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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmds en commenpant par la premiAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte uua telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Les cartas, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds i des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est film6 d partir de Tangle sup^rieur gauche, de gauche i droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. i 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 JV r r ^ ■p mmmsssm^'i^^yf^^ ■^■^rjk:^ '«!«**%;', >' 1888 93 3V K^7 r r AMERICAN STATESMEN} American politics have acquired a practical interest for Englishmen. England under monarchical forms has, through blind extensions of th^ suffrage, induced by the rivalry of flictions, slid into democracy with- out facing the problem of democratic organisation. The framers of the American constitution had to faoe the problem. The circum- stances under which it presented itself to them were different from those under which it presents itself to British statesmen, the people for which they legislated having been made up partly of freehold farmers, partly of slaveowners ; and their solution was not a national but a federal constitution, such as was applicable to a group of thirteen states, among which no one was too predominant, wliile it would be wholly inapplicable to the Three Kingdoms. Still, they faced the problem, and they bequeathed to us a solution. To speak of the American constitution as having been struck off by a single and unique effort of the human mind is of course to betray strange ignorance of the process by which it was evolved. The groundwork was there in the town meeting and the colonial assemblies, while the British constitution furnished a model, always actually, though not avowedly, present to the minds of the political builders. But, if there was not a new creation, i.here were deliberate revision and adaptation ; a definite experiment was mac^ and the result of that experiment is before us. Not that i..>, American constitu- tion was, as American writers sometimes assumed, the very first ' American Statesmen : a Series of Jiiofiraphies of Men conspleuoiii in the Political History of the United States. Editeil by Jiilin '1'. Jlcirso, jiiii. (Boston, U.S. : Ilonfrhton, MiHiin .»>: Co.) :-- John Quini'y Adams. ]!y John T. !Morsc, jun, Alexander Hamilton. By Iloury Cabot Lodge. John C. Calhoun. By Dr. II. von Ilolst. Andrew Jackson. By Professor W. G. Sumner. John Ilandolph. V.y Ilcnry Adams. James Monroe. By Bros. Daniel C. Oilman. Thomas Jefferson. I5y Jolm T. Mor.se, jnn. Daniel Webster. By Henry Cabot Lodfic Albert (iailatiii. liy John Austin Stevens. James Jfadison. By Sydney Howard Gay. John Adams. By John T. Morse, jun. John Marshall. By A. B. Magrudcr. Samuel Adams. By James K. Hosmer. Thomas 11. lienton. By Theodore Roose- velt. Henry Clay. By Hon. Carl Schurz. Patrick Ilcnry. liy Moses Coit Tyler. r vX ^ V. * . . \ > • • • • 94 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Jan. framed for a national republic. The first constitution framed for a national republic was the Instrument of Government. If the com- monwealtli of England, Scothind, and Ireland were new imder a Protector, a standing Council of State, and a parliament with a reasonable qualification for the franchise, instead of being governed liy faction .inding an ephemeral support in popular passion, lawless- ness and rowdyism would not be amusirg themselves at Cork or ('hicago by wrecking the ]5ritish I'arliament, defying the national government, anci trampling on the honour of the nation. American Stateshien, edited by Mr. John T. Morse, jim., comes therefore in good season. It seems to us a very valuable series. It furnishes a liistory of American politics in the attractive and im- pressive form of biography. Some of the volumes, being the work of political experts, are full of experience and useful teacliing. The editor lias managed to form his staflF so that, wliile there is no appearance of concerted uniformity in the treatment of the different lives, there is a general liarmony ; and it is the general harmo^.y of rational appreciation, judicial criticism, and sound morality. A marked change has been taking place in the American treat- ment of national history, both in point of style and in point of substance. "What has been called ' the nauseous grandiloquence of the American panegyrical historians ' is now almost a thing of tlie past. If any fault is found with the style of these volumes, it will be rather on the scoi'e of austerity than of grandiloquence, and we oftener meet with dry humour in them than with florid rhetoric or gushing sentiment. But the Fourth of July fiction is also giving place to historical facts. A rational view of the schisni in the Anglo- Saxon race begir.s to ])revail. The l)iographer of Samuel Adams in this series admits that all was not plain and easy for (ieorge the Third and his advisers ; he does justice to the royal governors Bernard and Hutchinson, the twin (iuy Fawkeses of the Fourth of July; he does justice to the Tories and to the British garrison of Boston. He allows flaws to be seen in what it has been hitherto a point of faith to regard as the flawless character of the patriot. Some of his passages might have exposed him not long ;igo to rough treatment at the hands of a mob. Perhajjs at the hands of a mob they might expose him to rough treatnu'nt even now. Another change, and one specially agreeable to an English reader, is the greatly diminished frequency of the tributes which American writers used to feel it their patriotic dii.y to pay to the traditional hatred of (ireat liritain. ( )ccasionally indeed the British palate is still offended in this way. It is the editor himself, we are sorry to say, who, in his Life of JoI'.l Qiiincy Adavis, shows the old feeling most strongly. In speaking of the impressment of British seamen, or seamen supposed to be British, when found on board American V 1! w^w^^ ^m ^^m 1888 AMERICAN STATESMEN. 