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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction retios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames es required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, taoieaux. etc., peuvent Atre filmte A des taux de r6duction diffArents. Lorsque le document est trop grend pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, il est filmA A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^A^rm* > -.< '»^';/*--t-: SPEECH I o p EDMUND BURKE, Esq, &c, &c. ^r. f [ Price IS. 2 V ••H' w ./ S P E E C W OF EDMUND BURKE, Esq. MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT FOR THE CITY OP BRISTOL, On prefenting to the Houfe of Commons (On the nth of February, 1780) A PLAN FOR THE BETTER SECURITY OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT/ A N O T H B OECONOMICAL REFORMATION OF THE CIVIL AND OTHER ESTABLISHMENTS. A NEW EDITION. i LONDON: Primted for J. DODSLEY, in PALL-MALL. M.DCC.LXXX, ^i£ V « /'/-sS>^^ •I o ^eE e^ 2 il U H u :a a -I sjiT HO-i i'/.^KA:j;:A'i %q >taai.-.iL: .aoTEiiia '20 V r from.'ccj 10 3}f;oH srl3 cit 2ai:':2V>iq aO :i »y-:;:j;-, "io ;iJii 9fii t\0) .U 'i ** ftitution of feveral parts of the public oeconomy/* I have endeavoured, that this plan £hould include in its execution, a coniiderable reduction of improper ex- pence i that, it fhould eiFed a converflon of unprofitable titles into a produdive eftate ; that, it fhould lead tOy and indeed almoft compel, a provident adminiftration of fuch fums of public money as muft remain under dif- cretionary trufts ; that, it ihould render the incurring debts on the civil eftabitfhment'( which muft ultimately affedt national ilrength and national credit) fo very difficult, as to become next to impracticable. But what, I confefs, was uppermoft with me, whaf I bent the whole force of my mind to, was the reduflioa of that corrupt influence, which is itfelf the perennial fpring of all prodigality, and of all diforder; which loads us, more than millions of debt; which takes away vigour from our arms, wifdom from our councils, and every ihadow of authority and credit from the laoft veneraUlf parts of our cooftitution* . i B Sir, „■- •..•..-■N.^ ^~— >.- ' ■tm^mv,: ? '■•• ) ' r 1 ] . Sir, I aflurc you^ very folcmnly, and with a vcrjr clear confcicnce, that nothing in the world has led me to fuch an undertaking, but my zeal for the honour of this houfe, and the fettled, habitual, fyftematic aft*ec- tioiv I bear to the caufe, and to the principles of go- vernment. I enter perfectly into the nature and confe(^uencc» of my attempt ; and I advance to it with a tremor that Ihalccs me to the inmofl: fibre of my frame. I feel» that I engage in a bufmefs, in itfelf moft ungracious, totally wide of the courfe of prudent conduct ; and I really think, the moft completely adverfe that can be imagined, to the natural turn and temper of my own mind. I know, that all parfimony is of a quality ap- proaching to unkindnefs } and that (on fome perfon or other) every reform muft operate as a fort of punifli- ment. Indeed the whole clafs of the fevere and re- ilridive virtues, are at a market almoft too high for humanity. What is worfe, there are very tew of thofe virtues which are not capable of being imi- tated, and even outdone in many of their moft ftriking efFcfts, by the worft of vices. Malignity and envy will carve much more deeply, and finiih much more ftiarply, in the work of retrenchment, than frugality and providence. I do not, therefore, wonder that gentlemen have kept away from fuch a taflc, as well from good nature as from prudence. Private feeling might, indeed, be overborne by It giflative reafon } and a man of a long-fighted and ftrong-nerved humanity, might bring himfelf, not fo much to confider from whom he tfikes a fuperfluous enjoyment, as for whom in the end he may preferve the abfolute necefTaries of life. fiut it is much more eafy to reconcile this mea- Aire to humanity, than to bring it to any agreement with prudence. I do not mean that little, felfiih, pitiful, baftard thing, which fometimes goes by the name of a family in which it is not legitimate, and tb whieh it is a difgrace ;— I mean even that public and enlarged prudence, which, apprehenfive of being difabled from rendering acceptable fervices to the world, with- holds itfelf from thofe that are invidious. Gentlemen who are, with me, verging towards the decline of life, and are apt to form their ideas of kings from kings of V- ' Z - former ■*>. with a vcsv d has led me >e honour of 'matic affec- iples of go- onfeq,uencc9 tremor that >e- I feeJ» ungracious. u<^t J and I ^>at can be >f my own quality ap- e pcrfon or of punifli- re and re- ' high for ■y Kw of ^ing imi- ft ftriking and envy "ch more frugality >der that > as Weil f feeling > i and a 'manity, >« whom n in the ife. s mea- nt with pitiful, ine of a ■h it is ilarged ifabled with- •lemen )nife, tigs of former [ 3 1 ,.% former times, might dread the anger of a reigning^ prince; — they who are more provident of the future^ or by being young are more interefted in it, might trem- ble at the refentment of the fuccelTor } they might fee a long, dull, dreary. Unvaried vifto of defpair and exclu- iion, for half a century^ before them. This is no plea- fant profped^ at theoutfet of a political journey. Bcfides this. Sir, the private enemies to be made in all attempts of this kind arc innumerable ; and their enmity will be the more bitter, and the more dangerous too» becaufe a fenfe of dignity will oblige them to conceal the caufe of their refentment. very few men of great families and extenfive connections, but will feel the fmart of a cutting reform, in fome clofe re- lation, fume bofom friend, fome pleafant acquaintance, fome dear protected dependant. Emolument is taken from fome ) patronage from others ; obje^s of purfuit from all. Men, forced into an involuntary indepen- dence, will abhor the authors of a blefling which ia their eyes has fo very near a refemblance to a curfe^ When officers are removed^ and the offices remain, you may fet the gratitude of fome againft the anger of others} you may oppofe the friends you oblige againfl the enemies you provoke^ But fervices of the prefent fort create no attachments. The individual good felc in a public benefit, is comparatively fo fmali, comes round through fuch an involved labyrinth of intricate and tedious revolutions } whilft a prefent perfonal de- triment is fo heavy, where it falls, and fo inftant in its operation, that the cold commendation of a public advantage never was, and never will be^ a match for the quick fenfibility of a private lofs : and you may de- pend upon it. Sir, that when many people have an inttfreft in railing, fooner or later, they will bring a coni'iderable degree of unpopularity upon any meafure. So that, for the prefent at lea(V, the reformation will operate againfl the reformers } and revenge (as againft them at the leaft) will produce all the effeCls of corrup- tion. This, Sir, is almoft always the cafe, where thi plan has compleat I'uccefs. But how ftands the matter in the mere attempt ? Nothing, you know, is more, vommofi, than for men to wifh, and call loudly too, for a B a reformation. ..I i M \'M J [ 4 ] reformation, who, when it arrives, do by no inean<^ 4ike the feverity of its afpedl. Reformation is one of thofe pieces which muil be ptit at ibme diftance in order to pleafe. Its greateft favourers love it better ia the abftra^i than in the fubftance. When any old pre- judice of their own, or any intereft that they value, is touched, they become fcrupulous, they become captio\is, and every man has his feparate exception. Some pluck out the black hairs, feme the grey •, one point muft be given up to one ; another point muft be yielded to ano- ther ; nothing is fufFered to prevail upon its own prin- ciple: the whole is fo frittered down, and disjointed, that fcarcely a trace of the original fchenK remains I Thus, |)etween the refiftance of power, and the unfyftematical procefs of popularity, the undertaker and the under- taking are bodi expofed, and the poor reformer is hifled off the ftage, both by friends and foes. Obferve, Sir, that the apology for my undertaking (an apology i^ich, though kmg, is no longer than ne- cefTary) is not grounded on my want of the fulleft fenfe of the difficult and invidious nature of the taflc I under- take. I rifque odium if I fucceed, and. contempt if I fail. My excufe muft reft in mine and your convic- tion of the abfolute, urgent necejpty there is, that fome- tiung of the kind (hould be done. If there is any facri- ficc to be made, either of eftimation or of fortune, the fmalleft is the beft. Commanders in chief are not to be put upon the forlorn hope. But indeed it is neceflary that die attempt (hould be made. It is neceflary from our own political circumftances ; it is neceflary from the operations of the enemy ; it is necefTary from the demands of the people ; whofe defires, when they do not militate with the ftable and eternal rules of jufttce and reafon (ruleswhich are above us, and above them) ought to be as a law to a Houfc of Commons. As to our circumftances ; I do not mean to aggravate the difficulties of them, by the ftrensth. of any colour- ing whatfoever. On the contrary, I obferve, and ob- fer,ve with pleafure, that our affairs rather wear a more promifme afpedt than they did on the opening of this feffion. \Ve have had fome leading fuccefles. But thofe who rate them at the higheft (higher a great deal indeed than I dare to do) afe of opinion, that, upon 5 the 15 inj ar« te< w'.*Hit, -♦# t s i the ground of fuch advantages, we cannot at this time liope to make any treaty of peace, which would not be ruinous and completely difgraceful. In fuch an anxious ftate of things^ if dawnings of fuccefs ferve to animate our diligence, they are good ; if they tend to increafe our preiumption, they are worfe than defeats. The flate of our affairs fhail then be as promifing as any one may choofe to conceive it : Tt is however but promifing. We muft recollect, that with but half of our natural Arength, we are at war againft confederated powers who have fingly threatned us with ruin : We muft recolledV, that whim we are left naked on one fide, our other flank . i» uncovered by any alliance ; That whilft we are weigh- ing and balancing our fuccefTcs againft our lofTes, we are accumulating debt to the amount of at leaft four- teen millions in the year. That lofs is certain. I have no wifh to deny, that our fuccefles are as bril- liant as any one choofes to make them ; our refources too may, for me, be as unfathomable as they are rcprefent- ed. Indeed they are juft whatever the people poiTefs, and will fubmit to pay. Taxing is an eafy bufinefs. Any projector can contrive new impofitions ; any bungler can add to the old. But is it altogether wife to have no other bounds to your impofitions, than the patience of thofe who are to bear them ? All I claim upon the fubjeel of your refources is this, that they are not likely to be increafed by wafting them.— I think I fliall be permitted to aftumc, that a fyftem of frugality will not leften your riches, whatever they may be i — I believe it will not be hotly difputed, that thofe refources which lie heavy on the fubieiSt, ought not to be objects of preference ; that they ought not to be the very firji choice^ to an honeft reprefentative of the people. This is all, Sir, that I ihall fay upon our circumftan- ces and our refources : I mean to fay a little more on the operations of the enemy, becaufe this matter feems to me very natural in our prefent deliberation. When I look to the other fide of the water, I cannot help recol* letting what Pyrrhus faid on reconnoitering the Roman camp, ** Thefe Barbarians have nothing barbarous in '\ ♦* their difcipline." When I look, as I have pretty care- fully looked, into the proceedings of the French king, V 9m forry to fay it, I f?e nothing of the chara<5ler and 33 genius f '4 vi . 'I 1 I. t 6'] gcAius of arbitrary finance ; none of the bold frauds of bankrupt power; none of the wild {(ruggles, and plunges, of defpotifm in diftrefs; — no lopping off from the capital of debt } — no fufpenfion of intercft ; — no robbery under the name of loan ; — no raifing the value, no dcbafing the fubftance of the coin. I fee neither Louis the fourteenth, nor Louis the fifteenth. On the contrary, I behold with afloniihment, rifing before me, by the very hands of arbitrary power, and in the very midfl of war and confufion, a regular, methodical fyf- tem of public credit $ I behold a fabric laid on the na- tural and folid foundations of truft and confidence among men i and rifmg, by fair graaations, order over order, according to the juft rules 6f fymmetry and art. What a reverfe of things ! Principle, method, regula- rity, oeconomy, frugality, juflice to individuals, and care of the people, are the refources with which France makes wa: upon Great Britain. God avert the omen ! But if we fhould fee any genius in war and politics arife in France, to fecond what is done in the bureau I—- 1 turn my eyes from the confequences. The noi)le Lord in the blue ribbon, lafl y^s^r, treat- ed all this with contempt. He never could conceive it poflible that the French minifter of finance could go through that year with a loan of but feventeen hundred thoufand pounds ; and that he fhould be able to fund that loan without any tax. The fecond year, how- ever, opens the very fame fccne. A fmall loan, a loan of no more than two millions five hundred thoufand pounds, is to carry our enemies through the fervice of this yearalfo. No tax is raifed to fund that debt ; no tax is raifed for the current fcrvices. I am credibly informed that there is no anticipation whatfoever. • Compenfa- tions arc corredly made, Old debts continue to be funk as in the time of profound peace. Even payments which their treafury had been authorized to fufpend during the time of war, are not fufpended. A general reform, executed through every department ef thf rfvenuii creates an annual income of more than ) • This term compreh?ndi variaus retributions mide to perfons whofe oflScei are taken away, or who, in any other way, fuffcr by the new ar- ra.igemenis that arc muds. ^ / «•'.•, bold frauds •^gg'es, and >'ng off from ntereft ;— no ^S the value, fee neither 'th- On the g before me, in the very hodical fy{L on the na- confidence 1 order over fy and art. od, regula- iduals, and I'ch France the omen .' oliticsarife mreau I— I 'far, treat- conceive it could go •n hundred >'e to fund -ar, how- '"» a loan thoufand 'ervice of t} no tax informed onipenfa- 3 be funk ts which ' during parttnent ore than "« whofe new ar> half r 7 ] h^lf a million, Tvhilft it facilitates and ftmplifies all the fun£li ces, that he turns himfelf to every fpecies of fraud and artifice, to obtain the mere reputation of it. Men do not aflFe£l a conduct that tends to their difcredit. Let us, then, get the better of Monfleur Neckar in his own way —Let us do in reality what he does only in pretence.— Let HS turn his French tinfel into Engliih gold. Is ♦ Edift, i%giftcred ifQth January, 1780. then .f: hat a mo- '» may not redit upon "o ground England, both thefe ^ of what ftances of wgiftry "■ any in- fhe fpirit 'var upon fh a low " virtues, can gain through ind hap- •nen, or rength, flion of kult of re you, lever to O^ared, • Let ' a two fpecies feckar ion of mini- > that avour four- I and n do t us, way e.