IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 A 
 
 
 i,-^i^ 
 
 
 z« 
 
 ^ 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 1.25 
 
 K£ 
 
 2.5 
 
 ■^ Kb 1112 2 
 
 ^ U& 12.0 
 
 1.4 
 
 1= 
 1.6 
 
 m 
 
 ^t 
 
 <%..,.>. ^^^^ 
 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 -f^ 
 
 Hiotographic 
 
 Sciences 
 
 Corporation 
 
 23^VE$TMAINSTReeT 
 
 WEBSTCK.N V. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 

 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHIVI/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de sa procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la m^thode normale de filmage 
 sont indiquds ci-dessous. 
 
 D 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 □ Coloured pages/ 
 Page? de couleur 
 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 □ 
 
 Covers damaged/ 
 Couverture endommagee 
 
 Covers restr^ad and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restaurde et/ou pellicul6e 
 
 Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes gdographiques en couleur 
 
 n 
 
 D 
 D 
 
 Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommag^es 
 
 Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pellicui^es 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages d^color^es, tachet^es ou piquees 
 
 Pages detached/ 
 Pages d^tachees 
 
 D 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 y 
 
 Showthrough/ 
 Transparence 
 
 D 
 
 Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 D 
 
 Quality of print varies/ 
 Quality in^gale de rimpression 
 
 D 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 Reli6 avec d'autres documents 
 
 D 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel supplementaive 
 
 V 
 
 n 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 La reliure serree peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge intdrieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout^es 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas 6t6 filmies. 
 
 D 
 D 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seule Edition disponible 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
 etc., ont 6t6 film^es d nouveau de facon h 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 D 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentaires suppl6mentaires; 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 
 Ce document est filma au taux de reduction indiqui ci-dessous. 
 
 10X 14X 18X 22X 
 
 y 
 
 26X 
 
 30X 
 
 12X 
 
 16X 
 
 20X 
 
 24X 
 
 28X 
 
 32X 
 
ails 
 
 du 
 
 tdifier 
 
 une 
 
 nage 
 
 Th« copy filmad h«r« has b««n rtproducad thank* 
 to tha ganaroiity of: 
 
 Library Division 
 
 Provincial Archives of British Columbia 
 
 Tha imagas appaaring hara aro tha bast quality 
 possibia considaring tha condition and lagibility 
 of the original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the *ront cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when approprista. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol -^ (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 L'exemplaire film* fut reproduit grice A la 
 giniroslti da: 
 
 Library Division 
 
 Provincial Archives of British Columbia 
 
 Les images suivantes ont *tA reproduites avec le 
 plus grand soin, compta tenu de la condition at 
 de le nettetA de I'exemplaira film6, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmage. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en 
 papiar est imprimAe sont filmts en commen^ant 
 par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 derniAre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second 
 plat, salon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires 
 originaux sont filmAs en commenpant par la 
 premiere page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par 
 la derniAre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la 
 derniire image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbole —^ signifie "A SUiVRE", le 
 symbole V signifie "FIN". 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre 
 filmAs A des taux de reduction diffArents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre 
 reproduit en un seul clichA, il est filmA A partir 
 de Tangle sup6rieur guuche, de gauche A droite, 
 et de haut en bas, an prenant le nombre 
 d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la mAthode. 
 
 rrata 
 :o 
 
 pelure, 
 
 □ 
 
 32X 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1: : 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
OUof 
 
 lif 
 
 MR. 
 
 
 eyyoxt/uvest 
 CoUecUorv 
 
 K- 
 
 ' '*'i 
 
 Delivere 
 
 I The Comt 
 pion reported 
 ■Britain to an 
 lAugust 6th, 
 fStony mourn 
 
 * Mr. FC 
 inittee as i 
 Mr. Ck 
 lodgings 1 
 progress o 
 qiscussion 
 fircumstai 
 leady bea 
 by gentlci 
 It would I 
 >e\v argui 
 tone so Ic 
 )re us ho 
 fliis deba 
 fendance 
 ttissment 
 and after 
 the highc 
 •upon the 
 |in impen 
 Hientous i 
 is invc 
 int here 
 le humt 
 have bee 
 Jeluctanc 
 ind beli< 
 that Stat 
 
 jrycTs 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. SOLOMON J'OOT, OF VERMONT, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 * Delivered in the House of Representatives, U. S., February 6, 1846. 
 
 I 
 
 f The Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union having under consideration a rcsohi- 
 tion reported by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, entitled " A rosoUifion of notice to Great 
 Britain to annul and abrogate the convention between Great Britain and the United Slates of 
 August 6th, 1827, relative to • the country on the northwest coast of America, westward of the 
 Stony mountains, commonly called Oregon" — 
 
 Mr. FOOT, of Vermont, having obtained the floor, addressed the com- 
 mittee as follows: 
 
 4 Mr. Chairman: It has been my misfortune to have been confined at my 
 lodgings by severe indisposition, for the most part of the time during the 
 progress of this debate. I know but little of the character and scope of the 
 discussion, except £is I Jiave occasionally glanced at the reports. Under these 
 circumstances, 1 can expect to do little more than to travel over a track al- 
 ready beaten ; to say little more than has already been often and better said 
 by gentlemen who have preceded me. Indeed, under any circumstances, 
 
 !t would be little better than arrogant presumption in me to essay to add any 
 lew argument, or to give any new interest to a question after it had under- 
 i^one so long, so elaborate, and so able a discussion as the question now be- 
 fore us has received. It was my desire and my purpose in the early pan of 
 fliis debate to have expressed my views to the committee, had not my at- 
 tendance upon the House been interrupted. Feeling, as I d(>, i!»e embar- 
 vlissment of addressing the committee at so late a period of the di&cussion, 
 and after the question under consideration has called forth (he bet . talent, 
 the highest eloquence, the profoundest research, and the ripest ;^x».erience 
 .upon the floor of f his House, that purpose woui \ now be abandoned but for 
 |in imperative sense of obligation I feel, that, upon u question of such mo- 
 [nentous and vital consetpjences to the whole and every part of our country 
 ii involved in the resolution before us, the State, which I in part repre- 
 int here, should be heard upon it, even though it be through the voice of 
 le humblest of her representatives upon this floor. Much rather would I 
 have been saved the task, (for it is with the most extreme and unalTected 
 reluctance that 1 ever attempt to address this House,) and that what I trust 
 |ind believe to be the prevailing opinions and sentiments of the pecple of 
 Ihat State upon this subject, should have been expressed by either one of 
 
 J. f G. B. Gideon, prime r«. 
 
 -a. i, 
 
 MJf^li^-^ 
 
 I - lumn 
 
my more learned and gifted colleagues. But as it is, Mr. Chairman, T must i},p p^p, 
 beg the indulgence of the committee while I venture to submit to their con- j^g (|jg p, 
 sideration some general views upon the subject which has already occupied *^^'f,r q 
 80 much of their attention. adjustiu 
 
 Allow me to say, in the first place, Mr. Chairman , that I do not propose ^jjg ]^^,j^ 
 in the few remarks which my recovering strength will enable me to preseni jntr fior 
 at the present time, to go into an examination of the grounds of the respec opinion 
 live claims of Great Britain and the Unitfid States to the Oregon territory 'o^g ^^.^.^ 
 The time allotted me is insufficient at the same time to allow me to presem ♦that coui 
 some other views in connection with this controversy between the two Gov and wliii 
 ernments as I desire to do. Moreover, the question of title has been ver\ terest oi 
 fully discussed both here and elsewhere. The result of the best and mcs ^^l ma<'-ni 
 impartial examination I have been able to give to the subject, upon my owi ' Mr.^C 
 mind is, that both Governments have certain rights and claims there > not that the i 
 perhap" very clearly defined ; that neither Government has a clear or perfec out nalio 
 title to the whole of the Oregon territory ; that neither can rightfully asser «tand it i 
 an exclusive claim to the whole, or extend its own exclusive jurisdictioi ^Secretary 
 over the whole of it, consistently with the rights and claims of the other ji^e warra 
 The question of title in controversy is peculiarly of that character, whicl Hjaj (j^^.^ 
 renders it eminently a fit and proper subject for negotiation and compromise ©fficial dc 
 However we may afFect to '•egard our title to the whole of Oregon as clea ^vhom is 
 and perfect, England is doubtless equally convinced thai she has the bette ^rovf rsy u 
 title to a part of that territory. Not imlike all parlies to a controversy; ^V' ^o,i^p,.yu^j 
 v:ery readily, and easily, and naturally satisfy ourselves that we are in ihljiir by furt 
 right, that the opposing party is in the wrong. The controversy in this in ^ibroad b 
 stance, as to the question of right, as to the question of tide, let us bear ii lihnself a" 
 mind, is not among ourselves; it is with another party, with another Gov^^'c so wli 
 eminent, which claims title against us to a part of this territory. This coii amicable 
 troversy has existed for more than twenty-five ycjffs. It is a question i the town , 
 conflicting title between two Governments, each urging and insisting that i Oonimittt 
 has the stronger and better claim. The arguments which have been ad two since 
 dressed by each Government to the other, through their diplomatic corre? Honorabh 
 pondence, however ingenious and able they may be, are nevertheless radu ftad very 
 the ingenious and able arguments of counsel for a client, than of th;^ judg^s-nments 
 pronouncing an impartial decision upon the merits of the case. Thccecoraippv to 
 flicting claims have been the subject of discussion , of argument, of negotia ' Why, 
 tion, of mutual propositions of compromise and settlement at different pcr^hat is (ji 
 ods and under different administrations, representing the views and polirBjoes it ii 
 of the two leading diverse political parlies in the country, during this whol^allenge 
 period of time. Both Governments have occupied the disputed territory, i![^s our 
 the mean time, to n certain extent, and for certain purposes, as they novHave the 
 occupy it by virtue of a conventional agreement. aiiywhen 
 
