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Lorsqua la document est trop grand pour strs raproduit an un soul ciichA. il est filmi * psrtir do Tangle supdrieur gauche, de gauche k droita. at de haut mn baa. an prenant la nombre d'imegea ndeassaire. Lea diagrammea suivants illustrent la mdtfiode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 MKROCOfV RISOUITKm TBT CHART (ANSI and ISO TEST CHART No. 2) Ib ■ 24 Ufi ■■i Hi ■ M Itt 13^ 111 tarn u >^ . 12.0 il.8 J /APPLIED IIVHGE Inc 3^ 16S3 :asl Moin SIrMt VB Rochester. New York 14609 USA S (716) 482 -0300 -Phone S (716) 288- S989 -Fox f i % f It- II- ^^<»i»^^4»^4>4>^4>4>4> ^^jT^in !•• OF... Hon. Edward Blake, E P. mnitcb f rieb Xeaguc OF AMERICA Faneuil Hall, Boston, Maaa. ...October 20-21, 1902... Kmiua« PriAter ^vMOBf wMi. #i3 , IS '• Speech of Don. Cbwarb Slake At the United Irish League Convention, Paneuil Hail. Boston, October 21st. •i Hon. Edward Blake said : — Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I was rather dismayed when I heard the President say a moment ago that he was reserving me for a little while, for my apprehension this good long while was that I was being per- haps reserved too long. (Applause and laughter.) I am here to extend the congratulations not of a leader or of an envoy or del^ate, for I am none such • but after you have heard those who occupy tliat representative position you are pleased to listen to the humble words of one of the rank and file of the Irish parliamentary party (applause) whose only title to speak here is the kind invi- tation which was extended to him by the national committee tc come amongst you as your guest, and to renew some old friendships made in former visits to cities of the Union, particularly to Boston, and to make some new friends In these pleasing occupations I hc.e been more successful than I ventured to ex- pect. I shall not hope to please you with oratory, but shall address you with plain statements, made iu plain words by a plain man to plain people like him- self, and if I can sit down witiiout wholly disappointing vou, my expectations will be more than gratified. (Applause.) I add my heartiest congratulations to those who have organized and to those who constitute this great and representative Convention, so impoitant in its aggregate numbers, so important in the width ana variety of the sovereign States from wh'ch it comes, so important in the character and quality of the indivi- duals who compose it, so earnest, so able, so determined in the cause in which it IS engaged. It is a constant delight to me to see — and gloomy indeed would be the prospects of our cause were that not to be see- longer, — it is a constant delight to me to see the continuing fervor and zeal of Irishmen born in Ireland, though there no more, for the country which they have long since left. It IS a still greater delight to see that in the generations which had not the gain, or the loss, of being bom on the old sod, in generations born and brough* up on other soils and in other climes and under different and, alas! for Ireland in many respects happier conditions, there is preserved even amongst these a genuine and earnest attachment for the soil which they may never have seen but which was that of their fathers and of their mothers and of their race, r Apl plause.) ^ *^ and h im- I hold it to be a wonderful thing that you have keot alive that ..m^ #«i tag of affection »o »ucce».fully in thit country. iVecSnize the difflV^, f t7e old filf".'H**;s ?!^ *'• r"""y '""«"'"« difficultfe. « tS . tfte old fades and the interest of the new -rows stronirer It i. i » portant that we should recognise that and guard 4.2"' ^ ' "• And How? *h, «.u*ir* °f *.«'*** »dvantage on this continent, on which from the oole to ?o:pent Xt^e^rSi'efdJa^?; oV^jSoT "^ ^'^^ "' -" " -'°-' bv law marf?rni?*!!i* r. '""^^ ''t*«>. which is not license, but liberty regulated all, 1 natter what their race, have a natural tendenc- and a wish for the « tension of that liberty and freedom which they prise for themJ^lve and there ?s «emX?K' 1"°"/'' '',""y •^Z »°'"«*''»» P'^^o'''^ lovefor the iVuh cause »" exemplified by freedom from e. d to end of the continent. But we want iJ thow who spring from our .ace, more than that. We want that th-v ThoMiJ «» ' for SanT.?iI'°™ those who may be bom on thesod.%eain some leeC for Ireland as the country from which they sprang (applause), and some affee tion and sympathy and passion for that couit,? whfre Seir fo rfathersTvedand loved and suffered and died, r Applause.) rwamers lived and fo «»J?"