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yya^.r7--^^r'^\ 
 
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DISMEMBERMENT NO REMEDY. 
 
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 IJV 
 
 GOLDWIN SMITH, 
 
 Chairman of the Loyal and Patriotic Union oj Toronto^ 
 
 Canada. 
 
 As CKairmau of the Loyal and Patriotic Association of 
 a Canadian city, I bear the hearty sympathy of Canadians 
 to British loyalty in its struggle for the Union. Canadians 
 have nothing to do with British parties. They think 
 only of the welfare, honour, and greatness of the Mother 
 Country, which they see are in peril with the Union. They 
 have witnessed with shame and dismay the selfish strife of 
 factions which has brought England into such extremity 
 of danger. Thoy will rejoice to learn that there are 
 British statesmen who have at last laid faction aside, and 
 are standing together in defence of the integrity of the 
 nation. The resolute resistance of the Unionist Liberals 
 to Mr. Gladstone's screw will be welcomed by them as a 
 proof that the spirit of true liberty still lives in English 
 breasts. Nor will they fail to do honour to the patriotism 
 of the Irish landowners, who have refused Mr. Gladstone's 
 bribe, and been true to the national cause. 
 
 Canada has the American source and centre of this 
 conspiracy against British unity and power close at hand. 
 She knows the character of the conspirators. She hears 
 
 J49249 
 
4 
 
 their yells of fiendish, or brutish, hatred against the 
 British nanii! and race. She sees them takin**" up sub- 
 seriptions for dynamite to murder wholesale Euji^lish men, 
 women, and ehildren. She knows their aims, and the abso- 
 lute hopelessness of attemptinj^ to conciliate or aj)pease 
 them. In one of her own cities the other day she had an 
 American orator proclaiming to a great meeting of Irish 
 Nationalists that the man who would not murder a land- 
 lord was a coward, while the meeting received the senti- 
 ment with enthusiastic applause. She knows, too, how 
 despicable in truth tlie conspiracy is. It invaded her a 
 few years ago with its rabble army, which, upon the ap- 
 proach of some Canadian Militia, at once decamped, the 
 general leading the flight in his buggy. The object of that 
 enterprise was to keep up the excitement, and make the 
 money continue to flow from the pockets of the Irish ser- 
 vant girls. And to this power is to be struck the flag 
 which was not struck to the Master of the Armada, to 
 Louis XIV., nor to Napoleon. 
 
 Not against any measure of local self-government for 
 Ireland in common with the rest of the Realm does Cana- 
 dian Loyalty protest, but against a measure which would 
 break or impair the Legislative Union. Canadians have 
 sense enough to see that the alternative to separation is 
 not coercion. 
 
 For my own part let me say that more than twenty 
 years ago, long before this controversy had arisen, and 
 when times were calm, I studied the Irish question care- 
 fully in Ireland. I wrote about Irish history and character 
 in a strain sympathetic enough at all events to win me 
 
 II 
 
II 
 
 the mild 1 -prized friendship op some of the best iind most 
 patriot ie of Irishmen, Roman Catholics as well as l*rot(»s- 
 tants. I convinced myself then, and I remain convinced 
 now, tliat the serious questions are those concerning the 
 land and the material condition of the people, while tin; 
 l)olitical question, so far as the masses of the people are 
 concerned, is rather one of ima<»iiiation and sentiment than 
 anythinjj^ else. I advocated for Ireland reform of the h)eal 
 law, abolition of primoj^eniture and entail (which Mr. Glad- 
 stone has all this time left untouched), disestablishment, 
 provincial councils, and — that respect imd sympathy mip^ht 
 be shown for Irish nationality — a royal n^sidenee at Dublin 
 and an occasional session of the Imperial Parliament there 
 for the settlement of Irish questions on the spot. I may 
 say then that I am no enemy of Ireland or of Irish nation- 
 ality so far as it is consistent with the Union, fhat the 
 maintenance of the Union is absolutely necessary to the 
 welfare, prosperity, peace, security, and greatness of the 
 people of both inlands I then thorouj»'hly convinced myself 
 and have ever since firmly held. In this I had the most 
 eminent of Irishmen, men who were patriots and not poli- 
 tical adventurers, on my side." 
 
 In those days, though Mr. Gladstone it seems was 
 devoting himself to the question of Ireland, nothing was 
 heard from him on the subject. Not a sign of sympathy 
 with Irish reform did he, so far as my memory serves me, 
 betray till Disestablishment presented itself as an engine 
 for overthrowing Lord Beaconsfield. Had he been devoted 
 
 * I ought perhaps to s<ay that since the Essay to which I refer was 
 written much now light has been thrown by research on Irish history, 
 and I have myself seen the Irish in America. 
 

 
 to tlio Irish (|uosiion lie would 8uroly Imve studic*! it where 
 alone it could be well studied, oil the spot. IJut I inn 
 told that he has barely set foot in Ireland, thouf^h it is 
 within a few hours' run of his own door. The Ireland 
 beyond the Atlantic, where the niainsprin«y of this move- 
 ment is, ho has never seen. 
 
 You want to do right to Ireland and to make up to 
 her for i)ast wronj^s. It is a <2fenerous desire. Even if 
 something of British greatness were to be sacrificed for the 
 purpose, that sacrifice ought to make Colonists all the more 
 proud of their Mother Country. But in the first plac^e do 
 not confuse your minds by overstating or misstating past 
 wrongs. In the second place have a care that, instead of 
 doing Ireland right, you do not, by putting her out of the 
 Union, do her the greatest wrong of all. 
 
 Irish history ought to be read not by itself but as part 
 of the general history of Europe. Europe passed through 
 a period of conquest and re-settlement in which England 
 was conquered by the Normans of Normandy, Ireland 
 by the Normans of England. England was conquered 
 all at once and the pang was over. In the case of Ireland, 
 owing to the nature of the country, the unsettled habits 
 of the people, and the distance from the centre of Anglo- 
 Norman power, the process was cruelly protracted, and 
 lingered on to the time of the Tudors, leaving intense 
 bitterness behind it. This was disastrous, but we might as 
 well concern ourselves practically at the present day about 
 the untoward events of the Glacial Era. 
 
