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WASHINGTON: J. 4 0. S. GIDEON, PRINTERS. 1846. SPEECH. I The Speaker announced , as the unfinished husiness, the following joint resolution, reported by Mr. C.J. Ingersoll, from the Committee on Fo- reign Affairs: Resolved by the Senate and Himse of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress 4issemhled, Thai the President of the United States forthwith cause notice to be given to the Gov- •ernment of Great Britain that the Convention between the United States and Great Britain, con- •cerning the Territory of Oregon, of the sixth of August, 1837, siened at London, shuU be an- nulled and abrogated twelve months after the expiration of the said term of notice, conformably to the second article of the said convention of the sixth of August, 1827. Mr. HILLIARD, being entitled to the floor, rose and said: Mr. Speaker: In entering upon the discussion of the great question, at present before the House, it will be proper for a n)oment to recur to the his- tory of the relations of the Government of the United States with that of "G'-eat Britain in regard to the Territory of Oregon. It is well known, that, «.ft« several fruitless attempts had been made to aujust the difference be- itwet/i them in relation to the sovereignty of that district of country, both Powers had at length agreed to adjourn the question over, and they had mu- tually entered into the convention of 1818, by which treaty it was under- stood that the two parties were to enjoy certain privileges in regard to the territory, which were clearly specified and defined. In the summer of 1827, when this convention was about to expire, by its own limitation, provision was made to perpetuate this mutual understanding, simply with the purpose of preserving peace between the parties, and without yielding ^ny portion of the original claims which had been respectively put forth. It is now proposed in this House to terminate that convention, conformably to a provisional article embodied in the instrument itself. Should that termination be brought about as proposed, what will be the relative positions of this country and of Great Britain in regard to the Ore- ;gon territory? For an answer to this question we are referred back to the relation subsisting between them before the convention was entered into. That relation must, then, be renewed, and the two nations will stand as ■conflicting claimants before the civilized world for the entire control over the whole territory. Here, then, comes in the question as to our title — whe- ther founded on discovery , exploration, and settlement, by our own citizens, or resting on the claims of Spain ; for we shall bring both our own title and the title of Spain to fortify our position, when we meet our competitor in the presence of the civilized world. I shall not enter on this question of title. It has recently been exhibited with great ability, and I should only render luyself tedious by repeating arguments which have already been placed in Ahe clearest light. I simply desire to say, that, on the question of our title^ 15 1 H4 to Oregon, I rely mainly on the previous title of Spain, although I am far from underrating the merits of discoveries and settlements in that region by our own enterprising citizens. 1 a(Jniit these, and duly appreciate them; but, as I have already said, my main reliance is placed on the Spanish title — a title which we did not possess at the time our dispute with England arose; for it is my belief that, had this title then been ours, the convention, of 1818 would never have had an existence. So long as this title remained in the hands of Spn-n, Great Britai»i treated it with the contempt which marked all her conduct towards mat Power. Pitt's rooted aversion to Spain is well known; he inherited it from his father, and it made itself manifest in all his public conduct, when the occasion provoked it; indeed, it was but the sentiment of the British nation. So that, although the moral power of that title was as great as it is now, it was not regarded with the respect which was due to it. That title has been recently so convincingly, I may say, so triumphantly, pleaded by our present Secretary of State, that it must have carried actual dismay into the British cabinet, and it has certainly placed our own claim to the country upon more elevated and commanding ground than it ever stood on before. It is now an Jlmcrican tnle; and , with what- ever contempt Great Britain might have felt herself warranted in treating it when in the possession of Spain she will not so treat it when it is put forth before the world as the claim of the United States. I do not speak this boastfully, bu; I desire that Great Britain shall know that we compre- hend our rights; and I thank God we are able to maintain them. I do not desire, sir, to be understood as putting out of the question our own American title. A late Secretary of State, (Mr. Calhoun,) whose fame is commensurate with the extent of civilization, has placed the American claim on Captain Gray's discovery of the mouth of the Columbia river, and on that admitted principle of international