95 / dt'pirous ofprutting tlieir bread and pavinn- tlu-ir debts by thuir own indus- try, api'ly their attention to their own business and h\avo the all'airs of towns and provinces to others. lUit a younjr fellow who happens to be by nature indolent ;ind perhiips proflij-'ate b(>frins by layin;,' schemes by hiuisolf or his I'riends to live and got money without labour or care. Such patriots are not easily appeased. Undoubtedly in intelli- g('nce as well as in integrity, industry and thrift, the New Euglander was a picked Anglo-Saxon, and the elect of destiny for the foundation of republican institutions; but, we repeat, he was not good-tempered or placable, nor was it easy to maintain with him political relations in their own nature equivocal and thorny. Samuel Adams was a typical Xtnv Englander in everything but industry and thrift, lie had failed in regular callings and had defaulted, though only through incompetence, as a public taxgatherer before he found his element in politics, and became the contriver ;nid leader of a revolution. No doubt is left in our mind after reading the candid narrative of his ]-)iographer that he meant mischief from the beginning. Throughout he did all that was in his power to i)revent reconciliation and to bring about revolution and civil war. His aspirations may have been grand, his aim may have been bene- ficent, he may deserve on these account-^ the political canonisation which he has received, Inrt his determination to produce a rupture is the acquittal, so far as he is concerned, of the English ministers. No government can satisfy a man who is bent on its overthrow. As a plotter he was very active, bold, persevering, and adroit, nor does his desire of political change app^^ar to have been iningled with any lower motive. The facts, so far as we can see, warrant no higher praise, and we are not disposed to pervert the truth of history for the purpose of placing a crown on the head of any man who, in whatever circumstances, when a peaceful redress of grievances is open to him, prefers revolution and civil war. The ])rofessions of attachment to the mother- country which continued to issue from Samuel Adams's lips and pen when he had certainly made up his mind to prevent a reconciliation require, as his biographer allows, some casuistry for their justification. It is wondeiful (says ]\[r. Ilosmcr) if the Puritan conscience did not now and then feel a twiugo when Adams, at the very time when he had devoted himself body and soul to brealdng the link that bound America to England, was coining for this or that body phiuses full of reverence for the King and rejecting the thought of independence. 1 ;in. 1888 A M ERIC A N ST A TESMEX. 99 There was in the patriot's chcaraeter, to horrow again Mr. Hosmer's words, ' a certain fox-like slirewdness which (Ud not always scrutinise the means over-narrowly while he pnslied on to the great end.' The moral twist in the character of the Puritan, in short, had survived his devoutness. Samuel Adams seems to be convicted of having laid a trap for Hutchinson, and of having, in unpleasant contrast to his cousin John, tried to force on the trial of Preston and the soldiers who in self-defence had fired on the Boston mob before popular passion had cooled, with a view to what would have been iiulhing less than a judicial murder. This is not the place to discuss at length the schism, which Samuel Adams had the chief hand in bringing about, and which made the two portions of the Anglo-Saxon race foreign nations, or worse than foreign nations, to each other, when they might have shared the great Anglo-Saxon heritage in peace and friendshij). That the colonists did not, like the subjects of Spain in the Nether- lands, feel themselves sorely oppressed is shown by the mask of loyalty which Samuel Adams and other revolutionists found it necessary to wear. They were in the perfect enjoyment of security for life, property, personal liberty, and freedom of opinion, the last, in New England at least, being assured to them partly through the action of the home Government, which had imposed restrictions upon New England theocracy. Numbers of them remained loyal to the end, and suffered exile in the royal cause, though the royal com- manders did everything that could be done by tlieir blunders to estrange support. The country was flourishing, notwithstanding the restrictions on trade, which were the worst grievance, though they were simply the blindness of the age. Parliament had repealed the Stamp-tax ; there was no reason to despair of its repealing the Tea- tax ; a large party, including by far the most powerful statesman, was on the colonial side. The Tea-tax was paltry in amount. In the meantime colonial commerce received the protection of the Imperial fleet. It had, after the establishment of Indejiendence, to pay blackmail to the Algerines. When Hampden resisted the payment of ship-money — which he did, by the way, in a court of law — he was combating an attempt to found on arbitrary taxation a reactionary government which, as he and his friends believed, would have not only extinguished the civil liberties but quenched the spiritual life of the nation. Nobody can suppose that Grenville aimed at any- thing worse than to make the colonies contribute to tlie expense of imperial armaments. The representation of the colonies in the Imperial Parliament was an idea which there is no reason to believe that British statesmen were unwilling to entertain, though the enemies of peace in the colonies were. ]Mr. Ilosmer vindicates Hutchinson, who, though a Eoyalist, appears to have been not only h2 100 Till-: XIXETKEXTll CENTURY. Jan. well-intentioned, but a colonial patriot in liis way, and ospec-ially acquits him of hiiiiiu' in the matter of the famous letters, leaving at the same time a dark shade of douiitfulness on tlie conduct of his opponents. Wy a[iiinintinc; such a man at such a time the l^-itisli Government showed that its designs were not malignant, while by allowing its soldiers to be brought to trial and actually branded on the li'nid for tiring on a mob which attacked tliein with sticks and stones, it ])rov('d that it was not disposed to trample on the laws or riot in blood. The testimony of ^Ir. llosmer, which is snv-ported by the writer of another of tliesc volumes, to the discipline and forbear- ance of the Jiritish soldiers in l?oston, comes opportunely at a moment when unscrupulous faction and malignant ambition are traducing the record of the l!riti.-h army as well as that of Jkitish statesmanship and that of the comitry. jNIr. llosmer seems to think that the American revolution wasi ■necessary in order to arrest the coiu'se of political reaction in England. AVe find ditliculty in tracing any such etl'ect, though it is true that the event has been too nuicli viewed in its aspect as the revolt of a dependency, and too little in its aspect as a civil war. ( hie conse- quence of it certainly has been a French and Catholic Canada. Mr. llosmer, whose ton(,' is to us most refieshing, would like, if we do not misinterpret iiim, to see the political union of the race restored by a I'an-Anglo-Saxonic (.Confederation. AVe cannot share that dream, but moral reunion, were it not for the lri.shry, might come to-morrow. It is something, at all events, to have founture into that realm of I'everie where tlie soul feeds on immortal fruit and communes with unseen asso- ciates, the body meauwhilo being left to the semblance (jf idleness. Is not tliiri soinctliing like a pliilosophical deseriiition,, tiiietured with poetry, of the; luafor? Henry