 The direct question which is now presented to us, and which I undertakj^sed to ( 
 to say is prematurely and inconsiderately forced upon the consideration i^ntioii? 
 the popular branch of the Legislative Department is, whether Congress shaifftts the s 
 direct that unconditional notice shall forthwith be given for the termination ffflfendly r\ 
 the convention of 1S2T; and whether , as a necessary resulting consequence otlkutiousl'i 
 such notice , after the abrogation of the treaty , we shal 1 assert an exclusive claiiiri^lntions , | 
 to the whole of the Oregon territory , and extend over the whole of it our o\vi#ell as tc 
 exclusive sovereignty; or whether we shall leave ttie controversy still open,#|answer, 
 it now is, for further negotiation and compromise. Whether, in short, i^e; or, 
 
i 
 
 in, T must xj,c popular language of the advocates of cxtremfi measures, we shall adopt 
 their con- ^g jjie rule of our action, "the whole or none of Oregon," "now or never," 
 occupied *'war or no war;" or whether we shall yet endeavor to efteci an amicahle 
 adjustment of the controversy, and at the same lime maintain the peace and 
 )t propose the honor of the courUry. The answer within and without this Hall, judg- 
 to present j^g from recent indications, woidd douhiless present some contrariety of 
 ihe respec opinion jus to the most expedient course of action, while all will agree v h 
 1 territory 'one accord, that the dictates of^wisdoni and patriotism alike commend us o 
 to preseni that course of action most consonant with the national charact*^"' and dignii^ , 
 I two Gov and which shall hest subserve to vindicate and to maintain our ...Uionul in- 
 been ver\ terest, our national faith, our national honor, and, if you plt;use, our nation- 
 it and meg -al magnanimity. 
 
 )n my owi ' Mr. Chairman , we have been frecjuently told that negotiation is at an end; 
 there, not that the door is closed against all compromise, and cannot be reopened with- 
 r or perfec \out national dishonor. Sir, I do not so understand it. I do not so under- 
 fullv asser stand it from the Executive message. I do not so understand it from the 
 jurisuiclioi "tSecretary of State. From die very latest intelligence from England, we 
 f the other jare warranted in saying, it is not so understood by the oflicial authorities of 
 cter, whicl ihat Government. Who, indeed, from anything conliiined in the pul)lished 
 ompromise ^official documents upon this subject, is authorized to say, that diose to 
 Ton as clen ^vhom is eopecially committed the charge of this (pieslion regard the con- 
 is the bettf "Irovfrsy as having reached a point at which the national honor would be 
 roversy, W' ^compromitted by the consideration of further propositions of com prom vse, 
 e are in tin !i>r by further efforts for an amicable settlement by negotiation, at home ©r 
 y in this in abroad, by treaty or by arbitriment? No one, I assume to say, would feel 
 jt us bear ii fciniself authorized or justified in niidving such a declaration. How can it 
 nother Gov T^c so, while England manifests every disposition on her part to effect an 
 , This coil amicable adjusUiient? Indeed, we have it not only in flying rumors about 
 \ question tthe town, but we have the authoritative statement of the chairman of the 
 sisling that 1 Committee on Foreign Affairs, (Mr. C. J. Ixokhsoll,) made but a day or 
 ave been ad two since, upon this floor, in answer to an interrogatory put to him by my 
 mat ic corre? Honorable friend from Tennessee, (Mr. GK.vniy,) that a correspondence 
 heless radu fjad very recently taken place between the official organs of the two (JuV- 
 of tht^ judg ^nments relative to this (juestion. 1 can say, for one, sir, that I was very 
 These cor IJlappy to hear it. 
 tjOfnegotif ' Why, Mr. Chairman, let us ask ourselves, in all candor and soberness, 
 lifferent pcri^hat is this controversy about? What is the nature and character of it? 
 ^'s and polioljoes it involve any question of honor that renders an a])peal to arms, or a 
 iig this wholcJRallenge to arms, or a provocation to arms, necessary to its vindication? 
 [1 territory, iffEs our national flag been insulted at home or abroad, by sea or by land? 
 , as they iwHave the rights of our citizens been anywhere violated, or has our soil been 
 anywhere wrongfully invaded? Has England done anything, or even pro- 
 1 I undertakjbbsed to do anything, incompatible with the stipulations of the joint con- 
 nsideratioinv^ntioii? Nothing of the kind, sir. On the contrary, England siill mani- 
 /ongress shaiwts the strongest desire to maintain, and strengthen, and perj)etuate the 
 erminationtroendly relations which subsist between us; and not onl}' so, but she seems 
 )nsequence(-ca,utiously to avoid doing anything which wo-dd be likely to interrupt those 
 KclusiveclaiiTwations, the preservation of which is so vitaily important to lu'r interest, as 
 of it our ow"#ell as to our own. What, then, I ask agai i, is diis controversy about? 
 ('Still open rfi^answer, that it is nothing more nor less thru a mere naked (juestion of 
 r, in short, ii^e; or, more properly speaking, it is a mee question of boundary. Such 
 
a controversy is, of all others, the most appropriate to be settled by nego- 
 tiation, by treaty, or by reference. It is a uispuled claim to a piece of ter- 
 ritory, the evidence of title to which is, in its very nature, somewhat vague *fod of n 
 and inconclusive, and about which both parties may honestly differ in re *iO" "poi 
 gard to the strength and validity of their respective claims. It is a case Govern n 
 wherein both parties may relax somewhat from their extreme demands, "^jountry, 
 not only without dishonor, b«it with signal credit, for the sake of peace and tierritory 
 harmony. The selilement of such a question most pre-eminently belongs ^J^ arrogji 
 to the statesman, rather than to the soldier; to the councils of the cabinet Wiser ant 
 ntther than to the wager of battle. Sir, it would shock the moral sense ot*''^ early 
 the civilized v/orld, tjiat the two most enlightened and Christian nations oi^r^ oftli 
 the eaith should fail to effect a peaceful and honorable settlement of such a V^^ mam 
 controversy, and should involve themselves in a war in consetjucnce, th(*"""'C( 
 end of which, and the disasters of which, no man can foresee or conceive JM^^^'fi^^J^li 
 But it is urged as an objection to negotiation, or compromise in any way pretence, 
 that we have a clear and perfect title to the whole of Oregon. This decla'^spectlul 
 ration is often made, I apprehend, without much examination of th***'"'^ <^" 
 question, and with an easy credulity, which is satisfied without further in i y^^ "^ 
 vestigation, to repeat, as clear and incontestible facts, the unsupported asser^^'^y ^f 1 
 tions of a political conclave. The stronger and clearer, however, we car JP''''^ ^'^'^ 
 make our title to tlie whole of Oregon appear, so much the beUer anc^^^^ ^ ^l 
 safer case we should have for the decision of Jin impartial and cojjipeten j*^ s"''^" 
 tribunal, if the parties should not be able to agree upon terms of settlement*®" ^pp* 
 between themselves. And surely there could be little risk of our rights iiJ5''opositio 
 submitting the question of our title to such a tribunal, provided some oP'omise, i 
 these gentlemen will shed upon the board some of the light by which the;^^^^ "ow 
 learly see the perfection of our title to the whole of Oregon. Gentle*^" ^^ ^^^ 
 
