted the whole drum was cut on the reverse or back side
into four strips tapering to the centre into regular strings which were
knotted as shown above, d, and which served as a means of grasping the
instrument.

All r -

Fig. I39<?.

FiR. 1396.

The Tse'kehne drum (fig. 140) though apparently a very simple piece
of workmanship, evidences much greater ingenuity on the part of its
contrivers. Not only does it possess the bottom strings designed tc
enhance its sonorousness, but these very strings are so disposed that they
help not a little in using the instrument. After passing beneath the
frame of the drum they are drawn up over it under the encircling skin,
and again introduced throu^ii the middle of the hoop from which* they
protrude inside in the shape t a loop through which the thumb is passed

a matter of lact, all the arms and defensive weapons above enumerated had their counterparts on
this side of the Rockies but a short time ajjo. In that "skin tunic covered with small coagulated
pebbles," sve recognize, of course, ihe />e-s/,i just described ; the lances regarded by Petitot, after
his informants, as so very ancient were the s.mt/iK spoken of on page 62 ; the epieux or spears
are not materially different : Petitot describes them as "halted hooks" and it so happens that
the Carrier name of these weapons means "hook-sticks." The cross-bows we have likewise
seen in use among the T se'kehne, while the daggers a> ! the shields were no less common among
the Carriers. Nay more, even the "false hair," or wigs were in vogue here as late as thirty
years ago. These will be found described in our Chapter on Dress and Personal Adornment.

J«92.93.]

NOTES ON THE WKSTEBN Di;s^S.

U>I'

with a double object in view : that of helping in holding the instrument
and of tightening or loosening the bottom strings at will and thus-
regulating the sound of the drum.

/ Fig. 140.

That portion of the Carrier — and possibly the whole of the Tsi[Koh'tin
— tribes which is adjacent to the Bilqula Indians formerly used square-
drums. But this circumstance should be regarded merely as ^. further
evidence of the Western D^n^s' innate power of imitation. The drums
are called thdflrsle in Carrier.

Any stick at hand, padded or otherwise, served to beat the drum.

It seems almost incredible that in a country, where for at least five full
months every year snow covers the ground, snow-shoes should have beer>
practically unknown until a comparatively recent date. Yet, if we are
to credit the natives, this was formerly the case with the Carriers, the-
most populous, and, actually, the most progressive of the four Western
D^n^ tribes. The Tse'kehne used snow-shoes from time immemorial %.
but we are told that not more than 100 years ago, only the most
prominent among the Carriers possessed tha: indispensable adjunct to
winter travelling. Therefore with that tribe winter hunting was formerly
well nigh impossible. T a natives still relate how their ancestors pain-
fully trudged on trunks of trees chopped down so as to form a continuous
line or trail over the snow whenever necessity constrained them to
wander any little distance from their winter quarters. I fully expect
that their story will task the credulity of my readers, and I give it only for
what it may be worth. 1 am simply repeating here what I have been
told many a time.

Be this as it may, the Carriers are to-day as well provided with winter
walking implements as they profess to have been originally destitute of

"ar-

152

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

rvoL. IV.

them. Apart from the snow walking stick, they now have no less than
four very distinct varieties of snow-shoes ('aih) each of which is known
under a different name. These are the kh^-la-pas, the pfju, the •aili-za
and the s^s-khe.

Fig, 141.

The khd-la-pas* was the first model of snow-shoes known to our
aborigines. It is still used in cases of urgency, when better or more
fashionable snow-shoes cannot conveniently be made or, under all cir-
cumstances, by poor or unskilled people. Nevertheless this form is now
obsolete, and is generally laughed at by the possessors of more elegant
implements. The ground stick of this snow-shoe is of one piece from
fore-end to tail, and the whole is left flat, as is the case, I think, with
most of the snow-shoes in use in Eastern Canada. Fig. 141 represents
a kh^-la-pas.

The finer netting or filling of every Carrier snow-shoe is of delicate
cariboo skin lines, and the coarse or middle one is of moose rawhide
line. As these implements are said to be adventitious here, I will refrain
from going into the details of the netting process which our Indians are
not likely to have materially altered since the introduction among them
of these winter commodities. Suffice it to say that a whole independent
filling in is made out of a continuous string. The ground or side Sticks
are generally made of young saplings of black spruce or of Douglas
pine (P. inurrayana) ; but those of mountain m.^.'^Xe. (Acer glabrum) or
of mountain ash (Pyrus Americana) are more esteemed, though heavier.
In all cases the cross-sticks are, as a rule, either of willow or of birch.

In fig. 142 we have the most recent type of Carrier snow-shoe. It
will be seen at a glance that it is not inelegant. It is the pt'ju or
" stitched together " by allusion to the peculiar form of its head. To

• K

Mocassin (or f Art«w«r«)-end-rounded ; " by allusion to its form.

'J r-'ji' P-\

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THIi: WESTERN D^IN^S.

168

facilitate walking, this is curved up and so retained by means of two or
three lines twisted in one solid cord. To add to the gracefulness of the
fore-end and prevent it from shrinking in, an additional bar is inserted
some distance therefrom, and the resulting tension is also corrected by a
transversal cord binding fast the extremities of the two sticks. The
ground netting passes under both bar and cord. The name of this
variety of snow-shoes indicates that the side sticks were originally united
at both ends by means of stitches of skin lines ; but to-day small nails
or screws are more commonly used. Little tufts of coloured yarn
issuing from each side of the frame are intended to add to the elegance
of the implement. Such ornaments at the hind part of the snow-shoes
distinguish the women's from the men's snow-shoes.

Fig. 142.

The artificial bending of the side sticks is obtained by two different
methods. In the first case, such parts of the wood as are to be worked
upon, are carefully wrapped with strips of willow bark and thoroughly
heated by close application to the fire. They are rext gradually pressed
up with the hand or by forcing against the ground, when their ends are
solidly tied so as to prevent the wood from returning to its original
shape. However, this is more commonly steamed or rather " cooked " in
boiling water, such parts vi the sticks as cannot be introduced in the
kettle or boiler being operated on by pouring thereon spoonfuls of hot
water until they have become sufficiently pliable.

A third model of snow-shoes quite as common, if not more so, is the
'aih-za ("snow-shoe only," or ordinary snow-shoe). In this, as in the
preceding, two sticks are employed to form the frame, but instead of
terminating in a sharp front end, their fore-ends are thinned and joined
together with a strong lashing of rawhide lines thereby forming a rounded
instead of an angular head. In other words, this snow-shoe is a long
kh^-la-pas made out of two side sticks and curved up in front as the
pt'ju. Therefore the additional cross-stick and string noticed ''n the
latter are wanting in this unpretentious style of snow-shoe.
11

104

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

The Ts^'k^hne snow-shoes are remarkable for the number of their
cross-sticks. They generally have six of them, three in front, and three
back of the middle or coarse netting. They thus gain in solidity what
they lose in lightness.*

Fig- 143-

The last variety of Carrier snow-shoes is herewith figured. Its form
will no doubt explain its native name, sss-kM^
" black bear foot." It is proper to little children
before they are sufficiently grown up to use the
common snow-shoes. Not unfrequently, women,,
especially those who are poorly circumstanced or
unprepared for a heavy fall of snow, will be seen
wearing similar, though of course much larger,
snow-shoes. Naturally the frame of such primitive
implements is composed of only one stick whose
ends are rudely lashed together. Instead of having
the cross-stick notched in as in the above figure, it
is more generally forced in a shallow hole mortised
at either side of the frame.

As these implements are essentially temporary,,
they are often of a rude description. Such is not
the case with the pt'/u and the 'aih-za. Not only
are the wooden parts of these carefully shaved and
Fig. 144. scraped over, but they are generally daubed with

red ochre, and in not a few cases covered with a coat of red or blue
paint.

* The reason of this is their great length which is intended to deaden the creaking of the
frozen snow caused by the short snow-shoe, and thereby not to betray the approach of the
hunter.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S.

100

Here we have the winter walking-stick* already alluded to. It
renders to the hand of the traveller over snow fields the same service
as the snow-shoe does his feet, since its circular appendage (fig. 144)

Fig, 145.

prevents the stick from sinking too much in deep snow. It has
moreover another very valuable advantage which I have tried to illustrate
through fig. 145. The hand of the hunter, warm and trembling from the
excitement of the chase, if passed through the leather loop which often

Fig. 146.

Fig. 147.

accompanies the upper part of the staff, can thereby be steadied and
fitrd a reliable support for the barrel of his gun while in the act of

TAfz-mas, " walking-stick rounded " by allusion to the circular appendage.

156

THAN8ACTION8 OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTK.

[Vol. IV.

firlncf. Despite these undoubted advantages, this walking-stick tends to
become obsolete in several localities.

But ona implement now remains on our list of undescribed wood-and-
skin items. This is the ice-scoop or jiipas of which an idea may be
gathered from fig. 146. It is brought into requisition to scoop out of
the hole one is making in the ice the broken pieces driven in with the
3tt' or ice-breaker. The frame is usually of mountain m".:le. Fig. 147
will explain the connection between the strings and the frame.

TEXTILE AND TWINED FABRICS.

We now come to the twined and textile fabrics of the Western D^n^s.
The latter are very few ; indeed the weaving industry might almost be
described as null among those tribes, since the rabbit skin blankets were
originally the only genuine textile fabric manufactured among either the
Carriers, the Ts^'k^hne or the TsijKoh'tin.

The weaving of these could hardly be more primitive. The first step
is of course to spin, or rather to twist on the naked thigh, the strips of
the rabbit skins. These are previously steeped in water to facilitate the
cutting and spinning operations. Each skin is made to yield one single
band, and each band is knotted end to end so as to form a continuous
cord.

A frame or loom is first erected with poles of the proper dimensions
and secured either by planting the two side pieces in the ground, or, more
commonly, by leaning them against each wall of any corner in the house.
Over the two cloth-beams, the skin cord is wound so as to form the
warp. As for the woof, a separate strip is knotted in its middle part to
the last left hand thread of the warp in such a way that two threads
result which are then twisted together, then entwined with the next warp
thread, again twisted together, again entwined with the next perpendicular
thread; and so on until the last thread of the warp is reached, when the
operation is resumed from the right to the left. Each successive woof
thread is added immediately under the preceding one so that the weaving,
if weaving there be, is always in a downward direction. Whenever the
web becomes too low for the convenience of the
weaver, web and warp are made to revolve on the
loom beams up to the suitable height. The web is
■CT then momentarily steadied by means of a string

attached on either side to the perpendicular poles of the loom. No
batten or any similar device is used. Fig. 148 will give some idea of the
whole process. The cut a represents a cross-section of the web.

1892-93.]

NOTES OS THE WESTERN DltNI^S.

187

The Tsi[Koh'tin and Carrier women now weave fairly good belts or
girths out of the yarn they get at their trading posts. But this is a new
industry among them and we need not tarry in its description. Suffice
it to say that they use wooden healds as those of the Zuni Indians.
Indeed, I think that the whole method of girth weaving is practically
identical with these two heterogeneous stocks.

Fig. 148.

The TsijKoh'tin women also weave or plait mats commonly used to
spread on the floor or ground instead of a table cloth, the menu of the
family repast round which each person squats while partaking thereof.
The material is a sort of rush or juncaceous plant, the exact species of
which I could not determine. Matting is an unknown industry among
the Carriers and the Ts^'kehne.

168

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

1:1

With regard to the mode of netting, the drag-nets of the Western
D^n^s are of two kinds : one is intended for service against any species
of fish, with the exception of the sturgeon, and the other is of use to
capture the latter fish exclusively. Fig. 149 will explain the manner of

Fig. 149.

knotting the sturgeon net, while all the other kinds of netting, whether
drag, scoop, or dip-nets, or even, the packing bags which shall soon be
described, are knotted, as shown in fig. 1 50.

No mesh-stick is used while the Carrier is working at the smaller
varieties of nets. It is replaced by the middle finger of the left hand.
In this case, the netting-needle also consists merely in a narrow piece of
board scalloped at either end to receive the twine which is wound around.
But when at work upon large-meshed nets, our aborigines have recourse
to the picture frame-like wooden implement herewith figured. This is

F«g- »5i- 'A size.

carved out of one piece and serves as a mesh-stick. It has replaced the
original wooden horse-shoe made of a bent twig. In this case a regular
netting shuttle is also resorted to. As this is in every particular identical
with that common among white fishermen, it is but natural to infer that
it is here a borrowed article.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^Njfcs.

159

The meshes of the sturgeon net are about ten inches square, while
those of the beaver nets are based on the distance between tlie tip of the
thumb and that of the index finger when both are outstretched. The
width of any kind of fish-net of the larger variety corresponds with that
of seventeen meshes of the same net. The nets intended for smaller fish
have their meshes from }( of an inch to one inch and a half .square.
About twenty of the former dimensions form the width of the net. All
kinds of drag-nets measure at least one hundred feet in length.

Among the Ts^'k^hne both hands outstretched with the thumbs tip to
tip are the standard measure for the width ol the beaver net. Large
nets require twelve such units, while the smaller ones have only nine, or
thereabouts. Such nets never exceed twenty-five feet in length.

Fig. 152.

. Identical in netting are the two kinds of dip-nets* in use among the
Carriers. The first (fig. 152) serves either to catch salmon or to scoop
out the smaller fish which periodically swarm up certain shallow streams.
When doing service against salmon, it is dipped in the water and then
left until a capture is effected. But if used to catch small fish, it is
managed as a ladle. Its make will be easily understood by a glance at
the above figure. It is from five to six feet deep.

Fig. 153 represents a smaller variety of the dip-net. It serves in a
few places only, and, as a rule, its period of usefulness does not exceed
four or five days in one year. During the first warm days of each
recurring spring, immense numbers of the tli^imdk, the very small fish
which we have already mentioned in another chapter, ascend to the
surface of the water in a few lakes and become an easy prey to the
Indian women who, armed with this net, scoop out canoe loads of it in

* Pe'-th9K.aih, " wherewith one scoops," a verbal noun.

qilftJ w rl

160

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

one single day. Less than a week thereafter, not a fish will be
seen of the myriads that were basking in the sun. Of course, the meshes

Fi«- 153-

of the dip-net resorted to as a means of securing them are proportionally
small. They are scarcely a quarter of an inch square.

Fii;. J 54.

The nets of our aborigines were originally of the fibre ot either the
nettle {Urika Lyalhi), the willctw {Salix longifolia) bark, or a species of

mmsH

mmm

^Pl||

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DISnES.

161

wild hemp called /tzvon^/a in Carrier. The plants were carefully dried
in the house, crushed with the hands, and their fibres extracted by
pulling up with the right from the left hand, pressing the stalks down
on the ground. The shreds were then spun by twisting on the thigh.
Naturally this was the work of the women. Nowadays fine Holland
twine is used instead.

Though the skin of the beaver is occasionally used to make beaver-nets
— as is the case when the animal is found so decomposed that its fur has
lost its value — yet such nets ire generally of cariboo skin cut in fine
strips called " babiche " in the parlance of such Indians as parade an
acquaintmce with the dialect of the H. B. Go's, employees.

Such is also the material of the fjiij-stikez* or packing bag of fig. 1 54.
This is to the men what the moose skin wallet (fig. 135) is to the women.
It serves to carry to short distances light burdens such as a lunch, peltries
to the trading post, provisions for an unimportant journey, etc. It is also
very commonly used as a game-bag. The above figure represents the
t'luj-an'kez' such as is si"ll made among the Tse'kdhne, and as it was
originally among the Carriers. But of late years the latter, having
learned from their missionaries to have a greater regard for the physical
weakness of the gentler sex and to do themselves at least a part of the
packing, use it for hea<'ier burdens than those for which it was originally
intended. This has rendered the rounded cord through which it is
carried uncomfortable. It is now replaced by a regular leather thong,
which also runs round the rim of the bag.

* T'/«/ means " rope," and the rksinence of the compound word '/•«, which implies "direction,
tendency " towards a place, is comiuon to all packii^g devices.

162

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

CHAPTER X.

Dress and Personal Adornment.

• . COMMON DRESS.