 Europe went through a period of religious war, caused 
 by the attempts of the Roman Catholic powers to crush 
 
the Ki' formation. Tho Triah (^itholica took part with the 
 Catholic powers. Thiry were alli<'(l with Spain in the 
 time of the Armada. In the time of C'harlcH I. they roKO 
 and massacred every Protestant on wliom tliey could hiy 
 their hands. The^^ hacked James II. in his attack on 
 Protestantism and liberty, and their troops were in the camj) 
 of the tyrant at Ilounslow. In our own days they have 
 crusaded for the Pope against Italian independence. 
 Being vanquished, they suffered a part, and a part only, 
 of what, in countries where Catholicism was victorious, was 
 inflicted on the Protestants. The penal laws were evil ; 
 but in their intention they were not so much fetters on 
 conscience a& handcuffs on Irish enmity. If Irish Catholics 
 were restrained by a Protestant Parliament from holding 
 land, the Irish Catholic Parliament in the time of James 
 TI. had passed an Act of Attainder against all the 
 Protestaiit landowners in Ireland, not excepting women 
 and children. The burning of heretics was still going 
 on in Spain, and France had just seen the extirpation of 
 Protestantism with the most hideous cruelty by a Roman 
 Catholic King. But religious equality now reigns in 
 Ireland, and to let the memory of past persecution in- 
 fluence present policy would be I'olly indeed. 
 
 Europe passed through a period of Protectiv. ism in 
 which communities made war with tariffs and sometimes 
 with arms on each other's trade, each fancying that it was 
 to be the loser by its neighbour's gain. England, at that 
 time, by her restrictive laws did much mischief and wrong 
 to Ireland as well as to herself. All this, again, belongs 
 to the past. England has long been giving to Ireland 
 
 •..V <ik.. 
 
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 8 
 
 the best market in the world, and she has found in her 
 manufacturing^ cities emph)yment and bread for a vast 
 number of Irish. If the Irish shut out British goods, as 
 they intend to do when they get a Parliament of their 
 own, they will shut out the work of Irish hands. 
 
 It may be added that l^urope passed through a period 
 of corrupt government. l^^ngland suffered under her 
 rotten boroughs, her sinecurism, her pension list, her 
 system of bribery in Parliament. The corruption ex- 
 tended to Ireland, and was worse there because it was more 
 out of sight. The Irish politicians were not less, but 
 more corrupt than the English. This also has passed away. 
 
 Since the time when England, by the Reform of 1832, 
 got real self-government, what has been her conduct to 
 Ireland ? She has given Ireland a full measure of repre- 
 sentation, religious equality, national education, fiscal indul- 
 gence, aid in famine. A measure of improved local govern- 
 ment was in preparation when this rebellion broke out. 
 The law has been the same for the Irishman as for the 
 Englishman, except when Irish lawlessness needed, as 
 lawlessness in districts of England has sometimes needed, 
 special restraint for a time. Lawless the Irish are apt to 
 be in America, where British connection cannot be the 
 cause, as well as in, Ireland ; and if their fault is traceable 
 to their misfortunes, this does not make restraint for a 
 time less necessary. The Americans have put down Irish 
 disturbance with a severity far beyond that of any Coercion 
 Act, and by them boycotting is at once repressed. Coercion 
 is an utterly misleading name when applied to mere 
 restraint from murder and outrage. Is a reign of savagery 
 
 •fei-^. 
 
^5^ . -rppw^. ' ■■ ^w '^Tm*''<».^p»fyn».r7''V»'!nw»;. 
 
 9 
 
 freedom ? Is it freedom to the law-abidinq^ and well- 
 disposed ? Is not protection of life and property the first 
 duty of a Government ? To keep Irishmen from butcher- 
 ing* each other has been the object of these Acts. Of all 
 the victims of the Leag-ue only one has been an English 
 official. That the Acts should have been so often renewed 
 proves only tint the Legislature was always trying to do 
 without them. A despotic Government would once for all 
 have proclaimed martial law and kept it in force till 
 resistance bad been crushed. 
 
 The Vice- Royalty is now a great grievance. It is 
 compared to an Austrian Satrap}^ Austrian Satrapies 
 had not Parliamentary representation, trial by jury, habeas 
 corpiiSy or a free pres.^. Thirty years ago the House of 
 Commons passed by an overwhelming majority a Bill 
 abolishing the Vice-Royalty ; and the Bill was afterwards 
 dropped in deference to the wishes of the Irish people, 
 particularly to those of the citizens of Dublin, who 
 entered a strong protest. 
 
 The Irish have been made to believe that England, 
 by the conquest of Ireland, murdered a promising 
 nationality and strangled a brilliant civilisation. The 
 English had little more to do with the Norman Conquest 
 of Ireland than they had with the Norman Conquest of 
 England. But no such thing as an Irish nationality ever 
 existed. The conquest found the Irish not a nation but a 
 set of unsettled tribes. There is no reason to believe that 
 these tribes, left to themselves, would have come to any- 
 thing much better than the state of the Highland clans be- 
 fore 1745. The only civilisation before the Conquest was 
 
10 
 
 ecclesiastical. The rude clans were trampling- on it, and the 
 clergy, who were its guardians, stretched out their hands for 
 aid to Canterbury and Rome, and thus invited to the conquest. 
 
 From what we know o£ the habits of the race in 
 Brittany, where it retains its native character, and else- 
 where, nothing seems more certain than that the Irish 
 would have failed to give themselves Parliamentary institu- 
 tions or free institutions of any kind, and would have 
 remained slaves to the priests. The stronger and more 
 political race has been "gradually raising to its own level 
 the weaker and less political race, which would fall back if 
 the partnership were dissolved. 
 
 Guizot said to me twenty-five years ago that the 
 conduct of England to Ireland for thirty years had been 
 admirable. The great French statesman and histoiian 
 was a calm and impartial and well-informed judge. 
 