 so c 
 
 e^ 
 
 ercise o 
 
 men have said, by way of illustration, more remarkable for its extrava' . , 
 
 gance than any analogy to the question we are considering, that we miglifv^ff®'' "^ 
 as well yield to the demands of England any portion of these Unitei"^'^® ^"y 
 States, or of this District, or of the ground on which this Capitol standb*Wer a cU 
 and that we might as well propose negotiation , or reference, in such a case , fl^'"^^ '^^' 
 in the case of Oregon, lean hardly think gentlemen serious in such ^^J^'^"*^ ' 
 comparison, or in supposing that there is any analogy, or any approxima^) ' '^ 
 tion to analogy , in the two cases. In the ca^se of Oregon, we have i'^ you cl 
 njeet an adverse claim , and one which has been asserted and insisted upo:^cet youl 
 as long, at least, as we have asserted any claim; and one which we hav^j'"^ '^ ^1 
 so far respected as to have made repeated propositions for a division of lli^^^gland 
 territory in dispute; and so far as to have admitted the adverse party to ill ■3|^''^'d laj 
 exercise and enjoynitnt, in common with lis, of equal rights and privilege *'<j&''^''d it 
 there. And this is not all. England has had actual occupation of this teilfl wouldl 
 ritory, or a part of it, much longer, and a much larger portion of the tinie^® wholl 
 than we have; and under the convention of 1818 she claimed the right (^o »hei 
 settlement there; and in 1827 we renewed the convention for an indefinii^ appeal 
 period of lime, with the full knowledge that she claimed such right of sei'lpi'^ls anf 
 tleraent. I will not ask whether, under these circumstances, we are ik5^P""^^I 
 estopped from asserting, but I will ask whether we are quite justified i?|*^"&l^ 
 asserting, that England has not only no title, but no co/or of title or clairW • 
 to any portion of the Oregon territory? Such an assertion, it appears i^O*^*^^*"^'^' 
 me, is a direct and palpable contradiction of the concessions of this Goveii 
 
 inent, by a series of treaties, negotiations, and propositions, through apt 
 
 us IS i| 
 
 char; 
 
 21 her d 
 ve and! 
 
J by nego- *» 
 
 ece of ter- 
 
 ^hnt vogue '^od of more than a quarter of a century; and an unwarrantable imputa- 
 
 ifler in re *'0" upon the conduct and motives of three difTerent administrations of our 
 
 is a case Government, numbering many of the ablest men and purest patriots of the 
 
 demands. '<<o""l''y? "' proposing to surrender to Great Britain a large portion of this 
 
 peace and %ctrhory as a peace-oflering, to whiit is now, for the first time, asserted to be 
 
 lly belongs ^" arrogant and groundless demand. We have, all at once, become vastly 
 
 he cabinet ^^'ser and more patriotic than our fathers. Considering the character and 
 
 d sense ol f*^*^ *^^^'''y ^♦^^^' <^^^''c British claims — considering the grounds and the na- 
 
 1 nations o;!^'"^ of the evidence upon which our respective claims rost — and considering 
 
 t of such a ^^^ manner in which her claims have always been treated, the cOncess^ions 
 
 ucnce lh(*"^ ^''^ olFers made — 1 have no hesitation in saying, that we shall find less 
 
 Jr conceive JW^*^'^*^"'*^*"'^ •" "ow treating her claims as a mere arrogimt and groundless 
 
 n any way jiretence, than we shall in meeting them and treating them with serious and 
 
 This dccla "^^P®^^''^^ consideration — so long, at least, as she manifests a similar dispo- 
 
 lion of th(^tion on her part. 
 
 t further in^j ^^^ "^ suppose that England, being as thoroughly convinced of the va- 
 lorted asset "^''y ^^ '**^'" ^^^^'^ lo Oregon — the whole of it, if you please — as the Balti- 
 ver we car4**'^'*^ ^*^'^^'^"'^'"" ''^"J j^^rt'S'^'d^' Polk are of ours, should say to us: "We 
 1 beiter ani§^^^ ^ ^^®*^'' ^"^^ ^'it^ontestible title to the whole of the Oregon territory; 
 I cojjipeteny'^ shall, therefore, insist upon the whole of it; and although we have 
 )f settlemen^®^'^ negotiating about it for more than twenty-five years, and made various 
 our rights jij^fopositions of settlement, and offered you one-half of it, by way of com- 
 ided some o|M"omise, and you have occupied it, in common with us, all this while, we 
 r which thei4^^^^ "ow close the door upon you, and give you ndlice that, at the expira- 
 3n. Gentle*^®" of twelve months, you must quit possesjion; from that time we shall 
 its extrava*^*^'^'^^ our own exclusive jurisdiction over the whole of it; we shall no 
 lat we migli ^'^^S^'' hsten to any terms of compromise; we shall neither [)ropope nor re- 
 ihese Unitei"^*^^ ^"y ^"■''^''^r offers for negotiation, nor will we submit what we con- 
 mitol standt''"^^'^ ^ clear title in us to the decision of any disinterested tribunal; all your 
 j^jlj^c-jge^a^lttitiis are a mere pretence, without foundation or shadow of title. We 
 IS in such ^" ^^^ whole; we demand the whole; we will iake nothing short of the 
 ' approximaX^ole; and, in so doing, we claim only what rightfully belongs to us; and 
 we have t ^C yo" <^hoose to go to war with us for taking only what is our own , we will 
 jfjgjgjjjj i,po jtoeet you as best we can. Let consequences take care of themselves." 
 hich we ha\*tjl^'is is very much after (he manner we are now addressing ourselves to 
 ngland upon this subject; and how, think you, we should be likely to 
 
 e should 
 d to us. 
 ion of this lei^^ would be met with a universal response of condenmation , not oidy from 
 1 of the linif*"^ whole American people, uat from every civilized government on earth. 
 »d the right t-^o alternative would be left us but tame and dishonorable submission, or 
 i- -m indetinii^ appeal to arms, and to the God of Justice, in vindication of our invaded 
 h'riffhtof st'^'^^^ ^"^' insulted honor. Her tones of arrogance and insult would find a 
 
 ,a «:« -trp. ,u response in the united voice of an indiijnant nation's scorn and defiance. 
 
 iS , we are ik j r ' . ■. • ... i ■ • i ■ ■ ■ i 
 
 le iustified i 4? I'^ngland less sensitive m regard to her rights and to her lionor tlian we 
 
 title or claii"^'? ' Will she be mo;e likely than ourselves quietly to submit to acts of 
 
 it appears i'5?^"'^oachinent upon her rights, or nhil sjie considers to be lier rights? 
 
 (f this Goveri 
 through a p 
 
 ivision of lli ^n»'^'>*^' upon tins suojcct; antl now, think you, we should be iii 
 e party to tli C'^g^'^'d language of this character by her to us? I need not say we 
 md privilefft'*i&'"d '^ '^^^^ ^'^'^^ '^ ''^^ ^'^^' highest indignity which could be olTerei 
 
 his is not the character or spirit ot liu IM.'ish Government. That is not 
 c character or spirit of any civili''.d goverir.:* nt on earth. Whatever act 
 her part, touching this c(^iilioverled questioi;, we shouUI regard as offen- 
 ive and hostile, and as allordihg a just provocation and cause for war, 
 
willjon our part, be prccipely so regarded by licr. Wbo will venture ta American 
 say we should declarcj war against England, or consider it as just cause for the deed \ 
 war, in case she should give us notice for the abrogation of the joint con- ments in ( 
 vcntion, and should assert iier exclusive sovereignty over the Oregon terri- eci for the 
 tory; and yet that England would not declare war against us, nor consider fecting a 
 it just cause for war, in case we should do the very same thing? Is it wise, vprsy. "Y 
 then, is it patriotic, is it uiagnaninious on our part, to address ourselves to l|uve recei 
 England in a lone and manner which, coming from her, we should so people, an 
 readily condenm and resent; or to do any act which, if done by her, we should ^jarniony I 
 regard aa ollensive and belligerent'' Should we not, by such a course of npore c(>a\ 
 conduct, even in a good cause, place ourselves in the wrong before ihe eyes iJbe glad ti 
 of the civilized world? There is a good old golden rule, as applicable to tuie the p 
 the conduct of nations as of individuals: " Do unto others as you would tie tlii.s qu 
 that they should do unto you." There is an honor, a glory, a moral hero- aisert our 
 ism, in acting uj)on the principles of this rule, which never sprang from the Mrho now 
 red fields of blood and carnage. tQat line c 
 
