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i^^ 
 
<^7/. 
 
 The Bargain Theory 
 of Wages 
 
 A Critical Development Lorn the Historic 
 Theories, together with an Examination of 
 certain Wages Factors : the MobiHty of 
 Labor, Trade Unionism, and the Methods 
 of Industrial Remuneration 
 
 By 
 
 John Davidson, M.A, D. Phil. (Edin.) 
 
 Professor of Political Economy in the University of 
 New Brunswick 
 
 New York and London 
 G. P. Putnam's Sons 
 
 ^t Unichcrbocker |re8s 
 1898 
 
PIL 
 
 CI 
 
 13G202 
 
 "AWL'-lOt-i 
 
 / 
 
 Copyright, 1898 
 
 BV 
 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 Entered at Stationers' Hall, London 
 
 Ube "fcnkfccrboclicr prc60, mew tfork 
 
 *i!ii^ 
 
 ■"iW^' 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 SOMETHING like an apology seems due from a 
 writer who ventures to add an essay on the 
 Wages Question to the already enormous number 
 of essays and treatises on that well-worn subject ; 
 but the writer has found the lack, for the purposes 
 of teaching advanced students, of such a book as 
 he has endeavored to prepare. There is no treatise 
 presenting in a fairly compact form the problems 
 of wages which it seems desirable to bring before 
 the attention of such students. The systematic 
 treatises and text-books in economics necessarily 
 give but scant treatment to the problem of the 
 evolution of the theory of wages; and the mon- 
 ographs on the wages question are, in general, too 
 polemical and one-sided to be suited even for ad- 
 vanced class work. 
 
 The present essay is the outcome of the attempts 
 of the writer, during five years, to analyze the wages 
 question, historically as well as theoretically. He 
 began with the theory presented by the late Presi- 
 dent Walker in his Wages Question^ but was soon 
 forced to give as a supplement an exposition of the 
 
 jii 
 
iv 
 
 Preface. 
 
 history of wages theory ; and gradually came to find 
 that the theories were not mutually antagonistic but, 
 in a sense, complementary. A study of the Aus- 
 trian theory of value showed him how it was possible 
 to reconcile these divergent theories ; and The Bar- 
 gain Theory of Wages is the result. 
 
 The comparative absence of references is in part 
 due to the fact that quotations, etc., were inserted 
 in his lecture notes during vacation study, and that 
 he had no opportunity at the time of writing to 
 verify them. He has, therefore, judged it best to 
 omit such references as he could not verify. The 
 woes of a scholar in exile he had better keep to him- 
 self; but the inadequacy of the historical parts of 
 the essay, of which the writer is fully conscious, may 
 be partly excused in one who is some four hundred 
 miles from any library even half as good as his own. 
 
 My obligation to Prof. Taussig's Wages and Capi- 
 tal in the chapter on the Wages Fund, and generally 
 to Mr. Cannan's Production and Distribution, and to 
 Dr. Smart's Studies in Economics^ is great and obvi- 
 ous; and I owe many obligations which it is not 
 possible so definitely to acknowledge. Acknowledg- 
 ment is due to the courtesy of many correspondents, 
 personally unknown, who have taken much trouble 
 in obtaining information for me ; and in particular 
 to Mr. Ochiltree Macdonald and the Hon. Robert 
 Drummond of Nova Scotia ; to Mr. Stavart of St. 
 John's, Newfoundland ; to Miss Jean Davidson of 
 Edinburgh ; to Prof. Nicholson, who read the essay 
 in manuscript and by many helpful suggestions en- 
 
Preface. \ 
 
 abled mc to correct some of the disadvantages of 
 isolation ; to my colleague, Prof. Stockley, for assist- 
 ance in preparing the manuscript for the press; and 
 to my wife, who drafted the diagrams and assisted 
 in the preparation of the index. 
 
 The University of New Hrunswick, 
 
 Frcdericton, N. B., December, iSgy. 
 
m 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTKR I. 
 
 The Subsistence Theory . 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Wages-Fund Theory . 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Productivity-of-Lauor 'I'hkory 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages 
 
 • • • 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Mobility of Labor 
 
 * • • • 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 The Mobility of Labor (Continued) . 
 
 CHAPTER VH. 
 Trade-Unions as a Wages Factor 
 
 CHAPTER Vni. 
 
 The Methods of Industrial Remuneration 
 AS A Wages Factor 
 
 • • • • 
 
 vU 
 
 PAGE 
 I 
 
 41 
 
 79 
 
 127 
 
 174 
 
 199 
 
 254 
 
 281 
 
THE BARGAIN THEORY 
 OF WAGES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE SUBSISTENCE THEORY. 
 
 THE great historical theories of wages correspond 
 in their order and in their character with the 
 stages in the development of labor from the disap- 
 pearance of slavery and serfdom to the rise of real 
 freedom. Although legal slavery and serfdom had 
 disappeared in England centuries before the Indus- 
 trial Revolution, there was still sufficient survival of 
 its spirit to incline men towards a view of wages 
 which is true, in its full extent, only of slave labor. 
 Down to the beginning of the present century there 
 were legal restrictions on the movement of laborers 
 from one parish to another ; and colliers in Scotland 
 were even then transferred with the pits in which 
 they labored. The general conditions of dependence 
 were such that the economic effects did not differ 
 
The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 very much from the actual effects of legal slavery. 
 The effect of the Industrial Revolution was gradually 
 to change all this. The number of hired laborers 
 increased every year; and the pressure of competi- 
 tion qualified the supremacy of the employer. His 
 domination of the industrial world became merely a 
 predominance. The power of the employer was still 
 indeed very great, and he was able to dictate al- 
 most any terms he pleased to those who depended 
 on him for employment; but the development of 
 Trade Unionism and the growth of the political 
 power of the working classes brought a greater 
 change. The legal restrictions on the movements 
 of the laborer had disappeared, and the progress 
 towards democracy gave the laborer strength to 
 treat with his employer as with an equal and not 
 with a superior. The centre of political gravity had 
 shifted, and, despite belated attempts at feudal and 
 despotic government, the balance of economic power 
 was with the emplovces rather than with the em- 
 ployers; and labor became the predominant partner. 
 The working classes had been the first to learn the 
 secret of open combination, and from them the em- 
 ployers have learned, or are learning it. The tacit 
 combinations of employers to keep down wages, to 
 which Adam Smith referred, had broken down 
 before the stress of competition of master with 
 master; and when competition wrs discovered to be 
 suicidal, the employers openly associated and com- 
 bined, to meet the combinations of the working 
 classes and to make their own power effective. They 
 
]V(T£-cs Theories Correspond to Labor Conditions. 3 
 
 quickly recovered from the unnecessary panic into 
 which the development of Trade Unionism had 
 thrown them, and quickly recovered much of their 
 lost ground. The condition of industry to-day is 
 one of opposing combinations of masters and men ; 
 and an armed peace as the result of negotiations. 
 
 The development of the theories of wages corre- 
 sponds, in a certain measure, with the evolution of 
 industrial freedom. The theories, it is true, follow 
 the development of the social phenomena afar off; 
 and we must not strain the parallelism. The earliest 
 theory is the doctrine that wages are determined by 
 the cost of the subsistence of the laborers; and it is 
 obviously based on a real or assumed analogy be- 
 tween wage labor and slave labor. It assumes the 
 absolute supremacy of tlie employer, though his 
 supremacy is created by the self-imposed degradation 
 of the employees under the tyranny of the sexual 
 instinct. The change in the position of the em- 
 ployer from domination to mere predominance is 
 followed by the development of the Wages-Fund 
 Theory, in which the measure of the wages is the 
 intention of the capitalist employer. A certain 
 measure of freedom is, in this theory, accorded to 
 the laborer. He can, at least, raise his wages by 
 exercising self-restraint and restricting his numbers; 
 but the employer is sti'l the dominant factor in the 
 wages problem. The Wages-Fund Theory gave 
 place to the Productivity Theory, in which the deter- 
 mination of wages is apparently regarded as almost 
 entirely within the laborer's own power. Wages are 
 
The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 paid according to the efficiency of the laborer, and 
 the employer has almost nothing to do with the 
 wages question but to pay the wages. The earlier 
 positions are reversed. The laborer becomes the 
 residual owner of the product — for production has 
 become, explicitly, the co-operation of capital with 
 labor. This theory, however, the acceptance of 
 which dates from the year of Mill's recantation 
 of the Wages-Fund Theory, under the influence of 
 his growing interest in the growing power of Trade 
 Unionism, greatly exaggerates the independence of 
 the laborer's position. It takes no account of the 
 combinations of employers, tacit or avowed ; and 
 the influence of such combinations in the determina- 
 tion of wages cannot be ignored. The theory of 
 wages, consequently, is tending to change to a form 
 in which the supremacy of no one party in the wages 
 transaction is assumed. Neither the employer, as 
 in the earlier theories, nor the emlpoyee, as in the 
 latest, can be regarded as the sole determiner of 
 wages. The employer is not a donor, nor is the 
 employee the owner and dictator of wages. Em- 
 ployer and employed are opposed to each other 
 as bargainers in a market where, through various 
 causes, their forces are about equal. Wages are to 
 be regarded as determined in the way in which all 
 bargains are concluded — partly, by the estimate 
 which each party to the bargain has formed of the 
 value of the subject of the bargain, and, partly, by 
 the comparative strength and knowledge of the 
 bargainers in bargaining. All the earlier theories 
 
The Plan of the Essay. 
 
 5 
 
 attempt to establish one determining principle of 
 wages according as they recognize the supremacy 
 of the employer or the supremacy of the laborer. 
 This theory, based on the phenomena of organiza- 
 tion of employers and employed in combinations 
 of approximately equal strength, puts forward two 
 determining principles, or, more accurately, asserts 
 that the wages of labor will be determined between 
 two estimates as limits. 
 
 The object of this chapter, and of the two suc- 
 ceeding, is to establish, by means of a critical ex- 
 amination of the earlier theories, the theory of wages 
 as a bargain ; and the result will, it is hoped, demon- 
 strate, in the fourth chapter, that this eclectic theory 
 embodies all that is of permanent value in the earlier 
 theories. The doctrines of the prevailing philosophy 
 have convinced all men that no great movement can 
 be entirely wrong; and assuredly no great theory 
 can be utterly rejected. We shall find that the sub- 
 sistence theory provides one determining principle 
 and the productivity theory another; but, instead 
 of choosing one or the other, and claiming half 
 the truth as the whole truth, we shall find that 
 the subsistence theory gives us the seller's estimate 
 of what he has to sell, and the productivity theory 
 the buyer's estimate of what he enters the market to 
 buy; and that the Wages-Fund Theory, in one of 
 its propositions, states the force which determines 
 where, between those limits, actual wages are de- 
 termined, and, moreover, gives the outlines of the 
 complete theory. 
 
nn^ 
 
 ./-... --L-^w fjbja-. 
 
 6 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 The first important and scientific theory of wages 
 is that the reward of labor is determined by the 
 cost of subsistence of the laborers. This theory has 
 been called by various names — the Theory of Nat- 
 ural Wages, the Ricardian Theory, the Iron Law of 
 Wages, the Standard-of-Comfort Theory, and the 
 Doctrine of a Li/ing Wage; but no one of these 
 labels is quite satisfactory. In adopting the title of 
 the Subsistence Theory, we adopt a title which is 
 explanatory of the common element in all the phases 
 of the theory, and yet does not gratuitously invite 
 criticism, as the Iron Law of Wages does, for in- 
 stance. 
 
 The Subsistence Theory has gone through some- 
 what remarkable variations; but the change has 
 been rather in the sentiments of the advocates than 
 in the substance of the theory. The earliest writers 
 and, on the whole, Ricardo himself, to say nothing 
 of the socialists who claim to be Ricardo's true seed, 
 have interpreted the law very pessimistically. The 
 socialists have denounced the iron law as the crying 
 evil and iniquity of our present social system ; but 
 the modern advocates of the theory seem to regard 
 the law as opening a door of hope for labor. The 
 change is not in the substance of the doctrine. Even 
 Ricardo, at times, as we might show, regarded the 
 cost of subsistence as a variable minimum, not neces- 
 sarily coincident with the cost of physical life. His 
 passing admissions have been taken up and amplified 
 by the modern adherents of the theory till the theory 
 itself seems transformed. Yet Mr. Gunton, the 
 
The Variations in the Subsistence Theory, 
 
 most ardent, as he is the most scientific, of the opti- 
 mists, does not claim that wages should vary with 
 every, the slightest, variation of the standard. The 
 theory has changed its sky but not its nature. The 
 difference between the early and the later ''crms of 
 the theory is due to the generally changed attitude 
 towards labor questions. Ricardo, writing ai a time 
 when the first and most lasting impression made 
 by Malthus was one of the most important facts in 
 the world of economic theory, was pessimistic and 
 regarded wages as tending naturally to fall as low as 
 possible. Mr. Gunton, and the self-constituted 
 spokesmen of the modern labor movement, writing 
 after half a century's progress of the working classes 
 and steady rise of wages, regatfl the standard of 
 subsistence as a method of raising wages. But the 
 essence of the theory is in both cases the same. 
 The value of labor is determined from the side of 
 labor alone. The sole determinant is the cost of the 
 commodities on which the laborer subsists ; whether 
 this cost be regarded as determined by the rapacity 
 of the capitalist (as the socialists say), by the tyranny 
 of the sexual instinct, or by the firmness with which 
 the working classes maintain their customary or as- 
 sumed mode of life. The force which operates to 
 make the cost of subsistence the standard of wages 
 differs according to the standpoint of the theorist; 
 but, in all cases whatever, the substance of the 
 theory is the same. 
 
 Adam Smith, and his successors, treated the 
 theory of distribution as if it were only a branch of 
 
8 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 Hi, 
 
 the theory of production. In wages as wages they 
 had little interest. The chapter in the Wealth of 
 Nations dealing with wages is the first of four chap- 
 ters discussing the component parts of price. Wages 
 were thus regarded mainly as an element in the cost 
 of production ; and it was natural that, when the 
 reward of labor was, for the moment, considered in 
 itself, the general point of view should be retained 
 and the discussion of wages become a discussion of 
 the component parts of the cost of production of 
 labor. His treatment of wages is fruitful of sugges- 
 tions; and germs and illustrations of all the later 
 theories may be found within the narrow limits of 
 that one chapter; but the natural development was 
 in the direction of a theory of wages which finds the 
 explanation in the cost of production of labor. 
 
 No one has ventured to advance a naturalistic in- 
 terpretation of the cost of production of labor. The 
 phrase has always been interpreted in terms of the 
 cost of the commodities necessary for maintaining 
 life. The cost of production of a machine — and 
 labor, from this point of view, is only a more costly 
 because a more complex machine — is, firstly, the 
 cost of the fuel and the other requisites of its opera- 
 tion, and, secondly, the reserve set aside against de- 
 preciation for renewing or replacing the machine 
 when it is worn out. These two items in the case 
 of labor are the cost of maintaining the laborer in 
 working condition, and the cost of rearing new sup- 
 plies of labor to take the place of the old when, in 
 the course of nature, that is worn out or superan- 
 
Wages as aft Element of Cost. 
 
 9 
 
 nuated. But the analogy from machinery seems to 
 lead us too far. The reserve set aside for replacing 
 and renewing a machine remains in the possession of 
 the owner; but the new supplies of labor, for the 
 provision of which allowance, according to the 
 theory, must be made, are not the property of the 
 employer except under the conditions of slavery. 
 The criticism, therefore, raised against the theory 
 on this point is not without justification. The 
 analogy is pressed too far to the neglect of the obvi- 
 ous fact of the difference between persons and things. 
 The difference is essential. There is no necessity 
 that an employer should have such a tender regard 
 for the interests of employers of the next generation 
 as to make him pay higher wages to maintain the 
 supply of labor and replace the labor which is worn 
 out. Most employers are content that there should 
 be profit in their time, and quite willing to be as 
 Irish as Sir Boyle Roche in their disregard of pos- 
 terity. If the early economists had interpreted the 
 law in the same way as the socialists, who have 
 forcibly entered into their labors, the objection that 
 the theory was inconsistent would be perfectly 
 sound. The cost of rearing and educating a family 
 cannot strictly be included within a minimum of 
 subsistence. If this item is included in the cost of 
 production of labor, we cannot rightly speak of a 
 minimum of subsistence. But for the early econo- 
 mists it was not the rapacity of the employer but 
 the strength of the principle of population which 
 made the cost of subsistence the measure of wages ; 
 
10 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 and tlic principle of population, not unnaturally, 
 admits the inclusion, within the minimum, of an 
 amount sufficient to j^revent the race of laborers 
 from bccomin<jf extinct. 
 
 There can be no manner of doubt that, in the long 
 run, waijjes are sufficient to cover both the cost of 
 maintaining the laborer and the cost of rearing the 
 new supplies. If industry is to contiiiue, and in- 
 dustry does continue, both items of the cost must 
 be met, and both items, therefore, are met. Wages 
 arc sufficient to cover the cost of production, but 
 arc they more than sufficient ? Is there a surplus 
 accruing to labor as a whole, over and above the 
 amount necessary to cover the cost ? The question 
 is often rendered more difficult of answer because of 
 a failure to make an obvious distinction. We are in 
 the habit of estimating wages simply in gross, 
 whereas rent and interest are net returns. The 
 absolute necessity that the capital expended in pro- 
 duction should be replaced is at all times asserted ; 
 and, over and above the capital sum replaced, it has 
 generally been recognized that a payment should be 
 made for the use of the capital, or (as we may say 
 without prejudice) as the reward of abstinence. The 
 returns of capital, however, are not estimated as a 
 gross, but purely as a net return. Interest is the 
 return to capital, and that is not said to be 103 or 
 1 10, but three or ten per cent. Over and above the 
 capital sum a further payment is made. Rent is 
 also a purely net return. The natural properties 
 of the soil remain practically intact; and the land- 
 
 
 i" )'fi 
 
Wages a Gross Return. 
 
 II 
 
 owner's share is regarded, not as his land returned 
 to his keeping in its original condition pkis the rent 
 he receives for its use, but simply as the rent which 
 he obtains. In the case of wages, the treatment is 
 different. Wages are treated as if they were a net 
 return comparable in some way with the three or 
 the ten per cent, of interest. No distinction is 
 made, as in the case of capital, between the refund- 
 ing of the energy expended and the payment for the 
 use of that energy. Both are lumped together, and 
 the only attempt made to distinguish them is in the 
 theory and practice of taxation when a minimum is 
 exempted. Yet the laborer, as we may say, by con- 
 venient analogy, has invested his capital fund in pro- 
 duction just as really as the capitalist has his ; and 
 there is the same necessity that this expenditure 
 should be refunded, if production is to be economi- 
 cal. This expenditure is the energy spent in labor 
 and includes more than mere physical exertion. 
 The energy expended varies in kind as well as in 
 degree; and the energy refunded must be an exact 
 equivalent of what is expended. The energy ex- 
 pended by an artisan in a higher skilled trade re- 
 quiring a large amount of attention, or the nervous 
 energy expended by a common school teacher, are 
 different in kind as well as in degree from that ex- 
 pended by a common day laborer; and the amount 
 refunf' ,d must vary accordingly. The return to 
 labor must, at least, be such as will enable each 
 worker to start his work on the morrow in the same 
 condition as he started the previous day or the pre- 
 
12 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 vioiis week. The standard of his efficiency must be 
 maintained. It is true that, just as capital may be 
 so invested that it not only docs not receive a net 
 return in the shape of interest but may itself not be 
 refunded, labor may be so employed, by itself or in 
 the service of another, that the reward of labor is 
 not sufficient to replace the energy expended. In 
 this case the result is the degradation of labor. On 
 the whole, and in the long run, the wages of labor 
 are sufficient to refund the energy expended, but are 
 they ever more than sufficient ? Does labor, like 
 capital, obtain a surplus, or a net return ? Labor 
 has the same right as capital has (if we may speak 
 of right in either case) to demand a surplus return, 
 over and above the refunding of the energy ex- 
 pended; and, if labor does not receive a net return, 
 corresponding to interest, it must be because there 
 is something special in the conditions of labor which 
 prevents this result. 
 
 The advocates of the subsistence theory have 
 generally contended that labor must and does obtain 
 a return sufficient to refund the energy expended ; 
 but they have not always gone on to ask whether 
 labor receives anything over and above.* Interest, 
 according to the popular view, is necessary because, 
 without it, capital would not be saved and invested 
 in sufificient quantity to maintain industrial efificiency. 
 Is labor entitled to demand a similar net return, or 
 
 * Adam Smith's suggestive analysis of the standard of subsistence 
 (see note, p. 23) was not taken up until the theory was being tried, to 
 be found wanting. 
 
Is There a Net Return to Labor ? 
 
 13 
 
 are there forces at work which enable the employers 
 directly, and society indirectly, to disregard this de- 
 mand of labor ? Now labor involves disutility as 
 fully and as certainly as saving involves abstinence 
 and self-denial. The laborer has, it is true, less to 
 ^ain and more to lose by refusing to work, than the 
 capitalist has in not abstaining from consuming his 
 wealth. The laborer is dependent for his life on his 
 working; but the capitalist need only not practise 
 self-denial. However, since labor involves disutility, 
 simply to replace the energy the laborer has ex- 
 pended will not always be sufficient. The laborer is 
 not a machine, but a human being actuated by indi- 
 vidual and personal motives and feelings; and he is 
 little likely to spend himself simply that his expenses 
 may be refunded. Individuals may be so inclined ; 
 but the great mass of men value themselves more 
 highly. If there is not a net return in cases where 
 the disutility of labor, from whatever cause, is great, 
 the laborer will content himself with the expenditure 
 of but little of his energy. In order to obtain the 
 best results, it will always be found necessary that 
 something more than the maintenance of the status 
 quo ante should be assured. There are those who 
 must save and those who cannot help saving, and 
 for them the net return to capital need not be 
 high; but a certain rate of interest has been 
 found to be necessary to call out that amount of 
 abstinence from the immediate utilities in consump- 
 tion as will enable industry to be carried on and ex- 
 tended. So although all laborers (or nearly all) 
 
14 
 
 TJic Bar^i^ain Tlicory of Wages, 
 
 W 
 
 must labor to continue living, a net return to labor 
 is necessary to get the best industrial results from 
 the laborer. 
 
 The early advocates, at least, of the subsistence 
 theory declare, in effect, that a net return to labor 
 is unnecessary and, in the long run, improbable. 
 The glory of going on and still to be, is, in their 
 view, a sufficient incentive to overcome the disutility 
 of labor. The necessity of living provides a strong 
 enough incentive. The laborer must live and to 
 live must be prepared to sacrifice his comfort. He 
 has no reserve on which to subsist ; and the stern 
 necessities of d 'ly life compel him to work for that 
 which is just sufficient to enable him to subsist. 
 Should he, by the benevolence of his employer, or 
 through the force of public opinion, or from acci- 
 dent, obtain a higher reward than is necessary to 
 enable him to subsist, he will either labor less, or he 
 will indulge himself in such a way as eventually to 
 bringdown his enhanced wages to an amount which 
 simply enables him to continue. Among semi- 
 civilized and indolent races, work will cease when 
 enough has been earned to provide subsistence; 
 among civilized people, the effect of a surplus over 
 the cost of subsistence will be to increase competi- 
 tion till wages fall to the subsistence limit. The 
 wages of going on may be very much higher in one 
 country than in another. The intensity of labor 
 differs in different countries; and consequently a 
 greater or less amount is required to replace the 
 energy expended. Wages must, in the long run, 
 
Labor of Varying Intensity, 
 
 «5 
 
 be sufficient to cover the expenditure, but, in the 
 lonj; run, they need not be more than sufficient ; for 
 the necessity of making a living is a force strong 
 enough to counterbalance the disutility of labor. 
 
 The gradual change in the subsistence theory of 
 wages was due, in part, to the fuller recognition of 
 the fact that labor is of varying degrees of intensity 
 and hence involves a greater or less expenditure of 
 energy. Ricardo and the early exponents seemed 
 to regard all labor as being of one quality and hence 
 as involving the expenditure of equal amounts of 
 energy. Wages, therefore, were taken to be the 
 equivalent which was necessary to replace this 
 energy. The actual variations of wages w^erc ex- 
 plained by means of the distinction between market 
 wages and natural wages. Except in a theoretical 
 case, wages were determined by the amount of com- 
 modities necessary to sustain the life of the laborer; 
 and this amount was not considered as varying from 
 individual to individual, but as determined abso- 
 lutely by constant physiological conditions. The 
 theory, at this stage, takes practically no account of 
 the fact that the expenditure of energy is not always 
 an expenditure of bodily force. Yet there is no 
 common term which will enable us to compare the 
 energy severally expended say by a school teacher, a 
 newspaper compositor, and a dock laborer. Each 
 may be correspondingly equipped for, and efficient 
 in, his work; and at the end of a day's labor each 
 may be correspondingly worn out. To enable them 
 to begin the morrow's work with their former effi- 
 
i6 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 ciency, each requires a different kind of treatment 
 and recuperation. The minimum of subsistence 
 which will effect this result is so different in each 
 case that to use the term physical minimum, as 
 applying indifferently to all three, is to darken 
 counsel by words without knowledge. The laborer 
 will probably require more food than the other two. 
 The workingman is a better customer to the grocer 
 than a professional or semi-professional man with 
 twice the salary of the workingman. Yet the fact 
 that a teacher eats less, but is more fastidious about 
 what he eats, affords us no warrant for declaring 
 that the greater part of his expenditure could be 
 dispensed with because his physical minimum, esti- 
 mated in pounds avoirdupois, is less than the physi- 
 cal minimum of a dock laborer. So, even if we take 
 the standard of subsistence as a physical minimum 
 including no surplus, we must yet admit that the 
 physical minimum will vary according to the nature 
 of the occupation. The only real measure the^e can 
 be of a minimum of subsistence is the amount of the 
 necessaries, comforts, and luxuries of life which is 
 necessary to enable each worker to begin each day's 
 labor with his energy restored. The physical mini- 
 mum in other words must be relative to the industry 
 in which the laborer is engaged and be suflficient to 
 maintain the existing standard of efficiency. But a 
 physical minimum, interpreted in this way, is far too 
 variable to afTord a foundation for a law of wages ; 
 and it was natural, especially in view of the promi- 
 nence of Malthus's doctrine, that the minimum 
 
Principle of Population in Wages Theory. ly 
 
 should be interpreted physriologically rather than 
 industrially. A physiological minimum does, and 
 an industrial minimum does not, provide that ele- 
 ment of certainty and stability which is necessary in 
 the determinant of wages. 
 
