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CIHM/ICMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHM/ICMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductior.s historiques

1980

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Technical Notes / Notes techniques

The Institute has attempted to obtain the best
original copy available for filming. Physical
features of this copy which may alter any of the
images in the reproduction are checked below.

L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire
qu'il lui a 6t6 pob^Sble de se procurer. Certains
difauts susceptibles de nuire d la qualitd de la
reproduction sont notds ci-dessous.

Coloured covers/
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Coloured maps/

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Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/
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Tight binding (may cause shadows or
distortion along interior margin)/
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de la distortion le long de la marge
intdrieure)

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Pages damaged/
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Additional comments/
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Bibliographic Notes / Notes bibliographiques

Only edition available/
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Le titre de couverture manque

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Des pages manquent

Maps missing/

Des cartes g^ographiques manquent

Plates missing/

Des planches manquent

1 Additional comments/

Commentaires suppl6mentaires

■ v-^i^

The images appearing here are the best quality
possible considering the condition and legibility
of the original copy and in keeping with the
filming contract specifications.

Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le
plus grnnd soin, compte tenu de la condition et
de la nettetd de I'exemplaire film6, et en
conformity avec les conditions du contrat de
filmage.

The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall
contain the symbol —► (meaning CONTINUED"),
or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever
applies.

Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la der-
nidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas:
le symbole — ► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole
V signifie "FIN".

The original copy was borrowed from, and
filmed with, the kind consent of the following
institution:

National Library of Canada

L'exemplaire filmd fut reproduit grfice d la
g6n6rosit6 de I'df^blissement prdteur
suivant :

Bibliothdque nationale du Canada

Maps or plates too large to be entirely included
in one exposure are filmed beginning in the
upper Inft hand corner, left to right and top to
bottom, as many frames as required. The
following diagrams illustrate the method:

Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour dtre
reproduites en un seul clich6 sont filmdes d
partir de I'angle sup6rieure gauche, de gauche d
droite et de haut en bas, en ptenant le nombre
d'images ndcessaire. Le diagramme suivant
ill jstre la mdthode :

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MANIFESTO i

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REPRINTED FR(3m THE ^ORIGINAL PAMPHLET,*

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X A>1E8 O F TILE SIGNERS.

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IPRICE TWENTY FIVE CENTSMv

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THE MONTREAL NEWS CO., MONTREAL, Que.;
THE JORON'rO NEWS CO., TORONTO &- CLIFTON, Ont,

'). en(;lish <Sr-co., printers,

240 ST. JAMES Sgi^ET, MONTREAL
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UHMAriiiiiMiiiiMirilMHiiiiiiiiiiii*

THE

ANNEXATION

MANIFESTO

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REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL PAMPHLET,

WITH THE

NAMES OF THE SIGNERS.

♦ ♦■ «

MONTREAL:

D. ENGLISH d- CO., PRINTERS, 240 ST. JAMES STREET.

188 1. ♦

CIRCULAR

OF THE

OF ^^OISTJ^T^JlT^.

j" Office of the Annexation Association.
I Montreal, December 7, 1849.

The Montreal Annexation Association desirous of urging
upon the people of Canada the question of peaceable separ-
ation from Great Britain, and of Annexation to the United
States, have instructed us to forward to you a copy of the
Address to the People of Canada already published, together
with other documents showing the steps that have been taken
by the Association in this City. They have done this in the
hope that you are favourable to the cause for which this
Association has been founded, and disposed to co-operate
with them by exertion in vour own neighbourhood. This
might be done by the organization of similar Associations
for Counties, Townships or Parishes throughout Canada, or
by other means, which may suggest themselves to you as
most suitable for your own locality.

We are directed, at the same time, to request from you any
information which you may be disposed to communicate, and
which may be of advantage to the cause, and to state that
this Association will be happy to furnish you with similar
information calculated to promote our mutual object, as it is
important that regular communications should be kept up
among the friends of the cause throughout the country.

R. Mackay, ) o

A A T-k • hSecretar

A. A. Donon, )

les.

HiiiiiiiiiiaiMMi

TO THE PEOPLE OF CANADA.

The number and magnitude of the evils that afflict our
country, and the universal and increasing depression of its
material interests, call upon all persons animated by a sincere
desire for its welfare to combine for the purpose of inquiry
and preparation, with a view to the adoption of such remedies
as a mature and dispassionate investigation may suggest.

Belonging to all parties, origins and creeds, but yet agreed
upon the advantage of co-operation for the performance of a
common duty to ourselves and our country, growing out of
a common necessity, we have consented, in view of n brighter
and happier future, to merge in oblivion all past differences
of whatever character, or attributable to whatever source.
In appealing to our Fellow-Colon '-^ts to unite with us in
] this our most needful duty, we solemnly conjure them, as

they desire a successful issue and the welfare of their country,
to enter upon the task at this momentous crisis in the same
.fraternal spirit.
h' The reversal of the ancient policy of Great Britain, whereby
I she withdrew from the Colonies their wonted protection in her
I ;markets has produced the most disastrous effects upon
I I Canada. In surveying the actual condition of the country,

i f what but ruin or rapid decay meets the eye ? Our Provincial

^ tGovernment and Civic Corporations, embarrassed; our

' banking and other securities greatly depreciated; our mercan-

tile and agricultural interests alike unprosperous; real estate
scarcely saleable upon any terms; our unrivalled rivers, lakes
and canals almost unused; whilst commerce abandons our
I shores, the circulating capital amassed under a more favourable

I system is dissipated, with none from any quarter to replace

f it. Thus without available capital, unable to effect a loan

i with Foreign States, or with the mother country, although

.offering security greatly superior to that which readily obtains
money both for the United States and Great Britain, when
other than Colonies are the applicants; — crippled therefore,
and checked in the full career of private and public enterprise,
this possession of the British Crown — our country — stands
before the world in humiliating contrast with its immediate
neighbours, exhibiting every symptom of a nation fast sinking
to decay.

With superabundant water power and cheap labour,
especially in Lower Canada, we have yet no domestic
manufac 'ires; nor can the most sanguine, unless under altered
circumstances, anticipate the home growth, or advent from
foreign parts, of either capital or enterprise, to embark in
this great source of national wealth. Our institutions, unhap-
pily, have not that impress of permanence which can alone
impart security and inspire confidence, and the Canadian
market is too limited to tempt the foreign capitalist.

Whilst the adjoining States are covered with a net-work of
thriving railways, Canada possesses but three lines, which,
together, scarcely exceed fifty miles in length, and the stock in
two of which is held at a depreciation of from 50 to 80 per
cent, — a fatal symptom of the torpor overspreading the land.