— h i I >'i hen T 9 1 then the meer c/v ^^ind appetirahce of frugality and good management I do moft ferioufly put it to adminiftration, to confider the wifdom of a timely reform. Early reformations are amicable arrangements with a friend in power ; late reformations are terms impofed upon a conquered enemy : early reformations are made in cool blood ; late reformations are made under a ftate of in- flammation. In that ftate of things the people behold in government nothing that is relpedtable. They fee the abufe, and they will fee nothing elfe — They fall into , the temper of a furious populace provoked at the dif- order of a houfe of ill famej they never attempt to correal or regulate ; they go to work by the fhorteft way— They abate the nufance, they pull down the houfc. This is my opinion with regard to the true Intercfl: of government. But as it is the intereft of government that reformation fliould be early, it is the intereft of the people that it fhould be temperate. It is their in- tereli, becaufe a temperate reform is permanent; and bccaufe it has a principle of growth. Whenever we improve, it is right to leave room for a further im- provement. It is right to coiifider, to look about us, to examine the effect of what we have done. — Then we can proceed with confidence, becauffe we can proceed with intelligence. — Whereas in hot reformations, in what men, more zealous than conftderate, call making clear work, the whole is generally fo crude, fo harfh, fo indigeftcd ; mixed with fo much imprudence, and fo much injuftice; fo contrary to the whole courfe of htfman nature, and human inftitutions, that the very people who are moft eaeer for it, are among the firll to growdifgufted at what they have done. Then fome part of (he abdicated grievanceis recalled from its exile in order to become ^ ••, I f i^v? 1; ' r 12 ] become in corrc^ivd of the corrediion, Then the abuft aiTumes all the credit and popularity of a reform. TKc very idea of purity and difintereftednefs in politics fall^ into difrepute, arid Is confidered as a vifion of hot and inexperienced men j arid thus diforders become intu- rable, not by the virulence of their own quality, but by the unapt and violent nature of the remedies. A great part therefore, of my idea of reform, is meant to operate gradually ; fome benefits will come at a nearer, fome at a more remote period. We muft no more make hafte to be rich by parftmony, than by intemperate dcquifition. In my opinion, it is our duty when we have the ^efires of the people before us, to purfue them, not in ihe fpirit of literal obedience, which may militate witK their very principle, much lefs to treat them with 9, peevifh and contentious litigation, as if we were adverfe parties in a fuit. It would, Sir, be riioft diJBionourable for a faithful reprefentative of the commons, to take advantage of any inartificial expreffion of the people's wifties, in order to fruftrate their attainment of what they have an undoubted right to expert. We arjB under infinite obligations to our conftituents, who have raifcd us to fo diftingui(bed a truft, and have imparted fuch a degree of faniiity to common charadlers. We ought to walk before them with pu- rity, plainnefs, and integrity of heart ; with filial love, and not with flavift fear, which is always a low and tricking thins. For my own part, in what I have meditated upon that fubjeft, I cannot indeed take upon me to fay I have the honour to fellow the fenfe of the people. The truth is, / met it en the w4 1 ro1>s the public ; ind this mode of mutual robbery if the only way in which the office and the public can make up their accounts. But the balance in fettling the accoii- t of this ffou' ble injuftice, is much againll the ftate. The refult is ihort. You purchafe a faving of two hundred pounds, by a profufion of fix. Befides, Sir, whilft you leave a fupply of unfecured money behind, wholly at the dif- cretion of miniflers, they make up the tax to fuch places as they wiHi to favour, or in fuch new places as they may choofe to create. Thus the civil lift becomes oppreflfed with debt ; and the public is obliged to repays and to repay with an heavy intereft, what it has taken by an injudicious tax. Such has been the effe& of the taxes hitherto laid on penfions and employments, and it is no encouragement to recur again to the fame expedient. In efFe£l, fuch a fcheme is not calculated to produce, but to prevent reformation. It holds out a (hadow ot prefent gain to a greedy and neceffitous public, to di- vert their attention from thofe abufes, which in reality- are the great caufes of their wants. It is a compofition to ftay enquiry ) it is a fine paid by mifmanagement, for the renewal of its leafe. What is worfe, it is a fine paid by induftry and merit, for an indemnity to the idle and the worthlefs. But I fhall fay no more upon this topic, becaufe (whatever may be given out to the con- trary) I know that the iioble lord in the blue ribbon perredly agrees with me in thefe fentiments. After all that I have faid on this fubjedi, I am fo fen- fible, that it is our duty to try every thing which may con- tribute to the relief of the nation, that I do not attempt wholly to reprobate the idea even of a tax. Whenever, Sir, the incumbrance of ufclei's office (which lies no lefs a dead weight upon the fervice of the ftate, than upon its revenues) fliall be removed ; — when the remaining offices fhall be clafTcd according to the juft proportion of their rewards and fervices, to as to admit the appli- cation of an equal rule to their taxation, when the difcretionary power over the civil lift cafh fhall be fo regulated, that a minifter fhall no longer have the means of repaying with a private, what is taken by a public hand->-if after all thefe preliminary regulations, itlhould fe8 $ .-■,'-**j . '.'^V^^ A |bber> ;, ^Jic cart be thought that a tax on places is an obje£l wtirth/ of the public attention, I fliall be very ready to lend my hand to a reduction of their emoluments. Having thus. Sir, not fo much abfolutely rejected, as poftponed, the plan of a taxation of office, — my next bufmcfs was to find fomething which might be reall]^ fubftantial and efFe£lual. I am quite clear, that if we do not go to the very origin and firfl ruling caufe of grievances, we do nothing. What does it fignify to turn abufes out of one door, if we are to let them in at another ? What does it fignify to promote ceconomy upon a mcafurc, and to fufter it to be fubverted in the principle ? Our minifters are far from being wholly to blame for the prefent ill order which prevails. Whilil; inftitutions diredtly repugnant to good management, are fufFered to remain, no efFedtual or lafting reform can be introduced. I therefore thought it neceflary, as foon as I conceived thoughts of fubmitting to you fome plan of reform, to take a comprehendve view of the (late of this country ; to make a fort of furvey of its JurifdiAions, its Eftates, and its Eftablifhments. Something, in every one of them, feemed to me to (land in the way of all (Eco- nomy in their adminiftration, and prevented every pofTibility of methodizing the fyftem. But being, as £ ought to be, doubtful of myfelf, I was refolved not to proceed in an arbitrary manner, in any particular which tended to change the fettled ftate of things, or in any degree to affedt the fortune or fituation, the in- tereft or the importance, of any individual. By an ar- bitrary proceeding, I mean one condud^d by the pri- vate opinions, talles, or feelings, of the man who at- tempts to regulate. Thefe private meafures are not flandards of the excheauer, nor balances of the fan6tu- ary. General principles cannot be debauched or cor- rupted by intereft or caprice ; and by thofe principles I was refolved to work. . Sir, before I proceed further, I will lay thefe prin- ciples fairly before you, that afterwards you may be in a condition to judge whether every obje«ft of regulation, as I propofe it, comes fairly under its rule. This will exceedingly {horten all difcufllon between us, if we are perfcftly ill earnel^.in eftablilhiug a fyfteiaof good nunageniont. W ' r V IC ^v>. i^; f «6 J management. I therefore lay down to myfelf, feven fundamental rules; they might indeed be reduced to two or three fimple maxims, hut they would be too ge- neral, and their application to the feveral heads of the bufinefs, before us, would not be fo diftindl and viilble. I conceive then, Firfit That all jurifdidions which furnifh more matter of expence, more temptation to op- preffion,or more means and inftruments of cor- rupt influence, than advantage to juftice or political adminiftration, ought to be abo- i lifl»ed. Stcondfyy That all public efiates which are more fubfervient to the purpofes of vexine, over- awing, and influencing thofe who hold under ., vti. them, and to the expence of perception and management, than of benefit to the revenue, • . ought, upon every principle, both of revenue and of freedom, to be difpofed of. Jltirdljy That all offices which bring more charge than proportional advantage to the ftate } that all offices which may be engrafted on others, uniting and fimplifying their duties, ought, in the flrfl: cafe, to be taken away j and in the fecond, to be confolidated. Faurthly, That all fuch offices ought to be abo- lilhed, as obftrud: the profpe£t of the general fuperintendant of finance ; which deftroy his fuperintendancy, which difiible him from fbrefeeing and providing for charges as they may occur; from preventing expence in its origin, checking it in its progrefs, or fecuring its application to its proper purpofes. A mi- nifter under whom expences can be made without his knowledge, can never fay what it is that he can fpend, or what it is that he can fave. "h • fifibfy. That it is proper to eftablifli an inva- riable order in all payments ; which will pre- vent partiality ; which will give preference to fervices, not according to the importunity of the demandant, but the rank and order of ' ; their utility or their juftice. Sixthly, T'ff If/"; ' >-.ii_ f 17 3 Sixthly^ That it Is right to rwluce every efta- blilhm It, and every part of ah cflablifliment (as nearly as poffible) to certainty, the life of . all order aiid good mnnanremcnt. Seventhly, That all fiibordiiiate ti-eafuries, as the niirferies of mifmanagetheht, and as na- turally drawing to themrelves as much money as they can, keeping it as long as they can, and accounting for it as late as they can; ought to be diffolvedl 't'hey Have a teridency to perplex and diftrafl the public accounts, and to excite a fiifpicion of gdvci*nmcnt, even be- yond the extent of iheir abufe. Under the authority ahd with the guidance of thofc principles, I proceed } wishing that nothihg in any ^ftablifiimeht may be chanced; where I am not able ta make a ftrong; diire£l, arid folid application of thofe |)rinciples, or of fome diie of them; All cecohomical conftitutiori is a neceflary baiis for ah ceconomibal ad- miniftratioh. Firft, with regard tb the fovereigh jiirifdit^lions, I muft obferve. Sir, that whoevcir takes a view of this king- dom in a curfory manner, will imagine, that he be- holds i folid, compared, uniform fyftem of monarchy ; in which all inferior jUrifditStiohs are but as rays diverging from ohe cehter. But on examining it more nearly, yoii find miich excentricity and cbhfuiibh. It is hot a Monarchy in flridthefs. Biit, as in the Saxon times this country was ah heptarchy, it is how a ftrange fort of Pe'ntarchy. It is divided ihto five.feveiral diff tin£) principalities, bcfides the fupreme. There is in- deed this difference from the Saxon times, that as in the itinerant exhibitions of the flage, for want of a com- plete company, they Arc obliged to throw a variety of parts oh their chief performer ; {o our fovereign cori- defcends himfelf to ai^^, not only the principaibut all the fubordinatc parts in the play. He condefcends to difHpate the royal character, and to trifle with thoiJB light fubordinatc lacquered fceptres in thofe hands that fuftain the ball, reprelcnting the world, or Which Wield the trident that commands the ocean. Crofs a brookt ^nd you lofe the king of England ; but you have fome comfort in cbming a,gain un4cr his majefly, though ' C *• Ihom 1 Jk >i) t I» J *k. ,il ' ■ /' ** (horn of his beams," and no more than prince of Wales. Go to the north, and you find him dv^indled to a Duke of Lancafter ; turn to the weft of that north, and he pops upon you in the humble charadcr of Earl of Che(ter. Travel a few miles on, the Karl ot Cheftcr difappcars ; and the king furprifcs you again as Count Palatine of Lancafter. If you travel be- yond Mount Kdgccombe, you find him once more in his incognito, and He is Duke of Cornwall. So that, quite fatigued and fatiatcd with this dull variety, you are infinitely rcfreftied when you return to the fpherc of his proper fplendor, and behold your amiable fovc- reign in his true, fimple, undifguifcd, native character of majefty. In every one of thefc five Principalities, Duchies, Palatinates, there is a regular cftabliftiment of con- fiderablc expcnce, and mofl domineerino; influence. As his majefty fubmits to appear in this ftatc of fubordi- nation to himfelf, his loyal peers and faithful com- mons attend his royal transformations ; and arc not fo nice as to refufe to nibble at thofe crumbs of emolu- ments, which confole their petty metamorphofes. Thus every one of thofe principalities has the apparatus of a kingdom, for the jurifdiition over a few private eftates ; and the formality and charge of the exchequer of Great Britain, for colledting the rents of a country 'fquirc. Cornwall is the beft of them ; but when you compare the charge with the receipt, you will find that it fur- nifhes no exception to the general rule. The duchy and county palatine of Lancafter do not yield, as I have reafon to believe, on an average of twenty years, four thoufand pounds a year, clear to the crown. As to Wales, and the county palatine of Chefler, I have my doubts, whether their produftive exchequer yields any returns at all. Yet one may fay, that this revenue is more faithfully applied to its purpofes than any of the reft ; as it exifls for the fole purpofc of multiplying offices, and extending influence. An attempt was lately made to improve this branch of local influence, and to transfer it to the fund of ge- neral corruption. I have on the feat behind me, the conftitution of Mr. John Probert j a knight-errant, liubbed.by the noble lord in the blue ribbon, and ' ' • fcnt 1 fei m m m< i an ■ th t 1^ ] fent to fearch for revenues and adventures upon the mountains of Wales. The commifliotj is remarlcable ; and the event not lefs fo. I'he commiffion fets forth, that ** Upon a report of the depui : auditor (tor there is ** a deputy auditor) of the principality of Wales, it *■*■ appeared, that his majei^y's lanu-revenues in the faid ** principality, are greatly dimin'ijhed;"' — and ** that upon a report oi xhc jurveyor general oi his majefty's land revcnuts, upon a memorial of the auditor of his ma- ** jefty's revenues within the faid principality^ that his *' mines and fore«s have produced very little profit ** either to the public revenue or to individuals •,"— and therefore they appoint Mr. Probert, with a pcnfion of three hundred pounds a year from the faid principality, to try whether he can make any thing more of that very little which is Hated to be fo greatly diminilhcd, ** A beggarly account of empty boxes." And yet, Sir, you will. remark. — that this diminution from littlenefs (which ferves only to prove the infinite divifihility of matter) was not for want of the tender and officious care (as we fee) of furveyors general, and furveyors particular ; of auditors and deputy-auditors ; not fur want of memorials, and remonftranccs, and reports, nnd commifTions, and conftitutions, and inquifitions, and penfions. Probert, thus armed, and accoutred, — and paid, pro- ceeded on his adventure j — but he was no fooncr arrived on the confines of Wales, than all Wales was in arms to n.eet him. That nation is brave, and full of fpirit. Since the invafton of king f'dvvard, and the maflacre of the bards, there never was fuch a tumult, and alarm, and uproar, through the region of Prejiatyn. Snoiv^ den (hook to its bafe ; Cader Edris was loofened from its foundations. The fury of litigious war blew her born on tlic mountains. The rocks poured down their goat- herds, and the deep caverns vomited out their miners. Every thing above ground, and every thing under ground, was in arms. In (hort. Sir, to alight from my Welfli Pegafus, and to come to level ground ; tlie Preux Chevalier Probert- wcnt to look for revenue, like his maflers upon other oc- cafions } and like his niaUers, he found rebellion> But we were grown cautious by experience. A civil war of C 2 paper i I ■! f m % i i%. n:) M [ 20 ] paper might end in a more ferious war ; for now rcmon- ftrance met remonftrance, and memorial was oppofcd to memorial. The wife Britons thought it more rcafon^ able that the poor wafted decrepit revenue of the prin- cipality, (hould die a natural than a violent death. In truth. Sir, the attempt was no lefs an affront upon the undcrftanding of that rcfpeftable people, than it was an attack on their property. They chofe that their ancient mofs-grown caftles, fhould moulder into decay, under the filent touches of time, and the flow formality of an oblivious and drowfy exchequer, than that they (hould be battered down all at once, by the lively efforts of a penfioned engineer. As it is the fortune of the noble lord to whom the aufpices of this campaign belonged, frequently to provoke refift- ance, fo it is his rule and nature to yield to that re- fiftance in all cafes whatfoever. He was true to himfelf on this occafion. He fubmitted with fpirit to the fpi" rited remonftrances of the Welch. Mr. Probert gave up his adventure, and keeps his penfion — and fo ends ** the famous hiftory of the revenue adventures of the ** bold Baron North, and the good Knight Probert, ** upon the mountains of Venodotia." In fuch a ftate is the exchequer of Wales at prcfent, that, upon the report of the treafury itfelf, its little re- venue is greatly diminiftied ; and we fee by the whole of this ftrange