 Ricardo's logical mind discerned that it was im- 
 possible to base a scientific law of wages upon a 
 varying foundation. There must be some power 
 behind the law to determine wages in accordance 
 with it. Without this power, the law can have but 
 little scientific importance. The power which brings 
 the law into operation Ricardo and his contempo- 
 raries and successors found in the principle of popu- 
 lation. Mr. Conner is somewhat indignant that 
 Ricardo should habitually be misrepresented as 
 putting forward a fixed and invariable standard; 
 and passages might be quoted, such as Chapter V., 
 p. 74, of the Principles (Conner's edition), in which 
 Ricardo somewhat despondingly remarks that the 
 natural price of labor is " not absolutely fixed and 
 constant." But Ricardo was too logical, and also 
 too much under the domination of the Malthusian 
 idea, to lay much stress on the exceptions he allows. 
 It was necessary for scientific exactness that the 
 standard should be fixed, and the principle of popu- 
 lation at once suggested itself as the power which 
 made the law operative. The pressure of popula- 
 tion against the limits of subsistence is due to the 
 strongest force in human nature, and, although 
 Malthus, in the later editions, ceases to be a Malthu- 
 sian, the popular impression of his doctrine remained 
 
^•mi^^m 
 
 i8 
 
 T/ic Bargain TJicory of Wage . 
 
 firm that no institution or custom was strong enough 
 to stand long as a bulwark opposed to the principle 
 of population. The dread of over-population (which, 
 in the strictest Malthusian sense, however, is an im- 
 possibility) made every economist tremble for the 
 safety of any institution which did so oppose itself. 
 Consequently, to Ricardo and his successors, the 
 possibility of any standard of comfort higher than 
 the physiological minimum was only theoretical. 
 Yet, as the industrial conditions became more 
 favorable to labor, wealth increasing faster than 
 population, economists came to have that better 
 understanding of the doctrine of population to 
 w^iich Malthus himself had come, and the idea of a 
 standard of comfort, a conception more closely in 
 accordance with the facts, replaced the physiological 
 minimum as the determinant of wages. Unfortu- 
 nately, the farther we depart from the pliysiological 
 minimum and the more elastic the standard is al- 
 lowed to become, the less satisfactory does the 
 standard of subsistence become as the basis of a 
 scientific theory. Ricardo had, on the whole, an 
 invariable standard, because wages cannot fall below 
 a physiological minimum and remain below if in- 
 dustry is to continue. The elastic standard of 
 comfort cannot be used with the same effect, unless 
 we can demonstrate that the standard of comfort is 
 so supported by custom and so entrenched behind 
 all the moral abhorrence which men can muster 
 against a lower order of living, that it is practically 
 impossible to force men to accept any other. 
 
 i 
 
Industry Subject to Fluctuations. 
 
 19 
 
 The fact that on less than represents a standard 
 of comfort a man may, for a time, support life, is the 
 source of danger. If industry were always pro- 
 gressive, or even permanently in a stationary state, 
 a standard of comfort might possess stability ; but 
 modern industry is subject to periodical fluctua- 
 tions; and, during depressions, large numbers, and 
 a comparatively large proportion of the working 
 classes, are out of employment and may therefore 
 be faced with the alternative of starvation or the 
 acceptance of a wage lower than will permit the 
 maintenance of the standard of comfort. Is not 
 the life more than meat, and the body than raiment ? 
 they may urge, unanswerably, to their protesting 
 habits and prejudices. It * hard to understand how 
 any prejudice in favor ot a particular manner of 
 living can withstand such an appeal, and, under 
 modern industrial conditions, such an appeal has 
 often to be made. It is waste of words to speak of 
 a stable standard of comfort when ten per cent., and 
 more, of the working classes may be out of work; 
 and yet, without stability, the existence of a standard 
 of comfort has little bearing on the problem of 
 the determination of wages. It is to a conscious- 
 ness of the tende.icy of irregularity of employ- 
 ment to lower the standard of livincr that the 
 modern demand for fixing the living wage is due. 
 The standard of a Hvinir waiijc is not fixed far in 
 advance of what the members of the working classes 
 can conceive. It is, on the contrary, determined as 
 the ordinary standard of comfort at which, in pros- 
 
20 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 pcrous times, the working classes live. It has been 
 objected, and objected rightly, that to establish such 
 a standard wage must have the effect of reducing 
 employment and throwing the less efficient out of 
 work; but it is answered that, for the best interests 
 of the working classes as a whole, total lack of em- 
 ployment for some is better than irregularity of em- 
 ployment and wage for all. While all are subject 
 to the irregularity due to the fluctuations in trade, 
 the class standard can neither be high nor stable. 
 The object of a policy of a living wage is to avoid 
 the degradation of the whole class by throwing the 
 burden on the less fortunate individuals, justifying 
 the policy in the old way that it is expedient that 
 one man should die for the people and that the 
 whole nation perish not. The same notion is behind 
 the plans, such as Mr. Charles Booth's, for the organ- 
 ization of dock labor. The rationale of these propo- 
 sals is that the standard of the working classes is so 
 far from being permanent enough to determine 
 wages, that we must practically determine wages to 
 prevent the standard from being set aside. Before 
 the standard of comfort can act as the determinant of 
 wages it must possess stability. Without stability, 
 it is without the power to govern wages. Ricardo 
 and the early economists were aware of the scientific 
 necessity of having a fixed standard, and, for this 
 reason, accepted the standard of a physiological 
 minimum, arguing, in spite of their theoretical ad- 
 missions, as if wages were down to the minimum. 
 Below a physiological minimum wages cannot long 
 
Subsistence Theory and Industrial Conditions. 2 1 
 
 remain, and this was their point of absolute cer- 
 tainty. 
 
 During the first half-century after tiie beginnings 
 of the factory system the outstanding features of in- 
 dustrial and social life were such as permitted the 
 economist, with the assistance of his theoretical ex- 
 ceptions, to hold unquestioned this doctrine of 
 natural wages. In England, wages were very low, 
 although they probably were not quite down to the 
 physiological rr ' "imum. Any divergence between 
 actual wages ana the cost of subsistence in this narrow 
 sense was obscured by the fact that wages and the 
 price of grain generally fluctuated together. The 
 doctrine received strong corroboration from the 
 paradox of poor relief and the apparent impossibility 
 of remedying the defects of the poor laws. Allow- 
 ances were made by the parish to the poor, and the 
 condition of the poor remained the same. The net 
 result of the parish allowances was to assist the em- 
 ployer by paying for him part of the wages which 
 he would, under other conditions, have had to pay 
 out of his own pocket. As the allowance from the 
 parish increased, wages decreased ; and the problem 
 baffled the best minds of the con munity till they 
 were forced to abolish the old system of poor relief 
 altogether. This paradoxical phenomenon could be 
 best explained by the subsistence theory of wages, 
 and it is hard to see what other explanation can be 
 offered. In the unprotected condition of the work- 
 ing classes in the early days of the factory system 
 the subsistence theory of wages undoubtedly offers 
 
li 
 
 22 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 \S 
 
 ■■•' .- !i 
 
 a full explanation of the facts, and, wherever the 
 same hopeless condition ex'ists as existed in Eng- 
 land at the beL;innin<^ of this century, the subsistence 
 theory will afford the best explanation of the deter- 
 mination of wa^^es. In such a case it will be found 
 to be as true as it was then, that every charitable 
 allowance made in aid of waives will serve to admit 
 of lower wa<^es bein<^ paid. There is so much glib 
 talk of the pro<^ress of civilization, and of the pro<^ress 
 of the working classes, that we are apt to forget that 
 there is a large section in every community for 
 whom there has jjeen no amelioration. Socially and 
 industriidly the ** white slave " victim of the sweater 
 is in the same position as those workers who were in 
 receipt of poor law relief at the beginning of the 
 century. The poor relief system has been im- 
 mensely improved, and it is no longer to the em- 
 ployer of labor that the State grants aid from the 
 rates; but the economic sense of the community has 
 not yet been educated to see that a frequent effect 
 of the half-crown dole to the poor struggling widow 
 is to enable her to accept lower wages, and possibly 
 to drive down the wages of others who receive no 
 half-crowns. Against indiscriminate charity every 
 one of us is prepared to take up his parable, but 
 what of discriminating charity ? Discrimination is 
 good, but if the light that is in us be darkness! 
 
 In consequence of the rise of wages during the last 
 half-century, the theory cannot now be maintained 
 in its original somewhat naive form. The wages of 
 the majority of the working classes are considerably 
 
Chan'^i'd Industrial Conditions. 
 
 23 
 
 IS 
 
 above the physiciil miiiinium and, in consequence, 
 much of the orii^inal ari^ument and counter-ar<^ument 
 lias lost its force, altiiou<^h still often put forward. 
 Naturally a good deal of evidence is of an ex post 
 fdcto character. This evidence would be fully ad- 
 missible, if care were first taken to show in virtue 
 of what necessity the standard of comfort does de- 
 termine wages; but this care has not always been 
 taken. Wacres are higher, therefore the standard 
 must have been higher, is a type of the style of 
 argument, and, in spite of Adam Smith's common- 
 sense comment that '* it is not because one man 
 keeps a coach while his neighbor walks n-foot that 
 the one is rich and the other poor; but because the 
 one is rich he keeps a coach, and because the other 
 is poor he walks a-foot," ''' i\ propter hoc is asserted 
 
 * Wealth of Nations, p. 31. The ol)jections to the tloctrine 
 were set forth by Adam Smith almost before the doctrine had been 
 clearly formulated. The o])jections r.re raised to the early form of 
 the theory and have not the same force against the standard of com- 
 fort. The advocates no longer insist on the necessary correspondence 
 between wages and prices, and with one exception Adam Smith's 
 objections are variations of the contention that wages and prices vary 
 independently of each other. The exception is that, in agriculture at 
 least, summer wages are higher than winter wages, although the cost 
 of living is less in summer than in winter. This objection cannot be 
 met by admitting that wages do not respond to sudden changes in the 
 cost of living, for the occasion, in this instance, is recurrent. If win- 
 ter wages are lower than summer wages it is evident that the cost of 
 living cannot be the sole determinant of wages. Winter wages are 
 lower than summer wages in all trades that depend completely on the 
 seasons, and may be lower in other trades on account of increased 
 competition. Winter wages are generally lower in Canada than sum- 
 mer wages, and the working day is not always shorter. The drivers 
 
24 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 % 
 
 I 
 
 while it is still doubtful whether q.vqxv 2i post hoc \% 
 justified. 
 
 There are many industrial facts which bear out 
 the contention of the theory and make, at least, a 
 priuia facie case, on its behalf. We have, in the 
 first place, the well-established fact that wages are 
 highest where the cost of living is highest. City 
 wages are generally higher than country wages, and 
 although this may be in part due to the greater 
 efficiency of town labor, the correspondence between 
 the cost of living and wages is too extensive and 
 too marked to be merely accidental ; and the corre- 
 spondence appears not only when we compare town 
 and country, but also when we compare different 
 
 on the street railway in Quebec City are paid seven dollars in summer 
 and five dollars a week in winter, and in spite of the shorter working 
 day the manager admitted that the hands " earned their money harder 
 in winter than in summer." The cost of living in Canada on account 
 of the climate must be at least one third higher in winter than in 
 summer. Canadian Labor Commission, Quebec Evidence, p. 820; 
 see also New IJrunswick Evidence, p. 479, where it is stated that 
 one dollar a day is paid in winter and a dollar and a quarter in 
 summer. 
 
 " (,). Why are the wages lower in winter than they are in summer? 
 A. Simply because we can get the men to work cheaper in the 
 winter. . . . 
 
 '* Q. Do they work the same amount of time ? A. Yes. 
 
 " Q. Then the only reason is that the supply is greater than the 
 demand? A. Yes ; that is all. Men are glad to work for a dollar a 
 day in winter, and prefer to work for us at that rate of wages than go 
 to work in the woods." 
 
 The Canadian winter recurs with a certain regularity, but wages 
 have not been adjusted to meet the increased cost of living, although 
 the more provident of the working classes endeavor to adjust their 
 expenditure. 
 
 I 
 
 ' l,i 
 
Evidence in Support of Subsistence Theory. 25 
 
 sections of the country. Thus, in the United States, 
 wages are higher in the towns than in the country, 
 but they are also higher in the West than in the 
 East. In the latter case, the higher cost of living 
 seems to be related to the higher wages as cause to 
 effect. The annual average earnings for the whole 
 of the United States is $447.44, but the earnings in 
 the Western States are far above the average, reach- 
 ing in Wyoming $806, and in Colorado $685.'^ The 
 following is a comparative statement of wages in 
 town and country (165 towns of more than 20,000 
 inhabitants) : 
 
 MEN. WOMEN. CHH-DREN. 
 
 Town average $567 $391 $159 
 
 U.S. " 498 276 141 
 
 Country " 401 239 120 
 
 The figures in this table show also that, on the 
 average, the wages of women are lower than the 
 wages of men. The reasons why this is so have 
 been abundantly discussed and a practical agreement 
 has been reached, viz., that one cause why the wages 
 of women are less is that they demand less, and that 
 they demand less because they can live on less. It 
 may be that the women of the upper classes insist 
 on a higher standard of comfort than the men of 
 that class do ; but the women who earn wages do 
 not belong to the upper classes and for many reasons 
 
 * Dr. Carroll Wright, from whose Industrial Evolution of the 
 United States, p. 199, these figures are taken, says that the figures 
 for Wyoming and Colorado are drawn from too narrow a basis to b? 
 (juite representative, 
 
26 
 
 The Btirsj^aiH Theory of Wages. 
 
 \ 
 
 liave fewer requirements than the men of their class. 
 In the first place, they do not require so much food 
 to nourish them ; and when wages are so low that 
 the cost of the bare necessaries of food absorbs the 
 larj^er part of the waL,^es, women's wa<^es may be at 
 least one fourth lower than men's. The fact that 
 they can live on less makes it possible for them to 
 accept less and yet remain as efficient as they were, 
 while male labor would be degraded. In the second 
 place, a woman's standard includes more of those 
 utilities which cannot be reduced to a money meas- 
 ure. The wages of female skilled labor and female 
 unskilled labor do not differ so much as the wages 
 of male skilled and male unskilled labor — the reason 
 being that the female skilled trades arc considered 
 more genteel and are, therefore, over-crowded. A 
 girl employed, say as a bookbinder, will rather sub- 
 mit to a reduction of wages than consent to mix with 
 the lower social class of workers who are employed 
 in making match boxes. Her social prejudices 
 weaken the resistance she can offer to any attempt 
 to reduce wages, and, consequently, we find that 
 the wages of female workers never depart much from 
 the average. The relatively high wages of the less 
 skilled trades are due in part also to the higher real 
 requirements of these workers. Women of the 
 lower class who seek employment arc, as a rule, en- 
 tirely dependent on what they earn ; and they must 
 therefore earn as much as will cover the cost of living. 
 The wages of female workers in a more skilled trade 
 cire used, to considerable extent, simply for dress and 
 
 !'>/ 
 
 ii'. 
 
 I 
 
Women s Wages. 
 
 27 
 
 pocket money — a part, sometimes the ^rreater part, 
 of their support beiny obtained gratuitously at home. 
 Consequently, their standard of livin«^ h.is not suffi- 
 cient stability to enable it to resist atten>)ts to lower 
 waives. In the third place, a woman's standard of 
 subsistence is frequently only a personal standard. 
 It is iiulividual rather than social because she has 
 only herself to support out of her waj^es. A man's 
 standard of subsistence includes the support of his 
 dependents. There are, it is true, a lar<^e number 
 of women, widows with families of young children, 
 and others who have to do more than merely sui)i)ort 
 themselves; but these form only a minority of the 
 working women while the men who have dependents 
 are in the majority. Men are thus bound to offer 
 effective resistance to any attempt to lower wages. 
 Family afTection is a strong force safeguarding the 
 standard, and where it is operative helps to maintain 
 wages at a higher level. It has the greatest effect in 
 maintaining the standard when the family is almost 
 entirely dependent on the w^agcs of the breadwinner. 
 Where part of the responsibility is removed from 
 his shoulders, because the dependent members of 
 the family contribute something to the family purse, 
 his power of maintaining a high w\age is proportion- 
 ately less. The higher wages are not so much re- 
 quired and, consequently, are less likely to be 
 obtained, because less from the breadwinner will 
 serve to maintain the family standard of comfort. 
 It is curious how closely family earnings approxi- 
 mate to an average. It is possibly becoming less 
 
1 
 
 28 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 '■ if. 
 
 % 
 
 true that the family is the wage-earning unit ; but 
 where the head of the house is not the sole wage- 
 earner, his wages are proportionately less. The 
 annual earnings of the factory hands are lower than 
 the annual earnings of the worker in the building 
 trades which demand an approximately equivalent 
 efficiency ; and the explanation is, that of the de- 
 pendents of the former, 1.25 per family are con- 
 tributing to the family funds, while .25 only of the 
 dependents of the latter are engaged in gainful occu- 
 pations. The wife and some of the children of the 
 factory hand accompany him to the factory, the 
 wife of the carpenter or the bricklayer remains at 
 home and the children continue at a school until 
 they are older.* 
 
 These facts are capable of receiving a two-fold 
 interpretation. The man who follows alternative 
 trades may earn as little at the two as he could by 
 efificient practice of either one; but the reason he 
 offers for his conduct is that it is the only way to 
 make a living; and the man who sends his wife to 
 the mill, and takes his children aaay from school at 
 an early age, will generally justify his action on the 
 ground that this is the only way in which he can 
 make both ends meet. That there is a causal effect 
 between the standard of life which a man keeps be- 
 fore him and the wages paid to him is a fact beyond 
 dispute; but which is the cause and which the effect 
 is, by no means, always clear. The one standard 
 probably acts and reacts on the other. And the 
 
 * See Gunton's Wealth and Progress^ p. 171. 
 
 ii I' 
 
 r? t 
 
 ^i 
 
Practical Motive of Modrrn Subsistence Theories. 29 
 
 determination of the direction of the causal relation 
 has not been rendered easier by the chan<;e which 
 happier industrial conditions have brought in the 
 theory. The operation of the new poor law destroyed 
 tlie old economic paradox; and the growth of 
 wealth and the rise of wages made it impossible to 
 assert the subsistence theory in its early pessimistic 
 form. The theoretical exceptions, which Ricardo 
 had admitted, were brought out from the back- 
 ground and made much of. The expansion of 
 English enterprise and industry made English econ- 
 omists aware of the varying conditions of labor in 
 different countries and the wider experience seemed 
 to suggest that the higher the standard of living the 
 higher the wages. The centre of interest in eco- 
 nomic questions was gradually changing from wealth 
 to welfare, and the growth of democracy brought 
 into prominence the practical problem of the best 
 method of raising wages. The welfare of the greater 
 part of the nation depended on the amount of the 
 necessaries, comforts, and luxuries of life they could 
 command with their wages, and the practical prob- 
 lem of raising wages was of more interest than 
 the scientific problem of the law of wages. The 
 first conclusion to which a comparison of interna- 
 tional standards of life and comfort and international 
 wages led, was, that since the higher the standard 
 the higher the wages, the best method of raising 
 wages was first to raise the standard. The standard 
 of living or subsistence which, under Ricardo's as- 
 sumption that wages must fall, had provided the 
 
t ' ^'1 
 
 30 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 H 
 
 socialists with their most powerful criticisms of ex- 
 isting institutions, becomes in the hands of the 
 most hopeful of modern labor advocates a lever fcr 
 raising wages. If wages depend on the height of 
 the standard, the practical conclusion is to endeavor 
 to create new wants and new aspirations, in the con- 
 fident hope that, when these are felt and adopted, 
 wages will rise in proportion. The working classes 
 thus seem to have their future in their own hands. 
 It is no longer an iron law under which they live, 
 but a law which their own voices have proclaimed, 
 their own wishes can amend. This is the key-note 
 of the policy of the ethico-socialist reformers of the 
 day, who declare, if we may take Mr. Keir Hardie 
 as their spokesman : " Wages are determined by the 
 standard of living. If you improve the condition of 
 the men you make a higher wage necessary." 
 
 The theory has, therefore, become more grateful 
 to our modern sentiments, but, unfortunately, at the 
 same time, in the process of transformation, has lost 
 almost entirely what of scientific value it had. The 
 truth of the theory, in its early form, depended on 
 the fact that there was a limit below m h'cn wpgcs 
 could not fall and industry continue. ri^in.i .han 
 this limit they might be temporarily : lower it was 
 impossible for them to be. Ricardo was not in- 
 clined to lay stress on the causes which raised 
 market wages above natural wages, and never 
 dreamt of an application of the theory to prove that 
 market wages also were directly determined by 
 variations in the standard. This is really what the 
 
 fe 
 
The Weakness of the Modern Form. 
 
 31 
 
 modern advocates attempt to show regarding 
 (Ricardo's) market wages. They still maintain that 
 the standard of life determines the minimum below 
 which wages cannot fall, but they reject altogether 
 the assumption that wages tend to fall. Indeed, 
 they seem to make the contrary assumption that 
 wages have freedom to move only in one direction — 
 upwards; and that each step of progress is irreversi- 
 ble. When, by raising the standard of life, a new 
 minimum has been created, it is asserted that this 
 new minimum has all the determining power on 
 wages which the original physiological or industrial 
 minimum could have. The raising of the standard 
 of living is a practical method of raising wages only 
 if the new minimum thus created has all the perma- 
 nence and stability of the old. The new minimum is 
 not based on any physical necessity, or, as yet, on any 
 industrial necessity; but it must become at once so 
 firmly entrenched behind the customs and habits of 
 men that it can offer a very serious resistance to any 
 attempt to reduce wages below the amount which 
 would permit life according to the new standard. 
 The new minimum must at once attach to itself all 
 the determining power of the old ; but it can do so 
 only by creating habits and dispositions as strong 
 and tenacious as the habits and dispositions which 
 have been outgrown. The creation of new wants 
 and aspirations, so strong that they have all the 
 force of entrenched habits, although there is as yet 
 no means of satisfying these wants and aspirations, 
 is not to be accomplished in a week or a year. We 
 
 \ 
 
 I? 
 
 IS- 
 
32 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 : X 
 
 i i 
 
 K f 
 
 « I 
 
 1 I 
 
 ■I 
 
 may, of course, fix wages, as Mr. Kcir Hardie de- 
 sires, by legislation, at the living wage of three 
 pounds per week, and trust that the increased op- 
 portunities which the higher wages afford will enable 
 the wage-earners to form a new habit of life in which 
 new and higher wants and aspirations have a proper 
 place; but that is legislation, not wages theory. On 
 the contrary, it is an explicit contradiction of the 
 subsistence theory, which requires that higher wages 
 shall follow, and be caused by, the higher standard 
 of living. With the advisability of such legislation 
 we are not concerned, except in so far as the pro- 
 posal illustrates the difficulties into which the more 
 hopeful form of the subsistence theory leads us. 
 We have to reconcile a doctrine which professes to 
 show a method of raising wages with a theory which 
 declares that there is a minimum below which wages 
 cannot fall. 
 
 It is obvious that the reconciliation cannot be 
 affected by supposing the universal and immediate 
 adoption by the whole of the working classes of the 
 proposed additions to the standard of living. Such 
 a supposition would be contradicted both by history 
 and by moral theory. Wholesale conversions do 
 not usually involve any serious change of heart. 
 The masses are never elevated at once, but by the old 
 and familiar way of making giants and leaving it to 
 them to elevate the mass. New wants and aspira- 
 tions will at first be felt by but a few — too few to 
 bring any serious influence to bear on the labor 
 market. Consequently, if the creation of new wants 
 
 i i 
 
Mr. Guntons Version. 
 
 33 
 
 1 
 
 and aspirations is to be a practical method for rais- 
 ing wages, it must be supposed to effect the purpose 
 in some indirect way : for directly and obviously the 
 effect of new wants must at first be infinitesimal. 
 
 Mr. Gunton has endeavored to restore the subsis- 
 tence theory to the rank of a scientific explanation 
 of wages. It was rapidly becoming a mere pious 
 opinion and it was necessary to restore the necessity 
 and determining power which the theory had in its 
 earliest stages, in some way consistent with the prac- 
 tical aim which had come to be associated with the 
 theory. The evidence which car be given in favor 
 of the theory is not conclusive till it has been 
 demonstrated that the standard of life can determine 
 wages: until this has been shown, the concomitant 
 variation of wages and standards does not yield the 
 desired conclusion. Mr. Gunton faces his difficulty 
 boldly and declares that " the chief determining in- 
 fluence in the general rate of wages in any country, 
 class, or industry is the standard of living of the 
 most expensive families furnishing a necessary part 
 of the supply of labor in that country, class, or in- 
 dustry ": or, as he says, more briefly, later on the 
 same page, " the minimum amount upon which the 
 most expensive laborers will consent to live deter- 
 mines the general rate of wages in that class."* 
 We may translate this into a newer terminology, 
 and say that the wages of labor are determined by 
 the marginal supply price of labor. Mr. Gunton, 
 however, seems to have been misled by analogy. 
 
 * Gunton's Wealth and Progress, p. 8g. 
 