laado bis first notable appearance in the Virginia (Mergy case, as the defender of what bis biograplier is constrained to biand as barefaced iniquity — iniquity upon wbicli (Jeorge the Third iiad )ut a tyrannical veto. Nor were the appeals to mtdignant and dishonesL passion by which he gaineil bis cause required or jiistitied by professional duty. In the dispute with tlu? British Oovernment, Jleiny, like Samuel Adams, meant mischief from the beginning; he miiy even claim to be the first who gave his voice openly for civil war ; and in his case, as in that of Samuel Adams, the government stands acquitted by the iinpospibility of satisfying the Implacable. He showed his i ;iplacal'.ility '. .i ucitalde wa\ ;jy fiercely rejpoti^.g the conciliatory scheme of John (ialloway, who pro})osed in Congress that the American colonies should be 'ciifederated and have a fi'deral jKuliament of their own, >,itli a governor-general appointed by the Crown; a plan which would ha ,<■ given them all that the most advanced of constitutional patriots pi'etended tcdesire. John (ialloway was a man of mark. John Adams mentions him among the ' scmsible and learned but cold' speakers in Congress, while he numbers Henry among the 'orators;' and the rejection of (ralloway's schemi^ - by the vote of a single state was a signal triumph of oratory over cold •sense' As to Henry's power as an orator of - ' Could tlie plan liavo been adoptccl,' >,-ivs I'roressor Tyler,' tliedisniptinii oC the I'ritisli Em] lire would certainly have been aveited lor that e]ioch, and, as an act of viiilence and unkind ness, would peiha]is iiave been avert e(l for ever ; while the thirteen Eiij^lish colonies would have remained Knglisli colonies wilhmil ceasiiu,'' to be Free.' To bar false inf<'renees, it may 'oo as well to remark that between this scheme of Home Itule and the projiosal uf a statutory parliament fnr Ireland there are vital ))oints of dilVerc'Uce. Jn tlu' lirsl jilace, (lallowav's plan would have iiivohiMl no re- construction iif the [iiility of Great liiivain : in the second place, the Crown in those cJtays would havi^ bix'ii a real, not merely a nominal, link ; in the third ])lae,e, tho American colonies were three thousand miles oil'; and in the fourth ]ilace, their in- babitants were for Ibe most ])art attached to 'he mother-country, and, instead of wishing t(j 'breaktho last link,' were very anxious to retain the connection. After all, 110 one can fell liow the two rarliaments would have acted together. A call from Croat Britain for HU)j[ilies for a European war would have imt a .severe strain oa their harmonv. Tf^r m 102 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Jan. firing the Southern heart there can be no doubt ; but gunpowder is- easily fired. Some of those gentlemen, moreover, were not unwilling to apj)ly the sponge of revolution to their debts. The 'tremendous speech ' in which Henry ejaculates ' Give mo liberty or give me death/ we believe, is still read in all American schools. J5ut the good ti>ste of his biographer must have winced i.. giving us the following account of its delivery by .i devotee who was present: — When he [Ileiiry] said, ' Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as lo he purchased at the price of chains and slavery i- ' he stood in the attitude of a condemned galley slave, loaded with fetters, awaiting his doom. His form was bowed; liis wrists were crossed ; his manacles were ilniost visible as he stood like an embodi- ment of liel})lessness and agony. Afur a solemn pause, he raised his eyes and chained hands towards lii'aveu, and prayed, in words and tones whicli thrilled every heart, ' Forbid it, Almighty God ! ' He then turned towards the timid loyalists of the house, who were quaking with terror at the idea of the consequences of parti- cipating in procei'iiings wliich would be visited with the penalties of treason by tluj Eritish Crown ; and he slowly bent his form yet nearer to tlie earth, and saiil, ' I know not what course others may take,' and he accompanied the words with bis hands still cms-nl, '.vhile he seemed to be weighed down with additional chains. Tho man appeared transfornied into an oppressed, lieart-broken, and hopeless felon. After remaining in tliis posture of humiliation long enougli to impress the imagina- tion with the Ciindition of the cnlony under the iron heel of military depotism, he arose proudly, and e.vclainud, ■ But as for me " — and the words hissed tlirough his clenched teeth, while his body was thrown back, and every muscle and tendon was strained against the fetters whicli bound him. and, witli his countenance distorted by agony anil rage, he looked lor a moment like Laocnun in a death-struggle with coiling serpents ; then tlie huid, clear, triumphant notes, ' (Jive me liberty,' electri- fied the assembly. . . . After a momentary pause, only lontr enough to i>ermit tho echo of the word ' liiieity ' to cense, he let his left hand fall powerless to his side, and clenclied his right hand lirndy, as if liolding a dagger witji the point aimed at his breast. He stood like a Uonuvn senator defying (,'iesar, while the unconquerable spirit of ( 'ato of Utica Hashed from every feature ; and he closed the grand ap])eal with the solemn wurds, 'or L'iveme death!' which sounded with the awful cadeneo of a lu'ro's diige, fearless of death, and vietorious in death ; and hesiuted the action to the Word by a lilow upon the left breast with the right hand, which seemed to drive tlu' diigger to the patriot's heart. It is not pleasant to think that such stage-play as this had a materiid etl'ect in bringing on a bloody revolution and rending asunder the Anglo-iSaxon race. When politictil science or reasoii in any shape rides the work!, the orations of I'titrick Jlenry will be no more read in schools. His sublime ecstasy of as])iration after liberty or death being over, 'Cato' went oitt to bargain with tSctcvola or Erutus in the ttiveru-porch for ii slave. One of the Southern States held out as a reward .o volimteers in the cause of freedom so many hciid of cattle and one healthy negro. Il h; uii astoni.shing instance of the hardening force of hiU)it thtit these men should have been tible to rant against slavery without feeling the sting of the word, that they should have inscribed on their capitol ISlc semper Tyrannls without suspecting that the greatest of tyrants L 1888 AMERICAN STATESMEN. 