tranfaflion, that an attempt to improve it produces refiftance ; the refiftance produces fubmifTton ; and the whole ends in penfion *. It is nearly the fame with the revenues of the duchy of Lancafter. To do nothing with them is extindtion ; to improve them is opprellion. Indeed, the whole of the eftatcs which fupport thefe minor principalities, is made up, not of revenues, and rents, and profitable fines, but of claims, of prctenfions, of vexations, of litigations. They are exchequers of unfrcqucnt re- ceipt, and conltant charge ; a fyitem of finances not lit for an ceconomift who would he rich j not fit for a prince * Here Lord North flioolc his head, an>l told thufe who fat near him, that Mr. Probert's penfion was to depend on hii fucccfs. It may lie To. Mr. Pro- bert't penfion was, however, no efTential part of the qiieftion 5 nor did Mr. B. care whether he ftill poflcfltd it or not. His point was, to ftiew ths ridicule of aUcmpiing an improvement of the Wt-lfli revenue under its pre- fent eftaiiliAiateat. [ 21 ] prince who would govern his fubjeds with equity and juftice. It is not only between prince and fubjeiSt, that thefc mock jurifdiftions, and mimic revenues, produce great mifchief. They excite among the people a fpirit of informing, and delating ; a fpirit of fupplanting and undermining one another. So that many in fuch cir- cumftances, conceive it advantageous to them, rather to continue fubje£l to vexation themfelves, than to give up the means and chance of vexing others. It is ex- ceedingly common for men to contrail thbir love to their country, into an attachment to its petty fubdivi- iions } and they fometimes even cling to their provincial abufes, as if they were franchifes, and local privi- leges. Accordingly, in places where there is much of this kind of eftate, perfons will be always found, who would rather truil to their talents in recommending themfelves to power for the renewal of their interefts, than to incumber their purfcs, though never fo lightly, in order to tranfmit independence to their pofterity. It is a great miftakc, that the defire of fecuring property is uhivcrfal among mankind. Gaming is a principle inherent in human nature. It belongs to us all. I would therefore break thofe tables ; I would furnifh no evil occupation for that fpirit. I would make every man look every where, except to the intrigue of a court, for the improvement of his circumftanccs, or the fecu- rity of his fortune. I have in my eye a very ftrong cafe in the duchy of Lancaftcr (which lately occupied Weftminfter-hall, and the houfe of lords) as my voucher for many of thefe refleiftions *. For what plaufible rcafon are thefe principalities fuf- fered to exilt ? When a government is rendered com- plex (which in itfelf is no defirable thing) it ought to be for fome political end, which cannot be anfwered othcrwife. Subdivifions in government, are only ad- miflible in favour of the dignity of ii)ferior princes, and high nobility ; or for the fupport of an ariftocratic confederacy under fome head ; or for the confervation of the franchifes of the people in fome privileged province. For the two former of thefe ends, fuch are the fubdi- Viitons in favour of the electoral, and other princes in * Cafe of Richard Lee, Efq; Appcllniit, againl^ George Venalles Lord VcraoOi Refpoadcht, in ih; year 1776. ... . C 3 the i I k I p V I I • '* { aa ] the empire ; for the latter of thefe purpofc?, are the jurifdi(^ions of the irtiperial cities, and the Hnnfe towns For the latter of thefe ends are alio the countries of the States [Pais d'Etats] and certain cities, and orders in France. Thefe are all regulations with an ohjetSV, and fome of them with a very good object. But how are the principles of any of thefe fubdivifions applicable iii the cafe before us ? Do they anfwer any purpofe to the king ? The principality of Wales was given by patent to Edward the Black Prince, on the ground on which it has fincc Hood. — 'Lord Coke fagacioufly obftrves upon it, " That ** in the charter of creating the Black Prince Edward ** prince of Wales, there is a great tnyjiery— for lefs ** than an eftate of inheritance, fo great a prince could ** not have, and an ahfolute ejlate of inheritance in fa ** great a principality as Wales (this principality being ** Jo dear to him) ]\q jhould not have j and therefore it ** was made, fihi ct heredibm fuii regibus AngUa, that ** by his deceafe, or attaining to the crown, it might •* be extinguilhed in the crown." For the fake of this foolifli myjhry^ of what a great prince could not have lefi^ ^w^ jhould not have fo much, cf a principality which was too dear to be given, and too great to be kept — and for no other caufe that ever 1 could iind — this form and fhadow of a principality, without any fubftance, has been maintained. That yon may judge in this inftance (and it ferves for the reft) ti tho difference between a great and a little ceconomy, you will plcafe to recollect. Sir, that Wales may be j^>:iUt t\v^ teiith part of tlngland in fize and population \ :x\\i certainly not a hundredth part in opulence. Twelve judges p;;rform the whole of the bufuiefs, both of the ll.uionaiy and the itinerant juftice of this kini^dom ; but for Wales, there are eight judges. There is in Wales. All exchequer, .is well as in all the duchies, according to the very btft .and molt authentic abt'urdity of form. There arc in all of them, a hundred more difficult trifles and laborious fooleiie^., which fervc no other purpole than to keep alive coirupt hope and fcrvile depen- dence. Thefe principalities are fo far from contributing to the eaf.' of the king, to his wealth, or his dignity, that they .fcuiler hath his i'uprcniciuid his fuborJinate authority, perfectly m \? f 23 ] pcrfc«^Ijr ridiculous. It was but the other day, that that pert, faftious fellow, the duke of Lancafter, prefumed to fly in the face of his liege lord, our gra- cious fovcrcign j and aJJociatiKg with a parcel of law- yers as factious as himfelf, to the deftruftion oi all law 5t of parliament. He had a motive, fuch as it vias; he thought his title to the crown unfound, and his poiVeflion infecure. He therefore managed a retreat in his duchy ; which lord Coke calls (I do not know why) juiv iiuihis rcgnh. He fliittcrcd himfcIf that it was prac- ticable to make a projc6ting point half way down, to liic-rik his fall from the precipice of royalty ; as if it were poliible ffir one who had lof'c a kingdom to keep any thiiio clfc. However, it is evident that he thought fo. ^Vhen Henry the fifth united, by adt of parliament, the tliates of his mother to the duchy, he had the fame jiiedilcction with his father, to the root of his Aimily iuiiioius, and the fame policy in enlarging the fphere of .1 pollible retreat from the ilippery royalty of the two jj icat crowns he held. All this was changed by Edward the fourth. He had no fuch family partialities, and his j-oliey was the reverie of that of Henry the fourth C 4 and 4 (I r - e« - -*•■% n 1 ,(.«) A V i t n ] and Henry the fifth. He accordingly again wnitc4 the duchy of Lancafter to the crown, fiut when Henry the feventh, who chofe to confider himfelf as of the houfe of Lancafter, came to the throne, he brought with him the old prctenfions, and the old politics of that houfe. A new z& of parliament, a fecond time, diflevered the duchy of Lancafter from the crown ; and in that line things continued until the fubverlion of the monarchy, when principalities and powers fell along with the throne. The dUchy of Lancafter inuft have been extinguiftied. if Cromwell^ who began to form ideas of aggrandizing his houfe, and raifing the fevcral branches of it, had not caufed the duchy to be again feparated front the commonwealth, by an a6l of the parliament of thofe times. What partiality, what objects of the politics of the houfe of Lancafter, or of Cromwell, has his prefcnt ma- jefty, or his rnajefty's family ? Whiat power have they within any of thefe principalities, which they have ncrt within their kingdom ? In what manner is the dignity of the nobility concerned in thefe principalities ? What rights have the fubje£t thiere, which they have not at leaft equally in every other part of the nation. Thefe diftindlions exift for no good end to the king, to the nobility, or to the people. They ought not to cxift at all. If the crown (contrary to its nature, but moft conformably to the whole tenor of the advice that has b:en lately given) fliould fo far forget its dignity, as to contend, that thefe jurifdidlions and revenues are eftates of private property, I am rather for acting as if that groundlcfs claim were of fome weight, than for giving vp that eflential part of the reform. I would value the clear income, and give a clear annuity to the crown^ taken on the medium produce for twenty years. If the crown hasany favourite name or title, if the fub- j('£t has any matter of local accommodation within any of thefe jurifdi6Vions, it is meant to preferve them ; and to improve them, if any improvement can be fuggefted. As to the crown reverfions or titles upon the property of the people there, it is propofcd to convert them from a fnare to their independance, into a relief from their burthens. I propofe, therefore, to unite all the five principalities to the crown, and to its ordinary jurifdidtion, to abolifh :ill thofe offices that produce an ulckls and chargeable reparation C as 3 feparation from the body of the people,— >to compenfhte thofe who do not hold their oflices (if any fuch there are) at the pleafure of the crown« — to extinguifh vex- atious titles by an a£l of (hort limitation» — to fell thofc unprofitable eflates which fupport ufeleis jurifdi6tions, and to turn the tenant-right into a fee, on fuch modcr rate terms as will be better for the ftate than its prc- fent right, and which it is impoHible (or any rational tenant to refufe. As to the Duchies, their judicial csconomy may be provided for without charge. They have only to fall of courfe into the common county adminiftration. A commifTion more or lefs made or omitted, fettles the matter fully. As to Wales, it has been propofed to add a judge to the feveral courts of Weftminfter-hall } and it has been confidered as an improvement in itfelf. For my part, I cannot pretend to fpeak upon it with clearnefs or with decifion ; but certainly this arrangement would be more than fufHcient for Wales. My original thought was to fupprefs five of the eight judges ; and to leave the chief jullice of Chefter, with the two fenior judges; and, to facilitate the bufmefs, to throw the twelve counr ties into fix diflridts, holding the feffions alternately in the counties of which each diflri£t (hall be compofed. But on this I fhall be more clear, when I come to the particular bill. Sir, the houfe will now fee whether. In praying for judgment againft the minor principalities, I do not att in conformity to the laws that I had laid to myfclf, of getting rid of every jurifdidtion more fubfervient toop- preflion and expence, than to any eqd of juftice or ho- nefl policy ; oi abolifhing offices more expenfive than ufe- ful ; of combining duties improperly fcparated^ of chang- ing revenues more vexatious than productive, into ready money} of fuppreffing offices which ftand in the way of ueconomy ; and of cutting ofi^* lurking fubordinatc trcafurics. Difputc the rules ; controvert the applica- tion ; or give your hands to this fulutarymeafure. Mofi of the fame rules will be found applicable to my fecond object — the landed e/late of the crown. A landed cflatc is certainly the very worft which the crowi> can poflefs. All minute and difperfed polfeflions, pof- fcflians that are often of indeterminate value, and which Id !' ? n C 26 ] ■>>rhich require a continued pcrronal attendance, arc of a nature more proper for private managen^ent than public adminiftration.— They are fitter for "the care of a frugal land fteward, than of an office in the ftate. Whatever they may poffibly have been in other times, or in other countries, they are not of magnitude enouj^h with us, to occupy a public departmenr, nor to provide for a public objciSt. They are already given up to parlia- ment, and the gift is not of great value. Common prudence didtates, even in the management of private affairs, that all difperfed and chargeable ef^ates, fhould be facrificed to the relief of eflates more compat^ and better circumftanced. If it be objected, that thefe lands at prcfent vrould fell at a low market ; this is anfwered, by (hewing that mont'y is at high price. The one balances the other. Lands fell at the current rate, and nothing can fell for more. But be the price what it may, a great objedt is always anfwered, whenever any property is transfer'd from hands that are not fit for that property, to thofe that are. The buyer and feller muft mutually profit by fuch a bargain ; and, what rarely happens in niiitters of revenue, the relief of the fubjedl will go hand in hand with the profit of the exchequer. As to t\\efore/f lands,, in which the Crown has (where they are not granted or prefcriptively held) the domi- nian of the folly and the vert and venijon ; that is to fay, the timber and the game, and in which the people have a variety of rights, in common of herbage, and other commons, according to the ufage of the fcveral forelts; • — I propofe to have thofe rights of the crown va- lued as manerial rights are valued on an inclofure ; and a defined portion of land to be given for them ; which Jand is to be fold for the public benefit. Ai to the timber, I propofe a furvey of the whole. What is ui'clefs for the naval purpofcs of the kingdom, I would condemn, and difpofe of for the fecurity of what may be ufeful ; and to inclofe fuch other parts as may be moft fit to fiirnifli a perpetual fiipply; wholh' extinguifhing, for a very obvious reafon, all right of venifon in thofe parts. The forcft rights which extend over the lands and poflcflions of others, being of no profit to the crowi , • • "• au'l 10 ar I tc 1 { ■4 o -c, arc of lan publjc f a frugal ^Vbatever r in oihcr with us, de for a ^ parlia- private » ftould w va- ; and * I'hich iiolc. lorn, y of )artii oJh' tot" ind VI I 27 3 and a grievance as far as it goes to the fubje^^ ; thrfe I propofe to cxtinguifli without charge to the proprie- tors. The feveral commons are to be allotted and com- pt-nfated for, upon ideas which I (hall hereafter explain. They are nearly the fame with the principles upon which you have aifted in private inclofures. I (hall never quit precedents where I find them applicable. For thofe regulations and compenfations, and for cverjr other part of the detail, you will be fo indulgent as to give mc credit for the prcfcnt. The revenue to be obtained from the fale of the fored lands and rights, will not be fo confiderable, I be- lieve, as many people have imagined ; and I conceive it would be unwifc to fcrew it up to the utmo(l, or even to fufi^er bidders to inhance, according to their eagerncfs, the purchafe of objects, wherein the expence of that purchafe may weaken the capital to be employed iu their cultivation. This, I am well aware, might give room for partiality in the difpofal. In nvv opinion it would be the leder evil of the two. But I really conceive, that a rule of fair preference might be efta- bli(hed, which would take away all fort of unjuft and corrupt partiality. The principal revenue which I propofe to draw from thefe uncultivated waftcs, is to fpring from the improvement and population of the kingdom; which never can happen, without producing ail improvement more advantageous to the revenues of the crown, than the rents of the beil landed cilatc which it can hold. I believe. Sir, it will hardly be neccfiiiry for me Co add, that in this fale I naturally except all the houfes, gardens, and parks belonging to the crown, and fuch one fbreft as (hall be chofen by his majcrty, as belt accommodated to his pleafiires. By means ofthis part ofthe reform, will fall the -^xpen- Cwe ofli{:c o{ furvcyor gcmral, with all the influence that attends it. By this will fall two chief ju/iicis in llyrc^ with all their train of dependents. lou need be under no apprehenfion. Sir, that your office is to be touched in its emoluments ; they are yours by law ; and they arc but a moderate part of the compcnfation which is given to you for the ability with which you execute au uffice of quite another fort of importance : it is far from over-paying your diligence; or u'jore than fufticicnt for fuftainiisu m U'. t i 'i C »8 ] fi.'ilaining the high rank you ftand in, as the firff gtrr^ tlcman of England. As to the duties of your chief jufticefliip, they are very different from thofe for which you have received the office. Your dignity is too high for a jurifdi£lion over wild beafts ; and your learning and talents too valuable to be wafted as chief iuflice of a defert. I cannot reconcile it to myfelf* that you. Sir, (hould be ftuck up as a ufelefs piece of antiquity. I have now difpofcd of the unprofitable landed eftates of the crown, and thrown them into the mafs of private property ; by which they will come, through the courfe of circulation, and through the political fecretions of the ftate, into our better underftood and better ordered revenues. I come next to the great fuprcme body of the civil government itfelf. I approach it with that awe and re- verence with which a young phyfician approaches to the cure of the diforders of his parent. Diforders, Sir, and infirmities, there are — fuch diforders, that all attempts towards method, prudence, and frugality, will be per- fectly vain, whilil a fyftem of confunon remains, which is not only alien but adverfe to all oeconomy ; a fyftem, which is not only prodigal in its very efTence, butcaufes every thing elfe which belongs to it, to be prodigally conduCled. It is impoflible. Sir, for any perfon to be an oecono- mift where no order in payments iseftabliflied ; it is im- poflible for a man to be an cecotiomiftt who is not able to take a comparative view of his means, and of his expenpes, for the year which lies before him j it is im- poflible for a man to be an oeconomift, under whom va- rious officers in their feveral departments may fpend, — even juft what they pleafe, — and often with an emula- tion of expence, as contributing to the importance, if not profit, of their feveral departments.