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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent ia mithode. 1 2 f 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 u£Ju«ji«; ^^''■ c^-utCf-^^^^r^- ■"- i» ■'.*"''■*-■■-■■■-. * "■ POLITICAL PROGRES ... • ' I AN IMPARTIAL ACCOUNT Of tu$ principal Abuses in the GoVE|ii^EHT of this - CounUyi from the Revolution in 1688. *'■..■'■ ■ ■* •■'■-' *tbe Whole tendinjf to|>rov(ithe roinoiijConfcqwewxiof thf X popu|5irSyft«in 0f WAagndC•:' >fi- f^Bsmm •* T«E WORLD** MAD BUSINES PART FIRST. IDINBVRGHt ! I^IVTtO rot lOtHtTtOlf AHD BliRY» MO. $^ MVti^ . ^1J>0I) AKO T. K4iri MO. 333* •TBAJtOf LONDON. t 'li ^1 >> w^ ^ i X i «^,jf t r .;T i 'M Ir *». t f A - •3 t> J/ , t^ f^. Vf', \Ji '■' A «f ''. T. INTRODUCTION* '.■>'♦ WITHIN the laft hundred yea« of our hiftory, Britain hal been live times at war with France> and fix times at war with Spain. During the fame period, (he has been engaged in two rebellions at home* befides an endlefs catalogue of maifa* cres in Afia ind America. In Europe, the common price which we advance for a war, has extended from one to three hundred thoufand lives, and from fixty to an hundred and fifty millions Uerling. From Africa, we import annually between thirty and forty thoufand flaves, which rifes in the courfe of a century to fX leaft three millions of murthers. In Bengal only, we de- Uroyrd or expelled, within the (hort period of fix years, no lefs than five millions of induftrious and harmlefs people * ; and ar vre have been fovereigns in that country, for above thirty-five years, it may be leafonably computed that we have ftrewed the plains of Indoftan with fifteen or twenty millions ofcarcafes. If we combine the diverfified ravages of famine, peftilence, and the fword, it can hardly be fuppofed, that in thefe tranfadliont lefs than fifteen hundred thouiand of our countrymen have pe« riflied ; a number equal to that of the whole inhabitants of Bri- tain who are at prefent able to bear arms* In Europe, the ha- vock of our antagonifti has been at lead not inferior to our own, fo that this quarter of the world alone has loft by our quarrels, three millions of men in the flower of life ; whofe defcendants, in the progrefs of domeftic fociety, would have fwelled into multitades beyond calculation. The pesTons pofitively deftroyed muft, in the whole, have exceeded twenty millions, or two hun> dred thoufand.a^ of homicide /^r annum, Thefe vidlims have been facrificed to the balance of power, and the balance of trade, the honour of the Britifli flag, the univerfal fuptemacy of par- * InfrS} chap. i. : -iitji liunent. *f I i ] ■■ ■~vm-y^r^.-j,-ammMiimrtitimtmim> I' {iamenfi and the fecurity if the Proteftant fiicceflion. If we aro %o proceed: at this rate for another century, we may, which is natural to ipankirid, admire otirfelves, and our atdiievementst but every other nation in the world muft have a right to wifh that an earthquake or a volcano may firft bury both iflands to« - ge«her in the centre of the globe j that a fingle, but decifire ex- ertion of Almighty vengeance may terminate the progress aqd (he remembrance of our crimes. In the fcal^ of juft calculation, the moft valuable commodity^ ttext to human blood, is money. Having made a grofs eftimate of the deftrui^ion of the former, let us endeavour to compute the confumption of the latter. The war of 1 689 coft fixty roiK lions of public money, and at the end of it, the public debt$ amounted to twenty million's, or by another apcoiint^ lo be feventeen millions and a half; fo that not more than one third part of the expences were borrowed. In Quefen Anne's war^ forty or fifty millions fterling were alfo funk in the fame martw ner, befidcs about thirty millions, which were added to th* former public debt« Very large fnms have fince been abforbed in other wars, over and above thofe which were placed to the AatioAal credit. In 1783, by the report of the commHIionets of public accounts, the total debt* of Britain extended to twb hundred and ^venty-nin* millions, fix hundred and ninety, •fight thotifand pounds, though many millions have been paid off in time of peace, by what is called the finking fund. Hence we fee, that thisfum of mm hundred and feventy-nine ntillions is much inferior to the aftual charges of thefc wars. The total amount m&y be fixed fomewhere perhaps between four and fix hundred millions. To this we muft fubjoin the value of fix- teen or tvftTiXy thouf^tid merchant (hips taken by the enemy. This diminutive article of fixty or an hundred millions would have been fafiicient for tiani))oiting and fettling eight or twelve hundred thoufimd farmers, widi their families, on the banks of ' the Potowmack or the Mifiiffipi, By the ttporc above quoted^^ we learn, that in 1785, the intereft of our public debts ex- ^tK^-Sft, t Memoirs of Britain 9ndIve^nd}Tol«ii^ J*"; WiMfPWWI^I'^ ^«nd«4 ■ t s 1 fended to nine millions, and five hundred thoufand potimtily . which is equivalent to an annual tax of twenty (hillings fer hihA, on every inhabitant of -•Britain. The friends ofour intel- ligent und. refpe^ble minifter, Mr, Pitt, make 4n infinite buftle about the nine millions of debt which his ingenuity has difr charged. They ought to arrange, in an oppofite column, a lift of the additional taxes which have been impofed, and of the myriads of families,, whom fucfa taxes have ruined. At beft| we arc biit as a pcrfon transferring his money from the right pocket to the left. Perhaps a Chancellor of the Exchequer Vnight as well propofe to empty the Baltick with a tobacco* pipe. Had the war with America lafted for two years longer, Britain would not at this day have owed a {hilling ; and if we Ihall perfift in ru(hing irko carnage, with out former contempt of itll feeling and reflexion, it may ftill be- expeAed that, ac- fsording to the practice of other nations, a fponge or a bonfire will finiih the game of fundings '' WhAt advantage has refulted to Britain from fuch inceflant fcenes of prodigality and of bloodfhcd ? In the wars of I'iSg, mnd 1701, this country Was neither more nor Icfs than an L b'f iiotfe for the Emperor and the Dutch. The rebellion in 171 j^ was excited by the de'fpotic irtfolence of the Whigs; The pur- «h«fe of Brertieft and Verden produced tije Spanifli war of 1 7 1 8, ■«tid ti fquadron'di^atched for fill: dillerent years to the Bakick. ^eh exertions coft tes an hundred times mote than thefe qni^ liiire Dutchies iire worth, even to the EleAor of Hanover; a diilindlion which on this buline(s becomes neceflaiy, for as tt> Britain, it was never pretended, diat we could gain a farthing by filch an acquifition. In I'jt'ji the hUtion forced George thb Firft into a war with Spain, which ended as ufual with much ^ifehief on both fides. The Spanifti wai of the people ki 9759, and the Auftrian fubfidy war of the erown, which com- meticed in 1741) were abfurd in their principles, and ruinoits in their corifequehtes. At fea, wc met with nothing but hard blows. On riie continent, we began by hiring the Queen of Hungary to fight her own battles againft tl^e King of Pruflia ; ffi{d ten yoM «^r tl^e win ^nded| we Mted die King of Praffia 'Pl' ; [ 6 ] - Tvith fix hundred and feventy-one thoufand pounds per annumt to fight his own battles againft her. If this be not folly, what are we to call it ? As to the quarrel of 175:44 " It was xe- " marked by aU Europe," fays Frederick, *' that in her difpute .« with France, every 'wrong ftep •was on the fide of England^* ' fiy nine ye^rs of butchery, and an additional debt of feventy millions ftcrling, we fecured Canada ; bat had Wolfe and hii army been driven front the heights of Abraham, our grandfons might have come too early to hear of an American revolution. As to this event, the circumftances are too fho(;king for leflec- tion. At that time an EngHfh woman had difcovered a remedy for the canine madnefs, and Frederick advifes a French cor- tefpondent to recommend this medicine, to the ii/e of the Parliament of Englandy as thtymufi certainly, have heen bitten by a mad dog. In the quarrels of the Continent we ihould concern ourfelvet but little ; for in a de&nfive war, we may fafely defy all the nations of Europe. When the whole civilized world was em- bodied Under the banners of Rome, het Di^tor, at the head of thirty thoufand veterans, difembarked for a fecond time on the * •coaft of Britain. The face of the country was covered with a foreft* and the folitary tribes were divided upon the old quef- tion, Whojhall be. king f The ifland could hardly have attained . ^to a twentieth part of its prefent population, yet by his own jiccount, the invader found a retreat prudent, or perhaps neceip .fary. South Britain was afterwards fubje^led, but this acquifi- tioQ was the ta(k of centuries. Every village was bought -with the blood Qf the legions. We may confide in the moderation of a Romiui Hidoriani when he it to defcribe the difafters of hi» countrymen. In a fingle revoltj eighty thoufand of the Ufurpers were extirpated i and fifty, or, as others afErm, feventy thoufand foldiers peri(hed in the courfe of a Caledonian cam- paign. Do the iQafters of modern Europe underftand the art of war better than Severus, ai|d Agricola, and Julius Ctefar ^ Is smy combination of hunnan power to be compared with the tju lents and refources of the Roman empire ? If our naked an-' ceftors refifted and vanquifhed the conquerors of thefpecies* ,5WlMt have we to fear from any antagonift of thia day ? On fix .':'. monthi t 1 ] 4 feionths wafning we could mufter ten or twelve hundred thou-* fahd militia. Yet, while the defpots of Germany were fight- ing about a fubutb, the nation has condefcended to trembla fot its exiftence> and the bloflbms of domeftic happinefs have been blafted by fabfidies, and tide-waiters, and prefs-gangs, and ex- cifemen. Our political and commercial fyftems are evidently nonfenfe* We poffefs within this fingle iiland> every produc-' tion, both of art and nature, which is necefTaty for the mod comfortable enjoyment of life j yet for the fake of tea, and fu- gar, and tobacco, and a few dther defpicable luxuries, we have tsflied into an abyfs of blood and taxes. The boafted extent of our trade, and the quarrels and public debts which attend ity have raifed the price of breads and even of grafs, at leaft three hundred /^r r«»/« . • _ This pamphlet conflfts not of fluent declamation, but of curious Authenticated and important fadls, with a few ihort obfervations intetfperfed} which feemed neceflary to explain them. The reader will meet with no mournful periods to the memory of cnnual or /ri«««M/ parliaments } for while the members are men fuch as their predeceflbrs have almoft always been, it is but of fmall concern whether they hold their places for life, or but for a fingle day. Some of our projeAors are of opinion, that to Ihorten the duration of parliament would be an ample remedy for all our grievances. The 'Advantages of a popular eledion hivc likewife been much extolled. Yet an acquaintance with Thucydides, or Plutarch, or Guicciardini, or Machiavel, may tend to calm the raptures of a republican apoftle. The plan of hniverfal fuiFrages has been loudly recommended by the Duke of Richmond ; and, on the i6th of May 1782, that noblemauj /econded by Mr. Home Tooke, and Mr. Pitt, was fitting in a tavern, compofiag advertifements of reformation for the newf-> papers. Mutantur Tempora. But bad his plan been adopted, it is poffible that we fhould at this day, have looked back with regret^ on the humiliating yet tranquil defpotifm of a Scots, or a Comilb borough. > The ftyle of this work is concife and plain ; and it is Loped t^t it wiU be fqiind fuJicipntly refpe^ful to all paroes. The , ..\ . ... '■.■«, ^itellion to ^c decided is, are we to proceed with tlie w&r fy^cm \ Are we, in the progrcfs of the nineteenth century, to embrace five thoufand frcfh taxes, to fquander a fecond five hundred millions ftcriingi and to extirpate twenty millions of pepple I ii. i. ,t! ; r-' . ' H ? T ( « hf Mr *t ^J^J.ClV^ tf*. ^,V I' \ .'P'V . . r ■'*■«■ , . I . J, ^ . . . ' ' i . ♦ r .'(i.^ilfi I'-o;; .•.'J '-^ J ^w jr ^ » I* «k^i - ,4»rf * * *^ «v ■<^>- •« ^ jfritJ *. . IT' 4 J Ail , /I '-.if » '*>*, ''i ^■T^'.li . -Kit 'J^ , & T H « Hiuiui lir'-^-et ^: { '.ibJi-\ bn.. ar fyftciti f > embrace hundred epple ? i--'<;I i:y.:.i .•'1- ■\'. : i .J •Hi. '•'■■ .u i f ■ ' r .: Ml- lia T H fi .. -i f.-. ,- ■\ i ft; I» O L 1 1 1 C A L P R O 6 R E S S BRITAIN. nil i' «ti J-1iiq-:: T!>^> CHAPTER 1* ;, rj ■■■!•,■■ a t ' ' DuteK prtwivefs, Danifli wit) and Britiili policy* ' Great nothing ! mainly tend to thee* kocHtsTEK* THE people of Scotland arei on all occaiionsi fooliih enough to intereft themfelves in the good or bad fortune of ail £)ngli(h minifter ; though it does not appear that we have more influence with fuch a nlinifteri than with the cabinet of Japan.. To England we were for many centuries a hoftile> and we are ftiil confidered by them as a fofeign, and in effed^ a conquered nation. It is true) that we eledl very near a twelfth part of the Britifli Houfe of Commons ; but our reprefentatives have no title to vote) or adl in a feparate bodyi Every ftatute proceeds upon the majority of the voices of the whole compound afTem- bly t What) therefore^ can forty-ftve perfons accomplilh) when oppofed to five hundred and thirtcert ? They feel the total in- fignificance of their fituation) and behave accordingly. Ain equal number of elbow chairs) placecn driven, by every engine of judicial torture, to the laft pang of its exiftence I Have not the manufafturers of paper, printed callicoes, malt liquors and glafs, been harraflcd by the moft vexatious methods of exading the revenue } methods equivalent to an addition of ten, or fomctimes an hundrifd per cent, of the duty }iayable. Let us look around this infulted country, and fay, on what manufadure, except the linen, government hat not faftened its bloody fangs. * «« Damn you and your inftrudions too, I have bought «* you, and I will sell you," faid a ivorthjf reprefcntative to his conftitucnts, when they rcqueftcd him to attend to their in- tereft in parliament. Folitkal DiJ'fjtiiJitionsy vol. i. p. »8o. f I'o this general ccnfure we can produce a few exceptions) but thr; individuals are fo well knowu, that it would be ncedleft to name them. X^ a range theitf- confidcredy r in the par- unfyt tvliidi ndignation ; table. Our I intcrpofed harem, and rom plung- s, their de- :annot be of ledlorsi and :nted at alh i of the mi- preflive and polizin^ dl- :kly as pof- rfcres with i breach of have been f ftarch alfo he laft pang jcr, printed >y the moft I equivalent cf/if. of the Quntry, and lent has not ; BOUGHT entative to o their in- 280. exceptions* i)C needle fs r 1' i In the Excifc annals of Scotland, that year which expired 011 the 5th of July 1 790, produced for the duties on foap, ^fixtj- P'iie thou/and pounds. Oft the 5th of July 1791. the annual amount of thefe duties was ov\y forty-five thou/and pounds; and by the fanae hopeful progrefs, in three years more at fartheft, our minillers will enjoy the pleafure of extirpating a branch of trade, once flouriflung and extenfive. Two men were fome years $go executed at Edinburgh for robbing the Excife Office of twenty>feven pounds ; but offenders may be named, who ten thoufand times better deferye the gibbet. We have feen that oppreffive flatutes, and a method of enforcing them, the moil lyrannical, have, in a Single year, deprived the revenue of twenty thoufand pounds, in one line only, and have driven a ' crowd of induftrious families out of the country ; and then our legifiators, to borrow the honeft language of George Rous, Ef^, «* have Hjie infoience to call this g o v t r n m e n t." - " •" • By an oriental monopoly, we have obtained the unexampled privilege of buying a pound of the fame tea, for fix or eight Ihillings, with which other nations would eagerly fupply us for twenty-pence ; nay, we have to thank our prejcnt illuftrious minifter, that this trifling vegetable has been reduced from * price ftill more extravagant. His popularity began by the commutation adt. Wonders were promifed, wonders were ex- pe(f\ed, and wonders have happened ! A nation, confifting of men who call themfelves enlightenedt have confented to build up their windows, that they might enjoy the permifllon of fip- ping in the dark a cup of tea, ten per cent, cheaper than for- merly ; though not lefs than three hundred per cent^ dearer than itsintrinfic price. Such are the glorious confequcnces of ourftapid veneration for a minifter, and our abfurd fubmiflion to his capricious didUtes I At home Englifhmen admire liberty ; but abroad, they have always been harlh mafters. Edward the Firft (Conquered Wales and Scotland ; and at the diftance of five hundred years, his name in yet remembered in both countries with traditionary horror. His actions are (haded by a degree of infamy uncoixunoi) evei^ jyp tl^c ruflian catalogue of Englifh kings* 3 ? . ' Th» • \ [ 12 ] The rapacity of the black Prince, as he has been emphati- cally termed, drove him out of France. At this day, there are Englifti writers who pretend to be proud of the unprovoked maffactes committed by his father and himfelf in that country ; but on the other hand, Philip de Comines afcribes the civil wars of York and Lancafter, which followed the death of Hen- ry the Fifth, te^he rhdignation of divine juftice, Ireland, for many centuries, groaned under the moft oppreflive and abfurd defpotifm ; till, in defiance of all coofeqi\ence$} th« immortal Swift, like another Ajax, "^" ■ ■» •■'■^^' *-'.