 Mr. Chairman, believing as I do that this unfortunate and protracted Bpent, if n 
 controversy may yet be amicably adjusted; believing as I do that it is the , 1 entert 
 desire and the e\|)fctation of the great body of the American people that it a^ls prevai 
 should be so adjusted, I cannot discharge what 1 deem to be my duty as a ah amicab 
 representative upon this floor, looking to the best interests and the highest qtate, wit! 
 welfare of the country , without entering my most earnest protestations against jfessiiig tli 
 every course of action, and every course of remark, which, in my judg- Wid harnu 
 ment, shall lend, in the slightest degree, to close the door to such an ad- bpund to L 
 jusUneni; which shall tend, in the slightest degree, to interrupt or embarrass good laiih 
 negotiation; and, above all, which shall tend in any degree to array the two and auihoi 
 Governments in hostile collision upon such a question. In so doing I am lieve, also 
 sustained by the conscious assurance of the approval of those for whom I cere desiri 
 am authorized here to speak and to act. IIow could we more efTectually tion . To 
 close the door to all further negotiation, and to all hope of an amicable ad- 4ent and J 
 justment, than to notify England of our determination, after the expiration ppcrisy. 
 of twelve months, to lake exclusive possession of the whole Oregon territory ? ijffion was 
 Will slie be in a better mood to negotiate by our infornting her that she has Would be 
 n(» shadow of claim to any portion of that territory ? Can we treat with her Qir. Kin« 
 upon better terms, and render an amicable settlement more probable and pfinciple c 
 more speedy, by telling her that she nmst (juit possession and abandon all c^lidenct 
 pretension of any title there after one year's notice? I confess it strikes mc yjiil quite 
 very ditl'erently. I am not, however, unwilling to vote for notice in some a^d hypo* 
 qualified form, expressing our earnest desire si ill to negotiate a settlement, pending c 
 and giving assurance that it is given with a vi6w to a more certain and ainicably 
 speedy adjustment. tween the 
 
 However much gentlemen may be disposed to decry and denounce the l||ficant th 
 course of former administrations, in offering a division of this disputed ter- ^e to infe 
 ritory by the 49th parallel of latitude, and however they may denounce those OkI ? Wi 
 who would now acquiesce in such a division as a fair and honorable settle- tK/e rejecli 
 ment, I trust the friends of the present Administration will spare it their de- ifBuperab 
 nunciations for having made the same offer, notwithstanding the extreme jnromise; I 
 pretensions and lofty assertions of*the inaugural. Who doubts but if that Motion of 
 offer had been accepted it would have received the apjtiobation of the great t|iey cons 
 body of the American people of all parties? Instead of our ears being saluted tk)n and 
 "vvilh I lie clamor about an ignominious surrender of American soil, and oi 
 
 any on 
 
venture to 
 cause for 
 joint con- 
 •goii tcrri- 
 r consider 
 Is it wise, 
 H'selves to 
 should so 
 we should 
 L course of 
 e (he eyes 
 plicuble (o 
 ^ou would 
 J oral hero- 
 g from the 
 
 protracted 
 at it is the 
 >plc that it 
 r duty as a 
 he highest 
 ons against 
 
 my judg- 
 uch an ad- 
 embarrass 
 ay the two 
 [loing I am 
 "or whom I 
 eflectually 
 nicable ad- 
 expiration 
 n territory? 
 hat she has 
 !at with her 
 obable and 
 ibandon all 
 : strikes me 
 ce in some 
 settlement, 
 certain and 
 
 nounce the 
 isputed ter- 
 ounce those 
 rable settle- 
 : it their de- 
 he extreme 
 ; but if that 
 uf the great 
 [iinsi' saluti'f' 
 
 American citizens, or of a sacrifice of national interests or of national honor) 
 the deed would have been hailed as one of the proudest and noblest achieve- 
 ments in our diplomatic history. Surpassing credit would have been claim- 
 od for the wisdom, and tact, and promptness of this Administration, in ef- 
 f()}cting a peaceful and honorable adjustment of this long standing contro- 
 versy. Yes, sir, had tiiat proposition been accepted, 3 doubt not it would 
 Ijitive received the sanction of the American Senate and of the American 
 people, and been every where hailed as the harbinger of al)iding peace und 
 ^rmony between the two CJoverrnnents. Even the manifesto of the ^alti- 
 npore convention would have l)«:en forgotten amidst the general jubilee at 
 the glad tidmgs of a result so fortunate and so desirable. And I will ven- 
 ture the prediction that, if the present Administration should ultimately set- 
 tle this question u))on that line of division, they who now most confidently 
 aisert our title tu be ch.'ar and indisputable to the parallel of 54^^ 40 , and 
 wlio now most vociferously declare that not one inch of the territory short of 
 that line can be surrendered without dishonor and disgrace, will at least be 
 spent, if not the fnst to commend die act. 
 
 1 entertain the opinion, Mr. Chairman, that if wise and considerate couu- 
 Kels prevail on both sides, this controversy may yet be brought to an early, 
 $p amicable, and satisfactory arrangement. The letter of the Secretary ojf 
 qtate, withdrawing the proposition which he had made, coiiduiles by ex- 
 pressing the hope that such an adjustment may still be etrccled, and peace 
 and harmony between the two Ciovcrnments still be maiiitained. We are 
 bpund to believe that this expression was made honestly, sincerely, and in 
 good taidi. It was made, too, oflicially, and under the immediate direction 
 and authority of the President of the United States. We are bomul to be- 
 lieve, also, that the proposition itself was made in good faith, and with a sin- 
 cere desire to bring this controversy to an early and an honorable termina- 
 tion. To assert or to suppose otherwise, would be to impute to the Presi- 
 dent and Secretary the lowest and grossest species of dissimulation and hy- 
 Mcrisy. I make no such charge. 1 intend no such charge. Iftliepropo- 
 iSj^ion was made with the kMowledge, die expectation, or the hope that it 
 would be rejected, as was intimated by the gentleman from New York, 
 (|ttr. King,) I will leave it to that gentleman to reconcile the act with any 
 j^ncijile of proi)riety , of good faith, or of honorable conduct. Small as my 
 Cfipiidence may be in the present Admini-stration, my estimate of them is not 
 y|lt quite so low as to believe them capable of conduct so unworthy, so base, 
 a^d hypocritical. And, when they give assurance of their desire that the 
 pending controversy between this (jlovernment and Great Britain may be 
 amicably settled, and the peace and harmony now so happily subsisting be- 
 tween them may be maintained, I will believe it to be something more sig- 
 l||ficant than the mere empty forms of diplomatic civility. What, then, are 
 i|[e to infer from the language of the correspondence to which 1 have refer- 
 Why, most certainly, that the President and Secretary do not regard 
 
 rejection and wiUidrawal of the olFer made by them as presenting any 
 i|Buperable bjirrier to further negotiation, or ixs precluding all hope of com- 
 promise; but, on the contrary, that, they still entertain the hope and expec- 
 ^tion of yet effecting an amicable and satisfactory result, i short, that 
 they consider, and are willing to treat the qui'stion, as still open for negotia 
 ^n ami compromise. And I venture to atlirm, Mr. Chairman, that if there 
 
 t 
 
 lere 
 
 soil, and oi |p m\y one act or recommendation of this now Administration which, more 
 
than nny oilier, commontls itself to tlie approval of the American people, iibtit little ( 
 
 in the ort'er made, and the disposition thereby manifested, in reference lo thi<|lde or tlu 
 
 very ({uestion. I , of course, am to be imdcrstood as drawing my inferences promise, f 
 
 in regard to the views and disposition of the Administration upon lhi8,;i Hot to ho 
 
 upon other (picstions of national concern, from the record, from their pabdipim ant 
 
 lie acts and commimications. lam not in the fortunate jiosition which ttrriiory, ( 
 
 perhaps, some other gentlemen mpy occupy, to be in the receipt of aniBelieving 
 
 of their private or confidential comnmnications. But 1 am not at liberty t(#on and I 
 
 presume that they entertain any private views or opinions, upon atjy of tln^ie cxhib 
 
 great questions of public interest, inconsistent with those ollicially promulllUHMher v 
 
 gated. If I am not deceived, then, as to the views and disposition of th'tf the con 
 