Our present form of Provincial Government is cumbrous
and so expensive, as to be ill suited to the circumstances of
the country; and the necessary reference it demands to a
distant Government, imperfectly acquainted with Canadian
affairs, and somewhat indifferent to our interests, is anomalous
and irksome. Yet in the event of a rupture between two of
the ^ most powerful nations of the world, Canada would
become the battle-field and the sufferer, how ever little her
interests might be involved in the cause of quarrel or the
issue of the contest. •

The bitter animosities of politica' parties and factions in
Canada, often leading to violence, and, upon one occasion, to
civil war, seem not to have abated with time; nor is there at
the present moment, any prospect of diminution or accommo-
dation. The aspect of parties becomes daily more threatening
towards each other, and under our existing institutions and
relations, little hope is discernible of a peaceful and prosperous
administration of our affairs, but difficulties will, to all
appearances accumulate until government becomes impracti-
cable. In this view of our position, any course that may
propose to efface existing party distinctions and place entirely
new issues before the people, must be fraught with undeniable
advantages. ,'' '■"' > •■

Among the statesmen of the Mother Country — among the
sagacious observers of the neighbouring Republic — in Canada
and in all British North America — amongst all classes there
is a strong pervading conviction that a political revolution

in this country is at hand. Such forebodings cannot readily
be dispelled ; and they have moreover, a tendency tc
realize the events to which they point. In the meantime,
serious injury results to Canada from the effects of thiL
anticipation upon the more desirable class of settlers, who
naturally prefer a country under fixed and permanent forms
of government to one in a state of transition.

Having thus adverted to some of the causes of our present
evils, we would consider how far the remedies ordinarily
proposed possess sound and rational inducements to justify
their adoption : —

I. "The revival of protection in the markets of the United
Kingdom."

This if attainable in a sufficient degree, and guaranteed
for a long period of years, would ameliorate the condition of
many of our chief interests, but the policy of the empire
forbids the anticipation. Besides, it would be but a partial
remedy. The millions of the Mother Country demand
cheap food ; and a second change from protection to free
trade would complete that ruin which the first has done much
to achieve.

II. "The protection of home manufactures." ^^

Although this might encourage the growth of a manufac-
turing interest in Canada, yet, without access to the United
States market, there would not be a sufficient expansion of
that interest, from the want of consumers, to work any result
that could be admitted as a " remedy " for the numerous evils
of which we complain.

III. "A Federal Union of the British American Provin-
ces."

The advantages claimed for that arrangement are free trade
between the different Provinces, and a diminished govern-
mental expenditure. The attainment of the latter object
would be problematical, and the benefits anticipated from the
former might be secured by legislation under our existing
system. The markets of the Sister Provinces would not
benefit our trade in timber, for they have a surplus of that
article in their own forests; and their demands for agricultu-
ral products would be too limited to absorb our means of
supply, nor could Canada expect any encouragement to her

manufacturinjj^ industry from these quarters. A Federal
Union, therefore, would be no remedy.

IV. "The Independence of the British North American
Colonies as a Federal Republic."

The consolidation of its new institutions from elements
hitherto so discordant — the formation of treaties with foreign
powers — the requirement of a name and character among the
nations — would, we fear, prove an overmatch for the strength
of the new republic. And having regard to the powerful
Confederacy of States conterminous with itself, the needful
military defences would be too costly to render independence
a boon, whilst it would not, any more than a federal union,
remove ihose obstacles which retard our material prosperity.

V. "Reciprocal free trade with the United States, as
regards the products of the farm, the forest, and the
mine."

If obtained, this would yield but an instalment of the
many advantages which might be otherwise secured. The
free interchange of such pro(' 'Cts would not introduce
manufactures to our country, it would not give us the
North American Continent for our market. It would
neither so amend our institutions as to confer stability, nor
ensure confidence in their permanence, nor would it allay the
violence of parties, or, in the slightest degree, remedy many
of our prominent evils.

VI. Of all the remedies that have been suggested for
the acknowledged and insufferable ills with which our
country is afflicted, there remains but one to be consid-
ered. It propounds a sweeping and important change
in oui' political and social condition involving consider-
ations which demand our most serious examination.
THIS REMEDY CONSISTS IN A FRIENDLY
AND PEACEFUL SEPARATION FROM

' BRITISH CONNECTION AND A UNI^N UPON
EQUITABLE TERMS WITH THE GREAT
NORTH AMERICAN CONFEDERACY OF SOV-
EREIGN STATES.
We would premise that towards Great Britain we entertain'
none other than sentiments of kindness and respect. With-
out her consent we consider separation as neither practicable,

nor desirable, lint the Colonial policy of the Parent State,
the avowals of her leading statesmen, the public sentiments
ot the Empire, present unmistakeable and significant
indications of the depreciation of Colonial connection. That
it is the resolve of England to invest us with the attributes
and compel us to assume the burdens of independence is no
longer problematical. The threatened withdrawal of her
troops from other colonies, the continuance of her military-
protection to ourselves only on the condition that we shall
defray the attendant expenditure, betoken intention towards
our country, against which it is weakness in us not to pro-
vide. An overruling conviction then, of its necessity, and a
high sense of the duty we owe to our country, a duty we
can neither disregard nor postpone, impels us to entertain
the idea of separation ; and whatever negotiations may
eventuate with Great Britain, a grateful liberality on the
part of Canada should mark every proceeding.

The proposed union would render Canada a field for
American capital into which it would enter as freely for the
prosecution of public works and private enterprise as into
any of the present States. It would equalize the value of
real estate upon both sides of the boundary, thereby probably
doubling at once the entire present value of property in
Canada. Whilst by giving stability to our institutions, and
introducing prosperity, it would raise our public, corporate,
and private credit. It would increase our commerce, both
with the United States and foreign countries, and would not
necessarily diminish to any great extent, our intercourse
with Great Britain, into which our products would, for the
most part, enter on the same terms as at present. It
would render our rivers and canals the highway for the
immigration to, and exports from, the West, to the incal-
culable benefit of our country. It would also introduce
manufactures into Canada as rapidly as they have been
introduced into the Northern States ; and to Lower Canada
especially wher^ water privileges anv^ labour are abundant
and cheap, it would attract manufacturing capital, enhancing
the value of property and agricultural produce, and giving
remunerative employment to what is at present a compara-
tively non-producing population. Nor would the Unfted
States merely furnish the capital for our manufactures. They

would also supply for them the most exclusive market in the
world, without the intervention of a Custom House Officer.
Railways would forthwith be constructed by American
capital as feeders for the great lines now approaching our
frontier : and railway enterprise would doubtless be as
attractive and prosperous among us as among our neighbours.
The value of our agricultural implements and many of the
necessaries of life, such as tea, coffee and sugar, would be
greatly reduced in price.

