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Original copias in printad papar covars ara fllmad baginning with tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustratad impras- sion, or tha bacic covar whan appropriata. All othar original copias ara fllmad baginning on tha first paga with a printad or illustratad impras- sion, and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustratad imprassion. Tha last racordad frama on aach microficha shall contain tha symbol —^ (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol V (moaning "END"), whichavar applias. L'axamplaira f limA f ut raproduit grica A la ginArosM da: BibiiothAqua nationala du Canada Laa imagas suivantas ont At* raproduitas avac la plus grand soin, compfa tanu da la condition at da la nattatA da l'axamplaira film*, at an conformity avac las conditions du contrat da fllmaga. 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Tha following diagrams illustrata tha mathod: Las cartas, planchas, tablaaux, ate, pauvant 6tra filmis A daa taux da reduction diff Arants. Lorsqua la documant aat trop grand pour Atra raproduit an un saul cliche, il ast film* d partir da I'angia supAriaur gaucha, da gaucha A droita, at da haut an bas, an pranant la nombre d'imagas n^cassaira. Las diagrammas suivants illustrant la mAthoda. ata Blure, 3 2X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 STATE OF THE Britifti and French G)lonies I N NORTH AMERICA With Refpea to Number of Peopj^e, Forces, Forts, . Indians, Trade and other Advantages. In which arc confidered, I. The defencelefs Condition of our Plantations, and to what Caufes owing. II. Pern'icioi^s Tendency of the Frtf«f A Encroach- ments, and the fitted Methods of fruftrating them. !II. What it was occafioned their prefent InvaOon^ and the Claims on which they ground their Proceedings. WI TH A Proper EXPEDIENT propoftd % preventing future Diiputes. In Two Letters to a FRIEND. LONDON: Pritited for A. Millar, in the Strand. MDCCLV. (Price 2S. 6d.) ItaiMriilMMl mmw^^m^ • * -f T^) w [I 3 ST A T E OF THE Britifti and French Colonies IN NORTH AMERICA. SIR, T'HE French having, fince their forcible entry into Nova Scotia, greatly aug- mented the cauie of our complaints, in- ftcad of removing them, by fcizing the wcftern pait of yirginia^ a much larger and no left va- luable country ; you defirc to have my fentiments on their defigns by their preftnt encroachments, and on the means of frudrating them, as well as preventing the like for the fyiure : you likcwifc cxpeft from me an account of the ftare both of the Englijh ard French QoXonvc^j^ with refpccl to theiK extent, number of people, forces, fort?, In- dians and rrade. This is a difficult, and perhaps an invidious tadc ; Baer to be undertaken by one who, having been long refjdent in north America, is thoroughly acquainted with the feveral nations of Indians and the countries which they inhabi', as well as with the affairs of the Britijh colonies. However, as you defire it, for reafons of a na- tional confideracion, I (hall endeavour to oblige B you you to the beft of my power : on which occaHoD I (hall premile, that the prefent unhappy fitua- tion of our American colonies, is owing to a fe- ries of bad management, as well on this as on the other fide of the ocean : and altho* I (hali touch them as gently as pofTible, yet as a remedy cannot be properly applied without knowing the caufe and circumftances of the difeafe, 1 promtfe you not to difgulTe or wilfully mifreprefent mat- ters, but give them impartially juft as I find them, on good authority, under certain heads. I. Importance of the Ohio country ^ and views of the French in their prefent proceedings, ^H£ patience with which the frencb were ^ ^ long (bffered to fetde and fortify themielves in Nova Scotia, without doubt emboldened them to enter and drive us out of the country of the Ohio : but heavens be thanked, this fecond auda- cious (lep has opened the eyes of the whole na- tion, and made fome people think of American affairs more than ever they intended, altho' others remain deeply regardlefs and infenfible as ever, and perhaps would continue lo till the nation was no more, were they to live long enough to perifh with it. But their infcnfibility does not make the extreme danger which now threatens our American colonies one jot the lefs *, and which in threatening them threatens their mother cpuntry, iince, in whatever fate betides them, (he mu|i herfelf inevitably be involved. Altho' the French are vaftly increafcd in north America Cmcc the peace of Utrecht, and have by far the fuperiority of the ^ngUJh as to numbers in na- lorth by in [3] in the ifland^ yet in the Continent they sr^ (liii much inferior to the Englijb, Npr is it for want of being fenfible of this difparity that they have dared to accack us, tho* fo much inferior in num- ber. They know this dcfeft on their own fidt perfedly well, but depend fur their fqccefi upoq' what they know to be more advantageous than a fuperiority in numbers, an4 that is, the diriflon which rrlgns among the colonies, their defence- kfs ftate, and fiownefs in a<ftion *, as they did lio^ R:ruple to declare to Major tVa/binpon, when hft went to their forts on the lakes. Of what great importance t|ie country of the ObU is to our Engli/h colonies will appear, froqi confklering the vail conveniencies which, by its (ituation only, (independent of its other ad van- 'ta^s mentioned hereafter) it wop Id afford th^ French of fecuring and improviti«; their own co- lonies, as well as annoying ours. This country lying in the middle fpace betweei^ their fectlcmems in Qanf/ia and Louifiana (to which lad they pretend it belongs) apd at the back alfo of our middl^ colonies, would give th^m an opportunity no; only of joining their two very diftant plantations, whenever they fhould be in a condition to do it, but alfo of preventing us froin extending our fcttlcments backward bcyoivl the great mountains towards the Miffillippi^ ar d of attacking them on that fide. It wx)uld farther ftrengthen them and weaken us, by putting it in their power to gain the In4iMs of that large country over to their intereft, fome of whom, as the Twigtwees or Miyamis^ now in friend (hip with the Enghlh^ are very numerous and wa like." This wouW be a very large addiiipn to their ftrcngth, and enaBIc them to give great difturb- ance to the /nitoffj in alliance with the EngUJh^ B ? as t4] as. well in the northen as the fouthern colonies : while,by their intermediate rituarion,they will pre- yenc their aflfifting each other beyond the great mountains, by cutting off all communication be- tween them. Their having poiTeflion of this country would be of (till more ^rnicious confequence to its % as by the conveniency of the Ohio and its branches, they would have it in their power sl% any time to attack, to great advantage, either our northern or fouthern provinces. By means of the Ohio they might come with their Indians into the country of the five nations, and alfo the provinces of N<w Tork and Penfylvania x while the river of the CbaroketSt one of its branches, which falls in- to it near its mouth in the Miffiffippi^ would give tliem an eafy palTage into the count! y of thofe Indians^' and ooth Carolinas^ which would lie open to their attacks. In reality, were they Urong enough, they might at prefent invade us on that (ide by this laft river^having fecured admidion into it by the forts which they have ere£ted at the mouths of the Ohio and the Wahajh. From what has been faid it feems but too evi- dent, that if the French had this country, they would in time be mafters of all the Britijh colo- ^ riies. This province is as neceilary a barrier ' agairft them in the middle parts of our fettle* ments, as thofe of Nova Scotia znd Georgia are on the north and"^ fouth i and fince their defigti is fo apparently to. hem us in, and contraf): our bounds as much as poflible, it (lands us upon to keep them at as great a diftance as we can. The French are very (enfible, that in cafe we (hould once become mafters of this important country, by fettling and fortifying it, that they could iiever hope to unite their two colonies, at leaft on . ., this [5] this fide of the MJJiJJifpi : one of the grand points which they have had in view ever fmce chey entered that river and fettled at New Orleans in 1699; ^i)^ ^hi^ makes them fo very earned to get the Ohio country out of our hands, which, for that/eafon, was it all a rock or fandy defart, we ought by no means to permit. From their manner of proceedings in forcibly wrefting from the Britifif dominions in America^ two fuch confiderable provinces, and building forts all along our frontiers; it looks as if their intention was not only to cut off our inland trade with the Indian nations, but aifo to attack our Colonies on all fides, when once they have effec- tually furrounded them with a chain of fortinca- tions, if not before : and I fancy, from what I am going to offer in in fupport of this opinion, that you will be inclined to think there is nothing at all chimerical in it. Altho* Lewis XIV. had in the year 1686, en- Tred into a treaty of neutrality with England for North America^ yttm 1688 he embarked in a project, which, in violation of the laid treaty, his fubje£ts had formsd to fubdue (he Britijh Co- lonies in that part of the Contine u, and to be- gin with the conqueft of New Tork. The chevalier de CalUeres^ who had contriveil the fcheme, poftcd into France to propofe it, and iblicit aflTiftance. The King approved of the plan, and the Count de Frontenac, fent over Go- vernor to Canada^ was charged with the com- mand of the expedition. He was to march his troops by land to New Tork^ while the Sieur de Caffiniere was to ply with his fhips before the port, till the fignal mould be given for him to en- ter. Matters were fo to be ordered, that bcuh forces (hould appear before the place at the fame B 3 time : n^ [<] time: but thro* fome miftakcs in the execution, they were obliged to give over the dcfign for that time •, ami a dreadtui irruption of the five nations, which happened immediately after, would have rflFcdluaily ruined Canada^ in cafe they had been fupportfd by the Engiijh. But altho* their defign mifcarry'd that timir, they did not lay it afide \ and the late irruption of the five nations only fpurrevl them on to eite« cute it, in order to prevent another from the fame quarter. However, ihcy were fritftrated a fecond time in their delign : for while they were prtpar- ing in Canada to deltroy the Englijh^ the Utter were preparing to fubdue Canada \ fo that they were obliged to keep their foiccsto defend them- felvcs. The new year a new plan was (tt on foot by. Mr. Denonvilicy governor of Canada^ who de* clared it as his opinion, ** that the only way to ** terminate the war in Jmmca (for war was now •* proclaimed in Europe) was to take ManhatU^ •' (fo the Fnncb call Ntw Tbrk) that it might *< be done with fix frigates and 1200 land fol- '* diers *, that 3000 men, confKting of the trOops *' and militia of the cbuncry, would eafily make " themfelvcs matters of the fort Orange (or ^ Albany) : that after the capital was taken, •* it would be abfolutcly necelTary to bum ir, *^ and ruin the country as far as Orange : that ** by means of this poO^ which it would be *• eafy to keep* they fhould break off all com- ** municatton bviwcen the tHgHJb and Iroquois '* (or the five nations,) compel tlYefe kilter to have ♦* recourfe to the French^, and hinder the Frontb ** allies from making alliances prejudicial to the ** Colony of Cattada : in fine, that fOrt Oratigi '* would ferve to keep in awe aU the Coaft of ** New :om- angi [7] •* New England^ which tho' very well peoplec?, *• WIS quite dcfcncclcfs." This was the well-concerted plan of tfte Mar- quis DenonviUe, which Charlevoix^ who inferts the whole in his fpurious hiftory of New France, imagines could not have faihjd of fucctfs, in cafe it had been fupported, and expre(rcs great con- cern that it was not : but as forces could not be fpared at that juncture for the expedition, they were obligeol to drop the defign once more. The reaibni which were allcdged in the faid phin, for the intended conqueft, were, X. To prevent the ravages of the five nations, by reducing their fripportcrs. 2. To get the commerce of the Indians into their hands, of which the Englifij deprived them. 3. For the benefit of Canada^ which cannot be fccure ib long as the Envlijh are its neighbours. 4. Becaufe the intereS of the Englifi and the Frentb are utterly incompatible. Ic was upon thefe principles that the Frertcb undertook, in time of peace, to conquer the En- gUJh dominions in America ; and believed thefe ar- guments would fufficiently juRify their proceed- ings to all the world. Now, as thefb rea(bns will always fubfid, it is plain that ihey will never forgo their projcft. The things they complain of are to them infup- portable evils ; and therefore they will be fure to nave recourfe to the remedy whenever they think themfclves in a condition to apply it : And con- fidering their prefent proceedings, joined to the fteps they have been taking for fcveral years patt preparatory thereto, would not any body believe B 4 that [8] that they are a^UdUy about executing their long- concerted fcheme ? 'Tis true, one might be apt to douht it, when he rcfltfts on the number of people now inhabiting the Britijh Co!onies, and that one of them might be a m itch for Canada, This gives a handle to vain, ignorant, and difaf- fefted perfons to make flight of what has paft, as if it was not worth the government's taking no- tice of : bur, does not the great and fudden pro- grefs which the French have already made evince, what a handful of men may do againft many hundred thoufand, when difuniied, and under no proper regulation ? *Tis true, they have not yet attacked New Tork : but, muft not every body in the world, who is acquainted with this fcheme, conclude, that fort Frederic at Cro'ivH Point (or rather Scalp Point) on the Ibuth end of Cbamplain lake, was builc by them for this very defign ? It is only to be wilhed, that we may be in a<ondition to refift them bcft.re they attempt it: for they never had io favourable a juncture as this, when the excefTive debts of the nation might be thought, in fome mcafure, to difable us from relenting our wrongs, or affording our planacions the requisite aflidance -, and the difunion which fubfiih among the Colonics renders them unable to help them- felves i at a time when we are t* Id they are with- out forts, wiihfjut arms, without ammunition, and wifhout money ! Their fettling at New Orleans about nine years after they had formed the I'cheme of conquering New Tork^ put it into their heads to go a more flow, but furcr way to work, by inlenfibly en- croaching upon our Colonies, and fur rounding themv^iih forts. Before that time, tho' always very [9] very troublcfome, they feemed to confine thejn- fclvcs within moderate limits, and had only three forts, excepting thofe of St^ebek and Montreal^ in the neighbourhood of our northern Colonies; namely, thole of Chambly, 20 miles fou'h-eall of Montreal^ Frontenac on the north-eaft end of lak« Kadarakui on Ontario^ and DenonvHle on the fouth- ^eft fide of the fame like, near the talis of Niaw- gra J whiqh feemed to be built rather to defend iheir own frontiers than encroach on thofe of the Englijh^ and the lad was almoft as loon deftroyed as built : but from the above-mentioned period, they began to entertain vaftcr defigns. How- ever, they were prevented by the war till after the peace of Utrecht in 1713, which is the aera from whence the growing Itate of Canada may be dated •, and in proportion as the French took care to extend their territorits, the Englijh ne- glected, or rather feemed utterly to abandon the care of theirs: as if the great druggie at the treaty of Utrechty in behalf of their American do- minions, proceeded rather from the glory of having their title acknowledged by France^ than any real value they had for, or deljgn of preferv- ing, them. The French began their encroachments about 1715, by building fort 'Touloufe on the river Ali^ bama^ in or near the country of the Creek Indians^ and the back of Carc/ina-i a place which the En- gli/b had been in poffefTion of 28 years before. Their next attempt was to try the pulfcs of the miniftry, with regard to Nova Scolia, by denying our title to it ; which they had, in the molk fo- lemn manner and firmal terms, given up butfijc years before. Finding them eal'y enough tocon- ient to a negotiation, inflead of relenting the in- fulr, and the people of the Colonit wholly taken up [ 10 ] u{> with their own private incerells and qu^rrelf^ they watched their opportunity ; and in 1731, ufurpedfrom the province of iV«£;2^or;t all the lands for above 120 miles to the fouth of St. Law* reftie*s river, by building fort Frederick at Crown Point. In 1 750 they feized two parts in three of Nova ScotSy by building forts at Shegnekto and Baye Verte \ fince when they have builc two others at the mouth of Si. John's river. In 1726, they encroached on Penjyhania, by eredling, or rather teftoring a fort cali'd VeHonvilky near the fdlh of iV/^«7^r^ above-mentioned. Thofe forts and that of de Troite between the lakes£rri and Hurons were built, that by their means the French might com- mand the SttaitSy on which they ftand, and opeil orlhut themjull as they chemfelvcsfhould think fit. Fort de troite in 1 712, the Outegamis promifed to burn, and bring in the Englijh ; but they mif- carried. ** Had this place been loft, hysCbarUvoix^ *' and the EngUfh taken poffeftlon, it would quite *« have ruinad New France^ as 'tis the center and •* finfeft part of all Canada^ and it would have <» been impoflible to have the leaft communica- *' tion with the favagcs above, or mthLourfiana.** This proves what I have obferved as to the defigned obftruflion ; and (hews how many ways there were, and opportunities we have had of put- ting a ftop to the progrefs of the French^ and pre- venting them from uniting their two Colonies. Thefe forts, therefore, appear to have been built to limit our northern Colonies on the weft, as Touloufe was, with dcfign that it fhould be our ne plus ultra on the fame fide of Carolina and Georgia : hftly, they have built forts on Lake Erri, and driven us out of ours on the Ohio near Logfiown^ in order fo let us know that they will not fufFcr us. topoiftfsan inch of ground to the weft of thc^//i- ganey mountains. By t "O Bythefe limits, which th(6 French have prc- fcribed us by their forts^ they have llripc us of more than nine parts in ten of North Amerka^ which they may be faid now to be in pofTeflion cf; and left us only a fkirt of coaft along (he Ah lamic Ihore, bounded on the north by th6 river St. Ueuorence, and on the weft by the Appatacbian ©r Alliganty mountains, which are no where above 280 miles diftant from the coaft, atld in fome parts not more than 120. In confequ^nce of thefe proceedings they have already prevenred us from extending our fettle- ments beyond thdr prefent bounds; cut off all our intercourfe with the Indians 5 and farther reduced the fmall (hare they had left us of the Fur tradt, having gotten into their poffeflion fix or k^tn eighths of it before. But if left in poflciUon of fuch great advantages, it is not to be imagined that our good neighbours will flop there : they Who have unjuftly ufurped fo much from us* Would not long be content without fcizing the whole, if it was in their power •, and this moil certainly they intended in a Ihort time to attempts hor could it have befen in the power of the united force of our plantations to withftand them. It was, doubtlefs, not without a view to this defign, that in 1 750, Mr. Cbaitbert^ a lieutenant in the King's fleet, was feni to lurvcy ih^ penin- fula of Nova Scotia^ from the gut of Canfo quite round the coaft as far as Port Roya\ under co- lour of doing fcrvlce to Geography and Naviga- tion. It was certainly doing both a very import- ant fervice; and that gentleman has executed his plan (trie more meritorioufly, as the voyage was undertaken at his own rtqucfl) with an addrefs which does him extraordinary honour; yet this isawork, which, at a time when i\\^ French had t «« 1 had invad«d our ti^rritories in that very part, the Enghjb^ I think, ought not to have fufFcred. Lucki!y for the Colonies, they have difcovered their defign before their chain of forts was com- pleted, and ihey were fufficiently prepared for putting it in execution : for doubtlefs their in- tention was Brft to have deprived us of all Indian afliftance, efpeciaily in the northern colonies, where they propofed to attack us, by either cut- ing off or fubduing the fix nations and their allies. This as a memorial before me, written by an American about that timr, fets forth, they threa- tened to do in 1752, the year after they had built their fort at Crown-point : fo much did the gain- ing that point embolden them, and fo much had the colonies chiefly concerned reafon to repent their having fuffered fo dangerous an incroach- ment. After fubduing the fix nations, their next motion probably would have been to build a fort or forts in the country of the Cbarokees, as chofe Indians informed the Governor of Carolina they had often threatened : then perhaps they might have attempted to eredb one at the head of the rivers Kennebek and La CbaudierCy in a place here* after-mentioned. Bur, for fear of alarming the colonies too much, in all probability they would not have thought of feizirig the Ohio in the bor- ders of Virgi'niii^ till they found matters ripe for execution : for as their end in this was to leave the nonbcrn colonies no Indians to aflift them, it fcems to have been defigncd for their latt ftep. That they took it fo prematurely, was doubtlefs to pre- vent the Englijh \ who, .they apprehended, or ra- ther were intormed, were making preparations for fettling that country : for at appears now, that the intentions of the colonies on that head were betrayed to the French } ll)d the fecrct of the Ohity ■ [>3] Ohio grant, to the Indians. It was this which brought the former fooner than they intended in- to thofe parts; and made the latter dcfcrrt or turn againft the Virginians^ which occafioned their de* feat in the battle of the great meadows. As the French in 1688 feton fbqt their proje6b during the peace, in expectation of a war foon breaking out, they are doubtlefs at prefent in a like expectation : it is hkely too that their intenc was, as they feem to have done, to begin the war in America \ which according to fome is the moft proper place for them to begin it in. That the French wer6 not far off from putting thrir old fcheme in execution, might be inferred from the conduft of iheir geographers 5 who of late have been more than ordinarily bufy at cur- tailing the Britijh territories in their maps ; by which they lay claim to a great deal more than their countrymen have taken poflcffion of. For they cut off from us near one half of Hudfon^i river, which belongs to New Tork^ and the whole country of the five nations, tho' exprefsly yielded by the treaty of Utrecht. Altho* by the original grant of our Kings Penfylvania is extended five degrees, or about 260 miks weft of Delawar ri- ver, yet they for the general retrench three of thofe degrees •, and (bme make the Sufquehanna its weftern boundary, contra(5ting that province CO the breadth of 70 miles, and depriving it of all the weftern branches of that great river. Vir- ginia they limit by the Appalachi^^n or AUigoney ^mouncains ; and curtail 200 miles of it fouth- ward, makiiig AJhky river its boundary, under pretence .of their fettle ments in 1562: but the late Mr. Del IJle went ftill farther on a woifc foundation ; for in his map of New France^ pub- iilhed 17 1 8, he transfers the whole province over to [ '4 ] to hi$ own nation, by making it a part of Lcui' /tatWy under the h\in fuggeftion chat the n^'ne of Car^a was given cait by the Fren^'b in honour of their King Chirks ; and now at length, to make (hort work of it, one of their prefent geo g^aphen, Mr. Kohert^ h«s run away with all the Bfitifh colonic at once, and carried thrm into Canada *, dqubtleis under the Urne pretence of VirtsBxam*s diicovery in 1534, tho' 27 y^ars po- (lerior to that of the Cubots, Can any thing be noore evident from all theic inftances, than that th^ Frmch refolve never tp cive over their encroachmcats on our territories, but to gain upon them by degrees, till they have ^complifhed their long concerted defign of fwal- lowing up the whole. In th»c cafe, what a mod formidable power would France arrive at ! " For •* when become mafters of alt our American trade, ** our fugars, tobacco, rice, timber, and naval ** ftores, they would loon, faith the above-men* *' tioned memorialiO', be an over match in naval flrength to the reft of Europe^ and fo in d condition to give laws to the whole/'\ t( 4i T Lt he thJ afll mi th( it II. Siate of the French a^J'. Englifh colonies compared, TF a foreigner, unacquainted with the affairs of -*' America^ was to hear in >vhat manner they have driven us, as it were, into a corner and blocked us up, he would conclude that ihe French are vaftly more numerous there than the Englijh ; whereas the very reverfe of this is the cafe, from an exad enquiry made on the fpot la{l year, by See the Condofl of the Frtncb, p 454 a very [ '5] a very capable pcrfon, it did not appear chat the whole inhabitants or French of CatuJ^^ exceeded 459000 fouls, of which 15,000 ar4i 6^hcing men. This tallies with the account given by Colonel Levingfton in 1732, as to the lad article, altho' he obferved, that the Fnncb themfelves mad« their number amount to 18,000. But we arc alTured from another hand, thai in 1747, all their militia or fenfible men, capable of march- ing, did not exceed 13,000 men, with about 1 000 regular troops, and as many Indians^ who may be prevailed on to march. As for Louifianai the number of French throughout the whole pro- vince, which they thus extend from rhe Mexikan gulf to the Ilinois river, in about latitude 40 de* grees, the (pace of 800 leagues, is very fmall : but fuppofing it contains 6 or 7000, with auxiliary Indians^ the province of either New Tork or of ConneElhtt in New England has more men in it than both their colonies together : fo that, on a moderate calculation, the number of I^ench in their two fettlements, tho* greatly increafed fmce the peace of Utrecht, holds a proportion to that of the EngUJh in theirs, which very litlc exceed one to twenty. *' But (as a memoiial now be- *' fore nic obfcrves on this occafion) union, fitua* tion, proper management of the Indians, fu- perior knowledge ot the country, and conOant ** Stpplication to a purpofc, will more tlian bi* > lance divided numbers, and will eafily break ** a rope of fand." The French hive but one town in hcuifiana^ that is New Orleans, near the mouth of Miffif* Bppf river j and only three of any note in Canada^ Rebeck, Montreal dnd Trots- Riviere^, which lies between the other two, and all fituateci on the river of St. Laurence: of thefc three pbces alfo, 6 the «c t( [«6] _ the two firft only are of any confideration. .^^- ^^ the capital lies about no leagues fro n the mouth of the river St. Laurence, is pretty (Irongly foriiBed with a fort, four reJoubts, and as many batteries on the river, but weak towards the land. Its inhabitants are varioudy computed, from 10,000 to 15,000, being more than v^hat are found in the other two, bcHdes 500 foldiers. Montreal^ fixty leagues higher up the river, is more pleafantly featcd, and has three fourths the number of inhabitants, but is not fo well for- tified. Between thefe two towns are included all the ftttlements in Canada of any note ; that of TroiS'RiviireSy in the midway, is fmall and a trifling fortification. • The climare of Canada is fo cold, that the river St. Laurence is net navigable from OSlob^r to May^ by reafon of ice, and the earth fo long covered with fnow, that the inhabitants have great difficulty to maintain their fmall ftocks of cattle thro* the winter ; and the Indian trade, which is ail the bufmefs of the couniry, takes fuch nuin* bers of men from labour, that they raife very Tittle grain more than is nece0ary for their annual fubfiOance, which frequently falls fhort. The forces maintained by the King in this country are diftribjted amongd the fmall forts in the inland parts, feme to the diftance of above 1000 miles. Befides thofe already mentioned, there are four of note. Fort -for el^ where the river of the Iro- quois or Richelieu^ which is the di (charge of Lake Cbamplain, enters St. Laurence river, a little be- low Montreal. Fort ChambU^ before mentioned, half way between Sorel and Lake Cbamplain^ and 100 north by eafl from Crown-point. Thirdly, fort Frontenac, mentioned alio before, on the lake Kaderakkui or Ontario^ almoft due north of our £'7l cur f ort of 0/wego,:ir.d about 6oor7omilesdifttant. LMy^DenonviU fort at Niagra and that of Detroit^ on the canal of communication between the Hu- rons and Erri lake. They have a few other ftac- kado forts, and one called St. Jgnace^ on the fouth fide of the paflage between the Hurons and Mijhigan lake, not far from Tieodonderagbi or Miffilimakinaky where they had one formerly. From what has been laid with refpedb to Ca<-' nada^ the reader may perceive a reafon why the French are fp earned to encroach on the poffcf- (ions of their neighbours •, and tho' Louifiana might make them tome amends, yet it lies at ib vaft a diftance, that Canada^ for many ages to come, can reap but little benefit from it -, that IS, till the two colonies, by the increafe of their rcfpedive inhabitants, (hall draw cjofer together. The diftance by land between the two capitals, going, as they are obliged to do, by lakes and rivers, is at kaft 700 leagues : akho* the di- re6l diftance, could it be traveled for woods and moraffcs, would not be above 450. It is a jour- ney by water of three months, from §Hebek to New Orleans *, and three times as much from New Orleans to ^ebek^ jgo'^g againft the ftream of the Mjjfilftppi^ and other rapid rivers. In all this fpace there are no more than a few flackado forts, at a great diftance from each other, and without any fettlements. The diftance by fea is equal to that thro' the continent : for to their colonies they have no more than two inlet?, the mouth of the Miffiffippi^ and that of the river St. Laurence^ near 1000 leagues afunder 5 whilft the Englijh find admiflion into theirs by an infinite number of ri- vers, which fall into the Atlantic ocean within that fpace, and afford theui fo many advajnta^es of trade. C But [ »8 J But altho* the Premb colonies are far inferior to the Englfi^ with refpcdt to number of inha- bitants, commodious fituatijn, and quality of foil % yet ihcy far exceed them in other advan- tages. In the firft place, the country to the weft of Cmtada is the bed country for furs in all America 5 for beaver or caftor, the farther fouth, hath Itfs fur, and more hair. This valuable trade they have cngroffed almoft wholly to themfelve?, by having all that mimenfe tra6l of country open to them i while they exclude the Englijh, by in- clofing them, and (hutting up all pafTages except- ing one or two, by which the Indians can have accefs to ih-m. As their whole bufinefs almoft is their trade with the Indians^ their young men, for fake of gain, travel and refide among them : nay, they become acquainted with the woods, whence named Coureurs de Bois^ or wood-ran- gers i are inured to hardfhips, become enterpri- zing, and are as good at bufti-Bghting, as the Indians themfelves : at home they arc muftered and exercifed; all excepting eccledaftics and fome others, may be accounted fo many foldiers, who are better for the fervice of that country than their beft veteran troops, and even the Indians themfelves. For chis reafon, that fort of life is e(iCouraged in Canada \ and it is a qualification for a young man to make a tour on the lakes, as it is in Europe to make a campaign. The country is divided into fignories, and the lands held in foccage, by the tenants, who are thereby obliged, on any occafion, to take up arms for their defence. The whole, being like- wife under one general command, the people obey with fuch alacrity, *' That (to ufe the words " of a memorial before me) in cafe of any at- '* t^ck, they all fly, on the firft notice, to the "place '* placi «* on h The but aba are no^K the Indi For thi other cr coiiforn to be di tcrmarr; llrength to the I This r/Vfl, wl the rcvei indepeni and fubj fider tht for the Above t the hanc north m tvcr, wc oth;.r thi a very g Nezu fortified, a chain fend a 1 alfo, wh been late built laC Kennihek, New . nada, is capital. [ '9 J K place of danger, as readily as in a garrifon* '* on bearing or louiiding a call.*' The French fortify alto wherever they come* but above all take care to gain the Indians ; and are now mailers, fays the lame memorial, of all the Indians in the eadern part of the continent. For this purpofc they conftancly keep priefts, of other emifTaries amongft them } and fo natural!