It would be difficult at the present time to reconstruct in all its details
the national dress of the prehistoric Western D^nes, if indeed there ever
existed any national or uniform costume for each and all of the
different tribes and sub-tribes under study. Sir A. Mackenzie, in his
account of the voyage of discovery he made in 1793 through part of
their territory, might perhaps enlighten on this subject the reader who
can have access to his narrative.* Not enjoying this advantage, I must
content myself with what I have learnt from daily intercourse with the
most reliable among the older Carriers.

Speaking of the dress of the Eastern Denes, the Rev. E. Petitot has
the following to say : —

" Outre la blouse de peau blanche ci queues d^cor^es de franges et de
breloques metalliques, qui fut le costume primitif des D^ne-Dindjie et
que portent encore les Loucheux, ceux-ci, ainsi que les Peaux-de-Lievre
y joignent un pantalon de meme matiere et aussi richement orn6, qui est
cousu avec la chaussure. II est port^'par les femmes comme paries
hommes. Les tribus plus m^ridionales remplacent le pantalon par les
cuissards ou mitasses que des jarreti^res retiennent aux jambes, et par un
pagne oblong d'une etoffe quelconque.

"La robe des femmes est tr^s courte et orne<i d'une profusion de
franges, de houppes de laine, de verroteries et de breloques sonores.
La chaussure generate est le mocassin, ou Soulier de peau molle qui
emprisonne et dessine le pied comme un gant le fait de la main. Durant
I'hiver le renne, le castor et le lievre arctique sont mis a contribution pour
fournir a I'habitant du desert des vetements aussi chauds que legers et
commodes.f

That the dress of the Western Dt^nes considerably differed from that
of their Eastern congeners such as above described is beyond the
possibility of a doubt. And no wonder. Being of an imitative turn of

* Voyages from Montreal, on the river St. Lawrence, through the continent of North America,
to the P'rozen and I'acific oceans ; in the years 1789 and 1793, etc., London, 1801.

t Monographie des Dune-Dindjic, p. xxiv ; Paris, 1876.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^IS.

163

mind, and living, most of them, in close proximity and with frequent
intercourse with the Coast Indians on the one hand and the Shushwap
on the other, they could not fail to accommodate themselves to their
environments. It may be taken for certain that their wearing apparel
was, as a whole, rather meagre and scanty. This remark does not apply
to the ceremonial costume of the Carriers, which, as v/ill soon be seen,
was quite elaborate and complicated.

The summer dress of the men consisted mainly, if not entirely, of a
tunic, the breech piece, the leggings and the mocassins. The tunic was
a loose vestment which thg Indians now compare to a shirt. Its material
was tanned cariboo skin, and it descended to the thigh or thereabouts.
It had no ttiil-like appendage as that of the Eastern D<^nes. This tunic
was uniform neither in cut, nor in material, as poor people made it of
almost any available skin with the fur on, and gave it the form best suited
to their means. Well-to-do Carriers decorated this garment with a
multitude of fringes to conceal the seams. The strands of these were
sometimes further embellished by means of porcupine quills dyed yellow
or green.

The breech-piece and the leggings were also of the same material,
cariboo skin. The latter covered the legs in their whole length, and were
kept in position by a string tied to the leather belt on each opposite side.
They were furthermore secured below the knee by means of ornamented
garters (see fig. 145). These breech cloth and leggings without trousers
were still worn here by a few men not more than twelve years ago.
Leggings of identical style are still in common use among the men, but
during the winter months only, and they are now worn over the pants.

The national ""oot gear is, and has always been, the mocassin. This was
originally of the dressed skin of the elk (Cerviis Canadensis). But the
poorer classes frequently made it of untanned marmot skin, or even of
the skin of the salmon. The mocassins are now uniformly of dressed
cariboo or moose skin among the Carriers and Tse'kehne and of deer
skin among the TsilKoh'tin. An idea of their present form may be
gathered from fig. 142.

Owing to the nature of the material of these mocassins, our aborigines
generally went barefooted in rainy weather, and to-day the women and
the children at least still adhere to this custom. It must be added that,
progressive as the Carriers are, there is not among them a single man
who would undertake a journey of any importance, nay even a short
trip, without the traditional mocassins. Even the most advanced young
men profess to be unable to walk any considerable distance with our
common leather shoes.

i I? ; i;.;

164

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

All the Western D^n^s wear mittens, which are made of the same
material as their moca.ssins. Even during the fair season, they will
never do any kind of manual work without having them on. They are
suspended to a cord of plaited yarn passing behind the neck and over
the shoulders, so that, even when they are not in actual use, there is very
little risk of losing them. The wrist-band is invariably ornamented with
stripes of blue and red cloth, together with colored ribbons, according to
the fancy of the wearer.

Gloves are now used, but were unknown in prehistoric times.

Instead of the hood common among their kinsmen of the Mackenzie
Basin, the Carriers formerly wore a dainty cap of marmot skin made in
this wise: — A band, some three inches broad, was cut from the skin with
the hair on and secured at either end so as to form a crown-like head-
dress. Over this was sewed a circular piece of similar material leaving
out a brim of the same width as that of the band. This projecting part
of the skin was then slit into a fringe which rested gracefully on the
original head-band.

This description applies to the summer cap. The winter head-gear
consisted of a hemispherical bowl of woven rabbit skin strips without
fringes. Both summer and winter, men and women wore the same style
of cap.

The summer dress of the women did not . materially differ from that
of the men. The tunic was simply longer and oftentimes ornamented
round the shoulders and back with a row of pendent cariboo and beaver
claws or teeth. For the sake of convenience a girdle also secured the
folds of that robe over the waist. They wore, and among the Carriers
continue to wear, leggings like the men.

During the cold season both sexes, but more especially the women on
account of the outdoor work to which they were subjected, added to the
foregoing a sort of small blanket of undressed skin of any small fur-
bearing Hiiimal which covered their breast from the neck to the waist.
This pectoral blanket was attached with strings behind the neck and
also secured by the outer girdle round the waist. We have already seen
that in olden times a swan's skin sometimes served an identical purpose.

The body was further protected against the inclemency of the season
by means of a large cloak of lynx skins sewed together and worn with
the hair outside. The more conservative half of theTsijKoh'tin tribe have
retained to this day the use of this fur cloak. But it is worn among
them with the hair next to the body, and the material is, as with the
poorer Carriers, marmot instead of lynx skins. The TsiiKoh'tin women

1892-93.J

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S.

165

transform it into a sort of gown by tying it round the waist with a girdle
of leather, from which hang beaver nails or teeth, old thimbles or shells
of exploded brass cartridges which produce during their walk a jingiing
sound much appreciated by the native ear. .

Winter and summer, the members of the three tribes under consider-
ation wrap their feet with square pieces of blanket, kh^-thdl* which are
to them the counterpart of our stockings.

With the advent of the whites the dress of the Western D^n6s
gradually changed, until it became, what it is now, practically that of the
H. B. Co.'s people, with the few additions necessitated by the nature
of the former's avocation. However, skin coats identical with that
illustrated through fig. 145 are still occasionally met with, especially
among the Ts^'k^hne and Babine tribes.

The foregoing remarks, as I believe, will give a fair idea of the
aboriginal costume such as it obtained among the Western D^n^s, with-
out reference to rank or age. But, when treating of the natives' wearing
apparel, one should not forget that even their psychological ideas are not
without" influence on its nature. We should remember that most dreaded
creature, the pubescent girl. She was considered among the Carriers so
much of an itre d part, that she must constantly wear some badge to
remind people of her terrible infirmity, and thereby guard them against
the baleful influences which she was believed to possess. This consisted
in " a sort of head-dress combining in itself the purposes of a veil, a
bonnet and a mantlet. It was made of tanned skin, its forepart was
shaped like a long fringe, completely hiding from view the face and
breasts ; then it formed on the head a close fitting cap or bonnet, and
finally fell in a broad band almost to the heels. This head-dress was
made and publicly placed on her head by a paternal aunt, who received
at once some present from the girl's father. When, three or four years
later, the period sequestration ceased, only this same aunt had the right
to take off her niece's ceremonial head-dress."-f"

The latter sentence applies to the daughter of untitled parents. In
case the maiden was of noble birth, the first anniversary of her entering

* " Foot-platform." The native names of the different parts of the wearinj; a))parel are here-
with given, as they may afford a ckie, when considered from an etymological standpoint, to the
relative degree of importance or antiquity of the articles thereby denominated. Head-gear of
any description, t's^R ; coat or tunic, tz/it ; breech-piece, tsati ; girdle, sJ ; cloak (and blanket),
ts9t ; leggings, khS-tsih (wherein-the-foot-is-passed) ; mocassin, khi-skwH, or in composition khi
(synonymous with "foot"); pectoral blanket, /^/xjVAmz (that — being a soft stuff — which covers),
a verbal noun.

tThe Western D^nes ; Proc, Can. Inst., 1888-89, p. 162.

166

THANSACTI0N8 OP THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

upon her maturity witnessed the innposition, with befitting ceremonies
and the usual banquet, of a sort of diadem such as herewith figured.

The ground part of this was a band of
tanned skin which was fringed from about
one inch and a half above the bottom up
to the top. Each strand of that fringe was.
passed through a dentalium shell and then
^'8- 'SS- sewed up at the top to an encircling strip

of skin. As this crown was lower on the back than in front, shells of
different lengths were chosen according to the place they were to occupy,
A lining of skin, with or without the fur on, was then added, and the
lower corners of the ends stitched together, as shown in the cut. Upon
crowning the maiden v/ith this shell diadem, the paternal aunt became
heir to the di carded bonnet with fringe and mantlet.

Both diadem and bonnet were articles of every day wear, and genuine
ceremonial head-dresses.

Not only pubescent girls, but even such boys as were reaching the
same stage of life had their fingers, wrists and legs encircled with rings
or bracelets made of sinew entwined with down. Neglecting these pre-
cautions would have exposed the careless party to premature infirmities
and incapacitated the young man for the fatiguing exercise of the chase.

The Western D^n^s of the old stock, and especially the Carriers and
the Babines, were not wanting in articles of personal adornment. Among
head ornaments, they had the ear-pendants, the nose ring or crescent,
the ni-Ka-dtn'a, the hair pendant and, among the Babines, the labret.

Two very distinct varieties of ear-pendants* obtained among the
Carriers. The first consisted in a bunch of four buckskin strings passed
through pairs of dentalium shells and hanging from the ear, as shown
in fig. 1 56. As soon as glass beads became known, some were inserted
between each of the two shells suspended from each hole in the ear. A
small beaver claw furthermore prevented the pendent shells and bead
from slipping off. Several Indians still bear the marks of this now
antiquated pendant.

A different kind, which was still in honour but a few years ago, but
is now likewise obsolete, is the haliotis pendant (fig. 157). The specimen
from which I have drawn fig. 157 was in actual use when obtained for
my collection. Pendants of this material probably affected various forms.
Yet 1 fear that no other specimen could now be found among our

T'~okiu3l. 2nd. cat.

1892-93.J

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S.

167

aborigines. Considering that fine shreds of sinew were formerly, as they
are to-day, common in every native household, it would appear, judging
by the coarse line of buck skin appended to this "jewel " that very little
regard was entertained in olden times for the sensibility of the humar^
ear.

' ' ■; Fig. 156. , , Fig. 157.

The dentalium pendant was proper to men, while the latter or haliotis
ornament belonged to the fair sex. With insignificant exceptions, neither
the men nor the women now wear any ear pendant or ring, except
among the Babines, whose tdneza' or noblemen have adopted the silver
ear-ring,* proper to persons of similar rank among their alien neighbours,
the Kitiksons.

As among the majority of savage or barbarous peoples, in contra-
distinction with civilized nations, the Western D^n^s were formerly fond
of perforating their septum to introduce therein what they considered
wondrous ornaments. These might be divided into three different
categories : the crescent, the discoidal or cruciform pendant and the
silver ring.f

The two first ornaments are figured above, and were of haliotis shell.
The crescent was, of course, inserted to the middle through the hole of

* See Niblack's The Indians of the Northwest Coast, plate vi. fig. 13.

+ A11 the nose-pendants are called ni-spas, in, a contraction of itih, "nostrils ;" spas, the root
o{ fiamspas, "ring-like."

168

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. VI.

the septum, the cusps hanging down. Others were contracted enough to
permit of being worn ring fashion with the cusps grasping the septum as
those of the ancient Peruvians.* I have seen Babine women wearing
through the septum a silver crescent cS identical size with that figured
above-

Fig. 158. Fig. 159.

The circular nose-pendant (fig. 159) was placed in position by pressing
the fore part of the septum through the cusps formed by the deep
indentations carved out in the shell until the septum hole was reached.
The proximity of the points or cusps then prevented its falling off.

As for the third variety of nose ornaments, it consisted in a silver ring
which was more than once of ridiculously generous proportions. Indeed,
if I am to credit my informants, this was, among the Babines, of such a
size that one could easily eat through it. I have never'seen any.

All the above nose ornaments were used indifferently by men or by
women. A fourth, which it was the privilege of the women of rank to
wear was the m'-K^-din'a, or "passed through the septum." Fig. 160 will

Fig. 160.

explain its form, without doing justice to the material of which it was
composed. Two pairs of dentalium shells, the small end of the one

♦See "A Study of the Textile Art," by W. H. Holmes, vi. Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol.,
Washington, 1888, p. 237, fig. 343.

1892-93.]

MOTGa on THIS WESTKRN DENilS.

169

inserted in the large end of the other, were kept springing out, as it
were, from the septum by means of a sinew thread running from end to
end of the shells and through the perforated nasal partition. The ex-
tremities of the " ornament " were adorned by a small tuft of the red
down of the head of the wood-pecker (Ceophleus pileatus). This orna-
ment was rarely exhibited outside of ceremonial gatherings.

It can already be inferred from the foregoing that the Western D^n^s
prized as much the dentalium (D. Indianorum) shells as their kinsmen
who now inhabit the Hu^a valley, in California. That the esteem of the
former for the red scalp of the wood-pecker is not confined to them may
be gathered from a perusal of Prof. O. T. Mason's " The Ray Collection
from Hupa Reservation."*

Lastly, with a view to enhance their natural attractiveness by means
of extrinsical ornaments, the young men and young women attached
on either side of their hair, a little above the ears, bunches of strings
decorated with dyed porcupine quills and beaver claws f or, more
recently, holding glass beads of various colours sometimes ending in
copper buttons, as is the case with fig. i6i. Until a few years ago, these

* P. 231,

\ Ntmpa-stla, "they lie on tlie face-edge," a verbal noun.

170

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. VL

were to be seen occasionally in a few remote places. As all other
articles of native adornment, they have now completely disappeared.

In the course of his paper "On the Masks, Labrets," etc., W. H. Dall
tjives the followinfj definition of the labret. "The labret, among American
aborigines, is well known to be a plug, stud, or variously-shaped button,
made from various materials, which is inserted at or about the age of
puberty through a hole or holes pierced in the thinner portions of the
face about the mouth. Usually after the first operation has been per-
formed, and the original slender pin inserted, the latter is replaced from
time to time by a larger one, and the perforation thus mechanically
stretched, and in course of time permanently enlarged."* As regards
the nature, mode and time of insertion, these words are in every way
applicable to the labretsf of the Babine sub-tribe. When these had
reached the maximum size which they were to retain for life, the)' were a
flat button, oval in circumference, at least one and a quarter inch long by
three-quarters inch wide, of a bard wood, commonly mountain maple
(Acer glabnim). The insertion of the tentative bone pin was the
occasion of special rejoicing and feasting. The women only were entitled
to this piece of ornamentation, and, as a rule, the higher the rank of the
wearer the larger the labret was to be.

So much for the head ornaments. Other pieces of aboriginal jewelry
of every-day wear were the tsi-nejthan, the tsi-nezdtlya and, in later years,
the na-]than and the la-tan. With the exception of the last, which is a
compound noun of the third category, all these words are verbal nouns
descriptive of the trinket thereby dififerentiated.

The two first mentioned were the D^n^ necklaces. The tsinejthan
was obtained by boiling and splitting off a thin band of a cariboo horn,
which was given, while still pliable, the desired form. As an attempt
at ornamentation, geometrical designs were scratched with the stone
knife, over which a pinch of diluted red ochre was rubbed with the hand.
The colouring matter passed over the smooth surface of the horn, but
remained in the light furrowings which were thus brought into greater
prominence. This primitive method is still common among the Western
Den^s. Charcoal, instead of vermilion, is sometimes used.