34 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 \i 
 
 I I' 
 
 The marginal supply price of any commodity is the 
 price at which the most expensive portion of the 
 commodity can be sold. Mr. Gunton, applying this 
 conception to labor, claims that the marginal laborer 
 is the laborer with the highest standard of living. 
 He may be so, but not necessarily. The marginal 
 laborer is the laborer who is on the margin of not 
 being employed ; and whether he shall be employed 
 or not depends on whether his employer thinks it 
 worth while, considering the price of the commodi- 
 ties which he will be engaged in producing, to em- 
 ploy him. It is not a matter of indifference to an 
 employer which laborer is the marginal laborer. In 
 slack times, it is the inefficient workman who is the 
 first to be dismissed and the efficient workman who 
 is surest of his place. This is because the employer 
 has formed his own personal estimate of what the 
 man is worth — an estimate which is not final and 
 may be modified by the attitude which the laborer 
 chooses to take. An efficient workman who has 
 rendered himself obnoxious by agitation and com- 
 plaints has, from the employer's point of view, so 
 much the less efficiency. In the main, however, it 
 is an estimate of efficiency that determines who is 
 the marginal laborer. As a general rule, the lower a 
 man's standard of living the less his efficiency, and 
 the higher his standard the better is he at his work. 
 The laborer with a high standard of living is thus 
 not the marginal laborer whose earnings determine 
 the general rate of wages. The real marginal laborer 
 is he who " adds to the total produce a net value 
 
The Manrinal Laborer, 
 
 35 
 
 just equal to his own wages," * and is thus, under 
 the actual conditions of industry, the least efficient 
 workman employed. Accordingly because the least 
 efficient workman is also, generally, the workman 
 with the lowest standard of living, if the standard 
 of living of the most expensive laborer is to be 
 taken as the determinant of wages, the standard 
 must be that of the least efficient, not of the most 
 efficient. Mr. Gunton adduces in support of his 
 contention the fact the native workman in Amer- 
 ica, who has the higher American standard of 
 living, can barely do as much as make both ends 
 meet ; while the immigrants, with a lower standard, 
 can, on the same wages, save money and accumu- 
 late property. " What the most expensive por- 
 tion of a given class must receive the balance 
 may and will receive, "f In this way the law is 
 given determining power and to the great body of 
 labor becomes beneficent. All those whose standard 
 falls short of the highest can, according to their 
 ideas, live on their wages in comparative affluence, 
 while only a select few feel the pinch of circum- 
 stances. " There is nothing," he continues, J: " in 
 the nature of this law to prevent .lie rate of wages 
 from rising to five thousand dollars as well as to five 
 hundred dollars a year." And the fact that there 
 is nothing in the law to prevent or to show that 
 such a rise under any known conditions is impos- 
 sible, shows the law to be comparatively meaning- 
 
 * Marshall, Principles of Economics, p. 567. 
 f Gunton's Wealth and Progress p. 89. 
 
 X Ibid.^ p. 90, 
 
36 
 
 TJic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 % 
 
 \ 11 - 
 
 r 
 
 M 
 
 ■• 
 
 >' ,i 
 
 I I 
 
 ( , , 
 
 I 
 
 I' 
 
 less. The total national dividend out of which the 
 expenses not of the working classes only, but of the 
 whole of society must be met is not sufficient, 
 divided share and share alike, to give such an aver- 
 age wage. No doubt from an increased product, 
 and out of a larger national dividend, a larger abso- 
 lute, if not also a larger relative share, may go to 
 labor; and a higher standard of living among the 
 working classes will no doubt result in an increase 
 of efficiency and indirectly, through consumption, 
 make it possible to pay high wages ; but the increase 
 arising in this way will not be very great. The in- 
 crease of the product of industry which has taken 
 place within the last forty years has been due, per- 
 haps, more to the increased use of capital in manu- 
 facturing than to an increase in the efficienc'' of 
 labor; and there is no reason whatever foi .up- 
 posing that there will be in the future a greater pro- 
 portional increase of efficiency than there has been 
 in the past. At any rate a rise of the average wage 
 to five thousand dollars a year can be rendered pos- 
 sible only by an enormous increase of efficiency: 
 directly, the standard of living alone, however 
 powerful as a determinant of wages, is quite in- 
 capable of raising average wages to even the fifth of 
 that sum. The optimism of this practical form of 
 the theory is so extreme that it, in effect, denies 
 that there is any labor question at all. The prob- 
 lems of distribution arise only because the national 
 dividend is limited in amount. Mr. Gunton not 
 only ignores the existence of other claimants for a 
 
The Demand for Labor. 
 
 37 
 
 share of the dividend, but assumes that the dividend 
 itself is large enough to make it possible for the 
 working classes to raise their demands indefinitely 
 and have them met. It is true that if the efficiency 
 of industry is increased by a rise in the standard of 
 living a larger average wage may be paid ; but, in 
 thus arguing, we have abandoned the original theory 
 of wages and adopted in its place a modified form 
 of the later theory which makes the productivity of 
 labor the measure of wages. 
 
 A more serious defect in Mr. Gunton's theory is 
 that, in order to obtain that permanence in the 
 standard to make it the final determinant of wages, 
 he entirely ignores the demand for labor. He 
 writes as if he had adopted without qualification 
 the trade-union and working-class fallacy of the 
 Lump of Work, which is, that there is a certain 
 amount of work to be done which will be done no 
 matter what the cost. Demand, as Mill pointed 
 out, though he forgot his own distinction when he 
 wrote on wages, is always relation to price ; and if 
 labor has a supply price it has also a demand price. 
 The existence of a demand price must very seriously 
 affect the ability of the working classes to determine 
 wages according to their wishes, if the demand 
 were fixed and invariable, the permanence of the 
 standard of life could be assumed and the higher 
 standard would, as Mr. Gunton claims, determine 
 the wages for all. In an open market all labor of 
 the same degree of efficiency will be paid at the one 
 rate. If the demand is sufficient, and will remain 
 
!■! 
 
 38 
 
 7//t 'gain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 P 
 
 ! ■• 
 
 lli 
 
 i: 
 
 under all conditions sufficient to carry off the sup- 
 ply, the rate of wages will be determined by the 
 supply price of the most expensive portion. But 
 what happens if the demand is not fixed and, under 
 given conditions, is not sufficient to carry off all the 
 supply ? The first effect is a trial of strength be- 
 tween the standard and the tendency of wages to 
 fall. The laborers with the highest standard, ac- 
 cording to Mr. Gunton, being the marginal laborers, 
 will be the first to go. If the}^ are willing to accept 
 a lower wage which, ex hypothesi, is too low to cover 
 their expenses, they have the same chance of em- 
 ployment as the others. If they obstinately hold 
 by their standard they may find themselves out of 
 work; and, though it is labor that is bought and 
 sold, the laborer must live by the price of labor. 
 There is a great strength in the position of any bar- 
 gainer who stands out for a price ; and, other things 
 being equal, he is likely to obtain the price he de- 
 sires. But in the case of labor other things are 
 not equal; and the only force on whose operation 
 the laborer can depend to make good his demand is 
 the difficulty the buyer of labor has in finding a sub- 
 stitute which will serve his purpose equally well. 
 No man can claim to be indispensable, and the in- 
 convenience there is in finding a substitute for an 
 unwilling workman is never very great. The mar- 
 ginal laborer must, therefore, when the demand for 
 labor falls off, either lower his demands or be con- 
 tent to stand aside ; for, by Mr. Gunton's hypothesis, 
 the marginal laborers are few in number, and noth- 
 
The Necessities of the Laborer. 
 
 39 
 
 ing has been said about efficiency. If the standard 
 for which a struggle is being made has been adopted 
 by thousands, and if each laborer of the thousands 
 is resolutely steadfast in demanding a wage which 
 will enable him to live up to the standard, a proposal 
 to reduce wages may be successfully resisted, be- 
 cause the trouble and inconvenience of finding sub- 
 stitutes for so many is very great. This is probably 
 one reason why it has been possible to maintain the 
 American standard of living in spite of the compe- 
 tition of low-class immigrant labor. "'^' 
 
 The solution of the difficulty, however, is not far 
 to seek. The marginal laborer is not necessarily 
 the laborer with the highest standard of living. 
 Experience, on the contrary, shows that the mar- 
 ginal laborer is almost invariably the laborer with a 
 low standard. The employer takes into account 
 when he buys labor the efficiency of what he buys ; 
 and thus there is a demand price as well as a sup- 
 ply price. The standard of living is therefore not 
 the sole determinant of wages. In the absence 
 of a fixed demand for labor, the standard of the 
 laborer is not stable and permanent enough to make 
 it impossible for wages to fall below what will admit 
 of this standard. The force on which the laborer 
 must rely to obtain what he demands is not the 
 strength of his desires, his wants, or his habits, but 
 the inevitable inconvenience to the employer in re- 
 placing him. If the standard has been widely 
 adopted, and is strenuously maintained, the incon- 
 
 *See the chapter on the Migration of Labor, 
 
n : 
 
 i 
 
 ii i 
 
 40 
 
 T/w Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 vcnicncc may be so great as to counterbalance the 
 possible gain to the employer from a deduction of 
 wages. The standard of living is thus not a mini- 
 mum below which wages cannot in any event fall, 
 but a conception which each laborer has formed of 
 his own merits or of what his labor is worth and by 
 which he is prepared to stand. If need be he will 
 accept less, as a merchant may sell his goods for less 
 than cost to avoid a greater loss; but the laborer 
 will be as anxious as the merchant to avoid this con- 
 tingency, lie can accept less temporarily, because 
 he can support physical life on less ; but the more 
 firmly he is attached to his standard the greater the 
 resistance he will oppose to any attempt to force 
 wages below it. He is not invariably successful in 
 his opposition, as the strike returns show. He is 
 apparently, however, almost as often successful as 
 unsuccessful. The peculiar position of the laborer 
 probably renders it more difficult for him than for 
 other vendors to enforce his estimate of what he 
 sells. In many cases the seller of a commodity may 
 withdraw part of the supply, as the Dutch planters 
 destroyed the spices; but the laborer has not the 
 same freedom. It is generally asserted that every 
 laborer must work and must work immediately ; and 
 that consequently he is dependent for enforcing 
 his estimate of what he sells on the effect which 
 the prospect of inconvenience has on the mind of 
 his employer. How far the assertion is correct we 
 shall inquire in next chapter; for this is one of the 
 cardinal propositions of the Wagf^s-Fund Theory. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE WAdKS-FUND THEORY. 
 
 IT is hardly possible to draw a rigid line of distinc- 
 tion between the Subsistence Theory and the 
 Wages-Fund Theory ; for the two theories are not 
 mutually exclusive, and indeed, sometimes, are held 
 by the same writer. The distinction is to a large ex- 
 tent a matter of the relative emphasis laid by the par- 
 ticular writer on the separate terms of Ricardo's con- 
 trast between market and natural wages. Natural 
 wages, he had described as being such as would 
 maintain the race of laborers, and such as would be 
 paid in a stationary society. Market wages, on the 
 other hand, may, in an improving society, for an in- 
 definite period, be constantly above the natural rate; 
 and society during the first half of this century was 
 distinctly improving.* Ricardo had developed, with 
 proper emphasis and with the proper theoretical ex- 
 ceptions, the theory of wages which explained the 
 industrial situation down to his own period ; and it 
 
 * The improvement was not continuous, nor was it so marked in 
 some departments as in others, but, nevertheless, the characteristic of 
 the half-century was progress. 
 
 41 
 
' 1 
 
 . 
 
 
 V 1 
 
 i' 
 
 jl 
 
 1 ; ' 
 
 i 
 
 f 1 
 
 ii 
 
 ! 
 
 ' 
 
 ) 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 ^ ■; 
 
 
 
 Ii 
 
 I 
 
 iil 
 
 42 
 
 77/^ Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 was to be expected that when industrial conditions 
 changed for tiie better the theory of wages would 
 also become less pessimistic. After the close of the 
 war period it was seen that wealth was increasing 
 faster than population; and Ricardo's theoretical 
 case was consequently everywhere actually realized. 
 Market wages, therefore, rather than natural wages 
 was the subject of discussion and investigation, and 
 the theory of wages which was gradually formulated 
 by economists between Ricardo and J. S. Mill was 
 explicitly a theory of market wages. The doctrine 
 of natural wages was not rejected. It still formed a 
 gloomy background. Natural wages were the mini- 
 mum to which the incontinence of the working 
 classes might reduce wages; but it was not consid- 
 ered necessary to discuss the minimum in the course 
 of the treatment of market wages, any more than a 
 publicist would consider it necessary to interpolate 
 a reference to physical force in a treatise on repre- 
 sentative government. An exaggerated Malthusian- 
 ism made it possible to maintain the older theory 
 while discussing the new. 
 
 It might, in a sense, have been possible even 
 without the assistance of the Malthusian doctrine to 
 maintain both theories; for each attacks a different 
 part of the Wages Question. Wages may be con- 
 sidered from two points of view — as the share of the 
 product or income of society which is ultim, *:ely 
 allotted to labor, or as the amount of the commoai- 
 ties ready for consumption which the individual 
 laborer is able to obtain. The problems of wages, and 
 
General Wages and Wages per Head. 43 
 
 wages per head, arc quite distinct. The first involves 
 a discussion of general wages which may result in a 
 discussion of average wages, and the second a discus- 
 sion and description of the causes why A's wages arc 
 such and such, and more or less than B's. The 
 Wages-Fund Theory discusses the problem of gen- 
 eral wages fully, but adds little or nothing to the 
 discussion of particular wages. It is a theory re- 
 garding the source, ultimate or derivative, from 
 which wages are paid, rather than a theory explain- 
 ing the actual differences of wages received. The 
 Wages-Fund Theorists do incidentally, and some- 
 times in lengthy chapters, discuss the causes of the 
 difference of wages; but the treatment they give to 
 the problem is avowedly supplementary. The sub- 
 sistence theory, on the other hand, is, in the main, 
 a theory of particular wages. While the minimum 
 was interpreted strictly as a physical minimum, the 
 early theory may be regarded as dealing both with 
 particular and with general wages. The same cause 
 which determined general wages also determined 
 — accidents and theoretical exceptions apart — the 
 wages which each man received. With every change 
 in the direction of the recognition of the stand- 
 ard of life as elastic, the subsistence theory became 
 more and more a theory of particular wages; and 
 the general problem was neglected. The problem 
 of the determination of the particular wages is un- 
 doubtedly the more interesting of the two, but it 
 is barren of scientific results. The causes of the 
 differences of wages are so various that an investiga- 
 
 m 
 
44 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 v,\ 
 
 m I 
 
 I '1 
 
 1^ \ 
 
 : I 
 
 I 
 
 tion of them will not readily yield any law of more 
 than temporary and local significance. The diver- 
 sion of the attention of economists from particular 
 to general wages, though it .lade political economy 
 abstract and " dismal," was a real gain to economic 
 theory. When the growing prosperity of the nation 
 caused the abandonment of the notion that the 
 standard of life was fixed and permanent, the scien- 
 tific value of the early theory went out of it ; and it 
 became, as was said above, merely a theory of par- 
 ticular wages. The Wages-Fund Theory took up 
 the scientific problem and devoted itself mainly to 
 a discussion of the source from which wages are 
 paid and of the laws which govern the amount of 
 the wages fund. It makes no contribution which 
 is worth serious consideration to the discussion of 
 particular wages. It gives us merely an arithmetical 
 average which has no practical bearing, and a general 
 enunciation that particular wages can only rise or fall 
 at the expense of other wages. Mill, indeed, does 
 give a supplementary chapter (in which he follows 
 Adam Smith very closely) to a discussion of the 
 cav :;es of differences in wages, but the causes he finds 
 at work do not find their ultimate explanation in the 
 Wages-Fund Theory. The problem of general wages 
 is the only one of scientific importance and it is highly 
 desirable that the two problems should be kept 
 distinct; but it is not desirable that the solutions 
 of the separate problems should have no connec- 
 tion the one with the other. The particular causes 
 of the differences in wages should be shown to 
 
Wages-Fujid Theory and Particular Wages. 45 
 
 be cases under the law of general wages and not 
 treated as if they were independent laws of wages. 
 The Wages-Fund Theory has no place for these 
 particular laws; and it treats them as if they 
 were supplementary laws brought in to explain 
 what the Wages-Fund Theory cannot be made to 
 explain. The Wages-Fund Theory was undoubt- 
 edly thought to explain particular wages. It was 
 constantly, in its popular version (or perversion), 
 used as an argument against trade-unions, for in- 
 stance, and the possible influence of trade-unions on 
 particular wages; and Mill himself, when he pro- 
 poses to discuss facts in apparent contradiction with 
 the theory, virtually makes the claim that the gen- 
 eral law of wages does include and explain the par- 
 ticular causes of the actual variations in wages. But 
 his explanations are either unconvincing, if consistent 
 with his general theory, or inconsistent with the 
 theory if convincing. 
 
 The Subsistence Theory and the Wages-Fund 
 Theory are, however, as we saw, not mutually ex- 
 clusive, and the latter theory was developed too 
 closely under the influence of the Malthusian doc- 
 trine ever to be placed in opposition to the earlier 
 theory. Ricardo had defined capital as " that part 
 of the wealth of a country which is employed in pro- 
 duction, and consists of food, clothing, tools, raw 
 material, machinery, etc., necessary to give effect to 
 labor"*; and, since the most obvious way in 
 which capital is " necessary to give effect to labor " 
 
 * Ricardo, Principles, p. 72. 
 
 -if. 
 
 m 
 
 ;4li: 
 
 II 
 

 i 
 
 () 
 
 :. 
 
 f'j 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 46 
 
 77/r Bargai?i Theory of Wages. 
 
 
 
 lies in supplying the laborer with the means of living 
 during the extended process of production, Ricardo, 
 to whose analytic mind the less essential was the 
 practically non-existent, naturally came to resolve 
 all capital into food. Thence it was but a step, 
 and, under the influence of Malthus, an easy step, 
 to the position that wages depended at any moment 
 on the proportion of the amount of food or capital 
 to the number of laborers in the community; and 
 this is the essential doctrine of the Wages-Fund 
 Theory. The progress of the working classes had 
 taken away from the subsistence theory that ele- 
 ment of necessity and permanence which it ap- 
 peared to possess in the notion of a physical mini- 
 mum; and Ricardo's definition and use of the term 
 capital seemed to give back again the element of 
 necessity which had been lost. The older form of 
 the theory had relied on the absoluteness of the 
 principle of population; but, with admission of a 
 moral check, no permanent obstacle to an indefinite 
 rise of wages seemed to remain. But, when Ricardo 
 accepted unquestioned the assumption made by 
 Adam Smith that wages were paid out of capital, 
 and practically limited capital to the food necessary 
 to give effect to labor, a new and inexorable limit 
 and obstacle could be placed to the rise of wages. 
 The intention of the capitalist, who had the right 
 to do what he liked with his own, rather than the 
 continence of the working classes, became the real 
 determining force. Thus again the law of wages 
 was made to depend on a force strong enough to 
 
The Wages-Fund Theory. 
 
 47 
 
 bring it into operation as a determinant of wages; 
 and the discarded physical minimum could be rele- 
 gated to the background as a theoretical minimum. 
 The intention of the capitalist laid down a practical 
 and a necessary maximum beyond which wages 
 could not rise. The Wages-Fund Theory which 
 was thus established is the second scientific theory ; 
 because it recognizes that a law of wages must be 
 more than the pious opinion of an economist. 
 
 The Wages- Fund Theory is a theory of supply 
 and demand, and naturally discusses the supply of 
 labor, and the demand for labor, and the force 
 which brings about an equilibrium between, or equa- 
 tion of supply and demand. The theory may be 
 conveniently formulated in three propositions deal- 
 ing with these three subjects. 
 
 The first proposition dealing with the supply of 
 labor may be thus stated : There is a determinate 
 number of laborers, at any given time, who must 
 work independently of the rate of wages, /. e., 
 whether the rate be high or low. Taken without 
 the limitations generally stated by the Theorists, 
 there is a very large measure of truth in this propo- 
 sition. The compulsion of necessity drives men to 
 labor. " Many workmen could not subsist a week, 
 few could subsist a month, and scarce any a year, 
 without employment'^;" and the same necessity 
 lies upon autonomous laborers as upon hired labor- 
 ers, although the degree of compulsion to imme- 
 diate work may not be so great. The Wages-Fund 
 
 * IVealth of Nations, p. 28. 
 
 m 
 
.J!iJ»il-. 
 
 HMSSH 
 
 ii ■! 
 
 "I 11 
 
 11:1 
 
 
 48 
 
 T/ie Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 W \ 
 
 Theory, however, qualifies the importance of this 
 proposition by expressly excluding from considera- 
 tion all but those who work for hire. The determi- 
 nate number of those who must work includes those 
 only who work for hire. Autonomous producers 
 and those who render immediate services are not in- 
 cluded in the number. Adam Smith had expressly 
 excluded the latter class, and Ricardo followed his 
 example, probably without reflecting on the extent 
 of the class excluded. The \Vages-F\ind Theorists, 
 in spite of their probably wider historical knowledge, 
 followed Ricardo. The essence of the argument 
 they based on this proposition is that, since the 
 number of laborers obviously cannot be immediately 
 increased, and, owing to the compulsion which lies 
 on all laborers to work to live, is not subject to 
 diminution, the supply of labor may, therefore, at 
 any given time, be taken as fixed. But the boun- 
 daries between those classes cannot be regarded as 
 permanently fixed. Under normal conditions, when 
 demand and supply are adjusted to each other in 
 each of the three classes, there may be little irregu- 
 lar transfer; but when industry fluctuates, the trans- 
 fer from the one class to the other may be great. 
 There is no inherent difficulty in the way of this 
 transfer as there is in the case of the mobility of 
 labor between trades. A man may still work at his 
 trade whether he works at the bidding of another or 
 on his own account. A shoemaker is still a shoe- 
 maker whether he works in his own stall or in an 
 employer's workshop. Peasant proprietors are not 
 
Is the Supply of Labor Dctvrniinatc ? 49 
 
 the only autonomous producers. There are still 
 large numbers of jobbing artisans, especially in the 
 smaller towns; and many of these are found now 
 working for themselves, and now at the bidding of 
 another.* When wages are high they may enter 
 the class of hired laborers; when wages are low, 
 they may work for their own behoof; or, vice versa, 
 according to the disposition and temperament of the 
 individual. The class of laborers, moreover, who 
 render immediate services, is not, in the present day, 
 absolutely distinct from the class of hired laborers. 
 In Adam Smith's day the feudal spirit was not quite 
 extinct; and every nobleman had a large number of 
 retainers to support his dignity. These retainers 
 were, in every sense, unproductive, and could not 
 on occasion seek employment as hired laborers. 
 Servants, however, in the present day are generally 
 engaged for economic purposes ; and many of them 
 are quite capable of finding employment as hired la- 
 borers. Instead of employing a gardener or a coach- 
 man by the year, one may hire him by the day or 
 the week ; and the gardener may employ the rest of 
 his time working for hire in a nursery, or market 
 garden, or on his own behoof; and the gardener is 
 the type of a comparatively large class. The wages 
 of domestic servants have risen, in consequence of 
 the attraction of female labor to the factories ; while 
 
 !'■ 
 
 
 
 k 
 
 
 * The development of iiulustry on a large scale has been accom- 
 panied by an increasing transfer of laborers from the autonomous to 
 the hired class : but this movement has been so regular and so long 
 continued that it may be considered normal. 
 
50 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 I 
 
 t;. 
 
 depression of trade drives many from the industrial 
 to the service class at least for the time being. The 
 prolonged business depression in the United States 
 following the panic of 1893 has diverted a large por- 
 tion of the new supplies of labor from business to 
 the professions ; and in one profession at least — uni- 
 versity teachers — salaries are falling in consequence. 
 The prospect of certainty has, for the time being, 
 more than offset the attractions of the chances of 
 success. 
 
 Thus, though it were true that the number of 
 those who must work is determinate, it does not 
 follow that the number of those who must work for 
 hire is determinate. But the number of those who 
 seem committed to labor is not altogether determi- 
 nate. There seems to be a margin of labor (not 
 necessarily a large margin) which works or not ac- 
 cording to the inducement. We do not refer to 
 the out-of-work members of a trade-union, for the 
 Theorist will rightly point out that the number of 
 laborers is only nominally smaller^ if those who work 
 support those who do not work. But if, and in so 
 far as, those who are out of work are supported, not 
 by the trade-union funds but by public or private 
 charity, the burden of their support is borne by the 
 community at large, and probably mainly by those 
 members of the community who are not included 
 within the class of hired laborers. The numbers of 
 men in receipt of poor relief vary considerably ; and 
 these fluctuations show that the first proposition of 
 the Wages-Fund Theory requires some qualification. 
 
 
 .■J 
 
The Supply of Labor. 
 
 51 
 
 The Theory, however, claims to be primarily a 
 theory of the demand for labor. " The causes gov- 
 erning the supply of labor may be taken as suffi- 
 ciently elucidated. Our business is with the causes 
 governing demand — governing the amount of wealth 
 applied to the direct purchase of labor, or, as we 
 may equally well express it, governing the Wages- 
 Fund. ' ' * The causes governing the supply of labor 
 are set forth in the doctrine of population and, on 
 the whole, we are asked to consider the supply of 
 labor which must work as given independently of 
 the demand. 
 
 The supply of labor is regarded as determinate, 
 because laborers must work and cannot stand out for 
 their price ; but it does not necessarily follow that, 
 because all laborers must work to live, their objec- 
 tion to work for lower wages than they have been 
 accustomed to, can have no effect on the price of 
 labor. This inference, however, is drawn by all the 
 exponents of the theory. Mill, indeed, does recog- 
 nize briefly, in passing, in his chapter on profits, that 
 the advance of wages is regulated by the productive 
 power of labor. The motive which the capitalist 
 has in advancing wages is not philanthropic but 
 economic ; and his advances are governed by the 
 anticipated surplus of the product over the advances 
 he must make to labor. Profit, therefore, depends 
 on the productiveness of labor; and the laborer is 
 therefore not a merely passive factor in the wages- 
 bargain. The laborer must work, but it is the em- 
 
 ♦ Cairnes, Leading Principles, p. i6l. 
 
 
 
 
m 
 
 52 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 
 1 > 
 
 ! 1 
 
 ployer's interest that he should work. Therefore 
 the objection to a large number of laborers to sub- 
 mit to a reduction of wages has an undoubted in- 
 fluence on the employer's intentions. To reduce 
 wages in spite of the objections of the laborers is 
 indeed always possible ; but it is not always profit- 
 able; and an employer may, owing to these objec- 
 tions, continue to pay higher wages than he might 
 otherwise succeed in forcing his employees to accept. 
 The reason is that, as Mill himself has pointed out, 
 the mental and moral qualities of the laborer affect 
 the productiveness of his labor; and hope and con- 
 tentment are two of the most important of these 
 qualities. " The wages of labor are the encourage- 
 ment of industry, which like every other human 
 quality improves in proportion to the encourage- 
 ment it receives. . . . When wages are high, 
 accordingly, we shall always find the workmen more 
 active, diligent, and expeditious than when they are 
 low." * To ignore his objections may make a work- 
 man discontented, and a discontented workman is 
 seldom as efficient as he might be. But the fact of 
 the ultimate regulation of wages by the surplus 
 which the employer hopes to realize was not con- 
 sistently recognized cither by Mill or by any other 
 Theorist. The Wages-Fund Theory is, therefore, 
 entirely a theory of the demand for labor — the sup- 
 ply being regarded as fixed and the laborer merely 
 as the recipient of wages. 
 
