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I ii.iiiMiJ' r * * ADVERTISEMENT. ir'i r. -•.■ THE first part of this Pamphlet was written, and partly sent to press, soon after the ruin of the Prussian army was certainly known in England, and when we supposed ourselves to be again left alone in the war ; a conjuncture, at which the feelings of the Public, as to the perils oi^our situation, were probably much more in unison than now, with those of the Author. At present, perhaps, a propo- sition which he has assumed, viz. that the danger of an invasion^ though very indistinctly and inadequately conceived, is'tt^niversally admitted to exist, may be far from the truth. But he deems it, on this account, only the more necessary to raise his feeble voice against the indifference and supineness which prevail in regard to our public defence ; since the apprehension of immediate danger no longer tends to correct these faults, and thfy may, by a false sense of security, be fatally confirmed. May the next news from the seat of continental war, be of a kind to diminish further the apparent importance of his labours? But, in his estimate, our danger from the power of France was never more serious and imminent than at the present moment. ,* ^;''i'>''* # r*" Jpnuary 21, 1807. 173012 #'« I m tJF ■<■ ■'!- ,<• w "^F ■'IF"", THE DANGERS OF THE COUIfTRY. ^ect. 1, We mat/ be conquered by France. IN the revolutions which overthrow the powef and the inde- pendency of nations, there is nothing more astonishing than the extreme improvidence which sometimes prepares their fell. Let us mark in the page of history the periods which immediately pre- ceded the Wibjugation of Greece, by Philip and Alexander, th« dreadful overthrow of Carthage, by Rome, and of Rome herself by the Barbarians, and we shall perceive that their fate was long verj^ visibly approaching, that it might probably have been averted bf vigour and prudence, but that the devoted nations strangely neglected the obvious means of self>preservation, till the opportunity of using them was lost. How deplorably does the age w« live in abound with simUav cases ! Nations, however, like individuals, seem rar - if ever, to take^ warning from the fatal errore of each other. Such ipsdom is indeed cheaply bought, but not so cheaply reduced into practice; for tha measures of prevendve prudence generally demand some renuncia- tion of present ease, or apparent advantage. It is easy to see what timely sacrifices others should have made to avoid impending nrin. It is not so easy to make those necessary sacrifices ourselves. Besides, there seems to be an unaccouiMable prejudice, a sense of inextinguishable vitality, in the body politic as wdtt as natural, . whichj:heatB us into a persuasion, that whateifr may fal^e bef^le.n ethers in similar circumstances, our own existence is sectJit. " All men think a!! men moitiu but themscivcs.^ It, The same may bf said of nations; and the delusiop|ieThaps is sfif^ .«trong«rwiti| them, than with individqala. w^"^ H: I II bcems impossible upon anjr other principles than these* to ac* count for the apathy of the British public at the present most tre- mtndous crisis. The torrent of French ambition, has now washed away every mound that opposed it on the continent We stand as on a little spot of elevated ground, surrounded withinundaUons; and while the waters are still rising on every side, and rapidly under- mining our base, wfr look c^^with atupid.iii^Qerenc^ or torpid inactivity, heedless of the means by which safety might be still 'attained. These strictures I hope are not now applicable to those with whom the government of the country is intrusted.— Measures are probably preparing in the cabinet such as our perilous situation demands : but the people at large are not sufficiently awake to the tremendous evils which menace them, and the duties to%hich they are called. A sufficient proof of this might be found in the spirit of personal and party rivalship, ^^which has abounded in our late parliamentary elections, and that exclusive attention which they excited through" out the country at large. -> •• > Never in the present rdgn did the choice of a new parliament produce a greater number of obstinate contests, and never were im* portant national questions less generally involved in the rivaldliip of contending caitdidates ; yet when has the public mind been more closely intent on the concerns of a general election ? It must have been obvious to every calm observer, that the combats of the hust- ings had more, interest than the battles in Saxony, that the state of the poll was the subject of more anxiety than the advance of the Russians, and the