The tsinesdtlya, X was a necklace of dentalium shells which was
liable to affect different forms, as the shells were threaded in such a way
as to fall over the neck or to encircle it lengthwise. A similar necklace,

* Third Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1884, p. 76.

i" Ni-ta-'kh, man (i.e. human)-lip-over."

X "That (a composite object) which is put around the head," i.e. the neck.

1892-03.]

NOTKS ON THE WESTERN DltNlis,

171

but larger and worn restinfj over the shoulders and breast, was a badge
of the possession of shamanistic powers on the part of the wearer.

The tsinejtiian was of so primitive material that its adoption as a
means of personal adornment must have been rather early. Though the
material of the tsinezdilya was an imported article, this necklace could,
according to the following Carrier narrative, boast of an at least as great
ai.tiquity, unless we assign a recent origin to the actual plumage of the
loon.*

" Once upon a time, there was an old man who was blind. He had a
wife who used to help him in this way to keep alive : whenever she
sighted game, she would hand him his arrow to moisten the stone point
thereof with his saliva — for this old man was possessed of magic powers.
Then pointing the arrow in the direction of the game, she would let him
release it himself, which he usually did with good effect. One day, both
came upon a very fat cariboo — "Moisten the arrow-head with your saliva,"
said the woman to her husband, which after he had done, he shot dead
the animal. But his wife, who coveted the fat of the cariboo and was
tired of living with a blind old man, pushed him aside, thereby throwing
him to the ground, saying : "That old fellow,f what a bad shot he is!"
— * But I think I have killed it,' insisted the old man. Yet as he was
blind, he could not get the game, and while searching for it, he strayed a
long distance from his wife who n v abandoned him.

" As soon as the old man was out of sight, she set to cut up the
animal, helping herself at the same time to lar^^e fried slices of its meat.
What she did not eat on the spot she cut into thin pieces and hung out
to dry.

" Meanwhile the old man was bewailing his fate. In the course of his
aimless wanderings he had reached the shore of a lake, when a loon
hearing his cries swam towards him as his kins are wont to do even now
whenever they hear anybody talking in the forest. — "What ails you"?
he said to the man. — ' Poor wretch that I am, my wife has left me, and
I am blind,' answered the latter. — ' I will cure you,' said the loon; 'come-
over to me and hide your eyes in the down of the back of my neck. The
old man did as he was bid, and both the loon and himself plunged in.

the water. When they reappeared on the surface, they found themselves
at the opposite end of the lake. — ' Now can you see'? quivered the loon.
' Look at yonder mountain,' he added. The old man complied with the
request and answered : ' I see a little, as if through a mist. Repeat the

1( ri!

* This tale is also cuirent among the Tsi|Koh'tin.

t T3uethi-tpl. The desinence of this word is expressive of spite and scorn.

172

TRANaACTlONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

operation.' Again did the loon dive with him, emerging this time at the
original point of departure. 'Now can you see'? asked the ioon. — 'I
now see very well,' replied the old man wading ashore. Then to show
his gratitude to his benefartor he presented him with his own dentalium
shell necklace, and taking some more dentalium shells from his quiver,
he threw them * at him.

" Ever since, the loon wears a white necklace, and the shells which hit
him also produced the white spots we now see on his wings. f"

Now that we are satisfied as to the great antiquity of the dentalium
necklace, we will leave the old man of the story to settle with his
unfaithful spouse, and return to the description of the other articles of
adornment obtaining among the Western D^nt^s.

The na-jthanX is the horn or metal wristlet which has already been

described and figured (see fig. 126).

As for the la-tcan \\ it is of modern origin,
and is an imitation of the ruffles of the
whites. As such, it is worn in winter time
as a protection against cold. But many
Carrier or Ts^'k^hne girls nowadays wear a
variety of it merely as an ornamental
addition to their costume. To that class
belongs the la-tcm herewith figured. It is
of glass beads of several colours mounted
on sinew threads. The rosette in front is
made of narrow ribbons and a common mother-of-pearl button.

Ceremonial Costume.

It has already been hinted that the ceremonial costume of the Carriers,
was very elaborate. When one keeps in mind their proximity to the
coast Indians who are so fond of parade and display, this statement can-
not surprise. What would rather astonish those who have read a former
paper by the writer wherein the wonderful faculty of imitation
characteristic of the Carriers is chiefly brought into relief is the fact that
though the sociological peculiarities which gave rise to this costume were
evidently borrowed, yet ti.e latter was, in the main, original. It was
proper to the tdneza' and the fsbkhuza' or noble men and women.

*" Threw them" and "presented them" are rendered by the same word in Dene.
+ The loon of this story is the Urinator pacificus (^^ \hc x^z.\M.xr)X\iX%. '/'.'.''

X " That (being of a naturally lon{j material) which is around."
II Lit. "hands-stick," same word as that for "wrist."

1892-93.]

NOTES ON TIIR WE8TRRN D^N^S.

173

Ceremonial banquettinfj, distribution of clothes or victuals, dances,
incineration of the dead, etc., were the most common pretexts for its
exhibition.

It will be noticed that the nature of its adorning matcr'al was rather
monotonous and little varied. This consisted principally in the dcntalium
shells* intersper'?ed with beaver claws and cariboo hoofs, pelts of small
animals, the feathers and down of a few species of birds and porcupine
quills.

The latter were invariably dyed, and here it may be explained that the
Carriers, at least, knew but two varieties of dyes : yellow and green.
The yellow colour was obtained by boiling the quills with a species of
hair-like lichen apparently akin to the Alectoria juhnta, but botanically
different {Evernia vulpina). The green dye was no other than the
decayed wood found almost everywhere in the forest. The colouring
matter was likewise extracted by boiling. An analogous method is now
followed, to dye in red or blue the plumes with which the young men are
fond of ornamenting their hats and the horse hair which serves to
embellish the instep piece of their m.ocassins : the original dye of the
cloth or stufif procured at the trading posts is simply extracted and
transferred by boiling.

The distinctive pieces of the noble man or woman's ceremonial attire
were : the wig, the coronet or 'tast'ju^ the breast-plate or yostdth^j, and
the Raz. With the exception of the third, of which I know but one
specimen, none of them can now be seen outside of my collection.
Each one was formerly so prized that it was the appanage of the full
fledged taneza' only. All the other parts of the costume, such as the
leggings and the mocassins, were of course proportionately rich and
ornamented.

I possess two specimens of the ceremonial wig or tsi-k3-stzai\ and
both differ in make and style of ornamentation. Fig. 163 represents
what is perhaps the most elaborate in design. As no cut can do full
justice to its details, I may be pardoned the following description. It is
composed of three distinct parts : the horn-like appendage, the cap or
head covering proper and the pendent train. The horns are made of the
stout bristles of the sea-lion's whiskers, two lengths of which are used
and united in front by means of buckskin and sinew threads. A rough
network of the latter material fills up the space between the horn and
the cap, and is arranged so as to determine the concavity of the latter.

* Jpai in Carrier, tjipai in TsilKoh'tfn.

+ Lit. "head-on (minute objects — i.e. the shells) are-lying."

174

TRANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN INSTITUTE, [VOU IV.

Fig. 163.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D.^n6s.

175

The cap is formed of two rows of dentalium shells attached to a strip of
•cariboo skin otherwise secured to the above mentioned netting. A
narrow band of leather separates the two rows and serves to retain in
juxtaposition the shells whose threads are also passed through it at the
proper intervals. The train is of human hair and measures three feet in
length. Each strand is formed of about a dozen hairs twisted into a
two-ply cord. About one foot from the bottom, bunches of perhaps
fifty hairs in their natural condition are added to the end of each strand
by means of finely shredded sinew. Moreover on tiie outside of the
upper part of the train, and forming continuation with the two rows of
dentalia of the cap are bunches of four shells of the same description
from the united small ends of which hang flaps of artificially curled
human hair which add not a little to the general effect of the whole.
Altogether, this wi^; must have produced a striking effect.

The second (fig. 164) is of less complicated design, but of perhaps
more costly material. The front horn-like appendage is replaced by fine
strips of ermine skin, and the head-covering part is likewise of dentalium
shells, of which there are three rows. These are gathered in bunches of
three, which are tied at the small end over heavy three-ply cords of
human hair terminating on the outside in flaps of curled hair, as in the
previous case. The train is composed of fine three-ply strands of human
hair adorned, ever}' three inches or so, with two dentalium shells in
successive order. To retain these at the proper intervals, little pieces of
wood are inserted between the shell and the strand, or the latter is
wrapped over with sinew thread. 1 his train is not so abundant in
strands, nor quite so long as that of the preceding wig.

These wigs were used in festal dances during which they were decked
with swan's down which, owing to the movements of the dancer, p jduced
white undulating clouds intended to add to the picturesqueness of the
scene.

They were held in such high estimation, that no consideration what-
ever could have induced their owner to part with them. The reason of
this will be rcadil}- understood when it is known that they formed an
integral part of the hereditary title of the nublcman. This is so true
that they shared with him the traditional name which they were intended
to honour. Thus wig, fig. 163, is called KVr/r;// after its last possessor, who
had himself inherited this name from a long line of ancestors. There-
fore parting with them was equivalent to forfeiting one's rank and title.
They were handed down from generation to generation, and this explains
the air of antiquity and quasi dilapidated condition of those in my
possession.

176

TRANS>»' I'lONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [VOL. VI.

18'J2-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DENNIS

177

Irig. 165.

The staple material was the hair of notable women. It was clipped
after death only, and arranged into the desired style on the occasion of
the grand final banquet commemorative of their death and cremation.
The hair of two women was required to make one wig.

Even women could aspire to the rank of noble or fsckhha\ among the
Carriers. On the occasion of ceremonial dances they wore a head-dress
even more graceful and pretty in form, if not so imposing and weird in
material. This was called 'tasf/u or " woven-feathers." It was crown-
shaped, and its principal component parts were stiff laps of fur skin,

generally of the weastl, and feathers. The
specimen herewith figured may be described as
follows : — A strip of tanned skin about one inch
in width and overlaid with three rows of dentalia
serves as the foundation or liead band of the
crown. From this rise bread weasel skin strips
with edges folded lengthwise and sewed up in-
side. These are stiffened by means of large
feather quills or slender pieces of wood inserted
therein. To further enhance the gracefulness of
the head-dress, each skin is kept folded down at the top, thereby convert-
ing its tail into a flap. The skin laps are again retained in their upright

position by a strip of dressed skin runnings
on the inside, around the upper periphery of
the crown. Scalps of the red-headed wood-
pecker (CeopJileus pilcatus) are secured on the
folded part of each lap, while the tail feathers
of another variety of woodpecker {Sphyrapicus
variiis) are sewn, pointing upwards, on the
bottom and the middle of each upright piece
of fur skin.

This head-dress v/as filled up, when in use,
with down, which the wearer caused to escape
around through the jerking of the head pecu-
liar to the feminine stj-Ie c f dancing.

The above had been written and fig. 165
drawn for some time when I received specimen
pages of a most important Bible Dictionary*
now in course of publication in France under
F'S- 166. the supervision of that learned orientalist, the

Abbe Vigouroux, wherein I found the sketch of a Chalda;an king

* Dictionnaire de ia Bible, etc., par F. Vigouroux, Letouzey et Ani.-, Paris.

}

'Hi

178

TKA^SACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

(fig. 1 66) wearing a headdress so much resembling the 'tast'iu that I
could not re5:ist the temptation of reproducing it here with the author's
permission. This illustration being copied from a contemporaneous
monument, offers a very suggestive base of comparison with the cere-
monial paraphernalia of our aborigines. Though the crown therein
represented must have been of some precious metal, it would seem that
the feathers or 'ta which have given its name to its American counter-
part occupy an even more prominent place therein than in the Dene
'tast'iu.

The next important piece of the nobleman's ceremonial costume was
the yo-stdthdj* or dentalium breast-plate (fig. 167). It had the form of a

Fig. 167. \ size.

rounded crescent, and this particularity, no less than the costliness of the
material, was no doubt intended to indicate the dignity of the wearer. The
fitness of the dentalium as a means of ornamentation receives through
this breast-plate its best illustration. These shells, as is well known, are
larger at one end than at the other, and moreover are also slightly
arched. The former peculiarity causes of itself the curve of the two
broader rows of dental i.*. while the latter likewise renders those of the
middle and of the rim well adapted to the shape of the plate. The
whole is of course inountea on a ground of dressed cariboo skin. Its
two cusp like extremities were clasped or knotted with rawhide strings
behind the neck.

This article of persona" adornment was val^ied at four dressed moose
skins or forty beaver skras, which, if cstiiwittNi r.t their present price,
would represent the sum of $200.

* " Disposed dowinvarils and in parallel order," » >*«rt>. noun.

1892 93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^Nfis.

Such was also the commercial valuation of the Ras. This is the
ceremonial robe which I have elsewhere compared to the inehil of the
Jewish high priest. It v/as originally of tanned cariboo skin, but the
specimen in my possession (fig. i68) is of an old-fashioned printed stufT.
Yet the fact of its main fringe being ornamented with porcupine quills
and here and there with hoofs of yearling cariboo is evidence of respect-
able antiquity, considering the progressive tendency of the race to which
belonged its maker. Exclusive of the lower fringe it measures 2 feet 2)/^
inches in length, and in its narrowest breadth it is 3 feet 4//^ inches.
The upper fringe is of red iyarn, while that at the edge of the garment

■K-i«i21S

Fig. 168.

Fig. 169.

(fig. 169) is comiMsed as foDows :— Firstly, small rounds of red cloth
sewn on the printer,! calico, then two fillets re«pecti\-el\- blue and red
running along the edgr A narrow strip of tanned skin is -hen sewed
on, from which hangs the fringe proper. The upper part of the strand-
is wrapped with yellow or green porcupine quills, below which they are
left naked until they are comaccted togetlaer at hanging intervals by a
slender cord of sinew thread. After an equal length le*<" uncovered, each
strand is passed through a dentalium shell, ending in a -'jwmg thimbie or
a cariboo hoof scalloped at the edge.

The lapels or side extensions at the iBp of the l<zz are intended ->
button or attach it behind with otiim gs ; for thoeixfi f'i- garmmi
resembled a robe while in actual use, it was put on and worn as- an apron
from the waist down. Needless to add that the sBctallic orn5,ment.i of

!l(!l

180

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

fVoL. IV.

the lower fringe were well calculated to impress the bystanders by the
jingling sound they yielded with the importance of the dancer.

The noblewomen wore no Raz, but substituted therefor the cincture-
like piece of apparel shown in fig. 170. Though it resembles a girdle, it
was considered a breech-cloth. Of course, being merely ornamental, it
was worn over the dress. It will be seen that it was almost entirely of
dentalium shells without any leather lining.

Fijj. 170. j^ size.

Fig. 171.

As a complement to his costume, the tsneza" had his ceremonial
YJivdnsds or fire-bag and ornamented quiver. I have never seen any
specimen of the latter ; but from what we know of the other pieces of
festal attire, we may well imagine it glowing as the rest with the
ubiquitous dentalium shells and fringes The fire-bag shown above (fig.
171) is mainly of cariboo skin with glass beads stitched on the edges and
red and blue trimmings. It belonged to the original possessor of the
Raz already described and is therefore contemporaneous therewith. This
old man died five or six years ago at the age of 105 years or thereabouts.

The mocassins and leggings were also similarly ornamented on festival
occasions. Truly, the Carrier " nobleman," standing in the midst of an
admiring assemblage, crowned with the weird head-dress of his ancestors,
resplendent in the glory of his moon-like breast-plate, clothed in the
folds of his sonorously fringed robe, with his shining fire-bag hanging on
the left and his jewelled quiver on the right, and bedecked from head to
foot with snow white shells, must have been a sight worth beholding.

This is perhaps the proper place to mention another variety of head-
dress which, though ceremonial in intent, was not the appanage of titled

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DENIES.

181

personages. I mean the j'/ij/(2j-'/(v/ (grizzly- bear-claws). Its name denotes
the nature of its material. These claws are secured to a band of cariboo
skin by means of sinew threads passed in a hole bored through their root
part. A double row of dentalium shells two lengths between each claw,
runs through their upper or slender half, ensuring by means of the sinew
thread on which they are mounted solidity for the crown and unity for its
component parts.

Fig. 172.