— —Thus much is certain ; that neither the prefent, nor any other firlt lord of the treafury, has been ever able to take a furvey, or to make even a tolerable guefs, of the ex- pences of government for any one year ; fo as to enable him with the leaft degree of certainty, or even probability, to bring his affairs within compafs. What- ever fchcnie may be formed upon them, muft be made pn a calculation of chances. A$ things are circum- flanccd. Vi the civil ■and re- M to the '>, and •ttempts heper- » which fyftem, tcaufcs •djgaijy econo- 's im- •t aWe of his s im- Ti va- .d,-^ lula- e, if r 29 ] {lanced, the firft lord of the treafury cannot makd an eftimate. I am fure, I ferve the king, and I am (tire I affift adminiftration, by putting ceconomy at leaft in their power. We muft clafsfervices ; we muft (as far as their nature admits) appropriate funds ; or every thing however reformed, will fall again into the old confufion. Coming upon this ground of the civil lift, the firfl thing in dignity and charge that attracts our notice, is the royal houjehold. This eftablifliment, in my opinion, is exceedingly abuftve in its cpnftitution. It is formed upon manners and cuftoms, that have long fince expired. In the firft place, it is formed, in many refpe£ls, upon feudal principles. In the feudal times, it was not un- common, even among fubjet^s, for the lowed offices to be held by confiderable perfons ; perfons as unfit by their incapacity, as improper from their rank, to oc- cupy fuch employments. They were held by patent, fometimes for lire, and fometimes by inheritance. If my memory does not deceive me, a perl'on of no flight con fide ration, held the office of patent hereditary cook to an earl of Warwick^ — The earl of Warwick's foups, I fear, were not the better for the dignity of his kitchen. I think it was an earl of Gloucefler, who officiated as flcward of the houfehold to the archbifhops of Canterbury. Inftanccs of the fame kind may in fome degree be found in the Northumberland houle- book, and other family records. There was ibmt reafon in antient neceffities, for thefe antient cufloms. Proteftion was wanted ; and the domeftic tie, though not the higheft, was the clofcft. The king's houfehold has not only feveral ftrong traces of this feudality^ but it is formed alfo upon the principles of a Body-corporate ; it has its own magiftrate^, courts, and by-laws. This might be neceffary in the antient times, in order to have a government within itfelf, capable of regulating the vau and often unruly multitude which compofed and attended it. This was the origin of the antient coik t called the Green Cloth — compofed of the marlhal, treafurcr, and other great of- ficers of the houfehold, with certain clerks. I'he rich fubjedis of the kingdom, who had formerly the fame cAablifliments (only on a rtdticed fcalc) ha.vc fxnce al- terei \ 1 ' '" ^^' Oil-- T l;» [ 30 ] tcrcd their ueconomy ; and turned the courfe of their cxpence from the maintenance of vaft citablifhmcnts within their walls, to the employment of a great va- riety of independent trades abroad. Their influence is kilened ; but a mode of accommodation 9nd a ftyle of fplendour, fuitedtothe manners of the times, has been cncreafed. Royalty itfelf has infcnfibly followed ; and the royal '.loufchold has been carried away by the rcfirtlcfs tide of manners: but with this very material diftercncc. Private men have got rid of thcellabliftiments along with the reafons of them ; whereas the royal hou lehold has loft all that was ftatelyand venerable in the antique manners, without retrenching anything of the cumbrous charge of a Gothic cftabliihmcnt. It is Ihrunk into the poliOied littlenefh* of modern elegance and perfonal accommodation ; it has evaporated froin the grofs con- crete, into an eflcnce and rectified fpirit of expcncc, where you have tuns of antient pomp in a vial 01. modern luxury. But when the reafon of old eftablifliments is rjonc, it is abfurd to preferve nothing but the burthen of them. This is fuperftitioufly to embalm a carcufs not worth an ounce of the gums that are ufed to prcfcrvc it. It is to burn precious oils in the toir.b ; it is to offer meat and drink to the dead,— not f(> much ait honour to the deccafed, as a difgrace to tl k furvivors. Our palaces are vaft inhofpitable halls. Thtie tlie bleak winds, there ** Boreas, and Eurus, atid Caurus, and Argcftes loud," howling through the vacant lobbies, and clattering the doors of defertcd guard-rooms, appal the imagination, and conjure up the grim fpectres of departed tyrants — the Saxon, the Norman, and the- Dane ; the llern Edwards and fierce Henrys — wlio iUlk from defolation to defolation, throut^h the dreary vacuity, and melancholy fucceifion of chill and com- fortlefs chambers. When this tumult fubfides, a dead, aiid ftill more frightful Hlence would reign in thisdefert, if every now and then the ticking of hammers did not announce, that thofc conftant attendants upon all courts ia all ages. Jobs, were ftill alive ; for whofe fake alone it is, that any trace of antient grandeur is fuffcred to, remain. Thcfe palac?s are a. true emblQm of fotnc. govenunents i the inhabitants are decayed, but the governors 1h '^B 1 inl 9 iiJ |H 111 S \\ fl ol m \ S P fl t [ 31 ] j!;overnors and magiftratcs ftill flourifli. They put me in mind of Old Sarum^ where the reprefentatives, more in number than the conftituents, only ferve to inform us, that this was once a place of trade, and founding with *' the bufy hum of men," though now you can only trace the ftreets by the colour of the corn i and its fole manufatSlure is in members of parliament. Thefe old cftablifliments were formed alfo on a third principle, ftill more adverfc to the living oeconomy of the age. They were formed. Sir, on the principle of purveyance^ and receipt in kind. In former days, when the houiehold was vaft, and the fupply fcanty and precarious, the royal purveyors, fallying forth from under the Gothic portcullis, to purchafe provifion with power and prerogative, iiiftead of money, brought home the plunder of an hundred markets, and all that Could be fcized from a flying and hiding country, and depofited their fpoil in an hundred caverns, with each its keeper. There, every commodity, received in its raweft condition, went through all the procefs which fitted it for ufe. This incon- venient receipt produced an ceconomy fuited only to itfclf. It multiplied offices beyond all meafure j buttery, pantry, and all that rabble of places, which, though profitable to the holders and expenfive to the ftate, are almoft too mean to mention. All this might be, and I believe was neceflary at firft ; for it is remarkable, that purveyance, after its regulation had been the fubjeloyed — and thus this hrft flcp towards oeconomy doubled the cxpence. There was another difafter far more doleful tharl this. I fliall ftate it, as the caufe of that misfortune lies at the bottom of alrhoft all our prodigality. Lord Talbot attempted to teform the kitchen ; but fuch, as he well obferved, is the confequcnce of having duty done by one perfon^ whilft another enjoys the emolu- ments, that he found himfelf fruihated in all his de- ligns. On that rock his whole adventure fplit — His whole fcheme of oeconomy was dafhed to pieces ; his department became more cxpenfive than ever; — the civil lift debt accumulated — Why ? It was truly from a caufe, which, though perfectly adequate to the efte£t« one would not have inftantly gueffed ; — It was bccaufe the turnfpit in the k'lng'i kitchen was a member of par- liament *. The king's doraeftic fervants were all un- done ; his tradefmen remained unpaid, and became bankrupt — becauft the turnfpit of the king's kitchen was a member of parliament. His majefty's llumbers were in- terrupted, his pillow was ftufted with thorns, and his peace of mind entirely brokr-^ —hecaufe the king's turn-' fpit was a member of parliimt :. The judges were un- paid ; thejutticeof the kingdom bent and gave wayj the foreign miniftcrs remained inadtive and unprovi- ded ; the fyftem of Eu-opc was diffolved ; the chain of our alliances was broken ; all the wheels of go- vernment at home and abroad were ftopped ; — becauft the king's turn/pit wrj a member cf parliament. Such, Sir, was tic fituation of afFairi, and fuch the caufe of that fuuation, when his majclly came a fecond time to parliamcnr, to defire the payment of thofe debts which the employment of its mem- bers in various olliccs, viiible and invifible, had t ' [ M D occafioned. • Vide Lord Talbo-.*3 fpcrch in Almon's Pvliamciitary Rt^ifter, ¥ol^ Tu. p. 79. of the Pro«cfdingt of tlx Luids. \L fA.- M / ^^ I I' tf4 L" 34 J occafioned. I believe that a like fate will attend every attempt at ceconomy by detail, under limiKir cir- cuinftances, and in every department. A comriex ope- role office of account and controul, is, in itVelf, and even if members of parliament had nothing to do with It, the molt prodigal of all things. The moll audacious robberies, or the molt fubtlc frauds, would never ven- ture upon fuch a waftc, as an over careful, detailed guard againft them will infallibly prodiKre. In our eftabhfhments, we frequently fee an office of account,, of an hundred pounds a year expence, and another of- fice of an equal expence, to controul that office, and the whole upon a matter that is not worth twentv Ihillings. To avoid, therefore, this minute care which produces the confequences of the moll extcnfive ncglcdt, and to. oblige members of parliament to attend to public cares, and not to the fcrvile offices of domeftic management, I propofe. Sir, to cecormnixe by princtple^ that is, I propofe, to put afFairs into that train which experience points out as the moft cfFeduai, from the nature of thmgs, and from the conltitution of the human mind. In all dealings where it is poffible, the principles of radical reconomy prefcribe three things ; firft, under- ^^•^'"S ^y *^^ g'"'^''** i ^"^condly, engaging with perfonn of (kill in the fubjed matter ; thirdty, engaging with thofe who fliall have an immediate and diredilntereft ia the proper execution of the bufinefs. To avoid frittering and crumbling down the atten- tion by a blind unfyftematic obfervance of every trifle, it " has ever been found the beft way, to do all things, which are great in the total amount, and minute in Hie com- ponent parts, by a general contrast. The principles of trade have fo pervaded every fpecies of dealing, from thchigheftto the loweft objeds ; all tranfadtfons are got fo much into fyftem ; that we may, at a moment's warning, and to a farthing value, be informed at what rate any fervice may be lupplied. No dealing is ex- empt Irom the poffibility of fraud. «ut by a con- trad on a matter certain, you have this advanta^. 150,000, may at length hope for regulation. ^ut, bir, the office and its bufmefs are at variance. As It Itanda, It ferves, not to furnifh the palace with Its hangings, but the parliament with its dependent members. To what end, Sir, docs the office oi removing ward- rj^be ferve at all ? Why fliould z jewel office exift for the lole purpoJc of taxing the king's gifts of plate? Its wi\ica falls naturally within the f/w//^.r/r//«'s province ; 4nd ought to be under his care and infpcaion, without any Ice. Why fliould an ofilcc of the robes exift, when *hat ot groom oftbt.Jhk is a finecurc, and that this is a proper object of his department ? All theie incumbrances, which are themfclves nu- Ltnces, produce other incumbrances, and other nu- lanccs. tor the payment of thefe ufelefs eftabliftments, there are no lefs than three ufelefs treafurers ; two to hold a purie, and one to play with a ftjck. The trea- surer of the houfehold is a mere name. The cofferer -ind the treafurcr of ibe chamber, receive and pay great iums, which it is net at all necelTary they fhould ei- ther receive or pay. AH the proper officers, fervants, .ind tradefmen, may be enrolled in their fcveral depart- ments, and paid in proper clafles and times with great implicity and order, at the exchequer, and by diredion irom tlie treafury. Tht board of works, w\\\c\x in the fevcn years ore- ceding 1777, has coft towards;^. 400,000 *: and Cif I r=colea r ghtly) has not coft left in proportion fro.n the beginning of the reign, is under th< v.rv fame d^" mT:Z1 f *'^ "V'" ni.cont,iv.l eftabliftmcnts ^nd calls for the very fame reform. We are to feck for * More cxaftJy ^.378,6,6. ,0,. , \S m / ,• \ i •« •/' !"i I' >' I 5t I 38 ] . : ration, chiefly for the fake of members of parliament. It has its officers of parade and dignity. It has its treal'ury too. It is a fort of corporate body ; and formerly was a body of great importance; as much fo on the then fcale of things, and the then order of bufinefs, as the bank is at this day. It was the great center of money tranfactions and remittances for our own, and for other nations ; until king Charles the firlt, among othcv arbitrary proje»Sls, didtated by defpotic neceffity, made him withhold the money that lay there for remituncc. That blow (and happily too) the mint never recovered. Now it is no bank ; no remittancc-fhop. The mint. Sir, is a manufa£lure^ and it is nothing elfe; and it ought to be undertaken upon the principles of a manufafture; that is, for the beft and cheapeft execution, by a contract, upon proper fccurities, and under proper regulations. The artillery is a far greater objeil ; it is a military concern ; but having an affinity and kindred in its defers with the eftablifliments I am now fpeaking of, I think it beft to fpeak of it along with them. It is, I conceive, an ettablilhment not well fuited to its martial, though exceedingly well calculated for its parliamentary purpofcs. — Here there is a ireafuryy as in all the other inferior departments of govern- ment. Here the military is fubordinate to the civil, and the naval confounded with the land fervice. The cbjcv!:t indeed is much the fame in both. But when the detail is examined, it will be found that they had bet- ter be fcparatcd. For a reform of this office, I propofc to rcftorc things, to what (all confiderations taken to- gether) is their natural order ; to rellore them to their jiifl: proportion, and to their jufl: diftribution. I pro- pofe, in this military concern, to render the civil fjbordinatc to the military; and this will annihilate the greatcft part of the expence, and all the influence belonging to the office. I propofe to fend the military branch to the army, and the naval to the Admiralty: and I intend to perfect and accomplifli the whole detail ( where it becomes too minute and complicated for legi- fluture, and requires exav.T^, official, military, and me- chanical knowledge) by a commiffion of competent officers in both departments. I propofc to execute by «-'• contra>Lt, \A. i t 39 1 ■ t by •<:ontra£l, what by contraiSt can be executed ; and to •bring, as much as poffiblc, all cftimates to be previoufly •approved, and finally to be paid by the treafury. Thus, by following the courl'e of nature, and nqt the purpofcs of politics, or the accumulated patchwork of fccafional accommodation, this vaft expenfive de- partment may be methodized; its ferv ice proportioned to its iicceHltics, and its payments fubje»ilcd to the in- fpcction of the fupcilor minifter of finance j who is to judge of it on the refiilt of the total coUedlive exigencies of tiie ftate. This lail: is a reigning