* *° "how you by a humble instance, important only in the general sense to our cause how happy the condition of the peoples that inhabit this contl^eS S mvsI«^'Sirh\K " »/«'y»i»;nble instance ^hich is innoseni^S I^7h^„ if* ^'•""K'l t*'^ "?fta"ce belongs to me. I happen to belong C r'eed J ri™ J ^t'V^'i ^y '^'"''y '"** traditional politics to the Irish ascendfncy t, n^KU 'If' *" *''* y*" ^^98 speaking to a number of my politick Wenis i^ Dublin when we were Pranging for the commemoration of the year ,798 They asked me to speak to them, and I told them that while heartily approvbe of thS commemoration in which I intended to take part, I yet could not cSmlav her jjditory right to be one of the participants in the celebratioT ? went onTo say la^M. r* *'"f '^^- *"u '"*="r °' •"'"" •>=»d suffered in the rebellion, and °he?e tT,non"'VH"".'u "''"'L- I 'V^' " G^tlemen, stop a moment. Don't cheer too soon. I don't know which of your ancestors it was that shot mine " > Ad- f 'o?'98!'"^''"'^ ^"* ''°' ""' "" ** '''' ''•*d °* '^^ tr-'P' by Sie iLu?: Secretary O'Callaghan : " Redmond's probably." (Great laughter. ) .J'^'^9^}etdto;idd that I had another disqualification, that a venr well- J?!l\"Jf ^« °^ "?'»• had suffered death at the hand^ of ht, te^amry. (Laughter.) The inference to be drawn from this is that had I been born and L«Li'±°** "is possible that I might have remained in the ftJse f Sh of the ascendancy party. But born as I was on the soil of free and democratic Canada (applause) with the earliest memory of my life as a child of four years! the Canadian rebellion of 1832, I cannot remember an hour that I could think at all on political subjects in which I was not in faith anH conviction an ardent bdiever m Uberty and Home Rule and the right of self-government. (Ap- ^ Whtt it It, while all this U in the tir, whit is it that we want, we Irish. Americans? for I am an Irish- American like you. I deny your richt to ulic thf. iTnenrdT" 'i ^r""''"" ^'Pl^'*"- *»** '*»«'«"> ' "'^ '/ »'*l"" the continent does not belong ic you yet (laughter ai.d aDulmse) an^ th« spirit of freedom which we maintain with^oi pefh.pa will en*2bliTs to "cep it aLT/'T ^ PP'*"*''."' »"«" »'° vast conn munities, aye in this effort we must use our power to spread the liffht. ave we Td orj.^nThlM *° "r **^'' i!"" '•!'** '°' """*'^" *»•* "" our ?hi dre^n 't^ toipreldTel^ht ''°" ~"^^^ (^PpUuse.) In ord« What it WantMl ? Why, that is wanted most of all which is wanted for an honest and true faith - knowledge of facts and of circumstances. Spread the light and spread i where you can best spread it, in your own homes. Teach vo5r children the st^i 3 S«i ;;;^"f -'kP*''^','" »he'' br^sts the sacred /ame of patrioti.«7,Ske P,«;/T^ / .v^"*"-^ I rejoiced to see the insertion at the suggestion of the Tm^h ?' ?• T"* "history" as amongst he subjects, the propagation of Joi'tiT '° ^ *• u*'r °^ **** ^•8"«' (Appiiuse.) A;e, we h°ve suffered .,?ff ^ 5°* '*! *"'' '■*^"*"" *° ^''^ ^'•«"»'» people; on thi^ question inh^e suffered from Ignorance more than any other thing. (ApplauseT LeTlris^ chu"dr"n '* '^ ""' *" '^'" "'^'*'"' '"^ »*» teach their histo^toSeil ^ AMnfiir''! "''r* ^l ^fJ^-^ *'»»*°'y°' I«'«d a daily-read book in Irish families. (Avplause.) I should like to see large editions^ notably from the time of Grattan's parliament down, issued and bought and read by the Irish o"od£ - a^.ViSi'^Jrr ^Tr^^K^T *^*'^" *° «»*«'• So wouTd your cEildf« themTflrK t A ^°°*'«dge which is power, a knowledge which would give them a faith based upon reason and would enable them to communicate Sat faith to others and to strengthen the cause everywhere. ( ApplaTe ^ »h». T°riif* *u' 'f °' *''"! proceedings when so much has been said, I think .hat I will ask your leave to deal with one single topic which is, after ?1 . an all- embracing topic, aud upon whicii *hi:. very knowledge is perhip7-i dawsav "°on°w;?h""" 'Tr*^** P"""'-' ^' y°""*"' ^'^^ ' »™ •^dre'sing oti"; 2 -on which «e lecuri- must be a you charge law, it is a |M>puIar law ; all men approve of it except a few. but the may a jury of the people indifferently chosen ; lastly, that those fa., are to be tried under the direction of, and the law is to be delivered by, independent and Impartial judges chosen for their high qualifi- cations for positions on the bench, respected by the people, men whose whole function and object and aim is to maintain by their conduct their just reputation for integrity and impartiality. ^ Applause.) There is what you get In security— a clear statement of what yr i are charged with, a jury chosen fairly from amongst the people to find s facts, a jury on whom you can depend, and a judge independent of the