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STATE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Britifti and French G)lonies 
 
 I N 
 
 NORTH AMERICA 
 
 With Refpea to 
 
 Number of Peopj^e, Forces, Forts, 
 . Indians, Trade and other Advantages. 
 
 In which arc confidered, 
 
 I. The defencelefs Condition of our Plantations, 
 
 and to what Caufes owing. 
 
 II. Pern'icioi^s Tendency of the Frtf«f A Encroach- 
 ments, and the fitted Methods of fruftrating 
 them. 
 
 !II. What it was occafioned their prefent InvaOon^ 
 and the Claims on which they ground their 
 Proceedings. 
 
 WI TH A 
 
 Proper EXPEDIENT propoftd % 
 preventing future Diiputes. 
 
 In Two Letters to a FRIEND. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Pritited for A. Millar, in the Strand. 
 MDCCLV. 
 
 (Price 2S. 6d.) 
 
 ItaiMriilMMl 
 

 mmw^^m^ 
 
 • * 
 
 -f T^) 
 
w 
 
 [I 3 
 
 ST A T E 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Britifti and French Colonies 
 
 IN 
 
 NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 T'HE French having, fince their forcible 
 entry into Nova Scotia, greatly aug- 
 mented the cauie of our complaints, in- 
 ftcad of removing them, by fcizing the wcftern 
 pait of yirginia^ a much larger and no left va- 
 luable country ; you defirc to have my fentiments 
 on their defigns by their preftnt encroachments, 
 and on the means of frudrating them, as well as 
 preventing the like for the fyiure : you likcwifc 
 cxpeft from me an account of the ftare both of 
 the Englijh ard French QoXonvc^j^ with refpccl to 
 theiK extent, number of people, forces, fort?, In- 
 dians and rrade. This is a difficult, and perhaps 
 an invidious tadc ; Baer to be undertaken by one 
 who, having been long refjdent in north America, 
 is thoroughly acquainted with the feveral nations 
 of Indians and the countries which they inhabi', 
 as well as with the affairs of the Britijh colonies. 
 However, as you defire it, for reafons of a na- 
 tional confideracion, I (hall endeavour to oblige 
 
 B you 
 
you to the beft of my power : on which occaHoD 
 I (hall premile, that the prefent unhappy fitua- 
 tion of our American colonies, is owing to a fe- 
 ries of bad management, as well on this as on 
 the other fide of the ocean : and altho* I (hali 
 touch them as gently as pofTible, yet as a remedy 
 cannot be properly applied without knowing the 
 caufe and circumftances of the difeafe, 1 promtfe 
 you not to difgulTe or wilfully mifreprefent mat- 
 ters, but give them impartially juft as I find 
 them, on good authority, under certain heads. 
 
 I. 
 
 Importance of the Ohio country ^ and views of the 
 French in their prefent proceedings, 
 
 ^H£ patience with which the frencb were ^ 
 ^ long (bffered to fetde and fortify themielves 
 in Nova Scotia, without doubt emboldened them 
 to enter and drive us out of the country of the 
 Ohio : but heavens be thanked, this fecond auda- 
 cious (lep has opened the eyes of the whole na- 
 tion, and made fome people think of American 
 affairs more than ever they intended, altho' others 
 remain deeply regardlefs and infenfible as ever, 
 and perhaps would continue lo till the nation was 
 no more, were they to live long enough to perifh 
 with it. But their infcnfibility does not make 
 the extreme danger which now threatens our 
 American colonies one jot the lefs *, and which in 
 threatening them threatens their mother cpuntry, 
 iince, in whatever fate betides them, (he mu|i 
 herfelf inevitably be involved. 
 
 Altho' the French are vaftly increafcd in north 
 America Cmcc the peace of Utrecht, and have by 
 far the fuperiority of the ^ngUJh as to numbers 
 
 in 
 
na- 
 
 lorth 
 by 
 
 in 
 
 [3] 
 
 in the ifland^ yet in the Continent they sr^ (liii 
 much inferior to the Englijb, Npr is it for want 
 of being fenfible of this difparity that they have 
 dared to accack us, tho* fo much inferior in num- 
 ber. They know this dcfeft on their own fidt 
 perfedly well, but depend fur their fqccefi upoq' 
 what they know to be more advantageous than 
 a fuperiority in numbers, an4 that is, the diriflon 
 which rrlgns among the colonies, their defence- 
 kfs ftate, and fiownefs in a<ftion *, as they did lio^ 
 R:ruple to declare to Major tVa/binpon, when hft 
 went to their forts on the lakes. 
 
 Of what great importance t|ie country of the 
 ObU is to our Engli/h colonies will appear, froqi 
 confklering the vail conveniencies which, by its 
 (ituation only, (independent of its other ad van- 
 'ta^s mentioned hereafter) it wop Id afford th^ 
 French of fecuring and improviti«; their own co- 
 lonies, as well as annoying ours. 
 
 This country lying in the middle fpace betweei^ 
 their fectlcmems in Qanf/ia and Louifiana (to 
 which lad they pretend it belongs) apd at the 
 back alfo of our middl^ colonies, would give th^m 
 an opportunity no; only of joining their two very 
 diftant plantations, whenever they fhould be in a 
 condition to do it, but alfo of preventing us froin 
 extending our fcttlcments backward bcyoivl the 
 great mountains towards the Miffillippi^ ar d of 
 attacking them on that fide. It wx)uld farther 
 ftrengthen them and weaken us, by putting it 
 in their power to gain the In4iMs of that large 
 country over to their intereft, fome of whom, 
 as the Twigtwees or Miyamis^ now in friend (hip 
 with the Enghlh^ are very numerous and wa like." 
 This wouW be a very large addiiipn to their 
 ftrcngth, and enaBIc them to give great difturb- 
 ance to the /nitoffj in alliance with the EngUJh^ 
 
 B ? as 
 
t4] 
 
 as. well in the northen as the fouthern colonies : 
 while,by their intermediate rituarion,they will pre- 
 yenc their aflfifting each other beyond the great 
 mountains, by cutting off all communication be- 
 tween them. 
 
 Their having poiTeflion of this country would 
 be of (till more ^rnicious confequence to its % 
 as by the conveniency of the Ohio and its branches, 
 they would have it in their power sl% any time to 
 attack, to great advantage, either our northern or 
 fouthern provinces. By means of the Ohio they 
 might come with their Indians into the country 
 of the five nations, and alfo the provinces of 
 N<w Tork and Penfylvania x while the river of 
 the CbaroketSt one of its branches, which falls in- 
 to it near its mouth in the Miffiffippi^ would give 
 tliem an eafy palTage into the count! y of thofe 
 Indians^' and ooth Carolinas^ which would lie 
 open to their attacks. In reality, were they Urong 
 enough, they might at prefent invade us on that 
 (ide by this laft river^having fecured admidion 
 into it by the forts which they have ere£ted at the 
 mouths of the Ohio and the Wahajh. 
 
 From what has been faid it feems but too evi- 
 dent, that if the French had this country, they 
 would in time be mafters of all the Britijh colo- 
 ^ riies. This province is as neceilary a barrier 
 ' agairft them in the middle parts of our fettle* 
 ments, as thofe of Nova Scotia znd Georgia are 
 on the north and"^ fouth i and fince their defigti 
 is fo apparently to. hem us in, and contraf): our 
 bounds as much as poflible, it (lands us upon to 
 keep them at as great a diftance as we can. The 
 French are very (enfible, that in cafe we (hould 
 once become mafters of this important country, 
 by fettling and fortifying it, that they could 
 iiever hope to unite their two colonies, at leaft on 
 
 . ., this 
 
[5] 
 this fide of the MJJiJJifpi : one of the grand 
 points which they have had in view ever fmce chey 
 entered that river and fettled at New Orleans in 
 1699; ^i)^ ^hi^ makes them fo very earned to 
 get the Ohio country out of our hands, which, 
 for that/eafon, was it all a rock or fandy defart, 
 we ought by no means to permit. 
 
 From their manner of proceedings in forcibly 
 wrefting from the Britifif dominions in America^ 
 two fuch confiderable provinces, and building 
 forts all along our frontiers; it looks as if their 
 intention was not only to cut off our inland trade 
 with the Indian nations, but aifo to attack our 
 Colonies on all fides, when once they have effec- 
 tually furrounded them with a chain of fortinca- 
 tions, if not before : and I fancy, from what I am 
 going to offer in in fupport of this opinion, that 
 you will be inclined to think there is nothing at 
 all chimerical in it. 
 
 Altho* Lewis XIV. had in the year 1686, en- 
 Tred into a treaty of neutrality with England for 
 North America^ yttm 1688 he embarked in a 
 project, which, in violation of the laid treaty, 
 his fubje£ts had formsd to fubdue (he Britijh Co- 
 lonies in that part of the Contine u, and to be- 
 gin with the conqueft of New Tork. 
 
 The chevalier de CalUeres^ who had contriveil 
 the fcheme, poftcd into France to propofe it, and 
 iblicit aflTiftance. The King approved of the 
 plan, and the Count de Frontenac, fent over Go- 
 vernor to Canada^ was charged with the com- 
 mand of the expedition. He was to march 
 his troops by land to New Tork^ while the Sieur 
 de Caffiniere was to ply with his fhips before the 
 port, till the fignal mould be given for him to en- 
 ter. Matters were fo to be ordered, that bcuh 
 forces (hould appear before the place at the fame 
 
 B 3 time : 
 
n^ 
 
 [<] 
 
 time: but thro* fome miftakcs in the execution, 
 they were obliged to give over the dcfign for 
 that time •, ami a dreadtui irruption of the five 
 nations, which happened immediately after, would 
 have rflFcdluaily ruined Canada^ in cafe they had 
 been fupportfd by the Engiijh. 
 
 But altho* their defign mifcarry'd that timir, 
 they did not lay it afide \ and the late irruption 
 of the five nations only fpurrevl them on to eite« 
 cute it, in order to prevent another from the fame 
 quarter. However, ihcy were fritftrated a fecond 
 time in their delign : for while they were prtpar- 
 ing in Canada to deltroy the Englijh^ the Utter 
 were preparing to fubdue Canada \ fo that they 
 were obliged to keep their foiccsto defend them- 
 felvcs. 
 
 The new year a new plan was (tt on foot by. 
 Mr. Denonvilicy governor of Canada^ who de* 
 clared it as his opinion, ** that the only way to 
 ** terminate the war in Jmmca (for war was now 
 •* proclaimed in Europe) was to take ManhatU^ 
 •' (fo the Fnncb call Ntw Tbrk) that it might 
 *< be done with fix frigates and 1200 land fol- 
 '* diers *, that 3000 men, confKting of the trOops 
 *' and militia of the cbuncry, would eafily make 
 " themfelvcs matters of the fort Orange (or 
 ^ Albany) : that after the capital was taken, 
 •* it would be abfolutcly necelTary to bum ir, 
 *^ and ruin the country as far as Orange : that 
 ** by means of this poO^ which it would be 
 *• eafy to keep* they fhould break off all com- 
 ** municatton bviwcen the tHgHJb and Iroquois 
 '* (or the five nations,) compel tlYefe kilter to have 
 ♦* recourfe to the French^, and hinder the Frontb 
 ** allies from making alliances prejudicial to the 
 ** Colony of Cattada : in fine, that fOrt Oratigi 
 '* would ferve to keep in awe aU the Coaft of 
 
 ** New 
 
:om- 
 
 angi 
 
 [7] 
 
 •* New England^ which tho' very well peoplec?, 
 *• WIS quite dcfcncclcfs." 
 
 This was the well-concerted plan of tfte Mar- 
 quis DenonviUe, which Charlevoix^ who inferts the 
 whole in his fpurious hiftory of New France, 
 imagines could not have faihjd of fucctfs, in cafe 
 it had been fupported, and expre(rcs great con- 
 cern that it was not : but as forces could not be 
 fpared at that juncture for the expedition, they 
 were obligeol to drop the defign once more. 
 
 The reaibni which were allcdged in the faid 
 phin, for the intended conqueft, were, 
 
 X. To prevent the ravages of the five nations, 
 by reducing their fripportcrs. 
 
 2. To get the commerce of the Indians into 
 their hands, of which the Englifij deprived them. 
 
 3. For the benefit of Canada^ which cannot be 
 fccure ib long as the Envlijh are its neighbours. 
 
 4. Becaufe the intereS of the Englifi and the 
 Frentb are utterly incompatible. 
 
 Ic was upon thefe principles that the Frertcb 
 undertook, in time of peace, to conquer the En- 
 gUJh dominions in America ; and believed thefe ar- 
 guments would fufficiently juRify their proceed- 
 ings to all the world. 
 
 Now, as thefb rea(bns will always fubfid, it is 
 plain that ihey will never forgo their projcft. 
 The things they complain of are to them infup- 
 portable evils ; and therefore they will be fure to 
 nave recourfe to the remedy whenever they think 
 themfclves in a condition to apply it : And con- 
 fidering their prefent proceedings, joined to the 
 fteps they have been taking for fcveral years patt 
 preparatory thereto, would not any body believe 
 
 B 4 that 
 
[8] 
 that they are a^UdUy about executing their long- 
 concerted fcheme ? 'Tis true, one might be apt 
 to douht it, when he rcfltfts on the number of 
 people now inhabiting the Britijh Co!onies, and 
 that one of them might be a m itch for Canada, 
 This gives a handle to vain, ignorant, and difaf- 
 fefted perfons to make flight of what has paft, as 
 if it was not worth the government's taking no- 
 tice of : bur, does not the great and fudden pro- 
 grefs which the French have already made evince, 
 what a handful of men may do againft many 
 hundred thoufand, when difuniied, and under 
 no proper regulation ? 
 
 *Tis true, they have not yet attacked New 
 Tork : but, muft not every body in the world, 
 who is acquainted with this fcheme, conclude, 
 that fort Frederic at Cro'ivH Point (or rather Scalp 
 Point) on the Ibuth end of Cbamplain lake, 
 was builc by them for this very defign ? It is 
 only to be wilhed, that we may be in a<ondition 
 to refift them bcft.re they attempt it: for they 
 never had io favourable a juncture as this, when 
 the excefTive debts of the nation might be thought, 
 in fome mcafure, to difable us from relenting our 
 wrongs, or affording our planacions the requisite 
 aflidance -, and the difunion which fubfiih among 
 the Colonics renders them unable to help them- 
 felves i at a time when we are t* Id they are with- 
 out forts, wiihfjut arms, without ammunition, 
 and wifhout money ! 
 
 Their fettling at New Orleans about nine years 
 after they had formed the I'cheme of conquering 
 New Tork^ put it into their heads to go a more 
 flow, but furcr way to work, by inlenfibly en- 
 croaching upon our Colonies, and fur rounding 
 themv^iih forts. Before that time, tho' always 
 
 very 
 
[9] 
 very troublcfome, they feemed to confine thejn- 
 fclvcs within moderate limits, and had only three 
 forts, excepting thofe of St^ebek and Montreal^ in 
 the neighbourhood of our northern Colonies; 
 namely, thole of Chambly, 20 miles fou'h-eall of 
 Montreal^ Frontenac on the north-eaft end of lak« 
 Kadarakui on Ontario^ and DenonvHle on the fouth- 
 ^eft fide of the fame like, near the talis of Niaw- 
 gra J whiqh feemed to be built rather to defend 
 iheir own frontiers than encroach on thofe of the 
 Englijh^ and the lad was almoft as loon deftroyed 
 as built : but from the above-mentioned period, 
 they began to entertain vaftcr defigns. How- 
 ever, they were prevented by the war till after 
 the peace of Utrecht in 1713, which is the aera 
 from whence the growing Itate of Canada may 
 be dated •, and in proportion as the French took 
 care to extend their territorits, the Englijh ne- 
 glected, or rather feemed utterly to abandon the 
 care of theirs: as if the great druggie at the 
 treaty of Utrechty in behalf of their American do- 
 minions, proceeded rather from the glory of 
 having their title acknowledged by France^ than 
 any real value they had for, or deljgn of preferv- 
 ing, them. 
 
 The French began their encroachments about 
 1715, by building fort 'Touloufe on the river Ali^ 
 bama^ in or near the country of the Creek Indians^ 
 and the back of Carc/ina-i a place which the En- 
 gli/b had been in poffefTion of 28 years before. 
 Their next attempt was to try the pulfcs of the 
 miniftry, with regard to Nova Scolia, by denying 
 our title to it ; which they had, in the molk fo- 
 lemn manner and firmal terms, given up butfijc 
 years before. Finding them eal'y enough tocon- 
 ient to a negotiation, inflead of relenting the in- 
 fulr, and the people of the Colonit wholly taken 
 
 up 
 
[ 10 ] 
 
 u{> with their own private incerells and qu^rrelf^ 
 they watched their opportunity ; and in 1731, 
 ufurpedfrom the province of iV«£;2^or;t all the lands 
 for above 120 miles to the fouth of St. Law* 
 reftie*s river, by building fort Frederick at Crown 
 Point. In 1 750 they feized two parts in three of 
 Nova ScotSy by building forts at Shegnekto and 
 Baye Verte \ fince when they have builc two others 
 at the mouth of Si. John's river. In 1726, they 
 encroached on Penjyhania, by eredling, or rather 
 teftoring a fort cali'd VeHonvilky near the fdlh of 
 iV/^«7^r^ above-mentioned. Thofe forts and that 
 of de Troite between the lakes£rri and Hurons were 
 built, that by their means the French might com- 
 mand the SttaitSy on which they ftand, and opeil 
 orlhut themjull as they chemfelvcsfhould think fit. 
 
 Fort de troite in 1 712, the Outegamis promifed 
 to burn, and bring in the Englijh ; but they mif- 
 carried. ** Had this place been loft, hysCbarUvoix^ 
 *' and the EngUfh taken poffeftlon, it would quite 
 *« have ruinad New France^ as 'tis the center and 
 •* finfeft part of all Canada^ and it would have 
 <» been impoflible to have the leaft communica- 
 *' tion with the favagcs above, or mthLourfiana.** 
 
 This proves what I have obferved as to the 
 defigned obftruflion ; and (hews how many ways 
 there were, and opportunities we have had of put- 
 ting a ftop to the progrefs of the French^ and pre- 
 venting them from uniting their two Colonies. 
 
 Thefe forts, therefore, appear to have been 
 built to limit our northern Colonies on the weft, as 
 Touloufe was, with dcfign that it fhould be our ne 
 plus ultra on the fame fide of Carolina and Georgia : 
 hftly, they have built forts on Lake Erri, and 
 driven us out of ours on the Ohio near Logfiown^ 
 in order fo let us know that they will not fufFcr us. 
 topoiftfsan inch of ground to the weft of thc^//i- 
 ganey mountains. By 
 
t "O 
 
 Bythefe limits, which th(6 French have prc- 
 fcribed us by their forts^ they have llripc us of 
 more than nine parts in ten of North Amerka^ 
 which they may be faid now to be in pofTeflion 
 cf; and left us only a fkirt of coaft along (he Ah 
 lamic Ihore, bounded on the north by th6 river 
 St. Ueuorence, and on the weft by the Appatacbian 
 ©r Alliganty mountains, which are no where above 
 280 miles diftant from the coaft, atld in fome 
 parts not more than 120. 
 
 In confequ^nce of thefe proceedings they have 
 already prevenred us from extending our fettle- 
 ments beyond thdr prefent bounds; cut off all our 
 intercourfe with the Indians 5 and farther reduced 
 the fmall (hare they had left us of the Fur tradt, 
 having gotten into their poffeflion fix or k^tn 
 eighths of it before. But if left in poflciUon of 
 fuch great advantages, it is not to be imagined 
 that our good neighbours will flop there : they 
 Who have unjuftly ufurped fo much from us* 
 Would not long be content without fcizing the 
 whole, if it was in their power •, and this moil 
 certainly they intended in a Ihort time to attempts 
 hor could it have befen in the power of the united 
 force of our plantations to withftand them. 
 
 It was, doubtlefs, not without a view to this 
 defign, that in 1 750, Mr. Cbaitbert^ a lieutenant 
 in the King's fleet, was feni to lurvcy ih^ penin- 
 fula of Nova Scotia^ from the gut of Canfo quite 
 round the coaft as far as Port Roya\ under co- 
 lour of doing fcrvlce to Geography and Naviga- 
 tion. It was certainly doing both a very import- 
 ant fervice; and that gentleman has executed his 
 plan (trie more meritorioufly, as the voyage 
 was undertaken at his own rtqucfl) with an 
 addrefs which does him extraordinary honour; 
 yet this isawork, which, at a time when i\\^ French 
 
 had 
 
t «« 1 
 
 had invad«d our ti^rritories in that very part, the 
 Enghjb^ I think, ought not to have fufFcred. 
 
 Lucki!y for the Colonies, they have difcovered 
 their defign before their chain of forts was com- 
 pleted, and ihey were fufficiently prepared for 
 putting it in execution : for doubtlefs their in- 
 tention was Brft to have deprived us of all Indian 
 afliftance, efpeciaily in the northern colonies, 
 where they propofed to attack us, by either cut- 
 ing off or fubduing the fix nations and their allies. 
 This as a memorial before me, written by an 
 American about that timr, fets forth, they threa- 
 tened to do in 1752, the year after they had built 
 their fort at Crown-point : fo much did the gain- 
 ing that point embolden them, and fo much had 
 the colonies chiefly concerned reafon to repent 
 their having fuffered fo dangerous an incroach- 
 ment. After fubduing the fix nations, their next 
 motion probably would have been to build a fort 
 or forts in the country of the Cbarokees, as chofe 
 Indians informed the Governor of Carolina they 
 had often threatened : then perhaps they might 
 have attempted to eredb one at the head of the 
 rivers Kennebek and La CbaudierCy in a place here* 
 after-mentioned. Bur, for fear of alarming the 
 colonies too much, in all probability they would 
 not have thought of feizirig the Ohio in the bor- 
 ders of Virgi'niii^ till they found matters ripe for 
 execution : for as their end in this was to leave 
 the nonbcrn colonies no Indians to aflift them, it 
 fcems to have been defigncd for their latt ftep. That 
 they took it fo prematurely, was doubtlefs to pre- 
 vent the Englijh \ who, .they apprehended, or ra- 
 ther were intormed, were making preparations 
 for fettling that country : for at appears now, that 
 the intentions of the colonies on that head were 
 betrayed to the French } ll)d the fecrct of the 
 
 Ohity 
 
■ 
 
 [>3] 
 Ohio grant, to the Indians. It was this which 
 brought the former fooner than they intended in- 
 to thofe parts; and made the latter dcfcrrt or turn 
 againft the Virginians^ which occafioned their de* 
 feat in the battle of the great meadows. 
 
 As the French in 1688 feton fbqt their proje6b 
 during the peace, in expectation of a war foon 
 breaking out, they are doubtlefs at prefent in a 
 like expectation : it is hkely too that their intenc 
 was, as they feem to have done, to begin the war 
 in America \ which according to fome is the moft 
 proper place for them to begin it in. 
 
 That the French wer6 not far off from putting 
 thrir old fcheme in execution, might be inferred 
 from the conduft of iheir geographers 5 who of 
 late have been more than ordinarily bufy at cur- 
 tailing the Britijh territories in their maps ; by 
 which they lay claim to a great deal more than 
 their countrymen have taken poflcffion of. For 
 they cut off from us near one half of Hudfon^i 
 river, which belongs to New Tork^ and the whole 
 country of the five nations, tho' exprefsly yielded 
 by the treaty of Utrecht. Altho* by the original 
 grant of our Kings Penfylvania is extended five 
 degrees, or about 260 miks weft of Delawar ri- 
 ver, yet they for the general retrench three of 
 thofe degrees •, and (bme make the Sufquehanna 
 its weftern boundary, contra(5ting that province 
 CO the breadth of 70 miles, and depriving it of 
 all the weftern branches of that great river. Vir- 
 ginia they limit by the Appalachi^^n or AUigoney 
 ^mouncains ; and curtail 200 miles of it fouth- 
 ward, makiiig AJhky river its boundary, under 
 pretence .of their fettle ments in 1562: but the 
 late Mr. Del IJle went ftill farther on a woifc 
 foundation ; for in his map of New France^ pub- 
 iilhed 17 1 8, he transfers the whole province over 
 
 to 
 
[ '4 ] 
 to hi$ own nation, by making it a part of Lcui' 
 /tatWy under the h\in fuggeftion chat the n^'ne of 
 Car^a was given cait by the Fren^'b in honour 
 of their King Chirks ; and now at length, to 
 make (hort work of it, one of their prefent geo 
 g^aphen, Mr. Kohert^ h«s run away with all the 
 Bfitifh colonic at once, and carried thrm into 
 Canada *, dqubtleis under the Urne pretence of 
 VirtsBxam*s diicovery in 1534, tho' 27 y^ars po- 
 (lerior to that of the Cubots, 
 
 Can any thing be noore evident from all theic 
 inftances, than that th^ Frmch refolve never tp 
 cive over their encroachmcats on our territories, 
 but to gain upon them by degrees, till they have 
 ^complifhed their long concerted defign of fwal- 
 lowing up the whole. In th»c cafe, what a mod 
 formidable power would France arrive at ! " For 
 •* when become mafters of alt our American trade, 
 ** our fugars, tobacco, rice, timber, and naval 
 ** ftores, they would loon, faith the above-men* 
 *' tioned memorialiO', be an over match in naval 
 flrength to the reft of Europe^ and fo in d 
 condition to give laws to the whole/'\ 
 
 t( 
 
 4i 
 
 T 
 Lt 
 
 he 
 
 thJ 
 
 afll 
 
 mi 
 
 th( 
 
 it 
 
 II. 
 
 Siate of the French a^J'. Englifh colonies compared, 
 
 TF a foreigner, unacquainted with the affairs of 
 -*' America^ was to hear in >vhat manner they have 
 driven us, as it were, into a corner and blocked 
 us up, he would conclude that ihe French are 
 vaftly more numerous there than the Englijh ; 
 whereas the very reverfe of this is the cafe, from 
 an exad enquiry made on the fpot la{l year, by 
 
 See the Condofl of the Frtncb, p 454 
 
 a very 
 
 
 

 [ '5] 
 a very capable pcrfon, it did not appear chat the 
 whole inhabitants or French of CatuJ^^ exceeded 
 459000 fouls, of which 15,000 ar4i 6^hcing men. 
 This tallies with the account given by Colonel 
 Levingfton in 1732, as to the lad article, altho' 
 he obferved, that the Fnncb themfelves mad« 
 their number amount to 18,000. But we arc 
 alTured from another hand, thai in 1747, all 
 their militia or fenfible men, capable of march- 
 ing, did not exceed 13,000 men, with about 
 1 000 regular troops, and as many Indians^ who 
 may be prevailed on to march. As for Louifianai 
 the number of French throughout the whole pro- 
 vince, which they thus extend from rhe Mexikan 
 gulf to the Ilinois river, in about latitude 40 de* 
 grees, the (pace of 800 leagues, is very fmall : 
 but fuppofing it contains 6 or 7000, with auxiliary 
 Indians^ the province of either New Tork or of 
 ConneElhtt in New England has more men in it 
 than both their colonies together : fo that, on a 
 moderate calculation, the number of I^ench in 
 their two fettlements, tho* greatly increafed fmce 
 the peace of Utrecht, holds a proportion to that 
 of the EngUJh in theirs, which very litlc exceed 
 one to twenty. *' But (as a memoiial now be- 
 *' fore nic obfcrves on this occafion) union, fitua* 
 tion, proper management of the Indians, fu- 
 perior knowledge ot the country, and conOant 
 ** Stpplication to a purpofc, will more tlian bi* 
 > lance divided numbers, and will eafily break 
 ** a rope of fand." 
 
 The French hive but one town in hcuifiana^ 
 that is New Orleans, near the mouth of Miffif* 
 Bppf river j and only three of any note in Canada^ 
 Rebeck, Montreal dnd Trots- Riviere^, which lies 
 between the other two, and all fituateci on the 
 river of St. Laurence: of thefc three pbces alfo, 
 6 the 
 
 «c 
 
 t( 
 
[«6] _ 
 the two firft only are of any confideration. .^^- 
 ^^ the capital lies about no leagues fro n the 
 mouth of the river St. Laurence, is pretty (Irongly 
 foriiBed with a fort, four reJoubts, and as many 
 batteries on the river, but weak towards the land. 
 Its inhabitants are varioudy computed, from 
 10,000 to 15,000, being more than v^hat are 
 found in the other two, bcHdes 500 foldiers. 
 
 Montreal^ fixty leagues higher up the river, is 
 more pleafantly featcd, and has three fourths the 
 number of inhabitants, but is not fo well for- 
 tified. Between thefe two towns are included all 
 the ftttlements in Canada of any note ; that of 
 TroiS'RiviireSy in the midway, is fmall and a 
 trifling fortification. 
 
 • The climare of Canada is fo cold, that the 
 river St. Laurence is net navigable from OSlob^r 
 to May^ by reafon of ice, and the earth fo long 
 covered with fnow, that the inhabitants have great 
 difficulty to maintain their fmall ftocks of cattle 
 thro* the winter ; and the Indian trade, which is 
 ail the bufmefs of the couniry, takes fuch nuin* 
 bers of men from labour, that they raife very 
 Tittle grain more than is nece0ary for their annual 
 fubfiOance, which frequently falls fhort. The 
 forces maintained by the King in this country are 
 diftribjted amongd the fmall forts in the inland 
 parts, feme to the diftance of above 1000 miles. 
 Befides thofe already mentioned, there are four 
 of note. Fort -for el^ where the river of the Iro- 
 quois or Richelieu^ which is the di (charge of Lake 
 Cbamplain, enters St. Laurence river, a little be- 
 low Montreal. Fort ChambU^ before mentioned, 
 half way between Sorel and Lake Cbamplain^ and 
 100 north by eafl from Crown-point. Thirdly, 
 fort Frontenac, mentioned alio before, on the 
 lake Kaderakkui or Ontario^ almoft due north of 
 
 our 
 
£'7l 
 
 cur f ort of 0/wego,:ir.d about 6oor7omilesdifttant. 
 LMy^DenonviU fort at Niagra and that of Detroit^ 
 on the canal of communication between the Hu- 
 rons and Erri lake. They have a few other ftac- 
 kado forts, and one called St. Jgnace^ on the 
 fouth fide of the paflage between the Hurons and 
 Mijhigan lake, not far from Tieodonderagbi or 
 Miffilimakinaky where they had one formerly. 
 
 From what has been laid with refpedb to Ca<-' 
 nada^ the reader may perceive a reafon why the 
 French are fp earned to encroach on the poffcf- 
 (ions of their neighbours •, and tho' Louifiana 
 might make them tome amends, yet it lies at ib 
 vaft a diftance, that Canada^ for many ages to 
 come, can reap but little benefit from it -, that 
 IS, till the two colonies, by the increafe of their 
 rcfpedive inhabitants, (hall draw cjofer together. 
 
 The diftance by land between the two capitals, 
 going, as they are obliged to do, by lakes and 
 rivers, is at kaft 700 leagues : akho* the di- 
 re6l diftance, could it be traveled for woods and 
 moraffcs, would not be above 450. It is a jour- 
 ney by water of three months, from §Hebek to 
 New Orleans *, and three times as much from New 
 Orleans to ^ebek^ jgo'^g againft the ftream of 
 the Mjjfilftppi^ and other rapid rivers. In all this 
 fpace there are no more than a few flackado forts, 
 at a great diftance from each other, and without 
 any fettlements. The diftance by fea is equal to 
 that thro' the continent : for to their colonies they 
 have no more than two inlet?, the mouth of the 
 Miffiffippi^ and that of the river St. Laurence^ 
 near 1000 leagues afunder 5 whilft the Englijh find 
 admiflion into theirs by an infinite number of ri- 
 vers, which fall into the Atlantic ocean within that 
 fpace, and afford theui fo many advajnta^es of 
 trade. 
 
 C But 
 
[ »8 J 
 
 But altho* the Premb colonies are far inferior 
 to the Englfi^ with refpcdt to number of inha- 
 bitants, commodious fituatijn, and quality of 
 foil % yet ihcy far exceed them in other advan- 
 tages. In the firft place, the country to the 
 weft of Cmtada is the bed country for furs in all 
 America 5 for beaver or caftor, the farther fouth, 
 hath Itfs fur, and more hair. This valuable trade 
 they have cngroffed almoft wholly to themfelve?, 
 by having all that mimenfe tra6l of country open 
 to them i while they exclude the Englijh, by in- 
 clofing them, and (hutting up all pafTages except- 
 ing one or two, by which the Indians can have 
 accefs to ih-m. As their whole bufinefs almoft 
 is their trade with the Indians^ their young men, 
 for fake of gain, travel and refide among them : 
 nay, they become acquainted with the woods, 
 whence named Coureurs de Bois^ or wood-ran- 
 gers i are inured to hardfhips, become enterpri- 
 zing, and are as good at bufti-Bghting, as the 
 Indians themfelves : at home they arc muftered 
 and exercifed; all excepting eccledaftics and fome 
 others, may be accounted fo many foldiers, who 
 are better for the fervice of that country than 
 their beft veteran troops, and even the Indians 
 themfelves. For chis reafon, that fort of life is 
 e(iCouraged in Canada \ and it is a qualification 
 for a young man to make a tour on the lakes, 
 as it is in Europe to make a campaign. 
 
 The country is divided into fignories, and the 
 lands held in foccage, by the tenants, who are 
 thereby obliged, on any occafion, to take up 
 arms for their defence. The whole, being like- 
 wife under one general command, the people 
 obey with fuch alacrity, *' That (to ufe the words 
 " of a memorial before me) in cafe of any at- 
 '* t^ck, they all fly, on the firft notice, to the 
 
 "place 
 
 '* placi 
 «* on h 
 
 The 
 but aba 
 are no^K 
 the Indi 
 For thi 
 other cr 
 coiiforn 
 to be di 
 tcrmarr; 
 llrength 
 to the I 
 
 This 
 r/Vfl, wl 
 the rcvei 
 indepeni 
 and fubj 
 fider tht 
 for the 
 Above t 
 the hanc 
 north m 
 tvcr, wc 
 oth;.r thi 
 a very g 
 
 Nezu 
 fortified, 
 a chain 
 fend a 1 
 alfo, wh 
 been late 
 built laC 
 Kennihek, 
 New . 
 nada, is 
 capital. 
 
[ '9 J 
 
 K 
 
 place of danger, as readily as in a garrifon* 
 '* on bearing or louiiding a call.*' 
 
 The French fortify alto wherever they come* 
 but above all take care to gain the Indians ; and 
 are now mailers, fays the lame memorial, of all 
 the Indians in the eadern part of the continent. 
 For this purpofc they conftancly keep priefts, of 
 other emifTaries amongft them } and fo natural!/ 
 conform ihemfelves to the Indian ways, as fcaict 
 to be diftinguifhed. In fine, they frequently iti- 
 tcrmarry with them, by which methods they 
 Itrengthen their intereft, and endear themfelvea 
 to the Indians^ who are very true to them. 
 
 This is the general ilate of the French in /ime" 
 rica^ while that of the Britijb colonies is too much 
 the rcverfe. Each is a diftindt government wholly 
 independent of the reft, purfuing its own intereft 
 and rubje(5t to no general command. If we con- 
 fider their ftaie as to force, we (hall find them, 
 for the moft part, very weak and defencelefs. 
 Above two parts in three of Nova Scotia are in 
 the hands of the French^ who have feizcd all the 
 north main, and left us only the: peninfula : how^ 
 ever, we have there Annapolis^ Halifax, and fbmc 
 oth: r thriving fettlemencs, which begin to put on 
 a very good afpedb. 
 
 Nezv England is ftrong and indifferently well 
 fortified, particularly northward, where it has 
 a chain of forts reaching to Albany, which de- 
 fend a line of 300 miles. Its ealtern frontier 
 alfo, which was tolerably well fecured before, has 
 been lately reinforced by the addition of two forts, 
 built lad fummer, on the banks of the river 
 Kennibek, 
 
 New Torky the principal frontier againft Gj- 
 nada, is provided with no very ftrong fort in its 
 capital, and wants fbme to fecure the entrance Qf 
 
 C 2 its 
 
its harbour. Jlbufiy has another fort dill Ic^fs cic- 
 fcnfiblf, and at 150 miles diftance. There arc 
 two regular companies in B'itijh pay in each fort; 
 buc they are too far afunder for mutual defence, 
 or even alTiftancc. 
 