principle through •my whole plan; and it is a principle which I hope may hereafter be applied to other plans. By thefe regulations taken together — befidei 'he three fubordinate trcafuries in the lefler principalities, five other fubordinate treafuries are fupprefled. There is taken away the whole ejiablijhment of detail in i\\a houfehold ; the treufurer\ — the comptroller (for a co'mp- •troller is hardly neccflary where there is no treafurcr) the cofferer of the houfehold ; — the trcafurer of the cham<- iw; — the mailer of the houfehold \ — the whole beard of green cloth ; — and a vaft number of fubordinate offices in the il ^)a^ itfclf. Then, the exchequer never gives a parti- cuiir receipt, or clears a man of his account, as far as i' goes. A final acquittance, (or a quictui^ as they term it) is fcarccly ever to be obtained. Terrors and ghofts of unlaid accountants, haunt the houfesof their children from generation to generation. Families, in the courfe of fuccefilon, fall into minorities ; the inheritance comes into the hands of females ; and very perplexed affairs are often delivered over into the hands of negli- gent guardians and faithlefs ftewards. So that the de- mand remains, when the advantage of the money is gone, if ever any advantage at all has been made of it. This is a caufe of infinite diftrefs to families; and becomes a fource of influence to an extent, that can fcarccly be imagined, but by thofe who have taken ibme pains to trace it. The mildnefs of government in the employ- ment of ufclefs and dangerous powers, furniihes norea- fon for their continuance. As things ftand, can you in juftice (except perhaps in that over-perfeiSt kind of juftice which has ob- tained, by its merits, the title of the oppofitc .vice *) infift that any man Ihould, by the courfc of his office, keep a batik from whence he is to derive no advantage ? That a man ihould be fubjeft to demands below, and be in a manner refufed an acquittance above ; that he Ihould tranfmit an original fin, and inheritance of vex- ation to his pofterity, without a power of cumpcnfat- ing himfelf in feme way or other, for fo perilous a Situation ? We know, that if the paynialicr fhould deny himfelf the advantages of his bank, the public, as things ftand, is not the richer for it by a fingle (hil- ling. This I thought it ncceflary to fay, as to the oft^'enfivc magnitude of the profits of this office ; that wc may proceed in reformation, on the principles of rea- fon, and not on the feelings of envy. The trcafuier of the navy is, ttnitatis mutaiidis^ in the fame circumftances. Indeed all accountants are- Inftcad of the prefcnt mode, which is troublefonic to the officer, and unprofitable to the public, 1 propofc io fubrtirut'j fomctliinQ: more efl'cclual than ri'Mnir, which * Summum jut fumma hijuriit. •t a.- ■:., rhaps Ob- cc *j { 4.5 ] which is the worfl exactor in the woriJ. t mean to remove the very temptations :> delay ; to facilitate the account ; and to transfer this bank, now of private emolument, to the public. The crown will fuifer no wrong at lead from the pay-ofHc'"' and its terrors will longer nugn over the families of thofc who hold, or have held them. I propofe, that thel'j offices Ihould be no longer l)ani::< or tiwifurivs, but mere ofilces of admlni- Jirat'ion. — I propofe, tirli, th:;t the prefeni paymafter and the trcafurcr of the navy, ihould carry into the exche- quer, the whole body of the vouchers for what they have paid over to deputy payiiial^crs, to regimental agents, .or to any of thofe to v.'hom they have and ought to have paid money. 1 propofe that thofe vouchers fhall be .admitted as adtual payments in their accounts ; and that the perions to whom the money has been paid, (hall then rtand charged in the exchequer in their place. AJter this procels, they fhall be debited or charged for nothing but the money-balance that remains in their hands. 1 am cojifciou.s. Sir, that if this balance (which they could not expect to be fo fuddenly demanded by any ufuftl proeefh of the exchequer) fliould now be exacted all at once, not only thejr ruin, but a ruin of others to an extent which I do not like to think of, but which I can well conceive, and which you may well con- ceive, might be the confequence. I told you. Sir, when I promifid before the holydays to bring in this plan, that I never would iutVer any man or defcription pf men, tp fuller from errors that naturally have growii out of the abufiye conftitution of thofe offices which I propole to regulate. If I cannot reform with equity, I will not reform at all. For the regulation of pad accounts, I ihall there- fore propofe fuch a mode, as men, temperate and pru- dent, make ufe of in the management of their private aifain, when their accounts are various, p,-rplcxed, and y^ of long I'landlii;.'. I would therefore, after their cxaiu- d pic, divide the puhlic debts into thice forts ; good ^ * bad ; and doubtful. In looking over the pulilic ac- counts, I fhould never driam of the blind nioue of the exchequer, which regards things in the abllracl, and knows no difference in tlic quality of its dcbt.>, ci 3 . ^'*' \ ^•^■\ H I 44 J the circumftancM of its debtors. By this means, it fatigues itfelf; it vexes others; it often crufhes the poor j it lets cfcape the rich ; or in a fit of mercy or careleflhefs, declines all means of recovering its juft de- mands. Content with the eternity of its claims, it en- joys its epicurean divinity with epicurean languor. But it is proper that all forts of accounts fhould be clofcd feme time or other — by payment ; by compofuion ; or by oblivion. Expedit reipublica id fttjinii lititim. Con- rtantly taking along with me, that an extreme rigour is fure to arm every thing againll it, and at length to relax into a fupine ntglett, I propofe. Sir, that even the beft, foundeft, and the moft recent debts, ihould be put into inftalments, for the mutual be- nefit of the accountant and the public. In proportion, however, as I am tender of the paft, I would be provident of the future. All monc)' that was formerly imprefted to the two great pay-offices, I would have imprefted in future to the hank of England. Thefe offices (hould, in future, receive no more than cafti fuflicienl for fmall payments. Their other pay- ments ought to be made by drafts on the Bank, expref- fmg the fervice. A chccque account from both of- fices, of drafts and receipts, (hould be annually made up in the exchequer, charging the bank, in account, with the cafli-balance, but not demanding the payment until there is an order from the treafury, in confequencc of a vote of parliament. As I did not, Sir, deny to the paymafter the natural profits of the bank that was in his hands, fo neither would I to the bank of England. A fhare of that profit might be derived to the public in various ways. My favourite m.ode is this; that, incompenfation for the ufe of this money, the bank may take upon themfelves, firft, the charge of the mint ; to which they are already, by their charter, obliged to bring in a great deal of bullion annually to be coined. In the next place, I mean that they fhould take upon themfelves the charge of remittances to cur troops flbroad. This is a fpecies of dealing from which, by the fame charter, they are not debarred. One and a quarter per cent, will be faved inftantly thereby to the public, on very large fums of money. This will be It i 45 J be at once a matter of ceconomy, and a confidcrable re- dudioa of influence, by taking away a private con- traft of an cxpenfive nature. If the bank, which is a great corporation, and of courfe receives the leaft profit* from the money in their cuftody, fhould of itfelf refufe, or be perfuaded to refufe this offer upon thofe terms, I can fpeak with fome confidence, that one at leaft, if not both parts of the condition would be received, and gratefully received, by feveral bankers of eminence. There is no banker who will not be at leaft as good fccurity as any paymafter of the forces, or any trea- furcr of the navy, that have ever been bankers to th«. ?ublic : as rich at leaft as my J.ord Chatham, or my .ord Holland, or either of the honourable gentlemen who now hold the offices, were at the time that they entered into them ; or as ever the whole eftubliihment of the mint has been at any period. Thefc, Sir, are the outlines of the plan I mean to follow, in fuppreffing thefe two large fubordiuate tiea- furies. I now come to another fubordiuate treafury; I mean, that of the paymafler of the pen/tons ; for w/hicb purpofe I re-enter the limits of the civil cllablifhnicnt — I departed from thofe limits in purfuit of a principle i and following the fame game in its dojibles, I am brought into thofe limits again. That treafury, and that, office, I m;an to take away; and to transfer the pay- ment of every name, mode, and denomination of pcn- fions, to the exchequer. The prefent courfe of di- verfifying the fame objeft, can anfwer no good purpofe; whatever its ufe may be to purpofes of another kind. There are alfo other lifts of penfions ; and I mean that they fhould all be hereafter paid at one and tht: fame place. The whole of that new confolidated lift, I mean to reduce to ^. 60,000 a year, which fura I intend it fhall never exceed. I think that fum will fully anfwer as a reward to all real merit, and a provifion for 3II real public charity that is ever like to be placed upon the IHK If any merit of an extraordinary nature ftiould emerge, before that reduction is completed, I have Ici'c it open for an addrefs of either houfe of parliament to provide for the cafe. To all other demands, it muft be anfwered, with regret, but with iirmnefs, *' the pub- ** lie is p«or." X I do ^fg^' \ ■',!<«■*?*> J ii [ 40 j I do not propofr', as I to!;i ynu hrt'oif Cliriftmas, to take away any piMiftoii. I know tiiat the puUiic fcciii to call for a rtvUii'lion of fiicli of thcin as lliall ap- pear unmcriuil. As a cfiiforiil at, ami punifh- inent of an abufo, might anfvvir foim" purpofc. J^ut this can make no part of mv plan. I nv.'an to pro- ccrJ by bill ; and I cannot llop for fuch an en- quiry. I know funic gcntlcir.cn may hhiino irc. It is with iMcat fubniillion to lu'ttcr jiuignK-nts, that I rc- commcnd it to conftderation -, that a critical rctfofpct- tive ex:unination of the penfion liif, upon the principle of merit, can never fervc for my balis. — It cannot anfwcr, according to my plan, any eH'cclual purpofe of ceconomy, or of future permanent reformation. The proccfs in any way will be entangled and ditHcult ; and it will be inlinitely flow : There is a danger that if wc turn our line of march, now directed towards the grand object, into this moro laborious than ufefiil detail of operations, we Ihall never arrive at our end. The king. Sir, has been by the conlHtution ap- pointed fole judge of the merit for which a penfiun is to be given. VVc have a right, undoubtedly, to canvafs this, as wc have to canvafs every act of govern- ment. But there is a material difference between an office to be reformed, and a penfion taken away for demerit. In the former call", no charge is implied againft the holder; in the lattcr,his character is flurrcd, as vvell as his lawful emolument affeiStcd. Th'.' former procefs is againft the thing; the fectMul againft tlie perfon. The penfioner certainly, if he pleaic;, has a right to ftand on his own defence ; to plead his pofi'effion ; and to bottom his title in tlie compet, luv of the crown to give him what he holds. Puilelled, and on the defenfive as he is, he will not be obliged to prove his fpecial merit, in order to juftify the aft of legal drf- cretion, now turned into his property, according to his tenure. The very act, he will contend, is a legal pre- fumption, and an implication of his merit. If this be fo, from the natural force of all legal prefumption, lie would put us to the ditHcult proof, that he has no merit ::t all. Hut other qucftions would arife in the courfe of f.uti ?,ii vruiniry ; that is, nucftions of the merit wlif;; weiul^i-'f Tb \cfs. r 47 J weighed againft the proportion of the reward ; then the difficulty will be much greater. The difficulty will not, Sir, I am traid, be much Icfs, if we pafs to the perfon really guilty, in the qucf- tion of an unmerited pcnfion ; the miniftcr himfclf. I admit, that when called to account for the execution of a trult, he might fairly be obliged to prove the affirma- tive ; and to ftn' "erit for which the penfion is given; though on thi- .Uk himfelf, fuch a procefs would be hard. If in tin-. < nination wc proceed methodically, and (o as to avoid all fufpicion of partiality and pre- judice, wc muft take the penfions in orj.r of time, or merely alplKibitically. The very firft pcnlion to which we come, in either of thcfe ways, may appear the molf grofsly unmerited of any. liut the miniltcr may vcrvpof- iibly Ihtw, that he knows nothing of the puttin- on this penlion — tliat it was prior in time to Iiis admimitration — that the minillcr, who laid it on, is dead ; and then wc are thrown back upon the penfioncr himfclf, and plunged into all our former difficulties. Abufes, and grofs on.'s, I doubt not, would appear; and to the cor- redion of which I would roadily give my hand; but, when I confider that peiifions have not generally been afiecHed by the revolutions cf minillry ; as I know not where fuch enquiries would ftop ; and as an abfonce of merit is a negative and loofc thing, one mi^ht be led to derange the order of families, founded on the pro- bable continuance of their kind of income. I might hurt children ; I might injure creditors. I really think it the more prudent coinle, not to follow the letter of the petition?;. If we fix this mode of enquiry as a ba- lls, v.-e fh;ill, I fear, end, as parliament h;is often ended Jinder fnnilar circ.;iilhinces. There will be great de- lay; much confufion ; much inequality in our proceed- ings. But what prciVes mc moll of all is this; that thout^h wc fhould 111 ike off all the unmerited penfions, whTle the power of the crown remains unlimited, the very fame undeferving pcrfons might afterwards return to the very fame lilt : or if they did not, other pcrfons me- riting as little as they do, might be put upon it to an undefinable amount. This i think is the pinch of the grievance. Fer I r 4S i Tot theft: icafoiis. Sir, I atn obliijcd to wave thif? mode of proceeding ;l^ ,iny part of my plan. In a plan of rcfoimatron, it would be om: of my maxims, that when I know of an eftablifliincnt which may be fub- fervient to ufcful purpofc?, and which at the fame time, from its uiferetionary nature, is liable to a very great pcrvcrfion from thofe purpofes, JicsuU Uniit the quantity of the power that might be fo abufccL f'or I am furc, that in all fuch cafes, the rcv;ards of merit will have very narrow bounds ; and that partial or corrupt favour* ■Will be infinite. This principle is not arbitrary ; but the limitation of the fpecific quantity muft be (o in feme meafure. I therefore Itate yT. 6c,ooo ; leaving it open to the houfe to enlarge or contract the fuin as they fhall fee, on examination, that the difcrction I ufe is fcanty or liberal. The whole amount of the pcnfions of all denominations, which have been laid before us, amount, for a period of feven years, to confiderably more than jT. ioo,oco a year. To what the other lifts amount, I know not. That will be {qqw hereafter. But from thofe that do appear, a faving will accrue to the public, at one time or other, of /,. 