The grizzly bear is the lion o{ our mountains, and those who presume
to wera its spoils thereby lay claim either to supernatural power or to
uncommon courage. Such are the medicine men or shamans and a few
untitled hunters too proud of their deeds and supposed prowess not to
parade them on every available occasion. Such then were the natural
possessors of this curious head-dress, I must add that the shamans did
not confine their extravagance to the wearing of this crown ; the spoils,
generally the head, of any other wild beast, the wolf, the coyote (cam's la-
trans) the black bear, etc., were also laid under contribution to help
to impress the bystanders with the awfulness of the powers they were
supposed to be endowed with. But this was only while in the act of
practising their occult art.

One peculiarity of the preceding rut cannot fail to strike the reader.
It is the mode of wearing the hair therein illustrated. This style was
common among the Carriers. When at home, or anywhere when in
repose, they had it plaited in a queue resting on the back ; but when
travelling they found it more convenient to tie it up in a knot behind the
neck. Both men and women — except when widowed or in mourning

182

TKANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

ll'

from some other cause — wore it full lenj^th and parted in the middle..
Clipping the hair was a token of extreme grief or the badge of forced
servitude.

Small tattoo marks will also be observed in the above figure, and not

without reason. For tattooing was formerly-
very prevalent among the Western Denes. This,
was not, as among the neighbouring hetero-
geneous tribes, confined to the chest or the arms
and legs, but it extended in every case to the
face as well. Various designs were thus indelibly
stamped ; but the face tattooing consisted more
generally of lines, single or parallel, radiating
from the mouth corners, on the chin, the cheeks,
the forehead and occasionally, the temples. Fig.
173 represents an extreme case. Two women of
''^' this place — Stuart's Lake — are thus tattooed.

Face tattooing had nothing to do with the totem crest, personal or

gentile, of the bearer.

When figures were attempted, they consisted of crosses, fishes, birds, ferrk
root diggers, etc., in conventional outlines, all of which will be delineated
when I come to treat of the D^n^ pictography.

The breast was also tattooed, but not so commonly as among the
Coast tribes. The figures marked thereon had generally a totemic
significance. A much coveted tattoo was the symbol of the grizzly bear
(fig. 195) the marking of which cost many a ceremonial banquet and
entitled the person thus honoured to exceptional regard.

The forearms, inwardly and outwardly, were more often the seat of
tattoo marks. When there situated, these referred as a rule to a personal
totemic animal revealed in dream, and the bearing of whose symbol was
supposed to create a reciprocal sympathy and a sort of kinship between
the totem and the tattooed individual. Sometimes these marks on the
arms and legs were intended as a specific against premature weakness of
these limbs. In this case, they simply consisted of one or two transversal
lines on the forearms or immediately above the ankles which were
tattooed on the young man by a pubescent girl. These had about the
same significance as the sinew and down wristlets of which mention has
already been made.

Tattooing was performed, as among other American tribes, by
puncturing the skin with fine bone (or later steel) needles, and b}' passing
underneath a sinew thread coated with crushed charcoal or soot.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THK WKSTEKN D^N^S.

' 183-

The face was also either painted with broad lines of red ochre
a ternafng w.th black, or the cheeks only were made to receive a coating
of rouge. Personal taste and fancy were the only rules followed. Young
persons^were also fond of trimming their eye-brows to a dinunutive width
after which they blackened them with charcoal. '

«!:

184

TIIANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

CHAPTER XI.

Hauitations.

r^l: ■

It has already been stated that of the three tribes under consideration
two, the Carrier and the Tsi[Koh'tin, were semi-sedentary, while the
other, the Tse'ktihne, was entirely nomadic. Consequent upon this
different social status was, of course, the nature and style of the
habitations proper to each. Thus the Carriers, whose social system was
very elaborate and whose staple food was salmon, had formerly no less
than five distinct kinds of dwellings, the ceremonial lodge, the summer
lodge, the fishing lodge, the winter lodge, and, among the southern half
ol the tribe, the subterranean hut.

In common with the coast tribes whose social organization they had
largely copied, the Carriers had formerly, as well as now, regular villages
which they inhabited but part of the year. But while the former chose
the winter months to enjoy the sweets of home life, the latter were never
to be seen in their permanent dwellings except during the fair season.
This maj' easily be accounted for when we remember the differences of
climate. The coast owes to its proximity to the ocean the comparatively
mild, if damp, weather it constantly enjoys, while east of the coast range
of mountains, the winters are usually very severe. Now, as among the
inland tribes, nobody, however wealthy, sleeps in more than one blanket,
a large fire is kept in the lodge day and night, and so the amount of dry
wood available in one place is soon exhausted. Since they are possessed
of carrying conveniences unknown in olden times, this necessity of shifting
one's abode from place to place is not so much felt. But formerly with
their limited facilities for felling trees and bringing the wood home, they
had to change every year their winter quarters.

The permanent village was thus inhabited only during the fair season,
that is from the first week in May, when the grebes arrive, until the
second week of September, after the family supply of salmon has been
secured. The villages are generally situated at the confluence of rivers,
or on the northern banks of lakes, so as to have the benefit of the sun's
rays from the opposite side. In any case, the location is chosen in such
spots as seem to promise the greatest fishing facilities. They were
formerly composed of the ceremonial and the common summer lodges.
As these differ in plan and material from those illustrated or described
by writers on the coast Indians, I feel justified in giving herewith plans
a.nd explicative details of both.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S,

185

And first as to the ceremonial lodge (fig, 174). It is so called from its
being the scat of all large native gatherings, such as festival banquets,
distributions, dances, etc. It serves at the same time as the dwelling

Fig. 174.

house of the nobleman to whom it belongs and of such co-gentile
families as it can contain. Its erection was the occasion of great
festivities and necessitated the accumulation by the future proprietor of

; t

3 10

Jfji-f/

Fig. 176.

Fig. 17s.
large quantities of eatables and dressed skins. Following step by step
the progress of its building, which was diversified, as on the coast, by
intervals of merry-making and feasting, we will proceed to a brief
13

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1 1.0 ^^ 1^

m iiZ ■-)•)

||l-25 |l.4 11.6

— O

%^^ -^

PhotDgTcH-te

Sciences
Coiporalion

33 WEST MAIN STREET

/ITEBSTER.N.Y. 145M

(716)«73-4SC3

186

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITl TE.

[Vol. IV.

description of the lodge, the ground plan and front end of which will be
found in figs. 175 and 176,

The main timbers of the building consist of "-he posts a and the beams
b, placed so as to form a parallelogram. The former are of spruce of as
large dimensions as can be found. After they have been cut to the
required length, they are hauled on skids to the place of construction.
Let me say here that as these posts — four in number — are the mainstay
of the house, they are regarded by the natives with feelings akin to
reverence which are furthermore excused by the circumstance of the
totem animal of the proprietor being generally carved in relief not far
from their upper end k. For this reason, the place of honour is at their
base and, in ceremonial gatherings, the noblemen were invariably seated
against them, surrounded by their co-gentile suite.

After the logs had been stripped of their bark, they were rendered as
smooth-surfaced as possible by means of repeated scrapings. When
standing in position, their longitudinal half was made to jut out of the
plank wall. Not uncommonly, they were also painted with red ochre,
when a mash of carp roe served as oil and was smeared over the posts
so as to prepare a sticking surface for the colouring matter. As a pre-
caution against too early decay, the butt end of each was wrapped
around with birch bark prior to its being covered up with earth.

The head of these four posts or pillars is hollowed to receive two large
cylindrical beams or plates, b, which are cut a little longer than the length
of the future lodge, so as to let their ends project in front. Four
secondary posts of smaller size, c, are next erected on the outside of the
parallelogram at equal distance from the first and form the corners of
the house. They likewise support on hollowed ends two smaller plates,
/, over which the eaves of the roof are to rest. The ends of two trans-
versal beams of moderate dimensions, g, the object of which is to further
solidify the structure and especially the gable walls, are then laid in a
notch cut out on these minor plates. The foregoing pieces constitute
the frame of the building. ♦

Once they are in place, the erection of the roof is proceeded with
As this is even to-day constructed on the same principle as formerly, it
deserves special mention. The rafters, //, are secured together at the top
of the roof by means of 'km or wattle of high cranberry bush ( Viburnuvi
pauciflorum) passed through holes pierced in the proper places. Over
these are tied with willow bark, at intervals of one or two feet purlines
which are then covered with spruce bark. This is secured in place
principally by means of additional rafters laid over it and pressed down

1892.93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DENES.

187

by a long beam to which their lower extremities are attached (see fig.
174). As a further guarantee of solidity, slender poles are finally inserted
between the bark roofing and the outside rafters. Of course an aperture
is left open in the top of the roof for the smoke to escape.

There now remain the walU to construct. They consist of hewn slabs
of spruce which were formerly shaved on the outside as smooth as the
working tools then available permitted. The lower end of these rude
planks was introduced in a channelling prepared therefor in the larg**
beams, d^ lying on the ground, while their upper end was engaged between
additional poles running under the eaves or along each side of the
gable.

Large lodges had generally two entrances, one at each gable end of
the building. Their lintel was formed by the transversal, beams, /, and
they were shut by regular board doors as is practised to-day. However,
I have seen a ceremonial lodge whose doorways were simply cut in the
end walls some distance above the ground, and were elliptical, as marked
in outline in fig. 176. Such U dges were called horw9-ltaz-yd^, or "house
with cuts through."

There never were any windows in the old style lodges. Full
ventilation was however established through the doors, the smoke hole
and the numerous wall chinks consequent on the sinking in of the.
boards.

The fire-place was in the centre of the building, and fire was made-
immediately on the floorless ground. Only two or three stones served
as andirons for the wood to lie upon. The family meat or fish was, and!
is still, commonly either roasted by means of a wooden spit passed:
therein and stuck in the ground near the fire, or boiled in a kettle
supported over the flames through a long stick likewise driven in the
ground at a distance from the fire.

No shutter was used in connection with the smoke-hole as is done
among the Haida, nor was the floor covered with any boards.

The sleeping places only were strewn with spruce branches and
undresocd skins, over which everyone stretched himself in his blanket
with most of his clothes on. All had their feet next to the fireplace,
instead of each married person having them at the head of his or her
partner, as is common among the Blackfeet,* and the Eskimo. f

* Legal, Les Iiuiieiis dam Us plaints de /' Amhique du Nord, Petitts Atmaks O.M.I., Paris,.
1891.

+ After Rod. MacFarlane, Esq., who has passed several years among those aborigines

188

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

There was in the lodge no partition whatever.

Sometimes related families found themselves too numerous to dwell
all under one roof. Rather than cohabit with people of a different gens,
they would then build for themselves the smaller summer lodge (fig. 177).
Quite a number of these old fashioned buildings are still extant. They
diff'er considerably from the large ceremonial lodge: instead of four tny9s-
tan or principal upright posts, they have o.ily two, one in the middle of
each gable end. To facilitate the semi-circular hollowing of their upper

f^ a^ f=3|»

'■•4

Fijj. 177-

ends, these are previously thinned on each opposite side into a tapering
edge (fig. 177 b\ Four tnyas-sdl or secondary uprights, f, stand in the
corners of the lodge. As the walls are to be superimposed poles, minor
posts or stakes, d, are planted in the ground in pairs on each side of the
wall whenever this is necessary to prevent the latter from tumbling down.
After the posts of the walls have been inserted between the two opposite
posts they are furthermore secured thereto, three or four together, by
means of willow bark ropes. Such unimportant habitations have
indifferently one or two entrances, generally without any door. Their
apex is formed as in the preceding case by the transversal piece, e, which
rests on each end of the eaves-plate. When two doorways exist, one will
be on the right, the other on the left, of the main upright post in the
middle.

The roof is in every respect similar to that of the ceremonial lodge.
Speaking of the latter, I failed to mention that the eaves project a
considerable distance from the walls.

A few ceremonial lodges were also built on the same plan as the minor
dwelling houses. Their material was identical, save that instead of poles
hewn planks formed the walls. In that case the totem crest was carved
out of the protruding end of the top plate (fig. 188). A few even had

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^.

189

only one door. The place of honour was then just opposite the door, as
among the Blackfeet*

Another variety of Carrier dwelling which is inhabited only during
thal-lo-ilrdHy or the salmon season, is the fishing lodge. In general
appearance it resembles the summer dwelling lodge just described, but
is, if possible, more rudely constructed. Its ground plan is identical,
but it wants the gable end walls above the transversal beams. The large
openings consequent thereupon leave free access to the wind and air
and thus accelerate the drying of the fish which are suspended on cross
poles resting transversely on the top sticks of the side walls. By
exception, a few of these lodges have the apex of their front adorned
with the carved totem crest of the proprietor. It may be remarked that
these fishing lodges are not mere sheds for the exclusive destination of
smoking and curing fish ; they serve also as dwellings for the fishermen
during the whole space of time that they are used.

We now come to the winter lodge of the Carriers. We have already
seen that, at least among the upper Carriers, new winter quarters were
chosen every year in such spots of the forest as promised to yield the
bes': supply of firewood. These habitations were therefore of a merely
ten'porary nature. Yet they were carefully built, the greatest attention
being always paid to the comforts of tbose about to winter therein.
They were original in construction, and deserve a full description.

\^ X

1-ig. 179.

Fig. 178.

Four tny^stcan or posts of moderate size with hollowed upper ends
were planted in the ground and supported the usual' longitudinal plates.

* Legal, w/i iuprh.

■^

190

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUtt.

[Vol. IV.

On these parallel plates split poles of spruce or cotton wood were made
to recline in a slanting position so as to form a roof without walls, the
split side resting immediately on the beams. To ensure additional
solidity, the lower end of each stick was slightly driven in the ground, or
covered up with earth. The middle ones were purposely shorter, so as
to form a smoke hole in the top. A covering of spruce bark was then
added, each piece of which was steadied by means of independent sticks
resting thereon.

There now remained the gable ends. As with the other styles of native
buildings, a thapa-sra or transversal beam {c of fig. 179) was laid on the
side plate, b. Slender posts or stakes were next planted on the same
plan in an upright position to fill in the end of the lodge opposite to the
front. Fascines of spruce boughs or saplings were moreover laid against
this wall on the outside, and all po.ssible interstices were carefully chinked
up by forcing in shoots of conifers.

The front end was more complicated. As comfort and warmth were
the chief aims of the builders, the structure had but one entrance. This
was obtained by introducing immediately under the apex of the gable
down to the transversal plate a broad slab of spruce securely wedged
between the wall posts or stakes driven in the ground. The aperture left
free underneath constituted the doorway. This was shut by an in-
dependent board just a shade narrower, so as to move easily. It was
suspended by means of a stout rope, and to go in or come out you need
only push it ahead of you ; its own weight would cause it to return to its
original perpendicular position, and thus only a minimum of cold air
would steal in the building. As a further precaution against the in-
clemency of the season, the front end of the lodge was provided with
a semi-circular door-yard with an additional door. This sort of native
atrium resulted from a number of heavy poles or posts being made to
rest at their small end on the gable wall, while their lower extremity
described a half circle on the ground. The whole was then covered with
brush. The outer doorway was shut with some worthless skin with the
hair on, while the ground within the enclosure was strewn over with
small branches of conifers, generally spruce. This enclosure, besides
contributing to render the hut warmer, served also as a kennel lor the
dogs and as a bathroom for the old men. Its native name was pin-tsij
(a word of the third category of nouns).

In the ground plan, fig. 178, the space between the uprights and the
corners of the lodge is purposely partitioned off. It forms what was
known as the 'kAnffat tsatcdn or corner store, the sides of which con-
sisted mainly of roughly hewn boards set up to the height of three or

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTURN D^N^S.

191

four feet. Therein the family impedimenta were stowed away, and the
number of such depositories generally corresponded to that of the
cohabiting families.

A totally different style of winter dwellings obtained among the
TsijKoh'tin and, through them, among the Lower Carriers. This was
the tjizY^dn or semi-subterranean hut. It had been borrowed from the
two tribes' neighbours in the south and southeast, the Shushwap. Dr. F-
Boas has already given * the plan and description of one which is
probably of a representative character, while more lately Dr. G. M.
Dawson has furnished usf with an example of a different style observed
by himself among the Shushwap. None of these however tallies in point
of construction with the tjizY^dn of the Lower Carriers such as it existed
among them some forty years ago. From information gathered from an
eye-witness, I am erabled to give the following account of those con-
structed at Fraser Lake and Stony-Creek.

