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I i

HISTORY

OF THB

INDIANS OF CONNECTICUT

waoM

THE EARLIEST KIS^OWJST PERIOD

A. D. 18S0.

By JOHN W. Db FOREST.

Oar inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to aliens. We are orohans
and fatherless, our mothers are a, widows. The elders have ceased ^^the gat e
he young men from their music. The joy of our hearts is ceased rrdanS is
turned into mourning. "-Lamentations, Chapter V

raffl^K

1
1

•

■E

•

ALBANY:

J. MUNSELL, 83 STATE STREET.
1871.

'm ^ i ' ." iW iiiiuii . i miin i iMa.,!,,. ^

"- "iiwifiw ii i i ii

The remainder of the edition of this work ho •
Hands, I have added a new title pa^! wilL 7- ^^"^ ^"^ '"^
of that of a fpnner publisher. ' " ""P""* '""''^^^

J. M.

TESTIMONIAL FROM THE CONNECTICUT HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

ome into my
iprint instead

J. M.

This work having l^en submitted in manmcripi ,<, ,he Hi„„ri,., g„,.,„

.l.es:rr ""'"■■"'"'""■°" ">-- -»'ned „.,e adopted b,

Jtt?aT'"\T°-'''''^ February 5.h, 1850, by the Con-
necticut H.stoncal Socety, to examine a manuscript history
De ror!!r" "■"''» "fConuecticut, prepared by Mr'john w'
De Fore,,, and to give an opinion whether it should be nub
..hed under the patronage of the Society, would respeltj^t

That they have read the manuscript referred to. with as
much a„e„.,on as time and circumstances would a loT and
fluJ ... .. abundant evidence of labor and research and a col
lect.o„ of facts which they think highly imp„r.tt for a fuU
e ucdatton of the history oftheState.^ They have no. though
.necessary to look at the authorities on whfch Mr. De FoS
rel.es for h.s statements, a, it is understood that he wishes ,1

.re'dtr wtr "'^°"* '- '"^ ^»- -" »p'r»° .

The Committee recommend that the Society should en

re;x^i^drh2p— :------r

J. L. KINGSLEY,
LEONARD BACON

N.W H„.., Conn.. March ..d, ,8^- ™''^''''-

PREFACE.

The advice of friends whose judgment I highly respect induces
me to give a brief account of my course of investigations with
regard to the subject treated in the present volume, and of the
authorities upon which the narrative principally relies. It was
no intention of becoming an author, but a real love of the subject,
which first led me to pay attention to the story of the aborigines
of Connecticut. As was natural, therefore, I first read for infor-
mation those works, which, being the most common, were most
likely to fall in my way. The most important of these were,
Trumbull's History of Connecticut, Barber's Historical Collec-
tions of Connecticut, and Thatcher's Indian Biographies. When,
however, I had once formed the resolution of writing upon the
subject, I could not, of course, be satisfied, without going back to
the sources from whence these authon? drew their narrations. A
large portion of these sources were kindly opened to me in the
Library of Yale College ; and, with my writing materials con-
stantly before me, I commenced availing myself of their contents.
Having gone through with the printed matter which I found there,
having read Winthrop and Hazard and their host of associate
worthies as closely as seemed to be necessary, I proceeded to
Hartford and commenced with the shelves full of manuscript
volumes preserved in the office of the Secretary of State. The
Colonial Records, the State Records, the Papers on Indians, on
Towrs and Lands and on Ecclesiastical Affairs, although they
occupied me a long time, were at last finished. Next followed a

PftEFACE,

scrubs of journeys, m which, visiting the primitive townships of the
feci n?. '"TV f ^""^ ^' whatever existed in their

till T 7 "''^ """^ °' •"'°™^*'''" ^-hausted ; and
from the nr,atenals now lying before me began to arrange and

wnte out my history. Many new examinations and additions,

however were made after I had commenced my narrative ; and

eou Iw H ;u '^'7 °f ^^"-^-"' ^'^hough it may not hav
equalled, has fallen not far behind, the labor of compositL. It is
upon the toundation laid in this manner that the suoerstructure
contained m the present volume has been erected. It may be
interesting, however, to students cf Connecticut histoiy, to receive

works whose authority on this subject is of the most importance.

The Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, „ow
amoun mg to thuty volumes, is the first which I shall notice!
This adm.raole repository the best of its kind in the United States,
consists, to a considerable extent, of reprints of old a.d rare his-
onca works relatmg to the early ages of our country, and par-
ncularly of New England. In this precious libnu-y of antiques
are to be found, iSew England's Plantation, and Roger Williams'
Key mto the Indian Languages, from which I have drawn
rny bnef account of the anci.nt appea,.nce and productions of
Connecticut. In the Key also, and in Gookin's Historical Col-
lections of t.e Indians of New England, likewie. presei.ed in the
name repository, may be found most of my .naterials fo. the sketch
ol the people, their customs, language and institutions.

The position and relative importance of the various tribes is too
apparent H om the whole course of Connecticut history t- need
much citation of authorities ; yetdolthink that I have disco-'ered
a number of .ew facts with regard to thes. subjects .y an exami-
nation of the ancient recoitls of the towns.

For my account of she intercourse, whether peaceable or hostile
between the Indians of Connecticut and the Dutch. I am indebted

PREFACE. ^jj

to O CaHaghan's minute and admirable Histoiy of the Colony of
Ne w Netherland. For the early dealings between the Indians and
the English, the principal and the best authority is the well
known Journal of John Winthrop, as presented in the admirable
edition of Savage. Winthrop carries us from 1630 to 1649, with
general accuracy, and with the impartial spirit of a Christian gen-
tleman. The Pequot war is related by Winthrop, who was a
cotemporary, and by John Mason, John Underbill, P. Vincent and
Lyon Gardiner, who were all actors in the struggle. Of these
narrations, Mason's, especially when taken in conjunction with
Prince's introduction to it, is by far the fullest, the best written
and the most satisfactory. Leaving the Pequot war we depend
once more principally upon Winthrop, until the second volume of
Hazard's Collection of State Papers takes us up in 1643, and does
not fairly set us down until 1678. Potter's Early History of Nar
ragansett, also, is not to be forgotten, as affording, especially in
Its appendix, much interesting matter concerning the Indians
After ihe period when Hazard closes, the printed materials for
aborigmal history become much less voluminous, and, in their
nature, much more fragmentary, than before. Those of which I
have most availed myself are, Trumbull's History of Connecticut,
Barber's Historical Collections of Connecticut, Miss Caulkin's
Hietory of Norwich, M'Clure's Life of \^heeIock and the Memoirs
of Mrs. Sarah L. Smith. To these may be added Morse's Re-
port on the Indian Tribes, Dwight's Travels, Tracy's History
of American Miasions, Allen's Biographical Dictionary, the
American Archives and the printed volumes of Executive Docu-
ments issued by the jreneral government.

Although I have hitherto hardly alluded to the manuscript
materials which exist, yet are they deserving of the most serious
attention. The ouly private authority of this kind worthy of note
18 the Itinerary, and some of the other papers, of President Stiles
of Yale College, all of which are now preserved in the library of

that institution of whifh hn xvna ^..»» >u

- I sit;

i. nat pait

PKEFACE.

which is the result of the President's own observations is accurate
and valuable ; but the remainder is far from reliable, as depending
too much on the reminiscences of aged men and women, unac-
customed to making statements for publication, and within whose
recollections the slender numbers of the Indians multiplied as
wonderfully as the two buckram men of Falstaff.

Of public papers the records of the ancient towns are highly
important ; not only as determining the positions and connections
of the tribes, but as narrating the time and manner of the sales
by which they parted with their lands. Another set of papers, of
considerable importance, is a number of Indian petitions and a
Defense of the Colony, referring to the long law suit between the
Mohegans and Connecticut, and lately brought from England and
deposited in the Yale College Library.

But by far the most extensive and important range of manu-
scnpts is to be found in the office of the Secretary of State at
Hartford. The Colonial Records, consisting of eleven volumes
and extending from 1636 to 1676, contain a largo quantity of
matter. The twenty-seven volumes cf State Records present
a smaller amount, and of a less interesting nature. Various
deeds given by the Indians may be found in the ten volumes
of papers on Towns and Lauds; and, thinly scattered throu^rh
the fifteen volumes on Ecclesiastical Afiairs, are notices tf
efforts mn^),. inv th.>ir civil improvement and conversion. Lastly
but more ir.iporrant than any ..f the others, come two volumes ot
papers relating to the Indians alone ; containing nearly siv hun.
dred documents, and stretching in a series of letters, petitions and
reports of committees, from 1647 down to 1799. From the
manuscripts thus named is drawn a very largo portion of my
history; and to the reading, thnngh not to the antiquarian, public
this portion will he almost entirely new. And thus clones a l.ri,.f
review of the prin.-ipal materials, .,.hi..ny, it will be observed,
cotemporary, on which the sub.se.pient narrative is founded.
My dates, for the sake of uniformity, I have reduced entirely to

I
m

PREFACE.

the mode of notation now in use. The difference between the
old and new styles is at present twelve days; but as we go back-
* wgrd in time this difference gradually diminishes, until, at the
Council of Nice in 325, it ceases altogether. Consequently, from
all dates in my authorities previous to 1710, 1 have retrenched
ten days ; and from all subsequent to that, but previous to Sep-
tember, 1752, when the change to new style was effected in
England, eleven days. Thus, the first Court of Connecticut in
1636 was held, by old style, on the twenty-sixth of April ; by new
style on the sixth of May. Thus, also, the second Commissioners'
Court on the disputed lands of the Mohegans in 1738 was opened,
by old style, on the twenty-fourth of May; by new style on the
fourth of June.

Respecting the map which precedes the work a few wonls will
suffice. It was meant to be a sketch of the political divisions of
Connecticut previous to its settlement by Europeans ; and it is my
belief that the positions of the tribes which then existed are laid
down with correctness. This was my chief object; and for any
thing further than this I have made no great research, and lay
claim to no extraordinary accuracy. It is pretty certain that some
of the "Indian names" of our ponds and streams are not the
names which the Indians themselves applied to them. Thus,
Naugatuc was not anciently the name of the river to which it is
now attached, but of a place on the banks of that rivei The
same assertion is probably true of the Mattabesett, a stream which
empties into the Connecticut near Middletown. The largest river
in the western part of our State is now invariably known as the
Ilousatonic ; but, if wm may believe the early reconls of Stratford,
It was in ancient times "commonly called the Paugussett." There
18 a small stream in New Milford styled the Aspetuck, or Ash-
petuck, which I have little doubt was named thus after the Aspe.
tuck in the ancient township of Fairfield. In like manner, the
Mystic between Groton and Stonington was so designated by
emigrants who came from the banks of that Mystic which empties

■* PREFACE.

into Massachusetts Bay. To this stream it will be observed that
I have restored the ancient name of Sickenames, or Siccahams,
which is applied to it in the early maps and relations of the Dutch.
From these circumstances it will justly be inferred, that, to con-
struct a correct catalogue of the ancient nomenclatures of our
rivers, ponds and mountains, would be not simply difficult, but
absolutely impossible.

The four landscape illustrations in the volume are copied, it will
be observed, from Barber's Historical Collections of Connecticut.
The original of the likeness of Occom is a very defaced portrait
of him, taken while he was in England, and found by Miss Sarah
L. Huntington in 1830, at Mohegan. Miss Huntington having
placed it in the care of Col. John Trumbull, the distinguished
Connecticut painter, he laid it before Miss Murray, a benevolent
lady of New York, who had two hundred and fifty lithograph copies
of it struck, to be sold for the benefit of the tribe. It was from
one of these copies, furnished me by the aged and now deceased
mother of Miss Huntington, that the engraving presented to the
reader was designed.

Of the merit of tho five fancy pieces by Darley, an artist known
and admired in Europe as well as in America, it is unnecessary
to speak. It may be observed, however, that the costumes are
imitated from cotemporary pictures of the dress of our colonial
period ; and that the designs are thus, not only spirited and ex-
pressive, but, in a true sense, illustrations.

J. W. Di^ F.
New Haven, October, 1850.

observed that
or Siccahams,
3 of the Dutch.
3, that, to con-
latures of our
y difficult, but

copied, it will
r Connecticut,
sfaced portrait
)y Miss Sarah
ngton having
distinguished
a benevolent
ograph copies
It was from
low deceased
sented to the

artist known
unnecessary

costumes are
our colonial

rited and ex-

V. Dr; F.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

InTBOI.UCTI0K.-ThK COtrNTnv.-MANK.KS AND CUSTOMS. IN.TZTUTXOKS AKD

LANGUAGE.

Introduction, Page

Appearance and condition of Conn, when inhalated by iteabori^nes"''

Appearance and piiysical qualities of the Indians, '

Agriculture, '

Hunting,

Fish

ing,

Clothing and ornaments, ,
Houses and furniture,.,..
Food

Wandering habits of the Indians,.

Fortified villages,

The public square,

Dances,

Gaming,

The fnmily

Courtship and marriage,
Morals and character,...
Diseases,

Treatment of them,

Funeral ceremonies,

Religion,

Kiehtan, the Good Spirit,

HobbamocKo, the Evil Spirit,

Infrior Gods

No images

Ideas of the creation,

Belief in a daily providence, .
Ideas of futurity,

8
9
12
13
14
15
15
16
16
17
17
18

'h' ■

^^ CONTENTS

Namee for the soul, **•■

The powwows, or priesthood, ..*.!..*'".!" ** ""* ^^

Religious dances, ' '" ^7

Grades of society, * "^^

The sachem and his councilors, ' ^*

Hereditary nature of the sachemship, .'.".'...* fj

Power of the sachem, ^"

The sagamores, or inferior chiefe, .,.,,[ *^^

Revenues of the sachem, ..."1. ^*

His duties, ^^

Love of the Indians for war, ..".".. ^^

Ceremonies before commencing it, .."!..',7....'.". o'

Mode of conducting it,

Sea fights, ..7.....!!!..."... ^^

Faie of prisoners,

The Lord's Prayer in the Pequot tongue, ..".7.

In the Massachusetts tongue,

Indian vocabularies. . ,.

' • • ••.••••..••,,, Afi

Capacities of the Indian languages,

Their power of combining words, ...""

Observations on these languages, ,

Observations on the subject of the chapter, ....'.......".7..'7 ' 43

CHAPTER II.

NaMKS, NUMBEB8, POSITIONS AND POUTICAl B.LATIONS OF TRI DIFFM.NT TBIBKS.

Usual estimates of the aboriginal population of Connecticut exaggerated, 45

Observations on Trumbull's estimates,

Proofs of the paucity of the population, .-

Small clans along the western part of the coast, 49

Paugussetts and Wepawaugs the same people, 49

Their territory, numbers and fortresses, ,,'"' 50

The Potatucks of Newtown and Woodbury, SI

The northwestern part of the State a desert, . 5,

The Quinnipiacs of New Haven, Branford and Guilford, .......... ......1.* 53

The Hammonassetts of KilUngworth and Saybrook,. .'.'.*........* 62

The TunxiB of Farmington, ""[ .„

. 27
.. 27
.. 28
. 29
. 30
. 30
. 31
. 31
. 32
33
33
34
35
37
37
38
38
39
39
40
41
41
42
43

I I

CONTENTS. _.•.

All!

Close connection among the Connecticut River tribes ^To

The Windsor Indians, ' ^^

■ The great sachem of the Connecticut "valley, .' .' ^^

The Wangunks of Middletown and Chatham ^'^

Identity of their sachem. Sowheag. with Sequi^.'sVchVm'aVwJt'hVrifSeVd" 54
Sachemdom of Montowese, son of Sowheag ^'t'^ersheld, 54

The Podunks of East Hartford and East WiD'''oV S

The Machemoodus of East Haddam, '

The " Moodua noises," * ^^

The western Nehantics, * " ' ' " ^^

The Nipmucks, ^'^

The Pequots, ....'.*.*.".*. ' ' *.' ^"^

Observations on their numbers, ,][[[ ^^

The Mohegans a clan of the Pequots",' ^^

pequots descended from the Mohegans of" New* Yo'rk f o

Other tribes of Connecticut related to the Narraganse.ts* * " * * Z

Settlement of the Pequots in Connecticut, ^"

Their wars and conquests,

Their constant enmity with the Naira"ga'ns'e"tts" .' tl

Numbers of the Narragansetts,

Their character, ^

The western tribes of Connecticiu "o"pp"ress"e"d b^ 't'he'ir'o'q'u'ois', 6=

Character and conquests of the Iroquois,

Early sachems of the Pequots, ' ^^

Relation of Uncas, sagamore of Mohega"n".wi"th thi",;;;;;i;;;f;he'p'eq;;;s" 66
Important place of this man in the subsequent narrative, n

Observations on the decline of the Indians ^l

CHAPTER III.
Fbo» the fihst mscovERT OK Connecticut m 1614 to the eweditiox

AGAINST THE PeUUOTS IN 1637.

The Dutch discover and explore the coast of Connecticut.. . . *«

tiStnblish a large trade there,

-Purchase at the mouth of the Connecticut",.' .....[ l^.

Purchase land at Hartford

Make war with the Pequots, [[[[] ^^

The English settlements on Massaohuse'tts jg'a'y 11

Waghinacut urges the English to settle in the Co'n'n'ect'ii^m ;;;;;' 73

English adventurers explore Connecticut, , . . ^ "

a '4

*^ CONTENTS.

English found a trading house at Windsor, ^'^ y"!

Give cause of complaint to the Pequots, **

Pequots murder Stone,

Pequot affairs on the wane,

They send to Boston for peace, "'' '

Make a treaty with Massachusetts, [

With the Narragansetts,

English found settlements in Connecticut, !.!!!.*!!! 82

Sequassen sells a large tract,

Windsor Indians sell land,

Uncas rebels against Sassacus, the Pequot sachem,.'.'.'.*.'." *.'.'.'*.'.".' '.'.*' 94

He is defeated and banished,

Person and character of Uncas,

Treaty ill observed by both English and Pequots, qq

Oldham killed by |he Block Islanders, 87

Gallop revenges him,

Endicott's expedition,

English ravage Block Island,

Go to the Pequot country

Skirmish whh the Pequots,

Pequots endeavor to form a league with the Na'rra'gan's'etis",." .'.'.'.'.'.'.['.' m

Roger Williams prevents it,

League between the English and Narragansetts',.' 104

Pequots waylay and kill numbers of English, ." " ' jor

They parley with Gardiner, commander of the fort at Sa'y'b'rook Jn

Quarrel of the Wethersfield people with Sowheag,. ... ' jio

Pequots attack Wethersfield,

Reflections, ^^^

115

CHAPTER IV.

The overthrow op the Pequots.

Sufferings of the Connecticut colonists by the war, 117

Meeting of the General Court, '[[ „

War declared against the Pequots,

John Mason, the commander-in-chief,

Uncas joins the English,

Massachusetts and Plymouth raise troops for the w'aV,.' .' .' .* .' .' .' .* .' ..... [ 120
Mason sets sail down the Connecticut, [ joq

ti«

jji I

CONTENTS. XV

Faqe.

Uncas defeats two parties of Pequots, 120, 121

Mohegans torture a prisoner, 121

The Dutch ransom two English girls from the Pequots, 121

Mason sails from Saybrook to Narragansett, 125

Begins his march against the Pequots, 126

Is joined by numbers of Nehantics and Narragansetts, 126

Attacks a Pequot fort, 131

Massacre of the Pequots, 132

English retreat, with difficulty, to Saybrook, 134

Reflections on this enterprise, 138

Pequots disperse, 140

Main body retreats to Sasco or B'airfield swamp, 141

Capture and massacre of Pequot warriors, 143

English pursue the refugees, 144

Sachem's Head, ^t^ - I45

Jack Etow's exploit, 146

Pequots overtaken and defeated at Fairfield, 147

Death of Sassacus, I5I

The wife of Mononotto, I5I

Pequots seek refuge with other tribes, 153

Massachusetts reproaches Ninigret with harboring Pequots, 153

Quarrels with Uncas for the same reason, 153

Duplicity of Uncas, 254

The Pequot remnant surrenders, 155

Growing hostility between Uncas and Miantinomo, 156

Tripartite treaty between Connecticut, Mohegans and Narragansetts, . . 159

CHAPTER V. *-

Fbom the division of the Pequots in 1638 to the death of Miantinomo

IN 1643.

English prosecute their settlements in Connecticut, 161

Indians receive them willingly, 261

Quinnipiacs sell, 262

Montowese sells, 265

Wepa waugs sell part of Milford, 2 66

Fairfield Indians sell, 267

Guilford Indians sell, 267

Difficulties with Sovvheag, 268

Difficulties with the Pequots, 169

CONTENTS.

Nepaupuck a Pequot sagamore, tried and executed ^^"

Tunxis sell Farmington,. . . . "executed, ^^^

Law against private purchased Vr^m 'th^ lii'ia'n'J ' ^'^

Norwalk and Stamford Indians sell ^76

Observations on the.e early purchase^;.* ^^7

Death of Wequash, the first Indian convm ' ^'^

Increasing power of Uneas,. ' • 178

Sells rhe country of the Hamm^nas^et'ts,' ^^l

His deed to the English in 1640 182

He is hated by Sequassen and the NVr'r^,^." .' ^^J

Ao„..„ ,,„„ mu.IXzIZ.ZT'" '^

He clears himself, ^""egans, jg^

Narragansettsattemp'tVo" murder Unias ^^^

Mjantinomo carries the would-be assassin' t;*B;s't;n '''

Kills him on the way home, ' 186

Sequassen attacks Uncas,. .'.'.'.'/. 187

Uncas invades and defeats him, 187

Miaminomo obtains permi^ion'lo make 'war on n ^^^

Invades the Mohegan country,. . " ^"'"' 188

Is defeated and taken, '. . _ 189

Uncas places him in the hands of'thl'r " 191

He . .H.a b, .He C.^.i:LVi ^Z^Zr''' "'

Is condemned, ew £.ngland, j^^

' Uncas puts him to death, ..*.*.'.* 195

Observations on the transaction 197

Message to the Narragansetts,...!.'.' 198

199

CHAPTER VI.

From the MEctmoN of Miantinomo m im to x„.

Laws of Connecticut concerning the Indians,

Wr between the Indians and the Dutch ^01

gallantry and doa th of the sachem May^ Mn":;;; ^04

Fruitless expedition against his tribe ' 205

Expedition of the Dutch against a viHage' near Stn^V ' i ^^^

20!»

P.Aoa

172

175

176

177

178

181

189

18.?

184

185

• • • • 185
• • • • 186

187

.... 187

188

.... 188
.... 189
... 191
... 193
... 194
. .. 195
... 197
... 198
... 199

!NT

. 201

. 204

. 205

205

207

208

209

20?

CONTENTS. jjyJI

Crime and execution of Busheag, „'

Narragausetts attack Uncas and the English defend him, .' .' .' ' ' ' ' gu

Narragansetts and Mohegans before the Commissioners' Court,'.'. '.*.*.".'..' 212

Narragansetts agree to a truce, * ' " oio

Break it and re-commence the war, j,io

Uncas besieged,

Thomas Leffingwell relieves him, "* ' oia

Narragansetts defeat the Mohegans, [ g.^

English resolve on war against the Narragansetts, .'.".*_ 2I6

The latter obtain peace on hard conditions, ] ' * 217

Strange conspiracy of Sequassen, " nio

He is imprisoned by the English, !..*.'.'.'.'.'.'.'' 222

Allowed to return to his country, " " nnn

Wepawaugs disturb the people of Miiford, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!* 2 '2

Defeat a party of Mohawks, " * ' ' " oqo

John Whitmore, of Stamford, murdered by the Indians,.'.'^ .' .' .* ." .' ." .' . 224

Useless investigations concerning the outrage, .'^, .... 224

Tyrannical conduct of Uncas, * nni^

Two bands of Pequots collect in their ancient country, 226

Uncas beats and abuses Pequots who were hunting for the English',." .' '. '. 227

Commissioners investigate the case, ' nna

Other complaints against Uncas,... g^g

Pequots fly from his authority, „lf.

Petition to be delivered from his rule, * n-.t

Foxon's defense of Uncas, 2S1

Uncas fined

JPequots resolute in disobeying him 233

Narragansetts, Pocomtocks and Mohawks league against him',.' .* .' .' ." .* ." ." 234

English interfere and the coalition breaks up, .'...!!.'.*" 235

Narragansetts attempt to assassinate Uncas, .'.*.',"."* 236

Proceedings of the Commissioners on the case, ' 236

Uncas quarrels with a Long Island sachem, '.'.'.*.'.! 237

Why Uncas was hated by the other sachems, .'.*.'.'.** 238

Uncas complains that Ninigret and the Dutch aie conspiring agdn'st him", 239

Rumors of a Dutch and Indian league against the English, ' 240

Secohd agreement of the Farmingion people with the Tunxis,. . .'.'..'.'.' [ 240

Pequots petition to be governed by the English, 043

Pay tribute .......[. 243

The English quarrel with, and invade, the Nehantics,. ...*"]] *. ...... '. 244

Pequots leave the Nehantics and place themselves under the' English' ' ' 245

" CONTENTS.

Petition again to be under the English, and are received.. ''Tr

Indian governors are commissioned for them

Laws for their regulation enacted by the Co;mi;«;n;;s;; .' [ '. [ [ [ \ ][[[ [ g''

CHAPTER VII.
Fkom xhk BK.n^o^ OK XHB PK,ooxs rs 1655 to th. bk^xh o. U^c, „. 1C83

Quarrel of Uncas and Sequassen with the Podunks

John Ehot preaches to the Podunks,. ... ^*^

Narragansetts defeated by the Mohe'gans ^^^

Pocom.ocks, Tunxis and Narragansetts invad'e 'thi 'Mo'hegVnV Jf!

Invaders fined by the Commissioners, ® ' ^^^

Mohegans kill some Indians subject to Massach«;;tts.V '. lit

I'lunder some subjects of Massasoit,

Quarrel of Uncas with Arramament, ^^^

WillofArramamem, "''■ ^57

Pequots begin to desert their governors', ." '. [ ..".'.'. ^^^

Pequot tributes in 1658 and 1663, ...'.' ^^^

Pequots quarrel with the Montauks,'. *.'.'.'. ..." ^^^

Overseers appointed for the Pequots,.'.'.'. ^^^

New London Pequots settled at Mushanluxe't ^^*

Tunxis fined for a murder, ' ^^^

Their reservation confirmed to them, ^^^

Golden Hill set off to the Paugussetts',.' '.'.'.[.', ^^^

Wangunks sell a large tract, " " ^^^

Nassahegon sells in Windsor ^^'*

Chapeto sells sixty-four square miles on the C:m;;;t'i,;ut;; f'

The same tract sold five years after by Captain Sannup,' '''

Nipmucks sell at Plainfield, ^^^

War between the NiDmurks nn^ ful'ivr* ^^^^

w. u T .. P'""'^'^^ '^"'' tne Narragansetts, „„-

Waterbury Indians sell, 267

Various sales by the Stratfo'r'd'and'Milf^id'lndians T

Reservation for them in Huntington, ' ^^^

Acts concerning the Indians * "'"

Fitch preaches to the Mohegans, ..'..* ^'^

His success, 274

275

Paob
. 246
. 246
• 247

. .. 24a
.. 252
.. 253
.. 254
.. 256
.. 856
.. 256
.. 257
.. 258
. . 259
. . 260
• 261
. 261
. 262
. 263
. 263
. 264
. 264
. 265
. 265
, 265

266

267

268
269

CONTENTS. xij.

Qncas opposes the missionaries, q^I

Religious character of Uncas, \[[ „-„

Philip's war opens,

Uncas gives hostages to the English, * gso

Pequots and Mohegans assist the English, 280

Gverthi-ow of the Narragansetts, !.'.'.'.'.*.'!!.'.' 281

Death of their sachem, Canonchet, ' g£^„

English, Mohegans and Pequots ravage the NiiragVn«;U country '.'.'. 283

HoKfible torture scene,

A Pequct Achilles. ............[....... Tat

Death of Philip and end of the war, .!*.'!!.*.!! 287

Singular tradition, " ^„.

Lands on the Shetucket assigned to the captive Indians, qrt

WillofAttawanhood, ^

Mohawks invade Mohegan,

Continual sales of Mohegan lands,. .'.'.'.!*.'.'.'.!*.'!.'.*. ^ opo

Oweneco trustees his land

View of Mohegan land affairs from 1640 lo 1683,.* oq,' ' oo«

Uncas dies ^ai— -iyo

Situation of the Mohegans at this time,.".' .*.'.'.* .'*.'.*.'.'* f!?

Of the Stonington Pequots,

Of the New London Pequots, ^^^

Of other tribes, ^^^

Physical and moral condition of the Indians,'.'. '.*.". Ill

Observations on the numbers of the Indians, '**.'.' * *.' ." .' [[ ['" " gj^

CHAPTER Vm.

HisTonr of the Mohegans fho« the death op Uncas m 1683 to th.

CLOSE OF the COUHT ON THEIK DISPUTID LANDS IN 1743.

Division of the remainder of the narrative,.

Remarks on the decline of the Indians, Jz

Oweneco becomes sachem of the Mohegans, .....* ,":

Confirms a large tract to the tribe,

Trustees his land to the Masons, .'.'.*.*.'.'.'! ^^^

Continues to sell land, .' ^^^

James Fitch attempts to usurp't'he' 'she'tii;!;;; ^es'er^at'l^n', '.'.[. 306

The General Court grants a large tract of Mohegan territory to'l*;;'; ' ' 307
Oweneco deeds away various extensive tracts, Zl

Mohegans quarrel with the people of Colchester and New "Lo'n'do'n, 308

CONTENTS.

srr^^-:r:r::--'- "»

i>-dley'8 court, ' - 310

r)eci8ion against the colony,*. 310

Connec.ic-jt appeals. '[" .... 3li

Commission of review granted •••• 3^2

Mason resigns his guardians;,,,',', 312

I^rotest.&cofBenUncasandothe'rs' 313

Oweneco's death ; anecdotes of him ' ' 3^3

Succeeded by his son. Cesar ' 314

Thei/„.::rL ,%*°';::':. ■■!" ^•"''' -"■ :.z:^

En-.ctments for their benefit 316

Death of Cesar, " 316

Sachemship usurped by Ben UncnV 318

John Mason petitions to be repa,d ihe cos'ts' of'n V. ' *. ^18

Be-mes school teacher among' the Mohegant '' ''''"^' ^19

Petitions again, ^""^' 330

o- to England Ja:;::!:it^r "^ "^^^-^^ '- '^^ -'-- 3^1

Takes with him Mamohet, the rightful sadle'in. ' '^''

Mason and Mahomet die in England,. ' 323

Commission of review granted,.". . .. ' 323

Pi-pa,ations of the colony,. . . ' 325

The court opens at Norwich'jVts sirangVp^oJeVd'i;,- ^^^

Decision in favor of the coiony, . . P'^^'^'^^'^'ng" 327-331

Remarks upon the proceedings',.*.".'.' 331

Items in the costs for the colony 332

The Masons appeal, . 333

New commission granted, .' 334

Court opens at Norwich, .'.'_,' 334

The Commissioners, [ ■ 335

The arguments for the colony'.' 335

For the Mohegans, . . . . 336

A majority of the Court dedd'e' for* ihe* 'c'oio'n; ^^^

Morrjs and Horsmanden give their opinions,. 339

^e^Maso„^,.p^,,^^

343

tr'

'4^

f1*

«l

CONTENTS. 3QJJ

Laws concerning the Mohegans from 1722 to 1743, .'343

Efforts for their educution and conversion, .'.'..'..' 343

Their condition in 1743,. „

346

CHAPTER IX.

HlSTCr OF THK PBrMITIVE TRIBES IN THE WESTERN AND NOBTHEKN PAKT8

OF THE State fbom 1683 to 1849.

Subject of the chapter,

Features of this period, "

Of tlie* diminution of the Indians, [ ' „

A messenger belt,

T, ... . , ' 349

Kestrictions withdrawu from the Indians, 349

Ccntiibution for their beneiit

Mohawk hunting pa, ty in Connecticut, '!."..'.."..' 350

Indian census of 1774,

Regulations concerning overseers,

Potatuciis sell, ' ^^^

Their situation in 1710. .

352

Great powwowing among them,

Appropriation made for them by the colony, ,][[ «cq

Their numbers in 1761 and 1774 '

Death of Konckapotanauh, sachem of the Paugussetta, 354

Number of the Milford Indians in 1V74. [\ „

Number of the Golden Hill Indians ii 1765, ....'.'.' ' .*.'.*.'.'." gfj

Aggressions upon them,

Receive relief. ••••

Milford Indi ins complain,

Their present situation,

Present situntijn of the Golden Hill Indians, okj

The Woodhridge Indians, '/'"

History of the sagamore ChickenB, [[ -.„

Indians of Greenwich, Stamford and Norwalk, oeQ

Ridgefield Indians sell, ."..!.!!! t

New Fairfield Indians sell, .' i 1 !!.!.'!!!.! .' 360

The Quinriipincs,

Their reservation, ..'.*.*..'.'..'.**,' ^^'^ w

Their last sachem, ... »•••.. 360 -

Their numbers about 1730, -J "

uinnipiacs remove to Farmington, ,gj

*
xzii

CONTENTS.

Number of Guilford Indiana in 1774, . . ''^"•

Indian graves opened in East Haven' ^^*

Other Indians of New Haven County ^^^

Dispersion of the Windsor Indians, .'^*'. ^^^

Disappearance of the Podunks, ^^^

rndian census of 1774 for HartVoidy Wind;o;;„d Eas't Windso"; T^

For Suffield. Glastenbury and East Haddam ' l^

Ihe Wangunks, their reservations "^

Labors of Richard Treat for their con version,!.".". ".■.." If,

Numbers and condition in 1764..

Sale of their lands and dispersion "of "the "irib," ■".".■.■ •'" IZ

Indian graves opened at Chatham,.. ..

Disappearance of the Simsbury Indians,.".'.!.'.". ^^

Indian school among the Tunxis . "^

Some of the Tunxis become freemen, som'e 'p;ofess"o';:f;;Hg;o'n',' In

Aggressions upon their property, and proceedings thereupon ... 37

Numbers in 1761 and 1774, ^'^

Receive a copy of the colonial laws,....!!!.,..." ^^^

Their dispersion and sale of their lands,..!!!!!!."!!!!!!!!!! II]

Some remaining in 1804,

Total disappearance, ^^^

Monument to their memory, !!".!! ^^^

The Nipmucksand Quinnebaugs,. ....!.. ^^^

Tradition concerning Alexander's Lake 'in"Ki'l'h'n"giy f!!

Intercourse between the Nipmucks and the first settlers',!!.'!!!!!!"'! tl

Jtfcob Spalding's adventures with an Indian creditor, Ill

Revival among the Quinnebaugs, ^^

Numbers of the Nipmucks in 1774,....!..!!!."!!.!!!!. ^®°

Their present condition, ^^^

The western Nehantics, !!!!!!!!! ^^^

Their reservation ^^'

Aggressions of the whites, !!!...!!!..! ^®^

Their situation in 1734 and 1736,...'!!!!.'.!!!.'.' ^^^

Efforts for their religious benefit, Z/........', ^^^

Religious interest among them, ..!!![. ^^^

Difficulties with the whilei, !!! ^^'*

Lose part of tlinr land, ][' ^^'*

Numbers in 1761,1774 and 1788,.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ^^^

Present nitiintion, ^®^

Indian remains, .'. . ^^^

386

.. 361
.... 362
... 362
.... 363
.... 363
... 363
... 363
... 363
... 3G4
r. 367
... 368
... 363
... 369
.. 370
.. 371
.. 371
.. 373
.. 373
.. 374
. 375
. 375
. 375
. 376
. 377
. 378
. 379
. 380

381

382

383

383
334
384
385
385
386
386

CONTENTS.

XXIU

<>'

CHAPTER X.

HlSTOBT OF THK NKW TBIBKS FORMED IN THE NOBTI, AND WIST O, COMWOnoUT
FBOM THEIR OaiOIN TO 1849.

Subject of the chapter. - ^^°'

•^ ' , 38Q

Formation of the clan at New Milford, ggg

Observations on the numbers ascribed to it, ..*.'.'...'.*.'.' 309

Sell the greatest part of their country, !!!!".!! !.'!.* 391

Probable loss of Indian deeds,

Sale of the "Indian fields" in New Milford, ...!......".'.7. 390

Weraumaug, the sachem, sells twenty-five square mileB,'".'.'.".'.".".'.' 300

Weraumaug's palace,

Connections of the New Milford Indians with other "tribes,.'."*..'! 393

Indian telegraph down the Housatonic, oq.

Conversion and death of Weraumaug, '."'.'.7. gg

Contest between Rev. Daniel Boardman and a powwow .' 305

Anecdotes of Chere, son of Weraumaug, gg-

Part ot the tribe migrate to Scatacook, ggg

The remainder obtain an appropriation from the Asse'm'bl'y' ,07

Another migration,

Numbers in 1774 ^^^

Indian cemeteries in New Milford, .......'. l^^

Formation of the clan in Salisbury and Sharon..!.'.*."'.'!'.'.'".*. -ll

Indians sell a large tract in Salisbury, „qq

Metoxon, the sachem, sells another tract, .'!!.!.*.'!!!*" qqq

He sells a tract in Sharon,

Complaints of the Indians !!!!!] ^^^

The colony purchases all the land rem'ni'nin'g'in "sali'sbuii!!!!!!! T.

Indians gradually leave Sharon, ^

Two of them sell out the remaining rights "of 'u'l'eola'n,'.'!! am

Return and complaints of Timotheus, *„!

Mysterious nocturnal disturbances !!!!!! "

Timotheus is bought out and the disturb'ancescease,'.'!'"'!'! tnl

Chu^e forms a band at Humphreysville in Derby, '. .n.

Traditions concerning him

Removes to S.atacook and dies; his land sol'd"! Ull

The Scutncooks, ' ■*"'

Wanderings of their founder and'8a'c*h'e'm!"Mi;u"v;;h*u";.'.'.*!.!"*;'"* 40!

bettlcs at Scatacook in Kent, and forms a tribe there !!...'.'!!!!1'!!!!! 408

^^^^ CONTENTS.

Moravian miseion among the Indians of this region . *"?"

Its great success, "^^^

The missionaries persecuted and driven away' by'thV white's;.' l\n

Consequent partial dispersion of the Scafacooks, I,.

A " talli" with the Scatacooks and River Indians,. /,,

Reservations of the Scatacooks, '

Sell part of their territory, ' '^^^

Encroachments of the whites, .' ^^^

Assembly gives land to the tribe, " .' ' ^^^

Continued difficulties with the settlers,.' f^^

Overseer chosen for the tribe in 1757,. ..'.".'.'.'.'.*.*."."

Curious petition of the Scatacooks,. .. ^... ^!^

Numbers in 1774,

Lands of the tribe leased in 1775,

Condition and numbers in 1786,

A large part of the reservation sold in 1801, .'.'.'.'.'.*.'.'." 419

Present numbers and condition, '

420

CHAPTER XI.

HlSTOET OF TUB PEquOTS PBOM 1683 TO 1849.

Melancholy character of the Pequot history,

Observations on their diminution, '

Early governora of the two bands, ..,,'.* ^^^

Quarrels between the governors and the people!!.....' 403

Groton appropriates Nawyonk, and the Pequots complain'."."!."".' 40,

Nawyonk confirmed o Groton,

Encroachments on the Groton Pcquo't"s'!'p;;;:*e'e*dings*;h'e';;'n'po',;!!''! 4^5^

Condition and numbers of the Groton band in 1731

Renewed encroachments, and consequent enactment's!"."'"! 408

Western half of the Groton reservation leased to white tenant;!!.'.".".".".".'." 428

Quarrels and dismissal of the overseers,

Death of Scndaub, the last governor of the Gro't"o"n" 'pequois 4^0

Religious interest among the Stonington Pequots ' 400

Ara»Dgthe Groton Pequots,

Niimbem of the Stonington Peqnotsin 1749, !!...".!.!".!! 430

Attempted usurpation of their lands, T,q

Dishonest claim, of the tenants on the Groion'"res"ervaUon.!!!!!! 43,

Assembly revokes die leases, ,

^ "••• 434

Paox

.. 409
. 410
. 410

. 4n

. 411
. 413
. 413
. 414
. 415
. 415

415

416

417

418

420

CONTENTS. jjjy

Proeecution of William Williams, ^^"'

Tenants petition for a division of the disputed lands, ."!!.'!!!!! 1 1 435

Uuiuet decision of the Assembly, .„«

Number of the Groton Pequots in 1762, [[ ^o-

Efforts for their religious and educational benefit, .* 437

Numbers of the two bands in 1774, * .„q

Many Pequots move to the Oneida country, * * " aaq

Renewed difficulties concerning the reservation in Groton,.* 440

These difficulties settled in 1800,

President Dwight's account of the Stonington Pequots,*. *.'."..* 44,

Their situation in 1820,

Condition and numbers of the Groton or Ledyard Peiuote in '1832* 443

Of the Stonington Pequots in 1848, ' ' AAt

Of the Ledyard Pequots in 1849.. . ^,

* 444

CHAPTER XII.

HiSTOET OF THE MOHEOAWS FROM THE CLOSB OF THE COUBT ON THEU
DISVDTKD LANDS IN 1743 TO 1849.

Death of Ben Uncas ; his will,

His son, Ben Uncas, chosen by the tribe as*his*succ*eMor*.*.*. 4^8

Mohegans join the colonial ranks in the war of 1755, 450

The Mason party still existent, * .,-

Messrs. Adams and Jewet preach to the Mohegans,. .... .* .* [ * ." ." '. * ' .' " " 451

They are supplied with a schoolmaster, '.'.'..[ 450

Troubles of the master in collecting his scholars,. .... .. '. ' .* .' .* ......[, 453

Appropriations to aspjst him,

Elcazer Wheelock, . .

• ^ ^ 453

Converpion and education of Samson Occom, , . . , ,"'454

Becomes a missionary among the Long Island Indians,".*.*.*...']*]''.']*.' 455

Is licensed '

455

Is ordained a member of the Suffolk Presbytery on Long Island 455

Wheolock'a Indian school opened at Lebanon 455

Inefficient contribution to assist it,. ... f . rn

Occom and Rev. Mr. Whitaker go to England,*.'.*.*.]]]]]] ]]]]]]]]]]] 457

Success m obtaining funds for the school, 453

School removed to Dartmouth, New Hampshire,. ..]]]]]]]]]]' "v" 459

Its slight connection with the Indians of Connecticat.] ]]]]]]]*]]]]]]' 459

Continued divisions among the Mohegans, ]]]]]]** '^'F-" 450 *

Death of Ben Uncas, last sachem of Mohegan,'.*.'.".]] ]]]]]]]]]] ]]«]^ ]] 4^0

3 s#

^^^^ CONTENTS.

^effectual efforts of the Assembly to make Isaiah his successor. . . . ^':^tl

Hostihtyoft.hegreat<r part ofthe tribe to the colony 1®

Letter of Occom on the result of the Mason lav. suit,. T,l

Death of Isaiah Uncas, ^^^

Willard Hubbard, school t;;;h;; 'amoiig 'th'e'MohVga'nV. '. i^

Execution of a Mohegan for murder, ^^*

Sermon of Occom on the occasion, " "^^^

Joseph Johnson, another Mohegan preacher ^^^

His efforts to induce the New England tribe; U'migr;;;;;'!^;;'^;,^ " " tl
His appeal to the Assembly of Connecticut " * ^'^^

Moves to the country of the Six Nations, ' ''^^

Washington's letter to him, ' "^^^

Confusion among the Mohegan^. .'.......*.'* "^^^

Their numbers in 1774, 471

Mohegans fight for the colonies' in 'ti^ Ve'vilutlor].' Vt

home emigrate to New York, "^"^

Death of Occom, [ 476

Anecdote of Zachary Johnson,. . . ..' 476

Smgular memorial of the MohegVnV,.* .".".'.' ^^^

Their condition in 1 790, ' 479

Two of the Uncas famiMJeabour/sOO '^^^

Efforts of Miss Huntington for the benefir' nf '.k ' Vr l ^^^

A s.bu,K ^ .,, „L j^:::z ZT'""' ^«^

Money raised for a chape! 489

Appropriations by ,he gen;;^' g;;;;,;„Vc;;,;* ; -^^s

The chapel completed and a minister hired '**''*

Views of the Mohegans on these changes ' "^^^

Report of Mr Gleason, the chaplain, in 18427 in' i845 '''

Present numbers and condition of the tribe "^^^

Concluding remarks on the subject of the volume" ^^^

' 489

J,- 1.

^ ^w APPENDIX.

A«T. I, Indian vocabularies,

Art- II, On the battle at Mystic Fort '*^*

Art V '^tr. r*"?"" "^''^'"^ """^ -eaniore .. Z

ART. V. The deed of 1640 by Uncas ^^"^

Art. VI. The Mohegan cemetery at Norwic'h ^^^

f^, ' 496

CHAPTER I.

INTKODUCTION-THE COUNTRY-THE PEOPLE-MANNERS
AND CUSTOMS— INSTITUTIONS AND LANGUAGE.

It is but a little more than two hundred years since the
State of Connecticut, now inhabited by a populous, civil-
ized and Christian community, was entirely possessed by
a few barbarous tribes of a race which seems to be steadily
fadmg from existence. Their origin was Asiatic ; their
language was totally unlike any European tongue ; their
government was rude and founded solely upon custom •
their religion was a singular system of paganism without
idolatry; their character was ferocious, yet not undistin-
guished by virtues ; and their mode of life was precarious
and unsettled, dependent almost wholly for subsistence
upon fishing and the chase. Some of these tribes are
already laid in the grave ; some have broken up and
wandered away from the land of their fathers; and some,
reduced to mere fragments, still cling, like ghosts, around
their ancient habitations. Rude in manners and feeble in
number as this people has always been, there are yet
many passages in their history which are curious, some
which are instructive, and some which are in a high de-
gree touching and pathetic. The subject also opens to
us two inquiries of real importance : one relating to the
treatment of these tribes by the white settlers ; the other
asking for the cause of their steady and apparently irre-

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

mediable decline. I. will be my effort in the following
F«eMo narrate the ia... relating to these qnestions if
such a manner that the reader may see how far they are

elhgen decision w«h regard to each. For the plan of

count y, the manners and institutions of the inhabitants,
the situation, and, as near as possible, the strength of the
various .„bes ; and shall then take up their hist'ory a he
earliest known period, and conduct it down to the present

THE COUNTRY.

Connecticut presented no such appearance as it exhibits

piac, the Tunxis, and the Hammonasset. A continuous
forest overspread nearly the whole landscape, adorning
the hilU with Its verdure, darkening the valleys with its
deep shadow and bending solemnly over the margins of
the rivers. No thickets choked up the way through these
endless woodlands, for the underbrush was swcpVaway
every year by fires kindled for this purpose by the in-
habitants. Paths led through them here and therlno"
paths of iron, such as those over which the steam-horse
now flies ; but winding foot-ways, along which the wild
beast and the wild man alike travelled in single file The
roots of the smaller kinds of herbage were destroyed by
.the annual conflagrations; and a coarse and long grass
waved m the salt meadows, along the low banks of the

r?:, 7''"''™' "■" ^""""^ ^^ "<" 'hickly over-
■haded with trees.

or CONNECTICUT. O

The forests were filled with animals ; some of them
beasts of prey, others suitable for food, others valuable on
account of their furs. Flocks of wild turkeys roamed
through the woods ; herons fished in the marshes or
along the banks of the rivers ; quails, partridges, and
singmg birds abounded, both in the forests and open
country ; and, at certain times of the year, the pigeons
collected in such numbers that their flight seemed to ob-
scure the light of the sun. The ponds, creeks and rivers
swarmed with water-fowl, and various kinds of shell-
fish were found in profusion along the shores of the sound.
The waters seemed everywhere alive with fish; and,
every spring, great numbers of ^nad and lamprey eels
ascended tie rivers, furnishing a seasonable supply to the
natives when their provisions were exhausted by the long
and severe winter. Such was the appearance and con-
dition of CJonnecticut when it first became known to
Europeans ; and such were its capacities for supporting a
people who depended almost wholly for subsistence upon
fishing and the chase.*

THE PEOPLE.

Tiplexion, our uncivilized predecessors were of
the I. J color, inclining to red, which, diflfering from

the complexion of every other portion of the human
family, seems peculiar to most, if not all of the aboriginal
American race. Their cheek bones were high and promi-
nent; their eyes widely separated; their noses usually

• Sec New England's Plantation. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. I, pp. 117—122 ;
and Roger WilliamB* Key. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, pp. 219—225.

HISTORT OF THE INDIANS

iT^fT f ™ """'' '" """'"« ' -J 'he ordinary
cast of .he,r features was eoarse and often inexpressTve

Tv.« „ corpulent, or in any manner deformprl

wrrre^rr: r.- " -^ ^'•"'* ^-^ ^'--^ ™^

feminine! ^etvht" "' '"""'"'"^' """ "'''"
bodilv I»h; u '^ ™'®"''' '''°" obliterated by hard

but their mldToffr 1"' T""'" "•"> ^"-P-"^.'
tion, gave^hem a 5 ' T'^P' 'heir natural oonstitu^

' ^""h as the latter could seldom rival Wh.
sary they would hunt f„ j "'=''■ """"s-

from hunVo ..^rf! 7 ?" '°^°"'"' ^^ile suffering
With no o :rXs ™e tl'^T'^ '"'""''' ">^ ^--'^
water. Roger W I ams .et" ' L"'" ^"'"' =''™ ■"«•
Indian, with nomhrZdt "!. "' "^^ '""'^™ «»
miles in a day • and baT . ' '"'™' ""^ hundred

days. We o^Ut 1 ' T "•" ^"^ S™™''. *« 'wo

'hii -.en,e:"tat';r„r:; .r T ^" ^-^'"-'-^

«ed after a very loose fashtn d ht thT T ""'"^■
commonly, as we now find, mufh etggeratr"" """

AGRICULTURE.

'^o'- 1, p. m. , °""^ ""'" Wf '!>.■ number. Wi„,hr«p,

OF CONNECTICUT.

vated by women and children • thP tnK. ,

nd,a„s seem .0 have used, were spades mdelycrnt'ced

wnen a family wished to break up a new field all if,
foonds and ne^hbors came ,o assist so that as ma " ^

y idii,e in a single season two or three hpan« «r

and, If ,hey had children or friends ,o assist Lmani
he crop was not injured by wild beasts, or des royek b^

.e^r::x^:,:-;^-:-».-^

elt r':: ^'' ^"'^"'-"^ « Tas^t^int'
earth, and thus preserved for the winter's subsistence f

HUNTING.

The invention of the bow and arrow is one of ,1.
earliest circumstances which enables malto „Ii:I s't

• Roger Willi.™,. Key. M.„. Hist. Coll., Vol m „ »„

t Rog., Willi.™. Key. M.». Hi.,. Co,,.;;:',; Sf^;

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

ZTll '" ' ■"""'" ^'"^ ""^ »-™'« "'nation. Scarcely
any barbarous people has no. either invented or imited
*.s weapon, and n,ade it a principal ™ea„s of car~„

tlemtt ''"°"""'"''"^""">"--''' I' -as, accordingly,
the most ™po«ant among the weapons of tLe aborigine

^o™ the wood of the hicW, wL'^X^^^a^r
to four feet long, and so powerful that nothing but lonl
practice could enable a man to bend i. Ti, ^

-de of reeds, elder s.ic.s, ^ ::?J:J^:Z7:Z
"toa^'^T^'^'"'"'^'' "'"• «''"-'»- f-h^-d
1 ^ey hunted various species of wild fowl ■ ni~on<,
-quads, turlceys and partridges, in the forests ; clanef::!'

marshes. In the streams they also found the otter n„r
sumg h.s solitary trade of fishing, and the beav JaZ"

rir:;;"' '" '^-^ ^'"' ""--■ »^ ^-^"l i;

winter. Both these ammals were eaten by the Indians •
but they were hunted chiefly for the sake of tl e Zk
wann furs with which nature has fitted them for their
mode of existence. I„ the forests, raccoons, i^bbi s and

of the common deer, the moose and the bear. The e^
mverous animals, whose flesh was never eaten, but wh„4
furs rendered them an object of the chase, wer wulcl
wolves and foxes * wuucais,

* Key. Mass. Hist, Coll Vnl Ttt « onn « -,
Mass. Hist. CoU., Vol. I, p lil ' '' '''* ""^^ ^"«''"''^'- ""»«'<>»•

OF CONNECTICTJT. f

The Indians did most of their hunting alone, each man
supplying himself and his family ; but occasionally they
united, and pursued the chase with twenty-five or thirty,
or even two or three hundred in company. These grand
hunts were seasons of diversion as well as labor ; and they
scarcely ever failed of bringing in great quantities of game.
Another method of hunting was as follows: having,
during the coring, taken notice of the haunts of the deer,'
they repaired to them, in bands of ten or twenty, after the
harvest was over in the fall. They carried their traps,
and sometimes, if the distance was not too great, they
were accompanied by their women and children. On ar-
rivmg at the localities already marked, each man selected
a district of two or three miles in extent, and built for
himself a small hunting house of bark and rushes. His
traps, thirty or forty in number, he set in the deer paths,
and near the springs in his district ; and, every two days
went the rounds to visit them. Sometimes he was anti-
cipated by those hereditary thieves and prowlers, the
wolves, who, arriving first at the trap, thought themselves
fortunate in finding a breakfast there without having had
the trouble to catch it. In this case the disappointed
hunter usually revenged himself by setting a separate trap
for the robbers, in which one or more of them were often
caught and crushed by a weight of large stones. The
Indians were exceedingly careful as to what can.e in con-
tact with their traps ; and, noticing that the deer often
avoided them with singular dexterity, they used to say
that there was a divine power in the animals wliich
enabled them to perceive whatever was out of the com-
mon way. When winter came on, the trappers left their

HISTOKF OF THE INDIANS

m h houser, shouldered the dried meat which they had
collected du„„g their stay, and returned to their wi^
warns or vdlages, sometimes travelling fifty or sixty miles
through the snow.* ^

FISHING.

They fished in various ways: with hooks, spears and

th Lr"7 "' ^°"^ ""' '"""'■' "» "- -«. »d in

trnir n ? '""'■ "^^'^ ''P'"'"^' ^""">« much
rouble all the smaller kinds of fish ,• and, in their canoes!

made iJ mT"' "' ''"'''""' '" '^"'' ^""» nets stoutly
made of w,ld hemp. Sometimes porpoises got amone the
rocks or shallows, and afforded a glorious sceueTf slsh

aud dispatched. Occasionally, ,00, whales wereZown

a?d LI dan?: ;; ^Tl'/T" " "^^ ^™'^'
w^r» ,1, 7 '^P '^' "'^ '""'^ '" 'he inhabitants. Pish

V n e E Tor™/'™'""'" '""'" "' ">« P--"' "-!
>™en the European ha^ diminished their number hv h;.

mechamcal contrivances, checked their hbcr y by ht ^

..fical waterfalls, and perhaps frightened them awa' ^J

1 oinieu s.ick as they swam fearlessly bv
ofTwrrr """ *■" '^"'"^"'"^ ""-" mswere

•Key. Masa. Hist. Coll., Vol. I, p. 833.

ch they had
> their wig-
r sixty miles

, spears and
sea, and in
lout much
leir canoes,
lets stoutly
among the
5 of splash-
erpowered
re thrown
ed with a
V variety,
nts. Fish
sent time,
5er by his
i)y his ar-
away by
e-wheels.
hem, by
i»g them

ses were
ight and
iratively

<
H

-ripm'1ll«limiiaMTifM"r--mitfnT--"lV'-

mm.

^rl^^^i^^^' ■'■*'- •

'/ '

J,r

•«(

\''r

i'y.

''>'/

' I

OF CONNECTICUT.

heavy and strong, constructed of the trunks of large trees.
In building the latter, the trees were felled, the branches
cut off, and the excavation accomplished, chiefly by fire •
shells and stone hatchets being also used, but simply to
cut, or rather scrape and knock away, the charred portions
of the wood. In this rude method they finished, with
considerable neatness, canoes of forty or fifty feet in
length, and capable of carrying twenty men.* Winthrop
says that they sometimes made those which would carry
sixty or eighty men ; but, if this was ever done, it could
not have been often ; because the trees in New England
seldom grew to so large a size as such a canoe would
demand ; and because the Indians could not shape and
move such heavy masses of timber without the greatest
difficulty. ^

CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS.

The clothing of the Indians was composed of skins,
cured so as to be soft and pliable, and sometimes orna-
mented with paint and with beads manufactured from
shells. Occasionally they decked themselves in mantles,
made of feathers overlapping each other as on the back of
the fowl, and presenting an appearance of fantastic gayety
which, no doubt, prodigiously delighted the wearers.

The dress of the women consisted usually of two arti-
cles : a leather shirt, or under garment, ornamented with
fringe ; and a skirt of the same material, fastened round
the waist with a belt and reaching nearly to the feet. A
spendthrift husband would sometimes sell his wife's pet-

• Oookin's Hi.,. Coll. of ,h. Indians in New England. Maa.. Hist. Coll.
Vol. I, p. 153,

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

ticoat, or gamble it away ; but custom would not allow
him to seize upon the shirt, and the woman always held
stoutly on to it until she was provided with another.*
Their hair they dressed in a thick heavy plait which fell
down upon the neck ; and they sometimes ornamented
their heads with bands of wampum or with a small
cap.f

The men went bare-headed, with their hair fantasti-
cally trimmed, each according to his own fancy. One
warrior would have it shaved on one side of the head and
long on the other. Another might be seen with his scalp
completely bare, except a strip two or three inches in
width running from the forehead over to the nape of the
neck. This was kept short, and so thoroughly stiffened
with paint and bear's grease as to stand up straight, after
the fashion of a cock's comb, or the crest of a warrior's
helmet. The legs were covered with leggins of dressed
deer-skin, and the lower part of the body was protected
by the breech-cloth, usually called by the early settlers,
Indian breeches. Moccasins, that is, light shoes of soft
dressed leather, were common to both sexes ; and, like
other portions of the attire, were many times tastefully
ornamented with embroidery of wampum. The men
often dispensed with their leggins, especially in summer ;
while in winter they protected themselves against the
bleak air by adding to their garments a mantle of skins.
The male children ran about until they were ten or
twelve years old in a state of nature ; the girls were pro-

• Key. Masa. Hist. Coll., Vol. 111, pp. 225—234.

t (yCallaghan'a Hist, of N«w NetheriandB, Vol. I, p. 63

«..

not allow
vays held
another.*
vhich fell
namented
a small

fantasti-
;y. One
head and

his scalp
nches in
)e of the
stiffened
^ht, after
warrior's
r dressed
jrotected

settlers,
! of soft
and, like
astefully
'he men
ummer ;
in St the
)f skins.
! ten or
'^ere pro-

Or CONNECTICDT.

vided with an apron, though of very economical dimen-

sions.*

^ Like our British ancestors, and some other very bar-
barous nations, the Indians were much in the habit of
pamtmg themselves with various colors. The women
were most given to this custom, and used the paint as an
ornament ; while the men seldom applied it, except when
they went to war and wished to appear very terrible in
the sight of their enemies.f Sachems and great men had
caps and aprons heavily wrought with different colored
beads. Belts were also worn of the same material, some
of which contained so great a quantity of wampum as to
be valued by the English colonists at eight and ten
pounds sterling.

These wampum beads formed the currency as well as
the ornaments of the Indians ; were used in their trade
and in paying their tributes; and were manufactured into
belts to be given as pledges in au national dealings with
other tribes. They were of two kinds, the black and
white : the former were made out of mussel shells : the
latter from the inside of the conch shell. Both sorts were
carved and perforated with no better implements than sharp
stones ; yet were they shaped and finished with a great
deal of neatness and delicacy. Small quantities of wam-
pum have occasionally been found ; and a few strings of
It are preserved in the rooms of the Connecticut Historical
Society at Hartford. The material of the white must
nave been more common or more easily worked than that

• Key. Mass. Hist. Coll.. Vol. Ill, p. 225.
t Gookin. Moss. Hist. Coll., Vol. I, p. 153.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

HOUSES AND FURNITURE.

solelnri '"'■ "■' '"*™^ "PP*"^'' ''^'^""'ly rude ,o
sc bed them to their friends at hom„ •; . jn. «verv

^d th, . . T"^ '"' ''•'"^ "'="'« "f "alted bough.,
and the roof thatched with reeds and rushes.t Gook'
however, wnting in I674, speaks of them as bein gfrom
twenty to forty, and even one hundred feet in Ien2 and
m he latter case, thirty fee, in breadth. H sfys also'

ofLn sepln .r"'. "'■■ ™' "'^'' "aving himself
wa m 111 I '7' "" •"""" '^^'"'y •" 'heir being as

The Indians had advanced far enough in luxury to u.p
bedstead, which they n.ade of light frLeCkXu a

^1 Deddnig. The remainder of their household furniture
was sufficiently simple ; consisting, for the most m f
~ dishes for the holding o'r' prepaLroHood
Theie vvere wooden bowls, dug out of the knots of pep-

• Key. Maw. Hist. Coll., Vol. III. p. 231

t New England's Plantation. Mass. Hiat.'coll.. Vol. I. p ,23

i Gookm. MaB3. Hist. Coll., Vol. I. p. ir,0.

or CONNECTICUT.

pe^ge or other hard trees ; huge wooden spoons, of a size •
sufficient to put to shame the puny silver ones which
have succeeded them; baskets made of woodsplints
rushes or long grass ; pails ingeniously constructed of
birch bark, and pots made of baked earth and shaped like
the larger half of an egg. In the Historical Rooms at
Hartford are preserved two or three stone bowls, or mor-
tars, found at Farmington ; and at Norwich I have seen
two bowls carved from pepperage knots, each holding
about three pints, and said to have been once the prop-
erty of the great Uncas * The pails above mentioned
had handles by which they could be carried ; and the
bark of which they were made was fitted so nicely that
these primitive vessels were capable of holding water
The baskets varied in size from a pint up to four bushels
They were neatly finished, and were often painted with
the images of flowers, birds, fishes and beasts. The
mats and baskets were made by the women; the pots
dishes and spoons, and probably the stone vessels, by the
men.f

FOOD

The most famous dish of the Indians was succotash, a
mixture of corn and beans, which they boiled in their
earthen pots, and sometimes seasoned with fish, either

• These, with a curious staff, also said to have belonged to the old sach- i
descended for a long time in the Uncas family, and were finally given, by a
Mohegan squaw, to Mrs. J. B. Goddard. who resides next to the Mohegan
cemetery, and in whose possession I saw them. One of the bowls is circular

handles like the heads of dogs facing each other,
t Gookin. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. I, p. 151.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

fresh or dried. In dressing a fish or an animal they sel-
dom gave themselves the trouble of taking out the bones
or entrails : in fact, like all savages, they were very little
solicitous about the cleanliness of their food, and were
more apt to be anxious concerning its quantity than its
quality. Still, they sometimes attempted to render their
succotash more savory, by mixing in ground nuts and
artichokes, and thickening the mess with flour made by
reducing walnuts, chestnuts and acorns to a powder.
They also made cakes of Indian corn meal, wrapping
them in leavres, and roasting them in the ashes. Straw-
berries, blackberries and whortleberries were extremely
abundant ; and those who lived on the sea-shore still fur-
ther furnished their tables with all kinds of shell-fish,
sometimes fresh, and sometimes dried.*

PLACES OF RESIDENCE.

Although the Indians tried to make themselves thus
comfortable in their houses, they were by no means fixed
to them, but often wandered from one place to another.
In summer, as I have already mentioned, they sometimes
removed a distance of many miles to their hunting
grounds. In winter they often left the exposed sea-coast,
or the banks of the rivers, and retreated into some wooded
and sheltered valley, where they could, at once, be pro-
tected from the winds, and plentifully supplied with fire-
wood. If an enemy approached, they fled to their forts,
or took refuge in some swamp or thicket. If one of the
family died, they sometimes deserted the house in which

• Gookin, p. 150. Key. Maen. Hist. Coll , Vol. Ill, p. 208.

OF CONNECTICUT.

the death had occurred, though, whether to avoid infec-
tion, or to fly from the remembrance of the loss, is un-
certain. Thus they lived a wandering and unsettled
life, thinking chiefly of the pleasures and troubles of
the present, and bestowing but little anxiety on the
future.*

A part of the population, especially among the larger
and more warlike tribes, seems always to have inhabited
the fortified villages. These were almost invariably
situated on some prominent hill, which would be easy of
defense, and would command an extensive prospect by
which the approach of an enemy might be perceived.
Ihe ground occupied by a village varied from a very
small space up to two or three acres. The houses were
closely packed together, but an open place was left in the
center, which was used for amusements, for ceremonies,
for idling, and for the transaction of public business. The
whole village was surrounded by a fortification, made of
the trunks of young trees, firmly planted in the earth,
and forming a close fence or palisade ten or twelve feet
high. Where the entrance was left, the two ends of the
fence overlapped each other, and made a narrow passage
which was closed at night by being lulled up with brush-
wood.f Here, in these fortresses, lived the grand sachems
of the tribes ; here the great councils were held which
decided the business of the nation ; here Kiehtan was
honored and Hobbamocko was pacified by frantic dances ;
and here the war parties gathered themselves together,
and sang, and boasted, and prepared to go forth to battle.

• Key. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, p. 213.

t P. Vincent's Peouot War. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, pp. 38, 39.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

AMUSEMENTS.

The dances performed by the Indians were of various
kinds : some were merely for amusement ; others were
ceremonial ; others in celebration of some important event.
They danced in the public square above mentioned, or in
their large wigwams, or on the green sward without the
walls of their fortresses. The most popular of their
dances affords a striking illustration of that improvidence
and love of excitement which prevails so strongly in the
character of uncivilized man. To perform it they assem-
bled in one of their largest wigwams, and stood or sat in a
circle, so as to leave ah open space in the center. All
being ready, one of the company entered the circle anc"
commenced the game. Dancing alone, he flourished some
valuable article in his hands until one of the bystanders
came forward an.? begged for ;t, saying, " I beseech you."
The dancer immediaitl- gave it to him ; then took up
some other article, and so continued his performance, until
he was thoroughly fatigued, or had danced himself out
of all his property. Another now supplied his place, and
in this merry and heedless style ^ach, in turn, divested
himself of his worldly goods, going away at the end with
whatever he had been able to beg from others.

With bits of rushes the Indians played a game resem-
bling cards; and they al.- made use of rude dice, con-
sisting of pebbles, or other small objects, painted so as to
render the different sides distinguishable. On these
games, and on that of football, they sometimes staked and
lost their whole property ; and, if unmarried, they were

or CONNKCTICUT.

even known to hazard their own persons, and thus, if
chance turned against them, reduce themselves to slavery.
In such cases the same results followed as among civilized
gamesters ; for the unfortunate player became melancholy,
dispirited, and ready to put an end to his sorrows by self'
murder.*

THE PAMILT.

The Indians treated their children with affection and
extreme indulgence, never beating them when they did
wr.-ng, but reasoning with, and endeavoring to persuade
them into what was right. Such a system of govern-
ment produced its natural effects; and parental authority
among the Indians was little better than a name.f A
distinction, however, was doubtless made between the
boys and the girls ; for to be in subjection was considered
the province of the latter, while every encouragement
was given to the bold and independent spirit of the for-
mer. The women Avere an inferior race, whose proper
business it was to plant and gather the crops, to erect the
wigwams, to cut and haul firewood, to prepare food and
to carry burdens,

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE.

When an Indian youth wished to obtain a girl, whom
he fancied, in marriage, he made her presents of orna-
ments wrought in wampum, and, if she accepted them, it

* Key. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, pp. 234, 235. Gookin. Mass. Hist.
Coll., Vo!. I, p. 153.

t Key. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol, HI, p. 211. " This extreme affection, to-
gether wilh want of learning, makes their children saucy, bold And undutiful."

mmt

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

was considered as a pledge of betrothal. The consent
of the sachem was then obtained; and he having joined
their hands together, they were looked upon as husband
and wife. In general, the husband seems to have obtained
his wife of her parents, by making them a present of from
nve to ten fathoms of wampum.*

The number of wiv was not limited by public opin-
ion; yet a man seldom had more than one at a time
unless he was a sachem, or a person of wealth. Custom
allowed either party to put an end to the connection if
the other was unfaithful ; and separations sometimes took
place for other causes than adultery. Occasionally it hap-
pened that a woman, to escape from a husband whom she
disliked, would run away, and take refuge with the ene-
mies of her tribe, among whom she was always sure of a
welcome. Yet, notwithstanding this laxity of the mar-
riage bond, Roger Williams informs us that he was ac-
quainted with couples who had lived together for twenty,
thnrty, forty and fifty years. f

MORALS AND CHARACTER.

As may be inferred from what has just been narrated,
unfaithfulness m marriage, among the Indians, was looked
upon as a crime. The husband usually punished his
guilty wife before witnesses with blows and wounds •
and. If he even inflicted death by his violence, custom
would not allow any one to interfere.^ As for ordinary

• Trum. Vol. I, p. 38.

t Key. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. III. p. 231.
Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 364.
t Key. Mass. Hi.ct. Coll., p. 230.

Winslow's Relation in

(
met

or CONNECTICUT.

licentiousness, we have the testimony of most of the early
writers of New England, that it was almost entirely un-
restrained, and hardly considered a shame. This, how-
ever, agrees so little with what is now ascertained ' to be
the character of the Indian race, that we must make great
allowance for the strong expressions of these puritan
writers, and for their deep abhorrence of even the slightest
deviation from the path of virtue. It is certain that the
Indians in those early days were not licentious as the na-
tives of the South Sea Islands are ; and it is very possible
that, in this respect, they would compare not unfavorably
even with the civilized and christianized race which has
succeeded them.

Robberies, the Indians seldom committed; and murder
for the sake of robbery was very rare indeed. They
often stole, however ; and, by their daily practice, showed
that they had little idea of the beauty and value of truth.*
Revengeful by nature, custom had made vengeance with
them a matter of duty and honor. Impatient of bodily
labor and indisposed to thought, they naturally turned for
pleasure lo those coarse gratifications of the senses which
were within their reach. They were indolent when not
strongly incited to exertion ; they were gluttonous when
supplied with an abundance of food ; and they became
intemperate as soon as the means of intemperance were
placed within their reach. These characteristics they
possessed in common with all races of men whose natures
have not been refined by civilization, nor restrained and
elevated by religion. Their virtues were, in like manner,

• " Lying, stealing, idleness and uncleanness. the Indiana' epidemical Bine.-
—Letter of Soger Williams to Governor Winthrop.

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

the products of the state of society in which they lived
They were grateful for favors, hospitable both to straii^
gers and friends, and disposed to share with each other
m abundance and good fortune.

SICKNESS, MOURNING AND BURIAL.

The diseases of the Indians were few but severe in
heir nature, and, for want of proper treatment, very apt
to be fatal. They consisted of quinsies, pleurisies, rheu-
matisms, quick consumptions, and such others as would
naturally be produced by their exposures and hardships,
and by their irregular mode of life, now suffering with
hunger, and now stuffing themselves to repletion. Tooth-
ache seems to have been common j and Roger Williams
records the ludicrous fact that, while they could endure
every other pain with fortitude, this was too much for
their resolution, and would make them cry and groan
after a most piteous fashion.

For curatives they sometimes used sweating, and
sometimes purged the system with herbs which thev
knew how to select for that purpose. One mode of produ-
cing perspiration was to stand, closely wrapped up, over
a hole in the earth containing a heated stone. Aiiother
was to remain an hour or more in a little cabin, about
eight feet over, which had been strongly heated. These
sweating huts were always on the banks of some river or
pond, so that, wlien the patient had perspired sufficiently,
he could finish the prescription by rushing out suddenly
od plungmg into the water.*

• Key. MaBi. IIi«t. Coll., Vol. HI, p. 236.

OF CONNECTICUT.

But there was another mode of treatment, which, as it
depended upon supernatural means, was universally re-
garded as vastly more efficacious. The practitioners on
this system were a set of men called powioows, who acted
the part in the community of doctors of medicine, magi-
cians and priests. Before the powwow would commence
his incantations he required a present ; and it is probable,
that, according to th3 value of this, he proportioned the
length and earnestness of his exercises. Having received
what he considered a suitable gift, he attired himself so
as to resemble a wild beast or some nondescript monster,
and entering the presence of the sick man, commenced
invoking the deities. He began, at first, in a low tone,
accompanying his song with strange, extravagant and
often ludicrous gestures. As he went on, his motions
became violent and frantic, and his voice grew louder and
louder, until it ended in furious howls and shouts. Now
and then the sick man uttered a word to show his concur-
rence in the petition; and occasionally, too, his voice
was heard joining in the song. When the powwow had
exhausted himself, or thought that he had worked out
the value of his present, he breatiied a few times in the
face of the patient and took his leave. The success of
this extraordinary mode of treatttj-^nt was fully propor-
tioned to its nature ; and the Indians recovered or died
under it, according as their constitutions or the disease
proved to be most powerful.

After the death of an individual, the relatives rcmnined
at home a few days, receiving the consolatory visits of
their friends, who came into the wigwam of the bereaved
family, and stroking the mourners softly on the cheek or

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

head, said to them, « Be of good cheer." Some wise and
grave man, of respctability in the tribe, commonly had
the office of conducting the ceremonies of the funeral
Havmg adorned the neck and arms of the corpse with
such ornaments as the relatives could afford, he next
swathed it in a covering of mats and skins. With their
rude wooden spades they dug a shallow grave ; and, having
covered the bottom with sticks, they bore the deceased
thither and laid him in his resting place. They placed
him, sometimes in a sitting, sometimes in a reclining
posture ; and by his side they laid implements of war and
hunting, and dishes of food, for the use of the disembodied
spirit. During this ceremony, ihe relatives, with their
faces painted black in token of mourning, stood by the
grave. When it was finished they sat down around the
body of their departed brother and wept. Tears flowed
down the cheeks, even of men and warriors, and the wo-
men exhibited their grief by doleful howls and shrieks.
After some lime the grave was filled with earth ; upon
which they broke forth into renewed lamentations, as
being now completely separated from the object of their
love. Such, according to the descriptions which have
been left us, appears to have been an Indian burial.

Sometimes a mat and dish which the deceased person
had need were laid on the grave, and one of his garments
w.;-^ hung on the branch of a neighboring tree. There
they remained, unt.iuched by friends or enemies, the
sport of winds and storms, until decay had mingled them
with the dust. No Indian would meddle u^ith them, for
they were consecrated to the use of the dead, and if
they should bo taken away, the departed spirit might

OF CONNECTICUT.

e wise and
ntionly had
le funeral,
orpse with
, he next
tVith their
id, having
! deceased
ley placed
reclining,
f war and
embodied
nth their
)d by the
ound the
rs flowed
I the wo-
[ shrieks,
h; upon
tions, as
of their
ch have
al.

i person
:arments

There
ies, the
id them
lem, for
and, if

might

be compelled to go naked and hungry in the other
world.*

But the funeral ceremonies of the Indians were not
always alike ; and they sometimes differed, in various
particulars, from those which I have just described.
When a person of rank died, large sacrifices of property
were often made, either as a solemn memento for the
deceased, or to appease the anger of God, who was sup-
posed to have sent the calamity. Thus, on the death of
a son of Canonicus, grand-sachem of the Narragansetts,
the bereaved father set fire to his palace and consumed it
with all its furniture and goods.f

RELIGION.

Few portions, if any, of the human race are without
some system of religion ; yet, in barbarous countries, these
systems are almost always extremely crude and indefinite.
Thus, although the religious dogmas of the aborigines of
New England were sufficiently numerous, the accounts
which have reached us of them are so various and even
conflicting, that it is difficult to compile from them a
satisfactory summary. It is certain, however, that they
believed in one great and invisible deity, who was va-
riously known, in difl-erent tribes, by the names of
Kiehtan,t Woonand and Cautantowit. He lived far
away to the southwest, and concerned himself little with
the affairs of men in this life. His nature was benevolent,

• Key. MasB. Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, p. 237.

t The nbove section ia compiled chiefly from Roger Willinm»* Key and
from descriptions of Indian graves which have been opened in varioua parts of
Connecticut.

t Winalow'a RclaUon, in Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 355.

HISTOM or THE INDIANS

first obtained their corn and beans. But, as they feared
h.m not, he reeeived little of their veneration; and th"r
d men to Id the English colonist, that the wor'shipo the
good Kiehtan had declined among them, even within
their remembrance. >v"nm

SDi^!? "^f T'"^ """^ ""^''' '» Hobbamoeko,* the

many daZ '"'''"''' ''" '"''^'^^'^ «''-' veneration:

sacrmces offered to appease his wrath.

But there was likewise a race of inferior deities who

srrd^':^^^^^r''---'"-o^-:us;:;!

Williams t^nU^f t::^— ;« " '^•"^^^

.he south, a god of Z a :\"o? /tTf; " '1 1
.He house, a god of women,' a„f a .I 'o'^/cj:! L^. ^h"

::'e:rv::.t-::::,:«":i--".

oDject 01 sacrifice and adoration Rrxror Wiir-
disputed with some Narragansetts ab!uf ih "' """'

Yotaanit, their god of firf T„ h """""^ °^

plied • " Wh„, I . ^'^ arguments they re-

vhiity^ T" " """'""^ """ ""■' fi'" - '-. a di-

d^lgofh nirVr "'r ■=•'"' ^""'^' i.-cs„sfro„
/ g hunger , if a single spark falls into the dry wood

.. . 4« i j » . ii nM « l iii ini;«i i n i : ji <r . i t^iujlnmmm

jmmmm,mmmeimm&^:.^

OF CONNECTICUT.

it consumes the whole country. Can anything which is
so powerful be other than a deity >"•
But, although the Indians believed in, and worshined

VIS blc form. Smgular stones, bearing a faint resemblance
to the human head and bust, have indeed been found and
have sometmres been designated as Indian god . TW
are however, evidently the productions ofLture and
as they were not shaped by the hand of man the're" J
mams not even the presumption that they wer^ ever the
objects of his worship.

When the Indians were questioned as to their creation
-me of the inland tribes easily disposed of the sulTcbv

f :Sr '"7 - V^-Oed rrom the inhaCt
01 tne seacoast. As to when or how the inhabitants of
the seacoast came into being they pretended no t av
Ano her story was, that two young squaws C r ole
wadu,g or sw,mmn.g i„ ,he sea: the foam touched their
bodies and they became pregnant: one brought forth a
boy and the other a girl : .he two women the^ died and
.he,r ehddren became the nrogenitors of the hun,ZrJet
Roger W, hams says that the Narragansetts would allow
. e er„ .hatGod made all things; but stUl insisted
that tlH, sk,es, and earth, and people of England, were

and earth'" '^"^'f «<"^' -""« 'hey, wuh'.he,; sj
and earth, were made by their own gods. They also told
htm that Cautantowit, the great god of the southwest,
made a man and woman of stone; but, not liking them.
• Key. Ma™. III,,. Coll., Vol. Ill, pp. aae-sas

t Gookin'. Hi,,. Coll. M.M. Hi«. Coll., Vol. I, p. !«.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

he broke them in pieces, and made another pair, of wood,
from whom all human bemgs were descended.

If the -Indians were favored with any good fortune, they
acknowledged it as coming from the deity. If any ca-
lamity or accident overtook them, although no more than
a common fall, they were accustomed to observe that God
was angry with them. If a man even had a dream which
seemed to portend misfortune, he would rise in the dark-
ness and pray that the threatened calamity might be
averted. Williams relates that an Indian child having
died during the night, its father, on discovering his loss
at daybreak, called up the family. All began to weep
and lament, while the bereaved parent exclaimed with
many tears, «0 God, thou hast taken away my child
Thou art angry with me. O turn away thy wrath and
sf re the rest of my children."*

On another occasion the same author, while gazing
With unavailing pity upon a young Indian who was dying
of a wound, observed that in his agonies he often called
upon Muckachuckwand, the god of children. The na-
tives who stood round informed him that, many years
before, Muckachuckwand had appeared to the young man
m a dream and told him to call upon him for help when
he was in distress. Thus the poor Indian, in his bereave-
ments and his dying hour, called for mercy and assistance
to those gods in whom he had been taught to believe.

They held that the soul existed after death, and that

he spirits o. the good would go to the house of Kiehtan,

far away ni the warm regions of the southwest. There

• Key. Mass. Hist. Coll.. Vol. Ill, pp. 209. 226.

OP CONNECTICUT.

they would be delivered from all sorrow and preserved
from all misfortune ; and they would enjoy pleasures sim-
ilar to those which are to be met with here, only in
exhaustless abundance, and in complete perfection. The
wicked, too, would go to the door of Kiehtan and knock
for admittance ; but, upon his telling them to go away,
they would be obliged to wander abroad forever in a state
of horror and restless discontent. The Indians placed
their heaven in the southwest, because the wind from
that quarter is the warmest and pleasantest that blows in
this climate, and usually brings fair weather in its train.*
The soul was called by the Narragansetts cowwewonck,
a word derived from sleep: "because," said they, "it
works and continues in motion while the body sleeps."
They had also another name for it, signifying " a clear
sight or discernment."!

All over New England, and, indeed, throughout all the
region covered by the United States and Canada, existed
that class of priesthood whom I have already mentioned,
the poiowows. The individuals who composed this pro-
fession were usually devoted to it from childhood, and
were tried by painful ceremonies, by fasting and by want
of sleep. Their object in these austerities was to attain
to a converse with the gods ; yet it was not every one,
they imagined, who made this attempt, that succeeded ;
and, of those who did succeed, some were far inferior in
influence and familiarity with supernatural beings to
others. To confirm the idea of their inspiration, the

• Key. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol.
Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 356.
t Key, p. 228.

III. Winslow's Relation in Young's

HISTORr OF THE INDIANS

powwows seem to have practiced some of the arts of jug-
gling or natural magic. A number of the tricks which
they thus performed were so wonderful and seemingly-
unaccountable, that many of the English colonists verily
believed them to be accomplished by the special assist-
ance of Satan. But, more than this, the powwows pre-
tended to fall into trances, to be favored with visions
which foretold future events, and to behold fearful and
mysterious apparitions of the deity.*

It is probable that these men deliberately imposed many
times upon the credulity of their countrymen ; but it is
also probable that they often believed themselves to be
seized and impelled by the irresistable force of some super-
natural impulse. It is unquestionable that, under the in-
fluence of super^^tition, the human mind may work itself,
by its own efforts, into such a degree of excitement, as to
dethrone reason for a time and wrest from it its power
over the body. The actor, in such a case, will foam
at the mouth, fall writhing and struggling on the ground,
and even remain for a time in complete insensibility to ex-
ternal objects. The howling dervishes of Turkey the
pagan priests of the South Sea Islands, and the religioi-
enthusiasts who have sometimes appeared in the Christian
world, are all examples of this fact, and may be com-
pared with the Indian powwows of Connecticut

On occasion of any great public calamities, such as
siccness and drouth, war and famine, the Indians per-
formed religious dances to appease the anger of their
gods. Ihey also made use of the same ceremonies to

Vclmt"^,?"^';''""''^"'''''-^''^- ^^y- Mass. Hist. Coll..
p 357 ' '• '• "^""^"'^ ^^^''*^''"' Y"-«'« Chronicles of PlymouiK

--^i^fc'-^swswegy^'-'W^ Hw n w w . ;-'

i i' iii qWa p w ip! i«il l! »i

OF CONNECTICUT.

testify their gratitude for any unusual good fortune, such
as a successful hunt, or an abundant harvest. Building
large fires in the center of their wigwams, or, still oftener,
in the open air, they danced round them in a circle, with
wild and frantic gestures. They accompanied their mo-
tions with loud songs and dissonant howls, shaking, at
the same time, their rattles of shells, and thumping
heavily on their sullen drums. The dance was led by
the powwows, fantastically painted, and dressed in skins
so as to resemble bears, wolves, and other savage beasts.
Around the performers was gathered a vast crowd of men,
women and children, collected from the whole neighbor-
ing country, all gazing with deep interest upon the frantic
ceremonies. The powwows at intervals continued the
dance alone, varying it with furious starts and invoca-
tions, while the dense crowd responded with groans and
dolorous shouts. At these times they brought their furs,
their wampum, and, it was told, even their children, and
throwing them upon the fire, sacrificed them to Hobba-
mocko, the author of evil. On the green meadows and
ni the leafy forests, these wild assemblages might then be
seen, where now, perhaps, rises the spire of the village
church, or is-heard the lowing of cattle, or the hum and
clatter of machinery.

• SOCIAL DISTINCTIONS.

According to Cotton Mather, society among the abo-
rigines was divided into three classes. The highest was
that of the " nobles," comprehending all those who were
descended of the blood-royal, those who were invested
with authority by the sachem, and those whose families

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

had been considered noble from time immemorial. Next
to these came the "yeomen," or sannops, who formed the
mass of the community, possessed a right in the lands of
the tribe, and might claim the privilege of attending the
sachem m his excursions. The third class consisted of
strangers and descendants of foreigners, whom Mather is
pleased to distinguish by the old English title of "vil-
lains," or serfs. They had no property in the land ; they
could not attend on the chief, except by permission ; and
they were m some degree subject to the sannops, or
ordinary citizens.*

GOVERNMENT.

The government was vested in a head or chief, called
sachem, and in a body of men who acted the part of ad-
visers and councillors. It is quite certain that the sachem-
ship was not elective, nor to be attained merely by superior
talenvs and courage.f On the contrary, it was entirely
hereditary, descending regularly from father to son, and
devolving. If male heirs were wanting, upon the females.
So .trxt was this reverence to birth, that it was demanded
that the mother should always be noble: for, said the
Indians If the mother is noble the son will be at least
half noble; but, if the mother is ignoble, the son may
not have a drop of noble blood in him. The point of
this reasoning; is easily perceived ; and w^ are at liberty
to consider it as either a severe commentary on the faith-
lessness of Indian wives, or a curious instance of the

• Magnalia Book, Vol. VI, Chap. VI, Sec. 1.
JJ.'^^''^"''"""'" " '"'"""' ""•* "°* by choice."- Tr.„,7o.',i?«.

M< w I ■ijw i!i(j (Mii ^'i» "' '' ' i'wpj p ji^

mmiimiff^M'Mri^

mmm

or CONNECTICUT. g|

aeutene^ of Indian deductions, or aproof of the extremely

„7^,„ custom, founded on the same course

of reasonmg, was prevalent among the Iroquois, among

he Indians of the Antilles, and probably among most of

he abor^ines of America. I, must be observed that the

sachemship, among the tribes of New England was of ™

su^cted to usurpation although it seldom', ireC;:^^^^
out ol the possession of one family.

But although the sachem inherited his dignity by
hereditary right, the authority which accompanied thai

abilities. If he was brave, eloquent and cunning he
might exercise a sway approaching to the despodc bul

lor command, his dignity was despised and his orders in
differently obeyed. Yet, however -reat h , Z«
might be, he was usually c'a^ful not .: v olat .heir;:
wishes of his ..ople; and seldom t^nsacted nj i""

—irofLvzrrn-r-sr

publicly discussed, and the different leaders some ime

chi^,» u ''"'•"P"' '^'"'"'" ^«^ » -='^» of inferior

"nTbU" •' " J' P"""""' "='« 'he same wi.h ,' e

nobles" mentioned by Cotton Mather. Each of th se
petty chieftians would collect round him a band of follow
ers as numerous as his character for abilities and /

would enable him to draw together' ^twrS

HISTOBY OF THE INDIANS

c aim to their services, however, and wa. obliged to make
himself popular with ,hei„, and keep them in good hu!

^irriv'a,:' """" ""^^'^ """ ='"" ^"^^-^ '"--'-^ -

Punishments were always inflicted by the sachem in
person, except in cases where the delinquent was livine
at too great a distance. He then confided the business to
one of his councilors, and delivered him his own knife or
tomahawk ,„ serve both as the warrant for the execution,
and the instrument for inflicting it. If „„« of ,he tribe
had been killed by another, the sachem caused the mur
derer to be seized, and either knocked out his brai„ror
.tabbed him to the heart. If a thief was detected, h a

secLrr ' """" "P"'"™'' '""- "- --h^ni; a

third he had his nostrils slit, so that all men might know
his character and guard against him.

Besides the honor and authority with which the sa-
chems oflice invested him, he was entitled by it to de-

Wm thH ,'7"'^"l' ' ""•' °^ '"'''"''■ They carried
oZi /T " "^ •'•"'' """ ""<' •"««'^; ""d very
■nth ^u "'''""'' ""' °^ ^f'« 'hey had obtainj

m fishing and hunting. In this way the cabin of a pow-

f. od fu"'l T "'™"^ '"PP"^'' ^"h abundance of
food, and his beds or couches were well furnished with

When.r . ' ""''"' '''''^- ■"»''- -d beaver.
When the sachem saw any of his people coming to him

fl ng gift in token of gratitude, thanked him for what he
had brought, and gave utterance to many complimentary
expressions. To the sachem were given the spoUs taken'n

iii i)i| >i wl) i .!iH)i i iH g| /l)H 11 ( 11 ( 1 (1

J!.i!iij'ipy

OP CONNECTICUT. QO

war, and especially the women and regal ornaments of
any conquered chieftain. All the watefs, too,rrd„.
mm,o„s were his ; and, in consequence of this prerogative

he shore, and the skin of every wolf and deer that took
to the water and was there despatched by the hnnters
But, ,n return for the support thus furnished him by h"
people he was bound to exercise an unlimited hospitalkv
towards travellers and strangers, and take the wh I
charge^of supporting ambassadors who came from othe:

WAR

..^1^ "» "noi^ili^ed men, the Indians were fond of war
and thought u the most desirable and glorious of mZ
man occupat.ons. They carried it on almost incess ntly
some,™es by general battles, but more often in smrex':
d.t.ons conducted with secrecy and cunning. Th y W
various ceremonies connected with it, both on U com
me-e-nt, on occasion of any great Success, Id a .rj
final concl„s,o„ of hos.m.ies. No distinct account, how
ever, ,s rema.nmg of these rites; and we can onl^ infl
hen nature from detached passages, or from wLt L
known of the customs of other tribes

A frequent cause of war was the mockery and mutual
vuuperafon which passed between the sachems; Tnd no
.nsult was so likely to bring it on as for one chief to prl
nounce m a contemptuous manner the name of any of his
nval's deceased ancestors: for there was a singuL c„
torn among the Indians, that, after a sachem died, his

Vd.fp'.is"'"""'-"""-''"'"'"'-^^'-

Gookin, Masa. Hiat. Col].,

■*r*'^i**i" !>• Ill 1 1 1 Bfc inar

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

name was never again mentioned ; whoever committed
the offense being first warned of his transgression, and, on
a repetition of it, punished. But notwithstanding this
and other provocations, a sachem would sometimes say :
"What ! shall I hazard the lives of my subjects, them
and theirs, to kindle a fire which no man knows how long
and how far it may burn, for the barking of a dog ?"*

Before commencing hostilities, ambassadors were usually
sent to the enemy, to recount the insults and injuries
which had been received, and to demand satisfaction.
Sometimes, also, a general council was called, to obtain
the consent of the nation to the war, or to arrange the
plan of the campaign. ,

Probably the head chief usually led those expeditions
in which large numbers were engaged, while the smaller
ones were often commanded by some of the sagamores, or
inferior chieftains. In the evening, before setting out
against the enemy, those who had pledged themselves to
be of the war party, performed a dance. Large fires were
built, and, in the lurid and fitful light of these, the war-
riors, fiercely painted, and grasping their arms, moved in a
circle round a painted post. One of them would finally
spring forward, brandish his war-club, strike furiously at
the post, and go through the motions of killing and
scalping it as if it were an enemy. As he performed this
exercise, he vaunted the exploits he had formerly achieved,
reproached the foe with cowardice, and threatened that
he would kill and scalp their young men, and would lead
away their women captive to his lodge. When he had
finished, another took his place, and thus the vain-gloriom

• Key. McM. HiBt. CoU. Vol. Ill, p. 935.

OF CONNKCTICUT.

dance went on, until all in their turns had boasted of
their intended achievements, and exhibited their hatred
towards the enemy.

On commencing their march, they moved cautiously
towards the country of the hostile tribe, concealing them-
selves as much as possible in the forests, and using every
effort to fall upon their intended victims by surprise.
Sometimes they waded up or down the beds of rivers, or
stepped from rock to rock, or from one fallen tree to an-
other, so as to leave no trace of their progress. Some-
times they marched in single file, carefully treading in
each other's footsteps, so that whoever discovered their
trail might be able to form no judgment of their num-
bers. All the arts which had been taught them by
savage cunning, or by long experience in such a method
of warfare, were put in practice to deceive and take at
disadvantage an enemy who was no less cunning and
experienced than themselves. If they came upon a hos-
tile village by night, they waited in silence around it
until near daybreak, when men sleep the soundest ; and
then, as the spreading light enabled them to see, they
nished forward, with hideous yells, to kill, burn and de-
stroy. But the foe, although taken by surprise, was not
therefore conquered : perfectly accustomed to such scenes
of hidden danger, the sleeping warriors awoke, not to fly,
but to grasp their weapons and resist. Thus the assail-
ants had often a severe struggle to endure before they
could destroy the village, and were sometimes themselves
defeated, and driven back in fl'ght to their own country.

The battles of the Indians were never very bloqfiy. In
the most considerable that is recorded ever to have taken

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

I : «!

place in Connecticut, that between Uncas and Miantinomo,
nc more than thirty of the defeated party lost their lives.'
In the forest every tree served as a buckler; and the war-
rior, standing behind some huge oak or chestnut, launched
his missiles with very little danger either to himself or
his adversary. In the open country they danced and
leaped about to avoid each other's arrows; and here, as
well as everywhere, took great pains to protect and carry
oflf the wounded. But when a warrior saw that his well-
aimed shaft had stretched an enemy on the plain, he
grasped his tomahawk, and rushed gallantly forward
among the foe, to secure that most glorious of all trophies,
the warm and bloody scalp. Some ran to prevent and'
others to assist him, and a close and desperate struggle
ensued round the body, such as the heroes of Greece
and Ilium maintained over the corpse of Patroclus. If the
victor succeeded in reaching his fallen foe, he seized him
by the hair, gashed open the skin with his flint knife,
and, by a single jerk of his teeth, tore the scalp from the
head. Then, waving the bloody token aloft, he raised a
triumphant yell, and either dashed again upon the enemy,
or fled back for shelter to his comrades.

The defensive weapons of the Indians were targets
made of bark; their offensive ones, bows and arrows,
wooden clubs and stone hatchets. At the commence-
ment of an exijedition, or immediately before a battle, the
leader of the war party often made a long and earnest
oration, reviling and ridiculing the er ^my, extolling the
courage of his warriors, and inciting them, by their desire
of glory, or of revenge for past injuries, to fight bravely
and win an unparalleled victory.

OP CONNECTICUT.

But the Indians had maritime as well as land battles
making expeditions, not through the forests only, but
along the rivers and on the open sea. Roger Williams
once saw a fleet of thirty or forty canoes, filled with war-
riors, engaged in desperate battle with another fleet of
almost equal size. He has not informed us who the
combatants were ; but probably one party consisted of the
Narragansetts, of Rhode Island, and the other of their
fierce and encroaching enemies, the Pequots of Con-
necticut.

Prisoners among the Indians underwent, according to
circumstances, very different kinds of treatment. Occa-
sionally the captive was adopted in place of one of the
hostile tribe who had been slain in battle. In the family
he filled the same position, whether of son or husband,
which had been occupied by the deceased ; and he was
treated, in all other respects, like one of the nation;
unless that sometimes he was watched, to prevent him
from leaving his newly found relations, and returning to
to those with whom he was connected by the ties of
nature. But, if the captive was not thus adopted, a ter-
rible fate awaited him. He was appointed unto death j
and his death must be one of lingering and horrible
torture. He must endure all the insults which hatred
can offer, all the torments which a ferocious ingenuity
can inflict, all the agonies which the human frame is able
to bear. But the suffering warrior, with the flames
shrivelling his skin, and the live coals scorching his flesh,
sternly suppressed every sound or look which could be-
tray his angiiish, hurled back defiance in the faces of his
enemies, and shouted his war-song even while the hand

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

* !».

1^ i

han .hJ „ ^'""'" '"""^ ^™» " '"°^'= a="™ part

omance .r' "."' ''' "' ''"^'' "««• whatever of

■rof the r ;■ "'^ "' "''" "'"'"* "•« character and

LANGUAGE.

As the natives of New England were all of the Aleon
each other ,„ construction, although often very different

o!,Ivas1hr'""^''^'T""^ "P™ •heseacoa.t, differed
only as the vanous dialects of England differ, and were

so much alike that the people of the several t ibes cltld

e^.y understand each other.f This author suquL

r^ waff ^""""'^ """ '^'^'^ '" 'he Ind a ,

as he was for many years superintendant of that lar^e
por .on of the natives of Massachusetts which ubmS
to the government of the colony. Yet, judging r™
such spec,m,ns as we have of the Massa huseUs N^ra
ganse . and Pequot languages, I am disposed t' ^^ 1

andth t'inT'rr" "'"'""" "--"-ha. strained,
and that .f the Indians could easily understand each other
■t was not so much from a close similarity of languls
as from the facility which practice had given them ™
mmiK:a,,„. even where the languages were very d ^een"
I will, however, place some of ihese specimens beforeTho

i ».

OF CONNECTICUT.

reader, and allow him to draw his conclusions for himself.
The first IS a version of the Lord's Prayer, in the Pequot
or Mohegan tongue, which was obtained by Governor
baltonstall, of Connecticut, in the year 1721.*

" Co shunongone ihe suck cuck dhot. Na naw Hi e
coom Shaw ims nuskspe com so wunk. Kuck sudanrnng
peamook. Ecook Atootoomonwn ukkee tawti ee ook un-
gow. A geescuck mee se nam eyew kee suck askesuck
myspui eo honegan. A quon to mi nun namat to omp
pa won ganuksh no. Awe ah goon to mi nad macha.
Chook quoe a guck, ah greead macon jussuon mattum
paw oon ganuck puk kqueaw hus nawn woochet. Match-
etook kee kucks sudamong, cumme ehi go wonk, ah koont
seek coomsako oh woonk. Mackceme, mackeme Beats "

The next specimen is the Lord's Prayer, in the Massa-
chusetts language, taken from Eliot's Indian Bible The
reader will observe that one of the characters resembles
a figure 8 laid on its side. This was adopted by Eliot to
represent a sound, apparently a vowel sound, not contained
m the English language.