The value of our timber would also be greatly enhanced
by free access to the American market, where it bears a high
price, but is subject to an onerous duty. At the same time
there is every reason to believe that our shipbuilders, as well
at Quebec as on the Great Lakes, would find an unlimited
market in all the ports of the American continent. It can-
not be doubted that the shipping trade of the United States
must greatly increase. It is equally manifest that, with
them, the principal material in the. construction of ships
rapidly diminishing, while we possess vast territories, covered
with timber of excellent quality, which would be equally
available as it is now, since under the free trade system our
vessels would sell as well in England after annexation as
before.

The simple and ecorromical State Government, in which
direct responsibility to the people is a distinguishing feature,
would be substituted for a system at once cumbrous and
expensive.

In place of war and the alarms of war with a neighbour,
there would be peace and amity between this country and
the United States, Disagreements between the United
States and her chief, if not only rival among nations, would
not make the soil of Canada the sanguinary arena of their
disputes, as, under our existing relations, must necessarily
be the case. That such is the unenviable condition of our
state of dependence upon Great Britain , is known to the
whole world, and how far it may conduce to keep prudent
capitalists from making investments in the country, or
wealthy settlers from selecting a foredoomed battle-field for
the home of themselves and their children, it needs no
reasoning on our part to elucidate.

But other advantages than those having a bearing on our

, material interests may be foretold. It would change the
ground of political contest between races and parties, allay
and obliterate those irritations and conflicts of rancour and
recrimination which have hitherto disfigured our social
fabric. Already in anticipation has its harmonious influence
been felt — the harbinger, may it be hoped, of a lasting
oblivion of dissension among all classes, creeds and parties
in the country. Changing a subordinate for an independent
condition, we would take our station among the nations of
the earth. We have now no voice in the aff"airs of the
Empire, nor do we share in its honours or emoluments.
England is our Parent State, with whom we have no equal-
ity, but towards whom we stand in the simple relation of
obedience. But as citizens of the United States the public
service of the nation would be open to us — a field for high
and honourable distinction upon which we and our posterity
might enter on terms of perfect equality.

Nor would the amicable separation of Canada from Great
Britain be fraught with advantages to us alone. The relief
to the Parent State from the large expenditure now incurred
in the military occupation of the country — the removal of
the many causes of collision with the United States, which
result from the contiguity of mutual territories so extensive
— the benefit of the larger market which the increasing
prosperity of Canada would create, are considerations which,
in the minds of many of her ablest statesmen, render our
incorporation with the United States a desirable consummat-
ion.

To the United States also, the annexation of Canada
presents many important inducements. The withdrawal
from her borders of so powerful a nation, by whom in time of
war the immense and growing commerce of the lakes would
be jeopardized — the ability to dispense with the costly but
inefiectual revenue establishment over a frontier of many
hundred miles — the large accession to their income from
our Customs — the unrestricted use of the St. Lawrence, the
natural highway from the Western States to the ocean, are
objects for the attainment of which the most substantial
equivalents would undoubtedly be conceded.

, FELLOW— COLONISTS,

We have thus laid before you our views and convictions

on a momentous question — involving a change, which, though
contemplated by many of us with varied feelings and emo- '
tions, we all believe to be mevitable; one which it is our duty
to provide for, and lawfully to promote.

We address you without prejudice or partiality — in the
spirit of sincerity and truth — in the interest solely of our
common country — and our single aim is its safety and welfare.

If in your judgment and reason our object and aim be at
this time deemed laudable and right, we ask an oblivion of
past dissensions; and from all, without distinction of origin,
party, or creed, that earnest and cordial co-operation in
such lawful, prudent, and judicious means as may best conduct
us to our common destiny.

Here follmv the signatures; —

Abbott, J.J.C.

Anderson T ]J

Atwater Edwin
A.W.

Anderson Robt.

Alexander Chas
'• Geo

Archbold Henry

Asselin J B

Aumond Joseph

Allan Robert

Ashley Geo

Auger E

Archambault Alex

Aspinall Robt

Airde Geo

Allan Wilson B
" John
" Wilson

Anderson Peter
" John

Adams Robt
" Geo

•' J

Atchison Jas
Arconet E
Abill C C
Atkinson Jno
Austin W S
Bonacina J M
Bethune John
Brazean Y Y
Beaudry Edouard
Barsalou Joseph

Bernard F R

Bisaillon N

Betonrnay N

Bell Thos

Browne P D

Bills Arch

Boan M

Bridges John

Boon Wm

Booth Richd

Bain William

Beattie Wm

Bonner John

Bowerhank Thos

Bourdon Chas
(( (I

Bracken Jas
BibaudJB MD
Bertrand Chas
Blanchet P
B^rube LJ

'( A
Brown Jas
Bulmer H
Badeanx ? B
Buck Marshall A
Barrett J T
Bryson Tlios Jno
Berry Wm
Blackwood R
Barry John
Bergin Wm
Burns Michl
Bockus Chas

Brewster Benj'ni
Bagg Stanley

" Abner
Bryson Alex
T.M
Pell John
Beers Jas.C
Brooks Wm
Baraard Jas
Boyd John
Browne Geo
BirssJ.H
Bent Geo
Bohl H.S
Brown Jolm
Burroughs A
Barley Wm
Bryson Edmond
Brodie Fras
Bude Jas

" Nicholas
Butler Jas
Bernard J
Baylis Jas
Busseau H
Boyer Louis
Eruneau Jean
Blanchard Louis
Brush Geo
Buck M
Benny James
Brewster Henry
Babcock M
Butters J

Benjamin Saml

" Goodman

" Wm
Beliveau L.J
Bourne A
Benson Henry. E
Baird E
Borbridge Thos

" Wm
Blanchard Jermh
Brennan Patrick
Boyle John
Blair Jas
Bertram Alex
Binmore G

" John
Broflie John
Corse R

•' Norton. B
Chapman Henry
Carter John
Crayk Jas
Clark James. P
Campbell Robt
Craig Hugh
Chalmers Roljt