/ conform ihemfelves to the Indian ways, as fcaict to be diftinguifhed. In fine, they frequently iti- tcrmarry with them, by which methods they Itrengthen their intereft, and endear themfelvea to the Indians^ who are very true to them. This is the general ilate of the French in /ime" rica^ while that of the Britijb colonies is too much the rcverfe. Each is a diftindt government wholly independent of the reft, purfuing its own intereft and rubje(5t to no general command. If we con- fider their ftaie as to force, we (hall find them, for the moft part, very weak and defencelefs. Above two parts in three of Nova Scotia are in the hands of the French^ who have feizcd all the north main, and left us only the: peninfula : how^ ever, we have there Annapolis^ Halifax, and fbmc oth: r thriving fettlemencs, which begin to put on a very good afpedb. Nezv England is ftrong and indifferently well fortified, particularly northward, where it has a chain of forts reaching to Albany, which de- fend a line of 300 miles. Its ealtern frontier alfo, which was tolerably well fecured before, has been lately reinforced by the addition of two forts, built lad fummer, on the banks of the river Kennibek, New Torky the principal frontier againft Gj- nada, is provided with no very ftrong fort in its capital, and wants fbme to fecure the entrance Qf C 2 its its harbour. Jlbufiy has another fort dill Ic^fs cic- fcnfiblf, and at 150 miles diftance. There arc two regular companies in B'itijh pay in each fort; buc they are too far afunder for mutual defence, or even alTiftancc. Thtlc are all the forts to be found on the Bri' tip thSLin to tiK* fouth of Port-Royal : and to the fouth of New Tcrk, for 600 miles together, the coal^ is unfortified, excepting by its natural fhoa- linefs till you comi* to Cbarles-Town ; but lower down we find a few poor ones in Georgia^ the ibuthern frontier of the Bfitijh territories. If we confidcr the (Irengih of the colonies, ill refpe6l to military forces, altho* fo full of people, we (hall find them almoft deAitute of lighting men. In fome colonies there is no ap- ptarapce at all of a miliria ; and in Ibme others there may be; an appearance of fuch, but none oi fervice *, whatever there are being poorly armed. The found of war or enemies, fays the memorial, efptfcialiy the Indians^ is terrible to them. But when we come 10 enquire for thefe Indians^ who were fo numerous formerly in the country, and would have been their furefl defence, we fcarce &nd any in mod of the colonies in the parts in- habited by the Englijh ; who have made it their bufinefs every where, by degrees, to root them our, either by making war on them, or fetting their feveral nations or tribes at variance among themfclves. It may not be amifs, therefore, to fct forth the defencelefs (late of the colonies in ^his particular. The inland parts of the northern main of No- va Scotia^ and the country between that and tlie river Kennehek^ bounding New England^ having never been fettled by either French or Englijh, is poiTeiTed by the feveral tribes of the Abenakki or Abnakki lift tie- lere arc ch fort; lefcnce, he Bri- 1 to the ler, the al (hoa- Jt lower ^ia, the [X)Ionies, full of :itute of s no ap- e oihers none oi f arnned. lemorial, n. But ns, who try, and ve fcarce parts in- : it their lot them >r fetting e among ^fore, to onies in of No- : and tiie having ngl/Jh, is ?/t4kki or Abnakki [ 21 J Abnakki IndianSj who were the natural inhabi- tants of New England, and are inveterate ene- mies to it, on account of former quarrels •, which has reduced them to the number of about 640. In the peninfula there are a few tribes of Aiik- makSf called formerly by the French Souriquois. In New England there are but a very few /«- dians left, almod all having been deflroyed by the wars, or driven out i part into the country eaftward, which are thofe jull now mentioned, and part into the territories of the French, to whom they are firmly attached; excepting the tribes who in 1749 came voluntarily, 'tis faid, and fubmitted to the governor of New Tork. This laft province has very few Indians belong- ing to it, unlefs we reckon for fuch the Six Na- tions, who are faid to be fettled within the pr.)- vince, and more properly under its protedlion : thofe were formerly a numerous people, 10 or 12,000 ftrong, but at prefent it is thought that they do not exceed 1500 Bghting men. New Jerfey has very few Indians, and none who could be of fervice in war. Penfylvania has 6 or 700 ; but half of them are Shawanons *, who to avoid moleilation from their neighbours, leav- ing their habitations along the river which is called by their name in the French maps, and falls into the Ohio, removed to the river Sujquehanna m that province : but being menaced by the fix na- tions for mifchief done on Delaware river, in 1728 returned to the Ohio, where many Dela- wares had gone before for fake of hunting ; and two years after, by the perfuafions of a French emilTary, put themfclves wholly under prorc^ioo of xkit French; which they fignified at their re- turn, by hoifting a French flag at tlieir town : C 3 how-« IH 1 I H [22] however, at prefent they for the general are, or pretend to be, friends to the Eiglifif. In Maryland there are a few Indians called Natt' iikoks, on the eaft fhore •, but on the other fide fcarce any ar all. In Virginia they have none in the parts inhabited by the Englijh.^ but live in fe- parate towns. In Carolina ihey were formerly very numerous •, but the Englijh^ fays the memo- rill of 1 732, made it their policy to p'ay one nation againji another^ till they all became exceedingly r<:- ductd, altho'confiderable numbers ftill remain Mr. Neal fays * the Englijh were fo wife as to do the fame by the Indians oi New England. By this falfe ftep, as Well as horrid policy, they have greatly diflrefled inftead of relieving themfclves •, for, as the country backwards, as well as forwards, lies open to an in- vader, in cafe the French Ihould pour in their nu- merous tribes of Indians on them, what devafta- tion and ruin would be made, for want of other Indians acquainted with their w?.y of making war to oppofe them ? So that it is to be feared, that upon fuch an invafion, the firft thing they would have occafion to repent, would be the deftruftion cf their own Indians. Befides, as there are in the fouthern Colonies three or four blacks to one white, what danger might not be apprehended from thefe poor unhappy wretches, (who, provoked by even a worfe than Egyptian flavery, have two or three times formed dangerous confpiracies to de- ftroy their mafter?,) in cafe of fuch an invafion,efpe- cially if their matters were obliged to march to de- fend their frontiers, and leave their families behind. ' 'Tis true, the memorialift, to pUliate the bar- barity of his neighbour countrymen, fays, that thefe Indians are, for the general, an unfieady faith- Ufs people : yet acknowledges, " that they may be 4( Hift, Neav Engl. Vol. II. p. 2. are, or d Nan- er fide lone in e in fe- )rmerly memo- e nation igly r«:- in Mr. he fame Ife ftep, iarefled country an in- leir nu- ievafta- if 01 her ing war d, that ir would truftion e in the to one shended ovoked ave two ?s to de- on,efpe- h to de- j behind, the bar- ys, that dy faith- ey may " be (C be governed by their intereft,and may beufeful while they can be kept friends." Whofe fault then is it if they be not friends ? And, if " by ** their barbar'/, infidious attacks, and fwiftneis >* in the woods, they are terrible enemies •,'* are nor thefe reafons why they fhould be made our friends ? What is more in their favour, he owns, •* that the Fr^«f/& fully underftand their impori- *' ance ; and managing for them in their enter- •* prizes, will have very great dependence on *' their alTiftance.** I am forry the Englijh do not underftand their importance, and how to manage them as well as the French \ but it is a fatal truth, that they cither do nor, or will not j excepting thofe of Penfyhania^ who never experienced any treachery from their Indians^ but have always lived in harmony with them. And, how comes that } the reafon is plain •, becaufe the inhabitants of that province, who are for the molt pare Quakers, afting ftrifily up to their own and true chriftian principles, never deprived them of their lands without paying for them, defrauded them of their goods, or gave them any other grofs provocations, as the Englijh of '^ther provinces have done to their Indians. 'Tis true, the Indians never forgive very grie- vous injuries till fatisfadion be made them. The fame principles influenced the ancient Greeks and Romans. It is, indeed, the neceflary refult of li- berty, and fo infeparable from it, that wherever it is wanting in any nation, once poireflcd of ir, it is a fure fign that they have deg' nerated, and are haftening to their downfal. But al ho' a juft lenfe of liberty makes the Indiam impatient of wrongs, the fimplicity of their manners, and ftrift attach- ment to juftice, renders them cautions of giving offences, In reality, if we look into the hiftory C 4 of I': [»4] of the Colonies, which comes to our hands, tho* very imperfedt, and often partial in fiivour of the Englf/h, we (ball find that all the confiderable wars or (laughters made by the Indians in the Co- lonies, have been owing to the provocations given them, either by fcizitig their lands, or mal-treat- ing them in trade or odicrwifc. Capt. JVeymouthy who failed for Virginia in 1606, landed on Long JJland, and found the na- tives more ;itfable and courteous than thofe to the fouthward', but the adventurers, ihro* greedinefs of gain, over- reaching the Indians in their traf- fick, it begat a jealouiy, which, we are told, was tTie fource of the many n urders and maffacres which happened afterwards ; of which two had like to have ruined the ftttlement in its infancy, the firlt in 1622, when near 4.00 Enpi/h wert (lain, thcfccond in 1639, wherein they To it above 500. This laft was on account of lands taken from them. The enterprizes of the Virginia (ttr tiers afterwards, in 1670, for making dilcoveiies to the weft of that province, in the Oi'/'^ country, greatly alarmed ihem j and believing their defign was to extirpate them, they endeavoured to cut them off by way of prevention. The En^l'fo were in danger of being deftroyed at their firlt fettling in New England in 1620, on on account of r.lie villainy of one Capt. Hunt, who had carried away 20 of the natives but a little be- fore : however, they became reconciled when convinced that Hunt was declared a villain by the Englijh. This fliews that they are not implaca- ble, but content with reafonable amends : yet tht diforders of fome of the firlt fcitlers renewed , their difguft *, and the violences commitied by their poderity, when they grew (tronger, brought the Colony to the brink of ruin more than once, witnets [ *5 ] witnefs thefe two dreadful wars of the Pequots and King Pbil'p, the firft in 1637, the latter in 1676. About the lame time the Englijh^ who had fettled in the country, caft of Kennebek river, drew a war on ihemfelves, in which many were cut off by the Amonnjkoggin and Penobjkot Indians. Mr. Neal fays * " ihey cheated the natives in the moft *' open and barefaced manner imaginable, and ** treated them like flaves.** The Indians^ cfpecially thofe of Sako and Amo- nojkoggin complained, that the EngliJIo refufcd to pay the yearly tribute of corn agreed on in the lare articles of peace : that they not only had taken away their lands, but obftrufted their fifh- ing in the rivers, and lent their cattle into their fields to deftroy their corn : that the governor had granted away their lands, and that the traders made them drunk ai.d cheated them. " Abufcs, ^* fays Mr. iVi?<j/, which thofe who trade much *' with them, are fcldom innocent of,'* f and thcfc intollerable grievances were retaliated with themoft (hocking cruelties, moftly on the innocent. As al- nioft all the calamities of this kind which have af- flided the Colonies, were brought on them chiefly by the infolence and knavery of theciaders, ought HOC thofe people to be laid under the ibic^eil re- gulations to prevent fuch evils for the future ? In 1680, Carolina Colony was on the point of being ruined by the council abufing the Indians^ whom in prudence, fays Mr. ArchdaU^ (after- wards himfelf of the council and governor) they ought 10 have obliged, in the higheft degree \ and fo brought on an Indian war, like that in the firft planting of Virginiay in which mat^ Englijh were cut off." Yet this did not hinder others * Hift, Neiu Engl. Vol. I[. p. 24. I Hill, lie'w Engl, p, 53. «( (fc (( (C cc 61 nil' I 1 l! [ »6 ] Others from piirfuing more injurious meafures ; for about the year 1700, the p:a6lice of fcizing and felling Indians for flaves became more com- mon than ever in this province ; nay, governor Moor gave commiflions to people to kill, deftroy, and take all Indians they could for his own pro- fit, which had like to have brought on another Indian war. This Colony ftill continued to abufe the Indians by fraudulent and compulfivc dealing in trade, which, at length, about 1718, provoked the Spanifh Indians to begin a new war, cutting off many Englijh in the out fcttlcments ; who, tho' aflifted by other Colonics, were forced to give up their charter, and put themfelves under the procedion of England before they could quell them. This war continued till 1732, when peace was made. I could, from good authority, men- tion fome pranks committed by the traders of South Carolina among the Cberokees in 1744, which caufed a great tumult, and might have proved the lofs of thofe numerous allies : in (hort, if we may believe Col. Beverly^ in his hiftory of Virginia, ** the Englijh found the Indians (in that •* country) as in all other places, very fair and *' courteous at firft, till they got more knowledge ** of them, and, perhaps, thought themfelves »* over-reached." From all which, I think, it appears but too plainly, that the extirpation of •the Indians, thro* the Colonies, is to be imputed to the faults of the Englijh rather than thofe of the Indians. In fhorr, we have fcarce any Indians left with- in the Colonies who are able to be of any fervicc to us i and of thofe numerous natives, who fur- round them without, we can reckon on none in the northern parts but the fix nations and their de- pendents, who are yet the chief defence of the northern . [ *7 ] northern Colonies againfl: the other Indians % and in the Ibuthern the Katawbabs about 300, the Cherokees 3 or 4000, the Chikefaws 300, and the Creeks 1000 ; all the reft are either in th= interell^, or under rcftraint of the French ; fuch as the Mingos or Delawars, the Shawanons and Twig- twees or Miyamis, who inhabit the country of the Ohio. To the difadvantages abovt;-mentioned, which the Cylonies labour under, let us add another, nam ly, that of their large rivers and waters, over which there is no pafTage, except by ferrys ; fa that the lands between may be entered, either from (he Tea or back parrs, and the inhabitants of one part plundered before thoi'c of another could be able to affift them. Of this North Carolina^ in the late war, felt an inftance ; for, in 1748, two Spanifh privateers running up Cape Fear river- plundered the town of Brunfwick^ and carried off fix veflcls. Another afcended Delawar river to within a few miles of Philadelphia. What mif- chief might not have been done, had they been daring fellows ? If we pafs from the continent to the iflands in the fFeft Indies, we Ihall find matters ftill worfe, for the power of the French has grown to a fur- prizing degree, by their encroachments on Hi- fpaniola, and fortifying their iflands-, which they have in greater number than the Englijh, whofe ftrength is every where as much decreafed. Martinico, which, about the beginning of this century, was invaded at pleafure by the Englijh, is now grown exceeding ftrong both in forts and fighting men, which laft are faid to be 1 2000 *, wliile Barbadoes, the chief of the Caribbee illands, is as niucli funk in its ftrength as the other is grown. When du Ruyter came againft it in 1675, the T U! ic ct «c <( [ 18 ] the inhabitants had 10,000 men in arms, befidcs fufficient numbers to take care of the plantations. Since then, fays a memorial before me, by ficknefs and their pra6lice of employing as few whites as pofTible, their militia became reduced to 6000 and 200 horfe, which for many years " was reckoned their complement •, but now [in •* 1732] they fcarce exceed half that number, " yet ftill they continue very opulent and tempt- " ing to an enemy : for, from that ifland alone, *' on a conquefl: of it, might be had a booty in «' Negroes, which, if tranfporred, would yield, •' among the Spaniards^ one m\\\\on fieri, befides " all other riches." " The other Britiflj ides feem to languifh like ** if, not thro* poverty, but that fatal canker •' luxury, and a lawlefs adminiflration, which •* have too generally proved the forerunners of «« dcftruftion." After obferving that their forts and magazines are not only negledted but fuffered to run to ruin, the memorialill adds, ** that if the iflands are to be preferved, without <« remarkable providences in their favour, it muft «« be by meafures very different from thofe which «« have been taken of late years.*' The reafon why fuch ftrange diforders have fo long fubfifted in the Colonies is, by the Ame- ricans luppofcd to be their not having come to the knowledge of the government here, thro' the ignorance of feme men and craft of othcis, whofe intereft it was to conceal them. In a memorial, now before me, wriiten about tV year 1732, by a gentleman of the northern olonies, after fetting forch how improbable it ', %r the people of Great Britain to come ac- quainted with American affairs by the common ca- nals of informaiion, " Upon the whole, fays he, 4 , "it " « C( it [*9] it will evidently appear, if we may judge from " the conduct and management of American af- *' fairs, that they have been very little iinder- " ftood, otherwife it is fcarce pofliblc to imagine »* that they would be fufFered to run into their " prefent condition.** This is the ftate of the Briti/h Colonies in Ame- rica \ by which it appears that every thing which tends to their fecurity has been neglected, and every thing which tends to their ruin, or to give the French advantage of them, purfued. This has been obferved by the French writers thcmfelves. Charlevoix takes notice *, that the Engiijb furpafs all other Europeans in the art of cftabli(hing Colonies : but adds, " that they take *' very little care to fecure them againft a fur- ** prize, or the attack of an enemy. So that, continues he, " if the French had as much perfe- " verance, and were as well (killed in prefer ving, *' as hardy and quick in making their conquefts *• in the new world, the crown of England would not by this time, perhaps, have a fingle inch of ground in Norih America.** Would not one imagine that the French have profited by this au- thor's refle6tion, and are firmly refolved to corredt the fault which he finds in their former condufl ? However that be, he finds another error in the management of the Englijhy already taken notice of. He fays, " that being mixed with foreigners ** of all nations, they apply thcmfelves wholly <' to the cultivation of lands and their commerce, »« which renders them unfit for war : and hence, continues he, proceeds the contempt which the favages have for them i a handful of whom hath for a long time kept in awe their moft populous «vnd flourifliing Colonies.'' He adds, *'Ali cc « '.a * Vol. II. p 197. I'll 'Hi ill I III I nil ' c« ct C( [30] " All their fecurity Jay in our incond.mcy, our levity, cur negligence and want of harmony among our commanders. It is by this means, concludes CbarlevoiXf thit they have remained ** matters of fo many important pofts j out " of which we have driven them as often as •' we have attacked them." There has been but too much ground for this bravado fince that author wrote, whatever there might have been before : what is more, he has had not only the fatisfadion to fee his remark confirmed by his countrymen driving us out of almolt all thofe important pofts again ; but alfo the plea- fure to find that they have mended of the fault with which he accufed them about thirty years ago of n( t preferving their Colonies : for to our ftiame be it fpoken, they have kept every im- portant place which they had taken, and likewife greatly improved their advantages by building forts, not only upon, but far within our frontiers. This is their glory j this is our dil'grace. The point now in queftion is how to wipe oflP the ftain and retrieve our aflFairs. The proper way, indeed, to remove the external evils, would be to cure the internal one, which was the caufe of them : but as there is not time fufHcient for that, while the enemy is already at the gates, our firft care muft be to drive them from thence, and re- cover our loft trade as well as territories : after which let them apply ferioufly to reform abufes within, and put the Colonies on a footing, which may prevent their falling into the fame unhappy circumftances any more. Unlefs the laft of thofe two expedients be ftedfaftly rcfolved on we had as good look on ftill without concern, and fuflfer the French to continue their encroachments I for, to what purpofe will it be to put the nation to a great i expence. [ 3« ] cxpence, both of blood and trcafure, only to do what Charlevoix upbraids his counfrymcn with having done, lofc in a little time again what may be with grtat difficulty acquired ? As the French have mended of that fault, it is hoped their ex- ample will prevail on us to mend too. III. Means of frujirating the French defignsy without going to war. TO defeat the defigns of our good neigh- bours, we have choice of two methods, either (0 to drive them out of their unjuft ac- quifitions by force of arms, as they have entered, or (2) to fettle and built forts upon them. If the firftcourfe be purfued (and furely we have provocations enough of all kinds to chufe what courfe we pleafe) we cannot do better than fol- low the rules of their own fcheme ; that is, to take their capital ^eieky and finifh the war ac once. Preparatory to which, the proper way would be to fweep ail the country fouth of the river St. Lawrence, clear of the French, and dc- molifh their fettlements I This is the Hiorteft, mod effedual method, and what will put the na- tion to lead expence. Each place affords almoft the fame conveniency of being attacked. We may as eafily conduA (hips to ^ebek, as the French can to New Tork. The expeditions of Kirk, and Phips (hew this i and then an Englijh army muft take the very fame rout thro* the country from New Tork to ^tebek, which the French muft take from ^ebek to New Tork, The ~ t i [ 32 ] The Enf^li/h always looked on the French pof- fefTujns in Canada^ as well as Acadia^ 10 be an cn- croachnifnt on their rights. This appears from Queen Ann\ manifefto, publifhcd in Canada in 1 7 1 1 , as well as from the Englijh conqueft and atcempts againft (hat country, fet forth in a lace pamphlet.* An expedition of this nature might be cfFec^ tuated with fewer (hips and men, than were fur- nifhed towards the intended expedition in 1747. " and if rightly calculated, well and truly exe- '* cuted, in all human probability, to ufe the ** words of a propofal now before me, on this ** fubjeft, could not fail of fuccefs, and would *« acquire to Britain all flie wants on the contU " nent of North America, The whole fca coaft ** on the ^//rf«//V ocean, and fifhery, from F/oriW((j, «* as far north as it is habitable, aswcllasallthe in- *• land country throughout its now unknown ex- ** tent, would be hers : every Indian would be " cloathed with her manufa6lures ; and every " beaft be her property : all his majefty*s fub- «« jedls, in that part of the world, would dwell in " peace ; and, by their natural encrcafe, become •* luch a nurfcry of people to him, and bis fuccef- *' fors,thatfrom thence they may raifeaforce (per- haps in lefs than half a century) which, by a right direction, might be able to put them in poffeffion of any fouthern colony, now in the hands of our enemies." After removing the inhabitants to Europe^ part of the country may be cantoned out in property to the foldiers who ferved in the expedition, or otherwife difpofed of; fur cc fC • See the Conduft of the French with regard to Nova. Scotia. otiie cef- per- y a in the the imay Iwho of; fur iNova r 33 1 ftnd the fur and peltry trade alone, in a few years; would defray the expence of the expedition with intereft. In caie Canada was attacked, the fettled inha- bitants or planters, who having been originally Huguenots, are (lill fufpetfled, are obliged to till the ground and undergo other hard labour, would probably join the Engliflj. The French troops themfelves are fo miferably kept, and fo weary of the country as well as of the drudgery they go through, that with proper encouragement of places to fettle in they might be brought to defert to us in great numbers ; as they did in the late war, and have done alfo fince the prefent bickerings began, by 20 or 30 at a time. For this reafon, in cafe an expedition iliould at any time be refolved on, it would be proper to dif- perfe manifeftos among the French \ promifing them good lands and the privileges of Englijh' men, if they would come and fettle amongft us : Ihould this take effVft, it would be an eafy way of putting an end to the war, and the French colonics at once. The French commanders at S^ehek, to prevent the defertion of their foldiers, have at times pro- pofed.to the colonies not to receive deferters •, or elfe to give ihem up afterwards in exchange for other prilbners : but they have always wifely rejedled a meafure which tended only to benefit the French and hurt themfelves. Indeed no propofal made by the French ouglu to be accepted till it be firft maturely weighed and confidered \ for it is a maxim with them never to make any by which they do not gain abundantly more than they lofe. The Englijh in America have loft many oppor- tunities of taking Canadci, and driving the French quite out, when they were not the fixth part fo D ftrong tl M*l •'^^l 1 ^ .,'! »-"■ firong as they are now. In 1688, when their whole force was fcarcc 2000 men, the Six Na- tions, (then only five) to be revenged on the Marquis de Piouville^ who had invaded the Sen- neka'^s country the year before, furprized the ifland of MonireaU which they entered on the fouth fide, they burnt all the plantations, and malTacred above 1000 French people, befides carrying away 26 prifoners, the greater part of whom were burnt alive. The five nations loft no more than three men in this expedition, who got drunk and were left behind. In Oiiober following they invaded Montreal a fecond time, and having deftroyed rhe lower part of the ifland, carried away many prifoners. If only New Tork had performed her engagements at this time to the five nations 1 or they had imderftood the method, of attacking forts, 1688 would have been as memorable irt America for the deftruclion of Canada, as it is in Great Britain for the banifliment of arbitrary power. The revolution which happened at the time when the five nations triumphed over Canada^ feemed to be a favourable conjundion for them. It is but reafonable to think, that having been too powerful for the French when aflifted by all the wertern Indian nations, and the Englijh flood neuter, that now when thofe nations had made peace with them, and the Englijh joined in the war, the French would not be able to ftand one campaign : but the party divifions which enfued, at a time when harmony might have been ex- pelled, occafioned by the bad choice of gover- nors fent over, loft them that opportunity alfo *. There were fcveral other opportunities of diftref- * Celden's Hiil. of the Five Nations, p. 91, 94. fing, 1 their X Na- >n the ic Sen- : ifland th fide, 1 above ^ay 26 : burnt in three id were invaded iftroyed y many ned her jns I or [tacking rable irt ,s it is in irbiirary he time Canada^ ►r them, ng been td by all ijh flood ad made i in the kand one 1 enfued, been ex- f gover- ty alfo *. : diftref- 94- 135 1 ling, and perhaps of difabling, if not of quite ilibduing the enemy, had the fouthern colonies, as by treaty obliged, afTided, between that year and the peace of Ryfwick in 1697, during vt^hich time the Bve nations continued the war alone againfl: Canada^ and often ravaged its bor- ders as far as the river St. Laurence^ keeping the French all the while in continual alarms and in- cxpreflible terror. They had fo great an anti- pathy to them at that time, that tho* greatly re- duced by the war they would have had the En* glt/h to continue it till they had completed the conqueft of Canada^ in which they affirmed there was no manner of difficulty. But the colonies were then blind to their intereft, and thofe times are no more. If we would drive out the French at this time of day, we muft employ a very large force, and expeft great oppofition. *Tis true great forces, even more than necef- fary were employed in the expeditions of 1690 and 1710, the firft under Sir fVilliam Phips, the fecond under General Ntcholfen ; yet both mif* carried, one by very filly, the other by very bad, if not, as fome will have it by very wicked ma- nagement : for the force which was in the fleet, in the opinion of the bed judges, was fufficienc not only to have taken ^ebek, but to have driven the French out of all their fettlements in America^ The New England hiftorian fays, this expedition failed " by the treachery of thofe who were aC " the head of it •," and Mr. Harley in his letter to Queen Anne^ accufes the managers with fetting it on foot partly to put 20,000 pounds in their pockets ; which fecrct he fays was difcovered on the fleet's return. With refpe^l to Phips*s con- dud, La Hontany who was then at ^ebsk, fays, D 2 " I^ fine b» Ili'^ «c (C «c C( •« fsST ** It was fo bad, that he could not ha^e done hfs than he did if he had been hired by the French to (land dill with his hands in his pockets : that if they had come direflly againft the town it would have furrendered, having had only 12 great guns, very little ammunition, and few forces : but they were fo dilatory in their *' confultations at a diftance, that the French had •« time to reinforce the place, which Sir fVilUam " bombarded with four veffels and did damage " to the value of five or fix piftoles." The mis- carriage was owing likewife to his fetting out too late in the year, and the 2300 land forces, from Mbany^ who were to attack Montreal in order to divide the French forces, not proceeding. How the late expedition, fet on foot in 1746, would have iljccceded in cafe it had gone for- ward, there is no poflibility of determining : buc in all problibility the reduction o{ Canada was not really intended at this time, by the government here. However, fome amends would have been made for the great expence which this ftratagem put the nation to, in cafe the colonies had taken the French fort ait Crown-pointy as was intended, with the forces which they had raifed : but as it owed its foundation to mifunderdandings among the p'overnments ; fo the fame caufe prevented its being demolifhed, when there was a fair oppor- tunity for "'oing it : and this muft generally be the cafe tiii there is a union eftablilhed among them, at leaft for their mutual defence. If the fecond method be chofen, in order if poffible to prevent an open war, our bufinefs will be to follow the example of the French in this alfo •, and build forts on our own frontiers as well as they, and at a fmall diftance from theirs (\n Ihe lame manner as they have done at Shegnikto in er if will this well (m nikto in I 37 1 in Nova Scotia) in all places where they have in- croached on our territories : but this muft be done under cover of ftrong forces ; for to be fure they will not fuffer it, if they can poflibly pre- vent it. But fuppofing the thing poffible to be hefted without coming to blows, we muft not flop here, but muft go on fettling and building firong forts in all the countries which we lay claim to, and intend to keep : barely making fettlements will not do, as fome have imagined, however able we may be to out-fettle them. The weaknefs of this notion has been proved to our coft } fince we Bnd the French have in one feafon, broken up above 160 families of fettlements and refldents which we had in the weftern parts of Virginia^ along the Ohio and other rivers, and even taken the fort which we had raifed. But it is not to be imagined that they would have ventured to attack thofe fettlements had they been well fecured by forts eredled in proper places ; much lels have made fo great a progrcfs in fo ihort a time. If therefore we would fecure our American do- minions againft the French^ we muft out-fort^ as well as Qut-fettk them. Our colonies are in a worfe condition by far than is generally believed, or can well be conceived, unable to hurt their in- vaders or defend themfclves; while the French have forts every where, and we have forts, in a manner, no where, The number of forts ncceffary to be built for fecuring the colonies muft be eftimated by the number of forts already built by the French on our frontiers, and the places proper for fortifying, which they have left unoccupied, which are in- deed very few \ fo in duftrious they have been to X) 3 anti- [ 38 ] anticipate us in an article of fuch infinite concern to our plantations. ' As the country of the Ohio is in fo much dan- ger of being wrefted fronr» us ; and its being well fecured of fo much importance to all the colonies in general, north, fouth and middle, as hath been already fet forth : if ever it comes into our hands again, ic ought to be well fortified by building forts in convenient places along the ri- ver, efpecially at each extremity •, that is, one at the mouth of the Ohio on the Miffijftppi^ and another at Niawgra near the lake Ontario : this laft will prevent the communication of Loutfiana with Ca- nada by that lake and the JBm, and oblige the French to abandon their forts on the fouth eaft fide of this laft