subversions of thrones, events of less concern than thelpejection of a favourite candidate. Could this disposition be resolved into a magnanimous contempt of danger, it might perhaps be deemed a feature of national charac- tsi* fey ho means of evil omen. The Spartans, on the eve of the battle of Thermopylxj were seen combing their long hair, and in- d^ging in their usual amusements. But this construction of the public feelings, though complimentary, would not be just. The dangers of the country! fear have not been so much despised, as forgotten j. wid the patiiotic emotions which the ewijuncture iwight to inspirejtfeave bee#8uperscded by the nearer interest (^ borough or provincial politics. This, however; is by no means the only indication of popular jpsensibility to the present dangers of the country. ' Have pridi, dissipation, or luxury, contracted iiaii^ degree their 1> mfimmm 8. ■ • . ■ accustowed range, or are their tourics less intent th«n before on fheir favourite pleasures ? Has the civil war of parties been sus- pended ; or have we in earnest begun to make our peace with a 0jaatising Providence, by religious and moral reformation ? . The nation^ of antiquity, while they possessed their freedom, ^t true source of patriotic feeling, were neither too gay to mourn, too luxurious to retrench, too factious to unite, nor too proud to fepent and pray, in seasons of public danger. A situation like, ou: 9wn, at Sparta, at Athens, or at Rome, in their best days, would have been marked by gravity and mourning, by a suspension of civil feuds, by an emulation in every species of private sacrifice to tihe pubUc service, and by such propitiations as their -religion taught them to offer, to their offended gods. The most distant danger from a foKign enemy, united every Roman in a generous wlf- devotion to the stete. The rich remitted their exactions, the poor renounced their complaints j the patrician forgot hb pride, the ple- beian his factious discontent, the tribune his mob-importarce, the senators their mutual discord. If the assault or defiance of an ene- my fcund them in the heat of dvil cominotions, it in a moment put an eod to the strife j If the people were drawn up by their dema- gogues on the Mona aaeevy their citadel of s^ition, they descended without delay to the Camfiua Martitu^ and crowded to be enrolled for the miUtary service of their countr. . We admire this spirit ; we perceive in it one great cai^se of the teng conservation of Roman freedom, and an essential basis of R6- vassi greatness.— -Yet what have Romans, Grecians, or any other people ancient or modem, had to attach them to their county, com- {»red with the social blessings of these much favoured islands! The sun, in six thousand years, has beheld no human beings so happ^ in their civil condition as ourselves ; has enlightened n^ land which it» inhabitants had so vast an interest in^defending as Great Brit&in. * Whence then that indifference, that stnuige defect at least of patriotic zeal and exerticm, -ytnich marks this arduous cri&ns ? It cannot be the effect, of a rational confidence in our security, for who is t^ere now that does not admit the countrjr to be in dan- „> The absurd opinion that England cannot be inva^ wMIe we have an invindble fleet, is now rejected by eveiy intellig^t man, a^ it always was by men of nautical knowledge ; and the government tions for our interior defence^ that a powerM descen^ on our shor^ ie> no impos^ble efea(. %^f Wm' I ThoM wh« formerlf thought such m enterprise imprtctiodde* mutt have retted their opinion on the extreme depreM^on t^ thcr Frmch marine. But from this etllc it has already begun to reco< Ter, and diere can be no doubt that unl^s the enemy should be raik eiKAigh to expose himself to iwir Trafidgars, his navy will rapidljr encrease. When we consider the large acquisitions of ships of all kinds, of naval magazines, of forests ripe for the axe, of excellent docks, and harbours, and even of able seamen, which France has unhappily made by conquest during the two last campaigns ; vnd' when we regard her as mistress of all the coasts of continental Eu- rope, from the bottom of the Adriatic gulf to the straits of Gibraltar, and from Cape Finisterre to ihc Baltic, it would be idle indeed t« suppose that the disparity of her naval power to that of the British blands, will long condnue to be great. But even a very inferior .leet to our own, might as I shall here* after shew, give her ample means of invasion. That an invading army would infallibly be repelled by the force ve at present possess on shore, is a persuasion that may still be too general, yet can hardly new maintain its ground in well informed and considerate roinda.