 Ireland has been as fully represented in Parliament as 
 Scotland ; and if the Irish members would only, like the 
 Scottish members, have laid their heads together, they 
 might, like the Scottish members, have practically had 
 the settlement of their local questions. Cobden always 
 said that the obstacle to good legislation for Ireland was 
 the character of the Irish members. If the Irish members 
 chose to spend their energies on Galway contract jobs, or 
 in Parliamentary bush-whacking, who was to blame ? A 
 review of Parliamentary history, I bolieve, will show^ that 
 Irish members have not been very active in proposing, 
 or even in seconding reform. They have apparently 
 rather preferred to cherish the grievance as capital for 
 agitation. 
 
 'jj^R^'. 
 
 .■...-.■.^ ._-; i <.: 
 
11 
 
 tt 
 
 
 England is always spoken of as '^ governing/' and 
 misgoverning " Ireland. She has not governed Ireland 
 any more than she has governed Scotland. Scotland, 
 Ireland, and England herself, have all been governed by a 
 United Parliament in which Ireland has had rather more 
 than her fair share of representation, with every facility for 
 pressing local questions possessed by eithv^r of her partners. 
 Under a despotism people may expect to be the objects 
 of paternal care, under representative institutions they 
 must help themselves. 
 
 Irish expatriation, like all other Irish ills, real or sup- 
 posed, is laid to the charge of British connection. Ten 
 millions of Irish, we are told, have been driven from their 
 country by British tyranny. If the ten millions had 
 stayed in Ireland there would hardly have been a potato a 
 day a-piece for them. Their Church encourages very early 
 marriages ; they are unrestrained, in having children, by 
 fear of poverty or social pride ; they multiply beyond the 
 means of subsistencv3 ; population overflows, and expatria- 
 tion becomes inevitable. After all it is by migration 
 that the world has been peopled. In French Canada we 
 have the same encouragement of early marriage by the 
 Roman Catholic Church, the same overflow of population ; 
 and if there were not a ready egress into the United States, 
 we should have the same distress, without the slightest 
 fault on the part of the Canadian Government. England 
 might as well be charged v/ith the dampness of the Irish 
 climate, or the extent of the Irish bogs. That of which 
 she is really guilty is providing in her own cities, and to 
 the great detriment of her own people, bread for multitudes 
 
12 
 
 of expatriated Irish, while the rest find homes in her 
 Colonies, or in the Colonies of her foundation. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone was taken to have said that Ireland 
 could gain the attention of British statesmen only by out- 
 rage. He explained that all he meant was that the 
 Clerkenwell outrage had acted like a church bell reminding 
 a man of church-time when he was buried in a book. 
 Had he said what he was taken to have said, he would not 
 only have been guilty of an utterance most criminal in a 
 public man, but he would have deeply wronged the 
 British statesmen before him. Was not Ireland the 
 " difficulty " on which Peel's mind was always anxiously 
 dwelling ? Was not Melbourne always in close com- 
 munication with O'Connell about Irish affairs ? I^or ma^iy 
 years the Irish held the balance between parties in the 
 House of Commons. Is it likely that their appeals would 
 be set at nought ? 
 
 Of what practical grievance have the Parnellites sought 
 redress? What specific proposal of any kind have they 
 constitutionally laid before Parliament ? They took at once 
 to obstruction and outrage. Their aim manifestly has not 
 been reform, but to bully Great Britain into separation. 
 Surely Mr. Gladstone might have called upon them to 
 submit their demands in a definite, respectful, and constitu- 
 tional way before he rushed into surrender. 
 
 In all the honours and prizes of the empire Irishmen 
 have fully shared. They have held the highest offices both in 
 Great Britain and in the Colonies. An Irishman is at this 
 time Viceroy of India, and two Irishmen are at the head of 
 the army. That Irishmen suffer social disparagement is pre- 
 
 
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 13 
 
 . 
 
 
 tended by writers whose tone suggests that they may have 
 brought upon themselves, by their own manners, some 
 social rebuke. But nowhere, perhaps, does social prejudice 
 find more frank expression than in the public schools and 
 universities ; and those who have been at Eton or Oxford 
 will testify that Irish boys or youths suffered no disparage- 
 ment there. 
 
 Why, then, do the Irish people hate England ? Mainly 
 because hatred of England is instilled into them by political 
 agitators and the vitriol press. This process has been 
 ffoinff activelv of late. The Irish did not seem to hate 
 England so when I was among them twenty-three years 
 ago. An Englishman sojourning in Ireland meets with no 
 expressions of hatred. 
 
 The country has been most unjustly used by British 
 partisans of Irish disaffection, and by no one more than 
 by the present Chief Secretary for Ireland. Whether 
 Mr. Morley, when he formed his opinions, had seen more 
 of Ireland than Mr. Gladstone 1 cannot say. But he knew 
 political facts, and he owed common justice to his own 
 country. He has throughout held a brief for Irish 
 rebellion against British Government, and no advocate 
 ever was less fair. If this quarrel ends in blood, to those who 
 have laboured to fill the Irish mind, and at the same time 
 the mind of Europe and America, with libels on their own 
 country, the catastrophe will be mainly due. Mr. Forster 
 might have held his ground against the Irish Thug knife had 
 not other assailants been morally stabbing him in the back. 
 He was overthrown not so much by rebellion in his front as 
 by sympathy with rebellion in his rear. 
 
14 
 
 Candour will F^y that what are called the wrongs of 
 Ireland are in some measure her faults, or the faults of her 
 leaders, and in great measure misfortunes traceable not to 
 British injustice, but to the general course of history. But 
 in giving her a separate Parliament, would you be doing 
 her justice ? That is the practical question. Would a 
 separate Parliament rule her more wisely, more justly, more 
 impartially, with more integrity and economy than the 
 Parliament of the United Kingdom. I say a separate 
 Parliament. To a large measure of decentmlisation, dele- 
 gating power over local concerns to local bodies, and 
 embracing all three kingdoms, nobody, so far as I am 
 aware, objects. Such a measure would unload Parliament, 
 while it would give life to local self-government, and per- 
 haps it might hereafter afford a good basis for central 
 institutions themselves. It would be a measure, not of 
 separation, actual or virtual, but of delegation, leaving the 
 liCgislative Union and the supreme power of Parliament 
 unimpaired. This, not Coercion (however miscalled), is the 
 alternative to Mr. Gladstone's policy, for which he is 
 always angrily calling; and it differs from his own 
 policy as decentralisation differs from disunion, as wisdom 
 differs from madness. It has been brought before him 
 in his own Cabinet, and when he persists in asserting that 
 there is no policy but his own except Coercion, he shows 
 that his mind is closed not only against argument but 
 against fact. 
 