40,000 a year, and we had bet- ter in my opinion to let it fall in naturally, than to tear it crude and unripe from the ftalk. * There is a y;ieat deal jf uneafmefs among the people^ upon an article which I mult clafs under the head of ptnfions. I mean l\\fi great patent offices in the exchequer. They arc in reality and fubitance no other than pen- fions, and in no other light (hall I confider them. They are finecures. They are always executed by deputy. The duty of the principal is as nothing. They differ however from the pcnfions on the lilt, in fome particulars. They are held for life. I think with the public, that the profits of thofe places are grown enormous; tlie magnitude of thofe profits, and the na- ture of them, both call for reformation. The nature of their profits which grow out of the public diltrefs is, cannot tion. wh'»c^ *l petty- dren •> ♦ It «as fuppoffid by the Lord Advocate, in a fubfcquent debate, thrt Ji£r. E.irkc, btcaule he objedlcd to an t:nc,uiry into the pcnfion lift tor the pjriiufeof orcunumy »nd relief of the public, would have it withheld from the iudiynKiit of parliament for all purpofijs whatfoever. This learned gentleiiatv ccrt.tinly inifLindeiftood hitn. His plun Ihtw;; that he wi:!.cd the vjiulc iill tt) be eaiijy acceflible; and he knows that the public eye i» ' •f itfoif Ik ift»i guard aiaiiift abufc. itftlf •— - »* *•«<<»■•*- -t^-^ C 49 ] itftlf invidious and grievous. But I fear that reform cannot be immediate. I find myfelf under a reftric- tion. Thefe places, and others of the fame kind, wliich arc held for life, have been confulered as pro- perty. They have been given as a provifion for chil- dren; they have been the fubjeift of family fettlemcnts; they have been the fecurity of creditors. What the law refpciSts fhall be facred to me. If the barriers of law (hould be broken down, upon ideas of conve- nience, even of public convenience, we (hall have no longer any thing certain among us. If the difcretion of power is once let loofc upon property, we can be at no lofs to determine whofe power, and what difcretion it is that will prevail at laft. It would be wife to attend upon the order of things ; and not to attempt to outrun the flow, but fmooth and even courfe of na- ture. There arc occafions, I admit, of public necef- fity, fo vaft, fo clear, fo evident, that they fuperfede all laws. Law being only made for the benefit of the community cannot in any one of its parts, refift a de- mand which may comprehend the total of the public intereft. To be fure, no law can fet itfelf up againft the caufe and reafon of all law. But fuch a cafe very rarely happens ; and this moft certainly is not fuch a cafe. The mere time of the reform is by no means worth the facrifice of a principle of law. Individuals pafs like fhadows ; but the commonwealth is fixed and ihble. The difference therefore of to-day and to- morrow, which to private people is immenfe, to the ftate is nothing. At any rate it is better, if poffible, to reconcile our oeconomy with our laws, than to fet them at variance ; a quarrel which in the end muft be deftru»Stive to both. My idea, therefore, is to reduce thofe officers to fixed falaries, as the prefent lives and reverfions fhall fuccefliveiy fall. I mean, that the office of the great auditor (the auditor of the receipt) fhall be reduced to £■ 3,000 a year j and the auditors of the imprefl and the reft of the principal officers, to fixed appointment* ^^£'^^$00 a year each. It will not be difficult to calculate the value of this fall of lives to the public, when we fhall have obtained a juft account of the pre- fent income of thofe places $ and we fhall obtain that £ account . ii % t t ■ •■ ^ ..^^* h % ! r 50 1 account with great facility, if the prefent poflefTors are not alarmed with any apprehcnfion of danger to their freehold office. I know too, that it will be demanded of mc, how it comes, that llnce I admit thcfc offices to be i\o better than penllons, I chofe, after the principle of law had been fatisficd, to retain them at all ? To this, Sir, 1 aniwcr, that conceiving it to be a fundamental part of the conftitution of this country, and of the reafon of ftate in every country, that there mult be means of re- warding public fervicc, thofe means will be incom- plete, and indeed wholly infufficient for that purpok, if there fhould be no further reward for that fcrvicc, than the daily wages it receives during the plealurc of the crown. Whoever ferioufly confidcrs the excellent argument of Lord Somcrs, in the banker's cafe, will fee he bot- toms himfelf upon the very fame maxim which I do ; and one of his principal grounds of doftrinc for the alienability of the domain in England ♦ contrary to the maxim of the law in France, he lays in vhe conltitu- tional policy, of furni(hing a permanent reward to pub- lic fervice ; of making that reward the origin of fami- lies, and the foundation of wealth as well as of ho- nours. It is indeed the only genuine unadulterated origin of nobility. It is a great principle in govern- ment ; a principle at the very foundation of the whole ftrudturc. The other judges who held the faiiK- doc- trine, went beyond Lord Somers with regard to the re- medy, which they thought was given by law againit the crown, upon the grant of pcnfions. Indeed no man knows, when he cuts oft* the inciteimnts to a vir- tuous ambition, and thcjufl rewards of public fervice, what infinite mifchicf he may do his countrv, through all generations. Such faving to the public may prove the worft mode of robbing it. The crown, which ha:< in its hands the truft of the daily pay for national fir- vicc, ought to have in its hands alio the means for the repofe of public labour, and the fixed fettlcmcnt of acknowledged merit. There is a time, when the • Bcfgre the ftatiKc of Queen Anne, which limited ihc alicnatirn ot weather- beaten N X arc low fttCT f» i ft of V of re- )m- )/c, I'cc, oi- [ SI ] Weather-beaten veffels of the ftate, ought to come into harbour. They muftat length have a retreat from the malice of rivals, from the perfidy of political friends, and the inconftancy of the people. Many of the per- fons, who in all times have filled the great offices of ftate, have been younger brothers, who had originally little, if any fortune. Thefe offices do not furnifli the means of amaffing wealth. There ought to be fome power in the crown of granting penfions out of the reach of its own caprices. An intail of dependence is a bad reward of merit. I would, therefore, leave to the crown the poffibility ot conferring fome favours, which, whilft they arc received as a reward, do not operate as corruption. When men receive obligations from the crown through the pious hands of fathers, or of connexions as vene- rable as the paternal, the dependences which arife from thence, arc the obligations of gratitude, and not the fetters of fervility. Such ties originate in virtue, and iliey pom te it. They continue men in thofe habi- tudes ot •'■■ . irSip, thofe political connections, and ihofe pol u. i principles in which they began life. They are ai.iuotes againffc a corrupt levity, inftead of caufes of it. What an unfecmly fpeitacle would it uftbrd, what a difgrace would it be to the common- wealth that fufFercd fuch things, to fee the hopeful «bn of a meritorious minilter begging his bread at the door of that treafury, from whence his father dif- pcnfed the oeconomy of an empire, and promoted the happincfs and glory of his country ? Why fliould he be obliged to proftrate his honour, and to iubmit his principles at the levee of fome proud favourite, ihoul- dorcd and thruft afide by every impuucnt pretender, on the very fpot where a few days before he law himfcif adored ? — obliged to cringe to the author of the calamities of his houfe, and to Icifs the haiuis that are red with his father's blood ? — No, Sir, — Thde tilings arc unfit — They are intolerable. Sir, I (hall be afked, why I do notchufc to dcftroy thofe offices which are penfions, and appoii;*" penfions under the direct title in their ftead ? I allow, that in fome cafes it leads to abufc ; to have things appointed for one purpofe, and applied to another. I have no E a greut ■ ^ <; ^1 i A % f s» ] great objeilion to fuch a change : but I do not think it quite prudent for me to propoie it. If I fhould take away the prefent eftablifnnfent, the burthen of proof refts upon me, that fo many penHons, and no more, and to fuch an amount each, and no more, are ne- ceffary for the public fervice. This is what I can ne- ver prove 'y for it is a thing incapable of definition. I do not like to take away an objedl that I think anCwers my purpofe, in hopes of getting it back again in abetter ihape. People will bear an old eftabliihmcnt when its cxcefs is corrected, who will revolt at a new one. I do not think thefe office-penfions to be more in number than fufficient : but on that point the Houfe will cx- ercife its difcretion. As to abufe, I am convinced, that very few trufts in the ordinary courfe of admini- flration, have admitted lefs abufe than this. Efficient minifters have been their own paymaftcrs. It is true. But their very partiality has operated as a kind of juf- tice ; and Hill it was fervice that was paid. When wc look over this pvchequer lift, wr find it filled with the dcfccndants of the Walpolcs, of the Pclhams, of the Townfliends; names to whc .. this country owes its liberties, and to whom his majefty owes his crown. It was in one of thefe lines, that the immenfe and envied employment he now holds, came to a certain duke*, who is now probably fitting quietly at a very good din- ner dire«Stly under us; and adting high life Mow JiairSy whilft wc, his matters, are filling our mouths with unfubftantial founds, and talkini'; of hungry itconomy over his head. But he is the elder branch of an an- cient and decayed houfe, joined to, and repaired by the reward of ferviccs done by another. I rcfpctSt the original title, and the firft purchafc of merited wealth and honour through all its dcfccnts, through all its transfers, and all its aflicnments. May fuch fountains never be dried up ! May they ever flow with their original purity, and refrem and fru«^ify the common- wealth, for ages ! • Duke of NewcaftU, whofe dining-room i» under ihc Iloufi; of Commons. \' Sii'f i ■ t 53 1 Sir, I think my(elf Y^fjoJ^cjo.^^^^^^^^ clearly, and as fully, ^0^^°/^ ^"jS " My limits are the formation, as for pro'^eeding m .t. my ^^^^.^^ ^^ rules of law; the rules »» P°\X' T am not able to the ftatc. This is the "^^^^^^^ .^^^^ Ji^rfeems to be a intermeddle with another artjcle^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^^^ If I knew of any real ^^^'^ "i^^^^^tremdy deV.rous exorbitant cmolumeng,IJhouU^^^^^^ J^ of reducing th=m. v; '^^^a common meafurc not. I am not po"'-"'^'\°L ' „rd I am very fure, between real fcrv.ce ^fj^'Z^k ^vhich isWrdly that ftatcs do f^'-^^STcroTdingo their worth. If! in their power to JX,";„^"°^ hfegard to this country, were to give "ly judgment w.i^ ^^^ ^^ 1 do not'think^he grea e^oen^ be overpaid. The >^7''' r^- ^^j ftruck down to which cannot be P"\^^° ""^;'°' \he cheapeft. When thofe who W.11 fJ^^;;^'^:Xl and fervid is our ob- the proportion between ^^r-; . . ^ .^^ture the fervice jea, we muft always '^""^f/ ^^JJ^^^'^uft perform it. is, and what fort of "^^"^^J/^fJ^^ Sbou?, and full What is jurt payment f°/ /'"'^^/"Xt,, j^ fraud and encouragement for one k«nd of talent^ ^^^^^ difcouragement ^o others. Many ott^^ have much duty to do, ^j^^^^^^y of (late, for in- fentation to maintain. ^J'"" h^: eyes of the mi- ftance, muft not aPpear ford d " the e> ^^^ ^.^.^^^^ niftersof other nations ij^^'f^[^ ^^^^ts where they abroad toappcar contem£ible .n the co ^^^^^^^.^'^ rcfide. In allofficcs o d" ^^h^; '^^ ^ fon in high agrcatiKgleaot all dcmK^^caffa.^^^ f^n^fly-houfe. If office can rarely take a view ^^^^■^,,,,^ the ftatc he fees \i"^*^^,ff^f;;ft,'ou?d take as little, muft fee that his f «'^« Z^^*^; ,ffirm, that if men were 1 will even go fo f ^ ^^^^^^ ^[.^out falary, they willing to ferve '» j"^*^ J^^^ jo it. Ordinary fervice ought not ^"^frX'otivcstoordinary integrity. I muft be fecured by t^e motives t J^.^^ j ,ts do not hcfitate to f^Y' 'h^ ' that ^^ ^^^^ foundation in ^il-^^^'Vl^J^ he Uf«ft P^^^'^^'^y '"'* have its fuperftruaure m the f corruption. V M' e. ^ J. i t 54 ] corruption. An honourable and fair profit is thtf beft fecurity againft avarice and rapacity ; as in all things elfe, a lawful and regulated enjoyment is the beft fecu- rity againft debauchery and excefs. For as wealth is power, fo all power will infallibly draw wealth to itfelf by fome means or other : and when men are left no way of afcertaining their profits but by their means of ob- taining them, thofe means will be encreafed to infinity. This is true in all the parts of adminiftration, as well as in the whole. If any individual were to decline his ap- pointments,' it might give an unfair advantage to often- tatious ambition over unpretending fervice ; it might breed invidious comparifons ; it might tend to deftroy whatever little unity and agreement may be found among minifters. And after all, when an ambitious man had run down his competitors by a fallacious fliew of difmtercftednefs, and fixed himfelf in power by that means, what fecurity is there that he would not change his courfe, and claim as an indemnity ten times more than he has given up ? This rule, like every other, may admit its exceptions. \Vhen a great man has fome one great obje<^ in view to be atchicvcd in a given time, it may be abfolutely neceflary for him to walk out of all the common roads, and if his fortune permits it, to hold himfelf out as a fplcndid example. I am told, that fomething of this kind is now doing in a country near us. But this is for a fhort race ; the training for a heat or two, and not the proper preparation for the regular ftages of a methodical journey. lam fpcaking of eftablilhments, ^nd not of men. It may be cxpciStcd, Sir, that when I am giving my reafons why I limit myfelf in the rcdu£tion of employ- ments, or of their profits, I (hould fay fomething of thofe which feem of eminent inutility in the ftate ; I mean the number of officers who by their places are at- tendant on the perfon of the king. Confidering the commonwealth merely as fuch, and confidering thofe officers only as relative to the dired purpofes of the ftate, I admit that they are of no ufe at all. But there are many things in the conftitution of eftablifhmcnts, which appear of little value on the firft view, which i.i a fccondary and oblicjuc manner, produce very material advantages. m 1 'ons. view tcly 3ads, as a this s is ind fa fs. C 55 ] advantages. It was on full confideration that I de- termined not to leflen any of the offices of honour about the crown, in their number, or their emolu- ments. Thefe emoluments, except in one or two cafes, do npt much more than anfwer the charge of attend- ance. Men of condition naturally love to be about a court; and women of condition love it much more. But there is in all regular attendance, fo much of con- ftraint, that if it were a mere charge, without any com- penfation, you would foon have the court dcfcrted by all the nobility of the kiP7''.om. Sir, the moft ferious . •.'ch''-' would follow from fuch a defertion. Kings are . rally lovers of low company. They are fo elevatea ove all the reft of mankind, that they muft look upon all their fubjects as on a level. They are rather apt to hate than to love their nobility, on account of the occafional refiftancc to thvfir will, which will be made by their virtue, their petulance, or their pride. It muft indeed be admitted, that many of the nobility are as perfedly willing to ail the part of flatterers, tale-bearers, parafites, pimps, and buffoons, as any of the loweft and \i\cl\ of man- kind can poffibly be. But they are not properly qua- lified for this objedl of their ambition. The want of a regular education, and early habits, and feme lurk- ing remains of their dignity, will never permit them to become a match for an Italian eunuch, a mountebank, a fidler, a player, or any regular praiStitioner of that tribe. The Roman emperors almoll from the begin- nino-, threw themfplvcs into fuch hands ; and the mif- chief increafed every day till its decline, and its final ruin. It is therefore of very great importance (pro- vided the thing is not overdone) to contrive fuch an eftablilhmcnt as muft, almoft whether a prince will or not, bring into daily and hourly offices about his pcr- fon, a great number of his firft nobility 5 and it is ra- ther an ufcful prejudice that gives them a priiic in fuch a fervitude. Though they are not much the better for a court, a court will be much the better for them. I have therefore not attempted to reform any of the offices of honour about the king's pcrfon. There are, indeed, two offices in his ftables wh.ch arc finccures. By the change of manners, and indeed E 4 ^y ■jt4'**A»,mm^,'Jti^^ . Ai. I ■ 1 r ^i " i; [ 56 3 by the nature of the thing, they muft be fo ; I mean the feveral keepers of buck-hounds, ftag-hounds, fox- hounds, and harriers. They anfwer no purpofe of utility or of fplendor. Thefe I propofe to abolifh. It is not proper that great noblemen fliould be keep- ers of dogs, though they were the king's dogs. In every part of my fcheme, I have endeavoured that no primary, and that even no fecondary fervice of the itate, inould fuffer by its frugality. I mean to touch no offices but fuch as I am perfectly fure, arc either of no ufe at all, or not of any ufe in the Icaft aflign- able proportion to the burthen with which they load the revenues of the kingdom, and to the influence with which they opprefs the freedom of parliamentary deli- beration ; for which reafon «^here are but two offices which are properly ftate offices, that I have a defire to reform. The firft of them is the new office of third fecretary tfjiate^ which is commonly called y^^r^Mry ofjtatefor the colonies. We know that all the correfpondencc of the colonies had been, until within a few years, carried on b/ the fouthern fecretary of ftate; and that this department has not been (hunned upon account of the weight of its duties ; but on the contrary, much fought, on ac- count of