" Chas

Carter Edward

CoUette Michel

Coalette Thos

Cassidy John
(< <(

Cusson Alexis
Carleton Henry

Cook A

Cooper Wm

Desmarai A.N.P

Flynn F

Gushing J

Clark James

Dufresne A

Jas

"• L

Carey Danl

Dore F

Edward

Cooper P

Chester John

Dubord Antoine

Fellers Geo

Cruikshank A

Cole Thos

" J

Francis Benj

Chagnon-dit-LaroseChapple Alf

Daniel P.S

Ferguson David

Cinq-Mars C.N

Cousens Wm

W.F

" Archibald

P.M.M

Crawford W.N

Dow Wm

Frost Norman S

Coursolles Joseph

Caithes Jno

Duncan John

Fleck Alex

Collin D

Childs Geo

Dobson Wm

Farrell D

Couillard J.B.A

Chisholm H

Donovan Danl

Foley Michl

Cowell J.F

Cullen wm

Dunlop Wm

Fortier L

Cross Root

Cauthers Saml

John

Footner W

Clark Z,H

♦« John

Drake Robt

Fournier M.A

Campbell Chas

Camen John

Dunn Jas

J.M

Clancey John

Cunan James

Donahue Martin

Charles James

Carroll Jas

Davies Moses

Finny Michl

" John

«' John

Dednam Thos

Feron John

" Walter

Cutter Geo

Doherty Jas

Fairon Arthur

Simon McTDewitt M. P.P.J

Donnelly John

Faron Martin

Clare W.H

DeBleury Sabrevo

isDeery Henry

Glass John

Converse Jno.A

Dease Peter W

Donegani John

Gemmill Wm

Castle G

Chas

Dalton Jas

Green T.J

Clarke William

Duclos Fras

Dorten John

Groves Geo

Craig Hugh

Dier Wm

Dunbar Jas

Gnaedinger Louis

Chedwick John

Donnelly C

Day John O

Geddes Chas

Cowan Wm

DeWitt Jacob H

Esdaile Robt

Gunn Wm

" Hugh

Duffield Geo

" J

Gregory S.E

" David

Doan T.C

Egar J

Green E.R

Carson Robt

Desmarteau E.B

Evans J.H

GadboisJ.Bte

Ciark H.N

Dupont Dominique " W.C

Gibson T.E

" Joseph

Dubord A

Escalonne J

Grant John

Courtney W.V

Dansereau C,

Easton W

Gunn Jas

Cosgrave John

DeMontigny Jos

Ennis Thos

Gravel Jos

Cadotte T

" lean

Eager D.W

Gagnon J. A

F.X

Wm.L

Gariepy A

Colleritte P.N

Derome A.D

Easton Geo

Gadebois J.B

Courtney W.B

Doherty Chas

Eckart Isaac. R

Griffard Chas

Cajetan L

John

English M

Gagnon E

Coderre J.E.M.D

Dorwin C

ElMott Andrew

Gillerd Jas

Coursellc Joseph

Day S.H

English Saml

Gilmour John

Campbell John.L

Douglas Jas

Frothingham John Gardner Jno

Cheesman Wm

Davis Nelson

Forsythe Thos

Gleeson Michael

Cousens W

Dunn Peter

Fisher John

Gowan Edward

Connor John

Dumgoole P

Ferrier Jas., Jun

Gordon James

" Michl

Dufort E.B

" GeoD

" John

Clifford Patrick

DeLorme E.LemayFuller Rinaldo

Graham Robt '

Cavanagh J no

Dagg Jas

Froste Bobt

Gallagher C

Clark Geo

Darling D

Farewall A.(Osh.) Greene N.S

Colgan Jas

Docherty John

Frauchere J.B

Gordon Thos-

Currigan Jos

Dagg Jas

Fresiault H.A

Germain J.B

Robt.B

Dorion W.P.V

Forbes Jno

Guiklry Jules

Campbell Jno

A.A

Fitts C

Grant J

Cane Patrick

J.B.E

Foster Thos

Gilbert E.E

Conroy Owen

Donohoe T

Franklin Lancelot

Graham Jas

Grant John
Glassford H.A
Greig John
Guimond Ant
Germain J.B
Gauthier L
Giroux Jos R
Geroux Joseph
Glen Crawford
David
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Giard A
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Gray Geo
Holton L H
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Hutton Jas
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T.D
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Hart Theodore
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Howard Irvine
Hauselnian E
Huston C.W
Healy Christopher
Hall F.T
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Hays Andrew
Holland Geo A
Hutchins B

•* James R
Howell Ed
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Hibbard Ashley
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McDonell A
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Morrison John
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McKerracher Geo
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McKay R W S
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O'Brien Timothy
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Woodside T

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Winaman Jas

ANNEXATION MEETING.

Pursuant to Requisition, a meeting of the Signers of the
"Address to the People of Canada." in favour of a
peaceable separation from Great Britain, and of Annexation
to the United States, was held in the Temperance Hall, St.
Maurice Street, for the purpose of forming an Association
for promoting that object.

Benjamin Hart Esq. proposed that John Redpath Esq.
do take the chair, which was carried by acclamation.

Mr.REDPATH accordingly assumed the chair, and Messrs.
Glass and J.B.E.Dorion were appointed Secretaries.

Mr.REDPATH then rose and said that the meeting had
been called for the purpose of forming an Association, com-
posed of the persons who had signed the Address to the
People of Canada, which had lately been published, and of
all who were favourable to the separation of this country
from Great Britain and its Annexation to the United States.
The gentlemen who would bring forward the several
Resolutions which it was intended to submit to the meeting,
would, he had no doubt, convince them of the propriety
and necessity of forming an As.^ociation for the purpose of
carrying out the object of the Address, and he therefore had
only a few remarks to make. The Parliament of Great
Britain had thought fit to change the commercial policy of
the empire from a Protective to a Free Trade system. This
change of system has been ruinous to this country. We had
no right, however, to question the propriety of the change
if it was made for the purpose of promoting the prosperity
England. If the new system was adopted for the purpose
of giving cheap bread to her thirty millions of people, even
although it should prove injurious to the million and a half
of people in this country, we had no right to question the
propriety of the change. They thought it would prove
advantageous to the empire, and the English statesmen had
a right to adopt it. We could not expect now that they
would ever ret' '-n to the policy which they had abandoned,
and the peopL could not ask them to return, — it would be
.too selfish of them to ask the people of England to return

to a system which they thought injurious to them, even if it
would benefit this country. But although they did not
question the wisdom of the Imperial Parliament, they could
not shut their eyes to the fact that its change of policy had
b* wught this country to ruin. They saw their agriculturists
obliged to sell their grain at a ruinous price. They saw their
artizans obliged to leave the city in consequence of the want
of employment. Real property had become a drug. Their
Bank and Railroad stock had become depreciated more than
one half its value, under these circumstances, it became them
to consider whether it was not their duty to take measures
to remedy those evils and to avert the calamities impending
over the country — to prevent it from being utterly ruined.

Most of them had already proposed as the only effectual
remedy, separation from Great Britain and Annexation to
the United States. If this was a mere theoretical remedy,
there might have been some misgivings as to the result of
the measure, but there was nothing theoretical about it — they
had only an imaginary line dividing them from another
country in which the people were prosperous. If they looked
across that line they saw the agriculturists getting 20 per
cent more for their produce than the farmers on this side of
it got. They saw property one half more valuable than here.

They saw mechanics getting higher wages and plenty of
employment, and they saw the people peaceful, and happy,
and contented with their government, which they not only
thought a good, but the best, government on the face of the
earth.. Every day they saw people leaving this to go to that
country; but they never saw any of them coming back again.