 Thtlc are all the forts to be found on the Bri' 
 tip thSLin to tiK* fouth of Port-Royal : and to the 
 fouth of New Tcrk, for 600 miles together, the 
 coal^ is unfortified, excepting by its natural fhoa- 
 linefs till you comi* to Cbarles-Town ; but lower 
 down we find a few poor ones in Georgia^ the 
 ibuthern frontier of the Bfitijh territories. 
 
 If we confidcr the (Irengih of the colonies, 
 ill refpe6l to military forces, altho* fo full of 
 people, we (hall find them almoft deAitute of 
 lighting men. In fome colonies there is no ap- 
 ptarapce at all of a miliria ; and in Ibme others 
 there may be; an appearance of fuch, but none oi 
 fervice *, whatever there are being poorly armed. 
 The found of war or enemies, fays the memorial, 
 efptfcialiy the Indians^ is terrible to them. But 
 when we come 10 enquire for thefe Indians^ who 
 were fo numerous formerly in the country, and 
 would have been their furefl defence, we fcarce 
 &nd any in mod of the colonies in the parts in- 
 habited by the Englijh ; who have made it their 
 bufinefs every where, by degrees, to root them 
 our, either by making war on them, or fetting 
 their feveral nations or tribes at variance among 
 themfclves. It may not be amifs, therefore, to 
 fct forth the defencelefs (late of the colonies in 
 ^his particular. 
 
 The inland parts of the northern main of No- 
 va Scotia^ and the country between that and tlie 
 river Kennehek^ bounding New England^ having 
 never been fettled by either French or Englijh, is 
 poiTeiTed by the feveral tribes of the Abenakki or 
 
 Abnakki 
 
lift tie- 
 lere arc 
 ch fort; 
 lefcnce, 
 
 he Bri- 
 1 to the 
 ler, the 
 al (hoa- 
 Jt lower 
 ^ia, the 
 
 [X)Ionies, 
 full of 
 :itute of 
 s no ap- 
 e oihers 
 none oi 
 f arnned. 
 lemorial, 
 n. But 
 ns, who 
 try, and 
 ve fcarce 
 parts in- 
 : it their 
 lot them 
 >r fetting 
 e among 
 ^fore, to 
 onies in 
 
 of No- 
 : and tiie 
 
 having 
 ngl/Jh, is 
 ?/t4kki or 
 
 Abnakki 
 
 [ 21 J 
 
 Abnakki IndianSj who were the natural inhabi- 
 tants of New England, and are inveterate ene- 
 mies to it, on account of former quarrels •, which 
 has reduced them to the number of about 640. 
 In the peninfula there are a few tribes of Aiik- 
 makSf called formerly by the French Souriquois. 
 
 In New England there are but a very few /«- 
 dians left, almod all having been deflroyed by 
 the wars, or driven out i part into the country 
 eaftward, which are thofe jull now mentioned, 
 and part into the territories of the French, to 
 whom they are firmly attached; excepting the 
 tribes who in 1749 came voluntarily, 'tis faid, 
 and fubmitted to the governor of New Tork. 
 
 This laft province has very few Indians belong- 
 ing to it, unlefs we reckon for fuch the Six Na- 
 tions, who are faid to be fettled within the pr.)- 
 vince, and more properly under its protedlion : 
 thofe were formerly a numerous people, 10 or 
 12,000 ftrong, but at prefent it is thought that 
 they do not exceed 1500 Bghting men. 
 
 New Jerfey has very few Indians, and none 
 who could be of fervice in war. Penfylvania has 
 6 or 700 ; but half of them are Shawanons *, who 
 to avoid moleilation from their neighbours, leav- 
 ing their habitations along the river which is called 
 by their name in the French maps, and falls into 
 the Ohio, removed to the river Sujquehanna m 
 that province : but being menaced by the fix na- 
 tions for mifchief done on Delaware river, in 
 1728 returned to the Ohio, where many Dela- 
 wares had gone before for fake of hunting ; and 
 two years after, by the perfuafions of a French 
 emilTary, put themfclves wholly under prorc^ioo 
 of xkit French; which they fignified at their re- 
 turn, by hoifting a French flag at tlieir town : 
 
 C 3 how-« 
 
IH 
 
 1 
 
 I H 
 
 [22] 
 
 however, at prefent they for the general are, or 
 pretend to be, friends to the Eiglifif. 
 
 In Maryland there are a few Indians called Natt' 
 iikoks, on the eaft fhore •, but on the other fide 
 fcarce any ar all. In Virginia they have none in 
 the parts inhabited by the Englijh.^ but live in fe- 
 parate towns. In Carolina ihey were formerly 
 very numerous •, but the Englijh^ fays the memo- 
 rill of 1 732, made it their policy to p'ay one nation 
 againji another^ till they all became exceedingly r<:- 
 ductd, altho'confiderable numbers ftill remain Mr. 
 Neal fays * the Englijh were fo wife as to do the fame 
 by the Indians oi New England. By this falfe ftep, 
 as Well as horrid policy, they have greatly diflrefled 
 inftead of relieving themfclves •, for, as the country 
 backwards, as well as forwards, lies open to an in- 
 vader, in cafe the French Ihould pour in their nu- 
 merous tribes of Indians on them, what devafta- 
 tion and ruin would be made, for want of other 
 Indians acquainted with their w?.y of making war 
 to oppofe them ? So that it is to be feared, that 
 upon fuch an invafion, the firft thing they would 
 have occafion to repent, would be the deftruftion 
 cf their own Indians. Befides, as there are in the 
 fouthern Colonies three or four blacks to one 
 white, what danger might not be apprehended 
 from thefe poor unhappy wretches, (who, provoked 
 by even a worfe than Egyptian flavery, have two 
 or three times formed dangerous confpiracies to de- 
 ftroy their mafter?,) in cafe of fuch an invafion,efpe- 
 cially if their matters were obliged to march to de- 
 fend their frontiers, and leave their families behind. 
 ' 'Tis true, the memorialift, to pUliate the bar- 
 barity of his neighbour countrymen, fays, that 
 thefe Indians are, for the general, an unfieady faith- 
 Ufs people : yet acknowledges, " that they may 
 
 be 
 
 4( 
 
 Hift, Neav Engl. Vol. II. p. 2. 
 
are, or 
 
 d Nan- 
 er fide 
 lone in 
 e in fe- 
 )rmerly 
 memo- 
 e nation 
 igly r«:- 
 in Mr. 
 he fame 
 Ife ftep, 
 iarefled 
 country 
 an in- 
 leir nu- 
 ievafta- 
 if 01 her 
 ing war 
 d, that 
 ir would 
 truftion 
 e in the 
 to one 
 shended 
 ovoked 
 ave two 
 ?s to de- 
 on,efpe- 
 h to de- 
 j behind, 
 the bar- 
 ys, that 
 dy faith- 
 ey may 
 " be 
 
 (C 
 
 be governed by their intereft,and may beufeful 
 while they can be kept friends." Whofe fault 
 then is it if they be not friends ? And, if " by 
 ** their barbar'/, infidious attacks, and fwiftneis 
 >* in the woods, they are terrible enemies •,'* are 
 nor thefe reafons why they fhould be made our 
 friends ? What is more in their favour, he owns, 
 •* that the Fr^«f/& fully underftand their impori- 
 *' ance ; and managing for them in their enter- 
 •* prizes, will have very great dependence on 
 *' their alTiftance.** I am forry the Englijh do not 
 underftand their importance, and how to manage 
 them as well as the French \ but it is a fatal truth, 
 that they cither do nor, or will not j excepting 
 thofe of Penfyhania^ who never experienced any 
 treachery from their Indians^ but have always 
 lived in harmony with them. And, how comes 
 that } the reafon is plain •, becaufe the inhabitants 
 of that province, who are for the molt pare 
 Quakers, afting ftrifily up to their own and true 
 chriftian principles, never deprived them of their 
 lands without paying for them, defrauded them 
 of their goods, or gave them any other grofs 
 provocations, as the Englijh of '^ther provinces 
 have done to their Indians. 
 
 'Tis true, the Indians never forgive very grie- 
 vous injuries till fatisfadion be made them. The 
 fame principles influenced the ancient Greeks and 
 Romans. It is, indeed, the neceflary refult of li- 
 berty, and fo infeparable from it, that wherever 
 it is wanting in any nation, once poireflcd of ir, 
 it is a fure fign that they have deg' nerated, and are 
 haftening to their downfal. But al ho' a juft lenfe 
 of liberty makes the Indiam impatient of wrongs, 
 the fimplicity of their manners, and ftrift attach- 
 ment to juftice, renders them cautions of giving 
 offences, In reality, if we look into the hiftory 
 
 C 4 of 
 

 
 I': 
 
 [»4] 
 of the Colonies, which comes to our hands, tho* 
 very imperfedt, and often partial in fiivour of the 
 Englf/h, we (ball find that all the confiderable 
 wars or (laughters made by the Indians in the Co- 
 lonies, have been owing to the provocations given 
 them, either by fcizitig their lands, or mal-treat- 
 ing them in trade or odicrwifc. 
 
 Capt. JVeymouthy who failed for Virginia in 
 1606, landed on Long JJland, and found the na- 
 tives more ;itfable and courteous than thofe to the 
 fouthward', but the adventurers, ihro* greedinefs 
 of gain, over- reaching the Indians in their traf- 
 fick, it begat a jealouiy, which, we are told, was 
 tTie fource of the many n urders and maffacres 
 which happened afterwards ; of which two had 
 like to have ruined the ftttlement in its infancy, 
 the firlt in 1622, when near 4.00 Enpi/h wert 
 (lain, thcfccond in 1639, wherein they To it above 
 500. This laft was on account of lands taken 
 from them. The enterprizes of the Virginia (ttr 
 tiers afterwards, in 1670, for making dilcoveiies 
 to the weft of that province, in the Oi'/'^ country, 
 greatly alarmed ihem j and believing their defign 
 was to extirpate them, they endeavoured to cut 
 them off by way of prevention. 
 
 The En^l'fo were in danger of being deftroyed 
 at their firlt fettling in New England in 1620, on 
 on account of r.lie villainy of one Capt. Hunt, who 
 had carried away 20 of the natives but a little be- 
 fore : however, they became reconciled when 
 convinced that Hunt was declared a villain by the 
 Englijh. This fliews that they are not implaca- 
 ble, but content with reafonable amends : yet tht 
 diforders of fome of the firlt fcitlers renewed 
 , their difguft *, and the violences commitied by 
 their poderity, when they grew (tronger, brought 
 the Colony to the brink of ruin more than once, 
 
 witnets 
 
[ *5 ] 
 
 witnefs thefe two dreadful wars of the Pequots and 
 King Pbil'p, the firft in 1637, the latter in 1676. 
 About the lame time the Englijh^ who had fettled 
 in the country, caft of Kennebek river, drew a war 
 on ihemfelves, in which many were cut off by 
 the Amonnjkoggin and Penobjkot Indians. Mr. 
 Neal fays * " ihey cheated the natives in the moft 
 *' open and barefaced manner imaginable, and 
 ** treated them like flaves.** 
 
 The Indians^ cfpecially thofe of Sako and Amo- 
 nojkoggin complained, that the EngliJIo refufcd to 
 pay the yearly tribute of corn agreed on in the 
 lare articles of peace : that they not only had 
 taken away their lands, but obftrufted their fifh- 
 ing in the rivers, and lent their cattle into their 
 fields to deftroy their corn : that the governor had 
 granted away their lands, and that the traders 
 made them drunk ai.d cheated them. " Abufcs, 
 ^* fays Mr. iVi?<j/, which thofe who trade much 
 *' with them, are fcldom innocent of,'* f and thcfc 
 intollerable grievances were retaliated with themoft 
 (hocking cruelties, moftly on the innocent. As al- 
 nioft all the calamities of this kind which have af- 
 flided the Colonies, were brought on them chiefly 
 by the infolence and knavery of theciaders, ought 
 HOC thofe people to be laid under the ibic^eil re- 
 gulations to prevent fuch evils for the future ? 
 
 In 1680, Carolina Colony was on the point of 
 being ruined by the council abufing the Indians^ 
 whom in prudence, fays Mr. ArchdaU^ (after- 
 wards himfelf of the council and governor) they 
 ought 10 have obliged, in the higheft degree \ 
 and fo brought on an Indian war, like that in 
 the firft planting of Virginiay in which mat^ 
 Englijh were cut off." Yet this did not hinder 
 
 others 
 
 * Hift, Neiu Engl. Vol. I[. p. 24. 
 I Hill, lie'w Engl, p, 53. 
 
 «( 
 
 (fc 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 
 61 
 
nil' 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 l! 
 
 [ »6 ] 
 
 Others from piirfuing more injurious meafures ; 
 for about the year 1700, the p:a6lice of fcizing 
 and felling Indians for flaves became more com- 
 mon than ever in this province ; nay, governor 
 Moor gave commiflions to people to kill, deftroy, 
 and take all Indians they could for his own pro- 
 fit, which had like to have brought on another 
 Indian war. This Colony ftill continued to abufe 
 the Indians by fraudulent and compulfivc dealing 
 in trade, which, at length, about 1718, provoked 
 the Spanifh Indians to begin a new war, cutting 
 off many Englijh in the out fcttlcments ; who, 
 tho' aflifted by other Colonics, were forced to 
 give up their charter, and put themfelves under 
 the procedion of England before they could quell 
 them. This war continued till 1732, when peace 
 was made. I could, from good authority, men- 
 tion fome pranks committed by the traders of 
 South Carolina among the Cberokees in 1744, 
 which caufed a great tumult, and might have 
 proved the lofs of thofe numerous allies : in (hort, 
 if we may believe Col. Beverly^ in his hiftory of 
 Virginia, ** the Englijh found the Indians (in that 
 •* country) as in all other places, very fair and 
 *' courteous at firft, till they got more knowledge 
 ** of them, and, perhaps, thought themfelves 
 »* over-reached." From all which, I think, it 
 appears but too plainly, that the extirpation of 
 •the Indians, thro* the Colonies, is to be imputed 
 to the faults of the Englijh rather than thofe of the 
 Indians. 
 
 In fhorr, we have fcarce any Indians left with- 
 in the Colonies who are able to be of any fervicc 
 to us i and of thofe numerous natives, who fur- 
 round them without, we can reckon on none in the 
 northern parts but the fix nations and their de- 
 pendents, who are yet the chief defence of the 
 
 northern 
 
. [ *7 ] 
 northern Colonies againfl: the other Indians % and 
 in the Ibuthern the Katawbabs about 300, the 
 Cherokees 3 or 4000, the Chikefaws 300, and the 
 Creeks 1000 ; all the reft are either in th= interell^, 
 or under rcftraint of the French ; fuch as the 
 Mingos or Delawars, the Shawanons and Twig- 
 twees or Miyamis, who inhabit the country of the 
 Ohio. 
 
 To the difadvantages abovt;-mentioned, which 
 the Cylonies labour under, let us add another, 
 nam ly, that of their large rivers and waters, over 
 which there is no pafTage, except by ferrys ; fa 
 that the lands between may be entered, either 
 from (he Tea or back parrs, and the inhabitants of 
 one part plundered before thoi'c of another could 
 be able to affift them. Of this North Carolina^ 
 in the late war, felt an inftance ; for, in 1748, 
 two Spanifh privateers running up Cape Fear river- 
 plundered the town of Brunfwick^ and carried off 
 fix veflcls. Another afcended Delawar river to 
 within a few miles of Philadelphia. What mif- 
 chief might not have been done, had they been 
 daring fellows ? 
 
 If we pafs from the continent to the iflands in 
 the fFeft Indies, we Ihall find matters ftill worfe, 
 for the power of the French has grown to a fur- 
 prizing degree, by their encroachments on Hi- 
 fpaniola, and fortifying their iflands-, which they 
 have in greater number than the Englijh, whofe 
 ftrength is every where as much decreafed. 
 Martinico, which, about the beginning of this 
 century, was invaded at pleafure by the Englijh, is 
 now grown exceeding ftrong both in forts and 
 fighting men, which laft are faid to be 1 2000 *, 
 wliile Barbadoes, the chief of the Caribbee illands, 
 is as niucli funk in its ftrength as the other is 
 grown. When du Ruyter came againft it in 1675, 
 
 the 
 
T 
 
 U! 
 
 ic 
 
 ct 
 «c 
 
 <( 
 
 [ 18 ] 
 
 the inhabitants had 10,000 men in arms, befidcs 
 fufficient numbers to take care of the plantations. 
 Since then, fays a memorial before me, by 
 ficknefs and their pra6lice of employing as few 
 whites as pofTible, their militia became reduced 
 to 6000 and 200 horfe, which for many years 
 " was reckoned their complement •, but now [in 
 •* 1732] they fcarce exceed half that number, 
 " yet ftill they continue very opulent and tempt- 
 " ing to an enemy : for, from that ifland alone, 
 *' on a conquefl: of it, might be had a booty in 
 «' Negroes, which, if tranfporred, would yield, 
 •' among the Spaniards^ one m\\\\on fieri, befides 
 " all other riches." 
 
 " The other Britiflj ides feem to languifh like 
 ** if, not thro* poverty, but that fatal canker 
 •' luxury, and a lawlefs adminiflration, which 
 •* have too generally proved the forerunners of 
 
 «« dcftruftion." After obferving that their 
 
 forts and magazines are not only negledted but 
 fuffered to run to ruin, the memorialill adds, 
 ** that if the iflands are to be preferved, without 
 <« remarkable providences in their favour, it muft 
 «« be by meafures very different from thofe which 
 «« have been taken of late years.*' 
 
 The reafon why fuch ftrange diforders have 
 fo long fubfifted in the Colonies is, by the Ame- 
 ricans luppofcd to be their not having come to 
 the knowledge of the government here, thro' 
 the ignorance of feme men and craft of othcis, 
 whofe intereft it was to conceal them. 
 
 In a memorial, now before me, wriiten about 
 tV year 1732, by a gentleman of the northern 
 olonies, after fetting forch how improbable it 
 ', %r the people of Great Britain to come ac- 
 quainted with American affairs by the common ca- 
 nals of informaiion, " Upon the whole, fays he, 
 4 , "it 
 
 " « 
 
C( 
 
 it 
 
 [*9] 
 
 it will evidently appear, if we may judge from 
 " the conduct and management of American af- 
 *' fairs, that they have been very little iinder- 
 " ftood, otherwife it is fcarce pofliblc to imagine 
 »* that they would be fufFered to run into their 
 " prefent condition.** 
 
 This is the ftate of the Briti/h Colonies in Ame- 
 rica \ by which it appears that every thing which 
 tends to their fecurity has been neglected, and 
 every thing which tends to their ruin, or to 
 give the French advantage of them, purfued. 
 This has been obferved by the French writers 
 thcmfelves. Charlevoix takes notice *, that the 
 Engiijb furpafs all other Europeans in the art of 
 cftabli(hing Colonies : but adds, " that they take 
 *' very little care to fecure them againft a fur- 
 ** prize, or the attack of an enemy. So that, 
 continues he, " if the French had as much perfe- 
 " verance, and were as well (killed in prefer ving, 
 *' as hardy and quick in making their conquefts 
 *• in the new world, the crown of England would 
 not by this time, perhaps, have a fingle inch of 
 ground in Norih America.** Would not one 
 imagine that the French have profited by this au- 
 thor's refle6tion, and are firmly refolved to corredt 
 the fault which he finds in their former condufl ? 
 However that be, he finds another error in the 
 management of the Englijhy already taken notice 
 of. He fays, " that being mixed with foreigners 
 ** of all nations, they apply thcmfelves wholly 
 <' to the cultivation of lands and their commerce, 
 »« which renders them unfit for war : and hence, 
 continues he, proceeds the contempt which 
 the favages have for them i a handful of whom 
 hath for a long time kept in awe their moft 
 populous «vnd flourifliing Colonies.'' He adds, 
 
 *'Ali 
 
 cc 
 
 « 
 
 '.a 
 
 * Vol. II. p 197. 
 
I'll 
 
 'Hi 
 
 ill 
 
 I III I 
 
 nil ' 
 
 c« 
 
 ct 
 
 C( 
 
 [30] 
 
 " All their fecurity Jay in our incond.mcy, our 
 levity, cur negligence and want of harmony 
 among our commanders. It is by this means, 
 concludes CbarlevoiXf thit they have remained 
 ** matters of fo many important pofts j out 
 " of which we have driven them as often as 
 •' we have attacked them." There has been 
 but too much ground for this bravado fince that 
 author wrote, whatever there might have been 
 before : what is more, he has had not only 
 the fatisfadion to fee his remark confirmed by 
 his countrymen driving us out of almolt all 
 thofe important pofts again ; but alfo the plea- 
 fure to find that they have mended of the fault 
 with which he accufed them about thirty years 
 ago of n( t preferving their Colonies : for to our 
 ftiame be it fpoken, they have kept every im- 
 portant place which they had taken, and likewife 
 greatly improved their advantages by building 
 forts, not only upon, but far within our frontiers. 
 This is their glory j this is our dil'grace. The 
 point now in queftion is how to wipe oflP the 
 ftain and retrieve our aflFairs. The proper way, 
 indeed, to remove the external evils, would be 
 to cure the internal one, which was the caufe of 
 them : but as there is not time fufHcient for that, 
 while the enemy is already at the gates, our firft 
 care muft be to drive them from thence, and re- 
 cover our loft trade as well as territories : after 
 which let them apply ferioufly to reform abufes 
 within, and put the Colonies on a footing, which 
 may prevent their falling into the fame unhappy 
 circumftances any more. Unlefs the laft of thofe 
 two expedients be ftedfaftly rcfolved on we had as 
 good look on ftill without concern, and fuflfer the 
 French to continue their encroachments I for, to 
 what purpofe will it be to put the nation to a great 
 i expence. 
 
[ 3« ] 
 
 cxpence, both of blood and trcafure, only to do 
 what Charlevoix upbraids his counfrymcn with 
 having done, lofc in a little time again what may 
 be with grtat difficulty acquired ? As the French 
 have mended of that fault, it is hoped their ex- 
 ample will prevail on us to mend too. 
 
 III. 
 
 Means of frujirating the French defignsy without 
 
 going to war. 
 
 TO defeat the defigns of our good neigh- 
 bours, we have choice of two methods, 
 either (0 to drive them out of their unjuft ac- 
 quifitions by force of arms, as they have entered, 
 or (2) to fettle and built forts upon them. 
 
 If the firftcourfe be purfued (and furely we have 
 provocations enough of all kinds to chufe what 
 courfe we pleafe) we cannot do better than fol- 
 low the rules of their own fcheme ; that is, to 
 take their capital ^eieky and finifh the war ac 
 once. Preparatory to which, the proper way 
 would be to fweep ail the country fouth of the 
 river St. Lawrence, clear of the French, and dc- 
 molifh their fettlements I This is the Hiorteft, 
 mod effedual method, and what will put the na- 
 tion to lead expence. Each place affords almoft 
 the fame conveniency of being attacked. We 
 may as eafily conduA (hips to ^ebek, as the French 
 can to New Tork. The expeditions of Kirk, and 
 Phips (hew this i and then an Englijh army muft 
 take the very fame rout thro* the country from 
 New Tork to ^tebek, which the French muft take 
 from ^ebek to New Tork, 
 
 The 
 
~ 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 [ 32 ] 
 
 The Enf^li/h always looked on the French pof- 
 fefTujns in Canada^ as well as Acadia^ 10 be an cn- 
 croachnifnt on their rights. This appears from 
 Queen Ann\ manifefto, publifhcd in Canada in 
 1 7 1 1 , as well as from the Englijh conqueft and 
 atcempts againft (hat country, fet forth in a lace 
 pamphlet.* 
 
 An expedition of this nature might be cfFec^ 
 tuated with fewer (hips and men, than were fur- 
 nifhed towards the intended expedition in 1747. 
 " and if rightly calculated, well and truly exe- 
 '* cuted, in all human probability, to ufe the 
 ** words of a propofal now before me, on this 
 ** fubjeft, could not fail of fuccefs, and would 
 *« acquire to Britain all flie wants on the contU 
 " nent of North America, The whole fca coaft 
 ** on the ^//rf«//V ocean, and fifhery, from F/oriW((j, 
 «* as far north as it is habitable, aswcllasallthe in- 
 *• land country throughout its now unknown ex- 
 ** tent, would be hers : every Indian would be 
 " cloathed with her manufa6lures ; and every 
 " beaft be her property : all his majefty*s fub- 
 «« jedls, in that part of the world, would dwell in 
 " peace ; and, by their natural encrcafe, become 
 •* luch a nurfcry of people to him, and bis fuccef- 
 *' fors,thatfrom thence they may raifeaforce (per- 
 haps in lefs than half a century) which, by a 
 right direction, might be able to put them in 
 poffeffion of any fouthern colony, now in the 
 hands of our enemies." After removing the 
 inhabitants to Europe^ part of the country may 
 be cantoned out in property to the foldiers who 
 ferved in the expedition, or otherwife difpofed of; 
 
 fur 
 
 cc 
 
 fC 
 
 • See the Conduft of the French with regard to Nova. 
 Scotia. 
 
otiie 
 cef- 
 per- 
 
 y a 
 
 in 
 the 
 the 
 imay 
 Iwho 
 of; 
 fur 
 
 iNova 
 
 r 33 1 
 
 ftnd the fur and peltry trade alone, in a few years; 
 would defray the expence of the expedition with 
 intereft. 
 
 In caie Canada was attacked, the fettled inha- 
 bitants or planters, who having been originally 
 Huguenots, are (lill fufpetfled, are obliged to till 
 the ground and undergo other hard labour, would 
 probably join the Engliflj. The French troops 
 themfelves are fo miferably kept, and fo weary 
 of the country as well as of the drudgery they 
 go through, that with proper encouragement of 
 places to fettle in they might be brought to 
 defert to us in great numbers ; as they did in the 
 late war, and have done alfo fince the prefent 
 bickerings began, by 20 or 30 at a time. For 
 this reafon, in cafe an expedition iliould at any 
 time be refolved on, it would be proper to dif- 
 perfe manifeftos among the French \ promifing 
 them good lands and the privileges of Englijh' 
 men, if they would come and fettle amongft us : 
 Ihould this take effVft, it would be an eafy way 
 of putting an end to the war, and the French 
 colonics at once. 
 
 The French commanders at S^ehek, to prevent 
 the defertion of their foldiers, have at times pro- 
 pofed.to the colonies not to receive deferters •, or elfe 
 to give ihem up afterwards in exchange for other 
 prilbners : but they have always wifely rejedled a 
 meafure which tended only to benefit the French 
 and hurt themfelves. Indeed no propofal made 
 by the French ouglu to be accepted till it be firft 
 maturely weighed and confidered \ for it is a 
 maxim with them never to make any by which 
 they do not gain abundantly more than they lofe. 
 
 The Englijh in America have loft many oppor- 
 tunities of taking Canadci, and driving the French 
 quite out, when they were not the fixth part fo 
 
 D ftrong 
 
tl 
 
 M*l 
 
 •'^^l 
 
 1 ^ .,'! 
 
 »-"■ 
 
 firong as they are now. In 1688, when their 
 whole force was fcarcc 2000 men, the Six Na- 
 tions, (then only five) to be revenged on the 
 Marquis de Piouville^ who had invaded the Sen- 
 neka'^s country the year before, furprized the ifland 
 of MonireaU which they entered on the fouth fide, 
 they burnt all the plantations, and malTacred above 
 1000 French people, befides carrying away 26 
 prifoners, the greater part of whom were burnt 
 alive. The five nations loft no more than three 
 men in this expedition, who got drunk and were 
 left behind. In Oiiober following they invaded 
 Montreal a fecond time, and having deftroyed 
 rhe lower part of the ifland, carried away many 
 prifoners. If only New Tork had performed her 
 engagements at this time to the five nations 1 or 
 they had imderftood the method, of attacking 
 forts, 1688 would have been as memorable irt 
 America for the deftruclion of Canada, as it is in 
 Great Britain for the banifliment of arbitrary 
 power. 
 
 The revolution which happened at the time 
 when the five nations triumphed over Canada^ 
 feemed to be a favourable conjundion for them. 
 It is but reafonable to think, that having been 
 too powerful for the French when aflifted by all 
 the wertern Indian nations, and the Englijh flood 
 neuter, that now when thofe nations had made 
 peace with them, and the Englijh joined in the 
 war, the French would not be able to ftand one 
 campaign : but the party divifions which enfued, 
 at a time when harmony might have been ex- 
 pelled, occafioned by the bad choice of gover- 
 nors fent over, loft them that opportunity alfo *. 
 There were fcveral other opportunities of diftref- 
 
 * Celden's Hiil. of the Five Nations, p. 91, 94. 
 
 fing, 
 
1 their 
 X Na- 
 >n the 
 ic Sen- 
 : ifland 
 th fide, 
 1 above 
 ^ay 26 
 : burnt 
 in three 
 id were 
 invaded 
 iftroyed 
 y many 
 ned her 
 jns I or 
 [tacking 
 rable irt 
 ,s it is in 
 irbiirary 
 
 he time 
 Canada^ 
 ►r them, 
 ng been 
 td by all 
 ijh flood 
 ad made 
 i in the 
 kand one 
 1 enfued, 
 been ex- 
 f gover- 
 ty alfo *. 
 : diftref- 
 
 94- 
 
 135 1 
 ling, and perhaps of difabling, if not of quite 
 ilibduing the enemy, had the fouthern colonies, 
 as by treaty obliged, afTided, between that 
 year and the peace of Ryfwick in 1697, during 
 vt^hich time the Bve nations continued the war 
 alone againfl: Canada^ and often ravaged its bor- 
 ders as far as the river St. Laurence^ keeping the 
 French all the while in continual alarms and in- 
 cxpreflible terror. They had fo great an anti- 
 pathy to them at that time, that tho* greatly re- 
 duced by the war they would have had the En* 
 glt/h to continue it till they had completed the 
 conqueft of Canada^ in which they affirmed there 
 was no manner of difficulty. But the colonies 
 were then blind to their intereft, and thofe times 
 are no more. If we would drive out the French 
 at this time of day, we muft employ a very large 
 force, and expeft great oppofition. 
 
 *Tis true great forces, even more than necef- 
 fary were employed in the expeditions of 1690 
 and 1710, the firft under Sir fVilliam Phips, the 
 fecond under General Ntcholfen ; yet both mif* 
 carried, one by very filly, the other by very bad, 
 if not, as fome will have it by very wicked ma- 
 nagement : for the force which was in the fleet, 
 in the opinion of the bed judges, was fufficienc 
 not only to have taken ^ebek, but to have driven 
 the French out of all their fettlements in America^ 
 The New England hiftorian fays, this expedition 
 failed " by the treachery of thofe who were aC 
 " the head of it •," and Mr. Harley in his letter 
 to Queen Anne^ accufes the managers with fetting 
 it on foot partly to put 20,000 pounds in their 
 pockets ; which fecrct he fays was difcovered on 
 the fleet's return. With refpe^l to Phips*s con- 
 dud, La Hontany who was then at ^ebsk, fays, 
 
 D 2 " I^ 
 
 fine 
 
 b» 
 
Ili'^ 
 
 «c 
 
 (C 
 
 «c 
 
 C( 
 
 •« 
 
 fsST 
 
 ** It was fo bad, that he could not ha^e done hfs 
 than he did if he had been hired by the French 
 to (land dill with his hands in his pockets : 
 that if they had come direflly againft the town 
 it would have furrendered, having had only 
 12 great guns, very little ammunition, and 
 few forces : but they were fo dilatory in their 
 *' confultations at a diftance, that the French had 
 •« time to reinforce the place, which Sir fVilUam 
 " bombarded with four veffels and did damage 
 " to the value of five or fix piftoles." The mis- 
 carriage was owing likewife to his fetting out too 
 late in the year, and the 2300 land forces, from 
 Mbany^ who were to attack Montreal in order to 
 divide the French forces, not proceeding. 
 
 How the late expedition, fet on foot in 1746, 
 would have iljccceded in cafe it had gone for- 
 ward, there is no poflibility of determining : buc 
 in all problibility the reduction o{ Canada was not 
 really intended at this time, by the government 
 here. However, fome amends would have been 
 made for the great expence which this ftratagem 
 put the nation to, in cafe the colonies had taken 
 the French fort ait Crown-pointy as was intended, 
 with the forces which they had raifed : but as it 
 owed its foundation to mifunderdandings among 
 the p'overnments ; fo the fame caufe prevented its 
 being demolifhed, when there was a fair oppor- 
 tunity for "'oing it : and this muft generally be 
 the cafe tiii there is a union eftablilhed among 
 them, at leaft for their mutual defence. 
 
 If the fecond method be chofen, in order if 
 poffible to prevent an open war, our bufinefs will 
 be to follow the example of the French in this 
 alfo •, and build forts on our own frontiers as well 
 as they, and at a fmall diftance from theirs (\n 
 Ihe lame manner as they have done at Shegnikto 
 
 in 
 
 
er if 
 
 will 
 
 this 
 
 well 
 
 (m 
 
 nikto 
 in 
 
 I 37 1 
 
 in Nova Scotia) in all places where they have in- 
 croached on our territories : but this muft be 
 done under cover of ftrong forces ; for to be fure 
 they will not fuffer it, if they can poflibly pre- 
 vent it. But fuppofing the thing poffible to be 
 hefted without coming to blows, we muft not 
 flop here, but muft go on fettling and building 
 firong forts in all the countries which we lay 
 claim to, and intend to keep : barely making 
 fettlements will not do, as fome have imagined, 
 however able we may be to out-fettle them. The 
 weaknefs of this notion has been proved to our 
 coft } fince we Bnd the French have in one feafon, 
 broken up above 160 families of fettlements and 
 refldents which we had in the weftern parts of 
 Virginia^ along the Ohio and other rivers, and 
 even taken the fort which we had raifed. But 
 it is not to be imagined that they would have 
 ventured to attack thofe fettlements had they been 
 well fecured by forts eredled in proper places ; 
 much lels have made fo great a progrcfs in fo 
 ihort a time. 
 
 If therefore we would fecure our American do- 
 minions againft the French^ we muft out-fort^ as 
 well as Qut-fettk them. Our colonies are in a 
 worfe condition by far than is generally believed, 
 or can well be conceived, unable to hurt their in- 
 vaders or defend themfclves; while the French 
 have forts every where, and we have forts, in a 
 manner, no where, 
 
 The number of forts ncceffary to be built for 
 fecuring the colonies muft be eftimated by the 
 number of forts already built by the French on 
 our frontiers, and the places proper for fortifying, 
 which they have left unoccupied, which are in- 
 deed very few \ fo in duftrious they have been to 
 
 X) 3 anti- 
 
[ 38 ] 
 
 anticipate us in an article of fuch infinite concern 
 to our plantations. 
 
 ' As the country of the Ohio is in fo much dan- 
 ger of being wrefted fronr» us ; and its being well 
 fecured of fo much importance to all the colonies 
 in general, north, fouth and middle, as hath 
 been already fet forth : if ever it comes into our 
 hands again, ic ought to be well fortified by 
 building forts in convenient places along the ri- 
 ver, efpecially at each extremity •, that is, one at the 
 mouth of the Ohio on the Miffijftppi^ and another 
 at Niawgra near the lake Ontario : this laft will 
 prevent the communication of Loutfiana with Ca- 
 nada by that lake and the JBm, and oblige the 
 French to abandon their forts on the fouth eaft 
 fide of this laft lake, by rendering them ufelefs, 
 as well as fave us the expence of crefting a fort 
 at Tierondoquot, on the lake of Ontario, about 60 
 miles to the eaft of the Niawgra ft rait : a place 
 which they have long had their eye upon for build- 
 ing a fort, and which we might be under a ne- 
 ceflity of fortifying in cafe the French remain at 
 Niawgra, in order to prevent their taking pof- 
 feflion of it, as they did once already in 1687, 
 altho' it was but for a fhort time : and this doubt- 
 lefs was the reafon which made governor Clarke 
 of New Tork fo earneft to have that place for- 
 tified. 
 
 In efFeft a French fort there would prove no 
 lefs dangerous to New Tork, than that at Crown- 
 Point ; as it would give them ad million into the 
 country of the Sennekas, the moft powerful of 
 the fix nations : among whom they have already 
 gotten fome footing by means of the Niawgra 
 fort and their priefts ; and whofe defedtion, con- 
 fidering their influence, might be a means of our 
 lofing the fricndihip of the other five. 
 