its patronage. Indeed he muft be poorly ac- quainted with the hiftory of office, who docs not know how very lightly the American fundlions have always leaned on the moulders of the minifterial Jtlas^ who has upheld that fide of the fphere. Undoubtedly, great temper and judgment v/as requifite in the management of the colony politics j but the official detail was a trifle. Since the new appointment, a train of unfor- tunate accidents has brouj^ht before us almoft the whole correfpondencc of this favourite fecretary's office, fince the firft day of its eftablifhment. I will fay nothing of its aufpicious foundation ; of the quality of its corref- pondencc ; or of the effects that have enfued from it. I fpeak merely of its quantity, which we know would have been little or no addition to the trouble of what- ever office had its hands the fulleft. But what has been the real condition of the old office of fecretary of ilate i Have their velvet bags, and their red boxes, been C 57 3 been fo full, that nothing more could poifibly be cram- med into them ? A correfpondence of a ctirious nature has been lately publifhcd *. In that correfpondence, Sir, we find, the opinion of a noble perfon, who is thought to be the grand manufadturcr of adminiftrations ; and therefore the beft judge of the quality of his work. He was of opinion, that there was but one man of diligence and induftry in the whole adminiftration — it was the late earl of Suffolk. The noble lord lamented very juftly, that this ftatefman, of fo much mental vigour, wa« almoft wholly difablcd from the exertion of it, by his bodily infirmities. Lord Suffolk, dead to the ftate, long before he was dead to nattire, at laft paid his tri- bute to the common treafury to which we muft all be taxed. But fo little want was found even of his in- tentio«al induftry, that the office, vacant in reality to its duties long before, continued vacant even in nomi- nation and appointment for a year after his detth. The whole of the laborious and arduous correfpondence of this empire, reftcd folely upon the a£livity and ener- gy of Lord Weymouth. It is therefore dcmonftrable, fincc one diligent man was fully equal to the duties of the two offices, that two diligent men will be equal to the duty of three. The bufincfs of the new office which I fhall prooofe to you to fupprefs, is by no means too much to be returned to either of the fecrctarics which remain. If this duft in the balance (hould be thought too heavy, it may be di- vided between them both ; North America (whether free or reduced ) to the northern fecretary, thj Weft Indies to the fouthcrn. It is not neceffary that I (hould f.iy more upon the inutility of this office. It is burn- ing day light. But before I have done, I fhall juft re- mark, that the hiftorv of this office is too recent to fuf- ftr us to forget, that it was made for the mere convex- nicncc of the arrangements of political intrigue, and not foi the fervice of the ftatc ; that it was made, in order to give a colour to an exorbitant increafe of the civil lift; and in the fame a<51: to bring a new accelfion to the loaded compoft heap of corrupt influence, is, " < There is. Sir, another office, which was * Letters between Dr. Addington and Sir J»me$ Wright not long fince. ^«-^,- I (' [ 58 ] fincc, clofcly connefted with this of the American fc- cretary ; but has been lately fcparated from it for the very fame purpofe for which it had been conjoined ; I mean the fole purpofe of all the feparations and all conjun£lions that have been lately made — a job. — I fpealc, Sir, of the board of trade and plantations. This board is a fort of temperate bed of influence j a fort of gently ripening hot-houfe, where eight members of par- liament receive falaries of a thoufand a year, for a cer- tain given time, in order to mature at a proper feafon, a claim to two thoufand, granted for doing lefs, and on the credit of having toiled fo long in that inferior laborious department. I have known that board, ofF and on, for a great number of years. Both of its pretended objefts have been much the objefts of my ftudy, if I have a right to call any purfuits of mine by fo refpedable a name. I can aflure the houfe, and I hope they will not think that I ri(k my little credit lightly, that, without mean- ing 'to convey the leaft refledtion upon any one of its members pad or prefent, — it is a board which, if not mifchievous, is of no ufe at all. You will be convinced. Sir, that I am not miflaken, if you refle£l how generally it is true, that commerce, the principal objedt of that office, flourifhes moft when it is left to itfelf. Intereft, the great guide of com- merce, is not a blind one. It is very well able to find its own way; and its neccflitics arc its beii laws. But if it were pofTible, In the nature of things, that the young fhould diredt the old, and the inexperienced in- ftrud the knowing ; if a board in the ftate was the beft tutor for the counting-houfe ; if the dtfk ought to read leisures to the anvil, and the pen to ufurp the place of the (buttle — yet in any matter of regulation, we know that board muft aft with as little authority as (kill. The prerogative of the crown is utterly in- adequate to its object ; becaufe all regulations are, in their nature, reftriftive of fome liberty. In the reign indeed, of Charles the firjl^ the council, or committees cf council, were never a moment unoccupied, with af- fairs of trade. But even where they had no ill inten- tion (which was fometimes the. cafe) trade and manu- fadture fufFered infinitely from their injudicious tamper- ing. But fince that period, whenever regulation is wanting fc. the i I , a^i I-} his ffof lar- cer- I'on, ind rior [ 59 ] wanting (for I do not deny, that fometimes It may be wanting) parliament conftantly fits ; and parliament alone is competent to fuch regulation. We want no inftruclions from boards of trade, or from any other board ; and God forbid we ihould give the lead atten- tion to their reports. Parliamentary enquiry is the only mode of obtaining parliamentary information. There is more real knowledge to be obtained, by at- tending the detail of bufmeis in the committees above fiairs, than ever did come, or ever will come from any board in this kingdom, or from all of them together. An afliduous member of parliament will not be the worfe inftrufted there, for not being paid a thoufand a year for learning his lelTon. And nuw that I fpeak of the committees above ftairs, I muft fay, that having till latelv attended them a good deal, I have obferved that no defcription of members give fo little attendance, either to communicate, or to obtain inftruftion upon matters of commerce, as the honourable members of the frave board of trade. 1 really do not recoUedt, that have ever feen one of them in that fort of bufinefs. Poffibly, fome members may have better memories; and may call to mind fome job that may have accident- ally brought one or other of them, at one time or other^ to ?ttend a matter of commerce. This board. Sir, has had both its original formation, and its regeneration, in a job. In a job it was con- ceived, and in a job its mother brought it forth. It made one among thofe ihewy and fpecious impofitions, which one of the experiment-making adminiftrations of Char Irs the fecond held out to delude the people, and to be fubftiiuted in the place of the real fervice which they might expert from a parliament annually fitting. It was intended alfo to corrupt that body whenever it fhould be permitted to fit. It was projeded in the year 1668, and it continued in a tottering and ricketty childhood for about three or four years, for It died in the year 1673, a babe of as little hopes as ever fwelled the bills of mortality in the article of convulfed or over-laid children, who have hardly ftepped over the threfhold of life. It was buried with little ceremony; and never more thought of, until the reign of King fFiliiam, when in 7 . ^^ \ i'^ -n 'i! ■1- ' 1 ■fiM! I r 60 ] the ftrange vicifTttudc of neg1e£l and vigour, of good and ill fuccc^ that attended his wars, in the year 1695, the trade was diftrefled beyond all example of former fufFer- ings, by the piracies of the French cruifers. This fuf- fering incenfed, and, as it fliould feem, very juftly in- cenfed, the houfe of commons. In this ferment they ilruck, not only at the adminiftration, but at the very eonftitution of the executive government. They at- tempted to form in parliament a board for the protection of trade } which, as they planned it, was to draw to itfelf a great part, if not the whole, of the funAions and pow- ers, both of the admiralty, and of the treafury j and thus, by a parliamentary delegation of office and officers, they threatened abfolutely to feparate thefe departments from the whole fyftem of the executive government, and of courfe to veil the mod leading and eflfential of its at- tributes in this board. As the executive government was in a manner convi£led of a dereliiElion of its func- tions, it was with infinite difficulty, that this blow was warded ofF in that feffion. There was a threat to renew the lame attempt in the next. To prevent the effe£l of this manoeuvre, the court oppofed another manoeuvre to it; and in the year 1696, called into life this board of trade, which had flept fmce 1673. This, in a few words, is the hiftory of the regenera- tion of the board of trade. It has perfedly anfwered its purpofes. It was intended to quiet the minds of the people, and to compofe the ferment that then was ftrongly working in parliament. The courtiers were too happy to be able to fubftitute a board, which they knew would be ufelefs, in the place of one that they feared would be dangerous. Thus the board of trade was reproduced in a job i and perhaps it is the only in- ftance of a public body, which has never degenerated ; but to this hour preferves all the health and vigour of its primitive inftitution. This board of trade and plantations has not been of any ufe to the colonies, as colonies ; fo little of ufe, that the flourifhing fettlements of New England, of Virginia, and of Maryland, and all our wealthy colo- nies in the Weft Indies, were of a date prior to the firft board of Charles the fecond. Penfylvania and Caro- lina were fettled during its dark quarter, in the interval between the extindion of the firft, and the formation of the t! antf the in- ihey at, pon \felf ( 6i ] the fecond board. Two colonies alone owe their origin to that board. Georgia, which, till lately, has made a very flow progrefs ; and never did make any progrefs at all, until it wholly got rid of all the regulations which the board of trade had moulded into its original conftitution. That colony has coft the nation very great fums of money ; whereas the colonies which have had the fortune of not being godfathered by the board of trade, never coft the nation a (hilling, except what has been fo properly fpent in lofing them. But the colo- ny of Georgia, weak as it was, carried with it to the laft hour, and carries, even in its prefentdead pallid vifagc, the perfect refemblance of its parents. It always had, and it now has, an tJiabUJbment paid by the public of England, for the fake of the influence of the crow ; that colony having never been able or willing to take upon itfelf the expence of its proper government, or its own appropriated jobs. The province of Nova Scotia was the youngeft and the favourite child of the board. Good God ! What fums the nurfmg of that ill-thriven, hard-vifagcd, and ill- favoured brat, has coft to this wittol nation ? Sir, this colony has ftood us in a fum of not lefs than feven hun- dred thoufand pounds. To this day it has made no re- payment — It does not even fupport thofe offices of ex- pence, which are mifcalled its government } the whole of that job ftill lies upon the patient, callous (boulders of the people of England. Sir, I am going to ftate a fa£l to you, that will (erve to fet in full funfhine the real value of formality and of- ficial fupcrintendance. There was in the province of Nova Scotia, one little neglcdtcd corner ; the country of the neutral French ; which having the good fortune to efcape the foftering care both of France and England, and to have been (hut out from the protetStion and regu- lation of councils of commerce, and of boar Ml' / . r 64 ] duous and critical improvement of fyflem, would make you conceive that the anxious folicitude of the noble lord in the blue ribbon, would have wholly deflroyed the plan of fummer recreation of that board, by re- ferences to examine, compare, and digeft matters for parliament — You would imagine, that Irifti commif- ilonersof cuftoms and Englifh commifTioners of cuftoms, and commiflioners of excife, that merchants and manu- fafturers of every denomination, had daily crowded their outer rooms. ^/7 horum. The perpetual virtual adjournment, and the unbroken fitting vacation of that board, was no more difturbed by the Irifh than by the plantation commerce, or any other commerce. The fame matter made a large part of the bufinefs which occupied the houfe for two feffions before j and as our miniiters were not then mellowed by the mild, emol- lient, and engaging blandifliments of our dear fifter, into all the tendernefs of unqualified furrender, the bounds and limits of a reftrained benefit naturally re- quired much detailed management and pofitive regula- tion. But neither the qualificxl propofitions which were received, nor thofe other qualified propofitions which were rejected by miniiters, were the leafl con- cern of theirs, or were they ever thought of in the bufinefs. It is therefore. Sir, on the opinion of parliament, qn the opinion of the minifters, and even on their own opinion of their inutility, that I fhall propofc to you to fupprcfs the board of trade and plantations ; and to recommit all its bufinefs to the council from whence it was very improvidcntly taken ; and which bufinefs (whatever it might be) was much better done and without any expence ; and indeed where in cfix'dt it m!>y all come at laft. Almoft all that defervcs the name of bufinefs there, is the reference of the plan- tation adts, to the opinion of gentlemen of the law. But all this may be done, as the Irifli bufinefs of the fame natui has always been done, by the coun- cil, and with a reference to the attorney and folicitor general. There are fome regulations in the houfchold, rela- tive to the officers of the yeomen of the guards, and the officers and band of gentlemen pcnfioncrs, which I Ihall (haU pofe inu< V' r il ft t 6s j (hall likewlfe fubmitto your confideration, for the pur* pofe of regulating eftablifhments, which at prefent are much abufed. I have now finiflied all, that for the prefent I (hall trouble you with on the plan of reduSlioH. I mean next to propofe to you the plan of arrangement, by which I mean to appropriate and fix the civil lift money to its fevcral fcrvices according to their nature j for I am thoroughly fenfible, that if a difcretion, wholly ar* bitrary, can be exercifed over the civil lift revenue, al- though the moft efFeftual methods may be taken to pre* vent the inferior departments from exceeding their bounds, the plan of reformation will ftill be left very imperfedl. It will not, in my opinion, be fafe to permit an entirely arbitrary difcretion even in the firft lord of the treafury himfelf : It will not be fafe to leave with him a power of diverting the public money from its proper objects, of paying it in an irreg'ular courfcj or of inverting perhaps the order of time, diftated by the proportion of value, which ought to regulate his application of payment to fervice, I am fenfible too, that the very operation of a plan of (Economy which tends to exonerate the civil lift of expenfive eftablifliments, may in fome fort defeat the capital end we have in view, the independence of par- liament ; and that in removing the public and oftenfible means of influence, wc may incrcafe the fund of pri- vate corruption. I have thought of fome methods to prevent an abufe of furplus cafh under difcretionary ap- plication ; I mean the heads of fecret fervice, fpeciat fervice, various payments, and the like ; which, I hope^ will anfwer, and which in due time I (hall lay before yoii. Where I am unable to limit the quantity of the fums to be applied, by rcafon of the uncertain quan- tity of the fervice, I endeavour to confine it to its line', to fecure an indefinite application to the definite fervice to which it belongs ; not, to ftop the progrcfs of ex- pence in its line, but to confine it tu that line in which it profcflcs to move. But that part of my plan, Sir, upon which I princi- pally reft, that, on which i rely for the piirpofe of binding up, and fecuring a fixed and invariable order t. the whole, is to cftablifli in all its payments, which m i 66 3 it {hall not be permitted to the firft