"Nooshun kesukqut quttianatamunach ko^wesuonk.
Peyaumccutch kukketafcctamoonk, kuttenantamoonk ne
n nach ohkdt neane kesukqut. Nummeetsuongash ase-
kesukokish assamainnean yeuyeu kesukok. Kah ahquo-

• It is preserved in No. 261 of the bound pamphlets in the library of the Con-

Tn oTIk r '"'? ""' ''""''"'• ""^ 'f^-'^k-fshowir.g the colloea-

tion of the words I give here the English translation.

" Father ours above in Heaven. Admired in highest manner be thy name.
Like done thy wdl on earth as like in Heaven. Let us be forgiven evil doing,
o ours as we would forgive wrong doers to us. Not guide us i..to snare!^

1^1 Z '" r"'' '""' '"'• '^""^ '''' P''^"^"' '^'"edo.n. thine the
-trengtb. thine the greatest glory. Alwaya, always me wish so."

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

('^

■■ 1

nntamattnnean nummatcheseongash, neane rmtchene-
nukqueapg nutaquontamounnonog. Ahquc sagkompa^
gunnaunnean en gutchhvuouganit, wehe pohquokwus-
stnnean v^utch matchitut. Newutche kutahtaunn ketas-
sootamoonk kah mennhkesuonk, kah sohsumoonk
rmckeme. Amen.

A further proof of the dissimilarity of the words in the
Indian languages of New England is furnished by a vo-
cabulary m the Appendix ,o Hale's Treatise on American
Ethnology.* A list of sixty words in the Massachusetts
dialect IS presented, accompanied by their synonymes, as
for a. they could be procured, in the languages of the
Narragansetts and of the Mohegans of Hudson river. In
this list the Narragansett :,..d Massachusetts tongues re-
semb.e each other, to some extent, in thirty..4en in-
^ances out of fifty-three ; perfectly in about seven. The
Narragansett and Mohegan resemble each other, more or
nol'" l^""' '''^"'y/""'^^'"" of fifty-two; perfectly in

twentv .1 ^T"""""" """^ '""'"'g^'' have about

twenty-three similarities, and also not one instance where

he resei^b, „e« ;, „„„p,^,^ ^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^_

tery, with the corresponding words in the Pequot or other
Connecticut dialects, may be seen in Article First of the
Appendix. By referring to it, the reader will observe that
m the instances which it gives, at least, the Pequot bears
a nearer resemblance to the Massachusetts and Narragan-

the Pequots are supposed to have descended +
But, however the Indian languages of this region may

** J"°.!""'°"' "' "" *■"«'«•" Elhi.ologlc.1 SMlew Vel II . .«
t The Moh.6.™ of N.„ Y„k, „„. „r c«rjr ■ "■ "°-

'•lsii,i^£iiiiiiMMi4&M»'ti*iU&-,»Aiii^&i.'i,

OP CONNECTICUT.

have differed from each other in particular words, it is
unquestionable that they were similar in construction •
and we may take it for granted that, whatever general
principle or characteristic might be alledged of one, was
applicable to all the others.

that the Narragansett tongue was eitceedingly copious,
and often possessed five or six words to express a single
an'".t V'^^^^'S'"': P'-^^Ment Edwards informs us, had
all the Enghsh parts of speech ; and was believed by
mm to contain as large a proportion of abstract to con-
Crete terms as any other language.* The regularity with
Which Its verbs were conjugated through dl the W

.::i;ai'„i:h:rr"''-""""™' "" "''" '"""" -^^

The Indian languages had one peculiarity, which
throws all the boasted powers of combination in he Ger-
man into the shade. This was the power of unidng
various syllables, of different words, into one new word'
which should express the meaning of all the origina
terns from which It was compounded. Thus, a Delaware
g rl, m playing with a dog, might give utterance to her
pleasure or admiration by exclaiming, KuHgatsckis, th.t
-. ".hy pi.tty little paw ■ This word would be com-
pounded from *, thou or thy; ,cum, pretty, ^Uckgat,
paw; and the diminutive schis : so that four distinct and
perfect words would be melted into another, equally per-

from New York.

JaJirnrh'" '''''''"''''''" «f ^^•^ Del«ware,akindred dialect of the
negan, it not the same.

4»

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

m i

feet, which would contain only a part of their sounds, but
the whole of their meaning. It was justly observed by
Cotton Mather, that these compound words were in a
manner, new words. The same author also asserts, that
they composed nearly one-half of the Indian languages.

It IS surprising that the languages of barbarians should
have been so regular in construction, so copious, and,
above all, so well adapted to carrying on abstract trains
of thought. From the rudeness of their manners and in-
stitutions, from their ignorance of the arts and sciences,
and from their entire deficiency in a literature, we should
naturally conclude that, as the ideas of savage men are
few, so their means of expressing them would be limited
and imperfect. But the^ direct reverse of this has been
testified, concerning the aboriginal languages of America,
by every one who has had the curiosity and patience to
examine them. " You must not imagine," says the mis-
sionary, Heckewelder, in a letter to Du Ponceau, "that
the Indian languages are poor." <' It is not easy to find
a language," observes the Abbe Clavigero, «so fit for
metaphysical subjects, and so abounding in abstract terms,

himself^<have or have not many ideas, I do not deter-
mine ; but If their ideas are fe^,, their words, to express
them, are many. I am lost in astonishment at the co-

We need not, however, necessarily conclude, from these
observauons, that the Indian tongues were superior, or
even equal, to our own. It is evident, from the enormous
length of many of the words, sometimes occupying a

j!tWawi'*<J>3i»i&«!fei'"ii'i

OF CONNECTICUT. 40

whole ,i .,,, .,^^^ ^__^ ^^_^^^^.^^ ^^^^^ ,he structure

-im'itiir^: ^''''' "^^ '"«"' ou»be^.,r

REFLECTIONS.

aboH;„t:rru:::::fi^t ""''' ''°"*"°" »^ "■«

possessed some deast/L T ^? '''" ""="' ^""ilo 'hey
sources of comfort T/ "^ character, and some few

single trait of ciWlTzato H !. T ""'"""""'' ^-^ «
lested, and unvis^'r rEuroZs .m T'"'' """""^
they would now have beetTrr. '"''"" '^>''

as disdainful of lahnr T/ ^ / ' ^ I""""' ^ ^a^'-ko.
and, in every wif"' , "^ '"""""S ">»" «"^»i«»

firs expoS tie 6ol?r"^''"''^"^'»""«° B'o^k
virgin sho: s of LonTl ,td"s„ Tr.^^"''' '"'"^ '"o
s.iU have been coverfd ^h' 'r , • It """"'T.^-"*
would still have filled the tivlT 'sh^l'.T '^f'^'
have been scattered, in exhZ e^ r '"'"'^ ^""
shores. Tracks of wHH f P^fusion, along the

now exte^r'he solid tat'"'' "°"" "' '""'«'• "''-«
of human fee, !h ° '^ T'"'' "■'"^''«" by thousands

out of hltliow^::the^„r' ^--^

gent youth are ^m. J """^^^ "^ '"'e'li-

fhe screls Tthe S'caf " 'l" "'"^ "' '^"""'S!

heard where J'rJoltV^ST:/' T" "^
or the sweet melorfv „f , ^ "^ machmery,

now as the rail';/ pT ■""""' 'he land, which [
wilderness ' ' ^^'"'' ^'"''' '"en be a desolate

Two very ditfe^n. pictures are thus presented to .h.

"""'Ttilltl'i

■ &

HI8T0ET or THE INDIANS, ETC.

mind, m comparing the ancient and modern situation of
Connecticut; and between these pictures, few men, at
the present day, will hesitate to prefer the one which is
adorned with the lights.. . .: - ;,. of civilization. The
spirit of the age is altogether adverse to barbarism, ev^n
when bedecked with all the feathers of imagination ; and
the sentimental eloquence of Rousseau, and other phi-
losophers like him, is no longer sufficient to make men
wish themselves savages. Neither in Oonnectiqut, there-
lore, nor m any other civilized community, need we
expect to hear an outcry of grief at the fact, that a state
of society, such as we have described, has been sup-
P anted by one such as we now see flourishing around
us Our only serious business is to trace the progress of
this ex raordmary change, and observe the moral and
physical phenomena by which it has been attended As
we trace this progress, however, and as we observe these
phenomena we may drop a tear over the grave of the
race which has perished, and reg.t that'civiliz at on

CHAPTER II.

KAMES, K.^„„K3, POSXTXO.S, ... po.IXIC^ HE..XIOKS
OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES.

Nothing can be more obvious on a httU . • •
h,«.n n^ "" ^'^^* improbabilities. Even the

largest known estimates, and introduces them into hi.

I»^sage was penned in 1633, when the New Enlnd
^.on,s^ had no, yet extended beyond Massachl..

tKe mouth of the Connecticut ; when it was said that
durmg seven months in the year, no vessels could e„t«1;

• Hiat. ofConn.,Vol. I,p,27.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

on account of the ice and the violence of the stream ; and
when the Connecticut, with the Hudson, the Potomac,
and other large rivers, were supposed to take their rise
together out of some huge lake, or some hideous swamp
at the north. Such was the knowledge of the English,
at that time, respecting the country ; and very similar,
no doubt, was their information concerning the numbers
of its inhabitants.

Again, we are assured by Trumbull, that so late as
1670, the bowmen of the river tribes were still reckoned
at 2,000 ;* and this reckoning, made by nobody knows
whom, he evidently introduces as if he considered it a
reliable estimate. Yet the term " river tribes" only in-
cluded the Podunks, the Windsor and Hartford Indians,
and the Wangunks ; the Podunks were never estimated
at more than 200 fighting men, and even that estimate
is an absurd exaggeration; the Windsor and Hartford
Indians were assuredly not more than twice as numerous ;
and thus, at the very utmost, our computation will not
exceed 600 warriors. Besides, it is absolutely certain,
that the aboriginal population of the western part of the
State was extremely sparse, and that many portions of it
were uninhabited altogether ; and the Pequots, who could
not muster more than five or six hundred warriors, were
probably nearly as numerous as all the other tribes com-
bined. This large estimate of Trumbull, too, is alto-
gether inconsistent with the small numbers which the
river tribes were really found to possess after the whites
were fairly settled among them. Nations do not melt
away in a generation without some powerful cause, not

• Hist, of Conn., Vol. I, p. 27.

'^^hiimM»^-ei.fo>ihii^^-^

OF CONNECTICUT.

even nations of savages; and the Indians of the Connec-
ticut River were swept off by neither famine, nor pesti-
lence, nor war.

Trumbull further informs us that the Indians of Hun-
tington could muster 300 warriors, and were even still
■ more powerful, until they were wasted by the incursions
of the Mohawks * Had this been the case, they would
have been little less numerous than the Mohawks them-
selves ; and, combined with their brethren lower down
the Housatonic, they would have been, in numbers at
least, more than a match for them. Who believes, how-
ever, that Huntington then supported a larger population
of savage and improvident hunters, than it does now of
civilized, industrious, and thrifty agriculturists?! In
fact, these Indians were not even a tribe ; they were only
a fragment of the Paugussetts of Stratford ; they existed
without performing any action which has been recorded;
and they passed away without leaving behind them so
much as a name.

Nowhere was the aboriginal population so dense. as
along the sea-shore, where fishing afforded a surer and
more plentiful supply of food than could be obtained by
hunting. It was for this reason that the Narragansetts,
of Rhode Island, maintained around their bays and creeks
a greater number of souls than was contained by any
other spot of the same size in New England. If we find,
therefore, that the seacoast was thinly peopled, we may
reasonably conclude that the remainder of the country

• Hist, of Conn., Vol. I, p. 30.

t According to the United States census, the population of Huntington, in
1840, was 1,326; whUe three hundred warriors would demand a population
of 1,500.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

T f.T" *"'''"' '" '"•'''•'ita,..,. The Ckuinnipiacs
extended along the shore from Milford to Madison ; hold-
ing the bay of New Haven, and the little rivers which
empty into it, as fishing places. Yet, when they sold
then: cotintry, in 1638, to Davenport and his associates,
they could state the number of men m their tribe at only
forty-seven ; thus giving, to this considerable tract, a
population of two hundred, or, possibly, two hundred and
fif y persons.* A district north of this, measuring ten
m,les north and south, and extending a great part «> the
way between the Housatonic and the Connecticut rivers
was inhabited by a tribe of only ten warriors.f s2
were the insignificant communities among which a hr-e
part otthe surface of Connecticut was divided vt LI
probably make a liberal estimate when we allow tw v
hundred warriors for the whole State, and six or Je„
thou^nd individuals for its entire aboriginal population
The seacoast, as I have already mentioned,,..., ,r
most thickly peopled, and next to \u,s ^ t ^ n J
along the courses of the rivers. Wherever some si el J
bay or some natural waterfall produced a good fis , !
place, there a village was usually formed in C Ih f
gregated the whole population for many mile around"

the inland and seacoast tribes, for their m.Uual ron
venience and benefit. The former came down tc be

>>'->'::::riz^::,:TL ^"i ""^"' " '""-—pre.

.«»„«ft«v »•■"> ■««•*>»#•■'

Hiti

^^^^^^^mm^^^mmii^^i^f^^^^t*^^'^'^^''

OF CONNECTICUT.

shore to feast on oysters, clams and lobsters ; and the
latter visited their iriends in the country to obtain better
hunting, or to enjoy the lamprey eels which, in the spring,
swarmed up the rivers. A communication of this kind
existed between the Indians of Windsor and those of : il-
ford ; individuals of each tribe making visits in the terri-
tories of the other, and sometimes prolonging their stay
for months, or even exchanging their residence altogether.
The divisions and connections which existed between
the various tribes were extremely loose, so as occasionally
to make it difficult for us to distinguish one from another.
Some small clans seem to have inhabited the coast from
Greenwich to Fairfield, but so feeble and insignificant,
that not even their names have been preserved from ob-
livion. A larger population, indeed, existed on this
shore about the year 1643, at which time the Long Island
and Hudson River tribes fled hither to escape from the hos-
tile vicinity of the Dutch. That period, however, must
not be confounded with the present, when the population
of this part of the State was probably very far from being
considerable. Farther to the east, where Fairfield now
stands, lived a small clan said to have been called the
Unkowas.* Unkoway, at all events, was the aboriginal
name of the spot on which Fairfield is situated.f

There is no longer any doubt that the Paugussetts,
who inhabited Stratford, Huntington, and the surround-
ing townships, and the Wcpawaugs, who lived opposite
to them, on the east bank of the Housatonic, were but
one people. We find the names of the same chieftains
appended to the native deeds of sale preserved in the

• Prw. Stiles' Itinerary. + Col. Rec. Vol. I.

«0

HlSTOnY or THE INDUS3

records of both Stratford' and Milford. We find that
Ockenuck or Ockenung, chief sachem of Stratford, was
the son of Ansantawae or Nunsantaway, sachem of Mil-
ford, and that he set his mark with that of his father to
the purchase of Derby. Finally, the Paugussetts, it is
satd by Trumbull, lived at Derby; and ye. we find the
Stratford Indians continually applying the name of Pau-
gussetts to themselves, until the whites began to call
them the Golden Hill tribe, from their settling on an
emmence so called, within the limits of Bridgeport *

The territories of this clan stretched fifteen or eighteen
miles along the coast, and comprehended nearly the
present townships of Monroe, Huntington, Trumbull,
Bridgeport, Stratford, Milford, Orange and Derby t In
numbers it seems to have been considerable, and large
heaps of shells have been found along the coast, showiL
what must have been the natives' favorite and principal
food These heaps, however, do not necessarily prove
the large population which people often suppose ; for thev
were probably the accumulations of centuries, and their
foundations may have been laid by some race which
came and disappeared before the foot of a Paugussett or
Wepawaug ever left its print on these shores. I,, fact
eat.ng oysters is not such a marvellous feat, that large
piles of oyster shells must, of necessity, indicate a great
number of consumers. We must consider, also, th!. a
he natives depended little upon agriculture foi a sub!
sistence, and as hunting was a less certain and more

• For lh« p.„ic„|.„, „,e ,|,e „.„„,j. „f s,„,f„,j J

t For p,.„f of ,M., „.„,„ ,^, „,.,.,, ,^|^_ _ r?L.^n «,

i (. iui«i«M i i i it i jiij ! \ri iii M» ii <J i ijj . 1 ii tw i'i ji ' - i ' ''' ' jiiJ

iilillniilritiTiiTHIiliiii iWli'iiTrfrm""! 'i-"

OF CONNECTICUT,

laborious mode of supply than fishing, a very large pro-
portion of their food consisted of the produce of the sea,
and especially of shell fish.

The Paugussetts who lived in Derby had a fortress on
the east bank of the Housatonic River, about half or
three-quarters of a mile above its junction with the
Naugatuc. To this place of refuge they retreated, after
the fashion of the aborigines, whenever they were threat-
ened by any enemy whom they could not oppose in the
open field. Another fortification, similar in character to
this, existed in Milford, about half a mile above Stratford
ferry.* As for the small clan which Trumbull mentions
as living at the falb of the Naugatuc, there is no proof,
and no probability, that it collected there until a hundred
years after the time of which we are now speaking.

Northwest of the Paugussetts, within the limits of
Newtown, Southbury, Woodbury and some other town-
ships, resided a clan known as the Potatucks. Their in-
significance is sufficiently proved by tiie almost total
silence of authors concerning them, and by their noise-
less disappearance.

With this slight exception, the whole country now-
known as Litchfield County, together with the northern
part of Fairfield and the western part of Hartford coun-
ties, presented an uninhabited wilderness. The bird:;
built their nests in its forests, without being disturbed by
the smoke of a single wigwam ; and the wild beasts, who
made it their home, were startled by no fij^s save those
of a transient war-party, or a wandering hunter.

Returning to the seashore, we find a slender population

• Trumbull, Vol. I, p. 30.
7*

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

of auinnipiacs, stretching from the Wepawaugs on the
west, to the Hammonassetts, of Clinton and Killingworth
on the east. The Guilford Indians, it is true, were for-
merly considered a distinct tribe ; but there appears to be
good reason for supposing that they were only a portion
of the auinnipiacs. Quosaquash, for instance, one of the
men who signed the treaty of New Haven, also put his
mark to the deed of sale at Guilford; and the researches
of a careful investigator have rendered it certain, that the
sachem-squaw of Guilford was no other than Shaum-
pishuh, sister to Momauguin, the chief of the Quinnipiacs.
The Hammonassetts were few in number, and were
headed by a sachem named Sebequanash, or '' the man
who weeps."

On the Farmington River, eight or ten miles west of
the Connecticut, lived a considerable tribe, sometimes
called the Sepous, but more commonly the Tunxis If it
was worth while to make estimates based upon nothing
we might perhaps assign to this tribe a population of
eighty to one hundred warriors, or about four hundred in-
dividuals. The Tunxis were, at an early period, subject
o Sequassen,* the sachem who sold Hartford to the En-
lish ; and they must have formed a part of that great tribe
or confederacy, whose principp.l seat was in the valley of
the Connecticut River. Many Indian curiosities have
been found in Farmington, and a small but interesting
collection of them is preserved in the rooms of the Cont
necticut Historical Society at Hartford. They consist

• "/" P"-""' tol^" fo-- granted, that the magistrate, [of Hartford] bough,
the whole co«t,try to the MoohaW country of Sequa.e„, the chief J^^
—■tarmmgton Kecorda.

-LU ii

r !HliM<faBi)tfWch l tr>\ ■nf^ .'^^-

snani

wtiiWin. i iMi) pi fti:« i l!i!ipWJWi'J^

OF CONNECTICUT.

of arrow heads curiously wrought from flint, of stone
heads for war axes, of wampum beads, both black and
white, and bowls or little mortars laboriously scooped out
of stone. One wonders at the labor which must have
been spent upon these articles, especially as he examines
the brittle substance of the arrow-points, and the slender
shape and neat piercing of the shell-beads.

The Indians of Massaco or Simsbury were few in num-
ber, and unquestionably formed a portion of the Tunxis.
Floating now down the Farmington to the Connecticut
we shall find the west bank of this river inhabited by a
number of clans, obeying different sachems, and yet ap-
parently living in close mutual connection.. The same
names may, to a certain extent, be found attached to In-
dian deeds in the town records from Windsor to Middle-
town, a distance of twenty-five miles. Thus it appears
either that one considerable tribe must have occupied the
whole country, or that the various clans were closely
united by national alliance and personal intermarriages
My own opinion inclines to the former hypothesis al-
though It is evident that, in later years, the national
compact was pretty thoroughly dissolved, and the little
sagamores sold land and performed other acts of sove-
reignty on their own authority. The Windsor Indians
seem to have had their principal seat at Poquonnuc a
place on the Farmi.igton River five or six miles abo've
Its junction with the Connecticut. The first sachem
known to the English t^ms Sehat or Sheat, who died not
long after the settlev.ei. of the town, and was snrre.a.^
by his nephew, i\asiHh'y,on.*

* Windsor Recordf.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Bat who was this great sachem of all the "river coun-
try," to whoso existence we have just adverted ? The
early Dutch authors spvak of such an one, called Se-
queen ; who was a very powerful chieftain ; who main-
tained a desperate war with the Poquots, and who was
only defeated and overcome by them after fighting three
'bloody battles. I am inclined to believe that this sachem
was the same with that Sequassen, or Sunckquasson,
who sold Hartford, and the country west of it, to the
English. The reasons for this belief will, I think, be
made clearly to appear during the course of the history.

Below Hartford, and stretching to a considerable dis-
tance south of Middletown, we find a population which,
in after times at least, was k.:own as a distinct tribe,
under the name of Wangunks. Their chieftain, Sow-
heag, was sometimes called, by the English, Sequin;
although this was apparently not his real u..me, but only
another version of the word sachem or king. When first
known to the whites, he resided at Pyquaug, or Wethers-
field ;* but afterwards, on account of a quarrel with the
settlers, removed to Mattabesett, now Middletown. This
circumstance led Trumbull into the mistake of making
two persons out of one, by saying that there was a sa-
chem at Pyqaug, named Sequin, who was subject to a
greater sachem at Mattabesett, named Sowheag.f Thus,

• " Soheage, an Indinn sachem of Pyquagg." Col. Rec, Vol. I, p. 19.

t Hist, of Conn., Vol. I, p. 27. 1 at one time imagined that Sowheag
mi^ht be the same with Sequassen ; but this iilca was dashed by a passage in
the'xXXIII Volume of the Mass. Hist. Coll., (p. 161,) where they are expli-
citly spoken of as two different persons : the one being called Sasawin orSe-
quaseen, sachem of Sicaogg, (Hartford ;) the other Soheage or Sequin, sachem
of Matabescck, (Middletown.)

or CONNECTICUT.

even the errors of this historian served to give color to his
exaggerated suppositions concerning the numbers of the
aborigines.

Southwest of the principal seats of the Wangunks, a
large extent of country was held by a son of Sowheag,
named Montowese. I have already mentioned that the
able bodied men in his tribe were only ten in number.
His mother must have been the daughter and heiress of
some deceased sachem, for it was through her that he
obtained his land,*

Having passed over the whole western part of the
State, we now cross the Connecticut, where we shall
find, in some portions at least, a more thickly settled
population. In the towns of East Windsor and East
Hartford lived the Podunks, who were governed, when
first known to the English, by two sachems, Waghinacut
and Arramament. The Podunks were closely connected
with the Indians who lived on the opposite side o^ the
river, as may be perceived by examining the native
deeds in the early records of Windsor. Thus, when the
land between the Scantic and Podunk Rivers was sold,
and the deed was signed by Arramament and ten others,
among these signers were Sheat and Cogrenr<:"!et, both
Indians of Poquonnuc in Windsor, and the former
sachem of Poquonnuc.f

Haddam and East Haddam, with both banks of the
Connecticut for some distance further down, were in-
habited by a clan inconsiderable in numbers, but famous
on account of its peculiar superstitions. None of the

• Records of New Haven Colony,

t Windsor Records.

ftfft

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Other aborigines of Connecticut were so given to powwow-
mgs, to sacrifices, and to religious ceremonies. The cause
of this peculiarity was remarkable. In the township of
East Haddam, at the junction of Moodus and Salmon
Rivers and within plain sight of the Connecticut, stands
a considerable eminence, now known as Mount Tom
Even of late years, strange noises and rumblings are said
to have been heard at times in the bowels of this
mountain, and slight shocks, as of an earthquake, have
been felt through the surrounding country. But in an-
cient days, if tradition speaks true, and if the writers
of those times are worthy of credit, these shocks and
noises were far more violent than now, and were some-
times truly wonderful. Chimneys have been untopped •
walls have been thrown down ; heavy stones removed
from their places ; large fissures opened in the bosom of
the earth. The astonished inhabitants have heard ter-
rible roarings in the atmosphere. They have heard loud
noises following each other in rapid succession, and re-
sembling volleys of musketry. They have heard sounds
like slow thunder rolling down from the north, and at
last closing with a loud report, which shook the houses
and every thing in them. Such are the stories which
have reached us concerning these noises, and which were
evidently believed by those who have left them on record
It IS natural to suppose, that at no time were these phe-
nomena more common, or more extraordinary, than when
the winds sighed heavily through unbroken forests, when
ancient trees sometimes fell by their own weight in the
lonely woodlands, and when the place was only inhabited
by an ignorant and superstitious people, whose senses

:,g^aifc3i6ffiaMWMMBfeg^ii'^*^»^ <JMMm MM tm m' » M »<:

tr > 'm m

or CONNECTICUT. *•-

were easily led astray by their imaginations. Mache

den^eTH:;:"' T "t™" '° "'"•« '--"--^
aence of Hobbamock ; and here ihe Indians HpM fh«-

S W ^ ' P"''«'°"' '^^""^ « worshiping the
devil We kuo^v nothing of the size of this clan -and
n fac u was probably a mere fragment of th Wa„g„ "ks'

valleys of the Connecticut and the Farmington.*
Movmg stdl farther down the Connec.fcut, we reach

irora the river Connecticut, eastward along the seashorp
to a sm^l stream which retains the:, namf tZ^^
to have been not inconsiderable in numbers, by the^r s iU
retaining an existence; ye. they never f.rnished I v

SanTXli rr ^"'"™^' ^"^ -arkaMer
Tolland and Windham counties were sparsely inhabited

lecton of tribes, whose principal seats were in the
southern townships of this part of Massachusetts The;

;r:rcorr r^thr "'"'• -^ "-» --

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Last of all we come to the Pequots ; the most nu-
merous, the most warlike, the fiercest and the bravest of
all the aboriginal clans of Connecticut. From the Niantic
River, on the west, their forts and wigwams extended
along the rude and stony hills of New London County to
Wecapaug, ten miles east of the Paucatuc River which
divides Connecticut from Rhode Island.* They reached
back, also, to a considerable distance from the seashore
their northernmost community, afterwards known as the'
Mohegans, residing on the banks of the Thames ten or
twelve miles from the Sound. We are told that sJssacus
their last grand-sachem, had twenty-six sagamores under
him ; and that the number of warriors, whom he could
muster from all his clans, was seven hundred. This esti-
mate, compared with the population in the rest of the
State, is extremely large ; and, judging from some cir-
cumstances in Pequot history, it would appear to be con-
siderably exaggerated. Let us examine

The territory claimed by the Pequots, as their own
peculiar dwelling-place, may be estimated at thirty miles
m length by fifteen, to twenty in breadth, or about five
hundred square miles. Seven hundred warriors, with one
warrior to every five persons, would give a population of
three thousand five hundred individuals, or seven to every
square mile. Yet the territory of the Quinnipiacs, also
ying on the seacoast, had not more than one inhabitant
to the square mile; while that of Montowese, which lay
no further back than the northern part of the Pequot
country, had nearly three square miles to every member

• Roger Williams' Letter to Mason.
Vol. Ill, p. 161.

Rhode Island Historical Collections,

or CONNECTICUT.

Of Its population. A comparison of these resnl.. r
onr ground, although by no mean, '*'?^'^^"^t« ^^nns

su^pecting that the'n Jber oTthe Lr ? ""^ '^^
exaggerated. i'equots have been

Further: when Endicott landed m, ,t>o-
1636, ,0 foren fron, them a "reatv L T "°'^''' '"
alarmed the wnole coun.^v T ^ submission, he
the entire tribe t.Z:';^l:T^ '""? --Sh ^or
warriors who made, hi' ^*''" *"™="« "f 'h^

hundred. WheTMls n I.'''""": "" ""'^ '"ree
fui expedition, ^e ZuTZlZT':'- "T ^""^^^-
•he Pequot territory, from east tote.. ^Zn"''^"'
wtth a single wigwam, except the seve ^f ^ ^ '
contamed in Mystic Port Th„ 7 ^ ^ *"''''
-reciany the Jst. mLt\ l':itdVtd "'^.. -^
very sparse population mdicatu.g a

-!:rr;h:tLrcr.:nTir^"^^^^^^^

correct, we shai. probabi; ^l^.TlZT:!::^^ T '"
f:x hundred warriors R,,. * • 7,/r ' ^^ ^^^^''^

.his statement, tderhi" vho ""n™" "*"• '"'"^-
witness, estimates -he n'^l ^^.^ 'f--,-/^-

and Wmthrop,who was a cotem o at ttt/s th "' ''
only three hundred SfiJi .. ^^'^^^X' states them at

perished during he IT'Zt^""^ T "'""""^ ^""^
mained when if wa „Ter I hint """"''' ''''° ""' '«"
Pequots a body otlT^M nl^ """^ '=°*^''<' '" ""=
warriors. ' ' '"'''''''>'■ ^« '>'"«lred native

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HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

cient date, and, perhaps, not long before 1600, it is sup-
posed that they resided among their relations ; at which
time the country from the Housatonic to the western
shores of Narragansett Bay was probably inhabited en-
tirely by tribes of a single race. There is strong reason
to believe that all the Connecticut clans, except the Pe-
quots, were only fragments of one great tribe, or con-
federacy of tribes, the principal branches of which were
the Nehantics and the Narragansetts. The Nehantics of
Lyme, for instance, were clearly related to the Nehantics
of Rhode Island ; Sequassen, chief of the Parmington
and Connecticut River countries, was a connection of the
Narragansett sachems ; and the Indians of Windsor, sub-
jects of Sequassen, were closely united to the Wepa-
waugs of Milford. Thus, various connections might be
traced between the Narragansetts and the tribes of west-
ern Connecticut, while both united in holding the Pequots
in abhorrence, and seldom bore any other relations to them
than those of enemies, or of unwilling subjects.

It is not likely that the Pequots were driven from the
banks of the Hudson by war, since their brethren, the
other portions of the Mohegan race, long continued to
remain there undisturbed. They probably departed be-
cause their country was unable to support so large a
population of hunters, just as the ancient Goths and Ger-
mans left their overpeopled forests to seek some country
where they could find an easier subsistence. Migrating
tovvards the east, they perhaps moved along the southern
border of Massachusetts until they had crossed the Con.
necticut River, when they changed their course to the
southward, and dc.cnn,hd upon th« seashore. All tho

4<'

^(^^

t^!i

OF CONNECTICUT. Af

traditos of the Indians on the history of the Pe„„ots
agreed ,n asserting that they migrated from the north
shortly before the arrival of the English. They maj
have been many years on their journey from the Hudson '
and may have settled for some time in the northern p^u
of Connectic.,.. Their final irruption, however, mu
have been violent and sudden; for one band of the Ne
hant.cs was separated from the res. of the tribe, and hi
ever stnoe borne the narv.e of Western Nehantio , and^
tamed a d.stmct existence. The rest of the N^hant «
were probably driven violently over the Pane t^ whe "

wuh zi ""'^ ""''""''' """^ - '-^ "-S

with the mrragansetts.

The Pequots now found themselves in possession «f
a large extent of country well adapted to riTants

en ir' The-:r'"'' '™''' ■""""'"^'^ -sunder bV
enemies. Their fierce spirit quailed not under this dan-
ger, and they maintained their hold on the conquered
erritory with a tenacity equal to the boldness with wh ch
hey had sei.ed it. They did more: their war-pan^s
carried terror and trembling among the numerous C
«gu setts on the east, and swept with the resistless foTe
of a tornado over the slender tribes which bordered them
on the west. The most powerful chieftain among he"
ribes, at that time, was the one known to the D ulh by
he name, or rather the title, of Sequeen, whom we havl
supposed ,0 be Sequassen. With this sachem the pI!
quots soon came in collision; and three battles were
fought between them before the question „f ..n!
was decided. Seqnassen was clpt e y o X' oTn'
wa. compelled to submit to the invaders.'and remaird

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

their subject until he was relieved by another race of
strangers, more gentle in appearance, but really more
dangerous, than the first * All this part .f the Connec-
ticut valley, therefore, fell into the hands of the Pequots
as well as the whole country between that river and the'
territories of the Narragansetts. The western Nehantics
became their allies, or, what is more likelv, their tribu-
taries The powwowings of the Machemoodus probably
avaded little against their superior numbers and ferocitv
Advancing along the seacoast the Pequots conquered it
as far as the bay of New Haven, and obliged the Qtiin-
nipiacs to submit to their authority and pay them tribute
On the south they sailed across the Sound in canoes, con-
queredManisses or Block: Island, and extorted tribute from
the eastern inhabitants of Sewan Hacky, or Long Island
During all this time they appear to have been carrying
on an unceasing contest with the great tribe of Narra!
gansetts, who inhabited the country which now consti-
tutes the State of Rhode Island. The shores of the
islands of the bays, of the creeks, and of the inlets, which
abound on this coast, then furnished an inexhaustible
supply of fish; and here, accordingly, was collected the
densest aboriginal population in New England, and, prob-
ably in the whole limits of the United States. It was
'SI the denser, because the irruption of the Pequots had
lately driven out the original inhabitants of the country
between the Niantic and the Paucatuc. Yet credulity
Uself must stare with astonishment, when told th. t the
Narragansetts could furnish thirty thousand,! that they

• 3ee O'CMIaghan'8 Hist, of New Netherlands, Vol. I. p 149
tJohuwn. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XIV, p. 43.

c^ffo

-««

(^jp

OF CONNECTICUT. go

could even furnish five thousand* figh.,„g „«„. I„
1676 when fear and anxiety sufficiently disposed the
colonists to over estimate the strength of the then host,V
Wagarttetts^ their warriors were only calculated at two

olT , r '"" ''^'""' ^"'"^"'' ^ ™«" -» in-
formed on Ind^n matters, stated them with more mod-
eration, and undoubtedly with more correctness, at only
one thousand t During the previou-s forty ye^rs there
had een, doubtless, some diminution, yet if is'impossi te
to bel^ve that then numbers had sunk away by four or
even by three, fifths. In fact, that diminuLn, which
usually takes place in a barbarous people, on being brought
m contact wuh a civilised race, although sufficiemly rapid
o shock the feelings of philanthropy, is ,. t less'ra^id
than ,s commonly believed. When a savage tribe is first
Covered tts numbers are almost invariably over est!
ma ed : when better known, those numbers are found to
be less than were formerly supposed ; and it is therefore
taken for granted, that, in the meantime, they have di-
mmished. Those who wi.h to see an e=;ampL of how
.his fallacious conclusion may be easily reached, should
compare the estimates made by Capt. Cook of the popu-
lation of the South Sea Islands, with what has been as-
certamed concerning that population at the present day.
Doubtless the inhabitants of Tahiti have diminished since
they were fim discovered ; but who believes that they
have dminished from four hundred thousand to twenty
thousand? Let us take it for granted, then, that in 1676 -
the Narragansetts had, according to the estimate of

• Brinley. Mm Hi,i. Coll., Vol. V, o. »1S
t Man. Hut. Coll., Vol. I, p. 148,
8*

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Gookin, one thousand warriors. Let us suppose that, in
the previous forty years, this number had decreased by
two hundred. Let us remember that a decrease of two
hundred fightmg men would involve the very consider^
able diminution in the whole population of one thousand
souls. We shall thus arrive at the fair and just conclu-
sion, that, a the time of which we are now speaking, the
Narragansetts, including the Nehantics, could muster
about twelve hundred warriors.

They were, however, far superior in number to their
rivals, the Pequots, and were inferior to them in influence,
only because they were inferior in ferocity, in enterprise,
and in a passion for war. They were the most supersti-
tious of all the cons" -b'a tribes of New England ; being
greatly under the .nflueiice of their powwows, and much
given to the practice of religious rites and ceremonial
dances. They were also more civilized, more ingenuous,
and more disposed than any of their neighbors to undergo
the fatigues of manual labor. Their wigwams were more
than ordinarily comfortable, their canoes and utensils
neatly constructed, and in all the ruder arts of life they
had made greater advances than any of the surrounding
tribes. Thus their character was milder, and their man-
ners more refined, than those of the Pequots ; nor were
they always inferior to them in magnanimity and courage,
as the examples of Miantinomo and Canonchct sufficiently
prove. Besides carrying on war with the Pequots, they
sometimes fought with a tribe to the north of them, well
known to us as the Pokanokets, and still better known
as the tribe of the good Massasoit, and of his gallant but
unfortunate son. King Philip. Indeed they at one time

atx-,,'""-

-^msm

OP CONNECTICUT.

atx;,

reduced them to pay tribute ; though (as Massasoit as-
serted) not because they were superior in war, but solely
because the Pokanokets had been wasted by a grievous
sickness.

Elated with their uninterrupted success, borne on by
the confidence which attends a course of prosperous ag-
gression, the Pequots went on, conquering and to con-
quer, until they met a bolder and fiercer race coming
towards them from the west. About the beginning of
the seventeenth century, the Iroruois, or Five Nations,
were driven from Canada by .the Adirondacks, a confed-
eracy of Algonquins. Undismayed by their reverses, they
turned their arms against the Satanas or Shawnees, de-
feated them, and then renewed the contest with their old
enemies. Their efforts were now attended with saccess •
and from this time they rapidly rose to be the first native
power east of the Mississippi. Their war parties ranged
from Hudson's Cay en the north to the mountains of
Tennessee on the south ; from the Connecticut on the
east to the Mississippi on the west; and every Indian
nation within these vast boundaries trembled at the name
of the Akonoshioni or United People. The natives of
Connecticut did not escape, but were exposed every year
to the ravages of these terrible destroyers. Whether they
found the northwestern part of the State unoccupied, or
whether they killed and drove away its inhabitants, is
uncertain ; but they left it a desert. Their war parties
passed, without meeting a human being, through the
forests of Litchfield County, to fall suddenly and silently
upon the villages along the seashore or in the valley of
the Connecticut River. Their very appearance excited

HISTORT or THE INDIAXS

consternation ; a cry of alarm would extend from hill to
hill, and the natives would fly for safety to swamps and
thickets, or to their fortresses. A large part of the in-
habitants of the country west of the Connecticut became
their subjects ; and every year two cld Mohawks might
be seen going from village to village to collect tribute,
and haughtily issuing orders from the great council at
Onondaga. All the Iroquois were known in New Eng-
land by the name of Mohawks, because that tribe, the
oldest and most warlike in the confederacy, lived to the
eastward of the others, and was oftenest seen this side
of the Huds;on. The Six Nations seem never to have
come in hostile contact with the Pequots ; and thus the
natives of western Connecticut were cruelly oppressed by
two fierce enemies who had no quarrel with each other.

We will now return to the Pequots. The names of
some of the early sachems of this tribe have been pre-
served in a genealogy of the Uncas family, as it was
made out by Uncas himself in 1679. The first whose
name is mentioned was Tamaquashad, of whom no
particulars are given, but who must have lived about the
time when the Pequots first established themselves in
Connecticut, or perhaps when they first set out on their
pilgrimage from the Hudson. The next in succession
was Muckquntdowas, who lived at a place called Awciim-
bucks, situated in the heart of the Pequot country. His
wife was named Meekunump, and he had two children •
Woipeguand, who became sachem after him; and a
daughter, called like her mother, Meekunump, who was
married to Oweneco, the father of Uncas. Woipeguand
married a daughter of Wekoum, chief sachem of Narra-

OP CONNECTICUT.

gansett ; and, when ha died, was succeeded by his son
Wop,gwoo... Wopigwooi. was .he same with Z
Wapeqnart mentioned by the Dutch authors, and un--
doubtedly ako, with that Pekoath, who is spoken of by
Wmthrop.* The son of Wopigwooit wa^ Tatobam
o.herw,se called Sassacus, the most famous and the Z[
unfortunate of the Pequot grand sachems.

About ten years previous to the war of the P^m,„,.
wuh the English, that is about 1626, Unca^X ^ of
Oweneco and Meekunump, married a daught;, of Sassa-
cus, hus connecting himself still more closely w th 2
royal hue of h.s tribe. The claims which he in th mln!
nereu=qu,redand strengthened, afterwards contributed "o
he downfall of his nation, but finally resulted in rSn^
Uncas h,mself to considerable influence, and "o tde
Pendent power. In faet, this Uncas, son of Owen c„ a"
■Pequo, sagamore, and father of another Oweneco L
h.m«=lf a Mohegan sachem, will be one of the most rt
markable, and one of the most important characters who
ever w.11 occupy a place in the succeeding narS.

Thus closes my account of the names, positions and
strength of the aboriginal tribes of Connecticut, 1"
been able to gather it from what seemed the m^t rehable
authormes. I. „«, p„b,bly diminish somewha ,"«
romanfc mterest connected with t'.ese barbarous cJm!

• At the time Winthrop penned this, Connecticut h»,? n.. i.
and he probably mistook the name of th tribe oh .„ A I ^ '''"'^'^ '
mi.akee might easily occur in the in.r::lt^^^^:^' Tt
nat..es. neither of whom had much knowledge of eacl oij > ""' '""^
Pequot o^Pequod is not. perhaps, more unlike Pekoah thai T" T'"'
or Pequetan. by both which names this tribe L met . ". ^''^"'"

of New England. " mentioned in early writinp

BISTORT or THE INDIANS, ETC.

munities, by diminishing to so great an extent what were
supposed to be their ancient numbers. But it will serve
to explain to us their subsequent decrease and almost
entire disappearance, without obliging us to suspect our
ancestors of an amount of injustice and cruelty of which
they were never guilty. Few in numbers at the time of
their discovery, it is likewise probable that the natives
01 Connecticut were increasing very slowly, if increasing
at all. The small size of their families, the fatal nature
of their few diseases, the hardships and privations to
which they were continually exposed, and the constant *
I ars which they waged with each other and- with their
neighbors, form sufficient grounds for believing that such
was the fact. A close balance being thus kept i,p be-
tween the number of births and the number of deaths
soue new destructive influences, however feeble, were'
sufli.ient to destroy that balance, and gradually sink the
native races even to the point of national extermination.
1 hese influences were fearfully supplied, chiefly by the
novel varieties of disease and vice unavoidably contracted
m the intercourse with a civilized people. The ruinous
war maintained by one tribe against the English must
indeed be taken into consideration ; but the results of this
war can be computed with tolerable exactness, and will
by no means account for so entire and gradual a disap-
pearance of a race.

■■

ttia

CHAPTER III. *

PROM THE FIRST DISCOVERr OF CONNECTICUT IN 1614 TO
THE EXPEDITION AGAINST THE PE^UOTS IN 1637.

We come now to the period of the first discovery of
Connecticut, and the first intercourse of its inhabitants

m nt a! Pr"\ 'l ''''' "" ^^^^« »^^^«- ^^^^tl-
ment at P ymouth, three distinguished Dutch navigators
Adraien Block, Hendrick Corstiaensen, and Cornelif mI;;
arnved, on an exploring expedition, at the mouth of the
Hudson River. Having visited a Dutch settlement of
four houses, already commenced on the Island of Man-
hattan, they separated, and each sailed in a different di-
rection. Corstiaensen passed round to the eastern coast
of New England, while Mey examined the southern shore
of Long Island, and then explored southward as far as
Delaware Bay. Adraien Block, a persevering, enterprising
man, had the misfortune to lose his vessel, by fire
shortly after his arrival in the Hudson. Not at all dis-
couraged by this accident, he immediately laid the frame
of a yacht, forty-four and a half feet long, and eleven feet
aiid a half wide, completed it, and called it the Restless.
Embarking in this little vessel, he passed through the
Ji-ast River, to which he gave the name of Hellegat, and en-
tered Long Island Sound, then supposed to be a deep bay
On the right and left stretched unknown, unvisited shores*
low ana green, sandy along the edge of the water, but in

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

the interior waving with trees. Leaving Long Island,
then called Metoac or Sewan Hacky, (land of shells,) he
sailed along the un-named and hitherto unexplored coast
of Connecticut. He gave to the small islands at the
mouth of the Norwalk River the name of Archipelagoes,
and farther on, discovering the mouth of the gentle Hou-
satonic, he called it the River of the Red Mountain.
Continuing his voyage eastward, he came to the mouth
of a considerable stream which he named the Fresh
Rnrer, but which was no other than the pride of New
Bifgland, the noble Connecticut. He ascended the river
with his little vess2l, as high as forty-one degrees and
forty-eight minutes, or about half way between the
present city of Hartford and village of Windsor. Here
he found an Indian fort, or village, belonging to a tribe
whom he called the Nawaas : a nomenclature afterwards
unknown, and probably founded on some mistake of the
voyager. Prom this point, turning his course down the
river, he re-entered the Sound, and sailed on until he dis-
covered Its eastern opening into the main ocean. Before
leaving the coast, he discovered and explored the Narra-
gansett Bay, to which he gave the name of Nassau Bay.
He also had some intercourse with the inhabitants of its
shores, whom he describes as being of a shy disposition.
He calls them Nahicans, and, from the faint resemblance
between the words, it seems probable that they were the
Nehantics. Such was the discovery of Connecticut.*

Not long after this, the Dutch traders began to visit the
country every year, and soon established a large trade
with the natives ; buying annually, it was said, not less

• Callaghan, Vol. I. pp. 72, 73.

op CONNECTICUT.

than ten thousand beaver skins, besides such other com
modules as the country could furnish •

The Dutch settlements on the Hudson were at fi™, •

lands but th.s corpora..on was replaced in 1621 by an-
oth r, far more extensive and powerful, .he famous W^
India Company. In 1632, Hans Eencluys, a servarUof
the company, landed a, the mouth of the ConnTc uf
purcha^d a point of ,a„d from the natives, and e eted

This spot he named Kievet's Hook, from the cry of a

the Dutch, heveet. H,s object was to secure to the com

tZ^oT" "' r r" ™"''^> '' "-'S" -ht; "n
Twller, Governor of the New Netherlands, prosecuted on
a greater scale during .he following year, 'r^: Jac ^
Van Curier and a party of men to ,he Connecticut valTey
wuh orders to purchase a .rac. of land which had Jready
been seleced, and erec. and fortify a .rading pos. upl'
«. Th,s spot was on .he west bank of the river, C

of Hartford. There were two parties to which he might
apply for a purchase: .he Pequots, who claimed fhe
country by r.gh, „f conquest ; and Sequeen or Seq^^n

vanc:r.T.r "'" """■ " "'""^' -^ - -'-

Van Curler took the most natural course, and applied to
Wapyquart, or Wopigwooit, the grand sachem of the p"

fMvst'ic'; r '" T' '" ""' "•''^'^' '=''"'f "' Siokenames
(Mystic) River, and owner of the Connecticut. Wopis-

voou was nothing loth to sell lands so far from his own

• Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 113.
9

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

fortresses, and which, perhaps, he held by an uncertain
tenure ; and, on the eighteenth of June, 1633, a treaty
of sale and purchase was effected between the two parties
A iract of land one Dutch mile in length along the river
and extending one third of a mile into :he country was
passed over, by the Pequots, into the possession of the
Dutch. For this territory Wopigwooit received twenty-
seven ells of a kind of coarse cloth called duffals six
axes, SIX kettles, eighteen knives, one sword blade, 'one
pair of shears, and some toys. At the request of an In-
dian named Aitarbaenhoet, probably a sagamore of the
river tribes, the Dutch obtained permission from Wopicr.
wooit that eequeen might return to his country and take
up his residence at or near tho trading house. It was
declared in the deed that S.quassen accepted this offer
wuh the knowledge of Magarittinne, chief of Sloop's
iiay: this being f.he name which the Dutch gave to the
western part of I^rraganseti Bay. These circumstances
serve to Identify Sequassen with the Sequeen here x.ien-
tioned : lor Sequassen, as we shall subsequently see, sold a
vast tract around Hartford to the English, as chief sachem
of the country; and Sequassen, too, will be mentioned as
a relation and a close ally of the Narragansett chieftains.
The httie territory thus purchased was made free for
purpose, of trade to all nations of Indians: it was to be
a territory of peace : the hatchet was to be buried ther..
no warnor was to molest his enemy while within its
bounds. Yan Curler erected on i. a small tradi^.g b

• O'Calinghnn. Vol. I. p,,. 149—151.

OF CONNECTICUT.

The Pequots soou broke through the above conditions
by kihmg some Indians, their enemies, who came to the'
house to traae. The Dutch were so incensed at this act '
of violence, that, to punish it, they, in some way or other,
contnved to despatch Wopig wooit and several of his men.
The old chieftam was succeeded by his son Sassacus, a
renowned warrior and a noble and high-spirited man, but
doomed to be the last grand sachem of his tribe. A de-
sultory war ensued between the Dutch and Pequots,
which lasted some months, if not a year or two, and, of
course, interrupted the trade which had opened between
the two parties.* These events were, it would seem,
of considerable importance in their bearing on the future
his ory of the tribe, as I think the subsequent narrative

J , rw """""" "' ^""'^ P"^^^^^^ ^hat it was the
death of Wop,gv.ooit which led to the fatal massacre of
Stone and hi. crew ; and it is certain, that it was the loss
of the Dutch trade which induced the Pequots to invite
ticut Massachusetts Bay to settle in Connec-

The Puritans, or pilgrims, had now been established
thirteen years on the shores of this bay; and, although
their numbers did not much exceed two thousand, they
already began to complain of being cramped for want of
room. Their mcreasing strength commanded the respect
of th. surrounding natives; and the smaller tribes seem
to have conceived the idea of obtaining, by their protec-
tion, freedom from the oppression of the larger ones. As
early as April, 1631, a sagamore named Waghinacut,
probably a Podunk, car.;e to Massachusetts for the pur^
• O'CttUaghan and Winthrop, peunm.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

had been in Enl^ /'"''"'''"''' ^'""'^ Straw, who

oeen in England and spoke English ho ..ii i
Governor Winthrop in Boslon it , .'"'/''"^'' <"•
wanted some of Z PnTu ^''Plamed that he

Of beaver; boasted of hft.,.':;,? f'^"'/ ^'''-

frieX dinZ: tf erf;'"":' "^ ""''^™ --^ "i,

a settlemer^r „ 'eve ' Z 7 ' '"""="'^'' "' P"""*-
countrv H r "^""^ P^^P'" '» famine the

country. He afterwards found, as he siv, .h,, w l

naeut was a very treacherous .an, andTi 'a'tj-;^^;-

a far greater sachem named Pekoath f

ai.h„'ug?re'"peJr'';r"' r "^'""'^ -™--'-"'.
«"^:s;x^re ::;r:fThr"™ "^^""-

in furs which thp n.,. u ^^ immense trade

« wnjcn tne Dutch were carrvin«^ on in tho o
necticut vallev W.n»i ^ =* " ^"^ C?ou-

-i„er pro:i;i„g":;t''r's:. Cn^ r r "-

- mterforing with the charter of New EnZnd Th'
colonists began to dispatch vessels tl r ^

trade, and several were thus semn, t '! ^'""!^'=""='" '»
During the same year JoImOl u " ""^^ "' "^^^•

killed by the Block Wn,,^ ' '"'"' '""' afterwards

y tne Block Islanders, travelled across the country

•t^inise&i^jJIeiif^tKiUliSlleSsiiMetifi-

OF CONNECTICUT.

with three companions, to the Connecticut River IT
one of the sachems of the land entertained fhem in^"

SKins. They carried back to Massachn^spfte o

of U,e waa hemp which gre. in thT^^ InV^"

that It contained many desirahl^ r,io •^' ^'""^^Poned

«.snppor.i„,mL;ZL:'^^^^^^^^^

^f5t:;a^sr.xt„«r^r

^^hnsetts to estabi.h a trading p„/„„ the C nLc.f I
for obtmmng hemp and furs. Governor Wimh!" '

ninths in the year, no vessel conld navi^a r^hl" ir"
al on account of the ice and the violence' of h e "
Und scouraged by these representations the Plymorh

October of the very same year, William Holmes !
-nt th,thcr with a vessel, a small company o men'
and the frame of a house. He sailed up the river JTr^'
' e Dutch For,, at Hartford, in spite f thT'rfmon
strances and threats cf the garrison, and erected W
eradmg-house m the present township of Windsor, a little

netLt'r """"'" "' "" ''"'"'"*'°" """ "•« '^°"-

* Winthrop»8 JonmnI, Vol. I, p. HI.

t Trumbull. Vol I. pp. 20,^21. Wimhmp. Vol. I. p. II3.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Holmes ,s said to have brought back, in his vessel, iu3
original sachems of the country, who had been driven
away by the Pequots ; and to have made his purchase o^
the country from them.* Thus, on the very first settle-
ment of the English in Connecticut, they offered a dis-
tmct, though, perhaps, an unintentional, insult and injury
to the most powerful tribe in the country. The Pequo^'
had conquered this portion of the Connecticut vJley;
and had obliged its original owners to submit to their
authority. Their claim had been acknowledged by the
Dutch ; It was confirmed by immemorial Indian custom •+
and It was at least as just as that by which some civilized
and christianized nations hold large portions of the globe.
It was highly praiseworthy, indeed, for the English to
pay a suitable sum to the original owners of the soil ; but
they ought, in justice, as well as policy, to have best6wed
some respect upon the well known claim of the Pequots
Two reasons probably operated to prevent them from
doing this : one that they may have considered the Pe-
quots robbers and intruders; the other that, by refusing
to acknowledge the Pequot title, they could, with abetter
appearance of reason, deny the justice of that of the
Dutch. Ihe offended tribe, however, did not make this
an immediate occasion of hostility with the En-lish •
although we know not how much influence it ma/have
had upon its policy towards them on another occasion
and at a subsequent time. It was not until afterwards
that the event occurred, which may be considered as the

•rl^edLl ' ""'^r '" ''^ '^''"'•*°"'' '' --- Indian sachem.
^•Berved m the papen on Towni and Landa. Vol. I, Doc. 67.

! i
i '

OF CONNECTICUT

•n

<r-

germ of that hostility, which eventually sprun? ud be-
tween the Pequots and the EngUsh. *

D"™« 'he summer of 1633, Captain Stone, a dissolute '
mtemperate man, came in a small vessel from Virginia
to trade on the coast of New England. After remaining
a short t,me at Massachusetts Bay, and causing the magif
^a^s some trouble by his disorderly conduct, he sailed,
wuh a Captam Norton and seven others on board, for the
Connecfcut River. Before long a report came Lack to
B s,o„ ,ha, Stone and hi. whole company had been
k.lled Ins vessel burned, and the plunder taken from"
d,v,ded betu^en the Pequots and Nehan.ics. It was said
hat, on reachmg the mouth of the river. Stone opened a
-de wuh the natives and sent three of his crew on shl
o hunt for wild fowl. The Indians appeared perfectly
fnendly, and were suffered ,„ come on Lrd and loi r
about the lutle vessel at pleasure. Stone finally wen to
sleep m the cabin, in presence of the sachem^ and he
rest of the crew collected unsuspiciously and without Z
precaufons m the galley. Meantime the three men I
sh e had been attacked by a party of Indians and put ,"
death, euher by surprise, or so far off ,ha, the noise of the
coufl,ct could not be heard. When the chief thought
proper he knocked out the brains of the unconsc.ou
captam ; and, on the ins.„„,, his followers seized the fire-
arms about .he vessel and presented them at the startled
E ghsh. One of the latter, however, aimed a musket in
his own defense ,• and, such was the fear of the native,
for .h,s weapon in the hands of a white man. ;hat they
all leaped overboard at once. B,„ in the rush and cZ
fusion, a quantity of powder igmte., and blew up ,ho

HJSTORr or TI,E INDIAN,

vessel, destroying the greater oar, f
"■*«'• The Indians no J cLI '. ""l '"' "^ ""^ '""«
patched any who might ha 'fr' °".'"""'' ^S-i", dis-
dered the cargo.. Such walonnr::' ^"™' ""'' P'"-
transaction wnich circnktlT ""^ """"""'s »<" this

The perpetrators in tTlX"' "' "^"^''^ "'"-■''^
quots, although among them°15 undoubtedly P,.

"^'heir tribntanes, the w". ™ "nT^ "^-^^ "-" -»e
W made no immediate attemr,,! tT 'T ''"^ ^"8"
^as not long before circrsT, '"'"'* "'^'» ^ but it

">em a favorable opporTuX "T '"V"'" ""'"'' ?-«

The position of thPe'L, *■"'"<""« satisfaction,
"■eans so favorable as if had IJ" '' ""' '""^ "^ "o
success and conquest no l.„ ' ^"'' ""'ulerrupted

-- paths. They iTd J" "T" '" '■»"■'»' °» 'heir
-"h - firm a han7 as fieri 'd'V'"^ '^'^™^™-«»
the sovereignty of BlocfcTand' v u '^ ''^'' "=^™ '°^'
passed lately under the dot";, ''^"^ "P'*"'" '<> have
Their authority had been 2" °^ ""' N«hantics.t

'he upper val/y of the Co n:e":„r "' '"^ """''- '"
O'ted, doubtless, to this a^b! r ' ^"""'"■aged and in-

»f the Dutch, .rnotof h XLh trr^V"'' "O^^
y«cas, sagamore of Mohe^nh ■.■■'• "^^'des this,
Wopigwooit, broken outlnt ' ' '"""' '"^ "^"'h of
'heir war with the Dut h, whV^" J,''^"- ^"7,
of a number of their war iors nr„b IT """" ""^ ''^'^
more annoyance by break I '^ '^ ^""'' ">«■" still
'hey had sufficient I, rentrs'to'' "" '"""'"'"^ -"-h
source of amusement bat ITll^'T" '"'^ ""' ""'r «
In the following yeL.tfh"''' »" P°-er.

"""' "^ "'««'■ *ith the Dutch „iU

• Winthrop. Vol. I, p. 123.

+ Roger Williams' Letten.

OF CONNECT CUT.

continned, Sassacus resolved lo ma!r» »„ «•

cUiate the English and nh, f u *"'"'' "" ^o""

of their tr^e n„ ''"'^'"•'"'P"°P'«^<'"«Pon.on

pe,.ot'.r„«er^re; :trr/h °°''''^'' '^^''-

- .he rashion !r Indiana: Llt^^rp^^rrr

• J- "^ ^'so laid down two bu i?Po,^f„*- ,

indicative of the number of beaver and n,h T"'^'""''^'
the Pequots would give the Zh T f'"" ^'"'=''
'hat they should be alined bv a I'a """'""
wampum. He thm> a'^T ^ '"^e amount of

people and the pa eLrtl' '"'" '""^'^" ^'^
Which was mad! to ^Zlf^^TT^ "^ """"'
coat of equal value for the Pequot'ch^ftair" n' f "T
messenger was a man of low rank ^ n u- ' "' ""'
sacis must show his re,np!, r u '' ■"" 'h^t Sas-

deputies of greal ;: e'^ltVe ; d"'"' '' ""^"'«
befoi^ he could treat w h ,1 !' ** ^"""^^ "^ 'hem,
This answer wtZ^o?'"^^^^ "' ">« ■=»■''--
accordance with the'l^lTo^rn? " ' ^^' ^°

:o=:rf~r-:— ^^^^^^

negotiations were opened, althotigh Di dl ! ^ 7' "''"="'

was sti I absent Th« d ^Fuaiey, the Governor,

>ish were deriis?;;:^; t:" '"'t'"^' "•« ^»«-

fever conseiit to atreafyt 1 h P '"""' """ ^""'''

the murderers of s"c ,d ,,"""'' "'" "'"''"''''"=<'

"""' '""' '"^'le restitution for the

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

plunder and destruction of his vessel. The Indians did
not deny tJiat their nation was responsible for the murder,
but asserteii that Stone had provoked his fate by his vio-
lent and alarming conduct. They said that, on entering
the Connecticut, he forcibly seized two Indians of that
region, and kept them on board his vessel to make them
pilot it up the river. After a while he and two of his
men landed, taking with them the two captives, with
their hands still closely bound behind them. Nine In-
dians watched the party, and at night, when the English
had gone to sleep on the shore, they killed them and
liberated their countrymen. The vessel, with the re-
mainder of the crew, was afterwards blown up ; but of
this they knew nothing, neither the manner, nor the
cause. Thijy stated in addition that the sachem whom
they had when Stone was put to death, had been killed
by the Dutch ; and that all the Indians concerned in the
murder had died of the small pox except two. These,
they cautiously added, Sassacus would probably be will-
ing to deliver to the English, provided the guilt could be
proved upon them.

Such was the story of the Pequot ambassadors ; and it
was related with such an appearance of truth that the
English, who had no good evidence to the contrary, were
strongly inclined to believe it The conditions of a treaty
were agreed upon, and the paper being drawn up was
signed by both parties. The English were to have as
much land in the country of the Connecticut as they
needed, provided they would make a settlement ; and the
Peauots were to give them all possible assistance in
effecting their settlement. The Pequots were to sur-

OF CONNECTICUT.

render the two murderers, whenever they were demanded ;
and to pay the English forty beaver skins, thirty otter
skins, and four hundred fathoms of wampum. They
were likewise to give all their custom to the English,
who, on the other hand, were to send them a vessel im-
mediately, not to defend them, but to trade with them.
Such was the substance of the treaty between the Pe-
quots and the colony of Massachusetts Bay, made and
signed in November, 1634.*

The morning after the business was concluded, Boston
was thrown into a hubbub by the report that two or
three hundred Narragansetts were waiting at a place
called Neponsett to kill the Pequot messengers on their
way home. A few armed citizens were collected and
marched away to Neponsett, w:ith a message to the Nar-
ragansetts to come and have a talk with the governor.
Then was seen the value of Indian reports ; for no doubt
this story was brought in by some of the Indians of the
neighboring country. On reaching Neponsett the white
men found only two sagamores, with about twenty war-
riors, who said that they were out on a hunting expedi-
tion, and had come hither simply to make their old
friends at Neponsett a visit. Whether this story was true
or noi, they at all events showed themselves quite ready
to oblige the English, and allowed the two ambassadors to
depart unmolested.f

The authorities of the colony now undertook to nego-
tiate a peace between the two hostile tribes. For this
purpose they offered the Narragansetts a part of the
wampum which was to be paid by the Pequots. This

• Winthrop, Vol. I, pp. 147—149. t Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 149.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

was m accordance wuh the wish of the Peqnot depmtes,
who had comm.ssioned them to do so, and had promised
so large a quantity as four hundred fathoms for no other
purpose.* The circumstance shows the pride of ta -
sacus who was desirous to obtain peace, but unwilling to
^Ictt directly of h,s ancientand hereditary enemies. The
Narragansetts do not seem to have been more averse to
peace than the Pequots, for it is clear that a treat^ w^

rt^fx'^r"'''^'^" '''''- -•>'•=••-"-'

It is almost needless to remark upon the Christian and

^""""r'""'" "' ""= """"^ ^^"'"'^ *e clnlts
fr ■ '"y.f""^°''<'e "-nityand alliance between

dlble bl" ' "■ "'"" "' ^^"'^h ""S"' be a formi-
dable barrier aga„,st their own advancement in wealth
and numbers Had they been actuated by selfish cl'

otl ':;"' V ?"" "--"O-vored toleaken t 1
potent clans by fomenting their divisions; and at all

St' "™'/."- "^^ --S'-'ened their h„ b
jommg them m friendship and union. Religion how

BS m others they acted in conformity to its precepts
The path which our ancestors followed' in their dZg^

TouL and b " "" ""^ '"""""^O "y 'he beams of
equity and humanity as well as sometimes shrouded in

the Harkne.^sofinjustice and cruelty »"a<'a m

The English soon began to found settlements in the

county., as mdeed they would have done had thev

formed no treaty to that effect with the Pequots A few

men came over, by land, through the forest's, a^d stt.tl

"Winthrop V^ol. I, p. 149.

OF CONNECTICUT.

m a rude manner at Wethersfield, some thirty miles up
the Connecticut River. They suffered great hardships
from cold and hunger during the first winter ; and some
of them would, perhaps, have perished, had it not been
for the friendly assistance of the Indians. During 1635
larger parties, with women and children, came ; and from
this time the colony of Connecticut must be considered
as firmly established. The Indians received them joy-
fully, and their sachems, Sehat of Poquonnuc, Arrama-
ment of Podunk, and the more famous Sowheag and
Sequassen, sold them land without stint or hesitation.
Sequassen sold them Hartford and the whole region west-
ward, including the territories of the Tunxis, as far as the
country of the Mohawks.* Nassecowen, of Windsor, a
sagamore, or at least a landholder, was " so taken in love
with the coming of the English," that, " for some small
matter," he gave them all his possessions on the eastern
side of the river.f

The first Indian deeds of sale at Windsor, Hartford and
Wethersfield, were never preserved, or, at least, have
never come to my knowledge. There is, however, in the
Colonial Records, a brief notice that the settlers of Weth-
ersfield made a satisfactory purchase of their territory
from Sowheag, the sachem. The tract thus obtained
measured six miles in width, north and south, and nine
miles in length, of which six miles were on the west side
of the river.J In the records of Windsor we have also
one deed remaining, of the date of April 25th, 1636,
which conveys to the English a tract on the east side of
the Connecticut, lying between the Podunk and Scantic

• Farmington Records, t Windsor Records, t Col. Rec, Vol. I, p. 5.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Rivers, and extending a day's march into the country.
The price given for this territory was twenty cloth coats
and fifteen fathoms of sewan or wampum ; part to be paid
at the time, and part when the next English pinnace came
up the river. The deed was signed by Arramament,
sachem at Podunk ; Sheat, sachem of Poquonnuc ; Cog-
renosset of Poquonnuc, and eight others, who claimed an
interest in the lands.*

It is worthy of observation, that three of the signers,
Poxen, Wonochocke and Towtonemon, styled themselves
Mohegans ; or, as it is once or twice expressed, Mohego-
neak. This circumstance leads us to advert to the history
of this portion of the Pequot nation. We have already
mentioned the relationship of Uncas, sagamore of Mohegari,
to the royal family, and have briefly noticed that he was
now in rebellion against Sassacus, the grand sachem of
the tribe. It seems probable that, on the death of Wopig-
wooit or Pekoath, Uncas laid claim to the sachemship,
grounding his title on his own descent, and perhaps
strengthening it by the regal birth of his squaw. At all
events, some difficulty occurred, and Uncas was soon en-
gaged in open war with his chieftain. The great body
of the nation remained faithful to Sassacus, and the re-
bellious sagamore was defeated and expelled from the
country. He fled to the Narragansetts ; but after remain-
ing among them a while, he sent a humble message to
Sassacus begging permission to return. This was granted,
on condition of submission and future good behavior!
Uncas promised every thing, and again came back to Mo
hegan. He was soon guilty of treachery, or was accused

* V,:,idsor Records.

OP CONNECTICUT. gj-

of it, and had once more to flv AMin «« i. • .
he was pardoned and allowed o rtfZ- and T

the same cause as before, banisLf Some 'r f"'
riors who fled with him rema^Led in thTN """

country, and were living fU ^arragansett

cases of war, became the property of the conqueror Hi,
erntory w^ so small, and his men so few, thafhe "as "n
able to make a grand hunt alone, but hun ed in LI

wuh two other sagamores, sons of the"" ter of l'""''
and, of conr«p »i,o ■ , ' "' Sassaous,

from tb,!?, '■ "'"" "^ ^'^ °»° «'*'■«• Judging

from th,s fact, « seems probable that he could not havf
had remammg more than twenty-five or tbirfv „ o
.wo friends above mentioned fiLly Ja rel"J : ; th
powerful relation, Sassacus ■ and [„^" "^'^^ ^"^^ "heir
forced to f?v ,n ,i :^ "^' '"'<' '" consequence were
orced to fly to the Narragansett country, from whence
they never returned. Their lands, hke those of UnTr
became subject to the grand sachem of the tribe.* '

authrfiff e T''""' "'^"^"^' ""O- =»-"*"? to one

r'r^X cS;trf n^^""^ - ^^^ '^-

iver, cnieny m the township of Hartford ^
Thus It was that we finrl Pn^o« u . "^"ord.-f

name of Poxon, we^shaU s^ nT^ I eT.Tht c^
nmg counsellor and ambassador of uLrlfl heZ
r-on to greatness and power. It is possible also ,h^
-me of these men were not native Mohegau but'r ve
Indians, who had attached themselves to an adven uroI
and warlrke chief like Uncas, and had thus tqS "

HISTORY OF TilE INDIANS

title to the name of Mohegoneak* Uncas, himself,
probably lived in this part of the country, as it is not at
all likely that ne would be allowed to continue at Molie-
gan. Mohegan was the ancient burying place of the Pe-
quot sachems ; and would Sassacus, the uescendant and
representative of that race of heroes, allow their graves to
be polluted by the foot of one who had made hirnseL" an
alien to his tribe ?

In person, Uncas is said to have been a man of large
frame and great physical strength. His courage could
never be doubted, for he displayed it too often and too
clearly in war, and especially in the subsequent contest
against his native tribe. No sachem, however, was ever
more fond of overcoming his enemies by stratagem and
trickery. He seemed to set little value upon the glory
of vanquishing in v ar, compared with the advantages it
hrought him in the shape of booty, and new subjects, and
wider hunting grounds. He favored his own rn^n and
was therefore popular with them ; but all others who fell
under his power he tormented with continual exactions
and annoyances. His nature was selfish, jealous and
tyrannical ; his ambition was grasping, and unrelieved by
a single trait of magnanimity. He was now, it is prob-
able, in the prime and vigor of early manhood.

The treaty between the colonial government and the
Pequots seems to have been imperfectly observed on both
sides. Sassacus paid none of the wampum and other
articles which he had promised, nor is there any proof
that, for two years after the treaty, the colonists ever sent
a vessel to the Pequot country to trade. The only ar-

• Sometimes Bpclt Muhhekunneuk.

• (i2«i

OF CONNECTICUT.

tide which the Enghsh fulfilled was that of planting
colonies in Connecticut ; and the only article which the
Pequots fulfilled was that of allowing them to do so
without opposition. Thus matters went on, till an event'
took place which roused the colonists to think of the
obligations of their allies if not of their own. John Old-
ham, of Dorchester, a man of energetic but turbulent dis-
position, was the commander of a pinnace which made
trading voyages along the coast for corn and other Indian
commodities. In the spring of 1636 he sailed, with a
crew of two boys and two Narragansett Indians, lo barter
with the Pequots. This was done, as we are informed
by Winthrop, m consequence of the treatv with them ■
but, as the treaty was made in 1634, the equots might
justly have complained of the tardiness of the English in
fulfilling its conditions. Oldham finir.hed his dealings '
with them, however, in safety : but having, on his return,
stopped at Manisses or Block Island, he was there mur-
dered by the islanders. The crime was discovered and
punished by another trader, John Gallop, who was voya-
ging from the Connecticut to the t^astern part of Long
Island. Passing near Manisses on his way, he saw
Oldham's pinnace with sixteen Indians on board, and a
canoe, manned by other Indians and loaded with goods
putting off for the shore. Gallop recognized the pi-mace,'
and, running close to, gave a hail in English, but received
no answer. He now began to suspect what had occurred ;
and his suspicions were strengthened by observing that
the Indians were armed with guns and other English
weapons. Presently a sail was raised on board the pin-
nace ; and the wind and tide being boll, off the island, it

10* '

IIISTORT OF THE INDIANS

began to drive northward towards the Narragansett shore.
Gallop hesitated no longer, but bore up ahead of the little
craft, and commenced firing duck shot among the Indians
with such effect that they all took refuge under the
hatches. He then stood off some distance, and, turning
round, run down upon the pinnace's quarter with such
violence as almost to overset her. Six Indians, terrified
by the shock, leaped overboard, and were drowned in
swimming for the shore. Gallop gave the pinnace another
blow with his heavier vessel, but as no more Indians
would make their appearance, he commenced firing with
his muskets through her thin sides. Startled by this, six
others of the plunderers jumped overboard and sank ; and
the victors, who only consisted of three men and two
boys, then boarded their prize. Two Indians came on
deck, surrendered and were bound ; but as Gallop feared
they would untie each other, and could not easily keep
them asunder, he coolly threw one of them into the sea.
Two others, armed with swords, still remamed under the
hatches, posted so advantageously that they could neither
be killed nor made prisoners. The body of John Oldham
was found under an old sail, his head split open, his arms
and legs gashed as if the Indians had been trying to cut
them off, and the flesh still warm. Gallop and his crew
put these melancholy remains into the sea, carried the
sails and the remainder of the cargo on- board their own
vessel, and then attempted to tow the pinnace away, with
the two Indians still in the hold. But some wind and a
good deal of sea coming on towards night, he was obliged
to loose her, and she drifted over to the Narragansett shore.*

Wimhrop, Vol. I, pp. 189, 190.

OP CONNECTICUT.

Not long after, three Narragansetts, sent by the sachems
of the tribe, came into Boston, two of whom were those
who had been with Oldham. They brought a letter
from Roger Williams, a Baptist clergyman residing in-'
their country, written on behalf of Canonicus the grand
sachem. It expressed his great grief for what had occur-
red, and affirmed that Miantinomo, his nephew, had gone,
with seventeen canoes and two hundred men, to punish
the murderers. The magistrates examined the third In-
dian so sharply that he made some confessions, which
may have been true, and may have been extorted from
him by terror. He said that a plot had been formed to
murder Oldham because he traded with the Pequots; that
all the Narragansett sachems were engaged in it except
Canonicus and Miautinomo ; and that his two companions
were accomplices in the crime. The authorities finally
sent the three men safely back to Canonicus; but made
known to him the suspicions which they entertained both
or them and himself. They demanded that he should
surrender Oldham's two boys, and should inflict a suit-
able punishment upon the guilty islanders. The boys
were soon sent to Boston ; and Canonicus and Miantinomo
afterwards succeeded in convincing the colonial magis-
trates that they Were guiltless of any participation in the
murder.*

The government of Massachusetts now turned its
attention to the Pequots. They were said to have har-
bored some of the murderers of Oldham, and, it was pre-
tended, had thereby made themselves partakers in their
guilt. A harsh and hasty measure, suggested by feelings
* Winthrop, Vol, I, p. 190.

3 1

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

s!,lv7!uT ""* ^^^'P^^'io", was adopted. I. ^as re-

poty ofi^:" r'^'^'^'f; '^<' 'hough, of .he i^:

could no. be accused ot^^ZT' ""^^

".andof John Erdico.. r Z"' 'T^ """^^ '"« <=<«»■
^ ^"^'^0"' a resident of MassachusPft^ Wo

• Winthrop, Vol. I. pp. 193^ 193^

OP CONNECTICUT.

■<^

Stone and one thousand fathoms of wampum, demand
some of their children as hostages, for the performance
of these conditions, and if the children were refused to
take them by force.*

It was nearly dusk when the little fleet of Endicott
reached the shore of Block Island. A strong wind was
blowing, and the surf was dashing heavily on the rocks.
The English could see only a single Indian, walkixig
along the shore as if deserted ; and some of them began
to think that the rest of the inhabitants had fled to the
main land. Others suspected, with more wisdom, that
they should find them concealed behind a low mound
which ran along the edge of the water. John Under-
bill, a brave soldier though a bad man, moved towards the
shore in a shallop containing about a dozen soldiers. As
he neared the landing place, fifty or sixty tall warriors
rose from behind the earthen rampart, and, advancing a
few steps towards the invaders, let fly among them a
volley of arrows. One of these missiles penetrated into
the neck of a young man, through a collar so stiff" that
Underbill likens it to an oaken board. The captain him-
self received one through his coat sleeve, while another
rebounded from the helmet which, at parting, his wife
had, with difficulty, persuaded him to wear. The heavy
surf tossed the boat about in such a manner that tiie Eng-
lish did not dare to run it on the beach, nor, while in it,
could they take any aim with their muskets. They
sprang into the water, therefore, up to their waists, fired
and hurried on to the shore. Endicott was landing at the
same time, and the Indians, not daring to wait a close

• Winthrop, Vol. I, pp. 192, 193.

BISTORT OP THE INDIANS

conflict With so mau/ Englishmen, took to their heels,
and were soon out of sight in the thicket *

As it was now late, the invaders encamped on shore
stationed sentinels, and passed the night in expectation
of an attack. They were unmolested, however, and
when morning dawned, commenced ranging over the'
island in search of the inhabitants. It seemed to them
about ten miles long by four broad ; its surface rough and
composed of small hills ; containing no good timber but
great quantities of dwarf oaks. Paths'led here and there
through the brushwood, so narrow that the English were
obliged to march along them in single file. They found
two villages, containing together about sixty wigwams
some of which were large and comfortably built, but all
deserted except by a few dogs. The English burnt down
the wigwams, staved the canoes, carried away some mats
and baskets, shot some of the dogs, and laid waste about
two hundred acres of corn. They spent two days in
searchmg this small island; but its inhabitants had con-
cealed themselves so closely in the swamps and thickets
that very few of them could be found. A captain named
Turner, stepping into a swamp, met several warriors and
fired a number of shots at them. In reply they discharged
their arrows, one of which struck upon his corselet with
a force as if it had been the push of a pike. Underbill
says that some fourteen of the islanders were killed and
others wounded ; but the Narragansetts reported, as we
learn from H-ibbard, that the English only succeeded in
killing one.f

• Underbill. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, pp. 5 6
t Underhill'« Pequot War. Maes. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, pp. 6. 7.
throp'B Journal, Vol. I, pp. 192—194.

Win.

OF CONNECTICUT.

<4*

Having accomplished what they could at Block Island,
Endicott and his men re-embarked and sailed to the little
fort of the Connecticut settlers at Saybrook. Lieutenant
Gardiner, who commanded the garrison, was greatly as-
tonished at the appearance of such an armament ; and on
learning its object, argued vehemently against the enter-
prise and the manner in which it was to be conducted.
" You have come to raise a nest of wasps about our ears,"
said he, " and then you will flee away." " But," he adds,
in his history of the Pequot war, " as they came without
our knowledge, so they went away against our will."*

Finding, at last, that the expedition could not be pre-
vented from proceeding, Gardiner determined to reinforce
it with two shallops and twenty men. The fleet was
detained four days at Saybrook by stress of weather, and
then continued its voyage. As it glided along near the
coast of the Western Nehantics, the natives, surprised at
seeing so many vessels together, and totally unsuspicious,
apparently, of the object of their visit, came running in
numbers to the shore. " What cheer Englishmen ?" they
shouted. " What do you come for ?" As the voyagers
were unwilling to waste time, and still more to put the
Indians on their guard, they made no answer to these
questions, and kept steadily on their course. The natives
continued to run along the shore abreast of the fleet until
they came to the mouth of the Thames ; and, seeing tha*
the strangers persevered in refusing to communicate with
them, they changed their questions and began to cry:
"Are you angry, Englishmen? Will you kill us? Do
you come to fight ?" No answer was returned ; the vessels

• Mass, Hist. CeU., VoL XXXIII, p. 140.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Silently entered the river, cast anchor at a distance from
either shore and remained in quiet until morning *

During the whole night loud cries and doleful shouts
reverberated from the forests which lined either bank : for
the Pequots, apprehending that the white men had come
to invade them, were continually calling to each other and
sounding the alarm.

Early in the morning an Indian was seen making his
way out to the vessels in a canoe. On reaching them he
appeared to be a man advanced in years, of a tall and
hxge form, and dignified in his appearance and carriage.
When he came to speak, his expressions were grave and
majestic ; and he soon showed himself to be of a keen
and mgenious mind. He demanded the object of the
strangers in coming to the country of the Pequots. Cap-
tain Endicott replied that the Pequots or their allies had
destroyed an English vessel, and killed ten Englishmen
on the Connecticut River; that their sachem had agreed
to surrender the murderers, but had never yet fulfilled his
agreement; that the English had now come for them,
and. If the Pequots were wise, they would immediately
give them up; that they must also pay one thousand
fathoms of wampum for their destruction of English prop-
erty and their faithlessness in observing the treaty ; and
that, If they could not pay so large a sum down, they
must surrender twenty children of their principal men as
hostages.f

The ambassador must have listened with astonishment
and indignation to these last demands; but he replied

• Underhill. Mass. Hist. Coll.. Vol. XXXVI, p. 7.
t Wmthrop, Vol. I. pp. 192. 193.

«,/aa«aa(iaasaj«t«»>»;v:«^»»-'^.v'

OP CONNECTICUT.

with courtesy, and ingeniously endeavored to justify the
conduct of his tribe. " We know not," said he, " that
our people have slain any of the English. True it is that
we have killed such a number of men, and in such a
place, as you mention ; and this was our reason for doing
it. Not long before the coming of these men into the
river, there was a certain vessel came to us in way of
trade. We used the people of it well, and traded with
them, and believed them to be such as would not wrong
us in the least matter. But wishing to destroy our sa-
chem, they laid a plot for that purpose ; and thus did they
accomplish their desire. They sufFtred none but him to
come into their vessel, and then having seized him, they
called to us as we stood on the shore and demanded a
bushel of wampum for his life. This rung terribly in our
ears, when we so little expected it ; but, seeing there was
no remedy, we collected this great quantity of wampum
and put it into their hands. Then did they in truth send
our sachem ashore, as they had promised ; but not until
they hfi slain him. This thing greatly exasperated our
S-" -'^ and made us vow revenge. Shortly after came the
oiii men into the great river, and pretended to

trade first had done. We did not undeceive them,

but sci . the opportunity and went quietly on board
their vessel. The son of our murdered sachem staid in
the cabin with Captain Stone, until the captain, having
drank more strong water than was good for him, fell
asleep. Our sachem then took a little hatchet from under
his robe and knocked him in the head. The rest of our
people attacked the other white men ; but when one of
them took up a firebrand to set fire to the powder they

■m

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

leaped overboard into the river. In this manner thev
saved themselves, while .he strangers were all bl^wn up
and destroyed. Could ye blame us for revengiZ the
murder of our sachem? For we distinguished "ot le
.ween the Dutch and English, but supposed them td be

have do'Tr" ' ™' ""'''°" "^ "" "'' -"-- «hat we
revenge the death of our sachem."*

Such was the tale which this Pequot told in iustifica

i::^™ar.:Si:Lr:th""- -' ^^ --^^
Chief, wopigwr;::^L:ht:~asi;^^^^^^^^^^^

mam,er m which the Dutch effected hL death. The ac
ootm. dtffered greatly, it will be seen, from the stly told
by the Pequot messengers to Governor Dudley • ye. of the
two I am inclined to .hinlc that it was the m sfcolc'
:rXr"' - " "S-J. "' -veral importa.u ^X'

tication. "You know well enough," said he "the dif
ference between the English and theDutch ; fl'r you,'™
hadsufflcen, dealings with both; and thereforrieZ
you have slain the king of England's subjects rdemaud
an accomi. of .heir blood, for we ourselves Ire l"
account for them." ^

<md Enghsh," persisted the Pequot ; " they are both
strange.3 to us, and we took them to ^e all one; wher
fore we boldly ask pardon, for we have not ^mfu Ty
wronged the English." ^miuuy

•Underhill. Mnss. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVf. pp. 8. 9.

'■

e
e

'■

OF CONNECTICUT. m

The whites responded: "This excuse will not serve
We know well that it is not true. You must give u 2

The ambassador now said, that, as he understood the
ground of the Englishmen's coming, he begged leave to
go ashore and communicate with his people ,• and, if they
would stay aboard their vessels, he would soon return to
hem w,th an answer. This promise was, perhaps, die
ta ed by a fear that they would keep him prisoner but
Endicott had no wish to detain him, and he was suffered
to get mto his canoe and depart *

It would now undoubtedly have been proper for the
colonists to have remained on board their vessels until the
Indians could have had time to answer their message.
They were too impatient for this, however, and disem-
barking immediately, formed in martial order upon the
shore. This was doubtless on the eastern side of the
Thames, where the land rises gradually from the river
into a considerable eminence. The same old warrior
who came out to the vessels met the white men at their
kndmg and requested them to stay where they were,
while the Pequots, he said, would remain on the othe^
side of the hill. The English, fearful of being attacked
by stealth, refused, and marched on to the summit of the
rising ground, from whence they could command a wide
view of the surrounding country. Here the Indians col-
ected round them in great numbers, amounting, some
thought, to three hundred men; all, or nearly ^, how-
ever, unarmed.f Some of them recognized the soldiers

• Underbill. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, p 9
t Gardiner. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXHI^. HI.

98'

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

from Saybrook as acquaintances, and coming up to them,
as they stood in the ranks, carried on a conversation with
th';m in broken English and Pequot.* The messenger
filially returned and said that the two greatest sachems
of the tribe were both gone to Long Island. The Eng-
hsh threatened that, if some sachem did not make his
appearance, they would commence hostilities. The Pe-
quots were perplexed. Sassacus was their lawful chieftain,
and they could conclude no national business without his
concurrence. He was now absent at such a distance that
It was useless to think of sending for him, yet the white
men would admit of no delay. They commenced re-
moving their wives and children and goods to places of
safety ; and, in the meanwhile, amused the invaders with
various messages. At one time a sachem named Mom-
menoteck had been found and would shortly appear. At
another the main body of the tribe had assembled and
was inquiring out the murderers. Thus hour after hour
passed away until it grew late in the afternoon. Endicott
was sensible of the attempted deceit, and at last losing
jatience, he determined to put an end to the parley, and
obtain revenge since he could not hope for satisfaction
" Begone," said he to the Pequots who stood around
" begone ! You have dared the English to come and fight
with you, and now we are ready, "f

The Indians retreated on all sides : some of the soldiers

would have fired at them immediately, but Endioott for-

.^bade it: when they were at a distance, however, he

• Gardiner. Mass. Hist. CoU., Vol. XXXIII, p. 141.
t Underhill. Mass. Hiat. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, p. 10
pp. 194, 195,

Winthrop, Vol. I,

OF CONNECTICUT.

marched after them, expecting that they would stand a
charge, as it was said they had done with the Dutch.
But they only discharged a few arrows from afar off,
laughing scornfully the while at the invaders, as if ridicu-
ling them for having been so easily deceived. A few
dropped under the English fire, but only one was cer-
tainly known *o have been killed. This one was shot
and scalped by Kutshamequin, a sachem whom Endicott
had brought from Massachusetts.* The English spent
several hours on shore, burning the wigwams, wasting the
corn, staving the canoes, and then retreated unhun to
their vessels. In the morning they landed on the western
shore and ravaged the country in the same manner, no
one attempting to prevent them. Having thus done
enough to insult and exasperate the Pequots, but not
enough to humble or seriously injure them, Endicott re-
turned, without the loss of a single man, to Boston.f

The two shallops from Saybrook being detained off the
coast by a westerly wind, their crews concluded to turn
the delay to some account by plundering the Indians of
their corn. Having effected a landing, they had already
fetched one load to the little vessels, when some Pequots
made their appearance and commenced an attack upon
them. The foragers immediately threw down their heavy
sacks and formed in two lines ; those armed with long
guns standing in front, and the others drawing up in the
rear. The front rank commenced a slow, deliberate fire
upon the enemy, while the rear rank stood prepared to

^; ""^^l

* Gardiner. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXIII, p. 141.
t For accounts of this expedition, see Gardiner and Undcrhill in the Mass.
Hist. Coll. and Winthrop, Vol. I, pp. 194—197.

II*

too

aiSTORT OP THE IHOIAH9

receive them with a close volley if they should attempt
to charge. A tedious and .desultory combat ensued
simdar, no doubt, in its nature, to the battles which were
usually fought among the Indians. The shore at this
pUce consisted, for about a musket shot, of open ground,
and then came the forest. In the skirts of this the In'
dians took post, concealing themselves behind trees, and
only appearing when they stepped out, (with some ap-
pearance of bravado,) ten at a time, to discharge the!^
arrows These missiles were not aimed point blank, but
rose a Imle in their flight, and were calculated to fall at

Enlr 1 ^'T""- ^' ""''' ""^ "-""gh the air the
Enghsh would watch and avoid them, and then gather
them np t„ prevent them from being shot a second time.
In th,s manner the combat continued till towards night
when the mvaders, finding it impossible to carry off a„;
more phjnder, retreated without molestation to their shal-

several of their opponents, while only one of their own
number wa. injured by the Indian missiles. This man
who, as It happened, was the only one in the party f„r-

:rn:rf"^'^^ "■"--- ^•'-•''-/h'''' '4

cotfr'^f'^r *"'" °'''^'='"''' ""'^ "^^I^-J"'"" of Endi-

the; ^. K " '" '""'"^ ^"""'^^y "' ho^ile hitherto,

they no onger hesitated ; but from this time became the
open and unrelenting foes of the colonists. The^w re

of mortified pride, and perhaps by a sagacious foresight

• Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 197,

1.
1!P

or CONNECTICUT.

101

and manly policy. The ancient customs of their race in
wh.ch they had been reared from ch.Idhood, „ S
hat they should take a bloody revenge for th deaths of '
the„ slam warr.ors. The giory of their warlike tribe had

twed mto the heart of their country, and, after burning

Doubtless they remembered how the English had inter-
fered w„h their sovereignty on the Connecticut, and had
encouraged the former subjects and tributaries of the Pe-
quots to assert their independence. Lastly they mav
have had the wisdon, to foresee, tha, if the progLHf
these encroaching foreigners was not forcibly checked
.hey wo,«d soon become an over-ma.ch for the aborSnes'
-d m,gh., „, the end, expel .hem from the coumry
They began by resolving on the same course of policy
winch the master spirits among the American I'dtnl
have repeatedly adopted towards their civilized f^es
Pon..ac '. ocum^h and the LUtle Turtle, effected plans

of .he whues. In the same manner the Pequots resolved
my to lay aside their long.herished hatred towarS ,'
I^arrag,a„se„s and combine with them, if possible, again '
those whom .hey fel, to be the enem.es of both Th
a hance wonld secure them the assistance of a pow^rfu

tacked by a dangerous foe.
Sassacs, therefore, sent two sachems to the Narr.gan-
ts, for the purpose of washing away all past ennfi.y
■d of .nducng U.a. tr.be to ,ake up the tomahawk w th

h.m agamst the English. A general council of the Nar-

."ft!

m
M

102

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

ragansett tribe was called, and before this the Pequot
deputies urged the cause and the policy of their nation
with great force. They seem not to have concealed the
difficulties of a war with the English; but they proposed
a way in which they might be obviated, and in which
they thought the contest might be carried on successfully
with but little danger. They argued that it would not
be necessary to meet the white men in the open field and
thus expose themselves to their deadly and far-reaching
fire-arms. They might accomplish their object, by way-
laying them while at their work, setting fire to their
houses by stealth, destroying their cattle, spoiling their
crops; and thus harassing them secretly, yet unceasingly,
mitil they would either be all destroyed, or forced by fear
and starvation to leave their villages and fly across the sea
to their own country. If we, the Pequots, are destroyed,
they added, you Narragansetts will not long be safe from
attack and overthrow.* Doubtless, too, they represented,
in the strongest and bitterest terms, the faithless and un-
provoked nature of the attack which the English had
made upon themselves : how, while the treaty was still
in full force, they came to their country and began to kill
and destroy; how, to bring on a quarrel, they accused
them of what it was well known they had not been guilty,
participntio!) in the murder of OJdham ; how they had
attempted to extort from them a large quantity of wam-
pum, and had demanded some of their children that they
might carry them away as hostages, or ])erhaps as slaves.
The Narragansetts were moved by these representations,
and for some time the decision of that powerful tribe

• Ilubbnrd's Indian Wan, p. 29.

OP CONNECTICUT.

103

hung m the balance. They were drawn by the apparent
justness of what was advanced by the Pe^uot messen-
gers ; and they were repelled by their old hatred of that
warlike tribe, whose power they feared not less than that
of the English colonists.

One thing decided them. There was living among
them, at that time, a man named Roger Williams, who
has justly been styled the founder of the State of Rhode
Island. In an age of intolerance he had been obliged to
leave the settlements of Massachusetts Bay, on account
01 his religious opinions, and had found an asylum in the
country of the Narragansetts. His upright conduct and
gentle disposition ingratiated him with the sachems, and
he soon acquired a considerable influence over the policy
of the tribe. The magistrates of Massachusetts, having
heard of the projected league between the Pequots and
Narragansetts, sent letters to Williams requesting him to
use the most earnest and immediate efforts to prevent it
Without a moment's delay, he set off, in a wretched
canoe, through a heavy sea, and at the hazard of his life
reached the abode of the Narragansett sachems. Three'
days and nights he was compelled to associate with the
Pequot ambassadors, whose hands seemed to him to reek
with the blood of his murdered countrymen, and whose
knives he often expected at his own throat. His influence
prevailed ; and, after '' many travels and charges," he was
able to counteract the designs of the Pequots, and to
accomplish the formation of a league between the Nar-
ragansetts and the English colonies.* .
Miantinomo having been sent for by Governor Henry

• Letter of Roger Williams. Rhode Island Ilkt. Coll., Vol. IH, ,,. i qO

104

nisTonir of the Indians

Vane. ropa,red to Boston, accompanied by a son of Canon-
c«s, a,„l one other sachem, with about twc.y warrior!
rwc,, y mnsketecr. „,e. .hem at Ro.xbnry „:, „..:::
hem ,„t„ town, the governor received and feasted the
- -Chens, and the sa„n<,ps were entertained at the iln
Magistrates a„<I minister, were all summoned, and he
= .au-sk.rted puritans and half-nalced warrior m to
eother u, solemn eonneil. A treaty was easily concluded
"■ ...ore eastly as the Indians d.d not uuderstLd it , and
1.0 next u,or.nng it received the signature of the gov-
cr.u.r and the marks of llie Indian sachems.

There was to be firm and ,«r,»,ual ,»ace between the
Enghsh and the Narragansetts. Neiil^r party was to

th.r I he N,„agausetts were to harbor none of the

M.rrtnde, all nmrderers of the English. The colonists
were to g.vo the Narragansetts n„„ee when they maXd
agau.s. the enemy, and the Narragansetts were to^
tl.-n wuh gu,des. None of the Narragansetts were o
opproaoh the settlements during the war' without bdng
accompanjed by some Englishman, or by some Ind an
who wa. known to the colonists. There was to be free
mdo between the parties. Lastly, the agreement waf „
contnme from the present generation to posterity

the trea y, a copy of u was given thou,, that .hoy n.iglu
carry ,t home and have it explained to them by their good
f nend. Roger Wdliams. Such was the ease and sim
.cuy w.,h which diploutatic affairs were tran™cted „
.hose pr.nut.ve day, w.th the good-hu.nored ~

^■:sAmmc. -

OP CONNECTICUT. JQ/j

Miantin^mo and his train were dismissed with a volley
of musketry, and returned home much flattered by their
alliance with the wise and powerful foreigners *

111 this manner the Pequots found themselves not only
left to their own resources, but exposed to the attack of a
strong coalition. They made no proposals for peace, howr-
ever, and, owing partly to their native courage, partly to
their Ignorance, they were probably undismayed by their
situation. They doubtless expected that a few dozens
of warriors would be slain, that a few scores of scalps
would be taken, that six or eight prisoners would be burnt
at the stake, and that then the war would be closed by
one side or the other paying a few hundred fathoms of
wampum. Little did they know of that method of fight-
mg, which strikes right at the vitals of an enemy, and
hazards much with the hope of gaining all.

Thcr nearest English to their coun^-v were those who
occupied the little fort at Saybrook. Towards these the
Pequots turned their attention, and soon contrived to re-
taliate for the mischiefs which had been inflicted on
themselves. Gardiner, the commander of the fort, fore-
seeing-what would ensue, had, immediately on the return
of Ins men from Pequot Harbor, set about securing the
crops which had been raised by the garrison. There was
a cornfield at some distance from the fortress, apparently
near the banks of the river, and furnished with a small
building both for storage and defense. As it wa. now
autumn and the corn ripe, Gardiner went with a number
of the garrison, cut a portion of the corn, and stored it in
the house. He then left five men to guaid it until a

• Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 198.

It'r

Wi"

106

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

shallop could be sent from the fort to bring it away ; and,
as he was a prudent and even cautious man, he gave them
strict orders not to wander far from the building. The
five men, however, finding themselves armed with long
guns, and not having seen or heard of any enen'^'^ as yet,
in that vicinity, determined to take the c v > lity oi
shooting fowl. Three of them went out for ^.arpose,
one furnished with a sword and gun, the others with
guns only. They rambled about a mile from the fort,
made the quiet woods ring with the reports of their long
pieces, had excellent success, and finally set out, loaded
with fowl, on their return. But all this while a large
body of Pequots had been watching them from the
thickets and long grass, keeping out of their way as they
pushed on, but carefully closing up behind their backs.
The incautious sportsmen soon fell into this ambuscade,
when immediately a horrible yell was raised, and what
seemed to them as many as a hundred warriors rose and
poured in upon them a shower of arrows. The swords-
man was pierced through the leg by one of these missiles ;
but, drawing his weapon, he rushed with a stout and
brave heart upon the savages, and broke through' tlicm,
shouting loudly to his companions to follow. But they
had no weapons for close conflict; they were besides
petrified with terror at the sudden and frightful assault ;
they stood motionless, and allowed the Pequots to come
and take their pieces out of their hands. They were
bound, led away, and afterwards tortured to the death.
The gallant swordsman reached the house without further
harm, and brought to his astonished companions the news
of the catastrophe. The next day several men arrived in

■%

OP CONNECTICUT.

107

^%^',
^^v

a shallop, to finish the harvesting of the com. Finding
what had happened, they were so terrified that, taking on
board what was already cut, and those of the little gar
nson who were left, they hastily re-embarked for the fort
They had only got a httle way from the shore, when
lookmg back, they saw a smoke, and then a blaze, and
perceived that the store-house was already in flames *

Immediately on their return, a man, who is repeaiedly
mentioned by Gardiner in his narrative as old Mr. Mitchell
came to him to borrow the shallop. He wanted to go to
Six Mile Island in the Connecticut, he said, to gather
hay ; and he had procured four men to assist him The
lieutenant objected. - You are too few," said he ; - your
four men are only enough to carry the hay; you ought
to have one to stand in the boat to defend it, and two
more to keep back the savages if they run down upon
you." Old Mr. Mitchell was still importunate, and Gardi-
ner, having advised him to scour the meadow with dogs
before he commenced his work, allowed him to take the
shallop. All precautions were neglected, and the men on
reaching the island, immediately proceeded to load them-
selves with hay. While thus encumbered, the Peqtiots
suddenly rose out of the long grass, and attacked them
with the usual yells and shower of missiles. Old Mr
Mitchell and three of the others threw down their loads'
ran at full speed to the river, tumbled into the shallop and
got off- without harm. The fifth, whom Winthrop speaks
ot as "a godly young man named Butterfield," was taken
with the hay on his I -k and subsequently roasted alive.f

• Gardiner. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXIII. p. 142
Voutm """"■ '''''• ""'"•' ''°' '''''''"' ''• ''^' '^- Winthrop.