 Administration upon this subject, if I do not misinterpret their language, owon and j 
 
 misunderstand its irj)port,I submit whether we shall not best discharge our duti I will , 
 
 by leaving die question, with its responsibililies,where it properly belongs, witiflecessary 
 
 the administrative department, unembuirassed and unenrumbered by an\ there. 'I 
 
 legislative direction or control. They must understand, better than wecan jiist cause 
 
 the state of the (luestion in all the stages of its progress. We are, indeed towards I 
 
 informed that negotiations have been resumed, and may now be going oii%ithout q 
 
 between the authorized organs of the two Governments. We knownothing^aim to ti 
 
 therefore, of the present condition of the quei-tion. We have called upoidusive po 
 
 the President to communicate to us any correspoiidence which may hav^bject is 
 
 taken place, since the annual message, upon this subject. He has not yet|»e resolu 
 
 responded to that call. We are left togrope in the dark. Hence, I repeat^man fr( 
 
 what 1 have before said, that this question is prematurely, and inconsiderjiosed to Ij 
 
 ately, and, I will add, most unwisely, forced upon the consideration of tlii^tenrance 
 
 House. And, blindfolded as we are. you have said that we shall vote upoitHoritative 
 
 it in three days from this time. We are presenting to the world the singula^ify, almo 
 
 and extraordinary spectacle of discussing and acting upon u question iiiCjUestion I 
 
 volving consequences no less momentous than of peace and war, while oltwce cxci 
 
 information as to the piesent state of that question is withheld from us. jjjltosition \^ 
 
 is contrary to all my views of national propriety that we should be legislatin:<fentemph 
 
 at all upon a question of this character, while it is a subject of negotiation ^sion an 
 
 I say, then, let us interpose no impediment to negotiation; let us throw ti'jP|ole of 
 
 possible obstacle in the way of an amicable settlement, while such a settle witain w 
 
 ment is within the range of the remotest probability. Let the question re^ title w 
 
 main untrammelled in the hands of those whom the people have so recentliibm a t 
 
 appointed to the administrat'on of their public affairs; and in their treatmei^ars ; an 
 
 of the subject we will at least indulge the hope that they will be actuated b Wte have 
 
 a due regard to the interests, the integrity, and the honor of the country l<lto and ei 
 
 and that, acting under a sense of their obligations and responsibilities to th«^er she ( 
 
 American people, they will in due time, if possible, bring this con t rovers; Aat this 
 
 to a fair, a just, and honorable termination. And, if they can do so wilt^t time 
 
 the notice, they can certainly do so without it. Besides, by giving the no^olher n 
 
 tice with the design and for the purpose we have expressed, we at least rui^^ suppo 
 
 the hazard of provoking a feeling of irritation and obstinacy, rather than; ijPo'Tient. 
 
 spirit of good will and conciliation, so essential to a peaceful alid amicabl'OTlall do t 
 
 settlement of any controversy . ^ taking 
 
 But, Mr. Chairman, if, upon the other hand, rash and inconsiderat'«ttpe, tliei 
 
 counsels prevail on either side, the result must inevitably prove most unforJjUlemen 
 
 tunate and disastrous to both. In the present already excited slate of feelimje chanc 
 
 upon this subject, both in this country and- in England, it would requirwe notice 
 
! 
 
 m people, iibiit liltlc of the lansyuajTf of irrilntion , of mennre, or of defiance, on the one 
 rence to tliilifle or (he other, to urrest all cfTorls at negotiation, to blast all hopes of conn 
 ' inferences promise, ami to involve the two (iovernnients in a liiHjwtrous war. It is 
 I pon this, allot to he presumed that either (rovernment will tolerute in the other the 
 I their pnb^im and cxercis^e of exclusivt jurisdiction over the whole of the Oregon 
 ition whicli territory, or any act looking to the exclusive possession and control of it. 
 ceipt of am Believing thai much will he gaineil by the exhibition of a spirit of conciliu* 
 ut liberty tfilon and harmony while much will be lost, and every thing hazarded, by 
 1 any of tln^e exhibition of an offensive gasconading tone, I iu»k, in all earnestness, 
 ally promul Whether we shall not i)est consult the interests, the honor, and the happiness 
 sition of til Itf the country, by abstaining from all acts, and froni all language of iirita- 
 lunguage, own and provocation. 
 
 irgeourdut) I will, most cheerfully, give my support to any provisions which may be 
 )elongs,wili necessary for the protection of our citizens in Oregon, and those emigrating 
 •red by anithere. These are peaceful and proper measures, and can furnish no 
 ban wecan jtJst cause of complaint. But let 'is once assume an attitude of hostility 
 are, indeed towards Mngland; let ns direct that. Uie notice be given forthwith, and 
 be going on Without fiualification; let us accompany the notice with an assertion of our 
 lownotliing^aim to the whole of Oregon, and the assurance of our purpi. 'o take ex- 
 called upoi<insive possession of it; and let us follow it up with the declaratii ; that the 
 h may havlfrbiect is no longer open to negotiation and compromise, as w<i let forth in 
 •■i has not yei|ic resolution introduced in the outset of ibis debate l)y the honoi >ble gen- 
 ice, I repeat<ieman from Illinois, (Mr. 1)ouula.*;s,) let this be done, (and it is all pro- 
 \ inconsiderj^sed to be done,) aut' I will venture my pooi opinion in opposition to any 
 ration of tlii*i8nrance or pledge to the contrary, let it come from however high and au- 
 all vole upoithoriiative a source it may, that war is the certain, the inevitable, I might 
 the singulii*iiy J almost the necessary consecpience. Tho notice being given, if the 
 question in cjliestion be not settled within one year, we can do no less than proceed to 
 ar, while altWce exclusive occupation of the whole territory, or else recede from the 
 from ns. Ijptesition we had taken, with disgrace and ignominy. No one, I presume, 
 be legislatir:<tentemplates (he latter alternative. We shall proceed, then, to take pos- 
 negotiatioiiitesion and control, and to exercise our own exclusive sovereignty over the 
 us throw 1)1 Whole of the Oregon territory. Do gentleinen really imagine that Oreat 
 such a settle Britain will peacetibly and quietly yield to our authority; surrender all claim 
 J question re^ title which she has hitheno asserted and insisted ujwn, and withdraw 
 /e so recenti ^ni ^ territory which she has actually occupied for more than fifty 
 eir trealmei Viars; and all (his without a struggle or an effort? Gentlemen in this de- 
 3 actuated b o4te have dwelt much and loudly upon the rapacity of England for domin- 
 the country ifiifi and empire, and upon the tenacity with which she fixes her grasp where- 
 bilities to tli«^er she can get hold of a foot of territory. And shall we flatter ourselves 
 s con f rovers Aat this rapacious, and domineering, and mighty nation will now, for the 
 n do so wilifttst time in her history, quietly and peaceal)ly yield to the demanda of 
 iving the iio^^olher nation a vast and valuable territory to which she claims title? Sir, 
 e at least rui^ supposition is too preposterous to be entertained with seriousness a single 
 rather than:Wbment. We may date a war with that power from the day on which we 
 lid amicabl'^sliall do the first overt act, and take the first step avowedly for the purpose 
 Staking entire and exclusive possession of that territory. There is no es- 
 inconsiderat'^pfi? then, from this alternative, in case we give the notice, except by a 
 ? most unfor^ttlt^'i'ient of the t)ncstion witNin the year. And, as I have already said, 
 ate of feelini'Ae chances of a settlement, in my judgment, are greatly lessened by giving 
 rould requii *^^ notice in the form and manru^- proposed. 
 
 f 
 
 4 
 
10 
 
 I repea 
 ensue 
 measi 
 
 uld be 
 
 count I 
 at we { 
 r with 
 ain an 
 ision of 
 ther an 
 distar 
 
 If, then, Mr. Chairman, this Oregon question is to be settled by a con 
 flict of arms. I beg of these gentlemen , who would hurry us upon thi 
 fearful issue, and who seem almost impatient of the delay, to pause an 
 wait till we are somewhat better prepared for it. Let us first reinforce ou 
 army and navy. Let us establish some suitable and adequate defences alono,| 
 the three or four thousand miles of our exposed sea-coast, and along th 
 other thousands of miles of our unprotected northern and western frontier 
 While you are so prompt and liberal in appropiiating the public money fni 
 the erection of blockhouses, and stockades, and military posts, through th 
 trackless wilds and deserts hither and beyond the rocky mountains, and t 
 send your companies of mounted riflemen there for the protection" of 
 comparatively small handful of emigrants to Oregon, (measures which 
 approve, and for which I shall vote,) will you not make some adequatt^o^^e . E 
 provision for the protection of the property and the lives of twenty millionjjj| imiiiei 
 of your fellow citizens at home? Sir, the mania for the acquisition antQMj-itory. 
 possession of foreign and distant lands seems almost to leadens to forget tha^nce of 
 we have a country and a people around us (o care for. , %^^^ bo' 
 
