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Read 4th November, 18^3. .•t. • • '. .• i » % •• • • •• ' • • > . • • ■ • • • I • » i 1 i ' 1 ■ « \ '{ * i 1 t :?■•' • 1 1S92-'J3] NOTES ON THB WESTERN D^Ni^S. CONTENTS. \ PAGE Introduction 5 CHAPTER I. Ethnological Sketch ." 8 The Name " l)6n6" 8 Distribution of the Ddn^s 10 Main Characteristics of the D^n^ Race 17 Distribution of the Western Ddnds 22 CHAPTER II. Preliminaries 32 Philological -^2 Works and Implements Unknown Among the Western D6n6s 35 CHAPTER III. Stone Implements 3g Industrial Stone Implements 43 Stone Weapons of War and of the Chase 53 CHAPTER IV. Bone and Horn Implements 66 CHAPTER V. Traps and Snares 84 Fish Traps g> Land Animal Traps 03 Snares qo Observances of the Hunter and Trapper 106 CHAPTER VI. Wooden Implements , i , CHAPTER VII. Bark Implements ,20 Esculent and Medicinal Plants ,27 Other Bark Implements ,32 4 TRANSAOTIOlfS 0> THB CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [VOL. IV. CHAPTER VIII. Copper and Iron Implements , 136 Copper Implements 136 Iron Implements 140 CHAPTER IX. Skin Objects, and Twined and Textile Fabncs 14; Skin Objects 145 Objects of Mixed Material 1 50 Textile and Twined Fabrics 1 56- CHAPTER X. Dress and Personal Adornment 162 Common Dress 163 . Ceremonial Costume ijz CHAPTER XI. Habitations 1 84 CHAPTER XII. Monuments and Pictography '. 199 Carved Monuments 199 Pictography 206 Index 213 Works quoted or referred to 219 Addenda et Corrigenda 221 u, 1892-93] NOTBS 05 THE WESTERN Dl^M^S. INTRODUCTION. " Archseological " is rather inappropriate in connection with the present monograph, whose scope embraces nothing archaian or really ancient. The prehistoric D^n^s are the D6n^s of but yesterday. For, what are the one hundred years which have elapsed since the discovery of their country compared with the twenty or more centuries which separate us from the famous civilizations of ancient Egypt and Assyria ? Yet, to check possibly too sanguine expectations from such archaeologists as may happen to read these lines, I hasten to declare that it is perhaps more easy to present the lover of technological lore with graphic illustra- tions of the arts and industries which flourished among the subjects of the Pharaohs and the Assyrian monarchs, than to thoroughly illustrate from actual specimens the ensemble of the arms, working implements, household utensils and ceremonial paraphernalia, which should concur in reconstructing the peculiar mode of life pursued by the primitive D^n^s. The original Egyptians and Assyrians have left us, besides authentic records of their own doings on imperishable material what p^oniises to prove well nigh unlimited' stores of practical illustrations of their past sociology in their tombs, their temples and other public monuments. So that the antiquarian's task is greatly facilitated by the abundance of ihe material at his command. Furthermore, where the hieroglyphic and cuneiform chronicles fail to clear up difficulties of interpretation or to enlighten him on the particular use of ancient implements, he has only to delve into Herodotus and other historians for the desired light. Not so, however, with regard to the prehistoric D6n6s. As I have elsewhere demonstrated,* that family of American aborigines, and more especially the Carrier tribe to which prominence will be given in the following pages, is charactetized by a wonderful power of imitation and self-adaptation which prompted it, upon the advent of the whites, to dis- card most of its native customs, indigenous weapons and working implements. As a natural consequence, many of the latter are now in a fair way towards complete obliteration. Moreover, the nation's historians, I mean the old men who witnessed the manufacture and use of some archaeological articles the duplicates of which have caused speculations from more than one antiquarian, are fast disappearing from •Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic?" Canada, Section II. 1892. Trans. Roy. Soc. •6 TKANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. 'i the scene of this world. So that the sooner the D6n6 technology is brought to light, the better it will be in the interest of science. Indeed, should any value whatever be attached to the present monograph, I feel quite certain that it will be entirely on account of its opportuneness. Undertaken twenty-five years ago, it could probably have been made more exhaustive. After the lapse of an equal spjicc of time, its usefulness as a contribution to archaeological knowledge would be problematical. I am at present the possessor of the only remaining specimens of some objects illustrative of the past Carrier sociology, and my familiarity with the language and original customs of the Indians to whose spiritual wants I minister, might not be enjoyed by a successor among them until time and circumstances deprive its use of much of its value. These considerations, corroborated by the requests of scientists whose advice I have not the right to disregard, have emboldened me to attempt a description of such technological objects as can be illustrated from specimens in my possession or which are still in common use among the Western D^n^s. The number of these, as will soon appear, is somewhat limited, and therefore my task cannot be very arduous. I only regret that my mineralogical shortcomings render an exact description of the material used in the fabrication of stone implements in a few cases impos- sible. For the identification of such rocks as are adequately described, I am under obligation to Dr. G. M. Dawson, Assistant Director of the Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa. As technology is the prime object of this monograph, the industries of the Western D^n^s will be mentioned in so far only as may be necessary for the clear understanding of the nature and use of the objects therein described. Which statement should not convey the idea that I intend to make light of their claims to importance in an ethnological contribution. With a little reflection, it will become apparent that all human industries need material aids or means to manifest themselves, and their results must also take a concrete form. Now, these palpable data, be they the products of human ingenuity or the instruments employed in their development, are per se technological items, and by reviewing the latter, one cannot help treating of the former. Therefore I simply mean to say that the archaeological, rather than the industrial, plan will be adopted in the following pages. In other words, our divisions shall be based, not on the industries of the Western D^n^s, but, as far as practical, on the material of the weapons, tools, utensils, fishing devices and other implements under consideration. 18y2-93] NOTKS ON THK WESTERN vtsis. As for the third, or sociological scope of this paper, I think that our title will be justified not only by numerous transient mentions of native- customs and practices, but more especially by extended descriptions of the Aborigines' usages and superstitions in connection with fishing and trapping, their domestic economy as regards diet and remedies, their ceremonial dress, their habitations, etc. However, for more systematic information concerning the Den6 sociology, the reader must be referred to another paper published some years ago under the title of " The Western D^n^s ; their Manners and Customs." * Mythology may be regarded as a mirror wherein the psychological ideas and the particular social institutions and mode of life of a people are faithfully reflected. Therefore I have not deemed it inconsistent with the nature of my subject to intersect the following pages with a few short legends or traditions, especially when these may prove a help, towards the formation of a more correct idea of the objects hereafter- described. •Proceedings Can. Inst., vol. vii., p. 109, ft seq. « TRANSACTir S8 OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. CHAPTER I. Ethnological Sketch.— The Name "D^nI i! !l I '■ ) \n For the benefit of such of my eaders as may not have seen my former essays, I must repeat that by Dr. Brinton's .,4wf/iVTRIUUTION OF THK VVksTERN D^.N^S. Now that we have made some acquaintance with the divisions and main traits of the Ddn^ nation in general, we may particularize and furnish the reader with more precise ethnologic data concerning the tribes whose technology and industries we are about to review. These we have already named : they are the TsijKoh'tin.The Carriers and the Tsaser facing F'ort Alexander. All of these Tsi[Koh'tin have abandoned their original semi-sub- terranean huts to dwell in log houses covered with mud according to the fashion prevailing among the neighbouring whites. They also cultivate wheat and other cereals, peas and potatoes with moderate .success. The nomadic Tsi(Koh'tin are called by the whites "Stone Tsi[Koh'tin" by allusion to their fovourite naunts, the rocky spurs of the Lillooet mountains and of the Cascade range where they live, largely on marmots. They have no fixed abode and except during the winter, they are constantly shifting from their southern to their northern borders, that is from the aforesaid mountains to the Chilcotin River, where they generally pass a few weeks of the fair season. I know of no more primitive people throughout the whole of British Columbia. Apart from the above regular subdivisions their still remain at Na'kilnt'iCm, or in the proximity of that lake, a few straggling members of the same tribe. In his late paper on "the Shushwap people of British Columbia," Dr. G. M. Dawson gives f after Mr. J. W. Mackay, Indian agent, an interesting account of a hostile excursion of Tsi[Koh'tin warriors into the country of * Were native testimony retjanied as an insulficient prouf" of this, pliiloloj^y might still furnish us with corroborative evidence of unquestionable character. Thus the most remarkable fenture of the present teiritory of the Tsi[Koh'tin tribe is its magnificent bunch grass (Agropyrum [Tri/icttm] repens L.). Now they call it (Enna-CjA, or "grass of the foreigners," i.e., the Shushwap. This particular species o( grass is not met with north of the valley and bordering tablelands of the Chilcotin River. t Notes OP the Shushwap people of 13. C. ; Transact. K. S. C .'"'ec. U, p. 24, 1891. f; I I r. 11 34 TUANSACTIONS OF THK Cn.NAUIAN INSTITUTK. [V. .. IV. the Shushwap. On the authority of that narrative, the would-be invaders wore pushed back by superior numbers into the Semilkameen valley where, by their prowess, they compelled their pursuers to come to terms and make a treaty of peace from which intermarriages soon resulted. " These strangers, who are said to have come from the Chilcotin country, are thus the earliest inhabitants of the Semilkameen valley of whom any account has been obtained." * Seven, out of thirteen words given by Mr. Mackay, as remnants of the original language of the invaders, are undoubtedly TsiiKoh'tin, and make it certain that the Semilkameen Shushwap are partly of Dene parentage. Immediately north of the TsijKoh'tin we find the Carriers or Takhejne, the most important in nui; oers, most widespread and progressive of all the north-western D^ne tribes. They extend as far north as the 56" of latitude and are coterminous with the coast tribes on the west and the Crees and Tse''kehne on the east. The Coast Range on the one side and the Rocky Mountains as far as 53'^ lat. on the other, separate them from their heterogeneous neighbours. North of the 53°, they are in immediate contact with the Ts(^'kehne. The Carriers are semi-sedentary Indians. They have fixed homes in regularly organized villages from which they periodically scatter away in search of the fish and fur-bearing animals on which they subsist. From south to nortn, their tribal subdivisions are : — 1. The 'jthau'tenne (a contraction of n^tha-koh-'tenne, people of the Eraser River). They now have but one village, Stella (the Cape) contiguous to the old Fort Alexander, formerly one of the most important of the H. B. Co's. posts in Briti.sh Columbia, now abandoned. They were originally several hundreds : they are now almost extinct as a sept. Whiskey and loose morals owing to the vicinity of the whites are responsible for this result. They are co-terminous with the Shushwap in the south and the TsijKoh'iin in the immediate west. I do not think that fifteen individuals of that sept now remain 2. The Nazkutenne (people of the river Naz). They are likewise greatly reduced in numbers, there not being actually more than 90 members of that sub-tribe, though they stil' inhabit two villages Quesnel and Black- VVater.f The same causes, especially tht former, as played havoc among the qthau'tenne, are slowly but surely working out the * Ibid. p. 25. t The Black- Water or West River followed up by Sir. A . Mackenzie to reach the Pacific Coast. 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^IN^S. 25 ultimate destruction of the Nazku'tenne. them are on the Fraser River. Both villages inhabited by 3. Due west of the Black-Water village and ascending the river of that* name to its source, we meet with a third subdivision of the Carriers, the Nu-tca-tenne (probably corrupted from Nii-tcah- tenne, people down against the island). These people dwell in four small villages. Trout Lake, qus'kaz,* Pe-i'ka-tc^k,-f- and ^'ka-tco.J The latter is composed of a mixed population of D^n^ and Belqula descent whose first white visitor was the writer, ten years ago. The Nu-cha-'tenne formerly had several other villages (Tsitsi, qrak, etc.), the sites of which are still dis- cernible through small clearings in the forest. Their present ^otal number may be a little over 135. 4. Immediately north of the Black-Water village, at the confluence of the NutcaKoh with the Fraser River, we have one village, Fort George or 7«V//,§ the population of which forms one separate sept, the Tatio- 'tenne {people a little to the north). It numbers actually 130 persons. The Fort George Indians have on the east side of the Fraser very large and productive hunting grounds as far as, and comprising, the Rocky and Caribou mountains and spurs thereof. A village of the same sept, Tcinlak at the junction of the Na'kralKoh or Stuart's Lake River with the NuchaKoh had formerly a flourishing population which was, not very long ago, practically annihilated in one night by the TsijKoh'tin. V Two villages on Fraser Lake furnish us with our fifth tribal sub- division of the Carriers. Their population goes under the common name of Natlotenne (contracted from Natleh-hwo' tenne or people of Natleh.||) About 135 persons form the population of their two villages Natleh and Stella, ** one at each end of the lake. The aggregate of the above enumerated septs constitutes what I generally designate under the collective name of Lower Carriers. Though slight linguistic peculiarities give to each of them a real individu- ality, yet the dialect of ail contains very important characteristics com- mon to the whole aggregate ^''hich differentiate it from that of any of the septs or subtribes which remain to review. * " Half-qus," the name of a carp-like fish. + " Wherewith one catches fat." J: "The Big-fattening." §" The Junction." II " It (i.e., the salmon) comes back again." ** The Cape. fti: ii.. A m .t J 26 TBANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN 1N8TITUTK. [Vol. IW thii Under the name of Upper Carriers I include :- , 6. The Na-kra-ztli'tenne or people of Na'kraztli* Stuart's Lake They inhabit two villages, Na'kraztli and Pintce+ on the southern end,. and on the middle of Stuart's Lake. They number 1 80 souls, and they are of all the Carriers those who have made the greatest strides towards, civilization. 7. Immediately to the north-west, on the same lake and its tributaries,. Lakes Tremblay, That'iah, % and Connolly, a second subdivision of the Upper Carriers, the seventh of the whole tribe, occupies four smal villages, two only of which are regularly organized with a chief and the usual native officers. These are Tha-tce, || and Sas-thtit§ rejpectively at the confluence of Thatce river on Stuart's Lake and near Fort Connolly on the lake of that name. The others are 'Kaztce ** formerly an important locality on Thatce river and Ya-Ku-tce ff at the north-western extremity of Stuart's Lake. The original home of all these bands was at the end of that lake, as is manifest from their common name as a sept: T'^az-tenne, people of the bottom or end of the lake. Their total population is not over 90. Some nine or ten years ago, Drs. Tolmie and Dawson published conjointly a valuable ethnological map of this province, J+ which does not tally in every respect with my description of the northern limits of the Carriers' territory. The line of demarcation between the Carriers and the Ts^'k^hnes' hunting grounds passes, on that map, through the middle of Thatlah lake, giving the latter a large "'-.rip of land wkich I grant to the former. I must explain that the authors of that map thereby point to the de jure or original territory of the Carriers, while I sketch above the de /ado or actual limits thereof By right Bear's or Connolly lake and adjacent country belong to the Tse'k^hne tribe ; but, as a matter of fact>- the village which is situated close to the H. B. Co's. fort is now the •For the etymology of this name, see "The Dene Languages," Trans. Can. Inst, 1889-90,, p. 188. . + Confluence of the Pin river. + "Bottom of the water," the equivalent of the French "Fond du Lac." The real native name of tlus lake is Kil-r9-p»n, lit, " burden- near-lake." II "The tail," (i.e., confluence in the lake) of the water. ' § " Black Bear bathing place." •• Confluence of the 'Kfz river. ■ft The confluence of the river VfKuz/li, (the outlet of YaKo lake). ++ Appended to " Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian tribes of B.C.; Montreal, 1884, :M Mill 1892-93.] KOTES ON THE WESTERN D^Nl^S. 27 rendezvous of representatives of three different tribes, namely : the Ts^'k^hne who perioaically congregate there for trading purposes and have no permanent residence ; the Carriers, a band of whom now inhabit the village and hunt in the vicinity of the lake with the consent of the form.er ; and the gtnas or Kitiksons from the Skeena river who are considered as mere intruders and as such live there only on sufferance. Both the Na'kraztli'tenne and the T'laz'tenne receive from the Babines the name of 'Kutsne. The following subdivisions might be designated under the collective name of Babines, since in language they are practically one, and the custom of wearing labrets which gave its distinctive name to one of them was common to both. They are : — 8. The NituUinni (in Upper Carrier Natdtenne) or Babines who inhabit the northern half of Babine lake in three villages and number actually some 310 souls. 9 The Hivotsu'tinni (in Upper Carrier H'zvoUd tenne) or people of the river Hwotsutsan.* They are called Akwilgc^t, " well dressed," by the Kiliktons, their immediate neighbours of Tsimpsian parentage, and after them by the whites. They inhabit two villages, Tse-tcah,+ KeyaP- hwotqat,! and two smaller places now organizing, Tsei-'kaz-Kwoh,§ and Moricetown on the HwotsotsanKwoh or Buckley river and what is known in the country as the telegraph trail. All of these localities are within the northernmost extremity of these Indians' hunting grounds which extend from Fran^ais Lake up to the Skeena River. Several members of that sept are allied by blood with their alien neighbours, the Kitiksons. They number about 300. . The language of these different branches of the Carrier tribe, while remaining essentially the same, undergoes however marked variations, corresponding to its ethnographical subdivisions. Upon that ground 1 have even sometimes asked myself whether distinct individuality as a tribe should not be granted to the Babines whose linguistic or even psychological peculiarities are so glaring that they cannot escape detection even by the most careless observer. Much of their dialect would indeed be " greek " to an 'jthau'ten visitor. It is also but right to warn the reader that the three main divisions of the tribe into Lower Carriers, Upper Carriers and Babines, although * Almost equivalent to "Spider." t Down against the Rock. ::0)d Village. § River of the axe edge. iif ■ , I'll ill -28 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. ipii [Vol. IV. §m i: i\ founded on language and geographical distribution, are not recognized by the Carriers themselves, who knew of no other than the above enumerated minor subdivisions. The TsiiKoh'tin and Carriers have a well organized society composed ■of the hereditary " noblemen " who own the land, and the common people who hunt with and for them. They formerly had no local head- chiefs. Moreover, irrespective of the ethnographic divisions based on language and habitat, they are divided into several gentes the members of which believe themselves bound by ties of the strictest relationship. They were originally exogamous, and throughout the entire Carrier tribe matriarchate or mother-right is the law governing succession to titles and property. Among the Tsd-k^h-ne, or "People-on-the-Rocks" a simpler and more primitive social organization obtains. That tribe, through necessity as much as from natural inclination, is entirely nomadic. As salmon is unknown throughout their territory, these aborigines have to be almost constantly on fhe move after the moose, cariboo and other large animals on whose flesh they mainly subsist. Father- right is their national fundamental law, and the whole tribe is composed c*" bands slightly differing in language, and with no regular chiefs. In fact, their society, such as it is, might almost be termed a perfect anarchy, were it not that the advice of the oldest or most influential of each band is generally followed as far at least as regards hunting, travelling and camping. Though each band has traditional hunting grounds, the limits of these are but vaguely defined, which is not the case with those of the Carriers. Furthermore, several members of one band will not unfrequently be found hunting unmolested on the land of another. Therefore no very strict boundaries can be assigned to the following tribal subdivisions which comprise all the Ts^'k^hne population \yithin the political borders of British Columbia: — 1. The Ytl-tsA-fqemie, or "people down over there" {i.e., in the direction of an expanse of water) are the band which from time immemorial bartered out to the Carriers the axes and other primitive implements of which due mention shall be made further on. They are so called by the rest of the tribe by allusion to their commercial relations with the Carriers of Stuart's Lake. Their hunting grounds lie from Salmon River* to MacLeod's Lake and thence to the Fraser, by 53° 30'. 