^•^1

108

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

i- !

The next incident of this nature which occurred seems
to have been the surprise and massacre of Joseph Tillv
' and one other. Tilly, a brave and hardy man, but of a
passionate and willful temper, commanded a small vessel
With which he performed trading and carrying voyages
along the coast of New England. He arrived first at
Saybrook, where he had a violent altercation with Gar-
diner about some orders which the lieutenant had estab-
ished relative to vessels sailing on the Connecticut. At
leavmg the fort he was warned of the danger of going on
shore while in this part of the river, but received the
warnmg with contempt. On getting about three miles
above Saybrook, he landed, with one of his crew, to shoot
fowl The moment he had discharged his gun a large
number of Pequots rose from the long grass, and male
them both prisoners. They killed Tilly's companion on
the spot, and then carried Tilly himself across the river
in sight of the English at Saybrook, who could plaini;
see him, but could not assist him. They cut off his
hands, then his feet, thrust hot embers between the
flesh and skin, and thus put an end to his life by linoer-
ing tortures. His firm and hardened temper enabled
him to bear his suiferings without a groan ; and the
ferocious Pequots themselves admired and celebrated his
heroism.*

All winter the fort was held in a kind of siege The
Indians were continually lurking around it ; and no man
of the garrison could stir out without fear, and danger of
his life. The out-houses and stacks of hay were burned ;

• Gardiner. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol XXXTir n H7 «r- .u

p. m. u„d„hiii. M... Hi... cXvflxxvi. p ' 5. '"'•• '^'"- '•

i8g*s«s»s?*®«»s*

,<.^ssi^gaa^M!i®to*v^***^^^"

OF CONNECTICUT.

109

one of the cows was killed in the fields, and others came
home with arrows sticking in them.

On the fourth of March [1637] Gardiner, with ten men
and three dogs, went out to burn the long grass and rushes
which covered the neck of that point of land on which
the fort was situated. Twenty trees had previously been
felled here ; and his object was to roll them to the water-
side, and from thence float them home. Two sentinels
were placed at the mouth of the neck ; and then, every
man being provided with brimstone matches and a quan-
tity of match, they began to set fire to the reeds. The
neck was soon burned over, and Gardiner called to his
men to come away ; but they replied that they would first
use up the rest of their matches. As the flames spread
on, four Pequots started up from their lurking places
among the reeds and ran away. At the same time the
two sentmels shouted to Gardiner, that a number of In-
dians were coming out of the other side of the marsh
He ran forward to attack them ; but at this moment an
ambuscade which had been lying concealed rose, and,
m the usual style, poured in a volley of arrows. Two
of the English threw down their guns and ran for the
fort ; two were shot dead, two more severely wounded ;
and Gardiner himself received an arrow in the thigh'
while a number of others stuck in his buff" coat. The
English retreated, defending themselves with their guns
and swords, and reached the fort without further loss
Here Gardiner found the two cowards who had run away
whole and sound, but without their guns, while the two
wounded men had brought theirs off with them. His
wrath was so moved at their poltroonery that he resolved to

'>|!

110

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

let them araw lots which should be hung ; "for," said he
" the articles do hang up in the hall for every one to read'
and you have known what they were this long time past ''"
But old Mr. Mitchell, who probably had more sympathy
for runaways, as having himself once scampered for life
interceded so hard for the culprits, and was so earnestly
backed by others, that the lieutenant finally gave up his
design.*

As soon as Gardiner's wound was healed he went out
with eight men, and found both the guns, and the body
of one of the slain colonists. An arrow had entered the
right side, passed entirely through the chest, and pierced
one of the opposite ribs. He caused this arrow to be pre-
served, with the intention of .^ending it to the Bay • for
the men of the Bay had asserted that the Indian bows
were feeble things, and not to be feared in battle.f

Elated with these successes, the Pequots, some dressed
m English clothes, soui- armod with English weapons
would occasionally come round the fort, and, calling to
the soldiers, address them with jeers and defiance. « Come
out and get your clothes again," they shouted. "Come
out and fight if you dare. You dare not fight ; you ar-
all one like women. We have one amongst us, who, if
he could kill one more of you, would be equal with God •
and as the Englishman's God is, so would he be." Then
would they shriek and groan in imitation of those miser-
able colonists whom they hac tortured, and once more
call on the English, if they were men, to come out and
revenge their slaughtered friends. Underbill, who records

• Gaidiner. Mass. Hist. Coll.. Vol. XXXIII, pp. 143, 144
t Gardiner. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXIII, p. 144.

^^t^-~~-.:^-st m n

OF CONNECTICUT.

these taunts, adds that the soldiers were greatly troubled
at such blasphemous speeches, but could do nothing in
the matter at present on account of the fewness of their
own numbers.*

Some time in April [1637] a small vessel arrived at the
fort, havmg on board Thomas Stanton, a man well ac-
quamted with the Indian language, and long useful as an
mterpreter to the colonial authorities. While he remained
there, waiting for a fair wind, a number oi armed warriors
were s(.en one day to come to a low hill within musket
shot of the pickets, and lie down behind some large trees
Gardmer immediately had the two little cannons of the
fort pomted towards the spot, and gave orders that they
should be fired when he waved his hat. Three of the
Indians soon came forward and asked for a parley; upon
which Gardiner and Stanton walked out a few rods to
meet them. Both parties advanced cautiously, each call-
ing on the other to come nearer. The two Englishmen
finally reached the stump of a large tree and halted.
The Indians demanded who they were. Stanton replied
that It was the Leftenant, and himself, Thomas Stanton.
"It IS false," said they; "we saw Leftenant, the other
day, shot full of arrows." When Gardiner spoke, how-
ever, they recognized his voice ; for one of them had
lived three months at the fort, and only ran away when
Endicott's expedition arrived. « Will you fight with
Nehantics?" they asked. "The Nehantics are your
friends, and we have come to tradp with yon." " We do
not know the Indians one from another," replied Stanton,
" and therefore will trade with none of them."

* Mass. Hist. Coll . Vol. XXXVI, p. 11.
12*

113

HISTOKT OF THE INDIANS

Indians. " Have you had fighting enough ?"
Stanton. " We do not know that yet."

dren *"""■ " '' '' '"""' ""^""^ '" '''" "'"""™ ^^ <=''«-
Stanton. " You shall see that hereafter."

then '"f T """^ '""' "'"' '"""' » «hort time, and
then one of them again s^ke, and said .• " We arL Pe-

quots ; and have killed Englishmen, and ean kill them as

musketoes; and we will go to Connecticut and kill men

and women and children, and carry away the horses!

cows and hogs." Stanton translated this to Gardiner

and begged him to shoot that rogue, saying that he hai

an Englishman's coat on, and had boasted of kUling three

of the white people. " No," replied Gardiner, " i, is not

he manner of a parley ; but have patience, and I will fit

hem before they go." He then addressed the Indians

hrough Stanton, and advised them mockingly not to go

to Connecticut; "for," said he, "if you kill all the Enl

l.sh there ,t will do you no good, only hurt. English

women are lazy and can't do your work ; the horses and

cows will spoil your cornfields; the hogs will root np

your clam-banks , and so you will be completely undone!

But look here, at our fort; here are twenty pieces of

tmckmg cloth, and hoes and hatchets, and all manner of

trade ; you had better kill us and get these things before

you trouble yourselves to go up to Connecticut."*

The Pequots were furious at these taunts; and, put-

tmg an abrupt end to the parley, they bounded away

As soon as they had reached the trees where they firsi

JJ!^/«fe,!ji!S^#..v-jfiSiMtti«i^"

OF CONNECTICUT. jio

appeared, Gardiner waved hi. hat, the two Iillip„,ia„
cannons were fired, and, as the lieutenant says, j>ZZ
a great hubbub among the savages * P™0"eea

field tTJr°" "" ■""" '"^ ""'^ ^""*« "f ^"hers-
held, up the Connecticut River, which the inhabitants of
that place seem to have provoked by their own v^e„

large tract of land was sold them by Sequin or Sowhea.
oncondmon that he might reside near them and .1":;

.^nown, quarrelled :rhtlfdr:vThr:uroT ::
neighborhood. Finding himself thus unChUvtreatl;

rg::s:i=^'-'°^-~^^^^^^^^

.e^TettrXld^-lrrlVa ^ZZ^^^T --

^nf:tr L^='h^ r ^-^^

back to thT'vma : ' *:': .Tai^ "-<' -0 ^^"'oped

whomheme.and^nf„rr;:f^t™ang:i:st:a7:;
flymg, began to ask incredulouslv what P»f , u ^

about, and how the Pe,uots StL'^:: .'';-'^;^
horseman, thinking his time too precious to b^d i„
disputmg the matter, left them and galloped 0!^

• Gardin.,. Mas. Hi,t. Coll., Vol. XXXIII.p. 144_„„

\i i

114

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

sudden approach of the savage warriors dispelled the
women's doubts, and they attempted to escape ; but three
of them were taken. Two were girls, who allowed them-
selves to be carried away without resistance. The other
struggled against her captors so stoutly, biting and kicking
them, that one of the Indians became exasperated and
dashed out her brains. The Pequots pushed on, sur-
prised many of the people at work in the fields, killed
two other women and six men, destroyed twenty cows
and inflicted considerable injury upon the other property
of the settlers.* f f y

The report of this successful foray reached Saybrook
two days after it took place ; on the second day following
the successful warriors were seen coming down the river'
There were many canoes of them ; they saug and shouted
m token of triumph ; and some of them held aloft shirts
which they.had taken from the unfortunate colonists of
Wethersfield. In one of the canoes could be seen the two
captive girls; the one sixteen years of age, the other
younger ; and both daughters of one man, named Abraham
Swain. When the Indians were opposite the fort, a can-
non 3hot was fired at them ; diey were near the eastern
bank, more than a mile distant, but the ball fell amon<.
the fleet of canoes, and not far from the one which co„!
tamed the two prisoners. The Pequots were startled by
this shot ; but, drawing their slight vessels over a narrow
beach, they passed on their way without further peril.f

;mti,™««*.««-**''— -r^f^'r.T

OF CONNECTICUT. ^

116

John Mason, John Underhill, and Lieutenant Seely all
famous warriors of those times, were now in the garLn
at Saybrook. They sometimes marched out, with twenty
men, to scour the country, but could never discover a
tece euher of Pequot or Nehantic. They learned after-
wards, that the Indians were constantly lurking near, but

furmshed wrth fire-arms, they did not dare to venture an

whT.Th"',' r*"™ ""''"™ ^^ "*" ^« 'he manner in
wh,ch the Indians condacted their wars, and understand
.1. plan by wh.ch the Peqnots proposed to carry on, and
finish, he,r contest with the colonists. While th,' triiing
.h,ey.sh and assassin-like mode of warfare may justly
exc,.e our contempt, we must regard it as a biUer and
=«U,ng satne upon all those magnificent schemes of hos-
. ty m wh,ch even civil.^ed and Christian nations take

and smless state can be affected by such an emotion
towards what .s so deserving of pity and abhorrence, h w

who ca,7 7" ,'"' """"""' °' "-- -mmu itie"
who, calhng themselves enlightened, moral and religious
do ye co,.nte„ance and practice a system so characteristic
of wild beasts and savages ! Looking down upon this
.u.for.nnate world, they see panthers and wolves tearing
out each other's entrails with claws and teeth ; thev see
-vage men knocking out each qther's brains ;ith stone
tomahawks, and flaying each other's heads with sharp
PHices of fli„, , and they behold the hired soldiers of
christian republics and catholic majesties sending each

• UnderhiU. Mii«i. Hi,t. Coll.. Vol. XXXVI, p. IJ.

116

msTORT OF THE INDIANS, VTC.

Other out Of the world with instruments of death onl^
and oalcula ed to produce a wider destruction In wt

Wnit 1™ h""'"""'" "' ^"^'''=^' ^°'^''»-"- and
breT that a,^ " """'' "^'"'"^'^ '■™™ '"e human

maxims fttCilt '"'^"' ^'°^^ ""« ^-""^^ »<'

'!!

only
•ught
view
aim;

and
man
nity
IS to
and

CHAPTER IV.

THE OVERTHROW OP THE PE^UOTS.

This war, desultory and feeble as it was compared
with European wars, reduced the few and scattered
settlers of Connecticut to great distress. They could
neither hunt, nor fowl, nor fish, but in fear; nor could
they go out safely to work in their fields without burden-
ing themselves with instruments of defense. The dread
of a cunning and ferocious enemy hung over them all the
day, and disturbed their rest by night. No woman felt
certain, when her husband left her in the morning, that
she should not, before the sun went down, see his lifeless
corpse brought home, hacked by the Indian tomahawks
No man could feel sure, on parting with his family to go
out in the fields, that he should not return only to find
his home desolate, and his wife and children either mur-
dered or curried off by the Pequots. We who live in
quiet and at rest, with no destroyer to come up against
"s, can but ill realize the gloom and sickening anxiety
of such an evil time. The settlers were poor at the best,
suffering under the lack of most of the comforts of civili-
zation, and even under a deficiency of food. No help
had been received from the colonies of the Bay: no help
except the ill-starred expedition of Endicott, which, as
Gardmer foretold, had only started the wasps out of their
nests. Late in the winter, the members of the General

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Court of Connecticut wrote letters concerning the situa-
tion of affairs to the government of Massachusetts. They
expressed strong dissatisfaction with the management of
Endicott's expedition; they mentioned the sufferings
which the colonists of Connecticut had endured in con-
sequence of it; they urged the people of the Bay, since
they had provoked the war, to prosecute it with more
energy ; and they declared, in conclusion, that their fel-
low settlers were determined to send an armament which
should attack the enemy in his own country.*

Immediately after this followed the disaster at Wethers-
field, mentioned in the last chapter ; and, amidst the
pressure of these continued calamities, was summoned, at
Hartford, on the eleventh of May, one of the most im-
portant meetings which ever took place of the legislative
power of Connecticut. The General Court on this occa-
sion consisted of two magistrates and three committee
men from each of the three towns, Windsor, Hartford and
Wethersfield, which composed the colony. The pros-
pect, they agreed, was dark. Nearly thirty of the En-
hsh had been slain. The enemy were numerous, a.^d
seemed to be little depressed by the defection of their
subjects the river Indians, or the hostility of their late
allies, the Narragansetts. What they wa.ited m arms and
audacity they made up in subtilty and knowledge of iho
country. Past experience proved that a defensive war
was of but little use ; and there were few means indeed
of carrymg on an offensive one. There were twenty or
thirty men at Saybrook ; the three towns contaiued about
two hundred and fifty more ; and this was the whole

• Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 917.

Il,

III

^:^^S^^^mMmmmmmimmmm^^^

OF CONNECTICUT.

119

If. .1 ''^'"^- ^' "' ^^^P' ^'^'^''' had been
offered by Massachusetts, and as it was evident that

some decided measure must be taken, the Court re-
solved that an offensive war should be commenced
against the Pequots. It was ordered that for the first
campaign, ninety men should be raised; forty-two by
Hartford, thirty by Windsor, and eighteen by Wethers-
neld. 1 he necessary supplies were voted ; Mr. Stone
mmister at Hartford, was appointed to go as chaplain,-
and John Mason, lately stationed at Saybrook, was fixed
upon as commander-in-chief*

John Mason was a brave soldier, who had been bred to
arms in the Netherlands under Sir Thomas Fairfax: and
had attracted the notice of that general by his abi:ities
and courage. He was tall and large in form, of an ener-
getic, and even stern, but not headlong dispositioii, and
of a moral, if not a religious character. No better choice
could have been made by the Court of a commander in
tins important crisis.f

We have already mentioned the rebellion of Uncas the
son of 0^veneco, against Sassacus ; and we shall now see
of how much use he made himself to the English, and how
deeply he revenged his past misfortunes upon his country-
men. Smarting with disappointed ambition, with mortified
pride, and with a desire of vengeance, this traitor to the
1 equot race now came to Hartford, at the head of a small
band of follou ers, to assist the colonists. He was joined
by a number of river Indians, probably from about Wind-

.ioL^^lrxl?;^'^;^"'^"'^' ^"^-' ^^--huseUsHi.oHea,Col.ec-
t Allen's Biog. Die. of New England.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

sor and Hartford, and thus found himself at the head of
seventy warriors.

In the meantime, Massachusetts and Plymouth had
been aroused, and the latter had voted forty, the former
two hundred, men, to assist in prosecuting the war As
It was reported that the Pequots had sent their women
and children, for safety, to Block Island, Captain Daniel
Patrick and forty men were dispatched overland by Massa-
chusetts, to join with the Narragansetts, and pass over in
canoes to the island. Having conquered it, they were
to return to the main land, and assist the Connecticut
troops m the campaign against the main body of the
Pequots.*

On the 20th of May, 1637, Mason, at the head of
mnety Englishmen and seventy Indians, embarked at
Hartfc^d on board a pink, a pinnace and a shallop, and
began to drop down the river. The water was low • the
vessels repeatedly got aground ; and, at their own request
the Indian allies were set on shore to proceed to Saybrook
by land. On their way through the forests, they fell
in with thirty or forty of the enemy, and killed sovcn
of them, with no loss to themsel.es except one man
wounded. The two parties arrived without farther ad-
venture at Saybrook, where the English were delighted
by hearing of the exploit of Uncas, which they looked
upon as a sure pledge of his fidelity.f Lieutenant Gardi-
ner, however, was still suspicious of him, and said to
Mason : " How dare you trust the Mohegans, who have
out a year come from the enemy ?'•

• Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 222.

tMDson. Ma8fl.ni.t. Coll.. Vol. XVIII. p. 133.

OF CONNECTICUT.

121

" We are forced to trust them," replied the captain ;
"for we want them to guide us."

Gardiner was still unsatisfied, and calling Uncas to
him, he said : " You say you will help Captain Mason,
but I will first see it : therefore send twenty men to Bass
River, for there went, last night, six Indians there, in a
canoe : fetch them, dead or alive, and you shall go with
Mason ; else you shall not."

Uncas did as he was required ; his warriors found the
enemy, killed four of them, and took another, named
Kiswas, prisoner.* Kiswas had lived a long time at the
fort, and could speak English tolerably well ,• but since
the commencement of the war he had acted as a constant
spy upon the garrison, and had been present at all the
massacres of English which had occurred in the neigh-
borhood. He seems to have been a bold and cunning
savage ; and now, in his extremity, he showed neither
fear nor sorrow, but braved his captors to do their worst.
The Mohegans demanded permission to torture him ; and
the English made no attempt to save a man who had
assisted in the tortures of their own countrymen. The
mode of execution was horrible. One of the captive's
legs was tied to a post, a rope was fastened to the other,
and twenty warriors pulled him asunder. Underbill put
an end to the sufferings of the miserable wretch, by
shooting him through the head with a pistol.f

A little before the army reached Saybrook, a Dutch
vessel arrived in the river, and cast anchor under the
cannon of the fort. The garrison, learning from the crew

• Gardiner. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXIII, p. 149.
t Vincent. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, p. 36.

;l.

ijf

122

HISTORV OF THE INDIANS

dians w'h te«,;r2 1 '"' """''' ^"^P'^ '"« In-
laid imn^edia^Te ^^d"";'" "' '»"^'' ^'-h
altercationensued which In , '™^" '>^='<'^- An
"y offering, if hllil ' "?" '^"^'^ P"'""" «"d to,

'0 ransom';,. tTSSiT'"''"""'^^^^

'ives. Thi. offe, being al'ptd^h ""' ""^ " "^''P-

voyage, and soon came to fT' ^ '^"""""ed their

">en called Pe^no^rLr Ti.e" :,:! T" '""'""''
with an offer to tradp • ., ■ u ^^^°'^' "^ "S"a',

i" return for Z^iJ^^l T'^'"' '"'" "'^^ -'--^

'WO English girls whom ,h! P '' "°' '™"''™' ''"' ">«

fiom Wethersfield Sal """' ''="' ""*<» «*"7

'e. the captives^: iTeZjl """' ^"^ "''"■^^'^ '»

unscrnpulously and hn. '" '™"' '" ^°* "ore

of Whom wer' ' :^^:::\r:""f r" "'^"' --

"ade them prisoners o 1 f 1 """' "°^^^'> 'h«y
Pequots who stood on Z. t " ""^" ^^"•''' '" '"o
here seven of your people o/h'!,' "" ""'^ " ^^ "-«
=ire them again ye must 2 ."" ''^^^'- '^ ^^ de-

™. "s .ui:..y whrr^r:;i,t r,:T ^■'■'^-

wiJI hoist sail and turn .11 ' °'' ^^ "^^ we

main ocean." Th Pe; r," TV "'■'""'^'' """'h"
threat, and stoutly r! led t "" f ""'' " "" '"'^

TheDntch^mmedL y tei. e/r;: T "'"•"'''■
by the time they had rraelld.l m ^ T^' ''' ' •""
Pequots were fuUy convinced thatth "■""'■' "'"

and sent canoes to overlaid .ht t[ """ '" '"""^''
soon effected: the seven V e«hange was

firm ground • and the, T '™'' ''' ""'='' '"<"■<' on
S >nd, and the two g,rls were overjoyed to find

* -f ♦

or CONNECTICUT.

123

themselves agam among civilized men. The kind-hearted

Du ohmen earned them immediately to Saybrook, Xe

another Duteh vessel was found, which hj been sent by

he governor of New Netherland, with express iZll

^rescue them on any condiaons, even at the risk of w!

with the Pequots. Here, too, they found Mason and h^

had thus an opportunity of obtaining some late intelli-
geuee concerning the enemy. They informed him that
the Pequots were possessed of sixteen guns, and ha" to

h Tn I?b"7 °' ""^^'^^ ^"-^ ^"o'- -They added tt
the Indians had questioned them as to whether they could
make powder ; and finding that they knew nothing about
U, seemed to be considerably disappointed, and to s

Zt.t':t: '""" "' "''' °" their new' acqui , lot
St.ll they had been kindly treated, owing chiefly to the

interposition of the wife of Mononotto, the second highel
sachem who, as they thought, had saved them from bei 4
put to death. The Indians had tried to encourag" , ?
to be merry and had carried them about from place to
P ace, and shown them their fine wigwams and every
th ng wh.h they themselves prized. Prom Saybrook
these children were carried to New Amsterdam, to gratify
the governor, who had «-isIied to see them with his own
eyes, and then were returned in safety to their home,
forty-six mdes up the Connecticut River •

Mason had been directed in his commission to make
his attack upon the enemy by landing a, Pequo. Harbor;
and a letter to the same effect had reached him from tho

• ttnderliill. Mm,, h,,,, Co|| , Vol. XXXVt, pn 17 ,8 iq n A-
«y» .ha, he p.id ,,„ Bu..„ .„ p d, :„ „„«„;i;',Hj' !"■ °°'^'""

1 o

IS4

HISTOHr or THE m„^„.

• m

■nagistmtes since his amVal at s . ,

m.l..ary judgment „adehirvervav.'°1- "" ^cod
he urged hi. companions to a^l't r!'" '.^'^'"™ '^ -<■
to sail first to the country of fZ n '" <=™ch,ding

"The Peqnots," said he "do I "' *«^»-g--'.'
upon their river night and' day Th'' ^ "''""""" ^""fd
ma-ds tell us, with sixteen pieces W "'^ '^'"'''- "^ ""^
*»'• Their numbers be gC. !' .nn "^ " ""^"'^ ="">
^'11 make it difficult for J,T\ '^"°' '" ""''• «"'ioh
- etrect a landing, th;: ^^f' '""■ ^'^•'' '^
'hetrswamps and thickeL Whe«ls"f ^"^ ""^ '''""^ '»
■'gansett, we shall come „non th ' Z" ^° ^''' '" '^ar-

-a. .ake them by a su^;; rhtrth"' r't'"'^'' """ ^^
Most of the officers and """"^ '^»»' expect it. "#
P-Po.ition; not reZZ ZV'f'"'^'''' 'his
through the wilderness. ThevJ " " '""^ ™="eh
hack to their fa„,ilies and ,i 7 "'""""^ "'^o '« get
'hi3 was to go at l^ to Pe' tfl'T '""'""' ^™^ ">' '
«ve battle. In .his diversi y of " ' ""' ''°"'" ^ 'i'"'-
^Wng Mr. Stone to prayftL Jr" "" ^^"'^'' '" de-
might be guided in V ^o^H' %T '"^^ '"^^
honest minded minister spent mL 7;,, '"' P'°"= ""d
and, in the morning, told Cal"n Ma r'^" '" ^'^y-'
vmced that they ongh. .05?,"^""""''"'"^°"-
-as no longer any h'i.a.ion Mas^rr""' '^'"^''^
'"Ily accepted. Twenty men , '*'° *"' '"""«'-

"ver, to assist in defeld'ing he TJlr' ""'' "" '"«

.,j«»,.a..'««*(l»*»*S»*<^-^^

?^»JI4(SS>i!«*«l»t**'33»>^

» m

or ''ONNECTICUT.

It was Friday, the 2qth /• ,. '''^

=""1. on Saturday towalf ^^' ''''™ "'"^ *' ^ail ■

,^ .he Shores or^hHatUrS '^ ""PP^'^ aneht'
land, and, although time was!!. '^'^ ""• '«« '»

-'"Pnlous observance of thrSahhT^u' '"* *«^ '"eir
«" 'he next day on board thet!,' """ ""^^ '«»=■*"«<)
"o«hwes, Wind blew from 2 '• °" """day the

-olence as effectually tlpTev^T' h" "'''' '^""'-h
^^^ the same on Tuesdiv ,,"'*"""''"'=«'<"'• It

Mason landed and maSip^'tr"* '''"'''' -"en
.'^"«- He had an immediate C '"'"'"^"'^^ °^ Canon-
-formed him of his desj o t, " *'"■ "-^ ^^h^™.
'he.r strong holds, and tofd h 1 th'T',:! ""' P«9"<"« h.
Narragansetts was a free 1 ™ ,h ^u' ^""'^-^ "^ "•«
The reply appears to havrbefn ""^"^ ""^'^ •'"""'rr.
"He was glad," he said, "of Z '"'" '^ *«»'>n«mo
The.r purpose was a ^o„^ """'"S '"' 'he English

and .he white men w'hom hrrVT^''"^"' '" -r
fe-^ 'o think of attacking ^hem ^I '"'" ""» "^^ '»o
'he Enjiish permission to pirtr T'''" «« Sa™
neither himself „or his Zv seZ'^ "'^ »™'r7; but
Joni them.» '^ ^ " ***'" ye' to have offered to

h4tsTi:t::rt:rcaSn"par"r '"'''^^ '"^ -mp,

^ °n his march as ProviCe ^he" 't 7"° "=•" ^""^ a1
Wrlhams. He urged Mason m t, ' "'""^"' "^ Ro?er
"- arnval; but, fl.hoS "o tr.! "'"^ "^ "^ "'»''
considered desirable, it was d ' ^''.' '•einforcement was

- "^'"^ The men' .ZZXT:^ 2^'T" ""'

126

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

night from home, and were anxious to get back to their
families and their spring labors. It was feared, too, that
any farther detention would result in making their design
known to the enemy, inasmuch as a number of squaws
among the Narragansetts were known to keep up an inter-
course with the Pequots. Finally they wished to dispel
the doubts and sneers of these Indians, who still as-
serted, that although Englishmen talked much they
would not fight, and that they would never dare to invade
the country of Sassacus*

On the next morning the vessels were manned with
thirteen whites and a few Indians, and ordered to sail for
the mouth of the Pequot River. The land army, con-
sisting of seventy-seven Englishmen, and about sixty
warriors under Uncas, then took up its journey westward
through the wilderness. They moved along a forest
path, much traveled by the natives, but rough and diffi-
cult to white men j and, after marching, as it seemed to
them, eighteen or twenty miles, they came to a place
called Nehantic. Here stood a fort built as a protection
against the Pequots ; and here lived one of the Narragan-
sett sachems, probably the same who was afterwards so
well known to the whites under the names of Yanemo
and Ninigret. On the march, Indian warriors flocked into
the army, until, when it reached Nehantic, it was at-
tended by as many as two hundred Narragansetts. The
Nehantics were at first cool and suspicious, and would
allow none of the English to enter their fort. Mason's
indignation was excited by their haughtiness and inhos-
pitality ; and suspecting them of hostile feelings, he feared

• Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 36,37.

^j«^<^@r''

;'gaMM^S******^'

^^fjtii0k.ili^

OP CONNECTICUT.

127

they would send notice of his coming to th.

"Siimon^., c '-"innig to the enemy.

S .ce no„e of „s may come in," said lie, " none of vou

ha 1 go out ;" and he fulfilled his threat by post n/ sen!

unels round .he fort who kept them all peL^'ed u"/:.",

The number of Narragansetts who continued to join
the arrny mduced many of the Nehantics, in spite of the

^orof't "^;'° "" "^^ ^^-- ^--o-s '0 'he e;,":!

torn of the Indians, thdse boastful allies formed into a

funous gestures, vaunting their prodigious courage, and

When the Englishmen re-commenced their march in the
mormng they were accompanied, as they thought bv
five hundred Indian wa„iors.t The day was extremely
warm; the country was rough and difficult of passage-
and several of the men fainted with heat and with wani

twefr ■, I' T"^'"^ ''''"' ^'PP''"^'^ '» be about
twelve miles, the English eame to the Paucatuc River, a,

a ford which, the Narragansetts said, was a favorite fish

.ng place of the Pequots. Here the Indians pointed out

where many persons had been lately dressing fish, from

whence they all concluded that the enemy w' re hddTng

a feast at their for.ress.J The army halted on the bank!

with ! t T' ' "";'""* ^"'*°'^ ''""^^*<''' 'h-'-^^elves

11 ^t T ""' '°°'- ^' "'■^ P'-'^ 'he Narragan-

etts and Nehantics began to exhibit the fear in which

they held the Pequots. The Paucatuc was the last

• Mmon. M.8,. His,. Coll.. Vol. XVIII, p. 130. t Ibid

^^ Uoh^on'. W„„<l„.W„,kta, P„„ide„ce. M.S.. His.. CU., Vd. XXIV,

128

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

boundary between themselves and those terrible enemies •
and m ,he,r eyes the act of erossing it was like crawling
head arst mto the den of a bear. Forgetting their vain
glorious boasts of the evening before, many of them
turned back towards their homes, and the rest appeared
be m such fear that Mason called Uncas to him, and
asked htm what he thought the Indians would do. "The
Narragaasetts," replied this brave saehem, " will all leave
you ; but, as for myself, I will never leave you." " For
which expression," says Mason, in his account of the
war, and for some other speeches of his, I shall never
lervice "" ' ""''' "" '""' ' ^«"" '"'^'< -'" did us great

They pushed on three miles farther, and came to a
patch of ground winch had been lately planted with In-
dian corn Supposing that he was now near the enemy,
Mason ordered another halt and called a council. The
Indians were interrogated, and stated that the Pe,p,ots
had two forts both almost impregnable; that one wa

w r 'n' " TV"" '""""^' """■ ^''-■'= «— '-ved
was sttl several hours distant. The design which had

been entertamed of attacking both at the same time was

herefore reluctantly abandoned, and the army resumed

U march m the direction of the nearest, The India,.

aIl^es had huhcrto occupied the van, bnt now they drop-

the Pancatuc. About an hour after nightfall the Enolish
came to a h.tle swamp between two lulls, and bei,,,: in
ormed that .he fort was near ,y, ,hcv halted forShe
mght. 1 he sue of tins encampme... is still known, and

* ""■"'• *•"•'■ ""'• GM.. Vol. XVIII, pp. .36, .37.

•■

Oi' CONNECTICUT.

129

m'le north of a vm 1 fsf ' '""' '""' ^"^ ""'^ ''
Mystic* ^ '" ^'"'""Ston, called Head of

■Porfn-. ii,, e„~

The night was cool and clear T),„
over the rude landscape and an J " *"""' 5^""^

i="f 3h and their sav^ ats as tirr"''' '"""""'"'
"> 'he o,«n air. The cam„ ^ ">' "" ">« §'•»"»<'

^"Pposcd themselves IcTtl T/"'^ '"""'• """^ 'h" -"en
■'en., overheard bythe ; '"''r' ^^ '•'-«" ■'<•

"Jvaueed, a„d could heir .1 , "■""""''' "'"" ''"■•

I'equots in thoir v.ll.t T,,, ^ "''""" "'"' -"S" "f the

"'g'«- This m-t; , dl;!' ;' "" "" ^"" "'^ •'" "-1-

that the white

fear. Sassacus Jiad

nit'ji avoided tl

sf^'it a rein for

•i'kI had im,

Joined

' Barl)er'

I'cemeiit

I Coniieciicue, Groton

^''I'lot roimtry through
irom the other

130

HISTOUY OF THE INDIANS

fort : they were all feasting and rejoicing over their suc-
cesses ; and on the morrow they were to go out against
the enemy. Tired at last with their games, they lay
down to sleep : almost all of them for the last time.*

The English rose before daybreak, [Friday, June 5th,]
and solemnly commended themselves and their enterprise
to the care of God. Mason led on for about two miles,
through an Indian path ; when, not being able to discover
any sign of a fort, he halted at the foot of a large hill,
and passed the word for some of the Indians to come up!

North View of Fequot Hill, Groton.

Uncas and a Nehantic sagamore, named Wequash, were
the only ones who made thoir appearance. "Where is
the fort?" said Mason. "On the top of the hill," they
replied. " And where are the rest of the Indians ?" " In

• Mnson. MuB^. IIIbi. Co!I , Vol. XVIII, pp. 137, 138.

OF CONNECTICUT.

131

the rear, very much afraid." " Tell them not to fly,"
was the answer, ''but stand behind, at what distance they
please, and see now whether Englishmen will fight."*

The English being now on the western side of the hill.
Mason sent Underbill, with part of the men, round to the
southern slope, to attack the fort on that quarter, while
he, with the remainder, led directly up towards the prin-
cipal entrance.

Fatigued with their dance of the evening before, the
Pequots were all buried in a profound sleep. It was just
about daybreak, when men's slumbers are usually the
soundest, and when the Indians themselves were most
fond of attacking a sleep-ng foe. Mason and his soldiers
advanced silently and undiscovered until the captain was
within a rod of the rude palisade. At this moment a dog
barked, and a Pequot yelled out, Owanux ! Owanuxl
(Englishmen ! Englishmen !) The assailants moved rap-
idly forward, gave one fire through the palisade, and then
rushed to the gateway. It was blocked up with bushes,
but Mason clambered over them, and the others pulled
them out of the way and poured in after him. A loud cry
from the Pequots answered the volley of musketry ; they
started up in fear and astonishment, but not knowing
what to do remained cowering in their cabins. Mason
entered the main street, and looked up and down it
M'ithout seeing a smgle Indian. lie then forced his way
into one of the wigwams, where he was immediately
attacked by several warriors, who attempted to seize hold
of, and capture, him. The gallant captain defended him-
self stoutly, killing one or two of the assailants with his

• Mnson. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVHI, p. 138.
14

\ :

132

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

sword ; and a soldier, named William Heydon, stumbling
in after him, the Indians fled or hid themselves under the
beds. In such a style the English, scattered over the
fort, maintained a desultory conflict, in which many of
the Pequots were slain, and some, likewise, of the assail-
ants wounded. It had been determined not to burn the
village, but to destroy the garrison by the sword and save
the plunder.* But this, Mason soon saw, would be im-
possible. The Pequots were continually shooting from
the cabins ; some of his men were already wounded ; the
others were confused, scattered, and knew not what to
do ; and he was himself fatigued and out of breath with
his exertions. " We must burn them," he shouted ; and,
entering a wigwam, he seized a firebrand and applied it
to the dry mats with which the rude dwelling was cov-
ered. The fire kindled in an instant ; the northeast wind
swept it from cabin to cabin ; the whole fort was rapidly
involved in a furious conflagration. The party on the
southern side had but just eff'ected its entrance. It had
met with a g.aiant resistance ; one of its numbers had
been killed ; and Underbill himself was wounded in the
hip by an arrow. Seeing that the village was on fire, he
kindled it farther by means of nowder; and then, with
his followers, retreated from the already intolerable heat.
Mason had done the same, and both parties, with the In-
dians in the rear, formed a line about the blazing fortress.
The shrieks of women and children, the yells and bowl-
ines of men, rose from the conflagration, and mingled
With the roar of the English musketry and the exulting
shouts of the Mohegans and Narragansetts. Despair

• Maicn. Maas. Hist. Con., Vol. XVIII. p. 139.

pJiMg| j »illj|# i^

OF CONNECTICUT.

133

seized on the wretched inhabitants : some perished in the
flames without attempting to escape : others rushed into
them, either deliberately, or in the blindness of mortal
terror. Many brave warriors fought to the last amidst the
burning palisades, until their bowstrings were cracked
and rendered useless by the fire. A number gathered
without the fortress, on the windward side, and shot their
arrows at the assailants until cut down by the merciless
discharge of musketry. About forty of the boldest rushed
out, and attempted to force their way through the victors
and escape into the neighboring thickets. A few, only,
effected their purpose : the others were struck down by
the English swords, or by the arrows and tomahawks of
the Indian allies.* The greater part perished amid the
flames of thetr blazing dwellings ; and so quickly did the
fire do Its work, that in little more than an hour this
frightful death-agony of a community was over. About
four hundred Indians had perished during this short
period : only seven had been taken prisoners ; and seven
at the utmost, had escaped.f Two of the English were
killed, twenty were wounded, and others had been saved
from wounds or death, only by the most singular provi-
dences. Mason was struck repeatedly on his helmet.

• "For the Nnrragansetts beset the fori ao close that not one escaped "-.
r. Vtncent. Mason, however, snys seven escaped, and Und.rliill five

t Mason snys six or seven hundred perished ; Winthrop .ays one hnndred
nnd h ty warnors. and one hundred and fifty old men. women nnd children ;
Undernll snys four hundred. Judging from the nun.ber of wigwams in the
. for., winch wns seventy. I should say that the es.imnte of Mnson wns above
and that of Win.hmp under, the truth. The estimate of Underbill, also, may'
be und.rn,ted by f.i.y or even a hundred ; yet P. Vincent, anothe. mrrator
nnd eye-witness of the battle, puts the victims at only between three and four
hundred.

vii

4 -n-;i

134

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

John Dier and Thomas Stiles were shot in the knots of
their neckcloths. Lieutenant Bull received an arrow into
a hard piece of cheese which he carried in his pocket.

The victory had now been achieved, but the situation
in which the conquerors found themselves was extremely-
embarrassing, if not dangerous. They were overcome
with fatigue by their rough march, by broken sleep and
by fighting ; and four or five of their number were so
wounded that they had to be carried by twenty more.
Others were obliged to bear the arms of these last ; and
thus only about forty men were left in a condition for
service. Some of the Indian allies, also, were wounded •
and the Narragan setts, finding that the white men were
going westward, began to draw off towards their own
country. The English anxiously scanned tfte suriace of
the sound, but could discover nothing of their vessels
and therefore knew not to what point to direct their
march. After waiting about an hour, they were relieved
from their perplexity by seeing their httle fleet, six or
seven miles distant, sweeping with a fair wind into the
Pcquot River. At the same moment a large body of
warriors, seemingly three hundred in number, was dis-
covered rapidly approaching from the west. This was
composed of the Pequots from the other fort, and, doubt-
less, from all the surrounding country, who had been
startled by the distant roll of musketry, and were coming
to revenge the destruction of their kinsmen. Such, how-
ever, was the feebleness, the perfect imbecility of bows
and arrows when opposed to fire-arms, that this numerous
band of warriors, animated with the desire of vengeance,
was met on its near approach, checked and driven back,

,v,%jAH«ia-.a»<»»'«»'*

';^^S*^i!&i««*^aWS«aisaifefi'

OF CONNECTICUT.

135

by a couple of files of soldiers not amounting to more
than fourteen men. The English were encouraged by
seemg this evidence of the incapacity of the enemy in the
open field, and commenced their retreat, directing their
march towards the mouth of the Thames. The Pequots
followed them until they came to the site of the recent
catastrophe, where they halted to gaze at the scene of
destruction. In place of their late fortress with its seventy
wigwams, bidding defiance, as they thought, to every
enemy, they beheld only smoking, smouldering ruins
mingled with scorched and mangled corpses. There lay
the aged counselor, the wise powwow, and the brave
warrior ; there lay little children, who, but the day be-
fore, had played in mimic warfare about the hill • there
lay mothers and wives, and young girls just entering
upon womanhood : all dead by a horrible and agonizing
death, and so disfigured that not even the eye of love
could recognize them. The stoicism of the Pequot war-
riors gave way under so terrible a blow, and the English
as they looked back, could see them stamp and tear their
hair in that bitter agony of grief and rage. In a few min-
utes they turned their thoughts to vengeance, and came
rushing down the hill after the conquerors as i{ they would
in an instant overrun and destroy them. But the deadly
effects of the musketry soon checked their fury : some
were killed, and the others ran about as if crazed, dis-
charging their arrows at random. At the foot of the hill
was a small brook, where Mason and his people halted
and refreshed themselves, having already taught their
pursuers to keep at a cautious distance. Here the Eng-
lish hired some of their Indian allies to carry the wounded •

14* '

136

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

j: j

1(3 j

! i

and thus resumed their march in a better condition to act
against the enemy. The Mohegans and Narragansetts
now ventured to skirmish with the Pequots ; both parties,
says Underbill, fighting in such a manner that in seven
years they would not kil! seven men. They stood at
a distance from each other, and aimed their arrows at
an elevation; watched the course of each one, and
never shot a second until they saw the effect of the
first.*

During the retreat about fifty of the Narragansetts took
advantage of what they thought a favorable moment, and
set off towards their own country. The Pequots dis-
covered, pursued and surrounded them ; and were about
to take a bloody revenge for their own misfortunes, when
the other Narragansetts, beholding the danger of their
countrymen, ran to the English officers and begged them
to grant their assistance. The English were angry at the
Narragansetts for what they called their desertion ; but as
they were unwilling to have them cut off, or to see the
Pequots obtain a triumph, Underbill was sent with thirty
men to the rescue. Underbill, who is a great braggart,
says that a contest of an hour ensued, in which the Nar-
ragansetts were rescued and above one hundred of the
Pequots killed or wounded. P. Vincent, who seems to
have had a spite against Underbill, and in another place
tries to make him out a poltroon, says that after five
muskets were fired the Pequots fled. Underbill adds that
the Indians were greatly astonished at the English mode
of fighting ; but called it matchit or evil, because too

•Mason. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVIII. pp. 141. 142. Underbill. Mass.
HiBt. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, pp. 35, 26.

■::^SSS^iS^i^«»»8*^^a''^^*'*^* =

OP CONNECTICUT. 137

furious and destructive of too many lives.* The colonists
prosecuted their retreat slowly and with caution ; when-
ever they came to a swamp or thicke ^ring a few shots
into It for the purpose of discovering and driving out any
Inrkmg ambush. The Pequots hung on their rear, shoot-
ing ineifectually from behind rocks and trees, until within
about two miles of the river, when they drew together in
a body and disappeared.

The English, with colors flying in token of their vic-
tory, marched on to the shore. On board their vessels they
found Captain Patrick, with his forty men, who having
reached Narragansett after the departure of the land army
but before that of the fleet, concluded to take the oppor-
tunity aff-orded by the latter and sail round to Pequot
Harbor. The whole force would now have embarked
immediately had it not been for an unwillingness to leave
the Narragansetts alone in the enemy's country. Accord-
mgly only the wounded and about thirty-five others were
put on board the vessels, while Mason, with twenty men
Patrick, with forty, accompanied by all the Indians, set
ofl" overland for Saybrook. On their march they came
upon a village belonging to the western Nehantics, the
nihabitants of which fled at their approach and took
refuge m a swamp. The English pushed in after them
drove them out on the opposite side, and chased them'
among the low hills a considerable distance. But finding
that the Indians dispersed all over the country, they gave
up the pursuit, and drawing together again, continued
their march. Towards the evening of this toilsome and

• Underhm Mass. Ili.t. Coll.. Vol. XXXVI, pp. 26. 27. Vincent. Mass.
Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, p. 38.

I'll
\vr.

Ill

133

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

eventful day they reached the mouth of the Connecticut,
where their arrival was soon discovered, and welcomed
with discharges of cannon, from the little fortress on the
opposite shore.*

Thus ended the famous expedition of the colonists of
Connecticut against the Poquots : an expedition conducted
with admirable skill and courage, and crowned with the
most astonishing success. But of its moral fent^^rci,. -/hat
shall we say? What shall we say of this indiscriminate
butchery of both sexes and all ages, allowing none or
almost none to escape, but consigning nearly a whole
community to a death of unsurpassed anguish and horror ?
It was thought shocking when, nearly a century and a
half later, and within a few miles of the same spot, the
soldiers of Arnold bayonetted eighty-five gallant men,
who yet had dared and resisted the assault, and who, by
the laws of war, were liable to all its consequences.
What then would have been said, had the English sur-
rounded the village of New London by night, had they
set fire to its houses, cut down those of the inhabitants
who attempted to fly, and driven back the others, indis-
criminately of age or sex, to perish in the flames ? What
repentance or atonement should we have thought suffi-
cient to wipe away the stain of such an atrocity? When
would our historians have ceased to record it, or our
orators have forgotten to make it the subject of their in-
dignant comments ? Yet surely there is not such a differ-
ence between a barbarous and a civilized community, that
the extermination, the complete, bloody and sudden ex-
termination, of the one may be looked upon almost with

• Mason. Mass. Hist. Coll, Vol. XVIII, p. 143. 144.

.gali^a/iiil

OP CONNECTICUT.

139

insensibility, xvhile that of the other would be regarded
as a master-piece of atrocity.

On the other hand, there are several considerations
which a supporter of Mason and his followers might, with
considerable force, allege in their defense. Cruel, he
might say, it certainly is, to put men, women and chil-
dren to an undistinguishing slaughter ;' yet this cruelty
may be palliated by provocations, and may be excused,
or almost excused, by necessity. The Pequots them-
selves had certainly no right to talk about the violation
of the rules of humanity ; for the English only did to
them what they ivould have exulted in doing to the Eng-
lish, and what they had repeatedly done to individuals
among the English. The colonists had seen their wives
and daughters tomahawked by the enemy ; they had been
told of their friends and brothers put to death in cool
blood by lingering torments; they had heard the savage
foe boast of these ferocities, and repeat with mockery the
groans and prayers of the unhappy sufferers. What
wonder then, that when they could put the cup of ven-
geance to the lips of their enemies, they should seek to
fill it to the brim ? And more : when Mason gave the
order to burn the fort, the conflict was still raging, and
victory was wavering in the balance. All the colonists
were exhausted by fatigue ;* some of them had been
killed, others wounded ; and the remainder were con-
fused with the nu ibers of the enemy. The Indian allies
hod as yet rendered no assistance, and still remained un-

* "About two hours before the day, we marched towards the fort, being
wcnry and much spent, many of ua having slept none at all"— Hubbart^a
Indian Wars, p. 38.

140

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

decided whether to advance or to fly. Had Mason con-
tinued to fight on as he began, so many of his soldiers
would have been killed and disabled that the rest might
have been ovemhelmed by the warriors from the other
village, or, at best, obliged to abandon their wounded and
make a calamitoi^ retreat. Had he, at this critical mo-
ment, ordered a retreat, the Narragansetts would have
fled, the Pequots would have resumed the jffensive, and
the whole object of the expedition would have certainly
been lost. He did neither: he adopted the wise though
stern alternative of making fire assist steel ; and from this
moment his success was no longer uncertain.

My own opinion of the burning of the Pequot fort is,
that it was a piece of stern policy, mingled with some-
thing of revenge, from which floods of argument could
not wash out a stain of cruelty.* If it receives any ap-
proval, it must be that of the intellect and not that of the
heart. It would not be fair, however, to try the men of
a stern and iron age by the high standard to which hu-
manity has been elevated at the present day. Of this we
must be cautions if we wish to be just. It is worthy
of remembrance also, that the colonists were led by two
old soldiers. Mason and Underbill, to whose charge much
doubtless of their lack of mercy must be laid.

After the Pequots left oflf the pursuit of the English,
they returned, gloomy and dispirited, yet enraged, to their
remaming fortress. They revenged themselves for the
courage and success with which Uncas and his followers
had assisted the English, by killing all of their relations,
who remained among them, except seven. These made

* See Appendix, Article II.

■^:p,a lalllli i Jui IllnOWf

-- jj j ^a'..a-fc f'a,angjt^'JAja.'i.

OF CONNECTICUT.

141

heir escape by flight, and some of them afterwards told
the colonists that one hundred of the Pequots were killed
and wounded in attacking Mason's army during the re-

On the next day a council of the nation was held, at
which three plans of action were proposed and discussed :
fly from the country ; to attack the English ; to attack
the Narragansetts. Sassacus, whose spirit was still un-
broken, urgently supported the braver alternatives : but
the great body of the nation, overwhelmed by the extent
and fearful nature of their calamity, were resolved upon
flight. They were determined to leave their country
their cabins and the graves of their ancestors, rather than
remain longer in the vicinity of enemies whose hostility
was so dreadful, and whose wrath fell like the lightnino-
destroying before it was seen. With sad and heavy hearts
they applied the firebrand to their fortress and wigwams
destroyed all their" property which could not be carried
away; and then, separating into several parties, began to
leave the land which they had so gloriously conquered,
and hitherto so successfully defended.f One band of
thirty or forty warriors, with a great number of women
and children moved westward a short distance ; but, losing
heart, returned once more to its ancient country, and took
up its residence in a swamp.J The main body, consist-
mg of several hundred souls, headed by Sassacus, by
Mononotto, and by most of the sagamores who remained,

* Vincent. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, p 39
Coll., Vol. XVIir, p. 145.
t Underbill. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXXVI, p. 28.
t Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 332.

Mason. Mass. Hist.

;,l» l.^<i-v. s-r--iCTr •

142

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

prosecuted the enterprise with greater steadiness. On
reaching the Connecticut, they had an opportunity of
tasting a shght revenge for the miseries which the Eng-
hsh had caused them to suffer. They found three colo-
nists descending the river in a shallop, and attacked them.
The white men fought bravely, and wounded many of
their assailants, but were overpowered by numbers ; one
was killed and the other two were taken. The Indians
split the bodies open from back to breast, and hung them
on treep by the bank, that the English who passed up
and down the river might behold them, and see the ven-
geance of the Pequots.*

They now crossed the Connecticut, and marched dov^rn
to the coast for the sake of being more plentifully sup-
plied with food. As it was spring, they were able to bring
nothing away from their fields, and their last year's pro-
visions must have been well-nigh exhausted. They were
forced to dig in the forests for roots, and to hunt carefully
along the shores for clams and oysters. Their women
and children obliged them to make short journeys ; and
thus the country '^as exhausted of provisions before they
could pass through it. At night they all slept on tlie
ground in the open air, exposed to the wind and tiie
chilling, drenching rain. Doubtless we know little of
the miseries which the Pequots endured in this gloomy
retreat. They passed through the territories of the Ham-
monassetts, the Quinnipiacs, ond the Wepawaugs or Pau-
gussetts; and finally halted in a large swamp in the
present township of Fairfield, destined to be the scene if
their last unavailing struggle.

• Underhill. Maw. Kiflt. Coll.. Vol. XXXVI, p. 28.

OF CONNECTICUT.

143

The success of Mason awakened great joy throughout
the colonies, a:id it was resolved to give the enemy no
time to recover from the blow. But, as the strength of
the Pequots was concluded to be already much broken
the force to be sent from the Bay was diminished to one'
hundred and twenty men. Stoughton sailed, with a part
of this number, towards the latter end of June, and landed
at the mouth of t jquot River. He marched a consider-
able distance westward ; and, finding none of the enemy
returned to his starting place. Here some Narragansetts
came to tell him, that a party of their countrymen were
holding a great body of Pequots confined in a swamp.
This was the band which has already been mentioned,
as having journeyed westward a little way, and then
turned back to its former haunts. Stoughton set off under
the guidance of the Narragansetts ; and about twelve
miles distant found the unfortunate Pequots, too few to
fight, and so cooped up as to be unable to fly. The whole
band was captured, apparently without resistance; two
sachems were saved on promise that they would guide
the English to the retreat of Sassacus ; the remainder of
the men, some twenty or thirty in nu'nber, were mas-
sacred in cold blood.* There were about eignty women
and children, of whom thirty were given to the Narragan-
setts, three to the Massachusetts Indians, and the re-
mainder sent to the Bay as slaves. All this is truly
horrible ; and, if a historian were not, like a witness on
oath, under strict obligation to tell the whole truth as
well as nothing but the truth, I should be tempted to
pass the transaction over in charitable silence. The

• Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 232. Hubbard'B Indian Wars, p. 42.

144

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

pre5?ont age, however, can easily parallel and even sur-
pass it,

Stoughton was now joined by forty Connecticut men
under Mason ; so that a considerable force was collected
for the ensuing campaign. It would have been well for
the reputation of our ancestors for humanity, if they could
have persuaded themselves to let the starving and dis-
spirited Pequots fly in peace. What need was there of
pursuing them sixty miles through a wilderness, into a
land where no English settlement existed, and where the
foot of no Englishman had ev<ir trod ? But it was deter-
mined to make a full end of the Amelekites ; to make
sure that they never again infested the borders of the
Lord's people j and to prevent them from occupying a
country which Israel might hereafter desire to inhabit.
Alas for the fanaticism and sternness, which sometimes
marked the character of the early settlers of New Eng-
land, and darkened its truly noble virtues ! They were
not behind their age in gentleness indeed, but it is to be
feared that they were very little in advance of it.

Most of the combined forces embarked at Saybrook to
pursue the Pequots by sea, while a few men joined Uncas
who, with a number of his followers, was following on
the trail of the fugitives by land. Uncas and his people
easily kept on the traces of the exiles; and observing
what short journeys they had made, and how they had
been compelled to dig for roots and shell fish, were en-
couraged with the hope of overtaking ihem. Wanderers
who had separated from the main body were occasionally
captured on tlic way, and information obtained from them
concernmg the numbers and condition of the refugees

OF CONNECTICUT.

145

The two sachems who had been taken by Stoughton re-
fused, or were perhaps unable, to act as guides ; and were
accordingly put to death at Menunketuc, now Guilford.*
Winthrop says that it was this circumstance which gave
the name to the point called Sachem's Head ; but Mr.
Ruggles, in his history of Guilford, gives a difTerent and
more interesting version of the matter. He says that,
during their march, Uncas and his party came upon a Pe-
quot sagamore with a few followers, and immediately
pursued them. The Pequots ran along the shore until
they came to the eastern point of Guilford harbor ; and,
hoping that their pursuers would pass by on the main-
land, they turned off on to this little cape and concealed
themselves near the extremity. Uncas, however, was too
old a hunter to be deceived by such artifices ; and he
commanded that some of his men should search the point,
while the others passed round to the opposite shore. The
Pequots, seeing an enemy in the rear, owam across the
mouth of the harbor, and were attacked and taken as they
landed. Uncas shot the chief with an arrow, cut off his
head, and stuck it up in the crotch of a large oak, where
the ghastly trophy remained withering and bleaching for
many years.f

Meantime the fleet coasted along to the westward, and
in three days reached the harbor on which now stands
the beautiful city of New Haven. Here a great smoke
was discovered on shore, curling up from among the trees ;
and the troops landed hastily, hoping that they had found
the enemy. They hurried through the forests with all
speed ; but on reaching the spot from which the smoke

* Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 233. t Mnis. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 100.

146

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

arose, were sadly disappointed ic find that it was not the
work of the Pequots, but of the timid and friendly Indians
of the vicinity.* At Quinnipiac, a Mohegan, named Jack
Etow, Signalized himself by a feat which shows how
greatly the Pequots had become depressed by their mis-
fortunes. Meeting three of this unfortunate tribe in the
forest, he captured two of them, and carried his prisoners
on board the English vessels.f Poor wanderers ! perhaps
they had been, for weeks, on the verge of starvation, and
now surrendered for the sake of obtaining a little food, or
some shelter from their continual hardships.

One Pequot was granted his life on condition that he
would search out Sassacus, and either kill him, or bring
back an account of his place of retreat. He departed, found
his sachem, and remained in his company several days
without obtaining an opportunity to execute his purpose
His murderous designs were at last suspected, and he
had to fly, by night, to avoid the watchful jealousy of his
countrymen. He returned faithfully to the EngLsh camp,
this Pequot Arnold, and reported the numbers and situa-
tion of the forlorn band of fugitives.

The army now commenced its march westward to-
wards Sasco, a place where there was a great swamp not
far from the seashore. On the way an incident occurred
which is related by Johnson, one of the most singular of
the early New England writers, and which, as he has
told It, IS truly ludicrous. As the army was toiling
through the forest, it passed by a deep thicket in which
two stout Pequots were lying very quietly, watching

* Mason. Maaa. Hiat. Coll., Vol. XVIII, p. 145.
t Mason. Mass. Hist. Ooll., Vol. XVIII. p. 146.'

OF CONNECTICUT.

147

an opportunity to achieve some notable exploit. They
waited until, as they supposed, the last man had come
up, when, rushing suddenly out, they tripped up his heels,
hoisted him on to their shoulders, and started off with
him into a swamp. The soldier, says Johnson, unwilling
to be made a pope of by being borne upon men's shoul-
ders, struggled all he could to get away, and roared for
help at the top of his voice. Fortunately for him, his
lieutentant, one Davenport, was still behind, and coming
up to his help, commenced an attack upon the Indians
with his cutlass. Upon this, the Pequots converted their
burden into a buckler, and tumbled the poor soldier
about in a most marvellous manner, and with such dex-
terity, that, for some time, Davenport cou i not bring a
stroke to bear upon them. This could not last long,
however ; blood was soon seen flowing down the tawny
skins of the Indians, and, letting go of their intended
prize, ihey fled hastily into the thicket.*

Afier a march of some twenty or twenty-five miles, the
men in advance came to a corn-field, and, at the same
time, saw a number of Indians on a hill which rose at a
little distance farther on. The Indians discovered them
at the same instant, and immediately fled over the hill,
vigorously pursued by the white men. When the latter
reached the top of the eminence, they beheld a large
swamp beyond, filled with thickets, and on the other side
of it about twenty wigwams. As the swamp consisted
of two parts, almost separated from each other by firm
ground, twelve or tlr'•^^cn men ran to surround tha
smaller end, while Li ii tenant Davenport and several

• Mnw. ilU I. Coll., Vol. XIV, p. 50.
51*

■^^ j^ t W W . ii f W W ^ "!" ' ''

1^8 BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

. .J in frnnt with the intention of pushing
others entered m ft""'. ^ ^^ ,,,,^,,4 sufficient

directly through. Ihe feqa ^^^j,

notice of the aPP';-^»f*;" The sachem of
lodges and take refuge m the ^"^^ ^^^^ ^ ^is fierce

.,e place, f^^^^t:^:^^^^ ^
guests, or fearful that the jn ^^^ ^^^^^.

i„,ny, Haa X'^„:X.U ,t"::d Indians, of whom
fore, occupied by nearn tnr -^^^en Daven-

eighty or a hundred were Pequot varr^rs ^,^^_^ ^.^^

port and his men rushed mto it mey^we ^^^

. shower of ^^'.''J^^^^^tX^Zv^'^^^ ^-^^

""°"':ifer"the Engil^. Irew thel swords to defend
upon them , the l^ng ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^

^^TTCh nT S^Bverallndians being killed, how-
fought hand to hand. J""">' wounded men
ever, the others were beaten back, a,.d the wou

,0 force an entrance. Be mg ""^''"J^ J^^in of doing
"T tn:r"i: - dlTm^r tr;a„t a parley ;
Tna Thomarstar: the same who.had parleyed w.th a

^rrtt^^rwettrt—f^^^^^

preter. He weuv Indians that life

havine obtained a hearing, told the inai

other of tho old men, women and children

,. ,1 V 1 YVITI no 146.147. Winlhrop.Vol. I,p.231.
• Mason. Mosb. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVIII.PP. 14''.

iMki-tMimi^^&>:i^

I I

fili'i

p
w

I
'I

-SUjWaMwiWKW""*

MiaMBu

i^MSill&^l^*^'

H
H

OF CONNECTICUT.

149

followed, until, in about two hours, nearly two hundred
persons had left the swamp. None remained, it is prob-
able, but the Pequot warriors. Few of these could ever
have slain Englishmen, and the greater portion of them
might have surrendered with an almost certain prospect
of being let off with life. Who then can refuse to admire
that heroic spirit and noble self-devotion, which would
not suffer them to desert each other in this last extremity ?
With one resolution they exclaimed : " We will fight it
out to the last." They shot their arrows at the messen-
ger of peace, and rushed upon him with such violence
that the soldiers had to run to his rescue.*

As night came on, the English cut through the narrow
part of the swamp, so that the men, by standing at a dis-
tance of twelve feet from each other, were able com-
pletely to surround the enemy. All night the Pequots
kept creeping close up to the guards and discharging their
arrows at them ; but, although the clothes of the latter
were often pierced, not one of them received a wound.
The English musketry was not thus ineffective, as was
discovered by the dead bodies found next day, half-buried
in the trampled mire.f

A little before morning, a heavy fog came on, and the
Pequots took advantage of the deepening obscurity to
attempt their escape. They rushed with loud yells upon
that part of the line guarded by Patrick's men, and re-
turned to the charge as fast as they were driven back.
\s the battle increased in violence, the other leaders came

M , (

» Mason. Mnss. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVIII, p. 147. Winthrop, Vol. I,
pp. 231,2.S2.
t Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 48.

150

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

up to assist Patrick, and the line of the besiegers was
broken up. While Mason was marching along the edge
of the swamp, he found the Pequots pressing out upon
him. He repulsed them with a discharge of musketry,
upon which they immediately turned, and, falliig once
more upon Patrick's line, forced their way through and
fled. Sixty or seventy thus mads iheir escape, of whom
some were found dead in the pursuit on the following
day. A quantity of wampum and Indian utensils was
taken, and the victorious army carried back one hundred
and eighty prisoners*

In this battle Sassacus had not been engaged. On
finding by the attempt of his renegade countryman that
he was still exposed to the attacks of his enemies, he had
resolved to take refuge in yet more distant regions. Ac-
companied by Mononotto, with twenty, or, as some say,
forty, of his bravest warriors, and carrying five hundred
pounds worth of wampum, he fled to the country of the
Mohawks. To desert his people in the midst of their
dangers, does not seem to correspond with his fame as a
great chieftain and a brave warrior.. There are two ways,
however, in which his conduct may be honorably ex-
plained. It was reported among the English, that some
of the Pequots accused him of being the author of their
misfortunes, and would perhaps have killed him in their
rage, had it not been for the interference of his friends.
This quarrel may have pursued fiim into his present re-
treat, and forced him to leave his countrymen even against
his will. It is possible, in the second place, that, seeing
there was no safety but in farther flight, he may have

• Mason. Mass. Hist. Coll, Vol. XVIII, p. 148. Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 232..

,w*-i»fe«i-s^life.» ■'*-.'sS;

4^i«i&«»i»*&;A'.v*t«y«rtf^

OP CONNECTICUT. i-j

ever a, .nd his fate. The Mohawks, moved it wa, r.

no«o. Who flea ^^:r:Lir.Tr:°''\T::!z:

• were! ; '""cn 7- " "' "' ""^ '""'<'^^«'' -^'^-n^.

de:^Xirtrr:r """'^ ''- ""^"^- -^ '-«

The colonists at first tried to make use of their „ri,
oners as servants, or, more properl,, as slave b st h
was the uneasiness of these proud children „f ,v, r
and so troublesome did they make tll f '""■

Among the prisoners taken in the Pairfip]^ o

wethewifeandchildrenofMonooto wasaZdv
known that chiefly through her influence hrdthe two
girls taken at Wethersfield been saved from death Td
she now attracted the admiration of the slth K T
intelligence and modesty, no less .Ln hfha 1e Jrved
their gratitude by her human if V u i "**" '^^^^'^^eci
that her honor m' gh: 'rhe 0^.""::^.^;" ^T
not be separated from her childr n She T'""""

-gned,hkemos.ofherfe:Xtivt.::rEt

* Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 235.

t Mason. Ma«. Hist. Coll., Vol. XVllI, p. 148.

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152

IllSXOttY OF THE INDIANS

lish family ; but Governor Winthrop gave strict injunc-
tions that she should be treated with kindness.*

At the close of the swamp fight, it weis calculated that
seven hundred Pequots had been killed or captured ; and
the prisoners taken on that occasion reported, that, out of
the twenty-six sagamores of their nation, only thirteen
survived. A large part of these last, also, must have per-
ished in the massacre with Sassacus.f

Broken and dispirited, the Pequots now became an easy
prey to their enemies j and the Mohegans and Narragan-
setts continually brought their heads or hands into the
English settlements. Among these ghastly trophies was
a hand of the sagamore who led the band which massa-
cred Stone and his companions on the Conneclicut. Some
of the chased and persecuted tribe took refuge with their
late tributaries, the western Nehantics ; some fled to Long
Island ; some to the banks of the Hudson ; and others,
tradition afterwards said, retreated as far as the back por-
tions of Virginia and North Carolina. Many threw them-
selves on the mercy of Uncas, and some even on that of
their ancient and hated enemies, the eastern Nehantics
and the Narragansetts. The Narragansetts were bound
by a treaty not to receive them, and they appear to have
kept their agreement with considerable fidelity. Those
few who came to them they usually carried to Boston and
handed over to the English magistrates. At one time
they brought in nearly eighty of these prisoners, of whom
twenty were men, and one of them a considerable saga-
more. The Mohegans, and perhaps the Nehantics, were
under no such obligation ; and they probably made little

* Hubbard's Narrative, p. 49.

t Winthrop, Vol. I, p. 234.

OF CONNECTICUT.

153

hesitation about receiving and adopting as many of the
defeated "tribe as would come to them. As early as July,
1637, less than two months after the fight at Fort Mystic,
the authorities of Massachusetts had a quarrel with Nini-
gret, the Nehantic sachem, about his harboring Pequots.*
Uncas, too, whose clan was exceedingly feeble before the
war broke out, now began to make it formidable by the
number of refugees from the dispersed tribe which he
continually received into it. Pequots and Mohegans were,
until lately, all the same people ; and when they were
mingled together it was difficult, if not impossible, for
the colonists to distinguish them. But the proceed-
ings of the crafty sachem were revealed to the English
by the Narragansetts, between whom and Uncas a bitter
hostility began to grow up even before the close of the
present war.

In July, 1638, while the persecution of the scattered
Pequots still dragged on, Uncas, with thirty-seven of his
warriors, made a ceremonial visit to Boston. Being ad-
mitted before the council of the colony, he laid down
twcL'ty fathoms of wampum as a present for the governor.
He was told that the governor would not accept it until
he had made explanations and given satisfaction con-
cerning the Pequots whom he had received and now har-
bored Uncas was terribly perplexed. He saw the rock
upon which Sassacus had split, and was determined not
to draw upon himself the nger of the English, while, at
the same time, he could not bear to part with any of his
followers. He denied that he had any Pequots, and
aflirmed most expressly, that all the company then present

• Winihrop, Vol. I, p. 232.

154

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

with him were true Mohegans. His protestations and
his evident grief softened the displeasure of the magis-
trates, and they accepted his present. '.le now took
courage. Placing his hand on his heart, and addressing
the governor, he said: "This heart is not mine: it is
yours. I have no men : they are all yours. Command
me any hard thing and I will do it. I will never believe
any Indian's words against the English. If any Indian
shall kill an Englishman, I will put him to death be he
never so dear to me."*

To the spirit exhibited in this speech Uncas was faith-
ful, so far as it agreed with his own advantage, as long as
he lived. Entirely devoted to his own interest, he found
that he best advanced that interest by exhibiting great
devotion to the powerful foreigners. He was faithful to
them just as the jackal is faithful to the lion : not because
it loves the lion, but because it gains something by re-
maining in his company.

How sincere he was in his'dealings on this occasion, we
may learn from a fact preserved in the letters of Roger
Williams. As Uncas was returning from Boston he passed
within a mile of Williams' house ; and, one of his com-
pany being disabled from traveling by lameness, turned
aside there to rest. This man, named Wequaumugs, had
a Narragansett father and a Mohegan mother, so that he
was on free terms in the country of either tribe. He soon
fell into conversation with his kind host, and answered
his questions without reserve. He stated that there were
only two Pequots with Miantinomo, neither of whom had
come in of themselves, but both having been captured by

« Winthrop, Vol. I, pp. 265, 266.

,*isa**«!.

■JkiM'^!il^"

OF CONNECTICUT.

155

his warriors. In the Nehantic country thv?re were about
sixty under Wequash Cook, nephew of Ninigret the Ne-
hantic sachem. Williams then asked him if there were
any Pequots in the company which Uncas took with him
to Boston. Wequaumugs replied that there were six, and
gave their names, observing that two of them, Pamatesick
and Weaugonhick, were slayers of Englishmen. Williams
wrote down the names, and sent thc>m, with an account
of the conversation, to Governor Winthrop, that Uncas
might not lose the credit of his praise-worthy fidelity to
the English, and his singular regard for truth.* The
revelation must have been peculiarly gratifying to Win-
throp, as he had given the sachem a fine red coat on his
departure, had defrayed his expenses while he remained
in Boston, furnished him with provisions l ur his home-
ward journey, and dismissed him with a general letter of
protection.

The Pequots who remained independent at last became
tired of being chased about, like wolves and foxes, from
one hiding place to another. They sent in some of their
chief men to Hartford, with an offer that, if only their
lives might be spared, they would give themselves up to
the English and become their servants. This offer was
accepted; and Uncas and Miantinsmo were both sum-
moned to Hartford, to agree with the magistrates in the
disposition of the conquered people. This invitation
demonstrates, perhaps, the power and influence to which
Uncas had already arisen. Had he been no more potent
now than he was at the commencement of the war, it is
very possible that he might not have received such a token

• Rhode Island Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, pp. 140, 141.*
16

156

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

of consideration. It seems probable, also, that the colo-
nists had already fixed their eye upon him, as one whom
they could safely build up as a bulwark and a watch-
tower for themselves against the other aborigmes ot this
part of New England. Another cause likewise existed
for this meeting, in a circumstance to which I have before
alluded The Pequots and Mohegans had already ceased
fighting, and began to unite under Uncas' authority.
Partly in consequence of this, and partly from the remem-
brance of ancient hostility, a quarrel had arisen between
this new community and the Narragansetts. Insults and
injuries Mete bandied to and fro ; and the sachems were
now summoned ^^ Hartford, as well to adjust their own
disputes, as to sea the distribution of the Pequots.

Miantinomo set out for the place of meeting in great
state ; being attended by his wife and children, by several
sachems, and no less than one hundred and fifty warriors.
Three Englishmen also traveled in his company, one of
whom wus Roger Williams. This large number of war-
riors was, probably, not so much in ostentation, as for
protection against real or fancied danger from the follow-
ers of Uncas. On the way, various Narragansetts were
met coming from Conne- ticut, who complained that they
had been plundered by the Pequots and Mohegans.
Some Wunnashowatuckoogs,* a tribe subject to Canon-
icus, also came into camp and told alarming stories.
" They had been robbed," they said, " two days before,
by a band of six or seven hundred Indians, composed of
Pequots and Mohegans, and others who were their con-
federates. This great band had spoiled twenty-three

• Probably a Nipmuck clan.

ft2atgS*M&S«feS^-i*ii-

,^i£^^-iM)^Maa^<

jis«sirii*»i* ■'

OF CONNECTICUT.

167

fields of their corn, and had rifled several Narragansetts
who were staying among them. Now they were lying
in wait to stop Miantinomo on his journey ; and some of
them had threatened to boil him in a kettle."

These reports being continually swelled and strength-
ened, the three Englishmen, with the design of preventing
bloodshed, advised a return; and Roger "Williams pro-
posed to go himself to Connecticut, by water, and use his
influence to have a stop put to this insolence of the Mohe-
gans. Byit as the distance was already half accomplished,
Miantinomo rejected this plan ; and 9solved at any risk
to proceed in the path on which he had set out. The
journey was continued, therefore ; the sachems marching
in the center; Roger Williams and his companions in.
front ; and forty or fifty men scouting the woods on either
side. No attack was made, perhaps none was intended ;
and, proceeding in this manner, they finally crossed the
Connecticut and entered the little village of Hartford.

As soon as he obtained an interview with the magis-
trates, Miantinomo brought forward his complaints against
Uncas, for all the acts of injustice and violence which he
had committed, or was said to have committed, upon the
Narragansetts. The Mohegan chief was not there, having
sent a messenger to say that he was lame and could not
come. Haynes, a principal member of the council, and
afterwards governor of the colony, replied that it was a
very lame excuse ; and dispatched an urgent request that
he should make his appearance. Uncas recovered from
his lameness sufficiently to reach Hartford ; and an ex-
amination was then commenced of the charges brought
against him by the Narragansetts. The Mohegan sachem

158

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

brought in one of his followers, to testify in his defense.
This man stated that he was in the party which was said
to have plundered the Wunnashowatuckoogs ; that in-
stead of six hundred and sixty warriors, as the Narragan-
setts affirmed, there were only one hundred ; and that
they did nothing more than roast corn, and a few other
harmless things of the like nature. The Narragansetts
contradicted this, and the Mohegans rejoined : both parties
commenced criminations and recriminations : the magis-
trates heard them patiently for a whilj, to let them blow
off their anger in words ; but, having no evidence upon
which they could depend, they finally ordered the charges
to be dismissed. They then attemptod to effect a recon-
ciliation between the sachems, and succeeded so far as to •
make them shake hands. Miantinomo seemed to be the
most sincere, and twice invited his rival to feast with him
on some venison which his men had just killed. The
magistrates urged Uncas to accept the invitation; but,
either from sullenness, or from suspicion of the Narragan-
sett's intentions, he refused. *

In a private conference Miantinomo gave in the names
of six Pequot sachems who remained, and of all the sur-
viving men of that nation who had been guilty of Eng-
lish blood. A list of these names was v/ritten out, and
was afterwards read to Uncas, who acknowledged it to be
correct. The sachems, or, more properly sagamores, were
Nausipouck, now on Long Island, Puppompogs, brothei
of Sassacus, Kithansh and Nanasquionwut at Mohegan,
and Mausaumpous at Nehantic.

An investigation was now commenced, as to the num-
ber of Pequots still remaining, and where they were to

OF CONNECTICUT.

159

be found. Canonicus, the Narragansetts said, had not
one. MiantinOmo had ten or eleven, the remains of
seventy who had, at vaxious times, submitted to him, out
had either never come to his country, or had afterwards
departed. All the rest of the Pequots, they asserted, were
now in their ancient territory or among the Mohegans.

Uncas was very unwilling to give in his account, and
endeavored to avoid it with his characteristic duplicity.
" He did not know the names of his Pequots," he said,
" and so could not state them. He had but a few . Nini-
gret and three other Nehantic sachems had Pequots ; but,
as for himself, he had only twenty."

Thomas Stanton, the interpreter, told him that he dealt
very falsely ; and other persons stated that he had fetched
over thirty or forty Pequots from Long Island at one
time. He now acknowledged that he had thirty, but de-
clared that he was unable to tell their names. He was
allowed ten days to bring in the names and the exact
number ; and a messenger was sent to the Nehantics to
obtain a list of the Pequots who were with them.*

Whether these conditions were exactly fulfilled or not
is uncertain ; for we have no minute account of the fur-
ther proceedings of this English and Indian council. At
the next meeting, however, it was agreed on all hands,
that about two hundred Pequots remained besides women
and children. This number included all the grown
males, the old, the infirm and the maimed, as well as
those who were strong and fit for war.

A tripartite treaty, dated October 1st, 1638, was now
entered into by John Haynes, Roger Ludlow and Edward

• Roger WUIiams' Letters. Rhode Island Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, pp. 14S— 148.

16*

. I

160

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS, ETC.

Hopkins, for the English of Connecticut ; by Miantinemo
on behalf of the sachems of the Narragansetts ; and Po-
quim, or Uncas, on the part of himself and the sagamores
under him.

There was to be perpetual peace between the parties,
all former provocations and enmities being buried forever.
If, however, any quarrel should take place between the
Narragansetts and Mohegans, the party aggrieved was to
appeal to the English, whose decision was to be held
binding. And if either of the tribes should refuse to be
g ided by that decision, the English might take up arms
aud forcibly compel it to submit. The Mohegans and
^Farragansetts were to destroy those Pequots who had
been guilty of English blood, and to bring in their heads
tc the magistrates. The two hundred Pequots were to
be divided, eighty to Miantinomo, twenty to Ninigret,
and the remaining one hundred to Uncas. For these
captivts the chieftains were to pay an annual tribute of a
fathom of wampum for every man, half a fathom for every
youth, and a hand for every male child. The Pequots
were not to live in their ancient country, nor to be called
by their ancient name, but to become Narragansetts and
Mohegans. Lastly, the Pequot territory was not to be
3laimed by the sachems, but^o be considered as the prop-
erty of the English of Connecticut.*

Such was the peace which closed the famous Pequo*
war ; and thus, for a time, was the national existence of
that brave though savage people extinguished.

• Rhode Island Hist. Coll. Vol. Ill, p. 177.

%■

^^lijUUstU^mmMrnhMiiiUMIttiilt'^^

CHAPTER V.

FROM THE DIVISION OP THE PEq,UOTS TO THE DEATH OP

MIANTINOMO.

The overthrow of the Pequots relieved the English
colonists from a very troublesome barrier to the prosecu-
tion of their settlements in Connecticut. New emigrants
arrived from England, and the white men began to flow
into this recently opened field of colonization in consider-
able numbers. The whole land was open to them, for
the natives were both fearful of their prowess, and grate-
ful for their own late deliverance from the ravages and
taxes of the Pequots. Neither had they the foresight to
anticipate the evil consequences which would ensue to
themselves from the establishment of the strangers in
their country. They did not so much as suppose that it
would cause the game to disappear ; much less that it
would result in their own depression and the extinction
of their race. Setting little value upon land and much
on the utensils and ornaments which the English could
offer them, they willingly exchanged the one for the
other, and perhaps thought, until they began to feel the
consequences of their simplicity, that they were the
greatest gainers by the transaction.

According to the late treaty, the Connecticut colonists
claimed the country in which the Pequots had chiefly
lived, as their own by right of conquest. This tract lay

162

HISTORT OP THE INDIANS

on the coast, between the Niantic and Paucatuc Rivers,
and comprised the ancient large townships of New Lon-
don, Groton and Stonington. No one pretended to dis-
pute the title of it with the victors, and they consequently
never purchased it of any one, although for several years
no settlements were commenced within its limits.

By their oursuit of the Pequot refugees, the English
had become acquainted with the seacoast lying west of
the Connecticut River. They were highly pleased with
the advantages which it afforded them for settlements,
and immediately commenced extending themselves in this
direction. In the spring of 1638, six months before the
final division of the Pequots, a considerable body of
planters arrived from ^oston in the little bay of New
Haven. The Q-uinnipiacs made no objection to their
stay, well pleased, no doubt, at the triendly settlement of
so powerful a race among them, whose vicinity, they
concluded, would act as a barrier to the incursions of the
Mohawks. On the fourth of the following December, a
treaty was entered into between the strangers and the
aborigines : John Davenport and Theophilus Eaton stood
forth on the part of the colonists ; Momauguin, sachem
of the Quinnipiacs, Shaumpishuh his sister, Sugcogisin,
Q,uesaquanash,* Carroughood and Wesaucucke, his coun-
cillors, on the part of the Indians. The treaty opens by
a declaration from Momauguin, his council and his people,
that Momauguin is the sole sachem of Cluinnipiac, and
has, with his council and people, an absolute power to
dispose of all or any part of it, unrestricted by any other
person whatsoever. The declaration then goes on to

• In this treaty spelt Quosaquash ; in that of Guilford as above.

]

• iiirifr'rVr"--"-^"^"

MwittiiTii iiiKiiMmiKlrtir

OP CONNECTICUT

163

say, that the Quinnipiacs had not forgotten the heavy
taxes and continual alarms which they had felt and feared
from the Pequots, Mohawks and other Indians ; that, in
consequence of their sufferings and terrors, they had not
been able to remain in their own country, but had been
forced to seek shelter among the English of Connecticut
River ; and that, since the English had begun to build
and plant among them, they had tasted some of that ease
and safety which all those Indians enjoyed who lived
near the English and under their protection. For this
reason they gave up to the white men all the lands of
Quinnipiac, wherever they might extend, together with
all the rivers, ponds, trees and other appurtenances which
belonged to them. For themselves they stipulated, that
they might hunt over the district as before, and that a
tract might be reserved for them on the east side of the
harbor sufficient for their small population to plant on.
Even on this tract the English might use the meadows
and cut down the trees at pleasure ; nor should the Quin-
nipiacs, in their hunting, set their traps in such a manner
as would be likely to injure the cattle of the settlers.
Many other conditions were annexed, each party prom-
ising not to molest the other, and to make all suitable
reparation if any injury should ever be done. The Quin-
nipiacs stated the numbers of their men and youths at
forty-seven ; and covenanted that they would admit no
other Indians among them without first having leave from
the English. The treaty was signed by the totems of the
sachem, of his four councilors, and of his sister. The
totem of Momanguin was a bow; that of Sugcogisin a
fishhook ; that of Quesaquanash an irregular horizontal

1C4

mSTORT OP THE INDIANS

line; that of Weiaucuck apparently a war-club; whle
that of Shauropishuh may or ma/ not have been a to-
bacco pipe.*

In return for the gift of so large a tract of land, the
colonists made the Quinnipiacs what they styled, "a
free and thankful retiibution" of the following articles ;
twelve coats of English trading cloth, twelve alchymy
spoons, twelve hatchets, twei/e hoes, two dozen of knives,
twelve por-ingers, and four cases of French knives and
scissors. Doubtless some such present as this was ex-
pected by the Indians ; but the tenoi of the treaty shows
that their principal inducements in making it were, grati-
tude for the English protection, and a desire for its con-
tinuance. Knowing little of European modes of life, and
judging of the colonists greatly by themselves, they sup-
posed that the latter would cultivate but a little laud, and
support themselves, for the rest, by trading, fishing and
hunting. Little did they think, that in the course of
years the white population would increase from scores to
hundreds, and from hundreds to thousands ; that the deep
forests would be cut down ; that the wild animals would
disappear ; that the fish would grow few in the rivers •
and that the poor remnant of the Quinnipiacs would
eventually leave ti)3 graves of their forefathers, and wan-
der away into aLothei land. Could they have anticipated
that a change so wondeiful, and, in their history, so un-
precedented, v/ould of necessity fo'low the coming of the

• Records of New Hnven Colony. A full copy of the irenty mny he seen
in Bacon's Historica- Discourflcs. Appendi::, op. 331— 3.7fi. Foc-mmi!.>s of
the totems of Momauguin and Shoumpishub. with those of f.ev.Mitcc.i o.licr
Connecticut Bachcnn and BagamortB, are presented in the iippcndix to tho
prtNnt v«)lum«, Anicle IV.

OF CONNECTICUT.

165

white man, they would have preferred the wampum
tributes of the Pequots and the scalping parties of the
Five Nations, to the vicinity of a people so kind, so peace-
able and yet so destructive.

There is n© proof, however, but that the treaty was well
observed by both parties^ or that any difficulty ever arose
between them as long as the Indians remained in exist-
ence. In fact, the puritans of New Haven colony are
perhaps not less worthy of praise than the quakers of
Philadelphia for the peace and quietness which invariably
existed between them and the aborigines * The Q,uin-
nipiacs collected on their little reservation on the east
side of the bay, where they lived for a long time, quiet
and unnoticed, having a fort to protect them against in-
vaders, and subsisting chieily upon the shell-fish to be
found in the harbor.

A few days subsequently, the New Haven settlers made
a similar treaty [December 21st,] with Montowese, son
of Sowheag, and sachem of the country north, northeast
and northwest of Q.uinnipiac. The tract thus obtained
was ten miles in breadth by thirteen in length, extending
eight m'les east of the river Quinnipiac, and five miles
west. The population of so considerable a region, com-
prising at least one hundred and thirty square miles, con-
sisted, besides the sachem, often warriors and a proportion,
able number of squaws and papooses. The English gave
in return a present of eleven coats of trading cloth and
one coat of fine cloth for Montowese : a small reservation.

* Pei'iaps some one will sneeringly nsk, what has become of the Indian
who used lo live around Nev Haven ? To which may b« replied, wiih equal
justice, What has become of the Indians who used to live around Philadelphia ?

166

HISTORY OP THK INDIANS

also, was made by the Indians, and they were allowed to
hunt on the land as before. The totem of Montowese is
attached to the treaty, and also that of Sawseunck, an
Indian who attended to witness and give his consent to
the transaction, and who may perhaps have been a deputy
from Sowheag. The totem of Montowese was a bow
with an arrow fitted on the string ; that of Sawseunck
was a hatchet. It is worthy of remark, as illustrating In-
dian customs, that in this treaty Montowese states that
he obtained his land from his deceased mother, whom wp
may conclude, therefore, to have been the daughter of
some petty sachem.*

In February, 1639, Ansantawae, sachem of the Pau-
gussetts or Wepawaugs, sold the English a considerable
tract near the center of the present township of Milford.
The purchasers laid down before the sachem six coats,
ten blankets, one kettle and a quantity of hoes, knives'
hatchets and looking-glasses. A twig and a piece of turf
were handed to Ansantawae by one of his followers. He
stuck the twig into the turf and gave both into the hands
of the English. By this ceremony, he considered him-
self to have passed over to them the soil, and all which
the soil sustained. An instrument of sale was likewise
drawn up, which was signed on the part of the Indians
by Ansantawae, Anshuta, Arracowset, Manamatque and
several others.f The Wepawaugs were considered so
numerous at this time fjiat the colonists deemed it neces-
sary for their own safety to enclose the whole town plot
of a mile square with a palisade.

• Records of New Hnven Colony.

t Lamherfs History of New Haven Colony, p. 86.

t^ ^^ iteMrtftifa" ■ ■ ■ ■im

mill iiMiiiiiiiimlr

or CONNECTICUT.

167

During the same year the little clan resident at Pair-
field sold a large tract to the whites, who immediately
commenced a settlement there, which they at first called,
after the Indian name of the place, Unquowa. As the
original records of Fairfield have been destroyed, the par-
ticulars of this sale are now unknown.

Another and the only other settlement eflfected in 1639,
was the gne commenced at Menunketuc, now Guilford!
The purchase was made [October 9th] of Shaumpishuh,
sister of Momanguin, and sunk squaw or female chief of
the Indians of Guilford. The tract purchased extended
from the Aigicomock or East River of Guilford, to a place
called Kuttanoo, most probably some part of the present
township of East Haven. For a consideration of twelve
coats, twelve fathoms of wampum, twelve looking-glasses,
twelve pairs of shoes, twelve pairs of stockings, twelve
hatchets, four kettles, twelve knives, twelve hats, twelve
porringers, twelve spoons and two English coats, Shaum-
pishuh and her people acknowledged themselves fully paid
and satisfied. The Indians, according to agreement, soon
left the purchased tract, part of them taking up their resi-
dence in Branford, and part moving still farther west Dn>\
uniting with the main body of their kindred at EaU
Haven. Among the former was Quesaquanash, who, with
others, signed the treaty of New Haven ; and among the
latter was Shaumpishuh herself, who thus joined her
brother Momauguin. The number of Indians who ac-
companied Shaumpishuh was fourteen men, six women,
and fourteen children.*

It will be remembered that, during the Pequot war,

• Guilford Records.

168

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

some difficulties occurred between Sowheag and the p^^nt-
ers of Wethersfield ; and that, in consequence, the former
joined the Pequots, or at least advised them, in their at-
tack on that settlement. The affair was then brought
before the General Court of Connecticut ; but it was
found, on examination, that the Wethersfield people had
been the aggressors. A message was therefore sent to the
Wangunk sachem, offering to renew friendship with him,
provided he would surrender those of his men*who had
been concerned in the above mentioned attack. At this
time the contest was not yet decided against the Pequots ;
and Sowheag, confiding in their assistance, and in the
numbers of his own tribe, refused to give up his followers
to the fate of malefactors. In August, 1639, the Pequot
■;var being fully over, the matter was again brought before
the Court, and the magistrates resolved to punish Sow-
heag as they had already punis,hed the Pequots, A levy
of one hundred men was ordered, and messengers were
dispatched to Qtuinnipiac to warn the settlers there of the
coming war, so that they might provide for their own de-
fense. Governor Eaton and his fellow townsmen were
not at all pleased at the news ; entirely friendly hitherto
with the Indians, they had not learned either to hate or
fear them ; they accordhigly remonstrated with earnest-
ness against the design ; they mentioned the expenses
and sufferings caused by the late contest, and they
urged that the colonists needed all their men and means
to prosecute the settlement of the country. The Con-
necticut settlers were wise enough to be convinced by
these arguments ; the difficulties of the Wethersfield peo-
ple with Sowheag were amicably adjusted ; and that

OF CONNECTICUT.

169

sachem, who had already removed to Mattabesett or Mid-
dletown,* was allowed to remain in peace.f

Another affair was under the consideration of the Court.
News had been brought that many of the Pequots had
violated the treaty of 1638, by gathering together as a
distinct people, and settling in their ancient country.
They had built a village on the banks of the Paucatuc,
close to the territories of the Nehantics, and they probably
acknowledged some sort of allegiance to the Nehantic
sachems. As they had thus not only broken the treaty,
but intruded on land which the English claimed as their
own, the Court resolved that they should be punished
and driven out by force. Forty soldiers were raised and
placed under John Mason, and the expedition was joined
by Uncas, with twenty canoes and one hundred warriors.
The united armament then sailed to the mouth of the
Paucatuc. On entering the river, Mason fell in with
three Pequots of the devoted village, to whom he de-
livered a message for their countrymen. " They must
leave the country immediately," he said, " or he would
drive them away by force, carry off their corn, and burn
their wigwams." The three Indians promised to bring
back an answer ; but, having once got out of the hands
of the English, they took good care never to be seen,
again. Mason sailed up the river, disembarked, and at-
tacked the village so suddenly that he captured some old
men who had not time, in the general scamper, to make
their escape. As it was now the Indian harvest, they
found the wigwams stored with an abundance of corn.

?•'

• Treaty with Montoweee in the New Kaven Records.

t Colonial Records, Vol. I, pp. 19, 31. . -umbull. Vol. I, p. 108.

170

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Uncas and his people immediately began to plunder ; but,
while they were engaged in this profitable service, about
sixty Indians appeared on a neighboring hill and rushed
down upon them. The Mohegans waited in silence until
their enemies were witnin thirty yards, when, raising
loud yells, and brandishing their weapons, they ran for-
ward to the charge. A confused and noisy conflict en-
sued, while the English, drawn up one side, remained for
a while quiet spectators of the scene. They were exceed-
ingly amused with this Indian battle, in which there was
a vast amount of shouting and yelling, but no lives lost,
and very little blood spilt. After a few moments. Mason
made a movement as if to surround the enemy, upon
which they immediately dispersed and fled. Seven were
taken prisoners; but the English killed none, as they
were anxious to accomplish the object of the expedition
without provoking the Indians to desperation and revenge.
The captives, however, behaved so outrageously and in-
solently, that Mason was about, as he expressed it, to
make them a head shorter ; when Yotaash, a brother of
Miantinomo, came forward and begged for their lives.
" They are my brother's men," said he. " He is a friend
to the English. You shall have the heads of seven mur-
derers in their stead." The English were easily per-
suaded, and the captives were committed, for the present,
to the care of Uncas, though with what result is now
unknown.

At night the soldiers slept in the open air on the banks
of a creek. Early in the morning they were startled by
seeing a large body of Indians on the opposite side, whose
numbers they estimated, in the uncertain light, at three

^:Sij^£iii-'^i**^'^-'^*^

OP CONNECTICUT.

171

hundred. They sprang to their arms, on which the In-
dians immediately disappeared, some skulking behind
rocks and trees, and others running entirely away. The
English called across the creek, and asked to speak with
them ; upon which a considerable number rose from their
hiding places and came forward. Mason then explained
to them, through his interpreter, that h had a just cause
for his present expedition ; the Pequots having violated
the treaty at Hartford, first by living as a separate people,
secondly by settling in their ancient country. " The Pe-
quots who live here are good men," replied the Indians ;
"and we will certainly fight for them and protect them."
" Very well," said Mason coolly ; " it is not far to the
head of the creek ; I will meet you there, and you may
do what you can at fighting." " We will not fight with
the English," returned the Indians, "for they are spirits;
but we will fight with Uncas."

These warriors were Neliantics and Narragansetts, who
had come to prevent their tributaries from being driven
from their country, but had not the hardihood to en-
counter the white men, who, from their late exploits,
seemed to them manittos, or supernatural beings. Mason
told them that he should spend the day in burning the
Peqiiot village and carrying off the Pequct corn, and that
they were at liberty to attack him whenever they chose.
The drums beat, causing the woods to echo with their
rolls of defiance ; and the English went about their work
at leisure, and finished it without being disturbed by an
enemy. Having destroyed the village and laden his bark
with corn, Mason sailed away, followed by his Mohegan
allies. The latter rejoiced in a great quantity of trav%

17*

1T2

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

mats, kettles and other Indian valuables, with which they
had loaded their own canoes, as well as thirty others
taken from their plundered enemies * We hear but
little of the Pequots for seven or eight years after this
event ; and it is certain that they gave no more military
occupation to their nominal lords, the English cobnists.

No one can reasonably condemn the foregoing trans-
action ; no one can assert with truth that it was unjust,
or hasty, or cruel. But it was followed by another, which
I believe no unprejudiced person will refuse, or scarcely
hesitate, to condemn. The colony of New Haven, re-
markable for never having had a quarrel with the abo-
rigines in its vicinity, sullied its fair fame by ipprehending
Messatunck, or Nepaupu6k, a brave Pequot chieftain, as I
crimmal, and executing him as a murderer. This man
had fought gallantly in the late war, was known to have
killed Abraham Finch, a settler of Wethersfield, and was
reported to have slain several other white men and carried
their hands to Sassacus. After the subjugation of his
tribe he ivandered about, for some time, unnoticed; but
venturmg at last (October, 1639,} into the settlement of
New Haven, with another Indian, was recognized and
apprehended. He was bound, but had nearly escaped
agam by the help of his companion, when the attempt
was discovered and prevented. He was thrown into the
stocks, and his friend was dismissed with a sound flog-

hnL?T."''*'"^- ^'"«'- "^«*- Coll.. Vol. XVIII. pp. 149-151. The
band thus broken up was probably under Wequash, or Wequash Cook, who
.s we earn frojn Roger Willian.' letters, [Rhode I.„„d Hist. Coll.. Vo . m.'

ook T r """■'•• ""'"" ^''^ ''"'''''• '^^^-'l* — ed to near S«"
brook, on the Connecticut, where he died in 1642.

OF CONNECTICUT.

173

ging. The Quinnipiac sachem, with several of his tribe,
were summoned before the magistrates of the colony, to
declare what they knew of the prisoner The greatest
part of them agreed that he had killed one or more Eiig-
lish people, and that he had presented the hands of several
to Sassaciis, boasting that he had slain them himself.
While the examination was progressing, a auinnipiac,
named Mewhebato, kinsman to the accused, came to in-
tercede for his life. He was immediately brought before
the Court and ordered to declare what he knew as to the
prisoner's guilt. Trembling with fear at finding himself
HI the hands of the English magistrates, he at first pre-
tended ignorance ; but his countenance seemed distracted
with terror, and being sternly admonished to speak truth,
he finally confessed that his kinsman was guilty of the
actions laid to his charge.

The Indian witnesses were now sent out, and Nepau-
puck was brought in, and made acquainted with the
charges agahist him. He replied, that these things were
true with regard to Nepaupuck ; but, as for himself, he
was not Nepaupuck. Mewhebato, being again called in,
told his kinsman, with a sorrowful air, that he knew him,'
and knew him to be guilty of the things of which he was
accused. Wattone, son of Carroughood, one of the Quin-
nipiac councilors, now came into the Court, and charged
the prisoner to hi« face with his guilt, asserting that\e
himself stood on an island in the Connecticut River, and
saw him kill Abraham Finch of Wethersfield.* Momau-

• The Q..innipiac8, It will be remembered, had at that time taken refuge
tmongthe Enfelisi, settlements on the Connecticut from the attacks of the
PeijUoisand the Mohawks.

174

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

oner s gmlt and his identity with Nepaupuck.

F,„d,„g it impossible t.o deny his name, the captive

death the Enghsh might cut his head off, or liill him in
any other way : only fire was God and r/i
«„•.!, I,- ■ , "' *™ "od was anerv

with him ; wherefore he desired not to fall into his hands "
He was now sent back to the stocks, and a guard set over
him for his safe keeping.

The colony of New Haven was at this time distinct
from the colony of Connecticut, and maintained a separate
existence. It will be remembered, also, tha, the towns
composing It were not founded at the time of the Pequot
war, and that many of its inhabitants did not arrive in the
ccnintry till that contest was virtually closed. Thus the
ac ions for which Nepaupuck was imprisoned were not
only committed without the jurisdiction of New Haven
Colony bu, even before that colony had an existence.
Nevertheless, on the next day, [November 8th, 1639 1
Nepaupuck was brought before a General Cour of the
colony, ,0 be tried for his life as a murderer. There could
be httle doubt about the result. The ftuinnipiacs gave
their evidence as they had done before. The Court found
Nepaupuck guilty of murder and condemned him to death.
The prisoner was asked if he would not confess that he
deserved to die. It is probable that he looked upon his
own execution, not as a judicial act, such as the English
were anxious to have it considered, but merely as an act
of vengeance, such as Hs own people >vere accustomed to
take upon their enemies. He simply replied, " Wcregin."

^^'iHmr^it

or CONNECTICUT. tjg

Thus, for haring fought bravely and with effect aeainst

ffe^':;:"*"'".'" "'' "«'""' ^ <•- pequor s

a'™ tim n7 " «-"">^'»<=-. -- indeed in acc^
ance with Indian custom, but certainly not with ih.

.«ci.i,i.ed lands. Nepaupuck wTn'o^ K^nXh"
subject, therefore not amenable to English laws H.