 Mr. Chairman, when and wherefore all this sudden excitement upon thfj|er cent 
 subject of Oregon? Who are they that have become so clamorous all ajj^ntrv a 
 once for the whole of Oregon , and who would declare a general war of ex|Aains of 
 pulsion from the American continent of every nation who may chance t(«es and 
 have a foothold upon any part of it? Who are they that agitate the publii^ do, fn 
 mind, and appeal to the popular passions and prejudices; who denounce a»] 
 treason against our own Government all suggestions of negotiation and com 
 promise, and who would prefer the fearful alternative of war to any treaty 
 arrangement? Who are they that are ever fulminating their anathem 
 against Great Britain, as though they alone were jealous of her power am 
 her designs? Who are they that are ever mouthing their oft-repeated profliuman 
 fessions of sublimated patriotism, as though it were anything more than tlieiBminatec 
 frothy declamation of full-grown demagoguism, which evaporates with th 
 breath that utters it? Who are they the' arrogf.te to themselves the privi 
 lege of denouncing the conduct and impugning I he motives of the advocated 
 of negotiation and compromise, and who denounce as enemies of their owi^ 
 country, and the allies of a foreign power, those who would avoid tli 
 issues of war, and who would maintain the peace which now blesses om 
 land and the world, by all means and measures consistent with tiie integriiu 
 and the honor of the country? Whence comes, I ask, all this suddeiej 
 storm of patriotic fury, of vaunting arrogance, of vindictv(^ denunciatioiijiitain h\ 
 of empty and senseless gasconade? Not, I undertake to say, from the iii'-eirs: sha 
 dustrious, sober, and reflecting portion of the American people; nor yei^pjt at all 
 indeed, from the best friends and truest patriots of the country. Divest thurtd we si 
 subject of all extraneous and improper influences; remove from it the iii^iee to a 
 stigations and influences of selfisli and designing men, pf a corrupt ai^' 
 hireUng press; remove the instigations and influences of jobbers in stocki 
 and jobbers in politics; remove the instigations and influences of aspiriit 
 demagogues, of cuckoo patriots and Tom Thumb heroes; of President inal 
 kers and of embryo Presidential candidates; of those who would raise tlii(^,wou 
 whirlwind that they n)ight ride upon the storm; of Uiose who would fire (lifbt of tla- 
 city that they might revel in the plunder of its ruins:. Do this, ar.il yoii^egou w 
 Oregon controversy might bo settled, peaceably, hoiioiably, and forever, iwng so ' 
 less (ban ninety days. ... , trcngdi ( 
 
 se at t 
 
 humil 
 
 rreach( 
 
 re mint 
 
 n mill 
 
 must 
 Ir. Chi 
 clear 
 s for 
 this re; 
 bazar 
 in tore 
 ement 
 ai 
 
 |s(ion, 
 itions 
 hn , di 
 natu 
 
i 
 
 4 
 
 It 
 
 etl by a con 
 IS upon th 
 o pause an 
 reinforce ou 
 jfences alono,| 
 1(1 along tli 
 
 J repeat, Mr. Chairman, that, in my judgment, hostilities must inevita- 
 ensue between this Government and Great Britain, if we cany out all 
 measures we propose in relation to Oregon. To suppose otherwise, 
 u!d be to suppose (hat the mistress of the seas has lost her pride and her 
 Wiss; that her spirit and her power have departed. If we will not stop 
 count the cost of a war with England, we may at least ask ourselves 
 tern frontier|||at we shall be likely to gain by it. We should not gain Oregon by a 
 ic money foij*r with Great Britain, most certainly. No sensible man, I think, can en- 
 , through th^ain an idea so ridiculous and absurd, as that we can take and hold pos- 
 itains, ana tiAgjon of Oregon in the event of a war with the Enghsh nation. We have 
 jtection' of !i«ther army nor navy to maintain a position at any single point in that vast, 
 ures which Ijjjj distant region. We shall have occasion enough for all our forces at 
 me adequaltjoiije . Besides, it would be utterly impracticable to march an army ihrougli 
 enty million(ji^ immense and totally barren deserts which intervene between us and that 
 quisition anign-itory. Every American citizen would be driven from Oregon, and the 
 to forget thajynee of its boundless wilderness and desolate plains would be broken only 
 
 'JKthe bowlings of the wild beasts and the wild huntsmen, perhaps, for 
 lent upon thfAer centuries to come. I do not fear that England will conquer thi.* 
 norous all aj^ntry any more than we shall bo able to concjuer England. Nobody 
 al war of ex(|i|panis of this. But she can destroy our commerce; she can lay waste our 
 ay chance Uitjes and villages; and she can drive us, and will drive us, in spite of all we 
 ite the publiiili do, from Oregon. Gentlemen may affect to sneer and scout as thejr 
 ) denounce a»Sase at the idea of negotiation, as though there were something submissive 
 ion and coniffl humiliating in it, or as though thev feared our diplomatists would be 
 to any treatj^rreached by the superior tact and skill of those upon the other side. Let 
 ;ir anathemaiil remind them, that when they shall have provoked an unnecessary war, 
 iv power aii((^Ken millions of treasure shall have been expended, and an untold amount 
 repeated prof jhuinan life been sacrificed, and Oregon lost, that very war must be finally 
 more than tlieijninated by negotiation, by treaty; and Oregon itself, if it be restored at 
 rates with thl| must be restored at last by nejroliation. 
 
 ^es the privr^Ir. Chairman, I am as decidedly in favor of Oregon, to the extent of 
 the advocalctii^ clear and just rights there, as those who urge the most extreme niea- 
 s of their owiilfes for our immediate and exclusive possession of the whole of it. It is 
 jld avoid tliqitbis reason that I am opposed to any measure which, in my judgment, 
 vv blesses oinrul hazard a peaceful seUlement of the controversy, and throw our rights 
 1 liie integriiiiy interests there upon the issues of war. But suppose that all efforts at a 
 1 this suddeienlement of these contiicting claims between this Government and Great 
 denunciatioii^nlain fail, and things remain as lliey have for the last *- • n(y or thirty 
 , from the ii/e|ijrs: shall we lose anything by it? Have we lost anything by it thus far? 
 )ple; nor yei^ql at all, sir. But, on the other hand, wo have been the gainers by it, 
 . Divest tliiirtd we should continue to be the gainers by it, if demagogues would but 
 Vom it the iii;«|ee to agitate (he questi< a for political and sinister purposes. Let this 
 I corrupt aiit»stion, affecting our foreign relations, remain as it did during the admin- 
 3ers ill stockdBitioiis of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Adams, of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van 
 ;es of aspiriiili^en, disconnected with our domestic strifes, and it will be well enough. 
 President inaPKe natural progress of events, the steady and increasing flow of eniigra- 
 3uld raise lliibii, would ultimately and surely secure to us the sole possession and con- 
 would fire tlirbl of tliat country. In that sense, and in (hat way, I will agree that 
 his, ar.d yoii>egon will be o"rs by (he '^deoees of destiny." While we have been 
 iiid forever, ilwng so well , then; while, with every passing year, we have been adding 
 
 trcngth (0 our claims and potjessions there ; let us not hazard every thing 
 
 —-"''"■ I'll nmyiLn.- 
 
12 
 
 hly as 
 
 , politic 
 
 uent g 
 
 nt wIj 
 
 ific she 
 
 by the adoption of hasty and hostile measures. It would be the extie 
 of folly to cast upon a doubtful issue the acquisition of that which the sili 
 and natural course of things must inevitably give to us. It is not to be di 
 guised, however, that the question has been involved in difficulty and daj^Q^gj^j-. 
 ger, and wholly in consequence of having mixed it up with the parly cc, 
 tentions of the day, and in consecjuence of that swaggering declaration 
 the world , that ''our title to the whole. of Oregon was clear and unqu 
 tionable," after our repeated concessions of the rights and claims of Engln 
 by our own solemn official acts. Can any better or truer reason be assign 
 for the present vexed position of this Oregon question, than that it has 
 suited mainly from an unworthy disposition to throw every great qiiesti 
 
 fierce 
 e, and 
 ining 
 he qut 
 
 consii 
 allel sli 
 entireh 
 
 question of public interest? There, too, I venture to affirm, lies the reas^^ we hj 
 
 and rhe motive for springing this question upon the public attention at t^umbia 
 
 present time. Texas has made one President for us, and it seems to be (K^portioi 
 
 termined that Oregon shall make one or two more for us: and it is presuni» ym| 
 
 that he who gels the first start upon it will be the favorite of the people. Sj^ be 
 
 put the question to the House and to the country, whether this whole OMy theii 
 
 gon excitement, which has been got up of late, is anything more than^ jq wh 
 
 preliminary scramble for the Presidential succession. Hence we have r>'^e (he 
 
 tests of moral and political worth; new tests of one's attachment or indifl^ B^tisl 
 