Fig. 1 80.

Fig. 181.

After an excavation some three feet deep and about 20 feet in diameter
had been made, the butt ends of four large beams were made to rest a

•Sixth Report on the N.W. Tribes of Canada, figs. 20 and 21, Leeds Meeting B.A.A.S. 1890.
t Notes on the Shushwap People of B.C. ; Trans. K.S.C. Sect. II., fig. i, 1891.

,i!i

!iii; li

192

TRANSACTIONS OF THB CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

little distance from the brim, on the original surface of the ground, while
the beams converged with their small ends raised five feet or thereabouts
to a point above the e-xcavation, which was to become the door and
smoke hole of the hut. These timbers were held up hy means of four
short pieces of wood, the end corners of which were wedged or locked in
those of the larger beams, as shown in fig. 1 80. The aerial square orifice
resulting from this combination was the doorway of the building. No
other timbers were added to this frame-work, .save that to furtlicr
solidify the structure, two, or in larger huts, three, stout posts, c, forming ;i
right angle with the main beams were planted in the floor with their
upper ends notched in the beams, over which split poles were laid
horizontally up to the top or rather the door.* This roof was then
covered with earth. An Indian ladder — that is, a log notched at the
proper stepping intervals — was the means of communication with the
outside.

These huts were very comfortable, and but little fire was needed to
keep them warm. From the TsijKoh'tin names of the months we learn
that they were occupied from October-November, but how long cannot
be ascertained from that source. If we are to judge from a myth current
among the same tribe, it would seem that these subterranean dwellings
were, in olden times, spring as well as winter homes, since they are
mentioned therein as being inhabited as long as the root digging season

The habitations of the Ts^'k^hne, whether in winter or in summer, are
built after the eastern or conical model. Four long poles with forking
extremities are set up one against another, the lower ends of which form
on the ground a square on the dimensions of which will depcn ' the size
of the lodge. A score or so of other poles are then set up in a circle,
the top of each resting on the point of inter.section of the first four. In
winter, small fascines of spruce are laid horizontally all around the lower
perimeter of this frame, so as to leave as few points of access as possible
for the cold air from underneath the outer covering, which is then wrapped
around the cone resulting from the converging poles. This covering
consists of dressed moose skins .sewn together, and its perpendicular
edges correspond to the entrance of the lodge. They are either buttoned
or clasped together from four or five feet above the ground up to the top.
On one side of the opening thereby produced is sewn a smaller skin,
which forms the door. Two sticks attached transversely thereto on the
inside give it the requisite consistency, while the upper one, which slightij^
projects beyond the edge of the skin door, serves as a latch, its projecting

* As shown in the accompanying cuts, minor logs were however added to the main timbers, so
as to facilitate the roofing of the hut.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON "^HE WESTERN vtsis.

19a

end being, when necessary, fastened with a string to the adjoining part
of the lodge covering. The smoke escapes through the interstices-
between the converging poles left uncovered at the top. To guard
against snow, rain or adverse winds, an additional piece of skin is sewn
on the outside from the apex of the conical covering down to some
distance, while its free side is secured to a long pole planted in the ground
close by. This appendage is utilized as a shutter wherewith the top
opening of the lodge is partially or entirely covered, as the state of the
weather may suggest.

The summer lodge of the Tsd'kd-hne has sometimes two entrances, and
in this case the outward covering generally consists simply of two
blankets or skins stretched over the frame poles, one between each door.
The upper half of the cone is thus left uncovered.

Summer and winter, the fire is started right in the centre and, instead
of the wooden tripod used among the Blackfcct to suspend their kettles,*
the Tsc'k^hne prefer a stick reaching horizontally at the proper distance
above the fire to two opposite poles of the frame to which it is fastened.

Carriers, TsijKoh'tin and Ts(i'kehne, nowadays more generally use,,
during their summer travellings, either cotton tents, or shelters composed
of three or four sticks thrust slanti igly in the ground, over which a sheet
of cotton or canvas is spread. The latter style of shelter was jjrobably
the only one known among them prior to the introduction of European
textile faorics, save that, of course, a moose skin replaced the canvas or

cotton sheet.

•

Of course the child of the forest, when in his primitive state, can boast
the possession of no artificial means of reckoning time or measuring long
distances. But Dame Nature provides him with a seldom failing standard
measure in the .shape of the sun, the course of which is familiar to him,
no matter how far he may have swerved from beaten paths. Long distances
are determined by the number of camps, and shorter ones by the position
of the sun in the heavens. The sun serves also as his watch by daytime,
and its bearings are easily taken in by the native mind. After it has left
his pine-clad mountains to illuminate unknown worlds, the aborigine
again looks up above to ascertain how long he will be deprived of its
beneficent rays. The Great Bear then becomes to him the hands of a
God given clock, and the distance it has travelled around its axis, the
polar star, over the dial which we call the heavens, is very seldom, if ever,
misreckoned. The Western D^n^s are familiar with a few constellations
which are, as among us, called after mythic personages ; but none is.

*Rev. E. Legal, loco cittUo.

194

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN IMBTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

so widely known as Yihta, the Great Bear. We have already seen the
role it plays in the story of the Gambler ; I must be pardoned for
reproducing here another legend wherein it is to be recognized under a
different garb, but playing a no less important part. As will soon appear,
if fable it is, sociologically speaking, it is a fable with a moral.

" There was a young man who was impatiently awating the return
of daylight to set out on a hunting expedition. Again and again he
^vould look up at Yihta, and in his impatience he exclaimed : ' That old
Yihta,* how slowly he walks ! ' Very soon after having uttered these
words, he left for the chase.

" He had not gone far before he became aware by the barking of his
dogs that they had scented game. After what appeared to him as a run
of but a few moments, he overtook his dogs, and lo ! sitting on a log
was a man of beautiful countenance, carefully painted in red stripes over
the cheeks, and holding a walking stick in his hands. He had a malicious
smile on his face, so that the young man felt abashed in his presence
and afraid to approach him. * Come on,' said the stranger who was no
other than Yihta, ' come on, young man. So you laugh at me and say
that I walk too slow ? Now learn that to reach me you have travelled
a very long distance, since to help you I have contracted the surface of
the earth. Go back then to your home, and take this staff to aid you on
your long journey. Whenever you want food, hold it perpendicularly
on the ground, then drop it and observe the direction in which it falls :
if it falls in the direction of the northern wind, do not go that way, for
there famine is awaiting you. If it falls towards the setting sun or
towards the rising sun, go either way and you will find bears to kill, both
male and female. Do likewise when you feel uncertain as to the direction
'.f your house ; and when you get home, hang the staff up in the
branches of a tree. Above all, beware lest a woman having her menses
catch sight of it.'

" At these words, the young man took the walking stick without how-
ever giving much credence to the stranger, for he believed his home was
•but a short distance from where he stood. Yet these words were literally
fulfilled, and during his long peregrinations, amidst incessant fatigues
and ever recurring privations, the young man owed his life to his careful
observance of the stranger's directions. Many were the years he
travelled, and he seemed to get a glimpse of his lodge several days
before he really reached it. When he finally got home, he was an old
man with hair white as snow, and his lodge was crumbling down through
age and decay."

* Nt3n Vihta^q3ll Explosive of scorn.

1892-93.]

NXTR8 ON THK WE8TKRN D^Nl^.S.

I9i

From this short Carrier myth, the sociologist will learn that : — Firstly,
the observation of the Great Bear as a means of reckoning time was a
national custom among Carriers. Secondly, the heavenly bodies were
regarded as quasi divine powers which it is wrong to speak lightly of, a
deduction which might easily be proven to be legitimate by other points
of Carrier psychology. Thirdly, to look handsome, a Carrier of the old
stock must paint his face. Fourthly, the Carriers had a correct idea of
the immensity of the universe. Fifthly, the injunction not to travel in
a northern direction might perhaps be interpreted as a reminiscence of
the tribe's migrations southwards. Sixthly, a woman having her menses
is legally impure, and must be deprived even of the sight of any object
endowed with magic powers. Lastly, more than one of those writers
who are so fond of parallelisms between American mythologies and the
Biblical narrative will no doubt be tempted to compare the beneficial,
food-giving and road-finding staff of the young traveller with the
marvellous miracle working wand of Moses which, during similarly life-
long peregrinations, opened the way and found water where none was to
be seen. This suggestion, however, is given for what it may be worth,
and I must leave it to others to decide whether it is not too far fetched.*

Now that we have extracted morals enough from our fable, we revert
to the description of the few items which still claim our attention.

If my information is reliable, there were formerly no fortified villages
among the Western D^n^s. One should not however infer from this that
there was no warring among them ; on the contrary, I think I am
warranted in stating that atonement by compensation for losses of life,
even involuntary or accidental, was much less practised here than on the
Coast. But hostilities were seldom of so general a character as to involve
whole villages, though some such cases are recorded in the traditions of
the tribes. More commonly they were restricted to two different gentes,
and their cause may have been the killing of a man openly or, as was
supposed, through the black art of the shamans. In the latter case, the
dying person usually revealed the name of the magician to whom he
attributed his death, and nobody dreamt of questioning the truth of his
would-be revelation. Naturally, more than once personal grievances
must have been thus avenged. The cognate families of the real or
fancied murderer would then expect reprisals at the hands of the co-
gentile families of the deceased, and they would erect, generally in
secluded spots of the forest, what was called psK-pa-yaK or " a house for

• The Tsi[Koh'tiu possess a different tradition, the principle hero of which works innumerable
marvels with the help of a magic wand which they call '/or, a word not employed to designate
any other kind of wand or staff.

:^!f

19A

TRANSACTIONS OP THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol,. IV.

the war." This primitive fort consi.sted of a log-house as solid as possible
under the circumstances, with a strong log roofing, over which a square
breastwork of small diameter was built with the same material. If not
taken by surprise, the besieged shot at their assailants through loop-holes
pierced in this rude stronghold, the existence of which was concealed by
fascines of coniferous branches piled on the roof up to the top of its
walls. Similar portholes were also cut in the walls of the house itself
for .service in ca.se of a sudden attack. As a further protection against
such a contingency, an addition with a .second door was always made to
the front end of the house. Frequently a building similar in appearance,
but really of no strength whatever, was erected in close proximity so as
to deceive the enemy and give time during an attack on the wrong work
to the besieged to prepare for the defence. The only Ddn<i " fort ' I
have ever seen was constructed just as described, but wanted the roof
breastwork.

An indispensable adjunct to the native dwelling house is the tsa-tc0n*
or provision store. There is stowed away the dried salmon, which is the
daily bread of both Carrier and Tsi[Koh'ti.i. But while both tribes
practically live on the .same diet, their store houses very materially differ

in construction. Fig. 182 is the Carrier
tsa-tcan which, as may be seen, is an
aerial building. The distinctive charac-
teristics of all these provision stores are
faithfully reproduced in the cut ; but
their minor details nowadays vary not a
little. I have chosen for illustration
that which approaches nearer to the
traditional type. It consists of two
parallel frames planted upright in the
ground, the component parts of which
are furnished in the middle with transversal beams upon which rests the
floor of the tsa-tcan proper. With the exception of the front end, the
whole is made of heavy poles superposed one upon another or laid in
close juxtaposition, as the case may be, and fastened to the frame of the
building by means of 'k9n or high cranberry bush wattle. The front end
is entirely of boards. All the wall poles being laid with their larger ends
in the same direction, a slight inclination results at the top, which con-
stitutes the roof of the building. This is furthermore covered with
spruce bark.

- ,^Vm:

Fig. 182.

* Literally : " beaver-stick." I can s.-e no reason for this etymology.

* 892-1)3.]

K0TB8 OM THK WKHTRRN Dl^Nlis.

197

The tsa-tcan of the Tsi(Koh'tin are not so elaborate, since they are

nothing else than small and very rude, thoufjh
solid, log huts built right on the ground (fig.
183) and, as a rule, quite a distance from the
regular village, while their Carrier counter-
parts are generally very close to the habita-

Fig. .83. t'°"^-

The Ts6'k«Jhne have nothing to do with salmon, and consequently
the need of provision stores is not so urgent among them. Yet when
they happen to be blessed with an abundance of dried meat and wish
to preserve it for future use they erect sorts of scaffoldings immediately
against the trunk of a tall tree which are to them the equivalent of the
Carrier tsa-tc^n. These consist of two long, heavy sticks cro.s:-ed and
firmly bound to the trunk of the tree ai . rir point of intersection, while
their ends are secured to some stout ovci.ianging brarich by means of
strong ropes. Rough boards or split sticks are then lafd across this frame
which form a floor over which the n^ : t or any other eatable is deposited,
carefully wrapped over with skins or spruce bark. Even the bear cannot
get at those caches witliout previously lieniulishing their floor, which is
practically impossible.

The careful observer who would take a fancy to travelling along our
chief salmon streams could not fail to notice, in some spot:; immediately
over the banks, numerous excavations or pits which betray an artificial
origin. These are all that remain to-day of the salmon cellars of the
prehistoric Carriers. Aerial stores were then as now the regular family
larders ; but not unfrequently the natives of the old stock prefeired to
cache down their fish in temporary cellars which had the advantage of
keeping it fresher than the common store-house. A matter of taste as
regards the salmon itself, this caching down in the ground became a
necessity relatively to its roe, which was buried, wrapped in spruce bark,
until it had reached an advanced stage of putrefaction, when it was
relished by the native palate as the ne plus ultra of delicacy.

The last item more or less connected with aboriginal habitations is the
sweat-house or sweating-booth.* According to Dr. G. M. Dawson, this
usually consists, among the Shushwap, " of about a dozen thin willow
wands, planted in the ground at both ends. Half of them run at right
angles to the other half, and they are tied together at each intersection.
Over these a blanket or skin is usually spread, but I have also seen them
covered with earth. A small heaf) of hot stones is piled in the centre.

• Tsi-al, " stone-hot,"' a word of the third category.

198

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

and upon these, after carefully closing tiie apertures, the occupant porsu
some water. The sweat-house is always situated on the banks of a
stream or lake, so that on issuing therefrom the bather may at once
plunge in the cold water."* One single point — and that a very
unimportant one — differentiates the sudatories of the Carriers from those
of the Shushwap : I mean the covering, which among the former is of
spruce bark. Here, as further south, these sweat-houses are invariably to
be found near a stream or lake ; but the reason of this is merely that our
Indians never dwell away from the water, for I have never heard of a
Carrier taking a cold bath immediately after his steam bath. It may
also be worth mentioning that, more often than otherwise, steam-bathing
was originally practised for quite other than sanitary motives. It was
quite commonly prompted by a desire on the part of the " patient " to
ensure success during a forthcoming hunting or trapping tour, or to atone
through this penitential act, for any transgression, wilful or involuntary,,
against the traditional laws and customs of the tribe.

* Notes on the Shushwap People of British Columbia; Trans. R.S.C. Sect. II., 1891, P. 9.

I »w

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^N^S.

iy»

• W

CHAPTER XII.

Monuments and Pictography.

A search for "monuments" among such a primitive people as the
D^n^ cannot be but unproductive of satisfactory results. Indeed^
throughout the whole territory of both the TsiiKoh'tin and the Ts^'k^hne^
not a single work is now extant which could, with any degree of
appropriateness, be classed under that head. Even such as may now be
seen among the Carriers are — barring funeral monuments — exceedingly
scarce. All of them may be reduced to two distinct categories : wooden,,
carved monuments, and painted or drawn monuments. Hence the two-
divisions of this chapter: carved monuments and pictography.

Carved Monuments.