2. The Tsi-kih-ne-az, or " little-people-on-the-rocks " roam over the * There are so many Snlmon rivers in the north of British Columbia that it may be necessary to explain that the one here mentioned empties itself into the Fraser a little above Fort George. ?n 1892-93.] NOTES ON THR WESTERN i">£N6s. 29> land which extends between the latter lake and the summit of the Rocky Mountains. They are often to be found hunting on the western slope of that range. 3. The To-ta-fqenne (" people-a-little-down-the-rivef ") inhabit the eastern slope and adjacent plains of the Rocky Mountains within British Columbia. 4. The Tsa-fiynne (who call themselves Tsa-Jmh) or Beaver-people, roam over the large prairies contiguous to the Peace River, on the south side of that stream and east of the Rockies. 5. The Ts^-ta-ut'qenne (the people against the Rocks) as hinted by their name, have their habitat chiefly at the base of the Rocky Mountains on the north side of the Peace River. * 6. This is perhaps the proper place to mention the Sarcees* who have been adopted by the Blackfeet Confederation, and actually live east of the Rocky Mountains by about 51° lat. north. 7. To the north of all the above sub-divisions, from the 56° to the north, we find the Sas-chiit-qenne or "people of the Black Bear" whose trading post was until last year Fort Connolly on the lake of that name. 8. Another band called Otz9n-ne (people between or intermediary) claims the land which intervenes beLween the territory of the Saschut- 'qenne and that of the Ts^lohne on the west side of the Rocky Mountains. 9. Those Tsd-loh-ne (people of the end of the Rocks) live immediately north of the latter and their chief trading post is now B. L. C. (Bear-Lake- Outpost) on the Finlay River by 57° of latitude north. Their name is due to the fact that their habitat is an immense plain which is said to intersect the whole of the Rocky Mountains which are popularly believed not to extend any further. The aggregate population of all these bands does not exceed 1,300. The Tsd'kehne are known to the Carriers under the name of j'tat-'tenne or " people of the beaver-dams," while the latter are responsible for the distinctive name of the Carriers — Arejne, " packers." The nickname Ta-Kej-ne by which this tribe sometimes calls itself f is of recent origin It has no meaning in its language to which it is exotic, and I cannot * Their aboriginal name as a sept is unknown to me. A century ago they had 35 tents with a population of 120. (History of Manitoba, p. 85). t Indeed they even call thus all the races of Indians by opposition to the whites. '■( i:| y lif i; J '■^ m ■ :|| 1 WB^tmrnfi 1 J i 1 ; 1 li 1 ^ il 1. ' : i ■ . ,1! , I; '■;:'^ jji! ■W ,; ! I! ! m ' in :l| ?fH-rii 30 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. imagine whi nee it originated. It is the would-be Tacullies or Takullies of the ethnographers.* The foregoing information will be found recapitulated in the following list showing the tribal subdivisions from south to north of the Tsilkoh'tin^ the Carriers and the Tsd'k^hne. Tsilkoh'tin Tribe. Stone TsijY^oKtin ; immediately south of Ch'lcotin River. TpsKo/ttin ; ten miles north of the mouth of Chilcotin River. T'pthetlKoh'tin ; north bank of Chilcotin River, 45 miles from its mouth. Independent septs ; Fort Alexander and Nakfintl'On. Carrier Tribe. 'jthau'ienne ; Fort Alexander. Nazkti tenne ; Qucsnelle and mouth of Black Water River. Nutca'tenne ; on Black Water and throughout its basin. Tand tenne ; Fort George. N atld tenne ; Fraser Lake. N dkraztlt tenne ; Stuart's Lake. T^as' tenne ; upper end of Stuart's Lake and tributaries. Babine Subtribe. N^tu'tinni ; Babine Lake. Hwotsu! tinni ; Buckley River and Fran^ais Lake. Ts^'k^hne Tribe. YiltsMqenne ; from Salmon River to McLeod's Lake. Tsf k^hneaz ; from McLeod's Lakes to the Rocky Mountains. Totafqenne ; immediately east of Rocky Mountains. Tsat'qenne (the Beavers) ; south side of Peace River. Tsb' tauf qenne ; base of Rocky Mountains close by preceding. * The number of different orthographical readings of the names of the north-western Dsne tribes is truly wonderful. Thus the Carriers (TaKeine, the " Porteurs" of the French Canadians) are called Tahkali and Tahcully by Anderson, Teheili, by Dawsc i and Takully, 7'acully, Takrilh by others. The Tse'kehne are Thi-kka-ne to Petitot, Ihekenneh to Kennicott, and Sicany, Siccani, or Sikani to others. I am ashamed to own that I have myself countenanced in former papers the wrong reading " S^kanais" of my predecessors here. 1892-93.] NOTES OK THE WESTERN D^N^S. 31 Sarcees ; immediately east of Rocky Mountains, 51' lat. north. SascMtqenne ; Connolly Lake and north. West side Rocky Mountains. Otz3nne ; north of preceding, same side of mountains. Tsilohne ; north of preceding, same side of mountains. To the above I should add the Na/vane * whose hunting grounds lie to the north of those of the Ts^'k^hne. But I am not familiar enough with their tribal divisions to state them with any degree of certainty, nor ■do I sufficiently possess their technology to speak authoritatively of it. It may however be broadly stated that from an archaeological standpoint the Western Nah'ane may be classed as Carriers, while the Eastern Nah'ane are to all practical purposes regular Tsd'k«§hne. :!i »■' * The so-called Nehawni of Pilling, the Na"ane of Petitot, the Nahawney of Kennicott, the Nehawney of Ross and the Nahawnies of others. n- It 11: UMiS i ^1: f f ir m it 32 TIIANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. I ' ni I :! |Ii ■ ! i,„ Mil ill ,1! ■;.' , ii i ii' -l! hm CHAPTER II. Preliminaries — Philological. Even Philology is not without bearing on Archaeology. More than once the former will prove a great help towards elucidating such problems as the relative age or history of the human products whose aggregate constitutes the raison d' ette of the latter. Thus the necessaries of native life, those objects which are the most indispensable to savage man and whose appearance as technological items must therefore have been the earliest are, as a rule, expressed in D^n6 by monosyllabic roofs as thuy water ; Ktvan, fire ; jo, fish ; tsa, beaver ; 'kra, arrow ; pif, snare ; ku/i, trap ; etc. Other objects or implements of more complex nature or less general import, or the use of which supposes higher steps in the industrial ladder, are rendered by polysyllabic words. In the language of the D^n^s, the more primitive an object, philologically also the simpler its name. Implements of complicated structure or of recent introduction among the aborigines have almost invariably names of similarly composite fabric. These considerations have led me to give, either in the text or through foot-notes, the aboriginal name of each item of native technology men- tioned in the present monograph. As we shall presently see, some of these names admit of no literal translation ; but when such translation is possible, it shall accompany the Indian word. Unless otherwise noted, those names will be in the Carrier dialect. That the reader may the more easily recognize the category to which such words etymologically belong, and thereby judge of the place the objects they represent occupy in the D^n6 technology, I deem it not irrelevant to reproduce here the following paragraphs from a former paper on the D^n^ languages. " Considered in their material structure and etymology, the Dene nouns may be divided into four classes. These are the primary roots which are all monosyllabic as in Chinese. Such a-re^/a, sky ; tM, water ; /j/, stone ; J^j, black bear; etc. TJieyare essentially nominative: they neither define nor describe the object they designate ; they merely differentiate it from another. I consider them as the remnants of the primitive Den^ language, inasmuch as they are to be found with little or Ihi :! 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S. 3a no alteration in all the dialects of the family, whatever may be the dis- tance intervening between the aborigines who speak them.*" No etymology or other explanation than that of the text v;ill be given of words belonging to this category, because they admit of none. Thus the context will indicate for instance that R^/ is a war club, that we is a kind of fish trap, etc., without any attempt being made at explaining the origin of either word, or at giving a more literal sense of them than that furnished by the translation, which would be impossible. They have no derivation, but on the contrary may serve as the compounding elements of other words of secondary import. " The second category comprises roots of simple import which are genuine unsynthetical substantives though polysyllabic, generally dissyll- abic, in form. To this category belong words as t^ne, man ; t'sbkhk, woman ; paflran, lake ; etc. They possess, to a limited extent, the properties of the monosyllabic roots, being likewise merely determinative and oftentimes varying but little with the change of dialect."i* Here it may be added that even in these nouns there is generally one syllable which is more important and contains, as it were, the quintessence of the word. Thus it is with the ne of i^ne ; the t's^ of t'stkhk^ thep^n oi pailnn. In composite words, such syllables only are retained. So the Carriers will more commonly say ne-aran murderer, than tdne-dran, while in such compounds as ji-ts^, she-dog, and pdn-tco^ big lake, the weak or secondary syllable has also disappeared. " The third class contains composite nouns formed, as a rule, by com- pounding, though sometimes by agglutinating, monosyllabic or dissylla- bic roots. Such are ne-na-pa-ra (literally : man-eyes-edge-hair) eye lashes ; tspe-ii, wild sheep horns ; tnai-rJ, vegetable oil instead of inai-v.^, literally, fruit-oil. These nouns being mere compounds of roots belong- ing to the two former categories have the same degree of relative immutableness with regard to the various dialects as the radicals which enter into their composition.''^ In like manner, implements designated by names of this category may be of as ancient origin as those denominated by words of the first. Thus, tsa-m-pi], beaver snare, contains two ideas of simple import — the medial in being merely euphonical and demanded by the following p. That words of this class may not be confounded with terms of the preceding, their compounding roots will be separated by a hyphen, •The Dene Languages, etc. Transact Can. Inst. vol. i, 1889-90, p. 181. Mbid. Xlbid, p. 182. i\ vx. 1 \ i i (!■ f I 11 34 TRANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. 1 ■ ;!H " The fourth and last class is made up of verbal nouns which, as their name indicates, are nothing else than verbs in the impersonal or personal moods employed to qualify objects of secondary import with the help sometimes of a radical noun, sometimes of a pronoun, and always of a prepositive particle prefixed to, or incorporated in, the verbal substantive. Of this description are the words /^j/^«-^/'^ u [Vol. VI. Pipe Fig. 2 is of recent manufacture, and bears testimony to the TsijKoh'tin's faculty of imitation. It has been \\ rought out of an impure steatite or soap stone. Its stem is a wooden tube connected with the base of the boivl by a double string or chain of black beads. The stem of such pipes is more generally lengthened through the insertion of a perforated brass cartridge shell between the base and the mouthpiece. Fig. 2. Specimens of pipes identical in form, and sometimes in material, though many are of serpentine, are also found among the Ts^'k^hne. But now-a-days the poorest Carrier scorns them as utterly unsuited to his present state of civilization. 'in III! ''It'lii 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN D^lNl^S. 3» CHAPTER ill. Stone Implements. Some scientists seem to have an innate fondness for the mysterious and the insolvable. Upon the slightest pretext they delight in creating difficul- ties or proj 'ounding problems. They long for novelties and must soar above the c )ncepts of such weak-minded mortals as are naive enough to pay any attention to the " Hebrew myths " of the creation of man and his comparatively recent appearance on the scene of this world. Whereas in modern times we have no authentically recorded instance of mound building by American Aborigines,* and because some of those artificial works are of considerable magnitude, they jump to the conclusion that the so-called mound-builders must have been a very ancient race, more advanced in civilization than the Indians of our days and altogether different fiom them.f In like manner, because in Europe, and in some parts of America stone implements have been discovered which are of a particularly rude pattern, they mfer that these remains being found in river beds or, in Europe, imbedded in geological strata supposed to have been formed at a very remote epoch prove the existence, not only of prehistoiic, but even of pre- Adamite man. Students who prefer to rely on the authority of such an unerring guide as the I^ible to following modern savatiis through their ever shifting, if not conflicting, theorie'=, cannot but remark, I fancy, that, in the same way as the latest researches tend to confirm the opinion of those unprejudiced antiquarians who from tbi! beginning doubted the great antiquity of the American mounds and the extraneous nationality of their builders,^ even so it must ultimately * As will appear from note + the Cherokees did erect mounds, though unobserved by the: whites, within the present century. t ".So strong in fact is the hold whicii ihis theory . . . has taken of the minds of both American and European archaeologists, that it not only biases their conclusions but also moulds and modifies their nomenclature, and is thrust into their specuiuions and even into their descrip- tions as though no longer a simple theory, but a conceded fact." Burial Moiauis of the Northern Section oft'-. (J. S. by Pfof. Cyrus Thomas ; Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol. p. 80. + F,idence corroborative of this assumption would fill many pages. .Scientists in every way 'jualified to speak on this subject and to whom nobody can refuse a hearing have clearly shown the futility of the theory which ascribes the erection of the mounds to non-Indian races. Prof. Cyrus Thomas, than whom I think there is no more reliable authority on the subject, lays down as one of the conclusions derived from the mound explorations under the auspices of the Smith* sonian Institution that " nothing trustworthy has been discovered to justify the theory that the mound builders belonged to a highly civilized rare, or that they were a people who liad attained a (I '^1 It i' l!:iii h;I ' i 1^ %- I !':| f l| :'fi ■ .i 1 .-.h i 40 TKANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vou IV. prove to be the case with regard to the fabulous age ascribed to what are called palaeolithic implements. By the end of che last century Voltaire and his school 'vere wont to adduce the pretended enormous antiquity of the Egyptian monuments as an irrefutable evidence of the inaccuracy of the Mosaical chronology. Time -.vnt on, and the days came when Cham- poUion and Sir. H. Rawlinson deciphered the Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions. Then the very same works which fifty years before were instanced as an excuse for the encyclopedists' sneers at the Scriptures were converted into the best extrinsical proof of the accuracy of the Mosaical account. I am not an archajologist, much less a geologist. Yet, upon entering into a question in connection wherewith so many strange and, to me, evidently ilk liit;lier cultu.e status than the Indians. It is true that works and papers on American Archaeology are full of statements to the contrary which are generally based on the theory that the mound- huildeni belonged to a race of much higher culture than the Indians. Yet, when the facts on which this opinion is based are examined with sober scientific care, the splendid fabric which has been built upon them by that great workman, imagination, fades from sight. The links discovered directly connecting the Indians and the mound-builders are so : -imc- - '^\d so well established that there should be no longer any hesitancy in accepting the ih" \ / '. > '- two are one and the same people. . . The testimony of the mounds is very u<^.iJeviiy against the theory that the mound-builders were Mayas or Mex'jans" Work in Mound Exploration of the Bur, Ethtiol., Washington, iSSf, p. ii-ij. To corroborate by actual facts my position on this question, I glean from the same paper the following extracts : — "In another Wisconsin mound . . . was found lying at the bottom on the original surface of the ground, near the center, a genuine, rtgu'arly-fornied gunflint. In another Tennessee mound some 6 feet high and which showed no signs of disturbance, an old fashioned horn handled case-knife was discovered near the bottom. . . From a group in Northern Mississippi in the locality formerly occupied by the Chickasaw were obtainal a silver plate with the Spanish coat of arms stamped upon it, and the iron portions of a saddle. At the bottom of a North Carolina mound, part of an iron blade and an iron awl were discovered in the hands of the principal personage buried therein. . At the bottom of an undisturbed Pennsylvania mound, accompanying the original interment . . . was a joint of a large cane wrapped in pieces of thin and evenly wrought silver foil, smoothly cut in fancy figures." Ibid. p. 9 and 10. I have underlined the names of the stat-- mentioned to show that mound-building in post-Columbian timts was by no means locr 1 r exceptional. To the above should be added the still more significant fact that in a small V;/\l; - turbed mound in east Tennessee a stone with letters of the Cherokee alphaiiet ruddy ,'ai-' <;fi upon it was lately discovered by a party of American explorators. 1 he problem uj iki, '''■■■n Mounds, p. 37, note l. Dr. D. G. Urinton in his latest work, The American Race, p. 87-86, admits that "there is, to say the least, a strong probability that they [the modern Muskokis] are the descendants of the constructors of those ancient works " [namely, the i.nounds in their vicinity]. Over and above the authorities already quoted, here is how Dr. J. W. Powell, the learned head of the Bureau of Ethnology, .Smithsonian Institution, ends a review of an import- ant paper by Mr. W. H. Holmes : — "This eliminates one more source of error cherished by lovers of the mysterious to establish and exalt a supposed race of Mou.id-Builders." Third Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. Ixiii. ; Wi'shington, 1884. Nobody will deny that that gentleman, owing to his official position, enjoys opportunities of judging of the merits 01 " ;merits of a cause of which few indeed can boast. Lastly, it must be added that unlimited e' •<>'■■. x and c, though slight enough, appear neverthe- less to be quite intentional, and were it not for the symmetrical rounding off of the broadest end, they would suggest a double handle as the original means of facilitating work therewith. The Indians neither account for these notches, nor satisfactorily explain the mode of handling the knife. 1 1 1 '^^' !P: M i w^ m }4 ^ize. Fig. 22, represents a picece of broken object the original use of which is likewise problematic. It is of a variety of green marble variegated with yellow and rusty red. The broadest end has been thinned to a dull edge and, except where it shows signs of accidental breakage, it has received an exceedingly finu polish. Indeed, though it has been found here, at Stuart's Lake, I believe it far too skillfully finished to be of D(§n(5 manufacture. It must have been imported from the Coast. But 189-2-93.] NOTES ON THK WESIERN D^N^S. 53 what renders this relic particularly remarkable is t.ie presence of the very fine ^jrooves noticeable on each of its three unthinned edges, two only of which appear in the cut above, the third being on the reverse of the implement. This peculiarity, while rendering the identification of the find more difficult, suggests a similarity of form though certainly not of use, with an implement formerly common among the Carriers under the name of dzili, "it grinds through." It consisted of two stone tablets carefully polished at least on one side so as to permit of their being closely joined together. In the middle of their polished surfaces was a groove obtained probably 1 y poking, not friction, which when both tablets were superposed formed a cylindrical hole through which gam- bling sticks, arrow shafts, e':c., were repeatedly passed md thereby given an exquisite finish. None of these implements is now extant. They were the equivalent of t'ne wooden wrenches used by the Hupas under similar circumstances. Weapons of War and of the Chase Prominent among these were, of course the arrow,* and its correlative the bow.j The arrow heads * of the Western Denes were either of stone, of bone or horn, or of wood. ^ he form, no less than the materi il, of the stone arrow points greatly differed. In fig. 23 will be found specimens repres- entative of the most common patterns. Many of them are quite diniinutive in proportions, and would seem to i)artake more of the nature of play-things than of that of the deadly weajKms they undoubtedly wore. As regards shape, those marked a and b maj' be described as the typical arrow-points of the Western Duties. In common with specimen, r, whose main peculiarity is the absence of one of the usual side notches, they are of a blackish resonant rocc which I long mistook for a variety of flint, but which Dr. G. M. Dawson declares to be a very fine grained augite- porphyrite. The Carriers call this stone pts, and it is one of the 16 varieties of rocks known to their vocabulary. They used it in the making of the largest number of their n .-isile weapons, arrows, spears, etc. It is but right to remark here that the point a is so much larger than most genuine Dene arrow heads, that some Indians claim it was a bow, not an arrow point. Of the bow points further mention will soon be made. " 'AVa, prim. looi, ■\'3j!lii, Sinj^ulnil)- enough the Carriers have .1 collective name for bow and arrow taken to- gether. This is 'Kra-zza. X ^'iinlai, aecond . root. r ' !'' ' SI I 'ii iii I{|.!: ;tf !i 54 TKANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTR. [Vol.. IV. A less common and more valued material, called nalre in Carrier, is the obsidian of which the arrow-point marked d is formed. Such points are generally very small, e represents the most beautiful of all the arrow heads in my possession. It has been ingeniously chipped of a hard crystalline rock identified by Dr. Dawson as smoky quartz. Its form and . , ■ Fig. 23. finish display evidences of exceptionally good workmanship, too good in fact to be Den^ ; and I cannot help supposing that it must be some relic left among the Carriers by some coast warrior after one of those many conflicts recorded in the traditions of the old men. Other points, such as those labelled /, //, are of a species of translucent vitreous rock which probably does not essentially differ from that of specimen e. That marked // is remarkable for the absence of both notches. It is long, narrow, and so thick that but for its intentionally thinned edges it might be taken for a drill point. A few arrow heads as that marked g are of chalcedony, tsi-lkrai (stone-whitish). They are as a rule of a rather rude description. All the above are drawn full size. Specimens d and /, when seen otherwise than on paper, appear very small and tiny indeed. Yet it would be erroneous to suppose them to be mere anomalies or exceptions. Judging from the number of Dene arrow heads in my coliection, such diminutive implements form at least one quarter of all the arrow heads now extant. 