 Tho 
 
 

 t39] 
 
 The fort at the mouth of the OhtOf ought tt 
 be ftrongly built and garrifoned, and a confider- 
 able fetdement made about it : after this fecde- 
 ments might be gradually carried on between the 
 MsJUftppi^ and the Alliganey mountains, back- 
 wards and forwards, at the fame time. Nor can 
 too much encouragement be given to fettle this 
 country, efpecially on the fide of the Miffijftppi, 
 as quick as poflible, by allowing people liberty to 
 iettle how and where they pleafe, without making 
 Jarge grants to'any company 5 an obftacle which 
 has hindered fettling more than any other thing, 
 and on many accounts proved greatly detrimental 
 to the colonies ; by raifing the price of lands to 
 an exorbitant degree, which befides the danger- 
 ous evil of enriching a few and impoverilhing 
 many, has been attended with one dill more per- 
 nicious, that is of weakening the colonies by 
 leaving near half of fome of them unpeopled. 
 
 This fort and fettlcment would eflfedlually ex- 
 clude the French from pafling into the weftern 
 parts of Virginia^ by the Ohio and its branches : 
 But as they have two forts on the Wahajh^ one 
 at its mouth on the Ohio^ and another about the 
 middle of that river, it would be proper to have 
 two others built in oppcfition to them : the fe- 
 cond in the part where it draws near the river of 
 the llinois or Chiktaghiks, Should we go a little 
 farther and ereft another on this laft river, in the 
 neighbourhood of the former, it would entirely 
 cut off their communication this way between 
 Louiftana and Canada \ and oblige them to go io 
 far about, a$ to difcourage thtm, with all their 
 fanguine views and perfeverance, from ever hop- 
 ing to compafs their fo much defired projefb of 
 joining their two colonies, on this fide of the 
 
 mm 
 
 D 4 The 
 
i' ill 
 
 1'* 
 
 I 
 
 m 
 
 t40]l 
 
 The country to the fouth of the Ohio, would 
 be in good mcafure fecured by the fore built at 
 the mouth of it, which will hinder thtir paffagc 
 into the Hogehege^ or river of the Charokees^ di- 
 viding the country of ihefe Indians on the north 
 from Virginia. However, more cffedtiially to 
 lecure it, and at the fame time cover the country 
 of the Charokees^ it would be proper to build one 
 at the fails a little below the place where the Pe- 
 lefipi or Clinches river joins It, in the north wefl 
 borders of the Cbarokees ', and another efpecially, 
 in the heart of the country poffeffed by thoife 
 people, who have long applied with great earnefl:- 
 neG to the governor of Carolina for that purpofe^ 
 reprefcnting the danger which otherwifc there was 
 of the French doing the fame : and it is well, 
 if thro* this unpardonable negledt, the French in 
 cafe they ihould be forced out of the back parts 
 of Virginia, do not in their return to New Or- 
 leans, put that defign in execution : as to be fure 
 they will in cafe they keep poffeflion of what they 
 have already ufurped, in order to prevent any 
 attempts on our fide to fecure that country to us» 
 By a like pernicious remilTnefs, or fomething elfe, 
 were they fuffered fince the year 1715 to build 
 the fort ttuloufe on the river Alihamous, not far 
 from the country of the Creek Indians, and the 
 borders of Georgia ; which frontier, tho* not yet 
 fiifficienc fortified, has balked their views of car- 
 rying on their chain of forts on that (ide to the 
 Atlantic ocean, which before that colony was 
 founded they thought themfelves fure of efFefling 
 whe ever they pleafed, and therefore made the 
 lefs hafle to accomplifh it. 
 
 Thcfe forts might fcrve at prefent to fortify the 
 
 fouthern provinces of our American dominions : 
 
 with regard to our northern, the firft thing which 
 
 7 demands 
 
[ 4« 1 
 
 dcmands^ our attention is the fccurity oF Nem. 
 Tork and its province. This vviU be, in good 
 meafure, done by the fort to be built, at Niawgra^ 
 and that already built at Ofwego^ in the country 
 of (he fix natio.is, at the ibuth ead end of the 
 lake Kadarakai or Ontario^ almofl due fouth of 
 the French fort of Frontenac^ on the north caft 
 corner of the fame lake about 70 miles diilant. 
 But this fort, which is the only one we have for 
 defence of our back Tctdements for many hun- 
 dred m'lcs, till we come to Georgia^ ought to be 
 much enlarged, ftrongly forcified, and turnilhed 
 with a pretty numerous garrifon, as it is of great 
 confequence by its fituation, to both the fecurity 
 and trade of our northern colonies ; it being our, 
 north weftern frontier and the only place or open- 
 ing left by which the IrJians can come to us wuh 
 their furs. For this reafon, till fuch time as our 
 neighbours fliall be obliged by either fair means. 
 or foul to allow them a free paflage thro' the 
 lakes, it will be neceiTary to build a velTel or two, 
 capable of mounting guns, for the conveniency 
 of cairying them backcvards and forwards acrofk 
 the lake ; which expedient will go a great way 
 to fruftrate the dcfign of the French and recover 
 our trade. 
 
 And here it is worth obferving that this fort 
 cX OfwegOi built by governor Burnet in 1727, 
 by favour of the Indians, flood unmolefted all 
 the lafl war ; and altho' the garrifon ufually con- 
 fifts of no more than an officer and 23 men, has 
 been of more fervice and benefit' than all the reff, 
 altho' now it muft be in imminent danger. This 
 is a demonftrative proof of the great importance 
 and advantage of fuch forts, on the number of 
 which fmall garrifons, properly placed, the in- 
 
 tereft 
 
i:,. '!■ 
 
 t4*J 
 
 tereft and fupport of the French almoft wholly 
 depend. 
 
 However more effeftually to fecure New Tork, 
 a ftrong fort ought to be built in view of the 
 French fort at Crown- Point. By means of this 
 pod they may be enabled to intercept, or at leaft 
 difturb the trade from Albaney up the Mohoks ri- 
 ver, a branch of Hudfon\ to the fix nations, by 
 fending a force on that fide ; and could they dc- 
 ftroy the commerce of thofe Indians with the 
 province of New Tork, they would oblige them 
 fo depend ^r^-olly on Canada i a thing which they 
 threatCii^c^ ^>vedonein 1732. 
 
 During lu^ I*f.c French vizx from 1744 to 48, 
 Crown-Fo-nt was the rendezvous of the Canada, 
 French and t* "ir / "'twj,, from whence they at- 
 tacked New Tork £:.d fiie north weft corner of 
 Majfachufet's bay. From this place in 1 745 they 
 deftroyed Saratoga fettlement on Hudfon's river, 
 about 30 miles above Albaney, In which parts 
 during that and the two following years they killed 
 and captivated above 300 of our people * ; de- 
 ftroying moft of the inhabitants and plantations 
 on the north eaft branch of that river. In for- 
 mer wars the attack on New England was from 
 the norch eaftward, in the war of 1 746 it was 
 from Crcwn- Point, New Tork government in 
 former French wars did not fufFer, but in this laft 
 they fuffcred much + ; that is, they were pu- 
 ni(hed for fuffering that fort to be built. Befides 
 building this counter fort, Albaney ought to be 
 put in the beft pofture of defence imaginable, in 
 order to fecure it againft any attempts on that 
 
 cc 
 ct 
 
 • Dougl. Summary, North Atntr, vol. ii. p. 246. 
 f Ihe fame, Vol. i. p. 316. 
 
 fide. 
 
cc 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 
 [43] 
 
 fide. This quarter requires the ftrongeft barriers, 
 becaufe the French have declared it to be the 
 chief obje«5t of their views j and it lies fo near 
 §uebek the center of all their ftrength in Canada, 
 from which they have a moft convenient paflfage 
 all by water, excepting a fmall fpace of about 
 12 miles by land. 
 
 Mr. Callieres who firfl: propofed the project for 
 the conqueft of this city, to induce Lewis XIV. 
 to comply with their earned defires, fays in his 
 Memoirs to the French minifters, ** That this 
 conqueft wotild make the king matter of one 
 of the fineft ports in America^ which they 
 might enter at all times ; and a moft beautiful 
 *' country, in a mild and fertile climate!" No 
 wonder fo inviting a defcription as this, fhould 
 fef the French o^ Canada a longing for New York: 
 but ought not that longing of theirs to make us 
 more carneft to preferve it ? 
 
 By thefe fortifications New England will be 
 pretty well fecured on the weft fide, as it will on 
 the eaft by thofe already built, and the two now 
 building on the river Kennebek, one by the pro- 
 vince,the other by the proprietors of the Kennebel^ 
 purchafe ; whofe generous example it is hoped will 
 animate others to do the like, and not let them 
 flop, till they have erefled a fortrefs on the very 
 banks of St. Laurence river, which is within their 
 limits. Mean time, as the laft of the two new 
 forts, has been founded fo high as the Takonnek 
 falls, and the north part of New England lies 
 wholly expofed to the ravages of an enemy i it 
 is not to be doubted but that they will not delay 
 to build a third at the head of the Kennebek iifelf, 
 in the carrying place*, not above f^ur miles over, 
 where it locks with the river called by the French 
 l^a Chaudiere j which falls into the St. Laurence 
 
 four 
 

 1I5. 
 
 t ; 
 
 I "• .ill 
 
 '•iii 
 
 
 V 
 
 '1 
 
 [44] 
 
 four or five leagues to the fouth weft of ^ehek. 
 This fort fliould be ftrongly built, and furnifhed 
 from Britain with a garrifon of 500 ftouc men : 
 unlefs this be done, the building thofe two forts 
 will only ferve to put the French in mind of do- 
 ing it. And from their conduft it may be judg- 
 ed, that a fmaller occafion would ferve them for 
 a pretence. 
 
 The building a fort here is the more neceflary 
 on three accounts; (i^ as it will bridle the Abenaki 
 hi Indians in the intereft of the French^ and hin- 
 der them from ever attempting any thing againft 
 New England ; this having always been the place 
 of rendezvous for both on fuch occafions. It 
 will alfo prevent their going on the Ohio expedi- 
 tion ; and thofe reftraints, by degrees, be a means 
 of their' coming over to our intereft. (2) As it 
 iies near the heads of the rivers 5/, Francis and 
 St, John^ as well as of the Kennebek and La CkaU' 
 diere before-mentioned : fo that it jWill have the 
 command of four very important rivers, two of 
 which fail into the St. Laurence ; the Cbattdiere 
 towards Kebek, and the Sf, Francis towards MoH' 
 ireal (3) As it will help to cover not only the 
 northern borders of New England^ but alfo thofe 
 of New Tork, from which it will not be far dif- 
 tance. I may venture to fay, that the good ef- 
 fect: of this fort will extend as far as Annapolis 
 Royaly and the town of Halifax in Nova Scotia ; 
 by cutting off all fupplies of men and ftores to 
 the French in that country, by St. John^s river, 
 which will oblige them to abandon their forts 
 lately built at the mouth of it. The Kennebek 
 company in full expefbation of this defirable event, 
 have already given land to 100 men and their 
 families, to fettle the country thereabout, under 
 
 pro- 
 
f 45 1 
 
 Iprotedion of the two forts newly built upon that 
 river. 
 
 How different is the pradlice in fome colonies 
 to this generous publick-fpirited conduct of the 
 Kennehek proprietors ! The aflembly of NewTork^ 
 in their addrefs to governor de Lancey^ the 20th 
 oiF Auguft laft, complains, " that other colonies 
 ^* make themfelves (Irong and defenfible, by fet- 
 tling in townfhips, or Tome other clofe order. 
 While our frontier lands are granted away in 
 patents almoft without bounds or number, re« 
 gardlefs of fettlements, or the publick welfare." 
 And ina (late of the Briiijh fettlements, now in 
 view, we are toid, that even '' the lands between 
 New Tork\iit\i and Jlbanyy on both fides of 
 UudforCs river, by an abufe which ought to be 
 remedied, viz. the old exorbitant grartiSyZxt but 
 thinly inhabited •, altho* lands for fettlement in 
 that colony are extremely wanted, and thofe 
 trads would foon be purchafed, if they could 
 be had at any tolerable rates." 
 This unpeopled ftate of the country is of fo 
 much the worfe confequence, fince in cafe the 
 French fliould attack Albany and New Tork at the 
 fame time, one by fea and the other by land, 
 conformably to their plan, from whence, could 
 Albany be reinforced? the country has not men to 
 fupply it, nor could Tork^ in fuch a cafe, be able to 
 fpare any. On this occafion the memorial of 1732, 
 obferves, "that when the prekntdsLteoi New Tork 
 and the power of thofe neighbours^ [the Fr^W/&J 
 is well underllood, it will too evidently appear, 
 that they will, on a rupture, i^e under unhap- 
 py circumllances jand with them the other cO' 
 lonies muft be deeply involved.'* Such en- 
 feebling grants therefore are of pernicious ten- 
 dency every where, but no where fo much as in 
 
 pro- 
 
 « 
 <c 
 
 « 
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 <( 
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 province of NewTork\ which being the key oF aK 
 the other colonics, and moft cxpofed to our northern 
 neighbourfjwho for thefe rcafons covet it,all means 
 which can be thought of conducive cither to its 
 improvement or fecuriry, ought to be applied; 
 and every the Jeaft obftacle to either ought to be 
 removed. 
 
 After the words cited from the affcmbly's ad- 
 drefs, they juftly remark, " we can ercA forts and 
 block-houfes, but to what end ? woods and 
 uncultivated trafts are not the objefts of fccu- 
 rity. Induftry is to be protefted, and mens 
 perfons to be defended ; ptherwife little good 
 will accrue to the publick, be the expence what 
 it will." *Tis true, there can be no profpeft 
 of fettling a country while fuch difcouraging grants 
 are in the way : but were thofe obftacles removed, 
 under* ihe protection of fuch forts as have been 
 propofed, in a very fhort time wc might hope to 
 fee this part well inhabited, and confequendy the 
 ftrongeft barrier (as it ought to be) in the Englijh 
 American dominions againft the French. 
 
 With regard to Nroa 5fo/w,including the country 
 to the caft of Kennihek river, it will require fe- 
 yeral forts and fettlements to fecure it, not only 
 at the mouths of the three principal rivers Penob' 
 Jkot, La CroiXf and St. John's, at which laft there 
 are. two Fr^/!rf/{> forts: but alfo at certain pofls along 
 thofe rivers, particularly this laft ; which begin- 
 ning not far from the head of the Kemiibek^ and 
 palTmg with a circular courfe, encompaOeth the 
 greater and moft valuable part of all the coutitry ; 
 fo that thofe forts will keep both French and Indi- 
 ans in awe 5 as they will have an eafy commu- 
 nication by water among themfelves, and with 
 the fetdements on the other rivers, travelling only 
 a lif.le way by land. 
 
 Above 
 
:y oF all 
 lorthcrn 
 1 means 
 - Co its 
 pplied ; 
 It to be 
 
 y*s ad- 
 srts and 
 ids and 
 3f fccu- 
 d mens 
 e good 
 ce what 
 profpe6t 
 g grants 
 rmpved, 
 ,ve been 
 hope to 
 ndy the 
 Englijh 
 
 country 
 |uire fe- 
 lot only 
 s Penob' 
 ift there 
 Is along 
 begin- 
 '^ek^ and 
 feth the 
 ountry ; 
 nd Indl- 
 :ommu- 
 nd with 
 ing only 
 
 Above 
 
 T 47 1 
 ' Above all, care mud be taken to build a ftrong 
 fore at Shegnikto on fome elevated ground to the 
 north of the French fort, which may both com- 
 mand and exceed ic in force *, for the prefent fort 
 is fo weak, and ill ficuated, that the garrifon 
 would be obliged to furrender almod at the firft 
 (hot ; fo that in cafe of a war we fhould have no 
 chance there. Nor will this be enough : it will be 
 necelTary for fecuring it to have two forts more \ 
 one at Bay Verte to prevent our neighbours from 
 invading the country at pleafure, that being their 
 landing place from Canada •, and one of the two 
 ways by which they cater and correfpond with 
 Nova Scotia.: St. John' % river, as before-mentioned, 
 is the other, by which (fays La Hontan) the inha- 
 bitants of thofe two countries may hear from each 
 other in i6 or 17 days, tho' not in a month by 
 fea. 
 
 The fecond fort ought to be ercfted at the en- 
 trance into «S;&^^;;/^/^ baibn or harbour ; for, fhould 
 the French build one there, they would exclude 
 all accefs to it by fea. , ;^ 
 
 But, as the ere6t:ng fo many forts at once in 
 this province fof Nova Scotia) may be thought 
 too expenfive a work, it may be fufficient for the 
 prefent, only to build Tome along, the river St» 
 John and thofe at Shegnikto, • ,'< . f ^f 
 
 ' By fuch a number of forts and fettlements as I 
 have mentioned, may the Britijh territories be ef- 
 feftually fecured, the French kept at a difl^aoce, 
 and our trade in good meafure recovered by paf- 
 fages opened for the Indians to come and trade 
 with the colonies ; which will likewife be at liberty 
 to extend their fettlements on all fides, in fpite of 
 any oppofitibn which the French can give them j 
 or rather without danger of any from them : for, 
 by means of thefe forts a much Uronger line of 
 
 cir- 
 
'jf ' 'i 
 
 1 1* i t\' 
 
 i ' ill 15' 
 
 T48] 
 
 -circumvallatlon will be formed againft them» thari 
 they at prefenC have againft us. 
 
 You will fay, perhaps, that I have cut out a 
 fine expeofive work fur the colonies. It will be 
 expenfive, there is no doubt of that : bur, «what 
 can be done, fuppofing fewer forts will not be fuffi- 
 icient to fecure them ? If therefore the burthen 
 falls heavy, they may thank their own mifaOf 
 nagements. Had forts been gradually built on 
 their frontiers, and as they extended their out 
 Settlements, after the example of the French^ a 
 thing which ought to have been done, the charge 
 /would not have been felt. As this has been ne- 
 gledted, that muft be done at once, which Ihould 
 have been done at different times. Befides, the 
 cxpence is greatly augmented by their having fuffer- 
 cd x\itFrencb to build upon them, every where. At 
 firft a few forts erefted in proper places would 
 have ferved the purpofe, and their neighbours 
 iinding the polfcfnons fecured, might never have 
 ihought of diftqrbing them : But feeing the coun- 
 tries lie open, and the colonies* carelcfs thro* a 
 vain fccurity, or worfe, covetoufnefs, they were 
 jnvited to enter, and puniih their negledl in the 
 jnanner they have done. 
 
 T\ic French :too uawiHing either to quit the 
 pofleflion of what they have gotten, no mattclr 
 jiow unjuftly, or lofe the great expences which 
 •they have been at to build fo ^many forts, will 
 ^oubtlefs difpute every inch of ground as lojugas 
 they can, and when driven out of one place fortify 
 another, vwith a view, if poITible, to tire us out. 
 
 No wonder, then, that the expence to the co- 
 lonies of .fccuiing themfelves, fhould be very 
 great ; but if it was to be the double of what it 
 may.be, they ough^ not to repine, but undergo 
 U with chearfulnefs, (ince they have brought itilll 
 
 upon 
 
[49] 
 
 Upon themfelvts ; in (hort, if ihfy would prc- 
 fcrvc their poffefllonf, they have no other alterna- 
 tive, but either to ereft a fufficient number of 
 forts, or go to war. If this method fucceeds, ic 
 will not only be much better than a war, which 
 '. attended with numerous hazards and calamities, 
 buc we (hall be great gainers by it, fince we (hail 
 fave (he expence of a war, whereas an expenfive 
 war, ahho* fuccefsful, would not fave us this ex- 
 pence. For forts would then be as neceilary to 
 preferve the colonies, as they are now. It will 
 (ignify nothing to drive the French out of a 
 country, if we do not iecure it \ for, as they never 
 give up the thoughts of what they have once 
 poffeffcd, they will certainly return to it whenever 
 they find an oppoctunity. Witnefi their frequent 
 returns into Nova Scotiay as often as they have 
 been forced out. That method then is mod ele* 
 ^ible, which would fave us one of thofe expences. 
 However, we had better be at both, than lofe 
 fuch valuable colonics, which are the principal fund 
 of wealth to England. 
 
 After all, the txpence will not be fo very great 
 as may at Brft fight b^: imagined. I have been 
 informed by gentlemen, knowing in thefe mat- 
 ters, that fuch forts might be built at the rate of 
 a thoufand pounds each, one with another. So 
 that fuppofing their number amounted to 30 or 
 ev'n 40, what is that expence to put the colonies 
 in a good podure of defence P But perhaps, at 
 prcfent, or at Br 11, it may be fulHcient to fecure 
 the northern borders of our colonies, from the 
 mouth of the river Ohio to the head of the Ken- 
 nebek^ and then about nine forts might do \ two on 
 the Obio^ one at its mouth in the Milftjippi^ and 
 the other at the mouth of tiic JVabaJh : a third 
 higher»up on the Wabajb:^ a fourth at Niawgre, a 
 
 -E fifth 
 
1 50 J 
 
 fifth at. Crown Pointy and a fixth at the head of 
 the Kenmbek \ a fcventh at the mouth of S(.Jobn*s 
 river, and an eighth at Shegnikto : to thefe let us 
 add a ninth in the country of the Charokees, Thus 
 for about 10 or 11,000 pound?, allowing the 
 furpljs towards building forie ftronger than ordi- 
 nary, may the colonies be tolerably well de- 
 fended with forts agiiinft any attempts of the 
 French to hinder them from compleating their de- 
 fign of gradually fortifying their frontiers effec- 
 tually : which ought to be done as foon as poffi- 
 ble, beginning at the fame time at the two extre- 
 mities of the Northern line, where the flrongeft 
 forts of ail ought to be builr, under the protefti- 
 on of ftrong bodies of forces. 
 
 To fupport what has been advanced concern- 
 ing the ejipence of building forts, I (hall cite the 
 words of an jlmerican gentleman well verfcd in 
 the affairs of the colonies, in a letter written a 
 few years ago to his friend in London, " The 
 charge, fiys he, of building forts neceffary for 
 the above purpofes, if eftimated by the ex- 
 pence and (ize of thofe of Europe, or thofe on 
 the fea-coafts of the principal towns in America^ 
 which may be attacked by (hips and cannon, 
 may make thefe propofals feem impradicable. 
 Thc^efore, it may be proper to (hew what the 
 forts already built there coft the Englijh and 
 French^ with how many men they are ufually 
 garrifoned, from which their maintenance may 
 be computed ; and that fuch have generally 
 " been fufficient for the intention. In 1734, 
 " New York built a fort at SkeneSladi^ with 
 eight pieces of fmall cannon, well contrived for 
 defence againft fmall arms (the only weapons 
 Indians can have) and capable of containing 
 above 200 men, which coll lefs than one thou- 
 
 " fand 
 
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 [ 51 3 
 
 fand pounds. The year after^ another of the 
 '* fame model and (ize was built among the Ma^ 
 quas [or Mobawk'\ Indians for as fmall a fum; 
 That at Ofwego^ by reafon of the diftance, coft 
 a trifle more. Fort Moor^ in South Carolina^ 
 and Fort Augufta in Georgia^ by no juft means 
 could exceed either of the other, as they are 
 not fo well built, and are worfe planned. The 
 French forts at Niawgra^ Detroit and Al^a- 
 '* hamy, are much like them i and the number 
 •' of private men of both nations, in each of thefc 
 " garrifons, are nearly equal, from 20 to 30. 
 " But the French always have moft officers. 
 « Crown Point, as it is defigned for a perpetual 
 " barrier between the Englijh and French, as well 
 '* as to cover Canada and Mont Real from inva- 
 *' (ions which may be attempted on that (ide, is 
 " ftronger, and built in a different manner.** 
 
 What number of forces may be neceffary on 
 this occafion, I will not pretend to prefcribe : But 
 whatever it may be, they ought to be furniihed all 
 at once for carrying on the work in different parts 
 at the fame tinie, and preventing any attempt of 
 our bad neighbours ffor we mult not call them 
 enemies yet) in one place, while we are employed 
 in flrengthning another. We fhould have regu- 
 lar forces in the country much fuperior to thofc 
 of the French, that in cife of a lofs on our fide, or 
 recruits on theirF, our people may be quickly 
 reinforced and fupported. The colonies them- 
 felves will, no doubt, chearfully furnifli the greater 
 part of thcfe forces, efpecially if they be officered 
 by their own people ; a mcafure the more proper, 
 as it would prevent mifunderftandings (always 
 fatal to military expeditions) which might happen 
 to arifc: between officers and troops of different 
 countries : for foldiers will more rcaiily obey 
 
 E 2 I heir 
 
V' r 
 
 [5O 
 
 ihe1r natural commanders ; and this regard (hewn, 
 the latter >vill make them more zealous to repulfe 
 the Frencby againft whom they arc highly exaf- 
 peratcd. They are likcwife better acquainted 
 with the fituafion of the country, as well as with 
 the difpofition of their people, and with the man- 
 ner of proceeding againft their enemies of both 
 kinds. 
 
 In thefe preparations the utmoft diligence is 
 abfolutcly neceffary, confidering what aiarming 
 accounts arrive every day of the diftrefled condi- 
 tion of the colonics, their apprehenfions of the 
 French^ who are drawing out forces on every fide, 
 and of the little which hath been yet done, or 
 preparations made to oppofe them : fomething 
 therefpre ought to be undertaken this winter, to 
 give a check to their proceedings, whether it be 
 by building two or three forts of our own, or de- 
 molifhing fo many of theirs. For, confidering 
 the en:erprizing fpirit and indefatigable diligence 
 of thofe people (which deferve both our praife 
 and imitation) if nothing can be done till next 
 fummer, as fbme would pretend, it will give the 
 French, who are alreacfy very ftrong, leifure 
 enough to fortify themfelves fo effectually, that 
 it may require at lead five times the force and ex- 
 pence which it would at prefcnt, whether we only 
 proceed to fortify our colonies, or are obliged ta 
 enter into an open war. 
 
 IV. The 
 
 ,* ■ 
 
[53] 
 
 fhewn, 
 repulfe 
 f exaf- 
 Liainted 
 as with 
 e man- 
 )f both 
 
 Tcnce is 
 [arming 
 ; condi- 
 
 of the 
 ;ry fide, 
 lone, or 
 tiething 
 nter, to 
 ir it be 
 1, or de- 
 ifidering 
 iiligence 
 ir praife 
 till next 
 give the 
 , leifure 
 lly, that 
 ; and ex- 
 
 we only 
 liged ta 
 
 IV. ne 
 
 IV. 
 
 The defencekfs condition of the colonies^ to zvhaf. 
 
 owing.: 
 
 CUCH meafures clofely purfued and well cxe- 
 ^ cutecl, will, doubtlefs, procure a temporary 
 relief: But, in order to make the fecurity tjffcc- 
 tuai and lading, two things muft be antecedenUy 
 done. 
 
 The firll is to bring about a union of the co- 
 lonies among thcmfclves, for their mutual fupport. 
 And happily at laft, {he danger which npw 
 threatens (hem has opened their eyes, and dif- 
 pofed them to unite : fo that this inttrufion of 
 their neighbours, whatever it may coft them, ia 
 cafe they can gee over it, will, in the end, provje 
 a blefTing inflead of a curfe. 
 
 On this occafion I cannot forbear obferying, 
 that the confternation which the prefent bold in* 
 vafion of the French into the country of the OMo% 
 has thrown the colonies into, ought to be a per* 
 peiual warning to them how they a6t for the fu- 
 ture ; fince they muft now be convinced that by 
 negledting the proper means of uniting for their 
 mutual defence, and fortifying their out-fettle- 
 ments, as well as frontiers, they may be reduced 
 at length to the necefilty of fubmitting to either 
 a foreign or a domcftic yoke. 
 
 A ftate may be ruined by the ill conduft of ci- 
 ther the people or their governors i which muft 
 be the cafe, when one party, led by corrupt prin- 
 ciples, and regardlels of the admonitions or dif- 
 contents of the other, adt wholly in conformity 
 to their own fclfifh or rapacious views, and oblVi- 
 natcly refufe to do what is necelTary for the good 
 
 E a of 
 
mm 
 
 [ 54 ] 
 oF the whole. It is thus that governments are 
 overiurned or nations enflaved. 
 
 A union of the colonies has been recommended 
 6y none more zealoufly than the American gentle- 
 men themfelves who have wifhed their welfare. 
 Without one, they never can be fccure from fuch 
 incompatible neighbours as the French-, and *[is chief- 
 ly to the want of this union thatthey owe their pre- 
 fent calamitous fituaf ion: for, being in a iiatc of 
 reparation, and each ading folely for its own in- 
 tereft, without regard to the welfare or fafety of 
 the reft } this naturally begat jealoufies, envy- 
 ings, animofiries, and even a difpofition to do one 
 another mifchief rather than good. Thus at va- 
 riance, as it were, like enemies among themfelves, 
 one province beheld, without concern, a neigh- 
 bour pi-ovince attacked and ravaged by the ene- 
 my, and refufed lending any aid of either men or 
 money, under pretence, that the danger did not 
 affrft them -, that the other provinces had more 
 trade than theirs-, and that every province ought 
 to tike care of itfelf. 
 
 Some of the provinces immediately dependent 
 on the crown have refufed to affift the charter go- 
 vernments, which has given thofe colonies a kind 
 of antipathy, and made them averfe to affift fuch 
 bad relations. New Tork cfpecially has been 
 guilty of this unneighbourly and unnatural part. 
 «« New Tork, lays Mr, Bummer, in his repre- 
 fentation, has always kept itfelf in a ftare of neu- 
 trality, contributing nothing to the common 
 fafety of the BrW/h colonies ; while the Canada 
 Indians joined by parties of the French, ufed to 
 make their rout by the borders of New Tork, 
 without any moleftarion from the Englijh of 
 that province, and fall upon the out-towns of 
 
 New 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 
 te 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
Its are 
 
 lended 
 gentle- 
 velfarc. 
 m fuch 
 schief- 
 eir pre- 
 date of 
 iwn in- 
 afety of 
 , envy- 
 » do one 
 IS at va- 
 mfelves, 
 neigh- 
 the ene- 
 men or 
 did not 
 id more 
 ought 
 
 ?pendent 
 arter go- 
 ?s a kind 
 ffift fuch 
 Has been 
 al parr, 
 lis repre- 
 e of neu- 
 common 
 le Canada 
 ), ufed to 
 <?w Tork, 
 Inglijh of 
 towns of 
 *' New 
 
 [ 55 ] 
 New England. This behaviour was the more 
 unpardonable in that governmenr, because they 
 have 400 regular troops maintained among 
 them, at the King's charge, and have five na- 
 tions of the Jroquois on their confines, wlio 
 are entirely dependent on them ; and might 
 cafily, had they been engaged in the common 
 ** caufe, have intercepted the French in their 
 marches, and thereby prevented the depreda- 
 tions on his majefty's fubjefts of New England, 
 Solemn and repeated applications were made 
 to the government of New Tork^ by the go- 
 vernors of the MaJfachufetSy Conne£l}cu\ and 
 Rhodi IJland^ in their letters on this fubjedl:, 
 bat it. vain : the anfwer was, 'They could not 
 think it proper to engage their Indians in aSiual 
 war^ left they Jhould endanger their own fron- 
 tier s^ and bring on them/elves an expence which 
 they were in no condition to provide for ** 
 However, this facriucing of their brethren did 
 not fave themfelves •, for the French^ after they 
 had done harrafling the borders of New England, 
 and deftroying many of the inhabitants, then fell 
 on New Tork ; and that government which re- 
 fufcd to fuccour their neighbours, for fear of pro- 
 voking the French^ as they pretended, by no lefs 
 bad a (lep, proceeding from the fame real caufe, 
 which was covetoufnels, brought that very evil 
 on the province which they feemed fo careful to 
 avoid : for by fuffering the French to buiiti the 
 fort at Crown-Poin\ within their frontiers, in 
 173 1, as hath been mentioned, they in effe6t 
 gave up their chief fecurity on that fide into their 
 hands. This they experienced to their cod three 
 years after : when being fenfibly alarmed with 
 the motions of the French aiid Indians on thtir 
 frontiers, they found themfelves obliged to be 
 
 E 4 a; 
 
 (C 
 
 (C 
 
 i< 
 
 (( 
 
 C( 
 
 cc 
 
 (( 
 
 «t 
 
 cc 
 
 iC 
 
 C( 
 
 t( 
 
 •( 
 
 C( 
 
 «( 
 
 <( 
 
 CI 
 
i 1 
 
 I I 
 
 [ 56 ] 
 
 tt near 12,000 pounds charge at onCe, to provide 
 towards their dctence ; which they might have 
 faved by only laying out a few hundreds to pre- 
 vent the enemy from falling on New England^ 
 and building that dangerous fort. Ever fince 
 which lime they have been under the grcateft ap- 
 prehenfions ; and none cry out louder now for aid 
 from their neighbours, than they who ib lately 
 refufcd to lend them any. A juO: punifhment 
 which is always the confequence of acf^ing againft 
 the eftabiifhed maxims of obligation and iafety. 
 
 That fame feltifh fpirit which induced them to 
 difregard their brethern, at length fo far poiTefTed 
 them as to make them forget themfelves, and not 
 only negleft 10 Iccure their refpeftive frontiers, 
 but even to fuffer the French to build forts in 
 thofe very plates where they ought to have ercfted 
 them for their own fecurity. So that it may be 
 in a mariner faid that all the encroachments which 
 they now complain of were made with their own 
 con fen t. 
 
 But I cannot better fet forth the pernicious 
 effeds of this difunion than in the words of the 
 Gentleman quoted before, to his friend in L/indon^ 
 a few years ago. "^ The Britijh colonies are with- 
 *' out union, are difconcertcd, are jealous of each 
 *' other, and aft on different principles as well as 
 •* interefts. Some colonies have bor .e the bur- 
 <' thtns of all wars, whiiR orhers have had peace 
 ** and protedtion without expence : fome have 
 ♦• even grown rich by fupplying the enemies of 
 «' its neighbour in a6tual war. Very few colonies 
 '* know their own bounds. In 175 1 New Eng^ 
 «* land and New Tcrk, for that rcafon, tamely faw 
 Crown Point fortified, the confequence of which 
 has ve y lately been tclt. In lyiSNewTork 
 and Penfyhania permitted Niawgra to be pof- 
 
 " ftfled 
 
 cc 
 
 «( 
 
rovide 
 : have 
 o pre* 
 \glandy 
 
 fince 
 !ft ap- 
 For aid 
 
 lately 
 hmenc 
 againft 
 ifcty. 
 iem to 
 >(re{red 
 ,nd not 
 >ntiers, 
 forts in 
 eredted 
 nay be 
 t which 
 jirown 
 
 nicious 
 of the 
 Londoitj 
 'e with- 
 df each 
 well as 
 je bur- 
 d peace 
 e have 
 mies of 
 colonies 
 w Eng" 
 lely faw 
 f which 
 fw Tork 
 be pof- 
 « ftfled 
 
 C( 
 
 << 
 
 «c 
 
 [ 57 ] 
 feflcd and garrifoned, and very probably will 
 fuflPer Tierondoquot to undergo the (ame fate, 
 as it is not known to which province it be« 
 longs.** 
 
 That the colonies have contributed much to 
 their prefent unhappy fuuarion, is a fadt ackflow> 
 ledged by all the American writers I have met 
 with who treat on this fubjtd. They charge 
 them with jealoufies and animofities on account 
 of trade and private intereR, and alledge that 
 thefe felfifh views enter into their aiTembiies, and 
 prevent the public welfare ; with not afliiling one 
 another, when attacked ; with fuf&ringthe jRktf»fi& 
 to encroach on each other, and boild forts with- 
 out any oppofiiion ; with taking no care of the 
 public fecurity, and even negledting to fecure 
 their frontiers, tho* earncifHy recorfimended to 
 them by the King. This occaGoned Mr. Kennedy 
 to fay, ** I cannot help thinking, from upwards 
 " of forty years obfcrvations upon -the conduft 
 of our colony aiiemblies, and the little regard 
 paid by them to inilrudions, that if it be left 
 altogether to them, the whole will end in al- 
 tercation and words.** 
 The colonies have, in reality, in many cafes, 
 adted as if they thought themfelves fo many in- 
 dependent ftates, under their refpcdlive charters, 
 rather than ^ provinces of the fame empire : 
 which confideration neceflarily requires a union 
 of the parts, for fecurity of the whole. And with- 
 out doubr, in cafe they will not unite of their 
 own accord, it is in the power of the Britiflj par- 
 liament to unite or incorporate them in fuch a 
 manner as may appear moft conducive to the wel- 
 fare of the colonies in general, confident with 
 the privileges and immunities which they enjoy 
 from the royal grants. 
 