law , that, by whatsoever nation the mouth of a river is discovered, to that nation belongs the whole of the vallfey which is drained by its waters. I feel this claim to be of great consequence; and I must confess that I 1 't the greatest amazement when, in the debate of Saturday, a distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Winthrop) disclaimed all reliance upon it. Rich as Massachusetts is— and I acknowledge her rich in all that can give elevation to a State — I do not think her, however, in circimistances to abandon such an honor as this discovery . The gentleman, came to this House, as I have understood, with a rich inheritance of ances- tral fame, to which he has largely added in well-merited reputation of his own; but if he thinks himself entitled to disclaim and cast away this dis- covery by Captain Gray, I will take it up. If Massachusetts cast him off, I will claim him for the United ^ates. The gentleman has said that Cap- tain Gray , as a navigator in the waters of the Pacific, had no thought of mak- ing discoveries on behalf of his country, or of adding anything to her territorial claims, but had simply been prosecuting a little harmless trade in fish and peltry. This may be so; but still he coasted those shores in a vessel of his own, with our national flag waving over his head; in a vessel which, according to the doctrine of an eminent statesman , whose fame belongs alike to Massachusetts and to his whole country, was part and parcel of the Ame- rican soil. Mr. Webster, in his correspondence with Lord Ashburton, states the doc- trine with great clearness and force. It v.t h I am far region by late them; vanish title England onvention 5 remained iipt which n to Spain If manifest it was but I power of 3ect which lay say, so must have Illy placed ng ground w^thwhat- in treating 1 It is put not speak e compre- lestion our imensurate an Captain U admitted ;h of a river I is drained nd I must 'Saturday, disclaimed ge her rich owever, in gentleman e of ances' tion of his y this dis- ist him off, 1 that Cap- [ht of mak- ing to her 3ss trade in in a vessel ?sel which, longs alike f the Ame- es the doc- " But, nevertheless, the law of nations, as I have slated it, and the statutes ^' of governments founded on that law, as I have referred to them, show that '' enlightened nations, -in modern times, do clearly hold that the jurisdiction " and laws of a nation accompany her ships, not only over the high seas, but ^' into ports and harbors, or wheresoever else they may be water-borne, for <' the general purpose of governing and regulating the rights, duties, and obli- << gatJons of those on board thereof; and that to the extent of the exercise of '' this jurisdiction, they are considered as parts of the territory of the nation ^' herself." This principle, thus laid down , is not likely to be disputed hereafter among civihzed nations; and it results from it, that while the jurisdiction of the na- tion silently accompanies the vessel in all its course, extending over it sleep- less and efficient protection, all the discoveries which that vessel makes are for the nation. It w^as in this spirit that Captain Gray, wlieii in that distant region he entered the mouth of that great stream whicii had never before been entered by any navigator, gave to it the name of his ship — Colimbia — thus identifying with it through all time memories of his country and his home . [Mr. WiNTHROP rose to explain, and the floor being yielded to him for that purpose, he went on to say, that the honorable gendeman from Alaba- ma seemed entirely to have misunderstood him. So far from disclaiming or casting away this discovery of Captain Uray , he had , on the contrary , expressly .said that he considered it, after all, as our best resort, and as containing in itself the best claim we could show to the possession of Oregon; and he had added, that Massachusetts, and especially the people of Boston, felt proud of Gray as a fellow-citizen, and of his discovery as shedding a lustre upon the •city of his birth and the State of which he was a citizen."] Mr. HiLLiARD resumed, and said he was glad to be set right, and, if he had misapprehended the gentleman , to have that misapprehension correct- ed. He certainly had not intended to misrepresent him. [Mr. VVixTHROP. Certainly not.] Still, sir, it seems to me that the gendeman attaches too little value and Importance to the title, of any sort, which we hold to the Oregon country. When Captain Gray trod the deck of his ship, having the American col- ors at his mast-head, whatever new territory or river he discovered was for us, the people of the United States. I congratulate Massachusetts that one of her native born sons hds by his enterprise added so much splendor to the records of early discovery on this continent. Honored be the name of Gray! I am prepared to stand by the title of which he has furnished so valuable an element. As to the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr . Winthrop ,) I can say with entire truth, that I greatly admire his spirit and bearing; on most points ■we entirely agree; but I cannot consent with the gentleman, in