Some persons had lately endeavoured by figures to convince
them that they were in a better state than they were; but
those facts staring them in the face would carry far more
conviction than all the figures that could be shown. In the
Address they had issued, they stated the principles \ipon
which it was intended the Association should act. He
hoped that nothing would ever be done but by the peaceful
doctrines it contained, for he could never be a party to any
other but peaceful measures. The address had generally
been received with favour, except by a few interested men
who were afraid of losing their places and salaries, and every
day the people were becoming more favourable to it. They
had seen what a change had taken place in the opinion of

■1'j'iff . ft—wr^eB^i

tlic country since it had been promulgated. They had
seen the change which had taken place in the League since
then. The League would not listen to the doctrine at its
^rst meeting, but now a great many of its members had begun
to be'ieve in it, and the members of the League are going
to exactly the same place with them only they are going in
a roundabout way, while they are going straight forward to it.

He found the principal opponents to the measure were
those who were interested in keeping up the present form of
government, who were afraid of the loss of their offices.

There were also some, but very few, persons opposed to
the measure from a principle of loyalty, and from attachment
to the mother country, but he thought they would soon
become favourable to the change. The present Government
could never effectually resist the progress of Annexation,
unless they could place the people of Canada in as favour-
able a position as those of the United States, The Annex-
ationists only desired to obtain their end by peaceable means
and their only hope of gaining it, was by making known to
the country, the true state of the case, and by convincing it
of the merits of the measure which they proposed; and he
hoped that they would persevere in their endeavours to
obtain it by those means, for then they would be certain
of ultimate success. They had nothing to gain by adopting
any other means. Their opponents would be glad if
they were to resort to violent measures, because they thought
they would then be able to crush them.- but he hoped
nothing but peaceable and friendly means would ever be
assented to. They must then, by all means, confine them-
selves to calm and temperate arguments and representations,
and leave declamation and violence io their opponents.
One of the advantages of this Association would
be that it would bring new measures before the country,
without reference to party politics, It would have nothing
to do with keeping one party in, or keeping another party
out, and it would soon convince people of the impolicy
of supporting either of the two parties into which the
country was divided. The Association would also tend to
remove the dissensions now existing, which occurred between
one portion of the community and the other. They would
have nothing to do with the past. They had only one

object in view, and that they would adhere to, — to carry out
the undertaking which they had begun, which they consid-
ered would prove advantageous to the country, the prosperity
of which was their sole object.

Hucii Taylor Es(^)., moved, and it was Resolved: —
"That it is expedient, under the evils that afflict our country
and the depression of its material interests, that all, animated
by a desire for its welfare, should associate with the view
to the attainment of a remedy, and we do therefore, form
ourselves into an Association for that purpose ; and, to
promote the social amelioration of Canada, we adopt the
sentiments of

THE ADDRESS T(; THE PEOPLI". OK CANADA,

published in the journals of the city in October last."

jACor. De Witt Esq., M,P.P., seconded the resolution,
and said; —

"In rising to second the resolution in your hand I beg
leave to say a few words. When we look around us, we see
our country afflicted with many evils. I feel that we are
called on to come forward and propose some remedy for our
suffering country. Although I can expect to aid her only a
feather's weight, yet Sir, I do not feel at liberty to withold
that feather's weight. We find the industrious classes leaving
the land. I believe there is not a parish in Lower Canada
that has. not lost a portion of its inhabitants. The people
are fast leaving the country, because they can get no reward
for their labour. For instance, look at the price of peas in
Canada and the United States; and all other produce is much
higher in the Unites States than in Canacla. We cannot
induce our children to settle and cultivate the land in Canada,
because the produce will hardly pay the labour of cultiva-
tion; — the land, in many cases, placing the proprietors of the
soil in a worse position than the hired labourer. In fact the
labourer without land in the United States can earn more
wages than many proprietors in Canada can obtain for the
produce of their labour on their own farms, consequently,
the land in Canada is of little value, and this is one cause
why property in Canada will not command more than one
half the money, that similar property will sell for in the
United States, I think we should adopt some means to

1<ecp our mechanics and farmers in the country. — Let them
fill up the present parishes and townships — let them extend
the settlement, and not leave the country a desert.

I would appeal to you, why it is that so many of the
wealthy, moral, and industrious people who emigrate from
the British Isles, come to New York; and settle in the United
States, and many of them after passing through Canada,
proceed to the Western States, thus enriching that country
by their fortunes, their experience, their skill, their labour,
and their example.

If Canada formed two independent States in connection
with the American Union, I believe a large portion of them
would settle with us. If we are united with the United
States, we shall have free trade, f''om Gaspe, through all the
States and Territories of the United States, to the Pacific
Ocean. We shall have free navigation with all the nations
of the earth. We shall have a trade so large, that we can
send promptly, and at the lowjst freight, any of our produce,
fish, &c., to any part of the world, where it may command
the best price. Our farmers would have the choice of all the
markets of the United States, of Canada, and of all the nations
of the world. Our manufactures would then have a fair
chance of competing because they would be equally protected
with the American by their tariff. Then we should have ten
times as many ships in Quebec as we have now. Now, Sir,
look at the American canals, railroads, steamboats, and con-
trast them with our own, look at the steamboats leavinf' '^^ew
York daily, with their 500 passengers each, and ours i- ng
■Quebec. Look at the prosperity that everywhere p» ails
among the cultivators, mechanics, and the merchants, in the
United States; see their immense merchant ships, carrying
on their trade with all the nations of the world. Sir, we work
for our country, for the whole family of Canada, and not for
party, or pension, or place, La Patrie avant tout. We wish
to exercise a real fraternal kind feeling towards all the
people of Canada, and would take a legal, constitutional,
course and would, in respectful language, petition Her
Majesty's Government to dissolve our political connection.
Sir, I think no one who has a spark of liberty in his breast
can object to this course. But, Mr. Chairman, because we
are able to stand upright and candidly declare our conv-'^tion.

and not bow down to any idol; and because we arc, by Divine
permission, enabled to take, as men, our rank in the scale of
creation, a little lower than the angels, but not below creeping
things, we must not be severe on our opponents ; some of
them may not be at liberty to give their attention to both
sides of the question ; we must be charitable ; our cause is
good ; we can afford to disregard their abuse ; we must
overcome evil with good. Sir, 1 beli ve that many of the
people of England would be glad to h ,• that Canada had
asked for a separation, to enable them, with honour, to dis-
solve our political connection, and thereby relieve them from
the expense of defending us ; and at the same time greatly
increase their own trade. Sir, I trust that when this Province
separates from the Parent State, the children may retain
their affection and respect for the parent — and receive the
Father's blessing.

The resolution was unanimously carried.