*' ' <* Broke the dark phalanx, and let in the light," He taught lus country to undcrftand her importance. At lad £he refolved to afTert it, and, as a neceiTary circumftance, iho arofe in arms, England faw the hazard of contending with a brave, an injured, and an indignant nation. The fabric of ty- ranny fell without a blow ; and a (hort time will extinguilh the lad velHge of a fupreinacy, difnonourable and pernicious to both kingdoms. In the taft and Weft Indies, the conduft of Britain may ba fairly contrafted with the murder of Atabaliba, and will prove equally ruinous to the detefted conquerors*. . :^ ., .. ,f ., When our fublime politicians exult in the viftory of Seringa- patam, and the butchery of the fubjedls of a prince, at the d^i * « The civil wars to which our violent dcfirc of creating •* Nabobs gave rife, were attended with tragical events. Ben. ** gal was depopulated by every fjiecies of public diftrefs. In « the fpacc oijix years, half the great pities of this opulent « kingdom were rendered dcfolate ; the moft fertile fields in the *' world lay wafte ; and five millions of harmlef; and in- *' duftrious people were cither expelled or dcftroyed. Want of ** forefight became more fatal than innate barbarifm ; and men '< found thcmfelves wading through blood xx^ ruin, when their «f only objeft was y/a/7," Do-w's llijfory of Inde^any vol. iii. p. 70* This book was publilhed in j 1^72, and the prefent quo- tation refers to our conduct at that period. In this dreadful fcene, the moft diftinguifhcd aAor was Lord Clive. But neither four millions fterling, nor even iionjenfe auantities of opium could ftifle in his bolom the agonies of rct e^on. In 1 77^ he ?« Ml own throat, •en emphati- ay, there are unprovoked hat country ; )cs the civil eath of Hen. oft oppreflive squencesf tha ', ■ ■ >•»••»,'«■> •■■■' ce. At laft mftance, ftio idin^ with a fabric ofty- xtinguilh tho ernicious to itain may be id will prove y of Seringa^ it at the d^- ■ — p— '. of creating; vents. Ben, diftrefs. In this opulent e: fields in the )lef$ and in- d, Want of m ; and men when their flan, vol, iii. prefent quo« or was Lord en inanjenfe ;onies of re-« t«nc9 [ >3 ] t*ncc of fix thoufand leagues, I am convinced from the bottom of iijy heart, and fo will the majority of my countrymen be, long before this century has elapfed, that it would be an event, the moft aufpicious both for Bengal and for Britain, if Corno wallis and all his myrmidons could be at once driven out of India. But what quarter of the globe has not been convulfed by out ambition, our avarice, and our bafenefs ? The tribes of the Pacific ocean are polluted by the moft loathfomc of difeafes ; our brandy has brutalized or extirj^ted the Indians of the weft- em continent ; and we have hire CHAP* <^'.- I H ] y^l.*$'''j ,,r:;yv;>./:!; :,;,;.;/ .Vj/ >. CHAP II. S^i vJ.tVvC.A.-v; ^t>,;i it; .■ ; -T' , tl'^'J li (fss't'*! tci •1., /lit-, ■ u .J' . t i>- •► (•nj-.JiJ'^^ii iv:*,;^i,C»i* "tc iatj'ii •Hfe- jiiiO ',/ '! ^lii^it .Vlvfl^'':''i'/ ^ ' r,: Tis time to take enormity by the forehead and brand it* - -«'. "^^^ p,.*",'i ,.,n' ^ ,*)»Y^.;».,) T «, ; Be n Johnson* - <* "TXURING the reigns of Charles and James the Second, (( ±^ above fixty thoufand Nonconformifts fuffered, of « whom^^i;^ thou/and dikd in prison. On a moderate com- « putation, thefe perfons were pillaged o£ fourteen mi^li- " ONS of property. Such was the tolerating, liberal, candid " fpirit of the Church of England*'" This eftimate cannot be intended to include Scotland, for it is likely that here alone, Epifcopacy facriBced ilxty thoufand vidlims. Of all forts of fol- lies, the records of the Church form the mod outrageous bur^* lefque on the human underllanding. As to Charles the Second, it is full time that we (hould be fpared from the hereditary in- fult of a holiday, for what Lord Gardenftone has jufily termed « his BANEFUL RESTORATION." - . , ., . It is vulgarly underllood that our political millenium com- menced with <* the glorious Revolution," Let the reader judge from what follows, « Two hundred thoufand pounds a year htftvwed upon the ** parlianuHti have already (1693) drawn out of the pockety <( of the fubjedls more money than all our kings Jince the Con- ** qutft have had fnm the nation! — ^The King (William) has *< about fix fcore members, whom I can ireckon, who are it| « places, and are thereby fo entirely at his devotion, that though *^ they have mortal feuds, 'when out eftbt Houfe^ and though <• they are violently of oppofite parties, in their notions of go« •» vemment, yet they vote as lumpiogly as the latun Jleevet, «^ The Houfe isfoo^r^r^-iby thofe who have places and pen** ♦ .i ■ I , . .1 I -I . ♦ Fide Flowei on ihp French Cooftitution, p. 437, and hli Authorities, - .. - [ >5 I 4 *f lions, that the King can baffle any bill> quafli all grievances, «* and ftiflc all accompts *." A pawnbroker defcfcnding from the pillory would not bw- fufFcred to rcfume his profeflion. A porter convifted of theft, would be deprived of his ticket. We might be tempted to rma-' gine, that a folicitude to embrace pollution, can hardly exift even in the meaneft and mod worthlefs rank of mankind. It feems incredible, that an aflembly confifting of Gentlemen, (hall firft by a folemn vote difcTiarge one of their members as a raf" taly and in a (hort time z^ltx, place him at their head. That fuclv A cafe has aftually happened, appears upon record. ' In the year 171 1, the Houfe of Commons refolved, " That « Robert Walpele, Efquirei having been this feflion of parfia.- « liament committed a prifoner to the Tower, and expelled this <* Houfe for a breach of triifi in the execution of his ofGce, and « NOTOfcrous CORRUPTION, whch fiecretarj' at War, was, « and is incapable of being cleAed a member to ferve in this « prefent parliament." Such an expulfion would for ever h^ve bolted him out of any fociety but a Britifh fenat'e. In 1 7 1 5, when a new parliament was called, he refumed his feat. He I'ofe fuperior to competition ; and the end of his career was worthy of his outfet. Yet his charafter can lofe nothing by a comparifon with that of his conftituents, the burgefles of Lynn, who attempted inftaatly upon his expulfion, to return him a fe- cond time as their reprefentative, but their choice was rejeftcd. Nor was it becaufe Walpole had pilfered five hundred guineas that he was expelled and fent to the Tower. He was a Wbi;^, Ind at that time the majority in the Houle of Commons were Tories, This was regarded as the true caufe of his fentcnce +. ^ ■ .....— .. — ..,.■■.— ^ — 1^., ^m ■ I- ■ ..^ ■ 1^ ■- 111!.— ' , * Burgh's Political Dilquifitions, vol. i, p. 405. + George the Second, on his acceflion, had refolved to dif- mifs Walpole. The minlilcr offered on condition of keeping his place, to obtain an addition of an hundred thoufand pound* /(t annum to the civil lift, and a jointure of an hundred thoufand pounds to Queen Caroline. His terms were accepted. It it impoflible for the human mind to conceive a more fordid tranf- aftion. Edmund Burke, in what he calls an appeal to the old whigs, has gravely aflured us, that " Walpole was an honour- *' able man, and a/ounJ whig. He was not a prodigal and cor- "f ru/t minifter. He was far from governing by corruption." The K; i! , . t '6 ] T • • *f1ie Earl of V^Tiarton, another "whig ^ was fined in a thoufanci J^unds for an outrage too grofs to be repeated. This did net deprive him of his feat in the Houfe of Peers, nor impede hia progrefs to the go\ emment of Ireland^ where his condudl rivalled that of Rumbold in Bengali or Vfcrres in Sicily* — About the y9ar 1770^ General Burgoyne was fined in a thoufand pounds for bribery at an eledion for Frefton. He enjoys a feat in tliA preleiit parliament. & ,. ; ^ f'^^* ,, ,.. ./\ .lik... On the fubjeft of parliamentary corruption, no writer has ipoken with more franknefs and perfpicuity, than Mn Dodding- ton,^ in his celebrated Diary. In a converfation with the Duke of Newcaflle, in 1753, about anele^ionfor Bridgewater, therd is the following curious paflage : " I recommended my twq « parfons, Burroughs and Franklb< The Duke entered into « it very cordially, and anfwered me* that they fliquld have '< the firfl crown livings that (hould be vacant in their parts, \i « we would look out and fend him the firil intellLgence." And again, « Mr. Pelharo declared, that I had a good deal of *' marketable 'warti't ht,\.Mi.\A^nt Kw Interest, and that if " I would empower, him to offer it all to the King, nuitbout *' conditioHSt he would be anfwerable to bring the affair to a good. « account. — ^The Duke of Newcaffle faid, that what I did waa ' vety greati that he often thought with furprife, at the eafe and cheapne/s of the elcftion at Weymouth, that they had NOTHING like it. I faid, I believed there were few who could give his Majefty six members for nothing* — ^The elec- <' tion coft me three thoufand four hundred pounds. I waa fairly chofcn, nor would the returning officer have dared not «« to return me, had he not been encouraged by the fervants of «« adminiftration. The borough was loft, and loll folcly by a *' Lord of the Bed-chamber, and the Cuftom-houfc Ofiicen/*. (Par mbile fratrum ! ) « Lord Bute had toU Anfon, that « room muft be made for Lord Parker ; who replied, that all «* was engaged. Bute faid, What, my Lord, the King's Aimi* ■<« ralty borottghs fully and the King not acquainted 'with it I AlW- '^ fon feemcd quite difconcerted, and knew not what to fay */* ■I II ■■ ■■■■■! ■■■■HI . ■I.— . — .I 11 ■ ■■■ ■■..III ■■■! I !■ i ^ ? Doddington's Diarj', 3d cd, p. 256, 283, 293, 3091 tt/eq, Thit « <( (( (( it [ >7 ] in a thonhnd This did net r impede hit iduft rivalled -About thci ufand pounds a feat in thci .,:t ^s^u writer has lii Dodding> th the Duke ewater, theri ded nay twq entered into ' fliQuld have leir parts, if ;cnce." And ;ood deal of » and that if ing> luitlMut air to a good lat I did waa ' f at the eafe hat they had :re few who . — ^The elec- indsj I wai ire dared not ; fcrvanti oi folcly by a fe Officen/'. AnfoQ, that ied, that all ^ing't Admi* tbitl An* itiofayV* . ■ I I ■ 11 I i^fc 309, ttfeq, Thii by Mr* Courfnevi *rhis agrees cxaftly with the account gi in a late debate in the Houfe of Commons, where he obferved, that members came into parliament with a label at their mouths, infcribed, Yesi or No, The ftate of Britilh reprefentation has been often examined and cenfured; A few particulars may ferve as a fpecimen of the reft; England is faid to contain eight millions of inhabitants, who fend to the Houfe of Commons five hundred and thirteen mem- bers. At this rate, every million ought, upon an average, to chufe fixty-ifour rcprefentatives. The cities of London aiid Weftminfter contain between them, about a million of people^ I who eledl not/'x/y-yiar, baty?;*' members for parliament. The borough of Old Sarum, which contains only om inhabitant, fends /two members. On this topick, a (hort extraft from Mr. Burgh's Political Difquilitions, may entertain the reader. — « Two hundred and « fifty-four members are ekfted by five thoufand feven hundred ** ^nd twenty-three votes ; now, the moft numerous meeting of <' the Commons ever known, was on occafion of the debate « about Walpole, A* D. 1741. There were then five hundred *< and two in the Houfe. Therefore, two hundred and fifty- « four comes very ricar a majority of the Houfe, or the ijchole ;,y: « ailing-KcA efficient number. And the greateft part of thefe •i ** illuftrious five thoufand feven hundred and twenty-three^ " who have the power of conftituting lawgivers over the pro- ** perty of the nation, are themfelves perfons of no property *." The writer has here committed a flight inaccuracy ; for, in the debate about Walpole, thefe two hundred and fifty-four members, who are not, in faft, eleded by a two hundredth part of the nafion, would hive ftemed an adtual majority of fljC votes againft the whole other rcprefentatives in the Houfe. In the year 1770, the Englifli nation becdme jealous that their liberties were in danger, becaufe Government had interfered in the ele^ion of Mr. Wilkes, as a member for the county of Mid* dlefex. The letters of Junius are chiefly employed upon this Political Difquifitions, vol« i, p. 4j;. •.". topic. r '8 } topic» Junius, with all his merit, refcmblcd' a barbcrr whey plucks out a lingle hair^ when he ought to be (having your beard. It could not be of the leaft confequence to the county of Middlefex, nor is it of any concern to any other county in England, who are their reprefentatives, fince the two hundred and fifty. four members who are elefted by a two hun- dredth PART of the nation^ and the forty-fire make -weight Scotch members, arc alone fufficicnt to infure a majority. The- fubje or in ftorming the pcftilential ramparts of the Havannah *. In 1708, we captured Minorca, and after what has bceir faid as to Gibraltar, it is unnecefTary to expatiate on the mon- fterous expences which it mull have coft us during half a cen- tary, till it was in 1756 fuirendered to the French^ On thia event the whole Engliih nation feemed to have run out of their fenfes. Yet to the lofs of this fortrefs^ we may in fome ntea*' fure attribute our fuccefsy as it was called, in that war ; for tJ» chairge of fupporting Minorca muft have been fek as a dead weight upon our other operations. It was reltored in 1 763, and in 1781, it was