 * Wealth of N'ationSy p. 34. For a further discussion of this 
 question see the chapter on Trade-Unionism. 
 
Capital and Wages. 
 
 53 
 
 The first proposition has not bcLMi seriously, or 
 intelligently, called in question, but the second has 
 provoked endless discussion and criticism. It em- 
 bodies the central doctrine of the Theory, and may 
 be stated thus: In any country, at any given time, 
 there is a determinate amount of capital uncon- 
 ditionally destined to the payment of labor; and 
 this is called, for shortness, the Wages Fund. 
 
 The basis of this proposition is the assumption 
 made by Adam Smith, and adopted, unquestioned, 
 from him by all economists for a hundred years, that 
 wages are paid out of capital. This is, perhaps, not 
 the best way of expressing the important phenome- 
 non to which attention is called, that the hired 
 laborer receives not an immediate but a derivative 
 share of the product of industry. Adam Smith 
 evidently did not think that the assumption required 
 either explanation or justification ; and, although 
 both he and the chief of his successors pointed out 
 the reason, in the organization of industry, why this 
 should be so, they did not develop the reason so far 
 as to show conclusively the necessity of the assump- 
 tion. The process of production is spread over a 
 long period of time and the main function of capital 
 is to permit this extended process. We need not 
 attempt to determine whether or not it is a law, or 
 merely an observed fact of modern industry, that 
 the progress of industry should mean the expansion 
 of the period between the time when the first steps 
 of production are taken and the time when the com- 
 modity is finally in the hands of the consumer. 
 
 m 
 
 iiJ 
 
 'i 
 
 If 
 
 i Iji i 
 
54 
 
 TIte Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 , \\ 
 
 It j 
 
 Ever since economists combined to reject the physio- 
 cratic distinction between productive and unproduc- 
 tive labor, more or less adequate recognition has 
 been given, in theory, to tne fact of long-period 
 production. It does not require now even an effort 
 of the economic imagination to realize how little 
 of the labor of to-day has been engaged in produc- 
 ing what will be ready for use to-morrow. A com- 
 modity is not finally completed until the retailer 
 has put into it the utility of being where it is 
 wanted, and it is in the hands of the consumer. 
 Only a comparatively small number of laborers are 
 employed in giving the final touches to a com- 
 modity, and usually the completed product of one 
 industry is the raw material of another. Whether 
 it takes one year or five years or ten years to bring 
 a commodity from its earliest stages to the hands of 
 the consumer is not a matter of much moment : the 
 essential point is that, in every case, it does take a 
 long time. The length of the period is, in part, 
 concealed from us by the fact that under no circum- 
 stances is a commodity brought thus far by one 
 worker or group of workers alone. Each worker, 
 or group of workers, disposes of the product to the 
 workers of the next stage ; and so far as they are 
 concerned, the process of production is complete. 
 But the final product is the product of successive 
 stages ; although, for the sake of brevity (ignoring the 
 subsequent services of the transporter, the merchant, 
 and the retailer), we generally speak of the last pro- 
 ducer in the series as the maker of the commodities. 
 
Real I Vagcs and the National Dividend. 5 5 
 
 The importai-KTC of this fact of the theory of wages 
 is that, at any time, only a small proportion of the 
 agents of industry can be engaged in turning out 
 commodities which are immediately consumable. 
 Since real wages consists of commodities ready for 
 immediate consumption, wages must be paid out of 
 the stock of consumable commodities and paid by 
 those who own the stock. The great majority of 
 wage-earners, then, cannot be paid out of the im- 
 mediate product of their own labor because the goods 
 they are engaged in advancing one stage towards 
 completion are not in a condition to satisfy imme- 
 diately any human want whatsoever. The real 
 wages they receive must come out of the stock of 
 completed commodities which has been called the 
 national dividend. There is no other source from 
 which wages can be paid. 
 
 Whether wages are paid out of capital is the ques- 
 tion whether goods ready for the consumer are or 
 are not capital. Ricardo had defined capital in such 
 a way as practically to limit it to the food necessary to 
 give effect to labor; and, with or without a conscious 
 ellipsis, his definition was adopted by most econo- 
 mists. Food is the typical consumption commodity, 
 and wages are therefore paid out of capital. The 
 almost exclusive attention of economists down to 
 the time of Mill to the problems of production had 
 made it possible for them to regard wages simply 
 as a means to further production. Mill did declare 
 that all wealth is consumed; but the emphasis he 
 laid on this proposition did not enable him always 
 
 ^ 
 
 ' ; i I ! I 
 
 -ill 
 
 
!■■ I II 
 
 56 
 
 T/ic Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 ■♦ ;, 
 
 and consistently to rcco^jnize that consumption is 
 an end in itself. Waj^es, /. c, real wa^^es, arc not 
 paid for the purpose of enabling production to be 
 carried on ; and the laborer never regards his wages 
 in the light of an investment. Wages are an end; 
 and it is of no consequence immediately to the 
 wage-earner that they arc also a starting-point in a 
 new economic cycle. It does not seem desirable, 
 therefore, to include food and other consumable 
 commodities within the content of the term capital. 
 Capital is more appropriately confined to what Pro- 
 fessor Taussig has called "inchoate" wealth or 
 goods on the way towards completion for the satis- 
 faction of human wants. Wages, and all the other 
 distributed shares, are paid out of the income rather 
 than out of the capital of the community; although 
 it is to be kept in mind that the income of the com- 
 munity consists in that portion of the inchoate 
 wealth which has just been advanced to the final 
 stage. The wages of present labor will not, in gen- 
 eral, be paid out of the product of present labor. 
 The reward of labor is paid out of the product of 
 past labor ; and the labor expended to-day may serve 
 to remunerate labor a year or five years hence. The 
 present reward of present labor consists of consump- 
 tion goods which have been preparing for use during 
 many years. 
 
 The source of wages is the stock or the fund of 
 such consumption goods; and those who are in 
 possession of this stock are the real dispensers of 
 wages. The laborer is certainly not the owner ; and 
 
The Oivncrship of the Waii^cs Fund. 
 
 57 
 
 his employer seldom is. The present necessities of 
 the laborer compel him to exchange the value of 
 his share in a certain amount of capital or inchoate 
 wealth for commodities which will satisfy his imme- 
 diate wants. If his necessities would allow him to 
 wait until the wealth he has helped to create matures 
 into, or is carried out into, commodities in a condi- 
 tion to satisfy human wants, he mi^ht be able to 
 exchange his share in the product for a larger 
 amount of commodities that will satisfy his indi- 
 vidual wants. But they will not allow him to wait. 
 So he discounts the value of his present contribution 
 to the income of five or ten years hence and receives 
 in return actually consumable commodities which it 
 may be five or ten years since he had helped to ad- 
 vance one stage towards consumption. 
 
 The employer, when he disposes of the output of 
 his factory, is in practically the same position : he, 
 too, discounts the value of his contribution to future 
 income and he does so under the pressure of the 
 same necessity of realizing now on what would ac- 
 crue to him in the future. His necessity is not so 
 immediate; nor does he always feel compelled to 
 make a bargain for the output with someone, before 
 he begins to produce. The laborer not only sells 
 his share of the ultimate product at one stage earlier 
 than the employer sells his, but he is not in a posi- 
 tion to take any risks. He cannot even wait, so 
 great and so immediate are his necessities, until he 
 has made his contribution before he disposes of its 
 result. The employer, as a rule, can wait and the 
 
 'I ' 
 
 
 w 
 
 
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"3! 
 
 1 ''1 
 
 
 ! 1 
 
 Ml 
 
 58 
 
 77^^ Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 buyer of the output of the employer's industry takes 
 less risk and can afford to give better terms. The 
 employer from this point of view is simply a middle- 
 man or, if you like, a broker or private banker who 
 discounts values which are too uncertain for the 
 regular banker to touch. He takes the extra risk 
 of the laborer's contribution not being what it is ex- 
 pected to be, and consequently he must charge a 
 proportionately higher rate of discount. Owing to 
 the lengthened process of production the laborer in 
 order to live is compelled to have recourse to his 
 broker; and when the laborer is not economically 
 subject to the employer he is, under his actual con- 
 ditions, the gainer by the transaction. He is not 
 in a position to take risks, and therefore gains by 
 obtaining a sum down instead of the somewhat 
 doubtful value which he might obtain after waiting. 
 Theoretically, the laborer, who is not paid till the 
 end of the season or till the product is marketed, 
 ought to be in a better position than the man who 
 is compelled to make his employer take the risks ; 
 but practically he is not ; for, in such cases, the la- 
 borer, being, as a rule, economically subject to his 
 employer, is compelled, like a man in his necessities 
 having recourse to a usurer, to accept whatever terms 
 the employer may make. 
 
 Whether wages are paid out of capital or not is 
 largely a question of the definition of capital; and, 
 in the sense in which we have taken that term, 
 they are not paid out of capital. On the contrary, 
 if a paradoxical use of language may be permitted 
 
Capital and Wages. 
 
 59 
 
 
 for a moment, the laborer, instead of being sup- 
 ported out of capital, parts with capital (" inchoate 
 wealth "), actual or to be created, in order to obtain 
 an income of commodities in a form ready to satisfy 
 human wants. His wages are paid out of the in- 
 come of society. This fact is concealed from us by 
 the intervention of money payments. The laborer 
 receives a money wage directly at the hand of his 
 employer and, although the distinction between 
 money wages and real wages is always made, it is 
 not always adhered to. Because the laborer re- 
 ceives his money wages from his immediate em- 
 ployer, it is generally taken for granted that he is 
 paid out of the funds of his employer; and if we 
 confine our attention to money wages — a matter 
 of little importance for the theory of wages — the 
 fact is as represented. From an individual point of 
 view, the payment made by an employer to his em- 
 ployees is a final transaction, but, from a social 
 point of view, it is only a step towards the final 
 transaction. In the payment of real wages the em- 
 ployer may be only an intermediary or agent : the 
 real payer of wages is the owner of the stock of 
 consumption goods. 
 
 The proposition that wages are paid out of capi- 
 tal is, perhaps, not the best way of expressing the 
 dependence of the laborer on his employer; and, in 
 consequence of the inadequate expression, in the 
 Wages-Fund Theory this dependence is somewhat 
 exaggerated. Mill, who has given us the standard 
 exposition of the theory, defines capital by reference 
 
 ■ 1 1 y 
 
6o 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 I 
 ilii 
 
 i I 
 
 
 to the intentions of the owner of capital ; and this 
 definition, combined with the natural habit of re- 
 garding the payment of money wages as a final 
 transaction, leads to the characteristic and central 
 doctrine of the Wages-Fund Theory, that the money 
 resources which the employer has set aside for the 
 payment of wages is a determinate amount. With 
 the version of the theory that finds in it only a state- 
 ment of the wages problem we need not trouble. 
 We can find our own statement of the problem. 
 The Wages-Fund Theory stands or falls according 
 to the answer to the question whether the wages 
 fund is predeterminate and fixed. That the fund is 
 determinate ex post facto needs no long demonstra- 
 tion : so the popular and unmodified version of the 
 theory is the only version we need consider. 
 
 According to this version, an employer, looking 
 to the resources at his command and to the nature 
 of the productive process in which he is engaged, 
 makes up his mind that so much and no more it will 
 be profitable for him to spend in hiring "labor — in 
 much the same way as a householder, looking to 
 the size of his income and the domestic necessities 
 of his household, decides whether to engage one 
 or two or three domestic servants. Whatever the 
 hesitation when the critical question is propounded, 
 there can be no doubt that it was generally assumed 
 that not only no more but no less than this prede- 
 termined amount would or could be spent in hiring 
 labor. This definite amount was earmarked for a 
 definite purpose; and — an important feature often 
 
,,,.? 
 
 Is the Wages Fund Predetermined f 
 
 6i 
 
 overlooked by the critics of the Theory — since the 
 regulation of industry was in the hands of the capi- 
 talist, no change could occur which might induce 
 him to alter his intention. Under changed conditions 
 his intentions would be different ; but, in the normal 
 course of industry, his intentions determined, and 
 were not determined by, the condition of industry. 
 It wa^ an easy matter for critics who accepted the 
 individual limited standpoint of the Wages-Fund 
 Theory and treated only money wages, to demon- 
 strate, as soon as suspicion of the validity of the 
 Theory had been aroused, that the wages fund was 
 neither predetermined nor fixed, that employers did 
 not pay wages from a royal desire to carry out their 
 intentions, but from the more sordid desire of se- 
 curing for themselves the surplus of the product 
 over the advances made, that although wages might 
 be advanced temporarily by the employer, the ad- 
 vances were measured by the anticipated price to be 
 realized for the product, and, finally, that the im- 
 portant factor to be considered was not the intention 
 of the capitalist, but the efficiency of the laborer. 
 On all of these points the critics of the Theory had 
 an easy but a barren victory. They had an easy 
 victory, because they could show that the capitalist 
 never acted as he did out of sheer indifference, or to 
 exhibit his strength, but from an economic motive. 
 They had a barren victory, because they confined 
 their attention mainly to money wages — as no doubt 
 they felt justified in doing, in criticising a theory 
 which confined itself, in the main, to money wages. 
 
 4ii;i' 
 
 
 
I* I: 
 
 I I 
 
 a ■ 1 
 
 I ii r 
 
 
 i i ' 
 
 62 
 
 7i^^ Bar gam Theory of Wages. 
 
 The criticism was perfect, but its results were purely 
 negative. It is easy to show that the money which 
 an employer is prepared to spend in wages is neither 
 fixed nor predetermined. Theorists neglected alto- 
 gether, as Mr. McLeod, among others, has pointed 
 out, the influence of credit in swelling the resources 
 of the employer; and when this influence is taken 
 into account the Wages Fund cannot be regarded 
 as fixed. It is not predetermined because industry 
 is not stationary, and not governed exclusively by 
 the intentions of the employers. Industry is con- 
 stantly fluctuating and since the employer never 
 acts qua employer without an adequate economic 
 motive the intentions of the employer will change 
 with every change in the prospects of industry. 
 
 But all this valid criticism is beside the question, 
 which is one of real wages. The source from which 
 wages must be paid is the stock of consumable, 
 commodities, which is indeed continuously being 
 exhausted as the commodities are used for the 
 satisfaction of human wants, but also continually 
 replenished from the volume of commodities near- 
 ing completion. This stoc : is, none the less, for any 
 given period a fairly definite amount. Production 
 is spread over a long period, and no demand, how- 
 ever urgent, can indefinitely increase the amount of 
 all commodities. The process of production may, 
 under pressure of increased demand and higher 
 prices, be somewhat shortened ; and since many of 
 the agents and much of the material of production 
 can be used in more directions than one, particular 
 

 The True Wages Fund Fixed. 
 
 63 
 
 kinds of commodities may be produced in vastly in- 
 creased amounts ; yet the total effect on the real in- 
 come of society, /'. r., on the stock of consumption 
 goods, is not very great. The income of society, 
 at any given moment, may be taken as an approxi- 
 mately fixed amount ; and, interpreted in this sense, 
 the W^ages Fund may be regarded as a proportion 
 of a fi 1 amount. It is true that on this account 
 the position of the wage-earners is no worse than 
 the position of the receivers of rent and interest. 
 These, too, are paid out of a fixed amount. 
 
 The original Wages-Fund Theory asserted that 
 the amount of wealth which goes to labor is deter- 
 mined by the employer; and even in the modified 
 interpretation of the Wages Fund the statement 
 remains substantially true, if we extend the applica- 
 tion of the term capitalist employer. The stock of 
 consumable commodities belongs absolutely to its 
 owners, whoever they may be. All claims on it by 
 those engaged in its production have been brought 
 out. The laborer has long since bartered his share of 
 the final and completed product for necessaries of life, 
 it may be, before the process of production was near- 
 ing completion. The employer has sold out his 
 rights that he might meet his obligations and con- 
 tinue his business; and the product belongs finally 
 and completely to its owner. The class of owners 
 need not necessarily be, as it is under modern in- 
 dustrial conditions, limited in number; but whether 
 the class be large or small, the completed product 
 belongs to it to do what it likes with its own, to 
 
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 hi-" 
 
 ^\ 
 
 I 
 
 =iHii|i! 
 
 % tin 
 
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 64 
 
 T/ie Bargain T/l ory of Wages. 
 
 V. 
 
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 IS 
 
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 it i 
 
 consume it, to hoard it, or to waste it. If, however, 
 any member of the class choose to postpone the 
 use of part of the share of this income of consumable 
 commodities which has, in the economic course, been 
 assigned to him, he leaves so much more of the 
 stock for other owners or non-owners to use. The 
 end of the process has been reached, and consuma- 
 ble goods must be consumed or wasted. If he does 
 not consume these commodities himself, he leaves 
 them for some other to consume; and if, from any 
 cause, he prefers to postpone his consumption, there 
 are others ready and willing to step into his place. 
 No man, however, if we omit the case of charity, is 
 willing to postpone immediate satisfaction, except 
 in return for a proportionally greater satisfaction in 
 the future ; and the only way in which a man can 
 postpone his immediate satisfaction, and secure a 
 greater amount of satisfaction in the future, is by 
 exchanging a certain amount of completed wealth 
 or income for an amount of inchoate wealth or capi- 
 tal which, when carried to completion, will repay 
 him for the sacrifice involved in the postponement 
 of present satisfaction. If he is so minded he will 
 always, owing to the conditions of production, find 
 many willing to exchange inchoate, or less than in- 
 choate, wealth for present income of consumption 
 goods. Now, although in the aggregate the savings 
 of the working classes seem enormous, these, yet, 
 form a very small fraction of the total savings of 
 society, and, under the present cond :)ns of unequal 
 distribution of wealth in society, must look for 
 
■Y'!. 
 
 The Amount of the Wages Fund. 
 
 65 
 
 saving only from those whose object, in common 
 parlance, is to make money. The members of the 
 employing class alone, taking this term in a wide 
 sense to include bankers and investors, are able and 
 willing, to any appreciable extent, to postpone en- 
 joyment and buy capital or inchoate wealth with in- 
 come. The laborers, on the other hand, as we saw, 
 are willing, indeed, are forced by the necessities of 
 life, to exchange capital for income, because other- 
 wise they would be unable to command the com- 
 modities which will satisfy their present wants. The 
 laborer has long ago parted with his share of present 
 income under pressure of necessity, and he must 
 now purchase a share in the present income by part- 
 ing with his claims on a yet distant product. Con- 
 sequently the price which he is likely to receive for 
 his claims is the amount of their consumption of the 
 actually finished commodities which the owners are 
 willing to postpone. The measure of the Wages 
 Fund is thus set by the degree of the willingness of 
 the owners of consumable commodities to postpone 
 their consumption. This fact is not clearly enunci- 
 ated in the proposition of the Theory that the inten- 
 tion of the capitalist determines the Wages Fund ; 
 because, owing to the present unequal distribution 
 of wealth and those facts of life set forth in the law 
 of diminishing utility, the primary owners of the in- 
 come of society could not possibly consume the 
 whole of it. The greater part of this income con- 
 sists of commodities which can satisfy only the ele- 
 mentary physical wants; and, since the present 
 
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 Ill 
 
 ! 
 
 M 
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 i! 
 
 \ 
 

 66 
 
 I 
 
 i *i 
 
 'li 
 
 ! ,' 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 owners arc few in number, they must postpone part 
 of their consumption and would do so whether they 
 received a " reward for their abstinence " or not. 
 The socialists have poked rather laborious fun at 
 the author of this famous phrase and have justly 
 pointed out that, in the present distribution of 
 wealth, the postponement of present consumption 
 is a necessity, not a virtue. The capitalist, or, as 
 we had better call him, the final owner, is almost as 
 much bound to buy future income as the laborer is 
 to buy present income. Still, since the laborer has 
 no primary share in this present income, the amount 
 of it which laborers can receive as w^ages is strictly 
 determined by the amount of present consumption 
 that the owners, under whatever conditions, are will- 
 ing to postpone. 
 
 We are now in a position to discuss the bearing 
 of consumption on the wages question. It is often 
 asserted, in defiance of Mill and the classical econo- 
 mists, that a demand for commodities is a demand 
 for labor, and a practical corollary is sometimes 
 added that the payment of high wages to the work- 
 ing classes results in the general prosperity of in- 
 dustry. In the main the answer of the classical 
 economists was correct ; although they did not, per- 
 haps, develop all that was implied in their answer, 
 that a demand for commodities could only change 
 the direction of industry, because demand and sup- 
 ply are but the two sides of the one shield. A 
 change of the direction of industry, however, has 
 more than the merely formal consequences which 
 
"A Demand for Commodities'* 
 
 67 
 
 alone they seemed to recognize. An increased de- 
 mand for the commodities consumed by the working 
 classes, in consequence of higher wages being paid, 
 will change the direction of industry to more profit- 
 able channels. A certain portion of the increment 
 may be spent on working-class luxuries of food and 
 drink, but the greater part will be wisely expended, 
 especially if the rise in wages is of some duration. 
 The result will be, since the working classes form 
 the great majority of the nation, and their wages 
 allow them to satisfy only the elementary and uni- 
 versal wants, that production, owing to the increased 
 demand, will be conducted on a more economical 
 basis. The limit to the division of labor is the area 
 and extent of the market ; and where fashion and 
 caprice rule, division of labor cannot be carried very 
 far. A working-class demand is not subject to 
 fashion and caprice, individual preferences being 
 offset, owing to the area of the market ; and, conse- 
 quently, new and more economical processes may be 
 commenced in the assurance of a steady market. 
 Therefore, when a change in the demand arises from 
 higher wages paid to the working classes, there may 
 be a great gain to society as a whole. Except in 
 this case, however, a demand for commodities is not 
 a demand for labor. A demand for commodities, 
 taking commodities in the sense of goods ready for 
 consumption, implies a large consumption of real 
 income by its immediate owners; and, as we have 
 seen, the amount which is paid in wages depends on 
 the extent to which the final owners of the real in- 
 
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 :r; j! 
 
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 •m: 
 
 ■ « I 
 
 j ' 'I 
 
fl 
 
 ii 
 
 f 
 
 I ■;■ 
 
 1 'I 
 
 i 111 
 
 68 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 come of society arc prepared to postpone consump- 
 tion. If the increased demand of a section of the 
 owners of this real income induce another section of 
 the owners to postpone more of their own consump- 
 tion than they would otherwise have postponed, the 
 net result may be an increased demand for labor; 
 but then the increased demand for labor arises from 
 the greater willingness to postpone consumption. 
 More of the real income of society, not less, is 
 offered in exchange for the labor which will create 
 those forms of consumption goods which are most 
 in demand. But if the increased demand for com- 
 modities be universal, if, that is, there is less willing- 
 ness on the whole on the part of the owners of real 
 income to postpone consumption, the result will be 
 not an increase in the demand for labor but a diminu- 
 tion of the demand. Since the laborers who own 
 practically none of this real income must be sup- 
 ported out of this income they will have to offer 
 their share in the future income of society at a 
 greater discount, and the result will be a lower rate 
 of wages. That this result never occurs is due to 
 two facts: (i) that owing to the law of diminishing 
 utility the owners of real income — made up, as it is, 
 largely of goods capable of satisfying only the most 
 elementary wants — cannot possibly consume the 
 whole of it, and (2) that, in one large section of the 
 owners, the instinct for postponement (with a view 
 to making money) is much stronger than the instinct 
 which would lead them to consume the whole of 
 their share of this income. The owners of the real 
 
J 
 
 Luxurious Expenditure and Wages. 
 
 69 
 
 income are rouglily divisible into two classes, the 
 spenders and the savers; and an increased demand 
 from the spenders (if that be possible for them with- 
 out selling part of their right to a share in the future 
 income of society) creates often so much the more 
 inducement to the savers to postpone their con- 
 sumption. We can thus see clearly how far the 
 luxurious expenditure of the rich does and does not 
 benefit the working classes. In so far as it induces 
 the other section of the owners of income to post- 
 pone a larger amount of their consumption it will 
 benefit the working classes : in so far as it means a 
 net diminution of the amount of postponement and 
 a net increase of the immediate consumption of in- 
 come by the immediate owners such expenditure 
 materially injures the working classes. On the 
 other hand, an increase of wages which leads to a 
 steadier and wider demand for that class of goods 
 in the production of which the law of increasing 
 returns is operative may induce the saving section 
 to save more and thus increase the amount they 
 are willing to expend in the purchase of the in- 
 choate wealth which belongs or will belong to the 
 laborer. 
 
 The third proposition is to the effect that this 
 Wages Fund is distributed amongst the laborers 
 solely by means of competition and the rate of wages 
 depends on the proportion between capital and popu- 
 lation — both these terms being theoretically under- 
 stood as elliptical expressions. We need not attempt 
 to show that however completely wages are deter- 
 
 :ii' 
 
 iil 
 
 j 
 
 'lill 
 
 Ij 1 
 
 I 
 
70 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 R ! ;, 
 
 mined in the present day by competition, historically 
 law and customs have been more important in the 
 determination of wages. Mad the attention of 
 Ricardo and of Mill been directed to the history of 
 labor they would probably have been ready enough 
 to admit the existence of other determining forces 
 than competition ; but they would probably have 
 continued to treat the wages question as they did. 
 They would have contended that we can be practi- 
 cally interested only in the (to them) undoubted 
 tendency of economic progress to bring about that 
 condition of competition their theory postulated. 
 The stage of law and custom was, they considered, 
 an imperfect development : the stage of competi- 
 tion, though, perhaps, not realized completely any- 
 where, was the end towards which things were 
 moving. On the other hand, we need not attempt 
 to discuss whether competition is realized in actual 
 circumstances, how far it ought to be realized, or 
 how far it is merely a transitional stage between 
 custom and combination. 
 