103 39 I ■were themselves. Brutus, it is true, owned slaves, and in his way he was probably a genuine lover of freedom ; but he did not live in the days of Wilberforce. Tlie triumph of George the Third and Lord North, or even of worse rulers than George the Third and Lord North, would have been preferable to the triumph of the tyrannicides who were destined to found the slave power. The life of Washington in this series has not yet appeared. IJut one of the writers truly says that he was the indispensable man without whom, in that war, America could not have woe. Not only was Washington indispensable, Howe with his lethargy and Burgojne with his blunders were equally indispensable ; the wooden Hessians were indispensable ; French aid, as Washington in accents of despair proclaimed, was indi.s[)ensable ; and French aid would have profited little if there had not been a party in the British Parliament which insisted on peace ; for Kodney would have swept the fleet of France from the sea, and her army could not have maintained itself in America alone, ^\'ashington lield together, as no other man could, an army which had been reduced to a scarecrow by the ebb of rhetorical enthusiasm and the hollowness of the cause. He quelled the mutiny which ingratitude to the army springing from the same sources had brought on, and which uncjuelled would have been ruin. Afterwards his ascendency saved the ill-cemented republic from being torn in pieces by faction and rivalry. He saved her from throwing herself at the feet of revolutionary France, and settled her foreign policy on a footing of wisdom — that is, on a footing thoroughly American. He alone could have borne the strain laid on the government by Jay's treat \'. That his figure has been seen through a halo, and that he had mon; inlirmities of temper than we wot of, as Mr. Mac-Master, the author of the valuable Ilistoi'i/ of the Aincrlcaii People, tells us, may Ix' true ; though, at the most trying ]uoments, when he has to contend for himself and his starved and unclad soldiers with jobbery as well as with neglect, his despatches are perfectly calm. To praise him for not having played Napoleon is absurd ; he was not tempted in that way; but he may be almost called a Heaven-sent man. The rupture having once taken place, it was clearly desirable that the colonies should win their independence, and there should be no protraction or iruewal of the fatal struggle. For this result we are indebted lo Washington. A writer in this series seems to think that, after all that has li.'(ni said, there is some- thing iu the character of Washington which eludes analysis. Is the mysterious element anything more than the decided strain of a British officer which Washington had contracted from his military associations? A simpler character, we should say, doi's not offer it- self to the inspection of history. Franklin's life also is wanting in this series. Like Priestley, he represents political liberalism as connected with seicntifie progress. 104 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Jan. Eripnit citlo fidmen sceptmmqne tyrann'is. We remember seeing a statuette of him with that inscription i)hiced at a public dinner immediately in face of the I'ritish ambassador. Franklin also represents the antagonism of a highly economical and matter-of-fact philosophy of life to aspirations after imperial grandeur and all the fancies of the past. He does not, as we know, represent either Xcw England orthodoxy or Puritan morality. Through him, if at all, the peculiar spirit of \'oltaire found its way into the American Kevolu- tion. He was not any more than Voltaire by nature a revolutionist. Of all the men on the scene, he was the best fitted to play the part of a mediator, had ho only been put to that use. In the luckless affair of the letters he showed lack of a gentleman's sense of honour, while ^^'cdderburn showed his low-bred ruffianism and the Lords of the Council their insolent folly — all at fearful expense to the race. Alexander Hamilton, whose Federal i'^t has acquired enhanced interest for Ikitish politicians since it has been proposed to throw the British constitution into the smelting-pot and bring it out a federation, claims the foremost place among American statesmen. It has been said that the progress of American statesmanship since the divorce from England has reversed tlie boast of Augustus, Avho said that he had foimd IJome of brick and made it fof marble. This is a hostile" Judgment, luit it is true that the republic has had no second Hamilton. In truth, the conditions rmder which he was produced have ceased to exist; for he belongs to the brief period in which, as necessity sternly called for the right man, it was possible to rise to power without being a demagogue. J[e belonged neither to the ex-Puritan nor to the slave-owning element of the revolution, but alighted upon the scene from a different si)here, being a British subject bred in Jamaica. There is something especially attractive in the character of the man. How he came by his high breeding is I'ather a mystery ; but he certainly was a thorough gcMitleman. He showed it in the case of Andn' ; he showed it in protecting loyalists against the outrages of the patriot mob at the outbreak of the revolution ; he showed it when the" struggle was over, in opposing himself to the cruel and ignobh^ vengeance which was poured out by the victors upon the heads of flic vanquished, and which went the length of proscribing loyalist wonuni ; he showed it in the tragic affair in which he, too early for his country, met his end. In joining the revolutionary standard h(> seems to have followed fortune which beckoned his youthful ambition to that side: his first leanings were royalist. There is a doiibt about the year of his birth, but, on any hyi)othesis, his precocity nuist have been extraordinary. He can have been little more than a stripling when, as Washington's aide- de-camp, he was employed in important and delicate missions as well as in writing de.- patches which, allowing that the substance is .fan. 1888 A ME RICA N ST A TESMEN. 105 I 4 Washington's, show marvellous judgment and maturity of style. As a soldier he distinguished himself, and it seems that, had he pursued that career, he might have risen high. Asa member of Washington's staff he would have to take part in a struggle,not only against the enemy, but against anarchy in all departments, and his natural lean- ing in favour of authority must have been intensified by his experience. The war left behind it as its consequence a political, financial, and moral chaos, which again went far to justify those who had shrunk from revolution. The Ji.-tinj.nii.sliini^quiilities of tlioso (.'ommiinities [the thirteen colonies], and of the central novcvnnient as well (.