any degree, to disparage our title, because it is to be set against that of a powerful and miperious nation. I will not yield a tittle of it. The gentleman talked slightingly about musty records. I do not share in this feeling ; I reverence musty records, and hold them as precious. With a musty record I can up- turn the whole face of human society. With the musty record of Magna Charta in my hand, I can revolutionize the face of Europe, if permitted to present its principles to the minds of her population. I trust that if the dust of age and neglect should ever gather on the sacred volume of our donsti- itution, and there be a descendant of mine on this floor, representing a South- cm people as I do, he will be able to call up from that musty record a moral power potent enough to shield their liberties, and to resuscitate and bless the condition of society throiitrhoui this land. On the evidence contained in musty records I found my belief that every inch of Oregon is ours. I can see no break in our title from latitude 42° to latitude 54° 40' . I do not say that I would not arrange for any portion of the territory lying between those parallels. It is not for me to make any such arrangement. That power has been placed by the Constitution in the hands of another branch of this (:»overnment. It is altogether proper that the President should regard all the great interests of the countiy in adjust- ing a difficult national question. I am not disposed to disturb his functions.. I do not wish to commit the House on that point. But I hold our title to be so clear ar.d so capable of demonstration , that but for the colossal power of Great Britain, and the haughtiness with which she has been accustomed to treat all other nations in the conduct of her diplomacy, I cannot but be- lieve that she would withdraw from the contest overwhelmed by the force of argument which she caimot refute. But there are some who admit that Great Britain cannot maintain her claims to the territory in dispute upon tbe grounds to which I have referred, who yet insist iliat she may extend her possessions in that region upon the principle of continuity of dornain. What right has Great Britain to set up a claim to Oregon on the ground of continuity of territory ? Is the seat of her sovereignty on this continent ? No ; her possessions here and her rights here are colonial. This continent is the seat of our empire. In this view, the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) and all who have examined the subject will, I am sure, concur, and they will bear me out in saying, that this ought to outweigh every other consideration in a ques- tion of this character. The seat of England's sovereignty is across the At- lantic. Holding here only colonial possessions, she seeks to extend them further, when neither the compactness nor the security of her empire lires it, and when her claims come in conflict with those of a nation, holding their original sovereignty on this continent. If, then, our title to the territory of Oregon is clear, the next question which presents itself is as to our wisest course to perfect that title. What course ought w^e to take to secure the possession of that which is ours by title? In my judgment, and I make the assertion with profound defe- rence to the opinions of others, "inactivity" is no longer "masterly." I xt^QOi M , inactivity is no longer masterly . There are occasions when , to save what is dear to us, it becomes necessary to act promptly — to act with, decision, and to act immediately, is often the only way to act with efTect.. I do not see that we have any course left but to act, whether we regard the perpetuity of peace or the possession of the territory in dispute. If we would avoid war, we must have the causes of war passed upon and settled . It is not always by adjourning over great, and difficult, and delicate questions,, that war can be avoided . Our condition in regard to Oregon is such as to d«mand action — intelligent, prompt, decisive, comprehensive action. If we should leave this question open, in the present state of the two countries ;» who can avoid seeing that war is inevitable ? When Lord Ashburton returned to England , after having successfully arranged the difficulties about the northeastern boundary, and was congrat- ulated in the British Parliament on his success, I believe that experienced ord a moral nd bless the f tlint every itiide 42° to y portion of make any ution in the proper that y in adjust- s functions., our title to ossal power accustomed not but be- jy tlie force laintain her ve referred, )n upon the in to set up i tlie seat of id her rights 1 this view, md all who nil bear me n in a ques- ross the At- xtend them her empire 3f a natioa xt question tie. What is ours by bund defe- sterly." I s when , to. -to act with, vith effect- regard the ite. If we settled. It ! questions,, such as to action . If ► countries j> uccessfully as congrat- xperienced statesman said that the national sky was then clear and without a cloud , saving one minute speck upon the horizon, wliich he did not doubt would soon disappear. But how has his prediction been