lake, by rendering them ufelefs, as well as fave us the expence of crefting a fort at Tierondoquot, on the lake of Ontario, about 60 miles to the eaft of the Niawgra ft rait : a place which they have long had their eye upon for build- ing a fort, and which we might be under a ne- ceflity of fortifying in cafe the French remain at Niawgra, in order to prevent their taking pof- feflion of it, as they did once already in 1687, altho' it was but for a fhort time : and this doubt- lefs was the reafon which made governor Clarke of New Tork fo earneft to have that place for- tified. In efFeft a French fort there would prove no lefs dangerous to New Tork, than that at Crown- Point ; as it would give them ad million into the country of the Sennekas, the moft powerful of the fix nations : among whom they have already gotten fome footing by means of the Niawgra fort and their priefts ; and whofe defedtion, con- fidering their influence, might be a means of our lofing the fricndihip of the other five. Tho t39] The fort at the mouth of the OhtOf ought tt be ftrongly built and garrifoned, and a confider- able fetdement made about it : after this fecde- ments might be gradually carried on between the MsJUftppi^ and the Alliganey mountains, back- wards and forwards, at the fame time. Nor can too much encouragement be given to fettle this country, efpecially on the fide of the Miffijftppi, as quick as poflible, by allowing people liberty to iettle how and where they pleafe, without making Jarge grants to'any company 5 an obftacle which has hindered fettling more than any other thing, and on many accounts proved greatly detrimental to the colonies ; by raifing the price of lands to an exorbitant degree, which befides the danger- ous evil of enriching a few and impoverilhing many, has been attended with one dill more per- nicious, that is of weakening the colonies by leaving near half of fome of them unpeopled. This fort and fettlcment would eflfedlually ex- clude the French from pafling into the weftern parts of Virginia^ by the Ohio and its branches : But as they have two forts on the Wahajh^ one at its mouth on the Ohio^ and another about the middle of that river, it would be proper to have two others built in oppcfition to them : the fe- cond in the part where it draws near the river of the llinois or Chiktaghiks, Should we go a little farther and ereft another on this laft river, in the neighbourhood of the former, it would entirely cut off their communication this way between Louiftana and Canada \ and oblige them to go io far about, a$ to difcourage thtm, with all their fanguine views and perfeverance, from ever hop- ing to compafs their fo much defired projefb of joining their two colonies, on this fide of the mm D 4 The i' ill 1'* I m t40]l The country to the fouth of the Ohio, would be in good mcafure fecured by the fore built at the mouth of it, which will hinder thtir paffagc into the Hogehege^ or river of the Charokees^ di- viding the country of ihefe Indians on the north from Virginia. However, more cffedtiially to lecure it, and at the fame time cover the country of the Charokees^ it would be proper to build one at the fails a little below the place where the Pe- lefipi or Clinches river joins It, in the north wefl borders of the Cbarokees ', and another efpecially, in the heart of the country poffeffed by thoife people, who have long applied with great earnefl:- neG to the governor of Carolina for that purpofe^ reprefcnting the danger which otherwifc there was of the French doing the fame : and it is well, if thro* this unpardonable negledt, the French in cafe they ihould be forced out of the back parts of Virginia, do not in their return to New Or- leans, put that defign in execution : as to be fure they will in cafe they keep poffeflion of what they have already ufurped, in order to prevent any attempts on our fide to fecure that country to us» By a like pernicious remilTnefs, or fomething elfe, were they fuffered fince the year 1715 to build the fort ttuloufe on the river Alihamous, not far from the country of the Creek Indians, and the borders of Georgia ; which frontier, tho* not yet fiifficienc fortified, has balked their views of car- rying on their chain of forts on that (ide to the Atlantic ocean, which before that colony was founded they thought themfelves fure of efFefling whe ever they pleafed, and therefore made the lefs hafle to accomplifh it. Thcfe forts might fcrve at prefent to fortify the fouthern provinces of our American dominions : with regard to our northern, the firft thing which 7 demands [ 4« 1 dcmands^ our attention is the fccurity oF Nem. Tork and its province. This vviU be, in good meafure, done by the fort to be built, at Niawgra^ and that already built at Ofwego^ in the country of (he fix natio.is, at the ibuth ead end of the lake Kadarakai or Ontario^ almofl due fouth of the French fort of Frontenac^ on the north caft corner of the fame lake about 70 miles diilant. But this fort, which is the only one we have for defence of our back Tctdements for many hun- dred m'lcs, till we come to Georgia^ ought to be much enlarged, ftrongly forcified, and turnilhed with a pretty numerous garrifon, as it is of great confequence by its fituation, to both the fecurity and trade of our northern colonies ; it being our, north weftern frontier and the only place or open- ing left by which the IrJians can come to us wuh their furs. For this reafon, till fuch time as our neighbours fliall be obliged by either fair means. or foul to allow them a free paflage thro' the lakes, it will be neceiTary to build a velTel or two, capable of mounting guns, for the conveniency of cairying them backcvards and forwards acrofk the lake ; which expedient will go a great way to fruftrate the dcfign of the French and recover our trade. And here it is worth obferving that this fort cX OfwegOi built by governor Burnet in 1727, by favour of the Indians, flood unmolefted all the lafl war ; and altho' the garrifon ufually con- fifts of no more than an officer and 23 men, has been of more fervice and benefit' than all the reff, altho' now it muft be in imminent danger. This is a demonftrative proof of the great importance and advantage of fuch forts, on the number of which fmall garrifons, properly placed, the in- tereft i:,. '!■ t4*J tereft and fupport of the French almoft wholly depend. However more effeftually to fecure New Tork, a ftrong fort ought to be built in view of the French fort at Crown- Point. By means of this pod they may be enabled to intercept, or at leaft difturb the trade from Albaney up the Mohoks ri- ver, a branch of Hudfon\ to the fix nations, by fending a force on that fide ; and could they dc- ftroy the commerce of thofe Indians with the province of New Tork, they would oblige them fo depend ^r^-olly on Canada i a thing which they threatCii^c^ ^>vedonein 1732. During lu^ I*f.c French vizx from 1744 to 48, Crown-Fo-nt was the rendezvous of the Canada, French and t* "ir / "'twj,, from whence they at- tacked New Tork £:.d fiie north weft corner of Majfachufet's bay. From this place in 1 745 they deftroyed Saratoga fettlement on Hudfon's river, about 30 miles above Albaney, In which parts during that and the two following years they killed and captivated above 300 of our people * ; de- ftroying moft of the inhabitants and plantations on the north eaft branch of that river. In for- mer wars the attack on New England was from the norch eaftward, in the war of 1 746 it was from Crcwn- Point, New Tork government in former French wars did not fufFer, but in this laft they fuffcred much + ; that is, they were pu- ni(hed for fuffering that fort to be built. Befides building this counter fort, Albaney ought to be put in the beft pofture of defence imaginable, in order to fecure it againft any attempts on that cc ct • Dougl. Summary, North Atntr, vol. ii. p. 246. f Ihe fame, Vol. i. p. 316. fide. cc (C cc [43] fide. This quarter requires the ftrongeft barriers, becaufe the French have declared it to be the chief obje«5t of their views j and it lies fo near §uebek the center of all their ftrength in Canada, from which they have a moft convenient paflfage all by water, excepting a fmall fpace of about 12 miles by land. Mr. Callieres who firfl: propofed the project for the conqueft of this city, to induce Lewis XIV. to comply with their earned defires, fays in his Memoirs to the French minifters, ** That this conqueft wotild make the king matter of one of the fineft ports in America^ which they might enter at all times ; and a moft beautiful *' country, in a mild and fertile climate!" No wonder fo inviting a defcription as this, fhould fef the French o^ Canada a longing for New York: but ought not that longing of theirs to make us more carneft to preferve it ? By thefe fortifications New England will be pretty well fecured on the weft fide, as it will on the eaft by thofe already built, and the two now building on the river Kennebek, one by the pro- vince,the other by the proprietors of the Kennebel^ purchafe ; whofe generous example it is hoped will animate others to do the like, and not let them flop, till they have erefled a fortrefs on the very banks of St. Laurence river, which is within their limits. Mean time, as the laft of the two new forts, has been founded fo high as the Takonnek falls, and the north part of New England lies wholly expofed to the ravages of an enemy i it is not to be doubted but that they will not delay to build a third at the head of the Kennebek iifelf, in the carrying place*, not above f^ur miles over, where it locks with the river called by the French l^a Chaudiere j which falls into the St. Laurence four 1I5. t ; I "• .ill '•iii V '1 [44] four or five leagues to the fouth weft of ^ehek. This fort fliould be ftrongly built, and furnifhed from Britain with a garrifon of 500 ftouc men : unlefs this be done, the building thofe two forts will only ferve to put the French in mind of do- ing it. And from their conduft it may be judg- ed, that a fmaller occafion would ferve them for a pretence. The building a fort here is the more neceflary on three accounts; (i^ as it will bridle the Abenaki hi Indians in the intereft of the French^ and hin- der them from ever attempting any thing againft New England ; this having always been the place of rendezvous for both on fuch occafions. It will alfo prevent their going on the Ohio expedi- tion ; and thofe reftraints, by degrees, be a means of their' coming over to our intereft. (2) As it iies near the heads of the rivers 5/, Francis and St, John^ as well as of the Kennebek and La CkaU' diere before-mentioned : fo that it jWill have the command of four very important rivers, two of which fail into the St. Laurence ; the Cbattdiere towards Kebek, and the Sf, Francis towards MoH' ireal (3) As it will help to cover not only the northern borders of New England^ but alfo thofe of New Tork, from which it will not be far dif- tance. I may venture to fay, that the good ef- fect: of this fort will extend as far as Annapolis Royaly and the town of Halifax in Nova Scotia ; by cutting off all fupplies of men and ftores to the French in that country, by St. John^s river, which will oblige them to abandon their forts lately built at the mouth of it. The Kennebek company in full expefbation of this defirable event, have already given land to 100 men and their families, to fettle the country thereabout, under pro- f 45 1 Iprotedion of the two forts newly built upon that river. How different is the pradlice in fome colonies to this generous publick-fpirited conduct of the Kennehek proprietors ! The aflembly of NewTork^ in their addrefs to governor de Lancey^ the 20th oiF Auguft laft, complains, " that other colonies ^* make themfelves (Irong and defenfible, by fet- tling in townfhips, or Tome other clofe order. While our frontier lands are granted away in patents almoft without bounds or number, re« gardlefs of fettlements, or the publick welfare." And ina (late of the Briiijh fettlements, now in view, we are toid, that even '' the lands between New Tork\iit\i and Jlbanyy on both fides of UudforCs river, by an abufe which ought to be remedied, viz. the old exorbitant grartiSyZxt but thinly inhabited •, altho* lands for fettlement in that colony are extremely wanted, and thofe trads would foon be purchafed, if they could be had at any tolerable rates." This unpeopled ftate of the country is of fo much the worfe confequence, fince in cafe the French fliould attack Albany and New Tork at the fame time, one by fea and the other by land, conformably to their plan, from whence, could Albany be reinforced? the country has not men to fupply it, nor could Tork^ in fuch a cafe, be able to fpare any. On this occafion the memorial of 1732, obferves, "that when the prekntdsLteoi New Tork and the power of thofe neighbours^ [the Fr^W/&J is well underllood, it will too evidently appear, that they will, on a rupture, i^e under unhap- py circumllances jand with them the other cO' lonies muft be deeply involved.'* Such en- feebling grants therefore are of pernicious ten- dency every where, but no where fo much as in pro- « <c « «c <( cc cc <c <c (C «( cc cc i( c( cc cc • c «c t 4« 1 province of NewTork\ which being the key oF aK the other colonics, and moft cxpofed to our northern neighbourfjwho for thefe rcafons covet it,all means which can be thought of conducive cither to its improvement or fecuriry, ought to be applied; and every the Jeaft obftacle to either ought to be removed. After the words cited from the affcmbly's ad- drefs, they juftly remark, " we can ercA forts and block-houfes, but to what end ? woods and uncultivated trafts are not the objefts of fccu- rity. Induftry is to be protefted, and mens perfons to be defended ; ptherwife little good will accrue to the publick, be the expence what it will." *Tis true, there can be no profpeft of fettling a country while fuch difcouraging grants are in the way : but were thofe obftacles removed, under* ihe protection of fuch forts as have been propofed, in a very fhort time wc might hope to fee this part well inhabited, and confequendy the ftrongeft barrier (as it ought to be) in the Englijh American dominions againft the French. With regard to Nroa 5fo/w,including the country to the caft of Kennihek river, it will require fe- yeral forts and fettlements to fecure it, not only at the mouths of the three principal rivers Penob' Jkot, La CroiXf and St. John's, at which laft there are. two Fr^/!rf/{> forts: but alfo at certain pofls along thofe rivers, particularly this laft ; which begin- ning not far from the head of the Kemiibek^ and palTmg with a circular courfe, encompaOeth the greater and moft valuable part of all the coutitry ; fo that thofe forts will keep both French and Indi- ans in awe 5 as they will have an eafy commu- nication by water among themfelves, and with the fetdements on the other rivers, travelling only a lif.le way by land. Above :y oF all lorthcrn 1 means - Co its pplied ; It to be y*s ad- srts and ids and 3f fccu- d mens e good ce what profpe6t g grants rmpved, ,ve been hope to ndy the Englijh country |uire fe- lot only s Penob' ift there Is along begin- '^ek^ and feth the ountry ; nd Indl- :ommu- nd with ing only Above T 47 1 ' Above all, care mud be taken to build a ftrong fore at Shegnikto on fome elevated ground to the north of the French fort, which may both com- mand and exceed ic in force *, for the prefent fort is fo weak, and ill ficuated, that the garrifon would be obliged to furrender almod at the firft (hot ; fo that in cafe of a war we fhould have no chance there. Nor will this be enough : it will be necelTary for fecuring it to have two forts more \ one at Bay Verte to prevent our neighbours from invading the country at pleafure, that being their landing place from Canada •, and one of the two ways by which they cater and correfpond with Nova Scotia.: St. John' % river, as before-mentioned, is the other, by which (fays La Hontan) the inha- bitants of thofe two countries may hear from each other in i6 or 17 days, tho' not in a month by fea. The fecond fort ought to be ercfted at the en- trance into «S;&^^;;/^/^ baibn or harbour ; for, fhould the French build one there, they would exclude all accefs to it by fea. , ;^ But, as the ere6t:ng fo many forts at once in this province fof Nova Scotia) may be thought too expenfive a work, it may be fufficient for the prefent, only to build Tome along, the river St» John and thofe at Shegnikto, • ,'< . f ^f ' By fuch a number of forts and fettlements as I have mentioned, may the Britijh territories be ef- feftually fecured, the French kept at a difl^aoce, and our trade in good meafure recovered by paf- fages opened for the Indians to come and trade with the colonies ; which will likewife be at liberty to extend their fettlements on all fides, in fpite of any oppofitibn which the French can give them j or rather without danger of any from them : for, by means of thefe forts a much Uronger line of cir- 'jf ' 'i 1 1* i t\' i ' ill 15' T48] -circumvallatlon will be formed againft them» thari they at prefenC have againft us. You will fay, perhaps, that I have cut out a fine expeofive work fur the colonies. It will be expenfive, there is no doubt of that : bur, «what can be done, fuppofing fewer forts will not be fuffi- icient to fecure them ? If therefore the burthen falls heavy, they may thank their own mifaOf nagements. Had forts been gradually built on their frontiers, and as they extended their out Settlements, after the example of the French^ a thing which ought to have been done, the charge /would not have been felt. As this has been ne- gledted, that muft be done at once, which Ihould have been done at different times. Befides, the cxpence is greatly augmented by their having fuffer- cd x\itFrencb to build upon them, every where. At firft a few forts erefted in proper places would have ferved the purpofe, and their neighbours iinding the polfcfnons fecured, might never have ihought of diftqrbing them : But feeing the coun- tries lie open, and the colonies* carelcfs thro* a vain fccurity, or worfe, covetoufnefs, they were jnvited to enter, and puniih their negledl in the jnanner they have done. T\ic French :too uawiHing either to quit the pofleflion of what they have gotten, no mattclr jiow unjuftly, or lofe the great expences which •they have been at to build fo ^many forts, will ^oubtlefs difpute every inch of ground as lojugas they can, and when driven out of one place fortify another, vwith a view, if poITible, to tire us out. No wonder, then, that the expence to the co- lonies of .fccuiing themfelves, fhould be very great ; but if it was to be the double of what it may.be, they ough^ not to repine, but undergo U with chearfulnefs, (ince they have brought itilll upon [49] Upon themfelvts ; in (hort, if ihfy would prc- fcrvc their poffefllonf, they have no other alterna- tive, but either to ereft a fufficient number of forts, or go to war. If this method fucceeds, ic will not only be much better than a war, which '. attended with numerous hazards and calamities, buc we (hall be great gainers by it, fince we (hail fave (he expence of a war, whereas an expenfive war, ahho* fuccefsful, would not fave us this ex- pence. For forts would then be as neceilary to preferve the colonies, as they are now. It will (ignify nothing to drive the French out of a country, if we do not iecure it \ for, as they never give up the thoughts of what they have once poffeffcd, they will certainly return to it whenever they find an oppoctunity. Witnefi their frequent returns into Nova Scotiay as often as they have been forced out. That method then is mod ele* ^ible, which would fave us one of thofe expences. However, we had better be at both, than lofe fuch valuable colonics, which are the principal fund of wealth to England. After all, the txpence will not be fo very great as may at Brft fight b^: imagined. I have been informed by gentlemen, knowing in thefe mat- ters, that fuch forts might be built at the rate of a thoufand pounds each, one with another. So that fuppofing their number amounted to 30 or ev'n 40, what is that expence to put the colonies in a good podure of defence P But perhaps, at prcfent, or at Br 11, it may be fulHcient to fecure the northern borders of our colonies, from the mouth of the river Ohio to the head of the Ken- nebek^ and then about nine forts might do \ two on the Obio^ one at its mouth in the Milftjippi^ and the other at the mouth of tiic JVabaJh : a third higher»up on the Wabajb:^ a fourth at Niawgre, a -E fifth 1 50 J fifth at. Crown Pointy and a fixth at the head of the Kenmbek \ a fcventh at the mouth of S(.Jobn*s river, and an eighth at Shegnikto : to thefe let us add a ninth in the country of the Charokees, Thus for about 10 or 11,000 pound?, allowing the furpljs towards building forie ftronger than ordi- nary, may the colonies be tolerably well de- fended with forts agiiinft any attempts of the French to hinder them from compleating their de- fign of gradually fortifying their frontiers effec- tually : which ought to be done as foon as poffi- ble, beginning at the fame time at the two extre- mities of the Northern line, where the flrongeft forts of ail ought to be builr, under the protefti- on of ftrong bodies of forces. To fupport what has been advanced concern- ing the ejipence of building forts, I (hall cite the words of an jlmerican gentleman well verfcd in the affairs of the colonies, in a letter written a few years ago to his friend in London, " The charge, fiys he, of building forts neceffary for the above purpofes, if eftimated by the ex- pence and (ize of thofe of Europe, or thofe on the fea-coafts of the principal towns in America^ which may be attacked by (hips and cannon, may make thefe propofals feem impradicable. Thc^efore, it may be proper to (hew what the forts already built there coft the Englijh and French^ with how many men they are ufually garrifoned, from which their maintenance may be computed ; and that fuch have generally " been fufficient for the intention. In 1734, " New York built a fort at SkeneSladi^ with eight pieces of fmall cannon, well contrived for defence againft fmall arms (the only weapons Indians can have) and capable of containing above 200 men, which coll lefs than one thou- " fand i( (C ic (( (C (( t( C( C( iC (( (( i( C( 4( (C cc cc C( « C( [ 51 3 fand pounds. The year after^ another of the '* fame model and (ize was built among the Ma^ quas [or Mobawk'\ Indians for as fmall a fum; That at Ofwego^ by reafon of the diftance, coft a trifle more. Fort Moor^ in South Carolina^ and Fort Augufta in Georgia^ by no juft means could exceed either of the other, as they are not fo well built, and are worfe planned. The French forts at Niawgra^ Detroit and Al^a- '* hamy, are much like them i and the number •' of private men of both nations, in each of thefc " garrifons, are nearly equal, from 20 to 30. " But the French always have moft officers. « Crown Point, as it is defigned for a perpetual " barrier between the Englijh and French, as well '* as to cover Canada and Mont Real from inva- *' (ions which may be attempted on that (ide, is " ftronger, and built in a different manner.** What number of forces may be neceffary on this occafion, I will not pretend to prefcribe : But whatever it may be, they ought to be furniihed all at once for carrying on the work in different parts at the fame tinie, and preventing any attempt of our bad neighbours ffor we mult not call them enemies yet) in one place, while we are employed in flrengthning another. We fhould have regu- lar forces in the country much fuperior to thofc of the French, that in cife of a lofs on our fide, or recruits on theirF, our people may be quickly reinforced and fupported. The colonies them- felves will, no doubt, chearfully furnifli the greater part of thcfe forces, efpecially if they be officered by their own people ; a mcafure the more proper, as it would prevent mifunderftandings (always fatal to military expeditions) which might happen to arifc: between officers and troops of different countries : for foldiers will more rcaiily obey E 2 I heir V' r [5O ihe1r natural commanders ; and this regard (hewn, the latter >vill make them more zealous to repulfe the Frencby againft whom they arc highly exaf- peratcd. They are likcwife better acquainted with the fituafion of the country, as well as with the difpofition of their people, and with the man- ner of proceeding againft their enemies of both kinds. In thefe preparations the utmoft diligence is abfolutcly neceffary, confidering what aiarming accounts arrive every day of the diftrefled condi- tion of the colonics, their apprehenfions of the French^ who are drawing out forces on every fide, and of the little which hath been yet done, or preparations made to oppofe them : fomething therefpre ought to be undertaken this winter, to give a check to their proceedings, whether it be by building two or three forts of our own, or de- molifhing fo many of theirs. For, confidering the en:erprizing fpirit and indefatigable diligence of thofe people (which deferve both our praife and imitation) if nothing can be done till next fummer, as fbme would pretend, it will give the French, who are alreacfy very ftrong, leifure enough to fortify themfelves fo effectually, that it may require at lead five times the force and ex- pence which it would at prefcnt, whether we only proceed to fortify our colonies, or are obliged ta enter into an open war. IV. The ,* ■ [53] fhewn, repulfe f exaf- Liainted as with e man- )f both Tcnce is [arming ; condi- of the ;ry fide, lone, or tiething nter, to ir it be 1, or de- ifidering iiligence ir praife till next give the , leifure lly, that ; and ex- we only liged ta IV. ne IV. The defencekfs condition of the colonies^ to zvhaf. owing.: CUCH meafures clofely purfued and well cxe- ^ cutecl, will, doubtlefs, procure a temporary relief: But, in order to make the fecurity tjffcc- tuai and lading, two things muft be antecedenUy done. The firll is to bring about a union of the co- lonies among thcmfclves, for their mutual fupport. And happily at laft, {he danger which npw threatens (hem has opened their eyes, and dif- pofed them to unite : fo that this inttrufion of their neighbours, whatever it may coft them, ia cafe they can gee over it, will, in the end, provje a blefTing inflead of a curfe. On this occafion I cannot forbear obferying, that the confternation which the prefent bold in* vafion of the French into the country of the OMo% has thrown the colonies into, ought to be a per* peiual warning to them how they a6t for the fu- ture ; fince they muft now be convinced that by negledting the proper means of uniting for their mutual defence, and fortifying their out-fettle- ments, as well as frontiers, they may be reduced at length to the necefilty of fubmitting to either a foreign or a domcftic yoke. A ftate may be ruined by the ill conduft of ci- ther the people or their governors i which muft be the cafe, when one party, led by corrupt prin- ciples, and regardlels of the admonitions or dif- contents of the other, adt wholly in conformity to their own fclfifh or rapacious views, and oblVi- natcly refufe to do what is necelTary for the good E a of mm [ 54 ] oF the whole. It is thus that governments are overiurned or nations enflaved. A union of the colonies has been recommended 6y none more zealoufly than the American gentle- men themfelves who have wifhed their welfare. Without one, they never can be fccure from fuch incompatible neighbours as the French-, and *[is chief- ly to the want of this union thatthey owe their pre- fent calamitous fituaf ion: for, being in a iiatc of reparation, and each ading folely for its own in- tereft, without regard to the welfare or fafety of the reft } this naturally begat jealoufies, envy- ings, animofiries, and even a difpofition to do one another mifchief rather than good. Thus at va- riance, as it were, like enemies among themfelves, one province beheld, without concern, a neigh- bour pi-ovince attacked and ravaged by the ene- my, and refufed lending any aid of either men or money, under pretence, that the danger did not affrft them -, that the other provinces had more trade than theirs-, and that every province ought to tike care of itfelf. Some of the provinces immediately dependent on the crown have refufed to affift the charter go- vernments, which has given thofe colonies a kind of antipathy, and made them averfe to affift fuch bad relations. New Tork cfpecially has been guilty of this unneighbourly and unnatural part. «« New Tork, lays Mr, Bummer, in his repre- fentation, has always kept itfelf in a ftare of neu- trality, contributing nothing to the common fafety of the BrW/h colonies ; while the Canada Indians joined by parties of the French, ufed to make their rout by the borders of New Tork, without any moleftarion from the Englijh of that province, and fall upon the out-towns of New (C cc te cc cc cc cc cc Its are lended gentle- velfarc. m fuch schief- eir pre- date of iwn in- afety of , envy- » do one IS at va- mfelves, neigh- the ene- men or did not id more ought ?pendent arter go- ?s a kind ffift fuch Has been al parr, lis repre- e of neu- common le Canada ), ufed to <?w Tork, Inglijh of towns of *' New [ 55 ] New England. This behaviour was the more unpardonable in that governmenr, because they have 400 regular troops maintained among them, at the King's charge, and have five na- tions of the Jroquois on their confines, wlio are entirely dependent on them ; and might cafily, had they been engaged in the common ** caufe, have intercepted the French in their marches, and thereby prevented the depreda- tions on his majefty's fubjefts of New England, Solemn and repeated applications were made to the government of New Tork^ by the go- vernors of the MaJfachufetSy Conne£l}cu\ and Rhodi IJland^ in their letters on this fubjedl:, bat it. vain : the anfwer was, 'They could not think it proper to engage their Indians in aSiual war^ left they Jhould endanger their own fron- tier s^ and bring on them/elves an expence which they were in no condition to provide for ** However, this facriucing of their brethren did not fave themfelves •, for the French^ after they had done harrafling the borders of New England, and deftroying many of the inhabitants, then fell on New Tork ; and that government which re- fufcd to fuccour their neighbours, for fear of pro- voking the French^ as they pretended, by no lefs bad a (lep, proceeding from the fame real caufe, which was covetoufnels, brought that very evil on the province which they feemed fo careful to avoid : for by fuffering the French to buiiti the fort at Crown-Poin\ within their frontiers, in 173 1, as hath been mentioned, they in effe6t gave up their chief fecurity on that fide into their hands. This they experienced to their cod three years after : when being fenfibly alarmed with the motions of the French aiid Indians on thtir frontiers, they found themfelves obliged to be E 4 a; (C (C i< (( C( cc (( «t cc iC C( t( •( C( «( <( CI i 1 I I [ 56 ] tt near 12,000 pounds charge at onCe, to provide towards their dctence ; which they might have faved by only laying out a few hundreds to pre- vent the enemy from falling on New England^ and building that dangerous fort. Ever fince which lime they have been under the grcateft ap- prehenfions ; and none cry out louder now for aid from their neighbours, than they who ib lately refufcd to lend them any. A juO: punifhment which is always the confequence of acf^ing againft the eftabiifhed maxims of obligation and iafety. That fame feltifh fpirit which induced them to difregard their brethern, at length fo far poiTefTed them as to make them forget themfelves, and not only negleft 10 Iccure their refpeftive frontiers, but even to fuffer the French to build forts in thofe very plates where they ought to have ercfted them for their own fecurity. So that it may be in a mariner faid that all the encroachments which they now complain of were made with their own con fen t. But I cannot better fet forth the pernicious effeds of this difunion than in the words of the Gentleman quoted before, to his friend in L/indon^ a few years ago. "^ The Britijh colonies are with- *' out union, are difconcertcd, are jealous of each *' other, and aft on different principles as well as •* interefts. Some colonies have bor .e the bur- <' thtns of all wars, whiiR orhers have had peace ** and protedtion without expence : fome have ♦• even grown rich by fupplying the enemies of «' its neighbour in a6tual war. Very few colonies '* know their own bounds. In 175 1 New Eng^ «* land and New Tcrk, for that rcafon, tamely faw Crown Point fortified, the confequence of which has ve y lately been tclt. In lyiSNewTork and Penfyhania permitted Niawgra to be pof- " ftfled cc «( rovide : have o pre* \glandy fince !ft ap- For aid lately hmenc againft ifcty. iem to >(re{red ,nd not >ntiers, forts in eredted nay be t which jirown nicious of the Londoitj 'e with- df each well as je bur- d peace e have mies of colonies w Eng" lely faw f which fw Tork be pof- « ftfled C( << «c [ 57 ] feflcd and garrifoned, and very probably will fuflPer Tierondoquot to undergo the (ame fate, as it is not known to which province it be« longs.