1892-93.] NOTES ON THK WKSTERN UJ&NES. 6& Lastly, a few points are of a black, very hard and fine-grained stone, differing from the material of all the arrow heads already described. Such is that marked j. It is the only one of that description which I have ever seen. It is blunt-tipped, and with hardly any edge or sign of flaking. It has the exact appearance of an implement very much the worse for wear. There are to-day no well-authenticated Western Den^ arrow-heads of bone or ivory in existence. Their tip w?s not pointed like that of the stone weapons. They were mere beaver teeth in their natural stale secured to a shaft. Some of these were also of the root part of the cari- boo's antlers, and both bone and horn arrow-tips were considered exceptionally effective. Fig. 24. F««- 25- In Figs. 24 and 25 I have tried to '' ..strate the mode.s of connecting the stone points with the shaft, as formei 'y practise 1 by our aborigines- Sometimes the shaft was simply cleft open to receive the point (Fig. 24), and sometimes it was slit at the end as in Fig. 25. In ei ner case, point and shank were firmly fastened together with sint-u and pitch. The forc- shaits used along with the arrows of some American races were unknown here. The shaft* of the Western D^ne arrows was ^n^ ably of seasoned amelanchicr (A. alnifolia) wood. As partially visil.c in Fig. 25, delicate grooves, one on each opposite side, ran through the shank of the weapon and were intended to facilitate the detection of the game when it had been only wounded. The blood issuing from the wound, by flowing * Kss, a primary root. Hi m I! I Ml f in; |i - \:i. HI ||h 1 j'f I'll \ 1 -!'! 5 ^1 56 TKAN'SACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN IN8T1TUTK. [Vol. IV. freely through these grooves, dropped on the snow or bare ground in a less-scattered condition, thus aiding the hunter in tracking the animal ere it was finally dispatched. Fig. 26. Fig. 26 gives a fair idea of a Carrier arrow ready for use. As rnay be seen, the feathering is triple. Tlie tips only of the feather quills are fast- ened to the shaft. Sinew and piuh were restored to in order to secure the part of the quills adhering to the shaft end, while sinew alone generally- sufficed to fasten the larj^er or root end of the feathers. A variety of arrow* which was entirely of amelanchier wood with- out stone or bone point or shaft grooves did service in connection with target practice or one of the games which shall be described further on. (Chap. VI.) The Ts^'kehne, who to this day live almost entirely on the spoils of the chase, formerly far excelled the Carriers in the manufacture and use of hunting weapons. Some of these, which were indeed in actual use among the Carriers, were nevertheless of undisputed Ts^'k^hne origin. Such were the " cut arrow," the triple headed arrow and the blunt arrow. , - i--\. 27. The "cut-arrow " i^kra-tcdn-kivyj, lit. " arrow-stick-ci\t ofif") was so called on account of its peculiar shape (fig. 27). Its point was made of a cariboo horn and " was awl-like in form. Its broader extremity was hollowed out to receive a wooden shaft which served to dart it ofT from the bow as a common arrow, with this difference however that, when in motion, the horn point detached itself from the shaft. This projectile was deadly, and intended only for use against a human enemy or for killing large game."t , Fig. 28. To shoot smaller game they had recourse either to the triple headed *'kt-squh, verb, noun, meaning as far as it can be translated : "it shoots in as far as the feathering. " + The Western Denes, etc. Proc. Can. Inst., Vol. vii., p. 140. 1892 03.] NOTES ON THE WK8TKKW DENNIS. 57 arrow shown in fig. 28, or to a wooden blunt arrow (fig. 29). The former* consisted of three flat pieces of bone, or more generally horn, cut trans- versely at their broadest extremity and fastened to the shaft through their siualler end and sides by strong sinew threads. It did good service even against large animals, and it is not more than 40 years since it has entirely fallen into disuse. Fig. 29. The latterfhas been drawn from a specimen obtained from a Ts<^-'kehne who, in common with the majority of his fellow huntsmen, to this day finds this simple and primitive looking projectile invaluable against grouse, rabbits, etc. Even such an apparently insignificant act as that of releasing the arrow while shooting has been analyzed so as to yield modern scientists material for ethnic divisions. Professor Morse thus classes the different methods in vogue among American, European or Asiatic archers : — (i) Primary. — The notch of the arrow is grasped between the ^nd of the straightened thumb and the first and second joints of the bent fore- finger. It is practised by children generally, and by the Ainos, Deme- raras, Utes, Micmacs, etc. ^ (2) Secondary. — The notch of the arrow is grasped with the straight- ened thumb and bent fore-finger ; while the ends of the second and third fingers are brought to bear on the string to assist in drawing. Practised by the Zunis, Ottawas, etc. (3) Tertiary. — In this release the forefinger, instead of being bent, is nearly straight with its tip as well as the tips of the second and third fingers, pressing or pulling on the string, the thumb, as in the primary and secondary release, active in assisting in pinc>ing the arrow and pull- ing it back. It is practised by Sioux, Arapanos, Cheyennes, Assini- boins, Comanches, Crows, Blackfeet, Navajos, Siamese, Great Andamanese. (4) Mediterranean. — The string is drawn back with the tips of the first, second and third fingers, the balls of the fingers clinging to the string with the terminal joints of the fingers slightly flexed. The arrow is lightly held between the first and second fingers, the thumb straight and inactive. Prrctised by nations around the Mediterranean, by moJern * Tav.w3s, second, root. + Thds., prim. root. 5 ;!■■ i; fi 1 ■ i ■ 1 1 ! iMit ' M Ik 58 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. I Vol. IV. archers, Flemish (usin^ first and second fingers only), Eskimos, Little Andanicse. (5) Mongolian. — In this release the string is drawn by the flexed thumb bent over the string, the end of the forefinger assisting in holding the thumb in position. The thumb is protected by a guard of some kind. It is practised by Manchus, Chinese, Coreans, Japanese, 'lurks and Persians.* Our Carriers followed the first or primary method of arrow release, while the Ti^.i 1 ^hne conformed to the fourth or Meditterranean. I am not acquainted with that in vogue among the prehistoric Tsi|Koh'tiii. The above details are given to show to what advantage even the slight- est difierences in the performance of an act common to all primitive peoples can \>z turned by the acute observer and reflecting scientist. Although the scope of this paper, to be consistent with its heading, should be restricted to stone implements, I feel that I cannot well separ- ate bows from arrows in my treatment of the weapons of the chase. As far as my information goes, three varieties of bows, exclusive of cross- bows, obtained among the Western D^nds. Of these two were proper to the Ts^'k^hne, and the third to the Carriers and probably the Tsi[Koh'tin as well. Fiy. 30. The regular hunting or war bow of the Tse'k^hne was of mountain maple {Acer glnb rum ^ Tow.) and five feet and a half or more in length. The edges, both inner and outer, were smoothened over so as to permit of strips of unplaited sinew being twisted around to ensure therefor the necessary strength. These pieces of sinew were fastened on with a glue obtained from the .sturgeon sound, which also did service for all kinds of gluing purpo.ses among each of the three tribes, while still in their pre- hi.storic period. The central pa.t of the bow, which was so thick as to appear almost rectangular, was finally covered with a tissue of differently- tinged porcupine quills. Great care was taken to obtain a bow-string impermeable to snow and rain. With this object in view, delicate threads of sinew were twisted together and afterwards rubbed over with sturgeon glue. This first string was then gradually strengthened by additional sinew threads twisted round the first and main cord, each overlaying of sinew being *See Anthropology in 1886, by C. T. Mason, p. 538. il % .i .1 ffl 1 fii 1892-'J3.] N0TK8 ON THE WESTERN D^Ni:8. 59 thoroughly saturated with glue. Finally when the siring had attained a sufficient thickness for efficient service, it was repeatedly rubbed over with the gum of the black pine {Adies balsatnea). F'g- 31- A less elaborate bow (Fig. 31) is still to this very day in use among the Ts^'kehne in connection with the blunt arrow already mentioned. It is of seasoned willow (Salix longifolia), aid being devoid of any sinew backing or other strengthening device, its edges are more angular than those of Fig. 30. Its .string consists merely of a double line of cariboo skin slightly twisted together. The specimen figured above measures four feet ten inches. Fig. 32. The Carrier bow was never much more than four feet in length, and the wooden part of it was invariably juniper (/. occidentalis). Instead of being twisted around as i,i the Ts^'k^hne bow, the shreds of sinew were glued on the back after vhe fashion of the Eskimo bow, with this, difference, however, that in the Carrier weapon the sinew was not plaited. When a layer of thin sinew strips had been fastened lengthwise on the entire back of the bow, it was allowed to dry, after which others were successively added until the desired strength had been cuiained. A process analogous to that whereby the Ts^'k^hne bow-string was made was followed in cording the string of the Carrier bow. It is hardly necessary to remark that both of the aforesaid war and hunting bows disappeared aunost simultaneously with the establishment, of the North- West Company's posts throughout Western Dtin^ territory. However, it may be said that as late as 60 years ago fire-arms were still'. destderiita among the poorest class of Aborigines. Here is a Tsekehne crossbow* of modern manufacture. It does duty against small game or for target practice, and is also used by children as a plaything. Although the old men assure me that they have always seen such weapons among their fellow huntsmen, I cannot believe that cross- bows were known to the original Ts^'kehne. It is much more probable that they have been derived from the band of Iroquois established in close proximity to the territory of the Beaver Indians. My purpose in. * TVkis f, "tliat which darts off," in T.se'kehne. % \m I'll I : ■:: Vi 60 TKANHACTIONS OF THE, CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. mentioning them here is to show that the faculty of self appropriation and adaptiveness which more particularly characterizes the Carrier mind, Fig. 33. IS, to some extent, shared in even by the Ts^'kehne tribe which to this day has little reason to boast of its material progress. A detail which it may also be worth noting is the mode of holding the bow while shooting. The Carriers, who almost invariably knelt while shooting, held it in a horizontal position, while the Ts^'kehne used it perpendicularly, one end of the weapon resting on the ground. To return to stone implements. Besides the arms already described the Western D^n^s had recourse, when on the offensive, to five other varieties 'of weapons; the spear, the dagger, the war club, the temple- lancet or skull- cracker, and what might be termed the counterpart of the modern bayonet. This latter arm was called sjthv-la-dtn'ai^ which may be freely translated "fixed at the end of the bow." Its name explains its nature. It was brought into requisition by the warrior or the hunter when too closely pressed by the enemy to shoot, and was used as a spear. Such points were of identical material with that of arrow-heads, a, b and c, fig. 23, and were chipped to the shape of figs. 34 and 35. The latter point is rather ruder in appearance than the average bow-points. Indeed from *Lit. " bow-end-appended to ; " plural. P////«-/a ■f\DIAK INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. ::|| if K-Si liF' ! W u m jlra The spear heads* in nowise differed from the bow-points, save perliaps that they were generally larger in proportions and narrower at the base. Herewith are shown representative specimens. Fig. 37 is, by exception^ of felspathic slate. Its shape and make would suggest to the archaeologist a comparison with the laurel leaf points (^the so-called Solutrian epoch. It is drawn full size. One of its surfaces shows hardly any trace of flaking and almost perfectly flat. In fig. 38 we have a^type of a very different description. It I'.cks the exquisite finish of the preceding and is double-pointed, so thac the base is not easily distinguished from the tip. As may be seen from the out- lines of its side, its shape is far from elegant. Fig. 38. Fig. 39- All of these spear heads were hafted to a pole five or six feet lon.j pretty much after the mode of connecting the arrow heads with their shaft. * The heads of these and all missile weapons are called nAntaV. The spear, shaft and point, is named in Carrier sfK-tAfz, or " hook-staflf. " Hill s9i'-9;{.] NOTES 0\ THE WE8TKRN D^NKH. 63 To all appearances, the stone dagijers* of the prehistoric Diines were distiiifjuishcd from their spears by two peculiarities : the shortness of the handle and the greater dimensions of the blade. I would call the attention of antiquarians to the size, shape and finish of the above illustrated dagger blade (fig. 39). Altiiough eviilently broken off at the tip end, it is still fully Sj/^ inches in length and 3 inches in width. Yet it is not more than -3^ of an inch in its greatest thickness. It has been chipped off to an almost perfectly flat surface, the flakes being as in the Solutrian implements remarkably large and shaving-like. iNeverthe- less this exquisite relic of prehistoric workmanship has been found, not in the cavern of Solutrd, but scarcely two hundred yards from where these lines are written. I may add that it was found on the surface of the groundf and is of exactly the same material as the great majority of D^ne arrow heads. The Den^' dagger was carried about hanging from the belt through a a leather thong, as is now done with its modern substitute, the steel poniard. Vw 40. y^ size. * Mecyal, secoiul cai. + 'rhe foregoing had i)eeii written for some time when f came across the following passaije of Mr. 1). Hoyle's Archreological Report for 1891 (p. 10) whicli I had overlooif3 OF THK CA>fADIAN I.VST(TUTK. [VcL. ly. Hi 4 jii!i CHAPTER IV. ' " Bonk and Horn Imi'Lemhnts. Several bone or horn objects formerly in use ainon<^ the Western D^nt^s have already been mentioned in connection with stone implements ■of congenerous nature. As they were mostly weapons or working tools which have long been replaced by iron or steel substitutes, few of them could be illustrated from existing specimens. Such as will be found described in the present chapter are, however, still largely used by the natives, even of the Carrier tribe. » ' They are, with few exceptions, industrial implements. Among those which serve in connection with hunting or trapping, one of the most conspicuous is the tsa-yu-thej (beaver-medicine-recipient, or castoreum bottle). As will be seen further on, this same vessel is of birch bark among the Carriers. But the Tse'kehne, who are essen- tially huntsmen and whose country abounds in large game, make it out of a cariboo horn, and adorn (?) it with such primitive designs as may be noticed in fig. 45. Therein the trapper keeps the castoreum which he dilutes either on the steel trap, or in the mud contiguous thereto, in order !•''!,'• 45- to decoy the beaver into its ultimate capture. Of course this mode of trapping is practicable only during the spring or summer months. In the winter, beaver is sought after with nets set in holes cut in the ice a short distance from the rodent's habitation and store. I have elsewhere given an account of this winter trapping which will, perhaps, bear reproductipn here. "Once they have found his [the bcaver'sj lodge, an indispensable preliminary to secure his capture is to discover the exact location of his path or trail under ice. It appears that he follows well marked routes when swimming from, or returning to his winter quarters. Thes • our Denes easily find out by sounding the ice in diffxi'rent directions wic.i cariboo horns. Their well exercised ears readily discover by a peculiar resonance of the ice where the rodent's usual path lies. So, at a given point, they cut a hole wherein thej' set their babiche beaver net,"* taking care to plant at a short distance a *"The We.steni Denes," etc., Proc. (!an. Inst, vol. vii., p. [31, 1892r93.] NOTES ON THE WESTKRN D^XilS. 67 stick the upper end of which is provided with little bells — the counter- part of the beaver nails and pebbles which did duty in prehistoric years. To this upright stick the side ropes of the net are attached in such a way as to be ready for use when the game is to be ensnared. " Then the hunter (should I not say fislier ?) proceeds to demolish the beaver's lodge, in order to drive him off. Should the game not be found there tiie same operation is repeated at his adjoining provision store. When the undulations of the water tell of his presence therein, he is fright- ened away to where the net is set. Supposing that the beaver is swifter than his hunter and reaches the net lefore the latter, the efforts he will make to extricate himself therefrom will agitate the small bells before mentioned, and the hunter will immediately make for the hole and draw him out before he has time to cut himself clear of the net."* Fig. 46. Fig. 46 represents the may, a bone device indispensable to the efficiency of the beaver net. It is attached to the end of the net which is laid out at the opening in the ice wherein it floats on the water. The side strings of the net are passed through the centre hole of the bone piece (mas) and thence connected with the littb bells at the top of the outstanding stick, so that by pulling them up, the farthest end cf the net, which is under ice, will be drawn back to where the mas is secured, and thereby the game will be bagged, as it were, and speedily killed on the ice. These bone pieces affect divers forms, several of which are .symbolical. Thus the mas .shown above, is intended to represent a beaver. It will be remarked that the design is highly conventionalized. Yet, even a child (of Dene parentage, of course) will recognize at once its significance- Barbed liarpoons f such as those shown in the accompanying figures are resorted to when the Den^ is out beaver hunting — not trapping or snaring, — that is in such ca.ses as when the beaver is met with free of any trap or net. Until a short time ago those beaver harpoons were made of cariboo horn ; but to-day implements of identical shape wrought out of steel files or pieces of iron have almost entirely superseded the * Ibid, p. 132. \3ta-t'syi!, "lip or barb-bone." h i I n ill V I'iii i' f^ li^ 68 TRANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. lY. original horn weapon. To-day, as formerly, they are securely fastened to a handle three or four feet long, wherewith they are launched at the fijT. 47. yi size. game much as would be done with a regular lance. The shaft is intended to secure greater impetus and efficiency to the weapon. The specimen illustrated by fig. 47 is a find, and is therefore more ancient Fi{.i;. 48. )4 size. than that shown in fig. 48 which is quite modern. A comparison between these implements and those of similar intent in use amoni^ widely different races of Indians all over North America cannot fail to elicit the remark that the same needs create the same means. * In the act of dressing hides several bone or horn implements are still used among the Western Denes. These are the fat-scraper, the hair- scraper, the bone-awl, and the skin-scraper. Fig 49. The firstf is made of a split cariboo horn (fig. 49) and, as its name indicates, it serves to scrape off the fat adhering to the fresh skin. This fat is received in the concave part of the implement and thence trans- ferred to a bark vessel close by. In the form above delineated, it is more of a Tse'kehne than of a Carrier tool, and as such it does service more particularly in the treatment of marmot {Arctomys inonax and caligalus) and wild goat {Aplocerus hiontamis) skins. The Carrier equivalent therefor generally consists of the socket end of the shoulder blade of the cariboo, left almost in its natural state. *.Str Ann. Rep. Canad. Inst. 1888, p. 58, figs. 100, lOi. i Pe-t/ia-}lso, "wherewitii the flesh-side is scraped " (of a licpiid or fat substance): fourlli category of nouns. 18'J2-!)3.] NOTES CN THK WKSTKKN DENES. 69 This implement is used in connection with grease or fat scraping of any description. / i M/.C. Once the hide has been freed of most of its fat and blood, it is soaked in cold, and then in warm, watci, after which one of its extremities is lashed up around the smaller end of a stout pole leaning on any kind of support, a wall, a fence, etc The hair is then removed by energetic action on the skin hanging down over the pole with a scraper* formed of the tibia of a cariboo (fig. 50). Hy reason of the peculiar tenacity of the hair, moose skins are now operated on with a short curved steel knife. But the bone instrument shown above is still very extensively employed in connection with any other kind of haft- scraping. After having been thoroughly rubbed with the brain of the animal, its skin is next extended within a wooden frame as is practised by most tribes of Aborigines. The holes near the edges through which the line Fi-. SI. which fastens it to the frame is passed, were formerly and are still in some localities, pierced with bone awls -f* identical in form and material with those occasionally found in mounds. They are of the fibula bone of the cariboo, or, as in fig. 52, of the black bear. The latter are more common among the Tsi[Koh'tin. In times past such awls were resorted to when- ever any skin or bark perforations, such as are incident to the art of canoe building or sewing bark vessels, were found necessary. They are now obsolete, steel having almost entirely replaced bone in the fabrica- tion of any such tools. Yet the specimens illustrated above were in use among the Carriers and the TsilKoh'tin immediately prior to their being given me. * I\'-)ia-ilqc, "wherewith one scrapes off" (i.e., hiiii) ; fourth cati'^ory. i'jInvH-tsii, " knee-bone awl " ; third category. f li I ! ! \m iH nt I: \f-\ I . -. M f-'l ( ' >» I If I I ii; 70 TIlANSACriONS OF TilK CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. The object in view wliile spreading the skin in its wooden frame is to remove its " mack " or inner cuticle. This is accomplished by means of bone scrapers * which are everywhere essentially the same, but whose form or even material varies accordini,^ to the tribe by which they are used. !