 What we do require to discuss is the ultimate as- 
 sumption that lies behind this third proposition that 
 labor is a commodity subject, when it is bought and 
 sold, to all the laws which govern the sale of other 
 commodities. The Wages-Fund Theory not only 
 treats labor as a commodity, but, if we may take 
 Mill's exposition as our standard, as the commodity. 
 The value of labor, according to Mill, is always a 
 market value, and the fluctuations of this market 
 value are not checked, as the fluctuations in the 
 
Labor as a Commodity, 
 
 7« 
 
 value of most commodities arc, by the cost of pro- 
 duction. Wlicn a commodity is of such a nature as 
 to " admit of indefinite multiplication," * the fluctu- 
 ations of its market value from its cost of production 
 are within very narrow limits; but so far as the 
 " exceptional case " of " commodities not suscepti- 
 ble of being multiplied at pleasure " the fluctuations 
 of the market value are in no wise restricted. " The 
 principle of the exception stretches wider and em- 
 braces more cases than might at first be supposed." 
 " Finally," he continues, " there are commodities of 
 which, though capable of being increased or dimin- 
 ished to a great, and even to an unlimited, extent, the 
 value never depends on anything but demand and 
 supply. This is the case in particular with labor." f 
 Labor, then, is a commodity subject, in an ex- 
 ceptional degree, to the law of demand and sup- 
 ply. Like the commodities exchanged in Interna- 
 tional Trade, where industrial competition does not 
 enter, it is one of the simplest cases of value. The 
 
 * Principles, Book III., c. 2, p. 272, 
 
 f Professor Marshall points out that Mill, under the influence of 
 his social sympathies, separated the theory of distribution from the 
 theory of exchange and, owing to the remarkably short time in which 
 the Principles were written, failed to co-ordinate the different parts 
 of his general theory. Certainly, in the second book, wages are said 
 to be determined by the proportion between capital and population — 
 the demand and the supply of the Wages-Fund Theory ; but, in the 
 third book, he substitutes equation for proportion and shows that 
 demand is not independent of but dependent on supply, being simply 
 the quantity demanded at a given price. The consistency or the 
 inconsistency, however, of Mill's theories and expressions is not our 
 object, 
 
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72 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 supply of labor is not determined by competition, 
 but by an extraneous force, the principle of popula- 
 tion ; and the supply is on the market and must be 
 disposed of regardless of sacrifice. The demand 
 being determined by the intentions of the employers 
 may also be regarded as fixed ; and the price of 
 labor, therefore, depends, simply and unreservedly, 
 on the proportion between supply and demand. 
 The value of labor, therefore, differs from the values 
 of other commodities in not being subject to steady- 
 ing influence of the cost of production.* 
 
 The value of labor is certainly not determined as 
 other values are; but it is not therefore determined 
 more simply. On the contrary, it is a more com- 
 plicated case of value. Factors which have been 
 eliminated from the determination of the value of 
 other commodities are still present in the determina- 
 tion of the value of labor. Commodities, probably 
 all commodities but labor, are placed on the market, 
 where the value is determined mainly by demand. 
 The seller may come to the market with a definite 
 idea of what he regards to be the proper supply 
 price of the commodity he offers for sale, and may 
 
 * In a sense, it was necessary for the cost of production theory of 
 value that labor, at least, as one of the ultimate elements in the cost, 
 should have a value directly determined, so that it might prove 
 acceptable as one cf the determinants of the permanent value of the 
 comnif lities. The cost of production can be regarded as ^ final 
 analysis of value only if the respective elements of the cost are fixed 
 and independent values. The method of making labor a fixed and 
 independent value by regarding it as determined by the equation of 
 supply and demand does not gommend itself. 
 
nv 
 
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 Has Labor a Supply Price ? 
 
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 withhold a portion of the supply because the price 
 he can obtain is lower than his supply price ; but it 
 is the demand which determines whether he shall 
 withhold or not. Generally speaking, and for most 
 commodities, the seller is forced to accept the price 
 fixed by demand. The commodity may be perish- 
 able and, in that case, it must be sold regardless of 
 cost. In every case competition has cut the margin 
 of profit so close that it is a question whether the 
 seller can afford to stand out of his money by re- 
 fusing to sell. The Theorists, strong in the sense 
 of their first proposition, insist that the laborer is 
 also in the condition of having a commodity to sell 
 which his necessities will not allow him to withhold 
 from the market. He must sell; for his goods are 
 peculiarly perishable. Hence it might be argued 
 that the supply price of labor is, so far as its effect 
 on the market price goes, practically non-existent ; 
 and the market price will be determined from the 
 side of supply alone at such a figure as will carry off 
 the whole of the supply. But the cabc is not so 
 simple as it is thus made to appear. The supply 
 price of the commodity has little effect on the 
 market price ; simply because it is only a question 
 of relative profit whether the commodity is sold or 
 not. The seller may desire a higher price, but his 
 necessity of meeting his obligations may compel 
 him to place his whole supply on the market. The 
 only reason that he can have for witnholding part, 
 or the whole, of his supply, is the question of rela- 
 tive profitableness. The higher price which he 
 
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 74 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 hopes to obtain may more than make up for the im- 
 mediate loss incurred by refusing to sell. There is, 
 as a rule, no other reason why he should withhold. 
 He has no personal attachments to the commodity 
 to induce him to withhold it. To withhold it is to 
 incur extra expense and extra risk, an allowance for 
 which must be deducted from the higher price to 
 be afterwards realized before the net profit appears. 
 Accordingly, since the margin of profit is generally 
 cut very close by competition, the supply will be 
 seldom withheld and the demand price will be the 
 market price. The laborer, however, is in an entirely 
 different position. His labor, it is true, is essen- 
 tially a perishable commodity which must be sold at 
 once, if it is to be sold at all ; and the laborer must 
 sell in order to live. On the other hand, he is in- 
 tensely interested in what he does sell. Labor in- 
 volves disutility ; and, moreover, when the laborer 
 sells his labor he must, so to speak, delivei it him- 
 self. The laborer incurs no expense and no risk in 
 withholding his labor; and, if his powers are not 
 always recruited in idleness, by withholding he es- 
 capes the sacrifice involved in labor. If it were not 
 that he must sell in order to live, his position in the 
 labor market could be exceptionally strong; and 
 even when he is thus compelled to sell, and sell at 
 once, his personal feelings, as well as his home and 
 place attachment, enable him to demand better 
 terms. Adam Smith's famous statement of the im- 
 mobility of labor docs not justify the conclusion 
 visually drawn from it. 
 
The Disabilities of Labor. 
 
 75 
 
 " Such a difference in prices, which, it seems, is not 
 always sufficient to transport a man from one })arish to 
 another, would necessarily occasion so great a transpor- 
 tation of the most bulky commodities not only from one 
 parish to another, but from one end of tiie kingdom, 
 almost from one end of the world to the other, as would 
 soon reduce them more nearly to a level. After all that 
 has been said of the levity and inconstancy of luiman 
 nature, it appears evidently from experience that man is 
 of all sorts of luggage the most difficult to be trans- 
 ported."* 
 
 The usual inference is that the wages of the laborer 
 must suffer on account of his local attachments. 
 In individual cases this may be true; but, on the 
 whole, the general and ultimate result is not so seri- 
 ous as it might be. These home and place attach- 
 ments form a large part of ou" personality and on 
 them is based to a great extent our self-respect. It 
 is not an extravagant claim to make that the self- 
 respect, even of a laborer who must work, has a 
 strong influence on wages. If the worst come to 
 the worst the self-respect of the laborer would not 
 stand ; but the worst seldom comes to the worst. 
 The competition between master and man is rarely 
 a combat h outrance. The employer may know 
 that, if he tried, he could coerce the laborer into 
 submission ; but the known ob'^tinacy or firmness of 
 the laborer may prevent him from trying. The 
 larger the number of laborers whose self-respect is 
 threatened the c^reatcr the influence of this factor in 
 
 ♦ Wealth of Nations, p. 31. 
 
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 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 determining the wages paid. The conflict between 
 capital and labor is not a personal conflict, but a 
 competition to determine the share of each in the 
 results of their common labor. The laborer obtains 
 a larger wage than he might be forced to accept be- 
 cause the motive for paying wages is not the dis- 
 bursement of a fund, but the making of a profit. 
 To compel an unwilling laborer to work for less than 
 he thinks he is worth means delay to begin with 
 (and time is money), and, in the second place, it 
 generally means, also, less effective work. Econo- 
 mists all admit that moral character enters into 
 efficiency ; and an unwilling laborer, working under 
 a supposed grievance and an outraged sense of jus- 
 tice, is not likely to be highly efficient. Wages are 
 determined from the employer's point of view by 
 the surplus he hopes to realize after he has repaid 
 to his capital account his expenditure on wages ; and 
 the surplus may be as large when the efficiency is 
 great, though the wages are high, as it is when, out 
 of a small product, low wages are paid. 
 
 Labor, then, if it be a commodity, is a commodity 
 of a peculiar kind. It is a commodity which has a 
 definite supply price — a price which, moreover, it 
 may be just as profitable for the buyer to pay. The 
 buyer of labor, omitting the case of service, buys to 
 produce, not to consume ; and he acquires no passive 
 instrument of an unvarying efficiency. He acquires 
 an instrument of production whose efficiency is de- 
 termined, in part, by moral considerations, an in- 
 
 i 
 
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 Labor as a Commodity. 
 
 77 
 
 strument which may be wasteful, or provident and 
 careful, in the use of other instruments and agencies 
 of production. The efficiency of passive instruments 
 depends on the laborer. Consequently, when labor is 
 bought, the purchaser takes into account the differ- 
 ence between labor and other commodities, and is 
 therefore the more willing to make moderate con- 
 cessions if by so doing he can remove all unwilling- 
 ness and sense of unfairness from the mind of the 
 laborer. This is the reason why a body of laborers, 
 who must work but yet are unwilling to accept less 
 than their self-respect tells them they are worth, are 
 not forced by their necessities to accept starvation 
 wages. The employer knows what he has to pur- 
 chase, and acts accordingly. 
 
 The value of labor, therefore, is not determined as 
 the value of all other commodities is ; because labor 
 is not a commodity in every respect similar to other 
 commodities. Labor is a commodity which has re- 
 tained a definite supply price to a much greater ex- 
 tent than any other commodity has ; and this supply 
 price, under the motives and conditions of the hiring 
 of labor, cannot be without effect on the resultant 
 market price, because, in the case considered by the 
 Wages-Fund Theory of hired labor, the demand 
 price of labor is fixed not with immediate reference 
 to the utility of the purchase, but to the utilities, or 
 the command of utilities, which labor can produce 
 in excess of those handed over to the laborer as his 
 reward. 
 
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 78 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 The Wages-Fund Theory, accepted uncritically 
 for the hundred years of its growth and maturity 
 was in the fullness of time suddenly criticised and 
 rejected; and in its stead reigned the productivity 
 of labor theory. 
 
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 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE PRODUCTIVITY OF LABOR THEORY. 
 
 THIS theory was developed as a criticism of the 
 dominant Wages-Fund Theory; and, in the 
 survival of references and criticisms and in the gen- 
 eral point of view which has been adopted on account 
 of a too exclusive attention to the theory criticised, 
 continues to bear evident marks of its polemical 
 origin. The Wages-Fund Theory, was, in its origin, 
 based on Ricardo's practical limitation of capital to 
 the food, etc., advanced to the laborers; but, as the 
 theory became more systematic, and was rounded 
 off for the sake of illustration, capital came, for the 
 purposes of the theory of wages, to be spoken of as 
 if it were synonymous with money; and the Wages- 
 Fund Theory became merely a theory of money 
 wages. The distinction between real wages and 
 money wages was duly made; but it had no further 
 place in the discussion. One of the earliest objec- 
 tions raised — and the fact that it was not raised 
 earlier is an evidence of the firm hold the Wages- 
 Fund Theory had on the minds of the men of the 
 
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 The Bargain TJieory of Wages, 
 
 generation between Ricardo and Mill — was to the 
 effect that the wages fund need not be absokitely 
 determinate and predetermined ; for the banks, by 
 means of cash credits, enabled an employer, when 
 necessary, to increase the wages fund, notwithstand- 
 ing his former estimate and "intention." The 
 reference in this criticism is obviously to money 
 wages; and subsequent criticism followed the same 
 lines. The distinction between money wages and 
 real wages was still drawn ; but, in the statement of 
 the general problem, in the solution, and in the 
 methods by which the solution is obtained, the sup- 
 porters of the new theory, whether as critics of the 
 old or expositors of the new, practically kept money 
 wages alone before their minds. For this is the 
 meaning of the iteration of illustrations showing 
 that labor is often advanced to the capitalist and 
 that the product in numberless instances is sold be- 
 fore the wages of the laborers are paid ; and the 
 meaning also of the total neglect of the fact that if 
 labor is paid out of the product it cannot be paid 
 out of the product of its present employment, but 
 out of the product of past employment. As far as 
 money wages is concerned, everything may be 
 yielded to their contentions — except the immediate 
 dependence of the laborer on his employer, through 
 whom he receives his derivative share of real income. 
 The wages fund, in the money sense, is not pre- 
 determined, is not limited ; and the share which 
 labor receives is not a question of the rules of arith- 
 metic. We may as readily admit to the critics that 
 
 
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i 
 
 IVages-Fimd Theory and Mottcy Wages. 8 1 
 
 the motive for paying wages is the surpkis of the 
 product which will remain in the hands of the em- 
 ployer when the cycle is completed. The employer, 
 as we saw, is generally not the ultimate banker, but 
 the broker; and, if he does not anticipate good 
 terms when he rediscounts, neither can he offer good 
 terms. The difference between the rate he pays 
 and the rate he charges is the sole motive for making 
 advances at all. This, expressed in other terms 
 than they employ, is true and valid as a criticism of 
 the Wages-Fund Theory, but it does not advance us 
 beyond the theory. It was well, perhaps, to show 
 that even on its own ground the Wages-Fund 
 Theory may be overthrown ; but this is, after all, 
 only a negative contribution to knowledge. The 
 real problem deals with real wages ; and these are, 
 n..> we saw in the last chapter, evidently drawn from 
 a practically fixed and predetermined fund ; and, as a 
 solution of the real problem, the productivity theory 
 is simply an ignoratio clcnchi. 
 
 But we must follow the example of the founders 
 of this theory in their criticism of the Wages-Fund 
 Theory, and discuss the new theory on its own 
 grounds before we can proceed to the statement of 
 a theory which better explains the facts of modern 
 industrial life, and offers a more hopeful solution 
 and answer to the wages question. 
 
 In the first chapter we found, in the perplexities 
 which surround the relation between wages and the 
 standard of living, the difficulty of determining by 
 the method of concomitant variations the direction 
 
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 of the causal relation; and the same (Hfficulty meets 
 us a<;ain on the threshold of the third theory. There 
 the difficulty was to decide between X\\q. pro and the 
 con, between the theory and its critics : here the dif^- 
 culty is to decide between two rival theories each en- 
 titled apparently to call itself the productivity theory. 
 Hi^h wa^es and large output are causally connected. 
 This much has been established beyond possibility 
 of doubt. Statisticians have proved the connection 
 by facts and figures drawn from all countries and all 
 industries and under the most diverse conditions. 
 Historical and contemporaneous records have been 
 drawn upon so liberally that sometimes we can 
 hardly see the wood for the trees. But which is 
 cause and which effect has not been so clearly proved. 
 Whether is high wages the cause of the large output 
 or the large output the cause of high wages ? This 
 is not clear; for we have two rival theories each 
 appealing to the arbitration of the same facts, and 
 some writers varying from the one theory to the 
 other, without recognizing the essential difference 
 between them. The one theory maintains that high 
 wages precede and give rise to an increased product 
 which, in time, provides the justification of the 
 higher wages. The other is the converse of the 
 first, and asserts that high wages are paid where the 
 efficiency of labor is great, and are paid only because 
 the efficiency is great. Since the rival theories ap- 
 peal to the same facts, the divergence between them 
 appears more clearly in the practical conclusions 
 than in the theoretical statements. The exponents 
 
Two Versions of the Productivity Tiicory. 83 
 
 of the first arc, generally, to be found among those 
 who desire State or municipal interference on behalf 
 of labor; and their appeal is to history to justify 
 what they admit to be a leap in the dark. They 
 are distinguished, at present, by their advocacy of a 
 shorter working day or of profit-sharing and other 
 schemes to improve the relations between employers 
 and employed. The supporters of the second ver- 
 sion are the most ardent promoters of industrial and 
 technical education and other direct and indirect 
 methods of increasing efficiency ; because they as- 
 sume that, since wages are paid out of the product, 
 competition will transfer to the working classes the 
 whole of the increase of the product due to increased 
 efficiency. 
 
 The first, which is probably the version of the 
 theory most generally adopted, on a first analysis, 
 seems to be little more than a less simple and naive 
 form of the subsistence theory. The proposition on 
 which it rests is that higher wages can be paid be- 
 cause the greater efficiency which results from the 
 higher wages will serve to recoup the employer. It 
 is admitted, in all but terms, that the advance of 
 wages is a leap in the dark, but a leap experience 
 shows to be more than mere rashness. The higher 
 wages, the argument runs, will enable the laborer to 
 eat better food and wear better clothing and live 
 generally under more favorable conditions. So sure 
 are the supporters of this version of the theory that 
 there is a very close and definite relation between 
 better living and better work that they have neither 
 
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 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 scrupled nor hesitated to indulge in a good deal of 
 miscellaneous condemnation of those short-sighted 
 employers who cannot, or will not, read the lessons 
 of history. 
 
 Yet the very facts which they adduce in support 
 of their contention seem to afford some sort of justi- 
 fication for the " short-sighted " employer. An 
 employer may recognize fully that, in the long run, 
 higher wages might not be a bad investment, and 
 yet be unable and unwilling to make the experiment. 
 The laborer sells his labor, but he remains his own 
 master ; and, when his contract has expired, may take 
 himself off when he pleases. We do not hear so 
 much nowadays of Jcshurun waxing fat; but the 
 danger of the sequel may reasonably enough impress 
 the mind of a cautious employer. He pays better 
 wages and, after a time, the laborer is able to do, 
 and probably does, better work ; but before the em- 
 ployer has been fully recouped for his advantages 
 the laborer may take himself off. It is true that 
 there is not very much reason why he should change 
 his employer ; but 'the chances and changes of life 
 are infinite. The experience of other employers and 
 of other countries and the evidence from industrial 
 history, then, may render the successful issue of the 
 experiment very probable ; but they do not guaran- 
 tee the individual employer against risk. Therefore, 
 although it may be admitted that, where wages are 
 very low, the return to the investment may come so 
 quickly that the risk is very small, it does not follow 
 that, when wages are not extremely low, the result 
 
HI 
 
 The Leap in the Dark, 
 
 85 
 
 will be so immediate and so favorable. Similarly, 
 although the experience of England in the working 
 of the Factory Acts and the shortening of the hours 
 of labor may justify experiments in Germany and in 
 the United States, it does not, and cannot, prove 
 that the next experiment in England in the same 
 direction will be a success. There is some limit to 
 a profitable reduction of hours as there is to an eco- 
 nomical intensification of labor; and it may be, as a 
 witness before the Canadian Labor Commission put 
 it, that a further reduction " might be the last straw 
 which sometimes breaks the camel's back." * 
 
 The opinion cf the witness as to the particular 
 limit may, or may not, be correct, but there is no 
 doubt that there is a limit. The larger the number 
 and the greater the extent of the earlier experiments, 
 the more uncertain will be the issue of the next one. 
 The statistics quoted show that there is some good 
 
 * Canadian Labor Commission, Ontario Evidence, p. 744. Mr. 
 Tuckett (tobacco manufacturer, Hamilton). Witness had reduced 
 the hours in his factory from ten to nine without making any reduc- 
 tion of wages or finding any reduction in the product. 
 
 " Q. Having found the nine-hour movement profitable and satis- 
 factory, could you not reduce it still more with the same result? A. 
 It might be the last straw which sometimes breaks the camel's back. 
 
 '* Q. You think that nine hours is a fair limit? A. I think so; 
 from what I have seen and heard I think it has proven to be about 
 the limit. 
 
 " Q. You have not tried any other? A. Of course, I am only 
 speaking of what I have read in the papers of the United States. I 
 find that the jumping into the eight hours has caused a great deal of 
 trouble ; it is going too far the other way. There is always a happy 
 medium." 
 
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86 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 11 ^ i 
 
 
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 ground for hesitation. When wages are arbitrarily 
 raised, or vhen hours are reduced, the output does 
 not always increase proportionally ; and unless the 
 efificiency of the laborer increases at once, and pro- 
 portionally to the rise in his wages, or unless, in 
 spite of the reduction of the hours, the output is at 
 least maintained, then the profits of the employer 
 suffer. However willing the employer may be to 
 wait to recoup himself, the conditions of competition 
 may not permit him so to wait. If he is carrying on 
 business on a borrowed capital and has to meet obli- 
 gations from day to day, the margin is probably 
 already cut too close to allow him to lock up part of 
 his resources in the hope of a somewhat uncertain re- 
 imbursement. If, moreover, in the market he has 
 to meet competitors who are not making any experi- 
 ment and not incurring any loss, even for the time 
 being, it may be impossible for him to maintain his 
 ground, and thus a temporary loss may turn out to 
 be final and irretrievable. The English manufacturer 
 fears the competition of the foreigner, and the New 
 England manufacturer the competition of the new 
 mills in the Southern States ; and they declare that 
 in face of this competition they cannot safely lock 
 up part of their resources. If a manufacturer hesi- 
 tate to add one other element of uncertainty to 
 business, he is at any rate not open to the charge 
 of being short-sighted. An employer, strong in his 
 resources, strong in the hold which he has on his 
 customers, and strong also, perhaps, in the attach- 
 ment of his men to his service, may be able to make 
 
 
Fluctuations of Wages and Output. 
 
 87 
 
 
 such experiments; and in this case, as in many 
 others, as Professor Walker has shown,* it is the in- 
 competent employer who is the worst enemy of the 
 working classes. 
 
 The higher the wages, and the higher the standard 
 of comfort, the more uncertain does it become that 
 the standard of efficiency will rise with every rise 
 of wages, however slight, and rise correspondingly. 
 Brentano, however, takes the position that they do. 
 In his Hours y Wages, and Production, he claims that, 
 in the years 1872, '73, '74, production increased 
 and then diminished as wages rose and fell : 
 
 " According to the official records, the year of the 
 great rise in wages in the largest state mines, 1872, was 
 followed by a considerable increase in the average out- 
 put of the workmen. . . . Another official investi- 
 gation, entitled * Contribution to the Statistics of the 
 Dortmund Mining District,' by a mining official named 
 Hiltrop, showed in fact that, in the above-named mining 
 district, the general fall of wages in 1874 was accom- 
 panied by a diminution of production." f 
 
 The figures undoubtedly show that the output 
 increased ; and we know that there was a rise in 
 wages (the figures of variations in wages are not 
 given, in this instance, for comparison); but we 
 have still to settle which was cause and which effect. 
 The fluctuations of wages in these years followed 
 
 * Walker, Political Economy, Part IV. , cliap. iv. 
 
 f Brentano, Hours, Wages, and Production, pp. 11, 12, 
 
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88 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 
 ii 
 
 each other quickly. Higher wages can lead to in- 
 c I eased efificicncy only if they are spent in such a 
 way as to improve the physical condition of the 
 workers; and the tradition of the extravagant ex- 
 penditure of the working classes during these years 
 — feeding their bull-dog pups on cream, as the Mid- 
 lothian miners were said to do — shows that the higher 
 wages were not necessarily so spent. A sudden in- 
 crease of wages, unfortunately, frequently means an 
 increase of dissipation. Chancellors of the Exchequer 
 have, on occasion, lamented with somewhat chas- 
 tened sorrow the increase of the revenue from ex- 
 cise during years of prosperity ; which means that 
 the increased wages are not being spent in a manner 
 which will increase efficiency. 
 
 The causal connection, in this instance, is almost 
 surely from production to wages. Prices rose and 
 the mine-owners and other employers, naturally de- 
 siring to take full advantage of the rise, endeavored 
 to increase their output. The employees were 
 aware that prices were rising and demanded their 
 share; and the employers, rather than face labor 
 troubles at such a time, yielded the demand, being 
 willing to sacrifice a part of the increased profit 
 rather than lose the whole. 
 
 Brentano's argument is evidently based on the 
 assumption, which we cannot admit, that the laborer 
 at all times works up to his efficiency, and that an 
 increase of his output must be due to an increase of 
 his efficiency. But the laborer does not, as a rule, 
 do his best; and his output might be largely in. 
 
 'M 
 
 
Output and the Standard of Efficiency. 89 
 
 creased without any change in the standard of 
 efificiency. If we take the actual output as a measure 
 of efificiency, we are stating a merely identical propo- 
 sition when we assert that the increased output is 
 due to a rise in the standard of efficiency. An in- 
 crease of wages can cause a rise of efficiency only if 
 each laborer is doing his best ; and the trade-union 
 and general working-class objection to the man who 
 works his hardest, which Mr. Schloss describes,* 
 shows us that we cannot measure efficiency merely 
 by output. An increase of the output might occur, 
 even without a rise in wages and a consequent im- 
 provement of the standard of living, if, in some way 
 or other, by a change of the method of remuneration, 
 as in profit-sharing, for instance, the laborer could 
 be induced to work up to his efficiency. There may 
 be other methods, but the surest method of inducing 
 a man to the best that in him lies, is to offer him 
 the prospect of higher wages. This is what actually 
 happened in the early seventies. The mine-owners 
 paid higher wages and got more work out of their 
 laborers ; but the miners did not spend the increase 
 in making themselves more efficient, and so it came 
 about that, when depression occurred, and the mine- 
 owners no longer offered the inducement to extra 
 exertion, the miners fell back into their old habits 
 and came just as much short of their efficiency out- 
 put as before. Had they, by wise expenditure of 
 the higher wages, made themselves more efficient, 
 the output would not have fallen back to its former 
 
 ♦ Schloss, Th( Methods of Industrial Remuneration^ 
 
 Hi 
 
 ! I 
 
 Ml; 
 
 iH 
 
90 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 '5 1 
 
 ii 
 I 
 
 pi 
 
 level, even supposing their old slovenly habit of not 
 doing their best, without special inducement, had 
 reasserted itself. Their best then would have been 
 so much better. A more " plentiful subsistence " 
 will no doubt increase the output, but it is not the 
 only nor an immediate method of increasing it. 
 " The wages of labor are the encouragement of in- 
 dustry," and high wages operate directly to make a 
 man come up to his standard of efficiency. If the high 
 wages continue, and are wisely expended, indirectly 
 they may also help to raise the standard ; but since 
 the standard of comfort can be raised only gradually 
 and slowly, and efficiency can only be slowly changed 
 as the result of a more plentiful subsistence, the in- 
 direct effect cannot be anything like so apparent, or 
 so immediate, as Brentano asserts it to be. 
 