•^ays .Mr. Loil;j:e), were at that moment faction, jealousy, and discord, infirmity of ]iiirpoie, feebleness in action, unhhishing dis- honesty in linance, black ingratitude towards the army, and the rapid acquisition of an ever-jrrowing contenii)t on the part of the rest of mankind. It was the genius of Hamilton mainly that out of this confusion brought order, solvency, and something like public morality. IJythe genius of Hamilton mainly it was determined that the United States, instead of being a loose league of states, witli separate sovereignties, should be a nation, though with a federal structure, and should have a strong central government. An unbridled democracy was the object of his profoiuid ttiistrust. His avowed preference was for the British constitution, nor did he even regard with intense abhorrence the corruption by which in the Uritisli Parliament of those days a king's government was sustained. He woiUd himself have been a model minister under a constitutional monarchy and have moved in a court with perfect ease and grace. But he saw that monarchy in the New World and on the morrow of a I'evolution was unattainable, and he acijuiesced in a republic ; nor is tliere anytliing whatever in his subsequent course to justify the sus[)icioii which Jefferson always entertained or affected to entertain that Hamilton was trying to set up a king. There was no king possible but Washington, of whose loyalty to the republic there could be no doubt. The republic, however, had it been fashioned I\v Ihimilton's hand, would have been as little democratic as ))0ssible. He would have had a l)resiilent and senators holding office, not for a short term, but during life or good behaviour ; and he would have had them elected by a class qualified by tlie possession of a certain amount of real property, lie would also have assigned the a[)pointment of all the state governors to the president of the United States, and have given each governor a veto on all state legislation. Very ditferent from this was the model adopted. But Hamilton wasted no time in whining over the rejection of his ideal. lie accepted the constitution as it was, and did iiis best to give it the ply which ho desired, by practical interpretation, for which, while (he clay was still moist from the potter's hand, there was much room. *H 106 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Jan. The great ability :is a jurist, and power of arguing questions of legal principle, which he combined with his legislative and administrative faculties, here served him and the republic in good stead. Various causes have since contributed to the triumph of nationality over State right. It has been promoted by railways and telegraphs, by the extension of commercial enterprises and connections, as .veil as by the action of political parties embracing the whole Union, and by the patriotic devotion to a common country which was evoked by the struggle against secession. Still, Alexander Hamilton is with justice regarded as the founder of the American nation. Nationality, with order and strong government, was his guitling idea. In his reorganisation of the lluances, his restoration of the national credit, and his exposition of his financial measures, he showed transcendent ability and a wonderl'ul insight into true principles ; and his policy in this department was virtually connected with his general design of insuring the unity and raising the character of the nation. If he was not free from protectionist tendencies, it must be remem- l^ered that the world was protectionist in those days: the light of Adam Smith had but just dawned, and had scarcely illuminated the minds of any statesman except those of Shelburne and the younger Pitt. When he decided in favour of moderate protection, neither he nor any one else IkuI been taught by experience how hard it is to jn'eserve moderation in protection, and how the infant industry when it has been fostered into manhood, instead of gratefully recognising tiie favour which it lias enjoyed, anil readily resigning the privilege which is no long-n- needed, takes you by the throat with its strong political grasp and extorts a continuance or perhaps an increased measure of protection for the futur(\ Hamilton com])li'ted his .services by sustaining, perhaps more than snstaining, Washington in the sound foreign policy which was embodied in tlu^ proclamation of neutrality, and in fieing at the President's side the storm of (iallo- niania which was raised by the .lay treaty. Tossed on stormy waters and assailed by bitter enemies, with Jefferson at their head, infamously attacked not only in his public character but in his personal honour, Hamilton ]nore than once went asti'ay. He W(nU astray in instigating Jay to resort to a con- stitutional cuiip (I'l'lat for the pm'pose of averting a parly defeat in New York ; in writing articles for the press against a colleague iu the cabinet, though the colleague was treacherous and had really begun the game; and in penning his pamphlet against John Adams, though the pampblet would never have seen the light had it not been stolen and published by Aaron Hurr. P)Ut there are few more spotless records, as there certainly have been few careers more bene- ficent, than that of Alexander Hamilton. His bi( iplu pri bably right in holding that even his death, in a miserable duel with a scoundrel, was a sacrifice to public duty, since he felt that; Jan. 1888 AMERICAN STATESMEN. 107 with refusal to obey wliat was the code of honour in those days would have impaired his influence and his usefulness. The work of Hamilton's genius, a nation with a strong govern- ment, would have been in great danger of sharing the fall of the Federal party, had not the chief justiceship of the Supreme Court, and with it the interpretation of the constitution, remained in the supremely able hands of the federalist, John Marshall — the ' revo- lutionary and patriarchal ' John jMarshall, his biographer calls him ; and the combination of e]nthets is curiously characteristic of a country the highest antiquity of which goes no further back than tlie Jvevolution of 1775-83. Whatever is either exalting or moderat- ing in the influence of a great national hi.>tory America lost liy her rupture with the past. Marshall preserved and extended Hamilton's work by developing through his decisions the ' implied powers ' of the constitution. His biographer admits that in many of the causes before him, that of the constitutionality of the United States 15ank, for instance, he might have given opposite decisions had he been so minded, and that as matter of pure law these opposite decisions would have been just as good as those which he did give. Naturally the JelFersonians decried as loudly as the Hamiltonians applauded him. On the great issues the Supreme Ccjurt, as we have said before, leans to the principles of the jxa-ty by which the judges were appointed. Under :\Iarshall it leaned in its decisions to federalism, under Taney to slavery. ^Mtliout political motives it could hardly have decided that the Legal Tender ('urrency Act, which forced a creditor to receive payment in paper so depreci;ited that he lost fifty per cent, of the debt, was not a breach of the article of the constitu- tion forbidding any legislation