 Indeed 
 
 cc 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 

 
 [58] 
 
 Indeed this difunion among the provinces has 
 been kept up in good meafure by a pernicious 
 maxim, which in fomc former reigns prevailed 
 in their mother country, like that which (cems to 
 prevail there ftill, of ruling by parties, or di- 
 vifion. The bad efFcdls of which may be fee n in 
 the prefent diftrefled and diftempered ftate of the 
 colonies, by which the maxitn divide et impera^ 
 appears to have operated more for the intcrelt of 
 the French than of Great Britain : former go- 
 vernments might hkewifc have had another pre- 
 tence for keeping up this difunion among the co- 
 lonies, namely, the danger, in an united ftate, of 
 their throwing off dependence and feiting up for 
 themfelves. But this can never reafonably be 
 fuppofed to happen, were they ever fo rich, as 
 well as ftrongly united, unlefs they were driven 
 to that extremity, by ufage which would make 
 Britons themfelves impatient of fubjeftion. How- 
 ever, to fuppofe any fuch danger at prefent, or 
 for many ages to come, is ridiculous ; fince they 
 can never do any thing while they want a fleet, 
 and Britain has one to reftrain them. So long as 
 this fhall be the cafe, if ever they (hould revolt, 
 it would never be with defign to fet up for them- 
 felves : they would be under a neceflity to feek 
 the protedion of fome other power. A ftep 
 which would be much more pernicious to Britain 
 than barely (baking off their dependency, as there 
 could be no hopes of their recovery. And where- 
 as in one cafe (he might dill be fupplied from 
 them, with their produce of fugars, timber, na- 
 val (lores, and other commodities ; in the other 
 cafe (he would be intirely deprived of thofe rich 
 branches of commerce, and both their wealth and 
 power would be turned againft her. 
 
 The 
 
The 
 
 [ 59 ] 
 The colonies from fome hard ufagp, received 
 in former times, had entertained an opinion that 
 Britain was refolved to keep ihcm low, and re- 
 gardlcfs of their welfare. They fetmtd con- 
 Brmed in this opinion by nothing more than the 
 governors and other officers fent among them. 
 
 In reading the hiftory of American affairs, one 
 would imagin;*, that at certain times the admi- 
 nidration here had entered into a confpiracy by 
 that method, either to ruin the colonitF, or give 
 them up to France : for they employed needy 
 perfonf, generally without either principles or abi- 
 lities j who, fludious only to make the mod of 
 their time, minded no hing but how to fill their 
 purfes I too often intent likewife on enriching 
 themfelves by trade, they have not only neg- 
 leded the affaiis of the plantations, but have en- 
 couraged mealiires prejudicial to the colonies, and 
 therefore miflcd the government here by falfe re- 
 prefentations of thtir condition. This was the 
 cafe of colonel Moor, governor of Carolina^ at 
 the beginning of the prefenc century, who had 
 formed a dcfign to engrofs the whole trude of 
 that province to himfcif, by a bill drawn up for 
 that purpofe. On being disappointed of his aim, 
 fie fet on foot other meafures, which occafioned 
 many troubles ; and theje were continued by the 
 fubfeqaent governors, till, on the people's petitiftn, 
 the charter was vacated, and the govemmt-nt rc- 
 fjmed by the crown. Indeed from trading go- 
 vernors a genuine reprefentatron of colony-affairs 
 is never to be exped:cd. This was the colonel 
 Moor, who, on appearance of two fn-jall fiigates 
 off at fca, made a pffcipitate retreat from before 
 the cattle of St. Augujlin, which he had befieged ; 
 leaving all his tranfports, with a great quantity 
 of fibres, ammunition and provifions, to the ene- 
 my 
 

 1 \i 
 
 [ 60 J 
 
 my. On this occafion it is worth obfcrving, that 
 the hdian chief retired with the reft to his Pe- 
 riawgasj and flepc on his oars, with much un- 
 concern. The governor's foldicrs uneafy to be 
 gone, dcfircd him to make hafte away : buc he re- 
 plied ** No : altho* your governor leaves you, 
 •' I will not ftir till I have fcen all my men be- 
 *• fore mr.** What mr>re noble co.ild the grcateft 
 general of Greece or Rome have faid ? Several 
 ©f thefe governors by their arbitrary proceedings 
 and rapine, havealmoft ruined the colonic? which 
 they were fct over : fomc have fo provoked the 
 people as to oblige them to feize their perfons and 
 lend them over hither ; others have been re- 
 called and profecuted : but rarely the fufFercrs 
 reaped any advantage from fuch profecutions •, or 
 any of the offenders were made examples of, as 
 they ought to have been, in terror to others. 
 
 There have been, 'tis true, bad charier as well 
 as crown governors ; of which Brtl kind was Moor 
 above-mentioned. But altho* rhcir adions were 
 much alike, there was a vaft difference as to the 
 confequence ; fmce the colonies were generally pu- 
 nifhed for the faults of their own governors : but 
 it does not appear that they had any amends mad6 
 them for ihe violences and oppreffions committed 
 by thofe fent from hence. 
 
 The welfare or ruin of provinces almoft en- 
 tirely depends on the choice of governors who 
 are fent. Mr. Colden fpeaking of ihe weak and 
 deceitful counfcls which prevailed in the northern 
 colonies, about the year 1690, and which had 
 brought the five nations almoft to deftruftion, 
 and laved Canada from it, expreffeth himfelf thus ; 
 " We fhall fee by the fequel how a public fpirir, 
 " direfted by wife counlcl«, can overcome all 
 " difHcuUies, while a felfifh fpirit lofes all, even 
 
 natural 
 
 (C 
 
<« 
 
 <* 
 
 
 «c 
 
 <( 
 
 c« 
 
 [6i 1 
 
 natural advantages. In the prefent cafe the 
 ** turn which affairs cook Teems to have been en- 
 tirely owing to one thing. The French in 
 making the Count de Frontenac governor of 
 ** Canada^ chofe the man every way the beft 
 qualified for this fervice : the EngUJb feemed 
 to have had little regard Co the qualifications 
 ** of the pcrfon they fenr, buc to gracify a rela^ 
 cion or a friend, by giving him an opportunity 
 to make a fortune : and as he knew that he 
 was recommended with this view, his counfels 
 were chiefly employed for this purpofe ♦." 
 Elfcwhere t fpcaking of the divifions and dif- 
 prders which reigned in New Tork on the revolu- 
 tion, fays, *' that fome imputtd all the misfor- 
 " tunes to the want of care in chc choice of go- 
 ** vernors ; and chat the mini dry had the faving 
 *' of money chiefly in view, when to gratify fome 
 " fmall fervices they gave employments in Ame- 
 ** rica to thofe who were not capable of much 
 ** meaner offices at home." 
 
 The abjedt date of the colonies in thofe times, 
 with refped to governors, was fo glaring, that 
 the French themfelves took notice of it. Char- 
 kvoix fpeaking t o^ '^^ xhxtt faults which he ob- 
 ferved in the Briiifii colonies, two whereof have 
 been already mentioned, fays the grcatcft of them 
 was ** the bad choice commonly made of thofe 
 *' to whom the command either of particular 
 " pofts, or incire provinces, was intruded. Thefc, 
 *' continues he, were almoft conltantly men in- 
 •' tent on making a fortune, who knew nothing 
 *' of war, nor had ever fo much as feen a battle ; 
 ** and whofc whole merit confifted in having pro- 
 
 • Hift. of the Five Nations, p. 1 20. 
 t P. 94.. X Vol. ii. p. 197. 
 
 (C 
 
 curj# 
 
C( 
 
 [ 62 } 
 
 cured riches by ways incompatible with the 
 *' qualifications neceflhry to fuppoi t liic* ranks to 
 •' which they were adv.inced j and which fuch 
 " kinds of perfons never do acquire.'* 
 
 It is to this evil condud, which in thofe times 
 was purfued by the gf)veinnient here, that Mr. 
 Colden afcribes the jealoufies and mif'-indcrftand- 
 ings wliich h.ivc happened between the people and 
 their governors, if fuch men defervc the name •, 
 for he goes on, *' By this means an Englih go- 
 vernor generally w.ints the efteem of the 
 people. While they think that a governor has 
 not the good of the people in view, but his 
 own, they on all occafions are jealous of him : 
 fo that even a go.^d governor with more dif- 
 ficulty purfues generous purpofes and public 
 " benefits : becaulc the pt ople fufpeft them to 
 " be mere pretences to cover a private defign. 
 ** It is for this reafon that any man oppofing a 
 governor, is fure to meet with the favor of 
 the people, almoft in every cafe. On the other 
 hand, the opinion which the French had of the 
 Count de Frontenac\ public fpirir, and of his 
 wifdom and diligence, made them enter into 
 " all his meafures without hefitating, and chear- 
 " fully obey all his commands *." 
 
 The people of the colonies, finding themfelves 
 oppreflfed by their governor, who adled as if they 
 thought the provinces were delivered into their 
 hands not to take care of, but to plunder am 
 ruin, complained to their mother country j anc 
 their mother country neither regarded their com- 
 plaints nor redrefled their grievances. Want of 
 care in the parents begat w.mt of care in the chil- 
 dren : and this was the rife of the prefent difor- 
 
 •( 
 
 t( 
 
 i( 
 
 cc 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 C( 
 
 <( 
 
 (C 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 k^ 
 
 ders 
 
[63 ] 
 
 ders in the colonics, which by degrees have re- 
 duced them to luch a weak condition, chit ic has 
 not been in the powei* of the governors, of late 
 years, with all their abilities and endeavours, to 
 rcftorc them. 
 
 However, this defirable work may, in a little 
 time more, be efFcded, provided Britain conti- 
 nues to fend over men of condition and integrity, 
 capable of applying remedies to the evil*, and 
 zealous for the wehare of the colonies. It could 
 be wifhed alfo, to prevent any difference which 
 might happen between the colonies and their go- 
 vernors about their falaries, that the government 
 here would take the payment on themfclves. A 
 fund fufficient to defray this and feveral other ex- 
 pences relating to the plantations, might be railed, 
 we are told, by only laying a halfpenny per gal- 
 lon duty on the mololTes and rum imported into 
 the iirrthern colonies. 
 
 There ought to fubfift a perfeft harmony be- 
 tween Great Britain and them. They both ought 
 to think their interefts to be the fame, as they 
 really are : and on that right principle Gr^tf/ Bri- 
 tain ouaht not only to ftrengthen and fupport 
 them to the utmoft, but encourage and promote 
 their commerce, in as extenlive a manner as (he 
 does her own. A good mother feldom fails tp 
 bive good children. The inhabitants of the co- 
 lonics do not think themfelves aliens, or the lefs 
 a-kir to thofe of Great Britain, becaufe feparated 
 by u *'aft ocean, and dwelling in a diftant part of 
 the globe : they infill that they are branches of 
 the lame Britijh tree, tho* transplanted in a dif- 
 ferent foil i tb t they have not forfeited (heir Bri^ 
 tijh rights by that removal, becaufe they removed 
 with confent of the government, and fincercly 
 acknowledge themfelves to be fubje(5ts of the fame 
 
 King : 
 
' : •;:(■ 
 
 
 [64] 
 
 King: That they daily extend the power and 
 dominion of Great Britaw^ by extending their 
 fetdements and commerce ; fo ihat in fupporting 
 thrm Great Britain in efFed fupports itfclf, and 
 adds to its own wealth : That their indutlry is em- 
 ploy*d not more for their own than their brethren's 
 advantage, who are enriched by their labour and 
 the valuable produce of their feveral colonics : 
 chat for this reafon, they thii.k themfelves intitled 
 both to their love and afliftance, which it is no 
 lefs their interest than it is their duy, asbrethren» 
 to afford thetn : that in lliort, they I'peak the faine 
 language, and are of the fame religion with them » 
 fo that they ought not to be thought prefumptuous^ 
 if they conHder themfelves upon an equal footing 
 with us. or treated the worfe, becaufe they will 
 be Enghjhmen, 
 
 From what has been faid, I think it appears 
 evident, that for fecurity of the cololonies, a 
 general union is abfolutcly neceflary ; and the ra- 
 ther, as in all emergencies or cafes of danger 
 like the prefent, the utmoft unanimity and dif- 
 patch is requifice \ which yet, fiom the conftituti- 
 ons of fome of the colonies, is not always 3 be 
 hoped for. 
 
 Of all the colonies on the continent, there are 
 only the Virginiay New Tork^ New Hamfjhire^ 
 CaroUnaSy and Nova Scstia, the property and go- 
 vernment of which are in the crown. The con- 
 ftitutions of the reft are of a mixt kind. In 
 fome, the government and jurifdidtion only are in 
 the crown, and the property in particular perfons, 
 proprietors, or the people •, in others, both go- 
 vernment and properly are in the people : laftly, 
 in fome, both government and property are vcfted 
 in private perfons. 
 
 Out 
 
[ 65 3 
 
 Out of the provinces, therefore, the crown may 
 be faid to have authority in only five or fix on the 
 continent, to raife money, and levy men for their 
 defence. 'Tis true, thofe colonies where the people 
 have the property, will naturally be induced to de- 
 fend themfelves when attacked, ^or in danger, be- 
 caufe the land is their own : But then as they can't 
 be compelled to do this in the prefent ftate of .dif- 
 union, if they fhould be aflfefted with the felBfh 
 contagion, which has prevailed in fome colonies, 
 they would help none but themfelves. On the 
 other hand, the proprietary colonies are not likely 
 to help either their nei^ghbours or themfelves i for 
 ihe proprietor or proprie;ors coveting, perhap.% 
 to make the mod they can of their lands, pocket 
 all the quit-rents, without expending any thing 
 confiderable for the defence of the country ; and, 
 when war comes, leave ihe people in the lurch : 
 either throVunwillingnefs to past with what they 
 had been hoarding for many years, or their not 
 being able to affift them, having Squandered in 
 high living, what they ought to have laid up 
 againft fuch emergencies. 
 
 This was the cafe with many of the proprie- 
 tors of Ctfro//W,who,in the war which the Spanijh 
 Indians made on that colony, about 1 7 1 8, to re- 
 venge the frauds committed by the traders, were 
 not able to afTifl the people. This obliged them 
 to have recourfe for fuccour to the other colo- 
 nies i which not being fufficient for the purpofe, 
 they applied to the government hpre to take them 
 under their protedtion. This, joined to the ar- 
 bitrary proceedings of the governors for near 20 
 years before, gave fo great offence to the King 
 iand council, that in vacating the Carolina charter, 
 with refpedt to all the proprietors, excepting one, 
 they were on the point of refuming all the -^w^- 
 nV«« charters. This recent example, methinUs. 
 
 F ought 
 
'•:■(.■. 
 
 t 6« ] 
 
 ought to be a warning to the colonics, not to 
 omit doing what is reafonable and necefTary for 
 defence of themfelves, and indeed of one another. 
 The people of Carolina had certainly a juft and 
 lawful pretence for what they did i for, fincc the 
 proprietors did not defend them, (whether thro* 
 difabiliiy or covetoufnefs it mattered not) as they 
 were obliged to do by their charter, they had no 
 right to jurifdiftion or authority over cither the 
 country or the inhabitants ; both which were for- 
 feited to the crown, from whom they received their 
 conditional grant. 
 
 "Whether all the other colonies have the fame de- 
 mand on the crown for their defence, which the 
 people of Carolina, (fince then divided into two 
 pro/inces) had on their proprietaries, I will not 
 undertake to determine. They fay, indeed, that 
 they ought to be confidered as the " liege 
 " people of the crown of England, and to have 
 " right to all liberties, franchifes, and privileges 
 " of Englijhmen, as if they were born within the 
 " kingdom of England,** in the fame manner as 
 the people or Carolina were declared to be, and 
 have, by their charier j and that fince they pay 
 taxes and duties, as other fubjeds of England do^ 
 they ought to be intitled to the defence of the 
 government as much as the people of England^ 
 and to be at no farther expence on that occafion. 
 This is a very delicate poiut, and requires to 
 be touched with great caution : I fhall, therefore, 
 content myfelf with citing the opinion of a cer- 
 tain author on the like occafion, who made it his 
 bufinefs to enquire into the affairs of the colonies. 
 We cannot help taking notice, faith he, that 
 in every one of the governors fpeeches there 
 are great complaints of the bad (late of their 
 fortifications j, and as thefe complaints have 
 
 !? long 
 
 c« 
 
 C( 
 
 «( 
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[67] 
 ** long continued, and yet remain without recJrcf«, 
 it really kems high time to put thofe affairs 
 upon fome different footing : for this nacion 
 reaps too ^reat a benefit from our colonies in 
 the ^eji Indies [America] to be quite uncon- 
 cerned, whether or no they keep themfelves in 
 a proper ftate of defence. If the people of our 
 refpeaive colonies can bear taxes, and will 
 not tax themfelves in a proper ftate for fo ne- 
 ceffary a purpofe, the legiflattve authority of 
 Great Bn/j/» might intcrpofe: And if they 
 already pay as many taxes as they are able to 
 bear, which are all appropriated to other more 
 neceffary tourpofes, \i ^uy more necefary can bc^ 
 this nation ought to afTift thehi : But it looks a 
 little odd, continues the fame writer, that while 
 our governors .are moft of them reaping their 
 annual thoufands, their refpeftive governments 
 IJiOirfd remain without the neceflkry fortifica- 
 tions for fcores of years.*' 
 Altho* on cbnfidering the premifes, I can*t fee 
 how the cdpnies can be fecure, or long fubfift, 
 without a union amoh^ themfelves ; yet the fame 
 princfpie$ which render a coalition abfolutely ne* 
 ceffary, muf! render it alfo very difficult to be ob- 
 tained. For individuals have been always found 
 very backN^ard to give up any thing for the good 
 of the whole ; and this is the very age of reten- 
 tion, in which every man's benevolence is center- 
 ed in himfelf, and publick fpirit is abforbed by 
 pri%atc intereft : fo that this affair could not have 
 happened, perhaps, at a more unlucky time. How- 
 ever, in cafe a union of the colonies cannot be 
 brought about at all, or is not likely to take 
 place quickly ; yet, if the rule propofed in the 
 above quotation be deemed a proper one, the 
 whole American dominions may be effectually fc- 
 
 F 2 cured 
 
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 [«] 
 
 cured agamft the French, notwithftanding the un< 
 wiliingiiefs of any pare to contribute towards the 
 defence of the whole. 
 
 As the opinions of judicious perfons, on this 
 intricate, as well as important, point, cannot be 
 unacceptable, I (hall infert another method pro- 
 ppfed by a gentleman already quoted, who is very 
 well verfed in the affairs of the colonies. " Every 
 Englijh colony, fays he, in the prefent difcon- 
 certed (late, on the leaft danger, feeks aiTiftance 
 from its mother country, and encreafes her bur- 
 then, tho' already oppre(red. Some colonies 
 are rich, but fcanty of white inhabitants : fome 
 abound in wealthy people and a fuperBuity of 
 every thing. Others, tho* populous, are poor, 
 fcarce of proviHons, and for a century have been 
 " fevercly harraffed by wars with the French and 
 Indians. All of them have adted feparately 
 and unconnededly, as tho' they were not mem- 
 bers of one body but different nations. May 
 it not, therefore, be worthy of Britain and a 
 Britijh parliament, to conlider how thefe colo- 
 nies may defend one another, and fupporc the 
 Brit'Jh intercft in America ? Would they not 
 in a very (hort time be able fo to do, if the le- 
 giflature of Britain Cno Icfs power can do it) 
 fhould oblige each colony, in proportion to its 
 ability, yearly to raife and iay by a proper fum 
 of money as a common fund*, folely applicable 
 to the defence of any colony attacked by French 
 or Indians, and to the building fmall advanced 
 forts in all proper places, every where to fecure 
 the new outfeitlements, and encreafe the In- 
 dian trade (fuch as that at Ofwigo btfore- 
 mentioned) fince the -E«f/^ can always fup- 
 ply the Indians better and cheaper than the 
 French, By doing this, and by bcftowing half 
 
 the 
 
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ecure 
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 [ 69- J 
 
 the prefents now given, in a proper manner 
 and place, fhould we not abridge and feparate 
 the vaft extenfive claim which the French pre- 
 tend to, by comprehending all the inland 
 parts of I^ortb America, under the names of 
 Canada and Lowfiana ? Would not 1)oth French 
 and Indians be deterred and awed into a pro- 
 per behaviour, when they found that an injury 
 done to one colony would be refented by all 
 the reft ? Would not this be performed with- 
 out the leaft prefent expence to Britain, leffen 
 what (he is now at, finally take off the whole, 
 and much encreafe her future trade and wealth? 
 All proportions, and every thing neccflary may 
 be eafily calculated and adjuOed, when fuch a 
 fcheme is approved and carried into execution." 
 Mr. Kennedy afks, why cannot the Britijh co- 
 lonies unite as well as the the five nations ? the 
 anfwer is eafy : becaufe their way of living is not 
 fo fimple, their condition fo equal, and their pur- 
 fuits, as well as plan, of happinefs confined to fo 
 few things. Their mother country was in the fame 
 difunited ftate in the time ofCa/ar: But it ought 
 to be remembered, that difunion was her ruin ; 
 and that they ought to be warned by fo home an 
 example. 
 
 V. 
 
 The necefftty of ujing Indians in war, and of gaining 
 
 their friendjhip, 
 
 ^T<H E next preliminary point to be efFeded, is 
 •*' to fecure the Indians in our intereft ; on ac- 
 count, as well of recovering and extending our 
 trade, as of fecuring our colonies jagainft the at- 
 tack cither of French or Indians, 
 
 F 3 Their 
 
. . ■'1/ 
 
 
 [ 70 ] 
 
 Their way of making war and fighting is quite 
 different from ihe European,, They do not draw 
 into the open field but (hoot from behind trees ; 
 and are exceeding dextrous both at hitting 
 their mark and fheltering themfelves from the 
 enemies fire or purfuit : for, there is no room for 
 horfe in countries overgrown with , woods, 
 which gave occafion to this^ way of fighting j 
 and there is no overtaking them on foot they run 
 fo fwifdy. 
 
 Therefore, in cafe of any war, cither with /»- 
 ^iaijs alone, or where they are auxiliaries, we mud 
 have Indians to oppofe Indians, They muft be 
 fought with their own way. Regular forces be- 
 ing wholly unacquainted with their way of making 
 war can be of no fervice againfl them : they are 
 only of ufe to defend a fort, or to fuppbrt Indian 
 forces againft regular troops. Befides, being 
 ufed to fire from walls, they fcorn to (hoot from 
 behind trees ; and would rather die than go out 
 of their own road to pradife fuch a low kind of 
 military art. Not confidering that the nature of 
 the country, which is, as it were, one continued 
 wood, requires that way of going to war, and 
 that of all the methods of fighting that js befb 
 which is fafeft. 
 
 The French of Canada know the importance of 
 Indians on this account, and therefore never un- 
 dertake any expedition without them. A me- 
 morable deliverance taught them this caution. In 
 1687 the marquis de Nonville, governor o( ^e* 
 ^^i^, having landed 2100 tntn SLtTierondoquot, 300 
 of them Indiansy with dcfign to furprize the chief 
 village of the Sennekas, whom he intended to de- 
 ftroy iwas furprized himfelf in the woods, within 
 a mile of the place, by 500 of that nation : who 
 
 Parting 
 

 , [70 
 
 flartingfoddenly from the ground where they had 
 lain flat, raifed the war Ihout, and difcharged 
 their mufquets. This put his troops into Tuch a 
 condernation, that they began to run on every 
 iide i and in the confufion fired on one another, 
 while the Sennekas fell on pell-mell. So that had 
 not the French Indians, acquainted with their way 
 of fighting, come up, all muft have been deftroy- 
 ed; and the French, very likely, driven out oi Ca- 
 nada, for the whole force of it was employed in 
 this expedition. 
 
 The French, fmce that time, make ufc of In- 
 dians more than ever : and fince they make ufe 
 of them, there is ftill the more reafon why we 
 Hiould ; unlefs we had men enougj^ of our own 
 trained to their manner of making ar 
 
 Befides j the advantage of having the Indians 
 our friends, may be inferred from the mifchicfs 
 they have done ourfelves as well as the French-, 
 and the danger they have put the colonics in, 
 both from within and without, when our enemies. 
 Altho' i\it Englijh,hy dintof numbers, were able 
 tp fupport the wrongs which they did the Indians, 
 and either deftroyed or fubdued them within the 
 coJoraes jyet it cod them much blood and labour 
 before they effeded it, particularly in Virginia and 
 'New England', efpccially this laft colony : where 
 made fuch vigorous efforts at feveral times, and 
 continued the war with fo much obftinacy, even 
 tho' much reduced by them ; that t\\tEngliJh, not- 
 withftanding their great fuperiority in numbers, 
 were fcarce able to withftand them, and but for 
 certain lucky incidents, *might have been driven 
 out of all their fettlements. Thofe who left the 
 country, preferve to this day their ancient animo- 
 lities \ and being joined by the other eaftern tribe*?, 
 continue to harrafs the borders of the EngUJh, 
 
 F 4 and 
 
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 r 70 
 
 and do them all the mifchief they can. They are 
 now the more able to take revenge with more 
 fafety to themfelves •, as, having a large country to 
 retreat in, they cannot be fo eafily furrounded by 
 the Englijh^ and oppreflld by numbers as they 
 were when incloftd within the colonies, where it 
 would have been better to have kept them by good 
 ufage. 
 
 Notwithftanding the advantage gained over 
 the Penohfiott Indiansy in the war of 1675 be- 
 fore-mentioned, it was found imprafticable to 
 fubdue them : for the£«^//^ having neglefted to 
 build either towns or forts in the country, the In- 
 dians could n^ake their incurflons into the open 
 lands, and retire again into the woods be- 
 fore the army could come up with them. So that 
 'tis certain, fays Mr. Ned ♦, that the Englijh were 
 fick of the war, and glad to embrace the firft of- 
 fer of pcjce, which was concluded the next year, 
 whereby ti^ey obliged themfelves to allow the - 
 dians a certain quantity of corn yearly, as a kind 
 of quit rent for their lands. 
 
 Mr. "Neal treats the conccflion in this article 
 •' as not very honourable to the Englijh ;** as if 
 there was any difference between taking their lands 
 from them by force, and treating them as flaves, 
 which he blames them for but a few lines before. 
 For my parr, I think nothing more honourable 
 than to do juftice, or make fatisfadlion for an in- 
 jury done. 
 
 In 1687, the Ew^Z/^/ffir^w/, to revenge fome ill 
 iiflige, by the inftigation of the French^ invaded 
 the frontiers of New England^ and commenced a 
 war, which all the powers of the country could 
 not cxtinguifh in ten years t. 
 
 I fhall 
 
 26. 
 
 f "Neali p. 53. 
 
 '■» V I 
 
fhall 
 
 [73] 
 
 I (hall produce but one inftance more to fhew 
 what mifchief the Indians may be able to do us, 
 when our enemies. In the war, carried on about 
 1718, by tht Spanijh Indians againft CaroHna (the 
 two provinces then being in one) this colony un- 
 able to defend itfelf againft them, either by their 
 own force, or that of the other colonies joined 
 with them, were obliged at lad to crave afTift- 
 ance from England^ before they could do any good 
 againft them, as hath been mentioned before. 
 Does not this confirm what has been already fug- 
 gefted of the danger the colonies would be in for 
 want of Indians^ (hould the French at any time in- 
 vade them with their confederate Indian nations ? 
 In fhort, an Indian war has always been dreaded, 
 as it has always been fatal to the colonies. 
 
 All the colony writers recommend the gaining 
 the Indian friendfhip, as a matter of great import- 
 ance to them; One of Carolina fays, that the pro- 
 vince is much ftrengthened by them ; and that if 
 trained to fire arms they would be very ufeful to 
 that province, not only in cafe of an invafion to 
 repel the enemy, but alfo by drawing other Indi- 
 ans to the Engli/h intereft, orelfe dcftroying thole 
 who were not to be gained. 
 
 It muft be confeflTed, that they are of great 
 ufe, in either defending or invading a country. 
 They are extremely (kilful in the art of furprizing, 
 and watching the motions of an enemy : they al- 
 ways know where to find you ; but you never 
 know where to find them: they difperfe themfclves 
 thro' a country fingly, or in very fmajl parties, 
 and lie on the lurch, to pick up Itragglers, or pro- 
 cure intelligence : in which they act with an afto- 
 nilhing patience and indefatigablenefs, beyond 
 any thing which an European could undergo -, re- 
 maining in one place, and often in one pofture, 
 
 for 
 
i 
 
 
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 [ 74 ] 
 
 for whole days and weeks together, tiJl they find 
 sn opportunity to (Irike their ilroke, or compafs 
 their defign, whatever it may be. 
 
 " Every Indian^ fays Mr. Kennedy* is a hunter ; 
 and as their manner pf making war, by (kulk- 
 ing, furprizing, and killing particular perfons 
 and families, is juft the fame as their hunting, 
 only changing the objedl:, every Indian is a dif- 
 ciplined foldier. Soldiers of this kind are al- 
 ways wanted in the colonies in an Indian war [or 
 when Indians are employed] /<7r the European 
 military difcipline is of little ufe in thefe woods** 
 There is, therefore, an indifpenfible necefTity of 
 making ufe oi Indians in our wars, unlefs we 
 had men enough of our own trained in that fort 
 of military exercife. 
 
 The French^ indeed, have a great number of 
 fuch people cdWtdi Courieurs deBoiSyZ,% expert in the 
 Indian way of fighting as the Indians themfelves, 
 as hath been taken notice of before ; and there- 
 fore might be able to do without Indians^ altho' 
 they make ufe of them. But this is an advantage 
 which the colonies have not ; for, altho' in the 
 fouthern provinces there may be a good many 
 men, as expert in the Indian way of fighting, as 
 the French Courieurs de BoiSy yet they are under 
 no kind of difcipline or command, except thofe 
 of the confiderable Indian traders, their matters ; 
 and therefore cannot properly be confidered as 
 any publick force or real ilrength. In the northern 
 colonies New Englandh€\vs% furrounded with hof- 
 tile Indians, and having (lill fome within itfelf of 
 the fame race, neceflfity has produced rangers 
 among the inhabitants, without whom there could 
 be no dealing with fuch enemies. But New Tork 
 depending on the neighbourhood of the five na- 
 
 * In his importance of the Indians, p. 43. 
 
 7 tions 
 
[75] 
 tions for its fecurity, and making the French their 
 faftors with the Indians^ by leHing their goods to 
 them, had few or no rangers at all before that il- 
 licit traffic at Albany was prohibited, and the trade 
 laid open in 1720 } fince which time the young 
 men being encouraged to go among tho Indians^ 
 the only way of breeding rangers, that province 
 begins 10 be furnilhed with tncm. A'tho* ran- 
 gers are fo numerous among the French ^ that they 
 might do without the Indians^ yet they not only 
 cherifh thofe who live in the cguntry inhabited 
 by themfelves, but feek the friendfliip of all che 
 nations round about them, far and near. On the 
 contrary, the Englijh do neither, efpeciaily in the 
 northern colonies : for they have not only exter- 
 minated all Indian, nations who formerly dwelt in 
 the countries now poflTeflcd by them, but inttead 
 of making friends of thofe who live in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the colonies, are at variance with 
 them all, excepting the fix nations and their al- 
 lies, whom yet they feem induftrious rather to 
 diibblige than keep in their interell ; altho* they 
 have been all along the chief, and to New Tork > 
 the only defence againft the French^ and their nu- 
 merous tribes of Indians, 
 
 The fix nations who dwell at prefent to the 
 jbuth of the Kadarakui or Ontario lake, and from 
 lake Erri eaftward to within a little way of Al- 
 bany in New Tork ; formerly inhabited the coun- 
 try to the fouth of the river St. Laurence, in the 
 parts about Montreal and the river Sorel or Rich- 
 lieu, which iffuing out of Coriear or Champlain lake, 
 falIsintotheSc.L<iKrf»ftfriver; and was then, aswell 
 as the lake, named after the/rog«o/j; but were forced 
 by the AdirondakSf who then inhabited, as they do 
 ftill, to the north of St.Laurence river, .0 leave their 
 country and fly to the lakes where they now live. 
 
 After 
 
J-', 
 
 [ 76 ] 
 
 After this, by their good conduiSI: as well as cou- 
 rage, they reduced the Adirondaks to a fmall num- 
 ber, and by degrees conquered the Suatogbis or 
 Huronsy the Cbiktaghiks or Ilinois^ and other na- 
 tions as far as the river Mefchafebe or AliJ/iJlippi» 
 
 And here, becaufe fomc people thro* ignorance 
 or fclf. conceit (I will not fay treachery) would 
 reprefent thefe fix nations, and indeed the Indians 
 in general, of no conlequence to the colonies ; it 
 may be proper, before wc proceed to the me- 
 thods of fecuring them, to give you the fenti- 
 ments of fome American gentlemen, who have 
 much the intereft of the plantations at heart, and 
 have written on this fubjcft. 
 