a fecond time, and I hope for ever, feparated from the Britiih dominions. By the lofs of this fortrerfs we iave an inceflant and extravagant expence. With me it is an ebjedl of regret, that the brave Elliot and his garrifon had not been forced to capitulate by the fiift bomb difcharged againft them. The individuals, afting as they did, from the moft ge- nerous and honoutable principles, have acquired and deferved our warmeft gratitude ; and, as it may be expeded that fud» events will hereafter become lefs frequent, their glory will de- fcend with increafihg luftre to the laft generations of mankind* Bat their efforts were fatal to this country ; for it is felf-evidenC that we had much better have wanted this mock, appendage of empire. The fiege itfelf produced fcenes of fuch ftupcnduous deftruftion, that they cannot be perafed without horror.. Nine years of peace have fince elapfed, and, in that time, including the endlefs expence of fortifications, it is probable that Gib- Ealtar has coft us at leaft five millions iteriing ; befides, we have been again on the verge of a war with Spain, which has added a comfortable item of four millions to the debts of the nation* If the annual expence of Gibraltar amounts to five hundred thoufand pounds, this is about one thirty-fecond part of our * The Major of a Britifh regiment who ferved at that fiege, had in his company, on his arrival at Cuba, an hundred and nme healthy men. Of thefe, as he himfelf told me, five only re- turned to Europe. public. j»ubHc revenue. Nothing but the power of its difpofal can db^ lain for a Britifli minifter a majority in the Houfe of Commons. Three hundred and twenty members are about the ufual num-- bcr un^er bis injlaence* ; and therefore the patronage; of Gib- raltar may be conjeftured to purchafc ten votes in the market of St. Stephen's chapel +; Though writers have prefumcd to fpecify the annual charge of Gibraltar, an exaft eftimate cannot poflibly be obtained* The public accounts are prcfented to parliament in a ftate of in- extricable confufion; Indeedj their immenfe bulk would alone be fufficient to place them far beyond the reach of any human comprehenfion. A fingle circumHance may ferve to (how the way in which parliamentary bufinefs is commonly perfoi'med* A ftatute was pafled and printed feme years ago» containing three fuccefli\e references to the thirty-vii.iT day of November. For a foreign conteft, our government is mod wretchedly adapted. In the war of 17 561 Frederick, that Shakefpeare of kings, fought and conquered five different nations. In the courfe of his miraculous campaigns, he neither added a fingle impoft, nor attempted to borrow a fingle (liilling. At the fame time our boafted Earl of Chatham was overwhelming this coun- try with taxes, and contraftin^ an annual debt of fifteen or twenty millions ftcrling. With a more deftruftive minifter no nation was ever curfed. Yet this man we prefer to Sir Robert Walpole, a ftatcfman, whofe maxim it was 10 keep us, if pof- fible, at peace with all the world. ,: . In 1662, Dunkirk, then poficfled by England, cqH an annual • When the wliole ftrength of each party is called forth, a minority are commonly within an hundred voices of the minifter, which corrcfponds with tolerable accuracy to the computation in the text. In the regency queftion, Mr. Pitt, with the whole nation at his back, muftered only two hundred and fixty-nino members. + In the Spanifh neeoeiation in 1757, the Earl of Chatham (then Mr. Pitt) propofed to cede Gibraltar to Spain, and again, in 1761, he offered it as the price of the Family Compad. Vide llis Life, in two larj^e volum-.-s juft nul)li(hed. This propofal evinces, that the fortrefs wiu not, in Mr, Pitt's opinion, of much importance to Britaiji. txpcnoe t =5 ] can 6h^ >n:imons« al num- of Gib- market expence of an hundred and twenty thoufand pounds. -At thai iamc period the whole revenues of the nation did not amountjto eleven hundred thoufand pounds* The retention of the town muft have proved a hot-bed of future wars with France. Charles the Sedond} at this time fold it to Lewis the Fourteenth, for the fum of four hundred thoufand pounds. This was, I believe, the only wife, laudable, or even inndcent aftion of his reign* It had almoft produced a rebellion ; and, as Mr. Hume obferves, « has «< not had the good fortune, to be juftified by any patty." Domeftic improvement is, in all cafes, more advantageous than military acquifition. Yet in the great outlines of our hiftory, we have inceffantly forfaken the former, to purfue the latter. James the Firft, though in private, and even in public life, univerfally delpifed, was one of the beft fovereigns that ever fat on the Britifh throne. Without a fingle quality which could recommend him to our efteem, he preferved the Englirfi nation, though much againft their will, in peace, during his en- tire reign of twenty-two years. Hence both iflarids made ra- pid advances in wealth and profperity. " Nevef,'' fays Stowei ** was there any people, lefs confiderate, and Itlfs thank- *' ful than at this time, teit/g not nvilliug to endnre the memory of " their prefent happinefs." On the fame principles of rapine, which diftated the retention of Dunkirk, James has been fe- ▼erely blamed for delivering back to the Dutch three of their for* tificd towns, which had been put into the pofleffion of Eliza- beth. Mr. Hume has, with much propriety, vindicated his con- duct. Had it been poHlble that the life of fuch a prince, and the tranquillity of this country, could have been prolonged to the pre- fent day, it is beyond the power of Britifh vanity to conceive the accumulated progrefs of Britifli opulence. Both iflands would, long before this time, have advanced to a ftats of cultivation, not inferior to that of China. The produdions of the foil, and the number of inhabitants, might have exceeded, by tenfold, their prefent amount. Public roads, canals, bridges, and buildings of every defcription, muft have multiplied far beyond what our mod fanguine wiihes are capable of conceiving. A ihort review of the dcllru^on committed by foreign wars within the laft hundred D years tf «"-i *; r .6 J years of our hI(lory> can hardly fail to amufc} and may perhap* indrudl the reader. CHAP. IV. 'f'l 1 -' ' »• Facial eji Jcfceufus Averni, 'VlUG, \ .■)t r a:.,; "Tis eafy into hell to fall; ^^^ » ,- r V; ,-.,.,j.:;r « 'T^HE ground of the firil war," fays Dri Swift, « after « -*■ the Revolution, as to the part wc had in it, was to- *• make France acknowledjje the late king, and to recover HmJI~ ** fott't Bay. But during that whole war the fer was almoft « entirely ncglefted, and the grcateft part of fix millions annu- *« allyy employed to enlarge the frontier of the Dutch. For the «« king was a general, but not an admiral ; and although king. «< of England, was a native of Holland. « After ten years of fighting, to little purpofe, after tKc lof». *' of above an hundred thoufand men, and a debt remaining oF " tnutnty millions, we at length hearkened to the terms of « Peace, which was concluded with great advantages to the « Ivnplrc and Holland, but none at all to us *." ■"I'liis account does not give us much encouragement to fend for a fccond fovcrciv^n Irom Holland. Dutch gencrofity ap- pea-s io have proved a very mifcrable bargain. It is hardly * pofllble that James, witli all his priefts and dragoons, could have committed one hundredth part of this havock. So much .,for a Protellant hero, and a glorious Revolution. William afcendcd and fupported liis throne by a fcrics of the meaneft and mod difgraccful expedients. He excited Argylc and Monmouth to rebellion. He bribed the fervanta of James to betray tohimfclf the fecrets of their mafter. He inftrudted • The Condua of the Allies. tbcfe tliefe minifters to drive the King of England into thofe very meafures which forced a Revolution. He was bafe enough to deny the ligitimacy of the Prince of Wales ; he taught two thanldefs daughters to forfake, and ruini and infult their father* When embarking for this country, «< he took Heaven to wit- ** nefs, that he had not the lead intention to invade or fubdue '« the kingdom of England, much lefs to make himfelf mafter <* thereof, or to invert or prejudice the lawful fucceffion *.'* , James had quarrelled with the Church of England, and this was one of the chief caufes of his deftruftion. Yet all the bilhops, except eight, as well as many temporal peers, refufed to take the oaths to the new government ; and Bancroft, Archbifliop of Canterbury, who had been at the head of the oppofition to James, was, along with five other bilhops, depofed for liis re- fufaL The convention parliament who made William King of England, were elfSied by himfelft and contained, befides other extraordinary materials, ^^]^ members of the Common Council of London, With this very parliament he was immediately on the worft terms ; and Sutherland, Marlborough, and Admiral Ruf. fel, with many other chiefs of his party, entered into a confpi- racy for his expulfion. The Irifh rebels had forfeited lands to • the value of three millions three hundred and twenty thoufand pounds. This iramenfe property William divided almoft alto- gether among his Dutch favourites, and the Countefs of Ork- ney, an Englilh concubine, whofe fervices were rewarded with an eftate of twenty-fix thoufand pounds a year ; while, at the fame time, with the moft fordid ingratitude, he turned his back on the family of Monmouth, who had been his tool and his vicr tim. Thefc afts of robbery were reverfed by parliament. \ pafi over the tragedies of Glencoe and Darien, for on fuch a chara^er, they rcfleft no peculiar reproach. William was the father of our public debt, which he multiplied as much as p^ff fible, tkat befides other mean purpofes, he might attach to his pcrfonal fafcty the creditors of the nation. As to parliament^ in 1690, the Speaker <' piumifed to the king to manage hi» • Macpherfon'8 liiftory of Britainj vol, i, chap. 8, A T>i « OW'JI [ i^S ] « own party, provided he tnight be furnijhed nuith money, to pur- « chafe 'votes *." His majcfty confented. In the progrefs of this confpiracy, his agent was expelled from the Houfe of Com- mons, for accepting from the City of London a bribe of a thoufand guineas. A bribe of ten thoufand pounds, from the Eaft-India Company, « was traced to the king+ j" amagiftrate, whofe office it was to fign the warrant for executing a pick- pocket. William extinguiflied this inquiry by a prorogation. U Thus ended," fays the hiftorian, " a ixiretched farce, in which " the feeble efforts for obtaining jullice were fcarce lefs dif- <* graceful than venality itfclf." On the 20th December i697t the Commons granted William feven hundred thoufand pounds a year for the fupport of the civil lift. This comprehended fifty thoufand pounds a year, which he promifed to pay to King James's queen as her jointure, and fifty thoufand pounds a year, which he demanded as neceffary to eftablifli the houfe- hold of the Duke of Gloucefter, To the queen he never paid a farthing, and to the Duke only fifteen thoufand pounds a year. This prince died on the 24th of July 1700, and in 1701 the Commons, after a violent debate with the adherents of the court, compelled William to refund the fifty thoufand pounds, which he ha'd engaged to pay to the exiled queen ; and above twenty thoufand pounds, which the Duke of Gloucefter had left behind him %, Mr, Pitt complains of authors who publi(h • Macphcrfon's Hiftory of Great Britain, vol. i, chap. 10. + Ibid. vol. 2, chap. 2. X Macpherfon, vol, ii. chap, 3 and 4, The hiftorian has re- lated this anecdote in fuch a manner, that wc cannot learn what ^ums the exiled queen ought to have received. When her join- ture is twice mentioned in chapter 3, he calls it fifty thoufand pounds a year. But aiter four years, in chapter 4, he contra- and the Prince « who gives them the moft is their greateft favourite */' Were farther evidc \ce wanting^ fiurnet, himfelf both a whig and a Courtier> tells us that the whigs fet every thing to /ale. . He complained of the praftice of bribing parliament to the king;, and William aifured himy that it 'was not poffible to help it. As a partial defence of our anceftois it may be urged, that la ihe end of the lail century* the nation was unripe for a rational conftitution. But lince we know this to be true, why are we difturbed with rhapfbdies on one of the moft qoellionable com^ binations that ever deformed hiftory ? Does atvy body cbinpjare the packed convention parliaments of the twa kingdomsy in ■1689, with the democratical members of the firft national adem- Jbly of France ? As well might we parallel Charles Jenkinfon ,with the Duke of Sully, 01 the affaffm of Culloden with the conqueror at Bannockburn. Did the philofophical and concife «kcrees of the French patriots grovel in the feudal jargon of fubjedting a people and their pofterity forever to the affignees of a Dutchman who was univerfally deteiled ? As well might we fancy a refemblance between the daubing of a fign-poft, and the pencil of Reynolds, or the exercife of a fchooi-boy and the ftanzas of Buchanan, Upon the whole, as William betrayed James into feveral of thofe Climes by which a revolution became neceffary, his me« mory is an objeA not of refpedl but abhorrence. His conduA was like that of an incendiary who firft fets fire to your houfe» iind then claims ten times the worth of the whole building for his fervice in quenching it. To praife him and his revolution, difcovets an ignorance of hiftory, or a contempt of common honefty. It is as much a burlefque upon reafon, as when t King of England calls himfelf King of France ; or as when a ' iCpvitix * MacpherfoHf vol. ii, chap. 9, perfon^ [ 3^ J pcrfon, like Henry the Eighth, whofe word is trufted by no- body, affumes for his title Defender of the Faith. But fince the authors of the revolution did not furpafs the di' mirwitive ftandard of Court integrity, why has our temple of venality * for fo long a time refounded with the wretched larum of whig families and whig virtues ? Why fliould common men wander from their natural and juft progrefs to obfcurity, and mock the attention of future ages ? Had Archimedes been only the beft archer at the fiege of Syracufe, had Columbus lived and died but the mod expert pilot in the port of Genoa, had the eloquence of Shakefpeare fhrunk to a level with the drama- tick ihuflirooms of this day, thefe memorable benefaftors of mankind had vaniflied into inllant oblivion. Had Thomas Paine been nothing, fuperior to a vagabond feamen, a bankrupt ftayi maker, a difcarded excifeman, a porter in the ftreets of Philai delphi, or whatever elfe the infanity of Grub-ftreet chufes to call him, an hundred thoufand copif's of his writings had never announced liis name in every village on the globe, where the EingUfh language is fpoken, nor would the rays of royal indigo nation have illuminated that charadlcr which they cannot fcorch. 3lfe/tAi ii ^. .«.> CHAP. V. f'«'^----t>Tyu ^:, H ;-. V JO It' Nulla uftjuam de morte hominis cunSiatio longa ejl, < No delay as to the death of a man is ever too long, j u vbnal* TN the war which ended by the peace of Ryfwick, feven hun- •*• dred millions fterltng were fpent, and eight hundred thou- fand men pcrifhed, yet none of the parties gained one penny of • In the Anecdotes of Lord Chatham, we are told that Mr. Pelham was intruded with ivhfif is ufallj called T\iz pockbt LIST OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ; and Mr. Pitt foraetimei faid to his friends, « I was obliged to borrow the Duke of Kewcaftle's « majoritji to carry on the public bu^nefs." t a J .. ..I .'