Sf , holding his office during good behavior and not susceptible of removal except for cause and whose function is such that he shall charge as to the facts and instruct ind direct as to the law. In Ireland at this time of day and under ordinary conditions, even where the special act to whicn I am to refer is not in force, in Irela some of these k.)ain conditions do not apply, and where that act is put in fo. ;hey are all .bsolutely reversed. Nor can you wonder, because it is a necessarj suit of imposing laws on people against their will that you must take extraordinary efforts to secure convictions. In Ireland instead of an independent bar, with honorable aspirations to seats on the bench which it may nourish and maintain, taking an honorable part in politics, you have a bar bribed from the time a man aspires to become a bar- rister at all, bribed by an excessive number of scandalously overpaid judgeships and other offices, judgeships in which the judges with very light work and with an absolutely secure tenure, and with a large retiring allowance as soon as in- firmity succeeds, yet get a larger salary than the best of them can earn by his precarious labors at the bar. In Ireland there is thus such a condition as does not obtain anywhere else in the world. What is the road to the bench and to the law offices in Ireland ? The road to the bench or to the law offices is the road of abnegation of national aspirations, the road is the road of maintaining the so-called Union, the road for those who were born under circumstances and of parents and in a class which might have rightly made them nationalists, the road is the road of suppression .xnd of perversion of their political ft .h. Practically access to these high offices is barred to the nationalists. Practically the judgeships and the officerships are composed or drawn from one small section of the community. Yes, pracfi- cally these dazzling bribes to which I have referred are held before a profession which after all, though it is laughed at and -abused, has always been found to contain within its ranks the most able and the most eminent defenders of the cause of liberty. I could give you names in your own Union in iiluatration of this, and I will remind you that there was a most able Irish bar at the time of the Union of which the vast, the overwhelming majority sent a protest against that Union at that day. (Applause.) Such is the condition with reference to the bar. I do not mean to say that they are all purchasable to-day. Thank God, there are able men at the bar who are Nationalists to-day. But is that a fair condition of things ? The other point to which I would refer is aj to the juries. I am reminded that you know of the packing of juries, and many a lawyer, more than one, we know, has changed from a patriot into a jury packer. (Applause and laughter.) What Happens? Take a county in which there are perhaps ninety or ninety-five per cent, of the population Catholics, in which by consequence— naturally— on a large jury panel there will be a large preponderance of Catholics if the jury panel is at all fairly struck. But the crown has the power when a juror is called up to go into the box, without cause assigned at all to say as a matter of right to A B, or C, as he comes up, » Stand by." Suppose there were a hundred men on the panel and there were fifteen or twenty of them thought safe for the crown and eighty or eighty-five nf them thought not safe for the crown, it is only necessary for the crown to go on saying to those men as they come up who are not safe^ • Stand by, and then you can get your twelve men for your jury out of the twenty or twenty-five. And it is not at all because they happen to be Protes- tants ; Oh, no ! They assure us that it is not so. They don't know anvthine about re igious faith. But it has so happened not infrequently, and it has been frequently stated without contradiction in the house of commons; it has so hap- pened that where the panel was enormously Catholic and where tlie trial was of Catholics, it has so happened that twelve men, of course fair, and of course im- partial Protestants have constituted the jury to try their Catholic fellow country- men. (Applause and laughter.) That is in the ordinary course of justice. But let us get to the condition which exists in half of Ireland to-day and which may exist in all of Ireland to-morrow. Let me say to you first that these things would be absolutely impossible to be done in England. If these things should be at- tempted in England there would be such a disturbance and indignation that a government which suffered tl.em