 Mr. Colden^ in his curious Hiftory of the five 
 Nations *, after mentioning that a number of 
 Jndians to march with an army which was to at- 
 tack Canada^ would be of great ufe in difcover- 
 ing and defeating the ambufhers of the French 
 Indians \ and that by their incurfions into the ene- 
 my's country they would terribly harrafs them, 
 and keep them from joining their forces in any 
 great body to oppofe the defign, he adds, . " thefe 
 " are not the moft confiderable advantages which 
 " might be gained from the affeftion of the 5/> 
 *' Nations at this time, or any time of war. For 
 " if the inland extent of the colonies from Nova 
 Scotia to Georgia be confidered, and at the fame 
 time the numerous Indian nations on the con- 
 tinent of America^ who may by the artifices of 
 the French be induced to make incurfions every 
 " where: if we confider alfo the cruel methods 
 by which the Indians make incurfions in fmill par- 
 ties, from thevaft forefl whiche Try where covers 
 the Continent, and which in many places is im- 
 
 
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 193. 
 
 c< 
 
 penetrable i, 
 
ICOU- 
 
 num- 
 bis or 
 2r na- 
 ppi. 
 )rance 
 would 
 ndians 
 es; it 
 c mc- 
 fenti- 
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 t, and 
 
 de five 
 bcr of 
 i to at- 
 fcover- 
 Frencb 
 he ene- 
 them, 
 in any 
 « thefe 
 which 
 he Six 
 For 
 
 efame 
 le con- 
 ices of 
 
 every 
 ethods 
 ill par- 
 covers 
 
 is inn- 
 
 Table i 
 
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 [ 77] 
 
 penetrable •, it muft evidently appear, that al- 
 tho' the Englijh colonies be of much fuperior 
 force in numbers of men, yet their number 
 would not be fufficient to proteft their fron- 
 tiers from the incurfions of the Indians in every 
 place } and, that while their forces mud in this 
 *' cafe be divided and fcattered all over their 
 " frontiers, it may be in the power of the French 
 " in Canada^ to invade, with fuccefs, any p.irc 
 *' of the Englijh colonies. On the other hand, 
 *' if a proper attempt were to .be made by the 
 " northern colonies alone, without the afllftance 
 of their mother country, but with the afTift- 
 ance of the Indians y it would, in all appear- 
 ance, be fufficient to reduce Canada : but it 
 the Indian nations can be perfuaded to join 
 heartily (as from what is above related fcems 
 probable ihey may) it will be impofTiblc for the 
 ** inhabitants of Canada to defend themfclves from 
 " the incurfions of thefe numerous Indian nationf, 
 and from a body of regular troops at the fame 
 time. As the French are very fenfible of iheie 
 advantages to be gained from the friend/hip of 
 the Indian nations, they negle(5l no means in 
 their power to procure them ; and it is to be 
 hoped that the northern colonies will be no lefs 
 
 cc 
 
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 afllduous in a matter on which their well-being, 
 at leaft, depends." 
 The fix nations border on the provinces of 
 New Tork and Penfyhania^ to which they are a 
 very ftrong defence. " Their dependants and 
 " confederates, fays another American writer, lie 
 near the French fctdements j fome in the mid ft 
 of, and fome beyond ihem. The wifdom of 
 the chiefs, in thefe united cantons, has gained 
 them no lefs reputation than their courage ^ 
 " which indeed has ftruck terror into the re- 
 
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 f 78 J 
 " motcft nations of north America^ and forced 
 tliem to court the fricndHiip and protc^lion of 
 fuch a formidable power." 
 •• The Ireuch (who know the importance of 
 thelc people's fricndfliip) are perpetually la- 
 bouring to debauch their faith to the Englijb^ 
 Their cmiirarics the pricfts, an indefatigable, 
 ** artful, infinuating race, arc conftantly endca- 
 *' vouring to gain admittance amongft them : 
 •* they aflumc all fliapes, try cvc^ry fpring : they 
 '* magnify the power and granileur oi France: 
 •* they Iludy to render the EngUp diminutive and 
 " contemptible : they foment every little occa- 
 " fion of difgutl, and leave no (lone unturned 
 to prejudice us in their cftcem." 
 *' Hitherto the honour of the fix nations, and 
 the experienced good intentions and probity of 
 the Englijljy have been a fufiicicnt barrier againfl; 
 all their intrigues, But ic cannot be impru- 
 *' dent to countermine the intended mifchief, 
 by giving fuitable encouragement to proper 
 perlons to converle with the Indians ana ftudy 
 their genius. An open-hearted generofity wins 
 " them effeSlually. The temper of the Englijh is 
 happily fuited to this } and th? additional qua- 
 lifications of integrity and prudence muft, in 
 time, pave the way to an afccndency in their 
 '* councils; and by this means the fubtilty of 
 *» the French would be utterly defeated.'* As on 
 the contrary it feems to gain ground among them, 
 *iis to be feared the qualifications of integrity and 
 prudence have not made that progrefs in the co- 
 lonies which our author fo earncdly recommends. 
 " One fees, continues the fame writer, in all 
 " the treaties of the Indians with the Englijh^ 
 " ftrong traces of go§d fenfe : a nia addrefs in 
 <* the condudl of their affairs ; a noble ^mplicity, 
 
 « and 
 
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breed 
 ionoC 
 
 ncq of 
 lly la- 
 Inglijb* 
 igablc, 
 endca- 
 thcm : 
 ; they 
 France : 
 ive and 
 Ic occa- 
 iiturncd 
 
 ns, and 
 obity of 
 r againft 
 
 impru- 
 tnifchicf, 
 
 proper 
 rid ftudy 
 7/y wins 
 IngUjh \% 
 mal cjua- 
 Tiuft, in 
 
 in their 
 
 fg thcmf 
 rrity and 
 
 the co- 
 imends. 
 ;r, in all 
 
 Englipt 
 Udrefs in 
 
 imflicity, 
 *» and 
 
 t79J 
 
 <« and that manly fortitude^ which is the conftant 
 companion of integrity. The friendfhip of a 
 nation Hkc this, tho' under the appellation of 
 favages or barbarians, is an honour to the moft 
 civiUzcd people. I fay nothing of the advan- 
 tage which is derived from commerce with 
 them : and the French well know, by dear ex- 
 perience, how terrible they are to their cncmica 
 m war." 
 
 •• When wc fpeak of the five nations in France, 
 (fays La Poterie in his hiftory of nortli Ame- 
 rica) they are thought, by common miftake, 
 to be mere barbarians, always thirfting after 
 human blood : but their true character is very 
 different. They arc the ficrccft and mofl for- 
 midable people in all north America : at the 
 fame time as politic and judicious as well can 
 be imagined. This appears from the manage- 
 ment of the affairs which they tranfadt, not 
 only with the French and Engltjhy but likewife 
 
 ** witn almoft all the Indians of this vaft Conti- 
 
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 nent. 
 
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 This teftimony in their favour is the more to 
 be regarded, as it comes from a Frenchman^ whofe 
 nation in Canada have fuffered greatly from time 
 to time, once almoft to cxtirpauon, by the inair- 
 fions and flaughters made by thofe brave people 
 in the year 1688, as hath been already mentioned. 
 As to the cuftom which they have in common 
 with a few other nationn, of burning their pri- 
 foners who are not adopted by them, it ought 
 I to be confidered as done by way of retaliation, 
 j rather than from a principle of revenge or blood- 
 thirftincfs', from which laft Mr. Poterie has ac- 
 I quitted them. 
 
 The confequence of thefe expeditions was, that 
 [the French were obliged to burn their two bark<i 
 
 o.i 
 
 't<i 
 
 v.- 
 
 w 
 
 11 
 
 m 
 
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 [80] 
 
 on the Kadarakui lake, and abandon their fort 
 there ; that almofl all the Indian nations, except- 
 ing two, defened their intereft and made peace 
 witti ihzjive nations : that they loft feveral thou- 
 I'ands of their inhabitants by the continual incur- 
 fions of fmall parties ; and that the remainder not 
 daring to plan% fow, or even go from one town 
 to another, for fear of being fcalped, a famine 
 enfued, which had like to have put a miferable 
 end to that colony. What mu ft have become of 
 Canada at this time, if only New Tork had per- 
 formed her engagements to the five nations ? 
 
 The five nations would have purfued their 
 blow and quite extirpated the French^ when the 
 governor of New Tork ftopt them from going 
 on : for which that province feverely fmarted 
 foon after ; for in February 1690, the French with 
 their Indians furprifed Skenektadi, near AlOany, 
 burnt the town, murdered 6^ perfons in cold 
 blood, and carried away 27 prilbners. This war 
 was begun by the French, with a defign to deftroy 
 the five nations fas they were then) and lafted 
 till « he peace of Refwyk in 1698, during which 
 time the people of Canada were in the dreadful 
 circumftances we have juft now related. 
 
 This noble ftand and fuccefs againft the French 
 and i\iv\x Indians is the more remarkable, as the 
 five nations were then divided in their fentiments 
 and meafures : three of the five, the Onondawgas, 
 Kayugaws and Oneyots, by the influence of Jefuits, 
 were diverted from profecuting the war againft 
 Canada, and turned their arms againft the Fir- 
 ginia Indians ; the Sennekas had a war at the 
 lame time on their hands with three numerous 
 nations, the Uiawawas, the Chiktaghiks or Ilinois, 
 and the Twigtwis or Miyamis *. Since then thc| 
 
 • Coldtiii Hilt. p. go and fcq. 
 
 French 
 
:ir fort 
 except- 
 : peace 
 il thou- 
 1 incur- 
 ider not 
 ic town 
 
 famine 
 niferable 
 come of 
 bad per- 
 ns ? 
 
 ed their 
 vhen the 
 m going 
 
 fmarted 
 encb with 
 • AWany, 
 ; in cold 
 This war 
 o deftroy 
 nd lafted 
 ng which 
 ^ dreadful 
 
 "le French 
 e, as the 
 eniiments 
 mdawgasy 
 of Jefuits, 
 ar againft 
 : the Vir- 
 ar at the 
 numerous 
 or IlinoiSy 
 i then the 
 
 French 
 
 cc 
 
 [ 8i ] 
 FrMth have made feveral attempts to deftroy or 
 fubdue them, by various methods. La Hontan 
 idiys^ that he propofed a fcheme to Lewis XIV. 
 *' for building forts on the lakes of Canada^ 
 ** which would force the Jortptoife. [or the five 
 *' nations] either to abandon their country or 
 *' fubmit to the French^ who would then, as he 
 told the King, with their other Indian allies, 
 be able to beat the Englijh out of all their 
 *' p'intations." But this fcheme was never tried ; 
 and if praclicable, might not the Englijh, by 
 building forts, be able, with the afliltance of 
 the Pv'^ nations, to drive the French out of 
 Canada ? | 
 
 The fix nations, from a fmall beginning, have 
 made themfelvcs formidable likewiie t|iroughoUc 
 t'le ificl'ans of all north America. By their victories 
 anJ c^nquefts northwards, they fubdueti the Adi- 
 rondaks^ by the French called Algonkins, the mod 
 powerful nation of all, when the French fettled 
 in Canada in 1603 ; together with their allies the 
 Vtawawaa or Dewagunbas, the §uatoghis, by the 
 French Hurons, and the Nipe/erin.., not much in- 
 ferior in power to the Adirondaks. Then turning 
 their arms fouth weftward, they conquered the 
 Sattanas or Showanons^ who dwelt in the country 
 now poffcfTed by the five nations ; the Chiktaghiks 
 or Ilinois, as far as the river Mjffjffippi ; and would 
 have fubdued the Twigiwh or Miyamis, the mod 
 powerful nation at prefent in the Ohio country 
 (great numbers of whom they deftroyed) if they 
 had not been diverted by an invafion of the French, 
 In (hort, they brought the Indians under their 
 fubjedlion as far as fouth Carolina j extending rheir 
 dominion over a vaft country above 1200 miles 
 in length from north to fouth, and 7 or 800 in 
 breadth from eaft to weft. 
 
 G In 
 
 111 
 
 11 
 
 
 
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 In Ihort, thefe people are c6n(idel'ed by the ju- 
 didoUs Americans^ both ^ngli/k and Fftnch, as 
 eqiial, if riot fupefio'r to either the aritiertt Grieks 
 or Rmansy for generofity, integrity, juftice*, po- 
 licy in government, firmnels of ttliftd dnd cou- 
 rage *, particularly intrepidity and cohterttpt of 
 death, in which their behaVibUr, arid (Irigirig their 
 death long, in the mid(t of the mbil eJtquime tor- 
 ments inflidled by their enemies when taken pri- 
 foners in war, (hews them to furpafs all marikind 
 bcHdes. 
 
 However, the generality of our vairt unthihk- 
 ing countryriieri, for want of the Indian under- 
 ftanding, look on them as a defpicable people, 
 becaufe they are content with pcVetty, and do 
 not make a figure like other riatioris, thirigs fot 
 which they moJ-e jiiftly hold the ktifojpeahs in con- 
 tempt : for they lightly pfec^ thd happiriefs and 
 dignity of riiari, in living accot'dirig to the Hm- 
 plicity of nature, arid cultivating political arid 
 ibcial virtues ; juftly cOricludihg frOrti vVhat they 
 obfcrve in the practice of Earopians^ that riches 
 and parade ferve only to make people luxurious, 
 difhoneft arid effemiriate : riOr do they fcfUple to 
 declare thfe Opinion which they have of us, when 
 it comes handfohiely in their Way. As the In- 
 dians know how to be even With Us in point of 
 contempt, they would doubtlefs forgive our yimc' 
 rican brethren thofe airsoffuperiofity, Which they 
 place to the account of their vanity arid felf-cOn^ 
 ceit, if they wOuld behave to them iri other re- 
 fpeds confirent with the rules of juftice and ho- 
 nour. But their rieighbours have giveri ihem 
 jTreat caufe of offence, chiefly on three occafions ; 
 Brd by drawing therii into wars, and then leaving 
 Ihem in the lurch. Thb was particularly the cafe 
 
 during 
 
E 83 ] 
 during all the long war which they had with the 
 French from 1687 to 1697. 
 
 '* In the year 1690 they were deferi ed, fays 
 *' Mr. Colden^ by the people of New lork, after 
 *' they had engaged them in a war againil the 
 *' French of Canada.** They trifled with them 
 again in 1692. At a meeting of the five nations, 
 with colonel lugofjby at Albany that year, one of 
 the Sachems among other home things faid, " Bro- 
 ther Coriear (or New Tork) you defire us to 
 keep the enemy in perpetual alarm. — Is it not 
 to fccure your own frontier$, why then not one 
 word of your people who are to join us .^— 
 How comes it that none of our brethren, fatt- 
 ened in the fame chain with us, otFer their 
 helping hand in this general w^r, in which cqr 
 great king is engaged againft the French? Pray 
 how come Maryland, Delaware river, and New 
 England, to bs difengaged from this war.? How 
 comes it that the enemy burns and deftroys 
 the towns in New England, and they make no 
 ** refiftanee ? How comes our great' king to 
 make war and not to deftroy his enemies? 
 when if he would only command his fubje<fls 
 on this fide of the great lake to join, the -de- 
 (1:^ udion of the enemy would not make one 
 fummer's work." 
 However, the five nations beipg invited to join 
 in the war, readily agreed, and making an in- 
 curfion to the very banks of the river St. Lau- 
 rence between Montreal and ^ebek^ put both 
 thejfe places, with the whole cpuntry between, in 
 continual alarms. Next year the French^ to be 
 revenged, furprifed three caftles of the Mohawks ; 
 and would have done much greater mifchief, if 
 colonel Fl'^tcher, then governor of New Ta^k, 
 had not flown to C heir afliftancc. On which oc- 
 
 G 2 cafiun, 
 
 
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 [ 84 1 
 cafion they honoured him with the name of Kay- 
 tnguirago^ or the Great Swift Arrtw, But as they 
 had never received fuch a blow in the memory of 
 man, they were qui:e difhcartencd. " They faid 
 their (Irength was quite broken, by the conti- 
 nuance of the war: However they added, that 
 if all the EngU/h northern colonies would join, 
 they could dill eafily take Canada ; and that 
 their being fo ill armed, was the reafon why the 
 French had then efcaped. The French (conti- 
 nued theyj arm their Indians compleatly, and 
 furnifh them with every thing neceflary for war, 
 as we find to our colt every time we meet with 
 them." 
 
 In t6g4,fion after, the fix nations hearing that 
 the French had received a confiderable force from 
 France, began to hearken to feme propofals of 
 peace ; and being queftioned about it by Co). 
 Fletcher, told him, the " only reafon was the low 
 condition to which they were reduced, while 
 none of their neighbours fent them the leafl 
 alTiftance ; fo that the whole burthen of the 
 war lay on them alone : that their brethren of 
 New England, ConneSticut, Penfylvania, Mary- 
 land, and Virginia, of their own accord, thruft 
 their arms into our chain [of peace and alliance:] 
 but fince the war began we have received no 
 afliflance from ihem. We alone cannot con- 
 tinue the war againft the French, by reafon of 
 the daily recruits which they receive from 
 the other fide of the great lake*." 
 Upon this Col. Fletcher gave notice to the 
 above-mentioned provinces of the danger which 
 might arife fron: fuch a treaty j and that there 
 was no preventing it but by the Indians being af- 
 fured of more effectual afliflance than they had 
 
 C( 
 
 ct 
 
 c« 
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 44 
 
 Coldent Hift. p. 167. 
 
 hitherto 
 
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 hitherto received. Commiffioncrs from thofe pro- 
 vinces met Sit Albany^ where one of the Sachems 
 in his fpeech after repeating what had been fiid 
 before to Col. Fletcher, added, '* Our brother 
 Kayenguirago'% arms and ours are ftifF. and tired 
 wiih holding fail the chain, whilil our neigh- 
 bours, fit ftill and fmoke at their eafe. 
 The fat is melted from our flcfh and fallen on 
 our neighbours, who grow fat while we grow 
 lean. They flourifh whiift we decay. This chain 
 made us the envy of the French ; and if all 
 had held it as fa(t as K^engairago it would have 
 been a terror sl\{o. If we would all heartily 
 join and take the hatchet in our hand, our com- 
 mon enemy would foon be deftroyed, and we 
 fliould for ever after live in peace and eafe. 
 Bo you but ycur parts and thunder itfelf cannot 
 break our chain *.'* 
 This meeting after all came to nothing ; and 
 Col. Fletcher not being able to give the five na- 
 tions any aflTurances of a vigorous afliftance, al- 
 lowed them to make a feparate peace : which, 
 yet in affeftion to the Englijh, they did not. How- 
 ever, in 1695, iiie Fr^w^ re-polTclTed themfclves 
 of Kadarakui fort i which the five nations would 
 have prevented, had 500 men been fent them 
 from Albany as they defired. 
 
 From this behaviour the five nations began to 
 think that the Englijh v;ere lavilh of Indian lives, 
 and too careful of their own. The Mohawks, 
 fays Mr. Colden, who lived neareft them, having 
 from fuch behaviour, entertained a mean opinion 
 of their conduA and courage, as well as integrity, 
 were prevailed on by their brethren xhcKahnuaga 
 or Praying Indians, to make peace with Count 
 Frontenac, which they did. It was, doubdefs, 
 
 * Co/den, p. 170. 
 
 G 3 from 
 
 
 I 
 
 m\ 
 
 
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 i 
 
 
 ,; r'»iS 
 
I ' It 
 
 [ 86 J 
 
 from a reflcdion on the timid tonduft of the Efi' 
 glijh in thofe times, as well as in thefe, with rcfpccb 
 to the French^ that when lately one of our neigh- 
 bouring colonies fent to Onondawga^ the chief town 
 of the fix nations, inviting them to fend thtif 
 children thither fur education ; they excufed 
 themfelves, by alledging, that the education 
 would not fuil the genius of their youth j but 
 in return for their jiOod will, fent them word, 
 that if they would fend fime of their youth to Onon- 
 dawga they would teach them to be men, 
 
 Thefcpoor faithful Indians have the more reafoti 
 to complain of the Englijb on occafion of fo 
 many difappointment«, as they were terrible fuf- 
 fercrs by them : for, altho' they often came off 
 with gbry, and always with honour, yet being 
 obliged to maintain the war alone for fo ihany 
 years, not only againft the French and their con- 
 federate Indians, but alfo againft ieveral other 
 powerful nations at the fairie time, as hath been 
 btfote obferved, their ftrength was greatly weak- 
 ened ; fo that from lo or 12,000 fighting men, 
 which they were formerly, they are at prcfent re- 
 duced to 1 000 or 1 500 at moft : and as the French 
 power has encreafed while their own declined, 
 ihey are become much afraid of them, and the 
 more as they think they cannot with certainty de- 
 pend on the promifes or treaties of the Englifh. 
 
 In a conference which they had not long ago at 
 Albamy, they declared, ** that they were almoft 
 brought on their knees to the French •, and that 
 unlcfs they \Vere better fupported than they had 
 been, they mult expedl foon to be all cut off*,'* 
 Was not fuch infincerity enough to change their 
 affe<5Vions and fidelity from the £>^//j^i who, per- 
 haps, wanted to have them all deftroyed, as they 
 
 from 
 the 
 
 (i 
 
 «( 
 
 cc 
 
 ind< 
 
 almoft were in that long and terrible war. 
 
Iped: 
 
 igh- 
 
 :own 
 
 thc'it 
 
 cufed 
 
 atioii 
 
 i but 
 
 vord, 
 
 )non- 
 
 rcafoti 
 of fo 
 le fuf- 
 nc off 
 being 
 many 
 ir con- 
 [ otl^er 
 I been 
 weak- 
 men, 
 fent re- 
 French 
 :dined, 
 ind the 
 nty de- 
 ]glijh. 
 ago at 
 almoft 
 md that 
 hey had 
 utofif-.'; 
 ige their 
 ho, per- 
 as they 
 , from 
 the 
 
 
 [87] 
 the famf falfc policy which made them drdroy 
 th«jir own Indms. 
 
 Their mU rcafon for being offended with the 
 Engiyb^ were certain ftcps taken, which feemcd 
 %q con/irm the jealoufy which the French were a|- 
 ^^y& vfiry induilriou$ to infuiJe into them ; th^t 
 the Englifif^ for all their fair pretences, in reglity 
 ifltjfinded to deprive tijem of their lands, and en- 
 (Uvc them. Their firljt taufe of jealoufy, on this 
 account, w»s their being called fubjefts by jhe En- 
 ^/i^, which at a meeting in 1684 they refented, 
 ^rmingt th^t they were not fubjeds but bre- 
 thren*. 
 
 JNot long after this; King James^ a little before 
 his abdication, fent over Sir Edmund Andros with 
 arbitrary powers •, and he, in imitation of the 
 French^ changed his (lile in fpeaking to the In- 
 dtoits^ calling them children inftead of brethren, 
 the term formerly ufed. This they complained of 
 ^tAlhney in June 1689, and infifted that the old 
 form of treating with them might be reftored. 
 They were much more alarmed and irritated a few 
 years after, by the Lndifcretion of Capt. Schuyler^ 
 who, after the peace of Ryfwick in 1 6^yy being fent 
 to Canada in behalf of the five nations, by Lord 
 Ballatnonti then governor of N^w Tork^ in affert- 
 ing the dependency of ihtfive nations on that pro • 
 vince, faid, that thefe people were their flaves. 
 
 This was fo aggravated by the French, glad of 
 every opportunity to fet the five nations again ft 
 the Englijh^ that thefe Indians^ more jealous of 
 their liberty than ever were the ancient Gr^^^j and 
 Rmans, in 1699 Cent their moft confiderable Sa- 
 chems toAlbaney to complain of it *, and at the fame 
 time deputies to Canada to conclude the peace 
 independently of the Englijh : in (hort, they took 
 
 G 4 care 
 
 * CoUen, 65. 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 u 
 
 
 if 
 
[ 88 ] 
 
 rare on aU occafions ever (ince to afTert their in- 
 dependency, declaring, that they arc born free, 
 and fubjedt to neither the French nor EngHJh. 
 
 A (hird caufe of difgufl to (he Englijh has arifcn 
 on account of taking their lands fro^n them, whic^h 
 has been the fource of many troubles. In 163^, 
 500 Englijh were at one time cut off in Virginia • 
 by the Indians^ whofe lands they had taken away. 
 The many wars carried on by the New England 
 Indians were for the fame teafon*, and tho* 
 driven out of the country, their hatred ftill fub- 
 fifts. Not many years fince quarrels arofe about 
 the Sufquehanna lands ', and now lately the grant 
 of the Ohio lands gave new difcontent : but it is 
 faid that all difputes were terminated at Albaney 
 laft July^ and that the Indians went away per- 
 fedly Jatisficd. However that be, they do not fpare 
 10 reproach both French and Engli/h '* with 
 *' ufurping the lands of lo many Indian nations, 
 ** and chacing them from their own country,** as 
 one of their Sachems did in a fpeech made to 
 the governor oi Canada in 1684. 
 
 The laft article of complaint concerns trade ; 
 in which they always have been, and to this day, 
 arc abufed in a moft fcandalous degree. ♦* The 
 ^' original treaty, or commercial contradl, with 
 ** the five nations went on tolerably well, fays 
 ** Mr. Kennedy^ for fome years, till the execution 
 *' of it was committed to the care of a number 
 of commiffioners, mfiftly Anglo-BuUh traders 
 in Indian goods -, who together with a tribe of 
 harpies, called Handlers^ their relations and un- 
 derftrappers, have fo abufed, defrauded, and de- 
 ceived thofe poor, innocent, well-meaning peo- 
 ple, that at prcfent we have very iev/ Indians left 
 who are fincerely in our intereft, or who can 
 be depended on. The fatal confequences of 
 
 " this 
 
 it 
 
 cc 
 «t 
 (( 
 
 cc 
 
 CI 
 
 C( 
 
ir m- 
 
 I free, 
 
 h. 
 
 arifcn 
 
 which 
 
 163^, 
 
 Irginia * 
 
 away. 
 
 ngi^nd 
 
 I tho' 
 
 II fub- 
 about 
 grant 
 
 It it is 
 Maney 
 ly per- 
 >c fpare 
 " with 
 lations, 
 ry,** as 
 ade to 
 
 trade ; 
 
 lis day, 
 
 ♦« The 
 
 t, with 
 
 ill, fays 
 
 :eciition 
 
 lumber 
 
 traders 
 
 tribe of 
 
 and un- 
 
 and de- 
 
 ng peo- 
 
 ians left 
 
 ho can 
 
 Hces of 
 
 " thi$ 
 
 cc 
 
 t( 
 
 [ 89 1 
 
 •* this management were fevercly felt in many 
 inftances laft war, particularly in the cafes of 
 Saragtoga^ Skenektadi^ Cffr. which could not 
 pofTibly have happened, had our Indians been 
 fincerely our friends." 
 The frauds of thofe handlers are not confined 
 to the common manufactures \ they have even 
 the audacity to fruftrate the royal bounty, and 
 cheat them of the King's prefents. On this oc- 
 cafion Mr. Kennedy fays, " I believe I may ven- 
 *' ture to affirm, that the greater part of the pre- 
 *< fents made them upon thofe folemn occafions, 
 «' feldom go farther than Albaney or Skenektadi ; 
 *^ but are bought up by the Handlers for rum, and 
 " afterward fold to them when fober at a dear rate." 
 The poor Indians^ it feems, are abufed in every 
 thing •, for altho* guns are in eflfeft their whole 
 dependence oc eflate, as well as fecurity, yet it 
 is complained, that thofe which the Englijh fell 
 them are the worft which can pofllbly be made. 
 This obliges them to go to the French^ who take 
 care to ferve them well, and thus they become at- 
 tached to them ! for they mud naturally think, 
 that they who for lucre would impbfe on them in 
 an article of fuch importance to both their fubfift- 
 ence and defence,can have no true regard for them. 
 In the conference with Co\. Ingoldjby^ at Alhaney^ 
 in 1692, the fpeaker for the /W/<2»j tells him, in 
 a fneering way, ♦♦ We thank you for the powder 
 ♦* and lead given to us : But,what (hall we do with 
 them without guns ? Shall we throw them at the 
 enemy ? We doubt they will not hart them that 
 way. Before this we always had guns given to 
 us. // is no wonder that the governor oj Canada 
 gains upon us : for he fupplies his Indians with 
 ^* gum<i as well as powder. He fupplies them plen-^ 
 ♦' pfully with every thing which can hurt us.'* 
 
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[ 9^ ] 
 
 At one time there has bcfn powder and lead 
 given to (hem» but no guns. At another time, 
 the' prefied to go to war with the French^ they 
 complained the powder was fold dearer to theni 
 than ever, and when they boMght their guns chtry 
 were not fit for fervice. May I not {ay^ as shs In- 
 di^ns did themielves, on the occafion, '>' It is m> 
 .*< woader the governor ^f Cmada gains upon 
 *« them?'* Jc is no lefs a wonder, mathinks, 
 how the governor of Nfy> T^rk could (land io 
 bitter a reproach. 
 
 Commerce ought iq be encouraged to the ut- 
 mod, and be fre^ from ail clogs : but lo make 
 it ihrive, as well as prevent the Indians irom de- 
 ferting us, it wiH be abfoltirely necei&ry to re- 
 strain the frauds and JicentiQuTDds of traders, un- 
 der the fcvcreft penalties. It is not oniy in New 
 Zork that they have abufed the )Cradc,and loft us 
 the affedions of ithe Indims on tbat 'fide, but they 
 hav'e done the famein C^oUna : for,alrho' that pro- 
 vince, which is furrounded with numerous Indran 
 nations, had been frequently harraffcd by feme or 
 , other of them 5 not more by the ii^ftigatibn cf 
 the French or Spaniards^ than by the mal-praflices 
 of the Englijb traders : yet, ijot warned by experi- 
 ence, or rather not regarding the welfare of the 
 colony, ib they gained themfelves, which is a 
 maxim with all traders ingemral, they defrauded 
 and other wife ill treated the Spanifo Indians ^ 
 the moft reftlefs of them, all to fuch a degree, 
 that: flo longer able to bear it, they broke 
 out into war about the year 171.8 *, and falling by 
 furprize, as ufual, on theouc-fettiements, cutoff 
 many EnglifiiViho were unprovided for defence. 
 Thus generally the intioceat TufFcr for the guilty, 
 who efcape ; and a whole nation for the villainies 
 of a fciW, who gp unpuniihed. 
 
 The 
 
[91] 
 
 The war became fo fierce, that Caroiinaj noc 
 able to defend icfelf, calkd in the aflSftanct of the 
 other colonies : but as even this woukl nor do, 
 and they could obtain no fuocour from the pro- 
 prietors i the peo(^e addrtiied the crown <o take 
 them under its protection.. Forces were ient over 
 who repelled the Indians^ and the -chafter being 
 icfumed, the King purchafe^ feven eighths of 
 the proprietors, and appointed a governor in 
 1731. 
 
 The (i3t nations would, ditobtlefs, put up with 
 many things which gire chcm caufe of dtfguft % . 
 would the colonies biat deal honcftly by thetn in 
 their trtffick : bu. tt railes their indignation to lee 
 that vhey take all opportunities (o trick and im- 
 pofe dn them. This^ives them ftrong anioioii* 
 ties, as well as diilruft. They camK>t be prevail- 
 ed on to believe that the mea who cheat them, or 
 thofe who fufFer them to be cheated, in €he moBc 
 vile and fcandalous manner, are ac all to be con* 
 fided m^ or can poAibly be fmcerely their friends 
 The Brft thing to be done then is to temove their 
 diftriii^, by wholly altering the prefent way of 
 treating them, and making fome new laws in 
 their favour which may fecure them againf^ any 
 future ill ufage. 
 
 With regard to thee injuries they receive from 
 the abufe of trade in particular, the method pre- 
 po^d forredrelling them is^ to take the nianage- 
 ment of the In^an trade from the people of Al- 
 ifany^ who are mofl- of them, if not all, traders or 
 handlers, and put it under the dire^on of fome 
 perfon ojf capacity and integrity, to be appointed 
 by the King ; in the nature of 4 fiiperinttndant 9/ 
 Indian affairs, who (hould be clebarred, under 
 fevere penalties, from trading either direftly or 
 |t)diredly with the hidians ; as ihould likewife the 
 
 trucks 
 
 I 
 
 i! 
 
 m 
 
 11 
 
r9»] 
 
 truck-ma(lers or agents, to be annually diofen ae 
 the places where the goods are lodged •, which 
 goods are to be fold to the Indians'at a ftt rate, 
 without any advance thereon ; and the Indians al- 
 lowed a market price for their furs. This nne- 
 thod is praftifed in Canada by the French ; and in 
 NewEngUmdy to the great fatisfatftion oithsjndians 
 there : and, why (hould they not be as well dealt 
 with at New Tork, where their good treatment is 
 of far greater importance ? 
 
 Tomo Cbicbij when here in 1734 ; in behalf of 
 the Cr^f/i;/«ir^i7J, and to prevent for the future their 
 being cheated by the Engtifh traders, defired of the 
 truftees for Georgia^ that the weights and meafures, 
 with the prices and qualities of the goods to be 
 exchanged for deerfkins might be fettled and 
 fixed : that none ihould be allowed to trade with 
 the Indians in that country, without a licence from 
 the trultees ; that fo thclndians^ in cafe of injury or 
 fraud, might know where to complain : that there 
 might be but one ftore-houfe in each Indian town, 
 from whence the traders (hould fupply them with 
 goods at the fixed prices. BecaUfe, he faid, the 
 traders had often, in an arbitrary manner, not 
 only raifed the prices of their goods, but alfo 
 given them ihort weight and meafure *, and that 
 by their impofitions they had frequently created 
 anipiofities between the Englijh and Indians^ which 
 had often ended in wars prejudicial to both. Thefe 
 matters were regulated according to his defire •« 
 and both the importation and ufe of fpirituous li- 
 quors prohibited in Georgia, by adts of the King 
 and council. Why might not the fime benefits 
 be allowed the fix nations, and other Indians who 
 are in alliance with us ? why are not the traders 
 of other colpnies laid under the fame reflraints P 
 However, the making of laws fignihes nothing 
 
 unlcls 
 
[ 93 ] 
 
 utilefs care be taken to have them put in execu- 
 lion : for in 1739* when Tomo Chichi^ and other 
 chiefs of the Creek nations, came to compUment 
 general Ogkthorp at Savannah^ they complainccf ; 
 that noiwithdanding the regulation in 34, the 
 Indian traders, who came among them from Ca^ 
 roHna, ufed bad weights and meafures. He there-^ 
 fore delired that the general would order theni 
 brafs weights and fealed meafures, to be lodged 
 with each of their kings. The fame like wife 
 might be done for the fix nations. 
 
 The chief reafon why the French have fo far 
 fucceeded in their enterprizes beyond the Englifff^ 
 is, in the opinion of Mr, Coiden *, becaufe " the 
 " Indian affairs Are the particular care of the go- 
 ** vernor and other principal officers in Canada^ 
 ** who have the grcateft knowledge and autho- 
 •« rity : whereas thofe affairs in New Tork are 
 «' chiefly left to the management of a few traders 
 ** with the Indians, who have no care for, or 
 ** (kill in public affairs, and only mind their pri- 
 ** vate intereft." 
 
 In (hurt, Mr. Kennedy is the more earneft to 
 have the method he propofes for a remedy to take 
 place, as '' being well affured, he fays, that there 
 " is no law wbicbcan be contrived, or oath framed, 
 *• to bind i handler.* » 
 
 Shr 'lid a few knavifh individuals of one colony 
 be fuflTered to ruin all the colonics ? for Mr. Ken- 
 nedy ^ rightly obfcrves, " that if ever New Tork, 
 ** Albany, and Hudfon^s river, fhould get into the 
 
 hands of an enemy, every other colony would 
 
 foon follow.** And his obfervation ought to 
 be the more regarded, fince the French are of the 
 very fame opinion, as appears from their Icheme 
 of i6i^S, which was grounded on that principle. 
 
 If 
 
 C( 
 
 4C 
 
 * P. 3S- 
 
 + P. 23. 
 
If we €xpeA any afliftance in our wars from 
 thefe Indiansy I (hould think that above all things 
 care would be taken to furnifh them with good 
 fire-arms, Mr. Kennedy is of opinion, •♦ that if 
 ** thi<i (ingle abufe was re^lified, it might be fuf^- 
 ** ficient Co keep the fix nations in our inttreft." 
 And cannot fo much be done to fave ihe colo- 
 nies > yet fomeChing more than this is heceiTary 
 to be done : for as the whole fubfiftence of thefe 
 people depends on keeping their guns in order, 
 a fmith ought to be fent tojefide among them, 
 that they might not be obliged to travel two or 
 three hundred miles to an Englijh fetdement to 
 get a lock mended, which might occafion the 
 lo& of riieir hunting (eafon. Smce therefore he 
 would be a moO: ufeful and neceflary man to them, 
 *' A fmith, fays Mr. Ketmedyh friend*, is more 
 ** likefy to influence them Chan a Jefuit ; efpe- 
 •' cially as they think much more of their tcm- 
 •* poral than fpiritual aflfairs.*' Thefe fmiths, if 
 men of tolerable underdanding, might be of far- 
 ther ufe, as they and their fons might become in- 
 terpreters ; nothing bf ing more ufeful and want- 
 ing in the colonies than good and honeft ones. 
 They might alfo be employed lo fupply the i/j- 
 <fw»j with goods. In 1 734 the afCmbly of New 
 Tork voted an allowance for maintaining a fmith 
 among the fix nations; but it f^ <es not appear 
 that any perfon of that trade was fent. 
 
 ** In my opinion, fays Mr. Colden-f^ the go- 
 ** vernment of New Tork have, on all occafions, 
 *' been exceedingly to blame, in not having fbme 
 *' men of experience among the five nations to 
 •' advife and direft them on all emergencies of 
 
 iiMportance. The Frenthy continues he, are 
 
 (C 
 
 it 
 
 w 
 
 f p. 45. 
 
 t P. 162. 
 
 ce 
 
 vtry 
 
are 
 
 very 
 
 [95l 
 very careful Of this ; and the oihcers of the 
 regular troops are obliged to take their tours 
 among their hdidnSj while the captains of the 
 independent companies of fufiliers at New Tork^ 
 '< Jive like military monks, in idlenefs and liixu- 
 
 
 it 
 
 I'y. 
 
 since the time in v<rhich the French fufFcred io 
 much by the incurfion^ of the five nations, thev 
 hdVe endeavoured, by various methods, to dra\/ 
 them off from the Engli/h intereft; and attach 
 them b their o\^n : btit at the fame time are con« 
 triv?-ig under hand how either to deftroy or fub- 
 due them : and ftiould they ever fall utider their 
 power, their firft bufmefs, in all probability, 
 would be to cm them entirely off. For thefe 
 people have brought on them fo many difgraces, 
 and been fuch a perpetual thorn in their fides, 
 that they can never fmccrely love or forgive them. 
 The five nations, very likely, think the fame 
 thcmfelves ; and this may be one reafon why, 
 notwiihftanding all the ill ufage they have re- 
 ceived, that they ftill incline to hold with the 
 En^lr/b. 
 