•"'«• 53- H sizi;. Thus the TsijKoh'tin scraper (Fig. 53) is of bear bone and vvedgc-likc in form. The skin wrapping shown in the cut is quite often wanting. ■ 1^ lis I Jii: i"^e- .S4- 'A '^'Z'i- The Carrier scraper (Fig. 54) is of cariboo bone and shaped somewhat like a chisel. Its main peculiarity consists in the teeth cut in its edge to prevent its slipping too easily over the skin and ensure better gripping power. Identical implements are at times found as relics ot extinct races in many parts of the northern American continent, and I still remember how the perplexity as to their probable destination evi- denced through the lines of an antiquarian, who some years ago was describing one of them, brought home to me the advantages enjoyed, even from an architological standpoint, by persons actually passing their life among the aborigines. Among the Tse'k(5hne the skin .scrapers are of cariboo horn, thinned and reduced to the form of that delineated in fig. 55. A piece of buck- skin wrapped around the end held in the hand facilitates the handling of that rather awkward implement. The serrated edge of the Carrier scraper is also reproduced by the Tst^'kehne. Or indeed it is quite as likeK' that the Carriers have learned this peculiarity from the Tse'kehnc, who in their turn have borrowed it from the Crees and other Algonquiaii * j//'i(i-iihi:V, "it scrapes (liy pecking') the flesh side." 1892-1)3.] NOTKS ON THK WESTKRN DK.Nlis. tribes of the East, all of which observe it in making their skins crapers^ while the TsijKoh'tin, who are the most distantly situated from them, seem to be ignorant of it. All of these scrapers also do service in the process of skinning animals as means of separating the hide from the flesh. If we now pass from bone implements connected with hunting to such as are laid under contribution as means of furthering the fishing industr)', we may note in the first [)hice the ta-kret* or fish harpoon (fig. !'"'«• 56- M size. 56). The cut renders a detailed description of it unnecessary. The only wooden parts are the shaft and the socket, rc^nu which is wound the skin line which fastens the two side hooks of the harpoon, while it secures in its proper place the middle prong. The hook pieces are fa.stened with sinew. An archaeologist fond of comparisons cannot fail to notice the resemblance of this weapon to its Eskimo equivalent such as illustrated in fig. 453 of Dr. F. Boas' " The Central Eskimo, "f The ta-kret serves t'" dart a large species of white-fleshed salmon (Oncorrynchus c/iouic/ia, VValbaum), called kcs by the Carriers and qes by the TsijKoh'tin. Now- adays these implements are mostly of iron or steel ; but their shape has remained unaltered. • 1 size. The TsiiKoh'tin spear salmon with a harpoon of a totally different pat- tern (fig. 57). It is double darted, and so made that upon fastening in the flesh of the fish, both darts detach themselves from the forked shaft*to * " l,ip-(lart," by allusion to its mouth-like a]>pearance. + Sixth Ann. Rep. IJurenu of Ethnology, 1884-85. !! f i'' 1! I' t> mu till 72 TUANSAC'lIONS OF THE CANADiAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. imm 11 ^ which they are secured by means of a plated raw-hide line. The whole detachable points of this implement were originally of mountain sheep horn ; but in modern specimens the tip is generally of iron and occasion- ally of copper, the barbs only being of horn. Both the Carrier and the TsijKoh'tin harpoons are hafted to shafts sometimes as much as I2 or 15 feet long, so as to render them serviceable from the top of rocks or precipitous river banks emerging from the rapids where that species of fish is wont to congregate. Implements of that size are designed exclusiv^ely for salmon fishing. For smaller fish, besides the lets, which will be described in their proper place, the Carriers have recourse to a bone or steel harpoon of analogous model with that of fig. 56, but reduced in dimensions and hafted to a short handle. If in the winter time, bait is used as a means of attracting the fish. H.a-ing cut in the ice a hole of sufficient diameter to observe the movements of the trout underneath, the Carrier drops and gently Fi-. 58. oscillates in the water bone imitations of Coregone fry (fig. 58), hanging through a sinew line from a wood or bone piece held in the left hand. Upon biting the bait, the fish is speedily speared with the above mentioned harpoon. Here (fig. 59) we have a fishing implement which, though of a rather primitive style, yet requires but little explanation. The lancet or pin-like part of the hook* only is of bone, while the shank is of wood. This implement is drawn natural size. In remote localities, during hunting expeditions away in the woods, it is found to this day very serviceable. A fishing device less modern in appearance is shown in fig. 60. It is called by the Carriers tlu'-satefl a word which cannot be better translated than by "lying on the bottom," though the actual equivalent of that phrase would \)e tlu^K-ssthan. A very small fish is used as bait and fastened in * Q^s ; prim. root. 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S. 73 this wise to the implement ; the whole of the bone pin including the sinew line to which it is attached is passed through the anal part of the fish Vig. 60. ■1 Fig. 59- and then one-half of it is inserted lengthwise through the body of the fish commencing from the point of initial insertion of the sinew line to the head, after which the whole is dropped in the water and held as in the case of the bone coregone bait. The larger fish, generally the loche or turbot {Loia maculosa) which is very voracious, overlooks the other half of the implement left bare, and by gulping down the small fish gives warning to the fisherman, who instantly pulls up the whole, thereby sinking the bone pin in the gills of the large fish which is thus easily secured. As a rule, the small end bones of the loon's wings, or occasionally even young beaver ribs, are the material chosen to make the two last mentioned implements. The same probably served also to fabricate the needles of the prehistoric D^n^s. But none of them is now extant, and this may be a mere conjecture. Before proceeding further, a word about the species of fishes more extensively sought after by the Carriers and the TsiiKoh'tin may not be out of place. They are of course very numerous, but king among them all is the salmon, and of the five species which are now known to ascend their rivers, the suck-eye {Oncorhynchus nerka, Walbaum) or tha-llo * is by far the most important either on account of its economic value or of the prodigious numbers of its annual run. Ne-"t in abundance' and * "Water-fish." 6 H \?M ii ' '1 MM I »' I 'I it! I IS i i a^ f 74 THANSAC'TIOSS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vl.L. IV importance as an article of diet is the large white flesh salmon or X'.w which has already been mentioned. These two species are common to most of the streams within Carrier, Babine and TsijKoh'tin territory, thoui^h the latter avoids not a few minor tributaries of the larj^e rivers. One is particular to Babine lake and outlet — it is the hump-back salmon" (O. gorbuscha, Walb.) It is not of much value. The two other spccic>, thestU'\ and ta-tzn<\ in Carrier are quite plentiful in such streams as discharge their waters through the Skeena river ; but according to loc.il observations they make their appearance in Stuart's Lake and immediate outlet only when the next run of the tha-llo is to be'extraordinarily large. As far as I can judge the tliestlc is the 0. keta of Walbaum, such as described by Jordan and Gilbert ; § but I can find no specific name for the ta-tz3R, whose native name is an exact translation of the scientific word for all the Pacific Salmons : 'V'"'?, hook ; i^oy/.o';, snout ; Carrier : ta, snout (and lip) ; tssK, hook. To the above should be added the kJs9l\ or land-locked salmon {O. Kennerlyi), which is much appreciated by the native palate and captured mainly with the help of fish traps or 'kuntzai. It \9 however inferior in point of economic importance to the great lake trout {Salveli- nus nainaycush, Walb.) called//^ by the Indians and which is extensive!}- sought after either during the autumn months or the cold season. In the former case it is quite frequently dried and cured as the red salmon or thai o. The other trouts to be found in lJen(§ lakes or rivers are the common trout {Salmo purpuratiis, Pallas) and the bull trout [Salvclinits ma/iiia, Walb.) There are also two species of whitefish, the Coregonns dupeifonnis (Mitch.) and the Coregoims qiiadrilateralis of Richardson, which in some localities are caught in such large quantities that man}- thousands are usually kept frozen for use during the winter. The above are, of course, the best fish available here. But as the child of the forest has not always the choice of his diet, he must more often than once content himself with such carps or carpiodes, such suckers or catastomidx as may chance to venture too near his drag-net. These seldom fail him. Their name is legion, and I will not be so rash as to attempt a nomenclature of them. • S13IH 'ofl, a word which to a Dene ear appears quite fureign. t A noun of the second category, t " Lip (and snout )-hook." § Synopsis of the Fishes of North America by 1). S. Jordan and Ch. H. tjilbert, Wasliingtoii, 18S2. II Almost equivalent to "small Xv.t " or white flesh salmon. 18'J2-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN DEN^S. 76 I did not mention the sturgeon (Accipenser transmontanns, Richard- son), because, although it is a welcome visitor to our lakes, its visits are too rare and far between to entitle it to serious consideration in this connection. It is caught in large meshed nets.* To join the two extremes, I will add to the sturgeon, the largest of our fresh water fishes, the thcpnak^^ a very small fish which I think is not known to Ichthyology. It frequents a few little lakes only, and is taken with scoop-nets during the few mild days which usually interrupt the severity of our winters. The quantity of that fish brought home after one single afternoon's absence from the village is sometimes really enormous. To be complete I should have noticed among bone implements serving fishing or trapping purposes, the ^/e,* or ice-breaker. This is, however,, a mere pointed cariboo horn, which tends to disappear as a working tool,, being gradually replaced by a piece of iron or steel, whenever this can, be obtained. There is a horn wedge which, even at the present day, serves to split the slender rods of which are made tne 'kuntzai or fish baskets, which shall be described in the chapter devoted to wood implements. As in most implements requiring hard material, cariboo horn is chosen to. make these wedges. Fii^. 62. X ^^''■^• The above figure requires no explanation. A glance at tlVe horn' ladle ■'I! } •• Mi !'■ * The Carrier name of the sturgeon is /e-tio, " ijig-fish." t A root of the second category, tlie first syllable of which refers to the lake bottoms from which these fishes seem to suddenly emerge, + 3"/^ means " horn," ami is used to designate even steel ice-breakers. The ancient name for them is Isoillzif in Carrier which is evidjiitly identical with the present tzorontzii "f the TMjKoh'tin. iiiHiil I •' ij I m IrfVI in'ftl' t i ■:• r I llll 7G TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. VI. and spoon therein represented will show that our Western Ddnt^s' handi- work is of a very poor grade indeed compared with that of the elabor- ately carved Haida, Tsimsian or Tlingit spoons. The only attempt at Fig- 63. X size. design or ornamentation of any kind appears in the Tse'kehne spoon or ladle (fig. 6^). Genuine Carrier utensils of this class, which are either of wood or of horn, are even plainer than those above illustrated. Evi- dently our Den^s have no eye for the beautiful. In all cases of horn spoons the material is mountain sheep horn. The manufacture of such household implements necessitates the pos- session of no extraordinary amount of skill. After the horn has been split in two equal halves, a spherical, smooth-surfaced stone is heated, and to expand the too contracted sides of the horn they are applied thereon and gently pressed out, a layer of pitch having previously been spread over the stone so as to give consistency to the material of the spopn and prevent its artificially distended parts from returning, when cooled, to their original shape. The finishing touches are then given with the carving knife. Keeping within the same class of industrial bone implements, we come on the bark peelers * and the cambium scrapers.-f" Both of these arc in great demand every recurring spring for the purpose of extracting for food the cambium layer of the shrub pine {Pinus contortd). Their name sufficiently describes their use. Below is the Carrier type of both peeler and scraper, which, it should be remarked, are oftentimes much larger than those after which fig. 64 has been drawn. In fig. 65 we have a double-edged scraper, which, though known among and sometimes used by the Carriers, is more frequently seen among the Tse'kehne. The various styles of these useful implements are all of cariboo horn. The * EnWqai, " it penetrates liy tearing," a verbal noun. \ Rltzo, " that which scrapes," verb. noun. - 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN Dli:N68. ll| shavings like cambium thereby obtained is much relished by the natives, Fig. 64. yi size. who even collect it at times for the purpose of drying and keeping for use during the winter months. I'iK- 65. Yz s -e. If from the indispensable or useful we pass to the agreeable, the gambling sticks formerly used among our aborigines may claim our attention. Here, again, we find the elegantly-carved gambling sticks of the West Coast tribes replaced by simple polished pieces of lynx or other animal's bones without any particular design, and with the mere addition to one of the pair of the sinew wrapping necessary to determine the winning stick. The Babine specimens (fig. 66) are rather large and must prove awkward in the hand of the gambler. But they have the reputation of being preven- tive of dishonesty, if distinctions between the honest and the dishonest can be estab- lished in connection with such a pastime as gambling. Such of these trinkets as are Fig. 66. y^ size. hoUow have generally both ends shut with a piece of wood, and contain minute pebbles andjgravel which produce a gentle rattling sound iu the hand of the native, much to his own satis- faction. Hi IMI 78 TIIAXSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. VI. Fig. 67 represents the TsiiKoh'tin and fi^. 68 the Tsc''kt5hne equivalent of the Babine gambh'ng sticks. It will be seen from the latter that the Tst^'kdhne, who are the most primitive and uncultured of the Miree tribes whose technology is under review, are again the only people who in il.is connection, as with regard to their spoons, have made the merest attempt at bone carving. ""-^nrrMMi^~ ' -^'-^ Fit'. ^1- Fig. 68. Yz size. The game played with these bone pieces is, I think, too well known to demand a description. The jerking movements and pas.ses of hands of the party operating therewith, as well as the drum beating and the sing- ing of the spectators or partners, are practised among most of the Indian races, especially of the Pacific Coast, which have occupied the attention of American ethnologists. The Abbe Petitot says in one of his latest publications* that this game is adventitious among the Eastern Denes who have borrowed it from the Crees. This remark is no less apposite with regard to their kinsmen west of the Rocky Mountains. Although no other chance game possesses to-day so many charms for the frivolous Western D^n^s, the old men assure me that it was formerly unknown among their fellow countrymen. That their testimony is based on fact, the very name of that game would seem to indicate, since it is a mere verb in the impersonal mood : nst'sra, " one keeps in the hand while moving," and is therefore cf the fourth category of D(ine nouns. The word for "gambling sticks," such as used in connection with nat'so'a, is 7i3i'ta, which is the same verb under the potential form and means " that which can be held in the hand." Any of the surrounding races, Tsimpsian, Salishan or Algonquin, may be held responsible for its intro- duction among the 'Vestern Denes, for they are all exceedingly fond of it. The original counterpart of the modern nat'sa'a was the atlih;\ which •I think it is in his book En route pour la Mer Glaciale, Paris, 1888. t May be translated by "Gambling " in a general sense. "A luing ;3.] NOTKH ON THK WK8TKKN UKNI^iS. ill times past was passion. .tcly playctl by the Carriers, but is now altofjcther fort^ottcn except by a few elder men. It necessitated the use of a quantity of fincly-poh'shed bonesticks, perhaps four or five inches lon;4, of which a correct idea may be w<;r Carrier.-;, ihoiij^h the tale is navrated by an Upper Carrier, wiiicli circumstance would .icxiw to indicate that the legend is not, as so many others, borrowed from a 'l"simpsian tribe. + Ursa major. tSak-?slii, " Slie sits apart." § See the Chapter on the Dene habitatioas. I mumm 1892-93.] NOTES ON THR WESTERN DENES. 81 lonesome here, my son-in-law, return for a while to your own folks and gamble with them.' Then handing him a set of alte and four tdtquh* he added : ' When you have won all that is worth winning, throw your tatquh up over the roof of the house, and come back immediately. Also remember not to speak to your former wife.' "The gambler then rr.-ade his departure, and was soon again among the people who had abandoned him. He was now a handsome and well- dressed young man, and soon finding partners for his game he stripped them of all their belongings, after which he threw his tatquh over the roof of the lodge. He also met his former wife as she was coming from drawing water, and, though she entreated him to take her back to wife again, he hardened his heart and did not know her.f "Yet, instead of icrurning immediately after he had thrown his tatquh over the roof, as he had been directed to do, his passion for atlih betrayed him into playing again, when he lost all he had won. He was thus reduced to his first state of wretched nakedness. He then thought of NayaRhwoUuz, of his new wife and his new home, and attempted to return to them, but he could never find them." A third chance game was proper to the women and was played with button-like pieces of bone. It was based on the same principle as dice, and, in common with atlih, it has long fallen into disuse. Its name is atiyek. The three bone implements which remain to be described have likewise disappeared from among the Carriers to whom they were proper. Thus fig. 69 shows a telni or ceremonial whistle, which could not at present be identified by one-twentieth of the living Carrier population. It is made of the larger wing bone of the swan, notched near, and slit at, one end exactly as shown in the above figure and without the insertion of any mouth- piece. On great ceremonial occasions, the notable or native nobleman, who was privileged to accompany his dance there- with, kept it constantly in his mouth unsupported by the hand, and from time to time extracted therefrom loud, shrill notes, which added not a little to the liveliness of the scene. The object represented by fig. 70 differs but little from the preceding, the material being identical and the form almost so. But its use and destination are widely different. It is a (s^n-kuz or "bone-tube" Fig. 69. X size. * A long throwing roil which serves to play anotiier game. It will lie figured ami exulained further on. t In the bii>lical sense of Cogiiiri'it. R' '1 6r i ii fl.. s . I! ■'! i if 62 TUAN'SA 'ONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITLTK. [Vol. IV. through which Carrier and Babine girls attaining the age of puberty had to drink under pain, it was said, of contracting dreadful throat diseases should they attempt to quench their thirst by helping themselves im- '■'»• 70> /4 size. mediately from the water vessel as was done by common folks. This trinket was constantly carried about, hanging from the sinew and down necklace usuall)' encircling the neck of such pubescent maiden.s, also as a specific against malign influences. Fig. 71. yi ''ize. Closely connected therewith was the double-pronged comb shown in fig. 71. It was worn in the hair and likewise connected with the medicinal (.') necklace through a long, loosely-hanging string adorned with beads, or, in primordial times, dentalium shells or other small articles of native ornament. Its use was not restricted to pubescent girls, but this comb or tsi-lts?t^ as it was called, was also common to young men attaining maturity. It should perhaps be remarked that in this latter case the instrument was of wood, not of bone. " Comb " is rather a misnomer when applied to such an object which .served merely to scratch one's head with, as immediate contact between the fing^ers and the head was then reputed productive of fatal diseases. Apropos of diseases it nia\- be mentioned that bleeding as a surgical operation was, and still is, frequently resorted to by our Western Uenes. So far as my infortnation goes, there was in pristine times no surgical instrument such as an equivalent of our lancet employed in this con- ftfl He.-xd-scratcbes," vcili. 11011:1. lS-93.] NOTES ON TIIK WKSTEKN DENl^JS. 83 iiection. It would seem that the operation was formerly performed either with a bone needle or awl, or more commonly with a sharp-edged stone arrow head. Fitr. 72. Fig. 72 illustrates the change brought in the native huntsman's economy by modern civilization. It is a little piece of bone carved to the shape •.'