 Go into the House of Commons ; look at the Parnellite 
 members ; mark their demeanour and their utterances ; 
 compare them with the rest of the House, and say whether 
 
 ? 
 
15 
 
 a Parliament composed of such men is likely to do better 
 for Ireland than the United Parliament. If it is, Nature 
 must have given a false warning to the beholder. But be- 
 hind these men — to the eye of a dweller on an American 
 continent — are visible the forms of the American National- 
 ists, the really leading spirits of the movement, and tiie 
 men by whom its funds are supplied. You will have those 
 adventurers flocking- back to Ireland as soon as a revolution- 
 ary assembly is set up. And when we look to the con- 
 stituencies we find that they are completely under the con- 
 trol of a Terrorist League, ruling by assassination and out- 
 rage, while the animating influence of the whole is a press 
 which in venomous malignity and reckless instigation to 
 crime far transcends any other press in the world. Let 
 any man, instead of givi .g ear to vague talk about self- 
 go verment, or " autonomy '* (a word not less blessed than 
 " Mesopotamia ^' was to the old woman), ask himself 
 plainly what the character and conduct of a Parnellite 
 Parliament are likely to be, and in what respect or with 
 regard to what class of questions it would be likely to 
 do better for Ireland than the Parliament of the United 
 Kingdom. Would the Government be fairer and more 
 economical, more free from jobbery and corruption ? No 
 one can believe it who has seen Irish rule in American cities. 
 Would the balance be more evenly held between sects, or 
 between conflicting local interests ? That a Parnellite Par- 
 liament would be a robber Parliament Mr. Gladstone himself 
 implies, when to his Home Rule Bill he tacks a Purchase 
 Bill, to secure landowners against spoliation, and when he 
 institutes a special order for the guardianship of property, 
 
 ''JfiB.^hi^£:t^^^^ . 
 
16 
 
 and gives it n, leg:islative veto. What Jacobinism let 
 loose docs for an industrial community and for all ranks in 
 it, France under Jacobin sway has shown. And let it 
 be remembered that not the Legislature only but the 
 Executive, with everything upon which the lives, property, 
 rights, and liberties of loyal citizens depend, will be in 
 the hands of the League and its American masters. 
 
 Industry trembles at the prospect of such a Govern- 
 ment ; Trade stands aghast ; Capital begins to retire. 
 The prosperity which, as full Savings Banks attested, was 
 growing in Ireland when this causele&s rebellion broke 
 out, is arrested and thrown back. The consequence will 
 be a renewal of distress in Ireland. The consequence of 
 that again will be a fresh rush of Irish into England, 
 where Irish immigration has long been the bane of our 
 working classes, who had not a fair chance of raising 
 themselves by industry and thrift while this miserable 
 competition was pulling them down. To England Irish 
 destitution will come. Emigration to America or the 
 Colonies is violently opposed both by the demagogues and 
 by the priests. It takes from the demagogue his vote, 
 and from the priest his fees. They dub it "transpor- 
 tation,'' and discourage it with all their power, which 
 when government is in their hands will be supreme. 
 
 An Irish Parliament would be under the dominant 
 influence of the Tenant Farmer. The interest of the 
 Tenant Farmer alone is thought of, because the Tenant 
 Farmer alone has defied the law. But the Irish Farmer is 
 at least as hard on the Labourer as ever the Landlord has 
 been on the Farmer, and I am told by a correspondent 
 
 
 
 
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 in Ireland that the Labourer begins to shrink from the 
 prospect of being left in the Farmers' hands. 
 
 Would a separate Parliament give Ireland peaee? l^clfast 
 and Sligo are the answer. Imagine the two religions and 
 races, upon some burning questions, facing each other in 
 the Dublin Legislature. To talk about Grattan's Tarlia- 
 ment is absurd : it was a Parliament of Protestant land- 
 owners and gentlemen. But its career ended in a murderous 
 civil war, in which social order perished, and no authority 
 but the military power of the Empire was It 1. 
 
 Protestant Ulster is industrial and com/mercial, pros- 
 perous, and contented with the Union. She is the Treasury 
 of Ireland, and she knows what her fate, under the sway 
 of Parnellites and American Nationalists, would be. She 
 resists, and will continue ^o resist. With what shadow of 
 right can she be called ^'pon to let herself be torn from the 
 historic nationality of which she is no mean part, and 
 thrust into a nationality fabricated by the liat of Mr. 
 Parnell, from which in every fibre of her, religious, social, 
 and industrial, she recoils. Let those who think that 
 surrender, though ignominious, will end trouble, turn their 
 eyes that way. It is pretty evident that neither to Mr. 
 Gladstone nor to Mr. Morley are Ulster Protestants dear. 
 Neither has a word of respectful sympathy for them, 
 though it is difficult to conceive a case in which respectful 
 sympathy would be more due. But Ulster Protestants are 
 high-hearted men, as history knows, and are not inclined 
 to be politically drowned like a litter of puppies. Nor will 
 England and Scotland stand by while Mr. Gladstone and 
 Mr. Morley send British troops to help American Fenians 
 
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 m 
 
 
If"" 
 
 n 
 
 18 
 
 in coercing Irish loyalty. There will be trouble, then, 
 af<,er surrender, and not peace. 
 