 Ii is a matter of the greateft importance to our 
 colonies not only to preferve the fricndftiip of the 
 few nations who are in our intereft, but alfo to 
 endeavour all they can to gain others over. They 
 will be of effential life to ftop the progrefs of the 
 French thro* the back countries ; and ferve as 
 advance guards to the colonies ; while furround- 
 ing them without, like a ftrong wall, they will 
 prevent thofe dangerous neighboufs from break- 
 ing into them. On the other hand, if they be- 
 come our enemies, the colonies will not only lofe 
 that fure defence which they would prove againft 
 the French power, but joining with them thty 
 would enter together on all fides ; and in that 
 
 cafe 
 
cafe what calamities would enflie may more eafily 
 
 be imagined than defcribed. 
 *' What CO me is mod furprifing, fays Mr* 
 Kennedy *, that alcho^ there is hardly a colony 
 the continent but what is a match for all 
 
 i' 
 
 C( 
 
 on 
 
 
 cc 
 
 Canada^ yet by a proper management of their 
 Indians they [the French] keep us all, both in 
 time of peace and war, in a.conflant df-ead and 
 terror.** While we take care to keep the In- 
 dians on our fide, they will not only keep the 
 French in awe, but by th^ir means we mighty 
 whenever we pleafed, ruin their two colonies^ by 
 taking from ihem not only their trade but their 
 country : for they could not hold out three months 
 againft the power of the Englifit fupported by 
 the Indians. 
 
 Some think that by uOng proper meafures, not 
 only the Indians who have deferred us may be 
 gained back again •, but even many of thofe na- 
 tions brought over who have always been in the 
 French intereft. Both theie things may be pof- 
 iible : but it muft not be thought that this b be- 
 caufe the French ure them worfe than we do : on 
 the contrary, they treat them infinitely better. 
 They do not fell them fpirituous liquors to de- 
 ^roy their health and confume them ; nor niake 
 them drunk and then cheat them of their goods, 
 as our traders have done. Nor are thefe abufes 
 committed only in fome of the northern colonies. 
 I could mention fome late pranks of the fouth 
 Carolina traders among the Cbarokees, which had 
 involved many other EngUJh befidcs the aggref- 
 fors, in imminent danger of being maiTacred ; 
 and might have occafioned the revolt of that nu- 
 merous nation to the French •, who prohibit the 
 fale of fpirituous liquors among the Indians^ (tho* 
 i fome 
 
 •P. 3. 
 
 pare 
 
eafily 
 
 iMr. 
 Dlony 
 or all 
 their 
 oth in 
 id and 
 hc/»- 
 epthe 
 [night, 
 cs, by 
 It their 
 npnthi 
 :cd by 
 
 cs, not 
 
 nay be 
 ofc na- 
 \ in the 
 bepof- 
 s is bc- 
 io : on 
 better. 
 5 to de- 
 if make 
 goods, 
 : abufes 
 olonies. 
 
 fouth 
 ich had 
 aggrcf- 
 facred ; 
 hat nu- 
 libit the 
 r, (tho* 
 
 fome 
 
 i97] 
 fome may be conveyed by Health) and in .natter^ 
 of trade they dea4 very honeftly by them.* How- 
 ever they may be the getts de mauvais fvf to uf, 
 not they, but we^ are the gem de maievaisfoy to the 
 Indians. What difference is there between the 
 French feizing our lands, and our defrauding the 
 Indians (I will not fay of their lands but) of their 
 furs ? Some of the letters from Virginia ex- 
 claimed againft the Indians for dielerting their 
 troops in the late engagement: but can we blame 
 them if they arc treated by their EngUJb in the 
 barbarous manner before-mentioned r They fee 
 by long experience that we make ufe of them 
 only as tools to ferve a prefent purpofe : court 
 them when we have need of them, and when the 
 bufinefs is over hegleA and dtfpife them, cheat, 
 and leave them in t^e lurch. Do not we fet them^ 
 an example of inrincerity ? can we expert they 
 fhould be more faithful and kind to us than we 
 are to them? 
 
 The French^ befides ufing the Indians better 
 than do tne Engiifiy attach them to their intere(^, 
 by conforming to their ways of living, by inter- 
 marrying with them, and by bringing them over 
 to their religionl This which they know to be 
 their fureft game, is managed by their artful and 
 indefatigable priefts, who difperfc ihemfelves for 
 the purpofe among their tribes wherever they dare 
 venture, and have the lead profpedt of fuccefs ; 
 while the Englijh rather avoid than feck to make 
 converts of them. A negligence which muft 
 prove flital to us in every part of the world where 
 popery prevails \ that inhuman monfter which, 
 if it had power, would let nothing live but it- 
 fclf. 
 
 If therefore the Indians feem inclined to take 
 part with us rather than the French^ it is wholly 
 
 H out 
 
1^8 1 
 
 out of !titere(l. They know that the greater 
 part df the goods Which they buy of the Fmcb 
 come from the EngH/h ; and that therefore they 
 can trade to more advantage Wrth our colonies, 
 by having them there at a cheaper rate than in 
 Canada. The journey likewife to Ofwego or New 
 Tdrk^ is mucli nearer and Jefs inconvenient than 
 to Montreal or ^ebek, T^s is the chief, if not 
 only mrotive, whicli can intline them to an al- 
 liance with us rather than t\^f'rencb\ whofe man- 
 ners and way of proceeding with them, in nioft 
 other refpedts, ^excepting perhaps the article bf 
 government) muft needs be more agreeable to 
 them. 
 
 Hence many are of opinion, it muft be only 
 when the feveral Indian natipns, efpecially the 
 itiore remote. Tee they can t^'llonger be fup- 
 pllied by the ir^»f^ with the ijoods they want, 
 chat they will be inclined t6 refort to our colonies, 
 and become our friends. The lirft ftep, there- 
 fore, which to them feems neceflary to be taken 
 in order to draW the Indians thither, is abfolutely 
 to prohibit that illicit trade which fias been fo long 
 tarried on at Albany^ of furnKhing the Prench 
 with Englijh manufaftures. Others on the con- 
 trary fay, that by putting a (lop to that trade we 
 fliould only oblige the French to fttch the l^me 
 kinds of goods from France and other European 
 countries, and fo lofe a very profitable branch pf 
 trade without gaining our ends with the Indians, 
 To which it is anfwered, that if this could be 
 done xht French would haye done it before now ; 
 and that was it done, their markets would be 
 dearer than they are at prefent ; which would in- 
 fallibly bring, the mod diflant Indians to our co- 
 lonies. This, they fay, has been confirmed by 
 experience of feveral years ; and would in time, 
 
 of 
 
reater 
 French 
 ihcy 
 ionics, 
 Kan in 
 r T^evi 
 It than 
 if not 
 an al- 
 : trtan- 
 n Aibft 
 tide bf 
 ible CO 
 
 be only' 
 illy the 
 )c fup- 
 y want,, 
 olonies, 
 , th^c- 
 )e taken 
 folutely 
 fo long 
 Prencb 
 he con- 
 rade we 
 le fame 
 luropedn 
 •anch pf 
 Indians, 
 aulcl be 
 e now ; 
 
 cc 
 
 «c 
 
 ould be 
 
 ould in- 
 
 ouc co- 
 
 rned by 
 
 in time. 
 
 of 
 
 t99 3 
 
 dF it(^lf, fecure as well as enrich the northern Co** 
 bnies. The fix natibns^ who always remonftrated 
 againft this trade as rainous both to their own 
 and the Englijh intereft, in a conference at Al*- 
 han^ m 17 19 aHedged, that ** if the Engli/hdiO 
 not fupply iht French with goods from that 
 place, they cannot furnifh the far hdiam with 
 what they want, and hardly thofe who live 
 *' neair them : for thev get btit little goods them- 
 «* fclyes from Francer This feems to be con^- 
 firniedv in fome meafure likewife, bf the letter 
 ibnc by Mr. Vanutreuii^ governor of Lomfiana in 
 1744, to count iefAmrepoi then ftiperintendertc 
 of the marine \ conliplaining of the bsnefit which 
 the Engh^ reaped by t!ie inability of the French 
 |b furnilh the m&am with the goods they wanted, 
 either as taqua^ity^ or quanuty; therefore defirc^ 
 an augmentation of 80,000 livresf worth, and fends 
 2LX)&di Englijh trading goods for patterns. In- 
 deed' if the French can have the fame commodi:* 
 ties as eafily from borne or elfewliere, their por- 
 chafihg them from the Englijh fhoutd feem to be 
 folely with a view tb keep the Indtarn from re- 
 fordng to the BriHjh colonies ; and their prohi- 
 biting this trade with yilkany^ 3.1 the fame time 
 that they Teem wholly to depend on it, without 
 llibftituting any other in its place, looks like a 
 difgufife, f ho* a very odd one, to conceal their 
 deHgn. If this be ideally the cafe, it would be a 
 fuflidenc reafon of itfclf for fupprefling the Jl* 
 hawf trade : and fuppofing the French Ihould im- 
 port goods to Canada immediately from Europe^ 
 It might be proper to confider, whether the /»- 
 //f<i^i .gained by fuch a (lep would not over-ba- 
 lance the lofs which we (houid fultain in true '.*. 
 
 Tis certain the governor of Canada n ight 
 eafily put a (top at once to that illicit trade *, and 
 
 H 2 why 
 
w. 
 
 [ »oo ] 
 why does he rot ? we are told if he did the Kab' 
 mag4 or praying Indians, who fubfift by it, would 
 prcfently quit the country and return to the Bvc 
 nations from whom they deferted. But is it like- 
 ly he would deprive the French company of fuch 
 confiderable advantages, by letting the prime 
 beaver (kins be carried to the Engliftty for fake 
 only of retaining loo or 150 Indians at mod, in 
 his intereft, when he has enough without them 
 ready to ferve him on all occaHons ? The true 
 reafon therefore after all for fuch condu^V^ feems 
 to be either the impofTibility of fupplying the 
 Indians in any other manner with the goods they 
 want, or to prevent the northern Indians frorp re- 
 Toning to the Engli/b colonies : but in cafe thofe 
 praying Indians, as they are called, are really of 
 fo.much value to them as it is alledi^,ed, why 
 might they not be of equal value to us? 
 
 The decifion of the point here in diipute is of 
 vaft moment to the Britijh intereft, and very well 
 dcferves the niceft fcruiiny of the board of trade. 
 As it depends on a fa6t which is to be afcertained 
 only by experience, I will not offt-r my opinion : 
 but this I think I may venture to fay, that if the 
 ^Ihany illicit trade was deOroyed, and the navi- 
 gation of the lakes was made free by dellroying 
 the forts of Niawgra and De-troite, before-men- 
 tioned, or eredlingothers in their neighbourhood, 
 we fhould foon fhare the fur trade of the notth 
 and weftern Indians with the French -, and that 
 in cafe the Hudfon's bay trade was laid open, we 
 ihould have it almoil wholly to ourfeives ; even 
 altho' the French could get Indian goods from 
 France or el fe where, io put off at the fame rates 
 they do now : but while the company fell their 
 goods fo exceflively dear to the Indians,, and - the 
 ; Navigation of the laktrs is ihut up by thofe two 
 
 forts. 
 
 (C 
 
Kab' 
 'ou!d 
 : five 
 likc- 
 
 fuch 
 srime 
 
 fake 
 ft, in 
 them 
 le true 
 fcems 
 ig the 
 s they 
 )rp re- 
 : thofe 
 ally of 
 I, why 
 
 ;e is OT 
 ry well 
 trade, 
 [rtained 
 )inion : 
 : if the 
 le navi- 
 troying 
 •c-mcn- 
 irhood, 
 e north 
 nd that 
 >cn, we 
 1 ; even 
 Is from 
 ne rates 
 ell their 
 ndthe 
 lofe two 
 forts. 
 
 r '01 1 
 
 forts i no wonder fo much of the fur and peltrf 
 go to the French f who ft 11 them much cheaper 
 than the company, and fo little to the Engtijh of 
 the colonies, who fell them one half cheaper than 
 the French, 
 
 When a firm peace and friendfhip is eftablifh- 
 ed with the fix nations, endeavours ought to be 
 ufed to bring back their brethren the Praying In- 
 dians^ who, provoked by the villainous treatment 
 (as Mr. Kennedy calls it) of the handlers, went 
 over to 'the French, This was fo long ago as be- 
 tween the years 1670 and 80. Thefe are converts 
 fettled at Kabnuaga^ a village on the river St, Lau- 
 rencey a little to the north of Montreal^ and are 
 greatly chcrilhed by the French^ they being their 
 principal fighting Indians, It is by them alto .lat 
 the trade is carry'd on at Albaney : and but for 
 them in all probability the fix nations would have 
 been c^ ftroyed before now by the French : for they 
 not only refufe going to war againft them as their 
 brethren, but have given them intelligence of de- 
 figns formed againft them in Canada, for which 
 and other rrafons it is judged, that by proper me- 
 thods they may be recovered. 
 
 Now, the moft proper method that appears is 
 to deftroy the Alhaney illicit trade, which is their 
 only fubfiftence ; at leaft, it is certain, that before 
 they can be recovered, it muft for that purpofe be 
 deftroyed. This trade is, doubtlefs, the greateft tie 
 on themtotheFrtf»f^intereft ) but i\icFrencb em- 
 ploy them in it chiefly as fpies, to gain intelligence 
 now matters go in New Tork, with which province 
 they are as well acquainted as the inhabitants 
 themfelvcs ; and to carry on any fecrer correfpon- 
 dcnce with t\}eMohawksy from which tribe chiefly 
 they are the deferters. Mr.Kennedy fays, * " they 
 ♦* muft be brought back, coft what it will." 
 
 H 5 Mr. 
 
 * Confiderat p 19. 
 
 i:^ ^1 
 
K 
 
 i 
 
 r 102 ] 
 
 Mr. ^Ooldetti (peaking of ao (Opportunity of re- 
 covering the Praying Indians^ loft for want qf be- 
 ing purfucd ♦, foys, " ic might have been of great 
 V confequence : but fuch matters, continues be, 
 *' where there is not an immed late private profit^ce 
 ** feldompurfued by the £ir^if^ with that care gnd 
 ** afliduity, with which they are by the Pretuh.^* 
 
 ;How indefatigable the French are to gaia the 
 Indians, and fee them agginft the Efiglijh, as if 
 their friendihip was the/tne qua non, is evident 
 from the letters of Mr. Vaudreuil governor of 
 J^oufiana, to his friends in Frtmce in 1 744^ found 
 on board the Goldtn Lyon prize, taken by Capt. 
 Aylmer, commander ot the Pert'Maben man of 
 warf; wherein is fliewn the artifices which he 
 made ufe of to impofe on, and drawover, the Cbi- 
 kefawsy who duped him after a^l. 
 
 There is the morereafonto believe that ihtKah* 
 nuagas might be induced to return, if what l^r^ 
 i)ot4glas fays be fa6t, that the Jrrfeg^ntookooks 
 and ff^eweeftoksytwotnhcs of the Abenakki Indians^ 
 the moft inveterate of all the Englijb enemies, 
 fubmitced to the crown of England in a congress 
 held zx. Palnioutb in Kajko bay, the 27th of Sep^ 
 tember 1 749. Thcfe are by the French called the 
 Miffions of Si, Francis and B^kancpurt ; and dwell 
 on the fouth fide of the nvcx ,^t. Laurence ^ on ri- 
 vers of the fame names, one 40, the other 30 
 leagues above ^ebek. % 
 
 If I fey (for I own I much doubt it) thefe Jbe^ 
 nakki tribes have fubmitted, why (if proper nieans 
 be ufcd) may nqt the reft ? whofe fiiendfliip, next 
 to that of the fix nations, is of moft importance 
 to the northern colonies. Thefe Indians^ altho* 
 fcattered and few, like all the nonhexn Indian nati- 
 Qns (for they, do not ^Jfcieed 650 fighting men) 
 . aVh ir ' -• - leaving 
 
 * p. 199. t See the prefent ftate of Louijianot 1744. 
 J Dougl, Summary Jmer. Vol. II. p. 4. 
 
bc- 
 rreat 
 
 s bcy 
 it,ai:e 
 ! jind 
 
 a the 
 
 as if 
 rident 
 lor of 
 found 
 
 Opt. 
 lan of 
 ic^ he 
 itCbi- 
 
 lat Dr« 
 
 mkooks 
 itdians^ 
 icmies, 
 ongrefs 
 of Sep^ 
 led the 
 dwell 
 on ri- 
 her 30 
 
 kfe Ait- 
 nieans 
 
 ip, next 
 
 )rtancc 
 
 altho' 
 
 \an nati- 
 
 ig men) 
 having 
 
 1,1744- 
 
 having the whole country, from the borders of 
 New England to the gulf of Su Laurence^ in their 
 pofTi^ion^^ Would be of vaft ufc to prevent the in- 
 o'oachments of the French in that part of the con- 
 tinent, and favour' any attiempt which we tiiight 
 have occaHoh to make againft Canada, The forts 
 built along the river of Sf, Jobn^ and particularly 
 that at' the head of the Kenniifeky would greatly 
 help to compafs this defign : but nothing of this 
 kind can be hoped for, fo long as that almofl: im- 
 placable animofity.fubfifts, which reigns, between 
 the people of New England and thc-m, on account 
 of ancient quarrels. Some methods, therefore, 
 fhould be taken to make theiti' forgo their mu- 
 tual refentments •, and if poflible ( for fome will 
 not allow it to be pofTible) effedtually feccincile 
 them. As the Cberokees are a good barrier toCa- 
 rolina againft the French of Louijiana^ To might 
 the Abenakkiy by good managemeftt, be made a 
 Urong one between New England and Canada, 
 ' After all, there- feems but little hopes yer of 
 fucceeding in this defirable 'end : for, inftead of 
 gaining over any of thofe Indians ^ finte the French 
 began hoililities, we have' loll: Indians: for mod 
 of the tribes on the Ohio flood neuters, and the 
 reft deferted as in the battle of the meadows. 
 What has a worfe afpeft, the laft news from New 
 Tork brings advice that the Mehikander or River 
 Indians y who dwelt on Hudfon river above Al- 
 bany^ are gone oyer to the French, This muft 
 be owing to either refeniment for fome former, or 
 fome late ill ufage, particularly in trade. If the 
 latter be the cafe, what can we fay, but that the 
 •people who are devoted to unjufi lucre, are devoted 
 to ruin ? 
 
 
 ■I! ,'!i 
 
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 'A"^fk 
 
<i 
 
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 TifelOf' 
 
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 ;:uv. r>f\i 
 
 Some umarks 0» Noy^ ScQtia, an4ibtO\i\o affair ^ 
 
 i^q W wcflrejftjp(fc,iVI?w 5tf^/;<f, I muft take 
 ^"^ notice, that irU by this province only thac 
 the French can be . hindered from furrout.ding all 
 our colonies : for they have fettled and built forts 
 to the fouth of Canada river, in all other parts bus 
 this ; from which they may alway$ be excluded on 
 the land Ode, in cafe the chain of forts on the ri- 
 ver KenMek, fliould be carry'd on to the river 
 St. Laurence along the Cbaudiere, By means 
 6f one fort built at the mouth, of this laft river, 
 and another at the mouth of the St, Francis^ or 
 one of thofe between the other two, we might be 
 able at any time to obllrufb the communication 
 by water, between §uehek and Montreal^ as wtU 
 as annoy them. This could • be done the more 
 conveniently, a* thofe forts might be readily fup- 
 plicd with every thing, by a third to be erected, 
 as before- mentioned, at the heads of thofe two ri- 
 vers 5 which might itfelf be readily furnifhed^with 
 all kinds of neceflaries from both New Tork and 
 New England^ by the river Albany and Konnektekut 
 (which rife in its neighbourhood^ as well as the 
 Kennikk. With regard to which lad-, it is worth 
 cbferving, that the diftance from the mouth of 
 it to ^ebek is not half fo great as that from Bofton 
 to ^€t>ek^ and but one third of that from New Tork 
 to ^ebek i a circumftance which ought to make 
 us more earned both to fettle and fortify this river. 
 I hope we (hall not be afraid to build upon cur 
 own frontiers, left it (houid difoblige the French^ 
 who have t^ken the liberty to build within theml 
 For my part, I think we ought not to forbear do- 
 ing^ any thipg which may difguft or offend them ; 
 
 fince 
 
 cc 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
[ I05 ] 
 fincc they have done every thing which they could 
 think of to difguft and provoke us. In (hort, to 
 make ourfelves amends, we ought to ereft a few 
 forts within their fettlements, none fitter for the 
 purpofe than the laft-mentioned three, and then 
 let them take their remedy : for they cannot do 
 worfe than they have done } and, perhaps, this 
 would be the readied and leaft cxpenfive way to 
 make them quit our territories and withdraw 
 within their own. 
 
 The province of Nova Scotia, befides being a 
 llrong barrier againft the French, as well as defence 
 to our northern colonies, is of importance to us 
 on^anyotheraccoonts •, but on none more than that 
 the French think it would be of importance to 
 them. That they do fo is evident from the unwil- 
 lingnefs with which they gave it up at the treaty 
 o^ Utrecht ; and the extraordinary methods which 
 they have been taking ever fmce to get it out of 
 our hands again. This will appear alfo from the 
 character which their writers give of it. 
 
 Detrys, in his defcription of North America^ 
 fpeaking of Acadia, in his dedication io Lewis XIV. 
 recommends it " as the principal part of all New 
 ** France : the tnoft ufeful, andeafy to be peopled** 
 Another writer, in a memoir publifhed at the 
 time of the intended conquefl of our colonies, in 
 1688, fpeaks thus of it : ^^ Acadia fo ufeful, on 
 *' account of the beauty and fecurity of its ports, 
 *' the fertility of its foil, the advantage of i.s 
 " mines, the abundance of its fifh, and the faci- 
 " lity of making the filhery fedentary." Tothefe 
 may be added the vaft plenty of excellent timber 
 which it a^Ofds for building (hips. 
 
 Thefe are the confiderations which make the 
 French fo fond of Nova Scotia^ and the fame con- 
 
 fidera- 
 
 
 
 Pi 
 

 m 
 
 S«i! 
 
 Vm 
 
 mm-i: 
 
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 ft'! 
 
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 f '06J 
 
 ^derations ought to endear it no lefs to Britam»^ 
 whole riches and power confifts in its commerce 
 and (hipping. 
 
 There are two exprefTions in the laft quotation* 
 which I (hall tal^e an occa(ion to explain. One is 
 what he calls z fedentary fjbery^ by which is meant 
 no more than a fixt or fettled fijhery ; and to be 
 fure almoft every part of the coafts of Nova Scs^^ 
 tia affords conveniency for fuch fettlcments efpe- 
 daily the coafts of the Peninfula from Cape St, 
 Mary tq Canfo. 
 
 hytbe beauty of its ports is to be un^erAood the 
 great conveniency as to depth, capacioufnefs, 
 wood and water, in which they are to be exceed- 
 ed by no country in the world. The flood Mn 
 fome of them, particularly Port-Royal^ rifes 2 5 
 feet, which qualifies it for receiving the largeft 
 (hips : and ahho' thaf ^ort is not fo conveniently 
 fituated for trade as Halifax and other ports on the 
 fouth-eaft fide of the Peninfula^ yet it is capable 
 of holding the whole navy of England ; and what 
 is very remarkable as well as of great importance, 
 is almoft the only place in all America, excepting 
 Shegnikto (where the fea rifes above double that 
 height) in which rn^n of war may be conveniently 
 docked. 
 
 The proceedings of the French in Nova Scotia^ 
 from its firft fettlement, having been treated of at 
 large in the pamphlet above-mentioned \ I Ihall 
 pafs from thence to Virginia^ and fpeak a few 
 words concerning their prefent proceedings in the 
 country of the Ohio^ and the title which they fet 
 up to it. ,' r 
 
 This river runi with a very rapid and winding 
 courfe, thro' one of the moft fertile and beautiful 
 countries in the world -, confifting moftly of fpaci- 
 ous plains covered with trees of various kinds, 
 
 I fuch 
 
[ 'P7 1 
 
 fuch as large walnut and hickery, mixed frequent- 
 ly with poplars, cherry-trees, fugar-trees, and the 
 like. $0 that whether we regard the finenefs of its 
 ftream, or the lands thro* which it pafTes, it well 
 ^cferves the name it bears of Ohio or Hpbtoj which 
 fignifies the Fair River, It rifesfirom two or three 
 little lakes at the back of New Tork province, a 
 litde to the weft of the AHiganey mountains, to the 
 fouch of the country of the Bve nations, and to 
 the cafl of lake Erri. It is for the general very 
 broad, efpecially towards the mouth, and has a 
 courfe of above €00 miles thro* a country fuch as 
 we have defcribed, fo many miles fquare. Ten 
 or a dozen large rivers fall into it, befides an in- 
 finite number of fmaller ftreams ; all abounding 
 with excellent fi(h of feveral kinds, like the Ohio 
 itfelf, which breeds the cat-fi(h, of a prodigious 
 fize. Formerly divers nations dwelt along this 
 river and its branches ; among the reft were the 
 Sbowanongs, or Sattcanas^ a very powerful people, 
 who had more than 50 towns in their poffeffion : 
 But aboi^t the year 1685 they were all either de- 
 ftroyed or driven out pf the country by fome of 
 their neighbours ; and the TwigtwiSj with other 
 nations, came and fettled in their room, altho* 
 fome remains of thofe different tribes are ftill to 
 be found, pai*ticularly of the Showanongs, 
 
 As this country belongs to Virginia^ being with- 
 in its grant, fwhich includes all the inlands of 
 America between certain latitudes, from the ^z- 
 /<3ff//V ocean to the fouth Tea) the inhabitants of 
 that province began pretty early to vifit it. Col. 
 Wood particularly, who dwelt at the falls of 
 James's river, in 1654, fent proper perfons 9 who 
 pafling the ^//if^a»<ry mountains, entered the coun- 
 try of the Ohio^ and in ten years fpace difcovered 
 feveral branches, not only of that river, but alfo 
 of the MJfiffi^i itfelf. 
 
 The 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 iiP 
 
 1 
 

 [ io8 ] 
 
 The Virginians y invited by the fertility of the 
 country, and friendly behaviour of the Indians^ 
 continued their vifits thither ; and altho* they 
 made no fettlements, yet they traded with the 
 natives, and many private perfons went and refided 
 aR:!ong them for the greater conveniency of car- 
 rying on that trade : efperially after the five na« 
 tions had conquered the Ilinois and all this coun- 
 try of the Ohio^ as far as the river Ilinois and the 
 MtlfiJIippii to which thtEnglifo became farther in- 
 titled, in right of the conquerors, who about the 
 fame time became allies of Great Britain, Mean 
 time, the Fr^if^ having, in 1699, made a fcttle- 
 ment at the mouth of the Miffifftppi^ and opened 
 a communication between that pjace and Canada^ 
 (by means of the Ilinois river, which enters the 
 MJUJippi^ in about the 40th degree of lati jde,) 
 began to form a defign of joining thofe two colo- 
 nies together. They alligned the river Ilinois the 
 bounds between them *, and denominated all the 
 country from thence fouthward to the gulf of 
 Mexico^ by the name of Louijiana^ in honour of 
 their King Lewis XIV. Their view in this was 
 to give themfelves a title to all the country on 
 both fides the Miffiffippi (on which river likewife 
 they conferred the name of Louis) and to feize it 
 under that pretence, whenever they found them- 
 felves ftrong enough to efFcft it. They began in 
 the infancy of this fouthern colony to build for?*-, 
 along the MiJJiJfippiy and by degrees toent<:r ] r. 
 the Ohioy at whofe mouth they built a fort: aii ) ; 
 by which river, and the Wahajhy they found » 
 iliorter and more convenient rout to and from 
 ^uebek^ than by that of the Ilinois. Mean while 
 the Englijh continued their iniercourfe and traffic 
 with the Indians of the Ohio country, fo much to 
 their advantage, ) hat in 1716, Col. Spot/wood then 
 
 governor 
 
the 
 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 [ 109 ] 
 
 governor of Virginia^ got a law paft iherb for 
 crcding a company to trade with them. This 
 trade was fettled fo gready to their fatisfa6lion, 
 that confiderable numbers repaired to Chriftiana 
 forr, which was built by the company for that 
 purpofe. He likewife laid an excellent fcheme for 
 extending that trade, and raifing foriiBcations 
 even on the banks of the lake Erri : nor was there 
 any perfon in America^ fays our memorialifl: of 
 1732, better qualified to execute fuch a icheme. 
 But, becaufe it was *'*' managed by a company, 
 continues the fame writer, it was oppofed in 
 England^ and a repeal of the law procured, to 
 the inexprefllble lofs of all thefe colonies : altho' 
 without a company the defign was impractica- 
 ble ; unlefs it had been made the buHnefs of 
 the whole government." 
 UQo\. Spot/wood's fcheme had been followed, the 
 Ob'o might have been fettled before this, and the 
 prefentdiftradions prevented ; but, when was there 
 ever a right meafure taken till lately for the ad- 
 vantage and fecuricy of the colonies ? 
 
 Things (lood thus till about the year 1725, 
 when the French being no longer able to fupply 
 the Indians of this country with the goods they 
 wanted j the Twigtwees or Miyamis sl nation inde- 
 pendent, and much more numerous than the fix 
 nations, repaired direftly to New Torkind Albany, 
 there to trade with the Englijh. This brought 
 on an alliance wiih thofe Ameficans, and a 
 greater jntercourfe of the Englijh than before, in- 
 vited by the trade and beauty of the country. 
 It likewife begat a defire of reviving Spotfevood*s 
 fcheme. Accordingly, in 1730, endeavours were 
 ufed to obtain a grant from the crown of thofe 
 excellent lands ; and propofals made (o tranfport 
 large numbers of Palatines to fettle it. But this 
 ■ '" good 
 
 % Ml 
 
 
[ no] 
 
 good atC6mpt was alfo frulVr'ated : perhaps, by 
 the fame bad policy which fruftrated the former. 
 
 Howev(?^', ^t length, in 1 749, when it was too 
 fate, as appears by tht event, a grant was obtain- 
 ed of 600,660 ictcs in this country, to certain 
 itierchants and others, of Virginia and tonddn^ 
 iVho aflfcdateid under the title (Xfbe Ohio company, 
 
 Mean tittle the governor of Canada difgufted 
 to fee t\it French deprived of fuch a confiderable 
 nation of Ifidiam as th^ Twigtwees^ with their 
 trade ; and Confidcring too, that in cafe the EngHfh 
 were once firrftly fettled in the country, that the 
 bope^ of poilfi^mng it, and even of paffing that 
 wa[y Co ttfuiftdfia^ would ht entirety cut off fnbm 
 lii* nation, in the year 1 750 wrote to the gover- 
 nors of Nm Tork and Pefifyltania^ actfuainting 
 them that our Indian iradersf had incfoached on 
 theil* te'rritofie$ by trading with (herr Inularis ; ^nd 
 th^t if they did not dcflfl he fhould be obfiged to 
 ieize them wheffiver they were found. Might not 
 one have thbughr, that on fuch warning as this; 
 thofe colonies would immediately have taken the 
 diarni, raiied forces, and under their protedron) 
 with the Indians leave, fet about building forts 
 for fecuriiy of their traders ? inftead of this they 
 went on fetding without taking any precautions 
 for their fecurity. 
 
 Perhaps they imagined the French were in jcft : 
 nor did thi^.nflefTage divert the Oi>;^ company 
 from their defign of having a furvey made of the 
 country as f^r as the falls in that river. But while 
 Mr. Gifii employed for that purpofe, was in his 
 progrels in fpring 1751, fome French parties with 
 their Indians (for they do nothing without In* 
 dians) feized three Englijh traders and carried them 
 to a fort which they were then building on one of 
 the branches of lake Erri ; having before built an- 
 other 
 
 u 
 t« 
 (( 
 
by 
 
 this 
 n iht 
 ;£tion> 
 5 Ions 
 s they 
 
 njcftt 
 npany 
 of the 
 while 
 in his 
 rs with 
 
 ut i«- 
 
 dthem 
 one of 
 
 ult an- 
 other 
 
 other at the mouth of the river Wahalh, On this 
 the Englijh^ who were fcattered thro* the country, 
 retired to the Indian towns for (belter ; and the 
 Iwigmees refenting the violence done to their al- 
 lies, alTembled to the number of 5 or 600, and 
 fcoured the woods till they found &tc French tra- 
 ders, whom they lent to Penfyhania, 
 
 While thefe things were doing, the French were 
 making preparations for building a fort on the 
 fouth fide of the lake firri', of which proceed- 
 ings Mr. Hamilton^ then governor of Penfylvania^ 
 having received advice, he laid before the aflem- 
 bly of that province the neceffity Which there was 
 to have fome places of (Irength and fecurity buile 
 on the OhiOf under the name of traSngot truck' 
 boufes, which might ferve for retreats to their /«* 
 dian traders : the propofal was approved of and 
 money granted for the purpofe *, but as the means 
 propofed for raifing it were not complied with, 
 nothing was done, and an opportunity given to 
 the French to finilh their fecond fort. 
 
 Repeated complaints of thefe encroachments 
 being made to the governor of Virginia\ at length, 
 towards the end of the year i y^^^ major IVapj* 
 ington was fent to the commander of thofe forts 
 to demand a reafoii for his hoftile proceedings, 
 and required him to withdraw with his forces. 
 The commander denied that any thing like hof- 
 tilities had been committed, but refufed to obey 
 the futiimons ; and the officer of the near fort 
 being afked a reafon for making feveral of the 
 Engiijh prifoners, told him, " that the country 
 " belonged to them -, that no Englijhman had a 
 right to trade on thofe waters •, and that he had 
 orders to feiZe every one who Ihoufd attempt 
 to tradjf on the Ohio or its branches,*' 
 
 At 
 
 tc 
 
 
 w 
 
 i 
 
[Ma ] 
 
 At the fame time that major fVaJhington was 
 difpacched towards ihtFrench forts, a refolution was 
 taken to build a fort near tJie forks of the ObU\ 
 and as the major was on his return, he met the 
 ilorcs and other materials on their way thither. 
 But next fpring the French coming down from 
 their forts, as they had declared the year before, 
 took that fort ere it was finifhed, and purfuing 
 their defign drove the Englijh quite out of the 
 country, back into the more fettled part of Vir^ 
 ginia^ in the manner as hath been related in the 
 public papers : nor was this to be wondered at, 
 confidering how unprepared we were to refift 
 them. 
 
 The undertaking to make thefe feCtlements 
 and build forc^, without any force to fupport 
 them, was the more extraordinary, if the memo- 
 riafift of 17329 in fpeaking of the former at- 
 tempt, hath reprefented the ftate of things rightl/. 
 It were truly to be wifhed, iaith he, that this 
 projed was pradicable : for fuch a frontier 
 on that part would be highly ufeful : but ^s it 
 «* is prefumed that they mull firft afk leave of 
 ** thofe who will never grant it, viz, the French^ 
 " who are extremely jealous of extended fctrle- 
 *' ment?, it would be in vain, under the prefent 
 " ftate of affairs, to attempt it." 
 
 This (hews that the French had, even then, 
 either taken pofTeflion of the country, or at lead 
 declared that the Englijh (hould not make any 
 fcttlements in it ; and that it was generally be- 
 lieved they were able to make good their decla- 
 ration. And if it was in vain to attempt fuch a 
 thing at that jun(5lure, it cenainly was more in 
 vain to attempt it at prefent -, I mean without a 
 fufficient fprct, when xht French were become 
 
 con- 
 
 es 
 
 «c 
 
 <c 
 
 a! 
 
 C2 
 
[ it3 ] 
 
 confiderabiy ftronger, had aifluarlly built forts in 
 the country, and threatened to bring troops to 
 oppofe our (Icfigns. 
 
 However, 'lis probable the French would not 
 have been able to compafs their purpofe, had not 
 the Indians either flood neuter or delerted our 
 party. That they behaved in this manner, Wds 
 owing, '(is (aid, to the building of that lort, «nd 
 the Ohio grant being made without iheir privity 
 or confent. 
 
 They were greatly incenfed to thrnit, that the 
 Engltjh Ihould ta4ce tipon them to difpofe of thtir 
 lands without dny title to them, either by gift or 
 purchafe. If this be fo, it is no wonder that they 
 (hould rather take part with the French^ who 
 openly declared their defign of eftablifhrng chem- 
 feivcs in thexrountry, than with the Engli/h^ who 
 were clandeftinely depriving 'them of iheir lands, 
 at the fame time they profciled Triendlhip. Such 
 dealing likcwifc 'ierves the French another way, 
 as it helps to confirm the fufpicrons wliich they 
 are continually inftiMing into the minds of the 
 Jfidmns, that the EngUJh covet their lands } and 
 rhat, whatever they may profefs with their mouths, 
 they are contriving how to ruin them "in their 
 hearts ; and thus they giin ground among the 
 Indians^ while the EngH/h lofe ground. 
 