>f a fantastic being, half animal (viz. coyote), half fish, on the back of which little excrescence:; have been left, the object of which is to hold as many metallic caps for use with a shot gun. This little trinket is fastened to the string of the powder-horn or to that of the shot pouch. It is more commonly cut out of a piece of thick leather without any attempt at design. m' -ux":: :1*i t'''^ 84 TRANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN 1N8TITUTK. [Vol. IV. [«!:■ 'flSl mwH Hiiii^ H^ CHAPTER V. Traps and Snares. kish traps. Judged by their staple food, the Carriers and the TsiiKoh'tin are mari- time or coast tribes, since they mostly rely upon the annual run of salmon for their sustenance during the whole year. But, owing to the topography of their country and their peculiar environments, their mode of securing their supply of the fish materially differs from that adopted by the coast Indians. Nay more, even among themselves the process varies according to the localities and the nature of the fish stream. It may be broadly stated that at least seven different devices are resorted to, which I shall presently endeavour to explain. In the first place one should not forget that the salmon almost ex- clusively referred to in the present paragraph, that on which the two tribes named above mainly subsist, is the so-called Fraser River salmon {Oncorliynchus nerka, Walbaum). It is exceedingly gregarious in habits and usually plentiful. As will soon be seen, these two peculiarities are taken occasion ot by the natives to facilitate its capture. Where it is practicable the Kamstkadals' method of salmon-fishing is followed. This consists in staking across the river in its whole width and leaving for the fish only narrow passages ending in long, funnel- shaped baskets from which escape is impossible. Owing to the import- ance of this industry, some detailed explanation of the whole process will not be out of place. At intervals of forty or fifty feet heavy posts are driven as solidly as possible in the bed of the stream from shore to shore, and on these will depend the strength of the whole structure. As an additional guarantee against the action oi the current, as many prop> or braces are sunk slanting down stream and secured against the upright posts close to the water line. In this and all similar cases the fastening material consists of wil'ow, high cranberry bush or spruce s^iplinj; ' attle, Finally, heavy poles, as long as can be -otind, arc laid transver><\\ on the forks formed by the intersection o^ the piles with their pro|>. and the result consti- tutes wh.at may be called the skeleton of '^iV ^t i The intervals be- tween the upright posts are afterwards ri.^ in by poles driven dov^^n in the bed of the river, and as these are e^a-ed on the upstream side of the l«92-93.] NOTES ON THE WEHTKRN D^N^S, 85 long railing already mentioned, no artificial fastening therewith is required. The weir is then ready to receive the fishing apparatus, which consists of the hurdles,* the bottle-like baskets nti':rzv^f-f and the narrow terminal baskets, K^s.^ The hurdles are made of different sizes, according to the place they are to occupy. They are simply barkless spruce switches, held slightly apart by a few transversal sticks laid against, not entwined with, the trellis work, and there secured by being wattled with wattup or spruce root. The larger number of these hurdles serve to line the upstream side of the weir, thereby closing every possible issue through it, while with the rest are constructed corral-like enclosures guarding tl.e mouth of the baskets, as shown in the accompanying diagram (fig. 73). The '''K- 73- entrance to these corrals, and thrrefore to the tr;ip, is at a, and is gener- ally half a foot wide. A vtand for parts of the barrier or weir. The salmon upon stealing in finds its way up blocked at /^, and by a >i(lev -,< evolution comes in sij^ht of the lojig conduit prepared for it in t; of the nazrwat or main basket c\ together with the narrow termiral cylinders d. With a view of liberating itself from the hurdle enclos&sre, it swims down as far a> the terminal cylinders, which, being too narrow to permit of its turning back thus determine its capture. O'-hr-s following will soon pack even the broader end of the auxrwat to :. . ...1 extent that oftentimes no moving room is left. ^he doited outlines in * 7a-st';u, a contraction of tcm-^t'j't, " ^tick-'wnreil.' t A contraction of miiihi-wH, " cylimlric.il nr -.-le nioiiili (and lou^ in liraecause it is convdered as tiie dandl'- of the (iinnel-lil. asket or nttmvj;. Ill i )!: 86 TKANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN INSTITUTK. (J }f [Vol. IV. the above dia^rram represent the end of each basket which, it is useless to add, is left opened so as to afford a free passage for the fish. Such traps are generally constructed in pairs as is shown above. Instead of shutting with trellis work the furthest end of the last Kss or narrow cylinder, some add thereto a large rectangular box-like reservoir pro- vided with a conical conduit or entrance (fig, 74) tapering into the box so as to pre- clude the possibility of the fish escaping once it hc\s ente-ed and found the liberty of movements it lacked while in the narrow baskets. Therein the salmon crowd in such numbers that they soon get packed as sardines in a box and finally squeeze themselves to death.* This trap is efficient at night only, and when the large ter- minal basket just mentioned is wanting, the nazrwat has to be watched lest the fish remaining at its mouth eventually make good their escape. At least two Ind' ins go every morning and lift up with wooden hooks (ng. 75) such parts of the trap as cannot easily be reached by the hand and carefully empty its contents into their canoe. The K3S« are but temporarily connected, being detachable at will Two or three, or in extreme cases as many as four, are ordinarily added to the nazrwat. The nazrwat measures at least 1 5 feet in length and as much as 6 or 8 feet in its greatest width,f while its narrow end is not more than 6 inches wide. Uniform with the latter is the Kas, which is of variable length, lO feet being probably the minimum and 16 the maximum. Clear pieces of Douglas fir ( Pinus inurrayqna) are the material chosen in the preparation of these fish traps and of all those which remain to describe. Once a suitable fir trunk has been split into portable sizes the wood is allowed to remain a few days in the water, after which it is converted with the help of the bone wedge (fig. 75 bis) into long and very slender rods which are then shaved smooth with the knife and assigned to their respective places in the structure. The encircling pieces are of spruce {Abies nigra) and are wattled to the longitudinal I.-joTts bis. rods with the usual wattup or spruce root. * These reservoirs are called yHta-sK.ai,a. coiuraction o( yit/af-JsKai, "it (recipient) lies down stream." tThis, of course, varies with tlie deptii of the stream. 'i^^^ Fig. /3- isy2-9;5] NOTfcS ON TIIK WICSTEKN UENKS. f^t The nazrwat and its correlative, the K.^s, are exclusively designed for the capture of the salmon. A second fishing device, less restricted in its use is the 'kun-taai* It works on the same principle as the j/zAwlw?/ or terminal fish-box. It is a large cylindrical basket about 15 feet long and at least four in diameter. Its bottom end is made of sticks radiating from the centre, while its entrance is provided with the tapering conduit or "heart," as it is called by the natives, which we have already noticed in \\\G: yutasV^ai. Only in this case it is much longer, since the apex or inside end of the truncated cone-like aperture reaches almost to tlie middle of the whole basket. To make the safe keeping of the fish doubly sure, the converging sticks of this inner conduit are made to project inside beyond the small hoop to which they are fastened. These pin- like stick- ends easily dissuade the fish from trying to escape. The 'kuntzai was formerly used in connection with beaver trapping, and to-day it does duty in several localities against the musk-rat. In such a case the lattice work is made of sticks so broad as to resemble laths more than rods, while the interstices between its component paits are so small that they leave no room for the rodent's snout should it attempt to gnaw off pieces of it. As an additional measure of safety for the trap, stones are also scattered on its bottom, upon which the game is said to direct its attention in the hope of effecting its escape. When used as a trapping implement these baskets are laid in the bed of sluggish rivers or creeks previously jammed with branches and boughs of conifer- ous trees. But what we are presently joncerned with is fish trapping. The 'kiintzai are used here (Stuart's Lake) in conjunction with the nazrwor. They are likewise deposited in the bed of the stream, but with their mouth or entrance end in inverse positions relatively to the direction of the current. I think that no words of mine can better explain their use and respective positions than the accompanying diagram showing both nazrwat and 'kuntzai weirs with their hurdle corrals and baskets. A is the 'kuntzai weir which is semicircular and extends to the middle of the stream only. For this reasf)n, though it is built on the same principle of piles and braces as that of the nazrwDt, the necessary strength is more easily obtained. Its shape ()recludes the possibility of being latticed as the former, yet every issue is carefully stuffed with spruce boughs. B and {7 alone are regular hurdles simil.ir to those forming the corrals of the main or up strcim barrier. D represents a partial trellis left open at the proper intervals to receive the mouth of the 'kuntzai e, which are laid I i I • * App.-irently a contraction of 9'Mn-?stzai, " fish-ova are lying down," wliicli etymology is hard to explain, since those tisliim^ iniplenieiUs have inoiv at least) no relation to li-li ova. V Ii : i |:.i !' ■% r i 1 Nh ' 'W {1 ■ 1 I; it 1 h 1 jlf'W^' '**'' rili J 11 ■1 fl\ i 1 88 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. VI. down in parallel order to the number sometimes of ten or twelve. Immediately facing the row of basket entrances a large beam F, hewn on the upper side only, partly floats on the water and is partly supported on the forks of piles driven in the bed of the river. Fig. 76. So much for the apparatus. Now as to its working. The fish, which is constantly following its way up stream finding any further progress impeded by the staking across the river G, remains there almost station- ary during the day feeling shy of the nazrwat traps prepared for its capture at night. So it frequently happens that within the space inter- vening between the complete and the partial weirs large numbers of the fish have congregated ere the sun sets. Therefore natives, manning as many canoes as are available, drive it by dint of noise and by well directed strokes in the water, first into the corral A, D, F, and then to the cylindrical baskets wherewith it is secured. Then, at a given signal, one man from each canoe jumps on the beam F, and lifts up the entrance end of the baskets as a precaution against the possible egress of a few fish, while his partner returns by canoe to the opposite end of the trap to empty it of its contents. A lid or door a there prepared on the top side of the trap facilitates that operation. The lifting up of the 'kuntzai at the entrance extremity is the work of but a moment, inasmuch as it ;? ■? # 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTKRN D^Nlts. 89 chiefly results from the dropping in the water of the large stone i^", which keeps it sunk to the proper depth. Both the nazrwat and the 'kuntzai are serviceable in such places only as the outlet of lakes or shallow streams where the current is slow enough to permit of the erection of the necessary weir. Where this is impossible, a third and even more ingenious device — since once it is placed in position, it does all the work of itself — is resorted to. Lattice work projecting a few feet only from the shore is erected in the water, connected wherewith is laid on the bottom a tobogan-like basket with an opening near its curved end. The fish passes through this into an un- covered canal-like conduit leading into a large latticed reservoir where it is caught. The apparatus becomes more intelligible by a glance at fig. "jd wherein we have a sectional view of the whole. The lines marked Fig. 76. a, and b show respectively the bottom and the 'surface of the water. The upper part of the entrance basket c is flat and serves at the same time as a bed for the canal d which is formed by the addition of two long hurdles e on either side of the main or lower basket top. The salmon having entered at c soon finds its way upstream blocked at _/i where the basket is rather narrow. But, as its instinct' is decidedly against the wisdom of a backward course, as soon as it becomes aware of the free passage prepared at^, therein it runs and thence to the trap h laid out for its capture, i stands for one of the stakes which hold up the trap or reservoir while they secure the whole structure against the action of the current. This fish-trap is called 3s, and it does also good service against the land-locked salmon and other mmor fish, such as trout, ling, etc., in such streams as are favored with a strong current. Where the river is of a more sluggish character, a fourth device, called ive, is resorted to. Though differently constructed, it works on the same principle as the preceding. Its use requires the building of a regular weir or staking across the entire width of the stream, and several such traps are laid out, side by side, pretty much as is done with the nazrwat. 7 1 i « 1 n"'W I 'if I i 111 ^ I' 11 4 90 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN ISSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. The diagram fifj. 77 gives a longitudinal section of this fishing con- trivance, which, after the details furnished above, hardly needs a word of explanation. It suffices to follow the smaller arrows of the figure to understand the movements and account for the capture of the fish. Let me simply add that all the component parts of this trap are originally distinct and separate. They are merely kept in their proper place by means of willow oark wattlings.* 7m77MF77m7 Less complicated than any of the preceding fish-traps is the ihc^-sKai (laid down on the bottom), which is also of latticed work and whose general appearance cannot be better described than by comparing it to a coffin (fig. 78). Its catching device consists of a sort of trap-door attached on the inside to the top of one end and slanting down until it almost touches the bottom of the box-like apparatus. This door is so arranged that it slightly yields up to pressure from the fish and shuts down on it once it has entered. The th6s-Kai is used in shallow streams only. Fig. 78. A sixth method of salmon fishing which is likewise practicable in a few localities only is that wherewith a t3-sYiai,^ or pot hangei basket has to be employed. "In some places where the stream contracts to an insignificant width and, in escaping from its rocky embankment, produces a fall deep enough to temporarily impede the salmon's course upwards, * In the accompanying diagrams, the smaller or inner arrows show the course of the fish, while the larger ones point to the direction of the current. + A contraction for to-?sKai, "it (a recipient) stands up." ) I 189-.'-93.] K0TE8 ON THE WE8TKRN DEN^S. yi the Carriers simply bridge the fall over and with bark ropes suspend therefrom a sort of lattice, seven or eight feet wide, the lower extremity of which is curved up like a pot hanger (fiff- 79)- When the fish attempts to jump over the fall, he strikes the latticed barrier and drops back into the basket-like bottom."* Lastly, where none of the above described modes of capturing the salmon are available, the Carrier or TsijKoh'tin has still a seventh expedient, more inconvenient and less profit- able it is true, left at his disposal. This is fishing with the bag-net (fig. 152), Unless the run of salmon be exceptionally large, this method is rather tedious, and either dire necessity or the passion of a sportsman only can be adduced as an excuse for this kind of fishing, inasmuch as it is impracticable except at night. I still remember coming up some '^" ^'^' ten years ago, the mighty Fraser then swollen up to the brim by the July freshets. As we were making very poor time painfully poling up stream, I had resolved to profit by a beauti- ful moonlight to compensate by night boating what we necessarily lost on account of the slowness of our progress during the day. As we neared the Indian village we were making for, we frequently sighted from a distance human forms standing motionless on every available rocky promontory projecting into the river. Upon approaching them, we would perceive that they were intently gazing on one spot in the water, and when questioned as to their success, their almost invariable answer would be: Sukrak ! thallo hul9K ! "Not a bit; there is no salmon.!" They were bag-net fishing. Where the natural rocky projections are not pronounced enough wharf-like scaffoldings are erected for the convenience of the fishermen. Some such are to be seen on the HwotsotsanKwah which evidence no mean engineering capabilities. In describing the Den^ fishing contrivances, I have occasionally used the foot measure as the best, because the most common, means of deter- iiiining their dimensions. Useless to say that this is not the recognized stai (lard of length measure among the natives. Before proceeding lni!:!..=;r, it may not be irrelevant to enumerate their various measures. * The Western Denes, p. 1 29. :tt I i • ' f IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A C-^^^ 1.0 1.1 >tt Ui 12.2 u IL25 i 1.4 M m Sdences CbrpcTdlion 23 WiST MAIN STtEET WIBSTM.N.Y. MSM (716) izausoa a most offensive smell. The other fur bearing animals sought after by the Western D^nes are the marten (Mustela martes. Rich.), the ^^\iGr(Mustela canadensis, Linn.), which the Carriers call a " big marten, " Icsnnih-tco, the otter (Lutra canadensis, Turton), the wolverine (Gulo lustus, Linn.), the lynx {Felis canadensis. Rich.), the fox (Vulpes vulgaris), the wolf (Canis lupus occidentalis ), the coyote (Canis latrans), and the two small carnivores, the ermine (Prttorius vulgaris, Linn.), and the mink (P. vison, Brisson^ In addition tc ivashi, its regular name, the lynx, whose ancestors are believed to have had intercourse with women, is often half jocosely called sAnW, " my first cousin " by the Carriers. As to the different IS92-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN oilN^S. 95 varieties of foxes and wolves, they are recognized and differentiated by adjectives, not distinct names, in the native tongues, as they are founded merely on colour, not, as with the dog, on anatomical peculiar- ities. It is a well known fact among our aborigines that, for instance, red, cross and black foxes are found in one and the same litter, so that it seems naturalists should not see more difference between a red and a black fo>: than they do between a gray and a white bull-dog.* When not chased or killed by chance as happens in the course of one's travellings, the above named fur bearing animals are procured either with Fig. 80. traps or snares. At least three varieties of the former contrivances, all of genuine D6n^ origin, are still in general use, and a fourth, the bear *It should be mentioned here that alioriginal usage prevents the hunter ff^r killing for him- self any of the largest animals, especially such as are chased for their meat. Alter his game has been brought down, he will invariably give it to one of his companions, or if he happens to have none, he will cache it up against wolverines or any carnivorous animals and return to the village. Then he will say to any one whom he chooses to favour with his spoils : " In such and such a spot in the forest I have shot a cariboo for you. Go and fetch it." To act otherwise would be equivalent to courting the scorn of every hunter of any standing in one's place. ' 'i i ' M) r. I i'i 96 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. u :ii: trap, though now a thing of the past, is still remembered by old men. liS main or fall part consisted of trunks of small trees united into a sort of lattice work by means of muskeg pine saplings interlaced through them. To ensure additional efficiency for the structure, large stones were laid over it, heaps of which are still to be seen in several places, generally close by the banks of salmon streams. I can find no native in a position to satisfactorily explain the mechanism of this trap. All I can gather is that it was very effective, not only against black bears, but even against grizzlies. Fig. 8i. To secure martens and other small land game, the Carriers never use but the trap shown in fig. 80, which is very simple in construction. It is merely composed of a fall stick a, one end of whfch is thrust in the ground in an oblique direction, and which springs down on the transversal or ground stick b, through the falling off of the pole c, resting upright on the bait stick d. To prevent the game from getting at the bait otherwise than through the trap, a rectangular enclosure is erected with snail pickets generally against, or close to, the bole of a spruce or pine tree. Should the fall stick not exactly correspond in position with that lying on the ground, the marten might survive the springing of the trap and 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WESTERN DENES. »r eventually effect its escape. To guard against such an accident, two stakes e are driven in the ground on each side of the falling apparatus. The use and working of the weight pole / need no explanation. Much more complicated, as may be seen from fig. 8i, is the action of the lynx trap. The device causing the capture, if not the death, of the game, is identical with that of the preceding, save that two weight poles instead of one are used. But the principle of the apparatus itself is altogether different, and might be pointed out as an evidence of no mean ingenuity. Although I have faithfully outlined in dots the working of the trap while in the act of springing, some further explanation of it may be necessary. The general principle governing its action is the balance principle. The fall stick being pressed down by the weight sticks, thereby forces up the furthest end of the lever a, which is balanced on the post b, acting as fulcrum. As an immediate consequence, the string button c (fig 82) is started up and at once arrested in its flight by the horizontal sticks d engaged between the button and the perpendicular pole e. The reason of the springing of the trap is now easy to understand. The lynx, or fox, upon trying to get at the bait laid on the ground a little distance off within a picket enclosure, is bound to tread on the trip stick e which is thereby disengaged from the pressure of the button, which immediately whirls up yielding to the action of the weight poles on the lever, as shown in the dotted outlines. Both the post and the perpendicular pole e are stuck in the ground, and the latter, as well as the weight sticks, are set up through the branches of the tree under which the trap is prepared. Fig. 82. Fig- 83. A somewhat different setting of the same trap is obtained by engaging the trip stick above, instead of below, the middle of the button