 In the Roman Catholic provinces, if not throughout 
 the Island, after Separation, Roman Catholicism would be 
 established, really if not openly, and endowed. No paper 
 restriction would stand in the way. Indeed, when it is 
 proclaimed that the Imperial Parliament is incompetent, on 
 account of its being mainly British, to legislate about 
 Irish concerns. Irishmen may reasonably say that being 
 mainly Protestant it was incompetent to decide whether 
 Catholic Ireland should or should not be allowed to establish 
 her national religion. Ireland has at present a system 
 of national education. It is the gift of British connection, 
 introduced and maintained in spite of the general 
 antagonism of the priesthood. When it falls under the 
 power of the priest we know, from the history of all 
 Roman Catholic countries, what will be the result. 
 With po^iular education, industrial intelligence and skill 
 will decline, and Ireland will become again like other 
 countries under the dominion of the enemies of light. Do 
 the Nonconformists who follow Mr. Gladstone in the hope 
 of Disestablishment, desire the establishment of the Roman 
 Catholic Church in Ireland ? 
 
 Are not all the restrictions which Mr. Gladstone's 
 Bill imposes on the action of Irish Parliament, that on 
 the establishment of religion among the rest, morally 
 annulled in their very birth? Are they not all declared 
 by their author himself to be the acts of an alien legislature 
 unqualified to legislate for Ireland ? 
 
 Of the Agrarian Question, which is the real sore of 
 
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 Ireland, it would be out of place here to speak, Hince tho 
 Bill does not touch it. It is com])lex as well as deoj), and 
 can be solved by no sing-le Act of Parliament. A political 
 revolution will no more cure the a<4'nirian malady than a 
 dose of medicine will set a broken limb. 
 
 No pen, I believe, has been used with more hearty 
 f^oodwill than mine in doing justice to the graces of the 
 Irish character. But there is no use in denying that the 
 Irishman, like other Celts, is by nature politically weak, 
 and apt to fall under the leadership of evil men. American 
 politics, in the cities especially, arc a mournful proof of the 
 fact. As a labourer the Irishman in tho United States has 
 been invaluable ; as a voter, he has been the unhappy tool 
 of knavery and corruption. He became the vassal sup- 
 porter of slavery, and was the most cruel enemy of the 
 negro. Nor is there any use in denying the fact that 
 when people applaud assassination, stand by in a crowd 
 while a poor boy has his brains beaten out before his 
 mother's eyes for obeying his lawful master, drag the 
 husband into his wife's presence to be shot, kill one 
 woman, boycott another in childbirth from receiving medi- 
 cal aid, go out by hundreds to hoot a widow on her return 
 from viewing the body of her murdered husband, cut off 
 the udders of cows, and at New York set fire to a negro 
 orphan asylum, increase of self-government is by no means 
 sure to be an unmixed boon. These are not pleasant 
 things to recall, but recalled they must be when it is pro- 
 posed to take a momentous and irrevocable step on the 
 assumption that British connection being ended, all will 
 be well. British connection is not the cause of Irish crime 
 
 •<«• *• 
 
 «• 
 
•I' i<>>'>.|i^ii ^ iHV ig^fni^ii; ■ 
 
 20 
 
 tiiid diHordor, or of tlio killing of lu-grocs and Cliinoso on 
 the other fiido of the Atlantic. 
 
 Races, like men, have their gifts. Races, like men, have 
 their weaknesses, which may be gradually worked off, but 
 arc not to be worked off in an hour. The race which in the 
 early struggle of tribes for existence or ascendency, was 
 thrust into the remote island of the West is likely to have 
 been weaker than its rivals. It is strange that some men 
 who pretend to scientilic habits of mind, after all they have 
 said about evolution, dift'erences of capacity, and the neces- 
 sity of adapting institutions to the stage of human develop- 
 ment, should now shut their eyes to patent facts, and talk 
 as if the political level of all men were the same. 
 
 There is no doubt, on the other hand, that by a Govern- 
 ment at once firm and sympathetic the Irish are easily ruled. 
 All that is said about the impossibility of maintaining 
 social order in Ireland is baseless. While Governments and 
 politicians have been deserting their duty, the Irish con- 
 stabulary and police (though the police is full of Roman 
 Catholics) have not deserted theirs. The fidelity of those 
 services, being entirely native, as they are, to the Govern- 
 ment, is a signal proof of the liollowness of the revolution. 
 
 There is nothing of which the study of the Irish question 
 (taken up I r cat long before this controversy began) has 
 left me more liovoughly convinced than that what the Irish 
 peasant wants is not political change but the land. In the 
 political line he would be satisfic»- with the presence of his 
 sovereign and an occasional session at Dublin of the 
 Imperial Parliament to make him feel that he was the 
 object of its care. All the political movements from 
 
 
 ■Mi.. 
 
21 
 
 O'ConncIl's Urpojil Aj^ilalloii onwanlH have l)e(«n utterly 
 weak. The j)resL'nt inovoment would be as weak as the rest 
 were it not for its connection with the Agrarian Aji^itation, 
 and the aid which it has received from conspiracy on the 
 other side of the Atlantic, and from dema<»o^ism, faction, 
 and the weaknesH of statesmen here. The ParnelHtes show 
 their consciousness of the faet hy nervously protest in jj;* 
 against any settlement of the Land Question apart from 
 Home Rule ; they know that, the Land Question settled, 
 the fuel would at once he withdrawn from the cauldron of 
 ])olitical revolution. They gave the Land Act and its sup- 
 plements very faint aid, and would apparently not have 
 been sorry to see them miscarry. Settle the Land Ques- 
 tion, or keep order while it is settling itself, and the 
 political agitation so far as the Irish peasant is concerned, 
 will soon subside. Such is the indication of history, and 
 everything that I hear from Ireland confirms me in this 
 belief. There is no real political danger, if British states- 
 men would only be themselves, and if Parliament would 
 be patriotic for an hour. A noble ship, which has gone 
 through storm and battle, is being scuttled in a dead calm 
 by her faithless crew. 
 
 Who has asked for a separate Parliament ? The Irish 
 nation, we are told. What is the proof ? The result of 
 a single election carried by terrorism and foreign money. 
 The Parnellites assert that a free election would have given 
 the same result. Why then were the terrorism and 
 foreign money used? But Protestant Ulster, the organ 
 of industry, commerce, and education, voted the other way, 
 and so did almost the entire wealth and intelligence of the 
 
 ^^:;.jfc 
 
 V 
 
n 
 
 country, Roman Catholic as well as Protestant. Can any 
 impartial men dcubt that the vote of free intelligence 
 (though in a minority) points more true than that of 
 terrorised ign jrance (though in a majority) to the real 
 interest of a r ation ? 
 