B. Holmes, Esq, M. P. P. ; said : —

The second resolution was put into his hands since he
entered the room, with a request that he would move it.
He had hoped to see it in the hands of some more capable
individual, who could have done it more justice, nevertheless
he would proceed with it, but in so doing he might be per-
mitted to offer a few remarks upon what he humbly conceived
to be the necessity which compelled to the course now under
consideration, as well as the position in which, personally,
we stand, when offering suggestions whereby we may
escape the evils that beset us. Already there had been put
forth, in an Address to the people of Canada, the causes
which induced its signers to seek for political change, for
annexation to the United States of America, and there it is
stated distinctly, that we should advocate only a peaceable
separation from, and with the consent of. Great Britain,
without which it would be neither desirable nor praticable.
I sincerely hope, said Mr H ; nay, I believe, not a man
among the signers to that address, affixed his signature
under any feeling of hostility to Britain.

Of course I cannot pledge myself for others ; but if I
believed it possible to maintain the existing connection, and
at the same time had a reasonable hope that our country
would not thereby be doomed to poverty and ruin, I for one

■a
■ t

would oppose what I novv advocate — a peaceable and friendly
severment of the political connection between Canada and
England, and annexation to the United States. We are
told by those who have protested against the address, that the
evils we complain of may be overcome by legislative enact-
ments. Do they tell us, in their wisdom, what those legis-
lative enactments are to be ? No, that is left to fancy.
But we are assailed and condemned in strong language, and
misrepresented by those who dare not, while condemning,
submit our address for the consideration of their own partisans
and supporters. On looking over the list of signers to the
protest, we discover among the few well-known names which
appear therein, the salaried officers of Government, a number
oftheir clerks and dependents, some twenty or thirty known
monopolists and protectionists, with five or six names hitherto
the strenuous advocates of free trade. He might remark
upon the equivocating phraseology of the protest .but he did
not come here to condemn or abuse others, our object is rather
to invite argument, by organising an association which will
submit to the farmers, mechanics, merchants, and traders, of
Can- da the reasons for advocating annexation, and leav e
them to determine whether the arguments are worthy oftheir
support or not. It is aamitted. I may almost say, at all hands
that Canada must eventually form a portion of the Great
American Republic, — that it is mere question of time ; but it
is said by those who assume to be exclusively loyal, that we
ought, before moving the question to exhaust every argument,
make every effort to induce Great Britain to return to her
Protective Policy. Some also affect to believe, England may
by threats and fear of losing the Canadas be induced to
return to her exploded system, they flatter themselves she
will, for the benefit of the people of Canada, again enact
Corn Laws ; and again coi.sign her working millions to
the starvation from which they have lately escaped by the
repeal of those odious laws — laws which ground the labouring
classes to abject misery, to increase the Revenues of a landed
aristocracy. There may be some, who deplore the abrogat-
tion of the Corn Laws of England, he trusted there were few
in Canada. The industrial classes on this Continent, thank
God, are not yet so debased as to rejoice at, or seek to impose
a protective tax on the food of the poorer classes of England,

even if it did advantage Canada. I believe, moreover, it is-
the height of folly to expect protection ; and I believe, also,
that no statesman in England would hazard the consequences,
or assume the responsibility, of imposing again, a tax upon
the food of the people of Britain, who, for the last i8 months
have been quiet, contented, and comparatively happy, even
surrounded and excited, as they were, by the Revolutions of
Europe. During that period, the great mass of her population
have enjoyed the advantages of free trade in provisions ;
will her masses consent quietly to starve again? I think not,
even though it might increase the Revenues of the Landlords
of England or benefit 1,500,000 colonists in Canada — Much
has been said on the subject of the recent repeal of the nav-
gation laws, that the changes incidental to that act of justice
to this colony will be important, I have no doubt it will
relieve us from the monopolising tax of the British ship
owner — and we shall, in all probability, by that, be enabled to
send our flour or timber to England at half the charge
hitherto exacted from us, but the change we advocate
something even better(which is, a better market near,) a
market to which the cost of transport is not a quarter of what,
under the change anticipated, even with the repeal of the
navigation laws, it will be to send our produce to Great
Britain. We have, immediately upon our borders, a people
anxious for an unrestricted intercourse with us— he meant
the people of Vermont, NewYork, Maine, Massachusetts,
and New Hampshire — they want our wheat and flour, our
timber and other produce's ; but they belong to the g reat
confederacy of 23 millions, and cannot receive our products
unless we pay a duty of 20 per cent thereon into the treasury
of the United States ; cons'^quently, we are deprived of our
best market, and, until we are annexed, we must pay that
tax in support of the great Republic — for the honour of being
connected with Great Britain. It is notorious that wheat,
which is selling at Toronto for Ss.gd., is, across the line,
worth over 5s.per bushel. In Montreal, a barrel of the
best superfine flour is worth 20s. 6d.; across the line it
is worth 26s. Our farmers are selling their oats at is.
the minot ; at Burlington they are worth 36 cts. Peas,
another considerable portion of the product of our farmers,
are in Canada to be purchased at 2s : they are worth, in

New York, 75c.or 8oc. Is it reasonable then that the
farmers of Canada are to be deprived of the advantage of
those markets? is it just in England to expect it? We
may admire, we may love England ; but our people
cannot starve for the honour of her protection. 1 have seen
it stated, and I believe it was correctly stated, that the average
product of an acre of land in Canada West, was 1 5 bushels
of wheat, which at Ss.gd ; its highest market value in Toronto,
gives 56s 3d — The same product in Rochester, realises to
the farmers 22s 6d more, for wheat sells there 5s 2d. For the
produce of his acre the Canadian farmer can purchase i cwt.
of sugar, and have los or lis. to carry home to his family,
while the American farmer just across the line, would buy
the same quantity of sugar and carry back $10 to his family;
sugar on one side of the line costing to the consumer 5$ on
the other side ^9 or $10 _ per cwt. This calculation was
made for the meridian of Toronto, an equally striking differ-
ence exists on the immediat 2 borders of Lower Canada. Here
it is the fashion to rai.-.e a revenue out of the pockets of the
poorer classes, — here ve tax sugar, tea, coffee, rice and
tobacco, from 25 to 75 or 90 per cent. The people of the
United States pay no tax on those articles, except on sugar,
and that they raise at home, or if imported from a Foreign
Land, a duty equal to 2s.6d. on the cwt. of sugar only is
levied; but here the impost is i is.3d. to I2s.6d. the poor
men is taxed 30 per cent. — the rich man for his superfine
coat 12^ per cent. Another portion of our trade, and that
a vast one, is languishing for Annexation. The hardy
lumberman, goes hundreds of miles into the uninhabited
wilds and fells the tree, which is transported to Quebec,
and sold in the shape of a square log for 3d. to 5d. a foot.
It is sent to England at a cost of 9d to lod a foot. Vast
quantities of Lumber are required in the United States
Markets, but to send it there the lumberman must submit to
20 per cent tax. Were we annexed ; England would
continue to take our Tiniber, bee 'se she wants it ; but we
should have the New York Market also and he would
venture to assert that White Pine Timber would never again
be purchased in Canada at 5d. a foot after Annexation.