--^It must at least be greatly weakened, if not removed, by the late tremendous events on the continent. Arc we proudly confident in our military prowess ? So were the renowned battalions of Frederick the Great.-— The Prussians marched from Berlin as to a certain triumph. Intelligent English gentlemen who were there at the moment, declare that the general confidence was extreme ; that it was imposuble to make the most rational Prussians with whom they conversed, admit a doulrt of the victorious amUes of France being defeated by the Prusalan tactics ; and that to suggest any uneasiness on the subject, was regarded as |frepost»rou8 It least, if not insidting. Yet where is now that mighty army that was drawn up by the veteran generals of Prussia in the plain of Auerstadt ? Dispersed, as with the impetuous breach of a whiriwind, or rather the blast rf an explosion, its scattered fragments ware soon to be found only on the shores of the Baltic ; and even there were gatht^red up by its enemies. The mendacious vanity of the victors ? ere found no place for ex- aggeration. It was strict truth to say that a late mighty monarch, flying from the throne of his ancestors across the Oder and the Vw- tula, carried with him only a handful of guards from the great army vrhich he lately commanded, and that with this excepticm, not a man of that vast host^ escaped. Neither the defeat off Darius at Arfa«Ia, m .- • ^ or any other victory by whkh erojrfres have been overthrown, wae fa this respect half »o disastrous. Where has since been found the proper reserve of regulars, or of citizens in arms to renair thia mi« nite apprehcaaion. We do not distmguish the many specific evils whidi would make up the aggregate disaster of jch a conquest ; much less do we look forward to the miseries that would unquestion- jRbly foUpw, ' V ivj would endeavour therefore to supply in some measure the de- fects of these loose conceptions, to analyze the tremendous mischief which is possibly impending over us, to exhibit some of its calami- tous elements, and point out the exquisite wretchedness which it trould entail upon my country. We must unavoidably be soon call- ed upon for "ery great and very painful sacrifices, in order to avert the national ruin with which we ai-e menaced by the power of France. Let us fairly examine then the impending evil, that we may be reconciled to the unpleasant means by whicli alone it can be •verted. 'feff/. 2. The effects f^mch a c6n(/uesf.~—UsurJiiition or destruction qf ■ ■ ■'■■: the thvone. 4H It is needless to insist much on that ordinaiy, and most promi- nent feature, in the revolutions of kingdoms by conquest, the transfer of the royal power, from a hatiiw io a foreign monarch. It is an evil which the loyalty of my countrymen, and their affection to the best of sovereigns, will sufficiently appreciate. If the ruthless Napoleon has ever spared for a whSe, a prince whom he had power to depose, it has been from motives of polky which would find no place in England. He may safely trust b legi* , timate monarch to wield for a while a feeble and tarnished sceptre on the continent, while bis doniinions, reduced in extent, stripped of their host interior resources- and deprived of every outwork that can guard them fVom invasion, are in ho condition to oppose his ulterior projects. It may even serve his purposes, to make these degraded sovereigns instruments of his rapacity, in exacting &r his use ccm- tributions from their wretched subjects; as well as involuntary mi- nisters to his ambition, in the further extension of his conquests. When rendered by such means, hateful to their subjects, and to their neighbours, they may be more safely commanded to descend from thisir tlirones, and make room for some upstart succesKir. He seems even to have a^ruel pleasure in this course of proceeding % as the -.ge. ^^, „ „iu. .„ «w«Hi»r>*, vreum, and apparenuy «nioys its dread- ful suspense, jMrior to it*. fi»al destruction. . - But should thU subverter of empires ever lw:ome inaatep of England, the uluatrious house of Hanover will have no such pro. tooted toitnents, nor any p^aivocal fate. Our island is not capable of a secure or ccmvenient partition among his satelUtes. Them are nocOTquests beyond us, to which England, Uke Holland or Saxony, mayfurmshjunderanominalindependency, a safe and convenient scaffold. And, what is more decisive, the natural bulwarks of Eng- land cannot be wtmoved. The straits of Dover cannot, like the for- tresses on the Rhine, or the pasees of the T.y«>l, be annexed to a hosule states and the popularity of our helmed sovereign* would stiU mere effectually secure his fall} ior