would not exist for more than the time necessary to turn them out And yet the same English people who would so deal with such a perversion of justicj as I have described, somehow or other we cannot get out of their heads that what would be injustice for them is not the height of justice and good for Ireland. (Applause.) But that is not EnouKh. It is not always safe to depend upon " Stand by " because somehow or other a man who is not safe may slip in upon the jury and there may be a disagree- ment, and that is very uncomfortable, because a conviction is what is sought • and then the Act of 1886 is used. The forms of justice even are abolished' The Castle can when it pleases proclaim a district, and by that proclamation they bring into force the infamous law of 1886 just at the will of the executive authorities. That law is brought into force, making some new crimes, and for old crimes and new to which it relates are removed those securities for justice to which I have referred. What Happens then ? As to the form of the charge. The clear and precise and plain sUtement of the crime is no longer necessary. It is a summary proceeding ; and the judges have held that the same particularity and precision which the law de- mands in the ordinary course is not required in the case of a summons under the Crimes Acts. Secondly the juries are abolished for the reason that I have mentioned, that even with all of their care and the use of " Stand by," a jury may sometimes contain a dissentient. And the facts, instead of being tried by a jury of the land, of those people who are supposed to make and to suffer under the law, the facts are tried by magistrates. If such a thing were done in Eng- land as to have the facts tried by judges instead of by juries, there would be such a disturbance as would drive out the government. Yet not only the law but the facts are tried by those same magistrates. I have told you that the fate of the accused is in the hands, instead of a jury and of a high independent judge, the fate of the accused is in the hands of two — what we call " removeable " magistrates. What kind of Men are those? They are not high class lawyers appointed to administer, general justice to the whole community in all matters, independent of the government, jealous of their reputation for integrity. Not at all. They are, relatively speaking, inferior men, not thoroughly trained in the law, and most of them not trained at all in the law, but chosen mainly from the ranks of the con- stabulary and from the military and naval ranks. That is about the very worst training you could suggest for the office of magistrate for the discharg- ing of criminal justice. You set an old constable to do this business. What can you expect ? Why, his whole life has been passed in suspecting crime and finding out crime, and I am sorry to say sometimes — of which we know one notorious instance — in inventing and creating crime. From those ranks are appointed the judges. What is their Tenure of Office ? They are removable from office without cause assigned, without trial or in- quiry, at short notice — I believe three months' notice — by the executive. Their salaries are not fixed. They are on the votes and they can be stopped. They have no security of tenure. They are servants. They are subject to be reduced or to be promoted, because a great many of the magistracies are better than others, and others worse than the best ; they may be changed about and so they are subject to promotion or degradation. They do not take the duty in rotation or in general order, so that you may have the chances at any rate, of your man. But on the occasion of each trial under the coercion act the men are picked out by prosecuting officers at the ca.stle and sent down to conduct the trial. They are picked for the purpose, I do not say of convicting, of course not, but of try- ing the accused. So contrary is this to the practice in other countries, in Eng- land and elsewhere, that the rule is that the same judge does not go to the same assizes twice in succession. The castle, as I say, picks out those it thinks the fit persons to try each case under this act. Then on what evidence do they generally act? They act on the evidence, mayhap, of police constables, their old coUeagaes in the constabulary — on whom at any rate they look with those favorable feelings towards their evidence that people naturally entertain towards a profession in which they themselves have been engaged so long. And you r^Shamr^ ThaTufiT °"V""'*?" *"« a^'h of some innocent individuals o. Ireland ,3a.,. .'dt:?.rb:LT"XX'd?l^^^^^ court matters. They involve connection with tL«- lu- ^ [»?