fulfilled? That little speck, then no bigger than a man's hand, and scarce perceptible on the far- off margin of the heavens, has since become a dark, and lowering, and por- tentous cloud; it has swept over the face of the sky, and hangs all over our northwestern frontier, gloomy as night. The whole aspect of the question is changed; and, if we wish now to maintain our po.sition as the friends of peace , it is time we awoke to action . We must assert our rights ; we nmst shun a temporizing policy; we must adopt vigorous measures, and carry them to the very farthest verge to which they ran be maintained without a violation of the terms of the convention. Otherwise, we shall find that the population of the two nations intermixing in that remote territory, car- rying with them the prejudices and the heat of the contending parties, pro- tected by and amenable to conflicting jurisdictions, entering into the eager competition of trade — will, at no (Mstant day, precipitate us into a war with Great Britain. Nor, sir, is the danger of war all that is involved in the adjournment of this question; we incur the danger of losing the territory altogether. And why do 1 think so? From the whole colonial history of the British em- pire. There was a time when Spain possessed great and extensive colonies, but they have dwindled away. There was a time when Prance could boast of her colonies, but they have dwindled away. There was a time when Holland swept the seas with her fleets, and held important colonial pos!?essions, but they have dwindled away. In the mean time ' !reat Britain has gone on, growing in strength, extending her power, and spreading her armies abroad , into every part of the habitable world . Her language , her laws, her military prowess, fill both hemispheres, while slie has belted the globe with her fortresses, to say nothing of her colonies. The British peo- ple and their Government well understand the managemer' of colonies. When in Europe, a short time since, a distinguished British diplomatist said to me, ''Sir, France does not understand how to manage colonies; we do understand it;" and he spoke the truth. Since the year 1609, Great Britain has acquired no less than forty-one colonies, twenty-four of which she has obtained by setdement, nine by capitulation, and eight by cession. In the possession of Oregon, she seeks to plant herself there permanently, and is employing all her power and all her skill to establish her authority, over the greater part of Jhat region. At Willamette Falls, in latitude 45° 20', there is a prosperous and grow- ing settlement; a factory, established by the Hudson's Bay company, is in operation there, under the control of Dr. McLaughlin, factor to that com- pany, and whose co-partner is Her Majesty's magistrate for that district. This setdement, sometimes called Oregon city, is under the influence of this Dr. McLaughlin, a man of fine person, of finished and winning manners, of great wealth and unbounded hospitality — an intelligent man, long ex- perienced in business, and well informed on all subjects connected with his position. Under the auspices of such an individual , have we not reason to expect that Great Britain will go on to plant herself in the possession and occupancy of the country in such a manner that we cannot expel her, at least not without a severe struggle ? If we refuse to protect the thousands of our own citizens who are, and 8 tlie multiiiule more who soon will he, in Oregon , amy they not conclude, oa tliey uie neglected hy their own Government, to throw off their allegiance ancl go over to a government which never refuses and never forgets to pro- tect its citizens in every part of the world ? Tiieir right to do so is a recog- nised principle of international law. If the Government refuses its pro- tection, citizens may throw off their allegiance, and transfer themselves to the jurisdiction of a government that will do its duty. Or, they may de- termine to set up for themselves, and rear an independent and rival govern- ment. Under these circumstances, I am decidedly in favor of extending to them our laws and protection. I propose now, sir, to consider the action we should take in carrying out this important policy; and first, as to this question of notice. I think we ought at once to provide for giving the notice so often referred to in this de- bate; nay, I think we nuist do it. Yet, I am not for doing it, either in the form proposed in the bill reported by the honorable chairman of the Com- mittee on Territories, (Mr. Douglass,) or in the resolution more recently reported by the distinguished chairman of the Conunittee on Foreign Affairs. It is my misfortune to differ in opinion from both , and it is my purpose , before resuming my seat, to oh';:r an amendment, striking out in the resolution the words which refer to giving this notice by a joint act of both Houses, and inserting a provision , empowering the President of the United States to give such notice, when, in his opinion, the public welfare shall requrie it. I was at first inclined, with the gendeman from Kentucky near me, (Mr. Davis,) to consider the giving of this notice