he has a throne in th^ hearts of his subjects that a conqueror could not subt^ert. -S^ Perhaps in consideration of our raaridme fame, we might be honoured with the gift of the imperial admiral Jerome Bonafiarte, as our new sovereign lord; and hs might even deign to accept the hand of some female descendant of the princess Sophia, in order to plant a n«w dynasty, on something like hereditary right. Nor is it impoa- sible that the male branches of that Ulustrioua house, might soon be so disposed of, as to leave none who could dispute the legality of the marriage, or of any Utle founded upon it; England has no Salic law; the usurper is not scrupulous in his mean8,.and be has shewn that he knows the value of that hereditary right upon which ha has 80 violently trampled. - I must admit, however, that it i* more probable we sliould notte trusted with any shew of national independence; but be either re- duced avowedly into the form of a province, or honoured with the name of a department. . If the choice 6f the French people had any weight, such would of course be our destiny ; sinqe our insular situa- tioft and maritime character, might soon convert a nominal, into a real independence.— Rome did not think herself safe, whi^e Carthage' had walls or foundations. I leave these prospects without remark to a spirited and loyal people. True loyalty, like k>ve, is too delicate to admit of excite- meat or expostulation, unless from the object of its attachment. Sect. 3. Overt/trow qftlic Conatitutu.n. ^ What shallj say of the subversion of that glorious fabric the British consdtution I We have be^n ktely exercising the elective iianchise, and if.th^ spirit of our contests for repres^n|^¥e%i» pau- s liament) at this arduous crisis, has in some instances deaervipd repnx^ at leaM we must admire that perfect freedom olcluitCff ' mrhicli to many- have been able to exercise. Whether^more of that fi«edom is s£^ely attainable than the present scheme of representation affords, is a <|ucstion wluch it would be impertinent to discuss in these sheets, kior is this a proper season for such discussions. It is not when the ship labours in the tempest, and when breakers are und^r her lee, that you would set about an alteration kt her ciU»ii»,,9r even think of repairing her helm. It is easy to find faults in every- thing human ; but when in danger of losing what we love, we think not of its faults, but of its value. He that really loves Britisli liberty, «ti)erefore will now be disposed to forgot for a wliile what I^ may ^em imperfect in it, and reflect with fond anxiety onits inestimable worth. ' What nobler civil exhibition did earth ever afford than the iplec- tion of a British House of Commons! A whole people, not in. a rude state, or while few in number, but when forming a mighty na- tion, great in anna, great in civilization, commerce, and wealth, freely assemble in their various districts to choose their own le^s- ^tors, the organs of their will, the delegates of their authority, the guardians of their rights. If influence be used by the existing ad- 'ministration, what is the administration but a power, which the attachment of former representatives of the people, as m^ch perhaps as the choice of the sovereign, has created or upheld ? Influence too is used in an opposite direction, not perhaps with less zeal or effeet. Man is not made universally to wzt in society- from purely spontiineous motives. But force, brute force, that engine of usurped authority, *hat instrument of almost evei^ t^her human government, however legitimate, in matters that concern the state, is driven from the hal- lowed precincts of our elective freedom, like a demon from conse- crated grounu. The ordinary instruments of monarchical power, the military, though here never employed but in subservience to, and at the requisition of tlie lat.'s, are forbidden to approach the place 'Iwhere these high franchises aie exercised, lest even the shadow of constraint shoid seem to diminish their lustre. Would French conquest leave us such lUierties to boast? Let us look to Sviritzerland, to Holland, to France herself, for an answer to that question. The freedom of our constitution, mortifying and opprobrious in 115 VAaiupio iu X toiiCiiiiKjit, io iiic inol ui uUi uic»iuu|p» iuai ific usurper would consent to spare. To subvert this freedom, by the inviting image of which his throne is perpetually endangered, ii^ Miai itiCT . . I^e object of his arms. He would rather by far, leave us our poU- ^cal independency, and our commerce, than our civil institutions. %> I dare not venture however to affirm, that we should have no libre parliaments. It is his policy to retain the