.i1 -.If . 'i taoDtyt jtloney, or'aimoft one foot of territory. In 1693, Lewis made very ample offers for peace which William refufed. Had Wil- liam accepted thefe offers of Lewis, «* the war of the firil grand «» alliance would have end^d/durjears /ooher than it did'y and the! «* war of the fecond grand alliance might ha've been prevented*. «< During fome years previous to the peice of Ryfwick, the «« price of corn in England was doublet and in Scotland qiia- *' druple its ordinary rate ; arid in one of thdfe years, it was be- «* lieved that in Scotland eighty thoufdnd people died ofivant +." " The war which followed the Revolution cofl England _^jf{jr rkillions jierling %, Let US fuppofe that an equal (hare ol this fumi was fpent in each of the nine yedrs^ during which itlafted, and at {vnper cent, the compound intereft of the foms advanced annu- ally up to the peace of Ryfwick in 1697, amounts to _/^/'<'^« millions jierling. Four thoufand merchantmen were taken by the enemy §; and De-Foey in one of his pamplets, tells us, that the damage in this way had been computed at twenty millions. The intereft of this fumi eftimated in the fame manner with that of the public eXperices up to the peace, will produce five mil- lions. But that oiir calculations may be perfedly fafe,' let xxi bring down both principal and intereft tofifieen millions^ and we fhall pafs over the expence of at leaft four thoufand bankruptcies^ and ten times that number of lawfuits. The diffctent fumg above fpecified extend to ninety millions fterling. Let us next put the cafe that this money had been placed at a compound in-^^ t the price oi a Dutch frontierrZXidi of Hud/an r Bay^ As Britain* and Ireland are faid to contain an hundred and four thoufand fquare milesi if the money had been employed in t-h^ improve- ments of agriculture^ it would have fupplied a fund of an hun-;. dred and one thoufand one hundred and fifty-three pounds fifteen- fhillings and eleven pence^ andfevtn thirteenth p*.yts, of a penny fpt- each fquare mile. This fum is much more tlian npon an average the whole landed property of both iflands is worth •- An objedlion may be advanced to this ilatement> that a great-' part of the fixty millions thus expended by government was em- beaded among ourfclvesy and that as it never aftually went. out of the country, lue are not at this day a farthing poorer than if the' money had never been raifed. If we might oppofe the language^ of common fenfe to the jargon of political fophiftry,- 1 would' anfvver^ that when a grazier in Yorkihire has been knocked,; down and robbed» he cares but little whether his guineas are to^: b^ ftaked at the gaming tables of Paris or of London. But we^ fhall admit that the Dutch adminiilration like all thofe which^ have come aiter it^wasa fcene of inexpreffible infamy;. that thirty millions out of the yT-r/y were pilfered in their road to the fer- vice of the public ; and that the peers and others who ftole thir money applied their pUmder to ends as honed as could have been devifed by the farmers and tradefmen who were ftripped of it.- ' This is not very fcafible, for what is won in a bad way is com- , 4 "" .ll — .— ll»l. ^. .I - ..- , M l,,.., ■ ., ,,.,■ ,.i,_, ., . ,. ■■ .1 II I I ■■— I^M^B* . • In the Memoirs of Great Britian and Ireland* the author-', eftimates the mtrtlofs of labour to the contending nations during ' the nine years of war, at ninety millions Sterling, cxclufivc oT the additional lof$ of kbgur/»;- If^, by th« mutual ilaughter. > . njonly nrnety n timesy? NO, or ^ t 35 ] • ' Inohly fpent in a worfe one ; but let us proceed. In eftimatlng the expences of the war, there was omitted an article of lofs at leaft equivalent to thefe thirty millions. It has been obferved, that a workman can, upon an average, earn about ten fhilllnga a-week, which in London is at prefent about half the common •wages of a journeyman taylor. Reduce this to twenty-five pounds per annutrt, and his life may be eftimated at twelve years purchafe, or three hundred pounds in value to the public. In the war in queftion, we loft an hundred thoufand men, and by this moderate and fimple computation, the price of their blood to Britain was not worth lefs than thirty millions Sterling, Even this nvmber of an hundred thoufand lives is moft likely far left than the adlual deftruiElion, Four thoufand merchant (hips were taken by the French privateers, and thefe alone muft have re- quired, one with another, twelve or thirteen mariners, which gives us an amount of fiity thoufand prifoners ; of vrhom, be- iides the numbers killed, at leaft ten or fifteen thoufand would })eri{h of jail diftempers, of their woands, of cold or hunger, imd above all, of a broken heart. ' ■= i':4t*;?f vfrt v; 5 '» As the pillagCi of public money is one of the worft confe- quences of war, I fliall here fay fomething farther on that fub- jeft. In 1 69 J, Knight and Duncombe, two members of the Houfe of Commons, were expelled for having forged indorfe- inents on Exchequer bills. Duncombe confeffed the charge, and his (hare of the booty had extended to four hundred thoU' fqnd pounds. I am not informed what was the amount of Knight's plunder ; or that of feveral others who were concerned. The Commons, in a fit of purity, paffed a bill to fine Duncombe in half his ettate. By the ftatute laws of England, he fhould have fuffered death. The bill for his fine was rejefted in the hotife of Lords *, by the cafting vote of the Duke of Leeds, who was himfelfa fwindler of the firft diftind^ion. The Earl . 9f Chefterfield had fome reafon for terming that houfe an hof- pital of Incurables, Salmon tells us, that the miniftry gave Whatever intereft and premiums were demanded for the loan of w ■ > . ? Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland; part Ui, book 4. ^ 5 a »one/ [ 36 ] ' money, and that provifions and naval ftorcs were taken Up at an advance of thirty, forty, and fopictimes fifty per cent. jibove their proper price. But, jndeed, after the dimiflion of Mr. I)uncombc, tuilh his four hundred thou/and pounds in his pockety every charge of this kind becomes perfeftly credible. Whether in the prefent age, piatters have been much mendedi there was nobody better able to inform us than the late Earl of Chatham. <« There is a ftt of men," fays he, " in the city of (f London, who are known to live in riot and luxury, upon the *( plunder of the ignorant^ the innocent, and the helplefs, upon «* that part of thp conimunity, which (lands moft in need of, " and bell deferves tlje care and proteAion of the legil^ature. f* To me, my Lords, whether they be miferable jobbers of " Change Alley, or the lofty Afiatic plunderers pf Leadenhall f< Street, they are all equally deteftable. I care but little « whether a man walks on foot, or is drawn by eight horfes, «* or by fix horfes } if his luxury be fupported by the plunder *« of his country, I defpife and abhor him. My Lords, while ** I had the honour of ferving his Majefty, / never ventured t^ ♦' loot at Til fi TREASURY, hut from a diflance ; it is a bufinefs '< I am unfit for, and to which I never could have fubmitted. <5 The little I know of it, has not ferved to raife my opinion << of what is vulgarly called the monied intereji ; I mean tl^at 1* BLOODSUCKER, t4lat MUCKWORM, which calls iffelf tRq *f friend of Government, which pretends to fervc this or that if adminiilration, and may be purchafed on the fame terms 6j, *' any adminiftration. Under this defcription I include the f< whole race pf comniifiiorters^ jobbers, contraflors, clothierS| »f and remitters*,'* The war of 1 689 is at this day almoft forgotten, in the blaze pf more recent and ftupendous follies. Yet the prefent ihort iketch of thpfe calamiti^^ vyhich it- produced, cannot fail of * Vide his fpeq(;h in the debate on Falkland's Iflands, which has been re-printed in the Anecdotes. This quarrel ended like others, in our difappointment, and perhaps difgrace. fiefides much expence and trouble to indi- viduals, the nation fquandercd between three and four nuUions fterline, ^ad'-vis infant f '" ' „ " J.' ' ' "^ r:E ' . leading #.,■ [ 37 ] leading us into fome melancholy refleftions on the general ten* dency of the military fyftem. War may produce advantage ta a race of barbarians, who have nothing to do, and nothing to lofe ; but for a commercial nation, it can be no better than an alderman deferting his ledger, to bet in a cock-pit. Of this fyftem there is no part more injurious than that which enjoin* the capture of merchant fhips. An honeft mariner has by the labour of half his life earned a thoufand pounds, and embarks his whole property in a veffel freighted from Leith or Dunkirk. He is boarded by an enemy's privateer ; his effeds are for^ feited ; and he himfelf is to rot for fix, or twelve, or eighteen months in a French or Englifli jail ; while his wife, his chil- dren, or perhaps his father — but this part of the pifture becomes too (hocking for the contemplation of humanity. Of thefe matters, kings or courtiers almoft never think. At a certain elevation, the human heart feems to com "afla/r^ more impe-r netrable than the fummit of the Alps or the Andes. It would be an aufpicous event for mankind, if all the (hips of war in the world could be reduced to a(hes in one day. We have adopted a fancy, that frequent hoftilitie$ are una- . voidable. Yet the Swifs, a nation of foldiers, and placed in the midft of contending tyrants, have hardly been thrice at war in the courfe of three centuries. The leafon is, that their go- vernments are founded on wifdom, benevolence, and integrity ; while ours breathe only maxims of. a lefs amiable nature *. Other inftances from the hiftory of our own ifland may be ad- . duced to the fame putpofe. " For more than a century after the *.< memorable year 1 1 89, there was no national quarrel, nor na-f *f tional war between the two kingdoms +." This circumftancc • ** The republics of Europe are all, and we may fay always " in peace. Holland and Switzerland are without wars, foreign «< or doraeftic ; monarchial governments, it is true, are never <* long at reft ; the crown itfelf is a temptation to enterprifing; « ruffians at home ; and that degree of pride and infolence, eyef ** attendant on regal authority, Iwells into a rupture with foreign ** powers, in inftances where a republican government, by beiiig V formed on more natural principles, would negociate thc; J< miftake." Common Sen/e, ' t Annds of Scotland, by Lord Plailei} rolt i. p« 135* f [ 38 ] becomes ths mdre remarkable, beatufe, at that rime our an- ceftors were fit for almoft nothing elfe but fighthig. The fatal conteft that began in the end of the thirteenth century, fprung from the ambition of Edward the Firft. The refpective na- tions lived in a profound peace, and were alike folicitous to prcferveit, aoi ;».«».«*•,*."*;; >>^.*i .a- "' .«,,>.. From the year 1403, to the battle of Flodden, in 1513, be- ing a fpace of an hundred and ten ycarsy peace was ' maintained betvveen the two kingdoms, with very little interruption; though fometimes there was a war which hardly lafted abo^e a fingle campaign. During the long and bloody ftrugglc between the houfes of York and Lancarter, the Scots interfered only once or twice at moft, and that was at the earned defire of the Englifh exiles ; but they formed no ungenerous and im- prafticable phms of conqueft. Even to Flodden they were driven by the temerity of their fovereign ; and his fortunate death put an indant end to hoftilities. Our anceftors, whom we confide r as barbarians, were unacquainted with the deliberate iyftematic third of blood which marks a modern politician ; and what quarrels they had, arofe from the folly of their feveral monarchs. We have not enjoyed ten years of peace together £nce the Revolution. Even when we ceafe to fight in Europe^ ' a war mud immediately commence in Afia, or Africa, or Ame« rica, and in the face of all this work, we call ourfelves the hap* pied people in tht; world. Peace may be confidered as the univerfal parent of human happinefs. Indudry cannot long thrive wi^out it, and to thif we are indebted for a great part of our comforts, our enjoy- ments, and our refourcei. Spain has long been envied for hctf gold and filver mines, which, by Dr. Robertfon's account, have * in two centuries and a half, produced jikbove two thoufand miU '■ Hons derling. But fober induftry is vaftly mors valuable thaitf ^ idl tliC mines in the world. If we can forb^ir butchery, we need not defpair of difcharging every penny of our public debt* with eafe, in lefs than a century ; or if we (hoold not, ftill ther property of the nation would inctcafe with fuch rapidity, tfiatf the debt itf«lf a«ft be haidi/ felt. To make this truth eyi- dcnti r 39 J ient, let us attend to what follows. As a counterpart to tfirf babble of Falkland's Iflands, four millions fterling have lateljr been expended on a Spanifli convention. Had they been placed ojut at five per cent, of compound intercft, they would in ninety- eight years have produced five hundred and twelve millioiw- fterling> and at prefect one half of this latter fum would be: more than fuiEcient to difcharge all our incumbrances^ and' make us as free of debts as oar grandfathers wew when the- Prince of Orange landed. It is true, that the job government of Rritain cannot* like that of a Swifs canton, place money ar- interen« but from calculations of this fort> we may form a eon- jefture> as to what we arc capable of faving, by confideringi what we have fpent. The American war alone added about one hundred and fifty miUiona to our public debt; and yet we:- are in redity a richer nation than when that war began *, Oar* funds» as we call them, have not hitherto recovered the ihocky but that is> in fpite of common prejudice, a happy circumftgnce*. Had THI YauNG-MAN been able to borrow money with equali facility as his father, we Ihould certainly have been fcourged'! into a Spaniih war. Now, though the country has recovered^ and though our commerce is greatly fuperior to what it had : ever before beecr it is evident, that if we had not pofTefTed a» alinoft inexhauftible vital principle of leproduAion and accumu- lation* fo great a havock of property as an hundred and fiftyr or even an hundred millions flerling, muft have reduced whole? provinces of this ifland to a defart. Such a complete recovery frntn the lofs of moie than an hundred millions in lefs than ten y«an» prefenta us with a regular annual overplus of at leaft fix- '«*^"'« " I I ■■ ■■ 11 !!■ ' ...I M .— .1 I ■■■ ■ I.I I L M !■■■ ■^ * On the fubjedl of national improvement, the reader mar confult with advantage Dr. Campbell's Political Survey of fin- tain \ an Eftimate of the Comparative Strength of Britain, dur- ins the preient and two preceding reigns, by George Chalmers^' • £iq. and a continuation of this latter work, by Uie fame ele- gant and profound writer, publifhed about fix months ago. Oup preiTei are groaning under controverfial divinity, heraldy, blank verfe, commentaries on Shakefpeare, and every other imagin- able fpecies of nonfenfe, while the books here referred to, have not in this country beca bonouied» as 1 am iafooncdj with eveiv K fc«ond (;diuoB* • 1 -i . ■ ■ ■ « ■ V ' ar i: 40 ], br eight millions: But that we may not dverfhoot th6 mdi'ki let us rate the cleat annual profits of Britifli commerce and pgri^ cultute at only five millions; We (hall find that this yearly accumulation of ftocks with the legal compound intereft only^ amouiits> in twenty-eight years> to three hundred millions^ So that by a pwace of tWenty-eight yearsj we (hall become a mord opulent nation* than we would be at this moment were all our debts paid off to the laft farthing* ■ ,,;. Mii;;r>,i-c »vv*- - ?a/.i. Before we call this profpefl extravagant, let ns cotifider wha^ has actually happened; The moft fanguine projeftor, thirty years ago< Would not have prefumed to believe that four mi!