as an exercise of the Executive power with which the House had nothing to do; but, on further reflection, I have changed that opinion. It is very true, that the formation of such a convention is an exercise of the treaty-making power; but it does not, therefore, follow,' that the dissolving the convention must be the exclusive act of that power. Tliat is a different question — because the ''Govern- ment of the United States," according to the terms of the convention, was one of the high contracting parties; and of that Government, this House, as well as the President and Senate, constitute a part. Yet there are grave reasons why Congress, instead of taking the power into its own hands, should lodge it in the hands of the President. I shall not be suspected of a disposition to increase, unnecessarily, the power of the President; but 1 am willing to give the present Executive the power which he asks in this matter. I am forgiving to the Executive all the energy and efficiency which he requires to act in a matter of this kind. The country has placed the President where he is, and the responsibility is hie. When the Govern- ment of Great Britain learns that he is clothed with this power, they will comprehend what a mighty element it is, and will be the more inclined to act with deference to him and to us. It seems to me, that all the friends of peace in the House should consent to such an arrangement. It has been said, very generally, that negotiations have been renewed at London. [Mr. C.J. IxGERSoLL, chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs. That is not a fact. They have not been renewed.] If not, they may yet be. I trust they will be. I am for multiplying the chances for adjustment and peace. The President will have the whole field before him, and I am for lodging w^ith him this great element of negotiation. As proposed by the bill from the "Committee on Territories, and by the resolution now under consideration, the notice is made absolute — it goes Ibrth ind 8( given OieH the se film him i fldenc plishii I V Irom ttie ex #ie cc the CO Uon of sett Ought lbwa( will re rfemot( theme Hehme pTovis emor, to swe the G( If any Tjirhole ^en, ; least, i House ttot, w .'■11 II m 9 )t conclude, as ^leir allegiance forgets to pro- > 80 is a recog- jfiises its pro- themselves to they may de- 1 rival govern- of extending m carrying out . I think we I to in this de- , either in the I of the Com- inore recently oreign Affairs. Lirpose, before resolution the both Houses, lited States to I requrie it. I ear me, (Mr. he Executive ler reflection, ion of sHch a it does not, the exclusive le " Govern- ivention , was this House, lere are grave own hands, 30 suspected resident; but asks in this iency which placed the the Govern - er, they will e inclined to he friends of It has been lOndon. eign Affairs. liplying the whole field negotiation . and by the ite — it goes forth in a hostile shape , and no choice is left to the President as to timea And seasons, which are often matters of great importance. The power, if S'ven ds I propose it, will be quite as effectual as if exercised absolutely by e House; yet it will leave to the wisdom. and discretion of the Executive the selection of the manner and time of giving the notice. It imposes or. llim no responsibility which any Executive ought to wish to shun. It places him in a grand position, invested with ample power, conferred by the con- idence of his country, and it opens before him the opportunity of accom- Ij^lishing great good for the nation and for the world. I wish to present another view. I desire the adoption of a different plan ifrom that which has been reported from the Committee on Territories, asto ttie extension of our laws over Oregon . It is a part of the plan proposed by die committee, to make donations of land to actual settlers, and this, while the convention still continues in force; this I cannot but consider as a viola- tion of the spirit of that instrument. I do not think so as to the principle of settlement — our people may go to that country in any numbers, and they Ought to be protected. The bill provides, too, for the extension of tlie laws of Ibwa over Oregon. This will be a mere nominal extension of jurisdiction, and will result in no practical good. It will serve only to make the settlers in that rfemote district of country acquainted with our laws by their threatenings,but the measure can afford them no efficient protection . I should prefer the estab- Itehment of a territorial government, so orgari.z< .1 as not to conflict with the provisions of the Convention. My plan would ) e to senil them out a gov- ernor, a sagacious, prudent, experienced, can ious man, who would be able t6 sweep the whole field with his eye, and give information and counsel to the Government here as to what was doing, and what ought to be done. If any crentleman doubts our power to establish such a government over the whole of the territory, or apprehends collision with ti)e British authorities, then, I say, place your governor south of the Columbia river; that, at iiast, is a portion of the territory which, I presu.ne, no gentleman in the House