nune of cveiy sacred establishme^^, the s|Hrit and use of which he takes «wi^: and we should probably therefore, in losing the substance of parlia- mentary representation, be insulted with its empty form. % I am not sure even that we should not have mock contested elec- tbns: the mummery of Garret Green might be transferred to Goveitt Garden or Guildhall. But woe to those electors, or to tl»at populace which should be simple enough to suppose that the return of members was imleed submitted to their choice. A vote against the nominee of the court, or a hiss at the Frenchified hireling, woukl fat^ly mark the disaffection of its author, and ere long he wool4 have leisure in a dungeon to bewail bis temerity and folly. . Sect, 4. Subversion of our Ldberty and Laws, Our fi-eedom of chdce, however, and our elective franchises in fenci'al, are rather buttresses of civil liberty, than the happy edifice iteelf. That inestimable blessing, chiefly consists, in the supremacy of known and equal laws, in theu' upright administration, and in the security of the mdividual, against the oppression of the civil magis- tt-a's, or the state. And here, what people ever bad so much to lose, as the inha- bitants of this fevoured land ! When I enter that veneraU^pl which for many centuries his been the seat of our superior tribunals, and contemplate the character of the courts which are busily exercising their several jurisdictiona ground it, I am ahfnost tempted to forget the frailty of man, and the imperfection of his noblest works. There, justice supported by Kberty and honour, sits enthroned as in her temple, elevated for above the region of all ignoble passions. There, jwUciaV character is BO strongly guarded by ages of fair example, by public confidence, by conscious inc'ependence, mkI dignity of suUoo, that it is scarcely ^virtue to be just. There, the human intellect nourished by the morning dew of industry, and warmed by manly emulation, puts forth its most vigorous shoots, and conseci-ates tliem to the noblest of ail sublunary ends. .If the rude emblems of heavetUy intell^iKe with which our pious ancestors have adorned that jpj^^c j^^^ had looked (^'own upon an administration of justice, advancing pro« gfCiiif et) , aom the days of our Henries, at least, in corPectnessy KberaMtf , ^piority, and independence, till it has arrived at a degree of ][^»rfection, never before witnessed upd precious one, of this gbrious accounti The' Englishman's life, ms honour, and, with some reasonable cx^^ ceptions, his property too, are placed not only under the protectiotf of the laws, but un^cr the further safeguard of his neighbours and equals in private life, without whose sanction, solemnly g^ven <^n oath, he cannot be condemned. .^'d ^ Sueth my countrymen, are some of the blessings of our freeboro jurisprudence; and *hese, I need not tell you, would all cease t» i^ast, if we fell under the dbmiiiioh of France. -y ^ None of you can be so ignorant as to suppose, that Buonapai^ would allow a habeas corfnis, a jury, or a gaol-d'jlivery, to the vkt* thns of his stateH*aft or revenge. He has reirfaced by a hundred bastilles, the one v««hich he has assisted to destroy. A thousand miserable pri«)ners groan in his dunge<»8 for one that met that fate ulRider tbe unfortunate Bourbons. He has found the secret also, of dbtaining from civil as well as military tribunals, a Wind obedience- to his will. ..; It cannct be supposed that he will sttbmit to the restraint of la^v«• in a province, while he rejects it in imperial France. We must bid- fSWwell thereforei should he becs&me our master, to protecting laws, to kidependent md upright judges^ to tiiai by juiy, snfKS to all those! ti frmrl^j^ DjmicH ROW consdtii our seoority ^nn dvtf or niiiitar7 oppression. Tbb innocent will n<» longer U abie to lie down iRi fMace^ secttrb that thef shall m^ be torn from theuf famitiea era monun^y to be exatiiineit by torturesy or peririk in the gloom oEi# Amgeon. 4 From that time, integrity will retire frmn the seat of }u8tice) tmA «emipt!on take its place. Judgments, in civil cases^ will be sold j itf 'liMMimAf^ will be dictated by the nithkss T^ce of oppressiMjj Fraud and violenee will erery wlwre prevail, and cunning servility foe the only path to safety. If any of our laws rmnain unaUered» ihey will be stith only as may serve, ivhen no kmger guarded by tha checks of a fi-ee constitution, to fltnttiply the modes, md «ggmvat« the weight of despotism. ^'ilet us look next to the infallible and total suppressicm of the U* fcerty of our press. ' White any portion of tins privilege remains in Mjy couiUrv, there is, if not a hopie of deliverance, at least some c(H>sol&ti