 But, even under the assumption that an increase 
 of the output can be only due to an increase of 
 efficiency, the comparative statistics on which so 
 much reliance is placed to prove that higher wages 
 increase efficiency, do not bear out the conclusion. 
 What should be proved is that, for every rise in 
 wages, there is a corresponding increase in the out- 
 put : what is proved is that every rise of wages is 
 accompanied by an increased output. We can best 
 make clear the hiatus in the proof by taking the 
 comparative tables and expressing them as variations 
 from a common index number. Take, for instance, 
 the tables quoted by Brentano comparing wages and 
 output in the textile industries at different periods 
 and in different countries. 
 
Variations of Output and Wages. 
 
 91 
 
 COMPARISON OF WAGKS AND OUTPUT OF COTTON 
 SPINNERS, ENGLAND.* 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 AVERAC.E PRODUCT 
 I'ER WORKER. 
 
 1844-46 100 
 
 1859-61 133 
 
 1880-82 200 
 
 AVERAGE 
 WAGES. 
 
 .. 100 
 
 .. II-^ 
 
 .. 154 
 
 COMPARISON OF WAGES AND OUTPUT OF COTTON 
 WEAVERS, ENGLAND.* 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 AVERAGE 
 PRODUCT. 
 
 1844-46 100 . . . 
 
 1859-61 192 . . . 
 
 1880-8 1 243 . . . 
 
 AVERAGE 
 WAGES. 
 
 . . 100 
 
 .. 125 
 
 INTERNATIONAL COMPARISON OF WAGES AND OUT- 
 
 PUT IN WEAVING.* 
 
 COUNTRY. 
 
 OUTPUT. 
 
 WEEKLY 
 
 WAGES. 
 
 Germany 100 100 
 
 England 153.6 139.5 
 
 INTERNATIONAL COMPARISON OF WAGES AND OUT- 
 PUT IN COAL MINING, f 
 
 ANNUAI 
 COUNTRY. OUTPUT. ,., . " " 
 
 WAGES, 
 
 United States, 1880 100 100 
 
 Pennsylvania, 1880 148 103 
 
 North Staffordshire, 1884 84 77 
 
 Saarbrlick Collieries 68 69 
 
 Dortmund Collieries 74 68 
 
 The general arguments in favor of shorter hours 
 are open to similar objections. There is the same 
 hiatus in the proof that shorter hours mean larger 
 
 *Brentano, op. cit., pp. 62, 68. 
 
 t Schoenhof, Economy of High Wages, p. 209. 
 
 ^!;P 
 
 I 
 
 i I 
 
 !,• i 1 
 
 h 1 1 
 
 m 
 
 
 • <i 
 
f 
 
 \ ' 
 
 92 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 1 'i 
 
 . 4 
 
 li ; 
 
 production. Wc arc concerned only with that part 
 of the agitation for a shorter working day which 
 claims that wages need not be reduced correspond- 
 ingly. If the working classes will submit to a re- 
 duction of wages corresponding to the reduction of ' 
 hours the problem becomes entirely different and has 
 nothing to do with the theory that a higher standard 
 of living, whether made possible by higher wages or 
 by greater leisure, is the cause of greater efificiency. 
 The figures do not bear out the contention that be- 
 cause greater leisure means greater efficiency an em- 
 ployer may safely continue to pay the same wages 
 per week afte * he has reduced the hours of labor. 
 In the long run this may be the result, but there 
 will be immediate loss to the employer, which he 
 may not be able to afford. The change is an ex- 
 periment and an experiment has never a certain 
 issue. The argument demands a closer connection 
 between mere physical strength and efficiency than 
 actually exists. The difference between a working 
 week of sixty and a week of fifty-eight does not give 
 so much more time for rest and recreation, does 
 not imply so greatly diminished a demand on the 
 energy of the worker that we can look for him to 
 make up from this source alone the wages of the 
 two hours he has sacrificed. He may work harder 
 in order to still earn his old weekly wages ; but that 
 is not the meaning of the assertion that the shorter 
 hours have made it possible for him, for the first 
 time, to work harder. In the long run we may ad- 
 mit that the contention may be borne out by the 
 
Tfie Leap in the Dark. 
 
 93 
 
 facts ; but the theory implies that it is borne out in 
 the short run ; and in so doing it tries to prove too 
 much. The reduction of hours where the worl<ing 
 day has not previously been excessive, without a 
 corresponding reduction of the daily or the weekly 
 wages, is an industrial experiment which the issue 
 may or may not justify. It may be that the em- 
 ployer is as a rule over-cautious in making the experi- 
 ment,* but it ought to be admitted that he is being 
 asked to make an experiment. 
 
 ♦ This general argument against shortening the hours of labor 
 which an individual employer may justifiably use is frequently sup- 
 plemented by the declaration that where machinery is largely em- 
 ployed the efficiency of the laborer has no effect on the product. This 
 argument finds emphatic and enlightened expression in an article on 
 P'actory Legislation in the United States in Bulletin of the National 
 Association of Wool A/anufacttirers {Se\ncmheT, 1895). "A given 
 amount of machinery, no matter how perfect, cannot be so speeded as 
 to turn out a product in fifty-eight hours, equal to that of the same 
 machinery running sixty hours just over the border line. ... It is, 
 therefore, true that the difference of two hours a week between Massa- 
 chusetts and Rhode Island, assuming that wages are the same in both 
 States notwithstanding that difference, may be ample, in and of itself, 
 to make the difference between running the mill at a profit and running 
 it at a loss.f ... A steam engine will drive machinery at the 
 same rate of speed the world over. A modern spindle will make 
 
 t " As it is now, a Rhode Island mill of two thousand looms can produce twenty 
 thousand yards per week, or a million yards per year, more of print cloth than one 
 in Massachusetts, as the difference between fifty-eight and sixty hours per week " 
 (Boston Commercial Bulletin). This, however, is little more than an unqualified 
 reassertion of an old fallacy that machinery does away with skill and makes but 
 slight demands of the energy of the operative. This was the argument of the early 
 English factory-owners, and under influence of this idea the elder Sir Robert Peel 
 declared that the factory system had become, instead of a blessing to a nation, its 
 bitterest curse. The same line of argument would also dispose of the general ad- 
 mission the writer in the Bulletin is inclined to make, that an eleven hours' day is 
 more productive than a thirteen or a fourteen hours' day. 
 
 V 
 
 H 
 
 ii 
 
94 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 This first version of the producti' ity theory, which 
 asserts that the direction of the causal relation is 
 from higher waj^es to increased production, resembles 
 the more scientific statements of the subsistence 
 theory in one important particular. Both theories 
 recognize that it is necessary to provide some sort of 
 justification and assurance that the industrial experi- 
 ment of paying higher wages which they propose 
 will not lead to a disastrous issue. In the one case, 
 the higher wages which are in consequence of a 
 higher standard of life are proved to be, in the long 
 run, economical and therefore justifiable. Higher 
 wages mean an increased demand for commodities, 
 and the demand of the working classes is so great 
 and so steady that more economical processes of 
 production can be introduced and the total output, 
 therefore, increased. In the second case, the higher 
 wages lead directly to an increase in the efficiency 
 of one of the agents of production, labor, not capital 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ",• ■ 
 
 
 » ,. 
 
 9000 revolutions per minute, whether located in Massachusetts or in 
 the Piedmont refjion of the South. A loom adjusted to 150 picks 
 per minute in the one section will be adjusted to the same speed in 
 another. No appliance of Yankee inj^enuity for rsducing labor cost, 
 saving materials, or expediting processes, fails of adoption everywhere 
 as soon as its value is proven. . . . 
 
 " It follows that in a State where ten hours is the legal day, the 
 production of a mill will not equal by ten per cent, the production of 
 a similar mill engaged upon the same class of work in a State where 
 eleven hours constitute a day's work, provided that the management 
 is equally efficient. 
 
 " This is as susceptible of proof as a problem in mathematics. It 
 has, in fact, been repeatedly demonstrated in the experience of New 
 England manufacturers " (pp. 264-266). 
 
Second Version of the rroduetivity Theory. 95 
 
 in this instance, and consequently to a larger out- 
 put. In both cases the advance of wages is arbi- 
 trary, and in a sense accidental, but the advance 
 sets forces at work which in the long run provide 
 an ex post faeto justification for the advance. In 
 the long run, there is no doubt that an advance of 
 wa^ -^ will justify itself, economically, either in- 
 directly as the first theory or directly as the second 
 suggests: the trouble is that a failure of the coinci- 
 dence of the short run and the long run may prevent 
 the trial of the experiment altogether. 
 
 The other version of the theory has more to com- 
 mend it. It approaches the problem from the right 
 end and does not need to postulate industrial ex- 
 periments to prove its truth. It takes its stand on 
 the indisputable fact that when more is produced 
 the employer can afford to pay more, absolutely, if 
 not relatively, for labor; and asserts, or assumes, 
 that competition will transfer to the laborer all that 
 he has produced. This is the form of the produc- 
 tivity theory which should commend itself to the 
 employer, for it involves no addition of uncertainty 
 or risk to business, and demands no leaps in the 
 dark. Because of the possibility of waste of the 
 raw material or of carelessness in the handling of 
 delicate machinery, the advocates of this version are 
 ready to admit that it is better to pay higher wages 
 than to pay low, and give their consent to the doc- 
 trine of the economy of high wages. But they reject 
 the popular inference that the only way to increase 
 production is to raise wages. Wages may, for the 
 
96 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 ■I t. 
 
 ! ■ 
 
 'i 
 
 time being, rise above the efficiency limit; but, in 
 the nature of things, such a rise must be temporary ; 
 and their contention is that, m the long run, the 
 only real and effective measures for raising wages 
 are those which seek to raise the standard of the 
 laborer's efficiency. A rise due to any other cause 
 is accidental : a rise of wages which follows from in- 
 creased efficiency will, in all probability, be a per- 
 manent rise because it has been granted on account 
 of the competition of employers among themselves. 
 Higher efficiency of labor gives the possibility of 
 greater profits, and the prospect of higher profits 
 means keener competition among the employers for 
 workmen and the consequent transfer to the workers 
 of the whole or the greater part of the extra profits. 
 Competition, however, is not so active in the inter- 
 ests of the workers as this version assumes, because, 
 in the first place, the competition of the masters 
 with each other for labor is offset by the competi- 
 tion of laborers with each other for employment, 
 and, in the second place, the competition of the 
 masters is rapidly being replaced by combination 
 and joint action. 
 
 Care is not always taken to distinguish whether it 
 is the increment of the output due to the increased 
 efficiency of labor, or more or less than this amount, 
 that is transferred to labor by competition ; and fre- 
 quently confusion has arisen on this account. There 
 are obviously other means of increasing the output 
 than raising the efficiency of labor, and the ques- 
 tion which this version seems, ex hypothesis to de- 
 
 
Increased 0?(fput and Increased Wages. 97 
 
 cide in the negative is whether labor obtains any 
 share of the increase in the product which has arisen 
 from any other cause. To admit that labor does, 
 or can, receive a share of what it did not help to 
 create is to abandon, or at least to modify seriously, 
 the productivity theory and to substitute for a law 
 of wages the merely vague and general statement 
 that out of a larger product larger wages can be 
 paid. If labor permanently receives either more or 
 less than the amount fixed by its efificiency, we 
 must altogether abandon the notion that labor re- 
 ceives a determinate share, as by right, or adopt, in 
 its place, the make-shift explanation that labor's 
 share of the product is residual. 
 
 A close examination of the facts seems to indicate 
 that the one alternative or the other must be ac- 
 cepted. The great increase of the product, which 
 comparative statistics show, has not been due, in any 
 large degree, to an improvement in efficiency. 
 There has been during the last half-century a steady 
 increase in the average amount of capital necessary 
 to set a laborer at work and, at the same time, in 
 the amount of capital necessary to produce a product 
 of a given value ; or, to put the same fact more con- 
 cretely, an increased application of machinery in 
 production. The consequence is, as we might ex- 
 pect, that although the product of industry has in- 
 creased, the proportion of the product going to 
 labor has diminished. Absolute wages may have 
 increased, but relative wages have diminished. It 
 is what we might expect, because the amount of the 
 
 ■i 
 
 i 
 
 
 :l 
 
 
 (H 
 
 w 
 
 if 
 
 h\ 
 
m 
 
 M i 
 
 
 i 
 
 98 
 
 T/ie Bargain TJicory of Wages 
 
 capital invested has increased more rapidly than the 
 product. If we take the wages paid in, the amount 
 of capital invested in, and the total product of, the 
 mechanical and manufacturing industries in the 
 United States, in i860, as each equivalent to 100, 
 we find that in 1890 the capital invested would be 
 represented by 546 and the product by 397 and the 
 wages by 168. 
 
 COMPARISON OF INDUSTRY IN i860 AND 1890 IN U. S. 
 
 i860 
 1890 
 
 CAPITAL. 
 . . 100 . . 
 .. 546 .. 
 
 PRODUCT. 
 , . . 100 . . 
 
 ■•■397 . 
 
 WAGES. 
 . . 100 
 .. 168 
 
 We find similar results in the development of in- 
 dustry in Canada, though we cannot carry the com- 
 parison so far back. 
 
 COMPARISON OF INDUSTRY 1881 AND 1891 IN CANADA. 
 
 1881 
 1891 
 
 CAPITAL. 
 . . 100 . . 
 .. 215 .. 
 
 PRODUCT. 
 . . . 100 . . 
 ... 153 .. 
 
 WAGES. 
 . . IOC 
 . . 117 
 
 The following tables bring out the same results in 
 another way. They compare the amounts of capital 
 employed to produce a product valued at $100, and 
 the percentage of the net product, /. r., of the 
 product minus the raw material, that goes to labor. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 CAPITAL PER $100 
 OF PRODUCT. 
 
 1850, 
 1890. 
 
 $52.32 
 69.62 
 
 PERCENTAGE OF 
 
 PRODLCT GOING 
 
 TO LABOR. 
 
 51 
 
 45 
 
 " 
 
 r 
 
Increased Output and Increased Wages. 99 
 
 CANADA.* 
 
 CAPITAL I'ER $100 
 OF I'ROUUCT. 
 
 1881, 
 I89I. 
 
 $53.07 
 74.36 
 
 TERCENTAGF. OF 
 
 PRODUCT (iOlNG 
 
 TO LAliOR. 
 
 457 
 
 45.7 
 
 The results support the conckision we have aheady 
 drawn from the comparative tables, given on p. 91, 
 that there is no exact parallelism between the ad- 
 vance of wages and the increase of the product. The 
 comparison shows also, however, that, in spite of the 
 increased proportion of capital employed, the rela- 
 tive share of the product going to capital has not in- 
 creased, and the relative share going to labor has not 
 diminished correspondingly. Labor has been able to 
 make good a claim to a large part of this increased 
 product. The capital necessary to produce a value 
 of $100 has increased thirty-three per cent, in the 
 industry of the United States, but the share going to 
 labor has been diminished by a little more than 
 eleven per cent. Thus the second version of the pro- 
 ductivity theory is inadequate. The laborer's contri- 
 bution to every $100 worth of product has obviously 
 
 ♦ The figures for Canada, which are taken from The Statistical 
 Year Book of Canada, issued by the Dominion statistician, are open 
 to the suspicion of partisanship. The Liberal party in Canada has 
 always declared that the sections of the census of 1891 dealing with 
 industry are a partisan document, intended to prove that the National 
 Policy has been a great success. Canada is admittedly not industrially 
 as far developed as the United .States, and it can hardly be the case 
 that there has been a greater increase in Canada in ten years than in 
 the United States in forty years in the amount of capital necessary to 
 produce a product worth $100. The amount of capit.1l employed to 
 produce a product of a given value is a sure indication of the stage of 
 industrial development. 
 

 100 Tkc Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 fallen, and his share of the product has also fallen, 
 but has not fallen correspondingly. It is true that 
 the laborer's contribution to a given product does 
 not fall in the same degree as the amount of capital 
 is increased. The intelligence of the laborer is a con- 
 dition of the use of machinery. The laborer's lack 
 of skill and general intelligence is often the cause 
 why newer and more elaborate machinery is not in- 
 troduced ; and if more machinery has been intro- 
 duced it must have been because the higher intelli- 
 gence of the laborer has rendered it possible. The 
 increased product, therefore, which has resulted 
 from the greater use of machinery cannot all be 
 attributed to the increase in the amount of capital 
 employed. But the intelligence of the laborer has 
 not improved to an extent sufficient to account for 
 the fact that his share of the product has fallen by 
 only eleven per cent.* The contention of Mr. Mal- 
 loch's Labor and the Popular We/fare, " that labor 
 is no more productive to-day than it was a century 
 ago," is only an exaggeration of the important fact 
 that the increased productivity of industry is not 
 altogether due to the increased intelligence of the 
 
 working classes. 
 
 * We have no means of determining, even with approximate accu- 
 racy, the amount of the increased contribution of the laborer made when 
 machinery is employed. In one case we do know that all of the in- 
 crease of the product, due entirely to lal)or, is not handed over to the 
 laborer. This is the case of Profit Sharing. " Under the stimulus 
 of Profit Sharing the workers must crea'e the additional profits they 
 are to receive" (Professor Nicholson, Contemporary Review, 1890, p. 
 68) ; but they do not receive the whole of the additional profit they 
 create. 
 
 
 I 
 
The Economy of High Wages. 
 
 lOI 
 
 ! 
 
 
 The cause of the fact that the relative share going 
 to labor has not diminished proportionally with the 
 increase in the use of capital cannot be simply that 
 the total product has increased. The total product 
 is not so large, even after all the increase of recent 
 years, that any claimant, through satiety, will aban- 
 don part of the share he could obtain. The i eal 
 reason is that since an increased use of machinery is 
 not possible without the active co-operation of labor, 
 the position of the laborer has been improved. His 
 best efforts are necessary for the employment of this 
 increased capital and to call these forth the capitalist 
 has been compelled to offer him as an inducement a 
 larger share of the product than apparently he is 
 entitled to. The position of the capitalist has been 
 correspondingly weakened by this necessity. The 
 productivity theory, in one version or the other, has 
 attained general acceptance and has been embodied 
 in a practical formula regarding the economy in high 
 wages. This formula is made the basis of the en- 
 lightened discussion of the tariff question in opposi- 
 tion to those who, ignorantly, raise the cry of 
 " pauper labor," and of the economic discussion of 
 the shortening of the working day, in opposition to 
 those mechanical ideas of labor which regard the 
 laborer as a machine which must necessarily produce 
 twice as much in sixteen hours as in eight. The 
 economy of high wages is preached as a gospel of 
 hope for the laborer with, possibly, not a very clear 
 recognition of the consequence that, if the gospel is 
 true, a shortening of the hours of labor is not a 
 
 1 .1 
 
 I 
 
m 
 ill 
 
 r':. ! 
 
 102 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 lessening of labor and an increase of wages per unit 
 of time may even mean a diminution of wages per 
 unit of effort ; and there is both surprise and indig- 
 nation that the doctrine should ever be, or have 
 been, called in question. Yet it is a comparatively 
 new gospel which has, within thirty years, arisen to 
 supplant the depressing doctrine of the economy of 
 low wages. We may practically date the new theory 
 from the early fifties, when, to the immense aston- 
 ishment of advocate and opponent alike, the Factory 
 Acts did not ruin English industry, but inspired it 
 with new life. The accepted doctrine, down to the 
 middle of the century, was of the economy of low 
 wages. Even those who, in deference to Adam 
 Smith, had accepted, without full understanding, a 
 more hopeful doctrine, rejected incontinently the 
 practical inference that a sht itening of the hours of 
 labor might even increase productive capacity. 
 McCuUoch, who had loyally followed Adam Smith 
 in denying that high wages encourage dissipation 
 and idleness, and Senior, who made the first antici- 
 patory steps away from the Wages-Fund Theory 
 to the Productivity Theory, were, at first at least, 
 strenuous opponents to the Factory Acts. It was 
 Senior whose " last hour " gave the rallying cry to 
 the opponents of the measure, although he, like 
 many of the other opponents of the Factory legis- 
 lation, was converted by the unexpected effects of 
 the Act on the textile industries. 
 
 The doctrine of the economy of low wages was a 
 natural, though perhaps not a necessary, inference 
 
 i 
 
 Hi 
 
The Economy of Loiv Wages. 
 
 103 
 
 from the Mercantile theories of last century, as it is 
 from protectionist theories of to-day. It is signifi- 
 cant, at any rate, that the overthrow of Mercantilism 
 was followed by the demonstration that the inference 
 from it was not consistent with thr actual experience. 
 In 1845 the repeal of the Coin Laws marks the final 
 overthrow of Mercantilism, and the Ten Hours Law 
 of 1847 ^^"^^ such unexpected results in stimulating 
 industry that it was no longer possible to hold the 
 purely mechanical idea of labor. As the triumph of 
 free trade was the end of a long process of change 
 and conversion, so the practical demonstration by 
 the factory act was all that was needed to complete 
 that change of views which begins with Adam 
 Smith's enthusiastic advocacy of the doctrine that 
 cheap labor and low-priced labor are not necessarily 
 synonymous. Senior and Lord Brassey, however, 
 were the first to show, by means of extended illus- 
 trations and statistics, the fallacy of the older view. 
 They did not, it is true, advance the modern theory 
 in its unqualified form. They suggested an indiffer- 
 ence theory to the effect that it did not matter much 
 to the employer whether he paid high wages to effi- 
 cient men or low wages to inefficient men. " It may 
 be supposed," says Senior, "that the price of labor 
 is everywhere and at all times the same, ' ' * and Lord 
 Brassey declares, in the introduction to Foreign Work 
 and English Wages, that the cost of work as dis- 
 
 * Senior, Political Economy, p. 151. See also ibid, for quotationfi 
 from the evidence of McCuUoch before the Committee on Artisanfi 
 $ind Machinery, p. 144 et seq. 
 
 I 
 
 li 
 
 ■ 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 M 
 
 !■;•' 
 
 M 
 
 h 
 
 
r^ 
 
 m i' 
 
 104 
 
 T/w Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 tinguishcd from the daily wage of the laborer is 
 approximately the same in all countries. The evi- 
 dence on which Senior and Lord Brasscy rely for 
 this doctrine of indifference is drawn mainly from 
 manual labor and their theory remains practically 
 true so far as manual labor is concerned. Some of 
 the facts and figures given by Lord Brassey do in- 
 deed support the more advanced doctrine of the 
 economy of high wages; but the increased cfticiency 
 which followed each extension of the Factory Acts 
 is the real cause of the general acceptance of the 
 modern doctrine. The Factory Acts had been ad- 
 vocated as a moral reform and justified on the 
 ground that welfare, not wealth, should be the great 
 object of government. The economic justification 
 of the Factory Acts probably surprised Lord 
 Shaftesbury as much as it confounded Senior. The 
 abundant economic justification of the principle of 
 the Acts forms a turning point in wages theory. 
 Since then the indifference theory has become the 
 economy of high wages ; and the doctrine has been 
 extended to cover all industry, machine industry as 
 well as manual labor in which machinery is not much 
 used. The facts and the assumptions of the theory 
 have been already discussed ; but it is necessary to 
 mention one other consideration that is of great im- 
 portance. The figures which are advanced in proof 
 and illustration compare only labor costs; and labor 
 cost without machinery is a different thing from 
 labor cost with machinery. We must include in the 
 real labor cost of production in machine industry the 
 
Wag^c Cost and Labor Cost. 
 
 105 
 
 cost of the labor-saving macliine, that is, the ex- 
 penses of its working, and the contribution to the 
 sinking fund to replace the machine. Machinery 
 has to a large extent reduced the nominal labor cost, 
 but statistics are lacking to show how far the real 
 and complete labor cost has been reduced. If it 
 takes more capital in the form of machinery to set 
 each worker at work in one country than in another, 
 there may be no ground for saying that the higher 
 wages in the first are counterbalanced by the greater 
 productivity of labor. The larger output cannot be 
 a measure of the greater efficiency when the amount 
 of capital required to produce $100 of product is in- 
 creased. Brentano, however, regards the Report of 
 the German Iron Inquiry Commission (1879) ^'^ halt- 
 ing, because " the increased capacity of production 
 is not stated to be the exclusive cause of the increase 
 in the average output of the individual workman." * 
 The advocates of the economy of high wages are 
 not all ready to go so far as Brentano. He even de- 
 clares that the policy of Lancashire cotton spinners 
 and weavers in demanding factory legislation for 
 Bombay is suicidal ; because the only reasonable hope 
 Lancashire can have of overcoming her disability of 
 distance, alike from the cotton-fields and from a large 
 portion of her market, is in the economy of high 
 wages and in the greater efficiency which has resulted 
 in England from factory legislation. This is an ex- 
 treme position which is not often taken. It is gener- 
 ally recognized that in some countries cheaply paid 
 
 ♦ brentano. Hours ^ Wages, and Production, p. 16, 
 
 ;!i 
 
 ! 
 
 < ! 
 
 "'( 
 
 i 
 
r 
 
 1 06 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 I ii 
 
 H : 
 
 •m i 
 
 1% 
 
 labor is really cheap labor. These countries are not, 
 it is true, the industrially developed, and the excep- 
 tion might be neglected were it not that the exception 
 is claimed to exist within the United States. There 
 has of late been a good deal of discussion regarding 
 the removal of the textile industries to the South; 
 and the organs of the manufacturer allege that the 
 movement is away from the trade-union and factory 
 legislation sphere to regions where help is cheap, 
 really cheap as well as nominally cheap. To the 
 contention that the Southern help is less efficient, 
 they reply that it is not correspondingly less efficient 
 than the higher-paid Northern help. 
 