is prepared to surrender. The language of every one here, I doubt riot, will be like that of the poet: J " And many a banner shall be torn, And many a knight to !;;round be borne, And many a sheaf of shafts be spent, Ere Scotland's king shall cross the Trent." The officers of the Hudson's Bay company are there, and British magis- "tl^tes of some description are there also ; why should not our officers and vpiir magistrates be there too? Will not their authority carry with it respect f^ the American laws and Government? V Besides the measure which I have just been considering, certain resolu- tions have been introduced here, which I desire for a moment to refer to. Those offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Wi^throp,) which look to the adjustment of the Oregon dispute without war, I certainly admire. The spirit in which they are presented calls for my profoundest re- spect, and I hail them as the exponent of the sentiment of an enlightened aQd Christian age; and yet I cannot vote for them. In my humble judg- ig^nt, the matter to which they refer — the mode of adjusting a pending political question — belongs to another branch of this Government, and their s^option by us might seriously interfere with the exercise of its functions. All to the counter resolution introduced by the gentleman from Illinois, 10 (Mr. Douglass,) I am decidedly opposed to it. It declares that the whol^gg ^q of Oregon is ours, up to parallel 64° 40', and is intended to commit tliiqp jggjj House against any negotiation which bringsi us less tlian that extent of ter- 4 ritory. Now, I have already stated my personal conviction as to the extent t of our rights, but I will not consent to express any legislative opinion on a J matter which clearly belongs to another department. I am for giving the 1 Executive full discretion and the amplest scope. This is no party question j — it s'vceps beyond all such considerations, and, in the measures connected t with ii, party feelings and influences should be far from every mind. The | Pea( country is in a crisis. I feel it to be a crisis; and I am ready to say, God^ason speed ! to the man who shall carry us honorably and safely through it ! At anMirsuii hour like this I will vote for no resolutions embodying opinions on the oneSould hand or the other. Let the Government take ground which is impregnable .If it si and maintain it with a firmness that sliall command respect. ijf our And now, sir, I am met with the question, "Suppose these measures** Let should lead to war?" I do not think they will lead to wai*; they ought^r. A not. But we are not at liberty , in this matter, to turn away from a just con-iie of sideration of the national rights and the national honor, to look at conse-jjightl quences. We are going" onward, as we should, protecting our own citizens.j^ni ; We are following the example of the Republic of Rome, which caused RoM#ch a man law to prevail, and the ajgis of Roman protection to be extended ^r ir wherever Roman citizens passed. I abhor war. Reviews have no charms c^me for me. The detailed history of battles, and all the slaughters of victory, doelt poi but disgust me, I never look with admiration upon scenes like these; unless tlhich it is when I see a brave and suffenng people, borne down by oppression. flight rising up, with united heart, to bear back their oppressors. glls p In regard to the lust of conquest, which has been spoken of as being gtount a derogation to our national character, I am ready to confess that lt#5t, I have heard with regret the language held by some gentlemen here aboui j^lendi pushing forward our acquisitions, and planting the American eagle on va-Md teni rious points of this continent, and all over the world. The expression ol l|fi a j such sentiments is the very course to arm all the world against us. The n French revolution has operated more than all other things to disgrace and '-f i^ overthrow all republican ideas in Europe. And why? Because the li'siv^yg^, of conquest which grew out of and accompanied that revolution rost\_ji ■ so high as to becpme a terror to the world. France — republican France— ^g,.r sent her armies abroad in every direction. Their movements evinced the ^ r highest military skill, and were followed every where by the most splendid Byig.. victories, until French valor was at once the admiration and the dread of all surrounding nations, and the name of France was like the sound of a trumpet to the remotest bounds of the world. But what was the effect? A terrible retribution. And the memory of those conquests, and those costly victories, is now so linked to the notion of republicanism in Europe thai nothing can break the association . Republican ideas must struggle up for |^f ja|^, half a century before they can reach the position they held in Europe before ^jje^j that great convulsion. I wish for nothing of the kind among us. I de- precate every indication of such a spirit. I believe our system of Govern- ment to be the wisest, and our institutions the happiest, which the wc/id ever saw ; and regarding as I do the happiness of my race, I hope they will spread throughout mankind ; but