^ lions flerling were by this time to be employed in extending and adorning a fingle city in Scotland. Yet this progrefs of el«*gance • continues to rife upon us like enchantment. Who in the laft century would have fufpedied that by this time our North American colonies were to contain four millions of in* habitants ? It muft be owned, that bcfides other evils, Gib^ r<ar, Canada^ Nova Scotia^ Botany Bay, the Eall India Com'* pany, and the civil lid, are a foi' of political millftones hang* ing at the neck of Briti(h Jirofpcrity. Yet fuch arc our rc^ fources, that if we chufe to defift from the war fyftem> our wealth muft in the courfe of fifty years extend beyond all caU culation. Mr. Fox, if providence (hall continue to ble& u» witlvhis abilities till that period, will not then have the fmalleft difficulty in obtaining a penfion of forty thoufand pounds a year for every dcfcendant of the royal family. Three ungrateful nations will then ccafc to affirm* that for his conduct in a cer* tain debate *, any other man would have defcrved a flogging at every ~ - I II I ■ I T ■ ■ - - I - m • Fide his fpecches in parliament on the fettlement of the Duke of York. If the clerk of a counting-houfe were io lofe at the gaming-table a thoufand pounds of his mailer's money, ot even of his own, he would be difcharged as unworthy of t!futt4 There is a man* who is faid to have loft five hundred thoufand pt)und8 in that way, and when he had thus reduced himfelf to bankruptcy, wc have feen him preferred to the management of an annual revenue of fixteen millions fterling. It is difficult to conceive a more gigantic inftance of ftupidity and depravity than fuch a choice. That^ Houfe of Commons Ihould adopt a mir t 4. t every whipping-poft in England. At that happy period, we" lliall fupport, without winching* an hundred Lords of the Bed- chamberj and as many Lords of the- Neceflary Houfe. With thpfe crumbs of comfort, I proceed to the war of the Spanifh' fuccelfionj a legacy from our Dutch benefaftor; . r^MV .J .J.. i*H ^ CHAP. VI. ■...-i';^ ...tf ...^-^^j » • • • "nil lit ,]^r)gl{uul has been the prey of jobs ever fince the Revolution. < i-jir ,' Jii..Vi' 'In •*ii. )J-Ji '.!>i '..i-N ' .•• •■.•\'. ■ > .. '*.-<'li FxiNEf /CHARLES the Second King of Spain had no children; he ^^ was of declining years, and a feeble conftitution. There. were three candidates for the inheritance of his dominions, the . Emperor, the Dauphin of France, and the Eledloral Prince of Bavaria. The Emperor claiiced right as male reprefentative nifter of this fort, is auite in chdrafler ; but that individuals, whj of the world 1 f to • <• r 42^ J t» the family of Auftria. Philip the Fourth^ pretlcceffor »n<^ father to Charles, had left behind him two daughters by difi* ferent marriages. The eldcft was mother to the Dauphin; the youngeft hadefpoufed the Emperorrand their daughter, an only furviving child, had been married to the Eleftorof Bavar'iay to- whom fhe had born that Prince who was at prefent a candidate. It feems that the Dauphin of France, as defcending from the eldeffi daughter of Phillip the Fourth, had the ncareft right ;- but as the other nations of Europe weTc extr^mly jealous of France, it was early forefeen that the Dauphin's claim would meet with a dangerous oppofition»- On the ift of Oftober 1698, the King^ of France, the King of England, and the Republic of Holland, engaged in a' contraft as to this fucfcelfion. Their bitrgain waa, that the Dauphin (hould fucceed to the kingdoms of Naples and Sicilly, and a certain portion of the provinces of Spain itfelf. The other two candidates were to (hare the reft of the domi- nions, and this agreement hath fihce' been called iht Jft^ treaty of partition. So vaft an acccfllon of territory would have ren- dered France a moft formidable neighbour to the Dutch, and on their part the treaty feems to have been an aft of imprudence. The fecret of this combination having come to light, Charles in a rage i.nftantly made a teftamcnt, by which he transferred the whole dominions of Spain, to the young Prince of Bavaria,. But as the latter died foon after, he made a fceond will, by which he bequeathed the fucccfTion, alfo entire, to the Arch- duke Charles, the Emperor's fceond fon, by a marriage which- he had entered info after the death of his Spanifh cmprefs. The former parties, on the r4th March 1700, engaged in n/c- tond treaty of partition, by which the Da.uphin was to receive i large addition to his (hare, and the remainder was ref«rved for the Emperor. This tranfadion alfo reached Charics* before ir was clofed ; and in Auguft 1 699, his ambad'ador at London de- livered to the Engli(h miniftry an intcrefting appeal on the con- duft of William, He remarked, that if fuch proceedings were allowed, no people, no dominion could be fafe againft the am- bition of the ftrongcft, and the deceits of the moft malicious ;. that Ihould ftrangcrs be fuficred to put their hands into tlie line* • '*! - - to ' i * ' . ^i [flbr andit by dif^ Uin; the I an onjy f&tiir to- ididate. Irom the tht;.but ' { AS 1 Jbffcccefllon of kings, no ftatutes, no municipal laws would be aebferved ; that no crown could be free from the attempts of aliens ; and the crown of England lefs than any crown.; and that were men to lie watching for the ficknefs of fovereigns, na health could be conftanti and no life fecure. He alfo reminded themt that the expences of a war, and the dellr uAion of com- merce, muft be the certain confcquence of fuch adventures. . '■ For this honeil prodH^ion, the ambaiTador was forced to leare England. On the id of Oftober 1700, the King of Spain, by the advice of the Pope, made a third teftament. To put an end to all projcfts of a partition, he left the whole em- pire, undivided, to the Duke of Aujou, the fccond fon of the Dauphin of France, and grandfon to Lewis the Fourteenth^ By this choice, he attempted to avert th« calamities of a dif- putcd fucceflion. For as the Duke of Anjou v/as not heir to the crown of France, that circuraftuiice removed the objeftion of m;tking u hazardous augmentation to the Frendi domini- ons. This meafufe was more fimble, jufl, and pradicable, than fhat adopted hy William and the Dutch. On the 25th No- vember 1 700, Charles died ^ and though he bequeathed fuch a fplendid legacy to the houfc of Bourbon, he had been one of William's allies in his laft (ong and bloody war againft France ; a fadl which evinces the mutability of the political world. On the death of their fovereignt the Spanilh nation deter- mined that a confpiraoy of foreigners ihould not be fuifered to .partition their provinces. They difpatched a courier to the court of France with the teftament of their late fovereign, and if Lewis (hould refufe to accept the monarchy for his grand- fon, they gave him orders to proceed to Vienna, and make an offer of the univerfal fucceflion to the Archduke. Thus Lewis had hit choice of two meafures^ If he accepted the teftament of Charles, his grandfon was at once, and without oppofition> put into poileflton of the Spaniih dominions, at the hazard of a 4)uarrel with the Dutch and England. If he refufed this ofier« ihe Auftrian Archduke was with equal certainty to afcend tho throne, and Lewis was to depend on the very doubtful friendf ^ip of his old enemies; the Dutch and England, for their aflift* F 2 jtnqi ance to conquer a fliarc of Spain, in Qppofition to the Empfirot and that nation. But as Lewis himfeif was feared and hated both in Holland and England, there is not the leaft probability* that he would have obtained any ferious aid in his pretcnftons, from thcfe two countries. We cannot therefore with reafon condemn him, when he accepted for the Duke of Anjou the offer of the Spanilh crown. The reader is requefted to pay par- ticular attention to this concife and candid (late of the cafe ; fur even at prefent} it is the vulgar opinion that Lewis aiiled upon this occafion with treachery. It would be more' proper to fay, that Wijliam engaged in an enterprife far above his power, and that he (hewed an uicer indifference to the intereft of his kingdoms. The preference which the Spanilh nation be- flowed upon the Duke of Anjou, was in the moral fei^fe an am-^ pie vindication of the acceptance of 'Lewis, If there be fuch a. thing as equity upon eafth, it muft begin with this maxim, that H people are at all times entitled to their choice of a mafter. On the 17th of April 1701, William acknowledged the Duke of Anjou, as the lawful fovereign of Spain, by a letter undes hi? own hand. The Dutch alfo lecognized his right. On the 7th of September thereafter; WiUiamj with his wonted confi^,; ency, entered into an alliance with the Emperor and Holland to attack the young monarch. The deftgn avowed in the ar« tides was, to obtain the Dutchy of Milan from the crown of Spain, as a compenfation to the f)mperor ; and Flanders, of part of it, as a barrier for Holland, What England was to ob- tain, we are not informed. On the 6th of September 1701, James the Second expired, and Lewis, on hi^ death, acknow. ledged his fon as King of England, Though this was but ai^ empty form, William employed it as a pretence to feduce the nation into a fecond war. His projcft was embtaced with exul,» tation by ail parties. Vet though Lewis waj to blame, we durfelves had bihavt^ but little better. Our affumed title as King of froMce, h not only adifhonourable untruth, but a wanton infult to a refpeftable people. William jM^paiod for a campa^n, but happily both ' [ 45 ] ■ for others and hiihfelf, a fall from his horfe put an end to hl« battles and his treaties, on the 8th of March 1 702 *. Before we enter into the events of this war, it may not b* improper to^ illuftrate, by an exadl and interefting parallel, .whj^t Dr. Swift calls « our infamous treaty of partition." Let us fuppofe, that for fome years before the dcj^th of Queen Eliza* beth, all Europe had forefeen that (he was to die childlefs, that James the Sixth of Scotland was to be her fuccefTor, and that by fuch an increafe of dominion, England was to enfure a decifive addition of power and importance. " N0|" exclaimed tlrft Dutch, the French, and the Auftrians, "we cannot, Elizabeth* 'f permit you and your people tq chufc a fovereign for Eng- « land. We all know that Majier\ James is a fool. He has ** married a daughter of the King of Demnsjrk ; and hence « the Britifh Empire would become but a province tq the M court of Copenhagen. \\'e have forpied a much better plan, «' and you mull adopt it. Jerfcy, Guernfey, and Plymouth, «< Dover cattle, and the county of Kent, are to compofe a f* frontier in the hands of his Moft Chriftian Majcfty, The * In drawing up this ftatcment, Mr. Macpherfon has been chiefly followed, with fome additions from the Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, printed in 1788, In this laft work, William is every where reprefented as a virtuous and ftiblime charader. The ftory of the Countefs of Orkney, and the trit* cataftrophe of Darien, with many others of the fame fort, ars completely explained away. The partition treaties are de- fended, as pregnant with iuturc bleffings to England ; for the biftorian feents to fancy that the Allies could have divided the provinces of Spain, with the exaftncfs and tranquillity of a grocet cuttine a pound of cheefe. The fequel fufficiently proved the fibfurtuty of fuch a fuppofition, This writer has alTigned a remarkable reafon for fendinff vnM i|he worid his fecond volume. " But feeing Englaaod Gately, M f < I thought] on the brink of ruin, becaufe ihe was on the brink f* of a cmtineMtal war, I thought that the piAures of mifery, M even amid fucgefs* which the continental wars of the two f( grand alliances prefent^ might make the public, attend to tbi \* pnfpea before tbtm" It isimpoinble to puklifli from moit honourable motives^ 0^ to atteft a more important truth. t If enry the Foi^rth of France ufed to ea^ him fo« [ 46 ] h ifles' of Wight, Anglefca, and Man, muft be deliyercd up to '* their High Mightinefles for the convenience of importing ** gin ; and you muil likewife permit them to catch and cure ,«* pilchards on the coaft of Cornwall. To Ireland you never f* had any title but that of a robber, and as you are detefted '* by the whole nation, to the very laft man, it is tieceflary, for <* prcferving iht balance of po'xver, to declare them independent. « As for the reft of your dominions, we have brought you ^ « German mailer, born at the diftance of a thoufand miles, *' a ftranger to your country, your laws, your manners, and f' your language. In defence of bis right, we have difem^ f barked on the coaft of Yorkfhire two hundred thoufand #* armed ruffians ; and iinlefs you inftantly acknowledge him ^ « as fucceflbr, we Ihall fpread defolation from Caithnefs to th« ** land's end. If his Danifh majefty declines to afllft us in ** overwhelming his fon in-law, out admirals have orders to ** beat Copenhagen about his ears. We are perfeftly deter, f* mined ; and before we give up the point, we (hall fjynd the ** laft drop of our blood) and the laft farthing of our money j « befidcs diving into more debt than our pofterit)' can pay off «' in an hundred eenerations." 9 ■ - 11-."' •«.*• ■ On the 4th of May 17P2, hoftilltles were declared agalnft Spain. *« We haftily engaged in a war," fays Swift, « which f< hath coft us SIXTY MILLIONS, and after repeated, as well as «* unexpeded fuccefs in arms, hath put us and our pofterity in 9 " worfe condition, jiot only than any of our allies, but thaa V even our conjuered enemies them/el ■■■■ - _ I • The Condua of the Allies. This is the cafe at the end of alnwft every war, and reminds me of a remark made by Lord Monboddo. Somebody once aflccd him, Whether Europe or America had profited moft by the difcovcries of Columbus ? H The balance," replied hi» LordlTiip, « is pretty equal. Wet " gave them brandy and the Jmall-tox ; and thev gave us rum f xa.^ the grtat fox," * 4«wf »•*/'». *>■» f 4r J rum liiiJoand, in cafe he (hould furvivc her. So extravagant a pen-' fion confirms the remark of Milton, that t/je trappingt of a mo" narchy luould/et tip an ordinary commonixiealth. On the 28th of Oftobst 1708, the Prince died, and as. he was a perfon of the moft innocent character, it founds harlhly to fay, that his exit was defirable. Yet had he outlived Anne, twenty thoufand necefiitous families muft each have paid five pounds a year of their pittance to fupport him. And this fmgle impoiition would, while . it laftedy have comprehended more fubftantial^ injuftice and opprelEon than all the other thefts and robberies-, in the country. rvir»;^:'r,-"»!r<^ j".