 That the Indians gave no confent, either to 
 the grant oF their lands or building of the fort, 
 feems cvidcrit ifrom Aiany circumftances. When 
 Mx.GifiwGbift in 1 751 went to furvey thecountry 
 along the Ohio for ilie company, he was very 
 careful to conceal his defign from the Indians^ 
 who were no lefs fufpicibus and inquifitive about 
 it. At Logftown particialarrly, the Delawares want- 
 ed much to know his bufmeis *, and he not an- 
 fwering thenn readily^ they (bfpcfcVed he came 
 to fettle their lands, and made ufe of many threats: 
 
 I but 
 
 'I 
 I 
 
 m 
 
 I' 
 
«« 
 <( 
 
 <( 
 
 [ 114] 
 
 but at length it feems they were paciBed, on be* 
 ing told that he came with a meffage to them 
 from their king, meaning the king of England* 
 
 'Tis certain too from the fpeech of Sbingis^ 
 the half king, to the French commandant, which 
 he repeated to IVaJhington at this place, that the 
 Indians aflferted ** their right to the lands againft 
 «• both French and Englijh : that they threatened 
 ** the French for daring to come and take their 
 land by force and build on it ^ declaring that 
 the land belonged to neither of them *, and 
 that they had already told the Englijh Co.** Ma- 
 jor fVaJImgton faid nothing to contradidt this ; 
 nor did he mention any thing about building 
 a fort in the council which was held concern- 
 ing the French ; •* he even concealed the real in- 
 •' tent of his journey to the French fort from the 
 ** Indians^ putting them off with fome cxcufe," 
 as if he was confcious that to fummon the French 
 to withdraw, implied a tacit claim to the coun- 
 try. Neither is there in all the relation of his 
 journey any intimation of the Indians confenting 
 to build a fort, any more than of the company's 
 defign to build one. The affembly of Pen^l- 
 vania^ indeed, were informed by one of their 
 agents, that the Indians had given confent for 
 building a fort on the Ohio : but in this they 
 found, upon due enquiry, that they had been 
 deceived. On calling that perfon to an account 
 for impofmg on them, he pleaded the orders of 
 a certain principal man : this principal man de- 
 nying the fa^b, the other fent up his letter or in- 
 flru<5tions to the aflfembly. But altho' the letter 
 proved what he alledged, yet they did not think 
 ft any excufe for the deception *, and therefore 
 took, what they thought, a proper method to 
 make him fenfible of their refentment, by con- 
 9 fifcating 
 
[ I'S] 
 H/taring a round fum of money, which was due 
 to him. The fuffcrer (who dcfcrvcd no Icfs pu- 
 nifhment for being inftrumental in burning out 
 a great number of fetilers on the river Suf- 
 quebanna, not long before^ finding he could have 
 no indemnification from the governor, whofe tool 
 he had beer, in revenge went and difcovered the 
 fecrct of the Ohio grant to the Indians ^ and fpi- 
 rited them up to call in the French to drive out 
 the Englift). It was from a principle of revenge 
 alfo, in another difgufted proprietor under the 
 new grant, that the impofition we are fpeaking 
 of came to be difcovered. In (hort we are told, 
 that the prefent French invafion had its rife from 
 the Ohio company's building the ftore-houfe at 
 WilV% Creek. For the Indian trade, which before 
 was carried on with Penfyhania by the river Suf- 
 quebanna, was by means of that (lore-hoofe and 
 a waggon-road, opened thro* the country, car- 
 ried into Virginia by way of the PofSmak : that 
 the Penfyhania traders confideting this as an in- 
 jury done to them, in revenge infufcd jealoufies 
 into the minds of the Indians^ that the Englijh 
 were going clandeftinely ro feize their lands : that 
 the clamor among the Indians alarmed the French: 
 and that the building the fort on the Ohio con- 
 firming the information which they had received 
 of the grant, they in refentment joined with the 
 French to defeat the Englift) defigns. 
 
 This is the account given by fbme who were 
 acquainted with the whole tranfad^ion : by which 
 the aflfembly at Philadelphia^ and fcveral worthy 
 members of the Ohio company, were abufed by 
 fuch unworthy ones. 
 
 The reader may judge from fuch proceedings 
 as thefe, what it is which hath loft us the warm 
 hearts of iht Indians ; and how difficult it muft be 
 to recover our credit with them, after having dealt 
 
 f 
 
 if. 
 
 I 2 
 
 fo 
 
H 
 
 [ n6] • 
 
 fu deceitfully. Such proceedings as thefey which 
 tend to ruin the colonies, ought to ht made 
 known, that a (lop may be put io them for the 
 future. 
 
 The beft way, therefore, to avoid contefts and 
 animoncies, wpqld be to drop all fuch claims to 
 the lands of Indians ; and purchafp them gradu- 
 ally, as \ve advance in our fettlements, which 
 may be done at. a fmall expence. For it would, 
 be, better tv> buy their friendlhip, tl^o* dear,^ ths^n 
 to lofe the aiTiftance of pepple without whofe good 
 will we cannot poflibly maintain our. footing any. 
 where. I wou{d advife this method particularly 
 vf ith refp^^ to jcjic Ohio country j for ir we fhould, 
 negledt it, the Frepcb m2Ly do ir, ip order tp make- 
 the Indians their friends, and perplex qs. It^ 
 might becoi^^ th^ French and Spaniards^ or fuch.. 
 arbitrary peopJe, tp take the /«^w» lands by 
 forcvN but; not th? EngUJhy who ihould be as ten- 
 der ot the lib^r^y and property of other nations 
 as they are jealoui^ jpf their own. 
 
 This miftak^n, not to fliy unjuft, way, of pro- 
 ceeding with the : Indians, feems to arife from sl. 
 notion that vve ai;e intitled to the poHl'irion of aU 
 tfeeir lands, in right of our difqoverics: whereas, 
 thofedifcoveries give us no more real right to any; 
 part of America, th^n the difcovery of our coafts; 
 by 2i\\. Indian would give thofe of his tribe a right, 
 to Great Britain. The difcoveries of onp- nai^i> 
 ferve only to exclude any other from fettjing in 
 the parts fo difcpvered by them:: So that thi» 
 fort of argument can be of force.only wit;h £f^n 
 ropean^ againft Eurfipiansy whp.maftp ufprof it, tp, 
 fupport their feveral pretenfions. Itj is in this 
 fenfq only therefore, that either th^ French ox we 
 can pretend ariy right origi|>al)y .. tp o^r Am^rin 
 aw fetilemenssi and^in, this . fcnfe I am tp.bft un^ 
 derftood^ iq.ex^ipining the FreucffxXpfi^ to xh6g!\ 
 ri ' Ameri- 
 
• 
 
 [ U7 ] 
 
 American pbdefllons in general, and to that of 
 the Ohio country in particular. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Exorh'-'ant claims of the French examined \ and an 
 expedient propofed to prevent future difputes, 
 
 ^TPHE French claim the country of the Obiot 
 **• as part of Louifiana : which name Mr. Be Id 
 Salk^ in his pafTage from Canada down the Mif- 
 fifftppi in 1683, gave to the lands on both fides 
 of it, front! the river llinois to the gulf of Mexico. 
 They claim it likcwife, as being the tirft who dif- 
 C6vered and entered the mouth of the Mifjifftppl 
 in 1699, under Mr. Iberville, If 'tis true that they 
 firft failed down the Mijilfippi^ yet the Engli/h were 
 the firft who difcovered and entered the mouth 
 of it. This they did one year fooner than the 
 Frefichy on the following occafion. Dr. Daniel 
 Cdx reiblving to revive a claim which he had to 
 the lands of America, from 31 to 36 decrees, 
 granted in 1630 by King Charles I. to Sir Robert 
 Heathy under the name of Carolana ; in 1698 fcnc 
 two (hips under captain fVilliam Bond (late ftore- 
 keeper of Fort George «'* New Tork) to take poP- 
 feflion of the country : and as the eaflern coa(t 
 was' already fettled by Englijh, deriving under 
 fubfcqucnt grants, they had orders to find out 
 the mouth of the MiJ/tJippi^ fwhich La Salle had 
 in two voyages fought for in vain) and entering 
 into it make a fettlement there. The Ihips went, 
 and having difcovered the * river, one of them 
 paft up it above 100 miles •, but as the other (hip 
 deferted her, they made no fettlement. However 
 they took poffeflion of the country on both fides 
 
 • Captain Bond brought from thence feveral curious 
 draughts which he had made of the coafl: and river, and 
 whicii are ftill in being in the poro^fllon of captain R. Riss^' 
 
 13 4 
 
 ' • *>^ " 
 
 ; Hi 
 
[ 1.8 J 
 
 of the river in king William's name; and lefc iti 
 feveral places the arms of Great Britain affixed 
 on boards and trees, for a memorial thereof : but 
 while the proprietor was applying in England for 
 a new grant, Mr. Iberville the next year found 
 the mouth of the river, and entering it made a 
 fe'tlement there. Chnrkvo-it allows, that three 
 fhips were fent from England on the difcovcry of 
 this river, and that one of them did enter the 
 mouth of it : but pretends f that this was '\x\ Sep- 
 tember 1699, and that there was then adtually a 
 French fort, whofe commander Bionville Hop- 
 ed her paflage. However he fays the Engli/h 
 claimed the country, faid they had been there 
 above 50 years before, and would return to drive 
 them out. 
 
 If therefore priority of difcovery gives aright, 
 the Englijh are intitled to all the country in quef- 
 tion : for they not only fiift difcovered the mouths 
 of Mjfijfippi^ but travelled over the countries on 
 the ealt fide of it, particularly that thro' which 
 the Ohio and its branches paflcs for many years 
 together, a long time before L^ Salle failed down 
 the Mijjiff.ppi. Colonel IVood of Virginia, in the 
 year 1654, ftntone Mr. iVi?^^^<iw, who fpent ten 
 years in this employment, as we are informed, 
 in the dcfcription of Carolina^ by Dr. Cox, who 
 had his journal. Alfo in 1 674 captain Botts made 
 anotlitr progrels thro* the fame country. And 
 furely travdling over and viewing a country with 
 a view to fettle it, muft give a better title to it 
 than failing down a nver, even fuppofing La 
 Salle hid navigated it before the Englijh : but that 
 is not likf ly, fmce the latter were acquainted with 
 both it and the adjacent countries long before that 
 adventurer had any thoughts of the voyage. 
 
 Whcre- 
 t Vol. II. p. 259^ 
 
[ "9 ] 
 Wherefore, fuppofing the Englijh had no other 
 right or claim to thefe countries than what they 
 derive from the fadls above-mentioned, they have 
 a far better title than the French, who want to 
 invert the order of things ; and Hnce they were 
 not the Brft difcoverers, will ground their claim 
 on being the lad. This prepoilerous method 
 feems to have become a rule with them ; for they 
 foHow the fame in their pretended claim to ail 
 north Americay which they ground on the dif- 
 covery of Verazzani in 1524, twenty-feven years 
 later than that cf the Cabots in 1497 •, and now 
 they would have the difcoveries of La Salle and 
 Iberville to take place of both. But the Englijh 
 not liking to confound things, and put the care 
 before the horfe, are refolved to adhere to the old 
 eftablilhed cuftom, and found their pretenfions 
 on the difcovery of the Cabots^ becaufe it was 
 antecedent to all the others. 
 
 Altho* our kingshave made grants of lands in 
 north America no lower down than the lat. of 29 
 degrees, yet it feems evident even from the con- 
 h^\OTio{i\it French themfelves, that the £»f/?y^ are 
 intitled to the whole, as far as the cape of Florida, 
 Peter Martyr counfellor and hiftoriographer to 
 the emperor Charles V. relates from the words 
 of Caboty whom he entertained in his houfe for 
 fome time -, that he failed along the coad of Ante- 
 rica fo far to the fouth and to the weft, that he 
 had the ifland of Cuba (which lies to the fouth 
 of Florida) on his left hand. Cabot in his letter 
 fays he failed fouthward : but as he does not men- 
 tion the precife degree of latitude to which he 
 failed, the Spaniards pretend that he pafTed no far- 
 ther than the 38th degree. Yet Antony Golvano^ 
 a perfon noted for his integrity, and governor of 
 Temata, one of the Molucco iHands -, in a hiflory 
 which he wro:e of difcoveries about the year 1550, 
 
 I 4 recit- 
 
 , 
 
 
if 
 
 
 ij 
 
 't tSKil 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 pfl 
 
 ill 
 
 Wl 
 
 [ i?o ] 
 
 reciting the common: opinion^ adds,, that fomo fay 
 he yi/7^^ <7^ low as the cape of Florida in the lat: 
 of 2^ degrees. The French tor the general do 
 not difpute the extent of Cabctt's difcovery : on 
 the contrary, their authors of mod reputation carry 
 it.tp the end off the pcninfuja of. Florida. T:btiaf* 
 »«j,in particular^ their celebrated hiftorian, in his 
 forty-firft; book, fpeaking of the firA difcovery 
 of Florida, fays *^ it is a matter in difpute^ for 
 " that the Spaniards afcribe the glory of it to 
 ** their countryman John Panc£ of Leans who 
 *' gave that name to it, becaufe he landedithem 
 " on Eafler-d^Y : but, continues. Thuanus^ it is 
 << more certain^ what many affirm^ thatj Sebajiian 
 *« Cabot had been there before him- in ihe yjeau 
 " 1496.** Accordingly i2/Vi7fi/(P/, a late author, 
 who pubhftied a^tranflation of the hiftory of FlOr 
 rida at Paris in 1709, in a note at chap. 3, fairly 
 acknowledges that FmVia had been dilcoveredby 
 Cabot befone John Pojtce of Leon failed- thither. 
 Now this was in. the yjear, 1.51-21, 15 y,earsi after 
 Cabot*s dircov,ery : and as Ponce, landed. In that 
 part which according to Hej^rera is properly the 
 country called F/^nV/fl, extending from the Cape 
 oppofite to diia fOr 100 leagues northward, (thiat 
 is from 25 to about. 30 degrees of lat.) confe* 
 quently Caboi*s, difcovery/ will; comprize not only 
 all what ^tT^2;2^»/ difcovertid, from. 34 to 56 de- 
 grees. of lat. or the whole of what his country^ 
 men affedl to call New Fr^mei^ (as the author of 
 tjie condu^oftbe Fiench w/VA regard^o Nowa^Sco^ 
 tkhath.juftiy obferved) but likewife all: the conti- 
 nent to the ibuth of 34 degrees^ as>far as the cape 
 of FlorJda^ wJiich includes a great deal more than 
 thtFrencbkY claim to bythe pretended difcovery of 
 La Salle.andlberz'ilie. In fhort, theFr^/w^haweno 
 title to any part of iVJjr/!^ Anerica. in> right* of a 
 difcovery i notcven.toCtf»^<j) in which they, in* 
 
 ; . truded 
 
 / 
 
OR 
 
 [ 121 ]i 
 
 rruded by connivance or neglect of t)\t Englijh, 
 The only title which they ever had being by ceffion 
 made by us in treaties i and that tide they have 
 forfeited by • their prefent infraiflions. 
 
 Bur, whether fuch difcoveries give the Englijh 
 ji better title or not to the country in quclVion, or 
 whether they derive any right from the conquefts 
 madiB by the five nations, whom France^ by the 
 treaty QiUtrecht, has acknowledged to be the fub- 
 jcds of Great Britain ; yet, certainly the French j 
 by that acknowlfedgmenr, not only have no right 
 to it, but they alfo' violate that treaty by Ikying a 
 cl^im to it ; muchmoreby entering it in a hoftile 
 manner to aflert that claim ; fince, by the 15th 
 article of it, France obliges herfelf not to give 
 any hindrance or molef^'^'ion to the five nations, 
 or the other nations of A^nV^, who are friends 
 to the Englijh. 
 
 If a nation hath a right to countries by pof- 
 feffibn, the £»^//^ have a ftronger right to the 
 O/^/d country, or thofe to the weft of Virginia, as 
 for back as the foutbfea, than to any other part 
 of their dominions. They have, if I may fo ex- 
 prefs it, a double right to ail that vaft tract of 
 Anerica from fea to fea lying between the 36th 
 and 44th degrees of north latitude : for they not 
 onlydifeovered it on both fides of the continent; 
 but had formal ccfllons of it, and took poffeflfion 
 a great number of yea's before the French thought 
 of fettling in the Miffiffippi, or even knew there 
 was fuch a river. By this double poflTeflion, I 
 mean, the difcovery and poflefllon of Virginia on 
 one fide of the continent,, and of the kingdom of 
 New Albionxin \.\\t other fide, in the pacific ocean 
 otfijuthfea, lying under the fame parallels, of la- 
 titude; 
 
 This country was not only firft difcovered by 
 Sir Francis Jj)rake, in 1578, but the King madt^ a 
 
 formal 
 
 
 :1 
 
w 
 
 
 ^# 
 
 ■yj< • 
 
 i:Si?*5 
 
 [ 122 ] 
 
 formal furrendcr of it to the crown of GreaLBri" 
 tain, and Sir Francis took formal pofTefTion of it, 
 fetting up the arms of England as a men[K)riaI. 
 Let the French (hew fuch a title as this to any 
 of their fettlements in North America, 
 
 This tradl, therefore, from fea to fea, between 
 Virginia and New Albion^ ought at leaft to be 
 deemed indifputably ours, as we are intitled by 
 the double claim. Shall they, after another nation 
 hath difcovered both extremities, or fides of a 
 region, thruft in between and feize all the middle 
 parr, under pretence that they found it open and 
 unfettlcd ? If this be allowable, what obje^ion can 
 they have to our entering into the middle of their 
 fettlements, and fixing ourfelvesin any place: not 
 only on the MiUiffippi^ where their fettlements are 
 fo far afunder, but alfo wherever we can find the 
 Jeaft vacancy between two towns or plantations 
 of theirs, tho' at ever fo fmall a diflance from 
 each other ? Let them confider, if private pro- 
 perty can be fecure upon fuch rapacious princi- 
 ples ; and if one man may not intrude into the 
 pofiTefiions of his neighbour, to the confufion of 
 all right and title to the lands ? 
 
 The French pretend non occupancy of North 
 America from fea to fea, becaufe they found the 
 Miffilftippi'\xxikti\tdL by the Englijh, All the con- 
 tinent was granted as low down as 29 degrees ; 
 and nearly all the fea coaft fo low down divided 
 into colonies, and all the fea coaft or eaftern parts 
 fettled. If any part of land granted or farmed 
 be fettled, is not that fufficient to fecure a right to 
 the whole ? Is every farm granted in France fet- 
 tled in every part ? is it not enough if a houfe be 
 built in fome part of it ? and, fince North Ame- 
 rica ihould be confidered as a great farm, or 
 number of Englijh farms, why fhould not that 
 which is a law in one cafe be a law in the other ? 
 
 Docs 
 
 4iK 
 
 
m of it, 
 ;morial. 
 
 i to any 
 
 Detween 
 ft to be 
 itled by 
 ;r nation 
 les of a 
 : middle 
 pen and 
 iion can 
 : of their 
 ace: not 
 lents are 
 find the 
 ^ntations 
 ice from 
 rate pro- 
 princi- 
 mto the 
 fufion of 
 
 >f North 
 und the 
 the con- 
 degrees ; 
 divided 
 irn parts 
 ■ farmed 
 , right to 
 'ance fet- 
 houfe be 
 rth Ante- 
 "arm, or 
 not that 
 e other? 
 Does 
 
 I 123 ] 
 Does any power difpute with England her right to 
 the countries to the north and weft of Hudfon's 
 Bay^ altho* fettled only in two or three places at 
 the bottom of that bay ? Does not France pretend 
 a right to the countries on both (ides of the river 
 Mtffijpppf^ as far as its fource, tho* fettled in very 
 few places, meerly, by right of difcovery ? why 
 then will (he not allow the fame right to England? 
 The river MJUiJftppi^ by means of its wide 
 Aretching branches, embraces, as it were within its 
 arms, all the middle and rnoft valuable parts of 
 North America, On the'eaft,all the rivers proceed^ 
 ing from the weft fide of the dppalacbean or Alii- 
 ganey mountains, fall into it, fome of which, as the 
 Ohio^ have a courfe of at leaft 1000 if not 1200 
 miles (reckoning the windings; while the length of 
 fuch as rife on the eaft fide of thofe mountains 
 fcarce exceed 300. So that fuppofing we were to 
 yield to them all the country to the weft{of thofe 
 mountains, or which is the fame, to make thofe 
 mountains the boundary between the French and 
 Englijh dominions j what a vaft fuperiority they 
 would have of us with refpedl to extent of territory, 
 (even fuppofing they were to be bounded weft ward 
 by the Mijiffippi^) will appear on a bare infpedti- 
 on of the maps. For the fpace between the At^ 
 antic ocean and the Appalachean mountains, is 
 fcarce one third of the country bounded on the 
 north by the great lakes and river St. Laurence, 
 and on the weft by the MiJUiJftppi : fo that in cafe 
 ihtFrench are fuffered to poflfefs, befides w'hat they 
 have already ufurped, all the country within thofe 
 bounds between the faid mountains and that great 
 river, which amounts to more than two thirds of 
 the whole, they will be mafters of a dominion 
 larger than all Europe : Bur, when it is confidered 
 that the Miffiffippi itfelf and fome of its branches, 
 as the Mijfouri, extend ilill farther within the body 
 
 of 
 
 m 
 
 fi! 
 
it 
 
 "J 
 
 v.* 
 
 r iH ] 
 
 ot North America on the weft fKJc, than thofc 
 which fall into it in the eaft, the immenfenefd 
 of the power which may one day arife from the 
 pofleflion of fo vaft a region, (hould be enough 
 to frighten the nations, either Englijh or Spaniards^ 
 who are to be their neighbours ; and, who there- 
 fore ought to join in putting an early (top to its 
 growth. 
 
 I mention thefe things, becaufe it is faid that 
 commiflioners are going to meet for fettling /ime- 
 rican limits. This was to have been done in 1719, 
 but France then declined it, with a view to ejt- 
 tend her boundaries as far as (he could before (hd 
 began to treat *, that (lie might be in a coiidition 
 to mfake the larger demands, and to put us to de- 
 fiance, in cafe they were not complied with : and, 
 as (he hath been obliged tounmafk a little before 
 fliewas fully prepared for a rupture, (he will, 
 doubtlefs, endeavour to amufe us here as long a^ 
 ihe can with fair declarations, and offers to adjuft 
 matters amicably, to gain time for fecuring What 
 they have already gotten from us, and farther ad- 
 vancing their fcheme. But 'tis prefumed our mi- 
 nifters are too well acquainted vf ith French artifices, 
 to be diverted' one moment from profecuting the 
 proper meafures to make them withdraw from all 
 cmr frontiers, under pretence of a negotiation. 
 King Williamy of glorious memory, in his decla^ 
 ration of war againft France^ takes notice, that 
 Lewis- XIV. had invaded his dominions in AmC' 
 riva^ fpoiled his fubjeds of their goods, feized 
 their forts, burnt their (hips, imprifoned fome of 
 his Englijfd fubjefts, and caufed others to be inhu- 
 manly killed, as if he had been the greateft ene- 
 my \ *' and yet was fo far from declaring himfclf 
 " fuch, that at the fame time he was negotiating 
 " he're inEngiand, by his minifters, a treaty of neu- 
 trality and good coTPeCpotidcnce^ in Amerkai'* 
 
 I did 
 
 (C 
 
will. 
 
 [ "5 ] 
 
 I did not put negociation among the methods 
 of recovering what the French have furreptiti- 
 ouGy deprived us of (if that epithet can be appli- 
 ed to what was done before our eyesj as long and 
 dear experience has (hewn we can get nothing 
 that way from our dextrous neighbours. Befide?^ 
 after controverting the ceflfion of Nova Scotia^ 
 made in the mo^ explicit terms imaginable by the 
 treaty of Utrecht, to what purpofe can treaties 
 with them ferve us ? The French, if hard pref- 
 £id, make treaties: but if thc^are obliged to give 
 up any thing which they have a defire to keep, or 
 don't care to part with, they endeavour to recover 
 it afterwards by collufion or force. Both thefe me- 
 thods they have ufed with regard to Nova Scotia, 
 »nd the country of the OhU, 
 
 On the other hand, as they have gotten a kind 
 Qf poflelTion of all the country, and fecured their 
 footing by forts,, it feems difficult to conceive how 
 Jinrits can be fettled to the fatisfadiion of both par- 
 ties : for the French will fcarce be prevailed to 
 give up amicably even thofe territories on which 
 they have encroached : and the Englijh, for their 
 better fecurity, ought perhaps to have fomcwhat 
 moM : For, fince Sic^French declare their views to 
 be incompatible with thofe of the Englijh, and 
 have avowed it by the «irKroachments which they 
 have made; on our temtories, contrary to the moft 
 folismn treaties, and engage, mcnts ; there fcema no 
 way lefc to prevent eterjial c^ifputes, but to fepa*- 
 ratcrthem txycertain natural boundaries; which, 
 being fixed and permanent, ca,T neither be contro- 
 verted nor eafiiy forced^, fucli a;^^ rivers, lakes, or 
 mountains; 
 
 Icam inclined^ for' ybftr piirtici ilar amufement, 
 togive'you.m:y opitJiatfiini-whaXmai^ner the limits 
 ought to be- fettled oBithitfifid^ of ,^he Miffiffippi, 
 
 between '*he:jSw7i5/5&ccotdniel^art(i AVtu Frame or 
 
 \ Canada, 
 
 ■m 
 
I' 
 
 ~\ 
 
 [ 126 ] 
 
 Canada^ confidering thefe two names as equivocal 
 and convertible terms. The line lliould begin at 
 the mouth of the river St. Laurence, and be draww 
 from thence thro' the middle of its dream to the 
 lake Katarakui or Ontario: from thence to be car- 
 ried thro' the length of the faid lake to a place on 
 the north- weft fide called Tejaiagony and fo by the^ 
 carrying place to a river falling into the lake 7a- 
 rcnto. Thro* the fame, and thence by the rivers 
 and lake St. Mary of the HuronSy into the ^a- 
 toghe or Huron lake : thro* this lake and thro* the 
 mouth of the Mijhigan lake (to the fouth of the 
 i(le|calledAf(^iV/ii»tf^i»d^)down the fame, to a little 
 river on the weft fide 5 and thence over land to a 
 fmall lake, into which falls the river aux Renards 
 or of the Foxes : up this river «.nd thro' the lakes 
 to the carrying place, into the lake and river of 
 Wijkujing'y and down the fame, thro* the middle of 
 the dream, to the r.ver Miffifftppi, 
 
 This bounding line, I think, cannot bejuftly 
 objefled to : for, firft our northern colonies, by 
 right of their grants as well as difcovery, all ex- 
 tend as far at leaft as the river St. Laurence ; efpe- 
 cially as we have a right by the treaty of Utrecht^ 
 as before-mentioned, to the country of the Iroquois 
 or five nations, which originally was about the lake 
 Champlain and Richlieu river ; called on that ac- 
 count hy the French themfelves, as well zsihtDutch^ 
 Xh^ Iroquois lake and rivr,r. Befides, this country be- 
 longs to us by the fubmiflion ("if fad) of its prefent 
 inhabitants the Are^guntikookszr\6 fVeweenoks to the 
 crown of Geeat-Britainy at Albany in the year 1 749. 
 Then the country of the ^atoghi's or Hurons be- 
 tween the lakes Ontario, Erri and ^atoghe^ with 
 the country between the Erri and Mijhigan^ to the 
 fouth of the ^alogbe : and alfo the country of the 
 Chiktaghiks or Ilinois, between the lake Mijhigan 
 and river Mffftftppi, were all conquered by the five 
 
 nations ; 
 
 be 
 
 eft( 
 
 fitui 
 
 iak( 
 
7a- 
 
 tothe 
 
 [ «*7 ] 
 
 nations i In right of whom we claim them, in vir- 
 tue of the faid treaty. So that we could not take 
 in thefe conquered countries without drawing the 
 line in the manner we have done. According to 
 which partition we leave our neighbours all to the 
 north fide of the river St, Laurence; we divide with 
 them the lakes Ontario, Hurons, and Mijhigan : 
 we keep to ourfelves the lake ofErri ; and give 
 them that very great one called the Upper Lake, 
 This may compenfate for any little of the coun- 
 try to the north of the river Ilinois, which for the 
 fake of making natural boundaries, we may, in the 
 opinion of the French, have taken more than our 
 due, on account of the Iroquois conquers : nor is 
 It our intention that they (hould be debarred the 
 free navigation of any of the lakes, but that it 
 (hould be open tu both nations ; only neither of 
 them (hould build forts on any part or parts of 
 thofe lakes, excepting fuch as (hall fall to their re- 
 fpe6live (hares. 
 
 In like manner may the limits be fixed between 
 Canada and the Hudfon Bay colony, as well as be- 
 tween the fouthern provinces of the Englijb and 
 Loufiana, on this fide of the Miffiffippi : if rather 
 the FrencboMght not to relinquifi^i all to the ead of 
 that river, on account of ours being the prior 
 difcovery, and confine themfelves to the weft 
 fide ', where the boundaries may be carried on, 
 for adjufting the claims of both parties to the 
 countries on that fide of the great river, and 
 beyond its fprings to the north and weft, as far as 
 the South Sea coaft, where the Englijh have already 
 one fpacious country called New Albion, 
 
 For drawing up the agreement care ought to 
 be taken todefcribe the boundaries with the great - 
 eftexaftneisand precifion; by fpecifying the courfe, 
 fituation, and different names of the feveral rivers, 
 lakes, mountains and other places \ in fodifiin^ and 
 
 ac- 
 
 ill 
 
 IP 
 
 } 
 
[ 128 ] 
 accurate 3 manner, that no room, if pofTible, may 
 be left for objedlion or dispute. To do this the 
 more effeifliially, the line Ihould be furveyed ; and 
 the latitudes obferved with the greateft accuracy 
 at the mod remarkable places, by perfons fent 
 from each court. Then maps ifhould be drawn, 
 figned and delivered to each other by the refpec- 
 tive commifTioneTS, as oounter-parcs of deeds, that 
 there might be no pretence for cavil. If the lands 
 in difpute are not worth To much care, they are 
 not worth contending for. 
 
 It (hould likewife be agreed by both nations to 
 abolilh the ufe of all names on either fide, which 
 clafhed with their refped^ive intereds (b fettled^ 
 and had been before employed to keep uip the ti« 
 tie of one nation to lands or territories belonging 
 to the other. Thus, as it may be prefumed, xhstt 
 France will acknowledge tlie f ^ht which Great- 
 Britain has to her American cok)nies« on the Icore 
 of priority of difcovery as well as long and a^ual 
 pofTeQicn, and will quit claim to the fame •, it will 
 be proper that fhe fhould forbear giving to them, 
 or comprehending them under, the name of l^ew 
 France or Canada^ which fhould foldy be confined 
 to the countries agreed by fuch treaty to belong 
 to her, and be in her divifion. In like manner 
 Great-Britain fliould ccafe to give the name of 
 Britijh colonies to any lands or countries aclcnow^ 
 ledged by the treaty to belong to France, And 
 the geographers and hidorians of each nation 
 jhould be obliged, under certain penakies, tocon^ 
 form themfelves to this regulation ) in order to re- 
 move all prejudices, errors and doubts from the 
 minds of people, with relation to the dominions of 
 each nation, and their refpe<flive juft boundaries. 
 
 10 Bec^ 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
r, may 
 lis the 
 d;and 
 curacy 
 IS fent 
 drawn, 
 rcfpec- 
 ^5, that 
 re lands 
 ley afc 
 
 :ions to 
 which 
 fettled^ 
 I the ti* 
 longing 
 :d, xhdX 
 I Creat- 
 tie fcore 
 id a^ual 
 •, it will 
 otheniy 
 of l^ew 
 confined 
 belong 
 manner 
 lame of 
 acknow- 
 And 
 i nation 
 , to con- 
 er to re- 
 rom the 
 ^iniom of 
 undarics. 
 
 t 139 ] 
 
 SECOND LETTER. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 SI N C E I wrote you my long letter in Be' 
 cemher laft, 1 have received fevcral more let- 
 ters, remarks and tracts relative to the colonies, 
 from corrcfpondents perfedlly well acquainted 
 with the aifair: o^ America \ particularly two, whofe 
 obfervations I Ihall at prelent communicate to 
 you. The firft contains a general view of the Bri- 
 tijh plantations on the continent, with a curious 
 calculus of (he number of whites inhabiting each of 
 them. The fecond animadverts on various points, 
 worthy the attention of our miniftersi particularly 
 thofe which refpedt raifmg a fund, on terms agree* 
 able to the inhabitants of the colonies, fufHcienc 
 for carrying on the prefent war, and for their fu- 
 ture defence. I (hall give you their fentiments in 
 different articles. 
 
 I. 
 
 General view of the Britilh colonies, and number of 
 inhabitants in each, 
 
 D RITA IN the political parent of her colonies 
 ■*^ (like a natural one, who intends to raife a pro- 
 geny for advantage, ftrength and power) in their 
 infancy (hould indulge, nouri(h and fupport them. 
 As they encreafe and become capable of helping 
 themfelves and benefiting their mother country, 
 they fliould be taught the obligation they owe her: 
 That all their particular and hereditary rights and 
 privileges, are derived from her : that they are 
 bound to obey her laws •, and that reQraints laid 
 on them are intended for mutual advantage. 
 Their produce and induftry fbould be encouraged 
 
 K and 
 
 H 
 
^' 
 
 [ »3o 1 
 and directed to the good and fcrvicc of both. 
 They (hould be governed by the laws of England 
 in general, and by their Own allowed particular 
 ones : their force ought to be united to ftrengthen 
 their parent, and afliit each other ; and if invaded 
 by a iuperior power, they fliould be cffcdually 
 protcded. 
 
 Colonies thus prudently and legally managed, 
 would rejoice in their fituaiion, and flourifli : 
 would add numbers, ftrengih, and riches to the 
 general common-wealth i and enable this king- 
 dom to mett the enemy in the gate. Bur, can 
 any governrncni or miniftry a(5l properly with re- 
 gard to colonies, unlefs they know their ftate, by 
 the numbers of people they contain, on which the 
 whole depends ? The colonics on the continent 
 of America are by fome leffened and depreciated : 
 efteemed the occafions of unncceflary and expen- 
 five wars ; depopuiators and weakenersof Britain. 
 By others they are aggrandized and over-rated 
 monftroufly beyond truth. Towns are magnified 
 and multiplied -, the inhabitants made incredibly 
 numerous ; and iheir power averred to exceed that 
 of large European kingdoms. Such falfe repre- 
 fcntaiions may occafion the deftru(5tion and lolsof 
 the colonies (if not more.) To what can fuch ex- 
 travagant exaggerations tend ? what can they pro- 
 duce but inattentioA to their prefentcircumftances ; 
 .iCg'ed or delay of relief ? They may likewife 
 rail'e and inflame a jealoufy, already kindled in 
 the minds of many ; from which fource a harfli 
 government, and the bad confequences attending 
 it, hereafter may refult. 
 
 Neva Scotia^ the firft colony Britain poflcffed 
 on the noith-caft pare of the continent, has fhift- 
 ed the property between the Fretub and EngUJh 
 fcveral times. The firft made the greater progrcfs 
 
 -; ' in 
 
m 
 
 [ 13' ] 
 
 in fettJing this country i and it is faid at prefenc 
 to contain upwards of 15,000 fouls, improperly 
 called neutral French. The Engtijh by great ex- 
 pence and encouragement, according to the lad 
 accounts, have in Halifax^ Luner^urghy and other 
 places, about 5000 men, women, and children ; 
 and thefe are all the fubje(5ts whom this govern- 
 ment comprifes, exclufive of the military forces. 
 