** That the colonies have contributed much to their prefent unhappy fuuarion, is a fadt ackflow> ledged by all the American writers I have met with who treat on this fubjtd. They charge them with jealoufies and animofities on account of trade and private intereR, and alledge that thefe felfifh views enter into their aiTembiies, and prevent the public welfare ; with not afliiling one another, when attacked ; with fuf&ringthe jRktf»fi& to encroach on each other, and boild forts with- out any oppofiiion ; with taking no care of the public fecurity, and even negledting to fecure their frontiers, tho* earncifHy recorfimended to them by the King. This occaGoned Mr. Kennedy to fay, ** I cannot help thinking, from upwards " of forty years obfcrvations upon -the conduft of our colony aiiemblies, and the little regard paid by them to inilrudions, that if it be left altogether to them, the whole will end in al- tercation and words.** The colonies have, in reality, in many cafes, adted as if they thought themfelves fo many in- dependent ftates, under their refpcdlive charters, rather than ^ provinces of the fame empire : which confideration neceflarily requires a union of the parts, for fecurity of the whole. And with- out doubr, in cafe they will not unite of their own accord, it is in the power of the Britiflj par- liament to unite or incorporate them in fuch a manner as may appear moft conducive to the wel- fare of the colonies in general, confident with the privileges and immunities which they enjoy from the royal grants. Indeed cc (C cc [58] Indeed this difunion among the provinces has been kept up in good meafure by a pernicious maxim, which in fomc former reigns prevailed in their mother country, like that which (cems to prevail there ftill, of ruling by parties, or di- vifion. The bad efFcdls of which may be fee n in the prefent diftrefled and diftempered ftate of the colonies, by which the maxitn divide et impera^ appears to have operated more for the intcrelt of the French than of Great Britain : former go- vernments might hkewifc have had another pre- tence for keeping up this difunion among the co- lonies, namely, the danger, in an united ftate, of their throwing off dependence and feiting up for themfelves. But this can never reafonably be fuppofed to happen, were they ever fo rich, as well as ftrongly united, unlefs they were driven to that extremity, by ufage which would make Britons themfelves impatient of fubjeftion. How- ever, to fuppofe any fuch danger at prefent, or for many ages to come, is ridiculous ; fince they can never do any thing while they want a fleet, and Britain has one to reftrain them. So long as this fhall be the cafe, if ever they (hould revolt, it would never be with defign to fet up for them- felves : they would be under a neceflity to feek the protedion of fome other power. A ftep which would be much more pernicious to Britain than barely (baking off their dependency, as there could be no hopes of their recovery. And where- as in one cafe (he might dill be fupplied from them, with their produce of fugars, timber, na- val (lores, and other commodities ; in the other cafe (he would be intirely deprived of thofe rich branches of commerce, and both their wealth and power would be turned againft her. The The [ 59 ] The colonies from fome hard ufagp, received in former times, had entertained an opinion that Britain was refolved to keep ihcm low, and re- gardlcfs of their welfare. They fetmtd con- Brmed in this opinion by nothing more than the governors and other officers fent among them. In reading the hiftory of American affairs, one would imagin;*, that at certain times the admi- nidration here had entered into a confpiracy by that method, either to ruin the colonitF, or give them up to France : for they employed needy perfonf, generally without either principles or abi- lities j who, fludious only to make the mod of their time, minded no hing but how to fill their purfes I too often intent likewife on enriching themfelves by trade, they have not only neg- leded the affaiis of the plantations, but have en- couraged mealiires prejudicial to the colonies, and therefore miflcd the government here by falfe re- prefentations of thtir condition. This was the cafe of colonel Moor, governor of Carolina^ at the beginning of the prefenc century, who had formed a dcfign to engrofs the whole trude of that province to himfcif, by a bill drawn up for that purpofe. On being disappointed of his aim, fie fet on foot other meafures, which occafioned many troubles ; and theje were continued by the fubfeqaent governors, till, on the people's petitiftn, the charter was vacated, and the govemmt-nt rc- fjmed by the crown. Indeed from trading go- vernors a genuine reprefentatron of colony-affairs is never to be exped:cd. This was the colonel Moor, who, on appearance of two fn-jall fiigates off at fca, made a pffcipitate retreat from before the cattle of St. Augujlin, which he had befieged ; leaving all his tranfports, with a great quantity of fibres, ammunition and provifions, to the ene- my 1 \i [ 60 J my. On this occafion it is worth obfcrving, that the hdian chief retired with the reft to his Pe- riawgasj and flepc on his oars, with much un- concern. The governor's foldicrs uneafy to be gone, dcfircd him to make hafte away : buc he re- plied ** No : altho* your governor leaves you, •' I will not ftir till I have fcen all my men be- *• fore mr.** What mr>re noble co.ild the grcateft general of Greece or Rome have faid ? Several ©f thefe governors by their arbitrary proceedings and rapine, havealmoft ruined the colonic? which they were fct over : fomc have fo provoked the people as to oblige them to feize their perfons and lend them over hither ; others have been re- called and profecuted : but rarely the fufFercrs reaped any advantage from fuch profecutions •, or any of the offenders were made examples of, as they ought to have been, in terror to others. There have been, 'tis true, bad charier as well as crown governors ; of which Brtl kind was Moor above-mentioned. But altho* rhcir adions were much alike, there was a vaft difference as to the confequence ; fmce the colonies were generally pu- nifhed for the faults of their own governors : but it does not appear that they had any amends mad6 them for ihe violences and oppreffions committed by thofe fent from hence. The welfare or ruin of provinces almoft en- tirely depends on the choice of governors who are fent. Mr. Colden fpeaking of ihe weak and deceitful counfcls which prevailed in the northern colonies, about the year 1690, and which had brought the five nations almoft to deftruftion, and laved Canada from it, expreffeth himfelf thus ; " We fhall fee by the fequel how a public fpirir, " direfted by wife counlcl«, can overcome all " difHcuUies, while a felfifh fpirit lofes all, even natural (C <« <* «c <( c« [6i 1 natural advantages. In the prefent cafe the ** turn which affairs cook Teems to have been en- tirely owing to one thing. The French in making the Count de Frontenac governor of ** Canada^ chofe the man every way the beft qualified for this fervice : the EngUJb feemed to have had little regard Co the qualifications ** of the pcrfon they fenr, buc to gracify a rela^ cion or a friend, by giving him an opportunity to make a fortune : and as he knew that he was recommended with this view, his counfels were chiefly employed for this purpofe ♦." Elfcwhere t fpcaking of the divifions and dif- prders which reigned in New Tork on the revolu- tion, fays, *' that fome imputtd all the misfor- " tunes to the want of care in chc choice of go- ** vernors ; and chat the mini dry had the faving *' of money chiefly in view, when to gratify fome " fmall fervices they gave employments in Ame- ** rica to thofe who were not capable of much ** meaner offices at home." The abjedt date of the colonies in thofe times, with refped to governors, was fo glaring, that the French themfelves took notice of it. Char- kvoix fpeaking t o^ '^^ xhxtt faults which he ob- ferved in the Briiifii colonies, two whereof have been already mentioned, fays the grcatcft of them was ** the bad choice commonly made of thofe *' to whom the command either of particular " pofts, or incire provinces, was intruded. Thefc, *' continues he, were almoft conltantly men in- •' tent on making a fortune, who knew nothing *' of war, nor had ever fo much as feen a battle ; ** and whofc whole merit confifted in having pro- • Hift. of the Five Nations, p. 1 20. t P. 94.. X Vol. ii. p. 197. (C curj# C( [ 62 } cured riches by ways incompatible with the *' qualifications neceflhry to fuppoi t liic* ranks to •' which they were adv.inced j and which fuch " kinds of perfons never do acquire.'* It is to this evil condud, which in thofe times was purfued by the gf)veinnient here, that Mr. Colden afcribes the jealoufies and mif'-indcrftand- ings wliich h.ivc happened between the people and their governors, if fuch men defervc the name •, for he goes on, *' By this means an Englih go- vernor generally w.ints the efteem of the people. While they think that a governor has not the good of the people in view, but his own, they on all occafions are jealous of him : fo that even a go.^d governor with more dif- ficulty purfues generous purpofes and public " benefits : becaulc the pt ople fufpeft them to " be mere pretences to cover a private defign. ** It is for this reafon that any man oppofing a governor, is fure to meet with the favor of the people, almoft in every cafe. On the other hand, the opinion which the French had of the Count de Frontenac\ public fpirir, and of his wifdom and diligence, made them enter into " all his meafures without hefitating, and chear- " fully obey all his commands *." The people of the colonies, finding themfelves oppreflfed by their governor, who adled as if they thought the provinces were delivered into their hands not to take care of, but to plunder am ruin, complained to their mother country j anc their mother country neither regarded their com- plaints nor redrefled their grievances. Want of care in the parents begat w.mt of care in the chil- dren : and this was the rife of the prefent difor- •( t( i( cc (( (( C( <( (C (( (C Ibid. k^ ders [63 ] ders in the colonics, which by degrees have re- duced them to luch a weak condition, chit ic has not been in the powei* of the governors, of late years, with all their abilities and endeavours, to rcftorc them. However, this defirable work may, in a little time more, be efFcded, provided Britain conti- nues to fend over men of condition and integrity, capable of applying remedies to the evil*, and zealous for the wehare of the colonies. It could be wifhed alfo, to prevent any difference which might happen between the colonies and their go- vernors about their falaries, that the government here would take the payment on themfclves. A fund fufficient to defray this and feveral other ex- pences relating to the plantations, might be railed, we are told, by only laying a halfpenny per gal- lon duty on the mololTes and rum imported into the iirrthern colonies. There ought to fubfift a perfeft harmony be- tween Great Britain and them. They both ought to think their interefts to be the fame, as they really are : and on that right principle Gr^tf/ Bri- tain ouaht not only to ftrengthen and fupport them to the utmoft, but encourage and promote their commerce, in as extenlive a manner as (he does her own. A good mother feldom fails tp bive good children. The inhabitants of the co- lonics do not think themfelves aliens, or the lefs a-kir to thofe of Great Britain, becaufe feparated by u *'aft ocean, and dwelling in a diftant part of the globe : they infill that they are branches of the lame Britijh tree, tho* transplanted in a dif- ferent foil i tb t they have not forfeited (heir Bri^ tijh rights by that removal, becaufe they removed with confent of the government, and fincercly acknowledge themfelves to be fubje(5ts of the fame King : ' : •;:(■ [64] King: That they daily extend the power and dominion of Great Britaw^ by extending their fetdements and commerce ; fo ihat in fupporting thrm Great Britain in efFed fupports itfclf, and adds to its own wealth : That their indutlry is em- ploy*d not more for their own than their brethren's advantage, who are enriched by their labour and the valuable produce of their feveral colonics : chat for this reafon, they thii.k themfelves intitled both to their love and afliftance, which it is no lefs their interest than it is their duy, asbrethren» to afford thetn : that in lliort, they I'peak the faine language, and are of the fame religion with them » fo that they ought not to be thought prefumptuous^ if they conHder themfelves upon an equal footing with us. or treated the worfe, becaufe they will be Enghjhmen, From what has been faid, I think it appears evident, that for fecurity of the cololonies, a general union is abfolutcly neceflary ; and the ra- ther, as in all emergencies or cafes of danger like the prefent, the utmoft unanimity and dif- patch is requifice \ which yet, fiom the conftituti- ons of fome of the colonies, is not always 3 be hoped for. Of all the colonies on the continent, there are only the Virginiay New Tork^ New Hamfjhire^ CaroUnaSy and Nova Scstia, the property and go- vernment of which are in the crown. The con- ftitutions of the reft are of a mixt kind. In fome, the government and jurifdidtion only are in the crown, and the property in particular perfons, proprietors, or the people •, in others, both go- vernment and properly are in the people : laftly, in fome, both government and property are vcfted in private perfons. Out [ 65 3 Out of the provinces, therefore, the crown may be faid to have authority in only five or fix on the continent, to raife money, and levy men for their defence. 'Tis true, thofe colonies where the people have the property, will naturally be induced to de- fend themfelves when attacked, ^or in danger, be- caufe the land is their own : But then as they can't be compelled to do this in the prefent ftate of .dif- union, if they fhould be aflfefted with the felBfh contagion, which has prevailed in fome colonies, they would help none but themfelves. On the other hand, the proprietary colonies are not likely to help either their nei^ghbours or themfelves i for ihe proprietor or proprie;ors coveting, perhap.% to make the mod they can of their lands, pocket all the quit-rents, without expending any thing confiderable for the defence of the country ; and, when war comes, leave ihe people in the lurch : either throVunwillingnefs to past with what they had been hoarding for many years, or their not being able to affift them, having Squandered in high living, what they ought to have laid up againft fuch emergencies. This was the cafe with many of the proprie- tors of Ctfro//W,who,in the war which the Spanijh Indians made on that colony, about 1 7 1 8, to re- venge the frauds committed by the traders, were not able to afTifl the people. This obliged them to have recourfe for fuccour to the other colo- nies i which not being fufficient for the purpofe, they applied to the government hpre to take them under their protedtion. This, joined to the ar- bitrary proceedings of the governors for near 20 years before, gave fo great offence to the King iand council, that in vacating the Carolina charter, with refpedt to all the proprietors, excepting one, they were on the point of refuming all the -^w^- nV«« charters. This recent example, methinUs. F ought '•:■(.■. t 6« ] ought to be a warning to the colonics, not to omit doing what is reafonable and necefTary for defence of themfelves, and indeed of one another. The people of Carolina had certainly a juft and lawful pretence for what they did i for, fincc the proprietors did not defend them, (whether thro* difabiliiy or covetoufnefs it mattered not) as they were obliged to do by their charter, they had no right to jurifdiftion or authority over cither the country or the inhabitants ; both which were for- feited to the crown, from whom they received their conditional grant. "Whether all the other colonies have the fame de- mand on the crown for their defence, which the people of Carolina, (fince then divided into two pro/inces) had on their proprietaries, I will not undertake to determine. They fay, indeed, that they ought to be confidered as the " liege " people of the crown of England, and to have " right to all liberties, franchifes, and privileges " of Englijhmen, as if they were born within the " kingdom of England,** in the fame manner as the people or Carolina were declared to be, and have, by their charier j and that fince they pay taxes and duties, as other fubjeds of England do^ they ought to be intitled to the defence of the government as much as the people of England^ and to be at no farther expence on that occafion. This is a very delicate poiut, and requires to be touched with great caution : I fhall, therefore, content myfelf with citing the opinion of a cer- tain author on the like occafion, who made it his bufinefs to enquire into the affairs of the colonies. We cannot help taking notice, faith he, that in every one of the governors fpeeches there are great complaints of the bad (late of their fortifications j, and as thefe complaints have !? long c« C( «( «( [67] ** long continued, and yet remain without recJrcf«, it really kems high time to put thofe affairs upon fome different footing : for this nacion reaps too ^reat a benefit from our colonies in the ^eji Indies [America] to be quite uncon- cerned, whether or no they keep themfelves in a proper ftate of defence. If the people of our refpeaive colonies can bear taxes, and will not tax themfelves in a proper ftate for fo ne- ceffary a purpofe, the legiflattve authority of Great Bn/j/» might intcrpofe: And if they already pay as many taxes as they are able to bear, which are all appropriated to other more neceffary tourpofes, \i ^uy more necefary can bc^ this nation ought to afTift thehi : But it looks a little odd, continues the fame writer, that while our governors .are moft of them reaping their annual thoufands, their refpeftive governments IJiOirfd remain without the neceflkry fortifica- tions for fcores of years.*' Altho* on cbnfidering the premifes, I can*t fee how the cdpnies can be fecure, or long fubfift, without a union amoh^ themfelves ; yet the fame princfpie$ which render a coalition abfolutely ne* ceffary, muf! render it alfo very difficult to be ob- tained. For individuals have been always found very backN^ard to give up any thing for the good of the whole ; and this is the very age of reten- tion, in which every man's benevolence is center- ed in himfelf, and publick fpirit is abforbed by pri%atc intereft : fo that this affair could not have happened, perhaps, at a more unlucky time. How- ever, in cafe a union of the colonies cannot be brought about at all, or is not likely to take place quickly ; yet, if the rule propofed in the above quotation be deemed a proper one, the whole American dominions may be effectually fc- F 2 cured «c cc cc cc cc <« cc cc c« cc C( cc cc cc cc cc cc m I '.■'1 N '1 m w ''V. Ih!;; ',;h' I illfi [«] cured agamft the French, notwithftanding the un< wiliingiiefs of any pare to contribute towards the defence of the whole. As the opinions of judicious perfons, on this intricate, as well as important, point, cannot be unacceptable, I (hall infert another method pro- ppfed by a gentleman already quoted, who is very well verfed in the affairs of the colonies. " Every Englijh colony, fays he, in the prefent difcon- certed (late, on the leaft danger, feeks aiTiftance from its mother country, and encreafes her bur- then, tho' already oppre(red. Some colonies are rich, but fcanty of white inhabitants : fome abound in wealthy people and a fuperBuity of every thing. Others, tho* populous, are poor, fcarce of proviHons, and for a century have been " fevercly harraffed by wars with the French and Indians. All of them have adted feparately and unconnededly, as tho' they were not mem- bers of one body but different nations. May it not, therefore, be worthy of Britain and a Britijh parliament, to conlider how thefe colo- nies may defend one another, and fupporc the Brit'Jh intercft in America ? Would they not in a very (hort time be able fo to do, if the le- giflature of Britain Cno Icfs power can do it) fhould oblige each colony, in proportion to its ability, yearly to raife and iay by a proper fum of money as a common fund*, folely applicable to the defence of any colony attacked by French or Indians, and to the building fmall advanced forts in all proper places, every where to fecure the new outfeitlements, and encreafe the In- dian trade (fuch as that at Ofwigo btfore- mentioned) fince the -E«f/^ can always fup- ply the Indians better and cheaper than the French, By doing this, and by bcftowing half the C( cc «c «c cc cc cc cc C( cc cc <( cc cc ce C( cc cc cc cc cc C( cc cc c< (( cc cc cc ecure tin- forc- fup- tne half ' the « <« CC (C C( (( CC CC CC «c CC CC CC CC [ 69- J the prefents now given, in a proper manner and place, fhould we not abridge and feparate the vaft extenfive claim which the French pre- tend to, by comprehending all the inland parts of I^ortb America, under the names of Canada and Lowfiana ? Would not 1)oth French and Indians be deterred and awed into a pro- per behaviour, when they found that an injury done to one colony would be refented by all the reft ? Would not this be performed with- out the leaft prefent expence to Britain, leffen what (he is now at, finally take off the whole, and much encreafe her future trade and wealth? All proportions, and every thing neccflary may be eafily calculated and adjuOed, when fuch a fcheme is approved and carried into execution." Mr. Kennedy afks, why cannot the Britijh co- lonies unite as well as the the five nations ? the anfwer is eafy : becaufe their way of living is not fo fimple, their condition fo equal, and their pur- fuits, as well as plan, of happinefs confined to fo few things. Their mother country was in the fame difunited ftate in the time ofCa/ar: But it ought to be remembered, that difunion was her ruin ; and that they ought to be warned by fo home an example. V. The necefftty of ujing Indians in war, and of gaining their friendjhip, ^T<H E next preliminary point to be efFeded, is •*' to fecure the Indians in our intereft ; on ac- count, as well of recovering and extending our trade, as of fecuring our colonies jagainft the at- tack cither of French or Indians, F 3 Their . . ■'1/ [ 70 ] Their way of making war and fighting is quite different from ihe European,, They do not draw into the open field but (hoot from behind trees ; and are exceeding dextrous both at hitting their mark and fheltering themfelves from the enemies fire or purfuit : for, there is no room for horfe in countries overgrown with , woods, which gave occafion to this^ way of fighting j and there is no overtaking them on foot they run fo fwifdy. Therefore, in cafe of any war, cither with /»- ^iaijs alone, or where they are auxiliaries, we mud have Indians to oppofe Indians, They muft be fought with their own way. Regular forces be- ing wholly unacquainted with their way of making war can be of no fervice againfl them : they are only of ufe to defend a fort, or to fuppbrt Indian forces againft regular troops. Befides, being ufed to fire from walls, they fcorn to (hoot from behind trees ; and would rather die than go out of their own road to pradife fuch a low kind of military art. Not confidering that the nature of the country, which is, as it were, one continued wood, requires that way of going to war, and that of all the methods of fighting that js befb which is fafeft. The French of Canada know the importance of Indians on this account, and therefore never un- dertake any expedition without them. A me- morable deliverance taught them this caution. In 1687 the marquis de Nonville, governor o( ^e* ^^i^, having landed 2100 tntn SLtTierondoquot, 300 of them Indiansy with dcfign to furprize the chief village of the Sennekas, whom he intended to de- ftroy iwas furprized himfelf in the woods, within a mile of the place, by 500 of that nation : who Parting , [70 flartingfoddenly from the ground where they had lain flat, raifed the war Ihout, and difcharged their mufquets. This put his troops into Tuch a condernation, that they began to run on every iide i and in the confufion fired on one another, while the Sennekas fell on pell-mell. So that had not the French Indians, acquainted with their way of fighting, come up, all muft have been deftroy- ed; and the French, very likely, driven out oi Ca- nada, for the whole force of it was employed in this expedition. The French, fmce that time, make ufc of In- dians more than ever : and fince they make ufe of them, there is ftill the more reafon why we Hiould ; unlefs we had men enougj^ of our own trained to their manner of making ar Befides j the advantage of having the Indians our friends, may be inferred from the mifchicfs they have done ourfelves as well as the French-, and the danger they have put the colonics in, both from within and without, when our enemies. Altho' i\it Englijh,hy dintof numbers, were able tp fupport the wrongs which they did the Indians, and either deftroyed or fubdued them within the coJoraes jyet it cod them much blood and labour before they effeded it, particularly in Virginia and 'New England', efpccially this laft colony : where made fuch vigorous efforts at feveral times, and continued the war with fo much obftinacy, even tho' much reduced by them ; that t\\tEngliJh, not- withftanding their great fuperiority in numbers, were fcarce able to withftand them, and but for certain lucky incidents, *might have been driven out of all their fettlements. Thofe who left the country, preferve to this day their ancient animo- lities \ and being joined by the other eaftern tribe*?, continue to harrafs the borders of the EngUJh, F 4 and ^1 [ r i :i'l J* mwi mi wm s^ l;i J'! .., ■'• I: Jit' irm r 70 and do them all the mifchief they can. They are now the more able to take revenge with more fafety to themfelves •, as, having a large country to retreat in, they cannot be fo eafily furrounded by the Englijh^ and oppreflld by numbers as they were when incloftd within the colonies, where it would have been better to have kept them by good ufage. Notwithftanding the advantage gained over the Penohfiott Indiansy in the war of 1675 be- fore-mentioned, it was found imprafticable to fubdue them : for the£«^//^ having neglefted to build either towns or forts in the country, the In- dians could n^ake their incurflons into the open lands, and retire again into the woods be- fore the army could come up with them. So that 'tis certain, fays Mr. Ned ♦, that the Englijh were fick of the war, and glad to embrace the firft of- fer of pcjce, which was concluded the next year, whereby ti^ey obliged themfelves to allow the - dians a certain quantity of corn yearly, as a kind of quit rent for their lands. Mr. "Neal treats the conccflion in this article •' as not very honourable to the Englijh ;** as if there was any difference between taking their lands from them by force, and treating them as flaves, which he blames them for but a few lines before. For my parr, I think nothing more honourable than to do juftice, or make fatisfadlion for an in- jury done. In 1687, the Ew^Z/^/ffir^w/, to revenge fome ill iiflige, by the inftigation of the French^ invaded the frontiers of New England^ and commenced a war, which all the powers of the country could not cxtinguifh in ten years t. I fhall 26. f "Neali p. 53. '■» V I fhall [73] I (hall produce but one inftance more to fhew what mifchief the Indians may be able to do us, when our enemies. In the war, carried on about 1718, by tht Spanijh Indians againft CaroHna (the two provinces then being in one) this colony un- able to defend itfelf againft them, either by their own force, or that of the other colonies joined with them, were obliged at lad to crave afTift- ance from England^ before they could do any good againft them, as hath been mentioned before. Does not this confirm what has been already fug- gefted of the danger the colonies would be in for want of Indians^ (hould the French at any time in- vade them with their confederate Indian nations ? In fhort, an Indian war has always been dreaded, as it has always been fatal to the colonies. All the colony writers recommend the gaining the Indian friendfhip, as a matter of great import- ance to them; One of Carolina fays, that the pro- vince is much ftrengthened by them ; and that if trained to fire arms they would be very ufeful to that province, not only in cafe of an invafion to repel the enemy, but alfo by drawing other Indi- ans to the Engli/h intereft, orelfe dcftroying thole who were not to be gained. It muft be confeflTed, that they are of great ufe, in either defending or invading a country. They are extremely (kilful in the art of furprizing, and watching the motions of an enemy : they al- ways know where to find you ; but you never know where to find them: they difperfe themfclves thro' a country fingly, or in very fmajl parties, and lie on the lurch, to pick up Itragglers, or pro- cure intelligence : in which they act with an afto- nilhing patience and indefatigablenefs, beyond any thing which an European could undergo -, re- maining in one place, and often in one pofture, for i 1(1 J ^ <<i! VT'iJ 1^:! «( C( cc 4( i« cc [ 74 ] for whole days and weeks together, tiJl they find sn opportunity to (Irike their ilroke, or compafs their defign, whatever it may be. " Every Indian^ fays Mr. Kennedy* is a hunter ; and as their manner pf making war, by (kulk- ing, furprizing, and killing particular perfons and families, is juft the fame as their hunting, only changing the objedl:, every Indian is a dif- ciplined foldier. Soldiers of this kind are al- ways wanted in the colonies in an Indian war [or when Indians are employed] /<7r the European military difcipline is of little ufe in thefe woods** There is, therefore, an indifpenfible necefTity of making ufe oi Indians in our wars, unlefs we had men enough of our own trained in that fort of military exercife. The French^ indeed, have a great number of fuch people cdWtdi Courieurs deBoiSyZ,% expert in the Indian way of fighting as the Indians themfelves, as hath been taken notice of before ; and there- fore might be able to do without Indians^ altho' they make ufe of them. But this is an advantage which the colonies have not ; for, altho' in the fouthern provinces there may be a good many men, as expert in the Indian way of fighting, as the French Courieurs de BoiSy yet they are under no kind of difcipline or command, except thofe of the confiderable Indian traders, their matters ; and therefore cannot properly be confidered as any publick force or real ilrength. In the northern colonies New Englandh€\vs% furrounded with hof- tile Indians, and having (lill fome within itfelf of the fame race, neceflfity has produced rangers among the inhabitants, without whom there could be no dealing with fuch enemies. But New Tork depending on the neighbourhood of the five na- * In his importance of the Indians, p. 43. 