Genuine carved monuments are to-day very few, and seem to have
always been so among the Carriers. Indeed so scarce are they that every
one of those now extant will easily be illustrated herewith. I shall pass
over thetotemic columns of the Hwotso'ten which are still in a good state
of preservation, for the reason that their carving and erection were the work
of their exogenous neighbours, the Kitikson, whose nearer village stands
hardly three miles off. Those monuments are merely witnesses to the
influence exercised by outsiders over a very unartistic race, and the
custom of erecting them had not been adopted by the main bulk of the
Carrier tribe. This cannot be said of the famous commemorative
mortuary columns so common all over the North Pacific Coast, and
which had been appropriated as far inland as the boundaries of the
Ts^'k^hne territory. All of these have long disappeared, with the
exception of the two herewith represented, which I sketched ten years
ago at ^rak, a village site among the Nutca'tenne, the population of which
is now extinct. These columns are a further corroboiative evidence of
my thesis, viz., that the Dene race has no eye for the beautiful.
Compared with those of the Coast Indians, they stand in the relation of
an undeveloped embryo to the matured being. As is well known among
Americanists, such works served as depositories for the few remaining
charred bones of the deceased, and were erected in close proximity to the
village. The two specimens figured below are rather plainer than the
average mortuary column of the Carriers since, according to my
informants, the totem crest of the deceased was generally carved ir»

ill'

200

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

relief thereon. These monuments were, as a rule, grouped according to
the different clans obtaining amon^f the tribe. This arrangement Las
survived in the column fig. 185, which now stands at Fort Babine in the

"ift'ii

Fig. 184.

midst of the graves of Tsa-yu-ne, one of the native gentes, the chief
totem of which is ihe beaver. It was, of course, erected in pre-Christian
times. Such is also the case with regard to the grave shown in fig. 186,

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN O^Nl^S.

201

whose occupant was likewise a fellow of the Beaver clan. His grave is to
be found at Ts^-tcah, on the confines of the Hwo-to'tin territory.*

Fig. i86.

Fig. 185.

In fig. 187 the totem crest of the old days has been replaced by the
Christian symbol which now appears over all the native D6n6 graves.
These monuments affect a multitude of forms and designs, though by

'^•.

..f^&0^)'/>^<4.r*^^K^77^

Fig. 187.

far the greatest number of them resemble, in a general way, that here-
with illustrated. It is over a late grave, and is painted in several gaudy

* See the map affixed to my paper ; Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology indigenous
etc.? Trans. R.S.C. Sect. II., 1892.
14

i!:!l

202

TRANSACTIONS OF THB CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

colours, the severity of the black and white of the rubrics being
repugnant to the native taste which sees in such works no monuments
of grief or sorrow, but rather affectionate tributes to the memory of the
dead which it behooves one to make as showy as possible. This explains
why some of them are so absurdly large, sometimes graves, even of
children, being covered with " monuments " affecting the shape, and
almost the dimensions, of rectangular cart-sheds.

To the above let us add the wooden totem crest ornamenting two
native houses and we will have the sum total of all the carvings now to
be seen throughout the v/hole territory of the TsiiKoh'tin, the Carriers
and the Ts^'k^hne. Of these sculptures, the first only (fig. i88j caa

Fig. i88.

boast a few scores of years. It represents a raven standing over the
head of some marine animal — possibly the orca. The reason of this in-
congruous coupling may probably be seen in the fact that the inhabitants
of the place wherein the totems are to be found are of mixed parentage,
as they have considerably intermarried with their western neighbours, the
Bilqula. The last carving (fig. 1S9) is quite modern. The owl thereby
represented has been carved out of a balsam poplar tree {Poptilus
balsamiferd) and adorns the front gable end of a fishing shanty at the
outlet of Lake Stuart.

References to the totems and gentes of the Western D^n^s have been
frequent in the course of this moiograph, and, especially in view of what
remains to be said in the latter part of this chapter, some more detailed
information concerning them may be found acceptable.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WB8TEHN D^N^.

203

F. G. Frazer, the principal authority on Totemism, says ; " Considered
in relation to men, totems are of at least three kinds: (i) The clan
totem, common to a whole clan, and passing by inheritance from gener-
ation to generation ; (2) the sex totem . . . ; (3) the individual totem,
belonging to a single individual and not passing to his descendants,"*

Fig. 189.

Of the sex totem I know practically nothing, as it does not obtain
among our Indians ; but to these three varieties of totem I can add a
fourth, which I shall call the honorific totem, and of which a full ex-
planation will be found further on. The individual or personal totem is
well known as being some material object or being, most generally some
animal, ordinarily revealed in dreams to a person who is bound thereafter
to look upon it as sacred and to be especially revered and protected..
In return for this reverence on the part of the person, the totem is-
believed to particularly help and powerfully protect its human relatii"^,.
as the individual is supposed to be. As for the clan totem, any reader
of Americana is too familiar with it to be in need of any definition or
explanation. One totem generally — though not always — corresponds to
one clan or gens, so that the former and the latter are very often in equal
numbers. Four gentes obtain among the Carriers, of all which I herewith
submit the native names together with those of their respective totems.

Gentes. Totems.

"jt sdtndc-yu. The Grouse.

Tsa-yu. The Beaver.

Yssil-yu. The Toad.

Tsm'ten-yu. The Grizzly Bear.f

* Totemism, Edinburgii, 1887, p. I.

t Judginjj from fij;. 188, it would seem that the crow or raven is regarded as the totem of some
clan among the Lower Carriers. It is not known here in tiiat capacity.

204

TRANSACTIONS OF THE OANADIAtT INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

With the exception of Tsa-yu, which means " Beaver-medicine," those
words are untranslatable and are probably imported from among the
heterogeneous tribes from which the whole system is undoubtedly derived.
The first gens, qt'samac-yu, is by all odds the most powerful among the
Carriers, while the two last named are considered as having a sort of
affinity which entitles the members of each to mutual consideration and
protection. The name of the latter, Tam'ten-yu in Babine, is changed
to Kwfn-pa-hwo'tenne • among the Carriers proper.

In great native festivals, the totem of the celebrating clan was carved
and exposed at the door of the lodge so that every exogentile incomer
may have an opportunity of presenting it with anything of value which
he may intend for the givers of the feast with the tacit, but well-known,
understanding that it be subsequently paid for by a donation of at least
equal worth. Even the public naming of one's gentile totem by a
member of a different clan demanded the gift of a blanket, a piece of
dressed skin, or any article of wearing apparel, so that the crest may not
remain ignored and the whole gens thereby dishonoured.

An important sociological peculiarity which I have nowhere else noted
claims attention in this connection. The clan totem is called natsi in
Carrier. But beside the natsi there existed here another kind of totem
which I have named the "honorific totem." It was personal and did not
pass to one's descendants, though it differed from that revealed in dreams.
Its native name was sitsn-koh, a compound word which may be freely
translated by "rite." It was voluntarily assumed with an accompaniment
of befitting ceremonies by any titled or untitled individual who wished
to advance in social standing. It entitled the owner to special con-
sideration, though the latter could on that account lay claim to the
possession of no hunting grounds nor to the exalted rank which was the
strict property of the " noblemen " or tmeza'. In a word, those honorific
totems created a sort of middle class, the bourgeoisie of the Carriers.
They were many and varied, and, with the exception of one, they
followed the clan in such a way that those proper to one could not be
assumed by a member of another. Here are those now remembered by
the natives : —

To the qt'samac-yu belonged the Owl, the Moose, the Full Moon, the
Weasel, the Wind, the Crane, the Wolf, the " Darding Knife," the " Rain
of Stones," and the Brook Trout.

Of those pertaining to the Tsayu or Beaver gens, only the Mountain
Goat is now remembered.

• "Inhabitants of the fireside."

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN Dl^S^.

205

The Yasilyu had the Sturgeon, the Arrow, the Porcupine, the
Wolverine, the Red-headed Woodpecker, the Cattle and the Talt'sd, a
kind of fabulous animal resembling a gigantic toad, with large, bulging
eyes.

My informants know of only the Goose as belonging to the Tam'tenyu
clan.

Another honorific totem or crest was called Ssnnaj, a word of
extraneous origin. The exact nature of this cannot now be defined, as
the mimicking accompanying its exhibition is but vaguely remembered.
All that is known for certain is that it was very highly appreciated and,
as a rule, it was the appanage of the notables exclusively. For here I
must remark that even the notables or noblemen were not debarred from
assuming one or more of the different honour crests proper to their
gens.

Lujem is another word of forigin origin which designated the Bear as
an honorific totem.* It could be assumed by anybody, irrespective of
clannish differences.

The connection of the individual with his crest appeared more
especially during ceremonial dances, when the former, attired, if possible,
with the spoils of the latter, was wont to personate it in the gaze of an
admiring assemblage. On all such occasions, man and totem were also
called by the same name. The adoption of any such " rite " or crest, was
usually accompanied by initiatory ceremonies or observances correspond-
ing to the nature of the crest, followed in all cases by a distribution of
clothes to all present. Thus whenever anybody resolved upon getting
received as Lujem or Bear, he would, regardless of the season, divest him-
self of all his wearing apparel and don a bear skin, whereupon he would
dash into the woods there to remain for the space of three or four days
and nights in deference to the wonts of his intended totem animal.
Every night a party of his fellow-villagers would sally out in search of
the missing "bear." To their loud calls: Yi! K^lujeml-^ he would
answer by angry growls in imitation of the bear. The searching party
making for the spot where he haJ been heard, would find by a second
call followed by a similar answer that he had dexterously shifted to some
opposite quarter in the forest. As a rule, he could not be found, but had
to come back of himself when he was speedily apprehended and con-
ducted to the ceremonial lodge, where he would commence his first bear-

* The Dene word for Black Bear is 's9s or las according to the dialect.

t Words of Tsitnpsian parentage meaning apparently : Come on, Bear I The nature of those
words plainly denotes the origin of the whole institution.

206

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

dance in conjunction with all the other totem-people, each of whom
would then personate his own particular totem. Finally would take
place the potlatch of the newly initiated " bear," who would not forget to
present his captor with at least a whole dressed skin.

The initiation to the " Darding- Knife" was quite a theatrical pc-form-
ance. A lance was prepared which had a very sharp point so arranged
that the slightest pressure on its tip would cause the steel to gradually
sink into the shaft. In the sight of the multitude crowding the lodge,
this lance was pressed on the bare chest of the candidate and apparently
sunk in his body to the shaft, when he would tumble down simulating
death. At the same time a quantity of blood — previously kept in the
mouth — would issue from the would-be corpse, making it quite clear to
the uninitiated gazers on that the terrible knife had had its effect, when
lo ! upon one of the actors striking up one of the chants specially made
for the circumstance and richly paid for, the candidate would gradually
rise up a new man, the particular proUg^ of the " Darding Knife."

Pictography.

" All the known graphic systems originate in a picture-writing as rude
as that of the American Indian or of the South African Bushman. All
have advanced from the picture to the conventionalized hieroglyphic
representing an idea or a word ; while from the hieroglyph has sprung
the syllabary represented by rougher sketches of the monumental
emblems, and requiring a smaller number of necessary symbols. Finally
among the more civilized of ancient races the alphabet was gradually in-
troduced as a simplification of the syllabary which reduced the necessary
emblems to about a fifth of their previous number."* Gauged after this
criterion, the Western D^n^s may be said to have been in a state of
transition between the first and the second stage of graphic culture ;
or perhaps, it would be as correct to say that they were already in
the second while retaining lingering reminiscences of the first. Their
petroglyphs were in a large measure pictures with some admixture of
conventionalized forms ; but their usual means of communication while
travelling and their tattoo marks had, to a great extent, become the
mere shadows of the original pictographs.

Of their rock inscriptions I cannot find any better specimen than that
reproduced in fig. 190. Its most conspicuous character represents a
grizzly bear, the tracks of which may be seen some distance behind.
The waving lines at the bottom stand for water, wherefrom a sturgeon

•From an article in the "Edinburgh Review," reproduced in Little's Living Age, Aug. 23,
1890, p. 451.

1892-93.]

NOTES OK THB WI8TKRN D^N^S.

307

is seen emerging. The natives are not agreed as to the meaning of the
large spider-like figure to the left, but the probability is that it is intended
to represent Yihta, the Great Bear. Immediately above is a toad in a
somewhat conventionalized shape, while below, and to the left, are two
figures of birds, the lower one of which is a grouse. The other signs are
the emblems of fishes, figures of men or symbols of objects which cannot
now be identified. There is no ensemble or unity in the whole. It is
only an aggregate of pictures or signs painted in red ochre by different
individua s and at different times. Most of them are very old.

^-wTJ

* • •

Fig. 190.

The various objects represented are personal totems, and the object in
view in depicting them on rocks will be better understood by a reference
to the locality of the inscription reproduced above. It is to be seen
about half way between this place, Stuart's Lake or Na'kraztii and
Pintce, the nearest village by water. By painting in such a conspicuous
place the totem which had been the object of his dream, the Pintce
Indian meant to protect himself against any inhabitant of Na'kraztii, as
the intimate connection between himself and his totem could not fail, he
believed, to reveal by an infallible presentiment ihe coming of any person
who had passed along the rock adorned with the image of his totem.
Thus it will be seen that clairvoyance had adepts even in such an out of
the way place as Stuart's Lake.

Fig. 191 is, of course, a mere picture. The oval circle wherein the cari-
boo stands is intended to represent a mountain. A shield is instinctively
<:alled to mind by fig. 192 ; but the natives are positive that this is a
false impression, as the inner circle stands for a den within or upon a
mountain. The four figures between the two circles are the known

208

TRAMSAOTIONb JF THR CAMADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

emblems of the beaver ; but the meaning of the whole figure is not very
clear. Such is the case with fig. 193, wherein some say we have a crane,
while others profess to see therein some large species of beetle.

Fig. 191.

Fig. 192.

So far we have dealt with signs or pictures such as seen in stone
inscriptions only. But it is chiefly through the tattoo markings or the
signs occasionally executed in charcoal while travelling that the Carriers
have shown their departure from the earliest or pictorial stage of the
graphic art. Even within such classes of totemic representations the
gradual alteration from the pictorial or life-like forms to the mere con-
ventional outlines is easily discerned. I need adduce no better illustration

S i

Fig. 194.

of this than the three styles of representing the beaver shown in fig. 194.
A is the original pictorial form, and is adopted whenever the beaver is
tattooed on the breast; ^ is a middle, altered form, with a strong tendency
to simplification, and is used in connection with face tattooing, whilst c is
the conventionalized form of the same, and is the common mode of
representing the beaver in those rude, ephemeral drawings in the woods,
though it is occasionally found even in ancient rock inscriptions.

I have already stated that tattooing on the breast was rare among the
Western D^n^s. This is so true that 1 know of no other totemic marks
there situated than the few exhibited herewith. We have just seen that
a stands for the beaver, b represents a toad, c and d are the fore and hind
paws of the grizzly bear, while e is the figure of the moon.

1892-93.]

MOTES ON THE WESTERK D^Ni&

209

All the face tattoo marks which can now be seen or remembered
among the Carriers are found in fig. 196. They may be briefly described

Jc-LJy^

tjf n

V=:=^

Fig. 195.

thus \—a is the emblem of the otter ; b that of any fish ; c that of a bird ;
</ is a beaver ; e is the silhouette sign of a stick in the water ; / that of a

^f^

Fig. 196.

mountain ; ^ is a fern root digger; h is the symbol of the marten ; i that
of the lizard, and y, that of the cariboo.

t ^7^ rr cf"

Fig, 197.

Fig. 197 presents us with the graphic signs used as means of com-
munication between different hunting parties. They alone might be

1 n ii'

:310

TKANSACTIONS OF TBB CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

pointed to as the elements of native " writing." The two last are taken
from rock inscriptions. They are now unintelligible to the Carriers.
Here is the meaning ot the others : — a, bird ; b, lizard ; c, beaver ; d,
bear ; e, lynx ; / cariboo ; g, marten ; //, canoe ; /, woman ; j\ man ; k,
snake.

These are generally drawn in charcoal on trees or, by exception, on
stones, and as such it must be confessed that they afford but a very
restricted medium of expression to the native mind. It has therefore to
call into requisition any other material means which may be at hand,
and it must be said that the use made of them is sometimes wonderful.
I was lately travelling in the forest at a time when the yearly re-
appearance of the salmon was eagerly looked for. At a certain spot not
very far from a stream we came upon one of those aboriginal drawings
made by an old man who had no knowledge of the syllabic signs now
used to write the D^n6 languages. The drawing represented a man with
a woman, a horse with a burden, the emblem of a bear with three marks
underneath, and a cariboo. Above the whole and hanging from a broken
branch were four pieces of young bark cut out in the conventional form
of the fish. Now the message was instantly read by my companions,
and it ran thus : " Such a one (whom they named)* has passed here with
his wife, and a good load of furs, after having killed three bears and one
cariboo ; and furthermore he captured four salmon two days ago. He is
now gone in the direction that we follow ourselves." This date could
evidently not have been told had the Indian marked with charcoal the
sign of the salmon. He was so well aware of this and was so much
intent upon fixing the time of the first appearance of the fish that he
had had recourse to the pieces of bark, the relative degree of freshness
of which he knew could easily be determined by the experienced eye of
his fellow Carrier.