*s.», ■■^V^jr^ ,IrtV/;'^Vi4l In September 1703, Gharles, the fecond fon of tlie Emperor. Leopold, was declared King of Spain, and as fuch, was acknow- ledged by all the Allies, includiriig the Dutch and England^ who had both formerly recognized the title of the Frencb Prince. It i» needlefs to expatiate on the juftice or decency of fnch a meafure. In Auguft 1704, Marlborough won the battle of Blenheim. In Odober 1 706 Lewis offered better terms of pacification than naere afterwardi exupted. . With wl^at pro- priety then are we to blame his ambition ? " The Whigs," fay* Mr. Macpherfon, *< who were now poffeffed of the whole «< power of government in England, infulted common fenfty injhe «* reafon which they gave for rejefting the propofed peace. *< They faid, that the terms offered by France were too good» ■*^/.' " to be the foundation for a iafling tranquillity, and therefore > U they ought not be admitted," — Had Lewis engaged to- , reftore Normandy to England, that, upon Whig principles, ' ' would have been a ftill better reafon for refufing an agreement. Such were the political heroes whofc -virtues we vaunt of adopt- , ing, and by whom Europe was condemned to remain for fix years and five months longer, a fcene of confuTion, diftrefs, and carnage ! This infolence very foon met with its reward. On ' the 25th of April 1707, an entire Whig army was difperfed>' taken, or extirpated, at Almanza, by the Duke of Berwick. . Sixteen thoufand of the vanquidied ,were killed ormadepri«, foners. In this campaign, the Duke of Marlborough atchieved «othing worthy of his former fame. Pr^ce Eugenej with fort/ ^ thoufand k V, /< r 48 J Hioufand men, invaded Provence, and invefted Toulon* His farces were in danger of being furroimded, and his efcape ot flight was marked with the ufuai and heroic circumfiances of flaughter and devaftationt Four Englifh men ofwarj with Ad- miral Shovel, a perfon whofe abilities had raifed him firoin thd' ta,ak of a common failor, foundered on the rocks of Scilly. In' ihort, the difafters of the Allies were fo numerous and fevere> that Lewis might at .this time . have turned the chafe, if hisr oounfels had not been governed by an old woman. The Scots>' hy.i bargain fufUciently queftionable had bqen u«i/ed with. England^ The whole nation wetc inflamed into a degree of: inadnefs. ' The Pretender's birth day was publicly celebrated at Edinburgh ; and a memorial was tranfmkted to France by i. humber of nobility and gentry, who promKiid to embody in his favour five thoufand horfe and twenty-five tboufand foou The proppfal was tejefled. In 1 708, the Allies were more fuccefs* ful, and among other blcfled events, they gained Liile, witht the lofs of eighteen or twenty thoufand men. For what no-*' table purpofes have we dragged the fmith from his anvil, and the farmer from his plow I In 1 709, the Government bor- rowed from the Bank of England four hundred thoufand poundt> at fix fer cent, befides granting them feveral advantages,' which may have raifed the real intcreft to ten or twelve per' ttnU and ail this for the pleafure of making a German King ' of ^ain. The prafticc of advancing money to the public was at that time, and has been ever fince, a very profitabltf' ttaiick to thofe gentlemen of whom Lord Chatham has madct. fuch honourable mention. Lewis, in the beginning of thia year, had renewed his offers of peace. He attempted, ai Torcy relates, to bribe the Duke of Marlborough, by a condi-> tional prefent of four millions of iivres ; but his Grace, after due confideration, declined the propofal. The aged and uiu fortunate King promifed to yield tht luhele Spauijh monarchy t» tit Houfe of Aufiria (without any equivalent *. He confcnted to a (tries of the mof^ degrading demands which his enemies could f Macpherfoni vol, ii. chap. 7, invent^ ■• ■ "-'.*. '-■ . His pe of es of Ad- In vere* f his: COtS>' with ree of: ted at by 4 in his The ccefsA with^ It no*' and bor- >und(> tages*' e per' i « ] invent, but they left him no choice between refiftance and de- ftruftion. France was in the mean time ravaged by a terrible fa- mine, which fervcd to fill up the meafure of univerfal wretchr ednefsk Whatever we may think of J^wis himfelfj and even a defpot may deferve our pity, one muft have the nerves of a Dutchman or a Whigi if he does not feel for the raiferies of twenty miHions of people* On the loth of September 1709^ thefe conferences were fuc(?eeded by the viftofy of Malplaquet, which Marlbd^ough purchafed with the lives of twenty thoufand men* while the B>ench, though defeated^ left but eight thOufand dead on the field. In 1 7 10, Lewis made frefli offers of fubmlfllon. « He pro- " mifed even ,i fubfidy of a million of livrcs monthly to the ** Allies, till King Philip ^o»/ 8« mofii tenee of its firft by the d both trifilng muft as been vcmber at St. ulenccf In eafurer js, was [ 5t 3 mob was fupported by the fubftantial logic of the Treafury; and a majority was returned of Tory members. Harley, the new minifteri and his aflfociates) had too much fenfe to difcover abruptly their defigns to the people. The fum of fourteen mil- lions five hundred and feventy-three thoufand» three hundred and niDeteen poundsi nineteen (hillings and eight pence half- penny* was voted to difcharge the arrears in the navy and other offices} and the fervices of the current year. At this critical moment, a fecund ftroke of fortune advanced the pacific views of the Tories. On the ift of May 1705, the Emperor Leopold had died ; and on the 6th of April 171 1» hiseldeft fon and fuc- ceflbr, Jofeph, died alfo ; and without regarding his own two daughters, left his brother Charles, our intended King of Spain, his univerfal heir. « His death fuddenly changed the nuhole ** Jiate of affairs. The war undertaken by the grand alliance *« for preferving the balance of Europe, was now lilely to een engaged in attempting to re- concile the demands of the contending powers. But the States of Holland were fo much cxafperated by the conduft of Queen Anne, that they wefe at no pains in concealing their dcfign to treat her as they had" treated her father. They propofed *' to *' fit out a fleet to affift the Elcdor of Hanover to ftrike the f* fceptre from her handt," On the 7th of December, parlia- ment met, Harley had fccurcd a Tofy m^ajority in the Houfc f)f Commons ; but his party was fomewhat inferior in the Houfe of Peers. Affairs had now come to a crifis. The leaders of the Whigs were fufpefted of intending an immediate appeal to arms. It became therefore heceffary to difmifs the Diike of Marlborough from his military cornmand ; and on the laft day of December, Harley produced what is now c-'led a batch of peers. Twelve gentlemen devoted to the court were create4 members of the Upper Houfe. Anne had the very fame right to have create.d twelve thoufand. Tbe conftitution of Britain} like the (word of Dionyfius, hangs by a finglc hair. On the 17th of January 1712, Mr. Walpole was committed to the To\yerf H' had received five hundred guineas, and a pote for five hundred more, for two contra^s ^yhen fecretary at war, for fupplyiqg the forces in Scotliind with forage. «« A <• member," fays Burnet, " who w^s a Whig, was expelled r< the Houfe; and a profecution was ordered againft hip) : — but f< the abufe goes on JiilU as avoiuedlj as ever," Tjic Duke of Marlborough's condudl underwent a fevetc cenfyre, and Carr * Macpherfoi^ vol, ii. chap, 8« Seventeen thoufand of thcfc mlferable vidlims were at one time furnifhed by the Court uf flanovcr. Macpher/ons Stale PiTferSf vol, U, p. 49% f A^cuherfoni vol. iif phap^ 9, • ' [ 53 ] donneli his fecretary, was expelled by the Commons. The campaign of 1712 was unfortunate on the part of the Allies. The Britilh forces under the command of the Duke ofOrmond rctnained inaftivc ; and even the abfence of the abilities of Marl- borough feems to haie been feverely felt. The peace was not finally fettled till March 1713. The Whig faftion, to their cte.rn.1l infamy, ftrained every nerve to prevent it. By this peace, befides the iflands of Minorca and St, Chriftopher's, and tin; fortrefs of Gibraltar, for ourfelves, we obtained the ifland of Sicily for the Duke of Savoy, which produced the Spanifh war in 1718, a partial right for our merchants of trading to South America, which began the Spanilh war of 1739, and Nova Scotia, which gave rife to the French war in 1756, This war was more deftrudive than that of 1689, as it lalled for eleven campaigns. Dr. Swift computes that each .of them coft us fix or feven millions flerling. The lofs of lives and . of (hipping could be hardly, if at all inferior to that of the former war, as our battles were numerous, and as the protection of our commerce was altogether negleded. In a word, the nation fquandercd feventy or eighty millions) that Marlborough might pilfer ow. To Dr. Swift we are much indebted for the termination of this war. His pamphlet on The Couduil of the Allies, excited a fort of political earthquake, and more than all his admirable verfes muft endear him to diilant pofterity. A few paiTages may ferve as a fpecimen of the reft. " It will appear," (aya lie, « by plain matters of fafl, that no nation was ever fo longi " or fo fcandaloudy abufed, by the folly, the temerity, the « corruption, and the ambition of its domeftic enemies ; or f< treated with fo much infolence, injuftice, and ingratitude, hy f* its foreign friends. — ^We are deftroying many thoufand lives* <( and exhaulling our fubftance, not for our own intereft, which « would be ^ut common prudence ; not for a thing indifferenti " which would be fufficient folly ; but perhaps to our own de- « ftruftion, which is perfeA madnefs. — The common queftion « is, if we mud now furrender Spain, what have we been fights ♦« ing for all this while ? The anfwer is ready. We have beeo ff fighting for the nun of the public inXW^t wd the advance. [ 54 J - t * ment of & private. We have been fighting to raife the M wealth and grandeur of a particular family ;" (that of Marl- borough,) " to enrich ufurers and ftockjobbers) and to culti- " vate the pernicious defigns of a fadlioni by deftroying the ** landed intereft. — Since the monied men are fo fond of war« ** I Ihould be glad if they would fumifh out one campaign at '< their won charge. It is not above fix or feven millions ; and '* I dare engage to make it out* that, tuheH they have done thh, « inftead of oontributiog equal to the landed men, they will ** have their full principal and intereft at fix per cent, remaining « of all the money they ever lent to the government." Even at this day, we are deafened about the glorious vidtorie$ of the Puke of Marlborough, and though by the death of the Emperor Jofeph, the object of difpute was utteriy extingui(hed» « crowd of authors perfift in lamenting that our commander was checked in the career of pillage and butchery. Happy might it have been for this country, had Marlborough, with all his forces, perifhed on the field of Blenheim ; fince it may be fuppofed, that fuch a ftroke would at once have blafted our crufades upon the continent. As if his Grace had not enjoyed fuificient opportunities of plundering the treafury of the nation* as if the manor of Woodftock, the palace of Blenheim *, and an hundred thoufand pounds a year +, had not been adequate to the fervices of himfelfand his Duchefs, we are faddled with $n annaal payment of five thoufand pounds to his family for. ever. When a conftitution, deferving that name, (hall fucceed oar pie(ent political anarchy, it is not difficult to forefice fome of the firft objeAs of reformation. The Earl of Chatham en- joys fbnr thoufand pounds a year, becaufe hi* fiither added fe- ▼enty millions to the national debt. The Duke of Richmond Taifes from th^ city of London an annual revenue, faid to be * Dr. Swift cftimates Woodftock atfoicy thoufand poond^i and addS| that Blenheim Houfe had coft two hundred thoofiind poundsi and wa« at the time of his writii^ unfnijhti^ Theie can be no wonder, that we muft now pay nine>pence per pound of imporution duty for Peruvian banc, and three guineas for leave to ihoot a partriage worth two-penoe. f The fun has been iUted hJAbcfi but ^^ computations aif fflra^s in part random, twenty r 55 J . t»6nty thoufand poondsi becaufe he is defcended from tht ^a of a criminal *, who deferved an hundred times over to have been'flogged out of human fociety. As a commentary on the preceding narrative^ we may con. fiilt a quotation from Dr. Johnfon's pamphlet on Falkland'a hlands. The reflections which it contains have more than once extortedf in my hearings the admiration of the late Dri Adam $mith} who was far from being a gener^ advocate for this Au« thor. ; V.'- t ■ n- / " It is wonderful, with what coolnefk and indifference th^ « greater part of mankind fee war commenced. Thofe who « hear of it at a diftance> or read of it in booksy but have nev«r « pre/enu ^ its evils to their minds, confider it as little itaom ** than i> ' )' d game, a proclamation, an army, a battle^ and « a trim ^^ oome indeed muft periih in the moft fucccCsful M field, but they die upon the bed of honour, reJigH their Irvti ** amidji thejojt ofcoMqueftt andtfilUd'with England' t glorjifmiW «• /« death. « The life of a modem foldier is iU leprefented by hermc *< fiAion. War has means of dellruAion more formidable thai^ *^ the caimon and the fword. Of the thuufands and ten thou* « fands who perifhed in our late contefts with France and ^Nun» * a very fmall part ev«r felt the ftroke of an enemy ; the reft *( languiflied in tents and (hips, amidft damps and putrefaction ^ * pale, torpidf fpiritlefs, and helplefs ; gafping and groanu'ig* M nnpitied among men, made obdurate by a long continuncc. * of hopelcfs mifery ; and were at laft whelmed in pits, or « heaved into the ocean, without notice, and without reniem- <* brance. By incommodious encampments, and unwhokfomo ^ ftations, where courage is ufelefs, and enterptife impraCHea- M bie, fleets are filently difpeopled-l-f and amues fluggiihl|' « melted away. - ; « « That »!■ - I I, ■ .1. . ■ I <.l I ■ ■ I II 11 III! I • Charles II. \ The manning of a fleet hai oflen produced almaft u moch Inifchief as its deMnlathn, On this fubjeA there is here fubjoin- ^ a Ihoit bat lao^ittPK fterf | wUkI^ lu{>p«ic4 "boiK die timo 4l ^•* ./ '« Thus is a people gradually exhaufted, for tlie moft paif « with'lktle effeft. The wars of civilized nations make very" . . .w>:;!«^«. , flow i*. whei^n. Johnfon's pamphlet was firft printed, and which cart hsijl^ly be rejaitded as a digielfion) lince it reflects additional hor-> ror* on the. war fyftem . A workman, in London, was apprehended by a prcfs gang,^ His wife and child were turned to the door by their landlord* Within a few days after (lie was delivered of a fecond child in a garret* On her recovery, (he was driven to the ftreets as a common beggar. She went into a (hop, and attempted to *arry off a fmafi piece of linen. She was feized, tried, and condemned to be hanged. In her defence flie faid, that (he had Hved^reditably and happy, till a prcfs gang robbed her of her ^umnd, and in him, oiTall means to fupport herfelf and her £imi)y ; and that in attempting to clothe ner new bom infant, ihe perhaps did wrbng, as (he did not, at that time, know what ihe di4. The p^rilh ofBcen, and other witncffes, bore tefti^ inony to the truth of h.er averment, but all to no purpofe. ihe Was o^defed for Tyburn. Tie hangman dragged her fucking hi- ^faut frorM her breaj}, luhen he Jirahicd the cord about her necl» On thfc lath May 17771 Sir William Meredith mentioned this affaffinati*! in the Houfe of Commons. *< Never," faid he, *^K?