 " The other argument by which this legislation is 
 defended is . . . that the average factory labor in 
 Massachusetts and New England is more intelligent than 
 in other sections of the country, the South particularly, 
 and can accomplish more and better results in shorter 
 hours. As between reasonable and unreasonable hours 
 there is validity to this argument ; but as between fifty- 
 eight and sixty hours a week it has no validity whatever. 
 What we have just said relative to the speed of machin- 
 ery is a complete answer (see above, p. 93). The state- 
 ment about the relative intelligence and skill of New 
 England operatives is not seriously put forth by persons 
 familiar with the present status of factory labor in the 
 East. The bulk of that labor is foreign-born ; its aver- 
 age intelligence is not higher than the average intelli- 
 gence of similar labor in other States, nor so high as 
 that in many other sections of the country." * 
 
 * Bulletin of the National Association of Wool Manufacturers y 
 pp. 268, 269. 
 
 I 
 
i! 
 
 The Economy of Low Wages* 
 
 107 
 
 There is therefore more to be said for the indiffer- 
 ence theory or even for the economy of low waj^es 
 than is generally admitted. The economy of hi^h 
 wages must be relative to many conditions: to the 
 existing standard of comfort and the possibility of 
 raising it ; to the effect of a rise in the standard of 
 life on efficiency; to the existent skill and intelli- 
 gence of the workers; and to the extent to which 
 machinery is employed. 
 
 The extreme to which Brentano has carried the 
 doctrine is all the more remarkable that he has him- 
 self suggested the possibility of reconciling these 
 diverse views, whether regarded as historically suc- 
 cessive views, or as presently opposed opinions. 
 He admits that the economy of low wages is true 
 not only of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century 
 workers whom Child and Petty and other writers 
 had before their minds when they wrote, and of 
 workers in the East, but also of laborers in the back- 
 ward country districts of Germany; but for all 
 countries and districts which have come under the 
 influence of competition and progressive ideas the 
 economy of high wages is the law. The reason for 
 this distinction is the difference in the attitude of 
 the men towards industry. The eighteenth-century 
 workers lived and worked under the influence of cus- 
 tom and tradition. This is true also of the worker 
 in backward countries and districts. His stand- 
 ard of life and his standard of efficiency are alike 
 determined for him. To raise his wages would have 
 no effect on his efficiency unless it were for the time 
 
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 The Bargain TJicory of 1 1 'ages. 
 
 HI 
 
 I 
 1 
 
 4- 4 
 
 being to lower it. To attempt to raise the standard 
 of his efficiency is to attempt the impossible, l^ut 
 the worker of the present day is, to a very large de- 
 gree, influenced by the economic motive; and the 
 economy of high wages is the consequence. The 
 change from an economy of low wages to an economy 
 of high wages was brought about by the economic 
 awakening of the worker. This awakening may be 
 due either to migration, to new industrial conditions, 
 or to a change of the conditions in which the worker 
 lives. Brentano quotes Doctor Johnson with ap- 
 proval: " Established custom is not easily broken 
 till some great event shakes the whole system of 
 things and life sc ms to recommence on new princi- 
 ples." The influence of migration on labor we con- 
 sider later, but the same result may be effected in 
 the history of a people by industrial changes as are 
 effected in the history of an individual by migration 
 or emigration. The introduction of the factory sys- 
 tem made this change, first in England, and then in 
 America, and then on the continent of Europe. It 
 created competition among the producers. The old 
 system of autonomous production for a local market 
 gave little motive for exertion. When, however, 
 large amounts of capital were sunk in buildings and 
 machinery, the employer, anxious for the largest 
 profit, and hating to see his capital idle, drove his 
 workmen, with the result of the hideous excesses 
 which it was necessary to call in legislation to re- 
 move and to prevent. When one avenue was closed, 
 the employers sought another. They could not 
 
The Dynamic Principle. 
 
 109 
 
 lengthen the working day, so they endeavored to 
 increase the intensity of working and in their anxiety 
 for profit offered inducements to hihor to exert itself. 
 Labor could be induced to do what legislation for- 
 bade it should be compelled and driven to do. A 
 powerful new motive came into existence. The 
 laborer could be induced to exert himself by an ap- 
 peal to his self-interest, and the economy of high 
 wages became an industrial fact. 
 
 Reference has already been made, in discussing 
 the two earlier theories, to the attempts made, in 
 various ways, to secure some necessary dynamic 
 principle; and throughout the whole treatment of 
 problems of distribution there is an evident search 
 for some determinant quantity by reference to which 
 we may determine the other shares of the product. 
 The distribution of the product of industry- -the 
 National Dividend — seems in practice so definite 
 and, notwithstanding strikes and kindred social (and 
 unsocial) phenomena, so deliberately certain that it 
 seems almost a foregone conclusion that there should 
 be some single principle discoverable, in virtue of 
 which this precision exists. When, however, we 
 set ourselves to judge between three or four actual 
 claimants for the product, the problem becomes 
 perplexing and, apparently, in principle, insoluble, 
 unless we can apportion to one or other, or more 
 than one, of the claimants a definite share as by 
 necessity. We, therefore, naturally look for some 
 given quantity or quantities which will enable us to 
 solve the remainder of our problem. The mathe- 
 
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 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
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 matical method, however valuable it may be for 
 illustration and exposition, is not quite applicable, 
 because here we are dealing, not with rigid quanti- 
 ties, but with human forces. Economists in their 
 treatment of distribution have generally anticipated, 
 or adopted, the spirit and the purpose of Mill's 
 Logic and applied the methods of physical science 
 to their hivestigation of the social problems of dis- 
 tribution. The Method of Residues seems to lend 
 itself most readily to the accomplishment of this 
 particular purpose; and various attempts have been 
 made to demonstrate that some particular share in 
 distribution is residual, /. ^., that the product, de- 
 duction being made of certain fixed payments, be- 
 longs, by necessity and by right, to one or other of 
 the claimants. Physical methods are more or less 
 inadequate to deal with human facts and forces and 
 the result of their use has generally been to give 
 to some element an unnatural rigidity. We have 
 need in economics, as well as in metaphysics, of the 
 Kantian category of reciprocity. 
 
 The best-known, and most generally accepted, 
 application of the Method of Residues in economic 
 science is found in the classical theory of rent. 
 Rent is the surplus of the product remaining after 
 the expenses of production, that is, the wages and 
 the profits, have been deducted. Land on the 
 margin of cultivation pays no rent because it yields 
 no surplus, no residue after the expenses of produc- 
 tion have been met. There is a strong tendency, at 
 present, to extend the area of the conception of rent 
 
 
The Residual Method, 
 
 Itl 
 
 f 
 
 and apply the term not only to the residue of the 
 total product, but also by analo;^y to any returns to 
 labor and capital which exceed the normal return to 
 such labor and capital. The validity of residual 
 process, in the original case of rent, depends obvi- 
 ously on the truth of the assumption that the re- 
 turns to capital and labor are fixed quantities. If 
 thv^se are variable — and the extension of the concep- 
 tion of economic rent or surplus seems to indicate that 
 they are variable in some degree — the perplexities 
 of the problem of distribution are resolved only in 
 name, and the residual nature of Rent is purely 
 formal. To Ricardo, it was an easy conclusion that 
 Rent was a residual share. Notwithstanding his 
 distinction between natural and market wages and 
 his concession that market wages might remain con- 
 stantly and for an indefinite period above the natural 
 rate, when he turned to the consideration of the other 
 shares of the product he seemed to think of natural 
 wages alone, which were fixed at the amount " neces- 
 sary to enable the laborers, one with another, to 
 subsist and to perpetuate their race, without either 
 increase or diminution." Profits, however, are not 
 regarded as quite so definitely determined. The 
 theory of profits and interest had not in Ricardo's 
 hands assumed the neat concise form it received 
 from later economists. Ricardo had failed con- 
 sistently to state a distinction, which he sometimes 
 recognized, between the gross amount of profits and 
 profits per cent. ; and the result was a reckless use 
 of the proposition that wages could rise only at the 
 
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 112 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 expense of profits. Later writers developed more 
 clearly the notion of a necessary rate of profits. A 
 certain rate of profit was necessary to call out an 
 effective desire to accumulate in the requisite degree. 
 But we can hardly say that Ricardo put forward a 
 natural rate of profits as he had put forward a natural 
 rate of wages. Rather did he consider inconsistently 
 profits as also being a residual share. Wages could 
 rise only at the expense of profit. Consequently we 
 do not look to Ricardo for the standard exposition 
 of the Ricardian theory of rent. In his exposition, 
 rent was a surplus remaining over after one deter- 
 minate and one indeterminate share had been paid 
 out of the product. 
 
 The neat formula of Rent as equivalent to the 
 product minus the expenses of production — R = 
 (P — E) — was not presented by economists till the 
 rise of the class of simple investors, who required a 
 fixed rate of interest as a reward for abstinence, to 
 induce them to postpone immediate enjoyment to 
 the necessary extent, had made it possible to regard 
 profits, definitely and consistently, as a fixed share. 
 The Ricardian doctrine of fixed wages had, in the 
 meantime, been abandoned, but its place was taken 
 by the Wages-Fund Theory, which made wages as 
 definite and determinate as they were under Ri- 
 cardo's theory. Profits were thus a determinate 
 amount and wages were a determinate amount and 
 the residual nature of rent was thus neatly estab- 
 lished. While the Wages-Fund Theory was main- 
 tained, this was the current theory of distribution. 
 
Rent as Residual. 
 
 "3 
 
 It was based on the two assumptions that profits 
 tended to a minimum (fixed at the rate necessary to 
 call forth the requisite degree of abstinence) and the 
 determination of the wages fund by the intention of 
 the capital. The theory was not firmly established 
 before its stability was threatened. Mill modified 
 the assumption of the tendency of profits to an 
 equality. His " instability of unequal profits " does 
 not afford the same stable basis for the theory of 
 rent ; but the residual character was maintained 
 until the Wages-Fund Theory was abandoned, and 
 is, indeed, still maintained. 
 
 The residual nature of profits, which does not, to 
 the ordinary business mind, seem to require demon- 
 stration, has, except in Ricardo's half-hearted fash- 
 ion, hardly been put fo rd; but the residual 
 character of the reward of labor is part of the current 
 modern theory of distribution. Professor Walker, 
 after demonstrating that wages are not paid out of 
 a pre-accumulated fund, but out of the product, de- 
 clares that wages, in a very real sense, are not paid 
 out at all, but eire what remains over after certain 
 fixed charges, rents, profits, and interest, have been 
 met. Rent is determined by the margin of cultiva- 
 tion, the lands which yield no rent ; and profits and 
 interest are similarly and analogously determined 
 by the margin which just gives a return sufficient to 
 cover expenditure. 
 
 The development of a residual theory of wages 
 was a natural outcome of the attitude of economists 
 towards economic history. They persisted in seeing 
 
 8 
 
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 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 in the past only a series of ready-made illustrations 
 of the theories of the present ; and when such illus- 
 trations were harder to find than usual, or not so 
 clearly illustrative of the theory in hand as might be 
 desired, they did not hesitate to invent a purely fic- 
 titious economic history and treat it as sober fact. 
 They always assumed that the principles which gov- 
 ern men's conduct at our present stage of industrial 
 development are but more complicated forms of the 
 principles which governed the primitive man; and 
 regarded it as at once a necessity and a virtue to 
 turn to the early instances to bring these principles 
 into clear relief. The hired laborer who receives, at 
 the hand of another, a derivative, not an original, 
 share of the product is, from this point of view, re- 
 garded as in the same position as the original auton- 
 omous producer who was the final owner of all the 
 fruits of his labor and exertion. Adam Smith, 
 although he did not in terms commit himself to this 
 view of history, apparently lends to it the sanction 
 of his authority : 
 
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 11 
 
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 The produce of labor constitutes the natural recom- 
 pense or wages of labor. In that original state of things 
 which precedes both the appropriation of land and the 
 accumulation of stock the whole produce of the labor 
 belongs to the laborer. He has neither landlord nor 
 master to share with him." * 
 
 Here we have the basis of the residual theory and 
 
 * Wealth of Nations, p. 27. See Mr, Cannan's Production and 
 Distribution, pp. 200, 201. 
 

 
 Wages as Residual. 
 
 "5 
 
 a reason for rejecting a theory of wages which finds 
 the measure of wages in the intention of the em- 
 ployer. What we have really to explain is not why 
 the laborer receives wages, but why th^ whole of the 
 product of industry does not belong to him. The 
 explanation is that as industry develops, the laborer 
 comes to require more and more the co-operation of 
 agents of production which are not in his possession ; 
 and for the help of these he is compelled to pay. 
 The price he pays for their co-operation must be 
 deducted from ^■'^e resultant product before we have 
 the actual, as dibtinguished from the natural, recom- 
 pense or wages of labor. 
 
 Adam Smith's suggestion that wages might be 
 regarded as the residual share of the product was not 
 developed by his immediate successors; but it has 
 been taken up and amplified as the basis of the 
 modern theory of wages. This revival of a neglected 
 doctrine is partly due to the growth of democracy 
 and the consequent tendency to exaggerate the in- 
 dependence and supremacy of the working classes in 
 the labor market ; but, mainly, to the recognition of 
 the fact that it is necessary to give determining 
 power to the principle of which the law of wages is 
 the expression. The early theorie endeavored to 
 do so directly. The Subsistence Theory provides 
 a minimum below which wages cannot fall, and the 
 Wages-Fund Theory treats the supply of labor and 
 the demand for labor as definite quantities fixed by 
 extraneous forces, irrespective and independent of 
 each other. Professor Walker approaches the prob- 
 
 Hill 
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 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 I ■ 
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 i 
 
 lem in a more roundabout way. He was practically 
 debarred by his polemic against the methods of the 
 Wages-Fund Theory from attempting a direct solu- 
 tion ; and he, therefore, tried to show, not that the 
 share of labor was determinate, but that the other 
 shares taken from the given product were. Thus, 
 by the method of residues, the end at which the 
 earlier theories had aimed is reached. The share of 
 labor is determined and the result can be set forth 
 in a neat but unconvincing formula which has pro- 
 voked Mr. Gunton's sarcastic definition of the small 
 boy's catch, as all the fish in the sea minus those he 
 didn't catch. The value of a residual theory de- 
 pends on a demonstration of the strictness of the 
 determination of the other shares ; and this demon- 
 stration no one can imagine that Professor Walker 
 has provided. In other chapters we find him a (de- 
 veloped) Ricardian of the Ricardians determining 
 rent as a residual share, and profits as a residual 
 share, and interest as a residual share. So when 
 we find that wages also are determined as a residual 
 share we can hardly avoid the inference that we 
 are travelling in a vicious circle, not of a very great 
 diameter. 
 
 The Productivity Theor}'- is held by many writers 
 who do not adopt it in its residual character. These 
 writers are mainly concerned with the practical ap- 
 plications of the theory, in the discussion of tariff 
 reform, and of the reduction of the hours of labor; 
 and for their purposes the residual nature of the 
 share of the product which goes to labor is probably 
 
Wages as Residual, 
 
 li; 
 
 better left in the background. No useful purpose, 
 at any rate, could be served by treating the share of 
 labor as residual. 
 
 Apart from the practical applications^ it was almost 
 inevitable that an effort should be made to show that 
 wages was the residual share. The final test of a 
 theory of wages is held to be the dynamic force of 
 the determining principle, and directly, the produc- 
 tivity theory does not provide such a principle. The 
 total product of industry cannot, in any intelligible 
 sense, provide a measure of wages because the whole 
 cannot be a measure of the part. That out of a 
 larger product larger wages can be paid and out of a 
 smaller product lower wages is not even a statement 
 of a formal truth and may be a statement that is 
 untrue. In the language of formal logic, a defini- 
 tion of wages must consist of a statement of a genus 
 and a difference. Where the genus is indisputably 
 established we still require the statement of the 
 difference. The theory of wages ought to state 
 the differentiating principle which separates the part 
 from the whole of which it is a part. The Produc- 
 tivity Theory, at the first, and in many expositions 
 to the very last, is merely a statement of the genus, 
 and omits all reference to the difference as some- 
 thing of comparatively little importance. While 
 the new theory was merely a polemic against the 
 Wages-Fund Theory, which was essentially a theory 
 of the source from which wages are paid, it was suf- 
 ficient to prove that wages were paid from another 
 source. But the wages fund was determinate and 
 
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 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 predetermined, while the new source is also the 
 source from which Rent and Profits and Interest 
 are paid. The triumph of the new theory brought 
 prominently forward the question of the measure of 
 wages. The treatment of the subject at Professor 
 Walker's hands indicates the progress towards the 
 recognition of this necessity. TJie Wages Question 
 contains no hint of the residual character of the share 
 that goes to labor. Space and attention are devoted 
 to the criticism of the Wages-Fund Theory. In his 
 Political Economy, the Wages-Fund Theory, and the 
 polemic against it, are relegated to what is practi- 
 cally an appendix, while the residual nature of the 
 laborer's share of the product is fully set forth. 
 
 The method of residues was employed to accom- 
 plish indirectly what other theories had professed to 
 do directly; but the final result, in both cases, is 
 practically the same. The share of the profit which 
 goes to labor cannot be shown either directly or in- 
 directly to be a determined amount, and the de- 
 structive criticism to which each successive attempt 
 has been subjected leads us to the conclusion that 
 the need for absolute determination in the theory of 
 wages is illusory. The necessity seems to arise 
 from the fact that the actual shares of the product 
 are distinctly determinate; but it does not follow 
 that these shares are predetermined by action of any 
 one principle. Indeed, a review of the phenomena 
 of distribution shows us that there is no definite law, 
 in accordance with which just so much, and no 
 more, is assigned to any one of the claimants. The 
 
 
The Contribution of Labor to Production. 1 19 
 
 shares are mutually determined and determining, 
 and the result of this process can be known only ex 
 post facto. There is no inherent necessity that the 
 share of labor should be what it is ; and it is v/hat 
 it is in virtue not only of the strength of labor but 
 also of the strength or weakness of the rival claim- 
 ants. We must get rid altogether of the idea that 
 there is an economic force which allots absolutely 
 any share of the product, even the smallest, to any 
 of the claimants. There is no absolute minimum 
 and no absolute maximum for any share; and the 
 amount at which the share is finally fixed is deter- 
 mined by a combination of forces. 
 
 There is something superficially attractive in the 
 idea on which the Productivity Theory is ultimately 
 based, that each factor that has been employed in 
 production should obtain as a return what it has 
 contributed; but the process of determining what 
 each has contributed is neither so easy nor so con- 
 clusive in its results as this suggestion makes it ap- 
 pear. Before the prrblcm of discovering the con- 
 tribution made by ear h factor can even be approached 
 we must settle what the nature of the contribution 
 made by each factor is. Is it a physical contribution 
 or an economic contribution on account of which the 
 return is to be made ? The physical contribution of 
 each factor is no doubt determinate, and might, by 
 analysis, be determined ; but it is obvious that the 
 physical contribution made to the product is neither 
 explanation nor justification of the actual remunera- 
 tion received, and cannot be treated as such unless 
 
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 120 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
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 ii 
 
 
 we assume that the whole system of society is a 
 monstrous iniquity. There are factors in the physi- 
 cal process of production which are necessary and 
 indispensable (and, as Mill reminds us, there are no 
 degrees of indispensability) which yet receive abso- 
 lutely no share, even the smallest, of the product. 
 The contribution to the process of production made 
 by what we call the free gifts of nature is as real and 
 as distinct and determinable as the contribution 
 made by labor or by capital, but no share of the 
 product is allotted to them ; and indeed it seems 
 ridiculous to speak of a share of the product in this 
 connection. In the degree in which any agent of 
 production approximates to the character of a free 
 gift of nature, however necessary it may be, and 
 may continue to be, to production, does its share in 
 the product decline. It may continue as important 
 as before, and it is even possible, as it comes more 
 to resemble a free gift of nature, that its physical 
 contribution may increase ; but its reward will dimin- 
 ish at least relatively. If the supply of labor should 
 be increased enormously we might find that many 
 operations, previously performed by machinery, 
 could be more profitably performed by hand (the 
 converse case is a matter of common industrial ex- 
 perience). The physical contribution of labor to 
 the product would thus be augmented; but while 
 the total reward of labor might be increased the 
 marginal reward would certainly decrease. The 
 accumulation of capital, again, might be so rapid 
 «ind so enormous that the rate of interest might fall 
 
The Physical Contribution, 
 
 121 
 
 \ 
 
 almost to zero ; but the application of capital in pro- 
 duction would increase rather than diminish. The 
 skill and general mental qualities necessary for suc- 
 cessful management might, by the spread of educa- 
 tion, become very common ; but managerr ^nt would 
 be no less indispensable and might even be employed 
 to a greater extent in production than it is at pres- 
 ent ; yet the wages of superintendence would fall 
 off as they have done, according to Mrs. Sidney 
 Webb, in the textile factories of Lancashire. 
 Thus, even supposing it was an easier matter than 
 it is to determine the physical contribution made by 
 each agent to the product, we are evidently not very 
 far advanced on our way to determine, according to 
 this principle of justice (which makes all the present 
 organization of society a monstrous injustice) what 
 share of the product should be allotted to each 
 agent. 
 
 The product of industry, moreover, is not the re- 
 sult of the several factors, but of the combination 
 and co-operation of the factors. Outside of the 
 combination, and apart from the co-operation, of 
 the various factors, the product of industry would 
 be very small. The factors working separately, and 
 in isolation (and separately and in isolation some 
 of them could not work at all), would only be able 
 to turn out a product beggarly in comparison with 
 the share of the product they actually receive from 
 the results of co-operation. Capital is, at the best, 
 only a passive instrument of production: without 
 labor and opportunity it can produce nothing; and 
 
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 122 
 
 T/w Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 W 
 
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 ii; 
 
 the socialists clamor, in virtue of this principle of 
 justice, that it should receive nothing. The earth 
 might yield her increase without labor and without 
 capital, but the amount would be very small and the 
 quality would soon deteriorate. Labor, the pe- 
 culiarly active agent in production, would indeed 
 produce something; but the progress of industry 
 has been due to an increasing co-operation of labor 
 and capital, and other agents of production; and 
 the greater the co-operation the larger the product. 
 We cannot, therefore, find the contribution of any 
 given agent by comparing the amount of the product 
 when it is present and the amount of the product 
 when it is absent and calling the difference between 
 them the contribution of the given factor. By this 
 method we should obtain some rather astonishing 
 results. If labor, in the absence of capital, could 
 produce only one half, or one third, of what is pro- 
 duced to-day when labor and capital co-operate, 
 fifty per cent, or sixty-six per cent, would, on this 
 method, be assignable to capital. But, on the other 
 hand, if labor were absent capital could produce 
 nothing whatsoever, and consequently one hundred 
 per cent, of the present product belongs to labor. 
 Then, if we were to reverse the process, and add to- 
 gether the several shares assigned to the various 
 factors, after this method of subtraction had been 
 carried out, we might find, as we pleased, either that 
 the product had been assigned many times over, or 
 that the larger part of it had not been assigned at 
 all. It is sufficiently obvious that we cannot deter- 
 
The Rcouoviic Contribution. 
 
 123 
 
 mine the contribution of any factor to the product 
 by this indirect method of subtraction. "**■ 
 
 TIic sum of the wliole matter is that we ought not 
 to transfer to distribution the ideas which are neces- 
 sary in production. The mere fact that an agent is 
 employed in the processes of production affords no 
 reason why a part of the product should be assigned 
 to it, as the case of the free gifts of nature is suflfi- 
 cient to prove. An analogy will make the point 
 clear. Physical laws and physical conditions must 
 be present before a man can be pushed over a preci- 
 pice; but we have no blame for the law of gravita- 
 tion, or for the geological forces which shaped the 
 formations of the district. We do not hold them 
 responsible, but reserve our blame for the human 
 agent who may, to the sum total of physical causes 
 and conditions, have made the smallest physical 
 contribution. As in the moral distribution of re- 
 sponsibility and blame so in the economic distribu- 
 tion of the product. Mere physical contribution to 
 the result is a matter of no importance whatever. 
 In the distribution of the product no share at all 
 will be assigned unless the factor is, so to speak, 
 able to make a claim and able to make its claim 
 good in some way or other. The claim must be 
 supported by a threat, and the power to carry out 
 the threat is the sole measure of the share which the 
 
 '". 1! 
 
 * This method has been unhesitatingly employed, with results most 
 irritating to the friends and champions of labor, by Mr. Malloch 
 throughout his brilliant essay. Labor and the Popular Welfare^ and 
 the futility of the method is the underlying fallacy of the book. 
 
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 124 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 other claimants will allow to pass into the possession 
 of the first claimant. The threat which can be used 
 with effect is to withdraw the agent from the co- 
 operation, and if the agent were a unit the power to 
 make the threat good would cause the transfer to 
 that agent of the difference between the product 
 with its co-operation and the product without its 
 help. But no agent is a unit and, although the 
 agent, as a whole, is indispensable, the whole may 
 be so great that no particular unit of that agent can, 
 with any hope, claim to be indispensable. If the 
 agent is available in such quantity that there need be 
 no shadow of fear that the supply of it will not be 
 sufficient to meet the demand, or, in other words, 
 if the supply of the agent is so great that the other 
 agents need have no fear of being deprived of its co- 
 operation, no attention will be paid to the claim. 
 The free gifts of nature, precisely on this account, 
 receive no share of the profit. When there is any 
 means of limiting them, they are appropriated and 
 their claims are enforced by the threat to withdraw 
 the supply of that agent from co-operation with the 
 other agents. 
 
 There is no right inherent in any agc;it 'Vi.v Its 
 claims should be allowed : its claims are admitted 
 by the rival claimants only because they are forced 
 to admit them. Should they be able to make better 
 terms for themselves, by encouraging, so to speak, 
 some substitute for a particular agent of production, 
 that encouragement will be given. In the main, it 
 is true that the contribution rendered by the agent 
 
The Law of Substitution, 
 
 125 
 
 ilHi 
 
 
 can be rendered by that agent alone ; but between 
 labor and capital there is some possibility of substi- 
 tution. When the wages of labor are high there is 
 a decided impetus, as, for instance, in the United 
 States, given to the introduction of labor-saving 
 machinery. It is cheaper to employ machinery 
 than labor because the claim made on behalf of the 
 capital embodied in it is lower than the claims made 
 on behalf of the labor it tends to displace. The 
 claims of labor will therefore be disregarded to the 
 extent to which they are in excess of the claims of the 
 capital which may replace it, and the value of labor 
 will be determined, not by the claims which are 
 made by and allowed to the marginal laborer, but 
 by the claims which are made by and allowed to the 
 marginal substitute for labor. This process of sub- 
 stitution has not resulted in reducing the claims 
 allowed to labor, though it has possibly checked 
 their advance, because in the long run, machinery 
 has not over the whole field of labor caused a dim- 
 inution of the demand for labor. 
 