We are told that England will now urge upon the United
States Government the granting to Canada of a Reciprocal

Free Trade in the agricultural and mineral products of the
Country. The United States Government two years ago,
if the question had been zealously urged, might possibly
have assented. That Government has however a desire to
possess the Canadas, though she may not desire war
with England to obtain them; but the people see clearly,
that the refusal of Reciprocal Free Trade with Canada,
must render the people of Canada desirous of annexation,
and finally under any circumstances that must take place,
and the desire of the Republic v/ill be gratified. Nature
intended it, the interests of the people of Canada require it;
and it must be. The result is simply, as our adversaries say, a
question of time. But the American Legislative will never
grant Reciprocity. It cannot in my judgment, be granted,
without violating the 8th section of the first article of the
Constitution of the United States, which, among other things,
provides "that all duties, impc jt- -nd excise, shall be unifc-m*
throughout the United States.' Jan the American farmer
on the Canada frontier, then, ue subjected to a free trade
competition, when the American farmers in Louisiana, or any
other locality, where Canadian products cannot reach, will be
shielded by a protection of 20 per cent, such an arrangement
certainly would not be uniform. With what justice could
the American farmer be left to compete with the Canadian
farmer, while his neighbour, the mechanic or merchant, will
have a protection on manufacture, of 20 to 30 percent. Free
Trade in the products of the farm, the forest, and the mine,
will not enable us to become a manufacturing people. We
should have but our own 1,500,000 to supply. We could
not send the products of our industry into the United States
— and without a more extensive demand than our own
population will afford, manufactures could not flourish in
Canada, and England will take especial care she does not
encourage us to manufacture goods as long as we are a
Colony. It was said by William Pitt, during the contest
with the revolted colonies, (now the United States,) that
they should not be allowed to make even a hob-nail. The
iame feeling is paramount still in England so far as her
manufacturing interests are concerned. Manufactures in
Colonies and Colonial dependence are incompatible. It
costs no more to lay down a bale of raw cotton from its

place of growth, in Sherbrooke than it does in Lowell.

Our water privileges in Canada are far superior and ten
times cheaper. We have an intelligent population seeking
employment and who will saj/- the population of Canada is
not intelligent ? The farmer's daughter resorting to Lowell
from the mountains of New Hampshire or Maine, secures at
once 50cts. per day, for her labour; the Canadian female is
glad to obtain work in the country at 12^ cts. Annexation
would introduce American enterprise and American capital
to erect buildings, and machinery, and w^e should see our
country dotted all over with manufactories; we should then
compete successfully with Lowell in the supplying o^ the
Western States — or — the price of labour would be adva need
from 100 to 200 per cent, either result equally desirable to
Canada. If the people of Canada believe the statements we
have, and shall, put forth, they will support us — if they are
erroneous or unfounded, we look for no approval. If the
people of Canada approve of what we now advocate, they
will testify that approval at the polls — and support those at
the next General Election, who will advocate Annexation in
the Legislature — whence — if Resolutions are sent to England
declaratory of the wishes of our people for a Separation, the
Statesmen of England will advise the Sovereign to assent to
their request. We should then have free trade, not. only in
the products of the soil, the forest and the min(;, but in
manufactured goods. Free trade with 23 millions of people
immediately on our borders. We should then, too, have
cheap Government, and best of all we should then be an
united, prosperous, and happy people.

Resolved, 2. "That our state of colonial dependence can

only be prolonged at the sacrifice of our most valuable
interests, and that this meeting, considering the social,
commercial and political difficulties of Canada, and feeling
the weight of the evils that oppress our Society, believes
that the only attainable measures capable of permanently
improving our condition, consist in a peaceable separation
from Great Britain, witV her consent, and the Annexation of
Canada to the United States of America," »

William Molson, Esq. seconded the resolution, which was
put and carried without a dissenting voice. . -

Robert McKay, Esq. moved the 3rd resolution, which was
seconded by A. A. DORION, Esq. and carried.

Resolved, 3. " That the name of the Association shall be
THE ANNEXATION ASSOCIATION OF MONTREAL.

and that the following be the Constitution and Rules
thereof : —

I. *' The name of the Association shall be " T/ie Annexa-
tion Association of Montr caV The Association is formed to
promote, by lawful means, particularly by petitioning, a
Friendly and Peaceable Separation from British Connection,
and an Union upon equitable terms with the United States,"

II. "Any person who has signed the Address to the people
of Canada, published in the journals of this city of October
1849, or who may, hereafter, sign these Rules, may be a
member of the Association."

III. 'The funds shall be made up of voluntary donations.

IV. The officers shall be elected annually by ballot, and
shall be one President, Eight Vice-Presidents, Two
Secretaries, one Treasurer ; Eight Councillors ; and the
whole of the said officers shall constitute the Executive of
the Association, and any five shall form a Quorum.

V. The President shall preside at all meetings. He shall
not vote, except upon an equality of votes occurring. In the
absence of the President, the senior Vice President present
at any meeting shall act as President, and in the absence of
the Vice-Presidents, one of the Councillors present shall be
chosen to act by those present.

VI. The Secretaries shall conduct the correspondence
and keep a record of all proceedings.

VII. The Treasurer shall have charge of all funds. He
shall pay drafts upon him when signed by the President, or
one of the Vice-Presidents, and countersigned by the Secre-
taries. He shall keep a regular account of the Financial
concerns, and submit it at every annual meeting, and at
other times when called for by the Executive.

VIII. The Executive shall have power to superintend
the correspondence, to manage and control the funds and
generally to conduct the affairs of the Association.

IX. On the occurrence of any vacancy in the Executive^
the members present at any meeting afterwards may, by the
majority of them then present, elect by ballot a person to
fill such vacancy, notice being given at a previous meeting.

X. General Meetings shall be held quarterly on the loth
October, loth January, loth April and loth July; and the
October meeting — except this year — shall be for the purpose,
among other things, of electing the Officers. If any of the
days above named, fall on a Sunday, or a holiday, then the
meetings shall be on the next week day, not a holiday.

XI. The Executive shall have power to call Special
General Meetings, and shall be bound to call such meetings
on a written application from 12 members, stating the special
purpose of such meeting, and no other business shall be
entertained at such meeting.

XII. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except
at a General Meeting, after three months notice, and by a
vote of two-thirds of those present.

XIII. The Executive may make such Bye-Laws (not
inconsistent with these Rules) as they see necessary.

John Rose Esq, then addressed the meeting. He said;
It is easy to raise an inconsiderate cry of treason and disloy-
alty, but from the time the Province was conquered to the
present day, we find abundant justification of our course in
the declarations of many of the leading statesmen of England
with respect to the continuance of that connection whose
advantage and disadvantage to us we are now called upon
dispassionately to investigate. Was there treason in the
opinion of Lord St Vincent expressed to Lord Shelburne,
on the signing of the peace of 1783, — "How can you hope
"to keep Canada, with an English Republic established in
"its sight. It is impossible, and rely upon it, you only retain
"a running sore, the son of endless disgust and expense.