^"giish , and, if he had been, he could not leeallv hnuo

^•:sr"'r.'°r:n""™"'"«'^ p-^~^^^

and „ V ' '"^''"'' ^"^ " ■"«'« <•"««. » nothing

looked rr ";" ^"T^"* "^ '"^ ■==-' ■■' "> »« o-^

ooked. It IS evident that liis execution was dictated bv
he unjust and relentless policy of the colonists, of afot-
>»S their enemies only two alternatives, compete s^

availed him nothing : ^S .rrgHsCer::
therefore, however taken, he must die. cZZv Zt
Pe,uots themselves would hardly have been t^'st ™
in their po hey, or more unrelenting in their vengeance
During 1640 and 1641, the English continued torn ke

n theCr "' '"'""• """ •" '^'=""'* '"- "ve

t wm he 'r":i '"" '"""^ P""'""^ "^ «•« 'and.

It will be remembered that, in 1636, Sequassen sold a

7:t otr a '" """''^' --hingVrom aro„:d H^!

ord on the Connecticut River, as far west as the terri-

tons, of the Mohawks. This, however, did not plvent

• New Haven Recorda.

ZSSSmK»M

176

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

a number of Hartford people, who settled Farmington in
1640, from making another purchase, for the sake of satis-
fying the Indians. They bought all the ground which
the latter then had planted, and, in return, made them a
reservation which has ever since been known under the
name of Indian Neck. It was a beautiful little plain of
rich meadow land, triangular in shape, inclosed on one
side by the forest, and on the other two by the deep, nar-
row and slowly flowing current of the Farmington.*

Private sales and gifts were also not unknown, although
apparently much less numerous in this early period than
afterwards. No later, indeed, than 1638, an order seems
to have been passed by the General Court, that no indi-
vidual should purchase iland from the Indians without
authority from itself.f This law, and others of a similar
nature, were always more or less violated ; and it is of
private individuals, I suspect, that the Indians have most
to complain, wherever they have been unfairly deprived
of their lands. But where or when have laws ever been
observed with implicit obedience ? And what community
ever succeeded in conferring perfect sjscurity from dis-
honesty and violence on the property even of its own
citizens ? Doubtless, however, it was not for the benefit
of the Indians only that the above order was promulgated ;
but also, if not entirely, for the purpose of asserting and

* Farmington Records.

t This law is mentioned by Doctor Johnson, who at one time was agent
for Connecticut, in England, during the trial of the Mohegan Case. [Ind.
Pap., Vol. I, Doc. 277] It is not indeed to be found on the records of the
colony, yet is it in one place distinctly referred to. [Colonial Records, Vol. I,
p. 214.] Trumbull states ':iat such laws were enacted both by Connecticut
and New Haven. See History of Connecticut, Vol. I, p. 1 17.

■•

•

ssaa

immmm

OP CONNECTICUT.

177

preserving the jurisdiction power of the General Court
over the unbought and unoccupied lands of the colony

On the fifth of March, 1C40, the Nor^yalk Indians sold
a considerable part of their territory to Roger Ludlow, an
mhabitant oi Fairfield. The deed comprehended all the
land lying between the Norwalk and Saugatuc Rivers, a
day s walk from the sea into the country. The price paid
was e:ght fathoms of wampum, six coats, ten hatchets,
ten noes ten knives, ten scissors, ten jewsharps, ten
f^ithoms of tobacco, three kettles of six hands about, and
ten looking-glasses. The deed of sale was signed by Ma-
hackemo the sachem, and by Tomakergo, Tokaneke,
Adam and Prose wamenos.

In the following April, Captain Daniel Patrick, the same
who had fought against the Pequots, bought two islands
off the mouth of Norwalk River, and a tract on the main-
land west of the river. This purchase, also, was made
of Mahackemo and his people ; and the consideration
given was similar in kind, although inferior in amount to
the other.*

In 1641, [July 11th,] two sagamores, named Ponus and
Wassacussue, sold Rippowams, now Stamford, reserving
to themselves only a small parcel for planting. They re-
ceived for the land twelve coats, twelve hoes, twelve
hatchets, twelve glasses, twelve knives, two kettles, and
four fathoms of white wampum; altogether, says Trum-
bull, equal to about thirty pounds.f

In recording these transactions a doubt easily crosses
the mmd, whether such purchases, where large tracts of
laud, which are now valuable, were obtained for consider-

• Hall's Hiat. of Norwalk, pp. 30. 41. t Pres. Stiles' Itinerary, Vol. II.

lal

ITS

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

ations which to us would be trifling, can be considered
fully in accordance with honesty and justice. It must be
remembered, however, that the severs were themselves
what would now be considered poor; that the articles
which they paid to the Indians were brought from a great
distance, m vessels which came at long intervals; that
twelve hoes and twelve hatchets, for instance, were no
slight consideration to a community which, perhaps, did
not possess a single plow;* and that the land which u.e
purchasers obtained was worth almost nothing to them in
Us wild state, and could only be made valuable by hard
and long continued labor. On the other hand, the act of
tie Indians was free; they were never induced to part
w.th their land by threats and force; nor does it appear
that they were ever, at this period, inveigled into it by
intoxicating liquors. They were undoubtedly, at first
as highly pleased with the bargain as were the pur-
chasers ; and probably never thought of being dissatisfied
until they found that what they had received had been
wasted, aad what the white man had received had been
improved.

It is worth while here, to stop and look at the first con-
vert to the Christian faith among the aborigines of New
England. This man was Wequash, the Nehantic saga-
more, who assisted Uncas in guiding Mason and his army
against the ill-fated fort at Mystic. Wequash was ex-
ceedingly astonished at the success of the colonists in that
enterprise, and attrib.Ued to the superiority of the English

• In 1637. there were only thirty plows in all Massachusetts ; it is probable
ha there we^ not ten. perhaps not five, in Connecticut. So says Trun.buU
(Vol. I page fi!), note ;] and this was true, it will be noticed, seventeen yean,
•fter the nlgruns landed in New England.

OF CONNECTICUT.

179

God over the gods of the Pequots. This behef led him
to inquire of the settlers concerning their religion ; and
what he thus heard seemed to produce upon him a deep
and lasting impression. He became more and more in-
terested in the subject ; he made it the chief theme of
his conversation when among the English ; and. in the
opiniotx of some of them, he " attained to a good know-
ledge of tlie things of God and salvation by Jesus Christ."*
Not satisfied with embracing the Christian religion him-
self, he began to preach it to his countrymen ; but here
he found none to sympathize with him, none who desired
that treasure which he thought so precious. The Indians
were violently attached to their ancient superstitions, and
not only refused to follow the example of '"equash, but
abused him, and treated him with contumt ly, for having
forsaken the faith of his ancestors. The sagamore, hov/-
ever, was firm in his profession, and continued to hold re-
ligious conversations with his English friends, among
whom were George Fenwick vf Saybrook, and the still
better known Roger Williams. During the year 1642, he
fell dangerously sick, with strong suspicions that he had
been poisoned by those Indians who hated hiin fei- having
become a Christian. Two days before his death, Roger
Williams happened to stop at Saybrook ; and, while there,
paid a visit to his esteemed friend, Mr. Fenwick, Being
informed by that gentleman of the grievous sickness of
Weqiiash, he expressed a desire to see him ; and they
both walked out, about two miles, to the cabin of the
dying sagamore. Wequash conversed with them on his
sickness and probable death, and bequ<jalhed his only son,

• Wiiiiliiop. Vol. II, p. 74.
18

•I >

180

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Wenamoag,* to Mr. Fenwick's care. Roger Williams
then, as he tells us, " closed with him about his soul."
In reply, Wequash told him how, two years before, he
had lodged with him at Providence, and how he then
informed him of the miserable condition of men in this
world, of their fallen and sinful nature, of the wrath of
God against them, and of the necessity of repentance and
faith in Christ. " And," continued he, " your words were
never out of my mind to this time : very much have I
prayed to Jesus Christ." Williams, anxious that he should
not deceive himself :'n this important hour, told him that
many people did the same who yet never turned to Christ
in their hearts nor loved him. The reply of the saga-
more was in broken English : "Me so big naughty heart ;
me heart all one stone." " Savory expressions," con-
tinues Williams, in his account of the interview, "and
such as are used to breathe from compunct and broken
hearts, and a sense of inward hardness and unbrokenness.
I had many discourses with him in life ; but this was the
sum of our last parting, until our general meeting."!

What became of the son of Wequash is not known ;
but he left a younger brother, named Cushawashet, who
adopted his name, and was for some time known as We-
quash Cook. Both Wequash and Cushawashet were sons
of Momojoshuck, the earliest grand sachom of the Ne-
hantics whose name has descended to our times. Cusha-
washet, however, was not of pure royal blood, and the

• Thnt this wbh his name appears by the testimony of the wife of Weqnnsh,
(dated July l3th,lG49, old style,) concerning some land afiairs, preserved in
the volumes of papers on Towns and Lnnda, Vol. VII.

t Roger Willinma' Key. Mush. Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, p. 206. Winthrop,
Vol. II. p. 74.

s^2S;S^SaSSkS*^^?%**^«*

u^ikmm!^tB«^i

OF CONNECTICUT.

181

and

same was probably true of Wequash ; for, on the death of
Moraojoshiick, his brother Yanemo, or Ninigret, succeeded
him in the sachemship, while his two sons never became
the heads of any considerable community. As Wequash
was sometimes called a Pequot, and as Cushawashet was
always more closely connected with the Pequots than
with the Nehantics, it seems probable that their mother
was a woman of the Pequot race. Cushawashet, though
for some time called Wequash Cook,* finally adopted the
English cognomen of Hermon Garret, under which name
We shall hereafter become better acquainted with him.f

Having disposed of matters of inferior importance, it is
now time to look about for our old and crafty acquaint-
ance, Uncas. After the overthrow of the Pequots, this
sachem laid claim to the sovereignty of their country on
the ground of his connection with the royal family of the
tiibe. He readily gave up that district along the seacoast
which the English had seized, but the remainder he con-
sidered as justly and undeniably his own. He thus came
into possession of all the northern part of New London
County, together with the southern portions of the coun-
ties of Tolland and Windham. The former tributaries of
the Pequots, however, now considered themselves inde-
pendent ; and those of them who submitted to Uncas,
either at the present or any future time, were mostly, if
not all, brought to submit by force. His tribe was vastly
increased, perhaps doubled, by the one hundred Pequots,
who had been given him at the treaty of 1638. Some
refugees had joined him from the conquered tribe before

! ■!'

• Weqiinshcuk, originnlly, it i» probnble,

t Hazard, Vol. II, p. 464. Rhode lelaud Hist. Coll. Vol. Ill, pp. 64, 65.

182

HISTOny OF THE INDIANS

that event, and others had attached themselves to him
since. It was nntural that the Pequots, rather than fly
from their country, or become slaves to the English, or
join their ancient foes, the Narragansetts, should choose
to identify themselves with a fragment of their own tribe,
even though that fragment had been rebellious and hos-
tile. Wanderers from other nations, too, collected around
Uncas, and increased the numbers and influence of the
Mohegans. Among these warlike and unsettled commu-
nities, wherever a sachem distinguished himself by his
abilities and success, he was sure to attract many adven-
turers from the neighboring tribes. Some came out of a
desire for protection, some from a wish to distinguish
themselves under so fortunate a leader, and some, doubt-
less, because they were forced to come by the sa.hem
himself in his eff'orts to increase the number of his fol-
lowers. Uncas considerably extended his territories by
marrying the daughter of the Hammonassett sachem, Se-
bequanash ; thus coming into possession of the seashore
as far east as the Aigicomock, or East River, in Guilford.
In 1641, indeed, he sold, [December 27th,] for a small
consideration, nearly the whole of the tract to the people
of Guilford ;* but, as most of the Hammonassetts prob-
ably passed over to the east side of the Connecticut, liis
eff-ective strength in warriors was very likely increased,
rather than diminished, by this transaction.

Uncas had another source of influence in the consider-
ation which his late services brought him among the Eng-
lish. His faithfulness during the Pequot war was repaid
by the colonists with their llivor, when it could be granted

* Ciuilford liccorda.

irtfi T "-"-

I
I

OF CONNECTICUT.

183

with justice, and sometimes, perhaps, when it could only
be granted with injustice. But, aside from gratitude, the
colonists were not insensible of the advantages which
would accrue to them from having always at their com-
mand so active and influential a native chieftain. In war
he would be useful as an ally, and in peace he could act
as a spy upon the proceedings of his fellow sachems.
Such an ally and such a spy Uncas was willing to be, as
long as it would increase his power and gratify his ra-
pacity.

The first transaction of importance between Uncas and
Connecticut, after the treaty of 1638, was an agreement
drawn up and signed on the 8th of October, 1640. The
nature of this agreement was ambiguous ; and it way,
many years afterwards, made one ground of a tedious,
fluctuating and expensive law suit between the Mohegans
and the colony. The colonial authorities, and all who
were interested in their success, affirmed that it was a
true deed of purchase and sale. The Indians and their
supporters declared that it was a mere right of pre-emption,
by which Uncas interdicted himself from parting with his
land to any but the colony, or the settlers, of Connecticut.
Which was the most reasonable of these two opinions,
may be judged from the value of the gift which was
made to the sachem when the deed was obtained : " fivo
yards of cloth and a few pairs of stockings." In return
for this insignificant present, hardly worth a dozen beaver
skins, Uncas is said to have parted with his whole coun-
try, except that on which the Mohegans were then plant-
ing.* There are some circumstances, however, it must

• See the pnppr itself in ilif Apponlix, Article V

18*

184

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

be confessed, which tend to favor this conclusion. Uncas,
at this time, had on^"* held his country two years, and
. had barely ceased to be considered a tributary of the Pe-
quots. He had besides been subdued in war by Sassacus,
and had thus, according to Indian custom, forfeited his
ands to his conquerors, as well as to whoever should con-
quer them.

This affair, however, gave no trouble to Uncas, during
whose life-time the English never urged their pretended
right to the Mohegan territory j and, for the present, his
power and influence went on increasing in such a manner
as to awaken the envy and fear of all the surrounding
chieftains. The Narragansetts hated him as a Pequot ;
they had cause, also, to hate on his own account ; and
now their hatred was increased by seeing him become a
formidable rival. Jealousy and ancient enmity made him
likewise an object of bitter dislike to the kinsman and
ally of the Narragansetts, Sequassen, the sachem of the
Connecticut River. This chieftain had doubtless strong
hopes, on the overthrow of the Pequots, that he should
recover his ancient influence, and perhaps become even
more powerful than before. But the sudden rise of Uncas
blighted all these expectations, and ever afterwards he
hated him with all the rancor of disappointed ambition.
The events which followed, render the supposition prob-
able, not only that Sequassen and the Narragansetts were
acquainted with each other's sentiments towards the Mo-
hegan chief, but that they had formed a conspiracy to
overthrow and destroy him. Uncas, on the contrary,
strove to defend himself and to injure his enemies, by
spreading unfavorable reports of their feelings and designs

•mim-»¥:r

dlMiMIHHMll

OF CONNECTICUT.

185

with regard to the English. " Miantinomo," the Mohe-
gans would say, '• wants to make himself sachem of all
the Indians in New England. Miantinomo is trying to
bring all the Indians into a great conspiracy against the
white men."

These reports produced so much suspicion in the ma-
gistrates, that in November, 1640, they summoned the
Narragansett chief to Boston. He obeyed immediately,
thus at once producing a strong impression in his favor.
When questioned, he was deliberate in his answers ; would
never speak except when some of his councilors were
present that they might be witnesses ; showed much in-
genuity in his observations, and a good perception of
what was wise and equitable in policy. He offered to
prove that Uncas and the Mohegans alone had raised the
reports against him ; asked that his accusers jnight be
brought before him, face to face ; and demanded that, if
unable to prove their charges, they should be put to
death. His dignity, his frankness, and the justness of
his remarks, silenced the complaints of the magistrates ;
they acquitted him of all suspicion of conspiracy, and he
departed from Boston iu peace.*

This affair doubtless increased his hatred of Uncas;
and, not long after, an event occurred which was said to
be an effect of that hatred. One evening, as Uncas was
passing from one wigwam in his fort to another, an arrow,
discharged by some unseen .marksman, pierced his arm.
He reached the cabin to, whitch he was going, without
further injury, and, enteiing it, was safe. The wound
»vas slight and soon healed. The perpetrator of this at-

* VVinthioi), Vol. 11, pp. 80—83.

186

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

tempted assassination was unknown ; but a young Pe-
quot, one of Uncas' subjects, being observed to have a
large quantity of wampum, fell under suspicion. He was
interrogated, and, as he could give no reasonable expla-
nation of how he came by so much property, the suspi-
cions against him were increased. Observing this, he
stole away out of the village, fled over to the Narragaii-
sett country, and took refuge with Miantinomo. Uncas
laid the matter before the magistrates of Massachusetts ;
charging Miantinomo with being the instigator of the at-
tack on him ; and the Narragansett sachem once more felt
himself compelled to go to Boston. He carried the Pe-
quot with him, and the young man was examined by the
magistrates in the chieftain's presence. He told a most
extraordinary story ; how he was staying, at one time, in
Uncas' fort ; how Uncas engaged him to tell the English
that he had been hired by Miantinomo to kill Uncas, and
how Uncas then took the flint of his gun and cut his own
arm on two sides, so as to make it appear as if it had been
pierced by an arrow. This tale, improbable in itself, and
unpleasing to the colonists, who already distrusted the
Narragansetts, as well as favored the Mohegans, not only
did not clear the culprit, but brought Miantinomo under
deep suspicion. It seemed as if the story had been con-
cocted between the sachem and his tool, for throwing off"
the guilt of a conspiracy from their own shoulders, and
laying it on the intended victim of that conspiracy, who
had barely escaped from it with his life. The magis-
trates expressed themselves convinced of the Pequot's
guilt, and declared that he ought to be delivered over to
the vengeance of the Mohegan sachem. Miantinomo ob-

OF CONNECTICUT.

187

jected, arguing that the man was under his protection ;
but finally promised that, if he might only carry him
back to his own country, he would then surrender him to
Uncas. His earnest request was granted ; he was allowed
to depart with the prisoner ; but on the way home he had
liim murdered by his own followers. This action deep-
ened, with good reason, the suspicions already excited
against him, as it was immediately concluded that he had
put his accomplice to death to prevent his own guilt
from being completely exposed. Other motives, indeed,
may be imagined. He was doubtless unwilling to gratify
a hated rival by surrendering to him a man who had once
sought his protection ; and he may have feared that Uncas
would make use of the unscrupulous Pequot for the pur-
pose of bringing still deeper and more dangerous accu-
sations against himself and the Narragansetts. The dark-
est and most natural inference, however, prevailed, and
this act of violence and bad faith afterwards cost Mian-
tinomo dear.*

Sequassen now began to play his part against the Mo-
hegans and their sachem. Some of his warriors assassi-
ns., i^-'ding Mohegan, and others way-laid Uncas
him,... shot arrows at him as he was sailing in a
canoe c . ? Connecticut. Uncas complained of these
provocations to the magistrates at Hartford, and Governor
Haynes, having summoned the two sachems, attempted
to effect a reconciliation between them. Uncas said that
the Mohegan who had been murdered was a man of con-
sequence, and that he must have six of Sequassen's war-
riors to put to death in revenge. Haynes labored hard to

• Hazard, Vol 11, p. 8.

188

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

reduce this extravagant demand, so contrary to English
ideas of justice, and with difficulty persuaded Uncas to
accept of one individual who was acknowledged to be the
murderer. But the murderer was likewise a man of con-
sequence, and he was moreover a relation and a great
favorite of MiantinOmo. Sequassen therefore would not
surrender him ; said that he would defend him by force
of arms ; and expressed his reliance upon the Narragan-
sett sachem for assistance. The magistrates, finding an
agreement impracticable, dismissed the two sachems, and
gave Uncas liberty to avenge his own wrongs. He did
so ; he invaded Sequassen's country ; defeated him, kill-
ing seven or eight of his warriors, and wounding thirteen ;
burned his wigwams, and carried away a quantity of
plunder.*

This was soon known in the country of the Narragan-
gansetts, and MiantinOmo began to think of war and
revenge. He sent a message to Governor Haynes, com-
plaining that Uncas had injured his relation, Sequassen,
and his allies, the Indians of Connecticut River. Haynes
replied that the English had no hand in the affair, and did
not mean to uphold or encourage Uncas in such conduct
as he described. The Narragansett chief also gave notice
of what the Mohegans had done, to Winthrop, Governor
of Massachusetts ; and asked, in particular, with much
earnestness, whether the people of the Bay would be
offended with him if he should make war upon Uncas.
The reply of Winthrop was still more satisfactory than
that of Haynes ; for he informed Miantinomo that, if
Uncas had done him or his friends any wrong, and refused

Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 130. Hazard, Vol. II, p. 9.

;fc,i5si;ijifc»««i*''^^

.;>ui*.>-««is***-*'">*''

OF CONNECTICUT.

189

to grant satisfaction, the English would leave him to
choose Jiis own course.* Doubtless the representations
which Miantinomo made, to both Haynes and Winthrop,
were considerably exaggerated ; but these gentlemen, it
seems, did not consider the matter worthy of investiga-
tion, and the Narragansett sachem had now fulfilled the
treaty of 1638, by submitting his complaints to the Eng-
lish before he appealed to arms. He immediately, there-
fore, set about avenging his own and his kinsman's quar-
rel, with more promptness and energy, indeed, than good
fortune. Collecting a large band of Narragansett warriors,
he advanced rapidly and unexpectedly into the country
of his rival.

On a sudden, the Mohegan watchers on the hills of
Norwich beheld the Narragansetts emerge from the woods,
and cross the river Shetucket, at a fording place a little
above its junction with the Cluinnibaug. The runners
immediately dashed off, some to carry the startling intel-
ligence to their sachem, some to alarm and collect their
scattered warriors. Uncas had a fort on the banks of the
Thames, about five miles below the site of the present
city of Norwich ; and here, probably, the messengers of
clanger found him. The Mohegans came pouring in on
all sides from their villages and scattered wigwams, and
he was soon able to advance towards the enemy with
nearly the whole force of his tribe. The chroniclers of
those times say that he had four or five hundred warriors,
and that the invaders amounted to nine hundred or a
thousand. These estimates, depending as they must have
done entirely on the reports of the Indians, are undoubt-

" Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 129.

190

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

edly exaggerated ; and, if we rate the Mohegans at three
hundred, and their adversaries at twice that number, we
Shall go as high, I suspect, as probability will warrant

Uncas moved forward three or four miles, until he came
to a spot situated in the present township of Norwich, and
now known as the Great Plain. Here he halted his men
on a small rising ground, and explained to them a strata-
gem by which he hoped to make up for his inferiority
m numbers. The Narragansetts, in the meantime, had
crossed the fords of the Yantic, and soon appeared de-
scendmg m loose array the declivity opposite to the Mo-
hegans. Uncas now sent forward a messenger to ask an
interview with Miantinomo. It was granted, and the two
sachems snortly met eabh other in a narrow space between
the armies. On both sides, the warriors, standing within
bow-shot of each other, remained spectators. The Narra-
gansetts were waiting unsuspiciously the result of the con-
ference : the Mohegans were watching anxiously for the
preconcerted signal from their sachem. Uncas addressed
Miantmomo on the folly of mutually wasting the lives of
their brave warriors in a contest which could as well be
decided by themselves alone. "Let us fight it out," he
concluded ; "if you kill me, my men shall be yours if
kill you, your men shall be mine » / , i.

Miantinomo was a tall and strong man, nor is it likely
hat he was so deficient in personal cou;age as to rej t
Uncas^ proposition through fear. But he was confiden
m he superior numbers of his followers, and was reso ved
not o throw away what seemed to be a certainty, for

ngnt, said he, "and they shall fight."

Kaismmmiamm

OF CONNECTICUT.

191

Uncas had expected this answer, and now the time had
come for his stratagem. He threw himself suddenly
upon the ground ; his men recognized the signal ; and,
drawing their ready-bent bows, they poured a shower
of arrows among the astonished Narragansetts. Uncas
sprang up, and his warriors, pealing forth the yell of
battle, and brandishing their tomahawks, rushed forward
with him upon the staggering enemy. The Narragan-
setts, panic struck at this sudden assault, made hardly an
attempt at resistance, and speedily took to flight. The
Mohegans pursued them with impetuous fury, drove them
through the shallows of the river, and continued the chase
into the forests beyond. All over that rude and hilly
country the pursuers and pursued might be seen, leaping
over rocks and dashing through thickets, like wolves in
chase of timid deer. Miantinomo fled with his followers,
but his flight was impeded by an English corselet which
he had put on to protect him in battle. Two of the Mo-
hegan captains followed him closely, and still further pre-
vented his escape by springing against him and jostling
him as he ran. They might have taken or killed him
with their own hands, but this honor they were willing
to reserve to their sachem. The first of these men who
reached the flying chieftain was a sagamore, named Tan-
taquigeon,* whose descendants were long held noble
among the Mohegans, and have scarcely yet cersed to
boast of this exploit of their ancestor.f Uncas, a robust
and powerful man, finally came up and seized Miantinomo
by the shoulder. The ill-fated sachem, as soon as he felt

• Appendix to Savage's Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 381.
t History of Norwich, p. 18.

i'(

192

HISTOKr OF THE INDIANS

the hand of his enemy upon him, ceased his flight and
sat down upon the ground. His heart must indeed have
been swelled with grief and shame ; but from those
closed lips came no word to indicate its misery. Thirty
of the Narragansetts had been slain, and, undoubtedly,
many more wounded ; the rest, without an effort to wipe
out their disgrace, or to rescue their captive sachem, re-
treated to their own country.

Miantinomo still continued silent, although some of his
warriors were brought up and tomahawked before his
eyes. Uncas was disappointed at not being able to ex-
tract from him a single confession of weakness or fear,
*' Why do you not speak ?" said he. " If you had taken
me I should have besought you for my life." But the
captive made no answer.

He was carried in triumph to the Mohegan fortress, but
his life was not taken, and he was even treated with
some degree of kindness and respect.* It would appear,
also, that a truce was opened between the tribes, which
continued as long as the fate of Miantinomo remained in
suspense. The Narragansetts sent their sachem several
packages of wampum during his captivity, which he gave
away, some to Uncas, some to Uncas' wife, and some to
his principal councilors. He made these presents, as the
Mohegans and their supporters affirmed, partly by way of
thanks for his courteous treatment, and partly to persuade
Uncas to put him mto the hands of the English and refer
his fate to their decision. The Narragansetts asserted
that the wampum was given as a ransom, and they sub-

• The nbove aorount is from the History of Norwich, Cimpter Il.conipnred
With Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 131, ond Hazard, Vol. H,p. 9.

'^^W^Sm^^^^^

OF CONNECTICUT.

193

sequently made it a strong ground of accusation against
the Mohegan sachem.*

The news of Miantinomo's capture excited a deep in-
terest among the English of Rhode Island. Many of
them were men who had been driven from Massachusetts
on account of their religious opinions, and had found a
refuge and a home in the country of the Narragansetts.
The generous and dignified character of the captive sa-
chem had won their good will ; and, from always hearing
the Narragansett side of the story, they believed that he
was in the right and his enemies in the wrong. Samuel
Gorton, a wild-headed but kind-hearted enthusiast who
had settled at Warwick, is said to have written Uncas a
letter, commanding him to set Miantinomo at liberty, and
threatening him with the English power if he refused.
The epistle reached Uncas, and, being explained to him
by the messenger, gave him not a little perplexity. He
was by no means willing to set" his captive free ; but he
did not dar on his own authority, to put him to death,
and he had reason to fear that he should not be able to
keep him safe as a prisoner. In this uncertainty he con-
cluded to refer the matter to his old friends, the English
of Connecticut. He carried MiantinOmo to Ha-tford,
represented the case to the Governor and Council, and
begged them to show him the path in which he should
walk. The magistrates replied that, as there was no open
war between their government and the Navragansetts, it
was not prudent for them to interfere, but they would
advise him to wait for the first meeting of the Commis-
sioners of the United Colonies of New England, which

Hazord, Vol. II, passim.

194

HlSTOllY OF THE INDIANS

would take place in the following September, and refer
the matter to their decision.*

Miantinomo, finding himself in Hartford, begged ear-
nestly that he might be kept there in the custody of the
EtigHsh magistrates. He doubtless expected that the
Enghsh would at least preserve his life, and feared that,
if Uncas got him back to Mohegan, he might resolve to
make sure of his fate by putting him to death. The
magistrates were wilHng, and Uncas consented on con-
dition that Miantinomo should still be considered as his
prisoner.f

The firat Court of Commissioners of the United Colo-
nies of New England, met at Boston on the seventeenth
of September, 1643. It consisted of John Winthrop and
Thomas Dudley from Massachusetts, Edward Winslow
and William r'oUier from Plymouth, George Fenwick
and Edward Hopkins from Connecticut, and Theophihis
Eaton and Thomas Gregson from New Haven. The first
object of the commissioners was to ratify the agreement,
and approve of the articles of confederation, which had
been drawn up in the previous May. They then pro-
ceeded to examine the case of the Narragansett sachem.
Prepossessed in favor of Uncas on account of his obse-
quiousness to the English, fearful of MiantiuOmo's power,
and perhaps of his independent spirit, they yet hesitated
in their judgment, and at first decided that, while it would
not be safe to liberate the captive, there was still no sufR-

• Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 7, 8. Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 1.11. It is pretty certain
that Gorion wrote a letter to Uncas, byt somfwhat doubtful whether he uted
•ny threatH. Winthrop nt first slated that he did, but afterwards erawd the
passage as if he had fouiui that the asaertion was incorrect.

♦ Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 131.

t^i53»iSi^%>s^'«»-'******^*****'*^*^*^' - '

OF CONNECTICUT.

195

cient cause to put him to death. In this uncertainty it
was determined to refer the case to the clergy, a general
convocation of whom was then held in Boston, as many
as fifty being assembled there from all parts of New "En^
land. For some reason, however, only five of this num-
ber were selected, to give their voices on thi^ important
question : these were called in, the whole affair was laid
before them, and they were asked for their opinion. What
is our astonishment to find that these reverend and, as it
is to be hoped, pious gentlemen, came to that stern de-
cision at which laymen and public magistrates had fal-
tered ! Miantinomo, they said, ought to die.*

The Commissioners, having all their doubts removed
by the verdict of the ministers, decided that the unfor-
tunate sachem was worthy of death, and that Uncas
might justly kill him, since his own life would be in con-
stant danger, either by treachery or open force, as long as
such a false and blood-thirsty enemy lived. It was
clearly discovered, they said, that there was a general
conspiracy among the Indians against the colonies, and
that the prisoner was at the head of it. His disposition,
too, was proud, turbulent and restless. He had broken
his promise of surrendering the Pequot who attempted to
take Uncas' life. Finally he beat one of the men of
Pomham, a sachem who had submitted to the English,
took away his wampum and bade him complain, if he
would, at the Massachusetts. In short, he had forfeited
his life by the Indian customs, and by the fashions of all
countries-!

• Winthrop, Vol. II. p. 131.

t Hazard. Vol. II, p. 9. Winthrop, Vol. TI, pp. 133, 134.

196

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

Such were the pretences, some false, some unjust, some
frivolous, by which the Commissioners vindicated their
course in the condemnation of a free and independent
S£M2hem : false, because it had.wo^ been clearly discovered
that there was a general conspiracy among the Indians,
and because the innocence of Miantinomo on that point
had already been acknowledged ; unjust, because nothing
could well be more so than to send men out of this world
for being proud, turbulent and restless ; frivolous, because
the charges concerning Pomham and his man were alto-
gether too trifling to have any weight in a question of
life and death. As to the assertion that he had forfeited
his life by Indian customs and by the fashions of all
countries, the first part is true, but the second is as clearly
false. It is not, at least, the fashion of civilized countries,
to keep prisoners of war alive for weeks, and then bring
them in cool blood to execution.

The Commissioners decided that Uncas and some of
his best men should be summoned to Hartford; that
Miantinomo should there be surrendered into his hands ;
that he should be put to death without the limits of the
English settlements ; and that some of the colonists
should witness the execution, " for the more full satisfiic-
tion of the commissioners." If Uncas refused to kill the
prisoner, he was not to be surrendered to him, but to be
sent to Boston by sea, and there detained until the Court
could decide further as to his fate. But, if Uncas carried
the sentence into eff'ect, he was to be taken under Eng-
lish protection, and it was to be the especial duty of Con-
necticut to defend him against all enemies whom he
might thus create. Plymouth was to restore Massasoit,

K«i.^^'>f*'**'"^'?'?^ ":

■■tei*to*»*M*«ite;

' - / \

' ■' Ml. I -I, ' *' '

H
25

H
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M
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m
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OF CONNECTICUT.

197

H
Q

the sachem of the Pokanokets, to a perfect freedom from
all the encroachments which had been made upon hini
by the Narragansetts. Massachusetts was to give the
Narragansetts notice that Uncas acted under the authority
of the English, and would be defended by them against
all assailants.

The decision was kept secret until it was known that
the Connecticut and New Haven Commissioners had
reached home. It was feared that, if the Narragansetts
should know what was to be done, they would intercept
these gentlemen, and thus obtain hostages by whom to
ransom their sachem. Such a design had indeed been
agitated among them, as the frank and noble minded
Miantinomo himself gave notice to Governor Haynes.

As soon as Eaton and his friends were in safety, Uncas
was ordered to repair to Hartford, at the head of a suffi-
cient number of his followers. He came, attended by
his brother, VV'awequa, and a select band of warriors.
The decision of the Commissioners was made known to
him : a decision, doubtless, after his own heart ; and he
offered not the least objection to carrying it into execution.
His captive was then delivered into his hands, and two
Englishmen were designated to go with him and witness
the murder. They left Hartford, and traveled on through
the forests until they came to the plain where the battle
had been fought and the prize taken. Wawequa was
walking close be;iirid Miantinomo, who was still, per-
haps, uncertain what would be his fate. Uncas gave a
signal, and Wawequa, silently raising his tomahawk,
sunk it with a heav> blow into the head of the un-
suspecting prisoner. Uncas cut a large piece from the

'!!■

198

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

shoulder and ate it with savage exuUation. " It is the
sweetest meat I ever ate," said the barbarian. " It makes
my heart strong."*

Miantinomo was buried on the site both of his defeat
and his death, and the spot afterwards received, from the
English settlers, the name, which it still retains, of the
Sachem's Plain. A heap of stones was raised over the
grave, and, for a long time afterwards, every Narragansett
who passed that way added one or more to the pile. Du-
ring many subsequent years, parties of this tribe used to
visit the spot every September, in spite of the almost con-
tinual hostility which existed between them and the Mo-
hegans. On reaching the rude monument they would
break forth into lamentations, and then throwing new
stones upon the heap, would consecrate them with mourn-
ful cries and frantic gestures. The moimd remained
standing for many years, but was finally torn down by
the economical owner of the land, who wished to use the
stones in the foundation of a new barn.f

Such was the end of Miantinomo ; a sachem who seems
to have been respected and loved by every one who was
not fearful of his power. There can be no doubt that his
death was perfectly in accordance with Indian customs ;
yet, for the sake of the memory of our ancestors, I wish
that it had not happened through their influence. Had
Uncas killed and scalped him on the field of battle, or
had he tortured him to death in cool blood on his own

* See Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 11—13, and Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 134. Win-
throp indeed says that he was killed between Windsor and Hartford ; but
Trumbull, on the authority of some private manuscripts, places the scene of
his murder in Norwich, and his account is confirmed by tradition.

< History of Norwich, p. 20.

7^^^^^miu^^>sk^^:m^^^:^^^*^*^*^

OF CONNECTICUT.

199

responsibility, no one could have had any occasion for
surprise. It would have been no more than MiantinOmo
would probably have done to Uncas, and no more than
all the Indian tribes were in the constant habit of doing
to their captive enemies. The English committed a great
error in receiving the prisoner into their hands, and from
this error they went on until the result was an act highly
unjust and deliberately cruel. Even after receiving him,
they might have returned him, and have left Uncas to act
as he pleased, on condition that he should take upon him-
self all the consequences. But we have seen that the
Commissioners resolved to return him to the Mohegans
only h the latter would put him to death, and that they
pledged themselves to support the executioners against
all who should call their conduct in question. The real
causes of the sachem's execution seem to have been, fear
of his power, jealousy that he was inimical to the colonies,
and, perhaps, also, the fact that he had favored the hereti-
cal settlement of Gorton and his company at Pautuxet.

According to the resolutions of the Commissioners,
Governor Winthrop dispatched messengers to the Narra-
gansetts. They charged them with havi-^g broken their
faith with the English, and having combined with Mian-
tinOmo in his design to root out the colonies. They told
them, also, that the English justified Uncas in what he
had done, and were determined to protect him against
whoever should offer to do him harm. As Canonicus,
however, and Mascus, the deceased father of Miantinomo,
had always guided the tribe in a peaceable way, the Com-
missioners were willing to ascribe the late tumults to the
proud and unquiet spirit of the deceased sachem. They

200

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS, ETC.

therefore offered the Narragansetts peace with the Eng-
lish, and with Uncas, and Massasoit, and all the other
allies of the English *

The Narragansetts could do no better for the present,
than receive this unpalatable message with a good grace,
and remain in quiet. We shall see, however, before long,
that neither messages nor treaties were sufficient to over-
come their hatred of the Mohegans, or restrain their burn-
ing desire of revenge.

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 12.

CHAPTER VI.

FROM THE EXECUTION OP MIANTINOMO TO THE RE-ESTAB-
LISHMENT OF THE PE^UOTP.

The Indians in this early period loitered, during much
of their time, around the villages of the whites, and gave
the settlers not a little annoyance. They frightened the
women and children, by entering the houses without lib-
erty, and sometimes caused lamentable accidents through
their excessive eagerness to handle fire-arms. They were
not perfectly honest, either, being very apt to steal what-
ever excited their longing, and more desirous of running
in debt than of paying what they already owed. If a
man trusted an Indian to any amount, he was pretty sure
io lose both his debt and his customer ; the latter very
commonly transferring his valuable patronage to some
other part of the country. To put a stop to these and
other annoyances, penal laws were enacted, both by the
colonial courts and by the assemblies of the towns. For
handling weapons, an Indian was to pay a fine of half a
fathom of wampum. If he wounded any one by his care-
lessness or ignorance, he was to defray the expense of
curing the patient. If the injured person died, life was
to be exactod for life.* Indians who came round the
settlements by night might be summoned by the watch-

• Se« Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 52. .Tuno, IG^O.

202

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

men to surrender, and, if they refused to obey, might be
shot down without hesitation.* Laws like these were
sometimes accompanied by a provision, that notices of
them should be given to the neighboring sachems, so that
they might warn and restrain their people.

In 1642, when there v e suspicions of a conspiracy
among the Indians, having its head at Tunxis, the General
Court of Connecticut enacted, that no ordinary citizen
should admit a native into his house. Magistrates only
were excepted, who were allowed to receive a sachem,
provided he came with not above two men.f A like
order was passed in 1644, except that magistrates and
traders were permitted, to entertain sachems attended by
four men. Mncas, however, was granted some superior
privileges on account of his friendship for the colonists :
he might come into the English houses with twenty fol-
lowers, and his brother, Wawequa, might come with ten.|
In 1647, Indians were forbidden to hire lands of the Eng-
lish, because, by this means, they mingled freely with
the settlers, and corrupted the young men.<§. There was,
in fact, good reason for this caution, for the moral ex-
ample of the natives was, beyond question, far more cor-
rupting than beneficial. Dutch and French vessels were
forbidden to trade with the Indians, within the jurisdic-
tion of the colony, just as the Dutch and French colonial
governments had forbidden foreigners to trade with the
Indians in their territories. || These restrictions were
laid, not so much to monopolize the trade of the abori-

• Colonial Records, Vol. I, pp. 46, 240. t Colonial Rec, Vol. I, p. 73.
t Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 106. § Col. Rec, Vol. I, p. 149^

II Colonial Records, Vol. I, pp. 197, 218.

.".awiat^^tf'fe*^ i^ifVii

,.>,tmx^i*^i

OF CONNECTICUT.

203

gmes, as to prevent them from becoming supplied with
ammunition and fire-arms. ^

As the Indians complained of being cheated out of their
territories, a law was passed [1663] interdicting private
individuals from purchasing lands of them.* In 1650, an
enactment was made, forbidding any person, under any
circumstances, to buy wood of an Indian.f Such rules
were not needless ; some of the whites were dishonest and
rapacious ; all of the Indians were thoughtless and im-
provident.

Nothing operated with more injurious effect upon the
natives than intoxicating liquors. The unnatural excite-
ment which these produce was an agreeable stimulus to
men whose avocations and pleasures were few, whose
leisure hung heavily on their hands, and whose minds
were most of the time dissolved in a tiresome vacuity.
They drank them greedily whenever they could get them ;
and the race, as well as individuals, soon began to ex-
hibit proofs of their deleterious influence. One law after
another was passed, forbidding any person to furnish an
Indian with such liquors under considerable penalties. In
1654, this penalty amounted to five pounds for every pint
thus sold, and forty shillings for the least quantity.^
Notwithstanding these laws the evil still went on in-
creasing, as spirituous liquors grew more abundant, and
could be obtained by the Indians at a less expense. Per-
haps the evil was never greater than at the present day.
Let us be careful, then, how we reproach our predecessors.

A war was now raging between the Dutch of New

!S^

• Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 402. t Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 214.
X Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 263.
20

204

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Amsterdam and several of the neighboring tribes of In-
dians, which finally involved some of the clans of Con-
necticut. In 1642, some Dutch traders, having saga-
ciously contrived to get an Indian drunk, robbed him of
his valuable dress of beaver skins. In vengeance for this
injury the warrior killed two white men, and then fled
for safety to a distant tribe. Governor Kieft demanded
the murderer ; refused to believe that he could not be
found, and finally revenged himself by an act of barbarous
cruelty. In the following winter, two tribes living on the
Hudson were surprised by the Mohawks, seventy of their
warriors were killed, and many prisoners were left in the
hands of the enemy. Half dead with cold and hunger,
the remnant, amounting to several hundred souls, fled for
protection to the vicinity of New Amsterdam. Kieft at
first kindly furnished them with corn; but the dark
thought soon came into his mind that now he could re-
venge the insult which had lately been off"ered to his
government. Some of his councilors agreed with him ;
a Dand of soldiers and colonists was dispatched on the
horrid errand ; the unsuspecting savages were surprised
in their sleep, and more than a hundred of them were
massacred in cold blood. The Indians living on the
Hudson rose to revenge this cruel treachery, and were
joined by the tribes of Long Island. A confederacy of
eleven clans, numbering more than fifteen hundred war-
riors, was formed, and a fierce war blazed wherever a
Dutch settlement was to be found ; on Long Island and
on Manhattan, along the Connecticut and along the
Hudson. The Indians desolated the Connecticut coast
as far east as Stamford, killing not only Dutch but Eng-

iSBi^HI

OP CONNECTICUT.

205

lish ; for the English in this quarter were few in number,
and had been compelled to submit to the government
of New Amsterdam. The pretended prophetess, Anne
Hutchinson, who had taken refuge here from her perse-
cutors in Massachusetts, was among the victims. Until the
last moment the Indians came to the house in their usual
friendly manner ; then the hatchet fell, and the ill-fated
woman perished, with seventeen others, in the massacre.
To close the scene, the horses and cattle were driven into
the barns, the barns were set on fire, and the helpless ani-
mals were roasted to death in the flames. Great numbers
of Indians were now living in this part of Connecticut,
where they had formed several large villages or encamp-
ments. They were not, however, natives of the district,
but had only retreated here from Long Island and the
Hudson, so as to be less exposed to the expeditions of the
Dutch.

Mayn Mayano, a sachem living between Stamford and
Greenwich, distinguished himself by a feat of daring
though unsuccessful courage. At a time when one Eu-
ropean was considered a match for several natives, he had
the audacity to attack with his bow and arrows three
Dutch settlers armed with muskets. He killed one, and
was engaged in conflict with another, when the third
struck him down. Had he succeeded in his desperate
enterprise, he would have gained a glorious name among
his people, and would perhaps have been regarded as the
greatest brave among all the tribes of his race.

Mayn Mayano's tribe having been as hostile as its
sachem, an expedition was sent against it from New Am-
sterdam. The troops landed at Greenwich, and, relying

206

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

i I

upon some information given them by Captain Daniel
Patrick of that place, marched all night in search of the
enemy's encampment. But the Indians had escaped, and
the Dutch marched on to Stamford in an ill humor at
their d-sappointment, and believing that they had been
mtentionally misdirected One of them, meeting Patrick
m that village, charged him with falsehood and treachery.
The high-tempered Englishman angrily retorted, spit in
his accuser's face, and turned on his heel to walk away.
Enraged at the insult, the soldier drew a pistol and shot
him dead.

Thus perished one of those captains who had led the
troops of New England against the iU-fated Pequots.
The deed was committed at the house of another, the
famous John Underbill, who was likewise living at Green-
wich under the authority of the Dutch. Both these men
had been members of New England churches, but thei'r
conduct had little corresponded with their professions,
and, unable to bear the restraints and frequent admoni-
tions which met them in Massachusetts, they had retired
to these lonely shores where ministers and church com-
mittees were few and far between.

Before the armament returned to Manhattan, twenty-
five of the soldiers undertook a more successful expedi-
tion. By a forced march they surprised a small Indian
village, killed eighteen or twenty of the inhabitants, and
took the rest, an old man with some women and children
prisoners. *

Underbill now joined the Dutch armies, was placed at
the head of a small force, and did good service in an
expedition to Long Island. On his return from thii. enter-

OF CONNECTICUT.

2or

prise, he went to New Amsterdam, from whence he was
immediately sent to obtain information concerning the
hostile Indians in the vicinity of Stamford. He brought
back word, that an encampment of five hundred of them
had been discovered, and urgently advised that an imme-
diate effort should be made to destroy it. One hundred
and thirty men were instantly raised, [February, 1644,]
and sent off for Greenwich, under the command of Under-
bill and Ensign Van Dyck. They landed that same eve-
ning at Stamford, but a heavy snow storm obliged them
to remain nearly all night in the settlement. The
weather having moderated towards morning, they set
forward, and made a long, painful and fatiguing day's
march. About eight in the evening they came to two
rivers, one of them two hundred feet wide, and three feet
deep. They were now near the enemy, but thought it
best to halt awhile for the sake of resting the men and
preparing for the approaching struggle. At ten o'clock
they resumed their march and moved on easily, the sky
being clear, and a full "moon glancing over the brilliant
surface of the snow. They soon came in sight of three
long rows of wigwams, situated at the foot of an emi-
nence which protected them from the northeast wind.
This was the Indian village. Its inhabitants were on
thair guard, and soon showed that they had discovered
the presence of their enemies. The Dutch, however,
advanced with such celerity as to surround the village
before its inmates could make their escape. The Indians
charged gallantly, with the hope of breaking the lines ;
but twelve of them were taken prisoners, and the rest

were driven back. A heavy fire of musketry was opciH^d

20*

208

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

by the white men, and, after a furious conflict of an houi
the Indians retreated to their wigwams, leanng one hun-
dred and eighty of their number stretched on the trampled
and crimsoned snow. Not one would venture out any
longer ; but they still maintained the conflict, from loop-
holes, with their bows and arrows. Underbill, following
Mason's example at Fort Mystic, now gave orders to fire
the village. The same result followed which had been
witnessed in the attack on the Pequots ; the Indians were
driven out of their cabins by the fire, and were driven into
them again by the Dutch sabres and musketry. They
perished miserably, men, women and children ; only eight
escaping, and five hundred, as the Indians afterwards as-
serted, being destroyed by fire, lead and steel.

The soldiers kindled large fires, and encamped for the
remainder of the night on the field of battle. The next
morning they set out on their return, and, " the Lord
enduing the wounded with extraordinary strength," they
reached the English settlement of Stamford about noon.
Public thanksgivings were ordered at New Amsterdam
for this great success ; and the Dutch chroniclers expressed
their gratitude for the victory in the same devout strain
with which the New England writers recorded the simi-
lar triumph on the banks of the Mystic. They remarked
it, for instance, as a particular providence, that, whon the
attack was made on the village, " the Lord had collected
most of their enemies there to celebrate some peculiar
festival."

This terrific slaughter put an end to the war, as the
carnage at Fort Mystic had virtually ended the contest
between the English and the Pequots. Not very long

'\jMr^iiifU!Sa^ii'-m-%i&0a>i^^SSM-\:-

OF CONNECTICUT.

209

after the Dutch Wctory, the Indians begged the interven-
ion of Underhill, whom they seem to have considered
the leading spirit among their adversaries, and, having ob-
tained ,t, very soon [April, 1644,J consented to a peace.*
During this violent and sometimes prosperous struggle
with the Dutch colonists of New Netherland, it was not
surprising that the Indians of this vicinity should occa-
sionally manifest insolence towards the English colonists
ot Connecticut. In the summer or fall of 1644, one of
them named Ashquash, murdered, between Fairfield and
fetamford, an English servant who was running away
irom his master in Massachusetts. The fact being re-
vea ed about six weeks after, by an Indian, the settlers
applied to the sachem of Ashquash's tribe for satisfaction.
He promised to surrender the murderer, and actually kept
his pledge so far as to have him brought within sight of
Fairfield. Some English were already coming out to
receive him, when the Indians, beginning to pity their
doomed comrade, unbound him and let him go. The
settlers were enraged, and seizing eight or nine of the
natives, carried them into the village and kept them con-
fined there several days. Pour sagamores then appearing,
and promising to surrender the culprit within a month
the prisoners were released.f '

Not long after this agreement was made, an Indian
came into a house at Stamford, in broad day, and attack-

• The above events are taken almost entirely from O'Cnllaghan's Historr
of New NHh.-rland.. Rook III. Chapfem III. IV and V. Trumbull tells of the
war oontinuing till 1646. and of a great battle being fought that year at
St,...kl.nd8 Plain in Horneneck j but this is a mistake, for peace was con-
eluded two years before.

t Hazard. Vol. II, p. 23.

Ml'

210

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

ing a woman who was there alone with her infant, left
her on the floor for dead, plundered the house and went
away. The settlers were alarmed and provoked at these
repeated outrages, and demanded a conference of the na-
tives for the purpose of obtaining reparation. The In-
dians refused to appear ; left their corn unweeded ; fired
off muskets in the vicinity ; and showed themselves in a
tumultuous and threatening manner about the settlement.
Some of their number told the villagers that their people
were intending to attack them. The settlers sent mes-
sages to Hartford and New Haven for assistance, and, at
some of the plantations in this vicinity, a guard was kept
up both night and day. Soldiers were raised at New
Haven, and dispatched to the threatened district ; and a
new demand was made for the surrender of Ashquash.
Tne woman who had been attacked finally recovered
from her wounds, though her reason was gone forever.
She was able, however, to describe the person and dress
of her assailant, so that the townsmen were enabled to
recognize in him a fellow named Busheag. With a great
deal of difficulty the Indians were persuaded to surrender
him ; he was carried to New Haven, tried for his crime,
convicted and sentenced to decapitation. Busheag sat
erect and motionless, while the unskillful executioner
mangled him with eight blows upon the neck, before he
could detach the head from the body. This execution
seems to have satisfied both parties ; the Indians became
tranquil, and the English do not appear to have made any
further demands for the murderer of the servant.*

• Hazard, Vol. IT, p. 23. We find indeed certain recommendations, [Haz-
ard, Vol. II, p. 128,] but no proof that they were followed by action.

""ffrfW

■^,,M^^K>i>^'Arm»^^^fi'"^

.%i:a^^ie^««^^-'"^"^

OF CONNECTICUT.

211

During this time, the Narragansetts had by no means
remained quiet under the loss of their sachem, but were
continually harassing the Mohegans with their war parties.
Miantinomo's authority was inherited, at least to some
degree, by his brother, a young man of about twenty,
named Pessicus. Within a month after the death of
Miantinomo, and also in the following March, Pessicus
sent presents to Boston, with messages that he wished
peace with the English, but was resolved to make war
upon Uncas. His presents were refused ; unfriendly an-
swers were returned to his communications ; and he was
told that the English would stand by Uncas whenever he
should be attacked. These replies, however, produced
I little effect, for threats alone could not restrain the hatred

and desire of vengeance which burned in the bosoms of
the Narragansetts. Twelve or fourteen Englishmen, sent
by Hartfojrd to protect Uncas, probably had enough and
more than enough to do, all summer, in keeping watch,
and running about from this point to that, to chase away
the intruders. Things finally became so troublesome,
that the Commissioners determined, [September, 1644,]
that both parties should be summoned to Hartford, and
plead their cause before the Court. Nathaniel Willet and
the interpreter, Thomas Stanton, delivered the summons
first to Uncas, and afterwards to the Narragansetts. Both
tribes were ordered to remain at peace until the decision
of the case, and to promise not to intercept each other's
deputies on the journey to and from Hartford. The sa-
chems of the Narragansetts consulted with Ninigret, and
then sent one of their own number, Weetowisse, and three
councilors, to make their accusation against Uncas. The

212

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

Mohega,, sachem made his appearance in person. The
Narraganset. deputies came, and .he cause'was opened
The Narragansetts spoke firs,. They said that, whib
Miantmomo was a prisoner, a sum of wampum h^d been

mnhar""''^""'™^^"- '"^ MoLgansLh-:
ransom that some portions of this ransom had actually

m puttmg his prisoner to death*

Uncas flatly denied that any such ransom had been
ag eed upon ; asserted that the wampum sen, was so in-
considerable in amount as to be totally inadequate for
such a purpose; and that it had moreover been len

otSfr'""" '" P---.«"'>erfor thesa^r ?
obtaining favors, or ,n return for favors roceived.t

^.ith » « °"""!r'™"'' investigated the case, doubtless,

decided r"' T '" "" ''"'=" '""'"='^»«' =>"" «-"y
dec ded apparently, too, with justice, that the Narragan^

Thev told"!'!! '"" """^ '° ""'^'™'''"«' '"- cha'rge.

.To' tdthatT r'"" ^'""P^"^<» '« give satisfac-
tion, and that the colonies would still oblige him to do so

whenever the Narragansetts should be abfe to prove ,e
t'h °' """7="»^«"»n^- They then cautioned them
ha. neither their tribe nor the Nehanties must attack
Uncas, under peril of the English hostility, until "hey
were ab e to satisfy the Court that he was guilty of ,1
crime alleged. The deputies consulted together a id
-.uated, doubtless, by fear of the power of tl.e cobn^'
as we 1 as intimidated by the presence and the demaTd:
of the Commissioners, they consented to a temporary

• Hajiird, Vol. II, p. S5.

t Ibid.

,.»teiy»?«Si4»«fe

OF CONNECTICUT.

213

cessation of the war. They promised not to attack (Jncas
till after the next planting time, and not even then with-
out giving thirty days notice to the Governor of Massa-
chusetts. Neither would they use any means to bring
the Mohawks against him during the truce, and if any of
the Nehantic Pequots attacked him, they would deliver
them up to be punished. The treaty to this effect was
subscribed, [September, 29th, 1644,] on the part of the
colonies, by the eight Commissioners ; on the part of the
Narragansetts by Weetowisse, sachem, and Pawpiamet,
Chimough and Pummumshe, councilors.*

But either the Narragansetts did not consider them-
selves bound by this agreement of their deputies, (who
perhaps had no power to conclude such a peace,) or their
bitter hatred of the Mohegans would not suffer them to
abide by it. They re-commenced hostilities almost as
soon as they had signed the treaty, and their war parties
again swept over the territories of Uncas. In the spring
of 1645, without giving the promised notice to Massa-
chusetts, a large force of their warriors poured into the
Mohegan country, under the command of Pessicus. They
destroyed every wigwam and plantation in their progress,
drove the Mohegans before them, and forced 'Uncas to
take refuge in one of his forts. This stood on Shantok
Pomt, a rough promontory on the western bank of the
Thames, nearly opposite to the place known as Pocque-
tannok. It coiitained a fine spring of water ; the English
allies of Uncas had assisted in fortifying it, and the Mo-
hegans could easily defend it against a foe as unskillful
and as poorly armed as themselves. The Narragansetts

• Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 25, 26.

214

HisTony or the Indians

had no hopes of taking it by force; but they seized the
canoes in the river, spread themselves over the surround-
ing country, and attempted to reduce the besieged by
famine. The English garrison from Hartford had gone,
but Uncas succeeded in sending news of his situation to
the fort at Saybrook. A Mohegan, creeping cautiously
out by night, crawled undiscovered along the margin of
the river, and made his way across the country to the
mouth of the Connecticut. Saybrook was then com-
manded by John Mason, who entertained a kind and grate-
ful remembrance of Uncas for his services during the Pe-
Huot war, and was willing to assist him in his present
extremity. He did not indeed attempt to raise the siege
by lorce ; but he alloived one of his. garrison, a young
man named Thomas Leffingwell, to undertake the enter-
prise of introducing a supply of food into the beleaguered
fortress. It is probable, although not certain, that Leffing-
well was accompanied in his expedition by two other
men named Thomas Tracy and Thomas Miner. A canoe
capable of bearing twenty hundred weight was laden with
provisions from the fort, and was then brought round to
the mouth of the Pequot or Thames River. From there
the adventurers, taking advantage of a dark night, pad-
dled up to Shantok Point, ten miles or more, and suc-
C€9dedin landing their cargo without being discovered
by the besiegers. The Mohegans shouted with delight
when they saw the beef, corn and peas which Leffingwell
had brought, and save notice of their relief to the enemy
by elevating a larg. piece of the meat on a pole. When
daylight came the Narragansetts saw it, and seeing,
also, one or more Englishmen among the Mohegans,'

OP CONNECTICUT.

215

they gave up the siege in despair and returned to their
homes>

Close on the heels of this invasion followed another, of
several hundred warriors, thirty of whom were provided
with fire-arms. They came silently and secretly, and by
making a show of only forty men, they drew Uncas and
his followers within their reach. The whole body then
rose, poured in a shower of arrows and bullets, and pur-
sued the Mohegans furiously to the walls of their forts.
Four Mohegan sagamores and two common men were
killed in this battle, and they had between thirty and
forty wounded. A few Englishmen who were in the
neighborhood shortly made their appearance, at sight of
whom the Narragansetts retired. John Winthrop and
Thomas Peeters, both among the early settlers of New
London, went to Uncas' fort and dressed the wounds of
the injured Mohegans. Uncas told them the story of the
battle, and boasted that, if it were not for the guns of the
Narragansetts, he would not care a rush for them. From
the letter of Peeters, which preserves these particulars, we
learn that, either at this time or some other, he cured
Tantaquigeon, the sagamore who first overtook the flying
Miantinomo. Some Narragansett warriors had found their
way to his cabin, by n-ght, and struck him en the breast,
with a hatchet, as he lay on his couch. The brave warrior
had notice enough of their presence to parry the blow in
part, with his arm, and thus to save his life. The avengers
of blood took to flight when they found themselves dis-
covered, and Tantaquigeon escaped with only a wound.f

» Mis^ Caulkins's History of Norwich, pp. 23 — 26.

t Apjieiidix to Sav.'iq;i''s Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 381.

m I'

216

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

During the remainder of the season after this battle, a
small force of English was kept constantly in the Mohe-
gan country, ekher by Hartford or New Haven.

These repeated attacks upon Uncas excited the indig-
nation of the colonists, whose honor and interest both
called on them to defend him against his enemies. The
subject was brought before the meeting of the Commis-
sioners at Boston, in May, 1645. Messengers were ap-
pointed to go to Uncas and the Narragansett and Nehantic
sachems, to invite them to lay their difficulties once more
before the Court. They set off, attended by Benedict
Arnold, an interpreter, intending to proceed, first to the
Narragansett and Nehantic country, afterwards to that of
the Mohegans. Pessicus received them with coolness,
and finally with insolence ; Ninigret with haughtiness
and contemptuous derision. The messengers did not dare
to proceed on their journey to Uncas, and returned to
Boston filled with great indignation at the insolence of
the savages. They brought a letter from Roger Williams,
saying that war would soon break out, and that the Nar-
ragansetts, in anticipation of it, had concluded a separate
treaty with Providence and the towns on Aquidnet, or
Rhode Island. Provoked and alarmed, the Commis-
sioners resolved on immediate hostilities, and arranged a
plan for an energetic campaign. As the Connecticut and
New Haven soldiers who formed the garrison at Mohe-
gan were about to go home, forty men were immediately
impressed, and dispatched in three days to supply their
place. They were accompanied by four horses, and by
two Massachusetts Indians who were to serve as guides.
At Mohegan they were to be joined by forty men from

or CONNECTICUT.

217

Connecticut and thirty from New Haven, and the whole
body was to march, under the command of John Mason,
against the Nehantics. The Nehantics were supposed to
be the chief incendiaries in the present difficulties, and
the Commissioners were anxious that they should feel
the first smart of the punishment. From the side of
Massachusetts, Major Edward Gibbons, at the head of one
hundred and ninety men, was to invade the country of the
Narragansetts.*

One more effort was made to bring the Indians to a
peaceable accommodation. Two messengers were dis-
patched to Pessicus, to explain to him the pacific feelings
of the Commissioners, and inform him of the preparations
which were being made to attack him. When that sa-
chem and his people found that an army four times as
strong as the one which overthrew the Pequots was about
to enter their country, their hearts failed them. They
obtained a short delay of hostilities, during which Pessi-
cus, with several other sachems, repaired to Boston. Ap-
pearing before the Commissioners' Court, they vainly
attempted to defend themselves by renewing their old
complaints about the bad faith of Uncas. They proposed
a truce till the next planting time ; a truce for a year ; a
truce for a year and a quarter ; but all these propositions
were rejected. One of them then placed a wand'^'in the
hands of the Commissioners, signifying that the terms lay
with them. These terms were sufficiently hard. If the
Narragansetts wish peace, said the Commissioners, they
must pay the colonists two thousand fathoms of wam-
pum, to indemnify them for the expenses which they

• Hazard, Vol. II. pp. 28—32.

! f

218

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

have caused them; they must restore all the prisoners
and canoes which they have taken from the Mohe-
gans; and they must lay their difficulties with Uncas
before the next meeting of the Court, and abide by its
decision.

The wampum was to be paid, by four instalments,
within twenty months ; four sons of Pessicus, Ninigret
and other principal chiefs were to be surrendered as
hostages, within fourteen days ; and, until they were sur-
rendered, four of the sachems now present were to remain
prisoners at Boston. Finally the Narragansetts and Ne-
hartics were to pay, in fulfillment of the treaty of 1G38,
one fathom of white wampum, annually, for every Pequot
man among them, half a fathom for every youth, and a
hand-length for every child.

The sachems thought these terms very severe, and
pleaded hard that some of them might be remitted. They
obtained that Uncas, as well as themselves, should be
obliged to restore prisoners and booty. Otherwise the
Commissioners were inflexible; and the treaty was re-
luctantly signed [September 5th, 1645,] by Pessicus and
five companions, Abdas, Pommush, Cutchamakins, Wee-
kesanno, Wittowash, and the Nehantic deputy, Aumsaa-
quen. ^ The colonial forces v/ere immediately disbanded,
and the' day which had been appointed for a general fast
was changed into a general thanksgiving.*

In 1646, Sequassen came into generol notice through
one of the most singular circumstances in the aboriginal
history of Connecticut. This sachem, while ho hated
Uncas as his own successful rival, disliked the English as

• Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 40-^4.

i>ji>v^f.&-*>i(SiS^*fesS:**«»*'**&»

ii|fe»v-;*tsi»at« SiiSiJeismii

OF CONNECTICUT.

219

the friends and supporters of Uncas. He therefore formed
a plan which, if successful in its operation, would enable
him to be revenged upon both. He resolved to effect the
murder of some of the principal colonists, and, by causing
the name of the deed to fall upon the Mohegan sachem,
embroil him with his powerful allies. The person he
selected as his instrument was Watch ibrok, a rascally Pota-
tuck, whom he was said to have once before employed,
in a similar way, to get rid of a hated sagamore. During
the spring of 1646, Watchibrok and Sequassen were both
visiting at Waranoak, now Westfield, in the southern part
of Massachusetts, and while there lodged in the same
wigwam. After some time Watchibrok proposed to go,
but Sequassen persuaded him to stay longer, and went
with him to a fishing place on the river. There they
remained four days, when Watchibrok again proposed to
leave, saying that he wished to visit some of his friends
in other places. Sequassen told him, that, traveling in
that way, alone, he ran a risk of being killed, and walked
on with him to a spring, where they both stopped. Here
the sachem opened the design, over which he was brood-
ing, to his companion. He told him that, " if he ever
wished to do Sequassen a kindness, now was the time.
He was almost ruined, and the English of Connecticut
were the cause of it. He wanted his friend Watchibrok,
to go to Hartford and kill Governor Haynes, Governor
Hopkins, and Mr. Whiting.* The two would then fly
to the Mohawks with store of wampum, and on the way
would give out that it was Uncas who murdered the white

• Hopkins and Ilnynea were both repentedly Governors of the Colony ;
Whiiing was a irspcctablc eilixen and a iriagietra*^,

21*

P»t<fr,M

iff

220

HISTORr or THE INDIANS

sachems. Thus the English would be set against Uncas,
and Sequassen would have a chance to rise again."

The sachem drew out of his pouch three pieces of
v/ampum and part of a girdle of the same material ; these
he gave to Watchibrok, and promised him a great deal
more. The Potatuck did not show himself averse to the
bargam, and left Sequassen with the understanding that
the assassinations should be performed. On reflection,
however, he began to consider that it would be a dan-
gerous business to kill so many of the leading m.en among
the English. He called to mind how Busheag, of Stam-
ford, had been put to death at New Haven, for only at-
temptmg to murder an English squaw. He therefore
concluded that it would be safe not to execute his part
of the plot, and finally that it would be safer still, and
perhaps more profitable, to reveal the whole to the white
men. He came to Hartford and told the story to the
magistrates. Sequassen soon heard of this, and sent a
sixpence to Watchibrok, with a message to conceal as
much as he could of the plot, and not lay it all open
The conscientious and excellent man, in great wrath
" bade the said sixpence hold his peace ; he had dis-
covered it and would hide nothing." Governor Hayncs
summoned the sachem to Hartford, to answer to this
charge ; but he refused to appear, and continued to re-
main at Waranoak. The aff^air was laid before the Com-
missioners, then sitting at New Haven, and they dis-
patched one Jonathan Gilbert to Waranoak, with a mes-
sage for Sequassen and all who might be concerned in
the plot with him. He was to encourage the sachem to
como to Now Haven and make his own defense, and was

I! t!

OF CONNECTICUT.

221

authorized to promise him a safe and unrestricted passage
to and fro. Gilbert went to Waranoak, but Sequassen
could not be found, having either gone away, or secreted
himself for fear of an arrest. A few days after, and while
the Court was still in session, two sagamores, named Ne-
pinsoit and Naimataique, came into New Haven, and
stated before the Commissioners that they were friends of
Sequassen, and had just been with him to Massachusetts
Bay. They had carried a present, they said, to the gov-
I' ernor there, who, although he would not then accept it,

consented to give it iiouse room. The governor advised
them to attend the meeting of the Commissioners, and
told them that, if Seqiias-^'in cleared himself, he would
then decide what should be done with the present. They
then came, with their friend, to New Haven, and had
almost reached the town fence, when his heart failed him
and he wished to go back. Each of them laid hold of
one of his arms to urge him forward, but such was his fear,
that he broke away from them and escaped. They added
that their friend, having been a great sachem once, and
now being poor, was ashamed to come in, because he had
no present for the Commissioners. Some other Indians
stated that Sequassen was still within a mile of the town^
and that he would be glad to obtain peace in some other
way than by an examination.* The homeless sachem at
last sought shelter among the Pocomtocks, a considerable
tribe which held the country about Deerfield in Massa-
chusetts. The colonists requested the assistance of Uncas
to secure him, and this chieftain readily undertook an
enterprise which would at once gratify the English, and

• Ilfjzard. Vol. I[. pp 60, 61.

19*

• '•

222

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

revenge himself on an ancient enemy. Some of his bold
and dexterious warriors surprised Sequassen by night in
his place of refuge, and brought him to Hartford, where
he lay several weeks in prison. Nothing, however, was
finally considered proved against him, and he was set at
liberty.* He seems to have remained an exile, through
fear of the colonists, or of Uncas, until 1650, when the
Mohawks requested the government of Connecticut
that, for the sake of their ancient and steady friend-
ship towards the English, their friend Sequassen might
be permitted to return home. The Court of Commis-
sioners answered the message, stating that it had never
forbidden Sequassen to return provided he behaved in-
offensively ; but, nevertheless, formally granting the re-
quest.f Such is the curious story of Sequassen's con-
spiracy. I have given it a place because the particulars
which it relates are in accordance with the customs of the
Indians, and thus give it an air of probability. On the
other hand, it must be rememberod, that these particulars
rest almost who ly upon the evidence of Watchibrok, and
that Watchibrok was unquestionably a liar and a villain.
In 1645 and 1646, the Wepawaugs, or Paugussets, of
Milford, became dissatisfied, on a. count of various sup-
posed grievances, and gave the settlers some alarm and a
good deal of trouble. The good people of Milford kept up a
daily and nightly guard, went armed to meeting on Sun-
days, and carried their muskets nnd cutlasses with them
into the fields. Once the Indians set the neighboring
country on fire, and the settlers had to hurry out and

• Hiiard. Vol. II. pp. fiO. 61. Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 333.
t Hazard, Vol. II, pp 152, 153.

Wija»*»-5«»>s«»«»«**^"^::

OF CONNECTICUT.

223

work with all their might to beat down the flames before
they reached the town palisades. They succeeded in
checking them at a large swamp north and west of the
settlement ; but the fire did much damage notwithstand-
ing, destroying a large quantity of timber, and completely
ruining several pieces of good natural meadow.*

The Mohawks were not so terrible now, to the Indians
of this part of the colony, as they had been before the
settlement of the English at Milford, Stratford, Fairfield,
and other places along the coast. But they still came
down occasionally, to exact tribute, or to kill, burn and
lay waste wherever tribute was refused. To defend
themselves against these destroyers, the Wepawaugs had
erected two forts ; one at Turkey Hill, now in Derby,
and one on Indian Point, between East River and the
Sound. In 1646 or 1648, a body of Mohawks came into
the town, and hid themselves in a swamp half a mile east
of Stratford Ferry, with the hope of surprising the fortress
at the Point. Some of the settlers, discovering them by
accident, informed the Wepawaugs, who soon collected
so great a number of their warriors as to venture an attack
upon the redoubtable invaders. For once, at least, they
were successful ; they defeated the Mohawks, killed some,
and took a number prisoners. The victors stripped one
of the captives, tied him hand and foot in the great
meadows, and left him to be tormented by those clouds
of musketoes with which the seashore is usually haunted.
A settler, named Thomas Hine, finding the poor fellow
in this condition, untied him, fed him, and enabled him
to make his escape. For this deed of kindness the Mo-

• Lambert's History of New Haven Colonv. n IQfl.

224

HISTORY OF THE INWaNS

hawks long regarded the family of Hine With great h
-; and used tosay that the Hines did not die hke otht
^e faces, but wen. to the west, where the Great Spir
took^then. nuo his big wigwan. and made them g^ea.

yel"m",f ';■ "^ ■=»■>-'»''»»«> took place for several
years among the Indmns of this part of the colony, excew
a murder which was committed by some of Lm a
Stamford, ,n 1649. John Whitmore, a respectable'in-
habuant of that place, and a member of the General Court
of New Haven colony, went into the woods one day, to
look for h.s cattle, and never returned. Shortly after his

mto Stamford, and said Whumore had been killed by one
Toquattoes, and that the assassin had now, in h,s pos!

ofTe"' :r "' "' •""'"'' "'''''' "='""-• A number
of the settle,^, accompanied by several Indians, repaired to

he forest and made search for the body, but ;er: unab L

I It i T""!™""^^' « ™'^ discovered, was not in the
ne.g borhood Some of the English began to suspec
hat the ^gamore's son had committed the murder, and
thrown the guilt of it upon one who was absent and
therefore unable to defend himself. I. was only a su '
p.c.o„, however, and, without ihaking any attempt to ar-
rest h,m, they suffered the matter to lie quiet for two or
th^e months At the end of that time. Uncas came to
Stamford wah a number of warriors ; and, being informed

ZttZ^T • """"""''' "'^ neighboring Indians to-

gether and interrogated them concerning it. He finallv

commanded them, with sternness, to show where tL body

•T™„b„ll.V.,.,,pp.,e8,,s,. B.,b.K.Hi„.C.U..fCo„„.,M>lf.,<.,

^^mtmemmmsm

OF CONNECTTCDT.

225

was concealed. The sagamore's son and one Rehoron,
who was also suspected, immediately led the way into
the forest ; the Mohegans and some of the English fol-
lowed, and the guides were observed to go straight to a
place where the body was found. The Mohegans, seeing
this, and that the men were both trembling with agita-
tion, instantly charged them with being the murderers.
No immediate effort, however, seems to have been made
to apprehend them, and before any efficient steps were
taken for this purpose, they fled, and made their escape.
A representation of the circumstances was laid before the
Court of the United Colonies. The Commissioners passed
some resolutions on it, but they were never carried into
effect, and the matter gradually died away. The trem-
bling of the two men was no certain proof that they were
guilty, for the Indians often trembled when sternly con-
fronted by the dreaded race which was gradually sup-
planting them.*

It would be a matter of some interest, to know what
had brought Uncas so far west as Stamford, when his own
dominions never extended, in this direction, beyond the
East River in Guilford. No record, however, of his ob-
ject has been preserved, and vro can only conjecture that
he came to Stamford, as he had once sent his warriors
to Poconitock, for the sake of obliging his friends, the
colonists.

We now return to the affairs of the eastern tribes.
Uncas had become so confident of the favor of the Eng-
lish on all occasions, that he began to bring trouble upon
himself by his restlessness and insolence. He oppressed

• Hazard, Voh IT-. np= 1Q7, iQR. Colonin] Rpcon!?, Vol, Tp, 197,

226

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

the Pequots who were subject to him j he abused and
plundered those who were not properly his subjects; he
robbed one man of his wife ; he robbed another man of
his corn and beans ; he embezzled wampum which he
had been commissioned to deliver to the English ; and he
and his brother, Wawequa, took every opportunity of sub-
jecting, or, at least, plundering, their neighbors. The
colonists, however, did not encourage him in these acts
of violence ; and sometimes, as the records of those times
show, administered to him sharp rebukes and even pun-
ishment.

At this time there were living on the seacoast of the
ancient Pequot territory, one near the Thames, and one
near the Paucatuc, tw^o Indians, each of whom had col-
lected a small band of ^^equots about him, and exercised
over them something of the authority of a petty sachem.
One of these was a Pequot by birth, variously styled
Robin, Cassasinamon, Cassinament, Casmamon, Robin
Cassasinamon and Robin Cassinament. The other was
Cushawashet, mentioned in the last chapter as the brother
of Wequash and nephew of Ninigret, and more commonly
known by the names of Wequash Cook and Hermou
Garret. When the people of New London commenced
their settlement, they found Cassasinamon, Obechiquod,
and a number of other Pequots living on the ground,
whom, after the original name of the place, they called
Nameeg Indians. A friendly agreement was made with
them, in accordance with which the Indians removed from
the locality, and took up their residence at a suitable dis-
tance from the proposed settlement. In the intercourse
between these Pequots and the settlers, Cassasinamon

iiffyjsslBiK^a^a^J^^sa

or CONNECTICUT.

227

seems to have become a sort of dependent or assistant of
John Winthrop, the chief founder of New London, and
accordingly is repeatedly mentioned in ' - early records
as " Robin, Mr. Winthrop's man."

Wequash Cook, or Hermon Garret, was, as I have al-
ready observed, a Nehantic of Rhode Island, and son of
Momojoshuck, the most ancient sachem known to us of
the Nehantic tribe. On the death of his brother, We-
quash, he adopted his name, and succeeded to him in his
influence over that part of the Pequot tribe which at-
tempted to preserve a separate existence on the eastern
borders of their ancient country.* Fifty or sixty of these
scattered warriors he collected around him, with a few
Nehantics, and remained their sagamore till the day of his
death. Hermon Garret was the last name which he as-
sumed ; but, for the sake of perspicuity, I shall hereafter
call him by no other.

In the spring or summer of 1646, Thomas Peeters, of
New London, (then called Pequat,) being ill, and some
of his fellow-settlers out of provisions, they requested their
neighbor, Cassasinamon, to make a hunt for them. He
replied that Uncas would be angry. Peeters told him
that he should go as from the English plantation, and so
under its protection. "We are but twenty men," an-
swered Cassasinamon, " and that is not enough to drive
the woods." To obviate this objection Peeters sent for
Hermon Garret, and the two sagamores made a great hunt
in company. Uncas soon heard that Cassasinamon, who
was his subject, and Hermon Garret, whom he hated as
an enemy, were driving the woods as if they were great

» Rhode Island Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, p. 65.
22

228

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

I n

and independent sachems like himself and Pessicus. His
indignation blazed high. Gatl c ing Uib! ^ hundred Mohe-
gans, he came suddenly upon th'^. hunters, beat some,
plundered others, and broke up the enterprise. Thomas
Peeters, quite indignant at the small amount of protection
which the name of the plantation of Pequat had afforded
to Cassasinamon, complained of Uncas to the Commis-
sioners, and the Mohegan sachem was summoned to give
an account of his conduct.*

The next court was held in the fall at New Haven, and
Uncas appeared before it in person. He confessed to the
Commissioners that he had done wrong in acting with
such violence in the neighborhood of an English planta-
tion, and agreed to make an acknowledgment of his fault
to the settlers. He then brought forward some com-
plaints of his own ; how some of his Pequots were en-
ticed from him under pretense of submitting to the Eng-
lish at Pequat ; how Hermon Garret had hunted without
leave on the lands of the Mohegans, and how the same
sagamore was supported and encouraged against him by
Peeters and his fellow-settlers. The Court gave him an
obliging reply, promising to consider his grievances, and
to see that his Pequots should not be taken from him.f

Uncas had been dismissed by the Commission rs, but
had not yet left New Haven, when William Morton of
New London appeared with three Pequots, bringing a
fresh accusation against him. He told the Court that
Uncas had hired Wampushet, a Pequot oowwow, for
fifteen fathoms of wampum, to wound another Indian,
and then charge the crime upon Hermon Garret. Wam-

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 65.

* Hazard, Vol. II, p. 65.

'^■*mm'*:

, ^.w j j'#"'".M

4tsj^0^iMisi0&^'^

I M

OF CONNECTICUT.

229

pushet, he said, had fulfilled his agreement ; but after-
wards, becoming troubled in his conscience, confessed the
fact, cleared Hermon Garret and inculpated Uncas. As
Morton could bring no proof for this story except the as-
sertion of Wampushet, and as that individual was one of
the Pequots who came with him from New London, he
was called on to testify. His conscience seems to have
troubled him a second time, for he contradicted Morton,
cleared Uncas, and cast the whole plot upon Hermon
Garret and Cassasinamon. Morton was astounded, and
the two other Pequots, one of whom was Cassasinamon's
brother, asserted in great wrath, that Uncas must have
hired Wampushet to alter his testimony. But this mira-
cle of conscientiousness persisted in his story, and added
that Hermon Garret and Cassasinamon had given him a
pair of breeches and twenty-five fathoms of wampum, to
throw the guilt upon Uncas. The Commissioners were
utterly perplexed by this labyrinth of lies, and dismissed
the affair without adding any thing to their former de-
cision.*

During the year which followed this Court, Uncas
seems to have kept straight on in his course of petty
tyranny. He took possession of Obechiquod's wife and
kept her for his own. He defiled the wife of Sanaps,
another of his subjects, and robbed the disconsolate hus-
band of his corn p id beans. He favored the Mohegans
against the Pequots, so that, if the latter won any thing
of the former in play, they could never collect it. He
ordered the Pequots to assist him in excursions against
the Indians of Long Island, and, when they refused, he

» Hazard, Vol. II, p. 66.

■!(■;

230

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

cut lip their fishing nets. The harassed Pequots told the
colonists dolorous stories of the abuses which they were
continually obliged to sufier. " We have sent Uucas
wampum," said they, " twenty-five times, as tribute for
the English ; but we know not whether any part of it
has been delivered. And we have made presents to Uncas
himself as many as forty times."*

Some time during this year, [1647,] one of Uncas' chil-
dren died, upon which the sachem presented consolatory
gifts to the mother, and ordered the Pequots, with threats,
to do Ihe same. Tassaquanot, a surviving brother of Sas-
sacus, opposed compliance with this demand ; sagaciously
observing, that they had better give the wampum to the
English ; for, if their favor could be secured, they need
trouble themselves little about Uncas. The others, how-
ever, terrified by the sachem's threats, collected about one
hundred fathoms of wampum, and gave it as they had
been directed. Uncas expressed himself much gratified,
and promised that after this he would treat them on an
equality with his ancient subjects. Only a few days sub-
sequently, Wawequa came into the settlement of the Pe-
quots, and said that his brother and the Mohegan council
had resolved to put several of them to death. They
now thought of the advice of Tassaquanot, and imme-
diately set about collecting a quantity of wampum with
which to purchase the interference of the English. Uncas
heard of their design, and the next morning appeared
before their fort, attended by a body of armed warriors.
No collision took place, however ; and the Pequots sub-
sequently succeeded in escaping, and taking up their resi-

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 89,

;;,^irt^*&»fcgi*i&«.-*.ii»^

OF CONNECTICUT.

231

dence under the eye and protection of the settlers of New
London.*

At the next meeting of the Commissioners, [Boston,
July, 1647,] a petition was presented to them, subscribed
by the marks of Oassasinamon, Obechiquod and forty-six
other Pequots, with those of eighteen Nehantics. It re-
cited all the wrongs which Uncas had inflicted upon
them ; how he had taken away their wives ; how he had
robbed them of their corn and beans ; how he had spoiled
their nets ; how he had extorted wampum from them ;
and how they feared that he was going to kill them.
The petitioners asserted, that, when the war broke out.
between Sassacus and the colonies, they had refused to
join in it, and had fled from their country, believing that,
if they did not fight against the white men, the latter
would never hurt them. Thus they were not guilty of
English blood, and so could, with a good grace, claim the
Eogiish protection.f

Foxon, Uncas' chief councilor,! appeared on the part
of his sachem, and taking up each of the charges, gave it
an especial answer. Some he denied, some he palliated,
some he pretended ignorance of, and in every way he put
the best possible construction upon Uncas' avaricious and
tyrannical conduct.

He said, for instance, that Obechiquod had forfeited his
wife by Indian custom, having fled away from the terri-
tories of Uncas and left her behind him alone : that the

♦ Hazard, Vol. II, p. 89. + Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 87, 88.

t Foxon, or Foxun, or Poxen, was a crafty, plausible councilor, who, as we
learn from a letter of the apostle Eliot, written about this time, was consid-
ered, even among the Massachusetts tribes, as " the wisest Indian in the
country ."=Ma.^.?, Hist. Coll., Vol. XXIV, p. 57.

22*

232

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Pequots had never sent any wampum fcr the English,
except in conjunction with the Mohegans, when they
made presents to the governors at Boston and Hartford:
that he never heard of any such thing as Uncas' cutting
the petitioners' nets : that it was not true that Uncas
favored the Mohegans against the Pequots in gaming;
although the latter, being a conquered people, might
sometimes be afraid to press for their rights ; and that, as
to their pretense that they never warred against the Eng-
lish, it was utterly false ; for some of them were in the
fort which was burned by Mason, and escaped under
cover of the smoke, while others were, at that very time,
fighting in other places against the Narragansetts and
Mohegans.* *

In this style was the defense of Foxon, who seems to
have put the best possible side on a very bad cause. The
Commissioners were not deceived by it, although they
were still unwilling to deprive their favorite of the au-
thority which the colonies had bestowed upon him.
They ordered that the Pequois should return under his
rule, but that he should make no attempt to punish them
for their late desertion. They sent him, by the mouth
of his deputy, a grave reproof, and seriously admonished
him that the English would never support him in any
such "unlawful and outrageous courses."!

Foxon, however, was not yet through with his labors ;
for John Winthrop, of New London, now came forward,
with a new charge against his master. On the part of
the Nipmucks he complamed that Waweqva, at the hca'
of one hundred and thirty Plohegans, had attacked and

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 90.

t Hazard, Vol II, p. 91.

;4sates«tf.a&ft*>wSi«;®&-iiiife>>*^s;

OF CONNECTICUT.

233

plundered them, carrying away thirty-five fathoms of
wampum, ten copper keUles, ten large hempen baskets,
and many bear skins, deer skins, and other articles of
great value. Foxon was again called up and questioned.
He admitted the facts stated, but said that Uncas, with his
chief men, was then at New Haven, and knew nothing of
the affair ; that he had never shared in the spoils, and that
some of his own IrJians were robbed at the same time.*
Winthrop had yet another complaint : that Wawequa
had been over to Fisher's Island with a band of men,
some of them armed with guns ,• had frightened an In-
dian who was on the island, and broken a canoe. An-
other New London man added, that, when Wawequa
returned from Fisher's Island, he hovered in his canoes
off the settlement ; that his motions were so suspicious
and threatening as to alarm all the Indians and some of
the English, and that numbers of the Indians were ter-
rified to such a degree as to begin bringing their goods
for safety into the colonists' houses. The Commissioners
did nothing more for the present, however, than to im-
pose a fine of one hundred fathoms of wampum upon
Uncas, which he was to pay as soon as the Pequots re-
turned to him. This fine was in consideration of his
conduct the year before at the hunt, and was to be divi-
ded, when received, among the Indians and English who
had been injured on that occasion by the Mohegans.
The complaints being at last finished, Foxon was suffered
to depart, well laden with reproofs and admonitions to
his avaricious and unscrupulous sachem.f

The Pequots obstinately refused to return to Uncas,

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 91.

20*

t Hazard. Vol. If, p

f\m

ill

■I

234

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

and, too much under the fear of the Commissioners to
make use of any forcible measures, he satisfied himself
with complaining at the next Court. He then [October,
1648,] received liberty to constrain them to obey him ; a
resolution being also passed, forbidding every one from
offering them shelter. The order was useless, for a con-
siderable number of the Pequots could never be either
persuaded or forced to live again among the Mohegans.
They preferred to mingle with their old enemies, the Ne-
hantics and Narragansetts, or to hold a precarious existence
as a community unrecognized by che English, rather than
submit to the extortions of Uncas, or form a part of his
traitorous and insolent tribe.

The Commissioners had soon to defend the Mohegan
sachem instead of admonishing him. The Pocomtocks,
of Deerfield, had been enraged by his successful attempt
to abduct Sequapscn from their territory. The Narra-
gansetts and Nehantics sent them wampum to attack him,
and in August, 1648, a large number of warriors gathered
for this purpose at Pocomtock. Presents had also been
sent to the Mohawks, and their arrival only was expected
for the savage army to commence its march. Rumor
proclaimed that one thousand warriors had collected at
Pocomtock for this expedition ; that three hundred of
them were furnished with guns and ammunition ; and
that the Narragansetts were sending their old men, women
and children into swamps, and preparing to join the in-
vaders with eight hundred men. Hermon Garret and his
peo])lo, though living east of the Paucatuc, and in what
might be considered the Narragansett country, disclaimed
all interest in the conspiracy, aiul retired to a point of land

:* M ^ tiW}9 ' f ', ' ^ >> » r* ^* ^

*ai»««a««ai«*'>"«»»*»«

■•^s^^^^g^Sis^gy^Mijaw^:iK«i«

or CONNECTICUT.

235

where they could be separate from all who were any
ways concerned in it.

The governor and council of Connecticut were alarmed
at these vast preparations, and anticipated not only ruin to
Uncas but danger to the colony. They sent off Thomas
Stanton and two other men, on horseback, to the place
of rendezvous, with instructions to question the Indians
as to their designs, and protest against them if they were
hostile to the Mohegans. On reaching Pocomtock, Stan-
ton found a large number of warriors collected, and pre-
parations for the expedition going on. Being politely
received by ihe sachem, he expatiated on the warlike
character of the English, on their love of justice, and told
him that they were firmly resolved to defend Uncas
against his enemies. The sachem replied that the Pocom-
tocks were aware of the wisdom and courage of the Eng-
lish, and had no wish to fall out with them ; they would
therefore desist from their enterprise for the present, and
take further time to consider the matter. One great rea-
son of this complaisance was, that he had just received
news of an attack upon the Mohawks by the eastern In-
dians in the French interest, and therefore could not ex-
pect the immediate assistance of those formidable allies.
Thus the league was, for the present, dissolved; the
Narragansetts and Nehantics dared not move alone, and
Uncas was never afterwards threatened by so formidable
a combination. Messengers were sent to the Narragan-
setts by the Commissioners, to charge them with their
faithlessness, and order them to pay up the arrears of their
two thousand fathoms of wampum.*

• Hazard, Vo). II, pp. 105, lOG. Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 333.

236

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

The Rhode Island tribes, finding open force of no avail,
now again resorted to secret measures for getting rid of
their hated rival. During the following year, [1649,]
Uncas repeatedly complained of their underhand proceed-
ings. " The Narragansetts," he said, -* were plotting
against him. They were trying to bring the Mohawks
upon him. They were trying to put an end to his life
by witchcraft. They had neither restored his canoes
nor his prisoners." •

One day, as he was on board an English vessel in the
Thames, a Narragansett, named Cuttaquin, suddenly ran
a sword into his breast, giving him a wound which was
supposed to be mortal. The would-be assassin attempted
to escape, but was seized and examined by some of the
English, among whom was John Mason. " I am a Narra-
gansett," said Cuttaquin to Mason ; " the Narragansett sa-
chems are my sachems : they came to me and w ished me
to kill Uncas : they offered me a large quantity of wam-
pum and I accepted it : this wampum I spent and thus
was placed in their power : had I not fulfilled my bargain
and attempted to kill him, they would have slain me."

The prisoner was then given up to the Mohegans, who
carried him away, together with their wounded sachem.
Ninigret went to Boston to clear himself and Pessicus from
the charge ; but the Commissioners were so convinced of
their guilt, that his arguments and protestations of inno-
cence made but little impression on them. He asserted
that the Mohegans had extorted the above mentioned story
from Cnttaquin by torture. They replied that Cuttaquin
related it to Mason and others before he was surrendered to
the Mohegans. They dismissed him with reprimands

•r»

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aiaasgMa^^^***^**^^**^'^***-

OF CONNECTICUT.

237

and threats, and sent word to Uncas, who was recovering,
that Cuttaquin was at his disposal.* Although the fate
of this wretched man has not been transmitted to us, those
who know the customs of the Indians will not find it diffi-
cult to conjecture it. Methinks I see a fire lighted, a
stake planted, a naked victim bound to it, and around
him dancing a crowd of painted savages. Mingled with
the fierce shouts and boasting of warriors I hear the shrill
cries of female exultation, and, occasionally, what sounds
like a low, suppressed groan of anguish. The groans
have ceased ; the shouts have died away ; the fire is ex-
tinguished ; the placid moon looks down upon a heap of

ashes.

Rumors were now prevalent that Ninigret v. as about to
give his daughter in marriage to the brother of Sassacus,
who was collecting Pequots around him as if he meant to
assume the authority of his ancestors. The object of this
plan was supposed to be, to gather all the Foquots into
one body, thus weaken the Mohegans by causing large
desertions from their tribe, and raise up against the rem-
nant a foe whose proximity and bitter hatred would ronder
him formidable. Messengers were immediately sent to
the Nehantic and Narragansett country, to charge the sa-
chems with the reported design, to make inquiries con-
cerning the facts, and to urge the Indians again as to the
arrears of their wampum. Nothing more is to be found
in the records, concerning this subject, and if the marriage
took place, (if, indeed, it was ever proposed,) it utterly
failed of its intended e^o * f

In September, l6Bu, t ucas complamed to the Com-

• Hazard, YoL II, pp. 123, 130. t HnzarJ. Vol. II, p. 169.

Tl I

238

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

missioners that Mohansick, a Long Island sachem, had
killed several Mohegans, and had bewitched others, among
whom was himself. The Commissioners appear to have
thought little of Mohansick's witchcraft ; but the other
part of the complaint they referred to the consideration
and action of a committee. The committee-men were to
see if Mohansick was guilty ; if he was, they were to
order him to give Uncas satisfaction ; and, if he refused,
they were to threaten him with the power of the English.*
It is not difficult to see why Uncas was thus continually
at swords' points with the sachems and tribes of his own
race. His nature was rnean and jealous as well as ambi-
tious and tyrannical. Hence, when he was not busy in
conquering his neighbors-, or oppressing his subjects, he
was usually accusing before thy English some one whom
it was too troublesome or too dangerous to attack by
force. Doubtless he had many provoc ions to this con-
duct, for he was universally hated by the surrounding
chieftains, and they seized every opportunity of doing him
mischief But this hatred was not without its cause ;
and although much of it was produced by envy and jeal-
ousy, yet much more arose from the position which Uncas
held towards all other red men. He had always been
the unscrupulous ally of the English ; had obeyed every
nod or sign with which they favored him, and had taken
every advantage which they would allow over his breth-
ren of the forest. It was he who guided Mason by night
to the Pequot fortress ; who accused Miantinomo of form-
ing a conspiracy against the colonies; who put that
sachem to death as soon as he thought he could do so

• Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 150, 151.

iiri i iaril i > i I

! jjoa i \ i iai » ii>iyi i i>iMwrB

^SiM^fdm^

or CONNECTICUT.

239

with safety ; who oppressed the fallen and scattered Pe-
quots; who dragged Sequassen from his place of refuge
among the Pocomtocks, and surrendered him to the colo-
nial magistrates ; and who was continually complaining
to his partial allies of Pessicus, of Ninigret, of Mexham,
of Mohansick, and of every other sachem from whom he
could possibly have any thing to fear. Such were the
reasons for which Uncas was hated by the tribes who
lived around him.

During the year 1651, he gave another specimen of
his jealous spirit. Sequassen had now returned to his
own country, and the whites, taking pity on the unfortu-
nate sachem, seem to have done him some favors. Uncas
was greatly grieved, and carried his complaints to the
Commissioners. '' Sequassen," he said, " was set up, and
they were going to make a great sachem of him, and
yet he refused to pay their friend Uncas an acknowl-
edgment of wampum which he owed him as his con-
queror." The Commissioners disclaimed any intention
of making Sequassen great, and recommended that the
government of Connecticut should see that Uncas received
his rights ; although, as to the tribute of acknowledgment
wliich he talked of, they told him that they duew nothing
about it.*

In the early part of 1653, Uncas came to the house of
Governor Haynes, at Hartford, and complained that the
Narragansetts and Nehantics were trying to form a con-
federation against him with the Dutch of New Nether-
lands. '• Ninigret," he said, " had been to Manhattan and
formed a league with the Dutch governor. He made tho

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 190.
23

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240

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

governor a present of a great quantity of wampum, and
the governor made him a present of a large box of pow-
der and bullets. Then Ninigret went to a council of In-
dians over the Hudson River, and made a speech to them,
askingtheir help against Uncas and the English."

He then related a circumstance which is quite char-
acteristic of the customs and superstitions of the Indians.
He said that, about two years previous, Ninigret sent a
present of wampum to the Monheag* sachem, desiring
him to send a man skillful in magic and poisoning, and
promising that, on the poisoner's return, he would send
him one hundred fathoms of wampum more. Uncas,
hearing of this nefarious plot against himself, caused a
strict watch to be kept by land and sea, and succeeded in
taking the canoe which was bringing the poisoner. It
contained six other persons, one of whom was Wampeag,
brother of the Monheag sachem, another was a Pequot,
and the rest were Narragansetts. Uncas was then at
Hartford, but his men carried the prisoners to Mohegan,
and there examined them. Wampeag and one of the
Narragansetts confessed every thing, and pointed out the
^conjuror ; upon which the Mohegans fell on him in a rage
and put him to death.f

Rumors now came in, from various quarters, of a con-
spiracy of the Narragansetts and other tribes, with the
Dutch, against the New England colonies. Various In-
dians testified to it before the Commissioners, and, as war
was then raging between the English Commcwealth and
the United Provinces, the reports seemed not improbable.

• Probably the Mohegan9 or Mohicans of Hudson River,
t Hazard, Vol. TI, p 211.

OP CONNECTICUT.

Governor Stuyvesant, of New Amsterdam, denied the
charge ; Ninigret and the sachems of the Narragansetts
did the same, and, after much alarm and indignation on
all sides, the difficulty passed bloodlessly away*

On the 19th of April, 1650, the settlers of Farmington
made another agreement concerning land with the Tunxis.
As Sequassen's authority was now of no account, the bu-
siness was transacted on the part of the Indians by their
two principal men, Pethus and Ahamo. They gave up
a considerable part of Indian Neck, reserving only about
one hundred and seventy acres, and received in lieu of it
a tract of two hundred acres on the other side of the Far-
mington. In this little treaty the two former purchases
[1636 and 1640] were mentioned, as facts taken for granted
by both parties, and as serving for the foundations of the
present agreement. In the last article the Indians ac-
knowledged that, on account of the protection and trade
of the English, they were better off than when the whole
country was at their own disposal ; so that they could
even hire land of the while men with more profit than
they formerly held it free and without hiring it of any
one.f

In 1650, a committee being sent by the General Court
of Connecticut to examine the lands of Mattabesett, that
is the townships of Middletown and Chatham, reported
that they were capable of supporting fifteen families. A
settlement was commenced the same year, and purchases
were perhaps made, although no records have been pre-
served of any such transaction. A portion of the Middle-

• Hazard. Vol. II. pp. 225—242.
t Farmington Records.

241

\H;i

': i; i

242

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

town lands, however, seems to have been given, some
time previously, by Sowheag, to Governor Haynes *

We now return to the Pequots, of whom some are at
this time living with Uncas, others on Long Island, and
others with the xNehantics and Narragansetts. The re-
mainder, forming a large portion of the tribe, constitute
the two bands of Cassasinamon and Hermon Garret • the
former in the township of New London,! the latter li'ving
east of the Paucatuc. These bands were not yet ac-
knowledged as legal communities by the English • nor
could the two leaders claim those rights and honors which
were accorded to Uncas, Ninigrer, and other nidependent
sachems. This was more especially the case with Cassa-
sinamon, who with his followers were all Pequots, while
Hermon Garret and some of his people were, as I have
already mentioned, Nehantics. As early as 1647 the
we^ern band had petitioned the Commissioners, though
meffectually, that a place might be assigned them to live
on, and that they might be taken under the protection of
the English. Now, [1649J John Winthrop, of New Lon-
don mtroduced a number af Pequots to the Court, who
preferred the same request. The Commissioners decided
hat, with the consent of Connecticut, a reservation ought
to be made within the limits of that colony for the peti-
tioners, but that they must remain subject to Uncas.
* oxon, who was present, was instructed to tell Uncas
that h. must treat them kindly, and that they were still
his people.l

* Statistical Account of Middlesex County, p 62
t Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 131^ 133

IW"

OP CONNECTICUT.