let them spread by their own inhereii! moral power, until the happiness they produce shall create a spectacle for ii 3 that the whole^ world to see and to admire. Let this be the triumph of my country, to commit uii^(jggjj.g jjgj. iQ realize the prophetic description of Arc! .bishop Cranmer — Lt extent of ter- 4 u wherever the bright sun of heaven shall shine as to the extent l Her honor and the greatness of her name Shall be, and make new nations; she shall flourish, And, like a mountain cedar, reach her branches To all the plains about her — Our children's children shall see this, And bless Heaven." ve opmion on a for giving the D party question sures connected ry mind. The dy to say, Goi rough it ! At ons on the on Peaceful triumphs alone are those which I seek— the benign victories of son and truth. These I desire, and none other. If, however, while rsuing such a policy — a policy wise, vigorous, but conciliatory, war onld come upon us, I trust the country will be prepared to meet it. is impregnable J| it should come upon us as the result of a moderate but firm assertion l look across tliS srn Archipelag(j \r, and magnili )m the ports h a long line Her numeroiil i however wid imable its value' sh our posts an 13 ist estaL.ish no more colonies on our shores. I am in favor of this policy, far as it can with justice be carried out. Where European nations have [eady possessions on this continent, they should be suffered to hold them ihout molestation ; JUt we may well oppose their planting new colonies in Is our western world . The honor of this sentiment, however, it is but to say, belongs, justly, as much to the gentleman from Massachusetts , T. Adams,) as it does to Mr. Monroe; for, although the latter was the Chief istrate, the former was at the same time Secretary of State, and if he not suggest, he certainly sanctioned the policy. The present Executive lintains the same doctrine; and, I doubt not the whole country will hear- come into it. I have some facts bearing ujxin the cmnmercial value of Oregon to us, England and the United Stales are the srhich I deem of the first moment. ly competitors for the trade of southern China; the trade of the northern tion of China is in the hands of the Russians, and is mainly conducted an annual fair held at Kiachta, lasting for about two months, at which traders of the two nations assemble and carry on their commercial trans- ions; but south China is in the hands of England and this country, who imerce will flo^^ competitors for the profits of the trade. England imports every year four de-spread oceairS'^^'^^^^ ^^^ ^^"^^ thousand chests of tea, while we import two hundred thou- cv in us to vieli^^' besides mushns and silks, and other commodities of great value, lart of the world -^^ ^^'® gainful traffic England regards us a rival power, and she is by no * ans disposed to give it up. The coast of Oregon fronts that of China, d presents great facilities for carrying on this important branch of our com- rce. Fully to avail ourselves, however, of these advantages, we ought ^connect Oregon with the State of Missouri by the construction of a rail- d. This is not so wild and visionary a scheme as at the first ' lew some tlemen may be disposed to consider it. et them reflect that it is but about fifteen years since Mr. Huskisson lost life in an experimental trip, between Liverpool and Manchester, over first railroad ever constructed in England. And what is she doing in ational questiou*- iiy Whig friend' ew this, as a naf' orming to then as not con scion country , for th' nation. I Wc nessed the jea igues and com blood roused 'ith us it system now ? And then look on the continent, and see already corn- national reDre'^®"^^'^^^^" hundred miles, entirely across Europe, '•s'^ which wert^'^'^*^ another line will presently extend from the i gs face jg j^pleted a large part of one continuous line of railroad , which is to stretch out '^ from Odessa to Bremen; wcK ' * " Adriatic for near a thou- but Goi**^^ miles. And yet some gentlemen stand and look aghast when any one ' sroaks of a railroad across our continent, as if it were something wondrous nal affo-randize - "^ altogether unheap' of before. Should such a road be constructed , it cli acourse tht^^ become the great hi^hvvay of the world; we shall before long monopolize noufh their re ^^^^^ of the eastern coasts of Asia. At present, it is stated that the shortest had such coiiP^''^^^ voyage from London to Canton occupies seventy days, but it is esti- 1 \ know thei*^^^ ^^^^ '"^"^^ ^ railroad a trjiveller might pass from London to Canton in V part V charai 1 y ^^^^ ' '^'^^^'^ '^ ^® wildness , no extravagance in the idea , but it is a matter Ite or to depres^d^'^^'^ ^^^^^ ^^^ P'^'*^ calculation. Wh{\ta magnificent idea does it present political caree • *^^ mind, and who can calculate the results to which it will lead r With •^"^^ute so short and so direct as this, might we not reasonably hope to com- ,nd both the trade and the travel of the world. Engrafted on this plan, as its natural adjunct, is the extension of a magnetic telegraph, which follow the course of the road; unite these two, and where is the