lord of the treafury, tipon any pretence whatfoever, to depart from. I therefore divide the civil lift payments into nine clafles, putting each clafs forward according to the importance orjuftice of the demand, and to the inability of the perfons entitled to enforce their pretenfjons; that is, to put thofe firft v/ho have the molt efficient offices, or claim the jufteft debts ; and, at the fame time, from the character of that defcriptionof men,from the retirednelV, or the remotenefs of their fituation, or from their want of weight and power to enforce their pretenfions, or from their being entirely fubjedt to the power of a mi- nifter, without any reciprocal power of awing, ought to be the moft conftdered, and are the moft lijcely to be neglejfted; all thefe I place in th^ higheft clafles : I place in the loweft thofe whofe fun£tions are of the leaft importance, but whofe perfons or ran '.c are often of the greateft power and influence. In the firft clafs I place thejudgesy as of the firft im-. portance. It is the public juftice that holds the com- munity together ; the eafe, therefore, and indcpend^ ence of the judges, ought to fupcrfede all other confi- deratioiis, and they ought to be the very laft to feel the neceflitits of the ftate, or to be obliged either t© court or bully a minifter for their right : They ought to be as weak foUcitors on their own demands^ as ftrenun ous afliertors of the rights and liberties of others. The judges are, or ought to be, of a referved and retired charafler, and wholly unconnected with the political world. In the fecond clafs I place the foreign minifters. The judges are the links of our connections with one another ; the foreii^n minifters are the links of our connexion with other nations. They arc not upon the fpot to demand payment, and are therefore the moft likely to be, as in faft they have fometimes been, entirely negkded, to the great difgrace, and perhaps the great detriment of the nation. In the third clafs I would bring all the tradefmen who fupply the crown by contract, or otherwife. In the fourth clafs I place all the domeftic fer- vants of the king, and all perfons in eflicicnt oflices, whofe falaries do not exceed two hundred pounds a year. In re [t ir r 67 J In the fifth, upon account of honour, which ought to givo place to nothing but charity and rigid juftice, I would place the pcnfions a.id allowances of his ma- jefty's royal family, comprehending of courfe the queen, together with the ftatcd allowance of the privy purfe. In the fixth clafs, I place thefs tfficlcnt offices of dity, whofe falaries may exceed the fum of two hun- dred pounds a year. In the fcvcnth clafs, that mixed mafs the whole pcnfion lift. ' In the eighth, the ofHccs of honour about the king. In the ninth, and the laft of all, the fahiries and penfions of the firft lord of the treafury himfelf, the chancellor of the cxchetjuer, and the other commif- fioncrs of the treafury. If by any poflible mifmanagement of that part of the revenue which is left at difcretion, or by any other mode of prodigality, cafh fliould be deficient for the payment of the loweft clafics, I propofe, that the amount of thofe falaries where the deficiency may hap- pen to fall, fhall not be carried as debt to the account of the fucceeding year, but that it fhall be entirely Japfed, fui;k, and loft; fo that government will be enabled to ftart in the race of every new year, wholly unloaded, frefti in wind and in vigour. Hereafter, no civil lift debt can ever conic upon the public. And thofe who do not confider this as faving, becaufc it is not a certain fum, do not ground their calculations of the future on their experience of the paft. I know of no mode of prcferving the effl-ctual execu- tion of any duty, but to make it the direct intcreft of the executive officer that it fhall be faithfully per- formed. Affumin^, then, th it the prcfcnt vaft allow- ance to the civil lift is perfectly adequate to all its pur- pofcs, if there fliould be any failure, it mufl be from the mifmanagement or neglect of the firft commiffioner of the treafury ; fincc, upon the propofed plan, there can be no expcnce of r.iiy confoqucncc, which he Is not himftlf prcvioufly to authorize and finally to con- trol. It is therefore juft, as well as politic, that the lofs fliould attach upon the delinquency. F 2. i; ,■^• - . »»i r .'♦ '*■*' i ^ r^ M ,1 [ 68 ] If the failure from the delinquency fliould be very confiderable, it will fall on the clafs directly above the firft lord of the trcafury, as well as upon himfelf and his board. It will fall, as it ought to fall, upon offices of no primary importance in the Hate ; but then it will fall upon perfons, whom it will be a matter of no flight importance for a mi- nifter to provoke — it will fall upon perfons of the firft rank and confequence in the kingdom ; upon thofe who arc neaicft to the king, and frequent* ly have a more interior credit with him than the mi- nifter himfelf. It will fall upon matters of the horfe, upon lord chamberlains, upon lord ftewards, upon grooms of the dole, and lords of the bedchamber. The houfchold troops form an army, who will be ready to mutiny for want of pay, and whofe mutiny will be. rea/iy dreadful to a commander in chief. A rebellion of the thirteen lords of the bedchamber would be far* more terrible to a minifter, and would probably zffe&. his power more to the quick, than a revolt of thirteen colonies. What an uproar fuch an event would create at court ! What petitions., and cortifnitteeSy and ajfocla- tions would it not produce ! Blcfs me ! what a clatter- ing of white flicks and yellow flicks would be about his head — what a ftorm of gold keys would fly about the ears of the minifter — what a fhowcr of Gtorges, and Thirties, and medals, and collars of S. S. would aflail him at his firft entrance into the ajitichamber, after an infolvcnt Chrifl:mas quacter. A tumult which could not be appcafcd by all the hannooy of- the new- year's ode. Rebellion it is certain there would be; and rebellion may not now indeed be fo critical an event to thofe who engage in it, fince its price is fo corredly afcertained at juft a thoufand pound. Sir, this clafling, in my opinion, is a ferious and folid fecurity for the performance of a minifter's duty. Lord Coke fays, that the ftaff was put into the trea- furer's hand, to enable him to fupport himfelf when there was no money in the exchequer, and to beat away importunate folicitors. The method, which I propofc, would hinder him from the neceflity of fuch a broken ftafFto lean on, or fuch a miferable weapon for rcpulf- ing the demands of worthlefs fuitors, who, the noble l<^rd in the blue ribbgu knows, will bear many hard blowi .* z r 69 ] Wows on the h^ad, and many other Indignities, before they are driven from the treafury. In this plan, he is furnifhed with an anfwer to all their importunity ; an anfwer far more concli»=< ! *• 1 I f t 72 ] At the fame time, if I am able, and if I (hall be per- mitted, I will lend an humble helping hand to any other good work, which is going on. I have not. Sir, the frantic prefumption to fuppofe, that this plan contains in it the whole of what the public has a right to expeft, in the great work of reformation they call for. Indeed, it falls infinitely fliort of it. It fallsfhort, even of my own ideas. I have fome thoughts not yet fully ripened, relative to a reform in the cuftoms and excife, as well as in fome other branches of financial adminiftration. There ,« other things too, which form eflential parts in a great plan for the purpofe of leftoring the independence of par- liament. The contra<5lors bill of laft year it is fit to re- vive ; and I rejoice that it is in better hands than mine. The bill for fufpending the votes of cuftomhoufe officers, brought into parliament feveral years ago, by one of our worthieft and wifeft members,* (would to God we could along with the plan revive the pcrfon whodefigned it.) But a man of very real integrity, honour, and abi- lity will be found to take his place, and to carry his idea into full execution. You all fee how neceffary it is to review our military cxpences for fome years paft, and, if poflibic, to bind up and clofc that bleeding artery of profufion : but that buHnefs alfo, I have reafon to hope, will be undertaken by abilities that are fully adequate to it. Something mult be devifed (if poflible) to check the ruinous expence of eledlions. Sir, all or moll of thefe things muft be done. Every one muft take his part. If we fhould be able by dexterity or power, or in- trigue, to difnppoint the expectations of our conftitu- cnts, what will it avail us ? we fhall never be ftrong or crtful enough to parry, or to put bv the irrefiftible de- mands of our fituation. That fituation calls upon us, and upon our conilituenr., too, with a voice which zviU be heard. I am fure no man is more zcalouf.y attached than I am to the privileges of this houfe, particularly in regard to the exclufivc management of money. The lords have no right to the difpofition, in any fenle, of the public purfe; but they have gone further in f felf-denial • \V. Dowr'efwell, Ef., cluncellor of the exchequer, 1765. f Kejcdlion of LorJ Siielbunic's mution in the Houfc of Lords. than I 73 1 than our utmoft jealoufy could have required. A • power of examining accounts, to CLiifure, correft, and punifti, we never, that I know of, have thought ot denying to the Houfe of Lords. It is fomething more than a century fince we voted that body ufelefs : they have now voted themfelves fo. The whole hope of reformation is at length caft upon us ; and let us not deceive the nation, which does us the honour to hope every thing from our virtue. If a/i the nation are not equally forward to prefs this duty upon us, yet be af- . lured, that they all equally exped we fhould perform it. The refpeaful filencc of thofe who wait upon your pleafure, ought to be as powerful with yoiu as the call of thofc who require your fervice as their n-ht. Some, without doors, afiect to feel hurt for your djtrl nity, becaufe they fuppofc, that menaces are held out to you. Jiiftify their good opinion, by fhewing that no menaces are neceflary to ftimulatc you to your duty. — But, Sir, whilft we may fympathize with them, in one point, who fympathize with us in another, we ought to attend no lefs to thofe who approach us lilce men, and who, in the guife of petitioners, fpcak to us in the tone of a concealed authority. It is not wife to force them to fpeak out more plainly, what they plainly mean. — But, the petitioners arc violent. Be it fo. Thofe who arc leall: anxious about your conduit, are not thofe that love you molt. Moderate aftedtion and fatiatcd enjoyment, are cold and rcfpcdful ; but an ar- dent and injured paflion, is tempered up with wrath, and grief, and (haine, and confcious worth, and the maddening iciiie of violated right. A jealous love lights his torch from the firebrands of the furies. — They who call upon y(;u to belong whd'y to the people, are thofc who wifh you to return to your prcptr home ; to the fphere of your duty, to the pott of your honour, to tlie nianiion-houfe of all genuine, fcrciie, and fdid fatis- faction. We have furnilhcJto the people of Ein^land (indeed we have) fome real caufe of jcalouly. Let us leave that fort of company which, if it docs iiot deliroy our innocence, pollutes our honour : let us free our- fclvesat once from every thing that can iucrcafe thcir fufplcions, and inflame thiir juf} rclliiln.jnt : let us calt away from us, with a generous fcorn, all the iuv;-- tokcns and fymbols that v/c ha\e been vain and li'^ht Ciiougli to accept j— all the brac'.-'.ct.s atid fiuirt-boxvs. and , t I t ft \u \ i 7i 3 tnd miniature pi£lures, and hair-dcvicc?, and all the other adulterous trinkets that are the pledges of our alienation, and the monuments of our fhamr. Let us return to our legitimate home, and all jars and all quar- rels will be loft in embraces. Let the commons in par- liament afTembled, be one and the fame thing with the commons at large. The diftinftions that are made to feparate us, are unnatural and wicked contrivances. Let us identify, let us incorporate ourfelves with the people. Let us cut all the cables and fnap the chains which tie us to an unfaithful (hore, and enter the friend- ly harbour, that fhoots far out into the main its moles and jettecs to receive us. '* War with the world, and peace with our conftituents." Be this our motto, and our principle. Then indeed, we (hail be truly great. Refpefting ourfelves, we fliall be refpefted by the world. At prefent all is troubled and cloudy, and dtflradled, and full of anger and turbulence, both abroad and at home j but the air may be cleared by this ftorm, and light and fertility may follow it. Let us givo a faithful pledge to the people, that we honour, indeed, the crown ; but that we belong to them ; that we arc their auxiliaries, and not their taflc-mafters ; the fel- low-labourers in the fame vineyard, not lording over their rights, but helpers of their joy : that to tax them is a grievance to ourfelves, but to cut off from our en- joyments to forward theirs, is the higheft gratification we are capable of receiving. I feel with comfort, that we are all warmed with thefe fentiments, and while we are thus warm, I wifti we may go dire<^ly and with a chcarful heart to this falutary work. *' Sir, I move for leave to bring in a Billy ** For " the better regulation of his Majejlf i civil ejia^ ** hliJhmentSy and of certain public offices ; for the " limitation ofpenjions, and the fupprejjion of fun- ** dry ufelefSf expenfive, and inconvenient places ; •' and for applying the monies faved thereby to the • *' public fervice. *" Lord North ftated, that there was a difference * The motion was fecended by Mr* Foxi moi it bctwtcn ' [ 75 ] between this bill for regulating the efbbliihmeats, and fome of the others, as they a&ded the ancient patri- mony of the crown ; and therefore wifhed them to be poftponed, till the King's confent could be obtained. This diftin£tion was ftrongly controverted ; but when it was infifled on as a point of decorum enfy^ it was agreed to poftpone them to another day. Accordingly, en the Monday following, viz. Feb. 14, leave was given, on the motion of Mr. Burke, without oppoli* tion, to bring in 1 ft, " J bill for thefak of thtforeji and ether crovm lands, rents, and hereditaments, with certain txcep' tions ; and for applying the produce thereof to the public ftrvice ;' and for fecuring, afcertaining, and fatisfying, tenant-rights, and common and other rights." 2d. ** A bill for the more perfeSlly uniting to the crown the principality of JFales, and the county palatine of Chcjhr, and for the more commodious adminijlration of jtijiice within the fame ; as alfo, for abolijhing certain offices now appertaining thereto ; for quieting dormant claims, afcertaining and fecuring tenant-rights } and for the fale of all fareji lands, and other lands, tent- ments, and hereditaments, held by his Alajejly in right of the faid principality, or county palatine of Chejier^ and for applying the produce thereof to the public fervice." 3//, *' y^ bill for uniting to the crown the duchy and county palatine of Lancajier \ for the fuppreffton of un^ neceJJ'ary offices now belonging thereto ; for the afcer- tainment and fecurity of tenant and other rights; and for the fale of all rents, lands, tenements, and here^ ditaments, andforejls, within the faid duchy and county palatine, or either of them ; and for applying the pro- •* duce thereof to the public fervice." And it was trdered that Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, Lord John Caven- dilh. Sir George Savile, Colonel Barre, Mr. Thomas Townlhend, Mr. Byng, Mr. Dunning, Sir Jofeph Mawbev, Mr. Recorder of London, Sir Robert Clay- ton, Mr. Frederick Montagu, the Earl of Upper Oflbry, Sir William Guife, and Mr. Gilbert, do prt- pare and bring in the fame. At the fame time, Mr. Burke moved for leave to bring in— 4th, " A bill for uniting th* duchy of Cornwall 5 ." '* *• *i 4( <( C( (< <( .* ^ M< t r 76 ] cc td the crown ; far the JuppreJJian of certain nnne^ •* cejfary offces now belonging thereto \ for the afcertain- •* mcnt and fecurity of tenant and other rights ; and *' for the fale of certain rents^ lands y and tenement s^ ,*' within or belonging to the f aid duchy ; and for apply- :** ing the produce thereof to the public fervice." But fome objcclions being made by the furveyor ge- neral of the duchv concerning the rights of the Prince of Wales, now in his minority, and Lord North re- maining pcrfc«ftly filcnt, Mr. Burke, at length, though he ftrongiy contended againfl: the principle of the ob- jedtionj confented to withdraw this laft motion for the •prefent, to be renewed upon an early occafion. •- M 4 . •: ^ ..V^VvW.'. >.>■.. 1 THE END. i ', 4 - 'f ■' ' •• , ii-:"i c)