This leads me to detail the various non-graphic means of communication
between the different bands of huntsmen. Does the traveller intend to
mark his passage in the forest ? He cuts a switch or rod and plants it
in his trail pointing to the direction he is following. Is he in distress,
and does he beg for succour at the hands of those who he knows shall
pass by the same trail } Forthwith he breaks or bends the top of as
many shrubs as possible all along his path. No native party will profess
ignorance of his meaning nor, as a rule, leave unheeded his appeal.
Other significant combinations will be found sketched in our '''st figure.
Thus b, a stick broken by the middle, means : "we are going to camp a

* They identified him by the very circumstance that he travelled with a horse, as he was the
only one likely to pass there who possessed such an animal.

1892-93.]

KOm ON THE WESTERN Dt^N^S.

211

short distance off. You need not be in a hurry". C has the opposite
meaning : " we are going to camp a long distance from here ; hurry up!"
By disposing the stick as shown in d, the natives are understood to say :
" we have turned back awhile, but finally gone on." E is intended to
represent a piece of burnt rag hanging from a bent down rod ; it is the
signal of famine and an appeal for help, the direction of the stick always

Fig. 198.

pointing to the trail of the distressed party. If, instead of parched rags,
an abundance of cariboo or moose hair is to be seen on the stick, the
reading must be just the reverse. It is then i. notification that the party
has killed plenty of cariboo or of mocse, and, at the same time, an in-
vitation to go and help dispose of them. F is a small bunch of dry
grass wherein a small rod has been dp in as an indication that a member
of the band has been shot. Lastly, when a short stick is found hanging
across the trail, as shown in g; everybody will understand that a person
in the preceding party has come to his death from natural causes.

Ii3

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^Ml^S.

213

INDEX.

N. B. — When the same subject is treated in several consecutive pages, only the first is given.

^- ,:.

Ages (the prehistoric) not strictly successive,

«37.
Ahtena, not Dene, 15.
Alluvial strata, their age exaggerated, 42.

Animals hunled by the Western Denes, 93 —
large ones never killed for oneself, 95.

Antiquity of archaeological objects exagger-
ated, 39,

Anthropology, an uncertain criterion of ethno-
logical differences, 17.

Apaches, their habitat, subdivisions and popu-
lation, 13.

Archaeological remains, their age f xaggerated,
41.

Archaeology of the Egyptians and the As-
syrians easy to fully describe, 5*

Armour, wooden, 117— skin, 149.

Arrow-heads, 53 — bone, 55 — how connected

with the shaft, 55.
Arrows, 56 — their varieties, 56 — how released,

57-
Arrow-shafts, 55.

Aspen, its root used against bleeding, 130.
Astringents, native, 131.
Athapaskan, inappropriate as a generic name, 9.
Atiyih, a Carrier game, 81.
AtUh, a Carrier game, 78,
Atnas, Adsnas, etc., not D^n^, 17.
Atrium of winter lodges, 190.
Awls, bone,, 69.
Axes, of rnpolished stone, 43 — partially

polished, 44 — polished, 46 — how used, 47

— of iron, 140.

Babies, how curried, 134.

Babines, their physical peculiarities, 18 —

habitat, 27 — subdivisions, 27 — their gam-
bling sticks, 78.

Bad-People, a Den^ tribe, its habitat and
population, 16.

Bag-net fishing, 91.

Bags, their varieties, 146.

Bait of bone, 72.

Bandelier on the early Navajos, 12.

Bark peelers, 76 — bottles, 135.

Bark vessels, 120.

Bear, what part of it not eaten, 107 — how its
skull is treated, 108 — as a totem, 205.

Bear traps, 95 — snares, 99.

Beard, not rare among the Babines, 18— how

trimmed among the Tsekehne, 139.
Beaver, what part of it not eaten, 108.
Beaver Indians, a branch of the Tse'kehne,

II — their habitat, 29.

Beaver snaring, 66 — nets, their working, 67
—trapping, 87.

Belts, weaving of, 157.

Berries, how treated, 127.

Berry baskets, 122 — boilers, 126.

Bible, its authority undiminished by archaeo-
logical discoveries, 40.

Black-feet, their usual position while sleeping,
187.

bleeding, how practised, 82.

Blue berries, how prepared, 127.

Blunt arrows, 57.

Boas' map incorrect in one particular, 22.

Boilers, 12$.

Bone baits, 72.

Bone implements m use among historical
nations, 43.

Bones of animals, how eaten, 49.

Bones of the dead, how treated after crema-
tion, 146.
Bottles, for the castoreum, 66, 135.

Bow-points, 60.

Bows, of the Tse'k6hne, 58- of the Carriers,

59 — how held while shooting, 60
Bowstrings, how made, 58.
Bayle on palaeoliths, 63.
Bracelets, 139, 172.
L.east-blankets, 164.
Breast-plates, ceremonial, 167.
Breech-cloth, ceremonial, 180.
Brinton on the distribution of the D^nds, 14

— on the Kenai, 15 — on Den^ technology,

35-
Bronze age, contemporaneous with stone age,

137.
Bulbous root diggers, 115.

Callbreath on the Tahl-tan Indians, 35.
Cambium scrapers, 76.

214

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

Canoes, 114.

Cap-holders, 83.

Caps of the Carriers, the, 164.

Cariboo-eaters, their habitat and population, 16.

Cariboo skins, how treated, 68.

Cariboo snares, 100.

Carrier Indians, (the), progressive, 5 — their
population, 16 — physical characteristics, 17
— timid, 18 — habitat, 24 — subdivisions, 24
— sociologically considered, 28 — their bows,
59— their bow-points, 60 — their bone scra-
pers, 70 — their utensils, 120 — how they
carry their babies, 134— using copper and
iron before contact with the whites, 137 —
their drums, 150 — formerly practically unac-
quainted with snow-shoes, 151 — their weav-
ing metliod, 156 — their ordinary head-dress,
164 — their ceremonial costume, 172 — their
houses, 184 — their store-houses, 196 — their
mortuary columns, 199 — their graphic sys-
■ tem, 206.

Carvings, 199.
Castoreum bottles, 66, 135.
Categories of Dene nouns, 32.
Ceremonial dress of the Carriers original, 172.
Chaldean head-dress compared with that of
the Carrier noblewomen, 177.

Charcoal, as a means of ornamentation, 170.
Cherokees, mound-builders, 39.
Chickasaw, mound-builders, 40.

Chippewayans, not the southernmost of the
D6ne tribes, 9 — their habitat and popu-
lation, 16.

Chipping, how done, 65.

Clans of the Carriers, 203.

Cloaks, 164.

Clubs, war, 64.

Columns, mortuary, 199.

Coml)s, 117.

Confession to the shaman, 107.

Co.itinence, regard for, 107.

Copper, in use in prehistoric times in the Mac-
kenzie valley, 136 — in use contemporane-
ously with stone implements, 137— in use
among the prehistoric Carriers, 137 — how
procured formerly, 137 — its use probably
ancient, 138.

Copper tower, the, 137.

Cow-parsnip, how eaten, 129.

Cradles, 133.

Cranberry, swamp anil hi/^hbush, eaten, 127.

Craniometry, an uncertain criterion of ethno-
logic certitude, 17.

Crescents in the septum, 167.

Crossbows, 59.

Cuirass, of woorl, 117 — of skin, 149.

" Cut arrows," 56,

Cuticle (inner) of skins, how removed, 70.

Daggers, of stone, 63 — of steel in pre-Euro*
pean times, 142.

Dall on labrets, 170.

" Darding Knife," the, 206.

Dene (the), progressive, $ — their name, 8 —
the nature of their territory, it — divided
long ago in two camps, 12 — their distri-
bution, 13 — misconception as to their ethno-
graphical status, 14 — classification and
population of all the tribes, 16 — points
of physical similarities, 18 — psychologically
diflering amo g themselves, 18 — philolog-
ically homogeneous, 21.

Dene Dindjie, improper as a collective name, 9.

Dentalium, its fitness as an article of orna-
mentation, 178.

Dentalium nose-ornaments, 168.

Devil's bush, its medical properties, 132.

Dip-nets, 159.

Dishes 119.

Diuretics, native, 131.

Dog collars, 139.

Dog-Ribs, a D^n6 tribe, its habitat and popu-
lation, 16 — knew copper before contact with
the whites, 136,

Dress of the Western Denes, 162 — of pubes-
cent girls, 165.

Drills, 143-

Drinking tubes, 82.

Drums, 150.

Dug-outs, formerly unknown, 115.

Dyes, 173.

B. •

Ear pendants, 166.

Eastern D6nes : knew of copper before con-
tact with the whites, 136 — their dress, 162,
Elk, now disappeared from among the Carriers,

93-
Emmenagogue, native, 1 31.
^■j, a fish-trap, 89.
3'sro/lA, how cooked, 1 1 6.
gstar and the swans, 104.
Ethiopians, using stone and bone weapons, 42.
a^siiA, S3-

Fat scrapers, 68.

Feathering of the arrows, how made, 56.

Febrifuge, native, 130,

Fenni, (the), using bone arrows, 43.

Fern root, how cooked, 116.

Fern root diggers, 115.

Finger rings, 140.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^Nl^S.

215-

Fire, primitive mode of starting a, 114
Fire-bags, common, 148 — ceremonial, 180,
Fire-piace, where situated, 187,
Fire-wood, how procured by the poorer classes,

47.
Fishes, species of, 73.
Fish-hooks, 72.
Fishing, 71 — with bait, 72 — with traps, 84.

— with bag nets, 91.
Fish traps, 84.
Fish trays, 123.
Flaking, how done, 65.
Floats, III.

Folk-lore, differs according to the tribe, 21.
Forts, 195.

Foxes, different varieties in the same litter, 95.
Fox snares, 102.
Fraa.j on ancient weapons, 42.
Frazer on the varieties of totems, 203.

G and W commu^able in the Aryan languages,
8.

Gambler and the Great Bear, the, 79.

Gambling-sticks, 77.

Game sought after by the Western Denes, 93.

Games of the Western Denes : tint's fa, 78 —
ailih, jS—atiyM, 81 — mquh, wi—U'ko',
112 — mzaz, 112 — 'keilapas, 112.

Gentes, their number, 203.

Geology against the great age attributed to
archaeological remains, 42.

Gorgets, unknown, 35.

Gouges, unknown. 35.

Graphic systems, their origin, 206 — that of the
Carriers, 208.

Graves, monuments on, 200.

Great Bear and the Gambler, the, 79-

Great Bear and the Hunter, the, 194 — deduc-
tions from that legend, 195.

Grizzly Bear, are there two varieties of it ? 94.

Hair, sometimes fair among the Carriers, 18
— mode of wearing it, 181.

Hair scrapers, hone 69 — steel, 143.

Hair tweezers, 138

Hale on the country of the Eastern Denes, 11.

Hammers, stone, 47.

Hares, a Dene tribe; its habitat and popu-
lation, 16.

Head-dress of the Carriers, 164 — of the pubes-
cent girl, 165 — of the same when of noble
parentage, 16C — of the noblemen, 173 — of
the noblewomen, 177 — the same compared

with that of the Chaldean Kings, 177— of
the shamans, 181.

Head-scratchers, 82.

Heart of animals, not eaten, and by whom^
107.

Hemlock, its medical properties, 132.

Haemorrhage, how stopped, 131.

Hides, how dressed, 49, 69, 145.

History against the great age attributed to-
archseological remains, 42.

Hole-borers, 143.

Horse-tails, their medical properties, 131.

Houses, see Lodges.

Hupa, their habitat and numbers, 13, 16 — their
influence over neighbouring tribes, 19 —
their conservatism, 20.

Hurdles for the salmon weirs, 85.

Huts, subterranean, 191.

Ice-breakers, 75.

Ice-scoops, 156.

Indians, mound builder?, 40.

Industries, why and how treated of, 6.

Iron, in use among the negroes of Africa, 137'

— in use among the pre-historic Carriers, 140.
Iron, axes, '.vhen first introduced, 140 — how

iron tools weie prized on the Coast, 142.

Juniper, its wood used to make bows with, 59>
— its boughs used as a febrifuge, 130.

Kcktile houses, 190.

'Km, 85, 186, 196.

Kenai, their ethnographical status, 15.

Kds, their use, 87.

Kettles, prehistoric bark, 125.

Kinnikinik, its berry eaten, 128.

fC naia-kho-tana, their ethnographical status,

15-
Knap-sacks of the Carriers, 148.
Knives, salmon, 51 — skinnii.g, 51 — carving or

working, 52.
'Ki'iutzai, their make and working, 87.
Kutchin, identic.il with Loucheux, 15.

Labrets, 170. •

Ladles, 75 — how made, 76.
Lances, known to prehistoiic Carriers, 149.
Land-locked salmon, how captured, 74.
Language, the chief characteristic of man, 21..

— of the Carrier subdivisions a little tlifferent,

27.

216

TRANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

Length measures, 92.
Lenormant on iron in Africa, IJ7.
Lichen, how eaten, 130.
Lily, its bulb eaten, 129.

Lipans, habitat and present population, 14, 16
— a dishonest tribe, 19.

Lodges, ceremonial, 185 — common, 188— fish-
ing, 189— winter, 189— of the Tse'kehne,
192.

Looms of the C .triers, the, 156.

Loon and the Old Man, the, 171.

Loucheux, identical with Kutchin, 15— their

habitat and population, 16— their dress, 162.
Lubbock (Sir John), mistaken as to the age of

archaeological finds, 41.

Luiem, or Bear totem, how assumed, 205.

Lyell (Sir Charles), mistaken as to the age of
archaeological finds, 4'.

Lynx, feared by the women, 108.

Lynx and the Woman, the, 108.

Lynx traps, 97 — snares, 101.

Maize, not grown by the Dene, 36.
Man, his age absurdly exaggerated, 41.
Marmot skins, how t reated, 68.
Mirmot traps, 98 — snares, 103.
Mas, 67.
Masks, 118. '

Material of the arrow and spear heads, 53 —
zealously guarded, 65.

Mats of the Tsi[Koh'tin, the, 157.

Maul, wooden, III.

Means of communication while travelling, 210.

Measures of length, 92.

Medicinal herbs, 130.

T..enses, observances relative to the, 107.

Mesh-sticks, 158.

Middle class of the Carriers, 204.

Mittens, 164.

Mocassins, their material, 163 — not used in
rainy weather, 163.

Months, their native names, 106.

Monuments, rare, 199.

Moose skin scrapers, 143.

Morice on the varieties of Dene nouns, 32 —
on the "cut-arrows," 56 — on beaver snar-
ing, 66— on fern root cooking, 1 16 — on the
introduction of copper among the Carriers,
137 — on the head-dress of pubescent girls,
165.

Morse on arrow release, 57.

Mortars, unknown, 35.

Mortuary columns, 199.

Mosaical chronology, its accuracy not weakened
bv modem discoveries, 40.

Mounds unknown among Den^, 35 — the work
of Indians, 40.

Muskokis, probably mound-builders, 40.

Muskrat trapping, 87.

Mythology, why occasionally referred to in
the monograph, 7.

N.
Nah'ane, different spellings of their name, 31.
Na'kwal's descendants, 141.
Navajos, long established in the south of the

United States, 12 — their habitat, 13 — still old

fashioned, 20 — philologically congenerous

with the Northern Denes, 22.
Nazrw9t, a fish trap, 85.
Necklaces, 170.
Needle pouches, 149.
Nets, their material, 159 — beaver, 67.
Nat'sfa, a game, 78.
Netting, 158.

N9y3v.hwolluz and the Gambler, 79.
Nfzaz, a game, 112.
Niblack on inaize growing Indians, 35.
Niviidtnai, 168.
Northern Dene, timid and not industrious, I*

— of assimilative dispositions, 19.
Nose-pendants, 167.
Nose-rings, 168.
Nouns, the four categories of Dene, 32.

Observances of the hunters and women, 106,

165.
Ochre (red) as a means of ornamentation, 170.
Old man and the Loon, the, 171.
Oregon grape, how eaten, 129.
Orthography of Indian words, 34 — of the

names of Indian tribes, mixed, 30.
Osier-willow, its medical properties, 131.