 Altho* the province o? Main interferes between 
 Nova Scotia and New Hampjhire ; yet, as it is an- 
 next to the Majfacbufets Bay, New Hampjhire is 
 mentioned as the next colony. The whole go- 
 vernment is but one county : Port/mouthy a ftrag- 
 ling incontiguous town, is the capital. With 
 the addition of territory and people it received 
 from the Majfacbufets Bay, the number of inhabi- 
 tants in 1742, were 26,000 whites, befides 500 
 negroes. The late war was prejudicial to the trade 
 and cheked the natural increafe of this colony, 
 which has not been countervailed by foreign in- 
 creafe : Therefore at prefect 30,000 fouls muft 
 be the utmod amount of its inhabitants at pre- 
 fent. 
 
 MaJJacbufets Bay, a few years fince, was of 
 Jargef extent and had more inhabitants than ac 
 prefenti fome towns and a large tra^t of land be- 
 ing adjudged to New Hampfhire on one fide, and 
 fome fettled towns to Rhode IJland on the other. 
 It is divided in:o 11 counties, in which are 153 
 towns. The names of fo many towns have milled 
 ilrangers as to the number of people. Many of 
 them are but infignificant pariflies \ and when in 
 the middle of a town perhaps you may not fee 
 three houfcs. The property of all the lands in 
 this colony are by charter in the people. The ge- 
 neral court, as their trudees difpofc of them on 
 fettled conditions. Grants are generally made of 
 
 K 2 four, 
 
 %\ 
 
 1 
 
 1 il 
 
M 
 
 t»\ 
 
 L 132 ] 
 
 four, five, or fix miles fquare ; which ti always 
 called a town, and a name given it in the grant. 
 A few inhabitants fettled within its limits n^ay fend 
 a reprefcntative to the general court. When 80 
 are qualified tc vote, they muft fend one or be 
 fined. When 120 are qualified, they may fend 
 two reprefentatives -, and a fmall freehold qua- 
 lifies, in 1749, thro* poverty, or paucity ot in- 
 habitant?, )^0'"^?]?'^/ of thefe towns refufed to fend 
 members. Newberry^ Ipfwicb^ Salettts Marble^ 
 bead, Cbarlejiown^ Cambridge y and pofllbly a few 
 more have the appearance and contiguity of 
 towns : the reft confift of houfes built on each 
 man's plantation. Each of thefe diftridbs has a 
 form of town-government. Bojion is the capital 
 of the whole. In 1722, by an order of the fc- 
 led men (magiftrates) of the town, the number 
 of fouls was taken : it then contained 10,670. 
 By a like order in 1742, there were found in it 
 1 7 1 9 d welling-houfes, 1 66 ware-houfes 5 1 6,3 8 2 
 white people, of whom 1,200 were widows 5 and 
 15 14 negroes. Together with the province, this 
 town fuffcred much by expeditions and preffes in 
 the late war. A general fmall -pox has gone thro' 
 it fince ; and much of its trade is diverted. For 
 thefe reafons its increafc can'c be very great from 
 that time ; and at prcfent it is difficult to allow 
 it 20,000 inhabitants. The colony in 1735 con- 
 tained 35,427 white males from 16 and upwards; 
 in 1 741 they were 41,000. From that time there 
 has no real numeration been made ; but the af- 
 fembly, in a meffage (ent by them to governor 
 Shirley in 1 747, declare, that 3000 men are a 
 1 2th part of the militia. Upon the whole, from 
 the loflTes fuftained by preflcs, privateering, taking 
 and garrilbning Loutjbmg \ by decay of trade and 
 by defcrtions occafioned by the extraordinary iii- 
 
 creale 
 
always 
 e grant, 
 lay fend 
 ^hen 80 
 i or be 
 lay fend 
 Id qua- 
 :y of in- 
 to fend 
 Marble^ 
 y a few 
 uity of 
 on each 
 ts has a 
 : capital 
 ■ the fe- 
 number 
 10,670. 
 nd in it 
 16,382 
 ivs i and 
 nee, this 
 refles in 
 •ne thro' 
 
 d. For 
 ;at from 
 to allow 
 35 con- 
 pwards ; 
 ne there 
 
 the af- 
 ;overnor 
 *n are a 
 
 e, from 
 , taking 
 •ade and 
 nary in- 
 
 creale 
 
 creafe of taxes, more than in other colonies ; (the 
 poll, the faculty, the perfonal eftate of all who 
 refide here but a few months, being taxed, and 
 lately an univerfal excife on all liquors taking 
 
 Slace^ therefore 220,000 ^buls muit be a very 
 retched aHignment for this colony. 
 Rbotk ffland and Providence plantations, ,with 
 the additions fron> the Majjacbufets Bay are di- 
 vided into four counties; which comprize 24 
 townfhips. By an exadt cenifus taken in 1 74,8, there 
 were in this colony 28,439 whites, 3077 ne- 
 groes, and 1257 I^^^^S' Newport the capital 
 in 1749, contained 5335 whites, 1105 negroes, 
 and 68 Indians, So that allowing for the increafe 
 of the colony from thofe times, 35,000 white in- 
 habitants are full as many as can be afcribed to it. 
 The colonies of ConneSiicut and Rhode IJland 
 above-mentioned, are the only colonies who, as it 
 were, govern themfelves. The people annually 
 chufe their governors, council or anfidants, and 
 affemblics. The crown appoints no officers in 
 either, but judges of admiralty, and thofe of the 
 cuftoms. Their limits are confined by other co- 
 lonies •, and, as all their lands are private property,, 
 they can admit but little foreign increafe. Five 
 counties and 68 towns are comprehended in the 
 colony of Conne^iicut. It has no particular capi- 
 tal. Hartford^ a good inland town : New Londont 
 and eight or nine more, make a pretty figure for 
 their fize„ to thofe who fail thro' Long IJland 
 found. But it would be very difficult for any 
 perfon who travels thro' this colony to find a 
 market in any of its towns. 18 of them are too 
 fmall and poor to fend reprcfentatives to the ge- 
 neral affembly. All males from 16 to 70 pay a 
 poll tax \ and their militia from 16 to 50, in 1 749, 
 were 16,000. Allowing them \ very large- num- 
 . . K 2 bcf 
 
[134] 
 
 ber for exempts and increafe, one hundred thou^ 
 fand will more than tantamount the people this 
 colony contains. 
 
 The advantageous fituation of the city of New 
 Torky in the colony of that name, marks it for the 
 capital of thtEngliJh governments on the American 
 contioent. The number of inhabitants in this co- 
 lony, in 17^2, was taken by the conftables of 
 every town,pari(b, or diftridl; and they were found 
 to be near 65,000. At the fame time the houfes 
 in the city were counted by the alderman of each 
 refpeftive ward, and they were found to be fome- 
 thing under 1500. Since that time the town 
 has encreafed m wealth and inhabitants. Many 
 families removed to it from Many, and the fron- 
 tiers, in the late French war : yet, by loffcs from the 
 Indians and French in the expofed back fettle- 
 ments ; by the Carthagena expedition, enliilments, 
 prefles, and privateering, the natural encreafe of 
 the colony was in fome meafure retarded by that 
 war. It has received little foreign encreafe fince ; 
 and the redundance of Lottg IJland^ forced out by 
 the barrennefs of its inland parts, moftly remove 
 to New Jerfey. So that allowing to the city as 
 many inhabitants as are allowed to Bojion } and 
 fuppofing thewhole colony at prefent to be 1 00,000, 
 that number will be fully adequate. 
 
 Altho' the proprietary colony of New Jerfey is 
 divided into twelve counties, it has but a few in- 
 fignificant towns ; Jmboy, Brunfwick, Trent-town^ 
 Burlington y and Elizabeth-town, are all which can 
 bear even the name. New Tork on the eaft, and 
 Philadelphia on the welt, draw oflf the produce, 
 and fupply it with other neceflaries. A curious 
 author who informed himfdf of the Hate of (his, 
 and the other colonies, fays it might contain, in 
 1 749, nigh 50,000 Ibuls. The litigated uncertain 
 
 titles 
 
[ ^35 1 
 
 titles to lands, occafioned by the iniquity of the 
 proprietors, has, without doubt, prevented its en- 
 creafe : 60,000 inhabitants mud therefore be a 
 fufficient allowance for it. 
 
 The rapid encreafe of the colony of Penfylvanja 
 has occafioned various opinions about the number 
 of its inhabitants. Here is no poll-tax, no militia- 
 rolls to compute by. The city of Philadelphia its 
 capital is the only competitor with New Tork for 
 fuperiority. Both colonics produce in general the 
 fame things ; both have vatt qjantities of fine un- 
 cultivated lands : but when the great run of fo- 
 reign encreafe is over ; (and the emigrations of 
 the Germans into other colonies (hew that it won't 
 bng be confined to Penfylvmia) 'twill ftand no 
 chance in competition. One fingle circumltance, 
 if there was tio other, namely, that the river or 
 harbour of Philadelphia is frozen up communibus 
 annis nigh three months, muft give New Tork the 
 preference. In 1749, the houfcs in every ward of 
 this city were counted exa^ly by a fet of curious 
 gentlemen, the united fum was 2076 private ones, 
 and 1 1 hou(es of worlhip. In thedeicription written 
 under a very handfome profpf<5l of ir, taken in 
 1753, the number of houfes are faid to ht nigh 
 2300. It is therefore certain that it can't far exceed 
 Bofton or New Tork in people. 
 
 By fome ioc,ooo, by others 125,000 fighting 
 men are affirmed to be in thecolony; a number far 
 exceeding the four gcwernnents of New England. 
 A late pamphlet penned to (hew the milapplica- 
 tion, or rathernon-application of the great num- 
 bers and (Ircngth of Penfylvania, at this cri- 
 tical jun6lure, fays it contains 220,000 fouls, half 
 of whom are Germans. An enquiry into the ftate 
 of this colony was made by order oi King PFiWam 
 a little before his death, and the inhibicants at 
 
 K 4 that 
 
[ '3« 3 
 
 tliat time wcrcfcarcely 14,000. By an agreement 
 fettled between Queen /Inne, in the lad year of her 
 reign, and the then proprietor, all the property 
 and rights he had were to be furrrndered to the 
 crown for 1 3,000 1. The deeds were drawn and 
 2000 ]. of the money paid ; but the proprietor 
 died (it is faid) the day appointed for his execut- 
 ing them. 
 
 The Germans were firft fent to America by the 
 bounty of this nation, under the proteflion of 
 Queen Ame. Every thing neceflary was provided 
 for them. They were convoyed to New Tork there 
 to be fettled on the crown lands ; and if this in- 
 ic 1 had been executed, the French in Canada 
 h'^J■ »L- i for ever efFeftually conBned to their pro- 
 per bounds : but by the villainy of ihofe in power, 
 t'iir naticTial charity and benefit was defeated. 
 Theie GerYnaps^ cheated, abufed, and deceived in 
 the grants of lands afligned them, and made the 
 property of avaritious dedgning men, were forced 
 to feek new habitations. They found their way 
 thro' the woods to good lands in the colony of 
 Penfylvania. Here they were ufed well, and 
 grants made them bona fide. They reprefentcd the 
 fraudulent ufage of one government, and the juf- 
 tice of the other to their brethren in Europe ; 
 which determined all future German emigrants to 
 prefer this colony. The ways and means of 
 tranfporting themfelvcs, was not found out, by 
 any confiderable numbers, for fome time : but 
 the perfccution at Thorn in Poland^ obliged[thcm 
 to look for an afylum. From that time a proper 
 canal of conveyance has been found j and chou- 
 fands have gone over yearly. 
 
 From 1728 to 1729, 6i200 foreigners of all 
 forts arrived at Philadelphia. In 1750, 4317 
 Gtfrw(2ff J arrived, and about 5000 in 1754. The 
 
 4- /* Spanijb 
 
 ^M.! 
 
way 
 ny of 
 and 
 d the 
 e juf- 
 rope ; 
 nts to 
 ns of 
 t, by 
 : but 
 them 
 proper 
 thou- 
 
 lof all 
 
 143;; 
 
 The 
 
 t «37 ] 
 
 Spanijh War interrupted this tranfportation : tfie 
 Fr'encb war aln^bd J[to]pt it: So that upon an ave- 
 rage, if 3006 Germans were imported annually 
 for 30 years pad, in all 90,000 ; and 30,000 be 
 added to them for their increafefix)m tlte diflfertnt 
 tinAtfS of their arrival ; and 10,000 be dedufted 
 for the dilperfion into other colonies, the com- 
 putation 01 1 16,000 Girmans for this colony may 
 bd right 5 and tHftt they arc half of the people \i 
 nbt d1(J>ut6d. The 220,000 are fuppoled to be iri 
 the five countries of proper Pen^lvatiia^ to which 
 add 30,000, a large nunlber for the three lower 
 counties *, then the whole of the inhabitants of 
 the colony and its jurifdidtion, will ftand at 
 250,000. 
 
 The colony of Maryland has been compared to 
 Virginiay for number of white inhabitants, on ac- 
 count of its receiving moft of the tranfported 
 convidts ; but this comparifon can hardly be true. 
 Virginia ^6m priority of fettlement, equality of 
 foil and fituation, and by a far fuptrior extent of 
 country, muft needs exceed it. Neither of them 
 have any large towns •, but thofe in Virginia are 
 iiiOre in number, as well as more populous, than 
 thofe in Maryland, By governor Dinwiddle* s, re- 
 port of the militia in Virginia^ the inhabitants 
 fhould not exceed 70,000 : but as this account 
 has, thro* the courfe of it, made large allowances 
 for exempts of all forts, thefe two colonies, Ma- 
 ryland and Virginia^ are by us fuppofed to be on a 
 par for people *, and to each of them are allowed 
 1^5,000 PVbites : befides, Negroes are very numer- 
 ous in both. 
 
 The counties of North Carolina^ in lord Gran- 
 ville's diftrift, are inhabited equivalent to the 
 neighbouring parts of Virginia. The counties to 
 the fouthward and the pans next to South Caro- 
 lina^ 
 
r '38 1 
 
 //m,. are but thinly peopled. Edenfan, Baib, 
 Niw-Bertit Jobnftonj (a county town with one in- 
 habited houfe) Beaufort^ IVtlmington and New 
 Brunfwicky in any other country would be called 
 Tillages of little or no note : however, this co- 
 lony has more white inhabitants than South Ca- 
 rolina, whofe number fome have raifed to 45,000. 
 
 South Carolina^ a colony extremely advantage- 
 ous to Britain at prefent, by its productions of 
 rice and indigo, probably will in time be more fo 
 by filk ; but has not a fufHcient number of fTbitesto 
 the Blacks, In 1739 before the great Bre, Charles- 
 Town the capiral, had 450 dwelling houfes, with 
 800 warehoufes and kitchens. In 1742 the pro- 
 ^nce militia were 5500 : the flaves 49,000. By 
 its vicinity to Sc. Augujline and the Havannab^ as 
 well as for want of proper proteftion, this coun- 
 try fufFered extremely by the Spattijh and French 
 wars : fo that, if they had continued, a few years 
 would have determined the fate of the planter 
 and merrhant. Since the peace it has more than 
 recovered its former circumftances : the town is 
 increafed and better built, and may now be able 
 to count 600 houfes. One benefit it received 
 from the war: necefTity obliged the planters to 
 attempt indigo, rice being too bulky to pay the 
 then high freight. They now make it fit for any 
 market*, and it is hoped, by a longer continuance 
 of the bounty, will be able in a few years to fup- 
 ply Britain. But as the prefent militia, do not 
 exceed 5000, the number of fouls in this moft 
 improveable colony cannot be eftimated at more 
 than 30,000. 
 
 Georgia as yet is fcarce eftabliftied; however 
 6000 people may at prefent inhabit it. 
 
 This account of the number of the Britijb fub- 
 
 jcifls, men, women and children in the above- 
 
 ' ' men- 
 
[ »39 ] 
 
 mentioned colonies, is not the produdion oF whim 
 and conjecture. Militia rolls, poll taxes, bills of 
 mortality, returns from governors, late hiftories, 
 and pamphlets publifhM in the colonies, as well 
 as adtua) numerations, are the authorities on which 
 it is built : but as none of thefe come quite up 
 to the prefcnt time, large additions are made to 
 each colony for its late increafe. If the compu- 
 tation for the reft of the colonies is to be regu- 
 lated by the cenfus of Rhode JJland in 1 748^ which 
 makes its inhabitants 28,439, (and feems to have 
 been taken with great precifion and exadnefs) 
 the number of Whites in the colonies, in general, 
 is here over- rated, as Mijzr}'//?^^/ certainly is. Thefe 
 13 colonies extending from Cape Kanfo^ the moft 
 caftern extremity of Noi)a Scolia, to the fouthern 
 limits of Georgia, the fpace of 15O0 miles along 
 the yf/Zaw/zV ocean, contain 1,050,000 fouls. This 
 is the number, this the ftrength, which by a late 
 author is preferred, and affirmed to exceed any 
 power or (late in Europe^ excepting the Germanick 
 body, France^ and perhaps Britain: Thefe the 
 towns which he compares with Brijlol, and others 
 in England i when Brijlol alone contains more 
 people than ail the capitals of thefe colonies put 
 together. 
 
 I fliall clofe this account with a word or two 
 concerning the miliiia of the plantations. All the 
 colonies. Nova Scotia^ Penfyhania and Georgia 
 excepted, have a militia, confiding of the gentle- 
 men, merchants, yeomen, freeholders, and others 
 in each colony -, who have confented by their re- 
 prefentatives to be inrolled and trained lor the de- 
 fence of the particular colony or corporation to 
 which they belong. The militia laws of the fe- 
 veral colonies differ from each other ; nor can 
 the laws of one colony extend to or operate in 
 
 another. 
 
 
I 
 
 [140] 
 
 ifiothtr, any more than the laws o^ London can at 
 BrifioU or vke verfa. Such is the militia of Ami" 
 rica: but of whom ic would be as difficult to form 
 an army to march to the unappropriated frontiers, 
 as it would to make the gentlemen, 6f(. of Lon- 
 don to march to oppofe an invafion in any remote 
 part of Britain, Loofe idle people, thofe with- 
 out property, are the only people who mufl: com- 
 pofe a {landing army in America^ as they do in 
 Europe : bur the number of thefc cannot be very 
 great in a part of the world where property is fo 
 eafily acquired ; and where confequently there are 
 many mailers and but few fervants. 
 
 ■ II. 
 
 In what time the peopk of the colonies double them' 
 , felves i and how a fund may be raifed in them 
 ^ fufficient for their defence, 
 
 MY other correfpondent, who computes the 
 number of people in the colonies on the 
 continent to be a million, (altho' I fhould think 
 900,000 their amount to the full) fpeaks to a 
 point which the former has not touched upon. 
 He has taken into confideration the increafe of the 
 plantation inhabitants, and how often they double 
 themfelves. This event,by his computation, how- 
 ever large it may feem, he f^ys, for certain happens 
 every 20 years ; and that altho* the eftimation of 
 their increafe cannot be made from that either of 
 great cities or well inhabited countries in Europe^ 
 yet there are other principles from whence a to- 
 lerably exafb calculation may be raifed. Any man 
 may have land given him in North America for 
 fixinghimfelf and his family, particularly in Neit^ 
 England', which province he thinks has the ad- 
 * vantage 
 
[ H' ] 
 
 vantage in almofl: every thing over the other pro- 
 vinces ; efpecially as to healthy climate, pient/ 
 of natural productions, trade, navigation and 
 fifhery ; good laws, liberty, and few taxes. In 
 this land fuch a perfon may with eafe plentifully 
 fubfill a family. To that he is not afraid to mar- 
 ry ( and if he looks fo forward as to confider how 
 children, when grown up, are to be providtid 
 for, he is not difcouraged, as he fees more land 
 is to be had either for nothing or at very eafy 
 rates. This makes marriages niore general, ^ 
 well as more early in life, in North Americat by 
 three to one, than in Europe, But fuppoHng they 
 are only two to one \ this conformable to the com- 
 putation ufed in Europe of one to a hundred, wilL 
 give two marriages for every hundred perlbns : 
 fuppofing alfo that in Europe from three to five 
 births arc the ifTue of a marriage ; as thefe mar- 
 riages are later in life, from feven to ten births 
 may be allowed to a marriage in the colonies ; 
 and as thefe marriages may be computed to hap- 
 pen one with another, at 20 years of age, it may 
 be feen how foon the people there are doubled j 
 many years under 25 : but fuppofing they did 
 not double in fewer years than 25, confider how 
 much their increafe will exceed ours in 100 years. 
 But fo great is the country of North America^ 
 that notwithftanding this increafe, yet till it is 
 fully fettled fwhich will require ftveral ages) la- 
 bour cannot be had cheap : for no man will be a 
 fervant whilft he can be a maimer ; that is, can get 
 land eafily and fettle for himfclf : fo that labour 
 is as dear at prefcnt in New England and Penfyl- 
 vania^ as it was thirty or forty years ago ; not- 
 withftanding the number of ptople in the latter 
 (according to the Brief fiaie of Penlylvania lately 
 publilhed; has been incrcaled by the arrival ot 
 6 1 00,000 
 
m 
 
 I 142 ) 
 
 100,000 foreigners. Hence the danger appre* 
 hended by fome of North America interfering with 
 England in branches of trade which depend on 
 labour, mutl be at a very great diftance. Infiead 
 of being terrified with this bugbear, it ought Co 
 be confidered that as our colonies increale, the 
 demand for BrUiJb manufa^ures will increafe, in 
 a market where foreigners cannot interfere with 
 us : and if by proper laws this trade be kept co 
 ourfclves, England will fcarce be able co fupply 
 her plantations, even tho* her whole trade fhould 
 be confined co chem. Ought not this fingle con- 
 federation to remove our apprehenfions, and, in- 
 duce us to a6t, like a good mother, not {0 much 
 CO reflrain manufactures in our colonies ? 
 
 No labouring man in any part of Europe^ who 
 knew the advantages of living in our colonies, 
 would work for others for fix pence and twelve 
 pence per day, when he can gee much more than 
 double that funi on his own land in America^ 
 which he may have given him. This is fo well 
 known in Germany^ that all che laws which can 
 be made there arc not able to retrain thoufands 
 from going over yearly to Penjyhania, to the 
 great benefit of that colony and many others; 
 notwiihitanding the pamphlet juft before men- 
 tioned has reprefented both them and che quakers 
 in a very untrue light. 
 
 What has been faid on this occafion by the 
 gentleman who wrote thefe remarks, more fully 
 accounts for the difficulty mentioned by the for- 
 mer at the clofe of his, of forming an army out 
 of the miliiia of America \ and in how wrong a 
 light that matter is univerfally underdood on this 
 fide of the water. For altho* the people of the 
 colonies are properly all militia, and obliged co 
 defend their refpe(5livc territories, yet thofc of 
 
 onQ 
 
che 
 ully 
 lor- 
 ouc 
 nga 
 this 
 the 
 :d to 
 I of 
 
 t «43 ] 
 
 one province cannot be compelled (o march out 
 of it, or to defend any other frontiers than their 
 own. If they aflift their neighbours, the motion 
 muft be voluntary •, and as, for the generals, they 
 are mailers ot families, and obliged to obey none 
 but their natural leaders, chofen by their own af- 
 femblies, they mu(t be dealt with mildly, not with 
 military rigour. This is the reafon why they may 
 beaverfe to put themfelves under thecommandof 
 ofHcers fent from hence ; and why I have in my 
 firft letter recommended placing fome of their 
 own over them. 
 
 This gentleman earneftly recommends feveral 
 things as necelfary for the fecurity of the colonies 
 which I have mentioned in that letter *, as the 
 augmenting fome of our forts already built, par- 
 ticularly that of Orwego ; the building of two vef- 
 fels to be kept on the Kadarakui or Ontario lake, 
 and opening the Hudfon Bay trade. Thefc mea- 
 fures he fays, if purfucd, " would at once get us 
 into the diredl fur trade with the Indians 
 (which we are now forced to carry on in a 
 fmuggling way, and at fecond-hand with the 
 French traders) and in fhort ruin Canada with- 
 out fighting." 
 In the mean time, as things now (land he is of 
 opinion, that we (hould greatly dillrefs them, if 
 all the colonies would follow the example of the 
 MaJJacbttfets \ vvhiph is to keep publick ilore-houfes 
 on their frontiers, and to fupply the Indians with 
 goods at the firft coft : ** for the private traders, 
 fays this gentleman, often cheat ihem, and treat 
 them ill *, which drives them ovtr to the 
 French.** He likewife recommends building 
 new forts in proper places ; and above all one at 
 the head of the river Kinnekk, a fpot which he has 
 
 long 
 
 CC 
 
 c« 
 
 «( 
 
 « 
 
t M4 1 
 
 ^ong had his eye upon, as the mod convenient 
 imaginable, for thepurpofes already mentioned in 
 Letter I. art. 3. In (hort, he fays, *< it is the 
 *' very beft ftroke which ac prefenc can be made 
 *^ againft the Frepcb, and iuch as will (Irike a 
 " terror iqto the gates of ^ebek. This fort he 
 *• would have garrifoned by one independent 
 *' company of 100 men, to be raifed either here 
 *' or in New Englandy or elfe fent from the regi- 
 •' ments at Hdifax, If our government here 
 ^' would but fo far countenance and fupport this 
 *' undertaking a3 to maintain fuch a number of 
 '^ men, jn cafe of an attack, he is fuie that the 
 •' whple force of JVhw England would chearfully 
 ** join to defend it : nay, he makes no doubt bujc 
 " that the Uew England people would build the 
 " fort, provided it was furnifhed with guns, 
 *' powder and ball from hence.** 
 
 He judges this propofal may be the more readily 
 complied with, as he is of opinion, *' that from 
 " henceforth foidiers mtift always be kept in the 
 " colonic?, as well to defend them againft the 
 *' Frenchy as to prevent their fmuggling trade fo 
 •* prejudicial to £»^/W;alfo, becaufe they ought 
 *^ to be ready at hand to be lent on any occafion, 
 *' either to alTift our fugar iQands, or to invade 
 " the French or Spant/h iflands. He likewife 
 *« thinks that it is neceffary to begin to ufe the 
 *' people oi North America to foidiers, which 
 '* may by degrees introduce difcipline among 
 *' their militia: and no time feems to him more 
 ** proper for it than this, while their thoughts are 
 " /aken up with military affairs and they are pre- 
 " paringforwar. Some time hence when their mar- 
 *' tial fpirit fubfides, and calmer difpofitions take 
 *« place again, the fending foidiers among them 
 
 " may 
 
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 Its are 
 re pre- 
 tr mar- 
 is take 
 them 
 f' may 
 
 [ t45 ] 
 may not be (o well relifhed." 'Tis certain, 
 that almoft any thing may be brought about by 
 well timing it. 
 
 This gentleman proceeds to confider the num- 
 ber of foldiers neceflary for putting on the Ame- 
 rican cftabliftiment. *' There ought always, con- 
 tinues he^ to be two regiments in different 
 parts of New England; one in New Tork \ an- 
 other in Penfylvania : one fmall regimfht or a 
 few companies in Maryland: a large regiment 
 in Virginia i Iaftly,one to be diftributed among 
 the two Carolinas and Georgia, Thefe regi- 
 ments ought to be raifed in and at theexpence 
 of the fcveral governments, and the taxes 
 (which he propofes) will, in a few years, pay 
 for fupporting them : in the mean time what- 
 ever they may fall fhorr, muft be fupplied 
 from hence. His fcheme requires like wife 
 that arms, ammunition, and clcathing for 
 fome few years, Hiould be fent to them : and 
 ** that the chief officers of all fortSj imlefs fom^ 
 very few, fhould be appointed out of th? na- 
 tives of the rcfpedive provinces, wlien the re- 
 giments are raifed.** 
 On this occafion my friend propofcS a thing 
 which may fecm as ftrange, as new, to fome peo- 
 ple. This is to *' raife a regiment out of the 
 French nfutrals mentioned in the preceding ar- 
 ticle, to be commanded by their own officers ; 
 a thing which he is convinced might be 
 brought ab^it with proper management.'* 
 The only qucllion is, how fir they may be de- 
 pended on, as they are papifls, and fecmingly in 
 clofe union under hand with the reft of their na- 
 tion ? as appeared from their behaviour in the 
 late war t However, in cafe fuch a Ycgiavnt was 
 
 raifed 
 
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 [ 146 ] • 
 
 raifed for ft trial, the fear of endangering the 
 fafety of the reft of their countrymen fettled irt 
 JSova Scoti/t^ might be a check upon them i and 
 in cafe they fhould turn tail or defert, it would be 
 a good way of getting rid of them. However, 
 their ports might be alfigntd in Ibme other pro- 
 vinre,ai>d at a diftance from anyFf^»f/&fett!emenr. 
 WJiat fcems to have led this gentleman to 
 make fuch a propofal, is the great inclination 
 which he obkrvcs in the French foldiers to de- 
 ftrt and fettle in our colonies, where they canr live 
 with more cafe and liberty than in the cold and 
 b irren country of Canada. On this occafion he 
 fpeaks of a thing as being aftually done, which in 
 my former 1 have given a tauiion againtt,fuppofing 
 it had never been intended j namely, the furren- 
 dering def rtcrs on each fide. *' An agrement, 
 fays he, which our officers at Halifax in Nova 
 Scotia^ h;we been duped into by the French** 
 Some ot our men, continues he, may indeed 
 ** defert : but for one the French would have 
 ** from us, we fhould have loo from them. 
 ** Thefe too would gladly rtay and fettle in oui* 
 " colonics ; but none of our deferters would ever 
 " (lay long with the French. Nine tenths of 
 '* all the French European foldiers, or others fent 
 to Canada^ might be induced to come over to 
 ourplantationg. In fhort, the beft and only 
 inhabitants vhjch the French have to depend 
 on, are the UdianSy and the breed they have 
 " fiom the Indian women and French foldiers ; a 
 ** meafure, fays he, which we ought to encourage 
 " in our colonies." 
 
 After having laid down Ills plan, my corre- 
 fpondent turns his thoughts on t\\^ means for car- 
 rying on the Wvir, (which he fcems to think ine- 
 vitable 
 
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g the 
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 to de- 
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 >ld and 
 ion he 
 hich in 
 )pofing 
 furren- 
 rement, 
 1 Nova 
 rencb,** 
 
 indeed 
 Id have 
 1 them. 
 
 in oiu' 
 Lild ever 
 nths ot" 
 lers fent 
 
 over to 
 nd only 
 
 depend 
 ley have 
 die IS } a 
 [icourage 
 
 ly corre- 
 s for car- 
 iiink ine- 
 
 vicable 
 
 . [ 147 ] 
 
 Vitablej and keeping the colonies in a good con- 
 dition of defence. With regard to this point he 
 propofes three things : firft, that the duty on all 
 fugars frQtn our fugar iflands, which is now paid 
 in the iilands themlelves, and (as Mr. Pelham 
 faid in the Hovfe of Commons) now raifes but a 
 trifle, fhould be made payable in North America ; 
 to which might be added a duty of one penny 
 per gallon on molafles, and two-pence per gal- 
 lon on all rum imported into North America \ 
 or elle a tax not exceeding twenty (hillings to bs 
 laid on every thoufand acres of land. None of 
 thefe taxes, he aflures me, would be much dii- 
 liked in Nsrtb America^ from whence he has late- 
 ly received fome propofais to the fame purport : 
 but is of opinion that they fhould be paid by 
 way of excife, or by the purchafer, and not by 
 the importer \ that the merchants might not be 
 diftreflcd. 
 
 The tax on fugar (tranflated as above) and 
 that on molafles particularly, would raife a large 
 fum annually, and be an encreafing fund. And 
 there can be the left objedtion to thefe, becaufe 
 they arife chiefly from French produce: for the 
 duty on fugar, as it ftands at prefenr, being paid 
 in the iflands, encourages the inhabitan's to get 
 it from yh^ French: and to my correfpondent's 
 " own knowledge, not one twentieth part of 
 ** the molafles, imported into North A'mr'.cc^ is 
 ♦* Englijh. So that one penny per gallon would 
 ** be a tax ^iiiefly on French produce •, and the 
 " importer pays as much as that in order to get 
 <* it run, or elfe compounds with the poi c officers 
 " to permit its being entered as from our Englijh 
 ** plantations •,'* and this likewife he knows x.o bt 
 h^, particularly g.t Rhode JJland, The fuflvl railed 
 
 L 3 from 
 
- [ hS 1 
 
 from the duties laid on the above-mentioned 
 commodities, our correfpondent is pofitive would 
 be fufficient to anfwer all the exigencies of the 
 fcveral American governments, particularly the 
 governors falariep, after being fixed here, (hould 
 be firft paid out of it ; then thofe of all their 
 port-ofHcers : The reft to be applied for carry- 
 ing on the war, or maintaining foldiers. 
 
 But in order to reap the full advantage of fuch 
 tax-^s it will be abfolutely neceflary to deftroy 
 the illicit trade which ail the colonies have run 
 more or lefs into ; but none fo much as Rhode 
 JJland^ which has carried it on to the higheft 
 pitch, and in the moft audacious manner. 
 
 At this noted place for fmuggling, all forts of 
 French as well as Dutch produce and manufaflures 
 are imported in the molt public manner ; and 
 from thence exported to all parts of America as 
 Engliflj produce, fo much that in one year 14 fail of 
 veffels have arrived there direftly from Holland \ 
 and many veflels do the fame loiNew England and 
 ISiew l^ork. This is well known to every indivi- 
 dual in ihofe countries ; and whilft their gover- 
 nors are fo dependent on the people, and the port 
 officers make fuoh immcnfe profit by fuffering it, 
 he cannot fee how it Can well be prevented, but 
 by laying fome fevere penalties on the tranfgref- 
 fors and keeping; fome final! flo ps of war with 
 foldieis, particularly at Rhode JJland^ to protcdl 
 the port officers in doing their duty. But as 
 thinjj,s now (fand thofe officers would rifk their 
 lives in attempting it ; for there is fcarce a man 
 in all that country who is not concerned in the 
 fmugaiir.g trade. 
 
 I have before me a particular piece written by 
 the author . cf the preceding tradt, on the iilicic 
 
 trade 
 
of 
 
 c6b 
 as 
 
 tieir 
 tiiaa 
 
 [149 J 
 trade of the colonies, parcicularly that of Rbodi 
 IJland^ and the means of ruppreffing it. Running 
 or fmuggling is there fandlBeii with the name of 
 naturalizing foreign goods *, and in their more 
 than hofpitable and free ports, the moft forbidden 
 commodities receive the benefit of naturalization. 
 But to purfue this fubjedt would carry me coo 
 far. 
 
 To return to our correfpondent's letter. He 
 fays an entire (lop ought to be put (as it eafily 
 might J to the trade from Cape Briton to our co- 
 lonies i for from thence all forts of French goods 
 to an immenfe value, are yearly imported by our 
 i\OTXhtxn American veffels to every part of that conti- 
 nent. He likewifc takes notice, by way of preven- 
 tion, in cafe a war fhould break out, of a wicked 
 praftice fet on foot laft war in North America^ of 
 fupplying the French iflands with all forts of arms, 
 ammunition and provifions, by veffcis which by 
 management they procured to be licenfed as car- 
 tels i and with only one or two Frenchmen (for 
 whom they have given as far as 40 /.) would go 
 backwards and forwards between the French iflands 
 and North America^ thus keeping on a conltanc 
 trade during the whole war : lb that there have 
 been no fewer than 20 of them feen at a time in 
 one port of Hifpaniola. This fraudulent and perni- 
 cious pracfV.ice ought to be prevented by fome law 
 made fsere for the purpofe •, and no veffels fuffcred 
 to go as cartel?, with fewer than 50 or 100 pri- 
 foners : or rather they fliould be obliged to fend 
 all their prifoners to England. 
 
 Thus, Sir, I have made you up a fecond letter 
 out of the remarks of two public-fpirited gentle- 
 men, zealous for the Britijh glory and prulperity 
 pf the colonief, As you are onq of the fame 
 
 cha<! 
 
- [ 190 ] 
 
 charaflier, and curious to enquire into the affairs 
 of the plantations, (a difpoHtion which is be- 
 come pretty general in the nation) I fend them 
 to you, believing they will be at l^aft as ac- 
 ceptable to you as thofe contained in my former 
 letter. 
 
 I am, ^c. 
 
 14th March 
 1755- 
 
 FINIS, 
 
 -r*- 
 
 ^m 
 
 « .'1 
 
 m 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 f. 1^. \, 7. after Kadarakuit for on r. or, 
 P. 63. 1. 17. for half-fenny f r. fenn^.