7 tions [75] tions for its fecurity, and making the French their faftors with the Indians^ by leHing their goods to them, had few or no rangers at all before that il- licit traffic at Albany was prohibited, and the trade laid open in 1720 } fince which time the young men being encouraged to go among tho Indians^ the only way of breeding rangers, that province begins 10 be furnilhed with tncm. A'tho* ran- gers are fo numerous among the French ^ that they might do without the Indians^ yet they not only cherifh thofe who live in the cguntry inhabited by themfelves, but feek the friendfliip of all che nations round about them, far and near. On the contrary, the Englijh do neither, efpeciaily in the northern colonies : for they have not only exter- minated all Indian, nations who formerly dwelt in the countries now poflTeflcd by them, but inttead of making friends of thofe who live in the neigh- bourhood of the colonies, are at variance with them all, excepting the fix nations and their al- lies, whom yet they feem induftrious rather to diibblige than keep in their interell ; altho* they have been all along the chief, and to New Tork > the only defence againft the French^ and their nu- merous tribes of Indians, The fix nations who dwell at prefent to the jbuth of the Kadarakui or Ontario lake, and from lake Erri eaftward to within a little way of Al- bany in New Tork ; formerly inhabited the coun- try to the fouth of the river St. Laurence, in the parts about Montreal and the river Sorel or Rich- lieu, which iffuing out of Coriear or Champlain lake, falIsintotheSc.L<iKrf»ftfriver; and was then, aswell as the lake, named after the/rog«o/j; but were forced by the AdirondakSf who then inhabited, as they do ftill, to the north of St.Laurence river, .0 leave their country and fly to the lakes where they now live. After J-', [ 76 ] After this, by their good conduiSI: as well as cou- rage, they reduced the Adirondaks to a fmall num- ber, and by degrees conquered the Suatogbis or Huronsy the Cbiktaghiks or Ilinois^ and other na- tions as far as the river Mefchafebe or AliJ/iJlippi» And here, becaufe fomc people thro* ignorance or fclf. conceit (I will not fay treachery) would reprefent thefe fix nations, and indeed the Indians in general, of no conlequence to the colonies ; it may be proper, before wc proceed to the me- thods of fecuring them, to give you the fenti- ments of fome American gentlemen, who have much the intereft of the plantations at heart, and have written on this fubjcft. Mr. Colden^ in his curious Hiftory of the five Nations *, after mentioning that a number of Jndians to march with an army which was to at- tack Canada^ would be of great ufe in difcover- ing and defeating the ambufhers of the French Indians \ and that by their incurfions into the ene- my's country they would terribly harrafs them, and keep them from joining their forces in any great body to oppofe the defign, he adds, . " thefe " are not the moft confiderable advantages which " might be gained from the affeftion of the 5/> *' Nations at this time, or any time of war. For " if the inland extent of the colonies from Nova Scotia to Georgia be confidered, and at the fame time the numerous Indian nations on the con- tinent of America^ who may by the artifices of the French be induced to make incurfions every " where: if we confider alfo the cruel methods by which the Indians make incurfions in fmill par- ties, from thevaft forefl whiche Try where covers the Continent, and which in many places is im- C( (( t( 193. c< penetrable i, ICOU- num- bis or 2r na- ppi. )rance would ndians es; it c mc- fenti- > have t, and de five bcr of i to at- fcover- Frencb he ene- them, in any « thefe which he Six For efame le con- ices of every ethods ill par- covers is inn- Table i C( <c C( cc (C cc [ 77] penetrable •, it muft evidently appear, that al- tho' the Englijh colonies be of much fuperior force in numbers of men, yet their number would not be fufficient to proteft their fron- tiers from the incurfions of the Indians in every place } and, that while their forces mud in this *' cafe be divided and fcattered all over their " frontiers, it may be in the power of the French " in Canada^ to invade, with fuccefs, any p.irc *' of the Englijh colonies. On the other hand, *' if a proper attempt were to .be made by the " northern colonies alone, without the afllftance of their mother country, but with the afTift- ance of the Indians y it would, in all appear- ance, be fufficient to reduce Canada : but it the Indian nations can be perfuaded to join heartily (as from what is above related fcems probable ihey may) it will be impofTiblc for the ** inhabitants of Canada to defend themfclves from " the incurfions of thefe numerous Indian nationf, and from a body of regular troops at the fame time. As the French are very fenfible of iheie advantages to be gained from the friend/hip of the Indian nations, they negle(5l no means in their power to procure them ; and it is to be hoped that the northern colonies will be no lefs cc cc cc cc cc cc cc cc cc cc cc cc cc cc afllduous in a matter on which their well-being, at leaft, depends." The fix nations border on the provinces of New Tork and Penfyhania^ to which they are a very ftrong defence. " Their dependants and " confederates, fays another American writer, lie near the French fctdements j fome in the mid ft of, and fome beyond ihem. The wifdom of the chiefs, in thefe united cantons, has gained them no lefs reputation than their courage ^ " which indeed has ftruck terror into the re- • " motcH: tc iC C( cc t( «« C( (( \U Jm: yi f 78 J " motcft nations of north America^ and forced tliem to court the fricndHiip and protc^lion of fuch a formidable power." •• The Ireuch (who know the importance of thelc people's fricndfliip) are perpetually la- bouring to debauch their faith to the Englijb^ Their cmiirarics the pricfts, an indefatigable, ** artful, infinuating race, arc conftantly endca- *' vouring to gain admittance amongft them : •* they aflumc all fliapes, try cvc^ry fpring : they '* magnify the power and granileur oi France: •* they Iludy to render the EngUp diminutive and " contemptible : they foment every little occa- " fion of difgutl, and leave no (lone unturned to prejudice us in their cftcem." *' Hitherto the honour of the fix nations, and the experienced good intentions and probity of the Englijljy have been a fufiicicnt barrier againfl; all their intrigues, But ic cannot be impru- *' dent to countermine the intended mifchief, by giving fuitable encouragement to proper perlons to converle with the Indians ana ftudy their genius. An open-hearted generofity wins " them effeSlually. The temper of the Englijh is happily fuited to this } and th? additional qua- lifications of integrity and prudence muft, in time, pave the way to an afccndency in their '* councils; and by this means the fubtilty of *» the French would be utterly defeated.'* As on the contrary it feems to gain ground among them, *iis to be feared the qualifications of integrity and prudence have not made that progrefs in the co- lonies which our author fo earncdly recommends. " One fees, continues the fame writer, in all " the treaties of the Indians with the Englijh^ " ftrong traces of go§d fenfe : a nia addrefs in <* the condudl of their affairs ; a noble ^mplicity, « and n (C C( (C C( t( (( {« «( breed ionoC ncq of lly la- Inglijb* igablc, endca- thcm : ; they France : ive and Ic occa- iiturncd ns, and obity of r againft impru- tnifchicf, proper rid ftudy 7/y wins IngUjh \% mal cjua- Tiuft, in in their fg thcmf rrity and the co- imends. ;r, in all Englipt Udrefs in imflicity, *» and t79J <« and that manly fortitude^ which is the conftant companion of integrity. The friendfhip of a nation Hkc this, tho' under the appellation of favages or barbarians, is an honour to the moft civiUzcd people. I fay nothing of the advan- tage which is derived from commerce with them : and the French well know, by dear ex- perience, how terrible they are to their cncmica m war." •• When wc fpeak of the five nations in France, (fays La Poterie in his hiftory of nortli Ame- rica) they are thought, by common miftake, to be mere barbarians, always thirfting after human blood : but their true character is very different. They arc the ficrccft and mofl for- midable people in all north America : at the fame time as politic and judicious as well can be imagined. This appears from the manage- ment of the affairs which they tranfadt, not only with the French and Engltjhy but likewife ** witn almoft all the Indians of this vaft Conti- « «< •< «c (( (( (( <( i( C( (( C( ti nent. »» This teftimony in their favour is the more to be regarded, as it comes from a Frenchman^ whofe nation in Canada have fuffered greatly from time to time, once almoft to cxtirpauon, by the inair- fions and flaughters made by thofe brave people in the year 1688, as hath been already mentioned. As to the cuftom which they have in common with a few other nationn, of burning their pri- foners who are not adopted by them, it ought I to be confidered as done by way of retaliation, j rather than from a principle of revenge or blood- thirftincfs', from which laft Mr. Poterie has ac- I quitted them. The confequence of thefe expeditions was, that [the French were obliged to burn their two bark<i o.i 't<i v.- w 11 m ^ 1 ! } ,1 mM ' tr [80] on the Kadarakui lake, and abandon their fort there ; that almofl all the Indian nations, except- ing two, defened their intereft and made peace witti ihzjive nations : that they loft feveral thou- I'ands of their inhabitants by the continual incur- fions of fmall parties ; and that the remainder not daring to plan% fow, or even go from one town to another, for fear of being fcalped, a famine enfued, which had like to have put a miferable end to that colony. What mu ft have become of Canada at this time, if only New Tork had per- formed her engagements to the five nations ? The five nations would have purfued their blow and quite extirpated the French^ when the governor of New Tork ftopt them from going on : for which that province feverely fmarted foon after ; for in February 1690, the French with their Indians furprifed Skenektadi, near AlOany, burnt the town, murdered 6^ perfons in cold blood, and carried away 27 prilbners. This war was begun by the French, with a defign to deftroy the five nations fas they were then) and lafted till « he peace of Refwyk in 1698, during which time the people of Canada were in the dreadful circumftances we have juft now related. This noble ftand and fuccefs againft the French and i\iv\x Indians is the more remarkable, as the five nations were then divided in their fentiments and meafures : three of the five, the Onondawgas, Kayugaws and Oneyots, by the influence of Jefuits, were diverted from profecuting the war againft Canada, and turned their arms againft the Fir- ginia Indians ; the Sennekas had a war at the lame time on their hands with three numerous nations, the Uiawawas, the Chiktaghiks or Ilinois, and the Twigtwis or Miyamis *. Since then thc| • Coldtiii Hilt. p. go and fcq. French :ir fort except- : peace il thou- 1 incur- ider not ic town famine niferable come of bad per- ns ? ed their vhen the m going fmarted encb with • AWany, ; in cold This war o deftroy nd lafted ng which ^ dreadful "le French e, as the eniiments mdawgasy of Jefuits, ar againft : the Vir- ar at the numerous or IlinoiSy i then the French cc [ 8i ] FrMth have made feveral attempts to deftroy or fubdue them, by various methods. La Hontan idiys^ that he propofed a fcheme to Lewis XIV. *' for building forts on the lakes of Canada^ ** which would force the Jortptoife. [or the five *' nations] either to abandon their country or *' fubmit to the French^ who would then, as he told the King, with their other Indian allies, be able to beat the Englijh out of all their *' p'intations." But this fcheme was never tried ; and if praclicable, might not the Englijh, by building forts, be able, with the afliltance of the Pv'^ nations, to drive the French out of Canada ? | The fix nations, from a fmall beginning, have made themfelvcs formidable likewiie t|iroughoUc t'le ificl'ans of all north America. By their victories anJ c^nquefts northwards, they fubdueti the Adi- rondaks^ by the French called Algonkins, the mod powerful nation of all, when the French fettled in Canada in 1603 ; together with their allies the Vtawawaa or Dewagunbas, the §uatoghis, by the French Hurons, and the Nipe/erin.., not much in- ferior in power to the Adirondaks. Then turning their arms fouth weftward, they conquered the Sattanas or Showanons^ who dwelt in the country now poffcfTed by the five nations ; the Chiktaghiks or Ilinois, as far as the river Mjffjffippi ; and would have fubdued the Twigiwh or Miyamis, the mod powerful nation at prefent in the Ohio country (great numbers of whom they deftroyed) if they had not been diverted by an invafion of the French, In (hort, they brought the Indians under their fubjedlion as far as fouth Carolina j extending rheir dominion over a vaft country above 1200 miles in length from north to fouth, and 7 or 800 in breadth from eaft to weft. G In 111 11 4 'M ill •pi M mA M t «n In Ihort, thefe people are c6n(idel'ed by the ju- didoUs Americans^ both ^ngli/k and Fftnch, as eqiial, if riot fupefio'r to either the aritiertt Grieks or Rmansy for generofity, integrity, juftice*, po- licy in government, firmnels of ttliftd dnd cou- rage *, particularly intrepidity and cohterttpt of death, in which their behaVibUr, arid (Irigirig their death long, in the mid(t of the mbil eJtquime tor- ments inflidled by their enemies when taken pri- foners in war, (hews them to furpafs all marikind bcHdes. However, the generality of our vairt unthihk- ing countryriieri, for want of the Indian under- ftanding, look on them as a defpicable people, becaufe they are content with pcVetty, and do not make a figure like other riatioris, thirigs fot which they moJ-e jiiftly hold the ktifojpeahs in con- tempt : for they lightly pfec^ thd happiriefs and dignity of riiari, in living accot'dirig to the Hm- plicity of nature, arid cultivating political arid ibcial virtues ; juftly cOricludihg frOrti vVhat they obfcrve in the practice of Earopians^ that riches and parade ferve only to make people luxurious, difhoneft arid effemiriate : riOr do they fcfUple to declare thfe Opinion which they have of us, when it comes handfohiely in their Way. As the In- dians know how to be even With Us in point of contempt, they would doubtlefs forgive our yimc' rican brethren thofe airsoffuperiofity, Which they place to the account of their vanity arid felf-cOn^ ceit, if they wOuld behave to them iri other re- fpeds confirent with the rules of juftice and ho- nour. But their rieighbours have giveri ihem jTreat caufe of offence, chiefly on three occafions ; Brd by drawing therii into wars, and then leaving Ihem in the lurch. Thb was particularly the cafe during E 83 ] during all the long war which they had with the French from 1687 to 1697. '* In the year 1690 they were deferi ed, fays *' Mr. Colden^ by the people of New lork, after *' they had engaged them in a war againil the *' French of Canada.** They trifled with them again in 1692. At a meeting of the five nations, with colonel lugofjby at Albany that year, one of the Sachems among other home things faid, " Bro- ther Coriear (or New Tork) you defire us to keep the enemy in perpetual alarm. — Is it not to fccure your own frontier$, why then not one word of your people who are to join us .^— How comes it that none of our brethren, fatt- ened in the fame chain with us, otFer their helping hand in this general w^r, in which cqr great king is engaged againft the French? Pray how come Maryland, Delaware river, and New England, to bs difengaged from this war.? How comes it that the enemy burns and deftroys the towns in New England, and they make no ** refiftanee ? How comes our great' king to make war and not to deftroy his enemies? when if he would only command his fubje<fls on this fide of the great lake to join, the -de- (1:^ udion of the enemy would not make one fummer's work." However, the five nations beipg invited to join in the war, readily agreed, and making an in- curfion to the very banks of the river St. Lau- rence between Montreal and ^ebek^ put both thejfe places, with the whole cpuntry between, in continual alarms. Next year the French^ to be revenged, furprifed three caftles of the Mohawks ; and would have done much greater mifchief, if colonel Fl'^tcher, then governor of New Ta^k, had not flown to C heir afliftancc. On which oc- G 2 cafiun, C( <c C( AC «( C( CC «( CC CC (C CC CC CC CC Pi M :|i m I 1! i';'. M i :;l (« tc C( (( (( tc C( 41 «b (( [ 84 1 cafion they honoured him with the name of Kay- tnguirago^ or the Great Swift Arrtw, But as they had never received fuch a blow in the memory of man, they were qui:e difhcartencd. " They faid their (Irength was quite broken, by the conti- nuance of the war: However they added, that if all the EngU/h northern colonies would join, they could dill eafily take Canada ; and that their being fo ill armed, was the reafon why the French had then efcaped. The French (conti- nued theyj arm their Indians compleatly, and furnifh them with every thing neceflary for war, as we find to our colt every time we meet with them." In t6g4,fion after, the fix nations hearing that the French had received a confiderable force from France, began to hearken to feme propofals of peace ; and being queftioned about it by Co). Fletcher, told him, the " only reafon was the low condition to which they were reduced, while none of their neighbours fent them the leafl alTiftance ; fo that the whole burthen of the war lay on them alone : that their brethren of New England, ConneSticut, Penfylvania, Mary- land, and Virginia, of their own accord, thruft their arms into our chain [of peace and alliance:] but fince the war began we have received no afliflance from ihem. We alone cannot con- tinue the war againft the French, by reafon of the daily recruits which they receive from the other fide of the great lake*." Upon this Col. Fletcher gave notice to the above-mentioned provinces of the danger which might arife fron: fuch a treaty j and that there was no preventing it but by the Indians being af- fured of more effectual afliflance than they had C( ct c« cc cc 4( <c «( 4C 44 44 Coldent Hift. p. 167. hitherto HM tc -«4 (( <c C( cc C( cc cc hitherto received. Commiffioncrs from thofe pro- vinces met Sit Albany^ where one of the Sachems in his fpeech after repeating what had been fiid before to Col. Fletcher, added, '* Our brother Kayenguirago'% arms and ours are ftifF. and tired wiih holding fail the chain, whilil our neigh- bours, fit ftill and fmoke at their eafe. The fat is melted from our flcfh and fallen on our neighbours, who grow fat while we grow lean. They flourifh whiift we decay. This chain made us the envy of the French ; and if all had held it as fa(t as K^engairago it would have been a terror sl\{o. If we would all heartily join and take the hatchet in our hand, our com- mon enemy would foon be deftroyed, and we fliould for ever after live in peace and eafe. Bo you but ycur parts and thunder itfelf cannot break our chain *.'* This meeting after all came to nothing ; and Col. Fletcher not being able to give the five na- tions any aflTurances of a vigorous afliftance, al- lowed them to make a feparate peace : which, yet in affeftion to the Englijh, they did not. How- ever, in 1695, iiie Fr^w^ re-polTclTed themfclves of Kadarakui fort i which the five nations would have prevented, had 500 men been fent them from Albany as they defired. From this behaviour the five nations began to think that the Englijh v;ere lavilh of Indian lives, and too careful of their own. The Mohawks, fays Mr. Colden, who lived neareft them, having from fuch behaviour, entertained a mean opinion of their conduA and courage, as well as integrity, were prevailed on by their brethren xhcKahnuaga or Praying Indians, to make peace with Count Frontenac, which they did. It was, doubdefs, * Co/den, p. 170. G 3 from I m\ ii! i ,; r'»iS I ' It [ 86 J from a reflcdion on the timid tonduft of the Efi' glijh in thofe times, as well as in thefe, with rcfpccb to the French^ that when lately one of our neigh- bouring colonies fent to Onondawga^ the chief town of the fix nations, inviting them to fend thtif children thither fur education ; they excufed themfelves, by alledging, that the education would not fuil the genius of their youth j but in return for their jiOod will, fent them word, that if they would fend fime of their youth to Onon- dawga they would teach them to be men, Thefcpoor faithful Indians have the more reafoti to complain of the Englijb on occafion of fo many difappointment«, as they were terrible fuf- fercrs by them : for, altho' they often came off with gbry, and always with honour, yet being obliged to maintain the war alone for fo ihany years, not only againft the French and their con- federate Indians, but alfo againft ieveral other powerful nations at the fairie time, as hath been btfote obferved, their ftrength was greatly weak- ened ; fo that from lo or 12,000 fighting men, which they were formerly, they are at prcfent re- duced to 1 000 or 1 500 at moft : and as the French power has encreafed while their own declined, ihey are become much afraid of them, and the more as they think they cannot with certainty de- pend on the promifes or treaties of the Englifh. In a conference which they had not long ago at Albamy, they declared, ** that they were almoft brought on their knees to the French •, and that unlcfs they \Vere better fupported than they had been, they mult expedl foon to be all cut off*,'* Was not fuch infincerity enough to change their affe<5Vions and fidelity from the £>^//j^i who, per- haps, wanted to have them all deftroyed, as they from the (i «( cc ind< almoft were in that long and terrible war. Iped: igh- :own thc'it cufed atioii i but vord, )non- rcafoti of fo le fuf- nc off being many ir con- [ otl^er I been weak- men, fent re- French :dined, ind the nty de- ]glijh. ago at almoft md that hey had utofif-.'; ige their ho, per- as they , from the [87] the famf falfc policy which made them drdroy th«jir own Indms. Their mU rcafon for being offended with the Engiyb^ were certain ftcps taken, which feemcd %q con/irm the jealoufy which the French were a|- ^^y& vfiry induilriou$ to infuiJe into them ; th^t the Englifif^ for all their fair pretences, in reglity ifltjfinded to deprive tijem of their lands, and en- (Uvc them. Their firljt taufe of jealoufy, on this account, w»s their being called fubjefts by jhe En- ^/i^, which at a meeting in 1684 they refented, ^rmingt th^t they were not fubjeds but bre- thren*. JNot long after this; King James^ a little before his abdication, fent over Sir Edmund Andros with arbitrary powers •, and he, in imitation of the French^ changed his (lile in fpeaking to the In- dtoits^ calling them children inftead of brethren, the term formerly ufed. This they complained of ^tAlhney in June 1689, and infifted that the old form of treating with them might be reftored. They were much more alarmed and irritated a few years after, by the Lndifcretion of Capt. Schuyler^ who, after the peace of Ryfwick in 1 6^yy being fent to Canada in behalf of the five nations, by Lord Ballatnonti then governor of N^w Tork^ in affert- ing the dependency of ihtfive nations on that pro • vince, faid, that thefe people were their flaves. This was fo aggravated by the French, glad of every opportunity to fet the five nations again ft the Englijh^ that thefe Indians^ more jealous of their liberty than ever were the ancient Gr^^^j and Rmans, in 1699 Cent their moft confiderable Sa- chems toAlbaney to complain of it *, and at the fame time deputies to Canada to conclude the peace independently of the Englijh : in (hort, they took G 4 care * CoUen, 65. m m u if [ 88 ] rare on aU occafions ever (ince to afTert their in- dependency, declaring, that they arc born free, and fubjedt to neither the French nor EngHJh. A (hird caufe of difgufl to (he Englijh has arifcn on account of taking their lands fro^n them, whic^h has been the fource of many troubles. In 163^, 500 Englijh were at one time cut off in Virginia • by the Indians^ whofe lands they had taken away. The many wars carried on by the New England Indians were for the fame teafon*, and tho* driven out of the country, their hatred ftill fub- fifts. Not many years fince quarrels arofe about the Sufquehanna lands ', and now lately the grant of the Ohio lands gave new difcontent : but it is faid that all difputes were terminated at Albaney laft July^ and that the Indians went away per- fedly Jatisficd. However that be, they do not fpare 10 reproach both French and Engli/h '* with *' ufurping the lands of lo many Indian nations, ** and chacing them from their own country,** as one of their Sachems did in a fpeech made to the governor oi Canada in 1684. The laft article of complaint concerns trade ; in which they always have been, and to this day, arc abufed in a moft fcandalous degree. ♦* The ^' original treaty, or commercial contradl, with ** the five nations went on tolerably well, fays ** Mr. Kennedy^ for fome years, till the execution *' of it was committed to the care of a number of commiffioners, mfiftly Anglo-BuUh traders in Indian goods -, who together with a tribe of harpies, called Handlers^ their relations and un- derftrappers, have fo abufed, defrauded, and de- ceived thofe poor, innocent, well-meaning peo- ple, that at prcfent we have very iev/ Indians left who are fincerely in our intereft, or who can be depended on. The fatal confequences of " this it cc «t (( cc CI C( ir m- I free, h. arifcn which 163^, Irginia * away. ngi^nd I tho' II fub- about grant It it is Maney ly per- >c fpare " with lations, ry,** as ade to trade ; lis day, ♦« The t, with ill, fays :eciition lumber traders tribe of and un- and de- ng peo- ians left ho can Hces of " thi$ cc t( [ 89 1 •* this management were fevercly felt in many inftances laft war, particularly in the cafes of Saragtoga^ Skenektadi^ Cffr. which could not pofTibly have happened, had our Indians been fincerely our friends." The frauds of thofe handlers are not confined to the common manufactures \ they have even the audacity to fruftrate the royal bounty, and cheat them of the King's prefents. On this oc- cafion Mr. Kennedy fays, " I believe I may ven- *' ture to affirm, that the greater part of the pre- *< fents made them upon thofe folemn occafions, «' feldom go farther than Albaney or Skenektadi ; *^ but are bought up by the Handlers for rum, and " afterward fold to them when fober at a dear rate." The poor Indians^ it feems, are abufed in every thing •, for altho* guns are in eflfeft their whole dependence oc eflate, as well as fecurity, yet it is complained, that thofe which the Englijh fell them are the worft which can pofllbly be made. This obliges them to go to the French^ who take care to ferve them well, and thus they become at- tached to them ! for they mud naturally think, that they who for lucre would impbfe on them in an article of fuch importance to both their fubfift- ence and defence,can have no true regard for them. In the conference with Co\. Ingoldjby^ at Alhaney^ in 1692, the fpeaker for the /W/<2»j tells him, in a fneering way, ♦♦ We thank you for the powder ♦* and lead given to us : But,what (hall we do with them without guns ? Shall we throw them at the enemy ? We doubt they will not hart them that way. Before this we always had guns given to us. // is no wonder that the governor oj Canada gains upon us : for he fupplies his Indians with ^* gum<i as well as powder. He fupplies them plen-^ ♦' pfully with every thing which can hurt us.'* At cs ♦c cc ♦c t ii I I i 'A I SI m m IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1^ mm 12.5 *^ ISA us lU us I 2.0 IL25 i 1.4 1.8 1.6 ^ M ')>^^') </ '> ^y.^- Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STRUT WIBSTER.N.Y. 14S80 (716)872-4903 4^ ^ f Jk [ 9^ ] At one time there has bcfn powder and lead given to (hem» but no guns. At another time, the' prefied to go to war with the French^ they complained the powder was fold dearer to theni than ever, and when they boMght their guns chtry were not fit for fervice. May I not {ay^ as shs In- di^ns did themielves, on the occafion, '>' It is m> .*< woader the governor ^f Cmada gains upon *« them?'* Jc is no lefs a wonder, mathinks, how the governor of Nfy> T^rk could (land io bitter a reproach. Commerce ought iq be encouraged to the ut- mod, and be fre^ from ail clogs : but lo make it ihrive, as well as prevent the Indians irom de- ferting us, it wiH be abfoltirely necei&ry to re- strain the frauds and JicentiQuTDds of traders, un- der the fcvcreft penalties. It is not oniy in New Zork that they have abufed the )Cradc,and loft us the affedions of ithe Indims on tbat 'fide, but they hav'e done the famein C^oUna : for,alrho' that pro- vince, which is furrounded with numerous Indran nations, had been frequently harraffcd by feme or , other of them 5 not more by the ii^ftigatibn cf the French or Spaniards^ than by the mal-praflices of the Englijb traders : yet, ijot warned by experi- ence, or rather not regarding the welfare of the colony, ib they gained themfelves, which is a maxim with all traders ingemral, they defrauded and other wife ill treated the Spanifo Indians ^ the moft reftlefs of them, all to fuch a degree, that: flo longer able to bear it, they broke out into war about the year 171.8 *, and falling by furprize, as ufual, on theouc-fettiements, cutoff many EnglifiiViho were unprovided for defence. Thus generally the intioceat TufFcr for the guilty, who efcape ; and a whole nation for the villainies of a fciW, who gp unpuniihed. The [91] The war became fo fierce, that Caroiinaj noc able to defend icfelf, calkd in the aflSftanct of the other colonies : but as even this woukl nor do, and they could obtain no fuocour from the pro- prietors i the peo(^e addrtiied the crown <o take them under its protection.. Forces were ient over who repelled the Indians^ and the -chafter being icfumed, the King purchafe^ feven eighths of the proprietors, and appointed a governor in 1731. The (i3t nations would, ditobtlefs, put up with many things which gire chcm caufe of dtfguft % . would the colonies biat deal honcftly by thetn in their trtffick : bu. tt railes their indignation to lee that vhey take all opportunities (o trick and im- pofe dn them. This^ives them ftrong anioioii* ties, as well as diilruft. They camK>t be prevail- ed on to believe that the mea who cheat them, or thofe who fufFer them to be cheated, in €he moBc vile and fcandalous manner, are ac all to be con* fided m^ or can poAibly be fmcerely their friends The Brft thing to be done then is to temove their diftriii^, by wholly altering the prefent way of treating them, and making fome new laws in their favour which may fecure them againf^ any future ill ufage. With regard to thee injuries they receive from the abufe of trade in particular, the method pre- po^d forredrelling them is^ to take the nianage- ment of the In^an trade from the people of Al- ifany^ who are mofl- of them, if not all, traders or handlers, and put it under the dire^on of fome perfon ojf capacity and integrity, to be appointed by the King ; in the nature of 4 fiiperinttndant 9/ Indian affairs, who (hould be clebarred, under fevere penalties, from trading either direftly or |t)diredly with the hidians ; as ihould likewife the trucks I i! m 11 r9»] truck-ma(lers or agents, to be annually diofen ae the places where the goods are lodged •, which goods are to be fold to the Indians'at a ftt rate, without any advance thereon ; and the Indians al- lowed a market price for their furs. This nne- thod is praftifed in Canada by the French ; and in NewEngUmdy to the great fatisfatftion oithsjndians there : and, why (hould they not be as well dealt with at New Tork, where their good treatment is of far greater importance ? Tomo Cbicbij when here in 1734 ; in behalf of the Cr^f/i;/«ir^i7J, and to prevent for the future their being cheated by the Engtifh traders, defired of the truftees for Georgia^ that the weights and meafures, with the prices and qualities of the goods to be exchanged for deerfkins might be fettled and fixed : that none ihould be allowed to trade with the Indians in that country, without a licence from the trultees ; that fo thclndians^ in cafe of injury or fraud, might know where to complain : that there might be but one ftore-houfe in each Indian town, from whence the traders (hould fupply them with goods at the fixed prices. BecaUfe, he faid, the traders had often, in an arbitrary manner, not only raifed the prices of their goods, but alfo given them ihort weight and meafure *, and that by their impofitions they had frequently created anipiofities between the Englijh and Indians^ which had often ended in wars prejudicial to both. Thefe matters were regulated according to his defire •« and both the importation and ufe of fpirituous li- quors prohibited in Georgia, by adts of the King and council. Why might not the fime benefits be allowed the fix nations, and other Indians who are in alliance with us ? why are not the traders of other colpnies laid under the fame reflraints P However, the making of laws fignihes nothing unlcls [ 93 ] utilefs care be taken to have them put in execu- lion : for in 1739* when Tomo Chichi^ and other chiefs of the Creek nations, came to compUment general Ogkthorp at Savannah^ they complainccf ; that noiwithdanding the regulation in 34, the Indian traders, who came among them from Ca^ roHna, ufed bad weights and meafures. He there-^ fore delired that the general would order theni brafs weights and fealed meafures, to be lodged with each of their kings. The fame like wife might be done for the fix nations. The chief reafon why the French have fo far fucceeded in their enterprizes beyond the Englifff^ is, in the opinion of Mr, Coiden *, becaufe " the " Indian affairs Are the particular care of the go- ** vernor and other principal officers in Canada^ ** who have the grcateft knowledge and autho- •« rity : whereas thofe affairs in New Tork are «' chiefly left to the management of a few traders ** with the Indians, who have no care for, or ** (kill in public affairs, and only mind their pri- ** vate intereft." In (hurt, Mr. Kennedy is the more earneft to have the method he propofes for a remedy to take place, as '' being well affured, he fays, that there " is no law wbicbcan be contrived, or oath framed, *• to bind i handler.* » Shr 'lid a few knavifh individuals of one colony be fuflTered to ruin all the colonics ? for Mr. Ken- nedy ^ rightly obfcrves, " that if ever New Tork, ** Albany, and Hudfon^s river, fhould get into the hands of an enemy, every other colony would foon follow.** And his obfervation ought to be the more regarded, fince the French are of the very fame opinion, as appears from their Icheme of i6i^S, which was grounded on that principle. If C( 4C * P. 3S- + P. 23. If we €xpeA any afliftance in our wars from thefe Indiansy I (hould think that above all things care would be taken to furnifh them with good fire-arms, Mr. Kennedy is of opinion, •♦ that if ** thi<i (ingle abufe was re^lified, it might be fuf^- ** ficient Co keep the fix nations in our inttreft." And cannot fo much be done to fave ihe colo- nies > yet fomeChing more than this is heceiTary to be done : for as the whole fubfiftence of thefe people depends on keeping their guns in order, a fmith ought to be fent tojefide among them, that they might not be obliged to travel two or three hundred miles to an Englijh fetdement to get a lock mended, which might occafion the lo& of riieir hunting (eafon. Smce therefore he would be a moO: ufeful and neceflary man to them, *' A fmith, fays Mr. Ketmedyh friend*, is more ** likefy to influence them Chan a Jefuit ; efpe- •' cially as they think much more of their tcm- •* poral than fpiritual aflfairs.