243

In the following year, [1650,] Thomas Stantqn was
commissioned to obtain an account of the numbers of the
Pequot- and to collect of them the arrears of their tribute.
The next meeting of the Commissioners [1651] was at
New Haven, and thither came Stanton to report the re-
sults of his examination. With him arrived a number of
Ninigret's people, Tineas and several of his men, Hermon
Garret, Cassasinamon and some of his band, and several
Pequots from Long Island. Ninigret's men paid in
ninety-one fathoms of wampum; the Long Island Pe-
quots, thirty-two ; and Cassasinamon, fifty-six. Hermon
Garret brought fifty-four fathoms, and promised to deliver
the thirty which were still due from his band within a
month. Uncas paid seventy-nine fcthoms down, and
agreed to hand in whatever he might owe above this
amount, within three months. He then, with several
others, demanded, on behalf of the Pequots, why this
tribute was required, how long it was to continue, and
whether it would descend to the next generation.

The Commissioners referred to the treaty of 1638 as
the ground of the tribute. The Pequots, they said, being
then overcome in a war justly waged against them by the
colonies, consented to save their lives by paying a small an-
nual acknowledgment. Tribute was now due for twelve
years, reckoning only to 1650 ; but, out of clemency, they
would remit all that was past, and, if the Pequots would
pay it regularly for ten years to come, after that they
should be free.* This condition, as a matter of course,
was accepted, yet it would seem that it was not observed
by those who imposed it, since the Indians continued to

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make their annual payments at least as late as 1663, that
is for thirteen years instead of ten. It is possible, how-
ever, and perhaps probable, that these last payments were
simply arrears on the former ones.

In 1653, an account of tribute received from the Pe-
quots was handed in to the Commissioners by Thomas
Stanton, who seems to have been tht> agent for its collec-
tion. It consisted of thirteen pounds and three shillings
worth of wampum from Harmon Garret ; eleven pounds
nineteen shillings and sixpence from Cassasinamon ; eight
pounds seventeen shillings and sixpence from the Pequots
under Ninigret ; and ten pounds from Uncas, being what
was due from him two years before.*

A quarrel was now going on, between the English and
Ninigret, which contributed not a little to better the con-
dition of the Pequots, Ascassassotic, a sachem of Long
Island, murdered several of the Nehantics, and challenged
their sachem to revenge himself if he could. Ninigret
commenced hostilities against him ; hired warriors from
the Pocomtocks, the Mohawks and the Wampanoags • and
•would probably have subdued or destroyed the insolent
Long Islander had it not been for the interference of the
Commissioners. The latter affected to consider the Long
Islanders under their protection ; ordered Ninigret to sub-
mit his quarrel with them to the decision of the Court ;
and, influenced probably by his power and independent
spirit, treated him with what seems like unprovoked
harshness and injustice. They brought several accusa-
tions against him, however, to justify their conduct, and,
among others, that he had neglected to pay the tribute

• Hnzard, Vol. II, p. 302.

m- '^

OF CONNECTICUT.

245

which was due from him on account of his Pequots. He
denied that he had any Pequots; saying that he only
hired some, with v/ampum, to fight against the Long
Islanders ; paying, in addition to their v/ages, a certain
sum to the relations in case any one of them was killed.
On this point the English were probably in the right ; for
the sachem's assertion that he had no Pequots of his own
was, almost unquestionably, a falsehood.

Tho quarrel deepened, until the Commissioners [1654]
declared war against Ninigret, and ordered that two hun-
dred and seventy infantry and forty cavalry should be
raised to carry it on. Major Willard, the commander-in-
chief, advanced with a part of this force into the Nehantic
territories. Ninigret made no defense ; but, leaving his
wigwams and crops unguarded, took refuge in a swamp.
A number of Pequots who accompanied Willard set out
one day in search of Ninigret's camp, with the intention
of obtaining an interview with their kindred there and
persuading them to desert the Nehantics. They were
met in the forests by tnree of Ninigret's Pequots, who
demanded of them what they were doing there. " O !
we have some things to do," was the answer. " How
many are there of you?" "Thirty." "Then there are
thirty heads for us," fiercely responded ihe three boasters.
" But we are in the employ of the English : we carry
burdens or letters where they wish to send them." " We
will nave those thirty heads before to-morrow afternoon
in spite of the English," replied the strangers ; " we will
not desist from fighting the Long Islanders, nor will we
forsake Ninigret."

This bold and braggart answer was worthy of a Pequot ;

'P.

246

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

but the greatest part of that tribe then living among
the Nehantics were of a different opinion. Seventy-three
of them came, next day. to Willard's camp, to seek Eng-
lish protection, and were followed on the day after by
sixty-three more. Few of these, probably, ever returned
to Ninigret ; all, or nearly all, joining the bands of Her-
mon Garret and Cassasinamon.

The war was not prosecuted with much energy ; and
Ninigret, instead of being entirely uprooted, as the Con-
necticut and New Haven colonists wished, was permitted
to escape by a humiliating peace. His power was greatly
broken, however ; and, although he lived for more than
twenty years afterwards, and even committed some under-
hand hostilities against the Long Islanders, he is but little
further mentioned in the records of those times.*

At the next meeting of the Commissioners, [September,
1655,] the Pequots brought in their tribute,! and pre-
sented a petition concerning themselves: that a place
might be allotted them for a settlement ; thai a governor
might be appointed for them ; and that they might be
provided with a code of laws. The Commissioners ap-
proved of these requests, and appointed Hermon Garret
or Cashawashet governor over the Pequots at Paucatuc
and Wecapaug, and Cassasinamon governor over those at
Namcag or New London. Tumsquash and Metumpawett

• For the troubles with Ninigret, see Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 308—391, paaaim.

t From Paucatuc, fifty-eight fathoms ; from Wecapaug, thirty-seven ;
from Uncas, (for two years,) one hundred and forty-ihree ; received in all
X301 1« 6d. Tributaries behind in their payments: six at Paucatuc; five
at Wecapaug ; six at Nameag, (Cassasinamon's band ;) thirty-six on Long
Island, and twenty-two on the Connecticut River, who had never paid any
thing.

OF CONNECTICUT. 247

aTSatTfirf""" "' '"^ '""»"■ «"•' Yowwematero

semed" "• "^^ ''^'' S"^^™"' ">« Court pre-

.ented a comm..s.or. dra,vn „p in the following fo™ :

of thVlT r. n ?'"' "PP™""'" •'>' ">e Commissioners
Peqnots dwelling at Paucatuc aid Wecapaug. You, being
for one year deputed governor of the aforesaid p;q„o.s! '
a e reqmred to ca^ry it, i„ all things, according to such

ules and instructions as you have or shall receive from
the said Commissioners, and according to their orders;
and al Pequots inhabiting the said places are required
peaceably and quietly, to subject themselves to you! to be
by you ordered according to the orders aforesaid, a they
w,ll answer the contrary at their peril. New Haven
September 24th, 1655." naven,

A similar commission was given to Cassasinamon, and
a brief code of laws was presented to each of the new
magistrates by which to govern their people. Of th^
code the following is a copy : f P "i tnis

" 1- They shall not blaspheme the name of God the
creator of Heaven and Earth, nor profane the Sab'blm

2. They shall not commit willful murder, nor practice
witchcraft* under pain of death ^

punishli'eTt.^"^" ""' '"""^^ ^""""^ "P™ r- »f --
4 Whosoever is drunk shall pay ten shillings ; but if
he have not wherewithal to pay, he shall be punished
with ten stripes, and further receive due punishmen f^
other m^carriages by such means committed.

• Powwowing:, probably.

'II

248

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS, ETC.

5. Whosoever stealeth the goods of another shall, upon
proof, pay at least double the worth.

6. Whosoever shall plot mischief against the English
shall suffer death, or such other punishment as the case
may deserve.

7. They shall neither make war, nor join in war, with
any other Indians, or people of any other nation, (unless
in their own just defense,) without the express leave of
the Commissioners.

8. They shall duly submit to such Indian governors as
the Commissioners shall yearly appoint, and to them shall
yearly pay the tribute due to the English."

As Uncas was dissatisfied that his Pequots were not re-
turned to him, the Commissioners enacted that those who
would go back to Mohegan should have all their arrears
of tribute remitted to them. It was also ordered, that
Cassasinamon must not attempt to seduce those who were
still with Uncas ; tha* his men must hunt and fish only
within their own bounces, and not on the lands of the
Mohegans : but permission was granted that they might
hunt between the Thames and the Mystic, if the English
settlers there made no objection. All " royal privileges"
formerly belonging to sachems were now granted to the
governors. There being six years tribute behind, Thomas
Stanton was to receive it, and, if it was not freely paid,
the governors were authorized to obtain it from their
people by force.* And thus, just seventeen years after the
suppression of the Pequots as a nation, they were restored
to their ancient name and country, and placed once more
unfjier chieftains of their own choice.

• Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 334—336.

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CHAPTER VII.

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PROM THE RE-UNION OF THE PEQUOTS TO THE DEATH

OF UNCAS.

In 1656, Uncas for once united with his old enemy,
Sequassen ; but it was only in a quarrel with Tontonimo,
sachem of a part of the Podunks. A young man named
Weaseapano, who seems to have belonged to the Podunk
trjbe, murdered a sagamore living near Mattabesett. The
sagamore was a relative, and probably a subject, of Se-
quassen, and that sachem of course deemed himself injured
and insulted by the transaction. He wished to seize the
crimmal, but the Podunks were resolved to defend him,
and Sequassen sought the interference of Uncas. Uncas
himself had cause of complaint against Tontonimo, for
protectmg a murderer who had fled from his own ven-
geance, and for enticing away some of his men. Accord-
mg to his usual practice, he, in the first place, brought his
cause before the English : in this case before the magis-
trates of Connecticut at Hartford ; and he was accompanied
m his complaint by Sequassen. The magistrates sum-
moned all the parties before them, and attempted an
amicable adjustment of the difficulties. Sequassen stood
up before this court of arbitration, and testified that the
murder was committed by a mean fellow upon a man
who was a great sachem and his relation. Uncas, and

250

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

his councilor, Poxon, confirmed this assertion, declaiming
against the Podunks at great length and with much ex-
citement. Governor Webster asked them what satisfac-
tion they required. They replied that, as the deceased
sagamore was a great man, and the murderer a mean
fellow, they must have the latter and nine of his tribe to
put to death. The Podunks pleaded that Weaseapano
was justified in what he had done, because the sagamore
had killed one of his uncles. Several of the court deliv-
ered their opinions on the subject, some favoring one view
of It and some another. The governor explained that
according to English law, only the murderer could be
punished, and both he and others of the court exhorted
both parties to try and settle the matter peaceably. Th«
Podunks then offered a quantity of wampum by way of
satisfaction. Uncas and Sequassen refused it, but said
they would accept of six victims instead of ten. Wearied
out with hearing long speeches, which they did not un-
derstand, the magistrates urgently pressed Tontonimo to
settle the affair by giving up the murderer. He pretended
to consent ; but, instead of fulfilling his agreement, stole
privately out of court, with his followers, and hurried off
to the Podunk fort. Uncas and Sequassen were highly
indignant ; the English also were vexed at being thus de-
ceived, and a messenger was sent to the Podunks, to order
them to perform their promise. Uncas was now per-
suaded to accept of the murderer alone ; but the Podunks
said that his friends in the fort were so numerous and
powerful that they could not surrender him. In the after-
noon the magistrates came to the conclusion that the
English ought not to trouble themselves, or interfere

S!»anu««:'iate4»«

OP CONNECTICUT.

251

with the quarrels of the Indians. The governor made a
long speech to the complainants, desiring them to take
the wampum which had been offered them, if they would ;
if they would not, he left them to follow their own coun-
sel ; only they should not fight on the west side of the
river, nor injure any of the English on the other side.
Several deputies said the same, and the court then broke
up, leaving the quarrel about as near to a settlement as
it had found it.*

Uncas took advantage of the permission thus given
him, and, assembling a war party, marched against the
Podunks. Being met near the Hockanum River by an
equal number of the enemy, he considered the event so
doubtful that he was unwilling to hazard a battle. He
sent a message to Tontonimo that, if he continued to
protect that murderer, Uncas would bring the Mohawks
upon him, to destroy both him and his people. He then
returned home, and shortly afterwards induced the Po-
dunks to surrender Weaseapano by means of a stratagem.
A brave and dexterous warrior, furnished with Mohawk
weapons, was sent to the Podunk country, where he set
fire to a wigwam by night, left the weapons on the
ground near the spot, and fled away without being dis-
covered. In the morning, the Podunks came out of their
fort to examine the ruins and look for the trail of
the destroyers ; and, seeing some weapons lying about
which they knew by their make and ornaments must
have been fashioned by Mohawks, they concluded that
Uncas had succeeded in fulfilling his threat. Terrified at
the idea of supporting a contest with the dreadful Iro-

• Colonial Records, Vol. I, pp. 304, 305
24

tf^wtsi-sssm.

252

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

quois, they sent immediately to Mohegan for peace, and
surrendered the murderer.*

The Podunks, as far as I can learn, were the first In-
dians of Connecticut who had an opportunity of listening
to the preaching of the gospel. John Eliot, the " apostle
to the Indians," being at a council of ministers in Hart-
ford during the year 1657, anxiously sought an opportu-
nity of declaring the truth to the natives of that vicinity.
As the Podunks lived only on the opposite side of the
river, they were persuaded by some of the principal in-
habitants to assemble and listen to the preacher. He
spoke to them in their own language, and, when he had
finished, put the question whether they were willing to
accept of Jesus Christ, the Savior, as he had now been
presented to them. The sachems and old men scornfully
and angrily answered, " No." The English, they said,
had already'" taken away their land, and now they were
only attempting to make the Podunks their servants.

Such was the reception which the Podunks gave to
their first, and, perhaps their last, invitation to embrace
the religion of truth. There is no record to show that
they had suffered any injustice with regard to their lands ;
and probably it would have been ditlicult, if not impos-
sible, for them to have pointed to any definite and con-
siderable cause of dissatisfaction. They considered only
that they had once been lords of the whole country around
them, while now it was almost all in the hands of the
English foreigners. They saw that they were poor and
wretched, while the white men were surrounded by what
seemed to them the height of comfort and even luxury.

• Dr. Dwight's Travels, Vol. II, p. 282.

. ^»t^ijM«^i^«tei^HiBipaMui»e«M«^««^^

iMMM

OF CONNECTICUT.

253

They looked at these results, and thought not of their
causes : of their own heedlessness and idleness ; of the
white man's providence and industry. With spirits ren-
dered sore and fretful by such considerations, they were
little disposed to hear moral teachings from a race whom
they regarded as having defrauded and iiyured them. But
this was not all : the doctrines of repentance, humiliation
and holiness are unpleasing to all men ; and they were none
the less unpleasing to the Podunks, because the latter had
been brought up from childhood to love war, to love re-
venge, to lay no restraint upon the indulgence of their
passions.

During 1657, the Mohegans were again obliged to de-
fend themselves against the Narragansetts and Nehantics,
who were assisted, at times, by two Massachusetts tribes,
the Pocomtocks and Norwootucks. On one occasion,
some Pequots allured a Mohegan canoe to shore, and thus
enabled a party of Pocomtocks, who were lying in am-
bush, to surprise and massacre the crew.* Pessicus, with
a large force, invaded the Mohegan country, and once
more held Uncas besieged in his fortress. A small body
of English was sent by the colony of Connecticut to re-
lieve him ; its very appearance caused the Narragansetts
to retreat; and the Mohegans, rushing out upon them,
changed their retreat into a rout. The invaders fled
tumultuously towards their own country, and were furi-
ously pursued by the Mohegans, who overtook and killed
many of them while struggling through the thickets oi
floundering across the streams. Long after this battle,
some old Mohegans used to relate, with savage glee, how

• Hazard, Vol. II.

254

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

they found a poor Narragansett lyin£- among the bushes
which bordered a river, and so crazyd with fear that he
imagined himself in the water and was actually trj'ing to
swim. Tradition says that one body of the fugitives was
driven out of the straight course to the fords of the Yantic,
and came upon that stream where it flowed between high
banks and with a deep and rapid current. Blinded by
fear, driven on by the enemy behind, they pkmged reck-
lessly into the abyss, and were either dashed to pieces on
the rocks beneatli the precipice, or drowned amid the
boiling waters.*

The Pocomtocks and Norwootucks grounded their hos-
tility againsr Uncas, or pretended to giound it, on his
treatment of the Podunks Either his quarrel with Ton-
tonimo had broken out again on the latter discovering how
he had been duped, or some new difficulty had taken
place of which we have not been informed : at all events,
the two Massachusetts tribes now complained to the Court
of the United Colonies, that Uncas had made war upon
their friends, the Podunks, and had driven them out of
their country. In reply, the Commissioners directed Un-
cas to let the Podunks return to their homes and remain
there without mole^station from him or his people. They
were to be invited back by the government of Connecticut,
and the Pocomtock and Norwootuck sachems were to be
notified of the fact, and ordered to cease their hostilities
against Tineas till the next meeting of the Court.f

If this message was forwarded, it availed little j for the
records of .he United Colonies for 1658 speak of anoth«ir
invasion of the Mohe^^ans, by a combined force of Po-

• History of Norwich., pp. 30, 31. t Hazard. Vol II. ov. 384. 3S!i,

^*/

■Uti&^iStuMm

OF CONNECTICUT.

^55

comtocks, Timxis and Narragansetts, headed by Annape-
com, the principal sachem of the Pocomtocks. Uncas
again fled to his fort, where the enemy not only besieged
him, but committed some acts of violence upon the neigh-
boring English settle-s. They were told that two men,
named Brewster and Thomson, furnished the Mohegans
with ammunition, and that Brewster had several of their
enemies concealed in his house. A couple of shots, also,
were fired at them from that side of the river, and added
to their suspicions and indignation. Some young Pocom-
tocks dashed over the stream in search of the marksmen,
and, not finding them otherwheres, ran to the house of
Brewster and attempted to force their way in. Failing
in this, they revenged themselves by carrying off some
of km corn and a quantity of other property. Annapecom
reproved his warriors for this act of violence, and made
them restore what they had taken ; but Brewster was still
mdigna:.t, and, after the invasion was over, laid his com-
plaint before the Commissioners. They ordered that a
fine of forty fathoms of wampum should be levied from
the confederates ; ten from the Tunxis, fifteen from the
Pocomtocks, and fifteen from the Narragansetts. The
Tunxis paid their fino on its being demanded ; but
whether the others were equally compliant is uncertain.
Aimapecom s-u the Commissioners a dignified explana-
tion of the difficulties with Brewster, and, in conclusion,
made the following requests: "We desire the English
sachen;s not to persuade us to a peace with Uncas. for we
have experience of his falseness, ard we know that,
thou,-h he promises much, he will perform nothing. Also,'
if any messengers are sent to us from the Eimlich >J

2i*

lEV,

tJil

256

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

desire that they may not be liars and tale-bearers, but
sober men and such as we can understand."*

No further invasions, however, of the Mohegan country
are mentioned, and no more battles between that tribe
and the Narragansetts ; from which it seems probable that
this tedious and harassing hostility of fifteen years had
now about drawn to a close.

But the uneasy temper of Uncas could not suffer him
to remain quiet long, and he had scarcely got out of one
set of difficulties before he plunged into another. In
August, 1658, some of his warriors killed a man and two
women, subjects of Ponham and Tupayaamen, two Nar-
ragansett sachems who had submitted to the government
of Massachusetts. Other Mohegaus seized six of the sub-
jects of Apumps, a Nipmuck sagamore, killed one of
them and wounded another. Pomham and Apumps com-
plained to the Commissioners, and Uncas was notified
that he must answer the charges at the next Court ; but
no further action was taken on the subject, and the com-
plaint was eventually forgotten.f

In the early part of 1661, Uncas attacked the Indians
of Quabaug in the eastern part of Massachusetts, killed
some, made others prisoners, and carried off property, as
the sufferers alleged, to the value of thirty three pounds
sterling. The Quabaug Indians were subjects of Woosa-
mequin, or Massasoit, the first friend of the Pilgrims, who
must now have been an old man and not far from his
final sleep. As he had gone through the ceremony of
submitting to the English, Massachusetts considered him
under her protectioji, and sent a message to Uncas order-

• Hazard, Vol. U, pp. 396-423. t Hazard, Vol. II, p ?38.

i***a^S«fftii!*«iKvJa»»a4S&#«

iass&wt&afci

OF CONNECTICUT.

257

iiig him to liberate the prisoners, and make restitution for
the plunder he had taken. No reply was received fr^m
the sachem, and, some time afterwards, the affair being
made known to the Commissioners, thej' sent John Mason
to him to repeat the demand. Unoas excused himself to
Mason, by saying that he had only received the order
li-om Massachusetts about twenty days previous lo his ar-
rival. He never knew, he added, that the Quabaug In-
dians were under the care of the English, and it was not
true that they belonged to Woosamequin ; but, on the
contrary, to a deadly enemy of the Mohegans, named
Onopequin. Woosamequin's people had repeatedly fought
against the Mohegans, and so had Alexander, or Wam-
sutta, his eldest son. Nevertheless he had already set the
prisoners free, although one of them was his own cousin,
and had been in arms against him several times before.

Such was the excuse of Uiicas. It seems to have sat-
isfied the Commissioners, who made no further mention
of obliging him to give satisfaction. It was contradicted,
however, in j.art, by Wamsutta, who being about that
time in Plymouth, declared that the Quabaug Indians
were his, and that he had made wa«- with the Mohegans
because of the wrong which Uncas h..d done them.*

In 1666, Uncas became involved in a quarrel with Ar-
ramament, who appears to have been at this time the sole
sachem of the Podunks. The Mohegans encroached upon
the territories of the Podunks, probably by hunting over
them, and thus arose a disagreement, and perhaps hos-
tilities. One or both parties, however, soon appealed to
the government of Connecticut, and the General Court

• Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 450, 451.

268

HISTORT OF THE INDIANS

of that colony appointed a co...mittee to examine and
settle the difficulties. A boundary line was surveyed and
marked out, and both sachems expressing their satisfac-
tion with it, the troubles were brought to an amicable
conclusion.*

We have one more circumstance to relate of Arrama-
ment, and then his name, like that of his fellow-sachem,
Tontonimo, will appear no more upon our pages. Either
before the late treaty, or after it, and in consequence of
the good feeling produced by it, Arramament gave his
daughter Sowgonosk in marriage to Attawanhood, the
third son of Uncas. In confirmation of this act of friend-
ship, Arramament made over [May 23d, 1672,] to his
daughter and her husband all the lands which he owned
in Podunkf or elsewhere, then and forever. This ter-
ritory was to descend to the children of Sowgonosk by
Attawanhood ; in case there were no such, to the chil-
dren whom she might have by any other person ; and in
case there were none such as these, then to whatever per-
sons were declared to be the nearest heirs by English law.|

This Attawanhood seems to have kept the main chance
in view, even in love affairs, and to have been a famously
lucky fellow at marrying himself into property. By one
of his wives, either Sowgonosk or some other, he obtained
lands in Farmington, and it is extremely probable that it
was by some other marriage that he stepped into his
sachemship over the western Nehantics.

The affairs of the Pequots during the period occupied
by this cliapter are of no very great interest, and are

• Mohegan Petition. t Enst Windsor and East Hartford.

t Windsor Records.

WmSuS^uSSmiiiti&m

Of CONNECTICUT.

259

chiefly included under the heads of their governors, their
tributes, and their lands. Hermon Garret and Cassasi-
namon were, for some time, appointed, annually, as gov-
ernors ; but, after several years, this ceremony was dis-
continued, and each of them held the office to the day of
his death. Cassasinanon's band- was the largest, partly
because it had been so from the beginning, and partly be-
cause new deserters continued to come to him from
Uncas. It was in vain to try to prevent this : the General
Court of Connecticut finally gave Cassasinamon per-
mission to keep them till further orders, and no further
orders ever appear to have been given. But the Pequots
after a while began to get tired of their governors, and
commenced deserting to Ninigret, and even to Uncas.
These sachems were therefore forbidden .(1660] to harbor
any such runaways, and were directed to detain them
when they came, and send word to their governors so
that they might be fetched home.*

Out of the wampum annually paid by the Pequots, a
considerable sum was usually allowed to Thomas Stan-
ton, the collector; a smaller portion to Captain Denison
of Stonington, who acted as assistant or overseer to the
two governors ; and the remainder was placed in the treas-
ury of the General Court of the United Colonies.f

At one time, [1658,] none of the Pequots brought in
their tribute, and Hermon Garret did not even appear be-
fore the Court to apologize for his remissness. For this
act of contempt and disobedience, he and his people were

• Hazard, Vol. IT, pp. 433, 434.

t In 1657, Stantoi « • r paid on- hundred and twenty fathoms and Deniaon
thirty. Hazard, Vol. 11, p. 383

I f

260

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

fined ten fathoms a man, while those of the New London
band who were present received a sharp reproof One of
them offering a quantity of refuse wampum in part pay-
ment, the Commissioners took it as an insult, and had him
and another of his countrymen imprisoned. A Pequot
who had borne arms the preceding summer against i\e
Pocomtocks, and thus violated the seventh article of the
Pequot code, was likewise confined. Obechiquod and
seven others were, for the same offense, fined seven
fathoms of wampum. All these fines were to be dis-
trained by Thomas Stanton, and, if needful, he was to be
assisted by the constables of New London in Connecticut
and Southertowne in Rhode Island. About a fortnight
after, wampum arrived from both bands, with a message
from Hermon Garret excusing both his non-appearance
and his non-payment. "He had been sick," he said,
"and some of his men were stubborn and would not pay
m season : he wished, therefore, that some Englishmen
might be appointed to force them to raise the tribute."
This excuse being considered saticfactory, the Commis-
sioners remitted all the fines, and simply ordered the In-
dians to pay over what they still owed into the hands of
Stanton.*

In 1663, fifty fathoms of wampum were accepted from
Cassasmamon and thirty from Hermon Garret, as satisfac-
tion in full of all arrears. It was then enacted, that forty
fathoms, annually, should thereafter be paid by each com-
pany ; yet no records exist of any further payments, and
It is extremely probable that this was the last. It is diffi-
cult to see why this condition was imposed ; for, by the

« Hazard, Vol. II, p. 413.

"* ^.•.' w. fl, J^^^

P*j y.

:. ffisMi;i(ft«4^8ite»*l&ii^*y«fc'ii!S^a^

•■jjiJi^i^sto.!-

OF CONNECTICUT,

261

r London
One of
part pay-
l had him
L Pequot
ainst t'ie
le of the
uod and
id seven
• be dis-
ras to be
inecticut
fortnight
message
aearance
he said,
not pay
lishmen
ribute."
'ommis-
the In-
ands of

ed from
Jatisfac-
at forty
ih corn-
Its, and
is dim-
by the

agre^m^nt of 1650, the tribute was only to be exacted for
ten years after that period.*

As the Pequots had to pay yearly so considerable an
amount of wampum, they were obliged to hunt in various
places for the material from which it was manufactured.
They sometimes went over, for this purpose, to Long
Island, which was famoi for producing an abundance of
shells, and was even called, on that account, Sewan
Hacky, or the land of shells. About 1657 or 1658, the
Montauk sachem, fearful, perhaps, that his shores would
be exhausted of their shelly wealth, commenced opposing
their visits. Twenty or twenty-five years before, the Pe-
quots had held the Montauks as their tributaries, and had
exacted from them not shells only, but the wampum
itself They now, therefore, considered their ancient and
hereditary rights violated, and brought a complaint on the
subject before the Court of the United Colonies. The
Commissioners ordered the Montauk sachem to abstain
from molesting the Pequots, and, if he had any fair and
reasonable objection to their custom of gathering shells
on Long Island, to bring it before them at their next
meeting. Nothing, however, appeared, and we may
therefore conclude that the Pequot canoes still continued
to glide over the Sound to bring back loads of conches
and mussels.f

In 1661, two of the colonists were appointed as assist-
ants to the Pequot governors. They were to advise them
in their administration, and to see that the Indians were
not deprived of any rights by their English neighbors.
This plan was continued afterwards, year by year, and in

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 477. t Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 387, 888.

■ i

262

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

course of time was adopted with regard to most of the
tribes in the colony. The governors were ordered to en-
courage their people to attend on the instructions of any
religious teachers who should be sent them by the Com-
missioners. They were required, also, to seize all spir-
ituous liquors brought among them, and deliver it to the
English assistants. The assistants were to sell it to the
whites, (a tougher race!) and give the proceeds, half to
the person who informed concerning the liquor, and half
to the one who seized it. The overseers were also in-
structed to use their influence in civilizing the Pequots,
and were authorized to punish any among them whose
conduct was riotous and disorderly. They might decide
all cases but capital ones, and the Indians might appeal
to them from the decisions of their governors.*

The Pequots were, for several years, unsettled, both
divisions living on lands held more by sufferance than by
acknowledged right. They made repeated complaints
concerning their situation to the Commissioners ; petition-
ing that they might be furnished with a tract where they
might build their wigwams, and plant their corn, without
disturbance. Whenever these complaints were preferred,
the Court usually recommended Rhode Island to lay out
a reservation for Hermon Garret's band, and Connecticut
to lay out one for that of Cassasinamon, and here the
. matter ended. In 1667, however, the General Court of
this last colony removed Cassasinamon's people froYn
Nawyonk on the seashore, where until then they had re-
sided, and planted them on a reservation of some two
thousand acres, styled Mushantuxet, situated in the

• Hazard, Vol. II, p. 464.

Jii*S!ijii»*U3asii^%ia&'«s^**i

OF CONNECTICUT.

263

St of the

ed to en-
s of any
he Com-
all spir-
it to the
it to the
, half to
and half
I also iu-
Pequots,
n whose
it decide
it appeal

ed, both
than by
nplaiiits
petition-
ere they
without
referred,

lay out
necticut
lere the
/ourt of
ie froYn

had ro-
me two

in the

-i

present township of Ledyard.* The Paucatuc and We-
capaug Pequots were settled and again unsettled, and did
not obtain a permanent home until 1683, when Connec-
ticut granted them a tract of two hundred and eighty
acres now lying in North Stonington.

In 1656, the Farmington Indians murdered a white
man and burnt a quantity of English property. A Tunxis,
named Mesapeno, was supposed to be the author of these
outrages, but he escaped, and never was punished. His
tribe, therefore, was forced by the colony to agree to an
annual tribute of eighty fathoms of wampum for seven
years. This tribute was very slackly paid, and the greater
part of it seems never to have been paid at all. The
Tunxis were at this time very troublesome to the people
of Farmington, entertaining. strange Indians in their vil-
lage, and pleasantly shooting bullets into the town during
their skirmishes. The General Court of Connecticut there-
fore ordered them to send away all Indians who did not
belong among them, and to provide themselves a resi-
dence at a safer distance from the settlement.!

A number of years later, the Indians of this town found
themselves in danger of losing some of their lands through
the encroachments of settlers. They complained of their
wrongs, and, to the credit of the people of Farmington,
their complaints met with consideration. The affair \vc^
brought before a town meeting, and an agreement was
made [June 1st, 1673,] with the Indians. The latter re-

• Previous to 1836, Ledyard was a part of Groton, and previoue to 1705
both these townships formed a portion of New London ; so that the Mushan-
tuxet Pequots were at one time called the New London Pequots, afterward,
the Groton Pequots, and now the Ledyard Pequott.

t Colonial Records, Vol. I, pp. 294, 299, 303.

264

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

ceived goods to the value of three pounds : they were to
retain their ancient reservation in Indian Neck : the two
hundred acres on the other side of the river were to be
bounded out to them ; and they, on their part, ratified
all the former agreements between the Tunxis and the
settlers of Farmington. Twenty-six Indians signed this
paper with their marks ; among which we find the totems
of Seocut and Nassahegon, both of them sachems in
Windsor. This circumstance shows that the ancient con-
nection between the tribes once living under Sequassen
was still in some measure preserved.*

In 1659, Golden Hill, now containing some of the finest
private dwellings in Bridgeport, or indeed in the State of
Connecticut, was i^et oS" to " the Indians of Pequonack."f
These Indians were a part of the Paugussetts, and, from
the name of the place to which they now removed, after-
wards became known as the Golden Hill Indians.

On the thirtieth of May, 1662, nine men and two women,
of the Wangunk tribe, sold a tract of land, extending six
miles on each side of the Connecticut River, and reaching
from the straits down to Pattyquounck in the present
township of Chester. The only reservations made were
thirty acres of land at Pattyquounck and an island in the
river called Thirty Mile Island. For this large tract, com-
prehending perhaps one hundred and fifty square miles,
the Indians received thirty coats, worth it may be one
hundred dollars. Two squaws, named Sepunnemoe and
Towkishk, signed on the part of themselves and their
children ; a man named Turramuggus signed for him-
self and his son ; and Unlaus Chiamugg and Nabahuit,

(

• Farmington Records. t Coloniiil Records, Vol. I, p. 33R.

OF CONNECTICUT.

265

signed for themselves alone. The other proprietors did
not put down their marks, and were possibly absent,
although they are distinctly mentioned in the deed as
agreeing to the sale.*

About the year 1666, Nassahegon, sachem of Poquon-
nuc in Windsor, sold a tract of twenty-eight thousand
acres to some persons acting as agents for that town.f

Oh the third of February, 1672, the same Nassahegon,
in conjunction with Sepunnemoe and a number of others,
sold all the territory yet remaining to the aborigines in
Middletown and Chatham. The sale comprehended a
tract extending six miles east of the Connecticut and as
far west as the General Court of the colony had granted
the bounds of ihe town. Three hundred acres were re-
served in Chatham, and there was also another plot ex-
cepted which had been previously laid out for one Saw-
sean and his heirs. A few months after, [April 18th,
1673,] this sale was confirmed by five Indians who had
not been present at the first agreement. J

In October, 1673, the people of Wethersfield obtained
a deed of a tract on the opposite side of the Connecticut,
" five large miles east and west," and " six large miles
north and south." The price and other conditions for
which this deed was procured are not mentioned. It was
signed by eight Indians, one of whom was a woman
named Sarah Sasakonamo, another was the universal
Nassahegon, and a third was one Powampskin, who, a
few months before, had put his mark to the paper of con-
firmation at Middletown.-^

« Haddam Records,
t Middletown Records.

t Papers on Towns and Lands, Vol. V, Doc. 9.
§ Wethersfield Records.

I ^

266

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

\ '

On the sixteenth of April, 1669, a tract of some eight
miles square, and fourteen miles up the Connecticut River,
was sold to one William Lord, by a Mohegan named
Chapeto. Chapeto stated in the deed, that he obtained
his rights over this territory from Ananpau, his father,
and Woncohus, his grandfather, " both of them sachems
of Paugunt." The instrument is signed by the marks oJt
Chapeto, of Maskoran his son, and of Uncas, the Mohegan
sachem, who is styled in it his kinsman. The land was
given for money, and no reservations were made except
the right of fishing, hunting and cutting timber for canoes.
Five years after, the same territory was deeded by an In-
dian called Captain Sannup, to John Talcott, John Allyn
and Edward Palmar, " chiefly in consideration of past
favors."* This tract could not have been within the
country of the western Nehantics, for at the very time
when Chapeto signed the above deed that tribe was gov-
erned by Attawanhood, the son of Uncas. In proof of
this, we have a deed of Attawanhood's, dated February
19th, 1669, disposing of three hundred and thirty acres
of land in Lyme for the consideration of thirty pounds
of wampum.f

Governor Winthrop, having obtained liberty [June,
1659,] of the General Court of Connecticut to purchase
a large tract on the Q,uinnebaug, bought it of two Nip-
muck chieftains, one named Allups or Hvems, the other
Mashaushawit.J This tract was subseqieiili/ erected
into the township of Plainfield; and, ds uU ihis region
was claimed by the Mohegans as their territory, the pur-

« Papers on Towns and Lands, Vol. V, Document 70.

+ Lyme Records. t Trumbull's Hist of Con.VoI I, P- 4tf I .

;

' I

ii«Wifiri>iii JMfitftiiiiia

OF CONNECTICUT.

267

chase was long afterwards made a ground of complaint by
Oweneco against the colony *

A tradition has been preserved in Killingly concerning
a war which once took place between the Nipmucks of
that town and the Narragansetts. The story is, that the
Narragansetts having invited the Nipmucks to a feast of
shell fish, the latter were so much pleased at the enter-
tainment that they urged their hosts to come up in the
spring and join them in a banquet of lampreys. At the
appointed time a number of Narragansett warriors arrived
in Killingly, and were courteously received by their en-
tertainers. Logs were provided for seats ; the fish were
taken out of the kettles ; each guest was furnished with
a liberal allowance ; and the Nipmucks were complaisantly
preparing to enjoy their own politeness, when an incident
occurred which marred all these prospects of pleasure.
The lampreys had becni cooked without dressing, and the
Narragansetts, who were more fastidious than their inland
neighbors, took such a disgust at this circumstance that
they refused to eat. An embarrassing pause ensued, then
words of dissatisfaction, and finally a furious quarrel.
The Nipmucks, mortified at having brought their guests
so far to partake of a feast which they could not stomach,
gave vent to sneers and reproaches, to which the Narra-
gansetts retorted with equal bitterness. At last, the for-
mer, forgetful of all the rites of hospitality, seized their
weapons and attacked their guests, who, being unarmed,
were overcome and slaughtered without difficulty. Two
alone escaped the massacre by swimming the duinne-
baug, and after a rapid flight through the forests of Wind-

• At Dudley's court or. tha rli<5nutccl Mohegan lands in 1705.

25*

^iSami&>i^M,siMi,

268

HISTORT OF THE INDIANS

ham and New London counties brought the sad news to
their homes.

The Narragansetts now raised a strong war party^ and
set out for the Nipmuck country to revenge the murder
of their brethren. They marched up, en the western side
of the Cluinnebaug, till, when half a mile below the present
village of Danielsonville, they discovered the Nipmucks
oii the other bank. The latter irr mediately advanced to
attack the invaders ; but being warmly received, fell back
to their own side of the river, and dug a trench there to
prevent the Narragansetts from forcing a passage. The
Narragansetts also constructed a rude fortification, and
both parties remained fighting in this position for three
days. At the end of that time the invaders, finding it
impossible to gain any advantage, left their dead behind
them and retreated to their own country. The intrench-
ments raised on this occasion are still visible, and skele-
tons are sometimes found here which are said to be the
remains of those who fell either in the battle or the mas-
sacre. The tradition adds another circumstance, much
more remarkable but not quite so credible as the former,
that owing to the turpitude of the above transaction, the
earth around this spot was blasted by a curse, so that not
a blade of grass would grow on the graves of the mur-
dered Narragansetts.*

On the thirty-first of August, 1674, a committee ap-
pointed by the General Court purchased, for thirty-eight
pounds, a tract of land at Mattatuck, now Waterbury. u
lay upon both sides of the noisy little Naugatiic, running
ten miles north and south, and measuring six miles east

* Barber's Hist. Coil, of Connecticut, p. 428.

MMMa

wkmSmm^mlmlk

OP CONNECTICUT.

269

and west. In 1684, another tract to the north of this,
was sold by the natives for nine pounds ; and thus nearly-
one hundred and eighty square miles more of Connecticut
passed away from its original owners into the hands of
the Anglo-Saxon. =*

In 1671, the Wepawaug Fort at Milford, which had
escaped the Mohawks in 1648, was destroyed at dead of
night by eleven young men of the neighborhood. Their
motives are now unknown; but it is probable that, like
many lads of these less staid and sober days, they had a
more acute appreciation of fun than of justice. The pro-
prietors of the fort complained, and the perpetrators of the
roguery being discovered were sentenced by the General
Court of New Haven co' ny to pay a fine of ten pounds.
The Indians were appeased and afterwards rebuilt their
fort.f

The sagamore of Milford at this time was Ansantawae,
whose doni'uions seem to have extended as far north as
the present township of Waterbury, On the other side
of the river, Stratford, liiidgeport, Trumbull, Huntington
and Monroe were ruled, at one time by Tountonemoe,
afterwards by Ackenach, both sons of Ansantawae. I
should infer from the Stratford records that Tountonemoe
was the oldest son, and that he died about 1660 and was
succeeded by Ackenach, whose name is sometimes spelt
Ockenung or Ockeniuigo. The division of territories
above mentioned is shown by the deeds of land which are
prosprved in the town books of Milford and Stratford. In
Milford they are usually signed by the sagamore An-
santawae and his son Tountonemoe ; in Stratford, by

* Bttiber, pp. 253, 260. + linnibcn'u Hmt. of New Haven Colony, p. 130.

t :

LkUt^

270

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

the sagamore Tountonemoe and his father Ansantawae.
Sometimes, also, they have in addition the mark of Acke-
nach or Ockenung. In Milford, a considerable tract was
sold in 1656 for twenty-six pounds ; and three or four
years subsequently, Indian Neck, lying between East
River and the Sound, was disposed of for twenty-jfive
pounds. The Indians made a reservation of twenty acres
on the Neck, but sold it about a year after for six coats,
two blankets and a pair of breeches. Ansantawae and
his wife, with Tountonemoe and Ackenach, received lib-
erty to settle, in case of danger, at some place in the town
which the townsmen should then designate for them*

In 1660, 1663 and 1665, the Indians of Stratford sold
various large tracts of land to the settlers of that town-
ship. In 1671, a number of them, for a consideration of
twenty pounds of lead, five pounds of powder and twenty
trading cloth coats, signed an agreement confirming all
sales ever made by themselves or their ancestors. This act
of confirmation was itself confirmed by other members of
the tribe, some in 1684, and some in 1685. Among the
signers in 1671, was a man named Shoran. This word
has since been changed into Sherman, and is now the
family name of the remnant of the Golden Hill Indians.
In 1680, Ackenach, still styling himself sachem of Mil-
ford and Pangussett, complained to the General Court
that he was in want of land. It was ordered that one
hundred acres should bo laid out for him ; and " one hun-
dred acres, more or less," were accordingly bounded off
for this purpose on Coram Hill in Huntington. The In-
dians complained of it as rough and stony, and another

• Milford and Stratford Rccorda.

OF CONNECTICUT.

271

committee was appointed to lay out the tract "according
to the true intentions of the Court." It is to be hoped
that this committee was more honest or more considerate
than its predecessor.*

Various enactments were passed, during this period, for
the regulation and protection of the Indians. In 1657,
the Commissioners ordered that no company of them
should come armed within a mile of any English settle-
ment, and that no strange Indians should be received into
such a settlement unless they were flying from their ene-
mies. In 1659, when reports of a conspiracy against the
colonies were rife, repeated acts of precaution were passed
by the General Court of Connecticut. Indians were not
allowed to live within a quarter of a mile of the towns ;
not allowed to bring guns into the towns on penalty of
seizure; not allowed to entertain stragglers from other
tribes.f Two years after, some of these restraints were
removed, and the Tunxis and River Indians were ex-
pressly authorized to go armed through the towns when
there were not more than ten of them in company.^

As driniken natives used to prowl about the settle-
ments, making attempts to get more liquor, and whooping,
yelling and creating a disturbance from the effects of what
they had already drank, all Indians were forbidden walk-
ing about the towns after nightfall, under penalty of a
fine of twenty shilhngs, and a flogging of at least six
stripes. In 1660, it was ordered that no person should
take the property of an Indian for debt, without his con-
sent, unless by legal authority.*^ In 1675, persons who

• Slrntford Rec. Col. Rec, Vol. III.
I Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 375.

tCol. Rec, Vol. I, pp. 350, 351.
§ Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 375,

\ ^

■1

272

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

trusted Indians with goods were deprived by enactment
of the right of appealing to the laws for their recovery *

From the laws established for the benefit of the Indians
it is an easy transition to the efforts made for their con-
version and civilization. These were by no means so
earnest and so long continued In Connecticut as in Massa-
chusetts, nor were they attended by any thing like so
remarkable results. The early labors of Eliot and his
companions excited great enthusiasm in England ; and in
1649, a missionary society was formed there, entitled
" The Society for propagating the Gospel in New Eng-
land." The funds raised were invested in lands yielding
an annual income of five hundred pounds, which seems
to have been faithfully expended in printing Eliot's bible
and other works in the Indian language ; in paying the
salaries of several ministers and teachers ; and in defray-
ing other expenses incidental to a missionary enterprise.
On the restoration of Charles II the charter was esteemed
dead in law; but in 1661, the year following, a new one
was granted. About this time, or perhaps a little after,
Abraham Pierson, minister at Branford in Connecticut,
began to preach to the Indians of that vicinity, and con-
tinued to do so for several years. It would seem, also,
that he sometimes preached in other places, or else that
there was another person of the same name who " minis-
tered" to the Indians of Wethersfield. At least, we find
in the records of the United Colonies for 1658, an order
that six yards of cloth should be distributed out of the
mission funds to the piincipal men of the Wethersfield
Indians, as an encouragement to those who attended on

• Colonial Records, Vol. III.

Maaagr.^

M( i , i iMft#» » . |i M* |

-^iiil-tir^rifl i B- i T I Mr i Mi i il ii iiiCaiabxWWIM

■riHa

OF CONNECTICUT.

273

Mr. Pierson and refrained from powwowing and from
laboring on the Sabbath.* We are informed by another
missionary of that day, that Mr. Pierson never met with
any considerable success in his labors, and that his hearers
continued to exhibit an averseness and a perverse con-
tempt for the gospel.f He received, for several years,
from the Society in England, an annual salary of thirty
pounds, which in 1667 was reduced for some reason to
fifteen pounds. Not very long after this he removed to
the vicinity of New York, which of course brought his
missionary labors among the Indians of Connecticut to
a close.J

A part of the funds of the Society, or Corporation, as it

was sometimes called, seem to have been placed at the

command and discretion of the colonial Commissioners.

In 1660, therefore, they made a present of six coats to

Cassasinamon, Hermon Garret, and their four assistants,

"to reward them for their services in governing the Pe-

quots, and to persuade them to attend on such means as

should be used for bringing them to a knowledge of God."

All Indians who would put out their children to '' godly

English" were also offered a coat every year, besides food

and clothing for the children. A man named William

Thomson was employed for some time, at an annual

salary of twenty pounds, to instruct the Cassasinamon

band of Pequots. In 1672, en pounds of the Society's

money were presented by the Court to the Commissioners

fiom Connecticut, to be distributed by them among

»HBzor(l.Vol. II.

t Rev. James Fitch in a letter presented by Gookin.
Vol. I. p. 208. jibid.

Mass, fJiat. Coll.,

i i>

274

HISTORJ or THE INDIANS

" sundry well-deserving Indians of the Pequots and there-
abouts."*

Another missionary more remarkable than Pierson was
James Fitch, the first minister of Norwich, a generous
and kind hearted man and a zealous Christian. But,
although settled as early as 1660 in the vicinity of the
Mohegans, he did not commence his labors among them
till after Pierson had removed from Branford. In 1671,
inquiries were made of Uncas and his son Oweneco, to
ascertain whether they would listen to Mr. Fitch if he
should come and preach at Mohegan. The sachems
made no ohjeciion, and the fact of their favorable inclina-
tions was reported to the General Court of Connecticut.
This body sent word to the Mohegans, that it should
certainly favor all those who received the Christian reli-
gion, and should regard with displeasure all who opposed
and rejected it.f Not long after this, probably. Fitch
commenced his ministrations.

The Mohegans at this time, as well as all the other In-
dians of Connecticut, were still heathen. They had little
or no knowledge of the Christian religion ; they still be-
lieved in their good and bad gods, their charms and
incantations ; and they continued to practice dances, pow-
wowings, and their other ancient superstitions and cere-
monies. Fitch at first met no opposition from either
people or sachems, although their attendance was neither
very regular nor very reverent. As the nature of Chris-
tianity, however, hecame more familiar to the Mohegans,
and as its precepts were more forcibly pressed upon them,
some began to be affected by the truth and others bitterly

• Hazard, Vol. II, pp. 435 530. + Colonial Records, Vol. II.

n,j'i i j » . i 0ri. i .(.iK»>

'■iMS^^xna

OF CONNECTICUT.

275

to oppose it. " Uncas and Oweneco," says Fitch, " at
first carried it teachably and tractably, till they discerned
that practical religion would throw down their heathenish
idols and the tyrannical authority of the sachems. Then
they went away and drew off their people, some by flat-
teries and some by threats, not allowing them to attend
even outwardly." A few, however, in spite of the oppo-
sition of the sachems, and of a majority of the tribe, still
clung to their teacher. With these individuals. Fitch
commenced a regular series of religious meetings which
continued for several years, although it is impossible to
say how long. In 1674, they numbered thirty men and
women, with a proportionable number of children. They
had given up their ancient ceremonies, were acquainted
with the principal doctrines of the Scriptures, and met
together every Sunday to converse over what they had
heard from their minister. Weebax, the principal man
among them, was capable of teaching the others and of
leading their devotions. The conversation of this man
was so blaBfleless that his worst persecutors were forced to
respect and speak well of it. The same pleasing testi-
mony is borne by Fitch concerning another of the com-
pany named Tuhamon. During one year, at least, the
Society in England granted Fitch thirty-one pounds and
ten shillings for his services, and his Indian hearers re-
ceived ten pounds from the same benevolent source. They
doubtless needed it, for, aside from their natural poverty
as savages, they were now objects of abuse and persecu-
tion to their own countrymen. In order to encourage
them and give them a fixed place of residence, Fitch him-
self presented them with about three hundred acres of

'46

i t

276

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

I I

land, which he secured to them as long as they should
remain firm in their affection to Christianity. This mu-
nificent gift excited the envy of the other Mohegans, and
even Uncas and his sons for a time pretended to be the
missionary's friends. Fitch was not deceived by their
hollow professions, and declared in a letter to Gookin,
written in 1674, that their appearance of friendship arose
merely from feelings of selfishness and envy.*

The above is about all that is known of the labors of
Fitch, or of the history of the little congregation which
he collected. It is said that its numbers had increased to
forty a short time before the breaking out of Philip's
war. Many of the Mohegans took part in that contest,
and from what we know of the usual influence of war on
religion in a community, we may conclude that it con-
siderably cooled the religious interest which existed in this
little band.

Excellent people have sometimes tried to hope that
Uncas was converted to at least a theoretical belief in the
doctrines of Christianity. His religious chai^ftcter, how-
ever, .was to make the best of it extremely doubtful, as
some well-attested particulars will show. In 1674, Daniel
Gookin and John Eliot, while on a missionary tour among
the aborigines, came to a village of Christian Indians at
Wabequasset in what is now the south-eastern part of
Woodstock. The two clergymen spent a great part of the
night with the principal inhabitants, praying, exhorting and
singing psalms. There was one Indian present, a stranger,
who took no part in the devotions, and for a long time
remained silent. At last he rose and announced that he

• Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol I, pp. 208, 209. Hazard, Vol. II, passim.

,jlI«l^,llJL",J|llft!l.J*'''

;iMVj i yiii,ii i yLijfflL i i i j.j.>iiii^

OF CONNECTICUT.

277

was a deputy of Uncas, sachem of Mohegan ; aud that in
his name he challenged a right to, and dominion over,
this people of Wabequasset. "And," said he to the tuo
ministers, " Uncas is not well pleased that the English
should pass over Mohegan River to call his Indians to
pray to God."

Gookin replied that Wabequasset was not subject to
Uncas, but belonged under the jurisdiction oif Massachu-
setts. And no harm need be feared, he continued, were
it otherwise ; for the only object of the English in preach-
ing to the Indians is to bring them to a knowledge of
Christ, and suppress among them the sins of drunkenness,
idolatry, powwowing, witchcraft and murder. Gookin
told the messenger to report this answer to his master ;
and he no doubt meant it, in part, as a lecture to the sa-
chem upon his own habits and character. This circum-
stance took place nine years before the death of Uncas,
and when he was already an old man of probably seventy
summers. In another passage, Gookin mentions the Mo-
hegan sachem as "an old, wicked and willful man, a
drunkard and otherwise very vicious," and tells us that
he " had always been an opposer and underminer of pray-
ing to God ;" and that he suspected him of being a great
obstruction to the labors of Mr. Fitch.* Fitch also spoke
of him very severely. In one of his letters, written in
1678, he calls him " a plotter of mischief," " a liar," " a
murderer ;" and accuses him of being a viiifier of rulers,
laws and religion, and a great opposer of godliness among
his own people.f

• Gookin. Mass. Hiat. Coll., Vol. I, pp. 191, 192.
t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc. 33.

«ii.

..liUiia

278

IIISTORT OP THE INDIANS

The only evidence that Uncas ever gave the slightest
credence to the truth of Christianity is to be found in the
following anecdote. In the summer of 1676, so severe a
drouth prevailed in New England, that, in some places,
the leaves and fruit fell from the trees as if it were au-
tumn. The Mohegans applied to their powwows, and
the powwows danced, and shouted, and howled ; but all
to no purpose. Uncas and some of his people finally went
to Norwich, and laid the case before Mr. Fitch, whose
character they respected much more than they loved his
doctrines. " They were in great trouble," he said ; " their
crops were all spoiling ; the powwows could do them no
good ; and they had concluded to apply to the God of the
English," A fast was appointed in the settlement, to pray
for rain, for the colonists were suffering even more than the
Indians. The day of the fast was clear till towards sunset,
after the religious services had closed, when a few clouds
gathered on the horizon. The next day was cloudy, but
no rain fell ; and Uncas, with many of his people, came
again to Mr. Fitch to lament about the weather. " If God
should send rain, would you not say it was your pow-
wows ?" asked the minister. " No," replied Uncas ; " we
have done all we can, and it is of no use." Mr. Fitch
then told him that, if he would make this declaration
publicly before the Indians, they should see what God
would do for them. Uncas accordingly made a speech to
his followers, affirming that, if God should send them rain,
it could not be in consequence of their powwowings, but
must be ascribed to Mr. Fitch's prayers. The next day
so copious a rain fell that the river rose more than two feet.*

• Hubbard's Indian Ware, p. 251.

» ^i. i; .ir.»ii, i i)i < V,|_|i|i»|i. « .

OF CONNECTICUT.

279

■s

What the effect of this circumstance upon Uncas was, we
are not informed ; and the above affirmuiion is the only
instance in which he is known to have expressed any kind
of faith in the religious belief of the English.

We now come to the last great struggle of the native
tribes of New England against the race of foreigners
which was gradually crowding them out of the land of
their fathers. Massasoit, sachem of the Pokanokets, was
dead, and had been followed to the grave by Wamsutta,
or Alexander, his eldest son. Wamsutta was succeeded
by his brother, Metacom, or King Philip, a sachem whose
proud spirit of independence, whose heroism, and whose
misfortunes, have rendered him the most famous of all
the New England aborigines. Philip formed no general
league, no great conspiracy against the English ; but he
was smarting from humiliations inflicted upon himself and
his brother ; and, like most of his race, he looked with
anger and dismay upon the steady progress of the for-
eigners in spreading over and occupying the country. The
war on the part of the Indians was a war for freedom and
existence, and when those were no longer possible, it be-
came a war for revenge. It broke out in June, 1675, just
about a century before the commencement of our own
struggle for independence, and continued with uninter-
rupted fury until the autumn of 1676. It is not my de-
sign to give a history of this celebrated contest, but only
to mention the part which was taken in it by the Indians
of Connecticut.

Early in the struggle, Uncas was ordered to appear at
Boston, and, by surrendering his fire-arms, give assurance
that he would remain firm to the cause of the colonies.

26*

280

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

The messengers returned, accompanied by Oweneco, the
eldest son of Uncas, and by two of his brothers, probably
Joshua, o. Attawanhood, the third son, and Ben the fourth.
They were attended by sixty warriors, and brought with
them a number of guns. The two younger sachems re-
mained at Cambridge as hostages, while Oweneco and his
warriors marched, in company with a body of English, in
pursuit of Philip, who had just made his escape from Po-
casset Neck. They overtook and killed about thirty of
the fugitives, but not being able to come up with the
main body, and their provisions failing, the Mohegans
separated from the English and returned home.*

The Pequots, like the Mohegans, throughout the whole
contest continued faithful to the English. The other
tribes of Connecticut mostly remained neutral, except that
a few of the Nipmucks of Windham County joined Philip,
and also the Podunks of East Windsor and East Hartford.
The latter, it is said, assisted him with two hundred men ;
but this estimate rests entirely upon tradition, and is alto-
gether too large to be worthy of the slightest credit.
Probably the Podunks at this time could not have mus-
tered more than sixty warriors.

In the fall of 1675, an expedition of one hundred and
sixty Englishmen and Mohegans was sent from Connec-
ticut, under Major Treat, to protect the settlements in the
Massachusetts part of the valley of the Connecticut River.
When Captain Lathrop, with his eighty or ninety young
men, the flower of Essex County, was cut off by an am-
buscade of several hundred of the enemy, they heard the
noise of the battle and marched to his relief. Lathrop

• Hubbard'a Indian Wars, pp. 94—98.

■i

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» 9^"nxyrwr-i*r'"

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OF CONNECTICUT.

281

and his party had already fallen when they arrived ; but
they found Captain Mosely, who had hurried from Deer-
field to assist him, closely and desperately engaged with
the victorious enemy. Their unexpected onset decided
this second battle, and the Pokanokets, Nipmucks, Po-
comtocks and Norwootucks were driven from the field.
Treat, with his soldiers, and his Mohegan allies, after-
wards remained some time in this vicinity, protecting the
scattered and terrified settlements from the attacks of the
enemy. He relieved Springfield from an unexpected as-
sault, although not till thirty houses and many ont-build-
ings were burned, and the inhabitants had nearly given
themselves up for lost. Shortly afterwards he assisted
Hadley when suffering a similar attack, and, in conjunc-
tion with some Massachusetts troops, gave the assailants
a severe defeat. They were so effectually routed indeed,
that the main body of them forsook this part of the coun-
try, and retreated, as it was said, to the territories of the
Narragansetts.*

A treaty of friendship had been extorted from this large
tribe at the commencement of the war ; but, as it had
been obtained from them by compulsion, it was very in-
differently kept. The English settlers in Rhode Island
found that the yoimg men of the Narragansetts went away
on secret expeditions, and, after a while, came home
wounded. They concluded very justly that they had
been to assist Philip in attacking the English towns and
fighting the English war parties. Now, when they re-
ceived Philip's adherents into their country, and sheltered
the old men, women and children, while the warnors

* Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 112— 121

ill.

282

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

went out to burn, tomahawk and scalp, it was resolved
that no further measures should be kept with so faithless
and hostile a people. One thousand men were raised ;
and one hundred and ftfty Mohegans and Pequots, com-
manded by Oweneco, and by Catapazet, the son of Her-
mon Garret, marched with the army to attack the Narra-
gansetts. The expedition was completely successful,
and, in the midst of winter, the Pequots had the pleasure
of gazing on the flames of the Narragansett fortress, as the
Narraganseits had gazed on the flames of theirs thirty-
seven years before *

Without a home, without provisions, driven from his
country, his people perishing around him with cold and
hunger, Canonchet, the brave sachem of the Narragan-
setts, the son of Miantinomo, refused to give up the
contest, and aflirmed that he would not surrender a Wam-
panoag nor the paring of a Wampanoag's nail. He main-
tained the war with his whole energy ; and never had
Philip been so prosperous, never had the English suff-ered
so many disasters, as for several months after the battle
in the Rhode Island swamp. Captain Pierce and Captain
Wadsworth, each with fifty men, were "swallowed up,"
as a writer of those times vigorously expresses it ; and
village after village was burned, and the inhabitants either
massacred, or compelled to fly long distances through the
snow, sometimes in their night clothing. But the day
of English vengeance soon camn. In the spring Canon-
chet was obliged to make an adventurous expedition into
his ancient country, to obtain corn for planting at the next
harvest. He had reached a place called Seaconk, when

« Hubbard's Indian Wnrs, pp. 199—144.

m^ , m ' I k^'^-m t f ■ ffij ' iA *^f»ysy

^iMiii

■assi^^ia-

OF CONNECTICUT.

283

Captain Denison, a skillful partisan leader of Connecticut,
arrived in the vicinity with forty-seven Englishmen and
eighty Pequot and Mohegan warriors. Canonche^ was
discovered and furiously pursued. The lock of his gun
became wet as he was springing through a brook. This
accident disarmed him, and when he was overtaken by a
swift-footed Pequot he made no resistance. Others of the
pursuers came up, and the Narragansett chief found him-
self the prisoner of men whom he had enraged by his
desperate and persevering hostility. His courage failed
him not in this hour of trial, and he boi**. himself in a
manner worthy the chieftain of a powerful tribe. When
his captors told him that they should put him to death, he
replied : " It is well. I shall die before my heart is soft ;
before I have said any thing unworthy of Canonchet to
say." He was carried to Stonington, and there executed
in such a manner as would give each tribe of the warriors
who were with Denison a share in the deed. The Mo-
hegans of the party were led by Oweneco, and the Pe-
quots, one part by Cassasinamon, the other by Catapazet.
Cassasinamon's men shot the devoted sachem ; the Mo-
hegans beheaded and quartered him ; the warriors of
Catapazet kindled the lire on which his body was burned.
His head was preserved by Denison as a trophy, and was
sent to the magistrates of the colony.*

During the expedition in which Canonchet was taken,
the Eiurlish and their allies killed and captured nearly fifty
of the enemy, some of whoiu were among the councilors
and chief warriors of the Narragansctts. Other volunteer
expeditions were equally successful, and during the spring,

• Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 163—169.

284

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

V <

summer and fall succeeded in driving the offending tribo
nearly out of its country. The Nehantics were alone suf-
fered to remain undisturbed, because they alone had taken
no part in the war. During 1 676, two hundred and thirty-
nine of the Narragansetts were, in this way, either killed or
captured, fifty guns were taken, and one hundred bushels
of corn were plundered. Yet not a single Pequot or Mo-
hegan, and not a single volunteer from Connecticut, was
either killed or died of his wounds. In one successful ex-
pedition one hundred and twelve Pequots were engaged.*
In another, a large body of the enemy was surprised, and
so many captives and so much plunder taken, that the Pe-
quots and Mohegans insisted upon returning immediately
home. On th^ir march back they killed and took about
sixty more. Among the prisoners of the Mohegans was
an active young warrior, who had distinguished himself
by his courage, and whom they demanded permission
to JDUt to death by torture. The English consented ;
" partly," says Hubbard, " lest their denial should dis-
oblige their Indian friends of whom they had lately made
so much use ; partly that they might have ocular demon-
stration of the savage, barbarous cruelty of the heathen. '"f
The young captive, unappalled by the dreadful fate which
awaited him, stood up after the fashion of Indian war-
riors, and boasted his exploits. " I have shot nineteen
English with my gun. I loaded it for a twentieth. I
could not meet another and let it fly at a Mohegau.
I killed him and completed my number. Now I am fnlly
satisfied."

The Mohegans formed a circle, and placed the victim

• Hubbtrd'i Indian Wan, pp. 169, 170, 915, 216. t Ibid, 333.

^-^^M^^^mt^smtm^i'i^im^:^!^

OF CONNECTICUT.

285

in the center where all could gaze upon his tortures. They
deliberately cut round one of his fingers at the joint,
where it united with the hand, and then broke it off.
They cut, in a similar manner, another and another, until
only the stump of the hand was left. The blood flowed
in streams, sometimes spirting out a yard from the wounds.
Some of the English wept at the horrid sight, but no one
interfered. The victim shrunk not from the knife and
showed no signs of anguish. " How do you like the
war ?" tauntingly asked his tormentors. " I -like it well,"
he said ; " I find it as sweet as Englishmen do their
sugar." They cut off his toes as they had done his
fingers, and then made him dance round the circle till he
was weary. At last they broke the bones of his legs.
He sank upon the ground, and sat in silence until they
dashed out his brains.*

One of the most famous of the native adherents of the
English was a Pequot, partly of Narragansett blood, called
Major Symon. This man's physical strength and reck-
lessness of danger were said to be truly astonishing.
Fighting seemed to be his recreation. During the war
he was seldom at home more than four or five days to-
gether, being engaged the rest of the time in warlike
expeditions. It was reported that he had with his own
hand killed or taken above threescore of the enemy. ,
Once he came alone upon a band of hostile Indians as
they lay at ease under a steep bank. He leaped down
among them, killed some, put the rest to flight, and carried
away prisoners. On another of his expeditions he fell
asleep, and while sleeping, dreamed that Indians were

• Hubbard's Indian Warn, pp. 233—235.

286

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

(

i I

coming upon him. He awoke with the dream, and get-
ting up, discovered some of the hostile warriors approach-
ing his resting-place. He presented his gun and they
stopped : he then turned and made his escape, although
he was very weary and his pursuers were numerous. To-
wards the close of the war he was traveling, with two
other Indians and Thomas Stanton, to Seaconet. On
their march they learned that some of the enemy were
near by, upon which the three Indians left Stanton and
went in search of them. They found the camp, but the
warriors of the company were gone, and had left behind
them only a few old men, women and children. These
surrendered to Major Symon and his companions who led
them away at a rapid pace. One old man was unable to
keep up with the party, and was allowed to lag behind
on his promising that he would follow. In the meantime
the warriors had returned to camp; and, having.taken up
the trail, soon overtook the old man, and learned from
him what had happened. They speedily came up with
the three adventurous warriors, killed one of them and
liberated the captives. Major Symon and his remaining
companion stood at bay, and the former offered to fight
any five of the assailants if they would lay aside their
guns and use only their hatchets. They feared his
^strength and dexterity too much to accept the challenge,
and advanced on him in a body. He fired upon them,
and, rushing furiously forward, broke through their line
and escaped, followed by his companion. After hostilities
were over in Massachusetts, this Pequot Achilles joined
an expedition against the Indians of Maine and New
Hampshire, where for nearly two years more the flame of

OF CONNECTICUT.

287

war continued to smoulder on. No particulars of his
achievements there, however, are known, nor whether he
fell with the hatchet in his hand, or returned home to die
in the midst of despised and detested peace.*

In August, 1676, Philip fell ; and after this event the
contest in the southern part of New England soon ceased.
His struggle had been a noble one, but its results to his
followers and supporters had been most disastrous. The
I Pokanokets were nearly exterminated. The Narragan-

setts were reduced to a small part of their former num-
bers. The remnants of the Pocomtocks, Nashuas, Nip-
mucks and other tribes of Massachusetts, mostly left their
country and fled to the northward or westward.

President Stiles has left on record, in his Itinerary, a
singular tradition concerning this war. It said that the
report of the contest reached to the backwoods of Virginia
and North Carolina, where some of the Pequots had fled,
nearly forty y. '•s before, from the victorious settlers of
Connecticut. Incited by a desire of revenge, the de~
scendants of these refugees seized their arms, and set out
on the long march for their ancient country. They had
come as far as New York, when the news reached them
that Philip and Canonchet were dead, and that the red
men had been scattered like the dry leaves of autumn.
Disheartened at the tidings, they relinquished their hope
of vengeance and returned to their homes.

A number of the hostile Indians who had been taken
prisoners during this war were allowed to take up their
residence in some portions of Connecticut. Most of them
were at first placed under Uncas, but were afterwards

li!;

• Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 246, 247.
27

! if

288

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

' I

withdrawn from his authority, and had three hundred
acres of land assigned them in the fork of the Shetucket
and duinnebaug Rivers. In 1678, about thirty, chiefly
heads of families, were living here, while others remained
with Uncas, and others still were scattered among the
Pequots. About tl" ^ • '■ ^" one ol the Shetucket band was
murdered, and also other " surrenderers" who had

been placed upon the iarm of Mr. Fitch, the good Norwich
minister. Uncas was strongly suspected of being the
author of these misdeeds ; but he professed utter igno-
rance of them, and suggested that they had boen com-
mitted by some of the hostile Indians who were still
ranging the woods. Mr. Fitch in particular was very
suspicious of him, and in a letter to the General Court
applied several severe epithets to the sachem ; charged him
with acting treacherously towards the "surrenderers,"
and declared that he was even " worse than before the

war

»'#

Not long after the close of the contest died Attawan-
hood, the third son of Uncas, and sachem of f he western
Nehantics, leaving behind him a will wiiich is preserved
among the Indian papers at Hartford. This will was
signed [March 10th, 1676,] by the sachem at his residence
in Lyme, near Eight Mile Island in the Connecticut River.
He was then, as the paper states, " sick of body ;" and,
as no later record exists of him, it is probable that this
was his last and fatal illness. He left behind him two
wives, two sons and one daughter. To his sons he gave
a large tract, apparently northwest of Say brook, with the
condition that if one died it should go the survivor, and

* Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doouments 3S, 33.

£
a

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or CONNECTICUT.

289

if both died, to their sister. He also left them forty acres
at Podunk, and about half a mile square, situated within
a tract which had, a little previously, been added to Hart-
ford. These lands, if the two sons died, were to revert
to his wives. The rest of his property was given away,
in enormous tracts, to various white persons of Hartford,
Saybrook and other places. Whole townships, as for in-
stance, those of Windham, Mansfield and Canterbury, were
included ; a single grant covered a hundred thousand
acres ; and the whole line of lands reached eighteen miles
north and south, and, in some places, eight miles east and
west. The Indians who then resided on his territories
he directed to leave them, and attach themselves to his
father Uncas. His sons he desired to live near Saybrook ;
to be taught English by their mother ; and, at the end of
four years, to be placed at an English school. Thirty-
five pounds which were owing to him by certain whites,
as well as the rents of all the lands which he had left the
boys, were to be expended in their support and education.
He recommended his children earnestly to all his legatees,
but more particularly to three whom he mentioned by
name, Robert Chapman, William Pratt and Thomas Buck-
ingham. For himself he left directions that he should be
buried at Saybrook, in a coffin, and after the manner of

the English.*

The war with Philip was the last contest in which the
Indians of Connecticut were engaged against their own
race, unless we except a few unimportant skirmishes
nmong themselves, or with their ancient enemies, the
Mohawks. One of the last inroads of this formidable

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 30.

290

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

people was in 1678, when a party of them appeared in the
.Mohegan country, and captured a number of that tribe
among whom was a son of Uncas.*

During the whole period treated in this chapter, Uncas
was selling and granting away the lands of his people
with a iavishness which shows that, notwithstanding his
cunning, he had a full share of that improvidence common
to uncivilized men. The Norwich and New London re-
cords abound with deeds, conveying tracts, of usually
from one to five or six hundred acres, to various persons
of those towns. Some are signed by Uncas, some by
Oweneco, some by both these sachems, and others have
m addition the mark of Joshua or Attawanhood. In these
deeds the sachems alledge various reasons for parting with
the land: sometimes it is " out of love and affection for
the grantee ;" sometimes " on account of many benefits
and kindnesses heretofore received:" sometimes for "a
valuable consideration" now paid, or perhaps only prom-
ised. These grants often covered each other, often con-
tradicted each other, and were the source of innumerable
quarrels and litigations between the English and the In-
dians, and between the English and each other.f

The sachems at times complained, tliat advantage was
taken of them when they were intoxicated, to beguile
them out of lands which they never intended to part
with. For this reason, in 1680, Oweneco made over all
the lands which his father had given him on the Quinne-
baug to his loving friend, as he calls him, James Fitch of
Norwich. As a reason for the act he states, in the deed,

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 37.

t See Norwich and New London recorda, paaaitn

' *=...._.

i-^al?#»;i*^A«tJ»Si»»«^^*«^S^«*^*'S

»»?^%*««»«»!«Ms*^to«*«^«afi^«^#»i»^

OF CONNECTICUT.

291

- ■?
' *

that some of the English extorted land from him by their
importunities, and others by inducing hmi to sign papers
when he was under the influence of strong liquors *
James Fitch was a son of the good minister at Norwich,
who seems to have possessed the confidence and respect
of all the Mohegans, although his religious teachings were
only attended to by a part of them. The partiality which
the Indians bore to the father they transferred to the son,
and he continued to be, for a long time, one of the prin-
cipal advisers of the tribe.

The numerous deeds above mentioned, with various
other land transactions, were finally involved in an impor-
tant law suit which arose between the Mohegans and the
colony, and, continuing more than seventy years, puzzlad
some of the wisest heads in New England and the motl er
country. As this controversy will occupy an important
space in the subsequent narration, it will be worth while
to obtain here, if possible, a clear view of the events from
which it arose.

I have already mentioned the deed of 1640. The next
important circumstance connected with Mohegan lands
occurred in 1659. A tract of nine miles square was then
sold for the township of Norwich, for which the Mohegan
sachems, Uncas anu his sons, received seventy pounds.
This sale was made with the consent of John Mason, who
was himself one of the settlers of Norwich, and who for
many years had been regarded by the Mohegans as thsir
especial friend and adviser.f

During the same year, Uncas and Wawequa, in the
presence of witnesses, deeded all the rest of their lands,

• New London Records.

t Towns and Lands, Vol. VI, Doc. 159.

07#

292

HISTORT OF THE INDIANS

without exception, to Mason, to his heirs and to his
assigns forever.* There can be no doubt of this circum-
stance ; but two contradictory constructions have been
placed upon it, and both are supported by probabilities.
The Indians seem to have thought that they had simply
placed their property under the protection or trusteeship
of Mason, who was wiser than themselves, and who knew
how to deal with the English and the English law.f
The same view was also supported by Mason's de-
scendants, and by all those who advocated the cause of
the Mohegans in their suit against the colony. On the
other hand, Connecticut and those who favored her side
of the question maintained that the deed was obtained by
Mason as the commissioned agent of the colony, and that
the object of it was to extinguish whatever remaining
title to their lands the Mohegans might have possessed.
In proof of this they refer to an entry in the Colonial
E^cords, showing that on the twenty-fourth of March,
1660, Mason, then deputy governor of Connecticut, sur-
rendered to the colony that "jurisdiction power" over the
Mohegan lands which he had obtained in the previous
year from Uncas and Wawequu.J: In this deed of sur-
rendry, however, he reserved to himself land enough for
a farm, and the right, also, of laying out according to his

* Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. .'JSg ; Mohegan Petition.

t Owf.neco, in 1710, protested against the deed being held of any force ;
declar. :Ttbat it was given while his father was besieged by the Narragnn-
setts, with the understanding that it was to be used only if his enemies con-
quered him ; otherwise to be burned. If this statement is true, it throws n
deep stain upon the character of two men, Sc^n Mason and Rev. James Fitch,
in whose honesty and honor I choose to believe rather than in the veracity of
Oweneco. X Colonial Records, Vol. I, p. 359.

"*S?R'SSSK5^^^SMBS»5iSSi&«*M^Bi^^

OP CONNECTICUT.

293

own choice the various settlements which should be made
in the district. This certainly looks as if the land no
longer belonged to the Mohegans ; and yet this last con-
dition is, it must be confessed, a very extraordinary one
to be made by a mere agent. Mason was still considered
as the guardian of the Indians both by themselves and the
English authorities. The proof of the former is that in
1661 and 1665, Uncas. Oweneco and Attawanhood con-
firmed the grant which had formerly [1659] been made
to Mason by Uncas and Wawequa.* The latter seems to
be sufficiently proved by various dealings of the colony
concerning land with the Mohegans, and by various
passages in the history of its subsequent legal contest
with them.

What Mason's opinions of his rights over the Mohegan
lands were, at a late period in his life, may be gathered
from an important act of his in 1671. He was then old,
being in the seventy-second year of his age ; and fearing
that, after his death, the Mohegans might be wronged by
unscrupulous men, he determined to secure to them a
tract of land so that it should be theirs forever. He ac-
cordingly drew up, and signed, a deed, making over to
the tribe a large district, and entailing it to them as in-
alienable by grant or sale.f Notwithstanding the evi-
dently benevolent intentions of Mason in this transaction,
it is not difficult to bring up doubts as to the propriety of
his conduct. If the Mohegan property had truly been

! '

!i!

i'i

'ii

* Mohegan Pcfition.

t Mohegan Petition. This paper is continually mentioned in the records
of the " Mohegan Case," and neither its existence nor its authenticity once
disputed.

294

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

trusteed to him, what right had he to content himself
with giving back to its owners only a small part of it ?
If it was not trusteed, but sold or granted to him, and if
he had made it over to the colony, as the records seem to
prove, what right had he to return and entail any part of
it t all?

On this entailed tract, however, usually called the " Se-
questered Lands," the Mohegans remained unmolested till
Mason's death, which took place some time in the follow-
ing year. From that time till 1680, various encroach-
ments are alledged to have been made by the neighboring
whites ; and, in spite of the articles of entailment, various
sales and grants were executed, and recorded on the town
books of Norwich and New London.* It was during this
period that Attawanhood died and willed away those ex-
tensive tracts which have already been described. Atta-
wanhood never could have possessed the whole of this
enormous territory : his grants covered many of the grants
of Mason and of the Mohegan sachems, and this will in-
troduced a new element of litigation into the already in-
terminable confusion of land claims.

Some drunken Indians having set fire to, and destroyed
the Norwich jail, Uncas and Oweneco were called on to
make up the loss, which they did, very unwillingly, by
passing over to the town [1679] six hundred acres of land.
The tract was sold to English purchasers, and brought
forty pounds, of which ten pounds were given back to
Uncas and the remainder placed in the town treasury.f

This large loss and the encroachments which Uncas

• See Norwich and New London Records, the early volume*,
t Colonial Records, Vol. III.

^^^RSZ.

diJikHiifiHiii

uiiM^MWiiiMiiiki

OF CONNECTICUT.

295

believed were being made upon him by towns and indi-
viduals, alarmed him for his territories. He applied to
the General Court of Connecticut, asking that a line might
be run between Mohegan and Norwich, and that the
bounds of his land might be marked out and recorded *
The Court assented ; and ordered that the people of New
London also should come to a decision about their boun-
dary line, and, in conjunction with Uncas and his men,
should mark it out as soon as possible. The sachem was
first, however, obliged to consent to a league or agree-
ment of which the substance is here given.

I, Uncas, sachem of Mohegan, promise for myself, my
people and all my successors, to be friendly to the people
of Connecticut, and if I or any of my tribe do them an
injury, to repair it. I give up all my lands to the juris-
diction of the colony, and will dispose of them in no other
way than the governor and deputies shall please. These
lands shall be distributed into farms and villages as the
General Court shall determine; and I, on the other hand,
am to receive compensation for them, accordingly as wc
shall then agree. I confirm all grants that I have eve-
made of Mohegan lands. I promise to do no evil to the
colony, nor to conceal any that is proposed to be done to
it by others. I promise to take advice of the General
Court in all matters of importance, especially in making
peace or war and contracting leagues ; and I will make
no league with any people at enmity with the colony.
Finally, I bind myself to assist the colony, when neces-
sary, with a competent number of warriors in the manner
which the government shall deem most expedient.f

• Indian Papers. Vol. I, Doc. 39. t Mohegan Petition.

296

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

In return the Court promised to receive Uncas, his
people and his descendants under its protection, then and
forever. If they kept the articles mentioned above, no
harm should be done to them ; and, if they were wronged
in any manner by the English, the Court would grant
them satisfaction. Whatever plantations were laid out
on the lands of the Mohegans, the latter should always
have a sufficiency to live on, and should receive a just
price for what was taken. Lastly, if Uncas was attacked,
the authorities of Connecticut would advise him to the
best of their ability, would furnish him with ammunition
at a fair price, and do whatever might be consonant with
the peace of the colony for his protection.*

Thus matters were settled for the present ; neither of
the parties, it will be observed, paying any regard to the
entailment of Mason. One can hardly help smiling at the
munificence of our ancestors in promising good advice to
Uncas in return for his armed assistance. It would not
have been worth while, indeed, for the colony to involve
itself in a war for the sake of the Mohegans ; but, on the
other hand, a promise ought not to have been exacted
from the Mohegans to peril their lives for the sake of the
colony. Such is a very brief acconnt of the Mohegan
lands down to the death of Uncas, as I have been able to
gather it from the various authorities.

Uncas died in 1682 or 1683 ; the precise date as well
as the circumstances of his death being unknown. This
sachem had seen stranger events and greater changes than
perhaps had been witnessed by all his ancestors since the
day that they first set foot on this continent. He could

« M/^t1Jinl■n Pi>tition.

»"iV»H»""jl'>H'- "

'iMmtlim

OP CONNECTICUT.

297

remember when throughout all New England the red
man ruled supreme, his power unchecked and unshared
by any other member of the human race ; and he had
lived to see the time when a new people, strange in ap-
pearance and garb, and wonderful in wisdom, was spread-
ing over the same land, and when the tribes of the forest
were fading away before it, as the light of the stars grows
dim at the rising of the sun.

The land now possessed, or, at least, claimed by the
Mohegans, consisted chiefly of three tracts, each of very
considerable dimensions. The first, where the Indians
themselves mostly resided, lay between New London and
Norwich, and measured more than eight miles in length
by four in breadth. Another stretched along the north
boundary of Lyme, measuring nine miles in length by
two in breadth, and resting at its western extremity on the
Connecticut River. A third, usually styled the Mohegan
Hunting Grounds, lay between the townships of Norwich,
Lebanon, Lyme, Haddam and Middletown.* The other
tracts were smaller, and it is impossible to tell where
they were all situated, although it is certain that consider-
abla quantities of land were still held by the Mohegans in
the county of Windham.f

Hermon Garret and his son, Catapazet, being both
dead, the Pequots of that band were now living under the
government of an Indian named Mamoho. After many
unavailing petitions, after being settled in Rhode Island
and again broken up, they had at last obtained a home ;
and in 1683 two hundred and eighty acres of land hud

in-

1 1

ill''

• Mohpgan Papers. Middlctown then comprrhended Clinthara.
t riainfield Records.

298

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

been marked out for them in Stonington on the spot
where their descendants live at the present day. From
the small size of this reservation it seems probable that
the band itself was small ; and it is pretty certain that a
part of it remained in Rhode Island under the rule of a
daughter of Ninigret, who was somewhat known about
this time as the squaw-sachem.*

The Pequots of New London were still governed by
Cassasinamon, with the help of an assistant named Daniel,
first appointed to this post in 1667. These Pequots were
now living at a place called Mushantuxet, situated in the
ancient township of New London, and in the modern one
of Ledyard. They possessed upwards of two thousand
acres of land here, and still made use of the neck at Naw-
yonk from whence they had removed in 1667. They
planted chiefly at Mushantuxet, but went down to Naw-
yonk to fish and to hunt for fowl.

The territories of the western Nehantics at this time
must have been nearly gone, and it is doubtful whether
they had any land left which they could call their own.
Some of the tribe, doubtless, had followed the injunctions
of Attawanhood in his will, and joined themselves te the
Mohegans. Others, however, remained in their ancient
country, and continued to reside there, on sufferance, until
they were furnished with a small reservation by the town
of Lyme.

The Wangunks, the Ttmxis, the Indians of New Haven,
Milford, Stratford and other places, were all living on re-
servations, mostly small, which had been made for them
at the respective sales of their lands.

• Hnznrd, Vol. H ; Colonial Records, Vol. III.

^S*5!SijBSaLii

■aMHMMMtfli

or CONNECTICUT.

299

The independent and roving existence of the Indians
had ceased, and they were now little more than the sub-
jects and tenants of the white men. They were no longer,
it is true, under fhe fear of hostile war parties ; bat they
were restrained by the fences, by the bounds, and by the
enactments of the settlers. Universal poverty prevailed
among them, as it had indeed always done j but, unlike
the days of olden time, this poverty had now become de-
graded and degrading through its contrast with surround-
ing wealth and comfort. I doubt whether any community
in the world is so debased as a barbarous people in which
the independence of a free savage life has been lost and is
succeeded by a sense of inferiority and a feeling of de-
spair. Without hope, without ambition, debarred from
even the excitement of war, they sink into a state of
stupid listlessness, and think only of enjoying the present
by an unrestrained indulgence in brutalizing pleasures.
They become more indolent than ever, while their means
of subsistence have diminished ; they indulge in intem-
perance as far as their resources and opportunities will
allow ; and, if they were ever licentious, their licentious-
ness is now vastly increased. Such at this time was the
case with the Indians of Connecticut, as far as the records
of those days enable us to form any judgment of their
condition. Preserved in the manuscripts of President
Stiles, we have a most singular account of the loose state
of morals which existed among the remnants of the Nar-
ragansetts. This account was written, it is true, eighty
years later, when the Ii.dians had probably become still
more degraded ; but I have little if any hesitation in be-
lieving, that the same state of things had already begun

300

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

to exist at the period of which we are now speaking. In
1761, while President Stiles was traveling in Rhode
Island, he fell in with a Narragansett named John Paul,
and made some inquiries of him concerning the morals of
his countrymen. John Paul was very communicative, and
spoke of the subject without reserve. From his account
it would seem, that the morals of the Indians were very
corrupt before the arrival of the English ; that, although
a strong prejudice against illegitimate births existed, it did
not prevent prostitution, and only produced abortion and
infanticide ; and that these last customs being broken up
by the influence of the whites, all reserve was thrown
aside and the Indians became openly and shamelessly
licentious. No restraint of virtue or decency prevailed :
the young men hesitated not to speak, even before their
parents, of their unlawful amours: the young women
hesitated not to receive presents for their shame, and even
to take them openly and by force when they were not
given. John Paul made not only general statements, but
mentioned individuals and pointed out localities, all con-
firmatory of his melancholy story. Now, it is notorious
that the form of vice here mentioned, especially when
carried to such excess, is productive of both sterility and
disease. Is it wonderful that communities so licentious,
and, added to this, so indolent and drunken, should not
increase ? that they should even rapidly decline ?

The assertion of this Narragansett with regard to the
state of morals among his people before the arrival of the
English must be received with some allowance for exag-
geration. Favored by the testimony of several of the
early New England writers, it is contradicted by others,

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' g^B^aiS^4^-^a»fe^*«-ST

OP CONNECTICUT.

301

and stands in opposition to the general character of the
native North American race. But, nevertheless, it lends
weight to other circumstances which tend to prove that
the morals of the Indians were, even at the first, far from
being altogether pure. To this belief we may add the
certainty that they steadily changed for the worse as the
native tribes lost their wild independence and became im-
pregnated with the vices of civilization. These circum-
stances would not be worthy of so much space as I have
given in various places of the present volume, did not a
knowledge of them assist in explaining the decline of
the Indian population, not in Connecticut simply, but
throughout the United States.

As to the religious state of the Indians, we have seen
that a few of them, at Mohegan, had become at least
theoretical converts to the Christian faith. The remainder
were still heathen ; believing, not perhaps in all their an-
'cient deities, but at least in some of them ; and asserting
that, while the English were bound to worship the Eng-
lish God, the Indians were equally bound to worship and
serve the Indian gods.

Concerning the numbers of the Indians in Connecticut
at this time, we have, in an account of the colony drawn
up by the General Court in 1680, an estimate which puts
them at five hundred warriors.* This estimate, which
would give a total of some twenty-five hundred indi-
viduals, is a further proof of the extreme paucity of the
aboriginal population of the State. It was now only fifty
years since the first European settlement was begun in
Connecticut, at which time the ^"dians, according to

• Chamler'a Political Annals, p. MQ.

'! I

\\1

i' I

302

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS, ETC.

Trumbull, numbered twelve or sixteen and possibly
twenty thousand. To suppose thttt so great a diminu-
tion as this would imply had taken place in so short a
time, IS not only incredible, but even worthy of ridicule.
The question then arises as to which of the two estimates
IS most worthy of our dependence. This will not require
very long consideration. The estimate of 1680, was a
cotemporary one, was made by the representatives of the
colony, and was made, too, when the whole country had
been examined and the condition of every tribe was
tolerably known. The estimate of Trumbull was made
more than one hundred and fifty years after the period to
which It related ; and, while it was founded, in great
part, upon tradition, was built up with assumptions and
guess-work : assumptions very unwarranted, and guess-
work of an exceedingly poor quality.

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■ Sa^S^i^te*sfe«S«S>is;*s

i I

CHAPTER VIII.

HISTORY OP THE MOHEGANS FROM THE DEATH OP UNCA8
TO THE CLOSE OP THE COURT ON THEIR DISPUTED *
LANDS IN 1743.

On the death of Uncas all unity which our subject ever
possessed entirely disappears. From this time the re-
spective histories of the Tunxis and Mohegans, of the
Wepawaugs and Pequots, have but little more connection
than if those neighboring tribes had lived in opposite
quarters of the globe. To prevent the remainder of the
narrative, therefore, from becoming a mere jumble of dis-
connected events, I shall divide it into five sections,
without j;egard to the order of time. The present chapter
will trace the history of the Mohegans down to the close
of the Commissioners' Court on the disputed lands of the
tribe in 1743. The ninth and tenth chapters will follow
the fate of the western and northern tribes from the same
starting point down to the present time. The eleventh
will do the same by the Pequots, and the twelfth will
close the history of the Mohegans.

War had now ceased between the different tribes, but
other causes for reducing the population arose which
more than equalled it in destructiveness. Game grew less
abundant, and the fish began to disappear from the rivers.
Now. too, ardent spirits, which at first had been scarce

28*

! t

304

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

and dear even among the whites, became more plentiful
and found their way to the hps of the Indians. Intem-
perance IS destructive of the happiness of civilized com-
munities, but it is destructive of the life of savage ones.
Laws and penalties, as we have seen and shall see, were
repeatedly enacted against providing the Indians with
liquor, and were sometimes, if not often, carried into effect.
Still they did not accomplish their object; the temptation
on both sides was too great : the traders were too fond of
money, and the Indians were too fond of rum. They
drank more and more, and the vice finally involved both
sexes and almost all ages in its absorbing and pestiferous
influence.

Oweneco succeeded without opposition to his father
and seems to haVe inherited all his dignities and peroga-'
tives. Of his three brothers, one, at least, Attawanhood,
or Joshua, was already dead. Of the other two, John, the
eldest, died before Oweneco, and probably before Atta-
wanhood; while Ben outlived them both, and ultimately
snceeded to the sachemship. One day, as Uncas was
talking with Thomas Stanton about his children, he ob-
served that the three eldest were legitimate ; but as for
Ben he was poquiom, or half-dog, tho mother being a poor
beggarly squaw, not his wife. It was matter of report'
however, among both Indians and whites, that Ben's
mother was the daughter of Poxon, who, as we have
seen, was a man of considerable consequence among the
Mohegans.*

I have already noticed that Attawanhood left three
children, assigning to them a considerable quantity of

• Indian Papere, Vol. I, Doc. 173, p. 57.

■■?

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W»yvmmW^*'MW^9^

► 7

OF CONNECTICUT.

305

land for their maintenance. These lands, it would seem,
were very unprofitable, or else the proceeds of them were
not applied to the purpose for which they were intended.
In 1683, about four years after the father died, only one
of these children, Abimelech, was living; yet his guar-
dians applied to the Court of the colony for assistance
towards his support.*

The first object of Oweneco on receiving the sachem-
ship seems to have been to secure his tribe in the per-
petual possession of their lands. To this course he was
doubtless urged by Daniel and Samuel Mason, who, like
their father, John Mason, were high in favor with the
Mohegans, and advised them on all important occasions.
Under their direction, probably, the following paper, dated
March 16ih, 1684, was drawn up, and was signed by
Oweneco with his totem or mark :

" Know all men whom it doth or. may concern that
I, Oneco, sachem of Mohegan, have and do, by these
presents, pass over all my right of that tract of land be-
tween New London town bounds and Trading Cove
brook unto the Mohegan Indians for their use to plant,
that neither I, nor my son. nor any under him, shall at
any time make sale of any part thereof; and that tract of
land shall be and remain forever for the use of the Mohe-
gan Indians and myself and mine, to occupy and improve
for our mutual advantage forever, as witness my seal and
mark." Oweneco's mark.f

A few weeks after, fearing, as he said, that he might
be ensnared in drink and induced to make injudicious
sales, the sachem trusteed his lands to Samuel and Daniel
• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 40. t Norwich Records.

ii.a

I i

!i' i

306

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Mason, as his father and uncb had, in 1859, granted them
to John Mascn.* From ♦his time these two men were
recognizd as their guardians by the Mohegans; often,
however, acting in conjunction with James Fitch, to
whom Oweneco had trusteed [December 22d, 1680,] his
own private lands on the Quinnebaug.f In 1689, Owe-
neco made a confirmation of the above instrument to
Daniel Mason alone. Samuel Mason, however, still acted
in the same capacity, and was more noted as the friend
and defender of the tribe than his brother.l

Without the limits of the territory which he had thus
reserved to his tribe, Oweneco still sold land, apparently
whenever and wherever any one chose to purchase. At
one time he conveyed to James Fitch a tract west of the
•Q-uinnebaug River estimated at six or seven miles in
length by one in breadth. At another time he made over
to him a tract north of the township of Norwich, of un-
certain length, but of a mile and a half in breadth. Other
parcels of similar magnitude were added ; the price of the
whole, it would seem, being only sixty pounds. James
Fitch appears to have been a different man from his
father, the minister ; his nature inclining him far more
strongly to the acquisition of land than to th*? giving of
it away. The above tracts are but a poi tion of the lands
recorded to him in the Norwich records ; and in 1696, he
attempted to possess Himself of others in a manner which,
with the light we have at present upon it, appears dis-
honest and mean. He was, at that time, the town clerk
of Norwich, and he took the opportunity afforded by his

• New London Records, Vol. VI. t Plainf^.-ld Records.

:: History of Norwich, p. 159.

■i

y mm^ >,i.>^ «0», iii . i | !ji n iiiiiiii |i " i n * | W i i J W Wf^^

OP CONNECTICUT.

307

oftice, to record a large tract of land between the Quin-
nebang and Shetucket Rivers to himself. What claim
he could alledge is now unknown ; but whatever it was,
the tract thus summarily disposed of covered nearly the
whole of the three hundred-acre reservation which had
been set apart for the " surrenderors," or Shetucket In-
dians. The town protested against the record, and Mr.
Pitch was probably obliged to resign hs claim. Other
persons, however, had trespassed upon the reservation, and
it is likely that the Indians were already deprived of a
considerable portion of it.*

On May, 24th, 1685, the General Court granted to
Lyme a tract lying north of that township, nine miles in
length by two in breadth. This had hitherto been claimed
by the Mohegans ; and long afterwards they asserted, in
their petitions to the crown, that for this large tract they
had never received any remuneration whatever.f

In addition to the grants and sales mentioned above,
Oweneco gave [1687] a deed of the country between
Stonington and Norwich to a number of whites, for the
sum of fifty pounds, to be paid in four annual installments.!
Another tract parted with in 1692, measured five miles
L,ciuare, and, like the above, was granted to several persons,
among whom was Samuel Mason.-§. Between 1698 and
1706, the Mohegan sachem parted with four considerable
plots of ground, which were afterwards united into the
large to.vnship of Lebanon. In 1699, Colchester was
bought by one Nathaniel Foot, who acted as agent on
behalf of a company of purchasers. || If we may believe

• History of Norwich, pp. 165, 1G6. t Mohegan Petition.

t Papers on Towns and Lands, Vol, IV, Document 223.

§ Norwich Records. || Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 48.

*|i

Pi ri

■ 1 /; 1

308

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

the subsequent petitions of the Mohegans, this purchase
was effected in a manner by no means honest : Oweneco
being in liquor at the time, and the only consideration
given by Foot being some five or six shillings.* The
settlers, however, may have acted on the ground that the
Mohegan country was already justly the property of the
colony. This purchase took in nearly all of what were
called the Mohegan Hunting Grounds,and the town grant
was enlarged soon after so as to comprehend them en-
tirely; but this last act, it is probable, was not intended
to extinguish the Indian right. A quarrel arose, doubt-
less on account of these transactions, between the Mohe-
gans and the settlers of Colchester, and each inflicted
petty insults and injuries upon the other. Daniel Mason
took the part of the Indians, and so excited the wrath of
the townsmen, that, as he was riding through Colchester
one day, some of them threatened to shoot his horse
under him.f

Another quarrel took place, about the same time, be-
tween the Mohegans and the town of New London. The
citizens, it seems, passed a vote taking under their juris-
diction all the land between the northern limits of their
township and the southern limits of that of Norwich.
The Mohegans were alarmed, fancying that by this act
the whole of their entailed lands were taken away from
them. They complained to the General Court, which
ordered an investigation of the case at New London, and
had the chiefs summoned there to support their own cause.
Oweneco, his brother Ben, and his son Mamohet, styling

* Mohegan Petition.
t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 52.
ments 76, 77.

Towns and Lands, Vol. I, Docu-

■^ ■ iil HI l iJ I , J l jl l I .IK I HU l p i l

OP CONNECTICUT.

309

themselves sachems of the Mohegans, made answer to the
summons in a letter written by their friend Daniel Mason.
They complained of the various encroachments made
upon them, and, among others, of two large farms laid
out, by order of the colony, for John Winthrop and Gur-
don Sallonstall upon the entailed lands. They objected
to going to New London, saying that they could see no
iise in it ; that, besides, they were afraid to go lest some
of the people there should kill them ; and that, if they
should send a faithful fiiend who would boldly defend
them, he would be in the same danger : instancing in
support of their fears the violent language which had been
used towards Daniel Mason by the citizens of Colchester.*

The selectmen of New London quieted the difficulty
by making a declaration, that, in extending the limits of
their township over the Mohegan territory, they had no
intention of infringing upon the rights of the Indians, but
considered that they held the same claim to their lands
as before.f

But the dissatisfaction of the Mohegans still continued
respecting the territory which they had lost in Colchester.
They acknowledged indeed that this land had been pur-
chased, but they asserted that the manner of the purchase
was illegal and its terms unfair : illegal, because made
without the consent of Mason their overseer ; unfair, be-
cause Ovveneco was intoxicated at the time, and because
the price paid bore no proportion to the value of the prop-
erty.J Nicholas Hallam, a strong friend of the Mohe-
gans, drew up a petition enumerating all their wrongs,

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc. 52. t Towns and Lands, Vol. I, Doc. 137.

t Mohegan Petition.

, I

*lii

, I

! ' I

liiiiyi^^

.;1

310

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

and presented it to Queen Anne.* A commission was
issued [July 29th, 1704,] for the trial of the case, and
twelve commissioners were appointed, at the head of
whom was Joseph Dudley, Governor of Massachusetts.
Dudley was m private life an estimable man ; a lawyer
a scholar, a gentleman and a Christian. He was, how-
ever stigmatized as the tool of Sir Edmund Andross, and
was long regarded as the bitter enemy of the colony of
Connecticut. The commissioners were empowered to
restore the Mohegans their lands, if it appeared that they
had been unjustly taken away ; yet their decision was not
irrevocable : an appeal might be had to the crown The
court was appointed at Stonington; the Commissioners

w^h'T :T"' "^' ''^"^^^"^ ^^ Connecticut,

with all persons holding lands claimed by the Mohegans

were summoned to appear. In reply, the government of'

the colony appointed a committee with the followini. in-

inquiry they were to defend the cause of the colony and
show the unreasonableness of the Mohegan claims ; if the
design or the court appeared to be to decide definitely
upon the case they were to enter a protest and with-
draw They of course protested, and their protest was
founded on the assertion that the crown had no ri^ht to
issue such a commission, it being contrarv to a statute of
Charles I, ana to the charter of Connecticut.! All sub-
jects of the colony were likewise forbidden to present
themselves before the court, or in any other manner to
acknowledge its authority. Thus no defendants appeared
to suj>po^t their case, and Oweneco and his friends Mason
♦ iDdian P„p.r.. Vol. I, Doc. 55. t Tr«mbuII. Vol. I, p. 444.