which would iin[)air the faith of contracts. Our own Privy Council, though not influenced by p:u-iy, has been influenced by political considerations. In its ecclesiastical judgments it has leaned visibly to the side of comprehension ; in its juilgments on (juestions between the central government and the provinces of Canada it has leant to the side of provincial right, desiring no doubt that the provinces should have reason to reiiiaiu satisfied with confederation. A Supreme Court, constituted so as to command as far as possible the confidence of all the ]>arties to a, confederation, is the indispensable keystone of the federal arch. ( )f this the authors of that strange legislative improvisation, the Irish Government Bill, appear to have had an inkling; but the best they could do was to assign the power of deciding constitutional ques- tions between Cfreat Britain and Ireland to the liritish Privy Council —that is, to one of the parties in the suit. The American Supremo Court represents, and, with the inevitable qualification which has been mentioned, impartially represents, the entire confederation. Thomas Jefferson, as his biographer tells us, was rather on the edge of Virginian slaveocracy than within the charmed circle. He ^^'^^m 108 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Jan. was, however, opulent, and by the time when he went forth as the chief apostle of human liberty and equality had by his thrift increased the number of his slaves from thirty to fifty. Cultivated and scholarly, he was able to frame the plan for a university, and, unlike the common demagogue, to offer up knowledge and intelligence, as well as conscience and self-respect, on the altar of the democratic idol. To Alexander Hamilton's Ormuzd, Jefferson played Ahriman. Democracy in its loosest and most unbridled form was his x'eligion, at all events till he held power. ' Monocracy,' perhaps the secret ideal of his great rival, was tlie object of his fanatical hatred and <>ver-haunting suspicion. In theory he was an anarchist, and his utterances on this subject severely try the patience of a biographer who would fain be sympathetic. He was fond of saying that we could not find angels to govern, but he assumed that we could find angels to be governed or to govern themselves. If he had to choose between a government without a press and a press without a govern- iiient, he said that he should at once choose the latter. In New "^'ork, imrler the reign of Tammany, with Barnard and Cardozo for judges, he might almost have enjoyed the realisation of his ideal. Of three states of society, that of the Indians without any govern- ment, that with a democratic government, and that with a government other than democratic, iio was not sure that he did not prefer the first. Shays's rebellion, which on other extreme democrats acted as a warning, drew from him tlic remark that a rebellion now and then was a good thing, and that republican rulers ought not to discourage them too much. 'God forbid," he ejaculates, ' that we should ever be twenty years without a rebellion I What signify a few lives lost in a century or two? TIk; tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants.' Again it must l)e said tliat (ieorge the Third and liOrd \orth are not answer- able before the tribunal of history for not having fulfilled such an ideal as an ultra-democratic government with a rebellion once in every twenty years. A\'iiether Jefferson was a French revolutionist from the beginning, or was made one by his sojourn in France, is a question on which his bi(igva])hers differ. He was certainly a Kous- seauist from the beginning in his belief that agriculture was the only moral or healthy piu'suit, and that the mechanical arts and commerce were corrujjfors of society, liousseauism seems strange in a Virginian slaveowner, but luiusseau himself squinted towards slavery, and in the essentially Kousseauist tale, Paul and Vir- fjinia, the lovely children of nature are supported by the labour of two old slaves. What is certain is that Jefferson became a French revolutionist of the most genuine breed. It was after the September massacres, of all the Jacobin atrocities perhaps the most hichious, that he wrote that 'the struggle was necessary, though in it many guilty persons fell without the forms 1888 AM E RICA X ST A TESMEN. 109 of trial, and with them some innocent." ' These,' he adds, • I dejjlore as much as anybody, and shall deplore some of them to the day of my death. But I deplore them as 1 should have done had they fallen in biittle. It was necessary to use the arm of the people, a machine not so blind as balls and bombs, but blind to a certain degree. . . My own affections have been deeply wounded by some of the martyrs to this cause; but rather than it should have failed I would have seen half the earth desolated ; were there but an Adam and Eve left in ev^ry country and left free, it would be better than it is now.' We see here in full perfection the Jacobin belief that everybody could be n.ade happy, and not only hap])y but virtuous, by butchering kings and aristocrats, without the trouble of self-improve- ment. The admirers of Jefferson must rejoice that the scene of his beneficence was not Paris ; had it been, he might have played a part in the .September massacres, though the part which he would have played would have been that of a contriver rather than an actor. He somewhat resemljled Kobespierre in his feline nature, his malignant egotism, and his intense suspiciousness, as well as in his bloody-minded, yet possibly sincere, philanthropy ; though, unlike jNIaximilian, he could ride. In his union of visionary speculation on politics with practical astuteness as a politician and capacity for intrigue, Jefferson reminds us of Sieyes. Whether he was entirely sincere in his religion of anarchy or not, he ,very distinctly saw the great fact that, lieyond the leaders of worth and intelligenci^ w ith whom he found it not easy to cope, there hiy \\ hat he and other demagogues are pleased to call the people — that is, the masses ; in other words, the people minus its leading intelligence — and that to this force, by playing on popular jealousy of intellect and social grade, he might hopefully appeal. Thus he became the founder and the highly successful leader of the democratic party ; not its stump- orator, for he had not the gift of speech, but its oracle, its guide, philosopher, and friend. No man ever understood party management more thoroughly or knew better Avheu to loosen and when to tighten the rein ; how to take advantage of passion and at the same time to shun frenzy, and come out wiser and more trusted than ever when the tornado was over. He also saw the value of a suborned press. At Monticello he was a Virginian gentleman and a scholar, always, however, in his letters