Packing, how done, 118.

Packing bags, of the women, 147 — of the men,

161.
Packing chairs, 1 18.
Paddles, how used, 115.
PalKoIiths, their age exaggerated, 40 — found

along with neoliths, 63.

Peelers, 76.
Pendants, 166.
Pestles, stone, 48.

Petitot on the name "Den^-Dindjie," 9 — on
copper and iron among Eastern Denes, 136
— on prehistoric weapons, 149— on the dress
of the Eastern Denes, 162.

Petroglyphs, 206.

1892-93.]

MOTES ON THE WESTERN Dl^NJ^S.

217

Philology, its importance as an ethnographical
ctiterion, 21 — Us bearing on archaeology, 32.

Pictographs, 206.

Pilling on the word " Athapaskan," 9.

Pipes, stone, 36.

Flan of the monograph, 6.

Plants, those the economic value of which
is not appreciated unnamed, 127 — which are
eaten by the Western Denes? 128.

Potlatch, of comparatively recer'. origin, 125.
Pottery, unknown among the Western Denes,

35-
Powder pouches, 148.

Powers on the Hupa, 20.

Prehistoric ages not strictly successive, 137.

Prognostications common among the Carriers,
no.

Pubescent girls, their dress, 165 — their drink-
ing tubes, 81 — their head scratchers, 82 —
their peculiar observances, I07.

Purgatives, native, 130.

Quintilian on Language, 21.

Rabbit snares, 103 — skins, how utilized, 156,

164.
Rattles, 118.
Red willow, used as wattle, 84— its medical

properties, 131.

Rings, 140, 166.

Robe, ceremonial, 179.

Rock inscriptions, 206.

Rose, its medical properties, 132.

Salmon, species of, 73 — how caught, 84 — how
cured, 92— how kept, 49, 196.

Salmon fishing, 84.

Salmon oil, how obtained, 92.

Salmon pits or cellars, 197.

Salmon roe, how prepared, 197.

Salmon weirs, 85,

Sarcees, how they sepr-rated from the Beavers,
II — their present habitat, 15 — their popu-
lation one hundred years ago, 29.

Satchels, 146.

Scaffoldings, on the banks of rivers, 91 — of
the Tse'kehne, 197.

Scoops, 156.

Scrapers, stone, 49 — how made, 50— bone,
for the fat, 68 — horn, for the same, 70 —
hair, 69 — cambium, 76. ^

Sedatives, native, 131.

Semilkameen Indians partly descended from
the TsiiKoh'tin, 24.

Service-berry, how preserved, 125.
Shamans, their head gear, 181.
Shields, 117.

Shushwap Indians, their former relations with
the Tsi|Koh'tin, 23.

Signalling in the woods, 2ia

Sinkers, nide and uncarved, 36.

Skin tanning, 49, 69, 145.

Skull-crackers, stone, 64.

Slaves, their habitat and numbers, 16.

Sleeping place in the lodge, 187,

Slickstones, 49.

Smoking, originally unknown, 36.

Snares, bear, 99— cariboo, 100— fox, 102 —

marmot, 103 — rabbit, 103 — waterfowl, 104

— how prepared, 107.
Snaring devices, their details useful, 99.
Snow-shoes, formerly practically unknown

among the Carriers, 151 — earliest model, 152

— modern type?, 152 — how made, 153 — of

the children, 154.

Snow shovels, 116,

Snow walking sticks, 155.

Soap-berrv, how prepared for eating, 128.

Solutrian-like implements, 63.

Sore eyes, native remedy against, 132.

Southern Denes, long separated from the
Northern Den4, 12 — confused ideas as to
tlicjir eih'infjraphical divisions, 13.

Spt-ar-heads, 62.

Spindles, II4.

Spokeshaves, 144,

Spoons, 76.

Spruce, its shoots used as febrifuge, 130.

Spruce root-weaving, 134. '^

Steel daggers in prehistoric times, 142.

Stockings, native counterpart of, 165.

Stone implements, in use among historical
nations, 42 — contemporaneous with copper
implements, 137. ; .• ' ><■

Store-houses, 196.

Strings, of the bows, how made, $8 — of the
snares, how made, 104.

Sturgeon, how caught, 75.

.$■/?;///, how cooked, 1 16.

Superstitious oljservances of the hunters and
the women, 106, 165.

Swaddling clothes of the Carrier babes, 133.
Sweat-houses, 197.
Sweet-flag, how eaten, 129.

Tacitus on the arms of the Fenni, 43.
Takheine, wrong readings of their name, 30.
Tanning, how done, 49, 69, 145.

218

TKANSAC^IONS OV THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

Target disc or wheel, 112 — shooti ig,li3.

Tattooing, 182.

Tattoo marks, 208.

Tcajyai, a bark vessel, 122.

Tf'ko', a Carrier game, 112.

7»sKai, a fishing device, 90.

Thajthan Indians, weavers of mountain goat

wool, 35.
TV/Z/ww^, how caught, 159.
Thhviai, a fishing device, 90,
Thissaten, a fishing implement, 72. i •
Thomas on mounds, 39.
Throwing-rods or Wy«^, III.
Time, means of reckoning, 106.
Tinne, Tinneh, inappropriate as a generic

name, 8.

Tlingit, why so named, 10. •
Tobacco, originally unknown, 36.

Tolmie & Dawson's niap, diffeiing from the
actual limits of the Carriers' territory, 26.

Tommy-sticks, 64.

Totems, carved on house posts, 186, 199 — their
different kinds, 203 — how honored, 204 —
honorific, 204 — how assumed, 205 — painted
on rocks, 207 — tattooed on the person, 208.

Totunies, the contradictory readings of their
name, 13.

Trapping devices, their details useful to the
ethnologist, 98.

Traps, fish, 84 — bear, 94 — small animal, 96 —
lynx, 97 — marmot, 98 — how prepared, io8.

Travelling, formerly difficult in winter, 1 5 1.

Travelling marks or signals, 210.

Trays, bark, 123.

Trough-like vessels, 119.

Tse'kehne, population, lb — physical character-
istics, 17 — -honest, 19 — sociologically con-
sidered, 28 — subdivisions, 28 — bows, 58
— bone scrapers, 70 — spoons, 76 — gamb-
ling sticks, 78 — how they hunted cariboo
in olden times, 100 — their names of the
months, 106 — their utensils, 120 — how they
trim their beard, 139 — their drums, 150 —
their snow shoes, 154 — their lodges, 192 —
their provision stores, 197.

TsiiKoh'tin, population 16 — physical character-
istics, 18 — habitat and subdivisions, 22 —
sociologically considered, 28 — bone scra-
pers, 70 — fish harpoons, 7 1 — gambling-sticks,
78 — cradles, 133 — how they carry their
babies, 134 — their vessels, 134 — their drums,
151 — their methotl of weaving, 156 — their
dress, 164 — their store-houses, 197.

Tunics, of the Carriers, 163.
Tweezers, 138.

Umkwa Indians, their habitat, 16.
Unknown technological objects, 35.
Utensils, of primitive material, 120 — descrip-
tion and mode of fabrication, 12 1.

Villages, 184.

Vowels, unimportant in D6ne, 10.

Wailaki Indians, their habitat, l6.

Walking sticks, for the winter, 15$.

War, how started, 195.

Wash-tubs, bark, 132.

Waterfowl, how caught formerly, 104 — now
105 — in China, 105.

Water vessels, 124.

Wattle, 84, 186, 196.

Wt, a fish-trap, 89. . .

Weasel, what use made of its skin,|i77.

Weaving, 156 — of the spruce roots, 134.

Wedges, stone, 47 — bone, 75.

Weirs, how constructed, 84.

Western Denes, the nature of their territory,
II — misconception as to their ethnograph-
ical status, 14 — classification of the, 30 —
not maize growing, 36 — unsesthetic, 36 —
brave against wild animals, 94 — their dress,.
163.

Whistles, ceremonial, 81.

Widow satchels, 146.

Wigs, ceremonial, 173.

Wild goat skins, how treated, 68.

Willow-herb, how eaten, 129.

Windows, none in ancient lodges, 187.

Winter dress, 164.

Winter travelling, difficult, 151.

Woman and the Lynx, the, io8.

Women, their dress not much differing fromi

that of the men, 164,
Wood-peckers, what use made of their feathers,

177.

Yellow-knives, a Dene tribe ; its habifat and
population, 16 — acquainted with copper ia
prehitoric times, 136.

Yuta-sViai, a fish trap, 86. t.

1892-1)3.]

NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S.

219

WORKS QUOTED OR REFERRED TO.

BANrELlER, A. A.— Indians of the Southwestern United States.

BiANCONi, J. A. — Materiaux pour 1' Histoiie Primitive et Naturelle de 1' homme ; Toulouse,
1876.

Boas, F. — Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Reports on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada ; B. A. A.S.
1889, 1890, 1891.

The Central Eskimo ; Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology ; Washington,
i888.

Boyle, D, — Archasological Report for 1891, Toronto.

Brinton, D. G.— The American Race ; New York, N. D. C. Hodges, 1891.

Cali.BREath, J. C. — Notes on the Tahltan Indians ; in Notes on the Indian Tribes of the
Yukon District, reprinted from Annual Report Geological Survey of Canada ; Ottawa,
1887.

Dawson, G. M. — Notes on the Sh' 'iwap People of British Columbia ; Transactions of the
; Royal Society of Canada, .. .v.tion II., 1891.

On the Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands ; Montreal, 1880.

Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands; Montreal, Dawson Bros., 1880.

Dawson anu Tolmie. — Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian Tribes of British Columbia ;
,, Montreal, 1884.

Fraas, O. —Die alten Hohlenbewohner. • ;.

Fraser, J. G.— Totemism ; Edinburgh, 1887.

Gatschet, a. S — The Karankawa Indians; Cambridge, Mass., 1891.

The Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon ; Contributions to North American

Ethnology; Washington, 1896.

OUNN, D. — History of Manitoba from the earliest settlement to 1835 ; Ottawa, 1880.

Hale, H. — Language as a Test of Mental Capacity ; Transactions Royal Society of Canada,
Sect. II., 1891.

Holmes, W. H. — A Study of the Textile Art ; Sixth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology ;
Washington, '888.

Hough, W. — Fire Making Apparatus in the U.S. Museum ; Report U.S. Niuseum, Washington,
1890.

Jordan, D. S. and Gilbert, Ch. H. — Synopsis of the Fishes of North America; Washing-
ton, 1882. ^ .

Legal, E. — Les Indiens dans les plaines de I'Amerique du Nord ; Petites Annales, O. M. I.,
Paris, 1891.

Lenormant, F. — Die Anfange Der Cultur, Vol. I.

Mackenzie, Sir A. — Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Lawrence, through the Continent
of North America to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans, in the years 1789 and 1793;
London, 1801.

220

TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

I Vol. rv.

Mackenzie, A. — Descriptive Notes on certain Implements and Weapons, etc., from Graham'
Island; Transact. Roy. Soc. Can., Sect. II. 1891.

Mason, O. T. — The Ray Collection from Hupa Reservation, Washington.

Anthropology in 1886 ; Washington. '

Matthews, W.— The Mountain Chant ; Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology j,
Washington, 1S87.

Morgan, T. J.— Sixtieth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs ; Washington,
1 891.

MORICE, A. G. — The Western Denes, their Manners and Customs ; Proceedings of the Canadian
Institute, Vol. VII. ; Toronto, 1890. : '

The Den6 Languages consideretl in themselvea and incidentally in their relations tO'

non-American Idioms ; Transactions Canadian Institute, Vol. I., Toronto, 1891.
Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic ; Transactions Roy.
Soc. Can., Sect. II., 1892.

Murdoch, J. — Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition, Ninth Ann. Rep. Bur.
Ethnology, Washington, 1892.

NiBLACK, A. P. — The Coast Indians of Southern Alask.a and Northern British Columbia;.
Report U. S. National Museum, 1890.

Petitot, E. — Monographic des D6ne-Dindjie ; Paris, Leroux, 1876.
En route pour la Mer Glaciale ; Paris, i8>]8.

Six Legendes Americaines, identifiees h I'Histoire de Moise ; Paris, A. Hennuyer, 1877.
Rapport Succinct sur la Geologic des Vallees et de I'Athabaskaw- Mackenzie et

de r Anderson ; Paris, A. Hennuyer, 1875.
Appendice relatif aux armes de pierre des Indiens Arctiques ; Paris, A. Hennuyer,.
1875.
Pilling, J. C. — Bibliography of the Athapaskan Languages ; Washington, 1892.

Powell, J. W. — Indian Linguistic families ; Seventh Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology,.

Washington, 1892.

Third Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology ; Wa.shington, 1884.

Powers, S. — Contributions to North American Ethnology ; Vol. II., Washington.

QuiNTlLiAN — De Instilutione oratoria, translated by La Harpe ; Dijon, 1820.

Royce, C. C. — The Cherokee Nation of Indians ; Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology, Washington, 1887.

Southall- Recent Origin of Man.

Thein, J. — Christian Anthropology ; New York, Benziger Bros., 1892.

Thomas, C. — Manuscript Troano ; Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. V.,.
Washington.
Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the U. S. ; Fifth Annual Report Bureau of.

Ethnology, Washington, 1887.
Work in Mound Exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1887. '

The Problem of the Ohio Mounds, Washington, 1889.

ViGOUROUX, F. — Les Livres Saints venges, Vol. III.

Dictionnaire de la Bible ; Letou.. y et Ane ; Paris (still in courae of publication).
And a few others with which I am not personally acquainted.

1892-93.]

NOTES ON THE WEHTBRN D^^N^S.

221

. ". ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

Page 25 — After paragraph 4 add the following as an additional subdivision : — Hwozahne, two
villages, namel", Stony Creek (Sai'kaz), population 88, and Laketown or Nujkre, population
65, both of which are situated a little south of Fraser Lake.

Page 30 — After " Fort George " insert : — HwoK''.ie, south of Fraser Lake

Pa^e 35 — Strike out " the Eskimo " and add :— to which might almost be added the Eskimo,
were it not that J. Murdoch (Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition, Ninth Ann.
Rep. Bur. Ethnology, Washington, 1892) slates that he obtained from a Point Barrow tribe
three fragments of a sort of pottery, the material of which " was said »o be earth (nu'na) bear's
blood and feathers, and appears to have been baked " (p. 91).

Fig. 199.

Page 118 — Dele the whole paragraph beginning "These other objects" and substitute: — "
Three other objects, which as sociological items were also due to the influence of the maritime
tribes, but had become naturalized among, and were made by, the Carriers, were the nt/rwfs or
medicine-rattle, the hansUaih, or ceremonial mask, and the faak, or long, festival dish. These
were almost the only objects of art of genuine Den6 manufacture to which I can point, and yet I
do not think I unduly depreciate my Indians' artistic capabilities by adding that they were rather
below than above the average of similar a^^original carvings. The appositeness of this remark
will become evident by a comparison of fig. 199, wherein we have a representative Carrier
medicine-rattle, with illustrations of similar implements so frequently met with in modem essays
on the Northwest Coast Indians. As may be seen by the cut b, the Dene rattle is made of two
hollowed halves bearing some resemblance to wooden dippers. Its material is birch, and its only
ornamentation is in paint, not carving. The figure explains the mode of connection of the two
parts of the rattle.

222

TIIANSACTIONS OP THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

[Vol. IV.

The masksVere used only by mimics .-iccompanying by grotesque gestures and jerkings of the
head the dance of a privileged few ; but the rattles served a double purpose : they did service in
connection with a notable's dance, being then held in the hand by the dancing personage himself,
and also as an accompaniment to the incantations of the tfym or shaman. No ceremonial masks
of genuinely Dene make are now available for illustration : but such objects are, even at the
present day, so common among the natives of the Pacific Coast that they hardly neetl any descrip-
tion. It may suffice to refer the reader unacquainted with North American aboriginal parapher-
nalia to the plates or figures illustrating. . . .

Page i8i — After "their occult art" insert : — Let me add that some of these head-dresses,
while retaining the name of cyas-krei, were composed of beaver-teeth, sometimes daubed with
red ochre. One such specimen recently came into my possession which lacks the double row of
dentnlium shells usual with crowns made of real bear's claws.