& there a fouler murder committed againft the law, than that "of this woman by the law." — Such were the fruits 4f what ^nglifliracn call their inejiimable pri'vilege of a trial by jury. It would not be difficult to fill a large volume with decifions of this (lamp, though there is not perhaps any Angle cafe, which is in all its circumftances fo ab(olutcly infernal. The reader may coriipare the gui/t, as it was termed, of Mary Jones, with the ptojrefs of thofe mble patriots, whofe hiftory is recorded in the next chapter, and who are at this day held up as the fa-r viours'xjf Britain, and then fay which of the two parties beft de- fcrvcd a* halter. General Gunning, a roan \iHho is not worth a (hilling, Tt^at latelyi4^ned in live thoufand pounds fur feducing a doxy wha Vas.as forward as himfelf ; and Mr. Tatterfal, the editor of a London newfpaper has juft now been fined in four thoufand pounds for a paragraph which afiertcd, that a lady had ail V^T with her footman. It was proved that Mr. Tatterfal WMat a great diftance from London, when this ftory wai print* •^ fd ; ^aiui confcquently, that had it^bcen even a forgery on the JBstyk of England, the law could not have touched a hair of hi« h€»d. There can be no doubt that the lady will accept the l»^ farthing afligned by this verdiA, and fuch an acceptance can Itavf no ftnking ioiprcflion gf female gencrofity. Anorhen '"}%- • r ' [ 5? I «« flow changes in the fyftem of empire. The public perceives *< fcarccly any alteration but an increafe of debt ; and the few « individuals who are bcnefitedj are not fuppofcd to have the « cleareft right to their advantages. If he who Ihared the « danger enjoyed the .profit, and after bleeding in the battle «< grew rich by the viftory, he might Ihew'his gains withoit *« envy. But at the conclufion of a ten year's war, how are we <« rccompenfed for the death of multitudes, and the expence of ** millions, but by contemplating the fudden glories of pay- « matters and agents, contradors and commiiTaries, whofe equi- " pages flvine like meteors, and whofe palaces rife like exhala- «* rions. . • " The. are the men who, without virtue, labour, or hazard* *< are growing rich as their country is irapoverifhed ; they re- «* joice when obftinacy or ambition adds another year to " flaughter and devaft^ition; and laugh from their deflcs at «« bravery and fcience, "while they are adding figure to figure, •* and cipher to cipher, hoping for a new contraft from a pew " armament, and computing the profits of a fiege or a tem- « peft." ■r ^i*^".-* !(> •;*-.»-n'?: ■V^iiere I have treated high life with freedom, I hope I ftaltnot be underftood to propagate the doftrine of levellers.^ — ^I.h%ve no fuch intention. — 1 mean to give a juft pidture-of Hainan life, according to my own knowledge of it, and according to my fenfe of truth, without ceremony or difguffe. — ^I do not wi(h, in any degree^ to dimini(h the rcfpe^ which is juftly due to perfons and families of diilint^ion. Letter to the People of Laurencekirk'^ '' I *HERE is not in hiftory a more Hgnal example of ingrati- -■-' tude, than the conduft bf the Emperor, the Dutch; and Marlborough, to the Qjiecn of England. She had fought for ten years the battles of he: Allies. She had advanced her ge*. neral to be the firft fubjeft in Europe, When, (he refufed ta complete the ruin of her country for the caprice of the former* when the infolence of the latter compelled her to difmifs, him» loaded with the plunder of nations, from her prefence, thefe worthy affociates confpired for the deftruftion of their bcne- fa^refs.. It is not certain tha( William himfelf had eyer pro- ceeded into fuch a climax, of bafenefs* Though his partition treaties were abfurd in a Bririfh fovereign, we may forgive, ia hi$ hoftilities with Lewis, the rcfcntment of a Dutchman. When we perufe the plan of Eugene for fetting fire to the drcets of London, and the palace of St. James's*, even his tranfcendaot behaviour at the Revolution almoft fades before it. £y the prudence and firmnefs of Harley, the plots of Eugene were difcovered and difappointed ; and on the 1 7th of March 1 71 2, he was , obliged to embark with fome precipitation for the Continent* The neutrality of the Engliih forces in the next campaign, with the final termination of the war, ha* al- ready been mentioned. It does not appcaj- that the Eleftor of Hanover was engaged in the fchemc of dctlironing Anne. His * Macpheifonj vol, 2> chap. 9. beggarly %. t 59 3 beggaily condition may have contributed to the moderation of iiis fentimentfi. In 17 13, he folicited from the E»igli(h Crown jL penfion for his mother the Prncefs r-^thia. « In the prefent « fituation of his afFairs> a ,n i..^ ' of revenue was much *f wanted. His agents every where toiuplained of their too « fcanty allowance. The Whigs, with all their patriotifm, " luere foUciting for penjions. Some Lorist who were zealous « for the Froteftant fucceffion, were, it feems, too poor tofollottf ** their confciencts. They had fold their votes to the Minijity» «< But— /i&^ nuould take fmaller funu fnm «is electoral « RiGHKEss. The Earl of Sunderland, in his attachment to « the femily of Brunfwick, had advanced three hundred pounds •* to one of thefc poor confcientious Lords. The Earl wilhed to " foe thisfoim repaid. Though the EleftOr might be willing to <* gratify fuch iaithful friends, he had reafon to cxpcft that « they luould help to forve themfol'ves. They were, therefore «« defired to promote, with all their influence, the penfion de- *' manded for the Princefs. His Highnefs was no ftranger, « upon the prefent occafion, either to the abilities or .poverty of « the Duke of Argyle, The whole world knew his love ot « money. He defired that nobleman, and his brother the Eaii «« of Hay, to promote the allowance to the Eledrefs, as they ** might exped good pen/ioHs to themfolves from that fund* ." This penfion was never obtained ; and the Eledlrefs herfelf died about iixleen months after, on the i8th of May 17 14. " The Eleftor « himfelf feems to have become indifierent concerning the fucw •« ceffion of his family to the throne. Teazed by the unmean- ** ing pr(^effions of the Tories, and haraiTed by the demands of ** the Whigs, he dropped all correfpondence with both parties, « He fuffered his fervants to continue their intrigues in Lon- ff don. He liAeoed to their intelligence. But to the requifi* «* tions of his Whiggifh friends for money, he turned a deaf « ear. He was however perfuaded at length, to order fix hun- « died pounds to the Lord Fitzwaltcr, to enable that needy * Macpherfon, vol, ii. cjwp. 9t and Hanover Papers, Ja» wary 27) 1713. i [ 6o ] ■ « PEER to pay a debt of three hundred pounds to Sunderland. '** He allo'wed forty founds to the author of a ttenvf paper, for con- " 'V eying to the public, paragraphs favourable /othe protes- /•"TANT SUCCESSION. Hc added ten pounds to that (immenfe) '*' funif after various rcprefentations from his council and fer- ,*' 'vants*."-'—*^ The excluded party in Britain harafled, at the •*' fame time, the K^ftor, with propofals for his invading the •«* kingdom luith a body of troops. They fuggefted, that.fhould ." the Dutch refufe a fquadron of men of war, fome (hips of " force might be obtained from Denmark. But the Eleftor «* rejefted the fcheme, as utterly improper and imprafticable +.'* On the 9th of April 1 71 3, the Queen opened a feffion of • parliament. The dream of pcpularity had now turned againft the Whigs. « In this diftrcfsful fituation, they implored . " Kreyenbcg to lay their humble folicitations at the feet of the '- •« Eleftor. They entreated his Highnefs, for the fake of Hea- « ven, to fend over the Elcftoral Prince, Without the pre- « fence of one of the family, they folemnly averred, that the « fucceffion muft inevitably be defeated |." All this canting had very little foundation in faft. The bulk of the nation •were determined in favour of the Proteftant fucceffion. But thefe fycophants wiflied to make themfelves of importance with George the Firft. The following paiTage will fct the nature and motives of their conduA in a proper light. ■ ; " The Whigs had, in the beginning of the year (1713) ha- ' *f raflfed the Eledlor with demands oi ptnfions for yook lords. . « They had perpetually tcazed his Highnefs for money to po- « litical writers, and for fpies planted round the Pretender. « Though their folicitations on thefe fubjedts had been at- « tended with little fuccefs, they continued to make applica> « tions of the farie difagreeable kind. When the feflion was i ■ • Macpherfon, vol. ii. chap. 9. + Ibid, This was about the 2 ift of March 1 7 1 3, a full yea* gfter the departure of Prince Eugene. Their objeAs were to prevent the peace, which was figned about this time, to rccovej their places, and ruin the Mipiftry. ^ Macpherfon; vol, ii, chap, io« ♦I'r '" . '"^ ^'"^i « si « drawing underland. er, for cou- E PROTES- fimmen/e } il and for. fled, at the ijading the thatfliould ne ftiips of he Eleftor Hcable +." feffion of led againft implored feet of tlie ce of Hea- t the pre- I» that the lis canting the nation Hon. But tance with the nature 1713) ha. R LORDS. ley to po- 'retendcr, been at- ! applica. iffion was ■ ■ »•» full year were to • recover drawing V ,: « drawing to a conclufion, and a diffolution was forefeen, they «f demanded one hundred thou/and pounds from the JEleflor^ t» «' corrupt boroughs, to influence eleilionsi and to return men of con- '* ftitutional and Wh I g g i s h principles to the enfuing parliament, «« The magnitude of the fum left no room for hefitation in re- " jefting their requeft. One repulfe, however, was not fuffici- ** ent either to intimidate or difcourage a party fo eager in the *< purfuit of their defigns. They diminilhcd their demand to ** fifiy than/and pounds. The Eledlor plainly told theiit) that «* he could not fpare the money. That he had done the greateft *' fervice confident with his own particular fituation, and the «* ftatc of Europe in general, to the well affefted in Britain. ** That he had engaged the Emperor and Empire to continue the « luar againft France. That he had tm^loytA. feventeen thou- « fatid of his troops- againft that kingdom. That this circum- «< ftance had deprived the French King of the power of fending « an army into Britain with the Pretender. That could he « even advance the money, which was far from being the cafe, " the fecret could never be kept ; and that a difcovery might « be dangerous, from the oifence that the meafure was likely « to give to the Britilh nations*." Within a few pages, we meet with frefli applications of the fame kind. <* The Whigs again urged the Eleftor to invade *' the kingdom. They promifed to furniih hira with fums, upon « his credit, to fave their country, and to execute his own de- «< figns ; but with an inconfiftence repugnant to thefe large " promifes, they reverted to their former demands of money « from his Highnefs. They aflced penfionsyor poor confcie:ttious <« Lords nvho nuere in ivant of fubjiftence. They demanded, with « the moft vehement entreaties, two thou/and pounds, to carry <« the eleAions for the Common Council of Loudon, "hey reprc- ** fented, that, with that fum, they could chufe their own crea- « tures, and terrify the Queen and parliament with remon- « ftrances and addreiTes throughout the winter +." It is not furpriiing that Mr. Macpherfon is a nioft unpopular hiftorian. Macpherfon, vol, )i, chap, iq, t Ibid* ^t I ' .But the fafts which he has advanced are unqueftionably true. The ariginal correfponden'- . c{ the parties is ftill extant in their own hand writing. Let us proceed, therefore, with a few far- ther extratls froni this authentic and inftrudive author. " A « propofal made by the Baron de BcrnftorfF, Prefident of the *< EUcftor's Council, was received by Marlborough and Cado- ** gan with eagemefs and joy. He infinuated, that his EledonJ *< Highnefs might be induced to borrow to the extent of tiventy *t thottfand pounds from his friends in Britain. This fum was *' to be liud out on the poor Lords j and the Common Council of « Londoth during the three years the parliament was to fit, « The firft would be thus enabled to vote according to their *« principles ; the latter might ply the Government, and harafe (< the Queen and her minifters with remonflrances in favour of « civil liberty and the Protejiant /uccejton. Marlborough and <>< Cadogan undertook to furnidi the money on the obligation « of his Electoral Highnefs, provided the intcreft of five/^r <* ctnt.Jhould be regularly paid. But his Highnefs would give «* no obligation cither for the principal or intereft. He how- «( ever fignified to his agents, that his friends ihould advance '< the money, as they might be certain of being reimburfed as *< foon as his Highnefs, or the Elcdrefs his mother, fhould <^< come to the throne*." It does not appear that his friends « chofe to advance their money on this promife. On the 20th of March 1714, George made anfwer to fome frelh demands <« of money for poor Lords, Common Councils, bribery of '< members, and ptivate penfions, that he '.uwlihear no mori » or THAT AF,FAiR. That, from the rarrownefs of his own ** iocome, he could not enter upon thefe heads, into any com- " petition with hu> antagoniil, the Lord Treafurer. But that, f( eic&ept in the artkle t/acpmceit he was willing to fupport, t» ** Ihe utmoft, their .party +•" It would be idle to l^pp^e that one pvt of the iflaad was iefs coFrupted than another. In J41I7 1715* " the Dttke «f A^yle %fM HalifaK, that luith tnueni^ « tbo^frnd ptimdt, he would anfwer for aU the de6UoBs 1% - f JWtcphcrfon, wjl, ii, ohap* 10. + IWd, iM . « Scotland.'! «■■■»'■ [ 63 ] <« Scotland •-." The reafon affigncd for refufing thefe applied- ' tions, was clear and fatisfaftory. A letter from the Court of Hanover contains thefe words : — " The Eleftor cannot' give the ■ « money demanded for the eleftions. Befides, he (hould faii" " infallibly) as the Court luould alnuays have the betuviefi «* purfe\" '--it ?^>»' 4-?*i ■■- 'i^ iA."-;':^^*-? i^^■i .'i^tdft «!'.. v <:. Nothing is more furprifing, than the inaccuracy \v4iich' abounds in many, even of our beft hiftorians. Thfere cannot* bs ftronger proofs imagined of the corrnption of both Houfes ' of Parliament, than what have been juft now produced. Yet» with this blaze of evidence before his eyes, the writer of the Memoirs of Britain has advanced a very ftrange aflenion.— When fpeaking of Mr. Duncombe's acquittal in the Houfc of' Peers, in 1695, he adds, ** For the honour of the Houfe of «* Lords, this it the only infiance in- EngUjh hifioryt in which" « the diftribution of private money was fufpeded to have had" «< influence with a number of PflcrsJ." Afker fuch a fpecimen of the honefty of the Whigs it would ^ be unneceflary to enumerate all the other mediods. which they"^ fell upon to embarafs their unfortunate Queen. One of thdr " fchemes was, to bring over the Eledor Prince, under the title t of the Duke of Cambridge, as a head to their party. But un* i juckily this projeft was equally difagreeable to the Eledlor of ^ Hanover and to the Queen. In a letter to George, dated 30th " M«y 1714, " I am determined," fays Anne, « to oppofe a " « piojeft fo contrary to my royal authority, however fatal the *' «' confcquences may be ^." And George himfelf abfolutely re--'-* fufcd every propofal of this kind. " His refufal was fo peremp* ' « iQVfa that the Whigs, and even his fervants, made no fcruple- ' « ofafcribing his conduA to a jealoufy of bis (nvn/on^" It''» has been faid, a thoufand times over, that George the Firften- '- tertained the mod violent fufpicion as to the legitimacy of his''' * Macpherfon's State Papers, vol. ii; p» 498. + Ibid. p. 497. % Memoirs of Britain, vol. ii. part jdi Book iv* ^ State Papers, vol. ii. p, 621. jl Macpherfon, vol, ii, chap, io» .T -.t fon; J i' ,..