«« are not police ,.cj.d ««„«j. „t Lny, LT^rrcred ^r, «df»'„ ■ts'ts of the press, freedom of public assemblies and th^ rJn^rV^ i* '^ ' J- °™ public assemblies and comments thSeon Thev ,S^^ of proceedmgs of with the law of public meeting and of the p%ssThlStf°°' '°""'''=*"** license of the press, but who would fav^rTnUingtLfwouIdT^it^tt^-' *'' at the expense of limiting the freedom of the press ' Fr^e^nl ^ .1, '"^^"^ the palladium of libertf and yet you find nSaDefedfto?, f "" "'" • " rlt r "•"^'!. -'^T^'l --blie's and coStrg^f he;'°;enr?o°1aif Then there is the border line between oolitical amfation ...a Z' • i ^ ' That is a very important, but also a ver/fiSe^ ^ """'""' "*'°"- Now in times of high excitement, when the people feel that injustice is h^in^ would be perfectly Si. for I am a^fw lawlnd I am .n f ^- ^f^? ^'Jl'^^^ »^i J^ , ^"^ "t""''' "y» something which a removable magisSte thfnU I will add only one thing more to this far ago of abuses. There is an old 1»», d«.>e In "^^ *"?" °* ^"^^'^ '"' ^''•^•^ the parliament of Edward VII shows no desire to repeal empowering a magistrate to hold you to bail for Sod h^ yet we will hold you to bail," and they required him to go to jaU until he fur- nished the bail. \ ' Under the coercion act one may be sentenced to six months imprisonment, so that when a man is convicted under the coercion act he may be given six months by the magistrate, and also the magistrate may hold him to bail to be of good behaviour, and if he does not give bail may give him six months more practically making a twelve months sentence for an act tried and disposed of under a law which gives it a six months' penalty, I ask what remnant of free- dom there IS m a country whose laws are made against the wUl of its people in the way I have described, whose laws are administered in the manner I have described, and that in reference to the subject which is of the deepest interest and concern, in which there is the widest and most general feeline on the oart of the people? * *^ Men are sent to jail under this system for six months and they are by the operation of this system, deprived— i>w/wA>_ of their honors and their ser- vice in their own community, because a man who is sentenced to hard labor 18, by the law ineligible for five years to serve his county or his district, so that a man may be a municipal councilor and by the coercion courts he may be sen- tenced to be imprisoned at hard labor and by that sentence he is not merely nnpnsoned and deprived of his liberty, but at the end of that time he has lost his councillorship. his people have lost the benefit of his services, and for five years he is a proscribed man. As to a large part of thU jurisdiction there is no appeal, and in all the cases of the holding to bail, almost all the cases, there is no appeal whatever. Can you wonder, Gentlemen, is it possible to wonder that under these conditions the administration of justice in Ireland is held by the people in the contempt and hatred in which it is held. How ought the administration of justice, such as I have described, to be he'd ? How ought the administration of justice to be conducted? As it is in your country and in England and in my own country and in Australia. How ought the administration of justice to be treated? As the most precious possession of the people, with magistrates hon- ored and decisions respected. In Ireland the administration of justice is con- demned and despised, and the magistrates do not receive veneration or admiration. Can you wonder? Can you be surprised, and can this condition which I have described to you be stated as otherwise than as one of laws made and laws executed by force ? What is the condition of living under laws made and executed by force but a condition of absolute slavery? I am not surprised, for all this is but the logical result of the attempt to govern a people against that people's will f Ap- plause.) The remedy, gentlemen, is simple, the remedy is sure, the remedy is complete, and there is but one remedy in the world. It is to abandon the attempt and let the people govern themselves. (Applause.) It is in the eflFort to persuade and to press the ruling power to accept that view and to give the people that which they keep for themselves, which they have given to other countries, that which you yourselves inherit from then., that we toil. It is to per- suade the ruling power to give Ireland that self-government which is her birA- nght and which she must in the end obtain that we labor : and with confidence we ask you to help our labors. (Great applause.)