piece. In this case no bait is provided for the game, but the trip stick is thorough- ly rubbed over with castoreum, by licking which the animal springs off^ the lever, whereby the fall stick slips down on the base. II I -I ^ TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN ISSTITi TE. [VOL. IV, A modification of this trap is occasionally used by a few to capture the beaver. But as the Crees are credited with its invention, no further mention of it is necessary. Fig. 83 represents a kind of trap differing in every particular from the three already described, it is proper to the Tse'k^hne and does service against marmots. As shown in the cut, it is usually set in front of the animal's den, and its action or working apparatus has some resemblance to the common figure four trap. Its trip stick a is laid across the entrance of the marmot's den and is disposed .so as to form a right angle with the left side of the spring stick b. Of course this is concealed from view with dry grass, leaves, moss or any other available vegetable material. In order to give even a clearer idea of the mechanism of the trap, its com- I) \ Fig. 85. » Fig. 84. ponent parts will be found separately drawn in fig. 84. Let it suflfice ot add that, while the fall stick is looped to the springing piece b, the small end of the latter is at the same time notched in the trip stick a and con- nected with the post c through the double string d, which presses in the extremity of both trip and spring pieces. These traps are not hastily constructed on the spur of the moment with any chance material taken at random from the immediate vicinity of the spot where they are set. They require some little care in their preparation, and they are therefore made at home, and carried about with their different parts tied together as shown in fig. 85. SNARES. Whilst we are occupied with the divers contrivances invented by native ingenuity to capture land animals, it may be well to give some idea of the Western D^n^s' methods of snaring the same. To such as may be tempted to call in question the appositeness of such minute details, I would beg to point out that the aborigines, whose technology we are studying, are pre-eminently huntsmen no less than fishermen ; and to call complete a review of their industrial implements, which does not 1892-83.] NOTES ON THIi: WESTEHN D^N^B. «0 embrace their various fishing and hunting contrivances, would be equiva- tent to supposing well constituted a body lacking nerve or bone. Besides giving us some idea of their proficiency as craftsmen, they enable us to witness, as il: were, the workings of their mind as applied to their means of providing for the necessaries of life. So that those very details which may appear unimportant to the superficial reader, add in the estimation of the scientist, a psychological interest to a study which is primarily technological. What has already been said of the Western D^n^s' fish or animal traps has leJ us to the conclusion that, if those aborigines are wanting in the appreciation of the beautiful, they are by no means devoid of the faculty of judging and selecting that which is best suited to the attainment of their ends. A review of their snaring devices cannot fail to confirm this impression. At least eight different methods of snare setting, generally varying according to the nature of the game, obtain among the single Carrier tribe. I leave it to the following figures to explain the details, and shall content myself with noting en passant that which they cannot tell. Fig. 86. ^ Figs. 86 and 87 represent bear-snares * whereby the game is either choked down on the ground (fig. 86) or flung up in the air (fig. 87). The action of the former is exceedingly simple, though it cannot fail to prove very effective. Of course it is clear that the bear upon getcinjj engaged in the noose, which is in all cases held in the proper position through * The root for snare in general is /rizontal sticks I have tried to illustrate '■'«• 93- by fig. 93 ; but I think th?*^ its working requires to be seen to be fully understood. This snare ,es also good service against marmots. Fig. 94. Fig. 94 represents a mode of snare setting usual in connection with the latter game only. It needs no explanation, since*the lever of fig. 92 is simply replaced here by a bent down switch. F"«- 95- Lastly fig. 95 gives us an idea of the rabbit snare as it is commonly ! I I r hn ■ i i 104 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. set by our Carriers. The method is identical with the preceding, save that a switch forming a semi-circle is substituted for the stake to whi :h the movable cross-piece is temporarily fastened. Of course this necessitates a change in the position of the latter which in this case is laid horizontally over the apex of the hoop. , The strings of the cariboo and bear snares are made of moose or cariboo skin strands, generally four in number. As a protection against moisture or any other deteriorating agent, they are in most cases wrapped with thin strips of willow bark. Hempen twine such as is for sale at any H. B. Co. fort nowadays serves against any species of minor game. Before leaving this subject, it may not be amiss to mention that even waterfowl were formerly sought after by means of snaring devices. Ducks and grebes were then the coveted game. The snares consisted in a noose cord of vegetable fibre attached to a stick firmly driven in the bottom of the piece of water, more generally in such shallow places as the fowl ordinarily frequent when feeding. Waterfowl of any larger species such as geese and swans, especially the latter, are said to have been secured in olden times, by an ingenious stratagem which cannot be better described than by relating the follow- ing fragment of the Carriers' national legend wherein the famous hero gstas plays such a wonderful role. " In the course of his travellings, gstas came upon a family consisting of the father, two sons and a daughter. One day, the old man sent his sons to try their chances at catching swans in his hereditary fishing- place. The young men, who had already heard of gstas' wonderful deeds, said to him : ' Cousin, we always lose our time in our attempts at catching swans. Our father wants some to make for himself a head- dress and a breast blanket* for the winter. People say that you generally succeed in any enterprise you undertake. Come then, and help us.' gstas readily consented, and went out with them. " When they had reached the family fishing grounds, they perceived eight swans lazily gliding on the water. ' Have not you taken a rope along with you?' asked gstas. Upon which they pointed to a long rope which had been left there for future use in a similar emergency. " Presently gstas donned a head-dress made of the head and neck of a swan, and, taking the rope with him, swam slowly towards the swans imitating in every point their movements. Then he deftly tied the feet * See the cliapter on Dress and Personal adornment. 1892-93.] N0TF.8 ON THE WESTERN D^N^S. 105 of five of them to his long rope without as much as awakening their suspicions, and swam back to the stake driven in the bed of the river to •vhich he secured the end of his rope. Being now sure of his game, he took off his head-dress when the swans perceiving their mistake took to their wings, but were soon arrested in their flight by the retaining rope and stake. They were then taken by the wily stranger. " The young men who had on previous occasions tried the same trick without avail, were delighted at the success of their guest, so much the more that nobody before him had been able to get by this method more than four swans at one time. They therefore invited him on another day to give them a further proof of his ability, and even to outdo himself if that was possible. Much flattered at their encomiums, gstas this time tied the legs of no less than eight swans. But as he was swimming back to attach the rope to the stake, he unwittingly lifted off his head- dress, upon which all the fowl flew off taking up with them gstas who was thus carried very far away into the countries beyond tht horizon." The story then proceeds to relate how, new Vulcan, having let go the rope, he fell down upon a rock wherein he sank and was buried alive. Whether this or any analogous mode of securing waterfowl was really practised by the prehistoric Carriers cannot, of course, be now positively stated. Strange as it appears, some such stratagem may have been resorted to, since we read that in China waterfowl are caught by wading in the water up to the neck with one's head hidden in a gourd and then seizing the bird's legs to finally draw it down in the water with- out ever revealing one's personality.* Be that as it may, the modern Carriers know it only by tradition. They now prefer to build small circular huts of coniferous boughs or even walls or cairns of stone in the favorite haunts of the fowl behind which they hide and by imitating their call, prevail upon them to approach within shooting range when they are easily dispatched. I have enumerated the fishes and land animals trapped or otherwise hunted by our Western D^n^s, and described the various devices made use of to secure them. I leave it to the following list of the names of the lunar months in two dialects to furnish the reader with some hints as to the time when they are generally sought after. *See Six Legendes AnUricaittes identifiies h t histoire de Moise, etc, par U R. P. Petitot, Missiotis de la Congregation O.M.I., Paris, 1877, p. 741. 8 I I 1 t ■ i 11 106 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV < Names of the Twelve Lunar Months. 11 J '!|] ^ I In Carrier. Sa-tco, the big moon. Tc9Z-S9l* Tcsz-tco* Cin-uza, moon of the spring. Tdkus-xiza, moon of the carp. Taiir-uza, moon of the summer. Khdl-uza^ moon of the land-locked salmon. Thallo-za, moon of the red salmon. Ptt-uza, moon of the bull-trout. joh-uza, moon of the white-fish. Panrdn mfs^v^ei, "du/ing its half one navigates."! Sa-tco-dinat, "next to the big moon." In Ts^'k^hne. Infsih'Sa, moon of the wind. Yastase-sa, moon of the snow- storms. A/tta-inza, moon of the golden eagle. RatqMnza, moon of the wild goose. Sas-inza, moon of the black bear Mdndh-icMla'oje, moon when they * take to the water. H^ke-ta, " the buffalo ruts." ^tsiz-inza, moulting moon. Sa-tsHle, little moon. Sa-td, great moon. ^'kat, "the fat (of the animals) disappears." Ma-thdn-thdn-tsHle, " what freezes is covered vith bare ice." The first of these months corresponds nearly to January. The size of che page prevents me from giving side by side with the above the names of the TsiiKoh'tin months. Their main peculiarities may be thus resumed : March is the " moon when one comes out of the subterranean huts " ; April is the moon of the sucker ; July, that of the Kes, or white-fleshed salmon ; August, that of the red- fleshed salmon ; November is called "this month we all enter the subterranean huts," and December is the moon of the ice. It will thus be seen that different social habits and occupations have left their impress even on the names of the months such as recognized by the three D^n^ tribes under study. Observances of the Hunter and the Trapper. Prior to their embracing Christianity, the Western D^n^s had recourse to various other means of ensuring success while engaged in hunting. Several superstitious practices were observed, the neglect of which was * Tlie root Tctz is now meaningless. The finals s»l and Uo mean " small " and " big " re- spectively. 1 1, e. Lake Stuart is opened to navigation during the half of this month. + L e. The goslings. 1892-93.'| NOTES ON THE WBSTEBN Dl^NES. 107 regarded as entailing unavoidable failure. Most of these were based on their regard for continence and their excessive repugnance for, and dread of, menstruating women. As soon as a Carrier had made up his mind to try his chances at bear- snaring, he separated a thoro for a full month previous to the setting of his snares. During all that time, he could not drink from the same vessel as his wife, but had to use a special birch bark drinking cup. The second half of the penitential month was employed in preparing his snares. The omission of these observances was believed to cause the escape of the ganle after* it had been snared. To further allure it into the snares he was making, the hunter used to eat the root of a species of heracleum {tsd'^p in Carrier) of which the black bear is said to be especially fond. Sometimes he would chew and squirt it up with water exclaiming at the same time : Nydstluh ! may I snare you ! Once a bear, or indeed any animal, had been secured, it was never allowed to pass a night in its entirety, but must have some limb, hind or fore paws, cut off, as a means of pacifying its fellows irritated by its killing. Speaking of the meat of snared animals, I cannot help remarking that young women having their menses could not eat of their head, heart or hind part without exposing themselves to a premature death through a kind of rabies which was sure to attack them in after years. This infir- mity led them to keep tearing off the flesh of their arms with their teeth. If perchance they were favored with a lucid moment, they improved it by making their confession to the shaman. " When young, I ate of the head, etc., of an animal " they would say. Thereupon the medicine man would suck from the body of the patient what was represented as the tabooed morsel unlawfully swallowed, and forsooth the woman was cured ! . The heart even of water-fowls was forbidden to similarly circumstanced young women, who had also to abstain from cutting up the grebes which, among the Carriers, are caught each spring in such large numbers. These fowl are full of blood, and their being manipulated by such persons would communicate to the latter either haemorrhage or unnaturally pro- longed menses. If in the woods with his wife, the hunter would also prefer to see her tear herself up in the bush and thorns, to let her pass in the narrow trail wherein he may have deposited his snares preparatory to setting them. Should she as much as step over without touching them, her mate would certainly consider any further attempt at capturing game as futile and useless. '\ i 108 TRANSACTIONS OF THR CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. The skulls of the bears whose flesh has been eaten up are even to-day invariably stuck up a stick or the broken branch of a tree. But the aborigines fail to give any reason for this prcictice. If the Carrier was to use traps instead of snares, the observances pre- paratory to setting them varied somewhat. When martens were the intended game, the period of abstinence from sexual intercourse was shortened to ten days or thereabouts, during which the trapper slept by the fireside pressing down a little stick over his neck. This, of course, could not fail to cause the fall-stick of his traps to drop on the neck of the coveted game ! The chewing and squirting up of the heracleum root were observed in this as in the former case. The deprecatory formula was merely changed into Nyiiskuh ! may I entrap you ! When successful, the trapper had to be very careful that no dog touches his prey, which, to avert such a misfortune, he had to hang up a peg in the lodge as soon as this was practicable. Contact with a dog would certainly indispose the game's fellow martens against the traps of the hunter responsible for such a slight. No superstitious practice appears to have been followed as a prepara- tion to beaver hunting, save that to ensure a larger catch, one-half of each trap was daubed with red ochre. But nobody who does not care to con- demn himself t>) useless efforts at securing any further supply of the game must be unguarded enough to swallow the little patella bone of the beaver. In like manner, if after having captured a beaver, a Carrier has the carelessness to let one of his dogs get at that bone, he may as well resign himself to return home empty handed. During the whole beaver- trapping season, his first captrre will infallibly be his last. Lynx not only was not eaten by the women, but even when once snared, it could not be brought in the lodge through the doorway. Women as well as men daily enter through that passage, and the former must have no intercourse, however indirect, with the feline. So it was introduced by men into the lodge through the smoke hole in the roof. It was touched by men only, its flesh boiled by men and eaten by men. The reason of the aversion of the women for the lynx will appear irom the following legend : — " A young couple of Indians was living in the woods. One morning, as the husband was absent chasing large animals, a stranger of surprising beauty and apparently endowed with superhuman powers came upon the young woman " Follow me : you shall be my wife," he said to her. But as she was very much attached to her husband, she strove hard not to hearken to him. Yet such were the stranger's charms and hidden powers 'W 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE MTESTKRN vis&a. 109 that her mind was as if paralyzed in his presence. As she pretended that she had no provisions for the journey, he told her that the distance was short, and that he had plenty in his own place. Whereupon he seized her and she had to follow him. Now the stranger was no other than the lynx. She managed however to snatch from her lodge in leaving a grouse {Dendragaptis franklinii, Dougl.) which her husband had shot a while before. As she walked behind her seducer, she would pluck a few of the grouse's feathers and down and drop them along thereby marking her trail on the ground. By the time that she reached her new aome, the bird was entirely stripped of its feathers and down. " The lynx's lodge was full of pieces of the fat of cariboo and moose hanging up to dry. Before dark, he went out to do a little hunting a short distance off. " Meanwhile the young woman's lawful husband who had experienced no difficulty in tracking her, thanks to the fallen feathers and the trampled herbage — for it was summer time — came upon her as she was sitting lonely in the lynx's lodge. She at once told him the story of her abduction by the stranger. At the same time she insisted that the latter was uncommonly powerful, and cautioned her husband against using violence in this case. " We had better try and take him by stratagem, for both of us together are nothing to him," she said. " She had barely uttered these words, when the lynx came home after a successful hunt. The woman went out to him and said presenting the new comer : " Husband, here is your brother-in-law, for he is indeed my own younger brother." Upon which the lynx asked : " Have I then a brother-in-law V — " Yes indeed, and a very good one," answered the woman. Then her own lawful^husband told the lynx how very pleased he was to see his sister married to so good a hunter and thereby delivered from her first husband who had been living with her against the wishes of all her relations. To confirm the sincerity of his declarations, he pre- sented the lynx with his own quiver full of arrows, keeping only his bow for himself. " I will hereafter see you more than once," he added " and each time I shall make you similar presents." "The lynx was so pleased that he insisted upon preparing himself his guest's supper. " Now prior to his return home, the young woman had related to her real husband how the lynx had asked her whether she was having her menses. Lest she may have been tempted to prove unfaithful, she had answered affirmatively, though that was not the case. Hearing this, the lynx had manifested a great dread of her and left her untouched. They : 1 ill ! 4 ! J in if i \- no TRANSACTIONS OF THB CANADIAN INSTITUTR. * [V >L. IV. II had then, her husband and herself, agreed as to the plan to follow to effect her deliverance. "Therefore, after they had eaten to their content, she purposely attempted to play with the lynx, while her husband, who was lying on the opposite side of the fireplace, feigned sleep. But each time that she tried to touch the lynx she was sharply rebuked : ' Skranthahoilkr^s* you will thiow a spell over my arms,' he would say. Yet she would not desist in her endeavors to keep him awake so as to render his sleep more profound once he would fall asleep. " At length after he had been a while soundly sleeping, she motioned her husband with a stick that now was the time to act. Therefore he cautiously seized his bow which was double pointed, as one end of it was provided with a long horn dart while the other had a stone spear head. With all his might, he sank the horn dart into the lynx's breast, while his wife chopped off his head with a stone adze she had kept concealed in her bosom. " After he had transpierced him with the horn dart, he and his wife turned him over and he repeated the same operation on his back with the stone spear head of his bow. They did not leave him till he had been reduced to a shapeless mass of bone and flesh. " Ever since, our women have been afraid of the lynx, for he is indeed a ravisher." In the estimation of the Carriers of the generations gone by, fishing was not fraught with the same perils as hunting, and therefore few, if any, superstitious precautions accompanied it. Indeed the only vain observance which can be mentioned in this connection was that "/hich forbade women having their monthly flow to cut or carve saimon, inasmuch as this was reputed to seriously endanger the health and especially enfeeble for life the arms of the transgressor. When no shaman was at hand to consult about the quantity of the salmon coming up, either the elements or some peculiarities in the vegetable kingdom afforded them a means of prognosticating the nature of the forthcoming run of fish. Thus a continually rumbling thunder or the early fall of ♦■he service-berries portended to them an abundant harvest. I would not affirm that these ideas have no longer any hold on the mind of a few modern Carriers. Those persons who are au fait with the popular notions current among the lower classes of the Old World will, I think, hesitate before tasking my Indians with uncommon credulity. * Thahodkris is hai to translate in English. The lynx means that her touch while in her unclean state will incapacitate him for the chase. 1892-93.] NOTES ON TUK WESTEKN D^N^S. Ill CHAPTER VI. Wooden Implements. I may mention as having some relation to one of the objects of the pre- ceding Chapter, namely fishing, the hzcofs^z* and the talh/.^ The former Fig. 96. is the wooden maul which serves to drive home the piles of the salmon weirs used by the Carriers. It is bottle-shaped, and of the hardest wood obtainable, generally birch (^/V«/rt/ set rolling anew, and the nature of the stake was determined as in the first instance. 