::9iS^<iiiii0aa&i^if&tm*ii:3ia*»^^

:^»i:^i^£^^^£«^>^agi^.£^^gi^^^^^

sion was
iase, and
head of
ihasetts.
lawyer,
IS, how-
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•lony of
ered to
lat they
rt^as not
1. The
ssioners
3cticut,
legans,
lent of
ing in-
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ly and
if the
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with-
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?ht to
lUe of
I sub-
•esent
ler to
eared
lason

or CONNECTICUT.

311

and Hallam had the testimony and the pleading all to
themselves. A survey of the original Mohegan country
jnst made under the direction of the plaintiffs was brought
forward, and compared with the pittance of land which
now remained to the tribe.* The tract thus laid down
comprehended what may be roughly described as the
northern two-thirds of New London County, and the
' southern two-thirds of Windham and Tolland Counties,
comprehending not far from eight hundred square miles.
It was not claimed, however, that the Mohegans ought
now to possess all this territory, but only that portion
which they had remai iig to them when the last treaty
was made [1680] between Uucas and the colony. The
Commissioners went over the circumstances by which, in
a space of twenty-two years, the Mohegans had been de-
prived of land measuring, as they said, more than forty
square miles, almost without receiving any compensation
at all. They referred to an enactment of the colony by
which Daniel Mason was acknowledged as trustee of the
Indian lands, and pointed out the ruimber of grants which
had been made of those lands, some by Oweneco, some
by the colony, without the concurrence of Mason. The
decision was then pronounced, that the Governor and
Company of Connecticut should replace the Mohegans in
possession of all the lands which they held at the death
of Uncas. These consisted of three tracts : one of twenty
thousand acres, lying between New London and Norwich ;
one of eighteen square miles on the northern bounds of
Lyme ; and one which comprised the township of Col-
chester. A bill of costs was filed against the colony of

■'I is.i

• Mohegan Petition.
29

312

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

£673 125. 8d. Oweneco and Ben Uncas thanked the
Commissioners for their decision, expressed their com-
plete satisfaction with it, and begged that their acknowl-
edgements might be sent to the Queen for her kind care
over the Mohegans. Oweneco next requested that, as
Saniuel Mason who had acted v^ their guardian was
lately deceased, his nephew, John Mason of Stonington
might be appointed in his place. John Mason was ac-
cordingly appointed guardian to Ou ineco and his people
with authority to manage all their affairs. Other com-
plaints were now brought forward concerning other tracts
of land : one north of Windham ; one called Plainfield •
some m Lebanon, and some in Canterbury. The court
prohibited all her majesty's subjects from entering upon
or improving any of these lands, until a further hearing
and decision should be had concerning them. An account
of the proceedings, and of tiie complaints still lying against
Connecticut, was then drawn up for the crown, and the
court adjourned.*

Connecticut appealed against the decision, and, on the
fifteenth of February, 1706, the queen granted a com-
m.ssion of review. John Mason, now the guardian of the
Mohegans, fell into a low state of health, so as for several
years to be confined to his house. The government of
Connecticut had Imle interest in prosecuting the aflair,
ann thus the commission was never used.f The colony
appointed a committee to treat with Owcneco ; bnt such
were the sachem's demands, that the governor rejected
them, and the attempt fell through.^ Mason soon found

«f tine trml. t Mohegan Pcition. t Coloninl Record-, Vol. IV.

OF CONNECTICUT.

313

himself involved in difficulties, partly through the already
confused state of the Mohegan lands, and partly through
his own carelessness or dishonesty in deeding the same
tracts to different persons. In 1711, therefore, he re-
signed his guardianship to William Pitkin and five others,
while the colony granted the new overseers lands valued
at one thousand pounds, to be laid out in settling with the
different claimants.* Grants were still made with true
Indian heedlessness by Oweneco, as we find by the
records of the neighboring towns. Several of them, too,
were without the supervision of the overseers and without
any consideration in return. It is very likely that some,
if not all, of these last were obtained from the sachem,
either while he was intoxicated, or by teasing and impor-
tuning him when he was sober. His conduct in parting
with so much territory, in a manner so reckless and un-
thinking, excited some opposition among his people. Ben
Uncas and fifty-four other Mohegans signed a paper
[May, 1714,] and had it recorded in the town books of
New London, affirming that Oweneco had wrongfully
sold a great part of their lands, and declaring that they
consigned what was left to Gurdon Saltonstall, Captain
John Mason, Joseph Stanton, Colonel William Whiting
and John EUiot.f

One of the deeds granted by Oweneco reflects no great
honor upon his character for sobriety. Being very drunk
one night, he fell out of a canoe and would have been
drowned, had not two settlers, named John Plumb and
Jonathan King, pulled him senseless out of the water.

• Indion Papers, Vol. I, Document 136.
t New London Records.

314

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

. . • , ^ ^ y^^'^- -ine brave warnor who

n h.s youth and early „,a„hood, fought gallantly agai 1;

Z!ZTt'- "^ ""'''""'''' '"«' NarraganLt,; be
came t„ h,s old age a mere vagabond. With his blat^ket,
his gun hts sqttavv, and a pack on his back, he used ofte,

At h,s o d fnends and acquaintances he was generallj
made welcome, and established himself, durin. h's sTav
- the k,.chen or some of the o.u-house;. T„°strl ,gerl'
who were unable to understand his imperfect Engli h he

written for him by a settler named Bushnell.

" 0<"">. king, hi« queen d„,|, ^^^^
To beg a Utile food j
As ihey go along his friend, among
To try how kind, how lood.

" ^™' P"'!". *>me beef, for cheir relief.
And if you can't spare bread
She'll , hank you for pu.ldi„g, nJ .hey go a goodin,.
And carry u on her head."

-"he last line refers to an Indian mode of carrying bur-

SledT^"""^' " '''• ""''"« 0-™ •"« '-1 and
supported by a strap passi.,g over the forehcad.f

Oweneco had three sons, Josiah, Ma.nohet, (or as the
Engish settlers usually called it, Mahomet,) nd ell;
Josiah and Mainohct died before their father, and uZL

• Indian Papers. Vol. I, Document 53.
t iliBlory of Norwich, p. J 70.

OP CONNECTICUT.

315

het, the son of Mamohet, being still a child, his uncle
Cesar, on the death of Oweneco, assumed the sachemship.*

Cesar's reign was equally disturbed with his father's by-
land disputes between his tribe and the colony. The
Mohegans were on the point of again applying to the
crown, when the General Court appointed a committee
empowered to hear and settle the complaints of the In-
dians, and to remove all persons from the lands who held
them by no legal right. This committee, Messrs. Wads-
worth and Hall, examined the case at Mohegan, and de-
cided [1721] substantially in favor of the white claimants.
They allowed nearly all of the . English claims which
were presented ; assigned the Hunting Grounds to Col-
chester ; the tract stretching from the Niantic to the Con-
necticut to Lyme, and three-quarters of the Sequestered
Landsf to the various persons who had obtained deeds of
them. Between four and five thousand acres which re-
mained were granted to the Mohegans, and were entailed
in their possession as long as a single one of them should
remain in existence.^: This decision was ratified by the
government of Connecticut, and thus ended the proceed-
ings resulting from the complaint which Hallam had pre-
sented seventeen years before to the crown.

Few records lemain concerning the Mohegans, duruig
the period over which we have now passed, except those
which refer to their lands. We know, however, that, as
in some of the other tribes of Connecticut, individuals
among them assisted in the wars against the French of

ii-

'i ''

iiM'l

•i| ihll i

• Mohrgnn Petition.

t Thnt is, ihe landf ntailed by the first John M:tson.

t Colonial Records, Vol. V; Mohcgnn Petition.
20*

■,jM

316

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Canada ; joining the regular contingents of the colony in
the character of scouts, and receiving out of the public
treasury pay of from fifteen to twenty shillings a month.
In 1703, they were offered a bounty of ten pounds for
every hostile Indian whom they should take prisoner *

In the year following the warriors of the tribe were
estimated at one hundred and fifty, which, in the propor-
tion of one to five, would give a total population of seven
hundred and fifty. It was said that no less than one hun-
dred of this number were in the military service of the
colony during this same year.f

As to the religious condition of the Mohegans, little
was done at this period to instruct them in the Christian
%ith. We hear nothing of the little band of praying In-
dians, and only knov^ that they had been left without a
teacher by the death [in 1702] of their excellent friend
the Rev. James Fitch. In May, 1717, the '' business of
gospelizmg the Indians" was brought before the General
Court. The subject was deferred until the October
session, and the Governor and Council were req,iested to
consider, m the mean time, what might be the best means
for effecting the proposed end. In October, Governor
Saltonstall sent in a message, on the subject, which was
well worthy of coming from the pen of a Christian states-
man. After pointing out several methods of preventing
and restraining the vicious habits of the Indians he ret
commended that the English population should be urged
to do their part towards drawing the natives from bar-
barism, by exemplifying ,n their own conduct the excel-
lencies of civilization.it On the hints furnished in this

• Col. Rec, Vol. m. i Mohegau Petitioa. , i„di.„ P„pe„. Vol. III. Doc. 88.

!m^iSiimmm::i:m

OF CONNECTICUT.

317

letter, an act for the promotion of civilization and Chris-
tianity among the Indians was framed and passed. The
authorities of each town were ordered to convene the In-
dians within their jurisdiction, make known to them the
laws existing against such crimes and immoralities as they
were likely to commit, and inform them that they were
as much exposed to the penalties of a violation of those
laws as were his majesty's subjects. To prevent drunken-
ness and its attendant evils it was enacted, that whoever
should sell strong drink to an Indian might be tried before
any justice of the peace, and, on conviction, be fined
twenty shillings for every oifense. To encourage in-
dustry it was recommended that the Indians should be
gathered into villages, and their lands no longer left com-
mon, biif divided among the different families.*

Such were the provisions of this act, sensible and ex-
cellent ; but alas ! there is no proof and no probability
that they were ever thoroughly carried into effect. Some
rumsellers may have been prosecuted ; some Indians may
have been told that there were laws against stealing and
fighting ; but no division was made of lands, no well-
governed villages were formed, and no check was put to
the decline of the native population.

h\ October, 1722, it was represented to the Assembly
that the acts forbidding private purchases of land from the
Indians had been broken repeatedly and with impunity.
A new enactment was passed, inflicting a fine of fifty
pounds upon whoever should make such purchases in
future, or should sell lands which had in this manner
been already acquired.f In 1724, also, an act of 1702

• Colonial Record^, Vol. V, ami Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc.iment 87.
t Colonial Records, Vol. V.

li
I!

•'•

318

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

n *

i I

recoverable m any court.* These various laws of course
apij.ed ,0 the other tribes in the colony a, well a^ ."
Mohegans, and may be kept in mind while reading the
subsequent chapters. <'«u'iis me

In ir23, died Cesar the son of Oweneco, after hacins
for eight years, been the sachem of Mohegan. The right'
M he,r to the throne now, was Mamohet the grandson of
Oweneco by his eldest son, also called Mamohet A„
mfant when his father died, he was still a boy or at

21^7 ''"""t™™'/"" -d-^'-ge was taken of his
youth to deprive h.m of the sachemship. Ben Uncas
youngest brother of Oweneco, and illegitimate son o t^e'
great Uncas, must now have been an old man; ye „„
old enough, u seems, to have laid aside the lov^ of dig-
nuy and power. On the death of Cesar, he became a
competuor wuh Mamohet for the sachemship, and eve'
hreate d, as the Indians reported, to put his ';pone
death A general council of the tribe v a. held, where
he claims of the two rivals were discussed and disputed

made. The Assembly declared itseSf in favor of Ben •+
Mason also supported him, perhaps to prevent a quarrd
between the Mohegans and the colony ; .md MamoZ
hopeless of overcommg such opposition, or fearful of Ben's
vengeance, gave up the contest and resigned his claim.
Major Ben Uncas, as he was commonly called, was there-
fore crowned sachem, and had his election ratified by an
act of the Assembly.J '

• Indta P.po,., Vol. I, D<,c„„„„, 1,5. , M„heg.„ relilion.
t Colonial Records, Vol. V.

OF CONNECTICUT.

319

The controversy respecting the Mohegan lands, which
snemed to be settled in 1721, was soon revived. John
Mason was by no means satisfied with the decision then
made by the .assembly's committee : yet he would not
probably have contested it had it not been for the ill-
advised, though, perhaps, not singular parsimony of the
colony. The expenses of the commission of 1705 had
been large, and Mason, as the friend and guardian of the
Indians, had stood responsible for their proportion of them.
This was, of course, in expectation that the decision of
the court would be fulfilled, and that then the Mohegans
would be able to repay him out of the proceeds of the re-
covered lands. All such hopes being finally crushed by
the proceedings of the committee of 1721, Mason seems
to have resolved to appeal for justice to the General Court.
In 1 722, he applied for copies of the records relating to
the Mohegans, and, in October of the following year, pre-
sented a memorial of his grievances and a petition for
redress. He stated the charges of Governor Dudley's
court at £573 12s. Sd., part of which he had already paid,
and for the remainder had made himself responsible. He
represented the injustice of the people of Lyme and Col-
chester being allowed to retain the large tracts which they
had acquired, without making the Indians any compen-
sation for them. Finally, he requested that he might
again have the care of the Mohegans and their lands, with
permission to live among them and cultivate such a tract
as they were willing to allot him* The Court made no
reply to the first part of the memorial, but granted the
rest in full. He was authorized to take charge of the

• Indian Paper?, Vol. f, Documents 121, 122.

*).'.':

I i,H*"J

i-:

■ ! I

320

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Indians,

3hool

affairs of the Indians, and was requested
among them, and to make them acquainted with the
liature of the Christian religion. " This," says the reso-
IntiOD, « is in consideration of the respect justly due to the
name of Captain Mason, ancestors; to the great trust
which the Mohegans have had in them ; to the confidence
which they repose in him, and to his knowledge of their
language and iiutiineis."*

Ben Uncas, his council and tribe, had already [August
23d, 1723,] chosen Mason their guardian, and confirmed
the office to him and to his heirs forever. He now
applied to them for permission to live among them, and
for a tract of their land for his own use. These requests
were instantly granted, for the love of the great body of
the Mohegans to the Mason family was hereditary and
unfading. Mason accordingly moved from Stonington to
Mohegan, and for some years acted as the teacher of the
Mohegans: the General Court granting him, at one time,
fifteen pounds for his services in that capacity.f

He still complained, however, of the injustice of being
obliged to pay the costs of a court which the colony re-
fused to obey ; and being unwilling, and indeed unable,
to extort so large a sum from the Mohegans, he made
another effort to obtain it from the colony. He presented
[May, 1725,] a second memorial, asking that the decision
of Dudley's court might either be fulfilled, or some other
method taken of liquidating the expenses which had
accrued to h'm from it, as well a., the losses which he had
sustained by .vaiting twenty years. He asserted that an
obligation to pay the costs of the court had been given to

• Colonial Rcc, Vol. V. t Indian Papers. Vol. I, Doc. 153 Col. Rec. V.

'^t^^^i»M«i^'

X^iJSii«a»Ma.*.^f .•t-KMfit- >. <

W^ ".-^Cl;.!!.

OF CONNECTICUT.

321

Oweneco by the colony in 1706, but had unfortunately
been lost, so that he could not produce it. A deed was
also made out for himself in the same year, he said, con-
veying to him seven hundred pounds in silver money to
defray the above expenses.*

On this memorial a committee was appointed, which
reported in May of the following year. It objected to
two hundred and seventy-two pounds of the costs which
Mason had charged, and stated that no proof existed of
either the deed or the obligation which he mentioned.
The committee also brought up against Mason the resig-
nation of the trusteeship of the Mohegan lands which he
made in 1710, and the one thousand pounds which were
then paid by the colony to satisfy those who claimed
lands of him. The report was approved by the General
Court, and the petition remained ungranted.f

In the spring or summer of 1726, the old sachem died,
and was succeeded by his son, also named Ben Uticas, to
the prejudice of the rights of Mamohet. Some opposition
was made to him by part of the tribe ; but he was pub-
licly invested with the office after the Mohegan fashion,
and his election was ratified by the Court. One of Ben's
first acts of sovereignty was to give a power of attorney
to one of his people, Jo Weebuck, to collect the rents and
herbage of the land from the English tenants by whom
some portions of it were cultivated.^

In the mean time. Mason, unsatisfied with the decision
of the colony, was endeavoring to form a party among the
Mohegans to support him in obtaining what he considered

* Indian Papers, Vol. I, Documpnt 12f). t Ibid.

t Indian Papers, Vol. T, Dr.rnniPiiti' 127. 128. 12D.

II , . i'

( i^

322

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

his rights. Ben Uncas and a few others remained firm to
Connecticut, but the family name and personal influence
of Mason succeeded in bringing over the greater part of
the tribe. In this little community, therefore, two factions
were now formed, which continued for thirty or forty
years to oppose each other, with a violence and pertinacity
that would have done honor to bigger parties in a bigger
state. Be 1 Uncas, finding his authority disturbed by this
circumstance, became as much opposed to Mason, and as
anxious to destroy his influence, as the government of
Connecticut could wish. He twice petitioned that other
overseers might be appointed for the tribe, although both
his father and himself had granted that office, in per-
petuity, to; the family of Mason. The General Court
accordingly passed [October, 1726,] a resolution, confirm-
ing Ben Uncas as sachem of the Mohegans, and appoint-
ing John Hall and James Wadsworth as his guardians. It
was enacted, at the same time, that persons holding lands
on the tract sequestered to the Mohegans by John Mason
in 1671, should not be allowed to plead even fifteen years
possession for their claim ; but should still hold them
merely as tenants of the Indians, unless they could prove
them to have been fairly and legally purchased.*

In October, 1730, three guardians, James Wadsworth,
Stephen Whittelsey and Samuel Lynde, were appointed,'
with authority to lease the Indian land to English tenants.'
Two years afterwards, the guardians then chosen were
authorized to prosecute those tenants who refused to quit
the lands when their leases expired ; for which object the
sum of five pounds might be drawn from the public

• Colonial Record', Vol. V. Indian Papers, Vol. I, Dooumento 129, 130.

a>UUUlWti9K«t^JftWIUKseMII

OF CONNECTICUT.

323

treasury. In 1730, a like sum was allowed for the purpose
of prosecuting intruders. The rents were received by-
Ben Uncas in right of his dignity as sachem.*

Mason, though deprived of the overseership, still con-
tinued to live on the Mohegan lands. Believing still thai
he was wronged by the colonial government, and still
claiming to be the rightful guardian of the tribe, he re-
solved to carry his case before the crown. Finding Ben
wholly intractable and bitterly opposed to him, he sup-
ported the claims of Mamohet to the sachemship, and in-
duced a great part of the tribe to follow his example. In
1735, taking with him his son, Samuel Mason, and Ma-
mohet, now a full grown man, he sailed to England, and
laid a memorial of the case of the Mohegan lands before
George the Second. The king referred it to the Lords
Commissioners on foreign trade and plantations. They
reported that an order of review of the case had been
given in 1706 ; and proposed that another should now be
granted, the expense of which, out of consideration for
the poverty of the Mohegans, should be paid by the
crown. Before the commission was made out. Mason died
in England. His two sons, John and Samuel, now
claimed the guardianship, upon the authority of the deeds
making over that office to their father and his descendants
in perpetuity. A few weeks after the death of Mason, he
was followed to the grave by Mamohet, probably the only
Indian sagamore who was ever buried in England.f

A few months previous to this event, the Mohegans,
while holding a great dance, had put it to the vote

'i I

} I

* Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc. 154.
t This passage is collected from the Muhegan Petition!.

- J

324

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

whether Mamohet or Ben Uncas was their true sachem,
and had decided unanimously in favor of the former. On
hearing of the death of their favorite, they set up in his
place John Uncas, a cousin of Ben, and son of that John
who was the next oldest brother to Oweneco. Hardly a
dozen, and sometimes less, remained firm to Ben, while the
great body of the tribe, which then numbered eighty or
one hundred men, followed John and the Masons.*

Both parties drew up and signed memorials which still
remain. The memorial of Ben Uncas was presented to
his guardians. It complained that Captain John Mason,
lately deceased, had opposed the rightful authority of Ben
Uncas, and had encouraged the Mohegans to set up a rival
against him, their true sachem. It asserted that, Mason
being dead, the lands on which he had lived ought to
return into the possession of the tribe. He had come
among them on pretense of keeping a school, and, in fact,
had performed the duties of a teacher for about three
years. His lands, therefore, ought now to revert to the
tribe, and be leased to some pious person who would un-
dertake the same office.

3eu also complained that the heirs of Captain Daniel
Fitch were encroaching on his lands.f

The other memorial made various complaints against
Ben Uncas, and asked that the widow and children of
Captain Mason might rernrin on the lands of the tribe
until Samuel Mason could reti..n from England.^

In reply to these petitions, the General Court directed
the three guardians to go to Mohegan and do all they

» Indian Popers, Vol. I, Doc. 173. t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc. 157.
t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc. 158.

OF CONNECTICUT.

325

could to settle the quarrels of the Indians. They were
also to see that their rights were preserved to them, their
fields well fenced, and their corn protected from the cattle
of the neighboring farmers.

On the fourteenth of June, 1737, a commission of re-
view upon the affairs of the M. .hegans was made out in
England, appointing as Commissioners the Governor and
Assistants of Rhode Island, and the Lieutenant Governor
and Members of New York. The government of Con-
necticut, seeing the storm approaching, began its prepara-
tions to meet it. An important point, on which the fate of
the trial might turn, wao the question as to who was the
true sachem of the Mohegans. If Ben Uncas could retain
the name and authority of that office, he might perhaps
render the proceedings of the proposed court nugatory, by
refusing to acknowledge Samuel Mason as the agent of
the tribe, and by declaring that the Mohegans had no
cause of complaint against the colony. The greater part
of the Indians were, indeed, violently opposed to Ben ;
but a favorable opportunity now offered to induce them
to acknowledge his title. A report was abroad that the.
eastern Indians were coming to attack them, and the Mo-
hegar.d therefore applied to the colony for protection.
Tne governor replied that he would protect none but their
lawful sachem, Ben Uncas, and those who submitted to
his government* A paper acknowledging Ben as the
true sachem of the tribe was drawn up, and was presented

• My only authority for this ptatenient is a Mohegan Petition. Without
these petitions it is imposaibie to trace a connected narrntive. I must in
honesty give warning, however, that they may contain exaggrralions and even
falsehoods. Yet I hnve taken pains to reject those passages, the truth of which
appcani evidently duubtfui.

t )

326

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

Tor the marks of those who, on this condition, would
accept of the protection of Connecticut. Fifty-eight In-
dians signed it, among whom was Ben Uncas himself, and
John Uncas, either his rival or his rival's son.* That Ben
Uncas should sign a paper acknowledging himself as sa-
chem is very absurd ; and that John Uncas should sign
the same paper, with a knowledge of its contents, is very
improbable. The explanation is not dilficult, and is given
us in full by the testimony of Jonathan Barber, at that
time missionary among the Mohegans. He assigns three
reasons for believing that tlie signers of the above paper
knew little or nothing of its meaning. In the first place,
many of them had, a short time before, asserted openly
in conversation, that Ben Uncas was not their sachem.
In the second, some of them insisted that Ben himself
should sign the paper, which was inconsistent with the
nature of it. Finally, many of them afterwards declared
that they supposed the object of their signing to be, to
show how many Mohegans were ready to join in the war
which was expected to take place against the French, the
Mohawks and the eastern Indians.f

Another method of strengthening the hands of Ben was
to send for his son, then an indented apprentice in Massa-
chusetts, and marry him to Ann, the daughter of the
former sachem Cesar. His master, Samuel Russell of
Shcrburn, refused to give him up without being satisfied
for that part of his apprenticesliip which was still unex-
pired. Forty pounds were paid for this object, ten pounds
more for the ex])enses of the messenger, and young Ben

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Documpnt 17.1, pp .17, 38.
t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Documeni 173, pp. 43, 44.

OI" CONNECTICUT.

327

was brought home to Mohegan and married to Ann as had
been proposed.*

The precaution was also taken of obtaining a deed from
the Mohegans ; acknowledging that the colony had always
behaved towards them with justice ; disclaiming the com-
plaint which had lately been made to the king, and re-
leasing all persons concerned from the consequences of
the decision of Dudley's court. Fifty pounds, it was said
by the enemies of the colony, were given for this settle-
ment ; yet such was the influence of the Masons that only
eighteen of the tribe, including the sachem, could be in-
duced to sign it. A large number of the others met the
next day, formally protested against what had been done,
disclaimed Ben Uncas as their sachem, and denied that he
had any righf to release their demands.f

The meeting of the court being now at hand, John
Richards, one of the overseers, was ordered to provide Ben
Uncas with suitable clothing to appear before the com-
missioners. We may be allowed to infer from this circum-
stance, that the sachem was ordinarily somewhat ragged
and dirty in his equipments ; and, if such was the condi-
tion of the chief, who claimed and received all the rents
of the lands, what must have been the situation vf the
people ! Another resolution of the General Court directed
that the commissioners should be properly and honorably
rewarded for the expense and trouble which would ne-
cessarily ensne to them in the discharge of their duty.J

On the fourth of June, 1738, the court convened at
Norwich, almost in the midst of the disputed territory,

* Indian PnpcrB, Vol. I, DocutnentH 23fi, 237.

t Mohegan Petition. t Coloninl Records, Vol. VI.

80*

.i,;i

328

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

and only a few miles from the wigwams of the Mohegans.
luc Commissioners were nine in number: Philip Oort-
landt and Daniel Horsmanden, members of the New York
council, and the Governor and six Assistants of the colony
of Rhode Island. Of the others httle is at present known •
but Horsmanden was at different times chief justice of the
colony of New York, president of the council and recorder
of the city.*

The Mason party had retained as counsel for the Mo-
hegans William Shirley, advocate-general of New Eng-
land, and afterwards governor' of Massachusetts, and Wil-
liam BoUan, a distinguished lawyer, son-in-law of Shirley,
and also, at one time, advocate-general of New England'
Phihp Cortlandt was chosen president, and the court en-
tered upon Its business. The governor and council of Con-
necticut, the sachem and heads of the Mohegan tribe, and
the persons holding disputed lands, were now summoned.
When the chief sachem of the Mohegans was called, Ben
Uncas rose and replied that he was chief sachem, and was
immediately followed by John Uncas, who asserted that
he was chief sachem. The court decided to settle tfiis
point before proceeding further ; and nine persons of the
vicinity, well acquainted among the Mohegans, were sum-
moned and examined as to which was the rightful
claimant. They all testified that John was descended
from the second son of old Uncas ; that Ben was de-
sceiKied from a younger son, who was supposed to be
Illegitimate : that, in consequence, John Uncas was the
true and lawful sachem of Mohegan. The Rhode Island
commissioners, who from the first showed a ducid'.d m-

* Allen's Biographical Dictionary.

or CONNECTICUT.

329

clination to favor Connecticut, were still unsatisfied, and
Shirley and Bcllan proposed that the Mohegans who were
then present might be. brought in as additional witnesses.
The greatest part of the tribe was probably there, but the
proposition being put to the vote, a majority of the court
decided against it. Horsmanden considered this decision
so unjust that he openly dissented. I'his was on the
tenth of June.*

On the following day the examination of witnesses was
continued ; and Thomas Stanton the interpreter,! Captain
John Morgan a firm friend of the Mohegans, and Jonathan
Barber, then missionary among them, testified in favor of
John Uncas. Shirley and Bollan now moved again that
the testimony of the Mohegans might be taken, fir«=t for
Ben Uncas, afterwards for John. The Rhode Island com-
missioners refused, and Horsmanden again dissented from
the refusal. J

On the thirtecntli of June, a majority of the court de-
cided, in face of all the evidence, that Ben Uncas was the
rightful sachem of Mohegan. Horsmanden once more
dissented, and was joined by Cortlandt, ijiscolh^ague from
New York. The case was now in a singular position.
The sachem and people of Mohegan were complaining
against the colony of Connecticut ; Ben Uncas was the
acknowledged sachem of Mohegan ; and Ben Uncas de-
clared that neither he nor his tribe had any cause of com-
plaint against the colony. The first thing that this ex-
traordinary plaintiff did was, to dismiss Sherman and
Bollan from their post as couusel for the Mohegans, and

• See Indian Pnf t'rs, Vol, I, Document l?*?.

t Son of tiiat Thoma** Slfliuon who wns intrrprrtor in the early days of th«
colony. t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 173.

i: 1

rLaLar^^

I I,

330

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

ask that three Connecticut men whom he named might
be chosen in their place. This was carried, and Messrs.
Edwards, Curtiss and Lee were accordingly installed as
advocates to manage the case against the colony. To
counteract this move, Shirley and Bollan proposed that
Samuel Mason, son of the deceased John Mason, should
be admitted as the guardian of the Mohegans. This was
refused, and Horsmanden dissented. They mored that
the Mohegans might choose their own advocates. It was
denied. They moved that these motions and refusals
might be recorded among the proceedings. It was re-
fused. The New York commissioners dissented, and re-
quested that their dissents might be entered. It was
voted down. Shirley and Bollan, seeing that their
presence was completely useless, returned to Boston. On
the following day, Cortlandt and Horsmanden brought in
a protest against the proceedings of the court; calling the
defense of the colony unfair and collusive ; observing that
the prosecution was in part conducted by members of the
government of Connecticut ; and expressing their entire
dissatisfaction. Having laid this protest on the table,
they left the court and returned to New York.*

The remaining commissioners now appointed John
Wanton, governor of Rhode Island, as president. The
defense of the colony being called for, various documents
were brought forward, and, among others, the deed of
1640. This deed, it will be remembered, represents Uncas
as passing away nearly his whole territory, amounting to
seven or eiglit hundred square miles, for nothing, and re-
ceiving a present of five and a half yards of cloth and a

• See Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 17. 'J.

i : i'i<!l« ,K ' » „i''.'- »y

OF CONNECTICUT.

331

few pairs of stockings. Such a ground of defense, what-
ever justice it may have had considering the circumstances
of Uncas m 1640, seemed so unreasonable to the clerk of
the court, a Rhode Islander named John Walton, that he
declared that he would no longer execute his office. His
resignation was accepted, and Daniel Huntington of Nor-
, wich was appointed in his place. It was now proposed
to review the proceedings of former courts upon the cause ;
but this a majority of the commissioners refused to do!
The refusal was objected to by Lee, one of Ben Uncas's
counsel ; and, as he could not induce the court to revoke
Its decision, he resigned his post.*

A paper, dated March 11th, 1737, releasing the colony
from all the charges made against it, and signed with
the marks of Ben Uncas and a number of other Mo-
hegans, was now read, as well as another of a similar
purport obtained from the same source. May 5th, 1738.
Ben and several of his tribe then came forward and tes-
tified that these releases were truly theirs and given of
their own free choice.

On Monday, the sixteenth of June, the commissioners
present, Johii Wanton, governor of Rhode Island, and
John Chipnian. Puier Bours, William AnXhony, James
Arnold, Philip Arnold, Rowse Helme, Assistants of the
same colony, pronounced their decision : that the sentence
of Governor Dudley's court of 1705 be repealed. In sup-
port of this decision, they adduced the deed of 1640 ; the
terms of the royal charter of Connecticut ; the quit-cllims
and conveyances obtained from various Mohegan sactiems
by individual proprietors; the fact that the Mohegans

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc. 173. Mohegan Petition.

1 * r '
Mi-

S r

(

' h

i|t

832

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

1,1

rir

I A

were still in possession of a fertile tract of four or five
thousand acres ; and, finally, the two general acquittances
which had been given to the colony by Ben Uncas the
present sachem.*

Thus closed this extraordinary trial. If the decision
was not unjust, it was, at all events reached by a course
disgraceful to the majority of the commissioners. It is
difficult to see what possible claim the colony of Connec-
ticut had to the right of appointing the sachems and guar-
dians of the Mohegans. The Mohegans were a free
people : they had never been conquered by the English ;
never made any kind of submission to the English gov-
ernment. The only one of the nation who ever became
a British subject was a man without authority or in-
fluence, Abimelech, the son of Attawanhood. The guar-
dians of the Mohegans should be considered as their
agents, and these agents the tribe claimed a right to choose
without regard to any will besides its own. If the General
Court of Connecticut had pver ratified the choice, that
was a thing which the Indians had never requested it to
do, although they had never objected to it. The only
claim which the Court could advance for the right of
making these ratifications was, that the said agents or
guardians had always been citizens of the colony. Yet
even this fact would give it no right to say that any such
citizens should not act as agents or guardians in a suit
at law.

As for the sachemship, John Uncas was the head of the
oldest surviving branch of the royal family, and was sup-
ported in his claims by a great majority of the tribe. Ben

* Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 173.

■;^»saiiB«fcfedatiiiBt!ii&te*awM>aiaiaiMii»^

iiiSii

;.*i*a*eii>;*:!«ia«»

OP CONNECTICUT.

333

Uncas, on the contrary, was head of the youngest branch
of the royal family, and that branch, too, generally be-
lieved to be illegitimate. Descent among the Indians
was mfluenced by the mother, not by the father,- and the
mother of Ben Uncas was not a woman of royal blood.
John Uncas, therefore, was the true sachem of Mohegan
. in spite of the fact that his rival had obtained the cere-
mony of installation. Mason, too, should have been the
guardian, Sherman and Bollan the advocates, of the plain-
tifts • not some persons who were chosen by the de-
fendants. It was a new thing indeed, as the complainants
said, that one of the parties in a suit at law should be
guardian and adviser for the other.

Finally, the last treaty made with Uncas provided that
when any Mohegan land was taken for the use of the'
colony, a compensation should be made such as the parties
could agree upon. Yet not a penny appears to have been
paid for the eighteen square miles absorbed into Lyme •
nor more than a few shillings for the still larger tract taken
up by the township of Colchester. These lands, therefore
If no others, ought to have been paid for or restored. '
The costs of the trial had been considerable to Connec-
ticut, and some of the items preserved in the records are
not unworthy of notice. ^ One James Harris sent in two
bills for expenses incurred in keeping up among the Mo-
hegans a party favorable to the colony. The first con-
sisted of £8 5s. lOd. in clothes and other articles for
Joshua and Samuel Uncas. Simon Choychoy and Zachary
Johnson. The second was for expenses incurred while
remaining personally among the Mohegans and endeav-
oring to keep them in a good humor. One of the items

!' l'

334

HIST0R7 OF THE INDIANS

in this last was £10 13s. 7d. "for feasting the Indians
at their meeting for the revocation :" aUuding to the
council where the quit-claim or release was assented to by
the party of Ben Uncas. The entire bills of Harris
amounted to over one hundred and ninety-three pounds,
but the General Court finally allowed him only one
hundred.*

. Difficulties soon arose between Ben and some of the
people of Norwich, and he complained to the Court that
encroachments were made on the lands which had so
lately been reserved to him. The guardians. Wadsworth,
Lynde and Richards, were therefore commissioned to as-
certain the bounds of Mohegan, and assist the sachem in
maintaining them against in'- ^ers.f

After the close of the coui 1738, John and Samuel
Mason were commissioned b> .leir party among the Mo-
hegans to present an appeal to the crown. The memorial
was written, signed and sent over to England, with a
report from Cortlandt and Horsmanden of the irregular
proceedings which had caused their withdrawal from the
court. The Lords Justices accordingly set aside the de-
cision, and granted a new commission, [January, 1741,]
empowering the governor and council of New York and
the governor and council of Naw Jersey to try the cause.
An appeal might be made to the king's privy council, and
then the litigation was to be settled forever.J

These events being known in Connecticut, prepara-
tions were made to meet the trial ; committees appointed,
advocates hired, and agents chosen to represent the colony

* Indian Papers, Vol. II. Colonial Records, Vol. VII.

t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc'ts. 217, 218. t Mohegan Petition.

1
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■ '.-r ^''''

''ai^^i^dmismi^iMlii^mmiLAMiti^

OF CONNECTICUT.

335

before the expected court. Ben Uncas now did what had
never before been done by a Mohegan sachem : after ^

des r,„g that h,s appomtments might be mtified. That
body of course assented to a request so obsequious, and so

hegans. The names of the councilors exhibit the curious
mixture of native and English cognomens now prev^
among ,he Indians. They were, " old Wambawaug d
Jo Py, Joshua Uncas, Simon Chawchaw, Samnef p'
Samson Occom, Ephraim Johnson and John Wambl:
waug. A paper was also presented, signed by Ben

a„r<5 '''f " '"^'"™"°"^ ™d misrep,.sentations of John
and Samuel Mason.". This paper probably exhibits the
Whole strength of the colonial party among the Mohegans

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fro^l'V"' V "',!' "^7 "'■ ^"'^' "^^' fi™ """mis^ioners
from New York and New Jersey held their firs, meeting
a. N„rw,ch Two of them were Philip Cortlandt, the
president of the former court, and Daniel Horsmanden,
who had made hunself so conspicuous by his opposition
to the members from Rhode Island. Another was '!ad-
walader Golden, historian of the Six Nations ; a physician
a botanist and an astronomer; formerly surveyor-general
of New York, and now a member of itscouncil. A fourth
was Lewis Morris, first governor of New Jersey, an old
man of seventy-one summers. The little town of Nor-
wrch was filled to overflowing with strangers, some of

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336

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

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whom were personally interested in the proceedings, others
attracted thither by curiosity. All the officers of the
government and many of the distinguished men of the
colony were present. The whole tribe of the Mohegans
was quartered on the inhabitants, and the two rival sa-
chems exerted themselves each to support the greatest
state. John Uncas and his followers were entertained by
their friends, the Lathrops, the Leffingwells, and other
principal inhabitants of Norwich. Ben Uncas was sup-
ported mostly at the expense of the colony, and was hon-
ored with the notice of the chief officers of government.*

Four parties, John Uncas, Ben Uncas, the colony of Con-
necticut, and the holders of the disputed lands, appeared
in court, each represented by its own attorney. The
counsel of John Uncas was the same William Bollan who
had served him, five years before, in conjunction with
Governor Shirley. The sheriff was commanded to sum-
mon the Mohegans individually, and inquire of them who
was their rightful sachem. He returned from his duty,
saying that he had interrogated ninety-nine; that twenty-
two of them had declared for Ben Uncas ; that the other
seventy-seven had denied Ben, and pronounced for his
rival, John Uncas.f

The case was argued at length by the council for the
colony. They stated, in the first place, that the Mo-
hegans were not originally a distinct and independent
people, but only a fragment of the Pequots which had
been rescued from servitude and rendered numerous and
powerful by the friendship of the Knglish. Thus they
had properly no territory of their own, and what rights to

• History of Norwich, pp. ICI, 16.1.

t Molirgnn Petition.

OP CONNECTICUT.

337

land they could claim were passed away by Uncas's deed
of 1640. Another deed had been obtained, in 1659, by
Mason, not as trustee of the Indians, but as an agent of
the colony of Connecticut of which he was then deputy
governor. Less than a year after, he made over all the
lands thus obtained to the colony, so that his subsequent
reservation of a considerable portion of them to the Mo-
hegans was illegal and worthless. The lands in dispute
had thus twice been bought in the mass, and had after-
wards been purchased in tracts by individuals. The In-
dians, of themselves, weie perfectly satisfied, and only
made trouble, because they were incited to do so by
selfish and designing men. The territory in question had
been held by its present possessors many years, and as
these now amounted to five or six hundred persons, much
suffering would be produced by ejecting them from their
lands. They protested against the claims of John and
Samuel Mason to the guardianship of the Mohegans, and
asserted that no person could exercise that office without
the consent of the colony. Finally, they denied that the
authority of the court could extend further than to such
lands as the sachems had in their sales reserved to them-
selves.*

Bollan spoke on the part of the complainants. He
denied that the Mohegans had ever sold their land in the
mass to the colony. On the contrary, they had trusteed
it to their faithful friend, John Mason, to keep it for them
from the greediness and cunning of many of the English.
When Mason grew old and was about to die, he had re-
turned the greater part of it to the tribe, and the sachems

• Indian Papers, Vol. II. Mohegan Petition. Defense of the colony, mm.

338

HISTORY OF THK INDIANS

I : ' {|

had, after his decease, transferre(' it to the care of his chil-
dren. In that family it had always continued, and in that
family, by the will of the Mohegans, it still remained.
John and Samuel Mason had been noticed as guardians
of the tribe in the last royal commission of review. The
government of Connecticut had no right whatever to
appoint overseers for a free people, like the Mohegans,
especially in such a conjuncture as the present. It was
an unheard-of thing for one of the parties in an important
law suit, or any law suit at all, to make itself guardian
and adviser for the other. His clients denied that Bea
Uncas was sachem, and acknowledged no one for that
post but John Uncas. They repudiated most of the grants
which were alleged to have been made since the death of
the great Uncas ; and they contended that all papers re-
lating to transactions between the Indians and the English
ought to be interpreted in the sense most favorable to the
former, because the whites, who drew them up, would
naturally state them as advantageously as possible for
themselves. As for the length of time which the lands
had been held by the present tenants, that was not plead-
able against the Indians, who, being independent, were
not subject to English law. And, besides, when the de-
cision of 1705 was given in their favor, few of the tenants
had been in possession long, and some of them had not
entered upon the lands, or acquired any claim to them
at all.* '

The trial dragged on for a long time, and an immense
amount of evidence on every point bearing any relation
to the case was brought up and examined. On the sixth

• Mohegnn Petition.

or CONNECTICUT.

339

day of the court, Captain Lee, counsel for Ben Uncas,
begged a hearing on behalf of his client. It was granted J
upon which he produced a paper signed by Ben Uncas, a^
sachem of the Mohegans, and by ten of his people. It
was a release to the government and people of Connec-
ticut from the present trial, acknowledging that all the
material assertions in their defense were true, and de-
claring that they held legal and honorable possession of
the territory now in litigation.*

Several days after the court had been opened, the
holders of the disputed lands protested against the pro-
ceedings, denied that they were complained against by
those who had a right to complain, and prayed to be dis-
missed. BoUan replied that the tenants held lands once
belonging to the Mohegans; that the Mohegans had
charged them with obtaining those lands unfairly ; and
that it was their busir.ess to repel that charge and the
proofs which were alleged in its support by substantial
facts. The tenants denied the power of the crown to in-
stitute such a court as was now sitting ; but the commis-
sioners overruled the denial. The tenants finally made
a declaration, that they held their titles by fair Indian
grants, obtained for money, goods and valuable articles
paid to the native owners.f

On the twenty-sixth of July, seventeen day? after the
opening of the court, the commissioners had finished all
the evidence, heard all the pleas ; and three out of the
five, Golden, Rodman and Cortlandt, pronounced a de-
cision in favor of the colony. They went over the whole
history of land transactions between the Mohegans and

• Mohegan Petition.

31*

t Mohpgin Petition.

II!

340

niSTORT or THE INDIANS

the people of Connecticut ; allowed the truth of all, or
nearly all, that had been urged by the advocates of the
latter ; expressed their belief that the Indians would not
have retained a foot of land had it not been for the inter-
ference of the colonial government ; mentioned that the
Mohegans now had, secured to them, a tract of four oi
five thousand acres, and declared that with this they
ought to be satisfied *

Lewis Morris than rose, and stated that his opinion
differed in some particulars from that of Messrs. Golden,
Rodman and Cortlandt. He considered the deed of 1640
to be the genuine work of Uncas ; but, from its tenor,
and from s:it ent transactions, he regarded it as only
giving thf Conr.ecticut people a pre-emption right to the
lands therein mentioned, to the exclusion of the other
English and of the Dutch. As to the surrender of the
Mohegan lands by Mason to Connecticut, he thought it
could not have been his intention to convey to the colony
the ownership of t'le lands, but only to enable it to ex-
ercise its jnrisdictive power within the limits of the ter-
ritory. His opinion on the whole case he would reserve
until the next meeting of the court.f

Finally rose Horsir .nden ; not a whit more friendly to
the government of Connecticut now than he had been
five years before. He differed widely, he said, from Mr.
Morris, as well as from Messrs. Golden, Rodman and Cort-
landt. He had carefully examined the deed of 1640, and
had compared the several exhibits made of it with each
other. He did not believe that the marks on it were those
of Uncas and his councilor, nor that the name of the in-

• Mohegan Petition.

t Mohegan Petition.

OF CONNECTICUT.

341

terpreter, Thomas Stanton, which was appended to it,
was written by Thomas Stanton himself. He believed
the whole instrument, with its marks and signatures, to
be the work of one man. Governor Hopkins of Connec-
ticut. And even if the deed had been genuine, such were
the transactions subsequent to it that they ought to render
it null.

Having delivered this extraordinary opinion, as much
out of the way on one hand as that of Golden, Rodman
and Cortlandt could possibly oe on the other, Horsman-
den, like Morris, reserved his decision on the entire case
until the next meeting of the court. It was now carried,
by a vote of three against two, that the judgment of the
majority should be drawn up. The court then adjourned
to the fifth of November, 1743.

On the day appointed the commissioners met, and the
statement of the case made out by Golden, Rodman and
Gortlandt was read, closing with the following decision.
The decree of Governor Dudley and his colleagues, de-
livered September 3d, 1705, is wholly revoked, except as
to that pan of the Sequestered Lands, amounting to be-
tween four and five thousand acres, which has been laid
out by the colony of Gonnecticut for the Mohegan In-
dians, and which is now reserved to them as long as
they exist.

Bollan, on the part of John Uncas and his people, then
presented an appeal from the decision of the court to that
of the king's privy council. The commissioners accepted
it, although the agents of the colony objected that it was
signed by Bollan, who, they still insisted, had no right to
act as the advocate of the Mohegans.

342

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

Morris rose and stated that he had not been able to
prepare his opinion, because the clerk had neglected to
send him the exhibits of the case. Horsmanden then
read his opinion at length ; but such was its character,
that the commissioners, by a vote of three to two, refused
to record it. He protested against the refusal, and de-
clared that he would forward the opinion to the Lords
Commissioners on foreign trade and plantations, to whom
all colonial matters were usually referred.* He kept his
promise : the appeal of the Indians was also sent, and the
cause was tried and finally settled in England. The last
mention of it to be found at Hartford is dated July 8th,
1766, when it, was to be presented to the Lords Commis-
sioners in the folio- ing February. The final decision,
when it took place, was given in favor of the colony ; but
more, as many people thought, on grounds of expediency
than on those of justice.

I have yet to speak of the legal enactments made for
the Mohegans from 1722 to 1743, and of their religious,
moral and physical condition during the same period. I
shall be obliged to mention, also, some laws passed by the
Legislature, which applied, not only to them, but to the
other tribes in the colony.

War had broken out in 1722, between the Indians of
Maine and the people of New England. The natives of

• The account of the proceedings of this trial is taken almost wholly from
the petitions of the Mohegans in the Library of Yale College. Other materials
would have been desirable as standards of comparison, but I knew not where
they can be found. Some particular.'^ are extracted from Miss Caulkins* en-
tertaining history of Norwich, a few from the second volume of papers on
Indians in the office of the Secretary of State, and a few from the manuBcript
defense of the colony prc.-crvcd in the Library of Ynlc College.

'<A':Siia.iml^:i-^M:^-mi^Mg£tsikif-

OF CONNECTICUT.

343

Oonneoticut were suspected of supplying the hostUe wai-
nors with arms, and were also suspected of the less serioiw
offense of killing deer out of the legal hunting season. It
was considered best that they should not possess weapons
to use m these ways, and a law was passed [17231 calcu-
lated to deterjhe whites from furnishing them witii them.
It provided that no person should be allowed to prosecute
an Indian for the payment or recovery of guns or ammu-
nmou wh.ch he had sold to him. Restrictions were Z
lad upon the Indians themselves; forbidding them to

w th™ T "' /"""' """'' ""<■ ''^' "' -«-" "mi"
r. In T' """^f P^"«"y »f heing treated a. enemies.

wl ™^t'™ ■ *""''""'• f^'^^J ""^^ restrictions

were partially removed from the Mohegans, and at the

same .me from the Pequots. They might hunt atd

travel all over the country east of the Connecticut River

o« condition that they gave in their names to the highes;

commissioned military officer of the town where they be-

onged, appeared before him once in ten days to answer

to their names, and, while hunting, wore something white

on their heads to distinguish them as friends.*

In 1725, all the Indian tribes in Connecticut were placed
by enactment, under the care of the governor and council.'
Whether they were, at this time, considered subjects of
the colony, it is difficult to say. Their real condition
was one of submission and dependence, although none
of them except the Pequots, having ever formally ac-

fully S ""'*""" '" "'^ ^"S"*' '"^y -"« "Sht-
It has been already mentioned that John Mason, who

• tadtan P.p,„ Vol. 7, Documm III. f Coloni.1 Eecrd., Vol. V.

11^

t i

844

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

died in England, acted for several years as school lieacher
among the Mohegans. A one story schoolhouse, twenty-
two feet long and sixteen feet wide, was ordered by the
Assembly to be built for then, and to be paid for out of
the colonial treasury, unless some of the rents of the In-
dian lands could be employed for that purpose. In 1727,
all persons having Indian children in their families were
commanded to teach them English and instruct them in
the Christian faith, under a penalty not exceeding forty
shillings. The guardians of the Mohegans were repeatedly
recommended to use their influence in encouraging their
charge to industry and religion. Such exertions in the
cause of morality and piety were of course cheap, and
probably met with a proportionate degree of success.*

When the famous Samson Occoni was a boy, Mr
Jev/ett, minister of that part of New London which now
constitutes the township of Montville, used, at one time,
to preach at Mohegan once a fortnight.

In the fall of 1733 a minister named Jonathan Barber
was sent among the Mohegans by the agents of a mis-
sionary society established in England with a view to
spreading the gospel among the natives of North America.
Barber had only been with them a few weeks, when he
found that his exertions for their benefit were rendered
almost nugatory by the effects of intoxicating liquors in-
troduced among them by the whites. Severe laws had
been repeatedly enacted against the practice ; but they
were broken with impunity, and rum was brought among
the Indians by the gallon, and cider by the barrel. At
Barber's instigation, doubtless, Ben Uncas petitioned the

• Colonial Records, Vol. V. * -

a ( BiMiiywii-; giiiBiW^

OF CONNECTICUT.

345

Assembly concerning this grievance, and John Mason,
who had not yet gone to England, added a letter much
to the same purpose. It was therefore enacted, " that all
cyder, Rhum and other strong drink found in the Mohe-
gan territory, without the consent of Messrs. Fitch and
Avery there living, shall be forfeited to the king." Fitch
and Avery, the guardians of the Mohegans, were em-
powered to search for all such liquors and make seizure
of them ; and the vender, besides being liable to all the
penalties hitherto laid upon his offense, was to forfeit twice
the value of what he had sold. This sum was to go to
the person who exposed him, even if that person was the
very Indian who had bo.ight the liquor and was detected
with It m his possession.* This proviso is a sufficient
proof of how anxious the natives were to obtain ardent
spirits, and how difficult it was to induce them to inform
against those who enabled .them to procure their favorite
beverage.

How long Jonathan Barber remained among the Mohe-
gans, or what success attended his labors, is uncertain
He was with them, however, at the time of the com-
mission of 1738,- and it is hardly probable that he would
leave them during the deep religious interest of that
period, which continued through the year 1741. This
was the great American revival, during the progress of
which Whitefield visited New England and preached
with such distinguished success. Several ministers were
m the habit of visiting, and preaching to, the Mohegans
and many of the latter used to attend the neighboring
churches. As early as 1736, Ben Uncas made a declara-

* Colonial Records, Vol. VI.

lid

; i

346

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS, ETC.

tion that he embraced the Christian religion. When this
event was made known to the Assembly, the members of
that body expressed themselves much gratified, and re-
solved to encourage the chieftain in so good a course. It
was the first instance of the kind, they said, that had ever
been known of any Indian sachem. They therefore
passed a resolution desiring the governor to present him,
at the public expense, with a hat and coat in the English
style, and his wife with a gown.* Nothing remains to
show what was the religious character of Ben ; but from
his will, made several years after this event, it would
seem that he was at least theoretically acquainted with
the vital truths of Christianity.!

We now take leave of the Mohegans for a few pages.
They number, at this period, from one hundred to one
hundred and twenty men, and, of course, from four to
five hundred individuals. They are divided into two
parties : a small one supported and countenanced by the
colony of Connecticut ; and a larger one, looking with
anxiety for the result of their petition against that colony.'
They possess upwards of four thousand acres of good
land ; probably only a small part of it cleared, and the
greatest portion of this leased and cultivated by English
tenants.

* Colonial Records, Vol. VI. t Colonial Records, Vol. VI.

;-<%•:'#*„ V»0*fe;

CHAPTER IX.

HISTOBT or THE PRIMITIVE WESTERN AND NORTHERN

TRIBES FROM THE DEATH OP UNCAS TO THE

PRESENT DAT.

The present chapter will comprise the history of the

primitive western and northern tribes, and will extend

from the death of Uncas down to the present time. The

same disconnection in the subject which obliged me to

break the chronological order of the narration at the close

of the seventh chapter, here renders it necessary to do so

again I shall therefore mention a few circumstances

which have some geneial interest,and shall then take up,

and prosecute, the history of each little community by

One feature of this latter period of Indian history, in
our State, is the emigration and breaking up of old tribes
and the temporary formation of new ones. We shall
see whole clans forsaking their ancient habitations, and
moving off, almost bodily, until they come to some spot
where they can fish and hunt in streams and forests
hitherto little visited by the white man. We shall see
new communities, of considerable size, collecting under
the leadership of individuals of more than ordinary genius
and then melting away like the tribes from which they
were originally composed. We shall also see portions of

343

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

the Indian population leaving the State altogether ; and
giving grounds for us to speculate on the still greater
numbers who may have pursued, and probably did pursue,
the same course singly or in families. All these are in-
teresting and important acts in the long drama which
exhibits the gradual disappearance of the aborigines of
Connecticut. Nor is this disappearance a thing so un-
paralleled as to demand from us any great degree of aston-
ishment. If we look through the pages of History, and
if we look round at the present condition of the world,
W'3 shall see many instances not at all dissimilar. Espe-
cially have these instances multiplied since the discovery
of America) and o^ the islands of the Pacific Ocean, have
thrown open communities of entirely savage and uncul-
tivated men to the trading visits and colonies of the
civiliz'ition-hard'ened races of Europe. This phenomenon
is taking place in New Zealand, where the natives are
strong in body, cheerful in disposition, and singularly free
from any inclination to intemperance. It is taking place
in Tahiti, where the English missionaries have long
labored with great zeal and success, and where, until very
lately, the branch of peace hau for many years waved un-
distnrbed in the breeze. It 's taking place in the Sand-
wich Islands, where the whole of the population has been
more or less christianized, and where the dawn of a semi-
civilization has sucked ;d to the dark night of unmingled
ign'-Tance and barbarism. New diseases have been sewn :
new vices have been Imported ; iniemperanee has raised
its head ; licentiousness has become febly destructive.
These seem to be the inevitable results to barbarians of
intercourse with Europeans ; and from these results spring

•j

OF CONNECTICUT.

349

those seeds of decay whuh are infecting the races of bar-
barous men in every part of the world.

In 1720 a circumstance occurred in Connecticut which
caused some httle alarm among the settlers of the western
part of the colony. It v/as discovered that a belt of
wampum had been brought from some Indian place at the
5outh called Towattowau, and, after arriving at Ammo-
waugs on the Hudson River, had reached an Indian
living at Horseneck in the town of Greenwich. From
him it had been carried to Chickens or Sam Mohawk, in
Reading ; from thence to Potatuck or Newtown, and from
there to Wyantenock or New Milford, where it stopped.
The Assembly caused some inquiries to be made into the
mystery, and an Indian named Tapauranawko testified
that the belt was in token that, at each place where it
was accepted, captive Indians would be received and sold.
He said that it would be sent back to Ammowaugs, and
from there to Towattowau, which was a great ways to
the south, and was inhabited by a large tribe of Indians.
The Assembly resolved that no further notice should be
taken of the belt ; that the Indians should be directed to
send it back whence it came ; and should be charged not
to receive such presents in future without giving notice
to ti^e magistrates.*

In October, 179A, restrictions, which had been laid ou
th3 Indians in consequence of the war with the tribes
of Maine, were removed ; and they were allowed to hunt,
as usual, in the counties of Hartford, New Haven and
Fairfield, provided they wore something white ci their
heads, and had some English with them during the first
fortnight.f

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc'ta. 98 and 94. t Colonial Records, Vol. V.

360

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

On Thanksgiving day in 1736 a contribution was taken
up, by order of the Assembly, in all the churches, for the
benefit of the Indians in the colony, except the Mohegans,
who were already provided for. Six hundred and nine
pounds, seven shillings and two pence were contributed.
How this sum was employed it is now probably impos-
sible to ascertain. A school for Indian youth, however,
was in being, about this time, in Farmington ; and, as
Indians are sometimes mentioned in the records and papers
of that day, who had acquired a knowledge of reading
and writing, it is possible that other establishments of a
similar nature existed elsewhere. Some part of the money,
too, was probably paid to the ministers of the various
towns, for preaching to those tribes who were within
their reach.*

In the fall of 1738, the people of New Hartford and
vicinity were thrown into much consternation by the
appearance of a party of strange Indians in the woods of
that town, whose motives were unknown, and whose
language could not be understood. One Martin Kellog,
who seems to have been somewhat erudite in the abo-
riginal tongueS; was sent for, and obtained an interview
with the strangers. He found that they were Mohawks,
a tribe always friendly to the English, and that their
only object in coming hither at this time was to hunt.
This was tho last recorded appearance of an armed party
of that famous nation in these regions which they had
formerly so often visited as enemies and conquerors.f

In 1774, a census of the Indians in Connecticut wa9

• Colonial Records, Vol. VII. Ecclfsiasiical Papera, Vol. V.
t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Docunienla 224—226.

OF CONNECTICUT.

351

taken, by which it seems ihat they amounted to thirteen
hundred and sixty-three souls. Of these there resided in
each of the following counties, in Hartford one hundred
and twenty-two, m New Haven seventy-one, in Fairfield
sixty-one, in Tolland nineteen, and in Windham one hun-
dred and twenty-three.*

In May, 1819, it was enacted that each overseer of any
Indian tribe in Connecticut should annually state and
settle his accounts, with th3 tribe, before the court of that
county in which it resided.f

In May, 1823, another law was passed, ordering that
every such overseer should give bonds, with sufficient
sureties, to the court of his county, as a pledge that he
would be faithful to his trust. These enactments had,
of course, an equal degree of reference to the overseers of
the Pequots and Mohegans.|

THE POTATUCKS.

The Potatucks of Newtown and Woodbury appear to
have been a small community; they neve- -ave any
trouble to the English settlers ; and they are not known
fo have distinguished themselves by wars upon the neigh-
boring tribes. One of the first, if not the very first, acts
recorded of them, is the sale [1728] of forty-eight square
miles of their territory to a number of settlers from Strat-
ford. The deed of sale is subscribed by the marks of
nineteen Indians, among which those of Mauquash, Mas-
iumpus and Nunawrnk are the first, and probably the

• Moss. Hi«t. Coll., V.,i. X, p. 118. t State Records. Vol. XIH.
t State Records, Vol. XIV
33*

352

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

most important. The price received for the land consisted
of four guns, four broadcloth coats, four duffel coats, ten
shirts, ten pairs of stockings, four kettles, ten hatchets,
forty pounds of lead, ten pounds of powder and forty
knives.* Never, probably, had the Potatuck tribe felt
itself so abounding in wealth as at the instant this bargain
was consummated^ when they could put on the coats,
handle the guns and fill their empty pouches with the
invaluable powder. Little did they trouble themselves,
in that moment of overflowing opulence, with the reflec-
tion that they had parted with their country, or imagine
that in one century there would not be a Potatuck man,
or woman or child above the sod of Connecticut.

The Potatucks were said to number in 1710 fifty war-
riors ;t but this estimate, being made more than half a
century subsequent to that date, is very uncertain and
jirobably altogether too large. President Stiles gives it
as his opinion that they were at this time subject to
Weraumaug, a considerable sachem who lived on the
Housatonic within the township of New Milford.

The same author preserves the account of a great pow-
v.'owing which took place at the village of the Potatucks,
probably about 1720 or 1725. The scene was witnessed
by a Mrs. Bennet, then a little girl ; and, after her death,
was related by one of her children to the President. The
ceremonies lasted three days, and were attended, she said,
by five or six hundred Indians, many of whom came from
distant towns, as Hartford and Farmington. While the
Indians, excited by their wild rites and dark superstition,

• Papers on Ti wns and Lands, Vo!. Ill, Documents 63 and 64.

♦ Prerident SiilcoV Itinerary.

OF CONNECTICUT.

353

were standing iu a dense mass, a little girl, gaily dressed
and ornamented, was led in among them by two squaws,
her mother and her aunt. As she entered the crowd the
Indians set up their "high powwows," howling, yelling,
\^ throwmg themselves into strange postures, and making

hideous grimaces. Many white people stood around
gazing at the scene ; but such was the excited state of
the savages, that, although they feared for the child's^
safety, none of them dared to interfere, or to enter the
crowd. After a while the two squaws emerged alone
from the press, stripped of all their ornaments, and walked
away shedding tears and uttering mournful cries. The
informant, deeply interested in the fate of one so near her
own age, ran up to the two women and asked them what
they had done with the little girl. They would not tell
her, and only replied that they should never see that little
girl again. The other Indians likewise remained silent
on the subject ; but Mrs. Bennet believed, and she said
all the English then present believed, that the Indians
had sacrificed her, and that they did at other times offer
human sacrifices.*

In 1742, the Potatucks united with the Indians of New
Milford, in a petition to the Legislature for a school and a
preacher. From the sentiments and language of the peti-
tion it is evident that it was dictated, as well as penned,
by some pious white person of the neighborhood. It has
the marks of Mowehu, Cheery and nine other natives;
and it states the number of the Potatucks at forty, and
that of the New Milford Indians at thirty, individuals
The Assembly voted foi.> pounds in bills of the old

• Presidrnt Stilcs's Itinerary.

364

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

tenor,* to assist the Indians of New Milford in obtaining
schools in that town, and twenty-five pounds for the Po-
tatucks, who were to receive the same benefits in New-
town and Waterbury. The ministers of New Milford,
Woodbury and Newtown were recommended to take the
petitioners under their care and instruction.! I know
nothing of the results of this movement, nor any thing
, further of the history of the Potatucks until 1761. At
that time they were found to consist of one man and
two or three broken families.^ In 1774, the Newtown
Indians were reduced to two.<^

THE PAUGUSSETTS OR WEPAWAUGS.

This tribe, it will be remembered, lived on the Housa-
tonic, from its mouth at least as high up as its confluence
with the Naugatuc, and claimed the country for a con-
siderable distance on either side of the river. The last
person who exercised the sachemship over the whole tribe
was Konckapotanauh, who died about the year 1731 at
his home in Derby. After this event the nation broke
up : some joined the Potatucks ; some went to the country
of the Six Nations ; some perhaps migrated to Scatacook ;
and of those on the eastern side of the river very few re-
mained about their ancient seats. In 1774, the Milford
part of the tribe was reduced to four persons, who lived

• Three pounds and a half old tenor were, about this time, equal to one of
new tenor ; new tenor was not equal to silver, at six shillings and eight pence
the ounce, though intended to be so.

t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 242.

X L'-ttcr of Rev. N. Bi.dscy to President Stiles, dated September 3d, 1761.

4 Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.

or CONNECTICUT.

355

on a small reservation at Turkey HUl, now in the town-
ship of Derby.

On the western side of the river the Paugussetts con-
tinued to reside quietly on their reservations : one on
Coram Hill in Huntington ; ane one, of about eighty
acres, on Golden Hill in Bridgeport. In 171C, there were
said to be twenty-five wigwams on Golden Hill and about
sixty or eighty warriors in other parts of the town.* This,
It must be observed, was over twenty years before the
dispersion of the tribe after the death of Konckapotanp.uh.
It is probable that this estimate is an exaggerated one,
as in 1765 only three women and four men remained
on Golden Hill, where lay the principal reservation of
the tribe.f They enjoyed their reservations peaceably
until about 1760, when they were ejected by some of the
neighboring white proprietors who laid claim to all the
land but about six acres, and enforced their claims by
pulling down the Indian wigwams. Soon afterwards,
[1763] John Sherman, Eunice Shoran, and Sarah Shoran,'
stated their wrongs to the Assembly, and asked that they
might be righted, and that for themselves a suitable guar-
dian might be appointed. Thomas Sherman of Fairfield
was chosen guardian, and a committee was appointed to
examine the grievances of the Indians and make a report.
This report was unsatisfactory to the Assembly, and an-
other committee was appointed, [1765] authorized to sum-
mon witnesses, and to call on the English claimants for
their defense. The case was brought to trial ; was decided
in favor of the Indians ; and the defendants were ordered
to surrender the land. In consequence of this decision

• R«v. N. Birdsey's letter. 1761. t Indian Papers, Vol. II. Doc. 333.

.,''•!

356

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

a compromise was effected between the parties. The
whites gave the Indians thirty bushels of corn and three
pounds worth of blankets ; and they also furnished them
with twelve acres of land on the west bank of the Po-
quonnuc, and eight acres of woodland on Rocky Hill.
For these considerations the Indians gave up their rights
to all the remainder of their ancient reservation.*

In 1774, the number of Indians in Stratford, which
then comprehended Monroe, Huntington, Trumbull and
Bridgeport, was thirty-five.f

In 1791, the remnant of the Milford band complained
to the Legislature, that some of their white neighbors car-
ried away wbod from their reservation. A bill was there-
fore passed, ordering the county court of New Haven to
appoint an overseer foi* the Indians, who should be em-
povrered to prosecute all trespassers, and also to lease out
all the arable land, or otherwise improve it for the best
advantage of the owners.| A few of this clan still live on
about ten acres of land at Turkey Hill. The family
name is Hatchet ; they are mixed with negro blood j and
they are all pooi, degraded and miserable.*^

As the Golden Hill Indians made little or no use of
their land, and as their guardians were repeatedly obliged
to advance them money for taxes and other expenses, the
whole reservation was, forty or fifty years since, exposed
for sale. The sum which it brought was very consider-
able, and was put out at interest for the benefit of the
owners. In 1842, it amounted to eleven hundred and
seventy-five dollars. At that time five hundred dollars

• Colonial Records, Vol. X.
t State Records, Vol. IV.

t Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.

§ Janiinry, 1849.

or CONNECTICUT.

357

were expended in purchasing a small house and twenty
acres of land in the township of Trumbull.

The tribe now numbers two squaws, who live in an
irregular connection with negroes, and six half breed
children, all of whom are grown up but one. They are
intemperate, but have been of about the same number for
many years. Their family name is Sherman. There is
another family, called the Pan tribe, who wander about
m this part of the country, and seem to have no land.
They number three adults and one boy, and resemble the
Shermans in their character and habits. Such is the
present state of the Paugussetts ; flickering out of ex-
istence like the wick of a burnt-out candle.

The Woodbridge Indians, known as the Mack family,
were from the Paugussetts, and moved many years ago to
their rocky and thorny patch of territory in that township.
Some were carried off by the small pox, and for ten or
twelve years back none have remained, except one man
and two women. One of the women. Old Eunice, as she
was commonly called, died a number of years since. Her
two children, Jim and Ruby, I have often seen coming into
my native village, to sell parti-colored baskets and purchase
provisions, the greater part, if not the whole, of which was
usually rum. Ruby was short and thick, and her face was
coarse and stupid. Jim's hi>ge form was bloated with
liquor ; his voice was hoarse and hollow ; and his steps,
even when he was not intoxicated, were unsteady from the
evil effects of ardent spirits. At present, I believe, they are
all in their graves ; at least it is years since I have seen
them, or heard any one speak of them.

Other Indians of Fairfield County will now be menr

, )i

358

HISTORr OF THE INDIANS

tioned, among whom the most notorious seems to have
been a small sachem, variously known as Sam Mohawk,
Chickens, Warrups Chickens and Chickens Wallups. He
was said to be a Mohawk, by nation, and he is first
known to us as living at Greensfarms between Westport
and Fairfield. Having committed a murder here, prob-
ably upon some of his own race, he moved away from his
old home and settled in the town of Reading * In 1720,
he received here the Indian belt which came from Towat-
towau, and forwarded it to the village of the Potatucks.
Five years after, [March 1st, 1725,] he sold all his land to
Samuel Couch of Fairfield for twelve pounds and six
shillings; reserving to himself and his heirs liberty to fish
and fowl on land and water, and also such a tract of land
around his wigwam as a committee appointed by the
Assembly should think proper. Such a tract was laid out
for him, accordingly ; but, owing to Chickens's ignorance
of public business, the vote was never approved, and the
appropriation remained incomplete. He subsequently,
therefore, found himself deprived of all his land without
the power of ever reclaiming it. Having laid the case
before the Assembly, he obtained [1746] a grant of one
hundred acres mostly arable and of a good quality.f Two
years after, a man named John Read proposed to exchange
with him ; and, in place of his one hundred acres at Read-
ing, to give him two hundred at Scatacook in the township
of Kent. A considerable tribe had collected at this locality,
and Chickens would thus find himself among his own
race with .lo probability (.f being disturbed by the whites

* President Stiles's Itinerary.

t Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 114 ; Vol. II, Documenta 35—30.

:ste^a»y**'.ss^!*i«A,JlS»»;i34ii^

or CONNECTICUT.

359

for some time. The land offered by Read, also, was
v/ell adapted to an Indian's wants. It was bounded on
the east by the Housatonic, in which there was good fish-
ing, and on the west by mountains where there was
plenty of game. At Reading his fences were decayed, his
trees partly gone, the English were gathering round him,
and their beasts injured his crops. Having received per-
mission from the Assembly, he made the exchange, [1749]
and removed to Scatacook.* But Chickens was growing
old and unable to support himself by labor ; and in 1762
he petitioned the Assembly that thirty acres of his land
might be sold, and the proceeds expended in paying his
debts and providing for his future support. His request
was granted, and the business was committed to his over-
seer, Jabez Smith. The old sagamore died not many
years after, leaving his remaining land to his squaw and
one or two children.

The Indians of Greenwich, Stamford and Nor walk,
seem to have melted away unnoticed : a great part of them
probably moved to other homes, and one portion appears
to have settled for a time in what is now Ridgefield. We
learn from the census of the Connecticut Indians, taken
in 1774, that there were then only eight natives remaining
in Greenwich, nine in Norwalk and not one in Stamford.f
The Ridgefield clan called themselves the Raraapoo
Indians. About the beginning of the last century they
were under the government of a sachem named Catoonah.
On the tenth of October, 1708, Catoonah and his people
sold out their country, for one hundred pounds, to a com-

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 31.
t Masa. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.
33

♦'!^i

I '

360

HISTOUY OF THE INDIANS

! i

1 '
I i

papy of settlers from Norwalk and Milford. The tract
was estimated to contain twenty thousand acres ; no re-
servation was made, and ihe Ramapoo Indians went their
ways into the wide world, to seek a home where it might
be found. Those besides Catoonah who put their marks
to the sale were Woquacomick, Waspahchain, Waw-
kamawee, Naranoka and Caweherin. Three others, prob-
ably of some other tribe, signed as witnesses : Gootquas,
Mahkee and Tawpormick.*

The township of New Fairfield, originally much larger
than at present, was chiefly purchased of its ancient in
habitants in 1729. A tract of eight miles in length was
then sold to the English settlers by Cockenon, Mauwehii
and eleven others, who styled themselves, in the deed,
" the rightful owners of all unsold lands in the grant of
new fairfield"t

THE QUINNIPIACS.

Under this head are included the aboriginal inhabitants
of New Haven, East Haven, Branford and Guilford. A
reservation of thirty acres, laid out in three lots of ten
acres each, was early made in East Haven for the Quin-
Dipiacs. They used to cultivate these lots by rotation,
each one being planted in its turn while the other two
lay unused.l It is traditionary, I believe, that the last
sachem of the tribe was named Charles, and that ho wa?
frozen to death in 1740.*^ President Stiles assure^ ui, on
the other hand, that the last sachem was John Sanck, and
that he died about the year 1730. |J

• Ridgeficia Rcords, Vol. I, p. 1.

t Papers o; Tjvv.is anr^ Lands, Vol. VIII, Document 4

t Cole --.] >^ (, .^, V.,1 X. ^ Barber, p. 1.S4.

II Itinerary.

or CONNECTICUT.

361

This last author was told, in 1785, by one of the old
citizens of Branford, that, fifty years before, that town
was inhabited by fifty Indian men ; and a Mr. Pardee of
East Haven assured him that, in 1730, there were as
many as three hundred Indians in East Haven, and that
he could himself remember when their grown men out-
numbered the town militia. I must confess that I look
upon these estimates and comparisons as sheer exaggera-
tions. If they were correct, then the aboriginal population
of Branford and East Haven, in 1730, must have been
five hundred souls. Yet in 1638, nearly a century before,
the duinnipiacs only counted forty-seven men, while the
Indians of Guilford, if they were a separate tribe at all,
(which I do not believe,) must have been considerably
less numerous. Is it likely that the native population of
this region had increased, or even remained stationary
during this long period, while the surrounding tribes had
so fearfully declined ? But further : in 1774, only forty-
four years after the date fixed by these old men, the
number of Indians in Branford was only four, and in East
Haven only eleven ; yet no considerable emigration, that
we can learn, had taken place. It is not by such sudden
fits and starts, but by a steady and gradual decline, that
the aboriginal population of Connecticut has disappeared.
About 1768 some of the Cluinnipiacs removed to Far-
mington, where land was bought for them, among the
Tunxis, with the proceeds of what they had sold in East
Haven.* In 1774, twenty-three Indians resided in Guil-
ford, which then comprehended Madison.f Eleven years
later, those of Branford had all disappeared. At the

• Colonial Records, Vol. VI. t Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.

J'l

M»

362

HISTORY or THE INBIANS

present time the Q,uinnipiacs no longer exist, except in
story.

The site of the ancien* burying place of the (i^uinni-
piacs in East Haven is still known, and several localities
are pointed out where they are said to have had forts or
villages. One of these strong holds was in the Indian
cemetery on a hill which overlooks the harbor. In 1S22,
three graves were opened by the Rev. Mr. Dodd of East
Haven. The skeletoiis were found three and a half feet
below the surface, stretched on the bare sandstone rock,
and exhibiting no appearance of any wrapper or inclosure.
Every one had the head laid towards the southwest,
where dwelt Cautantowit, and where the Indians believed
heaven to be. Two of the skeletons had their arms laid
by their S'ies: in the other case ihey were crossed over
the breast after the manner of the whites. The thigh
bones of one measured nineteen inches m length, the leg
bone eighteen, and the arm, from the shoulder to the
elbow, thirteen. The skeleton seemed to be that of a
man about six feet and a half in length. No article of
any description was discovered with the bones; but it
was traditionary that, many years before, some graves
were opened here, and found to contain a variety of In-
dian implemetrts for cooking and war.*

The other Indians of New Haven County, with the
exception of one band at Humphreysville, which will be
noticed m the next chapter, have left few records of the
time and manner of their disappearance. In 1774, there
were twenty in Derby, four in Wallingford, one in Dur-
ham, and four in Waterbury.f

• Bnrber'8 Hist. Coll. of Conn., p. 207. t Mum. Hist. Coll., Vol. X. p. 1 18.

'^WbMs^ibiiM^&iiiii&^iiS&ii^.^J^i-iA .

OF CONNECTICUT.

363

THE RIVER INDIANS. - \i

This was the ancient term for all the Indians residing
on the banks of the Connecticut River and within the
limits of Connecticut colony. The river population was
considered numerous at one time ; but it consisted of
small clans who had little national strength and pride to
bind them together, and who were thus easily broken and
dispersed.

The Indans of Windsor gradually left their ancient
seats, some removing among the Tunxis, and others
settling in the towns of Salisbury ar I Sharon.

In 1730, the number of Indian men who used to come
into Hartford on election and other great gala days was
estimated at seventy or eighty. Thirty-two years after,
President Stiles was informed that there were only six
families remaining in Hartford and one in Windsor.* A
remnant of the Podunk nation, living on the Hocka-
num River, remained in East Hartford as late as 1745,
but in 1760 had entirely disappeared.!

In 1774, there were four Indians in Suffield, five in
Hartford, six in Windsor, six in East Windsor, sixteen in
Glastenbury, and seven in PJast Haddam.^

The Wangunks remained for some time in Middletown
and Chatham, living on three separate reservations. One
of these was in the neighborhood called Newfield ; and

• President Stiles's Itinerary. Indians, however, used to go to election
from distant porta of the Stote, as for instance from Mohegon. Thus the
above seventy or eighty Indian men were by r.u means ail from Windsor and
Hartford.

t President Stiles's Itinerary. t Masa. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.

33*

,\\;\

A \.

■ ! ■

ami:

364

BISTORT or THE INDIANS

t !

on this the Indians stayed and held lands as late as 1713.
Another was laid out. at an early date, on the west side
of the river, for one Sawsean and his descendants. The
third consisted of three hundred acres on the opposite
bank, which was set aside by the town in 1675, " for the
heirs of Sovvheag and for the Mattabesett Indians."*

As a considerable number of Wangunks still remained
in 1734, a man named Richard Treat conceived the benev-
olent idea of trying to improve them by education and re-
ligious teaching. Being encouraged in his design by
several of the neighboring ministers, he commenced, on
the sixth of January, with a small number of the Indian
children. He was attended for some time by twelve or
fourteen of these; and he maintained, also, a weekly
meeting, with those of the adults of the tribe who would
listen to him, for about two months. The governor of
Connecticut, Joseph Talcott, approved his design and
urged him to go on ; but, at the end of four months, having
found that no one felt disposed to assist or reward him,
and that he had to bear all the expense and trouble alone,
IVHr. Treat became discouraged and gave up hie efforts.

He found the Indians ignorant of the doctrines of the
Scriptures and even of what the Scriptures were ; so that
quotations from them had no more weight on their
opinions than a common proverb or one of his own ob-
servations. He was obliged, therefore, in his controver-
sies with them, to apj^eal to such principles of morality
and natural religion as they held among themselves. He
was hindered, also, by the broken knowledge whicfi iho
Indians had of the English tongue, and by their natural

* Slntistical Account of Middlesex Comiu p.p. 3}, 35.

OF CONNECTICUT.

365

aversion to the humbling doctrines of Christianity. Once,
when he was speaking of the resurrection of the dead,
and of the judgment to come, one of them pointed to a
pig which lay by the fire, and asked with a sneer if that
pig would rise again like one of themselves. It would
not do, the preacher thought, to answer this fool accord-
ing to his folly, and he succeeded in silencing him by ar-
guments, " although it took him a long time to do it.".

During the latter part of the summer, after the school
and religious services had been discontinued, the Wan-
gunks held a great funeral dance. One Saturday, the
second day of the ceremonies, Treat repaired to the place,
partly to find out the numbers of the Indians, as the gov-
ernor had requested him to do, and partly with the idea
that his presence might operate as a restraint upon their
extravagances. When he arrived, the Indians were
dancing, singing and yelling; and some of those who
knew him gathered around him, and bade him " begone,
for. he had no business there." "I come to see you as
others do," said Treat. " You never order them away.
Why are you so angry at my presence ?"

" You come here to see if you cannot preach to us to-
morrow," replied one of them in a rude tone ; "but you
shall not preach !"

"That is not my business here." said Treat; "but I
am ready to do you what service I can. You are now
taking off mourning clothes for one who is dead, and you
ought to think of prep;*ration for your own death. Others
will wear niou.ning for you as you have worn it for him.'*
"You shall not preach !" still insisted the Indian. " To-
morrow is our day and you shall not preach !"

.1 hIJ

■)i '

H '

i'!:;

E.^

\r-k.

S lit

366

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

A number of Nehantics and Mohegans, however, gath-
ered round Treat, and told him, that, if he wished to
preach, they would assemble on the following day, at a
certain house near by, and hear his discourse. On the
morrow, therefore, which was Sunday, he went to the
house in question, but found no listeners, all the Indians
being too much interested in the dance. Hearing that
there was a sick child among them, he went in search of
It, thinking that he might be able to do it some service.
He had succeeded in finding it, when some Indians came
up and attempted to drive him away, although without
offering violence. Finding this impossible, they told him,
that, if he would go to a clump of trees ten or fifte )n rods
distant, they would follow and listen to his preaching.
He complied, but had scarcely reached the trees when the
Indians commenced a most hideous noise, beating their
breasts, grunting and groaning, by way of an invocation
to the devil. It seems that some Indian was suspected
of having poisoned the deceased Wangunk, and they were
now soliciting a revelation from the evil spirit as to
whether the suspicion was just. Horrified and scandal-
ized by the scene. Treat ran back, rushed in among them,
and by his energetic corporeal interference put a very
sudden end to their spiritual investigations. Some of
them were prodigiously enraged, and seemed much in-
clined to dispatch him on the spot. They finally told
him, that, if he would only go the trees again, they would
certainly follow and listen to him. Treat did not believe
it, and told them so; but still he walked away, to satisfy
them, and to see what they would do. As he expected they
re-commenced their orgies. He ran back and broke them

i^4«a^>«**%S^^*«a^S»*^fel«*««ii^*^ ■

OP CONNECTICUT.

367

op as before This happened several times: until the

Indians either wearied out with his perseverance or

having obtained all the information from diabolical sou;ces

which they expected, gave, up the contest and desisted

fiom their invocations. He now waited some time, to let

hem season, as he expressed it, for divine service : and

then made them a discourse to which they listened without

offering any disturbance.

His course on this occasion, singular as it may seem
appears to have been productive of good effects; for there
was but httle noise made the following night, while
usually, at such times, the Indians kept up an astounding
uproar. No similar ceremony was performed among the
Wangunks for several years,* and there is nothing to show
but that this was the very last.

The last sachem, but one, of the Wangunks was called
Doctor Robbins; it is not known exactly when he died
but It was some little time previous to 1757. He left a
son named Richard Ranney, who was brought up among
the whites, spoke and wrote the English language, learned
the trade of a joiner, and became a professor of religion.f
In 1/64, the tribe still numbered between thirty and
forty persons ; but some of these were living among the
Mohegans, and others had migrated to Hartford and Far-
mington. Those who remained consisted of two squaws
and their three children. One of the squaws, Mary
Cuschoy or Tike, was the blind and aged widow of
Cuschoy, the last sachem of the tribe. She had been
supported for twelve months previous by the town, J

• Eccleainstioal Paper.. Vol. V. t Indian Papers. Vol. Ill DoCf 131. 136.
t In(Jian Papew, Vol. I, Documents 132. 239.

•1

• I

<■

368

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

In 1764, a committee appointed for the purpose sold a
large part of the lands ; and, on the first of June, 1765.
reported that they had on hand funds to the amount of
one hundred and sixty-three pounds and nineteen shillings
in continental bills, and about one hundred pounds in ob-
ligations not yet collected. By 1772, over ninety pounds
of this sum had been expended in the support of old Mary
Cuschoy : the rest, also, was probably laid out, in one way
or another, for the benefit of the Indians.*

The Wangunks were willing to dispose of their land, and
the third religious society in Middletownf was anxious to
purchase it. . Several petitions were presented to the As-
sembly, in the name of both parties, and in 1765, a com-
mittee was appointed to sell the land, and use the proceeds
for the benefit of the proprietors. A part only seems to
have been disposed of; for, some years after, [1769,]
Samuel Ashpo and nine others, then living at Farmington,
obtained permission from the Assembly to sell their re-
maining lands at Wangunk.

Mary Cuschoy was living on the town of Chatham as
late as 1771. Three years later, the number of Indians
residing in that township was two.| In 1785, a com-
mittee was appointed by the Legislature to collect all the
money due on the Indian lands at Wangunk, and pay it
over to the proprietors, who seem, at that time, to have
entirely left the place. Thus ended the national existence
of the Wangunks, or, as they were sometimes called, the
Wangums.<^

• Colonial Records, Vols. X and XI.

t This society is now in Chatham, which was then a part of Middletown.

t Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.

§ Colonial Recordfl, Vol. X. Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc'ts 234—336.

OF CONNECTICUT.

369

In various parts of Middletown and Chatham, Indian
skeletons have been exhumed. They were found in a
sitting posture, with food, utensils, arms, ornaments and
wampum around them. In 1808, three Indian graves
were opened in Chatham. In one of them there was the
skeleton of a man, sitting, and wrapped in a'blanket. On
exposure to the earth the blanket crumbled as if it had
been reduced to cinders. In the man's lap were two
small brass kettles containing a spoon, a knife, a vial and
a pipe. One arm of the skeleton was passed around the
kettles, and it was observed that, where the flesh had
been in contact with the brass, it was in a state of pre-
servation. The other two graves contained skeletons of
children, one of which held in its hand a small brass cup.
In this instance, also, the flesh had not perished where it
touched the brass; and, what was more curious still, the
other side of the cup had disappeared, as if the flesh and
the brass preserved each other. Around the wrist was
wampum strung on deer skin, and near by were beads, of
the hearts of oyster shells, which may have been around
the neck. In the grave of the other child was a copper
box containing wampum strung on deer leather.*

THE TUNXIS.

The Tunxis continued to reside for some time on their
two reservations in Farmington, without any important
incident happening to them which has been recorded Of
that part of the tribe which lived in Massacoe or Sims-
bury, some had fled from their country during Philip's

• Statistical Account of Middlesex County, p. 9.

370

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

war. and m x710 only a few families were remaining.
Some years later, a single individual still possessed a little
ract of land, on the east side of Farmington River, near
the south hue of the town. In 1750, this man, as well as
every other representative of the Massacoe Indians, had
disappeared.*" '

The main body of the tribe was joined in 1730 by the
Indians of Hartford jf and it received, also, at various
times, re-enforcements from Windsor, Middletown and
other parts of the Connecticut valley.

A historical discourse, delivered by Professor Porter of
Yale College, states that an Indian school was taught in
Farmmgton by Mr. Newton, and perhaps by Mr. Hooker •
the former, munster in that town from 1648 to 1657 and
the latter from 1658 to 1697. In the colonial rec;rds,
from 1733 to 1736, are repeated notices of such a school
then ni existence. Bills, amounting to sixty-one pounds
and SIX shilhngs, ''for the dieting of the Indian youth at
two shillings a week," were presented in 1735 and 1736
aiid liquidated out of the colonial treasury. Judging from'
these bills I should conclude that the number of scholars
who were boarded could not have amounted to more than
five or SIX. Rev. Samuel Whitman, at this time minister
in t armington, seems first to have brought it to the notice
of the Assembly; and it is probable that, like his prede-
cessors he officiated as its teacher. Now, from the time
when Mr. Newton must have established his school, to
1736, when the one alluded to above is last mentioned on
the records, is a period of more than eighty years. But it
seems scarcely possible that such an institution could have

• Phelps'a History of Simsbury. t President Stile.'s Itinerary.

^s«SfefttSkS^aii.iaiii*^^

OP CONNECTICUT.

371

been kept up so long a time, without attracting consider-
able attention, and leaving behind it some traces more
extensive than the two or three brief records to which I
have adverted. We may suppose, therefore, that it ex-
isted at intervals during the consecutive ministries of Mr.
Newton, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Whitman. We have the
authority of the above discourse for saying that, at one
time, fifteen or sixteen scholars attended the school ; that
a few of the Tunxis were admitted as freemen, and that a
few became members of the church. Indeed it seems to be
traditionary in Farmington that a number of the Indians
of that place, in early times, made a profession of reli-
gion ; while to verify this tradition from written state-
ments, at the present day, is probably utterly impossible.
Farmington was not a very learned town anciently, not
being able for a while to keep its own records without
assistance from Hartford •* and, from this cause or some
other, the church records were either not kept at all, or
were kept in marvelous confusion. At the accession of
Mr. Whitman they were put in proper order ; but his list

-hurch members only shows two Indian professors;

-^mon Mossock admitted June, 1763, and Eunice Mos-

iC admitted September, 1765.

In 1738, two of the Tunxis memorialized the Assembly
on behalf of their tribe, alleging that nearly all their land
in Indian Neck had been usurped from them by the neigh-
boring whites. Eighteen or twenty of the settlers were
concerned in these aggressions, most, if not all, of whom
claimed that they had obtained the land they held, by

» Such was the case with some other towns in the State, not one person in
the community being Budicicntly en, lite to ofliciate as town clerk

!li'"'

iii

372

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

V: I

purchase.* No effect seems to have been produced by
this memorial, and the affair remained unsettled for manjr
years. But in 1768 another petition, of a similar purport,
was presented by James Wauwus. A committee which
was appointed on the subject by the Assembly made the
following report. The English claimants had obtained
entire possession of Indian Neck, by various purchases,
some of them made for valuable considerations. Some of
these purchases were never acknowledged ; some wore
acknowledged, but never recorded ; and only four had,
according to law, been ratified by the Assembly. They
stated that the reservation really amounted to only one
hundred aud forty acres. Finally, they recommended
that a committee should be appointed to lay out to the
English claimants what they were entitled to, and sur-
render the rest to the Indians. Wauwus and others of
the Tunxis sent in a remonstrance against this report,
alleging that all but four of the deeds mentioned were
void in law, and that, moreover, the committee had made
a great mistake as to the amount of the reservation. Both
these allegations were true : the Assembly, therefore,
negatived the committee's recommendation, and the affair
lingered on for some time longer.f

By these petitions it appears that several of the Tunxis
at this time understood the use of letters. It is probable
that they had been scholars in the school mentioned as
having existed in 1735. James Wauwus was one of the
number, and Solomon Mossuck, Charles and Elijah Wimp-
sey, James Cusk and Thomas Carrington were others.

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Documents 171 and 172.
t Indian Papers, Vol. II, Documenta 179, 180, 191.

'Mli&IS^S^aiX^!iiS^^4^4iiitiMkis^mMiii0^Jsi»i«^

or CONNECTICUT.

373

An aged citizen of ^armington, who died some few-
years ago, and who was born about 1730, used to say-
that, within his recollection, the Indian children in the
district school were not much fewer than those of the
whites. In their snow-balling parties, the former used to
take one side and the latter another, when they would be
so equally balanced in numbers and prowess, as to render
the battle a very tough one and the result doubtful. This,
of course, must have been at least as early as 1750.

In 1761, the tribe was estimated at something less than
twenty-five families. They had moved back from their
original position, and resided chiefly in the northwest part
of Farmington, and in the adjoining township of New
Hartford.* A considerable number removed, about this
time, either before or after, to Stockbridge in Massachu-
setts. In 1774, the number of Indians in Farmington
was forty-three, and in New Hartford thirteen.f

During this year, [1774,] Elijah Wimpsey and Solomon
Mossock petitioned the Assembly, in behalf of their tribe,
for a copy of the laws of Connecticut. They stated that
most of their people had formed some idea of English
customs ; that many had learned to read and write the
English language ; and, though poorly able to bear the
expense, had furnished themselves with bibles and other
books. They had been told that they were considered
subjects of the colony, like their white neighbors; and
they thought, therefore, that they ought to become ac-
quainted with its laws. The Assembly, in reply, granted
the petitioners a copy of the laws of the colony.J

• President Stiles's Itinerary. t Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. X,p. 118.
t Indian Papers, Vol. II, Docament 195.

,1 I

■m

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■i i

374

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Only a few days after, another memorial was presented
to the Assembly, by the same persons, accompanied by
one John Adams who was probably one of the Quinui-
piacs that had lately moved to Farmington. They said
that the Six Nations had invited them to settle in the
Oneida country, and had promised them a cordial recep-
tion and plenty of land. Being straitened where they
were, they thought it would be better for themselves, and
would afford an opportunity for the extension of the king-
dom of Uhrist, if they should go. They therefore desired
that Messrs. Strong, Gay and Gridley of Farmington
might be appointed to assist them in the sale of their
lands. The petition was granted, but two or three cir-
cumstances embarrassed the sale. The land was the
common property of the tribe : the revolutionary war
soon broke out, and the Mohawks took the British side.
For these reasons the property was not sold : yet, for all
this, some of the Tunxis removed to the Mohawk country,
and others determined to follow. They thus found them-
selves in need of the avails of their land, and, in 1777,
thirty-one of them petitioned that it might be divided
among the individuals of the tribe. John Porter, Heze-
kiah Wadsworth and Solomon Whitman were appointed
by the Assembly to undertake the division. They found
the lands to consist of four separate tracts, amounting
altogether to two hundred and sixty acres. Two hundred
acres were situated on the west side of Pequawbuck
meadow ; another tract, purchased for the duinnipiacs,
amounted to sixteen acres and one hundred and twenty-
eight rods ; there were five acres at Fort Hill, and forty
and a half acres at another place. The whole was divided

fH'i^musm ■'^xm^ .-

'i^^^im^^^fimmS^Si^h^^^

or CONNECTICUT.

375

into sixty-five lots, of various sizes, but generally contain-
ing from four to five acres each. The number of males
who shared was seventeen ; the number of females twenty-
four; and some individuals received two or three lots
apiece. The report was approved by the Assembly and
the division confirmed.*

So.iie of the Tunxis removed, after this, to Scatacook,
and from thence to Stockbridge. Two of them, Elijah
Wimpsey and Samuel Adams, having been driven from
the latter place by Indians in the British interest, applied
for relief to the Assembly of Connecticut, and obtained a
grant of £33 Is. 8d. Adam, the Q,uinnipiac, removed
to the Mohawk country previous to 1776, and his land
was sold. In 1804, some of the Tunxis still lived, and
held property, in Farmington, and were under the care
of an overseer.f

At the present time they have all disappeared from their
ancient home. One miserable creature, a man named
Mossock, still lives in Litchfield, perhaps the sole remnant
of the tribe.

In the burying ground of Farmington, which was also
the Indian burying ground, and which looks out upon the
river valley and upon Indian Neck, a small monument has
been erected to the memory of the Tunxis. It is grate-
ful to see such a memorial of the poor aborigines, and
one can only regret that the execution of the design did
not correspond with the emotions which prompted its
conception. The monument is about six feet high : the
cap has never been placed, or else has been removed : the

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 199.
t Indian Papers, Vol. II. State Records, Vol. VII.
34*

'II

376

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

material is red sandstone, coarse and crumbly in its texture,
and the inscriptions upon it are fast obliterating under the
influence of the winds and storms. These inscriptions
mention that, according to tradition, this spot was the
scene of a bloody battle between the Tunxis and the
Stockbridges ; that, according to another tradition, and
judging from the many skeletons discovered here, the
place was once used as a cemetery by the aborigines, and
that some of these scattered remains have been collected
and decently interred beneath this stone. So sleep the
Tunxis. So in time, perhaps will sleep the race which
has succeeded them.

THE NIPMUCKS AND QUINNEBAUGS.

These Indians, living entirely under the domination of
the Mohegans, never sold any land for themselves, except
the tract purchased by John Winthrop, all the rest of their
country being granted away by the chiefs of the family
of Uncas. This circumstance saved both them and the
colony of Connecticut an incalculable amount of quarrel-
ing and vexation. They had no petitions to present to
the Legislature : there were no long and expensive law
suits to be sustained against them ; and no committees to
be appointed to examine into, and settle, the state of their
affairs. For this reason there are almost no reords con-
cerning the Indians of this part of the State, and very little
can be related of them, except a few unimportant an-
ecdotes.

A considerable number of Nipmucks lived in Thompson,
the most northeasterly town in the State ; and it is tradi-
tionary that one of their chiefs, named Q,uinnatisset, had

^-^ >;*^*«i«SMK«^a^^a^*

.j^itfefeaiai&S^iiijifei-

OF CONNECTICUT.

377

a grand wigwam near the spot where now stands the
congregational church. Their strong hold, however, was
on Fort Hill, an eminence about three quarters of a mile
easterly, where the rude foundations of a fortress can yet
be traced. Individuals who wander into the neighboring
forests still find, here and there, the hills and rows of the
Indian cornfields, now thickly covered over with sturdy
trees. The Indians were well supplied with fish from the
streams and ponds, and especially from a considerable
body of water extending from Thompson into Massachu-
setts, which bore the discouraging name of Chargog-
gagoggmanchogaggogg. This pond is studded with little
islands; and tradition affirms, though not with much
probability, that the Nipmucks regarded it as the sceiie
of their paradise ; the place where the Great Spirit lived ;
where the shades of theix departed friends wandered ; and
vhere, after death, they should be delightfully employed
forever in fishing and luniting.

An aboriginal tradition has been preserved concerning
a pond, called Mashapaug,* which lies in the western part
of Killingly. It is said that, on the spot occupied by this
pond there once stood a mountain, and that a small island
in the pond, called Loon's Island, constituted the top of
this mountain. But in ancient times, aflat the red men
of this region had long enjoyed en abundance of fish and
game, they grew gluttonous and wicked, and provoked
tlie anger of the Great Spirit. Finally, they appointed a
festival on the top of a mountain covered with tall pine
trees, and there they s\mn four days in feasting and
revelry. At the end of this time, the Great Spirit could

• Conimniily known ns Alcxnnder's Lnke.

I.I

> y

. ;.

378

HISTORT OT THE INDIANS

no longer contain h^> anger at their wickedness, and re-
solved to overwhelm them with a quick and awful
destruction. While, therefore, the Indians were still
capering about the sides of the mountain it suddenly sunk
down into a great cavity ; the subterranean waters rose
around it, and all the red people perished, except one good
old squaw who stood on the very summit of the emi-
nence. Such, says tradition, was the origin of Masha-
paug Lake. Even at the present day it is soberly affirmed,
that the boatman who will push out into the deepest parts
of the water, may, in a clear day, see the trunks of pine
trees reaching up from the bottom towards the surface.