 To nationality no doubt the Irish heart aspires ; and 
 nationality it may have in full measure, with all the 
 sentiments, memories, poetry, and symbols, as the Scotch 
 have it, in the Union. For my part I have never ceased 
 to advocate, not only the residence of the Sovereign in 
 Ireland, but everything by which respect and sympatliy 
 for Irish national feeling could be shown. 
 
 Much has been done, in spite of the most adverse 
 accidents of history, towards training the Irish Celt for a 
 full and active partnership in those free institutions which 
 are the original patrimony of the Anglo-Saxon, and which 
 he has imparted to his Celtic mates in other districts of 
 these Islands. Are this high task and the hope of blending 
 the people of the two Islands into a united and powerful 
 nation, to be now abandoned under the threats of American 
 conspirators, and is Ireland to be thrown back into the 
 dominion of Fenian savagery, or of a reactionary priest- 
 hood ? A poor result this of the extension of the franchise ! 
 An ignominious opening of the reign of the people ! 
 
 That a separate Parliament means the dissolution of 
 the Legislative Union and the ultimate loss of Ireland who 
 can seriously doubt ? Will those who have wrested so 
 much from British fears and weakness stop there ? Having 
 thus " breakfasted,^' will they not wish to " dine " and 
 '' sup." Has not Mr. Parnell proclaimed that to break the 
 
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 4k(jJi-. -~, ^' if-* 
 
> 
 
 23 
 
 last link is his object, and that Irishmen will be satisfied 
 with nothing less? Suppose he were inclined himself to 
 take less, would those who are behind him, and those who 
 will come after him, accept the compromise ? Will men 
 who live by agitation give up their trade ? Will the in- 
 cendiary press at once put out its fires ? The Irish Par- 
 liament will set out with rebellion glowing in its veins, and 
 the aim and badge of patriotism will be hostility to the 
 remnants of dependence. In fact, why should Irishmen be 
 content with a system which, while it recognised the right 
 of Ireland to be a nation, would yet make her much less 
 than a nation ? Union and independence are each of them 
 respectable in its way. Vassalage can never be respectable. 
 After altercations and affrays, by which mutual bitter- 
 " ness would be increased, separation would come. Ireland 
 
 would seek the aid of the foreign enemies of Great Britain. 
 She would apply for recognition to the Government of the 
 United States, and through the influence or the Irish vote 
 upon the politicians her application would be granted. The 
 same weakness which yields now would yield then. Are 
 we not told now, that to yield, whatever may be the 
 demand, is the only road to peace. If " Coercion" is im- 
 possible when the only thing to be coerced is a lawless con- 
 spiracy, much more will it be impossible when the things 
 to be coerced are the lawful Parliament and Government of 
 the Irish nation. 
 
 About the spirit and the aims of the American 
 Nationalists, at all events, no Canadian, living next door, 
 can have any doubt. Their speeches against Great Britain 
 are full not only of hatred, but of murder, dynamite, and 
 
u 
 
 devilry. Mr. Gladstone may rest assured that all the 
 appl'iuse which he drinks in from that quarter comes from 
 the deadliest enemies of his country. He may rest as- 
 sured that all the American money which will be spent on 
 his side in Irish, and probably also in English and Scotch 
 elections, will have been subscribed with no other object 
 than the destruction of Great Britain. Sir William Har- 
 court, too, who used to be eloquent about the treasonable 
 source of Nationalist supplies, mny have the satisfaction of 
 knowing that he is drawing from the fund of treason. Is 
 it " mere vulgar slang '* to say that they are the more 
 loyal who are not receiving aid and countenance from the 
 enemies of the realm ? 
 
 It is almost needless to speak of Mr. Gladstone's Bill, 
 which Mr. Bright says would not have been supported on 
 its merits by twenty members outside the Irish Party. 
 The Nationalists accept it because they know that if they 
 can once get an Irish Parliament they will get separation. 
 It brings Ireland down from the position of a co-equal 
 partner in a legislative union to that of a tributary vassal 
 with which neither she nor any other nation with any 
 spirit would ever be content. It bristles with occasions 
 for dis'jjute, and provides no ultimate arbiter but the 
 bayonet. Instead of settlement and conciliation, every one 
 who considers it carefully must see that it is organised 
 un settlement and discord. In the vain hope of helping it 
 over the second reading, its principal clause, and the one 
 which had been put forward in its mover's speech as its 
 main recommendation, has been abandoned and is to be 
 replaced by one of an almost opposite character. Instead 
 
 
 I 
 
 .iii-.^^r,^yi^i^^ 
 
25 
 
 of our being rid of the Irish members, they are now to be 
 admitted at Westminster on Imperial or " reserved " ques- 
 tions. The change \:ill be unavailing. It is impossible 
 in practice to draw a* line between Imperial questions and 
 British questions. The policy of a governing assembly, 
 like that of a single ruler, or the conduct of an individual 
 man, is one ; all the parts of it play into each other : finan- 
 cial considerations especially run through the whole. And 
 how is the admission of Irish members on Imperial or 
 " reserved '' questions to be made to work with Party, which 
 Mr. Gladstone declares to be the only way of carrying on 
 Parliamentary government ? Can the Irish members sup- 
 port or oppose a party on Imperial questions without 
 strengthening or weakening it on the whole ? When want 
 of confidence is moved against a Government for its general 
 policy, foreign and domestic, are the Irish members, every 
 time that the domestic policy is mentioned, to snatch up 
 their hats and leave the House ? By no botching will the 
 impracticable be made practicable. By no shiftings can 
 legislative union be combined with separation. 
 