11 ilil 1(5 it I -i P t ■ I ■ : 1 114 TKANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN I.VHTITUTK. [Vol. IV. I have never seen 'keilapss played by others than children and young men. But in times past it had a sort of national importance, inasmuch as teams from distant villages were wont to assemble in certain localities more favorable to its performance in good style. Indeed, until a few years ago the sportin.^ field of some was literally dotted with small cavities resulting from the fall of the arrows. Fig. 102 represent.s the device doing duty among the TsijKoh'tin as a spindle. Prior to the introduction of European textile fabrics, its uses were doubtless of a much wider des- cription than to-day. As a matter of fact, I have never seen it in actual use except to spin or twist the rabbit skin lines entering into the manufacture of blankets. The discoidal attachment is wanting in the implement such as known among the Carriers. There can be imagined no simpler or more primitive method of lighting fire than that originally obtaining Fig. I02. among the Western D^nes. Instead of the somewhat elaborate fire-drill in use amongst the northernmost congenerous tribes, such as the Loucheux and the Hares, our aborigines' apparatus was reduced to a short stick, generally of resinous scrub pine (P. contorta) set revolving on touchwood by immediate contact with the hands as is practised by the Wataweita of eastern equatorial Africa.* Shall I speak of the \A/estern Denes' canoes } They certainly possess no peculiarity to render them worthy of any mention, unless it be their very rudeness of form and finish. Of course I do not here refer to the birch bark canoes, which among the Carriers and the TsijKoh'tin, have gone out of use since the last fifty years or .so. Of these I have .seen but very few examples, and they were not representatives of their class. Fig. 103. ■ , West of the Rocky Mountains, the present D^ne canoe is dug out of bal- sam poplar trees {Popiilus balsamifera), and either because the material will not admit of a similar treatment, or because our Indians have not yet learned the method of expanding the sides by the action of fire under- neath, as is done by the Coast Tribes with regard to their cedar canoes, they are left almost as narrow at the centre as the tree was while in its * See " Fire making apparatus in the U.S. Museum," by Walter Hough, p. 553. l8a2-93.] N0TE8 ON THK WKHTKRN DI^NI^S. 115 original state. A few cross sticks only prevent the sides from shrinking in too much. This want of width, added to the fact that the prow is always made of the broader end of the tree, renders these canoes very awkward in stormy weather on our lakes, inasmuch as they generally compensate in length what they lack in breadth. Another fact worthy of remark is that the Carriers, who owe to their frequent intercourse with the Coast Indians, much of their technology and all such of their customs as are unknown to the rest of the Dt^n6 nation,* should have failed to take the hint from their maritime com- mercial visitors and build wooden canoes, until they appropriated, some seventy years ago, two rough "dug-outs" manned by a party of Iroquois hailing from the Kast. Their paddles offer hardly any noticeable peculiarities, save perhaps the absence of the cross-like appendage at the end of the handle which is common among maritime tribes. This is explained by the different manner of handling the implement. While the Coast Indian when paddling seems to divide his strength between propelling forward with the left hand and pulling backward with the right, the edge of the wooden canoe being made to serve as a partial fulcrum for the lever in his hands, the Carrier, who unconsciously labours under the illusion that he is still manning a frail birch bark canoe, does all his paddling away from his dug-out without ever touching its sides. This exercise necessitates the peculiarly long shaft of his paddle and renders useless the cross-end of the maritime implement. The aforesaid illusion is so patent that even while at the helm, he scarcely ever uses his paddle as a rudder to steer his craft. He prefers to paddle out alter- nately to the right and to the left, thereby communicating to the canoe a kind of zig-zag course. To return to the description of technological items. In fig. 104 we have an industrial implement whose destination cannot be guessed, inasmuch as its form is rather misleading. It is not an oar, but a 'ah-^cds. This compound word, when under- stood, prevents the possibility of any misconception as to the use of the object thereby determined. 'Ah is the Carrier word for a species of fern whose bulbous root our aborigines greatly relish, and tcd's means "paddle," and by extension any paddle- shaped object. Hence this implement is designed to dig out Fig. 104. ^j^g esculent root of the fern -ah. Yet, in spite of its name, it * See my paper in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Sect. II. 1892, p. 109- 126. ii.l 116 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. i; ; does frequent service as a mere pe-y^s - hahzvoso * or snow shovel, as it is also used to clear of snow the doorway of habitations and space adjacent thereto. It should be remarked, however, that the prehistoric 'ahtcss, was much ruder in form and finish than that herewith illustrated. The bulb of this fern is eaten while fresh and baked a Vetouff^e in this wise: "The natives dig out a hole about three feet in diameter in the ground, pave its bottom with heated stones over which they strew chips of alder {Alnus rubra) bark, and then fill it up with the roots. The whole is then covered with earth and the roots will be ready for the table ten or twelve hours later, that is when entirely cooled down."f As far as I can ascertain, no such esculent root as 'ah grows in the TsijKoh'tin's country. But its absence is more than compensated by the pre.sence there of two very useful tubers, dsroilh and siintt, which resemble respectively diminutive oblong and spheroidal potatoes. When these Fig. 105. Fig. 106. yi size. have reached maturity, they are dug out with the T-shaped tool shown in fig. 105. As may be seen, there is nothing complicated in the nature of this implement, since it is nothing else than a birch branch cut off with its shoot. To ensure greater toughness to the material, its point is generally treated to a slight calcination. Immense numbers of the root are annually gathered. They are either boiled as potatoes or smoked in the house. For the latter purpose a sinew or buckskin line is passed through each of them, and while thus forming strings of vegetable beads, they are hung up near the chimney or the fire hole. The smoking process is rather long, and at its close, the tubers are eaten without any further preparation, I have also seen this method practised among the TsiiKoh'tin with regard to the smallest of '■heir potatoes. From the culinary peculiarities of the TsijKoh'tin we may pass to their faculty of imitation and adaptiveness as evidenced by the herewith * Lit. " wherewiih-snow-is shaved off." + The Western Denes, p. 135. 1892-9:1.] NOTES ON TIIK WKaTERN Dt^.N^a. 117 figured toilet article which had been made and was used by one of them immediately before it was handed to me. If this comb stamps them as good imitators, it must be confessed that it entitles them to no particular claim to be ranked as artists. An examination of the cut will reveal the extreme simplicity of the process of fabrication of this article. A set of small holes have first been drilled with the hole-borer (fig. 130), alter which the portions of the wood whose veins had thus been cut asunder have been extracted with the knife Icavinj^ out what becomes the tines or prongs of the comb.* The original comb of the Western Dt^nes was remarkable for the length of its prongs rendered necessary by their peculiar way of wearing the hair prior to their first encounter with European civilization. In all probability, it was made in about the same style as the above Carrier comb (fig. 107) which is not a toilet article, but served the purpose of ritual observances. To secure success in his trapping or snaring operations, the Carrier had, besides lying down by the fireside, dreaming, etc., to make use of this three-pronged comb, which consists in the juxtaposition of as many wooden p''is bound together with ainew lines. Fig. 107. \i size. That our Western D^n^s are indeed a self appropriating race is further evidenced by the tan'i or wooden cuirass which the Carrier warriors used to don as a protection against the enemy's arrows This was composed, as a rule, of dried rods of Amelan- chier alnifolia (or Canadensis) disposed in parallel order and held together by means of cariboo skin lines interlaced through the middle and near both edges. It was identical with the wooden armour formerly in use among the coast tribes from which it was undoubtedly borrowed. I have never seen any ; but fig. 53, plate xv. in Niblack's "The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska "f will give some idea of its general appearance. Composed of the same material was the 'kei-tla-tlunX or shield, which was oval in form as the Roman clypens. The mode of manufacture only differed somewhat, as the branches or twigs of amelanchier were very closely interwoven. No specimen is now available for illustration. Another wooden implement which, though I have seen in actual use, I cannot figure herewith for the lack of a specimen to draw from, is •The Carrier name of the comb is tsi-llzti, " the head is curried," a verbal noun. tA n. Rep. U. S. National Museum, 1888, J Lit " willow (or birch)-the hand-hold " ; 3rd categ. of nouns. 118 TKANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. tlie tan-dsfjn (sticks-interwoven) of the Babines, Its name indicates its mode of fabrication, but leaves us in the dark as to its shape or destination. Imagine a rough arm chair without legs and made of stout, split sticks of willow (Salix longifolia) or other wood secured by skin strings, and you have a perfect id^a of its form. As for its use, it may be properly pointed out by a simple reference to the plate xx illustrating Ancient Mexican Carr'Ts, in Cyrus Thoma.s' paper on the Manuscrit Troano.* The packing devices seem to be identical in both cases, while the modes of handling the implement appear to have been different. Our Western D^n6 women — useless to remark that among primitive peoples heavy work ah - lys falls to the lot of the woman — pack from the forehead with a skin line broadening in the middle, and, if the load is unusually weighty, the ends of this line are made to pass around the chest so as to render the burden more manageable. Among the Hwotso'tin, ii fraction of the Babine sub-tribe, I have seen a woman thus packing, apparently with the greatest ease, her invalid husband, a man of more than average size and weight. I shall purposely avoid speaking of the board boxes likewise used as carrying mediums by some of our Carriers, because they are imported from tfte coast, not indigenous to the Western D^n^s. These other objects which, as sociological items, are also due to the influence of the maritime tribes, but had become naturalized among, and were made by, the Carriers, were the ni/riv3s, the hand'taih^\ and the fsak. The first two are respectively the ceremonial rattle and mask, none of which can now be illustrated from existing specimens. These were almost the only objects of art of genuine D^n^ manufacture to which I can point, and yet I do not think I unduly depreciate my Indians' artistic capabilities by adding that they were rather below than above the average of similar aboriginal carvings. The masks were used only by mimics accompanying by grotesque gestures and jerking of the head the dance of a privileged few. But the rattles served a double purpose: thev did service in connection with a notable's dance, being then held in the hand by the dancing personage himself, and also as jm accompaniment to the incantations of the niiq3n,\ or shaman. Both implements are, even at the present day, so common among North Pacific Coast tribes that no description of either is needed by readers ever so little au fait with American aboriginal paraphernalia It may * Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. v., p. 20. tLit. "that (round obj.) which is taken off;" the verb ha-nts'aih in the potential mood, . J Lit. "he makes people sing." Not to forget that among most aboriginal races, song and magic are convertible terms. •lit; 1892-93.] NOTBS ON THE WKSTKKN D^NES. suffice to refer less informed readers to the plates or figures illustrating Niblack's "The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska";* G. M. Dawson's "Notes on the Haida;t" W. H. Dall's " Masks and Labrets.J" etc. Fig. io8 illustrates an implement which, for the lack of another term we must call a rattle, though in shape, use and native name § it widely differs from the ab we mentioned ceremonial rattle. It is campanulate in form and is composed of a rounded piece of wood, hollowed out in its larger or bottom end and split asunder as far up as that part of it which serves as a handle. It was used by the participants in that aboriginal ceremony, th^, tJu't- sdlrwas, II which I have described in a former paper.** By slap- ping against one another, its two halves produced a very sharp rattling sound which could be heard at a great distance. This is perhaps the proper place to mention another piece of D^n^ carving, the gentile totem, toad, grouse, beaver, etc., which Fig. io8. on great festival occasions was exhibited as a means of attracting Yb size, offerings, apparently to the said totem image, which were in reality presents, voluntary or due, to the givers of the feast. Of course no specimens of these carvings now exist among the natives. The isak, the third borrowed sociological item mentioned above, was a canoe or trough-shaped ves; ,'l, sometimes elaborately carved to the ; rms of its possessor, I mean the totem animal of the notable to whom it belonged, and wherein food was served to the invited guests. This large vessel was brought into requisition on the occasion of extraordinary festivals only. Identical specimens are shown in plate xxxviii. of Niblack's book. Another kind of wooden utensil called t'sai or dish, which was often- times inlaid with haliotis shells as an attempt at ornamentation, is also known to have been possessed by a few Carrier families. But 1 greatly suspect that the vessel, no less than its ornaments, had been bartered from among the coast Indi-ns during the fairs which were periodically held on the borders of the Kitiksons' territory. This brings us to the consideration of the Western D^n^s' household utensils. *Rep. U.S. Museum, 1888. t Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Canada, 1878-79. + Third Ann. Rep. Bureau "Ethnol ; VVasliington, 1884, §,Ya ;M •ig. in sewed with, the tapering piece of bark noticeable in the lower part of the finished vessel. Such portions of the material as are comprised between the bold and the dotted lines — a, b, c, d — are cut off once the adjacent \ '\ 'IKi ~A .' I// Fig. 112. Fig. II3- parts have been sewed. To give the necessary consistency to the rim, a rod is made to encircle it on the inside. Furthermore, to still add to the 9 ''}' ■''; I :. ;i 122 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTK. I Vol. IV. I solidity of the vessel and ensure greater neatness of appearance, wattup,. or split spruce root, is made to pass through the bark and wrapped very tightly around the rod and rim. In order to avoid striking successively the same grain of the bark with the awl, the holes are pierced each re- ceding backward till four or five have been stitched in, after which tlic first of a new series is made closer to the brim. To break the monotony of the wattup wrapping, small pieces of tcdn-na-{ qdj* or bird cherry {Piuims pensylvanica, Linn.) bark are inserted, generally in the middle of each of the four sides of the vessel, enough of their shining surface being left uncovered to be easily visible. The largest of the bark vessels above illustrated is called a tca]ya]. It has, as a rule, a capacity of from three or four to ten gallons. As regards the uses to which it is put, they are manifold. While the women are gathering berries, it serves to bring home the fruit which has been immediately collected in the smaller or thej vessel (fig. i lo). In the lodge the tca]ya] is also the recipient of clothes, the sewing implements of the women, the family heirlooms, the trinkets of the children, etc. More- over, it serves frequently to cache up close by the houses any household chattels which it is thought expedient to protect against mice. When thus employed it is suspended, carefully covered with birch bark, from the lower limb of a branchy evergreen. Some tcaiyai, while remaining identical in form, materially differ in their style of cutting and sewing. Of these fig. 113 affords a fair example. None of the bark vessels of the Carriers is provided with a lid. The second vessel, the thej, "receptacle," (figs, no, 112) somewhat resembles the first in form and hardly differs in make, save of course, the altered cutting of the bark. But while all the tcajyai are very deep and as nearly quadrilateral in shape as the material will allow, the orifice of the thei is oval and the vessel is proportionately more shallow. More- over, all such specimens as e.xhibit a pretension to elegance have the middle of their length rims somewhat elliptical. Inserted between the bark and the encircling rod on both narrow sides are two buckskin thongs forming loops to which is attached the neat yarn string — generally adorned with multicoloured yarn tults — which serves to suspend the vessel from the neck. The the[ is carried on the breast, while the tcajyaj is packed, sometimes two at a time, on the back and the occiput. Some- times, as is the case with the more stylish patterns, the cherry bark orna- ments are replaced by dyed horse hair arranged so as to produce geometrical designs. * " Stick wliich one tears around," by allusion to the nioile of treating; its bark. m 1892-93.] NOTES ON THE WEST.'^RS 1>I NE8. r-'S The the[ is above all a berry basket, buf it does also frequent service as a drinking cup. Its size is subject to great variations, as it may con- tain from one pint to two gallons. Both tcajyaj and thei are to be seen in every Carrier household, and the latter especially is used so extensively that there is hardly any girl, however so poor, who does not possess her berry basket. Fig. 114. J \J^ I I I I I I £7 J Fig. 115. The vessel delineated in fig. 1 14 differs from the preceding in every particular except material and the setting of its rim. It is shallow, and almost rectangular in form, and the seams, instead of tapering from the corners to the centre of the ends as in the above described, remain confined to the corners. Fig. 115 will make "t clear that its manufacture offers no serious difficulty. Here again the dotted outlines point to those portions of the bark which are cut off after the vessel has been sewed. As its main destination is to hold liquid, though but for a short time, whether this be water, grease, or berry juice, it is made perfectly water tight. Its native name is fsaiy a D^ne root, which means tray, dish, or plate. The t'sai greatly vary in size, though they average a capacity of five gallons. ... . . Fig. 116. ■ Very much resembling this vessel is the fps-fsai or fish tray (fig. i t6), which however tliffers not a little as regards both make and finish. It is without a single seam, the corners of the bark being merely folded up, ; I It •' !1H 1 ]'':i r^'i ■<>' }■; i ! 124 TRANSACTIONS OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTR. [Vol. IV. and the svitch which encircles its rim is laid on the outside, instead of the inside, surface of the bark edges. This also lacks the thorough wattup wrapping of the rim, for which is substituted a spiral lacing of a coarser kind of spruce root. To prevent the thin birch bark from yielding too much to the pressure of the rim switch, a double lining consisting of two narrow strips of bark is applied against the vessel's edge both on the inside and on the outside. It should be added that a few fish trays are also made with seams exactly as the cor^mon dish or tray (fig. 114). The length of this vessel is generally double its width, which, in extreme cases, may reach as much as one foot and a half. It does service pn'ncipally in connection with the daily net-fishing. The net, which ha? been left to dry during the day, is at dusk prepared for use at home, the floats and sinkers being there attached in their proper places. The whole is then carefully folded and deposited in this tray, after which the fisherman — or rather fisherwoman, since net fishing invariably devolves on the woman — proceeds to the spot in the lake chosen to set it. When it is withdrawn in the morning, two such vessels may generally be seen in the canoe, one destined to hold the fish, the other reserved for the net, which is folded therein as soon as drawn out of the water. Fig. 117. , Fig. 1 18 No vessels of European or American manufac are have so far replaced any of the above described utensils. This is not the case with figs. 1 1 " and 118, tor which tin or copper vessels have long been substituted. The former, however, was still to be seen in actual use some ten or fifteen years ago. It was intended to keep water in ; hence its Carrier name lur 1892-93.] NOTES ON THU WESTEKN DEN^S. 120 thA-thejy "water-receptacle." This circumstance accounts also for its peculiar form — I mean the contraction of its upper part in faint imitation of the neck of a jar. Of course this vessel was made water-tight, the wattup used as thread being, after sewing, carefully pressed in with the finger previously coated with the balsam of the spruce {Abies balsamea). The latter is the original Carrier kettle or boiler,* which is now alto- gether antiquated. It is seamless ; the bark of which it is made has simply been folded up at its four corners and is so retained by means of a few stitches and of an encircling rod on the outside of the rim. Therein were boiled the roots, fish or meat of the family repast, and the aborigines are still loud in their praise of its excellence as a rapid boiler. Naturally enough, the frailty of its material required that care be taken lest it come in immediate contact with the flames. These primitive kettles were not only serviceable, but even much more durable than might be expected. In fact, their only part which was at all liable to get burnt was the wooden rim hoop, which had to be renewed from time to time. On grand c sions, such as the famous "potlaches" or ceremonial banquets f so much in vogue among almost all the British Columbian tribes, large square boxes imported from the sea coast, were called into requisition. When filled with water and meat or fish, heated stones were repeatedly cast in until their contents were boiled. The contrivance illustrated by fig. 119 consists of two parts, both of which are of spruce bark. Its object cannot well be understood without some details on one of the Carriers' most important industries, berry collecting and preserving. Conspicuous among the various species of wild fruit which yearly ripens in profujion throughout their territory is the service berry (Ameianchier alnifolia). So important is it in their estimation that they generally call it merely the fruit, mat. At the end of every summer, the women j^ather immense quantities of it, first in their thei and then in their tcaiyaj wherein it is brought home. When not eaten fresh, seasoned, as a rule, with bear grease or salmon oil, the berries are kept for future use under the form of large, thin cakes resembling plugs of tobacco. They are then prepared by a process which, if primitive, is not the less complicated As soon as the desired quantity of the fruit has been secured, the Carriers build on the ground, in a sandy spot, if possible, the below *7V::sai, sec. root. The name of the modern kettle is usa', f //onvftif/a, "the going near" a verbal noun, which confirms what I have written else- where, namely that such feasts, no less than several other practices, are of recent origin among the Western D^n^s. f. 126 TRANSACTIONS OP iKE CANADIAN INSTITL'TE. [Vol. IV. delineated boiler and tray. They commence by digging a shallow excavation in the sand into which they lay one end of a rough bark tray, thereby obtaining an oblique inclination for the whole vessel, the lower end of which is alone folded up. Inside the upper half of the tray, a boiler of corresponding width and made of a large piece of spruce bark is erected and secured in position by three sticks driven in the ground on the outside of both boiler and tray. This boiler has no other bottom than that of the tray wherein it stands upright and wherewith it forms an obtuse angle. As a consequence of this last circumstance an aperture is left between the bottom of the tray and the lower edge of the front side of the boiler, that facing the projecting part of the shallow vessel. A few twigs are there deposited which will act as a strainer with regard to the escaping juice of the berries. Once the boiler has been filled up with the fruit, heated stones are cast in which have the double effect of pressing down and boiling its contents. The juice escaping in the outer part of the tray is transferred when necessary to another vessel. The berries in the boiler having considerably sunk down and the stones beginning to cool, a new supply of both is thrown on top of the mash, which operation is repeated as long as the size of the boiler will allow. After all the juice has thus been extracted, the residue of the berries is thoroughly kneaded, after which it is spread out in thin layers on willow hurdles previously covered witi. heraeleum leaves, and then exposed to the action of the sun and air. By frequently sprinkling the mash with the juice of the berries and letting it dry until it attains the proper degree of consistency. 