*' Thefe fmiths, if men of tolerable underdanding, might be of far- ther ufe, as they and their fons might become in- terpreters ; nothing bf ing more ufeful and want- ing in the colonies than good and honeft ones. They might alfo be employed lo fupply the i/j- <fw»j with goods. In 1 734 the afCmbly of New Tork voted an allowance for maintaining a fmith among the fix nations; but it f^ <es not appear that any perfon of that trade was fent. ** In my opinion, fays Mr. Colden-f^ the go- ** vernment of New Tork have, on all occafions, *' been exceedingly to blame, in not having fbme *' men of experience among the five nations to •' advife and direft them on all emergencies of iiMportance. The Frenthy continues he, are (C it w f p. 45. t P. 162. ce vtry are very [95l very careful Of this ; and the oihcers of the regular troops are obliged to take their tours among their hdidnSj while the captains of the independent companies of fufiliers at New Tork^ '< Jive like military monks, in idlenefs and liixu- it I'y. since the time in v<rhich the French fufFcred io much by the incurfion^ of the five nations, thev hdVe endeavoured, by various methods, to dra\/ them off from the Engli/h intereft; and attach them b their o\^n : btit at the fame time are con« triv?-ig under hand how either to deftroy or fub- due them : and ftiould they ever fall utider their power, their firft bufmefs, in all probability, would be to cm them entirely off. For thefe people have brought on them fo many difgraces, and been fuch a perpetual thorn in their fides, that they can never fmccrely love or forgive them. The five nations, very likely, think the fame thcmfelves ; and this may be one reafon why, notwiihftanding all the ill ufage they have re- ceived, that they ftill incline to hold with the En^lr/b. Ii is a matter of the greateft importance to our colonies not only to preferve the fricndftiip of the few nations who are in our intereft, but alfo to endeavour all they can to gain others over. They will be of effential life to ftop the progrefs of the French thro* the back countries ; and ferve as advance guards to the colonies ; while furround- ing them without, like a ftrong wall, they will prevent thofe dangerous neighboufs from break- ing into them. On the other hand, if they be- come our enemies, the colonies will not only lofe that fure defence which they would prove againft the French power, but joining with them thty would enter together on all fides ; and in that cafe cafe what calamities would enflie may more eafily be imagined than defcribed. *' What CO me is mod furprifing, fays Mr* Kennedy *, that alcho^ there is hardly a colony the continent but what is a match for all i' C( on cc Canada^ yet by a proper management of their Indians they [the French] keep us all, both in time of peace and war, in a.conflant df-ead and terror.** While we take care to keep the In- dians on our fide, they will not only keep the French in awe, but by th^ir means we mighty whenever we pleafed, ruin their two colonies^ by taking from ihem not only their trade but their country : for they could not hold out three months againft the power of the Englifit fupported by the Indians. Some think that by uOng proper meafures, not only the Indians who have deferred us may be gained back again •, but even many of thofe na- tions brought over who have always been in the French intereft. Both theie things may be pof- iible : but it muft not be thought that this b be- caufe the French ure them worfe than we do : on the contrary, they treat them infinitely better. They do not fell them fpirituous liquors to de- ^roy their health and confume them ; nor niake them drunk and then cheat them of their goods, as our traders have done. Nor are thefe abufes committed only in fome of the northern colonies. I could mention fome late pranks of the fouth Carolina traders among the Cbarokees, which had involved many other EngUJh befidcs the aggref- fors, in imminent danger of being maiTacred ; and might have occafioned the revolt of that nu- merous nation to the French •, who prohibit the fale of fpirituous liquors among the Indians^ (tho* i fome •P. 3. pare eafily iMr. Dlony or all their oth in id and hc/»- epthe [night, cs, by It their npnthi :cd by cs, not nay be ofc na- \ in the bepof- s is bc- io : on better. 5 to de- if make goods, : abufes olonies. fouth ich had aggrcf- facred ; hat nu- libit the r, (tho* fome i97] fome may be conveyed by Health) and in .natter^ of trade they dea4 very honeftly by them.* How- ever they may be the getts de mauvais fvf to uf, not they, but we^ are the gem de maievaisfoy to the Indians. What difference is there between the French feizing our lands, and our defrauding the Indians (I will not fay of their lands but) of their furs ? Some of the letters from Virginia ex- claimed againft the Indians for dielerting their troops in the late engagement: but can we blame them if they arc treated by their EngUJb in the barbarous manner before-mentioned r They fee by long experience that we make ufe of them only as tools to ferve a prefent purpofe : court them when we have need of them, and when the bufinefs is over hegleA and dtfpife them, cheat, and leave them in t^e lurch. Do not we fet them^ an example of inrincerity ? can we expert they fhould be more faithful and kind to us than we are to them? The French^ befides ufing the Indians better than do tne Engiifiy attach them to their intere(^, by conforming to their ways of living, by inter- marrying with them, and by bringing them over to their religionl This which they know to be their fureft game, is managed by their artful and indefatigable priefts, who difperfc ihemfelves for the purpofe among their tribes wherever they dare venture, and have the lead profpedt of fuccefs ; while the Englijh rather avoid than feck to make converts of them. A negligence which muft prove flital to us in every part of the world where popery prevails \ that inhuman monfter which, if it had power, would let nothing live but it- fclf. If therefore the Indians feem inclined to take part with us rather than the French^ it is wholly H out 1^8 1 out of !titere(l. They know that the greater part df the goods Which they buy of the Fmcb come from the EngH/h ; and that therefore they can trade to more advantage Wrth our colonies, by having them there at a cheaper rate than in Canada. The journey likewife to Ofwego or New Tdrk^ is mucli nearer and Jefs inconvenient than to Montreal or ^ebek, T^s is the chief, if not only mrotive, whicli can intline them to an al- liance with us rather than t\^f'rencb\ whofe man- ners and way of proceeding with them, in nioft other refpedts, ^excepting perhaps the article bf government) muft needs be more agreeable to them. Hence many are of opinion, it muft be only when the feveral Indian natipns, efpecially the itiore remote. Tee they can t^'llonger be fup- pllied by the ir^»f^ with the ijoods they want, chat they will be inclined t6 refort to our colonies, and become our friends. The lirft ftep, there- fore, which to them feems neceflary to be taken in order to draW the Indians thither, is abfolutely to prohibit that illicit trade which fias been fo long tarried on at Albany^ of furnKhing the Prench with Englijh manufaftures. Others on the con- trary fay, that by putting a (lop to that trade we fliould only oblige the French to fttch the l^me kinds of goods from France and other European countries, and fo lofe a very profitable branch pf trade without gaining our ends with the Indians, To which it is anfwered, that if this could be done xht French would haye done it before now ; and that was it done, their markets would be dearer than they are at prefent ; which would in- fallibly bring, the mod diflant Indians to our co- lonies. This, they fay, has been confirmed by experience of feveral years ; and would in time, of reater French ihcy ionics, Kan in r T^evi It than if not an al- : trtan- n Aibft tide bf ible CO be only' illy the )c fup- y want,, olonies, , th^c- )e taken folutely fo long Prencb he con- rade we le fame luropedn •anch pf Indians, aulcl be e now ; cc «c ould be ould in- ouc co- rned by in time. of t99 3 dF it(^lf, fecure as well as enrich the northern Co** bnies. The fix natibns^ who always remonftrated againft this trade as rainous both to their own and the Englijh intereft, in a conference at Al*- han^ m 17 19 aHedged, that ** if the Engli/hdiO not fupply iht French with goods from that place, they cannot furnifh the far hdiam with what they want, and hardly thofe who live *' neair them : for thev get btit little goods them- «* fclyes from Francer This feems to be con^- firniedv in fome meafure likewife, bf the letter ibnc by Mr. Vanutreuii^ governor of Lomfiana in 1744, to count iefAmrepoi then ftiperintendertc of the marine \ conliplaining of the bsnefit which the Engh^ reaped by t!ie inability of the French |b furnilh the m&am with the goods they wanted, either as taqua^ity^ or quanuty; therefore defirc^ an augmentation of 80,000 livresf worth, and fends 2LX)&di Englijh trading goods for patterns. In- deed' if the French can have the fame commodi:* ties as eafily from borne or elfewliere, their por- chafihg them from the Englijh fhoutd feem to be folely with a view tb keep the Indtarn from re- fordng to the BriHjh colonies ; and their prohi- biting this trade with yilkany^ 3.1 the fame time that they Teem wholly to depend on it, without llibftituting any other in its place, looks like a difgufife, f ho* a very odd one, to conceal their deHgn. If this be ideally the cafe, it would be a fuflidenc reafon of itfclf for fupprefling the Jl* hawf trade : and fuppofing the French Ihould im- port goods to Canada immediately from Europe^ It might be proper to confider, whether the /»- //f<i^i .gained by fuch a (lep would not over-ba- lance the lofs which we (houid fultain in true '.*. Tis certain the governor of Canada n ight eafily put a (top at once to that illicit trade *, and H 2 why w. [ »oo ] why does he rot ? we are told if he did the Kab' mag4 or praying Indians, who fubfift by it, would prcfently quit the country and return to the Bvc nations from whom they deferted. But is it like- ly he would deprive the French company of fuch confiderable advantages, by letting the prime beaver (kins be carried to the Engliftty for fake only of retaining loo or 150 Indians at mod, in his intereft, when he has enough without them ready to ferve him on all occaHons ? The true reafon therefore after all for fuch condu^V^ feems to be either the impofTibility of fupplying the Indians in any other manner with the goods they want, or to prevent the northern Indians frorp re- Toning to the Engli/b colonies : but in cafe thofe praying Indians, as they are called, are really of fo.much value to them as it is alledi^,ed, why might they not be of equal value to us? The decifion of the point here in diipute is of vaft moment to the Britijh intereft, and very well dcferves the niceft fcruiiny of the board of trade. As it depends on a fa6t which is to be afcertained only by experience, I will not offt-r my opinion : but this I think I may venture to fay, that if the ^Ihany illicit trade was deOroyed, and the navi- gation of the lakes was made free by dellroying the forts of Niawgra and De-troite, before-men- tioned, or eredlingothers in their neighbourhood, we fhould foon fhare the fur trade of the notth and weftern Indians with the French -, and that in cafe the Hudfon's bay trade was laid open, we ihould have it almoil wholly to ourfeives ; even altho' the French could get Indian goods from France or el fe where, io put off at the fame rates they do now : but while the company fell their goods fo exceflively dear to the Indians,, and - the ; Navigation of the laktrs is ihut up by thofe two forts. (C Kab' 'ou!d : five likc- fuch srime fake ft, in them le true fcems ig the s they )rp re- : thofe ally of I, why ;e is OT ry well trade, [rtained )inion : : if the le navi- troying •c-mcn- irhood, e north nd that >cn, we 1 ; even Is from ne rates ell their ndthe lofe two forts. r '01 1 forts i no wonder fo much of the fur and peltrf go to the French f who ft 11 them much cheaper than the company, and fo little to the Engtijh of the colonies, who fell them one half cheaper than the French, When a firm peace and friendfhip is eftablifh- ed with the fix nations, endeavours ought to be ufed to bring back their brethren the Praying In- dians^ who, provoked by the villainous treatment (as Mr. Kennedy calls it) of the handlers, went over to 'the French, This was fo long ago as be- tween the years 1670 and 80. Thefe are converts fettled at Kabnuaga^ a village on the river St, Lau- rencey a little to the north of Montreal^ and are greatly chcrilhed by the French^ they being their principal fighting Indians, It is by them alto .lat the trade is carry'd on at Albaney : and but for them in all probability the fix nations would have been c^ ftroyed before now by the French : for they not only refufe going to war againft them as their brethren, but have given them intelligence of de- figns formed againft them in Canada, for which and other rrafons it is judged, that by proper me- thods they may be recovered. Now, the moft proper method that appears is to deftroy the Alhaney illicit trade, which is their only fubfiftence ; at leaft, it is certain, that before they can be recovered, it muft for that purpofe be deftroyed. This trade is, doubtlefs, the greateft tie on themtotheFrtf»f^intereft ) but i\icFrencb em- ploy them in it chiefly as fpies, to gain intelligence now matters go in New Tork, with which province they are as well acquainted as the inhabitants themfelvcs ; and to carry on any fecrer correfpon- dcnce with t\}eMohawksy from which tribe chiefly they are the deferters. Mr.Kennedy fays, * " they ♦* muft be brought back, coft what it will." H 5 Mr. * Confiderat p 19. i:^ ^1 K i r 102 ] Mr. ^Ooldetti (peaking of ao (Opportunity of re- covering the Praying Indians^ loft for want qf be- ing purfucd ♦, foys, " ic might have been of great V confequence : but fuch matters, continues be, *' where there is not an immed late private profit^ce ** feldompurfued by the £ir^if^ with that care gnd ** afliduity, with which they are by the Pretuh.^* ;How indefatigable the French are to gaia the Indians, and fee them agginft the Efiglijh, as if their friendihip was the/tne qua non, is evident from the letters of Mr. Vaudreuil governor of J^oufiana, to his friends in Frtmce in 1 744^ found on board the Goldtn Lyon prize, taken by Capt. Aylmer, commander ot the Pert'Maben man of warf; wherein is fliewn the artifices which he made ufe of to impofe on, and drawover, the Cbi- kefawsy who duped him after a^l. There is the morereafonto believe that ihtKah* nuagas might be induced to return, if what l^r^ i)ot4glas fays be fa6t, that the Jrrfeg^ntookooks and ff^eweeftoksytwotnhcs of the Abenakki Indians^ the moft inveterate of all the Englijb enemies, fubmitced to the crown of England in a congress held zx. Palnioutb in Kajko bay, the 27th of Sep^ tember 1 749. Thcfe are by the French called the Miffions of Si, Francis and B^kancpurt ; and dwell on the fouth fide of the nvcx ,^t. Laurence ^ on ri- vers of the fame names, one 40, the other 30 leagues above ^ebek. % If I fey (for I own I much doubt it) thefe Jbe^ nakki tribes have fubmitted, why (if proper nieans be ufcd) may nqt the reft ? whofe fiiendfliip, next to that of the fix nations, is of moft importance to the northern colonies. Thefe Indians^ altho* fcattered and few, like all the nonhexn Indian nati- Qns (for they, do not ^Jfcieed 650 fighting men) . aVh ir ' -• - leaving * p. 199. t See the prefent ftate of Louijianot 1744. J Dougl, Summary Jmer. Vol. II. p. 4. bc- rreat s bcy it,ai:e ! jind a the as if rident lor of found Opt. lan of ic^ he itCbi- lat Dr« mkooks itdians^ icmies, ongrefs of Sep^ led the dwell on ri- her 30 kfe Ait- nieans ip, next )rtancc altho' \an nati- ig men) having 1,1744- having the whole country, from the borders of New England to the gulf of Su Laurence^ in their pofTi^ion^^ Would be of vaft ufc to prevent the in- o'oachments of the French in that part of the con- tinent, and favour' any attiempt which we tiiight have occaHoh to make againft Canada, The forts built along the river of Sf, Jobn^ and particularly that at' the head of the Kenniifeky would greatly help to compafs this defign : but nothing of this kind can be hoped for, fo long as that almofl: im- placable animofity.fubfifts, which reigns, between the people of New England and thc-m, on account of ancient quarrels. Some methods, therefore, fhould be taken to make theiti' forgo their mu- tual refentments •, and if poflible ( for fome will not allow it to be pofTible) effedtually feccincile them. As the Cberokees are a good barrier toCa- rolina againft the French of Louijiana^ To might the Abenakkiy by good managemeftt, be made a Urong one between New England and Canada, ' After all, there- feems but little hopes yer of fucceeding in this defirable 'end : for, inftead of gaining over any of thofe Indians ^ finte the French began hoililities, we have' loll: Indians: for mod of the tribes on the Ohio flood neuters, and the reft deferted as in the battle of the meadows. What has a worfe afpeft, the laft news from New Tork brings advice that the Mehikander or River Indians y who dwelt on Hudfon river above Al- bany^ are gone oyer to the French, This muft be owing to either refeniment for fome former, or fome late ill ufage, particularly in trade. If the latter be the cafe, what can we fay, but that the •people who are devoted to unjufi lucre, are devoted to ruin ? ■I! ,'!i ' "I H4 VI, Sme 'A"^fk <i M I ym m^i ' M P''' 'Vm Ki m m TifelOf' -f* rr I «P4 li VI. ;:uv. r>f\i Some umarks 0» Noy^ ScQtia, an4ibtO\i\o affair ^ i^q W wcflrejftjp(fc,iVI?w 5tf^/;<f, I muft take ^"^ notice, that irU by this province only thac the French can be . hindered from furrout.ding all our colonies : for they have fettled and built forts to the fouth of Canada river, in all other parts bus this ; from which they may alway$ be excluded on the land Ode, in cafe the chain of forts on the ri- ver KenMek, fliould be carry'd on to the river St. Laurence along the Cbaudiere, By means 6f one fort built at the mouth, of this laft river, and another at the mouth of the St, Francis^ or one of thofe between the other two, we might be able at any time to obllrufb the communication by water, between §uehek and Montreal^ as wtU as annoy them. This could • be done the more conveniently, a* thofe forts might be readily fup- plicd with every thing, by a third to be erected, as before- mentioned, at the heads of thofe two ri- vers 5 which might itfelf be readily furnifhed^with all kinds of neceflaries from both New Tork and New England^ by the river Albany and Konnektekut (which rife in its neighbourhood^ as well as the Kennikk. With regard to which lad-, it is worth cbferving, that the diftance from the mouth of it to ^ebek is not half fo great as that from Bofton to ^€t>ek^ and but one third of that from New Tork to ^ebek i a circumftance which ought to make us more earned both to fettle and fortify this river. I hope we (hall not be afraid to build upon cur own frontiers, left it (houid difoblige the French^ who have t^ken the liberty to build within theml For my part, I think we ought not to forbear do- ing^ any thipg which may difguft or offend them ; fince cc (( (C [ I05 ] fincc they have done every thing which they could think of to difguft and provoke us. In (hort, to make ourfelves amends, we ought to ereft a few forts within their fettlements, none fitter for the purpofe than the laft-mentioned three, and then let them take their remedy : for they cannot do worfe than they have done } and, perhaps, this would be the readied and leaft cxpenfive way to make them quit our territories and withdraw within their own. The province of Nova Scotia, befides being a llrong barrier againft the French, as well as defence to our northern colonies, is of importance to us on^anyotheraccoonts •, but on none more than that the French think it would be of importance to them. That they do fo is evident from the unwil- lingnefs with which they gave it up at the treaty o^ Utrecht ; and the extraordinary methods which they have been taking ever fmce to get it out of our hands again. This will appear alfo from the character which their writers give of it. Detrys, in his defcription of North America^ fpeaking of Acadia, in his dedication io Lewis XIV. recommends it " as the principal part of all New ** France : the tnoft ufeful, andeafy to be peopled** Another writer, in a memoir publifhed at the time of the intended conquefl of our colonies, in 1688, fpeaks thus of it : ^^ Acadia fo ufeful, on *' account of the beauty and fecurity of its ports, *' the fertility of its foil, the advantage of i.s " mines, the abundance of its fifh, and the faci- " lity of making the filhery fedentary." Tothefe may be added the vaft plenty of excellent timber which it a^Ofds for building (hips. Thefe are the confiderations which make the French fo fond of Nova Scotia^ and the fame con- fidera- Pi m S«i! Vm mm-i: H ft'! 9 IE '^ llfj/' ' 1 1N!& .Bjji < , 1 !■■ nflVK .< ' ' i Ipr •1 li- 1 |i;fi m if,'fl' f '06J ^derations ought to endear it no lefs to Britam»^ whole riches and power confifts in its commerce and (hipping. There are two exprefTions in the laft quotation* which I (hall tal^e an occa(ion to explain. One is what he calls z fedentary fjbery^ by which is meant no more than a fixt or fettled fijhery ; and to be fure almoft every part of the coafts of Nova Scs^^ tia affords conveniency for fuch fettlcments efpe- daily the coafts of the Peninfula from Cape St, Mary tq Canfo. hytbe beauty of its ports is to be un^erAood the great conveniency as to depth, capacioufnefs, wood and water, in which they are to be exceed- ed by no country in the world. The flood Mn fome of them, particularly Port-Royal^ rifes 2 5 feet, which qualifies it for receiving the largeft (hips : and ahho' thaf ^ort is not fo conveniently fituated for trade as Halifax and other ports on the fouth-eaft fide of the Peninfula^ yet it is capable of holding the whole navy of England ; and what is very remarkable as well as of great importance, is almoft the only place in all America, excepting Shegnikto (where the fea rifes above double that height) in which rn^n of war may be conveniently docked. The proceedings of the French in Nova Scotia^ from its firft fettlement, having been treated of at large in the pamphlet above-mentioned \ I Ihall pafs from thence to Virginia^ and fpeak a few words concerning their prefent proceedings in the country of the Ohio^ and the title which they fet up to it. ,' r This river runi with a very rapid and winding courfe, thro' one of the moft fertile and beautiful countries in the world -, confifting moftly of fpaci- ous plains covered with trees of various kinds, I fuch [ 'P7 1 fuch as large walnut and hickery, mixed frequent- ly with poplars, cherry-trees, fugar-trees, and the like. $0 that whether we regard the finenefs of its ftream, or the lands thro* which it pafTes, it well ^cferves the name it bears of Ohio or Hpbtoj which fignifies the Fair River, It rifesfirom two or three little lakes at the back of New Tork province, a litde to the weft of the AHiganey mountains, to the fouch of the country of the Bve nations, and to the cafl of lake Erri. It is for the general very broad, efpecially towards the mouth, and has a courfe of above €00 miles thro* a country fuch as we have defcribed, fo many miles fquare. Ten or a dozen large rivers fall into it, befides an in- finite number of fmaller ftreams ; all abounding with excellent fi(h of feveral kinds, like the Ohio itfelf, which breeds the cat-fi(h, of a prodigious fize. Formerly divers nations dwelt along this river and its branches ; among the reft were the Sbowanongs, or Sattcanas^ a very powerful people, who had more than 50 towns in their poffeffion : But aboi^t the year 1685 they were all either de- ftroyed or driven out pf the country by fome of their neighbours ; and the TwigtwiSj with other nations, came and fettled in their room, altho* fome remains of thofe different tribes are ftill to be found, pai*ticularly of the Showanongs, As this country belongs to Virginia^ being with- in its grant, fwhich includes all the inlands of America between certain latitudes, from the ^z- /<3ff//V ocean to the fouth Tea) the inhabitants of that province began pretty early to vifit it. Col. Wood particularly, who dwelt at the falls of James's river, in 1654, fent proper perfons 9 who pafling the ^//if^a»<ry mountains, entered the coun- try of the Ohio^ and in ten years fpace difcovered feveral branches, not only of that river, but alfo of the MJfiffi^i itfelf. The m m m iiP 1 [ io8 ] The Virginians y invited by the fertility of the country, and friendly behaviour of the Indians^ continued their vifits thither ; and altho* they made no fettlements, yet they traded with the natives, and many private perfons went and refided aR:!ong them for the greater conveniency of car- rying on that trade : efperially after the five na« tions had conquered the Ilinois and all this coun- try of the Ohio^ as far as the river Ilinois and the MtlfiJIippii to which thtEnglifo became farther in- titled, in right of the conquerors, who about the fame time became allies of Great Britain, Mean time, the Fr^if^ having, in 1699, made a fcttle- ment at the mouth of the Miffifftppi^ and opened a communication between that pjace and Canada^ (by means of the Ilinois river, which enters the MJUJippi^ in about the 40th degree of lati jde,) began to form a defign of joining thofe two colo- nies together. They alligned the river Ilinois the bounds between them *, and denominated all the country from thence fouthward to the gulf of Mexico^ by the name of Louijiana^ in honour of their King Lewis XIV. Their view in this was to give themfelves a title to all the country on both fides the Miffiffippi (on which river likewife they conferred the name of Louis) and to feize it under that pretence, whenever they found them- felves ftrong enough to efFcft it. They began in the infancy of this fouthern colony to build for?*-, along the MiJJiJfippiy and by degrees toent<:r ] r. the Ohioy at whofe mouth they built a fort: aii ) ; by which river, and the Wahajhy they found » iliorter and more convenient rout to and from ^uebek^ than by that of the Ilinois. Mean while the Englijh continued their iniercourfe and traffic with the Indians of the Ohio country, fo much to their advantage, ) hat in 1716, Col. Spot/wood then governor the cc cc cc cc cc [ 109 ] governor of Virginia^ got a law paft iherb for crcding a company to trade with them. This trade was fettled fo gready to their fatisfa6lion, that confiderable numbers repaired to Chriftiana forr, which was built by the company for that purpofe. He likewife laid an excellent fcheme for extending that trade, and raifing foriiBcations even on the banks of the lake Erri : nor was there any perfon in America^ fays our memorialifl: of 1732, better qualified to execute fuch a icheme. But, becaufe it was *'*' managed by a company, continues the fame writer, it was oppofed in England^ and a repeal of the law procured, to the inexprefllble lofs of all thefe colonies : altho' without a company the defign was impractica- ble ; unlefs it had been made the buHnefs of the whole government." UQo\. Spot/wood's fcheme had been followed, the Ob'o might have been fettled before this, and the prefentdiftradions prevented ; but, when was there ever a right meafure taken till lately for the ad- vantage and fecuricy of the colonies ? Things (lood thus till about the year 1725, when the French being no longer able to fupply the Indians of this country with the goods they wanted j the Twigtwees or Miyamis sl nation inde- pendent, and much more numerous than the fix nations, repaired direftly to New Torkind Albany, there to trade with the Englijh. This brought on an alliance wiih thofe Ameficans, and a greater jntercourfe of the Englijh than before, in- vited by the trade and beauty of the country. It likewife begat a defire of reviving Spotfevood*s fcheme. Accordingly, in 1730, endeavours were ufed to obtain a grant from the crown of thofe excellent lands ; and propofals made (o tranfport large numbers of Palatines to fettle it. But this ■ '" good % Ml [ no] good atC6mpt was alfo frulVr'ated : perhaps, by the fame bad policy which fruftrated the former. Howev(?^', ^t length, in 1 749, when it was too fate, as appears by tht event, a grant was obtain- ed of 600,660 ictcs in this country, to certain itierchants and others, of Virginia and tonddn^ iVho aflfcdateid under the title (Xfbe Ohio company, Mean tittle the governor of Canada difgufted to fee t\it French deprived of fuch a confiderable nation of Ifidiam as th^ Twigtwees^ with their trade ; and Confidcring too, that in cafe the EngHfh were once firrftly fettled in the country, that the bope^ of poilfi^mng it, and even of paffing that wa[y Co ttfuiftdfia^ would ht entirety cut off fnbm lii* nation, in the year 1 750 wrote to the gover- nors of Nm Tork and Pefifyltania^ actfuainting them that our Indian iradersf had incfoached on theil* te'rritofie$ by trading with (herr Inularis ; ^nd th^t if they did not dcflfl he fhould be obfiged to ieize them wheffiver they were found. Might not one have thbughr, that on fuch warning as this; thofe colonies would immediately have taken the diarni, raiied forces, and under their protedron) with the Indians leave, fet about building forts for fecuriiy of their traders ? inftead of this they went on fetding without taking any precautions for their fecurity. Perhaps they imagined the French were in jcft : nor did thi^.nflefTage divert the Oi>;^ company from their defign of having a furvey made of the country as f^r as the falls in that river. But while Mr. Gifii employed for that purpofe, was in his progrels in fpring 1751, fome French parties with their Indians (for they do nothing without In* dians) feized three Englijh traders and carried them to a fort which they were then building on one of the branches of lake Erri ; having before built an- other u t« (( by this n iht ;£tion> 5 Ions s they njcftt npany of the while in his rs with ut i«- dthem one of ult an- other other at the mouth of the river Wahalh, On this the Englijh^ who were fcattered thro* the country, retired to the Indian towns for (belter ; and the Iwigmees refenting the violence done to their al- lies, alTembled to the number of 5 or 600, and fcoured the woods till they found &tc French tra- ders, whom they lent to Penfyhania, While thefe things were doing, the French were making preparations for building a fort on the fouth fide of the lake firri', of which proceed- ings Mr. Hamilton^ then governor of Penfylvania^ having received advice, he laid before the aflem- bly of that province the neceffity Which there was to have fome places of (Irength and fecurity buile on the OhiOf under the name of traSngot truck' boufes, which might ferve for retreats to their /«* dian traders : the propofal was approved of and money granted for the purpofe *, but as the means propofed for raifing it were not complied with, nothing was done, and an opportunity given to the French to finilh their fecond fort. Repeated complaints of thefe encroachments being made to the governor of Virginia\ at length, towards the end of the year i y^^^ major IVapj* ington was fent to the commander of thofe forts to demand a reafoii for his hoftile proceedings, and required him to withdraw with his forces. The commander denied that any thing like hof- tilities had been committed, but refufed to obey the futiimons ; and the officer of the near fort being afked a reafon for making feveral of the Engiijh prifoners, told him, " that the country " belonged to them -, that no Englijhman had a right to trade on thofe waters •, and that he had orders to feiZe every one who Ihoufd attempt to tradjf on the Ohio or its branches,*' At tc w i [Ma ] At the fame time that major fVaJhington was difpacched towards ihtFrench forts, a refolution was taken to build a fort near tJie forks of the ObU\ and as the major was on his return, he met the ilorcs and other materials on their way thither. But next fpring the French coming down from their forts, as they had declared the year before, took that fort ere it was finifhed, and purfuing their defign drove the Englijh quite out of the country, back into the more fettled part of Vir^ ginia^ in the manner as hath been related in the public papers : nor was this to be wondered at, confidering how unprepared we were to refift them. The undertaking to make thefe feCtlements and build forc^, without any force to fupport them, was the more extraordinary, if the memo- riafift of 17329 in fpeaking of the former at- tempt, hath reprefented the ftate of things rightl/. It were truly to be wifhed, iaith he, that this projed was pradicable : for fuch a frontier on that part would be highly ufeful : but ^s it «* is prefumed that they mull firft afk leave of ** thofe who will never grant it, viz, the French^ " who are extremely jealous of extended fctrle- *' ment?, it would be in vain, under the prefent " ftate of affairs, to attempt it." This (hews that the French had, even then, either taken pofTeflion of the country, or at lead declared that the Englijh (hould not make any fcttlements in it ; and that it was generally be- lieved they were able to make good their decla- ration. And if it was in vain to attempt fuch a thing at that jun(5lure, it cenainly was more in vain to attempt it at prefent -, I mean without a fufficient fprct, when xht French were become con- es «c <c a! C2 [ it3 ] confiderabiy ftronger, had aifluarlly built forts in the country, and threatened to bring troops to oppofe our (Icfigns. However, 'lis probable the French would not have been able to compafs their purpofe, had not the Indians either flood neuter or delerted our party. That they behaved in this manner, Wds owing, '(is (aid, to the building of that lort, «nd the Ohio grant being made without iheir privity or confent. They were greatly incenfed to thrnit, that the Engltjh Ihould ta4ce tipon them to difpofe of thtir lands without dny title to them, either by gift or purchafe. If this be fo, it is no wonder that they (hould rather take part with the French^ who openly declared their defign of eftablifhrng chem- feivcs in thexrountry, than with the Engli/h^ who were clandeftinely depriving 'them of iheir lands, at the fame time they profciled Triendlhip. Such dealing likcwifc 'ierves the French another way, as it helps to confirm the fufpicrons wliich they are continually inftiMing into the minds of the Jfidmns, that the EngUJh covet their lands } and rhat, whatever they may profefs with their mouths, they are contriving how to ruin them "in their hearts ; and thus they giin ground among the Indians^ while the EngH/h lofe ground. That the Indians gave no confent, either to the grant oF their lands or building of the fort, feems cvidcrit ifrom Aiany circumftances. When Mx.GifiwGbift in 1 751 went to furvey thecountry along the Ohio for ilie company, he was very careful to conceal his defign from the Indians^ who were no lefs fufpicibus and inquifitive about it. At Logftown particialarrly, the Delawares want- ed much to know his bufmeis *, and he not an- fwering thenn readily^ they (bfpcfcVed he came to fettle their lands, and made ufe of many threats: I but 'I I m I' «« <( <( [ 114] but at length it feems they were paciBed, on be* ing told that he came with a meffage to them from their king, meaning the king of England* 'Tis certain too from the fpeech of Sbingis^ the half king, to the French commandant, which he repeated to IVaJhington at this place, that the Indians aflferted ** their right to the lands againft «• both French and Englijh : that they threatened ** the French for daring to come and take their land by force and build on it ^ declaring that the land belonged to neither of them *, and that they had already told the Englijh Co.