affecting the Cincinnatus ; but before his public he condescended to the extreme of demagogic simplicity. When he was inaugurated as president, instead of riding in state to the capitol, he hitched his horse to the fence, and he received a British envoy dressed in an old coat and pantaloons, with slippers down at the heel. He succeeded thoroughly in making himself a popular idol. ' No personal influence of a civilian,' says his bio- grapher, ' not nourished in any degree by successful war, has ever been so great and so permanent over our people.' In what respect r -J ^Qi^HMKiS^Jjl ^sc mmgm 110 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Jan. liis influence has been useful we would rather leave it to tlie biographer to say. A ' humauitarianism ' which is ready to butcher all mankind but a single pair in order to carry out a theory seems a <|iiestiouable substitute even for common Christianity. Jefiferson was the champion of religious equality in Virginia, and as president he did a very good thing in purchasing Louisiana, though the act was a breach of the constitution, and liad it been done by Hamilton ^vould have drawn from Jefferson slu'ieks of ' monocracy ' and 'consolidation.' In the Kentucky resolutions he proclaimed the f;ital doctrine of nullification, and pulled the trigger of civil 7\iV. J lis notions of finance and economy, if they were anything more than factious contradictions of Hamilton's views, were absurd, and in (hat department he did all the mischief in Ids power. He be'iaved as ill to Hamilton as he could and as ill to Washington as he ('ared. Over the 'Ana" admiring l)iography can only draw a decent veil. It is needless to say that the impress of .lelferson's mind remains indelibly stamped on the Declaration of Independence. Xo other theorist has been so fortunate in having his fancies indelibly carved on public marble. 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator witli <'i'rtain inalienable rights ; that amongst these are life, liberty, and he pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights governments ;ire instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con- sent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government M'comes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to dler or abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foun- lution on such principles and organising its powers in such form as 10 them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and lui])])iness." >o wrote the owner of iifty slaves, whom he never emancipated, or, ■ve believe, showed any practical inclination to emancipate ; while, if he framed a project of abolition, it was allowed to drop so i'Mbdythat it can be regarded as little more than an ostensible tribute to consistency. 'Nothing,' said Calhoun a generation afterwards, • can be more unfounded and false than the prevalent opinion that ;dl men are born free and equal : it rests upon the assumption of a fact which is contrary to universal observation.' Jetferson, as is well iaiown, had framed a clause denouncing in the most truculent language George the Third as the author of slavery and the slave 'rade. ])Ut ihis was 'disapproved by some Southern gentlemen.' The issue was a constitution which recognised slavery, under a -Imffling alias, perpetuated the slave trade for twenty years, with an ndefinite prospect of further extension, and embodied a fugitive slave ;i\v. The colonial legislation restricting the importation of slaves, M disallowing which Jefferson accuses the King of prostituting his legative, was, as Jefferson well knew, not moral in its object, but ommercial. If it was moral, why was it not renewed when the 1888 AMER[CAN STATESMEN. Ill colonists were their own masters? We do not wish to press the cluirge of hypocrisy too ftvr ; it is true that emancipation was difHcult, but it is also true that there were difficulties in the path of the ministers of George the Third. The preposterous violence and the manifest insincerity of the suppressed clause are enn\igh to create suspicion as to the spirit in which the whole document was framed. In fact, the Dechiration of Independence is not, more scrupulously truthful than are the general utterances of a statesman for whom his biogr.''phei's do not venture to claim the credit of strict veracity. In its preamble it enumerates as normal examples of the King's government and justifications of insurrection acts which, however unadvised, were really measm-es of repression, taken after the insiu-- rection had broken out. No government could allow its officers to be assaulted and their houses sacked, its loyal lieges to be tarred and feathered, or the property of merchants sailing imder its flag to be thrown by lawless hands into the sea. Eepublican institutions, if they exclude hereditary title, admit family distinction. The Massachusetts house of Adams might with some reason call itself the first political family in the world. It has given, in the direct line, two presidents to tlie republic; it has pro- duced an ambassador whose task was hardly less important and certainly not less trying than that of any ])resident, and its fertility appears not to be exhausted, though the times are not propitious to its prominence so far as active politics arc concerned. John Adams, the founder of the line, was a specimen of the highest type of politician formed by the municipal life of New England, and of al! engaged in the revolution, with the possible exception of Washing- ton, the man whose character w should say does most to justify or redeem the movement. As 'Xovanglus' he is its great npologist, and weak enough from the constitutional point of view his apology is. It is surely idle to contend that under a parliamentary monarchy the connection of a dependency was with the king alone, and not with parliament. Where was the sovereign power ? To whom did colonial commerce look for protection ? l-lqually idle does it seem to contend that the King in dealing with the colonies acted in his personal capacity only, not in his political capacity and as the head of a constitutional government. vVdams is much more rational when he says that the whole system of colonial government had been left in a very unsettled and equivocal state. Powers had, in fact, been legally retained by the Imperial Government which it was practically wrong and unsafe to exercise. Hence arose the quarrel ; and this is precisely the relation which the frainers of the Irish Go- vernment Bill purpose deliberately to create between the British Parliament and Ireland. At the same time John Adams was not free from the traits of the conspirator. He continued to express attachment to the connection with Great Britain and grief at the 112 THE NIXKTEEXTH GEXTURY Jan. idea of separation at" ii ti inn whon it is certain tli;it