"Nothing but difficulty in keeping it or resigning it will
"be known. " But this declaration from so able a statesman
and so great a soldier — one too, whose valour had mainly
contributed to the conquest of the very country he sought to
abandon, does not stand alone. Lord Brougham described
the same acquisition as " loading the policy of England

with a burden not yet shaken off", and which is every day
more difficult to bear. "

What was the opinion of Mr. Stevens, formerly Secretary
of State for the Colonies ? In his evidence before the
House of Commons, in 1828, he uttered sentiments, which
I, for one, utterly condemn, and repudiate, but which arc
indicative of the same sentiment that has prevailed in the
minds of many of England's ablest men, from 1783 to the
present hour. Mr. Stevens says: — " The ties by which the
"people are bound to their Sovereign are not of the same
"strong and enduring character as the corresponding
"obligations between the King and the people of the old
"European States. It is impossible to suppose the Canadians
"dread your power; it is not easy to believe that the abstract
'■^diity of loyalty as distinguished from the seiitinmit oiXoysXtyy
"can be very strongly felt. The right of rejecting European
'^dominion has been so often asserted in North and South
^'■America, that revolt can scarcely be esteemed in those Co7itinents
*'as criminal or disgraceful. Neither does it seem to me that
"the sense of national pride and importance is in your favour."

"It cannot be regarded as an enviable distinction, to remain
"the only dependent portion of the New World."

Let it be understood, while I state Mr. Stevens* opinions,
that I utterly disclaim his morality. Lord Ashburton, too,
in a recent debate, utters a corresponding sentiment, —
"As long as they (the Canadians) were content to remain in
their. present condition, under the protection of this country,
it was well that they should so continue; — but if they demand
to be separate — to take on themselves a national character —
then it appeared to him that it would be the wisest course,
the most liberal, and the most consistent with sound policy,
to shake hands with them, and let them join the North
Americans, if they so thought fit. If the grandeur of England
should fade, and her prosperity decay, the greatest monument
of glory would remain in her colonies. "

Were it necessary, I might multiply citation on citation
to prove that England considers, and has for years considered,
our present relations to her both burdensome and unprofitable;
and if this be true, are we to be unmanly and ungenerous
enough to seek to perpetuate that burden? Has she not
sought to train us to self-reliance and to fit us for self-govern-

ment? Has not the policy towards us been dictated by that
considerate and maternal regard for our future destiny
which demands our gratitndc, while it exacts our co-opera-
tion? What would be thought of the offspring of any parent
who, after attaining a vigorous puberty, should cling with
childish tenacity to the paternal roof, perpetuating a
dependence, which but wasted the parent's substance, refusing
in opposition to that parent's wish to enter on an independent
condition, and seek an alliance which promised relief to the
parent and honourable distinction to the child? Let us
rather show ourselves to be the true offspring of so noble a
stem — Think you, that England would have ever risen to
her present pitch of greatness, had her sons in times past oeen
content with the dependent condition we now occupy towards
her, and had they indulged to the exclusion of all else, a
sentiment only of attachment to a relation, to which, as men
conscious of self-capacity, it became them not to adhere.
There cannot, to my mind, be a grander, a more sublime
thought than that the parent state, after training her Colonial
subjects to self-reliance, should, with feelings of kindred
affection and pride, seek to elevate them to a position among
the nations of the world, to perpetuate her institutions and
secure allies, on whose affection and duty she might rely and
look for succour in the time of need. Had the separation
of the old Colonies been consummated in this spirit, would
not their relations to the parent state have been such as I
am now depicting? And, notwithstanding the irritating
circumstances which accompanied their separation, time has
buried much in oblivion; and who will deny that England
regards with a feeling of pride, the position which her
offspring now occupies among the nations of the earth. The
possibility of a change is, no doubt, so repugnant to some,
whose early associations have connected them intimately
with England, that they would sooner relinquish all earthly
possessions than the heritage of being Englishmen. This
chivalrous and impassioned devotion I admire and respect.
It emanates from the same feeling which actuates us to
show our attachme'it to her institutions and laws, and
that freedom and independence — the possession of
which is our birthright. To my own feelings, I do not
hesitate to avow that the idea of a change is repugnant and

forbidding. But: it is our duty to sink these personal consid-
erations in deciding on so momentous a question as the
present. There is no need to quench that attachment and
affection that binds us to the land of our birth; no, it will
burn more brightly as we feel ourselves in the full possession
of those privileges which we conceive will flow upon us.

I have but one other consideration to bring under your
notice, and it is this — there is a strong, almost universally
prevailing, conviction, even among those who oppose us,
that sooner or later the change we contemplate must take
place. If this be true, on what grounds should we desire to
continue the state of transition? To protract is cruelty ;
and are we unmanly enough to leave, as a legacy to our
children, a task, from the performance of which we shrink
ourselves ?

He concluded by moving "That we bind ourselves
towards each other (burying in oblivion all past dissensions)
cordially to co-operate in such means as may best promote
the objects of the Association ; and we invite the people of
Canada, generally, to form similar Associations, in the same
fraternal spirit." Mr. Laberge seconded the resolution.

F. G. Johnson, Esq., moved

"That this meeting do now adjourn to this day week,
in this place, at loon, then to meet for the election of officers,
and that the following gentlemen be a Committee to nom-
inate a ticket for consideration ; R. Mackay, A. A. Dorion,
D. Torrance, H. Mulholland, and J. Ostell."

The resolution was put and carried.

Benjamin Hart, Esq., then moved that Mr. Redpath leave
the chair, and that VVilliam Molson, Esq., do take it.

When the thanks of the meeting were given to the Chair-
man for his services in the chair.

After which the meeting adjourned.

ANNEXATION ASSOCIATION OF MONTREAL.

The meeting for the election of Officers, was held on
Thursday in the Temperance Hall, St. Maurice Street, and
A\as occupied upwards of three hours in the ballot' and
scrutinising thereon.

Mr. Redpath was called to the chair by acclamation.
John Glass and A. A. Dorion, Secretaries and Scrutineers.
President - John Redpath, Esq.
Vice Presidents - B. Holmes, Jacob DeWitt, W. Workman,

L. H. Holton, T. B. Anderson, D. E.
Papineau, P. Drumgoole, and John
Donegani, Esqs.

D. Kinnear, H. Stephens, Wm. Molson,
John Rose, Jos. Papin, R. Laflamme,'
John Bell, and John Ostell Esqs.
David Torrance, Esq,
Robert Mackay, A. A. Dorion, Esqs.

Coiincillors

Treasurer
Secretaries