 €nce, his love or his coldness, towards his country; and new tests of polilA. an^j 
 
 orthodoxy. He who now clamors loudest for the whole of Oregon is t||^ Govei 
 
 best patriot; while he who halts or doubLs is a traitor, a}'e, a "Briti^^yid ^ey 
 
 Whig." He who most ostentatiously vaunts his courage is the brav^jj {\^q Jj, 
 
 man, while he who has too much modesty and common sense to act i{Milrovers 
 
 bravado, lacks in spirit, and is a parasite and a coward. ^^e promi: 
 
 I am free to admit, that I consider the question now before the Hoi ■'Jt is the 
 
 out of time, out of place, and out of order. However expedient it mii^ja peaci 
 
 be to give the notice; legitimately and constitutionally, we have nothingi^ye then 
 
 do with it. It is a prerogative which properly and legitimately belongs j^l foolh; 
 
 the Executive department of the Government. This House is not coni 
 
 tuted an advisory council to the President. Such advisory power, if I n| 
 
 so call it, belongs to the Senate, as a co-ordinate branch of the Executij 
 
 department in the treaty-making power. It could not have been contcii^ 
 
 plated in the treaty that any legislative action would be required , in ordeiin jaatioui 
 
 invest the President with authority to give the notice, whenever, in pTrit of v 
 
 judgment, the public interest should require the abrogation of the convtt is a sp 
 
 4ion. >I^d,an 
 
 ' I agree with gentlemen that this Oregon question is one of national ^'(^ons, ii 
 
 racter and interest; that it should be considered and discussed, when con>,|^of bei 
 
 ered and discussed at all, in a liberal and national spirit. F'or this reas^Sit thet 
 
 it is a matter of regret, as it was an act of folly, that the attempt was t^iqfeyet dt 
 
 made to adopt it as the peculiar creed, and to identify it with the action ^^ rapir 
 
 either of the political parties of the country. And whoever would be oigachings 
 
 trolled or influenced in his action upon it by any narrow, sectional, or p^ti0 a kir 
 
 san considerations, would prove hiniself recreant to his obligations as Wojjin f| 
 
 American statesman, as an American citizen. I believe I appreciate 
 
13 
 
 hly as any gentleman the importance of that country to us in a commer- 
 J, political, and national point of view; I believe, with the learned and 
 )e the sxtreijqygjj^ gentleman from Alabama, (Mr. Hilliard,) that the day is not far 
 yhich the sileM^p^ when a railroad will span this continent, uniting the Atlantic and 
 IS not to be d^jgg g^jores, and which will thenceforward become the great highway and 
 iculty and dajpfQ^gi^f^fg gf the commercial world. If I differ at all with the loudest 
 the party cc-pj fiercest champion of Oregon, it is only as to the extent of our title 
 ; declaration j|fg^ ^jjj gg ^^ ^\^q l^ggj j^j^j surest niode of ultimately, if not inimediaately, 
 ir and unqufjyjjj„ijjg exclusive possession and control of what rightfully belongs to us. 
 uns of hingln|r,i^j^g question of title or boundary should finally be settled by negotiation 
 son be ass1gn^g^ consummation devoutly to be wished by all good patriots — and the 49th 
 that It has yyrallel should be fixed upon as the line of division, I doubt not it would 
 
 great questi^j^ entirely satisfactory to the American people . The possession of the coun- 
 
 strife: froni go^^ji ^f ^i,aj \\^^q would give us all the practical advantages we should 
 or AViU get t^yg f,.Q,y^ ii^Q possession up to 54° 40'. Besides, Ifear not to say, it 
 ipon some gr^iqrtjld give us all to which we have any clear title. While I am satisfied 
 , lies the reasij^ ^yg htxve the better title to that portion of the country drained by the 
 ittenlion at '7p)umbia river, I am equally satisfied that England has the better title to 
 seems to be (^ portion drained by Frazer's river; and the 49th parallel would be a» 
 d It IS presuiiijg| mj J equal a division between these respective sections of country as 
 
 the people, j^ld be (jruwn by a straight line. Such a division would give to each 
 his whole O^ty their just proporiion, according to their respective titles; and this is the 
 ig more thaiij^ jo which the parties ought to come, and must come, at last, if they will 
 :e we have nia|}e (be dispute between themselves, i doubt not the earnest desire of 
 nent or indiffB B^tish Government, for an early ar.d amicable settlement of this ques- 
 
 testsof politim. auj^ jf tj,m disposition be met by a corresponding spirit on the part of 
 f Oregon is t^ Government, it may be settled upon a iust and equitable basis. I 
 
 lye, a ''Brit^qiyld rejoice, even, that the present Administration should reap the reward 
 J is the braV|^ll i\^q honor which would belong to such an adjustment of this ancient 
 Ejiise to act i<^troversy. The event would everywhere be haij'^d as the harbinger and 
 
 le promise of peace, 
 efore the Hoi Jt is the desire and the policy of the people of this Government to main- 
 edient it im^ peace with all nations. They do not desire war. They do not be- 
 have nolhingi^ye diere is any occasion for war; and, above all, they deprecate that folly 
 itely belongs n(l foolhardiness which would inculcate a spirit of war in the public mindj 
 e is not coiiyTyeh would ''prepare the hearts of the people for war." The sentiment 
 power, if I "ymore worthy of a ptist and a barbarous age, than of this enlightened re- 
 f the Execut^ic. I will not stop t^ expatiate upon the evils and the horrors of war,. 
 re been contci^ever inviting a (heme for declamation, nor to speak of its influences up- 
 lired, in ordoiioiational character and the public morals. It is enough to say that the 
 dienever, in j^ijt of war is, in its very nature, hostile to the spirit of Republican liberty. 
 
 of the convttiB a spirit which but too often degenerates into an unbridled hist for 
 •lood, and rapine, and plunder. We have read in vain the history of other 
 of national cl^ons, if we have not learned that it was a kindred spirit which blotted 
 d , when con^,||of being the republics of "olden time;" which have slept in the tomb of 
 F'or this reasi|Jnt these two thousand vears, and ''the morning of whose jesurrection has 
 ittempt was e^ii^yet dawned upon the, world;" that it was a kindred spirit which filled 
 h the action y^ rapine and blood the modern republics of Venice and Florence. The 
 
 would be oiga^ings of history have been in vain to us, if we have not learned that it 
 id ional, or payola kindred spirit which infuriated to its blankest deeds of atrocity the 
 ^ligations as ncobin factions, and the sans-culottes democracy of revolutionary France;. 
 I appreciate 
 
14 
 
 ises of 
 tes, I 
 se wh( 
 r irieii 
 te whi 
 (leral I 
 -, whos 
 eneiir' 
 
 ickward 
 y love 
 1 and ( 
 ose daj 
 
 and which built up, upon the fall of liberty there , that imperial and militaifte west, 
 despotism, before whose colossal power the world itself stood aghast; tliatof amonc 
 was a kindred spirit which tore in sunder the later republics of South Ani|||ey will 
 ica, and struck down to the dust the flag of liberty which had been renrfj^triotic. 
 from the summit of her Andes. Let this spirit become the predomin;' While 
 spirit of our countrymen, and it needs not the ken of prophetic vision to,] 
 monish us that this young republic has already reached the years of its 
 dine. Let this spirit prevail here , and I stand upon the authority of ti 
 "world's history, and proclaim to the American people that their destiny] 
 foreshadowed in the fate of those other republics that have fallen before 
 
 The spirit of war, thanks to God, has slumbered upon the earth for 
 last quarter of a centuiy. Glutted with the spoils, and exhausted by 
 ravages of a thousand years, it halted in its march of death, and reposed fi 
 its work of desolation , on that dread night when the sun went down in bloM^d whos 
 on the field of Waterloo. Heaven grant that the slumbering giant be iiiilisurpass 
 disturbed in liis repose for other ages to come. The world has had time(K«ird thai 
 take breath. The spirit of Peace— a peerless, and godlike form — rose ere^ijitriotism 
 and with steady and triumphant step advancing over the earth, has d 
 pensed, with an abui dant hand, blessings and honor, and glory and hnpj 
 ness, to the nations. In what age or centuiy of the woild have the priii| 
 pies of civil and religious liberty, (he arts and sciences, civilization on 
 Christianity; all that elevates, and all that adorns, and all that ennobles aiJipjr spiriii 
 dignifies the character and condition of man , made such advances as witlihifc contes 
 the last thirty years? which may be truly denominated the age of peaijv||o inhei 
 It has been an age of progress. It has been an age of glorious achievl?niciJ(|iroga, w 
 of intellectual and moral triumph, such as the world has never before setvUl be thi 
 
 f'ir, I cannot longer dwell upon this theme. It is, indeed, a rich ai'ace of w 
 exhausdess and sublime theme, worthy of the contemplation, not of tiestify to t 
 poet and the orator only, but of the civilian and statesman, of the philaiot fear; 
 thropist and patriot. vhich kn 
 