The Indians were somewhat troublesome to the first
se *lers of this region, wlio, being few and scattered, durst
not use force to resist their impositions. A large party
would sometimes call at a white man's house, demanding
its hospitality, and threatening by their numbers and ap-
petite to bring the household to utter starvation. Some-
times they employed stratagem for the sake of obtaining
admission ; and, in the morning, when the astonished
settler came to count his guests, he would find half a
dozen new ones who had been dexterously smuggled
in among the baggage and pappooses. Friendship was
always preserved, however, between the whites and their
wild acqtiaintances, and the two races often joined to-
gether in amicable sports and trials of strength. The
Indians were fond of wrestling, although they were
generally thrown by the whites, whose muscles, hardened
by labor and regular habits, were stronger than those of the
indolent savages. A certain Joseph Cady, one of the first
•ettlers of Killingly, was one day cutting brush alone,

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•>vhen an Indmn approached him from the neighboring
ores,, and expressed a strong desire to try the skill of f

f he "m ".' '™"""^- ^'"'^^ ""'"='" '» himself that,
f he ecu d thro^v the fellow, it might operate to deter the

Indmns from hostilities against the settlements, and ac-
cord,ngly accepted the challenge. Both men struggled
ong and desperately, but Cady at last prevailed and the
Indian was prostrated. Unfortunately he fell among the
brush wh,ch his antagonist had been cutting, and, one of
the sharp stumps perforating his skull, he died on the spot.
In 1720 Jacob Spalding, also an early settler of Kil-
hngly had a curious adventure with an Indian creditor.
He had purchased a deer skin of the Indian, and had paid
h,m wuh one of the paper notes, called tenor bills, issued
by the colony The man . n. the bill in his pocket ; but,
be„,g somewhat intoxicated at the time, soon forgot tha
he had ever received it, and again demanded payment for
hts deer skm Jacob was indignant, of course, at what
he considered such a bare-faced attempt a, imposition, and
refused eomphance. A wordy squabble ensued which
ended by the Indian's going away, muttering that he
would have revenge. The next day, as Jacob was shin-
ghng a barn, he saw his late creditor approaching, accom-
panied by two of his tribe. He jumped down, met them .
and was again asked to pay for the deer skin. He re^
fused. One of the Indians, who seemed to be a sachem
then stated in broken English, that he had come to see'
lair play, and laid it down as perfectly honorable that two
Indians should fight with one white man. His two
friends thou attacked Spalding; who, however, defended
himself with such dexterity and success, that he laid

fl ;..

'\ '

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380

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

them both on the ground and gave them a sound drub-
bing. The sachem looked on, in the mean time with
great impartiahty, and gave his fellows no further en-
couragement in their tribulation than Pnorcl.^gsl poor
dogs! me hope. he kill you both !'

Thus ended this skirmish ; but ti.- Jay after, as Jacob
was again mounted on his barn, he saw the same Indians
commg towards him , the one who fancied himself cheated
bearmg a rifle which he was in the act of loading. But,
putting his hand into his pocket to find a ball, he drew
out the identical bill, the loss of which had caused all this
trouble. Qonscience-struck, he said to Jacob who was
commg to meet him, " Me believe now, Jacob, you paid
me de bill." Jacob now turned to the sachem and said,
You, who have come to see fair play, what shall we do
with this fellow ?" " Tie him to de tree and whip him,"
was the laconic sentence. This was no great justice,
perhaps, but it was well administered; for the culprit
being tied up by the combined puissance of all hands, wa^
soundly threshed to strengthen his memory. Such was
his mortification at the whole affair, and particularly at
the flogging, that he soon afterwards left that part of the
country and never returned.*
. The great revival of 1740 and 1741, which affected the
Mohegans and the Pequots, also reached the Indians on
the Qumnebaug. Many of them seemed to become con-
verted ; they reformed from drinking ; they conversed
much on religious subjects ; they held meetings among
themselves for prayer and exhortation ; and numbers of

• The above traditions and anecdotes are from Barber's Hist. Coll. of Conn
Thompson and Killingly.

)}

•CJ* CONNECTICUT.

th*M *«Wed «,«h e^^dence of piety ,ha, they were ad-
m«ted .* taembera of English churches.. How ,ince«
»nd how lasting this impression was, we do no. know •
bat we may presume that it mostly faded away before
many years, like the effects of the same excitement in
other abongmal tribes. It is said, that Samson Occom
preached a few times among the duinnebaug Indians, and
It IS very possible, therefore, that he did so during this
period. °

In 1774 Windham and Tolland counties contained one
hundred and forty-two Indians, who were divided as fol-
ows : twelve in Killingljr, twenty-five in Plainfield,
twelve in Pomfret, eleven in Canterbury, six in Volun'
town, nineteen in Windham, thirty-eight in Woodstock,
five in Tolland, two in Coventry and twelve in Mansfield f
Since that time their diminution has still continued ; and
It is now more than thirty years since the last of the Kil-
l>ngly band, a pious female named Martha, was laid in
her unpretending grave. Of the other Indians of this part
of the State I do not know that now even one exists.

THE WESTERN NEHANTICS.

It is difficult to conjecture in what way the lands o^ the
western Nehantics passed from their possession into that
of the colonists. They were not willed away by Atta-
wanhood ; the were not covered by the sales of Chapeto
and Captain Sannup ; and the only other Indian sale pre-
served in the Lyme records refers to a tract of very in-,
considerable dimensions. A reservation was indeed made

• Trumbull, Vol. 11. t Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.

t 1

V '

;

) 5

"5 ':

,•)

382

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

for the natives when Lyme and New London were incor-
porated, stretching from the Niantic River four miles
westward, and running north from the seacoast as far as
the bounds of those townships. This territory, however,
was afterwards absorbed into Lyme and New London j
and I am entirely ignorant as to whether its original in-
habitants ever received or claimed for it any remuneration.
The first definite fact which I can state concerning the
matter, is, that in 1672, the Nehantics had no land of
their own, and were then furnished with three hundred
acres by Lyme, on condition of bringing in a wolf's head
annually,*

In 1693, their chief man seems to have been one Obed
whom, during the same year, we find, with his fellows'
very unwisely entering into some arrangements with their
white neighbors. For a small consideration they allowed
one Joseph Bull to have the herbage from one hundred
acres of their land, on condition that he would not inter-
fere with their plowing and planting. This bargain soon
began to work against the Indians, like almost every other
of the bargains between them and their civilized neigh-
bors Before many years had elapsed the horses and
cattle of Joseph Bull, his neighbors and descendants, in
their pursuit after the above mentioned herbage, were
running all over the Indian reservation, pushing down the
fences of the poor Nehantics and devouring their crops.
In 1728, they presented a memorial of their grievances to
the Assembly, complaining that the English animals were
turned into their fields to feed even after the corn and
beans had come up and been weeded. The Assembly

* Colonial Records, Vol. III.

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:-m^W!E^fiff

OF CONNECTICUT.

granted them a pound, which was to be built hv ih
society of Lyme • anri n^r. • * / ^^ *^® ^^^

7 "1 i^yme , and appointed an oversppr fnr ♦»,« * l

not far from one hundred and fiftv n^u

heathen «tm K r . '^^^ ^"^ ^"7- They were nearly all

neathen, still believing m their ancient gods: and manv

a memorial tn th. a !^, clergymen presented

exam ne the case, and see that the Nehantics were nlacerf
.n q„,et possession of .heir rights, was chosen The' "l'
mmee surveyed the land, fixed the bounds, and oX^d
that the mcIos.„g fences should ' , erected by the ^erh

m or nearly all the herbage on the land, and the As-
sembly was compelled to admit the legalit; of the clafm
These measures somewhat soothed the temper of he ^

orS^h.. isitodtltf^-ti^
May of the same year h.s example was followed by a

* Colonial Records, Vol V Tn,i,nn d

t Indian Pnp^s. v;,. iL.^^^^^ ''' '' ^~ ^^S.

,!(>!,

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384

HIST0R7 OF THE INDIANS

clergyman named Adams, probably Eliphalet Adams
of Mohegan. The Nehantics told this gentleman that
Captain Mason had promised them a school, a«d they
begged him to see that the promise was fulfilled. Mr.
Adams petitioned to the Assembly; a grant of fifteen
pounds was obtained, and with this sum a man named
Ely was hired to open a school for the Nehantics.*

Six or seven years after this, the great religious interest
of New England spread among the Narragansetts, Pequots
and Mohegans, and finally reached the western Nehantics.
Together with about one hundred English, Mr. Griswold,
the minister of Lyme, admitted into his church thirteen
Indians.! These were, perhaps, the first of the tri'^e who
forsook their ancient superstitions ; and, at all events, they
were the first who cordially embraced the Christian faith.

Some of iix~ Nehantics were still dissatisfied with the
tenure of their lands, and nineteen of them presented
[1743] a memorial on the subject to the Assembly. From
this paper we learn that the English farmers claimed the
grass on two hundred acres of the reservation ind the fall
foed of the remaining one handred. The pelitioners ac-
cused three men, named John and Jonathan Prentiss and
Thomas Mannering, of having taken possession of the
southern hundred acres and inclosed them. They com-
plained that their ^'lardians were old men and not able to
perform their duties. The Nehantics, they said, wished
to live like Christian people, and keep cattle^ hogs and
swine, which, in the present state of things, was difficult,
if not impossible.^

• Colonial Records, Vol. VI. Indian Papers, Vol. I.

t Trumbull, Vol. II, p. 146. t Indian Papers, Vol, I, Doc. 25!.

MmmitMii«a:imiiiammmmtkMxmmfi&9^eMt*/iiu-tmu,)ii

mamasmimimBmMi

OF CONNfiCTICUT.

385

A committee was appointed to investigate the subiect
but ..s proceedings did not satisfy the Indians, and bick'
enngs still continued between them and the farmers. At
one time the former owned a few cattle and swine, and
wished to pasture them at pleasure on the reservation.
The farmers, however, still claimed the herbage of all the

hundred They threatened to impound the animals of the
Indians If these claims were not respected, and actually
dd impound some of them. Something in this style, now
. quiet and now disturbed, matters went on till 1762 Two
men, named Joseph Smith and Edward Champlin, then
laid claim to part of the reserration by virtue of a grant
formerly made to Jonathan Bull of Hartford, descending
iron, him to his sons, and made over by them to Neh^
miah Smith of Groton. A compromise was effected, by
which the upper hundred acres was equally divided with
regard tp both quantity and quality : one half was re-
tained by the Indians, and the other made over to Smith
and Champlin.*

The last sachem of the Nehantics was a Pequot, named
Vummanum, who died about 1710. In 1761, President
Stile.. visited the rribe and found it to consist of eighty-
five persons, lidng in eleven houses and seven wigwams
there were nir.e widows, ten married men with their
wives, and fifty-six children, large and small. The large

IVT. r rir^^"^' ^^ ^^P^^^^^^ ^ ^^e fact that, from
17^5 to 1761 eighteen men of the Nehantics had joined
the colonial troops in the war against Canada, and sevea
out of this number had died or been killed in the service.f

♦ Indian Papers, Vol. I. Doc. 124. t President SiUes's Itinerary.

386

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

It is probable that this census of President- Stiles extended
only to the Indians immediately around Black Point : for,
in 1774 it was shown by the colonial census, that the
number of Indians in the whole township was one hun-
dred and four * 'ri 1783, the number of families remain-
ing at Nehantic was sixteen : only one of them living in
wigwams : all the rest in rude houses. One of the tribe,
named Simon Hobaxt, served in the Connecticut line
during the revolutionary war and received pay like other
soldiers. Some have sold their lands in late years, by
permission of the Legislature, and have removed to
Brothertown, or to other places where bands of Indians
existed. Trespasses have hardly yet ceased upon the
property of the Nehantics, as appears from an enactment
passed in 1836, by which a fine of five dollars was im-
posed upon any one who should carry a load of wood off
from the reservation.!

At the present time the amount of the Nehantic land is
about two hundred and forty acres, of which rather more
than half is cleared, and, for the most part, used as pasture.
Very little is cultivated, or otherwise employed, by the
Nehantics, the rest being rented by white farmers. The
Indians have some bank stock and a quantity of money
at interest, but their whole annual income is not above
one hundred and thirty dollars. Some of the tribe have,
in years back, removed to Oneida County, New York,
and at present it amounts to only ten individuals. All
but one are full-blooded, and this one has no share in the
income of the property. Some of them occasionally go
to sea ; but they all make it their residence in Lyme,

* Mass. Hiflt. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118. t State RecordB, Vol. XXI.

or CONNECTICUT.

387

except one who usually resides at Mohegan. They have
but one house, and their only other dwellings consist of
two wigwams. For some years they have kept but few
cattle, and, at present, their whole stock amounts to one
horse, one cow and fifteen or twenty sheep. Two of them
are much addicted to intemperance : the others go to
meetmg, send their children to school, and are generally
moral, and, to a certain extent, industrious. Such is the
condition of the western Nehantics in the year eighteen
hundred and forty-nine.

A few monuments remain of their ancient existence, as
fleeting, and as unobtrusive in their nature, as that ex-
istence Itself has been. Arrow heads and stone hatchets
are sometimes found in the soil; large deposits of shells
have been discovered even at a distance from the sea-
shore ; skeletons have been exhumed by inhabitants of
Lyme m digging their cellars ; and the Niantic River
with Its ceaseless washings, has exposed skulls and bones
which were once interred on its banks.*

Thus closes, for the present, the history of all the
primitive tribes of Connecticut, with the exception of the
Pequots and the Mohegans. It is a history which opens
in all the freshness and wildness of savage life, amidst the
rustling of unbroken forests, and in hearing of the long-
drawn howl of the wolf and the piercing yell of the
panther. It closes amid the presence of busy multitudes
the clangor of Sabbath bells, the strokes of the printing
press, the puff of the steamboat, and the thundering rush

• For the above information concerning the present condition of the Ne-
hantics. I am indebted to a letter (dated December 3d. 1849) from their
overseer, Calvin S. Manwaring, Esq., of East Lyme.

35*

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.ii!'

1' .

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■i Ij

RISTORT or THE INDIANS, ETC.

of the locomotive. The change has been complete, and
in its nature marvelous ; but the space over which that
change extends has been a space of two hundred and
twenty years. It can hardly be accounted singular, that,
m this period, an attenuated and feeble barbarism should
have given way before a full and vigorous civilization.

;'to'--»«a(iaU»iaKt4**s*^3«ft

, and
that
and

that,

lould

•n.

CHAPTER X.

HISTORY OP THE NEW TBIBES FORMED IN THE NORTH
AND WEST OF CONNECTICUT.

The present chapter will contain the history of the
new tnbes which were formed among the Indians by
aggregation from the older commumties. These tribes
will be only four: the New Milford Indians ; the Indians
of Sharon and Salisbury ; the Scatacook Indians of Kent,
and the Naugatuc Indians of Humphreysville. Other
settlements of the same kind may have existed ; but, with
the exception of one at Ridgefield, and a very insignifi-
cant one at Woodbridge, both for obvious reasons already
mentioned, none such have come to my knowledge.

NEW MILFOR^ INDIANS.

The clan which collected at New Milford was quite
considerable in size, although I cannot find that it ever
had a distinctive name. It was unquestionably a mere
collection of refugees and wanderers, who had migrated
hither from the southern and eastern parts of Connecticut
to escape from the vicinity of the English settlements!
Its numbers seem to have been large about the beginning
of the last century, although it is perfectly incredible that

|»{

F i

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i I

;•

„M

: t.i 1

390

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

it could have mustered, as some authors have affirmed,
two or three hundred warriors. The manuscripts of Pres-
ident Stiles state them at three hundred; and a century-
sermon preached in 1801 by the Rev. Stanley Griswold,
then of New Milford, puts them at two hundred. Both
these gentlemen had good opportunities for obtaining in-
formation, yet I must still be allowed to express my
incredulitjr. Tradition is always unsafe, and always
exaggerates ; and even our recollection, when it refers to
events which happened in our youth, inclines us often to
exceed the truth, never to underrrte it. For the sound-
ness of these positions I would be willing to submit to the
judgment of any judicious person, who has had experience
in collecting oral information on a historical subject, and
comparing that information with written facts. When
Gookin, in 1674, wrote his Historical Collections of the
Indians of Ne vv England, he was told by the " ancient In-
dians" that, forty years previous, the Pequots could muster
four thousand warriors. Yet, in that early period to
which he alludes, the Pequots themselves stated their
numbers at only seven hundred warriors. When I was
in the eastern part of the State, inquiring into the condi-
tion of the North Stonington Pequots, one gentleman
ass,;ired me that they were rapidly declining ; that thirty
years a^o they numbeied as many as twenty families, and
that during a very few years back they h-^i diminished
full two-thirds. Yet, when I came to prosecute my in-
quiries, I was informed, on unquestionable authority, that,
thirty years ago they numbered not more than ten fami-
lies, and that at the present time they arc nearly as nu-
merous as they were then. Other examples might easily

.«

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OF CONNECTICUT.

391

be given of the fallacy of estimates, traditions and remi-
niscences, on this subject, and of their invariable tendency
to exaggeration. I must, therefore, disbelieve that the
INevv Milford Indians could raise three hundred warriors,
and must be allowed to question whether they could even
muster one-third of that number. The rapidity with
which they disappeared, and the sparse population of the
tribes from which they congregated, render it improbable
that they could have been very numerous.

The first settlers of New Milford were from the old
town of Milford on the Sound. They bought the town-
ship from the native proprietors, on the eighteenth of Feb-
ruary, 1703, for sixty pounds in money and twenty pounds
m goods. The first Indian name mentioned in the deed
and the first on the list of signers, was Papetoppe ; from
whence it is possible that he at that time was sach«m.
The others are Rapiscotoo, Towcomis, Nanhootoo, Haw-
wasues, Yoncomis, Shoopack, Wewinapouck, Docames,
Paramethe, Wewinapuck, Chequeneag, Papiream, Noko-
purrs and Paconaus. It is witnessed by the interpreter,
John Minor; and by Ebenezer Johnson, John Durand'
Wonawak and Tomaseete. Although this purchase was'
made in 1703, it was not recorded until 1756, more than
half a century afterwards; being found in the records,
not on the first page of the first volume, where it ought
to be, but on the two hundred and sixty-ninth page of tho
ninth volume. This fact and others similar give us reason
to conclude that some, if not many, Indian deeds are now
lying in oblivion, or have been totally lost, for want of
being recorded. Tho proportion of Connecticut which
we can prove to have been sold by tho Indians to the

iij.^

^^f

L'i

i ' . I

392

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

I J

whites is much less extensive than that which unques-
tionably was thus sold.

A considerable tract of ground, which is now known
as the Indian fields, and lies on the west side of the Hou-
satonic, opposite to the village of New Milford, still re-
mained to the Indians after this sale. This tract was
sold in 1705, [September 8th,] to John Mitchell of Wood-
bury, by one Shamenunckgus, who styled himself its sole
proprietor. The paper was signed by Shamenunckgus
himself, by Papetoppe, who signed the first sale, Ches-
queneag, Whemut, Wannuppe, Cuttouckes, Joman, Ap-
pacoco, Yongan, Yongan's squaw, Papetoppe's squaw and
Mantooe's mother.* These rolls of unmusical and out-
landish names may seem tiresome and uninteresting to
the majority of readers ; yet those who have toiled among
Indian records, and who look with interest and kindness
upon the mementoes of that faded race, will know how to
ttxcuse me for introducing them into my narrative.

Whether Papetoppe or Shamenunckgus were sachems is
uncertain ; but, if they were, they were soon succeeded by
another whose name has acquired much more notoriety.
This was Raumaug, or Weraumaug, whom we find in
1716 selling, in conjunction with one Nepato, a large tract
of land north of New Milford. It stretched twenty-five
miles along the east bank of the Housatonic, was one mile
in width, and was bought by Benjamin Fairweather of
Hartford for twenty-nine pounds.f

The country around New Milford was styled Wyan-
tenock ; and the chief residence of the Indians was at tho

• New Milford Records, Vol. II, p. 3. Recorded Novtmber 2Gth, 1714.
t Jun« 88th, 1716. New Milford Records, Vol. I, p. 73.

«V CONNECTICUT.

393

fiJls.on the Housatonie, called by the natives Meticha«ron
This rapid descent of water formed an excellent fishing
place, espec.ally ,n the spring, when great numbers of
lamprey eels came swarming up the river and vainly
attempted to ascend the cascade. At this spot, and „o^
far, probably, from the bank of the river, stood the palace
or great w.gwam of Weranmaug. It was constructed of
a frame of poles, covered with bark laid on and fastened
With unusual care. The smooth side of the bark was
inwards, and was adorned with pictures of many kinds
of known beasts, birds, fishes and insects, and some, too
no doubt, which were never known. The artist who'
executed these drawings was an Indian, and had been
sent to Wcraumaug by a sachem, living at a great dis-
tance, who was his friend. = s »

President Stiles tells us, that the fndians of New Mil-
ford were on terms of alliance with those who lived at
Scatacook or Kent, at Pomperaug or Woodbury, at Ban-
torn or Litchfield, and at Wealaug or Salisbury." The
clan at Woodbury, however, was merely a part of the
Potatucks; that at Litchfield was no doubt extremely in-
s.gmfica„t; while the one a. Scatacook was not formed
till 1728, nor that at Salisbury till slill later. The ranse
of tribes living on the Housalonic combined, it is said ii,
a system of signals, consisting of cries which might 'be
heard from one eminence to another, by means of which
an alarm could be conveyed down the river, in three
hours, over a line of-nobody pretends to tell hoT • many
miles. Some of the heights in New Milford still bear
euch names as Fort Hill, Guarding Mountain, to show

• Itinerary.

'h''

394

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

that they were once occupied by the fortresses and look-
out stations of the Indians.

As I have already mentioned, the natives early parted
with the Indian fields ; but they long kept a reservation
at the falls in the Housatonic ; and Weraumaug also made
another, of two thousand acres, which was comprised in
what is now the society of New Preston in Washington.
This last was sometimes called the hunting grounds of
Weraumaug, and was eventually sold (some of it, at least,)
by Chere, son of the sachem.

The Rev. Daniel Boardman, ordained in 1716 the first
minister . of New Milford, became much interested in
Weraumaug, and often mentioned him with great respect.
In one of his letters, quoted by Trumbull, he calls him
" a distinguished sachem," speaks of " his great abilities
and eminent virtues," and declares, though very incor-
rectly, that he was the most powerful chieftain that ever
lived in Connecticut. He took great pains to instruct
him in the truths of the Christian religion ; and, from his
evidence, it would seem that the sachen's death-bed was
softened by penitence and cheered by hope. During his
last illness, Mr. Boardman constantly attended him, and
endeavored to impress and confirm upon his mind the
vital truths of Christianity. It was a sad place for a sick
and dying man ; for all the other Indians, and even the
sarhem's wife, were bitterly opposed to the English reli-
gion, and exerted their utmost influence to keep him true
to the cheerless faith of his ancestors.* Their conduct

• Thus far from Trumbull, Vol. 11, pp. 83, 84 ; and Barber, pp. 475, 476.
Barber copies from the sermon, before referred to, by Mr. Griswold ; and that
gcnileman drew, for authority, from a manuscript left by the Rev. Daoiel

nonrdinan.

rs&fxmmsimmiismr^Bmsaimmfmmm

OF CONNECTICUT.

395

was rude and abusive towards the good minister; and
scenes sometimes occurred which, in spite of the solemnity
of the occasion, were little less than ludicrous. Once
m particular, while Mr. Boardman was at the sachem's
bed-side, the latter asked him to pray, to which he of
course assented. It happened that there was at this time
n the village a sick child, whom a powwow had under-
taken to cure by means of the usual writhings, grimaces
and belbwings. • As soon as Mr. Boardman began his
prayer, Weraumaug's wife sent for this Indian clergyman
stationed him at the door, and bade him commence hi
exercises. The powwow immediately set up a prodigious
shoutjngand howling; Mr. Boardman prayed loudeVso
that the sick man might hear him above the din; elch
raised his voice more and more as he went on; the In-
dians gathered round, anxious for the success of their
champion; the powwow was fully determined to tire out
he black-coat, and Mr. Boardman was equally .esolved
that he wou d not be put to silence in his duty by this
son of Behal. The indomitable minister afterwards de-
clared, that, according to the best of his belief, he prayed
three hours, without stopping, before victory declared in
his favor. The powwow, completely exhausted with his
efforts, gave one tremendous yell by way of covering his
retreat ; then took to his heels, and never stopped till he
was cooling himself up to his neck in the Housatonic

The above anecdote, with some other particulars con-
cerning the New Milford Indians, was related to me by
the grandson of Mr. Boardman, the venerable David S
Boardman of New Milford. This gentleman informed
me that he supposed, from various circumstances, that the

396

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

! t'

^j I

death of Weraumaug must have happened about the year
1735. His grandfather left a minute account of his labors
with the sachem ; but unfortunately it has been lost, and
nothmg now remains of it but some facts which were
copied into the sermon of Mr. Griswold.

Chere, the son of Weraumaug, was never sachem ; the
tribe breaking up and dispersing soon after his father's
death. He was a savage, violent man, of huge stature,
great strength, and had a deep, hoarse voice. Like the
othe- Indians, Chere disliked Mr. Boardman's teachings
but held th^t gentleman himself in great respect, because'
nature had endowed him with extraordinary bodily
strength.: One day, Sherman Boardman, the son of the
minister, observed Chere and another Indian sitting ou a
log, both partially intoxicated, and engaged in a violent
quarrel. He came up softly "behind them, and just as he
reached the log saw Chere draw back his hand to stab
the other, who was too drunk to observe it. Young
Boardman caught the huge wrist, and held it firmly while
he shook the savage with all his strength. '' Ah boys '"
roared Chere with his big voice ,• then looking over his
shoulder and seeing who it was, he said. '' I give up '
your father is the strongest man in the world !"

In 1736, part of the New Milford Indians migrated to
Scatacook, and took up their residence on the plain on the
west side of the river. Their desire of remaining here
hf ving been communicated to the Assembly, an order was
passed, forbidding any white person to lay out a farm on
this plain, and declaring that whoever laid out such a farm
should obtain no title thereby.*

* Indian Papers, Vol. I, Doc. 170.

Mi^mfeaifep !^wi

or CONNECTICCT.

i«

About six years after this removal, the New Milford
Indians as well as the Soa.acooks, and various ohlr
clans of New York and Connecticut i^ this vid„r we"
very favorably influenced by the labors of the S^"
m,-.o«ar.es. A more full account of these laborsZd o"

.rr;"".'"^ f'^'"' "'" "« S-» - 'he history

of the f't : ■ "" "•'' '™^ "^^'^ ^^^ """y thirty

of the tnbe remammg in New Milford. This remnant

m,t.ed wuh the Potatucks in petitioning the ArmbTy
for a school and preaching. The Potatucks were provided
for as I have already described. The Assembly recom-
C Milf ;"? '" ""^ '^^'°™' ^-^ "' 'he min'rr Hf

own Th'r H° ""'■"' "*""" '"" P'^^o-^-S in that
town. These advantages were made use of for a fme

and some of the Indian children attended the schodsbrh

wmter and summer.! When the Moravians left tt ^r"

of the country, a large par. of the New Milford Ind.Tn

^ft also, and moved with their teachers to Pennsylvania

Many „ .hem died there ; others returned to (TI Z;

and sett Id a, Scatacook. They still retained their land

S ockb f '" "" '''"'"'■ "■"' "^"^ '" -•»« "own fro,;
Stockbndge, every year, to fish for lampreys, which d"

ne° ef: ,d " "" ""'"' '" '"= "'^ ™s'stand'he;
never would part with, although they had sold every

her part of their ancient patrimony. By the censu f

im, .t appears that there were no Indians remaining in

L a^i :: ":?'"' """' "■"■"'■S'" to this fishing
place, and, even of late years, when a straggler present!

• Equal to about eleven pounds in silver

t Indian Papers. Vol. I, Doc'ts 240,241.243.

398

' t

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

himself, his claims are acknowledged, and he is allowed

nosLT i, " "" ""' ^'" ''^' "^ 'h« "'" op-

posite the village ; another on the east side at no grea^

dmance from the ancient residence of the sachem. M "^

of the graves have trees of considerable size growiMl

o..t of them. The mounds are circular in shape Id

on opemng then, the skeletons are found in TLtZl

posture. Tne grave of Weraumaug is still supposed to b^

dLTni r '"'^ '- '^^ "'-- -^ '" ^-^ of c

INDIANS OP SALISBURY AND SHARON.

corrr'of tlirLf. ""' '"" '""^"'P-^ '" "^^ "-"^--t

nected 1 K f ! '""" '° ^''"' ^'^'^ «»«eiently con-
nected to be placed under one head. They were com
posed of refugees from various quarters : ml^ Z"

pT:- rortheM":""":"'- ^"-^ ^™— -ilr

.he Hudsl R vef 1; .t/'""^ ''"" ''^ """''^"^ »

z iviver. As the former retreated west to avoiVI

he advancmg Now Bnglanders, so the latter ™oved a

Nel York' "" '° "'^^^^ '""^ ">« -'"^ settlements i:

In Sharon the Indians lived chiefly in the northwestern
parts of the town, fishing around the large pond, tit™
and hun.n,g m the still undisturbed forests Their pri^;'
cjpal v.„age was on the plan, lying between Z
Mountain, a spur of the Taghconnuc range, and India^

• Barber, pp. 475, 47G.

(

=*^*^****l'^^«*«»»fe«<»^ife^*ai^^

or CONNECTICUT.

:ori-

Pond,

399

and N V 1r'"" '" '^' ^'''' ^^^^^^'-^ Connecticut

probably ten or fifteen years after the principal English
settlement was commenced [1739] in Salisbury. The
first purchase of land effected by white men in these
regions was probably the one made by two citizens of
iNew York on the thirty-first of January, 1721. Twcv
were Lawrence Knickerbocker of Dutchess County, and
Johannes Diksman of the manor of Livingston. The
tract purchased lay west of the Housatonic and north of
the great falls, and must have comprised more than half
of the present township of Salisbury. The deed was
given for a consideration of twenty pounds, and was sub-
scribed by Konaguin, Sakowanahook and others, ''all of
the nation of the Mohokandos," that is, of the Mohicans
of Hudson Rit-er.f

The number of Indians in Salisbury, in these early
times, was considerable ; and, even some time afterwards
It was said that their village counted seventy wigwams
They were perfectly .friendly, however, to the settlers,
who for many years were few and scattered.

In 1726, a number of English from Connecticut pur-
chased of Mef.xon, the sachem, the southwest corner of
Sharon, and all the western part of Salisbury up to within
about two miles of the Housatonic River. Again on the
sixth of November, 1738, Thomas Lamb purchased of tho
same chieftain all the land in Sharon, still unsold, with
the exception of a strip, one mile in width, across the
southern extremity of the township. For this territory
he paid the sum of eighty pounds; and shortly after he

• Barbe , p. 492.

t Pnpcrs on Towns and Lands, Vol. VII, Doc. 245.
36*

I 1

nf'

I- i

400

HISTORT or THE INDIANS

added to It the slip at the south end, which he succeeded
m buying, for nine pounds, of an Indian named John or
Waunese. Other purchases took place subsequently, and
by 1740 the whites had obtained possession of all of both
townships, except about two miles square in the northeast
corner of Salisbury. The Indians soon, however, began
to complain, asserting that some lands had been taken
which they never sold, and that they were not allowed
the rights, which they had reserved, of living on some of
the lands which they had sold. These complaints were
probably just, for some of the neighboring whites united
^vith them in thinking that they were aggrieved; and, in
addition. It was stated by a committee, appointed to ex-
amine the case by the Assembly, that the Indians had
been wronged in the laying out of the lands.*

In 1742, therefore, a memorial on the subject was pre-
sented to the Assembly, subscribed by Messrs. Pratt
Skmner and Dunham of Sharon, and by Stephen Negun'
temaug, Nanhoon and other Indians of the vicinity The
memorial mentioned the above grievances, and prayed
that a committee might be appointed to examme into
them. It stated that the number of Indians in the north-
west corner of Sharon was considerable ; that there were
others in the vicinity, and that they were all anxious to
be instructed m the Scriptures, and to have their children
educated in a knowledge of the Christian rel i^ion f

In answer to this petition, a committee was sent to
Sharon, to investigate the Indian claims. The com-

• Indian Papers. Vol. I. Doc'ts 244-246. Towns and Lands Vol Vir
Documents 213, 214, 249, ^^naa, voi. vil,

t Towns and Lands, Vol. VII. Document 913.

I i

ms^s^^^sisi^ii^'mmmmmmm

^^iimkMi

or CONNECTICUT.

401

mittee, on examination, found that tlie whole number of
Indians m Sharon was only forty-five ; and that they Z
c aimed two hnndred acres of land in the northwest cornt
of that township, besides a tract of two miles square in
the northeast corner of Salisbury. The committee gave
It as their opinion that all, or nearly all, of Sharon had
been fairly purchased by the settlers ; but they still re-
commended that fifty acres should be set off to the In-
dians, who, they thought, could not reasonably ask for
any more* '

.„ 1"' u'T^!^ ^P'"'"""' °^'"«' Edwards of Hartford
to finish the business. He was to buy the two miles
square m Salisbury, and lay out the fifty acres, for he

Peter Pratt of Sharon to give religious instruction to the
Indians for the next six months; and, for this purpose
was authorized to draw on the colonial treasury to the
amount of twenty pounds.t

Edwards proceeded to Sharon, but did not execute his
commission there, as the Indians still claimed ,wo hundred
acres and told him they could not keep together wi h
less, havmg cultivated eighty-nine acres that very year
They stated their willingness to listen to Mr. Pratt ; con-
tinued to express a desire for the education of their chil-
dren ; and said that, if they were allowed to keep together
they would receive the laws of the colony thankfully and
behave as good subjects. Under such circumstances it
seemed very hard to force them on the meagre pittance
of fifty acres; and Edwards, letting the matter pass for

* '"'"»" f'P"', Vol. I, Dociiment 244

♦ I"'""" '""K". Vol. I, Docnmeni S45.

1 t^|i8

hi:

402

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

, i

the time, promised them that he would report their situa-
tion to the Assembly *

From Sharon he went on to Salisbury, to buy the two
miles square still possessed in that town by the Indians.
But this part of the tribe, it seems, had already emigrated,
and vrere now living in Stockbridge. Proceeding to
Stockbridge, he published his errand among the Indians
^ere, and inquired for the owners of the Indian lands in
VVeataug.t All agreed in saying that there were but three
left : a man, a woman and a child. The man, Tautau-
pusseet, had wandered abroad and was living at a great
distance. The woman was his sister, Shekannenooti,
and the child was named Kowannun. Edwards drew
up a deed, had it read and interpreted to Shekannenooti
and Kowannun, and bought the land for sixty pounds
sterling.! '^

On his return he reported the case of the Sharon In-
dians ; but no notice seems to have been taken of their
wants, and for several years they had no land which they
could call their own. They exhibited much discontent
at this injustice, and many of the white inhabitants of
Sharon became interested in their complaints. In 1747
a number of the settlers memorialized the Assembly!
representing *he uneasiness of the Indians, and asking
that a committee might be appointed to examine into the
difficulties and settle them.<^ A committee was chosen,
which repaired to Sharon and laid out for the Indians one
hundred and seventy acres. The same land, however, had
been laid out, five years before, to one Joseph Skinner.

• Indian Pnpere, Vol, I, Doc. 246.
$ Indian Papen, Vol. I, Doc. 246.

t The Indian nume of Snliibury,
i Colonial Recordi, Vol. VIII.

^»-msiSmimmJii,

op CONNECTICUT.

403

who, having thus a legal title to it, refiised to g,vc it „„
or even to exchange it for another tract.* The IndianJ
were, therefore, still without a certain home, and of oZ
ontmued their complaint. They never intended o ""
the,r land, they said, b„. were deceived into it by those
who were more cunning than themselves. But as t,^
prospect of obtaining their rights seemed .„ become m re
and more hopeless, ,hey continued to move away 7Z
Sharon , and, by 1702, only .wo men, Bartholomel and
Ne^ untemang, remained. These two were willing to sell
the r cla,ms, and one Thomas Barnes of Salisbury ac
cordmgly struck a bargain with them and took a deed
date the fourth of August, 1752. Negantemaugtd
a.r.holomew then moved away; and, for a time, the

In fh'e'nTT'.TJj '""''" '^ "'^ ""S'"^' P-Prie.ors.t
In the fall of 1754, one of the tribe, named Timotheus,

made h,s appearance, and began to hang around the set-
tlement. He often came into the farmers' houses, and
expressed h.s indignation that the land which the com-
mittee laid out to the Indians had never been put in their
possession. As he sat, one day, in the kitchen of Jona-
than Pe,,„, he talked about the wrongs ol his people
until he became excited and very angry. " I vow it is
my land," he exclaimed, " and you know it. I swear it
is my land, and I will have it."

Nightly disturbances now commenced : whoops and
whistlings were heard near the houses of the settlers • and

doors. One Thomas Jones had bough, a farm and a log.

• InJf.n P„,„„, Vol. II, Docuino m. S»_24
t Iiidun Pi,,,^,,, v„|. II, !)„„„„„„ ej

r 1

■ t

404

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

house near the spot where the Indians formerly lived Its
previous owner was a Dutchman who had been the chief
confident and adviser of the Indians. Jones obtained it
in the sprmg preceding Timotheus's re-appearance, and,
as both Dutchman and Indians had moved away, he an-
ticipated no disturbance. Now, however, he be^ n to
hear men talking, by night, about his house j and some-
times, too, they would beat upon the outside with what
seemed to be clubs and hatchets. The other settlers,
finding how he was persecuted, came by turns to watch
with him, and for two or three weeks a regular guard of
armed men was kept up in the lonely dwelling. One
Sabbath evening, as the guard, consisting of three or four
men all armed with guns, were sitting together in the
cabm, an Indian pushed aside the blanket which served
for a door, and put his head partly in at the opening.
One of the men proposed, in a low tone, to shoot: but
another, named John Palmer, prevented him, hoping for
a better chance in a moment. The Indian drew back
and they then watched through the cracks between the
logs until they discerned him standing at a little distance.
Palmer fired at him through a large crack, but missed :
seizing another gun he fired a^ain through the rude win-
dow ; and this time he thought the Indian stumbled and
fell. They rushed out to the spot, but found nothing.
Soon after, they saw a man further on, in the clear moon-
light, dressed in a white blanket, and Palmer fired again
but with the same ill success as before. Joseph Jackson
ran out with the others, but was told by one of them to
go back and guard the house. Ho went back, but soon
returned, and, as he ran on, met a man carrying a gun

^^^^^»memi!£w'!sm^m^^;g;s^i^^-^:-,,^:,.

ved. Its
he chief
tained it
ice, and,
r,he an-
)et, n to
id some-
th what
settlers,

watch
^uard of
?. One

1 or four
: in the
I served
'pening.
ot; but
aing for
7 back,
;en the
istance.
nissed :
le win-
ed and
othing.
moon-
again,
ickson
lem to

t soon
a gun

OP CONNECTICUT. ^ij

and dressed in loose blue clothing. He took him .n h
one of the company na„.ed John Lay, w otor a oo !
blue overcoat; but, finding that John Gray "Z b fl
him, he turned back and ran after the stranger whom b!
now concluded to be an Indian. He could':', til:
however; and, after a while, the others returned to he
house equally unsuccessful. ^®

tJ'r""^J,'""" """ ^" "='=''""' "'■ 'h'^^ dis-urbauces to
the Assen^hly, with -.he affidavits of several perso,rwho
had oeen witnesses. A committee was appofnted o t
am,ne ,„to .he grounds of the discohtem amo'ng thj
Ind,a„s, and to devise some fair and equable rTeZl of
pu...ng an end ,o it. Affairs, however^ we rroul. o
-adjustment without any official iut'erven.i' "1
part of the colony. Timotheus, who was no doubt Z

Th? i^Txi .'""T' "'"-' '" -« » Sla'im .

or Barth^iTc: ^^^12::::^^;:-^

pounds ten sh.llings of New York cur „cv and Z
pounds of the old tenor of Connect! • Vr 1 Z '
so ted; .he money was paid; Timotheus declatd hTm
self sa,.,r.ed; and from this time Thomas Jone and™
h,sfe,ow.„fferers were allowed to sleep i„ peacl ' ""

SaLury ;■ "" """" '""'''"'" '" «""- «"" "'"« »

THE NAUOATDC I.VDUKS.

The Naugatuc Indians, or .he band to which I shall giv,
that name, res.ded at the falls of the Naugatuc, about fiv'

t Indian Pnpere, Vol. II. DoB'm RQ—uc ♦ m w,.

oi. ii.uo«(sB3-85. t Mn8s.Hiit.Coll.,Vol.X,p. 118.

1 1-

ill.

1 1

;■' i

406

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

: i f

miles above its confluence with the Housatonic. Gideon
Weh.,, the founder of a tribe which will present^ b
noticed, had a son, named Jo or Joseph, who lived till he
was twenty-one with one of the settlers of Derby A
he chose then to remain in this vicinity, his father gave
h,m a tract of land near the above mentioned faUs, JZ
.he hm,ts of w at is now the village of Humphr ysville
Here a fe. followers gathered round him, 'and during
forty or fifty, years he played the part of a ;etty sachem

m.dTe IZ"' T"""' "' pronouncing the word LL;
o OW Ch^ ^'"='' -"'-bered in the village by the nam
of Old Chuse. Chuse built his wigwam among a few
oak trees near the falls; and supported himself, after the
fashion of Ins race, by fishing, by hunting, a, d by the
produce of a I.t.le patch of ground. When he took up
h,s residence here, there were only two or three white
families in the vicinity ; but others followed, and gradually
ml up a vinage which, for many years, ;as known y
the name of Chusetown. The sachem lived on the most
amicab terms wuh his cvili.ed neighbors, and I have
heard h,m spoken of with feelings of evident kindness
and sympathy by those .ho remembered him. Anecdotes
a e p eserved of him, which show that he was somcvhat
addic ed to the use of ardent spirits, and considered rum
or whisky essentially superior, as a beverage, to cold
water. He used to come, when he was thirsfy to a fie
.pring, bursting from a hollow rock at the foot of a hil
•nd there he would sit, down on the bank by the side of
|hat spring, and drink the sweet water as it gi'illd tm
the rock, and pratse .t ; and say that, if there was only

• Gideon
Jsently be
i^ed till he
!rbJ^ As
ther gave
Is, within
reysville.
d during
■ sachem,
nly spelt
i choose ;
the name
ig a few-
after the
I by the

took up
!e white
radually
lown by
he most

I have
:indness
lecdotes
newhat
ed rum
to cold
5 a fine
a hill ;
side of
d from
IS only

or CONNECTICUT.

407

another spring, just such a spring, of rum, flowing by the
side of a, he would ask for nothing more, but should be
perfectly happy. Chuse was a large, athletic man, and
a skillful hunter: in his shooting excursions he used to
kill deer, wild turkeys, and occasionally a bear.

In 1760, he sold an acre and a half of land, on the east
side of the falls, to Thomas Perkins of Enfield, and Ebe-
nezer Keney, Joseph Hull and John Wooster of Derby
who had formed a company for the purpose of putting up
sonie iron works. After living at Humphreysville forty-
eight years, Chuse moved to Scatacook, where, a fevr
years afte., he died at the age of eighty. His land was
not disposed of till 1792, when it still amounted to thirty-
three acres. At the petition of his heirs it was then sold
for their benefit. It lay in the bend of the Naugatuc,
between Bladen's brook on the north, and the bridge over
the river on the south.*

THE SCATACOOKS.

One of the largest, if not the very largest, of the tribes
formed by the bands of wanderers who retreated before
the advancing colonists was the tribe of Scatacooks in
Kent. The founder of this community was a Pequot
called Gideon Mauwehu, who possessed something of the
energy and commanding character for which his nation
was once distinguished. He is first known as having
boen the leader of a small band which li ^d about the
lower portions of the Housatonic. He is said to have re-
wded, at one time, in or near Derby ; and it is certain that

• Barber, pp. 199, 200. Colonial and State Rcoorda.
37

Ml, 5

40S

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

i i:

oi ms sons on a small territory at Humphrevsvillp H.

ana in 17-29 ho soems to have been one of thirteen In
.tlZpaS -^^J/Hecners oran ni.soMTant

^ou.tiess that no. ^o:;::..::^:^:^;^

Milford IndTa! '"'°""' '■"''""<=« "^ '"e New

Ten Mi,e Kivert r 3,1^;^ ^^ '^ r^d

aovvn from this eminence, he beheld that ^entle rhJ

with fJ ' ' ^^"'"^ ^"^'^» ^v-as deh-^hted

with the scene, and instantly perceived th. u ,

of the re^inn r^. • Perceived the capabilities

hLt:r;:et"r;:;re;rr'^^

up his property, and jout'ed with lirC;" ^fl
'«wersto.h.„ev..fou„d,a„Lr<,,,ieta:dfe;:'';l,^:

^^^f^^^ftii^Mi^^^i^^sa^ki^Mbi^

OF CONNECTICUT.

409

here he issued invitations to his old friends at Potatuck
and New Milford, to the Mohegans of the Hudson River
and to other tribes of the surrounding country. Immi-
grants flocked in from all quarters; large numbers espe-
cially came from the clans south of him on the Housa-
tonic; and, in ten years from the 'time of the settlement
It was thought that a hundred warriors had collected
under the sachemship of Mauvvehu. A considerable ac-
cession was received from the New Milford tribe in 1736
a short time after the death of their sachem, Weraumaug!
The Indians called their settlement Scatacook, and it is
by this name that the tribe thus formed always continued
to be distinguished.

The Scatacooks had not enjoyed their happy valley
many years before they were disturbed by *he arrival of
the whites. The settlement of Kent, commenced in 1738
was prosecuted rapidly; but no difficulties seem to have
occurred between the settlers and the Indians, and nothing
worthy of notice took place until 1742.*

In that vear, the Moravian missionaries began to preach

to the Scatacooks, and soon effected a remarkable change

in the character of the tribe. As this mission had so

much to do with the Indians of Connecticut, it will be

well to give a short sketch of its history. In 1739 or

1740, a Moravian, named Christian Henry Ranch, arrived

at New York, with the design of commencing a mission

among the Indians of this part of America. Shortly after

his landing, he fell in with two New York Mohegans,

and accompanied them to Shekomeko, an Indian viUage

between Connecticut and the Hudson. His labors at

• The preceding account is chiefly from Barber, pp. 471, 479.

410

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

first met With much opposition from the natives and the
"eighbonng whites; but success finally rewarded his
perseverance, and, in 1742 he h-,n thn u "^^j*, '^'^
♦,•„•„„ ' ' ^^ "^" "^6 happiness of bap-

Uzms several converts, among whom were the two I„^
d.a >s who brought h.m to Shekomeko. A few of the
bj. hren jo.„ed him, and, living and dressing in the n!
dtan syle, supported themselves by their own labor.

vdlages of Connecticut and New York, affecting,°,o. only
.h natives bu, the white population. Many of'the Now
Mtlford Indians were converted, and a missionarv amed

nn iVT T""" '" """O"' -"» -mained her'
until h,s death. Among the Sca.acooks the efforts of the

Moravians were eminently successful. Mauwehu .Id

from one hundred and twenty ,o one hundred Z fiftj

of his people were baptized. A church was buiU and .

flourtshmg congregation collected. An almos 1',

formation seemed to be effected i , ,h u ' '^'

Indians. Nearly their whot! ■ """" "^ "'"

.he English was'on r iS a ::r""" "■"=" -""""^
oftheirtimein the „„h , ' ""^ "'"J' ^P^"' a groat part

This wide spread relivTu 1 T """""' """^ "' ''^''^'■°»-

hostility J>^^:e':z^::r:^^ -''-"

of the surrounding district. They .stw h "

once cut off, and the Indians v'^ Z f f"" "

.heir best customers, now ^^ t mp at Td L'^"
Reports were snrpnri tu * .i '^•"P^'aie and savnig.

.he^ndianr;^a™t , ^::r°"^.''^^ ~^«™ p-''^-?

injoaleagne with .hXl^TC^vrr ''""'

called on to serve in the militia, and hll^d '1 ""*

cuted to force a ,.nr«,.i- • . "^'^ssecl and perse-

lorce a comphance with the call. An act of

^Sim'>^!Viiiimt.,sa«mm;^^

' ' ^t'Q^S-it'^^.^Bi^^'''"

OF CONNECTICCT.

411

Legislaturo was procured in the same colony, commandin?
Uie missionaries to take the ', of allegiance, and for!
bidding them to teach the Indians unless they obcyod It
was contrary to the religious prejudices of the Moravians
either to take oaths or to act any part in military afl-urs
Rather than violate their consciences, they resolved to
leave their present settlements, and retire to some spot
where they could preach the gospel in peace. Inviting
their flock to follow them, they removed to Pennsylvania"^
where they commenced a village which they called Beth-
lehem. The New York people now seized the lands of
the Indians, and set a guard to prevent the latter from
being visited by the brethren. A large number of the
Mohegans* followed their teachers to Bethlehem ; many
also, of the IVew Milford Indians, and some of the Scata-
cooks. But this change of climate proved fatal to num-
bers of the emigrants, especially among the old people.
The Connecticut Indians, discouraged by sickness and
hardship, returned to their ancient country, and settled at
Scatacook. Here, deprived of their teachers, they seemed
to forget their religion, sank into intemperance, and began
to waste away. In this mournful manner ended the most
promising, and, for a time, the most successful religious
effort that was ever commenced among the aborigines of
Connecticut.f

During the war of 1744 with France, Governor Clinton
of New York, and a body of commissioners from Mas-
sachusetts and Connecticut, had an audience with the
Scatacooks and River Indians,| and made them an address

• Not the Mohegans of Connecticut, but those of the Hudson.

♦ Tracy's History of American Miasiona, pp. 13. If). Trtimbull. Vol. II, p. 84.
t ProbHbly the Stockbriclges of Massachusetts

37*

i !

412

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS

calculated to either keep them at peace or engage them

on the English side, Thvy be^an «. '. , .

^„ • T ■* "^S^^, ds iS usual on such

occas,„„s. by ..yl.ng a.e Indians neighbors . .d friends

z::ii f; '""^": ^''"^ "■« «--"- -<» -™'"t.'

hencefc^h ook ' t™' '"' ''"='""'^ "'^ "^^^ should
henceforth look upon them ,s .he,r ,-„y near relaUons.

that n was a very proper time to brighten the chain „f
peace ; for the French, without any cause, had jus, be.^n
a war oa the English, that the latter might tie fo"
want the assistance of their good fr.ends and\ othtr he
Scatacoote and River Ind.ans: and that, when a ifn
rentent t,me arrived, they would make them J^.^ a
present as would be suitable to the circumstancTs. S ch
was the stibstance of a speech delivered by one o," the

We are inclined to live m peice and love with these three
gomiiments and all the rest of his Majesty-f lU^

cove2, i "" "" '''" """ ^^ ''' ="' ■•""^'' " o-
covenant chain ; we are resolved that it shall n„, , .

and Will therefore wind it with beaver skins ' '"''

Fathers : we are ready to promote good things • and

what our unc es, the Six Natm,,., «, '""igs , ana

re„j,i„ ■ "ations, have promised we will

readily concur m on our part.

Fathers : you are the greatest, and you desire us t„

sWBWSSBSHarf^ismettijft..-.,

gaaiE'^'ryj'. "^wmf^'i^pi^m^f^H^ ^

OF CONNECTTCUT.

413

Fathers : we are united with the Six Nations in one
common covenant, and this is the belt which is the token
of that covenant.

Fathers of Boston and Connecticut : whatever you de-
sired of us yesterday we engaged to perform ; and we are
very willing to keep and cultivate a close friendship with
you; and we will take care to keep the covenant chain
bright.

Fathers : you are a great people and we are a small
one ; we will do what you desire, and we hope you will
take care that no harm come to us."

The Indians then presented a belt of wampum and
three martin skins.*

From this speech it seems pretty evident, that the In-
dians were considerably more anxious to be protected
themselves than to risk their lives in injuiing others.
The warlike spirit had greatly decayed among them ; and
what was it to them whether the English beat the Frencli,
or the French beat the English ?

The township of Kent was sold to the original settlors
by the colony; and no records or papers remain to show
whether the land was usurped from tlie Indians, or was
obtained from them by purchase. Reservations, however,
were made to them: one on the west bank of the H(.iisa-
tonic Rive ; and one, of two thousand acres, in the
mountains . and, since there were reservations, we may
conclnde that there must have been, in the first place,
sales. One of the only two land transactions, beiweon'
the natives and the colony, to be found hi the Kent
records, is a deed dated December 19th, 174G. For the

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 263.

414

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

Slim of two hundred pounds, it leases to Benjamin Hol-
lister, Robert Watson and Henry Stephens, a large tract,
extending from the Honsr.tonic to the western bounds of
the colony, for a term of nine hundred and ninety-nine
years. This form of passing over the property is an evi-
dent attempt to evade those colonial laws which pro-
hibited the purchasing of luuian lands by individuals.
The record is subscribed by the marks of "Capten May-
hew, Lcftcnant Samuel Coksucr, Jobc Mayhow, John
Antency, Thomas Cuksuer and John Sokenogc."*

From the above spelling of the sachem's" name, we
may infer the English origin of the word Mauwehu.
Gideon was very likely one of those ''Indian youths"
who had been brought up, more or less, in the families ot
"godly English," or other English, and had been bap-
tized, or otherwise furnislmd, with an English name.
When Gideon Mayhew became a chief, he was, very
naturally in that military age of New England, dubbed
Capten ; and his surname was easily transformed into
Mauwehu by his own foreign pronunciation, or by the
outlandish spelling of the scribes of those early days.

The other Indian deed in the Kent records is a sale by
Chere son of Weraumaug, of four hundred acres in Wc-
raumaug's Reserve, that is in New Preston in Washington.
The price is not mentioned : Chere only declares that he
has received a valuable consideration.!

After the Connecticut people commenced their settle-
ments ill Kent, the Indians took up their residence chiefly
on the west bank of the Housatonic. The settlers grad-
ually encroached on them, by purchase and perhaps other-

• Kent Records, Vol. I, p. 381. t Kent Records, Vol. I, p. 464.

M m . m^ im mm iiiM.,mtit'

fH'^ftN*!i*wii i jij i )i ! ii|,i^ii| fi

OF CONNECTICUT.

416

wise, until, about the year 1752, the Indians found them,
selves deprived of nearly all their la.ids on the plain
Mau^reh^ and fourteen others now subscribed a peti-
tion to the Assembly, saying that the tribe consisted of
eighteen fam.l.es ; that they had been deprived of all their
planting grounds except a small quantity which was in-
sufficient for them ; and praying that they might have a
tract of unoccupied land which lay below them along the
Housatonic. °

The Assembly granted them about t^vo hundred acres
m the place designated, allowing them to cultivate it at
pleasure, and to cut what timber they needed for their
own use, from the greatest part of it. The tract was not
however, given in fee simple, but was to be held by thJ
Indians at the pleasure of the colony *

Other difficulties followed, similar in their nature to
those which took place between other tnbes and the
surrounding whites. The Indians complained of en-
croachments and trespasses, sometimes with, and some-
times apparently without, cause. State committees re-
ported, and town committees reported, without producina
much more effect than the reports of a similar number of
pop-guns. At this distance of time it is not easy to un-
derstand the precise grounds of these petty differences
nor to discover which party was in the wrong. '

In 1757, Jabez Smith was chosen overseer of the tril.e-
being the first officer of the kind appointed for the Scata^
cooks.

Ten years after this event, Mauwchu and many other
of the older persons in the community being dead the

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Docui.ieat 76.

B,?:

i*(>

»'

yg^-^t^

■■

Wt ',

416

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

remainder became anxious to remove to Stockbridge.
The Stockbridge Indians had invited them to come, and
they therefore petitioned the Assembly, that the tract of one
hundred and fifty or two hundred acres which had been
gi-anted them in 1752 might be sold for their benefit. As
this land, however, did not belong to the Indians, but to
the colony, the Assembly negatived the request.

In October, 1771, the following singular petition, evi-
dently the composition and penmanship of the Indians
themselves, was presented to the Legislature.

" We are poore Intins at Scutcuk in the town of Kent
we desire to the most honorable Sembly at New Haven
we are very much a pressed by the Nepawaug people
praking our fences and our gates and turnmg their cattle
in our gardens and destroying our fruits, the loss of onr
good friend 4 years ago which we desire fora nother over-
seer in his sted to take Care of us and see that we are
not ronged by the people we make Choice of Elisha
Swift of kent to be our trustee if it [be] pleseing to your
minds,"*

The petition was signed by David Sherman, Job Suck-
nuck and eight others. Elisha Swift was appointed
overseer, in accordance with its request. He was shortly
succeeded by Reuben Swift, and he, in turn, by Abra-
ham Fuller, who held the office for several ye^.;s. The
Indians, during all this time, were in extremely poverty-
stricken circumstances ; several of them, too, were sick,
and were unable to pay the expense? they thus incurred.
David Sherman, a signer, and perhaps the comj)oser, of the
above petition, broke his brother's head so badly in a

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 201.

fa..,M. - i ,' , ■- 1.11 ■i B i ii Mi tW. . r.:b . i::ja,J i;.~-^:-.-V.-<'.,": .V"'/.-

op CONNECTICUT,

ijiii

41T

quarrel as lo render a trepan necessary. By 1774 ,„

"2n :rrf r '"" ■" '^--'''">- ">» „ul

remaining in Kent was only skty-two. Of th other
bands of Luchfield County, there were seven ind.vid J

In mf ;."'^' '" ''"''"'"''■ »"" ""'^ '" Woodburv..
in 177 , the Assembly ordered that the lands of ihe

Scatacooks should be leased to pay their debts and def^a^

their expenses. It was also ordered, with regard to David

Sherman, tha, he should be bound out t: service, to

Tl Zl w'''*"''' "^'"^ '"'"' "'' ''"">"'« broken head.
Thomas Warrups, probably a sou of ;he old sagamore of

R admg, was allowed to sell thirty acres of la'nd to pay

his debts and provide for his family. Three years after

a other tract, of ten acres, was sold for the purpose of

m7:" T^ :f ''"' -cumstances of th! A^ar.-up

was blind, however, and had lately been sick +

of Humphreysville, came to Scatacook, and took up his
residence in his father's tribe. His name appears in a
petition dated April 13.h, 1786, which bears marks of
having been written by some of the Scatacooks. It com-
plains concerning their darkness, their ignorance, and their
consequent inability to take care of themselves ; and prays
that some means may be used to give them knowledge
and education. Most of their reserved lands, the petition
goes on to say, have been taken from them; they have
^s their hunting grounds in th.e mountains, and the New
Milford people have deprived them of their ancient right

•IWa». Ilisl, ColL.Vol. X,p. 113.

f Indian P.pi-,.. Vol. II. c,,lomal R,„rJ. Vol. XFI.

iiilK'

1 I M

418

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

I ■■■[-■

of fishing at the falls of the Housatonic. Some of their
number have suffered extremely from poverty, and the
rest are themselves so poor as to be unable to help them.
As for the rents of their lands, they do not know what
becomes of them ; and they ask the privilege of chc o ing
a guardian once a year, and exacting from him an annual
settlement. The petition states the number of males in
the tribe at thirty-six ; the number of females at thirty-
five : twenty of the whole being children of a suitable
age for attending school.*

A committee was appointed, and examined into the
grounds of complaint mentioned in this memorial. They
reported that the New Milford people had satisfied the
Indians as to their fishing rights ; and that, so far from
the Scatacooks being entitled to complain of their guar-
dian, they were actually indebted to him to the amount
of sixteen pounds, six shillings and sixpence. The com-
mittee further stated, that the lands were rented for only
one year, and thus the tenants were induced to exhaust
them without any regard to their future fertility. They
recommended that fifty acres should he allotted to each
Indian family, and that the rest should be leased to white
farmers in terms of fifty years. As fora school, they re-
ported that the children were so few in number, and " kept
in such a wild savage way,'- that the thing would be
useless. The report was approved by the Assembly ; and
we may suppose, therefore, that the measures which it
recommended were carried into execution.f

In 1801, the Scatacooks were reduced to thirty-fivo
idle, intemperate beings, who cultivated only six acres of

• Indian Vapn^, Vol II, Doc 219. + Coloninl Recorda. VoL XII.

' i > nf

yt^

OF CONNECTICUT.

419

groand Their lands still amonnlcd to twelre or fiftp.„

V: Tr Th~"^ '°" "■" Housatoniei;!?,:
V o, k |,ne. The greatest portion of this tract consisted of
.hetr ancent hunting grounds, was situated amo g ,
mountains, and was rough and unsuitable for tillage n
consequenee of siclcness among the Indians, their overseer
Abraham Fulh=r, had contracted debts on their ceo m 7^

hat part of the reserrat.on might be sold, to paV him for
these expenses. The Assembly voted thlt the no "hern
po ..on of ,t should be sold, the above debts liquidated out

applied to bu.ldmg s,x wigwam, for the Indians. The
lands were accordingly disposed of for the sum of thir^n
hundred pounds, and the overplus, after paying d Ms
and deductmg expenses, was put out at «x per cent in
terest on mortgage securities.* ^ '"'

An honorable exception to the prevailing intemperance

Benjamm CInckens, a descendant of the old sachem
Ch ekens. Seven or eight years before the sale, he ,'0^.'
o to the north-western par. of the laud, built him a small
but convement house there, and fenced and cnltivatd
several acres u, such a manner as to make it good meadow
and ,»sture land. In consequence of these improvemen I

e w ole tract sold for more than it could otherwise hav
brought. Benjamn. very reasonably requested that he
nngh. be rewarded for his labor; and the Assembly as „
remuneratton, voted him one h.u.dred dollars. At first
he purchased tuneteen acres in Kent, hut, s,x or seven

• Plate Rerorfln. Vols VI VIF
38

-ii

•iii

='1'

; t

[;■ '

r- '

'■

1 ,

420

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS, ETC.

years after, he sold his little farm and moved into the
State of New York*

Other portions of the Scatacook lands were disposed of at
various dates ,• and these sales, together with the appoint-
ments of overseers, constitute the annals of the tribe in
later times. In 1836, Eunice Mauwehu, a grand-daughter
of the old sachem, and a daughter of Chuse or Joseph,
was still living at Scatacook, aged seventy-two years.f

The Scatacooks have yet a considerable tract of land on
the mountain ; too rough and woody indeed to be culti-
vated, but well adapted for supplying them with firewood.
At the foot of the mountain, also, and between that and
the Housatonic, they possess a narrow strip of plain,
sufficient in size for gardens, watered by springs from the
upper ground, and containing a few comfortable houses.
The number of Indians remaining in the fall of 1849 was
eight or ten of the full blood, and twenty or thirty half-
breeds. A few are sober and industrious, live comfort-
ably and have good gardens ; but the great majority are
lazy, immoral and intemperate. Many of them lead a
vagabond life, wandering about the State in summer, and
returning to Scatacook to spend the winter. Three or
four are in the habit of attending preaching, and a few
of the children go to school. Their funded property now
amounts to about five thousand dollars, and, for the last
forty years, has more than paid the annual expenses of
the tribe.f

• State Records, Vols. VIII, IX. t Ba.ber, p. 471.

t For this informntion concerning the present condition of the Scatnrooks
I am indebted to the politeness of their overseer, Mr. Abel Beach, of Kent.

CHAPTER XI.

HISTORY OF THE PEQUOTS FROM 1683 TO 1849.

We now resume the history of the Pequots : the saddest
page, from beginning to end, thai is to be found in the
story of the aborigines Oi" Connecticut. From the time
when Endicott, with little or no provocation, staved their
canoes and destroyed their wigwams ; from the time when
Mason burnt their village and its population of four hun-
dred human beings with fire ; fiom the time that the
miserable remnant was loaded with a heavy tax and de-
prived of its national existence ; from these events down
to the present day, the Pequots have received little from
us except injustice and the most pitiless neglect.

Their gradual diminution in the period included by
the present chapter was produced by the same causes
which produced the disappearance of their brethren in the
western part of the State. They were living, a barbarous
race, iti the midst of a civilized community. Conse-
qiiently, when they were attacked by the diseases and
vices of civi'i oa, they had nothing to oppose to them
but their ai,< icn« ignorance and simplicity. They were
as lazy as ever, and they were besides drunken: they
were as improvident as ever, and the game and fish which
once supplied them had nearly disappeared. For them

422

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

medical science did nothing : the couches of their sick
were tended only by ignorance and indifference : intem-
perance and vice sapped their strength socially and indi-
vidually: the annual deaths were more, on an average,
than the annual births : some wandered to other parts of
the country and joined other bands of unfortunates, and
thus slowly and painfully have they faded away.

We left the Pequots, at the decease of Uncas, divided
into two hands, one in Stonington under Momoho, the
other in G re ion under old Cassasinamon. The latter was
not only the Irrgest, but possessed a disproportionately
large share, of land having two thousand acres to live on
while the other had only two hundred and eighty. Cas-
sasinamon died in 1692, and his assistant, Daniel, was
chosen by the Assembly to cceed him. At tho same
time, Cushamequin, son of Momoho, was empowered to
become his father's successor over the Stonington Pe-
quots, if he showed himself capable of the station. To
conciliate Joseph the son o^ Catapazet and grandson of
Hermon Garret, who might, on grounds of descent, have
laid claim to the gubernatorial dignity, he was acknowl-
edged as the rightful possessor of all his father's property.
Some of Momoho's Pequots cultivated little tracts in
Groton, although they were not proprietors there, and
were acting only as squatters. The Assembly gave them
permission to continut* this culture ; but ordered them to
make their residence in Stonington, so that they could be
under the eye of their governor. Daniel died in 1694,
upon which Scattup, or Scadoab, was appointed to suc-
ceed him as ruler over the Groton Pequots.*

• Indian Papers, Vol. I. Colonial Records, Vol. III.

^U^L«.4^4 l4ggj ^^^'VJ^ ^

i 't!i..i! i' WMWIIIIPW » aM'Hj|H|ll l l i»l

OF CONNECTICUT.

423

Three or four years subsequently some quarrels took place
between the Indians and their governors. Whether the
former were imbibing too democratic notions, or the latter
were growing too regal or despotic in their administration,
it is now difficult to say. Some of the old men who felt
themselves aggrieved by the conduct of the governors
sent a memorial concerning it to the Assembly; and,
finding that no notice was taken of this, they sent another.'
To keep these peay rulers in check, therefore, it was
enacted that, for the future, they should be under the
immediate direction of the governor of Connecticut, who
might displace them and appoint others at his discretion.
The governor, however, never exercised this prerogative,
and the civil affairs of the little communities were suffered
to take pretty nearly their own course. Robin Cassasi-
namon, son of the former chief, soon became a rival of
Scadoab ; and, for several years, each had his followers,
who allowed their different leaders the title and something
of the authority of sachem.*

In 1712, the townsmen of Groton, regarding the lands
of Nawayonk, or Nawyonk, as nj Jonger belonging to the
Indians, passed a vote allotting thciiA to some of their own
citizens. In consequence a petition soon appeared before
the Assembly, signed by young Robin Cassasinamon and
others, setting forth the rights of the Pequots to Naw-
yonk, and complaining of the injustice of the Groton
people in taking possession of it. The commissioners of
the missionary society in England interested themselves
in the affair. By Samuel Sewall, their agent in Boston,
they sent an address to the government of Connecticut,

• Colonial Records, Vol. III.
38*

Li^l

I i

HISTORY or THE INDIANS r

requesting it to notice the complaints of the Peqiiots, and
not suffer wrong to be done to a people, who, for more
than seventy years, had been submissive to the English
and dependent upon their protection. They had lately
directed, they said, Mr. Experience Mayhew to visit the
Pequots and Mohegans, and offer them the gospel ; but
they feared that the scandal of thrusting them out of their
worldly possessions would embitter their spirits and make
them averse to receiving the heavenly tidings. Samuel
Sewall also wrote, on the subject, one letter to Governor
Saltonstall, and another to Jonathan Law. In each- he
expressed his opinion, that depriving the Pequots of Naw-
yonk was contrary to former enactments of both the
General Court of Connecticut and the Commissioners'
Court of New England ; and, in his letter to Law, he
closed with the hope, that the Assembly would not only
preserve what land was remaining to the tribe, but would,
if necessary, make additions to it. " For I hope," he
concluded, " though the natives are at present so thinned
as to become like two or three berries in the top of the
uppermost bough, yet God will hasten their reformation
and increase."*

The Assembly issued an order commanding the town
of Groton to return the land, or make suitable payment
for it, or appear before the next session of that body to
answer against the complaint of the Pequots. In October,
1714, a committee was appointed to examine into the
claims of the Indians ; and, in the mean time, all persons
were forbidden to disturb them in fishing, hunting or
planting, on the disputed lands. On investigation, the

• Indian Paperi, Vol. I, Doc. 80. EcclesiaBtical Papen, V0I..I.

' .' 1 ,^. 1 . 1'' ijg . 1 Hin

I i.llUI!MRIll|JJw...M!:

^"BPFB

OP CONNECTICUT.

42ff

commutee very justly came to the conclusion, thatNaw-
yonfc no longer belonged to the Pequo.s. They hadlT.
t because « was worn out ; they had not lived on it f "
forty years; they had been provided with another trac
four t,mes as large ,• and i, seemed unfair, that industr^
armers should be kept out of a large body of lands J^^y
to accommodate a few idle Indians in hunting and fishing

lands at Mushantuxet sufficient for the Pequots; but
granted them the privilege of hunting and fishing at Naw-
yonk as they had done before*

This difliculty was followed, a few years subsequently
by another n 1653, John Winthrop of New london

have been covered afterwards by the Peqnot reservation
at Mushantuxet. The claim was now revived by one of
h,s descendams, and on the ground of it he pretended a
right to five hundred acres of the Pequot land. The In-
dians were alarmed, and offered the tract to the town of
Groton, probably on condition of receiving something i„
return. The town accepted the offer, granted the Indians
sr* hundred acres in another place, and took upon itself
the task of opposing Winthrop's claim.f

Still, the land of the tribe was evidently decreasing,
m one way or another, and Cassasinamon and his party
became dissatisfied. James Avery, their overseer, regarded
them as suffering injustice, and probably encouraged and
assislea them in carrying their complaints before the As-
sembly. In 1721 a memorial was presented, complaining

• Wl.n P.pe,., Vol. I. D«. gj, t t«di.„ P.p.™, y,,,. J, Doo. 96.

!lfc

■I

1 j1 *

426

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

that encroachments were made upon their territory; that
the orchards which their fathers had planted were taken
away ; and praying the Assembly to grant them justice
for the past and protection for the future. In time of war,
they said, the English treated them as rational creatures
and called them brethren; but now they drove them,
like goats, upon rough ground, to break and fertilize it
for themselves.*

The report of a committee on this petition stated that
the Indians had seventeen hundred acres of land, which
was secured to them by the town of Groton ; that almost
all of them were satisfied, and that Cassasinamon com-
plained, only because some person continually incJ^^d him
to do so. This person was doubtless James A\ ery, the
overseer, who at this very time addressed a lette > the
Assembly, accusing the committee of not having done
their duty. They had not called on him, he stated, nor
had they seen Cassasinamon ; and he could himself testify
that the Pequots were driven out of their fields and
orchards : for he had visited Mashantuxet, and seen with
his own eyes a considerable portion of the Indian land
inclosed by the English fences. In a subsequent com-
munication he mentioned twenty-eight lots, averaging
twenty acres each, which had been laid out in the reser-
vation by whites.

But the followers of Scadoab, who comprised the ma-
jority of the Pequots, were opposed to making any com-
plaint, and expressed themselves satisfied with the lands
now confirmed to them. To the memorials of Avery and
Cassasinamon they opposed others declaring their perfect

Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 95.

Z^i.'^ii'' i>>';m^ w ' -a^i ^ y jF r^^l^^B

Or CONNECTICUT.

content and satisfaction tu
ha. appended . i, .He .LTof ^ .ttl .~;

received the concurrence of .hTls ejb ' ' 'o ,""'*
encroachment was found, and one tlZ^^ade t. Z
co.„uy surveyor. The actual amount of the IndL ,1

:hittrrr::r-'-^----enhu„dredii

over . X. „, ,^, ^^^„„,^^. ^ J;.r r !

17 . ' ." """"'■" "'"''" 'h^ "»mber of such
males who lived on the lands, sixty-two of ,1 t

ived in English families, nine... f anToV t e' w^^I^:

were cleared, two hundred more partially cleared • but
only fourteen were planted, although the Ind ans h d
bestdes a considerable number of apple trees. The re-
curvation sfll amounted to seventeen hundred and thirty.

• Indian P.pe„, v„|. j, D„c„mam. 100, 101, 104 106 10- .«

^f^^-

iMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

// \S'J^

f/.

||IJ.O
I.I

11.25

^1^ 1^

2.0

U 11.6

(55

>:^*

nl._x !-_•_

i IliJUJgrdpiUL'

Sciences
Corporation

as WIST MAIN STRUT

WHSTiR.N.Y. 14310

(716) 173-4)03

^S^

^"^

:^! \

428

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

seven acres; but it was rocky, hilly, and, for the most
part, fit only for pasturage. The herbage was claimed by
the neighboring whites, on the ground that the Indians
made no use of it, and that the land was not theirs
in fee simple, but only held as a life-grant from tl»e

colony.* ,

Captain James Avery being dead, h.s son James was,
in 1731, appointed to succeed him as overseer, m con-
junction with John Morgan. Some of the settlers bought,
orivately, from individual Pequots, some tracts on the In-
dian land, and then proceeded to inclose their purchases
and exclude the tribe. Others not only allowed their
horses and cattle to range over the entire reservation thus
injuring the little patches of corn planted by the Indians,
but took the liberty to fell v-ood and carry it away for
their own use. To prevent these irregularities, the As-
sembly enacted that Avery and Morgan should be em-
powered to prosecute all trespassers and encroachers, and
should, from time to time, report the situation of the Pe-
quots. The town clerk of Oroton was also forbidden,
under a penalty of ten pounds, to make record of any
transaction by which the possession of the Indian land
was transferred from the Indians themselves to any other
Irsol^ An act was likewise passed, in 1732, dividing
?he western half of the reservation into fifty acre lots, and
easing them, for the benefit of the Indians, to English
ftrmelt Considering the indolence of the Pequots, this

Panert, Vol. I, Documents 143, 147.

t Colonial Records, Vol. VI. „ v„1 H

X Colonial Records, Vol. VI. VIII. Indian Paper., Vol. H.

mj^

le most
medby
Indians
t theirs
om tlie

les was,
in con-
bought,
the In-
irchases
»d their
on, thus
Indians,
Lv;ay for
the As-
be em-
lers, and
' ti:e Pe-
jrbidden,
i of any
lian land
my other
, dividing
! lots, and
D English
luots, this

)\e in Indian

OP CONNECTICUT.

looked like a wise and profitable disposal of the lands-
b«t, ow,„g ,0 the eventual dishonesty of the tenants il

led o n.a„, difflcnltie, and .suited i.f „„eh in' :":
In irSS, over th.rty of the Pequcs sent in a complaint

that trespasses on them were still continued, their corn

bcng destroyed and their trees cut down. They ken
wme .a a few cattle, they said ; but could no. main n

.hem ^ ong «, ,he English monopolized all .he herb^e

^er Jo"n M '" ^' '"'"'"' '"' "'^' "'^ "-'"er over-
seer, John Morgan, was the sole cause of these com

p a.„.s Twen.y eigh. Pe,„o.s replied by pe" o Ig

that Avary m.gh. be removed and Joseph Rose of Presto^

appomted ,n his place. They asserted that Avery „ a"

least, h,s sons, were personally interested in their la" ds

and thus had a selfish inducen.ent .o sm„th3 t i '„t:

plamts and s.and idly by while they were wron Jd Bu.

10 ted ont to farmers, who, having inclosed it, would no.
allow them to plant within the inclosures. it was true
too that they had been deprived of the fruits of thei;

^^rva.Lrr' """ ""^"^" ''"-' ^^^ "- ""■" 0" 'heir
Such were the complaints of the Pequots; but what
foundation they really had for considering 'themselve
agsr,eved ,t .s difficult to ascertain. The reports of the
wo overseers continually contradicted each other, and the
Ind,a,,s knew little what really belonged to them and
what d,d not The Assembly settled the quarrels of the
overseers bydtsmtseing them both: it ,he,i appointed in

• Indhn P,pe„, Vol. I, DocumenlB S37, 388, 234.

.)l'

*•

430

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

their places two citizens of New London, John Richards
and Daniel Coit.*

The year 1740 was rendered worthy of note to the
Mushantuxet Pequots by the death of Scadaub, the last
of the band who held the office of governor, or maintained
any thing like the dignity of sachem-f

In 1742, there was a school teacher among the Groton
Pequots, and probably, also, although not certainly, among
those of Stonirigton.;): More than six hundred pounds
had lately [1636] been contributed by the people of Con-
necticut fpr the spiritual and intellectual benefit of the
Indians in the colony : a sum by no means remarkable
indeed compared with the benevolent collections of the
present day, but still enough to do some good among the
natives had it been wisely expended. How it was ex-
pended, or who had the care of expending it, would, as I
have observed in another place, be now extremely difficult,
or, more probably, altogether impossible, to determine.

Some good results were, about this time, effected
among the Pequots in another way. In 1733, the society
formed in Great Britain for propagating the gospel in New
England established a missionary, named Parks, among
the Narragansetts of Westerly and Charleston in Rhode
Island. During the great revival of 1743, a number of
converts were made among the Stonington Pequots, and
several of them paid a visit to the Narragansetts under
the care of Mr. Parks Then the religious interest among
the latter, which before had been slight, became deep and
general. The descendants of warriors who had fought

• Indian Papers, Vol. I, Document 235. t President Stilea't Itinerary.
i Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 239.

»W*fe^^Si(jftJfci'

OP CONNECTICUT. 431

fariously among those hilk, who had aimed their arrow,
.each other's hearts in those very forests, and w "hid
gazed w.th savage delight and triumph ^n the „Lt v
flames of each other's villages, knelt together around „™
throne of grace, mingled their tears in one stream L
breathed their desires m one prayer I„ litl ^ ' u
.welve months si.ty were rec'eird'into" 1^ I'nd" '

a few yea« ,a,er, the nnmber of pi„„s persons among the

Pe<,uo„ was believed to be abont twenty, thoramon;

the Narragansetts nearly seventy.* ^

Two years previous to this, the Groton Pequots had

^so become .n :..me measure interested in rehgion UntU
hen hey were all he..en, licentious and in'tempe^a !

but at th,s penod many of them began to be in much

heThM"" ^'"^ ""'^- ^' ^"^ '- about Tyf
them had become reformed, sedate, and were constant in
the. attendance upon public worship. About thirty we e
much mchned to learn to read; they had, as I'Ze
already mentioned, a schoolmaster among them ; and they
sent a petition, with forty-one marks, to the Assembly
praymg that he might be supported.! I find no record
of any special grant in reply to this request : I know not
indeed, how long these promising appearances continued '
but It IS certain that they disappeared in the end, and
that, at the present day, the Pequots are very much as if
the gospel had never been preached.

The Stonington Pequots have hitherto attracted little
of our attention. They were a smaller band at first 'ban
those of Groton : some of them, also, were Nehantics, and

• Tracy'8 History of American Missions p. 17.
t Indian Paper*, Vol I, Documedta 238. 339
39

1-^'

S[M

I (

432

niSTORT OF THE INDIANS

I '

i I

had long ago separated from the others ; atid those who
remained amounted, in 1719, to only thirty-eight persons,
mostly females. During this time they had been suffer-
ing encroachments on their little reservation ; and were
now, in 1749, on the point of losing it altogether. It had
been bought for them of Isaac Wheeler of Stonington,
with the promise that Wheeler was to have the whole of
the pasturage, and the Indians were to be at the risk
of protecting their own crops from the incursions of his
cattle. Subsequently two men, named Samuel Minor
and James Grant, purchased several ancient grants which
covered the reservation. In 1722, James Minor, on
behalf of Samuel, obtained liberty from the Assembly to
survey and mark out a suitable tract for the Indians.
This was, in some sort, an acknowledgment of the justice
of his claim to their land ; yet it does not appear that he
carried it out by transplanting the Pequots to any other
locality. Minor's claim was subsequently bought by
William, the son of Isaac Wheeler, who seems to have
thought that thus he had increased the extent of the right
which he derived from his father to the Indian land. He
inclosed the whole tract, and, at his death, left it by will
to two sons-in-law. They, or, at least, one of them,
claimed the land in fee simple ; part of it was sold, and
the Indians were no longer allowed to keep stock, although
they still had liberty to plant their little patches of corn
and vegetables. The clan was at this time under the
sunk-squaw, as she was called, Mary Momoho. She was
the widow of a Momoho who had lately died, and who
must have been a son of the governor of that name ap-
pointed in 1692. Mary Momoho, with Simon Sokient,

01 CONNECTICUT.

433

and others of her people, induced some neighbor to draw-
up a memorial representing their grievances and asking
for redress. This petition received the marks of the In-
dians, and was presented to the Assembly at the May
session of 1749. A committee appointed on the subject
reported that, in their opinion, the Indians were wronged,
and that, in reality, they had a right not only to plant on
the land, but to keep and feed cattle on it. The two '
heirs of vV^heeler were required to give up their claim, but
refused, preferring to stand the chances of a trial. The
case was decided against them, and they were obliged to
pay the costs of the suit and give the Indians a quit-claim
of the land. The Assembly, however, granted them, as
a compensation for their loss, two hundred and eighty
acres in another place out of the public lands of the
colony.*

Still greater troubles now commenced an'ong the
Groton Pequots, arising out of the act passed in 1732
which leased the western half of their reservation to
English farmers. Some of the tenants began to act on
the thievish principle, that, by hiring and cultivating the
lands for so long a time, they had acquired a right to
them in fee simple. In January, 1747, the Indians sent
up a memorial, appealing for the protection of the As-
sembly against such pretensions. A committee was
chosen to examine into the complaint, but nothing was
done to satisfy the Indians, and in 1760 one of their
number, Joseph Wyokes, complained again. The leases,
he said, were to continue no longer than the Assem-
bly chose, and the Indians now asked them to be

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Documents 40 — 43.

'It*'

.1*!

lii

434

HISTORY OF THE l^NDIANS

withdrawn, because they were greatly disturbed and
restricted by the claims and fencings of the tenants
Another examination was made, and the examining com-
mittee reported that the tenants had wronged the Indians,
had cut down and destroyed their wood, had obstructed
their labor, and had thus.greatly discouraged them in their
attempts to improve their own condition. The Assembly
concurred in the report, [October, 1752,] declared the law
of 1732 repealed, and empowered the overseers to prose-
cute for the recovery of the Indian lands.*

John Richards and Daniel Coit, both of New London,
were at this time guardians to the Pequots ; but neither
of them was faithful to his trust. Owing, as they said,
to the pressure of their own affairs, the task of righting the
the Indians was suffered to lie along year after year; and,
of necessity, becaniie continually more difficult. Nothing
of consequence was done until 1758, when the overseers
commenced a suit, in the Superior Court of New London
County, against one Williams who held in his possession
eighty-three acres and ninety rods of the reservation.
Williams proved that he had obtained the land, by fair pur-
chase, of its former holder, John Wood of Groton ; but it
was proved, on the other side, that John Wood had no legal
claim to the land, and only held it through having entered
on it at his own risk. As the plaintiffs were understood
to allege their right to the land in fee simple, and as they
could not make proof to all the particulars of a right in fee
simple, the fact being indisputable that the whole reser-
vation belonged to the colony, the court finally decided
in favor of the defendant.!

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Documenta 12, 13 ; 51—58.
t Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 114.

OF CONNECTICUT

435

A memorial, with the marks of thirty-one Pequois
appended to it, was now forwarded to the Assembly, pe-
titioning that a new trial might be allowed, and that the
grounds on which the first decision was given might bo
excluded. The petition was granted ; the case was tried
again ; and William Williams was defeated, and found
himself deprived of nearly all his property. It was indeed
a hard case, since he was suffering, not so much through
dishonesty as through heedlessness, and the dishouesty
of another; as well, indeed, as through that laxity of
public sentiment which would allow men to appropriate
the property of a feeble and poverty-stricken race, whose
Ignorance of English customs incapacitated them in a
great measure, from perceiving and maintaining their
rights. Williams petitioned for a third trial, but the case
was soon decided in another way. The decision against
him had alarmed all those who held possession of Pequot
land, and they united in a memorial [May, 1760,] to the
Assembly, asking that a committee might be appointed to
settle the disputes between themselves and the Pequots
by dividing the contested lands between the two parties.
" They had laid out considerable sums," they said, " in
improving the portion they held. They had never in-
tended to injure the Pequots. It was doubtful, too,
whether the latter held the property in fee simple or only
had a right to cultivate it. The case had been repeatedly
tried, and the courts had decided different ways."

In short, these men put the best face they could on a
mean and dishonest action. They had hired the land of
its present owners, the Pequots, with the understanding
that they were to pay a prescribed rent for the u«!e af -♦

39*

'if

;

I, i

436

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

They had had the use and had paid the rent ; and with
this the bargain was fulfilled, and the transaction should
honestly h*ave closed. They had no right, either legal
or moral, to call one foot of the land their own, nor to
prolong their stay upon it a single week after the lease
had expued and the owners had given them notice to quit.
The case was exactly the same as if a citizen of Hartford
or New Haven should petition the Legislature to put him
in possession of the house he rented, simply because he
had lived in it several years, paid the rent regularly and
kept the building in good repair.

The Assembly seems to have regarded itself as left, by
the circumstances of the case, at considerable liberty in
making a decision. The land on which the Pequots
lived had not been given them as their own, but only to
bj used for their support. The question was, whether
this gift or any portion of it could be revoked. Honor
and justice answered, no. Expediency said, yes; and
expediency carried the day. The land was divided : nine
hundred and eighty-nine acres and sixty-eight rods were
confirmed to the Indians : the remainder, about six hun-
dred and fifty-six acres and one hundred rods, was granted
to the tenants.*

While the affair was still undecided the Pequots took
some offense at John Richards, one of their overseers.
Fourteen of them, headed by Charles Scodobe, sent a

« Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 123. Colonial Records, Vol. IX. T'lis
took place at the sessions of May, I76I. The above amount of land ' about
ninety acres less than remained to the Pequots iu 1728. Williams's claim
of eighty-three acres and ninety rods will nearly account for ae difference
Williams was not one of the tenants, but had bought ou. the claim of a
■quatter on the reservation.

OF CONNECTICUT.

declaration to the Assembly that they noted out John
Richards from being their guardian and wished Daniel
Coit appointed in his place. The Assembly humored
hem, excluded Richards, and appointed Coit in conjunc
tion with Ehsha Fitch of Norwich.

In 1762 the Groton Pequots numbered from twenty to
SaTs r '°"*"""^ ^'^^ ^""^-^ -<^ --ty-six
In 1788, the eastern band presented a petition to the
Assembly, subscribed by the marks of thirty persons
twenty-two of whom were women. It represented that
the petitioners had been for several years without an over-
seer, and their affairs had consequently gone on after a
very confused fashion. Some had obtained double their
proportion of the profits of the lands, and had refused to
pay their share of what ought to be common expenses,
such as supporting the poor and keeping up the inclosure
of the reservation. They therefore desired overseers • but
as there were several of their white neighbors who only
wanted an opportunity to strip them of all they possessed,
they wished to select those for the office in whom they
could place confidence. The two persons upon whom

vv\ tu ^"'" ^^^'^'' ^'''' ^^ Stonington and
Eljsha Williams of Groton.f

The Assembly appointed Huit; but, for some reason
now unknown, selected Stephen Billings of Groton in
place of Elisha Williams.

Little was done at this period for the religious or educa-
tional benefit of the tribe. In 1776, the situation of the

• Memoir of the Pequots. Mass. Hist. Coll.. Vol. X. p. 103.
t Indian Papen,. Vol. II. Document 252.

^^H

^^^^H

438

HISTORY or THE INDIANA

Groton band having been brought before the Assembly,
as a proper subject for amelioration, a committee was
chosen to inquire into its condition ; and was empowered
to give what orders it thought proper for their religious
and intellectual education, and to draw on the colonial
treasury for this purpose to the amount of twenty pounds.
The committee found one hundred and fifty-one Indians
living on the lands at Mashantuxet, of whom aboirt half
were under sixteen years of age. All were in poverty-
stricken circiimstances, and many were widows whose
husbands had perished in the colonial armies during the
late wars with Canada. Their houses were chiefly within
a mile square ; their land was by no means the best, yet
some of it was good and cultivated after the English
fashion. There was a small school-house in which one
Hugh Sweetingham was now teaching, having been hired
for that purpose, at twelvre pounds a year, by the mis-
sionary society in England. From the same source the
Rev. Mr. Johnson received six shillings and eight pence
for every sermon which he preached to the Indians. A
considerable number of the Pequots were willing to hear
the gospel and send their children to school, but were
generally so poor that they could not provide them with
decent clothing for that purpose. The committee ex-
pended the twenty pounds in buying clothing and school
books for these children ; and they stated, in their report
to the Assembly, that further appropriations would be
needed in the winter. The compensation of Sweeting-
ham was, in their opinion, insufficient ; and so also was
that of Mr. Johnson, especially as he attended the Indians
in sickness and at funerals. Twenty pounds additional

. OP CONNECTICUT. .„„

• ^•"■f "■erefore appropriated rOctober 1 7fi«if ., ,

of the Pequot children fivi TI ! '^ '^' "■* *""'«««

tour pounds to i„crer;,h T '" **'• ^^hnson, and

with the above e" u I;!"' "' ^--sham..
«u»t Pe„.ots it j;rwe, to?"'"''" f '"" ""»"-
census of the IndianI h! .1 , ^""^'^ ""* '•"^'"' "f ••-»

'his census the tleVftdtnTUG 1 '" '''''^ «^
one hundred and ei»h.v J! u u ""'" "mounted to

.Han the con-^itfeel^l?; 'C^ur^fTh^r

reservation^orbV'Lr ;''"''''''■'' ""' "™'" »" 'he
Visiting ™;de of mlZ r""'"""" '"« ™8™»'.
aborigines from the r fi I^d '"'"'"'''' """"S 'h«

B"t ^hat are we " h.nk w enTh"^ '" "*' """■" <'^^-
us .hat the number of ManrinT™'"""'"''"™'
hundred and thirty-seven " He J , "'"^""' ""' '^"^
be some considerable miLkeTh! T'^ '° '"^' "-'
Pequots was smaller thl that r'^^roTft'The T ' "'
ning, and it is smaller now In 17n ! ^^'""

before this census was takeri.l . ' '""''"°"* >'^'"-»

grown men, or abolfo tu^llVdX 'h'"';-"''''^
It is not probable th»r i, •""'*'' °"^ "f'/ 'ndinduals.t

numerous' .mt„,r "">-■""»»«- or even a,

to suppose that Indlrc ' ' """" ^^ """h t^ason

in thrston;:uirrw:c:rr^^^^^^^^^

servation had been made for the a^'cient ^ro;;::^! "
V.1 t:t JTet;;;"' """ '•™°'° — - '» ">3. Indian P.p^

•it

440

HISTOR- OF THE INDIANS

In 1786, many of the Pequots, uniting with other In-
dians of Connecticut, moved to New York, where they
formed the nucleus of the Brothertown tribe.

The division of 1761, giving two-fifths of the Pequot
lands in Groton to the men who had leased them, ought
to have put an end to all encroachmen:s ; but it did not.
The portion reserved to the Indians had been surveyed,
but never marked out : the survey was lost, and it was sus-
pected that some of the late tenants had destroyed or con-
cealed it. Encroachments re-commenced ; and, in 1773,
twenty-six of the Pequots presented u complaint concern-
ing them; to the Assembly. A committee was appointed
to mark out the bounds of the land, but could accom-
plish nothing because of the loss of the official survey.
The committee, Edward Mott, then asked that he might
survey the tract himself at the expense of the claimants,
who were willing to defray it, so that they might be
assured of their property. This was granted; but the
adjacent landholders threw various obstacles in the way ;
the openmg of the revolutionary war drew the attention
of the Assembly to weightier matters ; and it was not t''l
1785 that the wrongs and the precarious situation of the
Pequois with regard to their lands again attracted atten-
tion. Joseph Scordaub, in the name of t>.e whole tribe,
then presented a memorial on the subject, which secured
the appointment of a new committee empowered to survey
and mark out the reservation. The survey was not com-
pleted and brought before the Assembly till 1793 ; and
then th;^ neighboring farmers (the former tenants) pre-
sented objections to it, on the ground that it left them
less land than had been awarded to them in 1761. The

«S*»B3!aut6«iJss;=

or CONNECTICUT.

441

settlonent was therefore postponed; and in 1800 the
overseers, Samuel Moit and Isaac Avery, presented an
account of the affair to the Assembly and asked for di-
rections. In reply, they were empowered to make over
and dted away those tracts which were in dispute,
wherever the white claimants would pay the prices at
which they oliould be appraised. This was, in effect, a
confirmation of the Pequot claims ; and none of the whites
choosing to pay for the land, the former retained it in
their possession.*

Within a few years of the commencement of this
century the Stonington Pequots were visited by President
Dwight, who has left us several interesting particulars of
their condition at that period. He found some residing
in wigwams, others in framed houses the best of which
wer small, rude and almost worthless as a protection
"gainst the weather. In these wretched tenements lived
about two-thirds of the tribe ; the others being distributed
as servnnts among the English families of the neighbor-
hood, they were in poverty, misery and degradation ;
excessively idle, licentious and intemperate : in a single
drunken frolic they would squander the earnings of a
year. A small numbe.'-, both of men and women, were
reputed to be honest ; but the rest were liars and thieves,
although with too little enterprise to steal any thing of
importance. There was no such thing among them as
marriage, the two sexes cohabiting without ceremony or
covenant, and deserting each other at pleasure. Th6
children were sometimes placed by their parents with

• Indian Fapf rs. Vol. II. Documents 243-249. Colonial Record., Volt
A, XI. State Records, Vols. Ill, VI.

1*1

i'^m ij0 t ^

I L

jfi

442

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

English farmers, and often behaved well for a time, but
as they became older, grew up to be as vicious and good
for nothing as their fathers. Some of those who hired
out as servants were tolerably industrious; and the
women among them, especially, showed a great fondness
for dress, and were often seen at church. The others
dozed away life in slothful inactivity ; were always half-
naked, and very often half-starved. This is indeed a sad
account. One hundred aud sixty years of contact with a
Christian race had not brightened the condition of the
Pequots morally or intellectually, and physically had dark-
ened it.

Among this miserable band of human beings there was,
however, one aged man, who, to considerable natural in-
telligence, seems to have united a sense of religion. For
a series of years he had preached to the others, and some-
times, it was said, gave them very excellent exhortations.
His degraded countrymen held him in much respect, and
occasionally assembled very generally to listen to his dis-
courses. This man, probably, was the sole remaining
fruit of the religious interest which took place among the
Pequots about 1742. The respect with which his people
regarded him is a striking instance of the influence which
consistent purity of character will often exert even in the
most debased and abandoned communities.*

In 1820, this band counted fifty individuals. Their
principal men were Sami;el and Cyrus Shelley, Samuel
Shantnp and James Ned. With few exceptions they
were still intemi)erate and improvident ; of course, poor
and miserable. They made brooms, baskets and similar

• Dwitjhi's TiBvelH, Vol. Ill, pp. 87— 89.

or CONNECTICUT.

443

articles, and generally exchanged them for a.dent spirits
They enjoyed the same opportunities of attending ^t
gious worsh.p and sending their children to school JZ
wb..e ^„p,e f .he town, but seldom availed themLl «
of these privileges. A few, however, were apparently
P.OUS, and held a meeting once a month at wWchT !
all spoke m turn.* '

In 1832 the Groton Pequots numbered about forty
person, of both sexes and all ages. They were consider^
ably mixed wuh white and negro blood; but still poL
sessed a feeling of clanship, and still preserved th rl-
e,e,u national hatred for the Mohegans. This anti^th
was heartily returned ; and it was very seldom that inter!

wUh'T r. " "' '""'""• ""' '"» '"^'- Compared
.Tli^ '\\''f "«^"^' "- P«1"<"' were more vicious in
their habits, less pure in point of race, less decent and less
good looking in their persons. Their most common nan

rsdttgiirr''^'''''^^-''"-^'''''-^'^^ •>«-«.

The following facts concerning their situation at the
present day «-ere ccllectcc' ■ North Stonington during

tJlfcT '"'"' '""" =""°'-' '° aho^two'ir!
dred and forty acres, originally as good as most in the

vicinity, but long used chiefly for pasturage, and nlw

much worn down. Some years since, several lots were

cultivated by the Indians themselves; at present notZ

The number of families living on the trJt is reduced to

.l..ee of which one consists of three individuals, another

of -he parents and nine children, and the third of a single

• Mone'n Report on the Indian Tribes *
t Mass. Hist. Coll.. Vol. XXIII, p. 134.

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444

HISTORi or THE INDIANS

man who lives alone. There is a very aged woman,
hkewise, who lives a little off from the reservation. The
others of the tribe have scattered because the heads of the
families are dead. Some are in Ledyard, some in Preston,
others in Providence, and thus throughout various parts
of the country. A few lately came from some part of
New York, to see if there was any thing accruing to them
from the property of the tribe. The land rents, annually,
for about one hundred dollars, which by no means sup-
ports even those few who remain on it. Only one, Sam
Shantup, lives in a house ; the rest occupy huts. Some
of the children have been taught a little at school Others
have been put out to service, but, owing to their idleness
and improvidence, with very little result. None of them
work J they are all extravagant and intemperate j and iu
morals they are as miserable as miserable can be.

To the overseer of tlie Lodyard Pequots, William Mor-
gan, Esq., I am indebted for an account of the community
under his care. The reservation has not diminished since
the division of 1761, and still consists of about nine hun-
dred and eighty-nine acres, of which the greater portion
is woodland. The cleared land is rented to white tenants,
and brings in a revenue of from one hundred and fifty to
two hundred dollars a year. One acre would include all
that is cultivated by the Pequots, who cannot be induced
to till any more than will serve for their garden spots.
The houses on the reservation are seven in number, oi>e
story in height, and varying from one to four rooms.
They are situated where the quality of the land is good ,
and, though small, are comfortable and much superior in
condition to their occupants. The band now numbers

OF CONNECTICUT.

145

twenty-eight persons, of whom twenty reside in Ledyard,
while one is in New Haven, one with the Mohegans, two
in Windham, and three are gone on whaling voyages.
Some twenty years since five or six of them joined the
Stockbridge Indians in Oneida County, New York, and
have not since returned, except that one of them once
made a visit of a few weeks among his old acquaintance.
Those who remain in Ledyard show no disposition to
attend on schooling or preaching j and some of them are
particularly given in their conversation to violent scolding
and vulgarity. They work not above one or two days
at a time, either laboring for some neighboring farmer or
making baskets, for sale, at home ; and, having thus ob-
tained a little money, they drink and idle about until it is
ail gone, when they set to work again after the same
fashion as before. None of the pure Pequot race are left ;
all being mixed with Indians of other tribes, or with
whites and negroes. One little girl among them has blue
eyes and light hair, and her skin is fairer than that of the
majority of white persons. There is no such thing as
regular marriage among them. In numbers they do not
increase, and, if any thing, diminish. The community,
like all of the same kind in the State, is noted for its
wandering propensities; some or other of its members
being almost continually on the stroll around Ledyard
and the neighboring townships. From a fellow feeling,
therefore, they are extremely hospitable to all vagabonds ;
receiving without hesitation all that come to them,'
whether white, mulatto, Indian or negro.*
SucL 4 the present situation and character of the Mu-

• Letter of Mr. Morgan, dated August SSd, 1849.