-?lri l! - [ 64 ] ; fon ; and that his jcaloufy was fatal to the life of a Swedifli no- bleman. His wife, the Princefs of Zell, was at this very time in confinement for her amours ; and in this fituation the unhappy %voman died, after a melancholy captivity of thirty-fix years. Another modeft contrivance to harafs the Queen, deferves peculiar notice. On the 8th of April 1714, "it was propofed «« to requeft her Majefty to ilfue a proclamation, fetting a price « on her brother s head. The Tory Lords reprcfented, that the ** motion was as inconfiftent with common humanity, as it was «' icpugnant to the Chriftian religion ; that to fet a price on <' any man's head, was tu encourage afTaiTmation by public au- ,*• thority ; and that (hould ever the cafe come before them, as »* peers and judges, they would think themfelves bound, in « juftice, honour, and confcience, to condemn fuch an adlion «* asmurther. The Whigs argued upon the ground of expeoI'- ** ENc Y *." The motion was rejefted. The Whigs did not always confine their operations to bribery. We may comprehend from what follows, the genuine charaAer of fome of their principal leaders. In 1694, William planned an expedition againft Breft. The particulars were betrayed to James the Second, in a letter from Marlborough, where he com* plains that Admiral Ruffel was not fufficiently hearty in the. caufe of the exiled* In confequence of this aft of treachery, the Englifh forces were repulfed on their landing at Breft. Six hundred were flain, and many wounded ; one Dutch frigate was funk after lofing almoft her whole crew. Another example, may ferve to (how the charafter of thefe leaders in a proper light. In 1695, Sir John Fenwick, a Major-General, had been engaged with Penn, the founder of Philadelphia, and others, in a projeA for a rebellion in England, and had, oa its diHi coyery, fled. Some time after he returned, was found out, and arreiled., To favc his life, he tranfmitted to the King an ac* count of the treafonable correfpondence of Godolphin, Marl- borough, Ruflel, and many other Whigs of diftinaion with James. His accusation « is now known to have been in al][ I / . V * MacphcrfoD, vol. ii. chap. 10. « (( -. "V fointi t % ] ime ppy S. " rves fed rice the was on aa-ff aa in ion « points true ;" and as there was only one evidence againft hioiy «* he could not be convifted in « court o/lanv, which rc- << quilled two." But the peifons vyhom he had accufed* " be- « lieved that Hiey could not be fafc as long as he lived," A bill cf attainder was therefore brought in againft him, and Ru0el q)peared ait the head of the profecution. The fequel produced a .crowd of proceedings "which exceeded the injuf- *' titie of the worft precedents in Lhe word times of Charles the i' Second and bis fucccifibr j" jind the w}iole were vindicated by Burnet) in.a long fpeech. The bill paiTedboth houfes by a nar- row majority ; and on the zSth of January 169.6, Fenwick was beheaded on Tower-hilJ, '* lAiitbout evidence or Jaw." Lady Fenwick attempted to bribe a perfon whofe teftimony (he dreadedj to fly the kingdom. The accufers prevailed on this wretch to ;p]ace people behind a curtain to overhear the offer ; (' and this attempt of ;t wife to favc her husband's Hfe from dan- " ger,' tvat turned into an evidence of.bis^uilt *." Thefe are the, words of a hiftorian, who is himfelf aprofeiTed Whig, who has been a lawer, and is now a Judge. It is difEcult to fay, whe.., therdie conduA of .the parliament* who paiTed fuch a fentsnccf or of his Majefty who figned it, was moft completely inde- feiicible. On the aft of Auguft 1714, OgBcn Anne died ; and as^'"u.:t has been faid in praife Of her virtues, a (hort account of a'tranf- adion condudted by her Tory parliament is here inferted, which in part is abridged from the Anecdotes of the Earl of Ciiatham. , It has been told by many hiftoxians, tha;, for four years, Qjieen Anne gave an hundred thoufand pounds per annum out of her civil lift, to fupport the war againft France ; and hence they deduce an argument of the oeconomy and patriotifm of that Frincefs. — But, on the z,5th of June 1713, her Majefty ac- quainted the Commons that (he had contradled a very large debt upon the revenues ot the civil lift; and (he fpeciited.that this deficiency amounted in Auguft 171O) to four hundred thou- fand pounds.— Mr. Smith) one of the tellers in the Exchequer, f * Memoirs of Britain, vol, ii, part 3, book 7. -t- .>■ -•>u<{ .f iijifs ,{i .»iovf,-7,a.od ■T;--.v7. >j« #'!!•*■ '* f'/ who r 66 J who feems to have been too honeft a mail for his office> arofc? arid informed the Houfe, that the eftimate of this debt was to him ailOnifhing ; as at the time pointed oat, he could affirm^ that the debt amounteid to little more than an hundred thoufand pounds* Other meinbers undertook to pfove, that the funds affigned to her Majefty for feven hundred thoufand pounds /^r annum, had produced eight hundred thoufand poundS) fo that ia the courfe of eleven years, her Majefty had received eleven hun- dred, thoufand pounds of an overplus, and after deducing the pretended gifi of four hundred thoufand pounds, (he had ftill /even hundred thoufand pounds fterlutg oi the public money in her pocket. Though this was the fame virtuous afTembly which had expelled Walpolc from bribery, thefcobf«rvations could not obtain attention ; fince the very nert day the Houfe voted five hundred and ten thousand pounds for payment of this debt* " "i'his," adds the hiftorian, «• is tlie truth, and the whole truth « of that generous exploit of the daughtef of James the Se* *' cond. It was a mean trick, by which the nation was cheated « of four hundred thoufand pounds*." He (hould haVe faidr five hundred and ten thoufand poundsr for that was the exa^ fum granted. It is entertaining to remark the ftyle in which a cOurtief fometimes talks of his fovereign'. When William, in a fit of despondency, had once threatened to refign the crown of Eng- land, « Does he fo ?" faid Sunderland, " there is Tom of « Pembroke," (meaning Lord Pembi ,.e) " who is as good a " block of wood as a king tan be cut out of.- We will fend for " him, and make him our King +." To the fame purpofe the Princefs of Wales, in 1753, cxpreffcd hcrfclf at to George the Second, in a converfation with Mr. Dodington. " She faidf " with great warmth, that when tliey talked to her of the " King, (lie loft all patience, for (he knew it was nothing . that ** in thefe great points (he reckoned the King no more than one " of the trees nue nvalked bj, or fomething more inconfiderable " which fi e named, but that it was their pufiUanimity nvhich • Anecdotes of the Earl of Chatham, vol. ii. p. eo* :+ Mcmoirt of Great Britain, vol. ii. part 3. book 7 (( luj^ld ^ ... ■ t 67 ] « would make an end of them " — " She faid, that if they talked i" of the King} (he wa^ out of patiejice ; it was as if they (hould ** tell her> that her little Harry below would not do what ** was proper for him ; that juft fo the King would /putter and *( make a buftUt but when they told him that it muji be done i>( from the necefliiy of hi£ fervice, he muil do it, at little Harry ^ «»«^ when (he came down *." , , , , „, , ./{i^sfeYiiv*!* »;d CHAP, VIII. ii fl^'llRH 'ith' ?^i4w ' ■ »-■•.« •\. ft It?. I am np orator-as Brutus !s» *• --f "^ .",';/'.■> . To ftir men's blood ; I only fpcak right on, Itellyouthat'whichj/ouj/otirjel'vesdokm'w,, '. ''' ^ Shakespeark. nPHE hiftory of England has been continued in the laft -*- chapter, to the beginning of the difaftrous but memorable reign of George the Firft. We (hall clofe this part of the work with fome general obfervations on the civil lift, " There we 'find places piled on places, to the height of the « tower 'of Babel. There we find a mafter of the houfehold, <• treafurer of the houfehold, comptroller of the houfehold, « cofferer of the houfehold, deputy-cofferer of the houfehold, « clerks of the houfehold, clerkscomptroUers of the houfehold, « clerks comptrollers deputy-clerks of the houfehold, office " keepers, chamber-keepers, neceffary-houfe-keepers, purvey- *« on of bread, purveyors of wine, purveyors of fifli, purvey- " ors of butter and eggs, purveyors of conf«dUonary, deli- «< verers of greens, coffee-women, fpicery-men, fpiccry men's *< afTiftant-clerks, ewry-men, cwry-men's afiiftant-clerks, kitch- f* en-clerks - comptrollers, kitchen • clerk - comptroller's firft « clerks, kitchen clerk-comptroller's junior clerks, yeomen "C • Dodington'i Diarj', p. 2051 and a 13, I> n 1 «• of ^. -h « of t!ve mcmth, ander yeoman of the lijouth, gr6oms> groomi " children, paftry-yeomen, harbingcM, harbingers yeomen^ " keepers of ice houfcs, cart-takers, cart- takers- grQOrns> bell- « ringers, cock andcrycr> table -deckersi water engine turners, *« ciftera cleaners, keeper of ftye- btjcketsj and a thoufand or *« two more of the fame kindj which if I were to fet down, I *< know not who would take the troobie- of- reading ihem over. «« Will any man fay, and keep his countenance, that one in one *' hundred of thcfe hangcrs'-oh is of any feal ufe? — ^Cannot o«r «< King have a poached egg for his fupper, unlefs he keeps a << purveyor of eggs, and Kis clerks* and his clerk's deputy- «* clcrk^ at an expencc of 500I. a year ? while the nation is «< finking in a bottomlefs ocean of debt ? Again, who are they, ** the yeomen of the mouth ? and who are the unde^-yeomen •» of the mouth ? What is their bufuicfs ? What is it «« to yeoman a King's mouth ? What is the nccclfity for a « cofferer, where there is a treafurer ? And, where there is *< a cofferer, what occafion for a deputy-cofferer ? Why a « ncceflary-houfe keeper ? cannot a King have a water-dofet, «« an J keep the key of it in his onuu packet f And my little cock " and tn-yer, what can be his p<^ ? Does he come under the «< King's chamber window, and call the hour, mimicking the " crowing of the cock? This might be ofufc before clocks «' and watches, efpecially rapeateri, were invented ; but feems ** as fupcrfluous now, as tlic deliverer of greens, the coffee- *' women, fpicery men's affiftant-clcrks, the kitchen-comptrol- *< ler's firilclet' s and juniof clerks, the groom's children, the « harbinger's yeomen, l^c. Does the maintaining fuch a muU ** titude of idlers fuit tlic prefent ftate of our finances ? When « will frugality be neceffary, if not now ? Q^een Anne gave «* an hundred thoufand pounds a year to the public fervice •• « We pay debts on the civil lift of fix hundred thoufand pounds in one artidei cannot fail tQ pxcite the attention and furprife of every reader. *f She," the Frincefs, « ^id, that notwithftanding what I had mentioned of f* the King's kiudneis to the children and civility to her, th^ « tiii/tgs did not impnfe upon her — that there were other thing$ f ( which fhe could not get over, ihe wifhed the Kmg was leii$ f^ civil, and that he put lefs of their money into his own pocket : « that he got full thirty thoufand pounds per annumt by the «« poor Prince's death. — If he would but have given them the V Dutchy of Cornwall to have paid his debts, it would have " been fomething. Sould refentments be carried h^ond the *} grave ? Should the innocent fuffer ? Was it becoming fo f< great a King to leave his Jons debts w^idf and foch incon« f< iiderable debts ^ I alked her, what (he thought they might « amount to \ She anfwered, (he had endeavoured to know as « near as a perfon could properly inquire* who» not having it *( in her power, could not pretend to pay them. She thooght, <* that to the tradefmen and fervants they did not amount to *< ninety thoufand pounds } that there was fome money owing to « the Earl of Scarborough, and that there was, abroad, a debt of « about feventy thoufand pounds. That this hurt her cxcee4- « ingly, though fhe did not fhew it, I faid that it was ini' « poflible to new-make people ; the King could not, now, be f« altered—." « We talked of the King's accumulation of treafure, which f (he reckoned at four millions, I told her, that what was « become of it, how employed, where and what was left, I did <* not pretend to guefs ; but that I computed the accumulatioK « to be from twelve to fifteen millions. That thefe thipjpst ** within a moderate degree, perhaps left than a fourth pait « could be proved beyond all poffibility of a denial { and, whea ** the cafe fhould exift^ would be pobliihed in centrovedkl «< pamphku*.'* * Dodington'i Memoin, p. \t'] and 290* Thefe dcbtt of the Piincc of Wale^ arc ftill uapaid. ^ ■ In 175:5, Mr. Pitt had a conference with the 15uke of Ncw- caftlc, which has been recorded by Mr. Dodington. A ftiort fpecimen may ferve to ftiow how the Briti(h nation has been bubbled by Government. « The Duke mumbled th.zx. the Saxon ** and Bavarian fubfidics were offered and prejfedy but there <' was nothing done in them : that the Hcflian was perfeded, «* but the Ruffian was not concluded. — Whether the Duke " meant anfigned, or unratified, we cannot tell, but we under- «* Hand It is figned. When his Grace dwelt fo much upon the *« King's WoAr, Mr. Pitt afkedhiin — ^what, if out of the fif- *« f BKN MILLIONS ivhich die King had favedi he Ihould give "his kinfman of Heffe one hundred thoufand pounds, and the ■« Czarina one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds to be off <* from Jiefe bad bargains, and not fuffer the ftiggeftions, fo «' dangerous to his own quiet and fafety of his family, to be « thrown out> which would, and mull be, infilled upon in a *« debate of this nature ? Where would be the harm of it ? «« The Duke had nothing to fay, but defired they might talk it «< over again with the Chancellor. Mr. Pitt replied, he was at *' their command, though nothing could alter his opinion *." ' The reader wi^ here obferve, that thirty-feven years havie elapftd fince George the Second had favcd fifteen mil- lions from the civil lift. It has been faid above, that a fum at five per cent, of compound intereft doubles itfelf in fourteen years. This is not pcrfeftly exad, but as my former calcu- lations did not require ftriA minutenefs, the conclufions remain unfhaken. Where a topick fo delicate as the civil lift is con- cerned, the utmoft accuracy may be cxpefted, and therefore it muft here be prcmifed, that in fourteen years, an hundred pounds produce about a fiftieth part lefs than a fecond hundred pounds, that is to fay, ninety-feven pounds nineteen /hillings and eight pence, ox \xi decimal fra^ions .9799316 parts of an integer. Now, at this rate, thcfe fifteen millions would, in thirty-feven years, have multiplied to more than ninety-one millions and an half. It is indeed true, as Mr. Dodington, fays, that we can- Ai • Dodlngton's Memoirs, p. 373, not f.:.i t 7t ] Hot tell >wtfat has become o/itt or honv it hat been employed^ bflt we know that no part of it has been applied to the fervice of the nation. We have iince paid feveral large arrears into which the civil lift had fallen, and an hundred thoofand pounds per annum, have been added to the royal falary. At the fame time, the nation has been borrowing money to pay that falary, the cxpences of Gibraltar and Canada, for the fupport of the war- fyftem, and other matters, nominally at three and a half, or four per cent, but in reality, as (hall be explained hereafter, at fix or eight /