im- ation which can grasp the consequences ? Whale ships, returning froni le purpose, bii earnest effort t( , shall be glo onroe, whode be tolerated ir I and that they u I theif long and hazardous voyages, might touch upon the Pacific coast, an instantly transmit across the continent 'idings of their safety and their success In either of the views which T have presented, it is impossible that th importance of Oregon can be overlooked . I trust that these great result 'wiU be realized , and I hope at no distant day to see a mail line establishe across the continent. England has very recently been engaged in an exper iment in ascertaining the shortest overland route across the Continent to th East Indies; and I believe the Oriental Steam Company has determine, upon that through Germany, by Trieste; but if we construct this railroad she will then be dependent on us for the shortest and most expeditious, a well as the safest route to China and her East India possessions. Is not th language of Berkley in the progress of fulfilment, when he wrote that in: mortal line — "Westward the dtar of empire takes its way." When Oregon shall be in our possession , when we shall have establishe a profitable trade with China through her ports, when our ships traverse th Pacific as they now cross the Atlantic , and all the countless consequences ( such a state of things begin to flow in upon us, then will be fulfilled the vision which rapt and filled the mind of Nunez as he gazed over the placi waves of the Pacific. I will now address myself for a moment lo the 'moral aspect of this gret question. Gentlemen have talked much and eloquently about the hororsf war. I should regret the necessity of a war; I should deplore its dreadfi scenes; but if the possession of Oregon gives us a territory opening upc the nation prospects such as I now describe, and if, for the simple exei cise of our rights in regard to it, Great Britain should wage upon us an ur just war, the regret which every one must feel will at least have much i counterbalance it. One of England's own writers has said: ''The possibl destiny of the United States of America, as a nation of one hundred mi lions of freemen, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, living undf the laws of Alfred, and speaking the language of Shakspeare and Mihor is an august conception. It is an august conception, finely embodied; atid I trust in God that will, at no distant time, become a reality. I trust that the world will set through all time, our people living, not only under the laws of Alfred, bi that they will be heard to speak throughout our wide-spread borders the lai guage of Shakspeare and Milton . Above all is it my prayer that , as long as oi posterity shall continue to inhabit these mountains and plains, and hills an valleys, they may be found living under the sacred institutions of Chri tianity. Put these things together, and what a picture do they present to t! mental eye ! Civilization and intelligence started in the East; they ha^ travelled and are still travelling westward; but when they shall have ccii pleted the circuit of the earth , and reached the extremest verge of the P: cific shores ; then , unlike the fabled god of the ancients , who dipped li glowing axle in the western wave, they will there take up their permanei abode; then shall we enjoy the sublime destiny of returning these bles ings to their ancieni seat ; then will it be ours to give the priceless beneti of our free institutions, and the pure and healthful ligh: of the Gospe back to the dark family which has so long lost both truth and freedon then may Christianity plant herself there, and while, with one hand sli points to the Polynesian isles, rejoicing in the late recovered treasure of r- 4eale( f«ty llonoi §iem %ith 1 ittayi l|atic>: ' Mr Cated 'acific coast; ani md their success ipossible that th liese great result line establishe ged in an exper Continent to th has determine ict this railroad t expeditious, a ons. Is not th le wrote that iii 15 tiealed truth, with the other present the Bible to the Chinese. It is our iuty to aid in this great work. I trust we shall esteem i: as much our onor as our duty. Let us not, hke some of the British ;m8sionaries, give lem the Bible in one hand and opium in the other, but bless them only •with the pure word of truth. I hope the day is not distant — s(ion,80on Ipay its dawn arise — to shed upon the farthest and the most benighted of latic'is the splendor of more than a tropical sun. Mr. HiLLiARD closed by offering an amendment, such as he had indi- iated in the course of his remarks. have establishe ships traverse th consequences ( be fulfilled the I over the placi pect of this gretl out the horors( )lore its dreadfi ry opening upo the simple exei ! upon us an ue have much "The possibly ne hundred mi ic , living unde are and Mihot i in God that ; world will sef '8 of Alfred , bi borders the lai at, as long as 01 1 IS, and hills aii| utions of ChriJ ey present to tL East; they ha^ shall have cw ;erge of the P ivho dipped li their permanei ing these bles priceless beneti of the Gospe 1 and freedon one hand sli I treasure of r(