 Mr. Chairman,! know that war is sometimes necessary — sometimes iimont, ani 
 voidable. It furnishes but a inelancholy evidence of the depiavity of mOur fath 
 that war is ever justifiable. The fearful alternative of war may be forrciiidred w 
 upon us, either by ill-advised counsels at home, or by aggression and wroiltinker t 
 from abroad. If the long peace we have enjoyed is to be interrupted , viQew me 
 shall do well to see to it that there be no occasion for laying the provocati«r||ose mi: 
 to our charge. Far better that aggression and piovocation come from ivalls of 1 
 other side. Let us, if possible, in the judgment of the world be in the riglleep and 
 and our adversary in the wrong. In such a contest the victory will be lu people v 
 Avon in the outset. I would yield much to the spirit of peace and harmoii I trust, 
 and if the sword must be drawn, let it be in a just and necessary war; n alludin< 
 it be in oefence of the invaded rijjhts and honor of the countrv. And whatinff the 
 that crisis comes, if come it must, it will be met by the American peoiiars ago i 
 with one voice and with one heart. If war be brought upon us by the I'^Vff. Chii 
 and reckless counsels of those whom tlie people have placed in the higliftljr to that 
 seats of power, while they will be held to a fearful account before the Jiiii own b 
 preme appellate tribunal of public sentiment, our fciilismanic watchword \v> tJie rebi 
 still be — ^" our country, our whole country, and nothing but our countn lat Verm 
 
 Something has been said, in the progress of this debate, of the chivalrv.|| misfor 
 the south : something has been said of the valor of the west. I choose ratlijji but on 
 to say, of all the people of this nation — whether they reside in the east fp or rep 
 
I 
 
 al and milita(le west, whether their lot be cast upon the sunny savannas of the south, 
 aghast; ihat(^ among the "old gray mountains" of the north — that, in such a crisis, 
 f South Aniliey will all be chivalrous and brave, that they will all be generous and 
 lad been renrAtriolic. 
 
 e predomin;' While other gentlemen have been so eloquent in the vindication and 
 tic vision to.pipaises of their own constituents, and the people of their own sections and 
 years of its (States, I trust I may be pardoned the indulgence of a passing reference to 
 uthority of impse whom I have the honor, in part, to represent here. I a.ii one of but 
 Lheir destinvjur members upon this floor, from a small unpretending border State; a 
 dlen before i^ate which, in some respects, occupies but a subordinate position in the 
 deral Union; a State, nevertheless, which holds within its borders a peo- 
 , whose habits of industry, whose general intelligence, whose indomita- 
 energy of character, whose devotion to the Union and the constitution, 
 d whose attachment to the principles of civil and religious freedom, are 
 surpassed by those of any other State or nation. They may be less for- 
 
 e earth for 
 hausted by i| 
 »d reposed frd 
 down in bloi 
 Iff ffiant be 
 
 iiu 
 
 or m vauuimg their own 
 nd will never be deaf nor 
 
 las had time^rord than others in sounding their own praises, or in vaunting 
 rm — rose eropitriotism , yet the sons of the American Switzerl 
 
 sarth, has dijickvvard to their country's call in any and evei/ emergency. Much as 
 lory and hn]ij,piiey love the peace and quiet of their mountain homes, when the day of 
 lave the priii;Jftil and of conflict shall come, I pledge you, upon the authority of one 
 :ivilizalion ai«/|iose days have all been passed among them, and who knows full well 
 it ennobles aijgcir spirit and their valor, that they will be there, the first and foremost in 
 ances as witlihe contest, with " their backs to the field, and their feet to the foe." They 
 
 age of peai«r|lo inherit the blood and the spirit of the heroes of Bennington and Ticon- 
 s achieviymeiJllroga, will be there. Other Aliens, and Starkes, and Lees, and Warners, 
 ,er before setvill be there, to cheer and to lead her gallant sons to the rescue; and in the 
 ed, a rich cii'ace of tianger and of death, " upon the green graves of their sires," will 
 ion, not of liestify to the world how much there yet remains of that daring that knows 
 
 of the philaiot fear; of that patriotism that knows not section or party; of that spirit 
 
 vhich knows no servitude, and submits to no wrong. The people of Ver- 
 
 sometimes iiinont, and I am proud to say it, are the descendants of the pilgrim stock. 
 
 iiavily of nKi)ur fathers sleep upon many a battle-field of the revolution. We chim 
 
 may be fondndred with those who fought and fell at Concord, and Licxington, and 
 sion and wroJtinker Hill. And if my honorable friends here from Massachusetts will 
 interrupted , \iltew me to assert a participation of the honor, we claim kindred with those 
 the provocativhose mighty voices first awoke the echoes of freedom within the ancient 
 come from ivails of Faneuil Hall; with those who bore no subordinate part in laying 
 be in the riglle«p and strong the foundations of this Republic. Ask me not where such 
 ory will be lu ptople will he found in the day of their country's need. 
 !and harmoii I trust, Mr. '.. ..irman, that I have an ample apology for this digression, 
 essary war; n alluding to my native State, and briefly, though it be but feebly, vindi- 
 ry. And whaling the character of her people, in the attempt which was made some 
 merican peo]ws ago lo cast a sneer — an aspersion — upon her, by one of her own sons 
 
 us by the rajpr. Chipman, of Michigan,) upon this floor. I have only to say, in re- 
 1 in the higliti^jr to that attempt, that he who has the taste and the heart to iilegitimatize 
 L before the jiiiown birth, so far as to repudiate his parentage, commends himself less 
 watchword \v> fee rebuke than to the commisseration of his friends. And while I trust 
 , our country iiit Vermont has but o?ie son who would make it a virtue to publicly avow 
 fthe chivahyiii misfortune to him that he was born upon her soil; I am quite sure she 
 
 I choose ratlijBbut one son who could utter the unnatural sentiment without moitifica- 
 e in the east JB or reproach to her. , 
 
m 
 
 Mr Chairman, I trust I am not wanting in respect for the opinions c 
 those who differ with me in regard to the probable results of giving on ur 
 conditional noiice for the abrogation of the joint convention, and of assertin 
 an exclusive claim, and of exercising an exclusive sovereignty over iL 
 whole of the Oregon territory. With the most profound deference to tl 
 opinions of the illusuious gentleman from Massacliusetts, (Mr. Adams,) 
 whose agency and far reaching sagacity the country is so largely indebte 
 for the rights and claims there which we are now contending for ; and wii 
 all deference to the opinions of others, who express so much confidence ili, 
 these measures will not lead to hostilities, I am utterly unable to bring it 
 own mind to that conclusion. While I will go as far as these, or any otii 
 gentlemen, in any and every act which may be necessary to maintain il 
 true dignity and the true honor of the country, I would, for this very re 
 son, try every just and fair expedient to preserve the peace of the country 
 
 Mr. Foot's remarks were arrested at this point by the expiration of I 
 hour. 
 
 .1' 
 
 % 
 
 Note. — This speech was delivered in the House of Representatives t 
 day before the recent correspondence between the two Governments, touc 
 ing the subject of Oregon, was communicated to the House by the Pre 
 dent. 
 
 H 
 
 ^h-"6 f- 
 
 ■.■■:'■ ■ •<- ■:■ ■ ■ ^ • . • 1 ■ ,". ..,.■,.■■ 
 
 ■ '■■ ■ ■■' ■•■■ . ■ ■ ' J ,.■, ,., -•.. ..■:>. ■■ .. •, , • .. ,•■ 
 
 ' > ■ ' ' '.■-'•. '■' . T , , - . I • ■ , I ! ' •• •, ' i ,1 ,•<• .(.»'.' ', 
 
le opinions 
 jiving an urj 
 d of asserting 
 gnty over ilill 
 ference to tlj 
 •. Adams,)' 11 
 gely indebte | 
 or ; and wii 
 >nfidence ili, 
 e 1.0 bring ir I 
 , or any otii ,j 
 maintain ll j 
 this very re 
 tlie country 
 piration of L 
 
 jsentatives tJ 
 mentSjtouc v| 
 
 by the Pre 
 
 «»» I'rt* '"" 
 
 ' -v