 Stronger proof of the crudity of a scheme there surely 
 could not be than this willingness, for the sake of saving 
 its f ramer from defeat at once to change fundamentally its 
 chief provision. That the conception of the Irish govern- 
 ment scheme was sudden we know, since its author had 
 denounced Mr. ParnelFs designs and had just been attack- 
 ing the late Government for its alliance with him. The 
 change came only when the result of the election showed 
 that Mr. Parnell's aid was indispensable. It is noteworthy 
 that the scheme was preceded by the publication of Mr. 
 
26 
 
 Gladstone's theory of the Mosaic cosmogony, which science 
 at once pronounced utterly fantastic, crude, and baseless; a 
 verdict which learning had already delivered on his theories 
 respecting Greek mythology and history. These theories 
 and the Dublin Parliament all came from the same brain. 
 When a leader by an imperious assertion of his will without 
 regard to the opinions of his colleagues, shatters a great 
 party, which has for two centuries been the chief organ of 
 constitutional progress not for England only, but for 
 Europe, drives all its other chiefs and his natural successors 
 out of it, and at the same time brings the country to the 
 verge of dismemberment, we have a right to scrutinise the 
 workings of his genius, and to see whether they betoken 
 infallibility, or even deliberate wisdom. Infallible the 
 statesman who changes, and changes suddenly, can hardly 
 be. Yet he may be trustworthy if, like Sir Robert Peel, 
 he proves his disregard of place and power, does justice to 
 his opponents, and pays the tribute due to public morality. 
 A string of precedents for the Irish Government Bill 
 has been produced. Canada, Austria and Hungary, Sweden 
 and Norway, Denmark and Iceland. Not one of these 
 cases surely bears historically, geographically, politically, 
 or in any respect which can influence practical statesman- 
 ship, the slightest relation to the case of Great Britain and 
 Ireland. Hungary is an ancient kingdom with a race, 
 language, a constitution, and a crown of its own. It forms 
 one of a great Imperial federation of realms and princi- 
 palities. What is still more to the purpose, the arrange- 
 ment between it and Austria is very far from being an 
 assured success, and a quarrel is going on at this moment. 
 
27 
 
 Sweden and Norway are independent and co-equal king- 
 doms linked together by the Crown, which in the case of 
 Great Britain and Ireland would not be a strong bond, con- 
 sidering how the Parnellites and their American confede- 
 rates treat the Queen's name. Iceland, the precedent on 
 which the Foreign Secretary dwells, is a petty dependency 
 1,000 miles away from Denmark, of no consequence to her, 
 and incapable of ever becoming a source of danger. 
 
 The precedent on which Mr. Gladstone relies is 
 Canada. But, I say as a Canadian, he misreads her 
 history, and mis-states her present position. The dis- 
 turbances of 1887 were not so much a rising against 
 the tyranny of the Mother Country as a petty civil war 
 between parties in British Canada and between races in 
 French Canada. The relation was also entirely dift'erent ; 
 Canada never formed a part of the United Kingdom, as 
 represented in the Imperial Parliament. Nor were the 
 Canadians pacified, nor would they ever have been pacified 
 by anything like what is now proposed for Ireland. They 
 pay no tribute, nor could they submit to restrictions touching 
 their internal legislation, such as the Bill imposes on the 
 Irish. Besides, Canada is three thousand miles off, and too 
 friendly ever to be a thorn in the side of the Mother 
 Country. Internally, her provinces are all under a Federal 
 Parliament elected by the people of all, an arrangement 
 which bears no resemblance to the dog-collar union proposed 
 by Mr. Gladstone for Great Britain and Ireland. That 
 even under Canadian confederation all goes not smoothly 
 the present attitude of No^t, Scotia is a proof. 
 
 Then we are told that England rued her resistance to 
 
 f 
 
28 
 
 the demands of the American colonists. She has resisted 
 other demands and has not rned it. Is she never to hold 
 her own? The Americans did not demand separation, 
 much less the dismemberment of the United Kingdom. 
 They demanded redress of a specific j^^rievance. When Mr. 
 Parnell does the same, and does it in the constitutional 
 manner in which it was at first done by the Americans, let 
 his demand at once be heard. 
 
 How did the quarrel between Great Britain and the 
 Amei'ican colonies arise ? It arose from the retention by 
 the Imperial Parliament of legal powers over the Colonies 
 which could not be practically exercised; and this is 
 precisely the relation which Mr. Gladstone now proposes 
 to establish between Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 The Americans, people of British blood, nobly resolved 
 to make any sacrifice rather than submit to the disruption 
 of their Union. This is the only pertinent lesson which 
 the American continent sends to England at this hour. 
 
 Far better than separation through a lingering and 
 angry process such as these half-way projects must entail, 
 would be separation immediate and complete. Great 
 Britain could then be at liberty to deal with Ireland as 
 with any other foreign power, to retaliate if the Irish 
 excluded British goods, and to lay restraint, if necessary, 
 upon Irish immigration. 
 
 Against the Act of Union Mr. Gladstone instigates 
 revolt, but to repeal it he does not dare. It was a good 
 thinr 11 done. It rescued the vanquished from the wrath 
 of t victor. It put an end not to real independence 
 but to dependence maintained ^by means of nomination 
 
' <." inpfi-mi.iiw 
 
 29 
 
 boroughs and corruption. It gave the Irish people for the 
 first time a fair chance of freedom and j)rogres8. Pitt, 
 who carried it, was perfectly pure and perfectly kind in his 
 intentions towards Ireland, though he was compelled, or 
 fancied himself compelled, to obtain by bribery the consent 
 of "0 rattan's Parliament/' The promise of Catholic 
 emancipation, if it was not fulfilled at the time, has been 
 amply fulfilled since. Practical wisdom will ask not 
 whether the parchment has a stain upon it, but whether 
 the measure was good. The two islands, as a glance at 
 the map shows, are so linked together by destiny that they 
 must be united or enemies, while the weaker especially can 
 have no security, and therefore no prosperity but in union. 
 Commercially they are supplements of each other, Great 
 Britain having the coal, Ireland the pasture. The lan- 
 guage, perhaps the strongest bond of nationality, is the 
 same, and the races are inextricably intermingled in the 
 two islands. This, with a connection which has now lasted 
 seven hundred years, is Nature's Act of Union, which, if it 
 is now repealed, will some day be re-enacted in blood. 
 