** Ma- jor fVaJImgton faid nothing to contradidt this ; nor did he mention any thing about building a fort in the council which was held concern- ing the French ; •* he even concealed the real in- •' tent of his journey to the French fort from the ** Indians^ putting them off with fome cxcufe," as if he was confcious that to fummon the French to withdraw, implied a tacit claim to the coun- try. Neither is there in all the relation of his journey any intimation of the Indians confenting to build a fort, any more than of the company's defign to build one. The affembly of Pen^l- vania^ indeed, were informed by one of their agents, that the Indians had given confent for building a fort on the Ohio : but in this they found, upon due enquiry, that they had been deceived. On calling that perfon to an account for impofmg on them, he pleaded the orders of a certain principal man : this principal man de- nying the fa^b, the other fent up his letter or in- flru<5tions to the aflfembly. But altho' the letter proved what he alledged, yet they did not think ft any excufe for the deception *, and therefore took, what they thought, a proper method to make him fenfible of their refentment, by con- 9 fifcating [ I'S] H/taring a round fum of money, which was due to him. The fuffcrer (who dcfcrvcd no Icfs pu- nifhment for being inftrumental in burning out a great number of fetilers on the river Suf- quebanna, not long before^ finding he could have no indemnification from the governor, whofe tool he had beer, in revenge went and difcovered the fecrct of the Ohio grant to the Indians ^ and fpi- rited them up to call in the French to drive out the Englift). It was from a principle of revenge alfo, in another difgufted proprietor under the new grant, that the impofition we are fpeaking of came to be difcovered. In (hort we are told, that the prefent French invafion had its rife from the Ohio company's building the ftore-houfe at WilV% Creek. For the Indian trade, which before was carried on with Penfyhania by the river Suf- quebanna, was by means of that (lore-hoofe and a waggon-road, opened thro* the country, car- ried into Virginia by way of the PofSmak : that the Penfyhania traders confideting this as an in- jury done to them, in revenge infufcd jealoufies into the minds of the Indians^ that the Englijh were going clandeftinely ro feize their lands : that the clamor among the Indians alarmed the French: and that the building the fort on the Ohio con- firming the information which they had received of the grant, they in refentment joined with the French to defeat the Englift) defigns. This is the account given by fbme who were acquainted with the whole tranfad^ion : by which the aflfembly at Philadelphia^ and fcveral worthy members of the Ohio company, were abufed by fuch unworthy ones. The reader may judge from fuch proceedings as thefe, what it is which hath loft us the warm hearts of iht Indians ; and how difficult it muft be to recover our credit with them, after having dealt f if. I 2 fo H [ n6] • fu deceitfully. Such proceedings as thefey which tend to ruin the colonies, ought to ht made known, that a (lop may be put io them for the future. The beft way, therefore, to avoid contefts and animoncies, wpqld be to drop all fuch claims to the lands of Indians ; and purchafp them gradu- ally, as \ve advance in our fettlements, which may be done at. a fmall expence. For it would, be, better tv> buy their friendlhip, tl^o* dear,^ ths^n to lofe the aiTiftance of pepple without whofe good will we cannot poflibly maintain our. footing any. where. I wou{d advife this method particularly vf ith refp^^ to jcjic Ohio country j for ir we fhould, negledt it, the Frepcb m2Ly do ir, ip order tp make- the Indians their friends, and perplex qs. It^ might becoi^^ th^ French and Spaniards^ or fuch.. arbitrary peopJe, tp take the /«^w» lands by forcvN but; not th? EngUJhy who ihould be as ten- der ot the lib^r^y and property of other nations as they are jealoui^ jpf their own. This miftak^n, not to fliy unjuft, way, of pro- ceeding with the : Indians, feems to arife from sl. notion that vve ai;e intitled to the poHl'irion of aU tfeeir lands, in right of our difqoverics: whereas, thofedifcoveries give us no more real right to any; part of America, th^n the difcovery of our coafts; by 2i\\. Indian would give thofe of his tribe a right, to Great Britain. The difcoveries of onp- nai^i> ferve only to exclude any other from fettjing in the parts fo difcpvered by them:: So that thi» fort of argument can be of force.only wit;h £f^n ropean^ againft Eurfipiansy whp.maftp ufprof it, tp, fupport their feveral pretenfions. Itj is in this fenfq only therefore, that either th^ French ox we can pretend ariy right origi|>al)y .. tp o^r Am^rin aw fetilemenssi and^in, this . fcnfe I am tp.bft un^ derftood^ iq.ex^ipining the FreucffxXpfi^ to xh6g!\ ri ' Ameri- • [ U7 ] American pbdefllons in general, and to that of the Ohio country in particular. VII. Exorh'-'ant claims of the French examined \ and an expedient propofed to prevent future difputes, ^TPHE French claim the country of the Obiot **• as part of Louifiana : which name Mr. Be Id Salk^ in his pafTage from Canada down the Mif- fifftppi in 1683, gave to the lands on both fides of it, front! the river llinois to the gulf of Mexico. They claim it likcwife, as being the tirft who dif- C6vered and entered the mouth of the Mifjifftppl in 1699, under Mr. Iberville, If 'tis true that they firft failed down the Mijilfippi^ yet the Engli/h were the firft who difcovered and entered the mouth of it. This they did one year fooner than the Frefichy on the following occafion. Dr. Daniel Cdx reiblving to revive a claim which he had to the lands of America, from 31 to 36 decrees, granted in 1630 by King Charles I. to Sir Robert Heathy under the name of Carolana ; in 1698 fcnc two (hips under captain fVilliam Bond (late ftore- keeper of Fort George «'* New Tork) to take poP- feflion of the country : and as the eaflern coa(t was' already fettled by Englijh, deriving under fubfcqucnt grants, they had orders to find out the mouth of the MiJ/tJippi^ fwhich La Salle had in two voyages fought for in vain) and entering into it make a fettlement there. The Ihips went, and having difcovered the * river, one of them paft up it above 100 miles •, but as the other (hip deferted her, they made no fettlement. However they took poffeflion of the country on both fides • Captain Bond brought from thence feveral curious draughts which he had made of the coafl: and river, and whicii are ftill in being in the poro^fllon of captain R. Riss^' 13 4 ' • *>^ " ; Hi [ 1.8 J of the river in king William's name; and lefc iti feveral places the arms of Great Britain affixed on boards and trees, for a memorial thereof : but while the proprietor was applying in England for a new grant, Mr. Iberville the next year found the mouth of the river, and entering it made a fe'tlement there. Chnrkvo-it allows, that three fhips were fent from England on the difcovcry of this river, and that one of them did enter the mouth of it : but pretends f that this was '\x\ Sep- tember 1699, and that there was then adtually a French fort, whofe commander Bionville Hop- ed her paflage. However he fays the Engli/h claimed the country, faid they had been there above 50 years before, and would return to drive them out. If therefore priority of difcovery gives aright, the Englijh are intitled to all the country in quef- tion : for they not only fiift difcovered the mouths of Mjfijfippi^ but travelled over the countries on the ealt fide of it, particularly that thro' which the Ohio and its branches paflcs for many years together, a long time before L^ Salle failed down the Mijjiff.ppi. Colonel IVood of Virginia, in the year 1654, ftntone Mr. iVi?^^^<iw, who fpent ten years in this employment, as we are informed, in the dcfcription of Carolina^ by Dr. Cox, who had his journal. Alfo in 1 674 captain Botts made anotlitr progrels thro* the fame country. And furely travdling over and viewing a country with a view to fettle it, muft give a better title to it than failing down a nver, even fuppofing La Salle hid navigated it before the Englijh : but that is not likf ly, fmce the latter were acquainted with both it and the adjacent countries long before that adventurer had any thoughts of the voyage. Whcre- t Vol. II. p. 259^ [ "9 ] Wherefore, fuppofing the Englijh had no other right or claim to thefe countries than what they derive from the fadls above-mentioned, they have a far better title than the French, who want to invert the order of things ; and Hnce they were not the Brft difcoverers, will ground their claim on being the lad. This prepoilerous method feems to have become a rule with them ; for they foHow the fame in their pretended claim to ail north Americay which they ground on the dif- covery of Verazzani in 1524, twenty-feven years later than that cf the Cabots in 1497 •, and now they would have the difcoveries of La Salle and Iberville to take place of both. But the Englijh not liking to confound things, and put the care before the horfe, are refolved to adhere to the old eftablilhed cuftom, and found their pretenfions on the difcovery of the Cabots^ becaufe it was antecedent to all the others. Altho* our kingshave made grants of lands in north America no lower down than the lat. of 29 degrees, yet it feems evident even from the con- h^\OTio{i\it French themfelves, that the £»f/?y^ are intitled to the whole, as far as the cape of Florida, Peter Martyr counfellor and hiftoriographer to the emperor Charles V. relates from the words of Caboty whom he entertained in his houfe for fome time -, that he failed along the coad of Ante- rica fo far to the fouth and to the weft, that he had the ifland of Cuba (which lies to the fouth of Florida) on his left hand. Cabot in his letter fays he failed fouthward : but as he does not men- tion the precife degree of latitude to which he failed, the Spaniards pretend that he pafTed no far- ther than the 38th degree. Yet Antony Golvano^ a perfon noted for his integrity, and governor of Temata, one of the Molucco iHands -, in a hiflory which he wro:e of difcoveries about the year 1550, I 4 recit- , if ij 't tSKil 1 1 pfl ill Wl [ i?o ] reciting the common: opinion^ adds,, that fomo fay he yi/7^^ <7^ low as the cape of Florida in the lat: of 2^ degrees. The French tor the general do not difpute the extent of Cabctt's difcovery : on the contrary, their authors of mod reputation carry it.tp the end off the pcninfuja of. Florida. T:btiaf* »«j,in particular^ their celebrated hiftorian, in his forty-firft; book, fpeaking of the firA difcovery of Florida, fays *^ it is a matter in difpute^ for " that the Spaniards afcribe the glory of it to ** their countryman John Panc£ of Leans who *' gave that name to it, becaufe he landedithem " on Eafler-d^Y : but, continues. Thuanus^ it is << more certain^ what many affirm^ thatj Sebajiian *« Cabot had been there before him- in ihe yjeau " 1496.** Accordingly i2/Vi7fi/(P/, a late author, who pubhftied a^tranflation of the hiftory of FlOr rida at Paris in 1709, in a note at chap. 3, fairly acknowledges that FmVia had been dilcoveredby Cabot befone John Pojtce of Leon failed- thither. Now this was in. the yjear, 1.51-21, 15 y,earsi after Cabot*s dircov,ery : and as Ponce, landed. In that part which according to Hej^rera is properly the country called F/^nV/fl, extending from the Cape oppofite to diia fOr 100 leagues northward, (thiat is from 25 to about. 30 degrees of lat.) confe* quently Caboi*s, difcovery/ will; comprize not only all what ^tT^2;2^»/ difcovertid, from. 34 to 56 de- grees. of lat. or the whole of what his country^ men affedl to call New Fr^mei^ (as the author of tjie condu^oftbe Fiench w/VA regard^o Nowa^Sco^ tkhath.juftiy obferved) but likewife all: the conti- nent to the ibuth of 34 degrees^ as>far as the cape of FlorJda^ wJiich includes a great deal more than thtFrencbkY claim to bythe pretended difcovery of La Salle.andlberz'ilie. In fhort, theFr^/w^haweno title to any part of iVJjr/!^ Anerica. in> right* of a difcovery i notcven.toCtf»^<j) in which they, in* ; . truded / OR [ 121 ]i rruded by connivance or neglect of t)\t Englijh, The only title which they ever had being by ceffion made by us in treaties i and that tide they have forfeited by • their prefent infraiflions. Bur, whether fuch difcoveries give the Englijh ji better title or not to the country in quclVion, or whether they derive any right from the conquefts madiB by the five nations, whom France^ by the treaty QiUtrecht, has acknowledged to be the fub- jcds of Great Britain ; yet, certainly the French j by that acknowlfedgmenr, not only have no right to it, but they alfo' violate that treaty by Ikying a cl^im to it ; muchmoreby entering it in a hoftile manner to aflert that claim ; fince, by the 15th article of it, France obliges herfelf not to give any hindrance or molef^'^'ion to the five nations, or the other nations of A^nV^, who are friends to the Englijh. If a nation hath a right to countries by pof- feffibn, the £»^//^ have a ftronger right to the O/^/d country, or thofe to the weft of Virginia, as for back as the foutbfea, than to any other part of their dominions. They have, if I may fo ex- prefs it, a double right to ail that vaft tract of Anerica from fea to fea lying between the 36th and 44th degrees of north latitude : for they not onlydifeovered it on both fides of the continent; but had formal ccfllons of it, and took poffeflfion a great number of yea's before the French thought of fettling in the Miffiffippi, or even knew there was fuch a river. By this double poflTeflion, I mean, the difcovery and poflefllon of Virginia on one fide of the continent,, and of the kingdom of New Albionxin \.\\t other fide, in the pacific ocean otfijuthfea, lying under the fame parallels, of la- titude; This country was not only firft difcovered by Sir Francis Jj)rake, in 1578, but the King madt^ a formal :1 w ^# ■yj< • i:Si?*5 [ 122 ] formal furrendcr of it to the crown of GreaLBri" tain, and Sir Francis took formal pofTefTion of it, fetting up the arms of England as a men[K)riaI. Let the French (hew fuch a title as this to any of their fettlements in North America, This tradl, therefore, from fea to fea, between Virginia and New Albion^ ought at leaft to be deemed indifputably ours, as we are intitled by the double claim. Shall they, after another nation hath difcovered both extremities, or fides of a region, thruft in between and feize all the middle parr, under pretence that they found it open and unfettlcd ? If this be allowable, what obje^ion can they have to our entering into the middle of their fettlements, and fixing ourfelvesin any place: not only on the MiUiffippi^ where their fettlements are fo far afunder, but alfo wherever we can find the Jeaft vacancy between two towns or plantations of theirs, tho' at ever fo fmall a diflance from each other ? Let them confider, if private pro- perty can be fecure upon fuch rapacious princi- ples ; and if one man may not intrude into the pofiTefiions of his neighbour, to the confufion of all right and title to the lands ? The French pretend non occupancy of North America from fea to fea, becaufe they found the Miffilftippi'\xxikti\tdL by the Englijh, All the con- tinent was granted as low down as 29 degrees ; and nearly all the fea coaft fo low down divided into colonies, and all the fea coaft or eaftern parts fettled. If any part of land granted or farmed be fettled, is not that fufficient to fecure a right to the whole ? Is every farm granted in France fet- tled in every part ? is it not enough if a houfe be built in fome part of it ? and, fince North Ame- rica ihould be confidered as a great farm, or number of Englijh farms, why fhould not that which is a law in one cafe be a law in the other ? Docs 4iK m of it, ;morial. i to any Detween ft to be itled by ;r nation les of a : middle pen and iion can : of their ace: not lents are find the ^ntations ice from rate pro- princi- mto the fufion of >f North und the the con- degrees ; divided irn parts ■ farmed , right to 'ance fet- houfe be rth Ante- "arm, or not that e other? Does I 123 ] Does any power difpute with England her right to the countries to the north and weft of Hudfon's Bay^ altho* fettled only in two or three places at the bottom of that bay ? Does not France pretend a right to the countries on both (ides of the river Mtffijpppf^ as far as its fource, tho* fettled in very few places, meerly, by right of difcovery ? why then will (he not allow the fame right to England? The river MJUiJftppi^ by means of its wide Aretching branches, embraces, as it were within its arms, all the middle and rnoft valuable parts of North America, On the'eaft,all the rivers proceed^ ing from the weft fide of the dppalacbean or Alii- ganey mountains, fall into it, fome of which, as the Ohio^ have a courfe of at leaft 1000 if not 1200 miles (reckoning the windings; while the length of fuch as rife on the eaft fide of thofe mountains fcarce exceed 300. So that fuppofing we were to yield to them all the country to the weft{of thofe mountains, or which is the fame, to make thofe mountains the boundary between the French and Englijh dominions j what a vaft fuperiority they would have of us with refpedl to extent of territory, (even fuppofing they were to be bounded weft ward by the Mijiffippi^) will appear on a bare infpedti- on of the maps. For the fpace between the At^ antic ocean and the Appalachean mountains, is fcarce one third of the country bounded on the north by the great lakes and river St. Laurence, and on the weft by the MiJUiJftppi : fo that in cafe ihtFrench are fuffered to poflfefs, befides w'hat they have already ufurped, all the country within thofe bounds between the faid mountains and that great river, which amounts to more than two thirds of the whole, they will be mafters of a dominion larger than all Europe : Bur, when it is confidered that the Miffiffippi itfelf and fome of its branches, as the Mijfouri, extend ilill farther within the body of m fi! it "J v.* r iH ] ot North America on the weft fKJc, than thofc which fall into it in the eaft, the immenfenefd of the power which may one day arife from the pofleflion of fo vaft a region, (hould be enough to frighten the nations, either Englijh or Spaniards^ who are to be their neighbours ; and, who there- fore ought to join in putting an early (top to its growth. I mention thefe things, becaufe it is faid that commiflioners are going to meet for fettling /ime- rican limits. This was to have been done in 1719, but France then declined it, with a view to ejt- tend her boundaries as far as (he could before (hd began to treat *, that (lie might be in a coiidition to mfake the larger demands, and to put us to de- fiance, in cafe they were not complied with : and, as (he hath been obliged tounmafk a little before fliewas fully prepared for a rupture, (he will, doubtlefs, endeavour to amufe us here as long a^ ihe can with fair declarations, and offers to adjuft matters amicably, to gain time for fecuring What they have already gotten from us, and farther ad- vancing their fcheme. But 'tis prefumed our mi- nifters are too well acquainted vf ith French artifices, to be diverted' one moment from profecuting the proper meafures to make them withdraw from all cmr frontiers, under pretence of a negotiation. King Williamy of glorious memory, in his decla^ ration of war againft France^ takes notice, that Lewis- XIV. had invaded his dominions in AmC' riva^ fpoiled his fubjeds of their goods, feized their forts, burnt their (hips, imprifoned fome of his Englijfd fubjefts, and caufed others to be inhu- manly killed, as if he had been the greateft ene- my \ *' and yet was fo far from declaring himfclf " fuch, that at the fame time he was negotiating " he're inEngiand, by his minifters, a treaty of neu- trality and good coTPeCpotidcnce^ in Amerkai'* I did (C will. [ "5 ] I did not put negociation among the methods of recovering what the French have furreptiti- ouGy deprived us of (if that epithet can be appli- ed to what was done before our eyesj as long and dear experience has (hewn we can get nothing that way from our dextrous neighbours. Befide?^ after controverting the ceflfion of Nova Scotia^ made in the mo^ explicit terms imaginable by the treaty of Utrecht, to what purpofe can treaties with them ferve us ? The French, if hard pref- £id, make treaties: but if thc^are obliged to give up any thing which they have a defire to keep, or don't care to part with, they endeavour to recover it afterwards by collufion or force. Both thefe me- thods they have ufed with regard to Nova Scotia, »nd the country of the OhU, On the other hand, as they have gotten a kind Qf poflelTion of all the country, and fecured their footing by forts,, it feems difficult to conceive how Jinrits can be fettled to the fatisfadiion of both par- ties : for the French will fcarce be prevailed to give up amicably even thofe territories on which they have encroached : and the Englijh, for their better fecurity, ought perhaps to have fomcwhat moM : For, fince Sic^French declare their views to be incompatible with thofe of the Englijh, and have avowed it by the «irKroachments which they have made; on our temtories, contrary to the moft folismn treaties, and engage, mcnts ; there fcema no way lefc to prevent eterjial c^ifputes, but to fepa*- ratcrthem txycertain natural boundaries; which, being fixed and permanent, ca,T neither be contro- verted nor eafiiy forced^, fucli a;^^ rivers, lakes, or mountains; Icam inclined^ for' ybftr piirtici ilar amufement, togive'you.m:y opitJiatfiini-whaXmai^ner the limits ought to be- fettled oBithitfifid^ of ,^he Miffiffippi, between '*he:jSw7i5/5&ccotdniel^art(i AVtu Frame or \ Canada, ■m I' ~\ [ 126 ] Canada^ confidering thefe two names as equivocal and convertible terms. The line lliould begin at the mouth of the river St. Laurence, and be draww from thence thro' the middle of its dream to the lake Katarakui or Ontario: from thence to be car- ried thro' the length of the faid lake to a place on the north- weft fide called Tejaiagony and fo by the^ carrying place to a river falling into the lake 7a- rcnto. Thro* the fame, and thence by the rivers and lake St. Mary of the HuronSy into the ^a- toghe or Huron lake : thro* this lake and thro* the mouth of the Mijhigan lake (to the fouth of the i(le|calledAf(^iV/ii»tf^i»d^)down the fame, to a little river on the weft fide 5 and thence over land to a fmall lake, into which falls the river aux Renards or of the Foxes : up this river «.nd thro' the lakes to the carrying place, into the lake and river of Wijkujing'y and down the fame, thro* the middle of the dream, to the r.ver Miffifftppi, This bounding line, I think, cannot bejuftly objefled to : for, firft our northern colonies, by right of their grants as well as difcovery, all ex- tend as far at leaft as the river St. Laurence ; efpe- cially as we have a right by the treaty of Utrecht^ as before-mentioned, to the country of the Iroquois or five nations, which originally was about the lake Champlain and Richlieu river ; called on that ac- count hy the French themfelves, as well zsihtDutch^ Xh^ Iroquois lake and rivr,r. Befides, this country be- longs to us by the fubmiflion ("if fad) of its prefent inhabitants the Are^guntikookszr\6 fVeweenoks to the crown of Geeat-Britainy at Albany in the year 1 749. Then the country of the ^atoghi's or Hurons be- tween the lakes Ontario, Erri and ^atoghe^ with the country between the Erri and Mijhigan^ to the fouth of the ^alogbe : and alfo the country of the Chiktaghiks or Ilinois, between the lake Mijhigan and river Mffftftppi, were all conquered by the five nations ; be eft( fitui iak( 7a- tothe [ «*7 ] nations i In right of whom we claim them, in vir- tue of the faid treaty. So that we could not take in thefe conquered countries without drawing the line in the manner we have done. According to which partition we leave our neighbours all to the north fide of the river St, Laurence; we divide with them the lakes Ontario, Hurons, and Mijhigan : we keep to ourfelves the lake ofErri ; and give them that very great one called the Upper Lake, This may compenfate for any little of the coun- try to the north of the river Ilinois, which for the fake of making natural boundaries, we may, in the opinion of the French, have taken more than our due, on account of the Iroquois conquers : nor is It our intention that they (hould be debarred the free navigation of any of the lakes, but that it (hould be open tu both nations ; only neither of them (hould build forts on any part or parts of thofe lakes, excepting fuch as (hall fall to their re- fpe6live (hares. In like manner may the limits be fixed between Canada and the Hudfon Bay colony, as well as be- tween the fouthern provinces of the Englijb and Loufiana, on this fide of the Miffiffippi : if rather the FrencboMght not to relinquifi^i all to the ead of that river, on account of ours being the prior difcovery, and confine themfelves to the weft fide ', where the boundaries may be carried on, for adjufting the claims of both parties to the countries on that fide of the great river, and beyond its fprings to the north and weft, as far as the South Sea coaft, where the Englijh have already one fpacious country called New Albion, For drawing up the agreement care ought to be taken todefcribe the boundaries with the great - eftexaftneisand precifion; by fpecifying the courfe, fituation, and different names of the feveral rivers, lakes, mountains and other places \ in fodifiin^ and ac- ill IP } [ 128 ] accurate 3 manner, that no room, if pofTible, may be left for objedlion or dispute. To do this the more effeifliially, the line Ihould be furveyed ; and the latitudes obferved with the greateft accuracy at the mod remarkable places, by perfons fent from each court. Then maps ifhould be drawn, figned and delivered to each other by the refpec- tive commifTioneTS, as oounter-parcs of deeds, that there might be no pretence for cavil. If the lands in difpute are not worth To much care, they are not worth contending for. It (hould likewife be agreed by both nations to abolilh the ufe of all names on either fide, which clafhed with their refped^ive intereds (b fettled^ and had been before employed to keep uip the ti« tie of one nation to lands or territories belonging to the other. Thus, as it may be prefumed, xhstt France will acknowledge tlie f ^ht which Great- Britain has to her American cok)nies« on the Icore of priority of difcovery as well as long and a^ual pofTeQicn, and will quit claim to the fame •, it will be proper that fhe fhould forbear giving to them, or comprehending them under, the name of l^ew France or Canada^ which fhould foldy be confined to the countries agreed by fuch treaty to belong to her, and be in her divifion. In like manner Great-Britain fliould ccafe to give the name of Britijh colonies to any lands or countries aclcnow^ ledged by the treaty to belong to France, And the geographers and hidorians of each nation jhould be obliged, under certain penakies, tocon^ form themfelves to this regulation ) in order to re- move all prejudices, errors and doubts from the minds of people, with relation to the dominions of each nation, and their refpe<flive juft boundaries. 10 Bec^ I am, &c. r, may lis the d;and curacy IS fent drawn, rcfpec- ^5, that re lands ley afc :ions to which fettled^ I the ti* longing :d, xhdX I Creat- tie fcore id a^ual •, it will otheniy of l^ew confined belong manner lame of acknow- And i nation , to con- er to re- rom the ^iniom of undarics. t 139 ] SECOND LETTER. SIR, SI N C E I wrote you my long letter in Be' cemher laft, 1 have received fevcral more let- ters, remarks and tracts relative to the colonies, from corrcfpondents perfedlly well acquainted with the aifair: o^ America \ particularly two, whofe obfervations I Ihall at prelent communicate to you. The firft contains a general view of the Bri- tijh plantations on the continent, with a curious calculus of (he number of whites inhabiting each of them. The fecond animadverts on various points, worthy the attention of our miniftersi particularly thofe which refpedt raifmg a fund, on terms agree* able to the inhabitants of the colonies, fufHcienc for carrying on the prefent war, and for their fu- ture defence. I (hall give you their fentiments in different articles. I. General view of the Britilh colonies, and number of inhabitants in each, D RITA IN the political parent of her colonies ■*^ (like a natural one, who intends to raife a pro- geny for advantage, ftrength and power) in their infancy (hould indulge, nouri(h and fupport them. As they encreafe and become capable of helping themfelves and benefiting their mother country, they fliould be taught the obligation they owe her: That all their particular and hereditary rights and privileges, are derived from her : that they are bound to obey her laws •, and that reQraints laid on them are intended for mutual advantage. Their produce and induftry fbould be encouraged K and H ^' [ »3o 1 and directed to the good and fcrvicc of both. They (hould be governed by the laws of England in general, and by their Own allowed particular ones : their force ought to be united to ftrengthen their parent, and afliit each other ; and if invaded by a iuperior power, they fliould be cffcdually protcded. Colonies thus prudently and legally managed, would rejoice in their fituaiion, and flourifli : would add numbers, ftrengih, and riches to the general common-wealth i and enable this king- dom to mett the enemy in the gate. Bur, can any governrncni or miniftry a(5l properly with re- gard to colonies, unlefs they know their ftate, by the numbers of people they contain, on which the whole depends ? The colonics on the continent of America are by fome leffened and depreciated : efteemed the occafions of unncceflary and expen- five wars ; depopuiators and weakenersof Britain. By others they are aggrandized and over-rated monftroufly beyond truth. Towns are magnified and multiplied -, the inhabitants made incredibly numerous ; and iheir power averred to exceed that of large European kingdoms. Such falfe repre- fcntaiions may occafion the deftru(5tion and lolsof the colonies (if not more.) To what can fuch ex- travagant exaggerations tend ? what can they pro- duce but inattentioA to their prefentcircumftances ; .iCg'ed or delay of relief ? They may likewife rail'e and inflame a jealoufy, already kindled in the minds of many ; from which fource a harfli government, and the bad confequences attending it, hereafter may refult. Neva Scotia^ the firft colony Britain poflcffed on the noith-caft pare of the continent, has fhift- ed the property between the Fretub and EngUJh fcveral times. The firft made the greater progrcfs -; ' in m [ 13' ] in fettJing this country i and it is faid at prefenc to contain upwards of 15,000 fouls, improperly called neutral French. The Engtijh by great ex- pence and encouragement, according to the lad accounts, have in Halifax^ Luner^urghy and other places, about 5000 men, women, and children ; and thefe are all the fubje(5ts whom this govern- ment comprifes, exclufive of the military forces. Altho* the province o? Main interferes between Nova Scotia and New Hampjhire ; yet, as it is an- next to the Majfacbufets Bay, New Hampjhire is mentioned as the next colony. The whole go- vernment is but one county : Port/mouthy a ftrag- ling incontiguous town, is the capital. With the addition of territory and people it received from the Majfacbufets Bay, the number of inhabi- tants in 1742, were 26,000 whites, befides 500 negroes. The late war was prejudicial to the trade and cheked the natural increafe of this colony, which has not been countervailed by foreign in- creafe : Therefore at prefect 30,000 fouls muft be the utmod amount of its inhabitants at pre- fent. MaJJacbufets Bay, a few years fince, was of Jargef extent and had more inhabitants than ac prefenti fome towns and a large tra^t of land be- ing adjudged to New Hampfhire on one fide, and fome fettled towns to Rhode IJland on the other. It is divided in:o 11 counties, in which are 153 towns. The names of fo many towns have milled ilrangers as to the number of people. Many of them are but infignificant pariflies \ and when in the middle of a town perhaps you may not fee three houfcs. The property of all the lands in this colony are by charter in the people. The ge- neral court, as their trudees difpofc of them on fettled conditions. Grants are generally made of K 2 four, %\ 1 1 il M t»\ L 132 ] four, five, or fix miles fquare ; which ti always called a town, and a name given it in the grant. A few inhabitants fettled within its limits n^ay fend a reprefcntative to the general court. When 80 are qualified tc vote, they muft fend one or be fined. When 120 are qualified, they may fend two reprefentatives -, and a fmall freehold qua- lifies, in 1749, thro* poverty, or paucity ot in- habitant?, )^0'"^?]