lie had set lii?i heart on separation, and had formed a settled phm of independence. The disclosure of his real sentiments and designs, through the capture and publication of his secret correspondence, scattered dis- may among those whom he had been luring to the brink of civil war by his professions of moderation. That there should have been a necessity for resorting to such acts, \\v. must repeat, proves that there did not exist among the people; in general a sense of such oppression as alone, we slionld say, can warrant ajiy one in enticing a commvmity into revolution and civil war. It tends to show that the catastrophe was not inevitable, but was l)roug!it on by the scheming activity of a com[)aratively small group of violent and ambitious men, combined perhaps with the interest of traders galled by the pestilent restrictions on trade. We also see in Adams's diary the bacchanalian element of the revolution in some force. In the evening at 3Ir. ^MifHin's 'there was an elegant supper and we dranic sentiments till eleven o'clock, l^ee and Harrison were very hisolved that, to avenge a paltry blunder committed by a ])articular l^ritish minister, the grand and beneficent unity of the AngU)-.Saxon race should be dissolved, perhaps for ever. It would be well if, when civil war impends, patriots could be made to drink water. The man who burns like Camille Desmoulins 'to embrace liberty, though it were on a hea]) of corpses,' if he is not mad or desperately wicked, is probably drunk. The revolution over, however, John Adams stands in history a strong, upright, and conscientious servant of the State, rugged and gnarled as an old oak, but not less firmly rooted in his patriotism or less steadfast in resisting the adverse gales, from whatever quarter tliey might blow, whetlu>r from that of extreme federalism and fond attachment to England, or from that of extreme democracy and the subserviency of sham sansculottism to France. ]}y hi.s defence of I'reston and the soldiers he had given noble proof of his antipathy to mob violence as well as of his humanity. To the yoke of the Caucus his neck was never bowed. Nor, though a republi- can, was he a demagogue, or even an extreme democrat. He firmly believed, as his biographer truly says, in government by a class duly qualified by intelligence and public virtue : of all aristocracies the most offensive to St. Just, who thought it the height of impiety in any one to pretend to intelligence or virtue, but especially to virtue, in presence of the divine people. In his suggestion for the regulations of the president's household Adams even shows a ten- dency to surround republican authority with a good deal of state. Hamilton in the present day would be utterly impossible as an American politician. Only one degree less impossible would be John Adams. 1888 AMERICAN STATESMEN, 113 John Randolph was a genuine Virginian gentleman, an authentic * F.F.V.' He combined intlie proper measure aristocratic prejudices and arrogance with a democracy which meant hatred of all authority above his own, and he united English tastes to French revolutionary principles. He was no doubt, like others of the same group, well read in English literature, at least of the lighter kind. He had certainly read Fielding, and was thus enabled to get himself into a duel by comparing an alliance between the ' Puritan " Quincy Adams nnd the 'black-leg ' Clay to an alliance of Blifil with Black George. It seems that he once made a will emancipating his slaves, but if €ver he dallied with philanthropy, the dalliance was brief. Thus he •writes : — There is a meeting-house in the village huilt by a ri'spoctable denomination. I never was in it, though, like myself, it is mouldering away. The pulpit of that meeting-house was polluted by permitting a black African to preach in it. If I had been there I would have taken the uncircumcised dog by the throat, led him before a magistrate, and committed him to jail. I told the ladies, they, sweet souls, who dressed their beds with the whitest sheets and uncorked for him their best wine, were not far from having negro children. Randolph had a rare gift of vituperative declamation by which he seems to have kept up a sort of reign of terror. This, combined with his social position, enabled him to do what he pleased and treat the Senate like a hunting kennel. If he ever had anything nearer akin to statesmanship in him, it had been shattered by his passions, which from his childhood had no doubt been uncontrolled. Giving utter- ance to everything that came into his head and for hours together, he sometimes gave utterance to a home truth. Albert Gallatin was a Genevan who, dissatisfied with the con- servatism of a republic in the politics of which Calvin still made head politically against Rousseau, came ' to drink in independence in the freest country in the universe.' He may be regarded as the first-fruits of the political emigration from Europe which assumed large proportions after 1848, and while, on the one hand, it hasgiv.n to the republic such citizens as Carl Schurz, has, on the other hand, given birth to the anarchism of Chicago. He brought out heve, of course, a hatred of strong government and a special desire to crush * aristocracy,' the grand bugbear of the extreme democrat, with whom social rather than political equality is usually the chief object of desire. In this way Gallatin found that he had as long a day's work before him in the freest country in the universe as he would have had in Geneva; for in Philadelphia there was social inequality, the offspring of wealth which had been made by speculation and was not always in the worthiest hands. Gallatin went out upon the land, but apparently did not fare much better than other Utopians who have taken the same line. His revolutionary principles involved him rat!.er unfortunately in the Whisky insurrection, which, by the way. Vol. XXriL— No. 131. I 1 114 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Jan. gave birth to boycotting, full blown and clearly defined. But ho ultimately became sober, and distingrlshed himself as u not im- moderately factious or tricky leader of the democratic paity m Congress, a strict financial economist, and an organiser of the Treasury Department. There being no ' Genevan vote ' to command the homage of politicians, Gallatin's foreign origin was sometimes cast in his teeth. It is to be hoped that Lives of Gouverneur Morris and Fisher Ames are to be included in the series. They would be at least as well worth having as Lives of Kandolph and Gallatin. The volumes which we have noticed chiefly relate to the period A the ' ]'"athers ; ' we propose hereafter to notice those volumes which comprise the period of tlie sons. GoLDWiN Smith. Jan. But ho lot im- mgress, reasury ad the OS cast Fisher east as ' period s which nrrii.