440

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS, ETC.

shantuxet band of the once free, warlike and high-spirited
tribe of the Pequots. Thus, too, for the time, does the
sad history of this unfortunate people come to a close.
Nothing is left but a little and miserable remnant, hanging
around the seats where their ancestors once reigned
supreme, as a few half-withered leaves may sometimes
be seen clinging to the upper branches of a blighted and
dying tree.

irited
s the
jlose.

gned
;imes
I anci

CHAPTER XII.

HISTORY OF THE MOKEGANS FROM THE CLOSE OF THE
COURT ON THEIR DISPUTED LANDS IN 1743 TO 1849.

I SHALL now take up the history of the Mohegans where
it was left in 1743, and bring it down to the present time.
Nothing of consequence occurred till the death of their
sachem, Ben Uncas, which appears to have taken place
in 1749.* His will, dated May the 8th, 1745, was, of
course, drawn up by some white person ; but, as some
of the ideas may have been original with the sachem, I
shall here give an extract from its opening passage.

" In the name of God, Amen. I, Benjamin Uncas,
sachem of the Mohegan tribe of Indians, sensible that I
am born to die, and also knowing that the time when is
uncertain, do now, in my health and strength, for which
I desire to praise God, make and ordain this my last Will
and Testament. I give and recommend my soul into the
hands of God who made it, trusting in Christ for the free
and full pardon of all my sins and for obtaining eternal life.
My body I commit to the earth, to be buried in devout
Christian burial, at and in the sepulcher of my ancestors
in the common Indian kings's burying ground in the
town of Norwich. And I believe, that, through the mighty

• Indian Pnpers, Vol. II.
40*

448

HISTOKY OF THE INDIANS

power of God, my body shall be raised at the last day,
and soul and body be re-united and live together never
more to be separated."

The sachem appointed Benjamin, his only son, as his
successor, on condition that he proved himself a man of
prudence and discretion, that he governed the Mohegans
with justice and equity, that by his conversation and be-
havior he induced them to love and follow the Christian
religion, that he submitted himself to the direction of the
Assembly, and that his general conduct and policy were
such as that body could approve. Very severe conditions
were these, it must be confessed, and such as many a
monarch would not have found it easy to fulfill. His
personal property Ben divided into seven parts, and left
one each to his wife, his son and his five daughters. If
any one of them should die childless, or rebel against the
colony, his portion was to be shared among the others.
In conclusion, he expressed his desire that all his children
might be brought up and educated in the Christian reli-
gion, which he affirmed to be his own choice, and in
which he declared that he hoped to live and die.*

On the death of the sachem a large part of the tribe
united on his son ; giving expression to their choice, how-
ever, in the following highly democratic style.

" We, the Indians commonly called Moyanhegunnewog,
having had several meetings to consult about a sachem,
and finding that we cannot be a distinct people without
a head, have nominated Benjamin Uncas, if he will con-
sent to all the articles which his father left in his last will
concerning the matter. And, having examined the said

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 38.

OF CONNECTICUT.

449

Ben Uncas and heard his consent to all tlie above men:

t^ned articles, and that he purposes, by divine help and

assistance, to conform himself to them all ; so now upon

hose very terms and no others, we do choose BeruTas

to be our sachem ; and we do also, as one, promise hm

o be lovmg fauhful and obedient subjects, so long as h^

shall mamtam and walk agreeably to his father's last Will

and Testament concerning the sachemship "*

This paper was undersigned with the marks of thirty,
mne Indians, and with the signatures, in a good clear
Occum ''"' °'''''' •"''" Dantiquidgeonf and Samson

A memorial was likewise forwarded to the Assembly
by Ben, saying that he had been elected sachem of the

(whom he named) to assist him in the government. No

objection was made, and both Ben and his councilors

were confirmed in their dignities.^

lu 1755 commenced the last, the most exhausting, but

finally the most triumphant, of the wars which the colo-
nies had to sustain against the French of Canada Con-
necticut, then containing a population of about one hun-
dred and sixty thousand persons, repeatedly had five
thousand men in the field; and, in the disastrous cam-
paign of 1757, when Fort William Henry was taken, she
mised her complement to six thousand and four hundred.
1 he Indians of Canada assisted the French, and the Eng-
lish called on the tiibes south of the St. Lawrence to take
up the hatchet for them. The Mohawks pledged their

• Indian Papers Vol. II, Document 34. t Usually spelt Tantaquigeon.
I Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc. 35. Colonial Records, Vol. VIII.

if-

! I

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J'!

450

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

friendship to Sir William Johnson; their example was
followed by their nephews, the Stockbridges ; and the
Stockbridges sent a messenger to Connecticut, to wake
up their brothers, the Mohegans. The Mohegans unani-
mously expressed their willingness to fight against a
people who, as they were told, were perfidious, implacable
and cruel. Many of the tribe joined the colonial ranks,
and many others would have followed, had not the As-
sembly discouraged it in consequence of the overburthen-
ing expense which already pressed upon the colony in
supporting its own conscriptions. The wages of Indian
soldiers who fell in the contest were, by enactment of the
Assembly of Connecticut, paid over to the heirs of the
deceased, or laid out for their benefit. The close of this
war left orphans and widows among the Mohegans, as
well as among those who had been directly interested in
the success of the struggle, the English and the English
colonists.*

The old controversy in the tribe was not yet asleep ;
for the Masons were still in hopes of obtaining a new trial
and an ultimate triumph. These hopes, probably, were
not completely dashed until the revolution: u«til that
event, at least, the subject seems to have continued to pro-
duce more or less of uneasiness among the Mohegans.
In 1760, Ben Uncas complained to the Assembly that
a party among his people had set up one Henry Qua-
quaquid as sachem, in opposition to himself, and that
Quaquaquid had received some messages of approbation
from Sir William Johnson. These Indians who supported
Quaquaquid were not, he said, true Mohegans, but only

• Indiaa Papers, Vol. II, Documents 94, 102.

or CONNECTICUT.

Strangers who had married into the tribe, and were incited
^ their present rebellious behavior by a set called the
Mason family. They refused to obey him ; they would
not attend the religious meetings ; they sold the firewood
of the tr.be to some of the whites, and gave others liberty
to carry it away ; nor was it possible for himself or his
guardians to control them. He therefore hoped that the
Assembly would either compel these Indians to submit to
him, their lawful sachem, or would deprive them of the
privileges which they enjoyed under pretense of being
members of the tribe.*

The committee appointed on this petition did not enter
into all the views of the sachem ; but reported that some
mischief had, without doubt, been done to the Mohegans
by cutting away their wood. It was therefore enacted
that no person should cut or carry off wood from the re-
servation without forfeiting three times the value of what
he thus cut or carried away, the fine being devoted to the
benefit of the'tribe.f

The Rer. Eliphalet Adams, of Montville, then a part
of New London, with David Jewit, another clergyman of
the same town, had now for many years labored among
the Mohegans, though with no very eminent success.
Both were excellent men ; and Adams is styled in one of
the petitions of Ben Uncas and his people « their faithful
and venerable pastor." He died in 1753, aged seventy-
seven; but he continued his care over the Mohegans to
the last year of his life ; as we find him in 1752 petition-
mg the Assembly, in conjunction with Jewit, to make an

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 103.

I Indian Papers, Vol. II, Documents 104, 105.

ii:

462

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

appropriation for repairs of the Indian school-house. The
petition was successful j a sum being voted for repairing
the building and erecting a " lean-to" on one side of it for
the better accommodation of the teacher and his family.
This teacher was Robert Clelland, a man who had just
been stationed there by the missionary society in Eng-
land, and who exercised his office, partly at the charge cf
the society, partly at that of the colony, at least as late
as 1763.*

Two years after this appropriation, [1754,] a law book
was presented to the Mohegans by the Assembly ; and
Clelland was. directed to read and explain to them, at least
twice a year, the capital laws of the colony and those
statutes which related particularly to the Indians.f In
1760, Clelland complained that his salary was not large
enough, and petitioned the Legislature for an increase.
Forty pounds were granted him : a considerable sum if
the bills of the colony were then at their par value j but
this is hardly probable. It was, however, soon, if not
now, his whole annual salary; the society in England
withdrawing its support : and the rest of his living Clel-
land was obliged to obtain by his ov/n labor, probably by
cultivating some portion of the Mohegan land.

Owing to the late war there were many orphans at this
time in the tribe ; and there wt;re, likewise, many other
children whose parents were tc r-^*- : n- too intemperate,
to provide them with even sutticient food. In winter
they were in general tolerably supplied ; but in summer,
before the crops were gathered in, they were too often
pinched with hunger. On account of this their poverty

• Colonial Records, Vol. VIII, t Colonial Records, Vol. VIII.

OP CONNECTICUT.

453

as v/ell as their natural dislike of confinement, Clelland
found no small difficulty in getting the members of his
little charge together. Sometimes he went out into the
fields to search for them ; and sometimes he went to the
cabms of the parents to persuade them to do what they
could in getting the children regularly to school. Finally
he commenced giving each of the poorer scholars a piece
of bread every day for dinner. This plan had a good
effect ; the himger of the young Mohegans conquering
their antipathy to confinement and study. Clelland's
means, however, would not allow him to continue the
practice, and he petitioned the Assembly for assistance.
Six pounds were appropriated for this purpose in 1761,
and six pounds and ten shillings more in 1762. At the
same time with this last grant fifteen pounds were voted
to Clelland himself, as a further remuneration for his ser-
vices during the preceding three years. The last notice of
Clelland which I have met with is dated May, 1763, at
which time he obtained seven pounds more from the As-
sembly, also for the purpose of procuring his scholars food.*
It now becomes proper to notice an institution which
was long a ground of hope to those who looked with
anxiety for the conversion and civilization of the abo-
rigines of this part of North America. Eleazer Wheelock
a clergyman of fine talents, of earnest character and of de-
voted piety, was settled in 1735 over the second congre-
gational church in the town of Lebanon. It was his
custom, like many other ministers of that day and long
afterwards, to keep several youths in his family, whom
he taught in the higher branches of English and in

• Colonial Records, Vol. IX. Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc'ta. 106, 107.

Illiii

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451

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

I !!^i '

I! if

l.V

ri i

the classics. In December, 1743, a young Mohegan
applied for admission amcng his scholars, whose name
has since become more famous than that of any other
of his tribe, unless we except the first Uncas. Sam-
son Occom was born in 17*23, at Mohegan, and grew
up in the pagan faith, and in the rude customs which
were then common to nearly the whole of his country-
men. During the great religious excitement of 1739 and
1740, he became convinced of the truth of Christianity
and deeply alarmed for his own lost situation. For six
months he was in the gloom of night ; but then light
broke upon his soul, and he commenced that Christian
pilgrimage which, it is believed, terminated not on this
side of the grave. From this time the desire seems to
have pressed upon his heart, to become a teacher to his
brethren, and unfold to them the truths of that religion
which he had embraced. He now stood before VVi.eclock
asking to be instructed for this purpose.

It was not in the heart of this excellent man to neglect
so good an opportunity for the benefit of an individual,
and perhaps of an entire race. Occom could already read
by spelling, and, since his couv'crsion, he had spelled out
a considerable portion of the bible. His education recom-
menced in VVhcelock's family, ap.J here he remained three
years, when he removed, for one year, to the home of Mr.
Pomroy, clergyman of Hebron. During the four years
that Occom remained with Wheelock and Po'^ oy he
learned to speak and write English with facility, he
studied both the Latin and Greek, and he even paid some
attention to the acquisition of Hebrew. A part of the
expense of his education was contributed by the mis-

OP CONNECTICUT.

455

sionary society in the mother country so often alluded to
in the preceding chapteis.

It was intended that Occom should complete his educa-
tion at college ; but his health failed him under confine-
ment, his eyes became affected, and he was obliged for
a while, to give up his studies. In 1748, he is known to
have taught school for a time in New London. During
the same year, he went ov.r to Long Island, and became
the religious teacher of the Montauk Indians; preachin-
also, at times, to the Skenecock or Yenecock tribe sitt
uated thirty miles distant. During this period, he lived
in a wigwam covt ed with mats, and moved twice a year
with tlie Indians going to the planting grounds with
them m summer, and to the woodlands for better con-
veniences of fuel in winter. He s.^pported himself by
fishing and hunting, by binding old books for the East
Ham^:ton people, by stocking broken guns, and by making
woodea spoons, pails, piggins and churns. For ten or
eleven years he lived in this manner, during which time
a revival took place among the Indians to whom he
preached, and many of them were converted. Occom
was thought also to have done considerable good, by di-
verting the converted Montauks from a fanatical wild-
ness into which they had been led by some enthusiastic
preachers from New England. During all this time, he
was carrying on his studies ; and, having acquired a
tolerable knowledge of theology, lie was examined by
the clergymen of the Association of Windham County,
Connecticut, imd regularly licensed to preach. On the
twenty-ninth of August, 1759, he was ordained by
the Suffolk Piesbyterv on Long Island, and was ever

fir

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456

HlSTORr OF THE INDIANS

afterwards regarded as a regular member of that eccle-
siastical body.

The case of Occom encouraged Mr. Wheelock to un-
dertake the enterprise of an Indian school, for the forming
of teachers and ministers who might be employed i<i the
conversion of their countrymen. He commenced, in
1754, with two Delaware boys; other additions were
soon made, and, by 1762, his scholars amounted to above
twenty. Only one among this number was a Mohegan ;
Wheelock doubtless considering that two good teachers
would be sufficient for so small a community. This one
was Isaiah Uncas, son of the then sachem, a youth of
feeble health and of dull intellect. Six of the others
were Mohawks, the remainder chiefly Delawares. Four
of the scholars were girls, for whom Wheelock obtained
instruction in sewing and housewifery from the women
of the neighborhood. A number of gentlemen in Boston
contributed liberally for the support of the school ; and
many presents, usually ranging from ten to fifty pounds
were received, some from societies, but chiefly from
nobles and gentlemen, in England.*

In 1763, Wheelock petitioned the Assembly of Con-
necticut for assistance, and obtained a brief, n.'commend-
ing the people of all the parishes throughout the colony
to contribute to the support of the school. Six men in
diflferent parts of Connecticut were appointed to receive
the money, and Wheelock was authorized to draw for it

• For the abovp particulars concerning Occom, and Wheelock's school see
Wheelock'8 letter («; December Glh, 1762,) to the Marquis of Lothian-
Wheclock's Memoirs by Rev. David M'CIure ; and Allen's Diogrnnhical
D.et.onnry. The letter was printed in the form of a tract, and one copy e,i,u
among the pamphlets of the Yale College Library.

!i!^

f4-J-.

OP CONNECTICUT.

467

directly upon them. But it was an unfortunate time for
the people of Connecticut, or of any other English colony,
to be called on to contribute for the benefit of the abo-
rigines. The war of 1756 still continued ; the Indian
tribes had mostly declared for the French ; and a line of
blood and fire was marked all along the frontier of the
colonies from the Gulf of Mexico to the St. Lawrence.
The Connecticut settlers in Wyoming had lately been
attacked and driven away, and the garrisons of a long
chain of forts on the northwestern frontier had been
treacherously surprised and massacred. Among the nu-
merous clans who committed these ravages were the
Delawares and the Mohawks, and there were Mohawks
and Delawares among the Indian boys whom Wheelock
was teaching to read and write in the school for whicli
he was now soliciting contributions. Collections were
taken up in a few churches, but were very small : the
greater part of the ministers delayed the matter, in con-
sideration of the public feeling, and sent to the Assembly
for directions. A proclamation was therefore issued by
the governor, that those ministers who had not read the
brief to their people should suspend the publishment of it
till further orders. Three years after, [1766,] Wheelock
forwarded a new petition, stating that the number of his
scholars had increased, and asking that the brief might
now again be published. It was done, but with what
results I am unable to say.*

Another enterprise for supporting the school was now
undertaken, which resulted in the most gratifying success.
It was resolved that Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker of Norwich

• Colonial Records, Vol. X.

\i II

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■ 1

468

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

shoukl go to England, to solicit contributions, and take
with him Samson Occom, as an exhibition to the people
of England of what Christianity had done, and what it
could do, for the natives of North America. Occom was
at this time, forty-three years old ; well educated, well '
acquainted with the English language, and of respectable
though not distinguished talents. His features and com-
plexion bore every mark of his race; yet his manners in
society were easy though unassuming ; he expressed him-
self in conversation with brevity and propriety; and his
deportment in the pulpit was such as to draw attention
and command respect. He could extemporize with readi-
ness If necessary; but usrally wrote his sermons, in a
style, not always correct indeed, and somewhat diffuse
but on the whole forcible and solemn. He was said'
however, to be far more easy, more natural and more'
eloquent, in his diction and delivery, when preaching to
his own poor countrymen, than when addressing the
wealthy and intelligent audiences which gathered to hear
him m Boston and New York, or in the cities of the
mother country.

His appearance in England proauced an extraordinary
ensafon ; and he preached with grea, applan.e, in
London and other principal cities of Great Britain "
crowded audiences. Prom the s.teenth of Feulry,
1766, to the twenty-second of July, 1767, he delivered
between three and four hundred sermons Large con-
nbufons were taken „p after his discourses , h kh '
h,mse f a. the sohcitation of the pious and benovo t t
Ear of Dartntouth, gave two hundred pounds; and,
m the whole enterprise, seven thousand poutrds were

and take
»e people
what it
om was,
ted, well
ipectablo
nd com-
nners in
sed h inl-
and his
ttention
h readi-
is, in a
diffuse,
JS said,
d more
hing to
ng the
to hear
of the

•dinary
ise, in
iin, to
)niary,
livered
3 con-
3 king
volent
and,
were

'J!

iUHmm^MimMjUL

SAMSON OCCOM.

OF CONNECTICUT.

459

collected in England, and two or three thousand in
Scotland.*

The success of this attempt resulted in transferrins
Wheelock's school to New Hampshire, which, it was
thought, would be a better place for an Indian seminary
than the more thickly settled colony of Connecticut. It
was there incorporated as Dartmouth College, by which
name it still exists; although the object for which the in-
stitution was founded has long been, in a great measure,
abandoned. Its connection with the Indians of Connec-
ticut, eren while it still remained at Lebanon, was always
slight. Occom was educated by Wheelock before the
school for Indians was opened ; and, besides Occom, the
only. Mohegans ever placed under his care seem to have
been Joseph Johnson, another eminent preacher, and
Isaiah Uncas.

During this time, the Mason law suit was still i- sus-
pense in England, and the Mason party among the
Mohegans still manifested a factious and troublesome
spirit. Ben Uncas, the sachem, a man of dull and even
stupid intellect, possessed but little influence among his
people, and his usual resource was to complain to the
Assembly. In 1765, he presented a memorial by one
Zachary Johnson, who seems to have been his principal
councilor, and who was for long afterwards one of the
leading men in the tribe. He said that Zachary had had
a mare shot in the fields by some of the factious Indians •
that his own life had been threatened by one of them
named Jo Wyacks ; and that he greatly feared bloodshed
would ensue, unless the Assembly should interpose its

• M'Clure'8 Life of Wheelock, pp. 16, 17.

41* '

; i!

'tm I

460

BISTORT or THE INDIANS

authority to quiet the disturbances. Zachary's life, also
had been threatened by one Jacob Hoscoit ; and Hoscoit
had said that he cared nothing for the governor, but de-
pended on Sir William Johnson for obtaining himself and
the other Mohegans their rights. Ben also complained
of Occom; or Samson, as he called him, as being a restless
man, and as having gone to Boston, to induce the com-
missioners of the missionary society* to dismiss the present
schoolmaster. With this design he urged the Assembly
to mterfere ; because he was sure that, if this teacher was
sent away, no other could be found who would be of so
much service. Ben mentioned other causes of complaint
against the Mason Indians, and closed by expressing his
high displeasure at their pertinacious disobedience.f

A committee was chosen to convene the Mohegans,
listen to their differences, and, if possible, put an end to
them. No more complaints were made for some years j
and it is probable that the exertions of the committee,'
Jonathan Trumbull and Jabez Huntington, produced a
good effect.

In May, 1769, died Ben Uncas, the last sachem of the
Mohegans. The news being transmitted to the Assembly,
then in session, a committee was immediately appointed,'
to go to Mohegan, and consult with the Indians about the'
best method of choosing a successor, and of preventing
any new quarrels as to the lands. Three of the committee-
men, William HiUbouse, Gurdon Saltonstall and Pygan
Adams, arrived in time to attend the funeral of the de-
ceased sachem. A mixed audience of English, of Mohe-

• The Society for propagating the gospel in New England »
t Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 259.

OF CONNECTICUT.

461

g«ns, and of Indians from other trib.., had assembled:
and a sermon was preached by a si„cere friend of the
nation, the Rev. David Jewit of New London. BefoL
the serr,ces were over, Samson Occom rose and left
though for what cause is not stated ; and his example was
followed by many others, all like him of the disaffected
party The body was heavy, and had been kept for
several days: so many Indians had gone that the rest
hardly thought they could carry it to Norwich; and, with
the consent of his family, Ben Uncas was interred on the
Jndian lands at Mohegan.*

The committee found all the former quarrels of the
Mohegans revived and broken out with double violence
upon the question of the successorship. Occom who
since h,s return from England, had been preaching part
of the time at Mohegan, was in favor of John Uncas : and
so also were John Cooper, Jo Wyacks and most of the
leadmg men of the tribe. It was said that John's title
was publicly recognized by his party the same day that
Ben died ; and the committee were obliged to confess
that, besides the family of Ben, not more than four or five
Mohegans could be induced to acknowledge any person
as sachem whom the Assembly would approve. Tho
great body of the nation regarded all the past acts of the
colony towards them as having been actuated by one
motive : the desire of robbing them of their lands. Mason
and his party were continually plying them with intrigues
and coimcils; and it was whispered about, that repre-

• He was subsequently, however, exhumed, and re-interred at Norwich
Indian Papers. Vol. II, Doc. 286. See Appendix, Art. VI. for an account oi
the Mohegan cemetery at Norwich.

I \

i k

iM»B«e«-«irts«a*tB*is«iaKiafa.

462

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

sentations referring to the present occasion were under
preparation to be sent to England.*

Another committee had been appointed soon after the
first, and had been furnished with the following explicit
directions. They were to acquaint Isaiah Uncas with all
that the colony had done for the first Uncas and his suc-
cessors ; with the state of the suit now prosecuting in
England by John Mason ; and with the releases in favor
of the colony which had been executed by the first Ben
Uncas and his people. Secondly, they were to recom-
mend the appointment of Isaiah as sachem; to stay
among the Mohegans until he was installed in that dig-
nity ; to endeavor to soothe the differences which agitated
the tribe ; to procure a division of the lands, and to obtain
papers, if possible, to assist in opposing the suit of Mason.f
The committee went ; but could effect nothing, either
as to the sachemship or the division of the lands ; and, if
they had undertaken to remain at Mohegan until the in-
stallation of Isaiah as sachem, they would have remained
there forerer. Several of the Indians met them at the
house of a Mr. James, and were persuaded, with some
difficulty, to attend a meeting, the next day, at Samson
OccoKi's. Only a few came. Those who favored John
Uncas refused to say any thing, except that they wanted
no help or advice from the colony, and that they did not
choose to appoint a sachem or divide their lands until
they heard how the case had gone in England. The
others wished to have Isaiah installed, and were desirous
that the colony should interfere to bring it about ; but
even they seemed unwilling to proceed to a division of

» Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc. 286. t Colonial Records, Vol. X.

OF CONNECTICUT.

463

mU.r w ! '' "'^""^ ""^ propositions of the com-

mutee were useless ; and ihey were finally obliged To
gjve „p ,he,r errand, and return to Hartford to reportYhe^
111 success.* ^ "^'^^

Samson Occam's house in Mojjgan, Blontville.

Occom, it has been seen, was inclined to the Mason
party; yet it is not probable that he was one of those in-
temperate spirits who were so confident of final victory
and who made so much trouble in the tribe. A letter of
his written after the result of the case became known,
IS still in preservation, and a passage from it is worthy of
being quoted. . ^

''The grand controversy," he observes, « which has
siibsisted between the colony of Connecticut and the
Mohegan Indians above seventy years, is finally decided
in favor of the colony. I am afraid the poor Indians will
never stand a good chance with the English in their land
controversies; because they are very poor, they have no
money. Money is almighty now-a-days; and the In-

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 287.

I.'

- !!l

464

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

dians have no learning, no* wit, no cunning : the English
have all."*

After the report of the committee last mentioned, a
bill was passed by the Assembly, appropriating thirty
pounds for presents to Isaiah and his attendants. This
was on pretense of the " ancient friendship between the
Mohegans and the colony ;" but its real object, of course,
was to retain Isaiah and his followers in their present
friendly disposition, and, if possible, induce others to join
them. The money was expended, partly in presents to
Isaiah and some of his adherents, partly in paying their
expenses while on a visit to Hartford, and partly in pur-
chasing various articles for the widow and family of the
late sachem.f

Isaiah Uncas diedj sometime during 1770, and with
him expired the male line of the Ben Uncas family.
Neither John, the rival pretender, nor any other person,
dared assume the office against the will of the colony.
Isaiah himself was not sachem, and no one has ever been
sachem after him.

At this time Willard Hubbard had succeeded Robert
Clelland as school teacher among the Mohegans, with a
salary, from the " Society," of twenty-four pounds a year.
In October, 1769, he petitioned the Assembly to add
something to this small sum ; saying that he could not
support his family oa it, even with the addition of his
own labor out of school hours ; and that he had sunk
thirty pounds during his stay. No favorable notice seems
to have been taken of the request, and in 1772 he peti-

* History of Norwich, p. 163. t Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc'ts 287, 291.

t Barber, p. 337.

n r.r , tM ■ ■«• fnwt ■! tm

OF CONNECTICUT.

465

tioned again ; asking that, at least, he might be allowed
to use a portion of the Indian land. His petition was
accompanied by a letter from three of the neighboring
whites, recommending Hubbard to the favor of the Legis-
lature as being a useful man who was well fitted for his
situation. Whatever may have been the reasons, the
Assembly remained obdurate, and refused to grant any
thing. Two years after, Hubbard made another effort,
and found the legislators in a more liberal humor. The
Mohegan school-house and the dwelling-house attached
to it both being in a ruinous condition, he had laid out
nearly five pounds in repairing them. This sum the
Assembly not only repaid him, but granted him six
pounds in addition to his previous salary. It is not known
how long this man employed himself in teaching the
Mohegan children, but it is certain that he was thus en-
gaged as early as 1765, and that he continued in his posi-
tion at least as late as 1774.*

In the latter part of 1771, a Mohegan named Moses
Paul was tried, condemned and sentenced to death, for
the murder of Moses Clark. A large assembly of English
and Indians collected to witness his execution ; and, by
request of the prisoner, Occom preached a funeral sermon,
before the poor wretch was launched into eternity. He
took for his text the follovving passage from the epistle to
the Romans : " For the wages of sin is death, but the
gift of God is eternal life through Jesus Christ our Lord."
He described the death which is here alluded to, in a
forcible and solemn style ; and then enlarged upon the
greater awfulness which attended it on account of its

• Indian Papers, Vol. II. Doc'ts. 293. 297, 298, 306.

if*

f if./.

466

HISTORF OF THE INDIANS

I 1!

KM?! I

never-ending nature. Then, seizing upon the idea of
eternity, he exclaimed, - And O eternity ! eternity r Who
can measure it? Who can count the years thereof?
Arithmetic must fail ; the thoughts of men and angels are
drowned in it; how shall we describe eternity! to what
shall we compare it ! Were it possible to employ a fly to
carry off this globe by the small particles thereof, and to
carry them to such a distance that it should return once
m ten thousand years for another particle, and so continue
till It has carried off all this globe, and framed them to-
gether in some unknown space till it has made just such
another world as this is : after all, eternity would remain
the same unexhausted duration. And this eternal death
must be the unavoidable portion of all impenitent sinners
let them be who they will, great or small, honorable or
ignoble, rich or poor, bond or free. Negroes, Indians,
i^nghsh or what nation soever, all that die in their sins
miist go to hell together: for the wages of sin is death."'
The preacher then made a long and earnest address to
the doomed prisoner, pointing out the frightful nature of
h.s crime, explaining the divine mode of salvation, and
urging him with pathos and energy to accept of it And
as the murder had been committed under the influence'
of strong drink, he failed not to urge his brethren, the
Mohegans, to open their eyes to the evils of i.itemperance.
and fly from them utterly and forever. - My poor kin'
dred, he exclaimed, '' you see the woful consequences
of sm by seeing this, our poor miserable countryman, now
beArre us, who is to die for his sins and great wickedness.
And It was the sin of drunkenness that has brought
this destruction and untimely death upon him. There

OF CONNECTICUT.

467

e idea of

tyl Who
! thereof?
angels are
! to what
3y a fly to
of, and to
turn once
' continue
them to-
just such
d remain
iial death
t sinners,
orable or
Indians,
leir sins,
1 death."
Idress to
ature of
ion, and
And,
ifluence
ren, the
)erance,
)or kin-
luences
n, now
edness.
rought
There

is a dreadful woe denoanced from the Almighty against
drunkards ; and it is this sin, this abominable, this beastly
sin, of drunkenness, that has stript us of every desirable
comfort in this life : by this si»\ we have no name or
credit in the world among polite nations ; for this sin we
are despised in the world ; and it is all right and just, for
we despise ourselves more ; and, if we don't regard our-
selves, who will regard us ? By this sin we can't have
comfortable houses; nor any thing comfortable in our
houses ; neither food, nor raiment, nor decent utensils.
We are obliged to put up any sort of shelter, just to screen
us from the severity of the weather; and we go about
with very mean, ragged and dirly clothes, almost naked.
And we are half-starved, and, most of the time, obliged
to pick up any thing to eat. And our poor children are
suffering every day for want of the necessaries of life ;
they are very often crying for want of food, and we have
nothing to give them ; and in the cold weather they are
shivering and crying, being pinched with cold. All this
is for the love of strong drink. And this is not all the
misery and evil we bring on ourselves in this world ; but
when we are intoxicated with strong drink we drown our
rational powers by which we are distinguished from the
brutal creation ; we unman ourselves and bring ourselves
not only level with the beasts of the field but seven
degrees beneath them ; yea, we bring ourselves level
with the devils; I don't know but we make ourselves
worse than the devils, for I never heard of a drunken
devil."

They have been cheated, he proceeds to say, by means

of drunkenness ; they have been drowned and frozen

I-

468

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

w ?

1.1.-

through drunkenness ; yet, for all this, drunkenness is not
a matter of shame among them : the young men will get
drunk, as soon as they will eat when they are hungry ;
and, while no sight is more shocking, none is more com-
mon than that of a drunken woman.

He closed his discourse with the following general ex-
hortation. " And now let me exhort you all, to break
off your drunkenness by a gospel repentance ; and believe
on the Lord Jesus Christ, and you shall be saved. Take
warning by this doleful sight before us, and by all the
dreadful judgments that have befallen poor drunkards.
O let us all reform our lives and live as becomes dying
creatures in time to come. Let us be persuaded that we
are accountable creatures to God, and must be called to
an account in a few days. You that have been careless
all your days, now awake to righteousness and be con-
cerned for your poor and never-dying souls. F'ight
against all sins and especially ago inst the sin that easily
besets you, and behave in time to coine as becomes ra-
tional creatures ; and above all things believe on the Lord
Jesus Christ and you shall have eternal life, and, when
you come to die, your souls will be received into heaven,
there to bs with the Lord Jesus in eternal happiness with
all the saints in glory ; which God of his infinite mercy
grant through Christ Jesus our Lord. Amen."*

Such is a brief sketch of the sermon of Occom on this
occasion. It certainly is not eloquence, nor does it evince
any great degree of talent or originality j but it is truthful,
earnest speaking, and argues well for what the preacher

• Pnmphlets in the Iil)inry of the Connecticut Historicol Society at Hart
ford, number 225.

OF CONNECTICUT.

469

could accomplish in his own native tongue. It is prob-
able that few of his Indian hearers understood English
well enough to comprehend all this discourse; and many
doubtless hardly comprehended any portion of it.

Efforts were being made, about this time, by one or
two of the Mohegans, for inducing their countrymen to
leave their present home and move into the unoccupied
lands of the Six Nations. Occom sympathized in the
movement ; but the principal agent in the enterprise was
Joseph Johnson, another Mohegan minister. Johnson
was educated in Wheelock's school ; and was afterwards,
at the age of fifteen, sent as a schoolmaster to the Six
Nations. In their country he remained about two years,
when he forsook his employment, and led a roving and
somewhat vicious life till 1771. At that time he reached
home from a whaling voyage, sick with a disease con-
tracted through his excesses. He began to read the New
Testament and Baxter's Saint's Rest ; was deeply dis-
tressed for a time by his convictions, but finally obtained
a consciousness of pardon. He was well acquainted with
theology, and was, perhaps, not inferior in talents to
Occom ; but he had been less thoroughly educated, and
was less capable, therefore, of distinguishing himself
before an English audience.*

His present object was to induce, not only the Mohe-
gans, but all the other tribes of this part of New England,
to accept the hospitality of the Mohawks, who had offered
them a settlement on their territory. He made several
journeys for this purpose ; and in June, 1774, having ex-
hausted all his means, he applied for assistance to the

• Allen's Biogrnphical Dictionary,

470

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

governor and Assembly of Connecticut. The style of his
communication, though ungrammat=. il and full of repeti-
tions, is earnest and even affecting. He declared that he
had received only eighteen shillings from the Indians, and
that he expected nothing from them ; as even those who
were considered wealthy among their own people were in
reality very poor. " Gentlemen," he continued, '' the
Indians is poor, very poor, even those v^ho is thought to
be forehanded men ; and their poverty is the occasion of
my applying to you. I have desired help from the In-
dians in time past, but all in vain ; poverty hindered ; and
now- gentlemen to whom shall I go but to your honors ?
I know not. If I find no favor from you, I must bow
down my dejected head, and must return home ashamed
and wait patiently for relief until Providence opens a door
fur relief in some other way. Gentlemen, I am poor as
poor can be ; and it is not my extravagancy that hath
brought me to this unhappy condition. If I had been
only contriving for my own good, by this time I might
live very comfortably, for I have been very industrious, as
I could with little pains sufficiently prove."*

Johnson's appeal obtained him six pounds from the As-
sembly ; and Governor Trumbull gave him a certificate
of his good character and the meritorious nature of his
enterprise, to exhibit in other places. In the following
December he preached, in the evening, at the old Pres-
byterian Church in New York, where a collection was
taken up to assist him. A few days after, ho issued a
letter in one of the public papers, thanking the citizens
for their kindness and liberality on the occasion. He

• In.Iinn Pniier, Vol. II, Dooumpnt 308.

OF CONNECTICUT.

471

expressed his determination, if God should make him a
man of influence in the western tribes, to use that influ-
ence in establishing peace between them and his majesty's
subjects. " And it is the purpose of my heart," he con-
tinues, " to instruct them in the things of your holy reli-
gion, according to the knowledge that is graciously granted
me." It is interesting and even affecting, to see this man
struggling on against deep poverty, and against the indo-
lence and stupidity of the Indians, to accomplish a design
which he believed would be beneficial to his scattered
and unfortunate race.* What degree of success attended
his efforts is uncertain ; but he himself soon removed to
New York, and resided there for several years as mis-
sionary among the Indians. He was living with the Six
Nations •'t the opening of the revolutionary war. Wash-
ington, while at Cambridge, directing the siege of Boston,
wrote him a letter dated the twentieth of February, 1776.
" Tell the Indians," said he, " that we do not want them
to take up the hatchet for us unless they choose it ; we
only desire that they will not fight against us. We want
that the chain of friendship should always remain bright
between our friends, the Six Nations, and us. We re-
commend you to them, and hope by spreading the truths
of the gospel among them it will always keep the chain
bright."t

Troubles were still rife among the Mohegans, partly
concerning their government, partly about their lands.
Zachary .Johnson, Simon Choychoy and a few other old
councilors were bent upon taking iho administration into

■ American Archives, A. D. 1774.

t Allen's Biographicnl Dielionnrv Anlr-Io T«-»„l. T^u^.^j,

42* '""'" ' '""

■If

472

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

their own hands, since they could not secure such a sa-
chem as they and the Assembly would approve. On the
other side, the Mason 'adians stubbornly refused to obey
them, and would • ' ^+hmg but what was right in their
own eyes, or, whitr ^sed them equally well, whai was
wrong in the eyes of the councilors. There was also
another cause of difference. A number of Mohegans
began, about this time, to pay some attention to tillage,
and to keep smalUstocks of sheep and cattle. These in-
dividuals soon usurped a great part of the cleared lands ;
and, as a matter of course, their more idle and improvident
neighbors became dissatisfied and began to complain.
Several tracts, too, had been leased to white farmers, and
the overseers were puzzled as to how they should dispose
of the rents. Hitherto the sachem had received all these
by right of his dignity ; but now there was no sachem,
and the greater part of the tribe were unwilling to appoint
one. In fact, this little community was in a state of com-
plete anarchy and confusion.*

Zachary Johnson and several of his party forwarded a
memorial to the Assembly, asking for a committee to
regulate their affairs, and denouncing a large part of their
opponents as interlopers from other tribes who had no
business among the Mohegans. A list of these foreigners
was included, numbering six widows and twenty-one
men, some of whom were with, and some without, fami-
lies. Among the proscribed persons was Samson Occom.
Zachary and his fellows presented another list of the true
Mohegans, as they called them, numbering fourteen men
with their families, and twenty-six other individuals, some

Indian Papers, Vol. 11, Documents 310, 311, 312.

Of CONNECTICUT.

473

Of whom were widows. In this catalogue were included
the Uncases, the Johnsons, the Tantaquigeons, one Moses
Mazeen, and a man named Johan, with his son, who had
been adopted into the tribe on condition that, durin- his
life, he should bury the Mohegan dead.* °

In reply to the petition, a committee was sent to Mo-
hegan, where it held a meeting with the overseers and
a large number of the Indians. They found that the
persons complained of as interlopers all seemed to be fairly
connected with the tribe, either by blood or marriage ;
that the whole number of Mohegans, as near as they could
find out, was forty families ; that the children were nu-
merous, and the population apparently increasing. A
schoolmaster, supported by the Society for propagating
the. gospel in New England, was living among them.
His salary was only twenty pounds ; and, as it was
evidently insufficient, the committee tried to persuade the
Indians to grant him ten pounds additional out of the
rents of the lands, but without success. They made a
report to the Assembly of all these circumstances ; and
gave it as their opinion that new instructions and more
authority should be granted to the overseers. A code of
directions was accordingly formed, of which the follow-
ing items were the most important. The overseers were
instructed and empowered to prosecute trespassers upon
the Mohegan lands. If the Indians trespassed upon each
other, the overseers were to summon the parties, give
judgment, award damages, and subtract the sum from the
aggressor's share of the rents. If any Indian wanted land
by himself, he was to apply to an overseer, who might set

* Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 315,

474

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

off for him a suitable tract. The money obtained by-
renting the land, after deducting the support of the poor
and other public charges, was to be divided among the
families of the tribe. No Indian might cut or carry away
wood or stone, except for his own use, under penalty of
such a fino as the overseer should choose to impose ; never
exceeding, however, three times the value of the articles
carried away.*

Zachary Johnson and his brother councilors, still un-
satisfied, sent a letter [October, 1774,] to their overseer,
Mr. Coit of New London. Their principal motive seems
to have been to complain of Occom, and prevent him
from gaining the same influence with the overseers which
he had obtained with the majority of the Mohegaiis.
Their troubles, they said, had been growing worse ever
since Occom came back to Mohegan. He was resolved
to have the ordering of the Indian affairs, and especially
of the rents. His followers threw down the fences, let
the cattle into the corn, paid no regard to the councilor?,
and never would pay any regard to them until the au-
thority of the latter was re-established by the Assembly.
They wished Mr. Coit would see, they said, that the rent
was paid only to those who had a right to it.f

Of the thirteen hundred and sixty-three Indians living
in Connecticut in 1774 there were two hundred and six
in New London, which then included Montville, sixty-
one in Norwich, twenty-one in Lebanon, twenty-eight in
Colchester and thirty in Preston ; forming a total of three
hundred and forty-six.J We have seen that the number

* Colonial Records, Vol. XL Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc'ls 312, 313.
t Indian Papers, Vol. II, Doc. 314. t Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. X, p. 118.

OP CONNECTICUT.

475

in Groton and Stonington, the seats of the Pequots, was
stated at four hundred and twenty-three ; and I have
aheady mentioned my suspicion that the estimate for
Stonington (two hundred and thirty-seven) was greatly
exaggerated. This seems all but certain now, on com-
paring it with the numbers of the Mohegans, who are
known to have been a far more numerous tribe.

During the revolution, many of the Mohegans enlisted
in the army of the colonies ; and seventeen or eighteen
of them died in the service, or were killed in battle.
Perhaps no community in the land suffered so great a loss
in proportion to its numbers ; and yet, by an unjust and
illiberal law, a shame and disgrace to the State of Con-
necticut, the descendants of these men are excluded by
their color from the privileges and honors of American
citizenship.

As the result of the revolution put an end to the hopes
of the Masons, the Mohegans of their party had no longer
any thing to gain by exhibiting dissatisfaction. Old
quarrels, however, could not be healed at once; and, for
many years, things continued on very much in the ancient
style. The members of the disappointed faction usually
did what they pleased ; Zachary Johnson sent frequent
complaints about them to the Assembly ; and committees
were repeatedly appointed to soothe the commotions of
this stormy puddle. The land was, part of it, let out to
English tenants, who were too apt to take unfair advan-
tages of their position, by wasting the \. ood of the reser-
vation, and pasturing their cattle over it without regard
to the little planting spots of the Indians.*

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Documents 318—324.

476

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

In 1783, the overseers were empowered to divide all
the unrerited lands among the different families, and to
forbid any stranger from settling upon the reservation
without their consent. An order was also given that the
old councilor, Zachary Johnson, and his wife, should be
supplied, as long as they lived, with necessaries and com-
forts out of the avails of the lantls.* The Mohegan patri-
mony was divided according to the Assembly's direction ;
but the Indians were too vicious and indolent to make
much use of their farms ; and very little ground has ever
been cultivated in Mohegan except by the white tenantry.
In the year 1786, a few Moiiegans, accompanied by In-
dians from other parts of Connec ;icut, from Rhode Island
and from Long Island, removed to the Oneida country,
and formed the nucleus of a clan which has since been
known by the name of the Brothertown tribe. Samson
Occom went with them, and was their minister for several
years. At his death, which happened in July, 1792, more
than three hundred Indians followed him to the gmv^e.
The funeral sermon was preached by the Rev. Mr. Kirk-
landj missio.iary among the Six Nations. The Mohegan
preacher died, as he had lived, in the faith and practice of
the Christian religion. In a few instances he w?s known
to hfive given way to the prevailing vice of his country-
m ri, intemperance J but repentance and reformation
seemed to testify that his soul had indeed been enlight-
ened, although for a time it might be darkened by the
power of temptation.f

There is a beautiful story told in the autobiography of

• Indian Papers, Vol. If, Documents 326, 327.
t M'Clure's Life of Wiieelock.

■•"■" ""■ -rn

ijtittmm^

OP CONNECTICUT.

477

Trumbuh, the Connecticut painter, about a Mohe^an
sachem named Zachary, who effected in himself a re-
markable reformation from long and deepiy fixed habits
of intemperance. I am sorry to question the exactness or
weaken the interest of so pleasing an anecdote, but it cer-
tainly contains some great mistakes. The only indi-
viduals who ever held the Mohegan sachemship were
Uncas, Oweneco, Cesar, Major Ben Uncas, Ben Uncas the
second and Ben Uncas the third. After this last, the
strongest claimant to the dignity was his son, Isaiah ; and
there was besides a rival named John Uncas : but neither
these persons nor any others ever became sachems. At
the very time, too, when Trumbull's interview with
Zachary must have taken place, the last sachem Ben was
still living, and in fall possession of his dignity. My
authorities for these statements are public documents
many of them reports of committees drawn up at the very
time; and they are, of course, far more worthy of confi-
dence than the recollections of any man concerning events
which happened when he was ten years old. The indi-
vidual to whom Trumbull's reminiscence refers, was un-
questionably our old friend, Zachary Johnson, the prin-
cipal councilor of the last Ben Uncas, and after his death
the leading man among the Mohegans. He was some-
times, I believe, styled the regent of the tribe, and, as
already mentioned, received in his latter days a support
from the rents of the lands ; but he did not belong to the
royal family, and never became sachem. With these
corrections I will relate the anecdote.

i:'!l

478

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

i I'

ployed a number of Mohegans in hunting animals for their
furs. Among these hunters, and one of the most skillful
of them, but at the same time an intemperate, thriftless
fellow, was Zachary. Till he was fifty years old Zachary
continued to be a drunkard ; but then a wiser spell came
over him, and from that time till his death, at the age of
eighty, not one drop of the accursed spirit of alcohol ever
passed his lips. In those days the annual ceremony of
election was a matter of more consequence than it is now ;
and the Indians, especially, used to come in considerable
numbers to Hartford or New Haven, to stare at the gov-
ernor and the soldiers and the crowds of citizens as they
entered those little cities. Jonathan Trumbull's house
was about half-way between Mohegan and Hartford ; and
Zachary was in the habit of stopping, on his way to
election, to dine with his old employer. John Trumbull,
then about ten years old, had heard of the reformation of
Zachary, and, partaking of the common contempt for the
intemperate and worthless character of the Indians, did
not entirely credit it. As the family were sitting around
the dinner table, he resolved to test the sincerity of the
'visitor's temperance. Sipping some home-brewed beer
which stood on the table, he said to the old man : " Zach-
ary, this beer is excellent : wont yoii taste it ?" The
knife and fork dropped from the Indian's hand : he leaned
forward with a stern intensity of expression: his dark
eyes, sparkling with indignation, wei'e fixed on the young
tempter. " John," said he, " you don't know what you
are doing. You are serving the devil, boy. Don't you
know that I am an Indian ? I tell you that I am ; and
if I should taste your beer I could never stop until I got

mmmmmmimm

OP CONNECTICUT.

479

for their
t skillful
thriftless
Zachary
tell came
6 age of
)hol ever
noriy of

is now ;
siderable
the gov-
I as they
's house
3rd ; and

way to
[•umbulj,
lation of
t for the
ians, did
; around
y of the
ed beer
" Zach-
" The
e leaned
lis dark
s young
hat you
)n't you
m ; and
til I got

to rum, and became again the drunken contemptible
wretch your father once knew me. John, while you live
never again tempt any man to break a good resolution.''
"Socrates," continues Trumbull, ''never uttered a
more valuable precept. Demosthenes could not have
given it in more solemn tones of eloquence. I was thun-
derstruck : my parents were deeply affected : they looked
at each other, at me, and then with feelings of deep awe
and respect at the venerable Indian. They afterwards
frequently reminded me of the scene, and charged me
never to forget it."*

It is to this same individual that the following passage
copied by Barber from an old Norwich newspaper, doubt-
less refers.

" Norwich, September 12th, 1787.
" Lately died at his wigwam in Powachaug. (Norwich,)
old Zachariah, Regent of the Mohegan tribe of Indians
in the 100th year of his age. It is said, that in his
younger years he was greatly addicted to drunkenness,
but that for near 40 years past he has entirely abstained
from the use of all spirituous liquors. "f

Zachary, it seems, was one hundred years old when
he died, according to one authority, and eighty years old
according to another. Probably he did not himself know
his age. The smallest number is, of course, the most
probable.

In May, 1789, some of the Mohegans presented to the
Assembly a memorial ; which, being drawn up by some
of themselves, is sufficiently remarkable in manner and

• Autobiography of John Trumbull, p. 6.
t Barber's Hist. Coll. of Connecticut, p. 300.

1 .:

i ■
■ (
i

f 1

480

BISTORT OF THE INDIANS

i I

matter to deserve an insertion. It is styled, " A memorial
of the Mohegans by the hands of their brothers, Henry
Q,uaquaquid and Robert Ashpo.

" We beg leave to lay our concerns and burdens at your
excellencies' feet. The times are exceedingly altered,
yea the times are turned upside down ; or rather we have
changed the good times, chiefly by the help of the white
people. For in times past our forefathers lived in peace,
love and great harmony, and had every thing in great
plenty. When they wanted meat,, they would just run
into the bush a little way, with their weapons, and would
soon return, bringing home good venison, raccoon, bear
and fowl. If they chose to have fish, they would only
go to the river, or along the seashore ; and they would
presently fill their canoes with variety of fish, both scaled
and shell-fish. And they had abundance of nuts, wild
fruits, ground nuts and ground beans ; and they planted
but little corn and beans. They had no contention about
their lands, for they lay in common ; and they had but
one large dish, and could all eat together in peace and
love. But alas ! it is not so now ; all our huntino- and
fowling and fishing is entirely gone. And we have begun
to work our land, keep horses and cattle and hogs ; and
we build houses and fence in lots. And now we plainly
see that one dish and one fire will not do any longer for
us. Some few there are that are stronger than others-
and they will keep off the poor, weak, the halt and blind]
and will take the dish to themselves. Yea, they will
rather call the white people and the mulattoes to eat out
of our dish ; and poor widows and orphans must be pushed
aside, and there they must sit, crying and starving, and

OF CONNECTICUT.

481

die. And so we are now come to our good brethren of tho
Assemb jr, wit'a hearts full of sorrow and grief, for imme-
diate help. And therefore our most humble and earnest
request is, that our dish of suckutash may be equally di-
vided amongst us, so that every one may have his own
httle dish by himself, that he may eat quietly and do
with his dish as he pleases, that every one may have his
own fire."*

A committee, appointed in reply to this curious and
original petition, reported that the affairs of the Mohegans
were in such order as to render further interference at°hat
time unnecessary.

In 1790, the land of the tribe still amounted to about
two thousand seven hundred acres. The religious teacher
of the community was one of its own members, named
John Cooper. He was also the richest man in the tribe j
being in possession of two cows and a yoke of oxen.

Two of the name of Uncas, John and Noah, were still
living, about the year 1800. After their death, the little
remains of spirit and national pride which the Mohegans
retained rapidly disappeared. The practice of the bow
and arrow was thrown aside, and not a single Indian
custom remained, except that of occasionally discussing
their affairs in council. f

After this period, various little difficulties occurred at
times with the whites, and various small sales of land
were authorized by the Assembly ; but nothing worthy
of record took place for more than a quarter of a century,
when the slender liands of woman were put forth to raise

• Indian Papers, Vol. II, Document 230.

t Kondall's Travels in tha United Staiei, Vol. I, p. 308.

48'^

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS

the Mohegans from their depth of ignorance and degra
dation. The individual to whom I allude was Miss Sarah
L. Huntington of Norwich, afterwards wife of the Rev.
Eli Smith of the American Syrian mission. The inter-
esting memoirs of this lady have made her name widely
known throughout the community, and given an admi-
rable picture of her deep piety, her strength of character
and her self-sacrificing efforts for the good of her race.
Living within a few miles of the Mohegans, she became,'
about the year 1827, strongly interested in the condition
of this forlorn remnant of the aborigines of Connecticut.
This interest was shared by another female of similar
spirit, Miss Sarah Breed of Norwich, afterwards wife of
President Allen of Bowdoin College, and now, like Mrs.
Smith, gone to her eternal rest. By the summer of 1830,
these two ladies had established a Sabbath school at Mo-
hegan, for the Indian children, which they taught by
turns; walking, for that purpose, from their homes in
Norwich, a distance of five or six miles. The school was,
at first, opened in a house occupied by the relatives of
Samson Occom. His sister, Lucy Tantaquigeon, wife
of John Tantaquigeon, died there the previous winter,
in the midst of her descendants, at the age of ninety-eigh*'
As could have been wished for the sister of Samson
Occom, she expressed on her death-bed the desire, " that
she might go where she .should sin no more."

In a few months Miss Breed resigned her post as
teacher, and was succeeded by Miss Raymond of Mont-
ville. A daily school was established in a house situated
on what is called the Fort Hill farn., not far from where
now stands the Mohegan chapel. This school Miss Hun-

OF CONNECTICUT.

483

wife

tmgtonand M,s. Raymond .aught by alternate weeks ;
both of them remammg at Mohegan on the Sabbath, so
as to assist each other in conducting the religious eLr-
cses of he day Eighteen or twenty scholars, three or
four of them adults, usually attended the day school •
and the females, besides instruction in reading, writins
and anthmalic, were taught millinery, dress-making and
tailoring. °

Miss Huntington was not contented with these personal
efforts at teaching the Mohegans, but exerted herself to
obtain such assistance as should secure to them steady
and public religious instruction. In this she was assisted
by Miss Breed, who soon, however, removed to a distant
part of the country; by Joseph Williams, Esq., of Nor-
wich, and by other benevolent individuals of that city
A plan was set on foot, to build a chapel for the Indians'
and hire a missionary who should settle permanently
among them. Subscription lists were circulated by Miss
Breed and Miss Huntington, and, in this manner, several
hundred dollars were collected. Efforts were also made
to interest the American Board for Foreign Missions, the
government of the State of Connecticut and the general
government at Washington, in the design. Miss Hun-
tington drew up a petition to the Legislature of Connec-
ticut, and wrote a letter to .Teremiah Evarts, Correspond-
ing Secretary of the American Board. The petition, with
numerous signatures attached, was presented to the As-
sembly; but seems to have met with no very favorable
reception, and was, at all events, unsuccessful in its pritx-
cipal object, of obtuinmg an appropriation Nor did the
Board of Missions feel justified in offcrinj? assistance-

43* ^ '

484

HISTDRT or THE INDIANS

f i!

considering the small number of the Mohegans, and the
feeble influence which they were likely to exercise, either
upon the white population, or upon any considerable por-
tions of their own race. Two applications by Mr. Wil-
liams, and one by Miss Huntington, were made to the
Secretary of War, to whose department the superin-
tendence of Indian affairs belonged. These appeals were
successful J and, from the " fund for promoting the civili-
zation of the Indians," five hundred dollars were appro-
priated [1831] for the erection of buildings at Mohegan,
and an equal amount annually for the support of a teacher!

South View of the Mohegan Chapel, Montville.

The first named sum was expended in building a honse
for the teacher ; the cost of the chapel being defrayed by
the private subscriptions obtained in Norwich. The land
on which the chapel was built was given by two Mohe-
gan females, Cynthia Hoscoat and Lucy Tee-Comme-

OF CONNECTICUT.

485

waws. One hundred dollars were contributed by the
Home Missionary Society ; and this sum, with the appro-
priation from the general government, was sufficient to
hire a capable teacher. In one year from the commence-
ment of the effort, Miss Huntington could write to her
old friend. Miss Breed, that the Mohegans were provided
with "a chapel, a stated ministry, and the means for its
support."

Among the feelings which Miss Huntington found
among the Mohegans were surprise that the whites should
pay any attention to their wants after having so long
neglected them, and suspicion that their present conduct
was prompted entirely by some selfish and dishonest
motive. At one time, indeed, a number of evil disposed
persons succeeded in somewhat diminishing the little
congregation at the chapel, by circulating a report that
the expenses of these religious efforts were defrayed out
of the rents of the Mohegan lands. This, however, did
not last long, and, on proper explanations, the confidence
of t.ie Indians soon returned. They would sometimes
talk of " the good meetings and beautiful singing" which
they had many years before; referring, probably, to the
time when, fifty years previous, Samson Occom and Jo-
seph Johnson had preached here among their own people.
Many of the children showed acute and eager minds; a
religious interest, too, began to appear in the community ;
and, during the course of the year, Miss Huntington and
her fellow laborers were giatifieu by se .ral conversions.

In the spring or summer of 1831, the cSapel was fin-
ished ; and, not long after, the Rev. Anson Gleason was
secured as chaplain of the Mohegans, and pastor over the

486

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

httle church of mingled Indians and whites. A tem-
perance society was formed; several drunkards were re-
claimed ; and many other members of the community
were induced to put their names to the pledge. Miss
Huntington and Miss Raymond were, before this, relieved
from their labors as teachers ; and the school was de-
livered into the charge of a man hired for the purpose.*

In a letter of Mr. Gleason's, written September the
thirtieth, 1842, and directed to the Secretary of War
some particulars are given of the condition of the Mohe-
gans at that period. The school had been kept up, as
usual, during the previous year, and then numbered two
girls and nine boys. An excellent teacher was employed
who taught reading, writing, arithmetic, composition,'
grammar, history and needle work. Some of the former
scholars, now grown up and settled in life, had, during
the last winter, become hopefully pious, and were useful
members of society. Sereral of the older natives, also,
hitherto more or less intemperate, had become affected by
the Washingtonian movement, had forsaken their cups, and
some of them had even become members of the church.f
In 1845, the school contained eight boys and ten girls
whose proficiency Mr. Gleason thought fully equal to that
of the white children in the schools of the neighborhood
One httle girl was studying the Latin Reader and making
very commendable progress. Sunday school and the or-
dinary services on the Sabbath were regularly kept up.
Some of the native professors of religion sustained a high

• For the above particulars concerning the effort for the Mohegans. Me th.
Memoirs of Sarah L. Smith, Chap. VI. . ""c ww

f Executive Documents for 1842-d.

or CONNECTICUT.

48f

pleasing study ■ and onTlf ,f ^"'"' "^'^ '^'' "'^'

very geL.1 L'.i .t I I tZZ' T" :'"''"''' "
The „„™,er Of me^^e^Lr::: H^: ri -t;

Down to 1845, sums of four hundred or five hundred

to support nself, or that four hundred dollars was too ZZl
.nfluentia. as the Mohegans. It L th r^ 1 reducedTo'
that Mr Gleason, unable to support his family on his di-

;« ^.or of the ehi td\!:htr:2:rnhi

eacher of the Indian school. The school "e" a

o'r rsett:.""^'' """ --^^ ^ '««j — »"- -

The present amount of the Mohegan reservation is
about two thousand three hundred acres; of whTchfou
hundred and s.xty acres are used by the' IndianT si^T

488

HISTORY or THE INDIANS

I '

seven hundred still remain woodland, and the rest is cul-
tivated by white tenants. The annual rent of the land
amounts to eleven hundred dollars, or nearly one dollar
an acre ; and the Indians possess, in addition, some two
thousand five hundred dollars at interest.

The whole number of Mohegans is about one hundred
and twenty.five, of whom only twenty-five or thirty are
01 pure blood. About sixty remain on or near the reser-
vation; the others are scattered to all points of the com-
pass : some m the towns of Norwich and Griswold : some
in the western part of the State ; some in Massachusetts •
some m Oneida County, New York ; some at Green Bay
in Wisconsm; some on the ocean, chiefly in whale ships
and some in parts unknown. The mixed bloods have a
claim on the revenues of the lands as well as the otheir •
being allowed to share on their mothers' rights. There'
are Tantiquigeons and Shantups and Occoms left ; but
the Uncases are all dead, unless it be two boys, who are
gone no one knows where. Samson Occom's house is
still standing, and was occupied not long since, if not
now, by one of his descendants named Sally Bohemy
There is one woman, Esther Cooper, who is a descendant,
in the fourth or fifth generation, from the first Uncas.
She IS extremely proud of her ancestry, considers herself
as belonging to a high and aristocratic family, and keeps
aloof from most of her people as being too much beneath
her. English is the language of most of the community •
but a few old people still cling to their ancient Mohegan,'
and have only a broken knowledge of the tongue of the
white men.

The rents of the land are paid; partly in money, pai>?y

rest is ciil-

)f the land

one dollar

some two

e hundred
thirty are
the reser-
the corn-
Did ; some
Lchusetts ;
rreen Bay
ale ships,
is have a
e otheir ;
There
left; but
who are
house is
B, if not
Bohemy.
cendant,
Uncas.
s herself
id keeps
beneath
nunity ;
3hegan,
of the.

, par'fy

OF CONNECTICUT. moq

houses stand on the reservation, eleven of wh' if ^
cupied byMohegans. These a,: arflldKuM" ""
most o, ,,, „, 'a-hed and p,aste'iJZ^, "itfaV"

Nine adults are members nf tha ,u u
temperate in their habits- biif «.V « • u perlectly

.;.eo.e«..s.„ ,.„:c,:L7a:s:er:^

c-Jc^h^rtrjL:;^^--^

fr.ends commenced their philan.hropie exertions • '

18M '^ Ik' T^ "^ "" '""'■^Sans down to the year
of the I„d,ans of Connecticut come to a close.

The causes of the diminution and destruction of these

E^., of M,,„,vill,, f„„ whom r« "d" ,1*"" '""■'"'■ '■"'•' °- '■"•='■•
•illh of Novmber, 1849. ' conoemine ihem. d.ttd ih.

490

HISTORY OP THE INDIANS, ETC.

feeble and barbarous tribes have been so fully dwelt upon
during the course of the narrative that little further con-
cerning them remains to be said. A question which still
continues open is, how far our own race is responsible for
this diminution, and whether it can he convicted of treat-
ing the Indians with any peculiar cruelty or injustice.
My own belief is, that had the latter never been deprived
of a foot of land otherwise than by fair and liberal pur-
chase, and had not a single act of violence ever been com-
mitted upon them, they would still have consumed away
with nearly the same rapidity, and v/ould still ultimately
have perished. Their own barbarism has destroyed them ;
they are in a great measure guilty of their own destruc-
tion ; yet is this guiltiness also their deep and pitiable
misfortune. And, while we must admit that the white
population of Connecticut has not fulfilled its responsi-
bilities as a civilized and Christian race, we are also
bound to admit that, judged by the rule of the ordinary
course of human conduct, it has not, on the whole, in its
behavior toward the Indians, been guilty o: any peculiar
degre" of heedlessness, or inhumanity, or injustice.

iwelt upon
iirther con-
which still
)onsible for
3d of treat-
• injustice,
n deprived
iberal pur-
been com-
med away
ultimately
y^ed them ;
1 destruc-
d pitiable
the white
responsi-
are also
I ordinary
ole, in its
J peculiar
ice.

Man

Woman

Ear

Eye

Nose

Mouth

Teeth

House

Shoes

San

Moon

Day

Night

Fire

Water

Rain

Snow

Tree

Dog

Bear

River

One

Two

Three

Four

Five

Six

Seven

Eight

Nine

wosketomp

mittamwosses

wehtauog

wu8ke8uk,(pl,)j

wutch

nuttoon (my)

meepit

wetu

mokfssonah
nepauz

nepaushdt

kesukod

nukon

nutau
jnippe
jsokanunk
koon
mehtug
janum
mosq
sepu
nequt
oeeae
ni.h

APPENDII.

ARTICLE I, p. 40.

Narragarutt.
[nnin
I squaws
wuttouwog
wuskesuk, (pi.)

Mohican. I Peguot.

yaw

napanna

nequttatash

Inesausuk
[shawosuk
paskoogun
puik

wuttone
weepit, (his)

wetu

mocussinass

nippawus

manepaushat

wompau

tuppaco*

squtts
jnip

jsokenum
sockepo
'mintuck
anum

neemanaoo
p'ghainoom
towahgue
ukeesquan
okeewon
otoun
wpeeton
wekuwuhm
mkissin
Ikeesogh
neepauhauck
waiikaumauw
t'pochk
staauw
nbey

thocknaun
jmsauneeh
machtok
n'dijau (?)
mquch
sepoo
ngwittoh
neesoh
noghkoh
nauwoh
nunon
ngwittus
tupouwus
ghusooh
nauneeweh
jmtannit

cuttuwaneagef

skeezuoks, (pi.)

kuchijage

cuttoneege

neebut, (sing.)

wigwam

muckasons

meun

weyhan

tNaugahiOt InUm

rinh

wenih

yewt

nupp

sokghean

souck'poun
jmattuck, (pi.)
jnahteah
awausseus

keeioop
toof-ku
ru'uh-tah
nuppeh

tookh

* toward nlgbt

Inuquut

neeze

shweh

yauh

nuppan

nucquuddosk

nezzaugnsk

shwausk

panzsacougen

Piugg

t wkat y«u h«ar bj.

492

APPENDIX.

ARTICLE II, p. 140.

It is quite superfluous to attempt to prove that Mason and
his companions were actuated, on this occasion, by some emo-
tions of vengeance, since such must infallibly have been the
case as long as human nature retains her present imperfections.
T give, however, some extracts in point from Underbill and
Vincent, two of the historians of the expedition. " It may
be demanded," observes Underbill, " why should you be so
furious? (as some have said.) Should not Christians have
more mercy and compassion ? But I would refer you to
David's war. When a people is grown to such a height of
blood, and sin against God and man, and all confederates in the
action, there he hath no respect to persons, but harrows them
and saws them, and puts them to the sword, and the most ter-
riblest death that may be."

Underbill's principal justification of the massacre, indeed, is
a comparison of it with the tremendous executions inflicted by
the Hebrews upon the idolatrous Canaanites ; but Vincent's
observations are directly to the point. " At break of day the
seventy English gave the .fort a volley of shot, whereat the
salvages within made a hideous and pitiful cry; the shot,
without all question, flying through the palisadoes (which stood
not very close) and killing or wounding some of them. Pity
had hindered further hostile proceedings, had not the remem-
brance of the bloodshed, the captive maids, and cruel insolency
of those Pequots, hardened the hearts of the English, and
stopped their ears unto their cries. Mercy mars all some-
times ; severe justice must now and then take place."

ARTICLE III, p. 132.

The account which Hubbard has given us of the contest
with the Pequots is one of the most ferocious things in

APPENDIX.

493

Mason and
some emo-
! been the
erfections.
lerhill and

"It may
|rou be so
ians have
Jr you to
height of
ates in the
ows them

most ter-

indeed, is
flicted by
Vincent's
r day the
ereat the
the shot,
lich stood
m. Pity
J remem-
Insolency
lish, and
ill some-

) contest
aings in

American literature. He describes the helpless overthrows
and frightful massacres of that unhappy people, with a com-
placency and satisfaction which might have excited the envy
of father Valverde. He lived in a stern and iron age; he
wrote at the close of the bloody and exasperating war with
Philip ; and the asperities of his character were sharpened
by an enthusiasm which in these days would be called fanatical.
He regarded the New "England Puritans as, in an especial
manner, the Lord's people ; and he looked upon their enemies
as the Lord's enemies, and as worthy of no greater mercy than
extermination. Very different was his character from that of
the mild tempered Gookin, and his elder brothers in the mis-
sionary work, Mayhew and Eliot. I have made but little use
of the narrative of Hubbard with regard to the Pequot war,
because he was not a coteraporary author, and because I be-
lieve the story to be exaggerated and over-colored by the vindic-
tive feelings of the wri|er. For the sake of fairness, however,
as well as to exhibit a passage of unmeant pathos, I here give
his account of the victory at the Fairfield swamp. I do not
vouch for its correctness ; and neither will I vouch for its
incorrectness.

" A little before daybreak, (by reason of the fog which useth
to arise about that time, observed to be the darkest time of the
night,) twenty or thirty of the lustiest of the enemy broke
through the besiegers and escaped away into the woods, some
by violence, and some by stealth cropping away, some of whom
notv/ithstanding were killed in the pursuit ; the rest were left
to the mercy of the conquerors, of which many were killed in
the swamp like sullen dogs that would rather in their self-
willedness and madness sit still and be shot to pieces than re-
ceive their lives for asking at the hand of those into whose
power they were now fallen. Some that are yet living and
worthy Of credit do affirm, that in the morning, entering into
the swamp they saw several heaps of them sitting close to-

494

U i

APPENDIX.

gether, upon whom they discharged their pieces laden with
ten or twelve pistol bullets at a time, putting the muzzles under
the boughs within a few yards of them ; so as besides those
that were found dead (near twenty as was judged) many more
were killed and sunk in the mire, and never were minded
more by friend or foe."— Narrative of Indian Wars, pp. 47, 48.

{fl

ARTICLE IV. p. 164.

A ''^ ,rvs^

Indian Autographa.

1, Uncas. 2,Oweneco. 3, Attawanhood. 4, Major Bem
Uncas. 6, Mamohet, (son of Oweneco.) 6, Mahachemo.

7, MOMAUGUIN. 8, AnSANTAWAE. 9, TONTONIMO, (of Milfoid.)

10, SiiAUMnsHuii. 11, Montowese. 12, Ackenacii. 13,
Pethus. 14, Ahamo. 15, Nassaiieoon. 16, Cassasinamon.'
17, HERMON<jAnnET. 18, Weraumauq. 19, Catoonam.

i with
under
those
more
linded
17, 48.

Bem

!M0.
.id.)

13.
low.

APPENDIX.

ARTICLE V, p. 183.

495

"September 28th, 1640. This writing witnesseth that I,
Uncas, alias Poquaiom, sachem of the Mohegans, have given
and freely granted unto the governor and magistrates of the
English upon Connecticut River, all the land that doth belong,
or ought of right to belong, to me, by what name soever it be
called, whether Moheegan, Yomtake, Aquapanksuks, Pork-
stannocks, Wippawocks, Massapeake or any other; which
they may forever hereafter dispose of as their own, either by
settling plantations o. the English there, or otherwise, as shall
seem good to them; reserving only for my own use that
ground which at present is planted and in that kind im-
proved by us ; and I do hereby promise and engage myself
not to suffer, so far as I have power, any English or any other
to set down or plant within any of those limits which before
this grant did belong to me, without the consent or approba-
tion of he said magistrates or Governor at Connecticut afore-
said — and this I do upon mature consideration and good advice
freely and without any constraint, in witness whereof I here-
unto put my hand.

The mark of Poquaiom alias Uncas.
" In presence of Thomas Stanton.
The mark of Poxen alias Foxon.

" The said English did also freely give to the said Uncas
five and a half yards Trucking Cloth, with Stockings and other
things, as a gratuity.

" A true copy of Record.
Examined by George Wyllys, Secretary.
" This is a true copy of a copy examined by Daniel Hun-
tington, Jun., Clerk of the court of Commissioners."

44*

496 APPENDIX*

ARTICLE VI, p. 460.

When the Mohegans shall have totally disappeared from the
earth, if such a time ever comes, there will probably still re-
main one monument of their national existence. A little ways
from the city of Norwich, towards the no., 'i, stands the royal
cemetery of the tribe, containing the graves of several of the
family of Uncas. The cemetery is a small parallelogram, and
is surrounded by an inclosure of granite posts connected by
chains. Within this, s>tand or lie the rude grave stones of the
dead; and, towering above the others, rise's a monument
erected a few years since by the ladies of Norwich to the
memory of Uncas. The cost of the monument, with that of
the fencing, was, I have been informed, about four hundred
dollars. Its material is granite ; its shape is a plain obelisk
standing on a pedestal ; and on one side of it is cut in large
raised letters the simple inscription of uncas. The monument
itself, and the condition in which the cemetery is now placed,
are both highly creditable to the citizens, and more especially
to the ladies, of this charming little city. Uncas was not in-
deed a good man, or a beneficent ruler ; but he was as de-
serving a monument as the greater part of the kings and
princes who have appeared in the world ; and ho was a steady
and unflinching friend to the fathers of the city of Norwich, as
well as to all of the colonists of New England. The monu-
ment is creditable, I said ; but Norwich has erected still nobler
monuments than this : in the labors of Fitch for the conver-
sion of the Mohegans, and in the more modern efforts of Miss
Huntington and her friends. These are monuments which
will not perish, like granite, but will endure even when lime
shall be no longer.

Of the other graves in the inclosure, some are, and some are
not, marked by stones ; and two or three of the stones haro

APPENDIX. 49f

been so broken that the inscriptions are now difficult to deci-
pher. By the aid, however, of a transcription of them which
was made some time ago, and which was kindly lent me by
Mrs. Goddard, who resides next to the cemetery, I am enabled
to offer the following copy of these epitaphs to the reader.

SAMUEL UNCAS.

For Beauty wit for sterling Sense

For temper mild for Eliquence

For Couradg Bold For things Wauregeon^

He was the Glory of Mohedgon

Whose Death has Caused great lamantation

Both in ye English & ye Indian Nation.

Heiie lies the Bodyes op two infant Children op Ben-
jamin Uncas jun and op Ann Uncas op ye Royal Blood-
One died Nov. ye 8th 1738 ye other Deo. ye 10th.

Here lies ye body op pompi uncas son op benjamin and

ANN UNCAS AND OP YE ROYAL BLOOD WHO DYED MAY YB 1 Uf
1740 IN YE 21 YEAR OP HIS AGE.

HERE LIES SAM UNCAS THE SECOND AND BELOVED SON OP HIS
FATHER JOHN UNCAS WHO WAS ^HE GRANDSON OP UNCAS, GRAND
SACHEM OP MOHEOAN. THE DARLING OP HIS MOTHER B^INO
DAUGHTER OP SAID UNCAS GRAND SACHEM. HE DIED JULY 3l8t
1741 IN THE 28th OP HIS AGE.

• Fine things— good clothes, omamerta, furniture, tto.

498

APPENDIX.

IN MEMOKY OF TONO SEA8AR lONUS* WHO DTED APRH. 30th
1749 IN THE 28th YEAR OF HIS AGE AND WAS COUSIN TO UNCA8.

In Memory of Elizabeth Joquiib the Daughter of Mohomet
great grand Child to ye first Vucaus Sachem of mohagen
Who Died July ye 5th .1756 Aged 33 years.

In Memory of Elizebeth Begneott Great grand child of
Uncas Sachem of mohegan Who Died on ye 20th A. D. 17G1
Aged 14 years.

* Probably a c has slipped from this word, so that it should be read ioitctti.

*T^

LS.

let
an

INDEI.

of
31

AcKENACH, sachem of the Pau

gussetts, 269, 270.
Aiisantawae, sachem of the

269^2w'^'' '^"' '^"'^' ^^^'
Arramament, a Podnnk sa-
chem, his quarrel with Un-
cas, 257. His will, 258.
Ashquash, a Fairfield or Stam-
lord Indian, murders a white
man, 209.
Attawanhood, third son of Un-
cas, his death and will, 288
?"? ^^^''^^^ERs, murder
John Oldham, 87. Are pun-
ished by the English, 88. 91.
Busheag, a Stamford Indian,
nis crime and execution, 210
Canonchet, sachem of the
^larragan^etts, heroism and
death of, 282, 283.
Canonicus, old sachem of the
Narragansetls, 23, 89, 125,

•1> V *j t

Captain Sannup, an Indian,
sells a tract previously sold
f>y Chapeto, 266.

Cassasinatnon, a Pequot, «ol.
Iccts a band of Pequots at
Numeag, 226. Is abused by
Uncas, 227. Ls accused of
a plot against Uncas, 229.
Petitions against Uncaa's

government, 231. Pays trib-
ute to the English, 242, 243,
244,246,260. Is appointed
governor of the western band
of Pequots, 246. Leads a
war party against the Nar-
ragansetts in Philip's war
283. Dies in 1692, 422.

Chapeto, sells a large tract on
the Connecticut, 266.

Chickens, a sagamore, "history

Ot, uOS.

Chuse, or Jo Mauwehu, forms
a tribe at Humphreysville,
400. Traditions concerning,
406. Removes to Scatacook
and dies, 407.
Clothing.ofthe Indians, 9.
Commissioners of New Eng-
land, try Miantinomo, 194.
Send an overbearing mes-
sage to the Narragansetts.
199. Try the quarrel be-
tween Uncas and the Nar-
ragansetts, 212. Investigate
the conduct of Uncas, 228,
231, 254. Mwke war on
Nmigret, 24.'. Grant the
Pequots a governme r!^ 246
Impose fines on the Picom-
tocks, Tunxis and Narra-
gansetts, 256. Appoint over-
seers for the Peaunf« OR\
-J , — jj.

800

INDEX.

Connecticut, appearance and
condition of, when first visi-
ted by Europeans, 2. The
colony of, its suiTerings by
the Pequot hostilities, 117.
Declares war against the
Pequots, 119. Breaks up a
coalition against Uncas, 235.
Grants eighteen square
miles of Mohegan territory
to Lyme, 307. Is summoned
to appear before Dudley's
court, 310. Appeals from
the decision of Dudley's
court, 312. Prepares against
a second trial, 325. Wins
in cause, 331. Prepares for
a third trial, 334. Is again
successful, 339.
Cushawashet, see Hermon

Garret.
Diseases, of the Indians, 20.
Dutch, their early discoveries
in Connecticut, 69. Their
trade with the natives, 70.
Buy land at the mouth of the
Connecticut, 71. Buy land
on the site of Hartford, 71.
Make war with the Pe-
quots, 73. Ransom two
English girls from the Pe-
quots, 121. Make war on the
Indians of Hudson River
and Long Island, 204. De-
stroy an Indian village, 207.
Make peace with the In-
dians, 209.
Endicott, John, commands an
expedition against the Block
Islanders and Pequots, 90.
English, settlements of on Mas-
B'i ::'au8etts Bay, 73. Explore
Citjsr.ecticut, 74. Build a

trading-house at Windsor,
75. Give cause of complaint
to the Pequots, 76. Con-
tinue their settlements in
Connecticut, 82. Observe
ill their treaty with the Pe-
quots, 86. League with the
Narragansetts against the
Pequots, 104. Destroy a
Pequot village, 131. Cap-
ture and massacre Pequot
warriors, 143, Prosecute
their settlements in Connec-
ticut, 161. Defend Uncas
against the Narragansetts,
211.
Etow Jack, a Mohegan, ex-
ploit of, 146.
Fairfield Indians, sell land,

167.
Gallop John, revenges the

murder of Oldham, 87.
Gardiner Lieutenant Lion, 93,

105, 107, 109, 111, 120.

Guilford Indiai:s, sell their

land, 167. Numbers of, in

1774, 361.

Hammonassetts, situation of,

52. Their country sold, 182.

Hermon Garret, the same with

Cushawashet and Wequash

Cook, 180. Collects a body

of Pequots, 226. Is abused

by Uncas, 227. Is accused

of a plot against Uncas. 229.

Pays tribute to the English,

242, 243. 244, 24G 260. Is

appointed governor of the

eastern band of Pequots, 246.

Indjans, appearance and phys-

ic:?J qualities of, 3, Agri-

culture of, 4. Their modes of

s anting, 5. Their fishing, 8.

INDEX.

Their clothing and orna-
ments, 9. Their houses and
furniture, 12. Their vil-
lagea, 15. Their amuse-
ments, 16. The family
among them, 17. Marriage
among them, 17. Their
morals and character, 18.
Their diseases and medical
treatment, 20. Their funeral
ceremonies, 21. Their reli-
gion, 23. Their social dis-
tinctions, 29. Their govern-
ment, 30. Their mode of
war, 33. Their treatment
of prisoners, 37. Their lan-
guage, 38, 491. Observa-
tions on the decline of,
67, 299, 348. Physical and
moral condition of, in 1683,
299. Numbers in 1680,'
301. Restrictions withdrawn
from, 349. Census of, in
1774, 350. Regulations con-
cerning overseers of, 351.
Numbers of, in several towns,
363. See Laws and Mis-
sionary Efforts.
Iroquois, oppress the western
tribes of Connecticut, 65,
Are defeated by the Pau-
gussetts, 223. Are engaged
by the Narragansetts to at-
tack the Mohegans, 234. In-
vade the Mohegan country,
289. Hunting party of, in
New Hartford, 350.
Johnson Joseph, a Mohegan
preacher, 469. His efforts
to induce the New England
tribes to remove to the
country of the Six Nations,
469. His appeal for as-

501

sistance to the Assembly of
Connecticut, 470. Preaches
in New York, 470. Moves
to the country of the Six
Nations, 471. Letter to,
from Washington, 471.
Johnson Zachary, a Mohe-
gan, active in the Mohegan
troubles on the side of the
colony, 459. Interesting an-
ecdote of, 477. His death.
479.

KoNCKAPOTANAUH, sachem of
the Paugussetts, his death.
354.

Laws, against private pur-
chases from the Indians, 176.
Forbidding Indians to handle
fire-arms, 201. Restricting
Indians from coming into the
settlementg, 202. Forbid-
ding Dutch and French ves.
sels to trade with the Indians
within the limits of the
colony, 202. Interdicting
the purchase of wood from
Indians, 203. Forbidding
the sale of ardent spirits to
Indians, 203. For the gov.
ernment of the Pequots, 247.
Confining the Indians within
certain bounds, 271. Re.
straining them from ap.
preaching the settlements,
271. For the punishment
of drunken Indians, 271.
For the protection of In-
dians against creditors, 271.
Concerning the Mohegans,
317, 342. For the regula-
tion of overseers of Indians,
351. For the protection of
the Nehantics, 386. For the

502

INOKX.

protection of the Groton Pe-

quots, 428.

Machemoodus, situation and

superatitions of, 55, 56.
Mahackemo, sachem of the
Norwalk and Stamford In-
dians, sells land, 177.
Major Symon, a Pequot
Achilles; his exploits, 285.
Mamohet, son of Oweneco, his

death, 314.
Mamohet, son of the last. 318

321, 323.
Mason John, commands an
expedition against the Pe-
quots, 119. Commands a
second expedition, 169. His ,
deahngs with regard to the
Mohegan lands, 293.
Mason John, grandson of the
former, is guardian of the
Mohegans, 312. Petitions
that the costs of Dudley's
court may be repaid him,
319. Becomes a school
teacher among the Mohe-
gans, 320. Forms a party
among the Mohegans ad- j
verse to the colony, 321.'
Goes to England to appeal
to the crown and dies there
323.

Mauwehu Gideon, founder of
the Scatacook tiibe, 407
et seq. '

Mauwehu Joseph, see Chuse.
Mayn Mayano, » sachem at

Stamford, his daring attempt

and death, 205.
Metoxon, sachem of the Sharon

and Salisbury Indians, sells

land, 399.

Miantinomo, a Narragansett

sachem, 89. Approvei the
expedition of Mason, 125.
Goes to Hartford concerning
the conquered Pequots, 156.
Makes a treaty with the
English and Mohegans, 159.
Accused of hostility to the
English, he clears himself,
184, 185. Suspicious con-
duct of, with regard to a Pe-
quot assassin, 186, 187. Ob-
tains permission from Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut to
makewaronUnca8,188. In-
vades the Mohegan country,
189. Is defeated and taken'
191. Is placed as prisoner
at Hartford, 193. Is tried
by the Commissioners of
New England and con-
demned to death, 194. Is
executed, 197. Observations
on the justice of his sen.
tence, 198.
Missionary efforts among the
Indians, of Eliot, 252. Of
Rev. Abraham Pierson, 272.
Of Rev. James Fitch, 274,
275. 4mong the Mohegans!
344,482. Among the Wan'
gunks, 364. Among the
Western Nehantics, 384
Among the tribes of Litch-
field County, 409. Among
the Pequots, 430.
Mohegans, a clan of the Pe-
quots, 59. Rebel and are
expatriated, 84, 85. Join the
English against their breth.
ren, 119. Their rising en.
mity with the Narragansetts,
156. Their increasing num-
bers, 181. Kill and plunder

INDEX.

some Massachusetts Indians,

2.56. To-nre a Narragan-

settprisa. .,284. View of

their land affairs from 1640

to 1683, 291, et seq. ^Z

tionof;inl683,297. Quar-

rel with the people of Col-

Chester and New London

about land, 308. Their legal

contests with Connecticut,

503

Momauguin, sachem of the
Quinnipiacs, gives his ter-
"tory to the English, 162.
lestifies against Nepau-
puck, 173. ^

Mononotto, a Pequot saga-
niore, 151. His wife, 151

Montowese, son of Sowheag
his sachemdom, 55. Parts

310 '\9i Qo/; o^r>"""'". — ""' '^'"i ic CO tne i

^ar 315. ^heir numbers
f 1704, 316. Enactments
*"L ""^ l^enefit, 317. The
Mason party " formed
among them, 321. Laws
concerning them from 1722
to 1743, 342. Efforts for
their education and conver-
sion,344. Condition in 1743,
d46. Assist the colonists in
tne l*rench war of I755
4^0. Mason party still exists'
among them, 450. Efforts
lor their religious and edu.

cational benefit, 451 Con f°"^'^y' 212. Agree to a
tinued division, JJ„,,°,™: TiTl^'^^'^''' ^13.

tinned divisions among, 459.

1 iieir numbers in 1774, 474

Fight for the colonies in the

revolution, 475. Numbers

"L^'^W^'^. '" ^^^^ York,
aII' ^"'&"^ar memorial of,
Iq, o , Z''^'^^^" "f' i" 1790,
481 Sabbath and day school
established among, 482 A n-

propriations for, by the Uni-
ted States, 484. Condition
;^™^^^,«^hoolin 1842 and
1845, 486. Present num

rious tribes of Connecticut
^^- Iheir situation and
numbers, Q2. Their char-
acter, 64 Form a treaty
with the English, 104. Join
o« ^^P^'^^^ion of Mason,
I'^b. Attempt to procure the
murder of Uncas, 185,236.
Are defeated by the Mohe-
gans, 191, 253. Attack Un-
""fJ^ ^^enge for the death
ofMiant,nomo,211. Accuse
Uncas of falsehood and dis-
honesty, 212. Agree to a

Defeat the Mohegans, 215
War against them resolved

^"^y^he_ Commissioners,
<5Jb. Obtain peace on hard
conditions, 217. Unite with
the Pocomtocks and Mo-
havyks against Uncas, 234
Unite with the Pocomtocks
and lunxis, 253. Their
overthrow and ruin, 281
Theb country ravaged" by
the English, Mohegans and
Pequots, 283, 284.

Cemetery of ^^.T:^^"^^^' ^^^indsor saga^
at Norwich, 4, )r,. I 265' Sells land, 264,

504

INDEX.

Nehantics, a Rhode Island
tribe, 61. Join the expedi-
tUm of Mason, 127. War
u|" n by the English, 244.

Nehantics Western, of Con
necticut, early condition of,
57. A village of, attacked by
the English, 137. Their re-
servation, 381. A -v^., ressions
upon, 382. Condition in
1734 and 1736, 383. Efforts

for their religious bene-
fit, 383. Religious interest
among them, 384. Difficul-
ties with the whites, 384.
Their numbers in 1761,
1774 and 1783, 385, 386.
Their present condition, 386.
Nepaupuck, a Pequot saga-
more, unjust trial of, 172.
Execution of, 174.
New Fairfield Indians, sell

their land, 360.
Ne_Ar Milford Indians, collec
tion of into a tribe, 389.
Observations on their num-
bers, 389. Sell Wyantenock,

391. Sell other large tracts,

392. Their connection with
the neighboring tribes, 393.
Their partial migration to
Scaiacook, 396. Obtain an
appropriation from the As-
sembly, 397. Make another
migration, 397. Their con-
dition in 1774, 397. Their
cemeteries, 398.

Niuigret, sacheu: of the Rhode
Island Nehantics, 153, 160,
216, 236, 239, 244, 245,
246.

Nipmucks, or Nipnets, their
early condition, 57. Seil

a tract at Plainfield, 266.
Make war with the Narra-
gansetts, 267. How their
lands passed away from
them, 376. Traditions con-
cerning them, 377. Singu.
lar tradition of theirs, 377.
Their intercourse with the
settlers, 378. Religious in-
terest among them, 380.
Their numbers in 1774, 381.
Norwalk Indians, sell their

land, 177.
OccoM Samson, conversion
and education of, 454. Be-
comes a missionary among
the Long Island Indians,
455. Is licensed and or-
dained, 455. Goes to Eng-
land and attracts great no-
tice, 458. His oljservations
on the result of the Mohegan
Case, 463. His sermon at
the execution of Moses Paul,
465. His death, 476.
Oweneco, oldest son of Uncas,
leads a war party against
Philip, 280. Leads another
against the Narragansetts,
283. Trustees his private
lands, 290. Becomes sa-
chem of the Mohegans, 304.
Confirms a large tract to the
tribe, 305. Trustees the
Mohegan land to the Ma-
sons, 305. Makes various,
sale and gifts, 306, 307.
Engaged in a law suit
against Connecticut, 310.
His death, and anecdotes of
him, 314.
Pauoussetts, situation, num-
bers and fortresses of, 49.

Sell part of Milford, 166
Disturb the people of Mil.'
ford 222 i,,,P^, ^ ^;^-

of Mohawks, 223. Land

nil, 2G4. Make various

sale«, 269. Land laid out to
Jem in Huntington, 270.
1 heir dispersion, 354. Num-
bers at Golden Hill at va-,
nous times, 355. Ageres.
sions upon the Golden Hill

"Pon the band in Milford,

in M-f/T"^ remnants of,
m Milford and Trumbull
357 Colony of, in Wood-
bridge, 357.
Pequots situation and num.

nr^A^f- ^^«^«nded from
^le Mohicans of Hudson
River, 59. Their settlement
m Connecticut, 60. Their
early wars and conquests,
bl. iheir enmity with the
JNarragansetts, 62. Their
early sachems, 66. Sell
Hartford to the Dutch, 7L
Make war with the Dutch,
73. Murder Captain Stone,
77. I heir affairs on the
wane, 78. Make a treaty
with Massachusetts, . 80 •
with the Narragansetts, SL
Observe ill their treaty with
Massachusetts, 86. Treat

;^P~^^-I^^ght with a party
f English, 99. Fail in
attempting to excite the
^arragansetts against the
English, 101-loi Kill
numbers of the English,

INDEX.

505

105-109. Parley with the
garrison at Say brook, 111
i"^^//^'^;'J>ersfield, J 13."
Aie defeated at Mystic and
then- fort burned, 131-133
Dispezse, Uo. Retreat to'
i-aiiheld swamp, 141. Are
overtaken and defeated, 147
Seek refuge among the sur-
rounding tribes, 152. Sub- -
mit to the English, 155.
Aie divided among the Mo-
Regans, Nehantics and Nar
ragansetts, 159. Havinc?
settled in their ancient ccuu.
]^y, are driven out, 169.
/wo bands of them collect
J^ their ancient country, 226
i;iy from the authority of
Uncas, 230 . Petition to be
fieed from his rule, 231.
Resolute in refosing to obey
Uncas,233. Petit^n to be
governed by the English,

English, 242, 243, 244, 246,
^60. Leave the Nehantics
and come in to the E.iglish,
'^T . t^^e received under
colonial authority and pro-
tection 246. Governors ap-
pointed for them, 246. Laws
made lor their regulation,
^47. Quarrel with the
Montauks, 261. Overseers
appointed for them, 261.
Their western band settled
at Mushantuxet, 262. Join
the English in Philip's war
280. Their situation in
1683,297. Melancholy char?
acter of their hi.tor/, 421.
Observations on their dimi-

506

INDEX.

nution, 421. Their early
governors, 422. Their quar-
rels with them, 423. En-
croachments on the western
band, 423. Its condition and
numbers in 1731, 427. Its
lands in part leased, 428.
Laws for its j.otection, 428.
Religious interest among the
Pequots, 430. Numbers of<
the eastern band in 1749,
432. Attempted aggressions
on it, 432. Aggressions on
the western band, 433. De-
prived of a large part of its
lands, 436. Its numbers in
1762, 437. Efforts for its
religious and educational
benefit, 437. Its numbers in
1774, 439. Numbers of Pe-
quots remove to the Oneida
country, 440. Renewed diffi-
culties concerning the lands
of the western band, 440.
President Dwight's account
of the eastern band, 441. Its
condition in 1820, 442. Con-
dition of the western band in
1832, 443. In 1849, 444 ,
Condition of the eastern
band in 1848,443.

Philip, sachem of the Pokano-
kets, his war commences,
279. His death, 287.

Pocomtocks, a Massachusetts
tribe, 234, 235. 254, 255.

Podunks, situation and num-
bers of, 55. Their difficulties

, with Uncas, 249, 257. Listen
to the gospel from Eliot, 252.
Their disappearance, 363.

Potatucks, situation of, 51. Sell
a large tract of land, 351.

Their condition in 1710, ^52,
Hold a great powwowing,
352. Obtain an appropriation
from the Assembly, 353.
Numbers of in 1761 and
1774, 354.

Powwows, or priests, account
of, 27.

QuiNEBAUGS, see Nipmucks.

Quinnipiacs, situation and
numbers of, 52. Sell their
territory, 162. Their reser-
vation, 360. Their last sa-
chem, 360. Their numbers
about 1730, 361. Their par-
tial migration to Farming,
ton, 361. Their cemeteries,
362.

Ram ipoo Indians, of Ridge
field, sell their land, 359.

" River Tribes," close connec-
tion among anciently, 53.
Great sachem of, 54. Clo-
sing history of, 363, et acq,

Salisbury Indians, see Sha-
ron Indians.

Sassacus, becomes sachem of
the Pequots, 73. Sends
to Massachusetts to solicit
peace, 79. His courageous
counsels, 141. He retreats
with part of his people
to Fairfield swamp, 142.
Leaves them and flies to the
Mohawks, 150. Is murdered
by the Mohawks, 151.

Scatacooks, collect at Kent,
407. A Moravian mission
amongthem,409. Their par-
tial dispersion, 411. Hold a
" talk " with the commis-
sioners of Massachusetts,
Connecticut and New York,

INDEX.

607

411. Their reservations,
413. Sell part of their ter-
ritory, 414. Encroachments
on them, 414. Obtain land
from the Assembly, 415.
Difficulties with the whites,

415. Curious petition of,

416. Their numbers in
1774, 417. Their lands
leased in 1775, 417. Their
condition in 1786, 417.
A large tract of their land
sold in 1801, 419. Their
present numbers and condi-
tion, 420.

Sehat, a Windsor sagamore,
53, 83.

Sequassen, sachem of the River
Tribes, 54. Overcome by
the Pequots, 61. Sells land
around Hartford, 83. At-
tacks Uncas, 187. Is de.
feated, 188. His singular
conspiracy, 218. He is im-
prisoned by the English, 222.
Being in exile is allowed by
the commissionei's to return
to his country, 222. His
quarrel with the Podunks,
249, ei seq.

Sequin, see Sowheag.

Sharon Indians, one tribe with
the Salisbury Indians, 398.
Sell various tracts of land,
399. Complain of encroach-
ments and oppression, 400.
Sell their reservations in
Salisbury, 401. Gradually
leave Sharon, 403. Sell their
reservations in Sharon, 403.

Shaumpishuh, sunk squaw of
the Guilford Indians, 52.
Signs the treaty at New

Haven, 164. Sells her land
at Guilford, 167.

Sowheag, or Sequin, sachem
of the Wangunks, 54, Sells
the country around Weth
ersfield, 83. Wronged by
the Wethersfield people,
113. Induces the Pequots
to attack Wethersfield, 113.
His quarrel with Connec-
ticut, 168.

TiMOTHEUS, a Sharon Indian,
claims land there, and makes
disturbances, 403. Is bought
out, and leaves, 405.

Tontonimo, a Podunk sachem,
quarrels with Sequassen and
Uncas, 249.

Tountonemoe, a Paugussett
sachem, 269.

Tunxis, situation and numbers
of, 52. Sell Farmington,
175. Attack the Mohegans,
254. Fined therefor, 255.
Fined for a murder, 263.
Their reservation confirmed
to them, 263. Disappear
from Simsbury, 369. School
existing among them, 370.
Several become freemen and
professors of religion, 371.
Aggressions upon their
lands, 371. Their numbers
in 1761 and 1764, 373. Me-
morials, &c., 373. Their
disappearance, 375. A mon-
ument to their memory, 375

Uncas, a sagamore among the
Pequots, 66. Related to the
royal Pequot family, 66
Rebels against Sassacus, 84.
Defeated and banished, 84.
His person and character, 86.

^ff^-JSf^-\

];

508

I^TDEX.

Joins the English against the
Pequots, 119. Defeats two
parties of Pequots, 120, 121.
Tortures a prisonei, 121.
Deceitful conduct of, 154,
159. Joins in a league with
Connecticut and the Narra-
gansetts, 159. His increas-
ing power, 181. Sells the
Hammonassett country, 182.
His deed of 1G40, 183, 455.
Is hated by Sequassen and
the Narragansett sachems,
184. Invades and defeats
Sequassen, 188. Defeats
Miantinomo, 191. Executes
him, 197. Is besieged by
the Narragansetts, 213. In-
vestigates an Indian murder
at Stamford, 224. Beats and
abuses a hunting party of
Pequots, 227. Is summoned
before the Commission-
ers, 228. Other complaints
against him, 228, 231. Fox-
on's defense of him, 231. He
is fined, 233. Is stabbed by
a Narragansett, 236. Quar-
rels with a Long Island sa-
chem, 237. Why hated by
the other sachems, 238.
Complains to the English
about Ninigret and the
Dutch, 239. Quarrels with
Tontoiiimo, a Podunk sa-
chem, 249. Defeats the Nar-
ragansetts, 253. Is attacked
by the Pocomtocks, T^nxi^:
and Narragansetts, 254.
Quarrels with Arramamen't,
a Podunk sachem, 258, Op- ^
poses the gospel, 275. His
religious character, 276.

Joins the English in Philip's
war, 280. His death, 296.

Uncas Major Ben, son of the
last, his protest against Owe-
neco's sales, 313. Usurps
the sachemship of Mohegan,
318. His death, 321.

Uncas Ben, son of the last, be-
comes sachem of Mohegan,
321. Is opposed to the Ma-
sons, 322. Releases Con-
necticut from the claims of
the Mohegans, 321. His will
and death, 447.

Uncas Ben, son of the last, he-
comes sachem of Mohegan,
448. Complains of the Ma-
son party to the Assembly,
450, 459. His death, 460.

Uncas Cesar, sachem of Mo-
hegan, 315. His death, 318.

Uncas Isaiah, son of Ben
Uncas, educated at Whee-
lock's school, 456. His death,
464.

Uncas, the name of, now prob-
ably extinct, 481.

\VAoiii.\AcuT,a Podunk saga-
more, urges the English to
settle on the Connecticut, 73.

Won iinnks. their situation, 54.
Sell various large tracts, 264,
265. Their reservations,
663 Labors of Richard
Treat for their education and
conversion, 364. Their num-
Lv^rs and condition in 1764,
367. Sale of tlieir lands and
their dis[)trsion and extinc-
tion, 368.

Waierbury Indians, sell their
land, 268.

Wcpawaui{3, see Paugusaetts.

INDEX.

509

"Wequash, a Nehantic saga-
more, 130. His conversion,
178. His death, 179.

Wequash Cook, see Hermon
Garret.

Weraumaug, sachem of the
New Milford tribe, sells a
large tract on the Housa-
tonic, 392. His grand wig-

wam, 393. His conTersion
and death, 394. Singular
scene at his dealh-bed, 395.

Wheelock, Rev. Eleazer, in-
structs Samson Occom, 453.
His Indian school, 456 — 459.

Windsor Indians, 53. Disper-
sion of, 363. Numbers of,
in 1774, 363.