?'^/ of thefe towns refufed to fend members. Newberry^ Ipfwicb^ Salettts Marble^ bead, Cbarlejiown^ Cambridge y and pofllbly a few more have the appearance and contiguity of towns : the reft confift of houfes built on each man's plantation. Each of thefe diftridbs has a form of town-government. Bojion is the capital of the whole. In 1722, by an order of the fc- led men (magiftrates) of the town, the number of fouls was taken : it then contained 10,670. By a like order in 1742, there were found in it 1 7 1 9 d welling-houfes, 1 66 ware-houfes 5 1 6,3 8 2 white people, of whom 1,200 were widows 5 and 15 14 negroes. Together with the province, this town fuffcred much by expeditions and preffes in the late war. A general fmall -pox has gone thro' it fince ; and much of its trade is diverted. For thefe reafons its increafc can'c be very great from that time ; and at prcfent it is difficult to allow it 20,000 inhabitants. The colony in 1735 con- tained 35,427 white males from 16 and upwards; in 1 741 they were 41,000. From that time there has no real numeration been made ; but the af- fembly, in a meffage (ent by them to governor Shirley in 1 747, declare, that 3000 men are a 1 2th part of the militia. Upon the whole, from the loflTes fuftained by preflcs, privateering, taking and garrilbning Loutjbmg \ by decay of trade and by defcrtions occafioned by the extraordinary iii- creale always e grant, lay fend ^hen 80 i or be lay fend Id qua- :y of in- to fend Marble^ y a few uity of on each ts has a : capital ■ the fe- number 10,670. nd in it 16,382 ivs i and nee, this refles in •ne thro' d. For ;at from to allow 35 con- pwards ; ne there the af- ;overnor *n are a e, from , taking •ade and nary in- creale creafe of taxes, more than in other colonies ; (the poll, the faculty, the perfonal eftate of all who refide here but a few months, being taxed, and lately an univerfal excife on all liquors taking Slace^ therefore 220,000 ^buls muit be a very retched aHignment for this colony. Rbotk ffland and Providence plantations, ,with the additions fron> the Majjacbufets Bay are di- vided into four counties; which comprize 24 townfhips. By an exadt cenifus taken in 1 74,8, there were in this colony 28,439 whites, 3077 ne- groes, and 1257 I^^^^S' Newport the capital in 1749, contained 5335 whites, 1105 negroes, and 68 Indians, So that allowing for the increafe of the colony from thofe times, 35,000 white in- habitants are full as many as can be afcribed to it. The colonies of ConneSiicut and Rhode IJland above-mentioned, are the only colonies who, as it were, govern themfelves. The people annually chufe their governors, council or anfidants, and affemblics. The crown appoints no officers in either, but judges of admiralty, and thofe of the cuftoms. Their limits are confined by other co- lonies •, and, as all their lands are private property,, they can admit but little foreign increafe. Five counties and 68 towns are comprehended in the colony of Conne^iicut. It has no particular capi- tal. Hartford^ a good inland town : New Londont and eight or nine more, make a pretty figure for their fize„ to thofe who fail thro' Long IJland found. But it would be very difficult for any perfon who travels thro' this colony to find a market in any of its towns. 18 of them are too fmall and poor to fend reprcfentatives to the ge- neral affembly. All males from 16 to 70 pay a poll tax \ and their militia from 16 to 50, in 1 749, were 16,000. Allowing them \ very large- num- . . K 2 bcf [134] ber for exempts and increafe, one hundred thou^ fand will more than tantamount the people this colony contains. The advantageous fituation of the city of New Torky in the colony of that name, marks it for the capital of thtEngliJh governments on the American contioent. The number of inhabitants in this co- lony, in 17^2, was taken by the conftables of every town,pari(b, or diftridl; and they were found to be near 65,000. At the fame time the houfes in the city were counted by the alderman of each refpeftive ward, and they were found to be fome- thing under 1500. Since that time the town has encreafed m wealth and inhabitants. Many families removed to it from Many, and the fron- tiers, in the late French war : yet, by loffcs from the Indians and French in the expofed back fettle- ments ; by the Carthagena expedition, enliilments, prefles, and privateering, the natural encreafe of the colony was in fome meafure retarded by that war. It has received little foreign encreafe fince ; and the redundance of Lottg IJland^ forced out by the barrennefs of its inland parts, moftly remove to New Jerfey. So that allowing to the city as many inhabitants as are allowed to Bojion } and fuppofing thewhole colony at prefent to be 1 00,000, that number will be fully adequate. Altho' the proprietary colony of New Jerfey is divided into twelve counties, it has but a few in- fignificant towns ; Jmboy, Brunfwick, Trent-town^ Burlington y and Elizabeth-town, are all which can bear even the name. New Tork on the eaft, and Philadelphia on the welt, draw oflf the produce, and fupply it with other neceflaries. A curious author who informed himfdf of the Hate of (his, and the other colonies, fays it might contain, in 1 749, nigh 50,000 Ibuls. The litigated uncertain titles [ ^35 1 titles to lands, occafioned by the iniquity of the proprietors, has, without doubt, prevented its en- creafe : 60,000 inhabitants mud therefore be a fufficient allowance for it. The rapid encreafe of the colony of Penfylvanja has occafioned various opinions about the number of its inhabitants. Here is no poll-tax, no militia- rolls to compute by. The city of Philadelphia its capital is the only competitor with New Tork for fuperiority. Both colonics produce in general the fame things ; both have vatt qjantities of fine un- cultivated lands : but when the great run of fo- reign encreafe is over ; (and the emigrations of the Germans into other colonies (hew that it won't bng be confined to Penfylvmia) 'twill ftand no chance in competition. One fingle circumltance, if there was tio other, namely, that the river or harbour of Philadelphia is frozen up communibus annis nigh three months, muft give New Tork the preference. In 1749, the houfcs in every ward of this city were counted exa^ly by a fet of curious gentlemen, the united fum was 2076 private ones, and 1 1 hou(es of worlhip. In thedeicription written under a very handfome profpf<5l of ir, taken in 1753, the number of houfes are faid to ht nigh 2300. It is therefore certain that it can't far exceed Bofton or New Tork in people. By fome ioc,ooo, by others 125,000 fighting men are affirmed to be in thecolony; a number far exceeding the four gcwernnents of New England. A late pamphlet penned to (hew the milapplica- tion, or rathernon-application of the great num- bers and (Ircngth of Penfylvania, at this cri- tical jun6lure, fays it contains 220,000 fouls, half of whom are Germans. An enquiry into the ftate of this colony was made by order oi King PFiWam a little before his death, and the inhibicants at K 4 that [ '3« 3 tliat time wcrcfcarcely 14,000. By an agreement fettled between Queen /Inne, in the lad year of her reign, and the then proprietor, all the property and rights he had were to be furrrndered to the crown for 1 3,000 1. The deeds were drawn and 2000 ]. of the money paid ; but the proprietor died (it is faid) the day appointed for his execut- ing them. The Germans were firft fent to America by the bounty of this nation, under the proteflion of Queen Ame. Every thing neceflary was provided for them. They were convoyed to New Tork there to be fettled on the crown lands ; and if this in- ic 1 had been executed, the French in Canada h'^J■ »L- i for ever efFeftually conBned to their pro- per bounds : but by the villainy of ihofe in power, t'iir naticTial charity and benefit was defeated. Theie GerYnaps^ cheated, abufed, and deceived in the grants of lands afligned them, and made the property of avaritious dedgning men, were forced to feek new habitations. They found their way thro' the woods to good lands in the colony of Penfylvania. Here they were ufed well, and grants made them bona fide. They reprefentcd the fraudulent ufage of one government, and the juf- tice of the other to their brethren in Europe ; which determined all future German emigrants to prefer this colony. The ways and means of tranfporting themfelvcs, was not found out, by any confiderable numbers, for fome time : but the perfccution at Thorn in Poland^ obliged[thcm to look for an afylum. From that time a proper canal of conveyance has been found j and chou- fands have gone over yearly. From 1728 to 1729, 6i200 foreigners of all forts arrived at Philadelphia. In 1750, 4317 Gtfrw(2ff J arrived, and about 5000 in 1754. The 4- /* Spanijb ^M.! way ny of and d the e juf- rope ; nts to ns of t, by : but them proper thou- lof all 143;; The t «37 ] Spanijh War interrupted this tranfportation : tfie Fr'encb war aln^bd J[to]pt it: So that upon an ave- rage, if 3006 Germans were imported annually for 30 years pad, in all 90,000 ; and 30,000 be added to them for their increafefix)m tlte diflfertnt tinAtfS of their arrival ; and 10,000 be dedufted for the dilperfion into other colonies, the com- putation 01 1 16,000 Girmans for this colony may bd right 5 and tHftt they arc half of the people \i nbt d1(J>ut6d. The 220,000 are fuppoled to be iri the five countries of proper Pen^lvatiia^ to which add 30,000, a large nunlber for the three lower counties *, then the whole of the inhabitants of the colony and its jurifdidtion, will ftand at 250,000. The colony of Maryland has been compared to Virginiay for number of white inhabitants, on ac- count of its receiving moft of the tranfported convidts ; but this comparifon can hardly be true. Virginia ^6m priority of fettlement, equality of foil and fituation, and by a far fuptrior extent of country, muft needs exceed it. Neither of them have any large towns •, but thofe in Virginia are iiiOre in number, as well as more populous, than thofe in Maryland, By governor Dinwiddle* s, re- port of the militia in Virginia^ the inhabitants fhould not exceed 70,000 : but as this account has, thro* the courfe of it, made large allowances for exempts of all forts, thefe two colonies, Ma- ryland and Virginia^ are by us fuppofed to be on a par for people *, and to each of them are allowed 1^5,000 PVbites : befides, Negroes are very numer- ous in both. The counties of North Carolina^ in lord Gran- ville's diftrift, are inhabited equivalent to the neighbouring parts of Virginia. The counties to the fouthward and the pans next to South Caro- lina^ r '38 1 //m,. are but thinly peopled. Edenfan, Baib, Niw-Bertit Jobnftonj (a county town with one in- habited houfe) Beaufort^ IVtlmington and New Brunfwicky in any other country would be called Tillages of little or no note : however, this co- lony has more white inhabitants than South Ca- rolina, whofe number fome have raifed to 45,000. South Carolina^ a colony extremely advantage- ous to Britain at prefent, by its productions of rice and indigo, probably will in time be more fo by filk ; but has not a fufHcient number of fTbitesto the Blacks, In 1739 before the great Bre, Charles- Town the capiral, had 450 dwelling houfes, with 800 warehoufes and kitchens. In 1742 the pro- ^nce militia were 5500 : the flaves 49,000. By its vicinity to Sc. Augujline and the Havannab^ as well as for want of proper proteftion, this coun- try fufFered extremely by the Spattijh and French wars : fo that, if they had continued, a few years would have determined the fate of the planter and merrhant. Since the peace it has more than recovered its former circumftances : the town is increafed and better built, and may now be able to count 600 houfes. One benefit it received from the war: necefTity obliged the planters to attempt indigo, rice being too bulky to pay the then high freight. They now make it fit for any market*, and it is hoped, by a longer continuance of the bounty, will be able in a few years to fup- ply Britain. But as the prefent militia, do not exceed 5000, the number of fouls in this moft improveable colony cannot be eftimated at more than 30,000. Georgia as yet is fcarce eftabliftied; however 6000 people may at prefent inhabit it. This account of the number of the Britijb fub- jcifls, men, women and children in the above- ' ' men- [ »39 ] mentioned colonies, is not the produdion oF whim and conjecture. Militia rolls, poll taxes, bills of mortality, returns from governors, late hiftories, and pamphlets publifhM in the colonies, as well as adtua) numerations, are the authorities on which it is built : but as none of thefe come quite up to the prefcnt time, large additions are made to each colony for its late increafe. If the compu- tation for the reft of the colonies is to be regu- lated by the cenfus of Rhode JJland in 1 748^ which makes its inhabitants 28,439, (and feems to have been taken with great precifion and exadnefs) the number of Whites in the colonies, in general, is here over- rated, as Mijzr}'//?^^/ certainly is. Thefe 13 colonies extending from Cape Kanfo^ the moft caftern extremity of Noi)a Scolia, to the fouthern limits of Georgia, the fpace of 15O0 miles along the yf/Zaw/zV ocean, contain 1,050,000 fouls. This is the number, this the ftrength, which by a late author is preferred, and affirmed to exceed any power or (late in Europe^ excepting the Germanick body, France^ and perhaps Britain: Thefe the towns which he compares with Brijlol, and others in England i when Brijlol alone contains more people than ail the capitals of thefe colonies put together. I fliall clofe this account with a word or two concerning the miliiia of the plantations. All the colonies. Nova Scotia^ Penfyhania and Georgia excepted, have a militia, confiding of the gentle- men, merchants, yeomen, freeholders, and others in each colony -, who have confented by their re- prefentatives to be inrolled and trained lor the de- fence of the particular colony or corporation to which they belong. The militia laws of the fe- veral colonies differ from each other ; nor can the laws of one colony extend to or operate in another. I [140] ifiothtr, any more than the laws o^ London can at BrifioU or vke verfa. Such is the militia of Ami" rica: but of whom ic would be as difficult to form an army to march to the unappropriated frontiers, as it would to make the gentlemen, 6f(. of Lon- don to march to oppofe an invafion in any remote part of Britain, Loofe idle people, thofe with- out property, are the only people who mufl: com- pofe a {landing army in America^ as they do in Europe : bur the number of thefc cannot be very great in a part of the world where property is fo eafily acquired ; and where confequently there are many mailers and but few fervants. ■ II. In what time the peopk of the colonies double them' , felves i and how a fund may be raifed in them ^ fufficient for their defence, MY other correfpondent, who computes the number of people in the colonies on the continent to be a million, (altho' I fhould think 900,000 their amount to the full) fpeaks to a point which the former has not touched upon. He has taken into confideration the increafe of the plantation inhabitants, and how often they double themfelves. This event,by his computation, how- ever large it may feem, he f^ys, for certain happens every 20 years ; and that altho* the eftimation of their increafe cannot be made from that either of great cities or well inhabited countries in Europe^ yet there are other principles from whence a to- lerably exafb calculation may be raifed. Any man may have land given him in North America for fixinghimfelf and his family, particularly in Neit^ England', which province he thinks has the ad- * vantage [ H' ] vantage in almofl: every thing over the other pro- vinces ; efpecially as to healthy climate, pient/ of natural productions, trade, navigation and fifhery ; good laws, liberty, and few taxes. In this land fuch a perfon may with eafe plentifully fubfill a family. To that he is not afraid to mar- ry ( and if he looks fo forward as to confider how children, when grown up, are to be providtid for, he is not difcouraged, as he fees more land is to be had either for nothing or at very eafy rates. This makes marriages niore general, ^ well as more early in life, in North Americat by three to one, than in Europe, But fuppoHng they are only two to one \ this conformable to the com- putation ufed in Europe of one to a hundred, wilL give two marriages for every hundred perlbns : fuppofing alfo that in Europe from three to five births arc the ifTue of a marriage ; as thefe mar- riages are later in life, from feven to ten births may be allowed to a marriage in the colonies ; and as thefe marriages may be computed to hap- pen one with another, at 20 years of age, it may be feen how foon the people there are doubled j many years under 25 : but fuppofing they did not double in fewer years than 25, confider how much their increafe will exceed ours in 100 years. But fo great is the country of North America^ that notwithftanding this increafe, yet till it is fully fettled fwhich will require ftveral ages) la- bour cannot be had cheap : for no man will be a fervant whilft he can be a maimer ; that is, can get land eafily and fettle for himfclf : fo that labour is as dear at prefcnt in New England and Penfyl- vania^ as it was thirty or forty years ago ; not- withftanding the number of ptople in the latter (according to the Brief fiaie of Penlylvania lately publilhed; has been incrcaled by the arrival ot 6 1 00,000 m I 142 ) 100,000 foreigners. Hence the danger appre* hended by fome of North America interfering with England in branches of trade which depend on labour, mutl be at a very great diftance. Infiead of being terrified with this bugbear, it ought Co be confidered that as our colonies increale, the demand for BrUiJb manufa^ures will increafe, in a market where foreigners cannot interfere with us : and if by proper laws this trade be kept co ourfclves, England will fcarce be able co fupply her plantations, even tho* her whole trade fhould be confined co chem. Ought not this fingle con- federation to remove our apprehenfions, and, in- duce us to a6t, like a good mother, not {0 much CO reflrain manufactures in our colonies ? No labouring man in any part of Europe^ who knew the advantages of living in our colonies, would work for others for fix pence and twelve pence per day, when he can gee much more than double that funi on his own land in America^ which he may have given him. This is fo well known in Germany^ that all che laws which can be made there arc not able to retrain thoufands from going over yearly to Penjyhania, to the great benefit of that colony and many others; notwiihitanding the pamphlet juft before men- tioned has reprefented both them and che quakers in a very untrue light. What has been faid on this occafion by the gentleman who wrote thefe remarks, more fully accounts for the difficulty mentioned by the for- mer at the clofe of his, of forming an army out of the miliiia of America \ and in how wrong a light that matter is univerfally underdood on this fide of the water. For altho* the people of the colonies are properly all militia, and obliged co defend their refpe(5livc territories, yet thofc of onQ che ully lor- ouc nga this the :d to I of t «43 ] one province cannot be compelled (o march out of it, or to defend any other frontiers than their own. If they aflift their neighbours, the motion muft be voluntary •, and as, for the generals, they are mailers ot families, and obliged to obey none but their natural leaders, chofen by their own af- femblies, they mu(t be dealt with mildly, not with military rigour. This is the reafon why they may beaverfe to put themfelves under thecommandof ofHcers fent from hence ; and why I have in my firft letter recommended placing fome of their own over them. This gentleman earneftly recommends feveral things as necelfary for the fecurity of the colonies which I have mentioned in that letter *, as the augmenting fome of our forts already built, par- ticularly that of Orwego ; the building of two vef- fels to be kept on the Kadarakui or Ontario lake, and opening the Hudfon Bay trade. Thefc mea- fures he fays, if purfucd, " would at once get us into the diredl fur trade with the Indians (which we are now forced to carry on in a fmuggling way, and at fecond-hand with the French traders) and in fhort ruin Canada with- out fighting." In the mean time, as things now (land he is of opinion, that we (hould greatly dillrefs them, if all the colonies would follow the example of the MaJJacbttfets \ vvhiph is to keep publick ilore-houfes on their frontiers, and to fupply the Indians with goods at the firft coft : ** for the private traders, fays this gentleman, often cheat ihem, and treat them ill *, which drives them ovtr to the French.** He likewife recommends building new forts in proper places ; and above all one at the head of the river Kinnekk, a fpot which he has long CC c« «( « t M4 1 ^ong had his eye upon, as the mod convenient imaginable, for thepurpofes already mentioned in Letter I. art. 3. In (hort, he fays, *< it is the *' very beft ftroke which ac prefenc can be made *^ againft the Frepcb, and iuch as will (Irike a " terror iqto the gates of ^ebek. This fort he *• would have garrifoned by one independent *' company of 100 men, to be raifed either here *' or in New Englandy or elfe fent from the regi- •' ments at Hdifax, If our government here ^' would but fo far countenance and fupport this *' undertaking a3 to maintain fuch a number of '^ men, jn cafe of an attack, he is fuie that the •' whple force of JVhw England would chearfully ** join to defend it : nay, he makes no doubt bujc " that the Uew England people would build the " fort, provided it was furnifhed with guns, *' powder and ball from hence.** He judges this propofal may be the more readily complied with, as he is of opinion, *' that from " henceforth foidiers mtift always be kept in the " colonic?, as well to defend them againft the *' Frenchy as to prevent their fmuggling trade fo •* prejudicial to £»^/W;alfo, becaufe they ought *^ to be ready at hand to be lent on any occafion, *' either to alTift our fugar iQands, or to invade " the French or Spant/h iflands. He likewife *« thinks that it is neceffary to begin to ufe the *' people oi North America to foidiers, which '* may by degrees introduce difcipline among *' their militia: and no time feems to him more ** proper for it than this, while their thoughts are " /aken up with military affairs and they are pre- " paringforwar. Some time hence when their mar- *' tial fpirit fubfides, and calmer difpofitions take *« place again, the fending foidiers among them " may (C Its are re pre- tr mar- is take them f' may [ t45 ] may not be (o well relifhed." 'Tis certain, that almoft any thing may be brought about by well timing it. This gentleman proceeds to confider the num- ber of foldiers neceflary for putting on the Ame- rican cftabliftiment. *' There ought always, con- tinues he^ to be two regiments in different parts of New England; one in New Tork \ an- other in Penfylvania : one fmall regimfht or a few companies in Maryland: a large regiment in Virginia i Iaftly,one to be diftributed among the two Carolinas and Georgia, Thefe regi- ments ought to be raifed in and at theexpence of the fcveral governments, and the taxes (which he propofes) will, in a few years, pay for fupporting them : in the mean time what- ever they may fall fhorr, muft be fupplied from hence. His fcheme requires like wife that arms, ammunition, and clcathing for fome few years, Hiould be fent to them : and ** that the chief officers of all fortSj imlefs fom^ very few, fhould be appointed out of th? na- tives of the rcfpedive provinces, wlien the re- giments are raifed.** On this occafion my friend propofcS a thing which may fecm as ftrange, as new, to fome peo- ple. This is to *' raife a regiment out of the French nfutrals mentioned in the preceding ar- ticle, to be commanded by their own officers ; a thing which he is convinced might be brought ab^it with proper management.'* The only qucllion is, how fir they may be de- pended on, as they are papifls, and fecmingly in clofe union under hand with the reft of their na- tion ? as appeared from their behaviour in the late war t However, in cafe fuch a Ycgiavnt was raifed C( cc <c cc cc cc «i cc cc c* (C cc cc cc cc «c cc cc cc cc cc L ■ u [ 146 ] • raifed for ft trial, the fear of endangering the fafety of the reft of their countrymen fettled irt JSova Scoti/t^ might be a check upon them i and in cafe they fhould turn tail or defert, it would be a good way of getting rid of them. However, their ports might be alfigntd in Ibme other pro- vinre,ai>d at a diftance from anyFf^»f/&fett!emenr. WJiat fcems to have led this gentleman to make fuch a propofal, is the great inclination which he obkrvcs in the French foldiers to de- ftrt and fettle in our colonies, where they canr live with more cafe and liberty than in the cold and b irren country of Canada. On this occafion he fpeaks of a thing as being aftually done, which in my former 1 have given a tauiion againtt,fuppofing it had never been intended j namely, the furren- dering def rtcrs on each fide. *' An agrement, fays he, which our officers at Halifax in Nova Scotia^ h;we been duped into by the French** Some ot our men, continues he, may indeed ** defert : but for one the French would have ** from us, we fhould have loo from them. ** Thefe too would gladly rtay and fettle in oui* " colonics ; but none of our deferters would ever " (lay long with the French. Nine tenths of '* all the French European foldiers, or others fent to Canada^ might be induced to come over to ourplantationg. In fhort, the beft and only inhabitants vhjch the French have to depend on, are the UdianSy and the breed they have " fiom the Indian women and French foldiers ; a ** meafure, fays he, which we ought to encourage " in our colonies." After having laid down Ills plan, my corre- fpondent turns his thoughts on t\\^ means for car- rying on the Wvir, (which he fcems to think ine- vitable «( Ci (( (C <( «( g the led in i and uld be wever, r pro- smenf. nan to ination to de- anr live >ld and ion he hich in )pofing furren- rement, 1 Nova rencb,** indeed Id have 1 them. in oiu' Lild ever nths ot" lers fent over to nd only depend ley have die IS } a [icourage ly corre- s for car- iiink ine- vicable . [ 147 ] Vitablej and keeping the colonies in a good con- dition of defence. With regard to this point he propofes three things : firft, that the duty on all fugars frQtn our fugar iflands, which is now paid in the iilands themlelves, and (as Mr. Pelham faid in the Hovfe of Commons) now raifes but a trifle, fhould be made payable in North America ; to which might be added a duty of one penny per gallon on molafles, and two-pence per gal- lon on all rum imported into North America \ or elle a tax not exceeding twenty (hillings to bs laid on every thoufand acres of land. None of thefe taxes, he aflures me, would be much dii- liked in Nsrtb America^ from whence he has late- ly received fome propofais to the fame purport : but is of opinion that they fhould be paid by way of excife, or by the purchafer, and not by the importer \ that the merchants might not be diftreflcd. The tax on fugar (tranflated as above) and that on molafles particularly, would raife a large fum annually, and be an encreafing fund. And there can be the left objedtion to thefe, becaufe they arife chiefly from French produce: for the duty on fugar, as it ftands at prefenr, being paid in the iflands, encourages the inhabitan's to get it from yh^ French: and to my correfpondent's " own knowledge, not one twentieth part of ** the molafles, imported into North A'mr'.cc^ is ♦* Englijh. So that one penny per gallon would ** be a tax ^iiiefly on French produce •, and the " importer pays as much as that in order to get <* it run, or elfe compounds with the poi c officers " to permit its being entered as from our Englijh ** plantations •,'* and this likewife he knows x.o bt h^, particularly g.t Rhode JJland, The fuflvl railed L 3 from - [ hS 1 from the duties laid on the above-mentioned commodities, our correfpondent is pofitive would be fufficient to anfwer all the exigencies of the fcveral American governments, particularly the governors falariep, after being fixed here, (hould be firft paid out of it ; then thofe of all their port-ofHcers : The reft to be applied for carry- ing on the war, or maintaining foldiers. But in order to reap the full advantage of fuch tax-^s it will be abfolutely neceflary to deftroy the illicit trade which ail the colonies have run more or lefs into ; but none fo much as Rhode JJland^ which has carried it on to the higheft pitch, and in the moft audacious manner. At this noted place for fmuggling, all forts of French as well as Dutch produce and manufaflures are imported in the molt public manner ; and from thence exported to all parts of America as Engliflj produce, fo much that in one year 14 fail of veffels have arrived there direftly from Holland \ and many veflels do the fame loiNew England and ISiew l^ork. This is well known to every indivi- dual in ihofe countries ; and whilft their gover- nors are fo dependent on the people, and the port officers make fuoh immcnfe profit by fuffering it, he cannot fee how it Can well be prevented, but by laying fome fevere penalties on the tranfgref- fors and keeping; fome final! flo ps of war with foldieis, particularly at Rhode JJland^ to protcdl the port officers in doing their duty. But as thinjj,s now (fand thofe officers would rifk their lives in attempting it ; for there is fcarce a man in all that country who is not concerned in the fmugaiir.g trade. I have before me a particular piece written by the author . cf the preceding tradt, on the iilicic trade of c6b as tieir tiiaa [149 J trade of the colonies, parcicularly that of Rbodi IJland^ and the means of ruppreffing it. Running or fmuggling is there fandlBeii with the name of naturalizing foreign goods *, and in their more than hofpitable and free ports, the moft forbidden commodities receive the benefit of naturalization. But to purfue this fubjedt would carry me coo far. To return to our correfpondent's letter. He fays an entire (lop ought to be put (as it eafily might J to the trade from Cape Briton to our co- lonies i for from thence all forts of French goods to an immenfe value, are yearly imported by our i\OTXhtxn American veffels to every part of that conti- nent. He likewifc takes notice, by way of preven- tion, in cafe a war fhould break out, of a wicked praftice fet on foot laft war in North America^ of fupplying the French iflands with all forts of arms, ammunition and provifions, by veffcis which by management they procured to be licenfed as car- tels i and with only one or two Frenchmen (for whom they have given as far as 40 /.) would go backwards and forwards between the French iflands and North America^ thus keeping on a conltanc trade during the whole war : lb that there have been no fewer than 20 of them feen at a time in one port of Hifpaniola. This fraudulent and perni- cious pracfV.ice ought to be prevented by fome law made fsere for the purpofe •, and no veffels fuffcred to go as cartel?, with fewer than 50 or 100 pri- foners : or rather they fliould be obliged to fend all their prifoners to England. Thus, Sir, I have made you up a fecond letter out of the remarks of two public-fpirited gentle- men, zealous for the Britijh glory and prulperity pf the colonief, As you are onq of the fame cha<! - [ 190 ] charaflier, and curious to enquire into the affairs of the plantations, (a difpoHtion which is be- come pretty general in the nation) I fend them to you, believing they will be at l^aft as ac- ceptable to you as thofe contained in my former letter. I am, ^c. 14th March 1755- FINIS, -r*- ^m « .'1 m ERRATA. f. 1^. \, 7. after Kadarakuit for on r. or, P. 63. 1. 17. for half-fenny f r. fenn^.