 How far is this ripping-up of national titles on account 
 of historical flaws to go ? It would unmake Europe. 
 Almost every great nation is the product of acquisition and 
 union. Is France to resign the acquisitions of Louis XI. 
 and Louis XIV. ? They are far more recent than the 
 annexation by the English Monarchy of Ireland. 
 
 What again is this right of secession which Mr. Glad- 
 stone is beginning to proclaim ? Is any province or segment 
 of a nation which can show anything like a separate history 
 or a distinct character to be at liberty to secede when it 
 
30 
 
 will ? Did the Americans recognise this principle in the 
 case of the South ? Did the Swiss recognise it in the case 
 of the Catholic cantons ? Yet Slavery in the first case and 
 Catholicism in the second were surely lines of cleavage as 
 distinct as the Irish Channel. And why is not the right to 
 be extended to Ulster ? As Macaulay said, whatever argu- 
 ments can be used in favour of the political separation of 
 Ireland from Great Britain, may be used with far greater 
 force in favour of the political separation of Ulster from 
 the rest of Ireland. 
 
 Of the weakness that would come to England vvhen 
 she had a divorced Ireland — sure to be hostile and to league 
 with her enemies — at her side, who can entertain a serious 
 doubt ? There is not one of the enemies of British power 
 and influence in France, Russia, America, or any part of 
 the world, who is not on Mr. Gladstone's side. There is not 
 one of them whose heart does not beat with malignant joy 
 and hope as he watches Mr. Gladstone's course, or who does 
 not echo with exultation an English statesman's libels on 
 England and her Government. But Italy and the other 
 friends of England mourn. Disintegration will not 
 stop here. Mr. Gladstone's instigations to revolt apply 
 to India as well as to Ireland, and already the rulers of 
 India are disquieted. Lose India, and you lose, besides 
 immense investments, the Indian market, the one great 
 market which is surely your own. The structure of British 
 prosperity perhaps is somewhat artificial ; but the bread of 
 the people now depends upon it, and if Secessionism is allowed 
 to tear it down widespread suffering must ensue. 
 
 Weakness will not be the worst consequence if loyal 
 

 81 
 
 Ulster is abandoned to enemies whose cause for hating her 
 is that she is British and true to Great Britain. Words ean 
 add nothing to the infamy of such a betrayal. If Great 
 Britain could really be guilty of it, or show herself capable of 
 it, would she not be scorned and spat upon by all nations ? 
 The greatest stain on English history is the abandonment 
 of the Catalans. The Catalans were abandoned, but the 
 enemy in coercing them was not aided by British troops. 
 The omen of Egypt is inauspicious. It makes us fear that 
 the country may be in the hands of those who are not only 
 destitute of forecast but little careful of national honour. 
 
 I have never been an Imperialist or a Jingo. I 
 have even incurred some obloquy by advocating, in the 
 case of the Ionian Islands and in other cases, the policy, 
 as I thought it, of morality and moderation. I have 
 always held that England ought to move among nations, 
 not like a Roman citizen in a conquered world (which was 
 too much Lord Palmerston's ideal), but like an English 
 gentleman among his equals, respecting their rights and 
 honours while he quietly maintains his own. But Great 
 Britain has her rights, and, unless patriotism is a thing 
 of the past, it is the duty of her sons to uphold them. 
 It is their duty not only to her, but to Humanity. 
 After her glorious history of ten centuries, she is still 
 the guiding star of constitutional and ordered freedom. 
 A colonist, perhaps, may say this with a better grace 
 than a citizf '^f the Imperial country. Many a colonist 
 will say it from his heart. 
 
 For Germany, Italy, and all other nations, unification 
 is proposed; dismemberment is proposed for Turkey and 
 
1" ■•["■^iwwwif ! 
 
 82 
 
 Great Britain alono. It lias boen awkcd liow wo <*an 
 refuHo to Iit'laiul what lias been j^iveii to Bulgaria. I 
 would ro])ly, in the first place, that no Bulgarian Ulster, 
 no Unionist party of wealth and intellig-ence in Bulgaria, 
 protested aj»ainst separation; in the second place, that 
 whereas for the Bulgarians, the only hope of civilisation 
 and freedom lay in separation from Turkey, for the Irish 
 people, the only hope of civilisation and of real freedom lies 
 in union with Great Britain ; and in the third place, that 
 while the dissolution of the Turkish Empire breaks up only 
 a power of barbarism which blights some of the fairest 
 regions of the earth, the dissolution of the British Empire 
 would break up what is, as the sons of England in 
 Canada and throughout the world believe, a power of 
 beneficence and light. 
 
 There is another thing which a Colonist has specially to 
 say. Do not imagine that when you have allowed the 
 United Kingdom to be broken up you will find an ampler 
 and grander unity in Imperial Federation. So far as 
 Canada is concerned, I must say, with all respect for the 
 advocates of Imperial Federation, that their cause is hope- 
 less. The Canadian people will never part with any 
 portion of their self-government, they will never contribute 
 to Imperial armaments, nor will they ever conform to 
 an Imperial tariff. Their tendencies are all the other 
 way. Not a single man of mark among us, not one 
 powerful journal, even treats the question as serious. You 
 would give up the solid unity which you possess, only to 
 find that the ampler and grander unity was a dream. 
 
 Printed bt Cassell & Cohpant, Limited, La Belle Sauvaoe, Lokdon 
 
 
uiii ii., ■iinMimjwjii III I III uii m jjiv^^^^m^mHppppipii|Pfl|pip|ii|| 
 
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DATE DUE 
 
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 X ix i. « . y ▲J 
 
 11 
 
 n^u 
 
 ; or, 
 
 Fallacies, Socialistic and Semi- 
 Socialistic, Briefly Answered. 
 
 AN ADDRESS BY 
 
 GOLDWIN SMITH, M. A., D.C.L. 
 
 "This little tract was written to fumisli those 
 who are too busy to read econoinical treatises 
 with ready answers to the principal econonxical 
 fallacies which they are likely to encounter."— 
 
 Extract from Preface, 
 
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