1892-93. NOTES ON TIIR WKSTKKN DEN^S. 127 it finally coagulates into cakes of uniform thickness which arc then stored away for future use. When properly prepared, these will keep for years and if sprinkled over with a little sugar, they are of tempting succulency even to others than Indians. m Esculent and Medicinal Plants. Hefore proceeding furthtr in our description of native utensils, it may not be irrelevant to complete our knowledge of the means of subsistence of the Western U^nes by a brief nomenclature of the other esculent berries, roots or plants they use as food, as well as of the chief medicinal herbs which they have, or had formerly, recourse to in case of bodily ailment. Their flora, such as represented in their vocabulary, is some- what limited, inasmuch as, with very few exceptions, only such plants as have a place in their domestic economy are deemed worthy of a name. Question, for instance, a TsijKoh'tin about the native name of a beautiful flower which may strike your fancy, and if it is not that of an edible or medicinal plant, he will look at you wondering if your mind is not getting unbalanced and ask you scornfully : " Do you think that we eat such a thing, that we should have a name for it ? " A great many berries they do eat, and therefore honour with a distinctive name These, added to those already mentioned in the course of the present moflograph, are : The small, low-growing blue berry ( Vaainium myrtillus) which is common in dry, stony places, such, generally, as are wooded with the scrub pine. These are gathered in the autumn and cither eaten fresh, when they are very succulent, or dried and kept until -needed for use. In this latter case, they are first boiled in a common tin kettle, then thor- oughly kneaded, and spread, without extracting the juice, over small trellis, much as is done with the mash of the service berries. Their Car- rier name is ydn-tii^-viav or ground berries. A larger species of blue berries ( V. myrtiloides) is also much sought after and treated, as a rule, as the small ground blue berries. Such is also the case with the swamp cranberry {Oxicoccus palustris) which, though rather scarce here, is none the less appreciated by the natives. The Carrier name of the former is yajts3i, a secondary root ; that of the latter 9yd! -kd-mav , or marsh berry, a noun of the third category. Tatqe is a large, dark-colored berry, {Einpetrmn nigriiw) somewhat acid and very juicy. When not eaten fresh, or seasoned with bear grease, whole basketsful of it are deposited in long trough-like vessels of spruce bark, tucked up at both ends so as to form provisional receptacles therefor. After they have undergone the usual kneading process, heated 128 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. stones are thrown over the mash until it has boiled long enough to pre* vent its deteriorating with age, after which cakes are obtained by drying on hurdles, as practised with regard to the service berry. A species of high bush cranberry ( Viburnum paneiflorum\ in spite of its pungency, is also much appreciated by the native palate. It comes to perfect maturity late in September, and is generally eaten with bear grease. But when it ripens early enough, and when the service berries are not kept in dried cake**, it is mixed with them to render them more digestible. The service berry, when eaten alone, is rather heavy on the stomach, and the addition of the cranberries is intended to correct this drawback. The Carriers call the high bush cranberry tsa/is^. The soap berry ( Shcpperdia canadensis), which is so unpalatable to a white man, is not the least esteemed of esculent berries among the Western D^n^s. It is either eaten raw or dried for future use. In both cases, it requires some preparation to become edible. After it has been mashed in a tin or bark vessel and sprinkled with a little sugar to soften down its bitter taste, it is vigorously stirred with the hand until it springs up into a beautiful rosy foam — whence its name — which is highly appreciated, especially on a hot summer day. If not needed at the time the berries are collected, their mash is put in a spruce bark vessel and boiled by means of heated stones until nothing remains but the roasted residue of the fruit. This is now given the form of the usual plug-like cakes by spreading and drying on hurdles ^d finally stowed away. When these are required for consumption, they are put in a kettle, dissolved in a little water, and stirred with the hand as in the case of the fresh berries and with similar results. Two other species of single berried fruit called respectively tcitchtetce* and noiltsn are generally eaten fresh. As far as I can guess, they belong to the genus Viburnum. The first, which grows only on mountainous soil, is black and resembles the service berry, but the natives claim that it is unknown to the whites. The second is a blue berry ripening on very tall bushes. Nor should we omit in our nomenclature even the berry of the kinnikinik {Arctostaphylos nva-ursi), which is prepared for eating by roasting in a frying pan and mixed with salmon oil or the grease of any animal. Its native name is tani/i in all the western dialects. The natives also relish any species of edible — and sometimes to us non-edible — berries, such as the raspberry {Rubus strigosus), the straw- • Tliis name, though used amon-j the Carriers, is of undoubted Tse'kehne origin. ii 1892-93.] NOTKS ON THB WESTERN D^N^S. 12» berry {Fragaria catwdensis), the black currant (Ribes nigrum), which the Carriers call " toad berry," etc. But none of these has the economic importance of those above enumerated. Besides these and the bulbous roots 'ah, sAntt and ssroflh which have been mentioned elsewhere, the Western DcJn^s find in their immediate vicinity several indigenous plants to diversify their daily menu of fish or meat. Chief among these may be quoted the red lily {Lilium Colnm- bianum), the bulb of which is used as an article of food by most British Columbian and other American, or even Asiatic tribes. It is cooked by boiling pretty much as is done with potatoes. The natives harvest it almost as soon as it has sprouted out, a short time after the entire disappearance of snow. The Carrier and Tsi[Koh'tin name i& tsa-tcan or "beaver-stick." Another plant of a different botanical family whose root is likewise much appreciated as an article of food is the s9s or sweet flag (Acorus Calamus). This root is eaten without any other preparation than cleaning and washing in cold water. The wild onion (Allicum cernuum) is also eaten, root and leaves^ either raw or slightU' roasted in the ashes. The Carriers call it fjo-tsd'Uy " stinking grass." So is the root of the dog-tooth violet (Erythronium giganteum), which is reputed excellent by the natives. Its Carrier name is tcilkhe-rez, a compound word which is unfit for translation. • In the cow-parsnip (Heracleum lanatum), and a variety of the same {kraz, in Carrier) it is the inner part of the growing stalks which is preferred. It is often used while fresh and unprepared save by the stripping of its fibrous envelope. But if fire is at hand, a Carrier will generally treat it to a slight roasting through the flames previously to peeling off the stalk. The H. lanatum is the kus of the Western Den^s, a primary root, indicative of its importance in the estimation of the natives. The marrow of the willow herb {Epilobmm angustifolium) is alsa much esteemed, as is manifest from the nature of its Carrier name, lias- It is eaten before the plant reaches maturity. Nor do the Carriers disdain the leaves of the Oregon grape (Berberis aquifolium), which are simmered in a little water until no liquid remains. This plant, however, was formerly more sought after than is done by the modern Carriers, who call it d'tan-tcis, " simmered-leaf." Another article of food, cheap because very common, but not the least prized by the aborigines is the hair-like lichen (Alectoria jubata)* I : i' ■ m 130 THAN8ACTION8 OF THE CAXADIAX ISSTITUI'K. [Vol. IV. which grows hanging from most coniferous trees, especially the Douj^ias fpine — hence its Carrier name t9h-ra, "above-hair." The natives submit it, after gathering, to a thorough washing, till it loses its outer colouring matter. They next mix it with dough as one would do with raisins, and bake the whole. The lichen has then on the cake the same effect as would a copious application of yeast powder on a loaf of bread. The Carriers assure me that, thus prepared, it is very sweet and savory. Prior to the introduction of flour, they cooked it with grease. Although the shaman's influence was great and his services frequently resorted to among the prehistoric Western Denes, especially the Carriers, natural remedies such as provided by the vegetable kingdom were by no means despised by them. Nay more, their medical flora was rather extensive, and it may be said to their credit, that several of nature's most valuable secrets were no mysteiies to them. Among the herbs or vegetable growths esteemed among them for their medicinal properties, I may mention the following : — Tatlis (Polyporus officinalis), a fungoid growth from the Douglas pine. It was ground down into a fine powder and taken internally in a little water as a panacea against biliousness. According to the dose, it was a purgative or an emetic. It was very effective ; so effective indeed as to be really dangerous. For that reason it has been altogether discarded in favour of milder laxatives such as the bark of the elder (Samhucus raceinosus), which is pounded while fresh and taken in cold water. The young shoots of two species of spruce Abies nigra and A. baisaniea, were, and are still frequently, used as a febrifuge or against any IJnd of complaint resulting in cutaneous inflammation or eruptions- The shoots are thoroughly boiled and the decoction drank while warm. A decoction of the boughs of the juniper bush (Juniperus occidental is) is also considered effe :t;ve against such maladies as fever or measles. In cases of surh cut?, leous eruptions as particularly affect young children, the diseaserl n-.rt is thoroughly smeared with the mash of the swamp cranberry (Oxicoccus palustris), and it Is claimed that beneficial results never fail to follow within an astonishingly short space of time. The root of the asi:)en (Populus tremuloides) thorou,i,dily chewed and applied on cuts and bruises, is very extensively resorted to as a sure means of stopping bleeding. Excellent and well authenticated results have more than o ice attested its efficacy. In urgent cases, the bark of the tree is used in'^tcad of the root. The root of two other plants ji-hz-reh* a liliaceous plant, and the ♦Lit. "Doii — urine— root." n I8:fj-y3.] NOTKB ON TIIK WKSTKUN Dl^lNlis. 131 heracleum. though of slower action, is nevertheless reputed cfTcctive against h.umorrhage from cuts. It is mashed fine, and a poultice of it is applied on the wound. Infusions of the bark or leaves of the raspberry bush {Riibiis strii^osns) served as an emtuenagoguc, while the same parts — or more often still the wood with the bark — of the Vtbiirnum opuliis, a species of high cran- berry, and of the bird cherry {Prunus pensylvnnica), similarly treated, yielded a fairly good remedy against blood spitting. They had also several tonics or astringents, among which figured : the wild cherry {Primus virginiana), cold infusions of the inner bark of which were taken as a stimulant ; the yarrow {^Achillea millefolium) and the American sarsaparilla {Aralia nudicaulis), decoctions of which are still quite valued ; the spearmint {Mentha viridis), which was used as a tonic agciinst many ills, and last, not least, the Labrador tea {Ledum paliistre), which, added to its medicinal properties, was often put to the same uses as to-day the tea of commerce. In cases of swellings and non-running sores the Carriers use fomenta- tions of the red willow {Cornus stoloniferd) bark. For running sores and ulcers of any description they profess to have an excellent salve in the decoction of the bark of the osier-willow {Salix longtfolid) and of the aspen mixed in equal quantities. The mixture forms a milky liquor wherewith the ulcers are first bathed and then rubbed over with the hand, thus causing the extraction of the humors. Two species of horse tails, Equisetum hyemale and E. pratense, are valued as powerful helps against retention of urine. Decoctions of the herbs are drank freely until the desired effect is obtained. The leaves of the uva-ursi are also used as diuretics, but their properties may have become known among the natives through their intercourse with the whites. . \' One of the most effective of the native remedies is the hivollak {Arte- misia Jrigida}) a sage-like plant which is used against local pains and nervous shooting. The leaves arc laid over the heated stones of the sudatory, while the patient sit^ in a reclining position over the steam emanating from them. In extreme cases the leaves are applied while fresh directly to the ailing part of the body, but such are their caustic properties that they cannot be borne more than a few moments. When no other remedy is available, the stalks of the black currant {Ribes rnbrnm) are cut in small pieces, boiled for .snme time and the decoction taken as a cough medicine. To alleviate violent pains, they formerly had recourse to the bulb of I i ;; t ,■ 132 TRANSAOnONS OF THE CANADIAN ISSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. I I the hemlock (Conium maculatum) which they roasted over the ashes, and, after crushing with the hand, they applied to the ailing spot. But owing to the poisonous nature of this root, they now refrain from using it for any purpose. . Of special value to the women as a help after parturition was the hwujrdj^ a plant commonly known, I think, under the name of Devil's bush (Fatsia horrida). The bark was mashf^ while fresh and taken internally with a few drops of water by wor»en just delivered of a child but whose after-birth had not been, or could not otherwise be, expelled. It did also frequent service as a purgative for persons of both sexes. Even such delicate diseases as sore-eyes had in the Carriers' estimation a valued antidote in the vegetable kingdom. This consisted in a mixture of the root of the soap berry bush and of the wild rose (Rosa blanda) tree. After they had been stripped of their outside bark, the cambium like layer next to the wood was carefully scraped off, mixed with a few drops of clean water and delicately crushed with a flint or a knife till a sort of ointment v/as formed which was then applied to the eyes. Though sore eyes are by no means rare among the Western D^n^s, no application of this sedative ever fell under my observation. A few other plants or herbs are also used, the medical properties of which have been revealed to the natives by the H. B. Co. people or, later on, by the misnionaries. But all those above enumerated are strictly aboriginal r-'.eriicines. • Other Bark Implements. We now revert to the bark implements. Two models of bark utensils differing slightly in form and much in use from those illustrated in the first part of this chapter are, or were, common among the Carriers. One is the trough-shaped vessel aheady mentioned as serving to bail in the fruits of the high cranberry. It is of spruce bark, of rude and temporary make, and resembles the fps-fsai or fish-basket in every particular save that it is deeper. Though it occasionally .serves as a boiler with regard to edibie berries, it is more often used to cook for their oil the heads of salmon or other large fish. The last vessel of Carrier make which remains to describe is now a thing of th"; past. It was of birch bark, flattish and rectangular, and had but one narrow side (fig. 120) Its brim wa.s, as usual, strengthened ^' ' by the apposition of a willow switch running along its three sides. It served as a bathing tub for the infants ■"I i:: I 1892-93.] NOTKS ON THE WK8TKKN D^N^S. 133 and, owing to its chief peculiarity, it had to be kept in a slanting position while in use. The Carrier women originally carried their babes in regular cradles made of birch bark curved up at the narrow end as the basket-tray of our last illustration, save that thi'^ part was sewed, not merely stitched in one place as vvas the case with fig. 120. The bottom of the cradle was prolonged at the broad or open end to serve as a support for the head of the infant. Starting from both sides a hoop of willow half en- circled at the proper distance the head of the child, and was intended to allow sufficient breathing room when it was deemed desirable to cover it. The necessary lacings were passed through a band of buckskin bordering the cradle on the outside. With the advent of the whites these primitive cradlv°s disappeared, to be replaced by the systematic swaddling clothes disposed as in fig. I2i, which still obtain among the Carriers. Now, as in olden times, the lacing is done with one string passed through bands of cariboo skin ornamented according to the fancy of the mother. This string is so arranged that by pulling both ends the swaddling envelope is drawn up over the feet of the babe. Progressive mothers — and they form the majority — nowadays substitute for this tightening device strips of cariboo string buttoned at either end over each side of the swaddling clothes. I- ■ 1 Big. 121. Fi«r 122. The TsijKoh'tin have preserved to this day their traditional baby- baskets or cradles, of which fig. 122 will give a fair idea. They are made of the twigs of a species of willow, and their bottom is generally |i 'i\i l:{4 TUANSACTIO:.S OF THK CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [Vol. IV. strengthened by the addition of a board The framework when com- pletfcU i« thoroughly concealed beneath a closely-fitting covering of deer hide sewed on il.e sides of the basket. As in the original Carrier cradle,, breathing room is afiorJed by means of an osier hoop from which toys or playthings, beaver teeth or iiails, etc., hang in sight of the child. One peculiarity which I think is proper to the TsijKoh'tin baby baskets is the bark conduit which may be noticed in our illustralion and whose end is to preserve the infant against moisture, and also to reduce to a minimum the trouble consequent upon bringing up such small children. As the styles of baby cradles differ according to the tribe, even so it is with the mode of carrying them. A Carrier mother carries her child hanging perpentiicularly on her back by a strap running across her shoulders and breast, while the TsijKoh'tin women carry their baby horizontally on their back and suspended in its cradle by a tump line passe^ athwart their forehead. In this they simply conform to the custom of their southeastern neighbours, the Shushwap. The Tse'k^hne vessels do not materially diff"er fvo.r' t .- "^ of the Carriers, and their mode of treating and carrying the 'i.ic'k;.iine babies tallies also with that of the latter. But the hou^^.e- hold vessels of the TsijKoh'tin have no point of resemblance with any of those I have thus far described. No bark vessels are seen among them, as they replace bark by regular basket- work. I regret my inability to present the reader with an accurate description of their root weav- ing process. Yet, if memory serves me right, I think that they coil, not twine, the root according to the method illustrated by Prof O. T. Mason in the Smithsonian Report for 18S4* and else- where. However, all the household ute" ;s \ have seen among the TsiiKoh'tir. arc n- 'A mouthed and wallet-like, none of them tapei-T up as some of tlie specimens quoted by tli- learned professor. Their water vessel, the form of which I remem- ber w< ll.is similar to that illustrated on page 18 of Dr. G. M. Dawson's " Notes on the Shushwap people of i>. C," t save perhaps that it is not quite so narrow at the bottom. Many of them are elaborat' Fit 123. Yx size. o'-n;' • Ann. Rep. I';irt ir., p. 294, pl.Ue V. + Trans. Roy. .Soc, Canada, Sect. II., 1891. 18y2-9:{.] NOTES ON THK WESTERN D^NjIlS. 135- mented with geometrical or animal de>