 The claim which may be allowed to any agent of 
 production may be large, not because it has excep- 
 tional power to enforce its threat to " strike," but 
 because the power which the other agents have to 
 enforce their claims is relatively weaker. In the 
 contest, or competition, for the product a larger 
 share may go to capital because labor is disorganized 
 and to labor because improved communication has 
 made new land and natural resources available. 
 When the margin of the profitable application of 
 
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 126 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 any agent extends, all the agents or claimants will 
 gain, but the agent whose conditions have changed 
 will gain the least by the change. Its relative re- 
 ward will decrease and its absolute reward will not 
 increase in the same proportion as the absolute re- 
 ward of the other agents; and the reason is that 
 owing to the increase of the supply the power of 
 making its threat good has been impaired. 
 
 The definite shares of the product which are 
 allotted to the various claimants are not determined 
 by the inherent right of one, or other, of them to a 
 precise amount, but by the comparative strength of 
 the various claimants. The shares are, therefore, 
 mutually determined and determining; and we may 
 therefore give up the search after some definite 
 principle, or principles, which, directly, or indirectly 
 by the method of residues, would predetermine the 
 share of any one of them ; for the position of any 
 claimant may improve, or become worse, without 
 any alteration in itself, merely by an alteration in 
 the relative strength of another claimant. 
 
•^( ill 
 
 H ■( I 
 5- !■ I 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE BARGAIN THEORY OF WAGES. 
 
 THE mistaken quest for a principle which, singly, 
 shall have determining powjr has generally 
 led to an extreme and one-sided statement of the 
 principle. It has been stretched to explain all the 
 phenomena of wages ; and it has been an easy task 
 for the critics to show that it is not sufficient to 
 cover the whole ground. Many facts have to be 
 accommodated to the theory and others left com- 
 pletely unexplained and unexplainable. As long as 
 the critic confines himself to his criticism, his course 
 is clear and his argument unanswerable; but when, 
 in the triumph of his destructive criticism, he be- 
 comes confident enough to state his own theory, the 
 tables are turned, and the new, or revived, theory is 
 easily shown to be open, if not to similar, yet to 
 equally weighty objections. No theory seems strong 
 enough to meet the objections which are raised 
 against it; because no theory is adequate for the 
 explanation of all the facts. The reason for this 
 universal breakdown is that the criticism is, in the 
 
 127 
 
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 128 
 
 T/ie Bargai7t Theory of Wages. 
 
 main, merely destructive. A principle is shown to 
 be inadequate to account for the determination of 
 wages under certain circumstances and is, there- 
 fore, promptly rejected m toto ; and a new theory is 
 put forward to explain what the rejected theory 
 had not explained. But the new theory is generally 
 found to be inadequate to explain what the old had 
 explained. 
 
 The consequences of the doctrine of evolution 
 have not yet, in spite of the adoption of its phrase- 
 ology, been fully realized by economists, or we 
 should have less of this purely destructive criticism 
 and hasty and contradictory construction. No 
 theory which has obtained the approval of a large 
 number of investigators of industrial phenomena, 
 and kept it for any length of time, can be totally 
 devoid of foundation. It may not express the 
 whole truth, but it must present some sort of expla- 
 nation of large groups of facts, and no polemical 
 fervor can justify the total rejection of a theory 
 which presents some part of the truth of the indus- 
 trial situation. This destructive criticism has been 
 inspired by the notion that the principle must ex- 
 plain all the facts or none at all ; but when we get 
 rid of the idea of the, necessarily, absolute deter- 
 mining power of a single principle, the way is open 
 to us to recognize the measure of truth and expla- 
 nation contained in each of the three principal 
 theories that have been advanced, and to construct 
 a theory which shall give due place to the element 
 of truth which each has been shown to contain. 
 
) •;■, 
 
 The Defects of Wage Theories, 
 
 129 
 
 The errors of the theories, considered in the first 
 three chapters, have arisen from making a solution 
 of a part qf the problem do duty for the solution of 
 the whole'; and the remedy consists not in indis- 
 criminate criticism and rejection, but in giving each 
 theory its proper place. The subsistence theory is, 
 in the main, a theory of the supply price of labor — in 
 its earlier and later forms a theory of the necessary 
 supply price determined by the cost of production 
 (variously interpreted) — in its usual modern form, 
 almost, it might be said, a theory of market-supply 
 price or, at any rate, of the variations of the market- 
 supply price above the necessary supply price. It 
 errs, on the one hand, as a cost of production theory 
 is bound to err, in neglecting the question of a pos- 
 sible demand price, and, on the other hand, in inter- 
 preting the supply price of labor too narrowly. It 
 assumes throughout that labor is a commodity with 
 pretty much the same characteristics as other com- 
 modities which are bought and sold ; and, therefore, 
 except in the vaguer form of the principle as the 
 standard of comfort, it is forced to neglect the fact 
 that the supply price of labor is not determined ex- 
 traneously) but is largely self-determined. The sup- 
 ply price of labor is not determin'^d, solely, by the 
 amount of thie necessaries, comforts, and luxuries 
 which are necessary, from physiological causes or 
 from custom and habit, to support the laborer. 
 These, as we shall see later, form the principal ele- 
 ment in the supply price, but they do not constitute 
 the whole of it ; nor is any sufificient reason suggested 
 
 W 
 
130 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 ill the theory why they should form even part. The 
 supply price of labor is not a price determined by 
 forces over which the laborer has not full control : 
 it is simply an estimate which the laborer forms of 
 what he (not necessarily his work) is worth ; and 
 
 . many elements enter into it, besides food and cloth- 
 ing and shelter and even fccreation. The supply price 
 is not a minimum below which wages cannot fall, 
 or a maximum beyond which they cannot rise. It is 
 
 . true that wages cannot easily fall below the standard 
 of subsistence, interpreted in the strictest and nar- 
 rowest physiological sense, but, owing to the prog- 
 ress of the working classes, this form of the theory 
 has been abandoned. In any other sense, whether 
 industrial or optimistic, the standard of subsistence 
 cannot be regarded as an absolute minimum. The 
 degradation of labor is a melancholy fact of too fre 
 quent occurrence in industrial history to permit i 
 to accept the standard of subsistence as an insur- 
 mountable barrier. A man can live on less, and he 
 may be forced by the fluctuation of industry for the 
 time being to accept less, than will secure for him 
 that amount .of the necessaries, comforts, and 
 luxuries of life which he naturally thinks, or has 
 com£ to think, as his due. The supply price of 
 labor is simply an estimate by which the laborer is 
 prepared to stand and for which he is, if need be, 
 prepared to fight. But the greatest omission in the 
 theory is the neglect of the question of the demand 
 price of labor. If we could accept without qualifi- 
 
 . cation the cost of production theory of value, the 
 
 ,' 
 
Demand Price and Supply Price. 
 
 131 
 
 
 omission would not be serious; for, according to 
 this theory, fluctuations apart, all values are deter- 
 mined by supply; but " cost of production " was 
 shorn of much of its significance by Mill, and rele- 
 gated to the background, where, unless when brought 
 forward to be definitely repudiated, it has remained. 
 If labor is a commodity, it has not only a sypply 
 price but a demand price; and the modern theory of 
 wages practically anticipated those theories of value 
 which find that value is determined by utility, 
 in considering only the question of the demand 
 price. 
 
 In the standard of subsistence theory, as well as 
 in the productivity of labor theory, too much stress 
 is laid on the alleged fact of concomitant variation. 
 This concomitant variation of wages with the cost 
 of living, on the one hand, and with the efficiency 
 of labor on the other, we found to be neither so in- 
 variable nor so close as was alleged ; and yet to be 
 close enough, in both instances, to justify both the 
 theories as approximate explanations of the facts. 
 In the language of formal logic, it might be safe to 
 conclude that the two principles were in effect not 
 so much contrary as subcontrary propositions. At 
 any rate, both of them are in a measure true if 
 neither is pushed to an extreme. Unfortunately 
 the exponents of both theories have pushed them to 
 extremes and, in asserting the truth of their own 
 principle, have imagined that they were proving the 
 falsity of every other. But a theory of the supply 
 price of labor need not be set in antagonism over 
 
 fi 
 
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 II i 
 
132 
 
 The B I Theory of Wages. 
 
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 against a theory of a demand price. Both may be 
 true and both are necessary for a complete state- 
 ment. The productivity theory amounts to an un- 
 quahfied assertion of the demand price of labor as 
 the determinant of wages. It ignores, almost com- 
 pletely, the supply of labor because, optimistically, 
 it considers the question of a supply price irrelevant 
 and unnecessary. The demand price is necessarily 
 higher than the supply price ; and the motive which 
 the employer has in paying wages, and the beneficent 
 results for the laborer of the competition of master 
 with master, render the consideration of a possible 
 supply price unnecessary. The demand price is 
 fixed by the estimate which the employer forms of 
 the efficiency of labor, and, as the demand price is 
 higher than any possible supply price, the latter is 
 ignored, except in so far as the supply price of labor, 
 or the most important element in the supply price, 
 food and clothing and shelter, affect the efficiency 
 of the laborer. It is undoubtedly true that in pay- 
 ing wages the employer is influenced by his estimate 
 of what the laborer is worth to him, and this estimate 
 constitutes the demand price of labor. In the case 
 of labor, as in the case of all other commodities, the 
 demand price is generally higher than the supply 
 price. This arises not, as in ordinary exchange, 
 from the low marginal utility of that with which the 
 seller parts, but from the necessities of the laborer. 
 But, although the demand price is generally the 
 higher, or, to be more accurate, although the demand 
 estimate is generally higher^than the supply esti^ 
 
 \ 
 
I! 
 
 The Demand Price not Fixed. 
 
 133 
 
 mate, it does not follow that the supply price is 
 a negligible quantity. The demand price is not 
 fixed and absolute. It certainly, even under the 
 beneficent influence of the competition of master 
 with master, cannot be regarded as a minimum. 
 The motive for paying wages is the hope of a sur- 
 plus; and the lower wages can be fixed compatible 
 with efficiency the larger the surplus the employer 
 may hope to realize ; and there is, therefore, a rea- 
 son why the employer should seek to pay less than 
 he thinks the labor is worth. The supply price, 
 however, is a practical limit to his powers of re- 
 ducing wages. To reduce wages down to the 
 supply price and to attempt to lower them further, 
 will destroy the laborer's hopefulness and irritate 
 him into a wild sense of injustice. If the supply 
 price is high the enlightened employer's efforts to 
 reduce wages will soon be checked by the decline in 
 the laborer's efficiency, which depends so much on 
 mental and moral qualities : if the supply price be 
 low, the actual price of labor may be low, not 
 merely because the laborer is less efficient, which he 
 probably is, but because the employer may hope to 
 realize a larger surplus without killing the goose 
 that lays the golden eggs for him. In either case,, 
 the supply price of labor is of importance because it 
 is the employer's interest to pay as much less than 
 the labor is worth to him as the laborer will, readily 
 and without irritation, accept. 
 
 The Wages-Fund Theory, in a measure, is a rec- 
 onciliation of these two theories ; but the reconcili- 
 
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 134 T/if Bargixin Theory of W 
 
 'ages. 
 
 ation is premature. It presents a theory of the 
 demand and the supply of hibor, but treats both de- 
 mand and sui)ply from an impersonal and quasi- 
 objective standpoint. Demand and supply are fixed 
 by what are, so far as the theory of wages is con- 
 cerned, extraneous forces. Su[)ply is not relative 
 to price, but independent of price, and the causes of 
 the determination of the supply are considered out- 
 side the theory. The causes which determine the 
 demand are not so cavalierly dismissed ; but the de- 
 mand is regarded as a quantity and not as relative 
 to a price. The fundamental error of the Wages- 
 Fund Theory consists in treating both supply and 
 demand as fixed quantities. The laborer must work, 
 therefore the supply of labor is absolute. The em- 
 ployer, out of his own intention, fixes the Wages 
 Fund which must be expended, and, therefore, the 
 law of wages is the proportion between demand and 
 supply. But the laborer, though he must work, is 
 not merely passive, and the employer, like other 
 men, forms some estimate of the worth of what he 
 purchases; and, although we may speak of a propor- 
 tion between fixed and rigid quantities, we cannot 
 speak of the law of wages bcuig the proportion be- 
 tween the demand and supply of labor. Mill's 
 emendation " equation " is better, but all analogies, 
 even mathematical analogies, are misleading. The 
 supply of labor cannot be considered apart from the 
 fact that labor and the laborer are inseparable : ^the 
 demand for labor arises from the motive which the 
 
 z., the realization 
 
 iploy( 
 
 payi 
 
 wages, 
 
TJic Form of the Couiplctcd Theory. 135 
 
 I 
 
 of a surplus product, and is not independent of his 
 estimate of what the labor wliich he purchases is 
 worth. Waf^cs are the result of an equation, if we 
 must use Mill's term, of the supply estimate and 
 the demand estimate, and, if the equation is not 
 established at first, the solution of the problem is 
 reached, as it is reached in all other buying and 
 selling, by bargaining. 
 
 The Wages-Fund Theory is, in form at least, the 
 most adequate attempt to resolv^e the wages ques- 
 tion. It recognizes that there are two sides to the 
 equation and devotes considerable attention to the 
 force which establishes' the equation. This force it 
 calls competition. Thus it presents the form of a 
 complete theory; and the object of the remainder 
 of this chapter is to fit the material of the Subsis- 
 tence Theory and of the Productivity Theory to the 
 form of the Wages- Fund Theory. 
 
 In the last chapter, we saw in what sense the 
 statement that labor \?> a commodity is to be under- 
 stood. Even in the most advanced industrial stages, . 
 the buying and selling of labor continues in many 
 respects to exhibit the characteristics of primitive 
 exchange. The difficulty of securing that double 
 coincidence which is necessary for barter does not 
 appear, because labor is in steady demand ; and the 
 labor market, though not organized like the money 
 market, is not in a state of chaos. It is not because 
 labor is less mobile than other goods that it retains 
 the characteristics of primitive exchange, but because 
 two separate estimates of utility enter into the de- 
 
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 136 
 
 7%^ Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 termination of the ratio of exchange. In the case 
 of direct and primitive exchange of goods for goods, 
 each of the exchangers has his own estimate both of 
 what he wishes to obtain and of what he parts with 
 in order to obtain it. The primitive exchanger is 
 supposed to compare the rharginal utility of the two 
 commodities which are to be exchanged, and the 
 exchange takes place only when the bread or the 
 water or the diamonds with which one parts has a 
 lower marginal utility than the commodity which 
 one gains. But with the organization of industry 
 and the extended application of the principle of the 
 division of labor, the estimate which the exchanger 
 places on the commodity which he offers in exchange 
 becomes of less importance. He has it in superfluity 
 and, even when he could use in his own consump- 
 tion the commodity he produces, its marginal utility 
 must be almost as low as zero. The producer pro- 
 duces only to exchange and, in the actual exchange, 
 therefore, looks almost exclusively to the utilities 
 of the articles which he seeks to obtain. He may 
 withhold part of his output; but his object in so 
 doing is to obtain a larger amount of the commodity 
 he desires. His motive is never the affection he 
 has for the fruits of his own labor or the direct utili- 
 ties which the commodities can afford him. The 
 seller's personal estimate has little influence in deter- 
 mining whether the commodity is sold or not. /^is 
 minimum price is determined solely by the cosi 
 of production — what determines the cost of pro- 
 duction is not our problem — and his objection to 
 
Labor a Personal Commodity, 
 
 137 
 
 parting with the commodity below cost docs not lie 
 in the fact that he can use it to better advantage — 
 that, even in the having it, there is more utility 
 than can be obtained by parting with it at a sacri- 
 fice. This is true, notwithstanding the fact that, 
 directly or indirectly, the commodity is the product 
 of his own labor or sacrifice ; not only because under 
 modern conditions this sacrifice of comfort is spread 
 out over a large area owing to the division of labor, 
 but also because it is a thing of the past. The 
 manufacturer who sells the output of his mills docs 
 indeed sell the results of his exertions and his absti- 
 nence; but, nevertheless, he will not withhold a 
 single hank of yarn or a single yard of cloth from 
 the market because he has exerted his powers of 
 mind and body, or sacrificed his immediate comfort, 
 in fashioning them. Rather will reflection on these 
 past exertions make him the more willing to sell, that 
 they may not go unrewarded. The exertion is over 
 and past; and, though future exertions may be 
 limited because the reward for past exertions is con- 
 sidered inadequate, yet past exertion has little to 
 do with the determination of present price. But 
 the less remote the exertion and the less the extent 
 to which the division of labor is carried in produc- 
 tion, the more will the seller's sense of the exertions 
 he has put forth and the sacrifices he has undergone, 
 affect his readiness to sell at any price. An artist, 
 in so far as he is animated by the commercial motive, 
 is more likely, other things being the same, to hold 
 his picture for an adequate price than the weaver 
 
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 138 
 
 T/w Barium TJicory of Wages. 
 
 his cloth. The artist has completed the whole 
 operation and has in his hands at one time the com- 
 pleted result of his exertions. The work that he 
 has fashioned is more to him thr 1 the yarn is to the 
 master spinner; thouj^h the pamter, too, will part 
 with the picture at what he considers an inade- 
 quate price rather than have it left on his hands. 
 The laborer, however, is still nearer to his labor 
 which he sells than the artist is to his picture. He 
 has but little interest in the product which he is 
 engaged in making. He has already contracted 
 himself out of all claim on it. What he parts with 
 is really not the fruits of past exertion, but the right 
 to use his labor. All the time that the exchange is 
 being effected, he is continuously conscious of his 
 personal interest in what he sells. Since all labor 
 involves disutility, we can never speak of the laborer 
 parting with that which has a low marginal utility 
 to obtain that which has a high marginal utility. 
 Directly the power to labor may be of little use to 
 the laborer, but the disutility of labor remains great. 
 Were the laborer able to take a purely objective view 
 of what he sells, the price of labor might be deter- 
 mined as the price of all other commodities is, almost 
 entirely from the side of demand; but the memory, 
 or the anticipation, of the disutilities of exertion is 
 too strong to permit him to take an impersonal 
 view and, consequently, he will insist more strongly 
 than either the manufacturer, or the artist, on ob- 
 taining an equivalent for the inconveniences he has 
 incurred or is likely to incur. All that a man hath 
 
Labor a Unique Coiiuiiodity. 
 
 139 
 
 will he give for his life, and the laborer's necessities 
 may be so great that he estimates the disutilities of 
 labor as nothing compared with the utilities he de- 
 sires; yet, however highly he estimates the utilities 
 of the reward and however indifferent he may there- 
 fore be to the disutilities of labor, he will not work 
 unless the utilities are, at least, an equivalent in 
 satisfaction to the disutilities incurred. 
 
 Labor, on this account, remains a thing apart. It 
 has inevitably, perhaps fortunately, but certainly 
 inevitably, lagged behind in the process of the 
 simplification of exchange, which has gone so far in 
 the case of other commodities as practically to elimi- 
 nate the seller's estimate from the barjjain. From 
 the buyer's point of view labor has not lagged much 
 behind. In primitive exchange the decision to buy 
 or to sell depends on whether the indirect utilities, 
 v/hat by the Austrian economists is called the sub- 
 jective exchange value, exceed the direct utilities or 
 not. Under modern industrial conditions, the 
 direct utilities are of comparatively little importance 
 compared with the indirect. The buyer of labor 
 must postpone the consumption of some portion of 
 that share of the real income of society which has 
 fallen to him ; but since he buys labor, not for im- 
 mediate gratification, but to produce and to make 
 money, the utility which he sacrifices does not 
 weigh much with him. He fixes his attention far 
 more on the commodities he seeks to obtain by help 
 of the labor he hires than on the utilities he hands 
 over to the laborer in exchange ; although the direct 
 
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140 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 utilities are not without influence on the estimate 
 he forms of what the labor is worth to him. 
 
 The price of labor is determined somewhere be- 
 tween two estimates placed upon it — the estimate 
 of the employer and the estimate of the laborer. 
 The estimate of the laborer is the resultant of two 
 factors — one positive and one negative- -the utility 
 of the reward and the disutility of the labor; and 
 the estimate of the employer is on the whole de- 
 pendent on the indirect utilities afforded by what he 
 purchases, or rather by the discounted value of the 
 product created by the laborer's exertions. Should 
 the laborer place too high an estimate upon what 
 he offers to sell, or the employer too low an estimate 
 on what he wishes to buy, no exchange will be 
 effected; but, in general, the necessities of the 
 laborer and the motives of the employer prevent 
 any such difficulty from arising. The pressure of 
 the laborer's necessities is such that the reward 
 which the employer offers is generally sufficient to 
 cover the disutility of labor. 
 
 Between these two estimates the value of labor is 
 determined by the forces by which all exchanges are 
 effected. These two estimates are a maximum and 
 a minimum. The buyer is neither anxious nor will- 
 ing to offer as much as his estimate. On the con- 
 trary, he naturally desires to obtain what he wishes 
 as much as possible below his estimate of what it is 
 worth to him. His motive in buying labor is to 
 obtain the surplus of the price which the product 
 realizes over the advances he has to make to obtain 
 
The Limits of Wages. 
 
 141 
 
 it ; and the smaller the advances he has to make the 
 greater the surplus which remains in his possession. 
 His estimate of what labor is worth is a maximum 
 beyond which he can, only with the greatest diffi- 
 culty, be forced to go. The difficulty arises from 
 the opposition which the other claimants to a share 
 in the product will offer to any disturbance of the 
 balance which has already been established. Should 
 he be forced to offer more than he can, consistently 
 with this balance of claims (including his own), he 
 will have to face the necessity of establishing a new 
 balance unless he is content to see his own share 
 shrink without a protest. Up to his estimate the 
 employer can freely offer, but the less he can force, 
 or induce, the laborer to accept, the larger his own 
 share. 
 
 The laborer, on his side, does not regard his esti- 
 mate as a maximum. On the contrary, even should 
 he be successful in extracting from the employer the 
 full measure of the employer's estimate, it does not 
 follow that he is quite satisfied. He has expended 
 energy which it requires food and clothing and 
 shelter to replace : he has occupied a position of de- 
 pendence and restraint, for the irksomeness of which 
 he insists on such a compensation in satisfaction, or 
 the means of satisfaction, as will make him feel his 
 own master during his leisure hours : he has suffered 
 from the monotony of work, in which he has little 
 immediate, and no ultimate interest, and his nature 
 demands variety and recreation ; but the equivalent 
 in satisfaction which he feels he has a right to de- 
 
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 142 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 mand for these disutilities does not, as a rule, meet 
 all the wants in his scale. The laborer, except per- 
 haps in the lowest grades of society, has a great 
 variety of wants and will naturally seek to satisfy as 
 many of them as possible. Since his single source 
 of satisfaction is the wages he receives, he will there- 
 fore endeavor to get as high a price for his labor as 
 he can. Thus, though he enters the labor market 
 with a definite estimate of what he is worth, his esti- 
 mate is a minimum only. 
 
 The value of labor will generally be determined 
 neither at the one estimate nor at the other, but 
 somewhere between the two estimates, in a kind of 
 debatable ground, as it were. The practical wages 
 problem is the delimitation of the frontiers of the 
 respective territories of Capital and Labor. What 
 the result is of the dispute for this territory depends 
 on circumstances. Each strives to enfrross the 
 whole of the disputed territory and probably neither 
 could be wholly successful. The issue depends on 
 the relative strength of the contestants — on the weak- 
 ness of one as much as on the strength of the other; 
 and the issue cannot therefore be determined before- 
 hand. We have here a failure of the equation of 
 exchange. We can say only that wages will be de- 
 termined somewhere between the limits by the com- 
 parati ve strength and knowledge of the bargainers. 
 The limits are not absolutely fixed ; but, within the 
 undisputed and permanent frontiers, each is com- 
 paratively free from the danger of aggression, not 
 perhaps on account of a recognition of his rights 
 
The Debatable Groimd. 
 
 H3 
 
 within these limits but on account of the special 
 fierceness of the resistance to a<^L^ression. The em- 
 ployer will find great difficulty in forcing the laborer 
 to accept less than he thinks he is worth; and the 
 laborer will find social and economic forces of great 
 strength arrayed against him should he attempt to 
 exact more than his labor is really worth to his em- 
 ployer. But the distribution of the margin between 
 the two estimates can never be regarded as final. 
 A position may be occupied by labor in one year 
 from which, in the next, it may be forced to retire ; 
 and the outposts of the employer may, at times, be 
 thrown farther forward than they can be permanently 
 maintained. Should the strength of one party be 
 considerably greater than the strength of the other, 
 from whatever cause, the larger part of the debat- 
 able ground may pass into the hands of that party ; 
 and when the strength of the two parties is nearly 
 equal, the debatable land will be nearly equally 
 divided between them ; but no arrangement is final. 
 It is probable that, .owing to various causes, the 
 limits claimed by, and allowed to, labor are being 
 steadily pushed forward year by year; but the 
 laborer is probably still far from absorbing the whole 
 of the debatable ground because, as we shall see, 
 and as we have seen, though the fact was otherwise 
 expressed, the rise of the laborer's estimate renders, 
 through the greater efficiency that generally follows 
 higher wages, possible a rise of the employer's 
 estimate. 
 
 It is necessary to consider more fully the nature 
 
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 VI 
 
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UP 
 
 144 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 
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 sir 
 
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 hi 
 
 of these two estimates between which, as limits, 
 actual wages are determined and to discuss the fac- 
 tors which strengthen or weaken the position of the 
 laborer, or the employer, as a bargainer. Some of 
 these elements and factors are of so great import- 
 ance that the discussion of them must be deferred, 
 and, in the remainder of this chapter, the less im- 
 portant only are considered, though the place of the 
 more important is indicated. 
 
 The laborer's estimate must not be taken as merely 
 the equivalent of his standard of subsistence, how- 
 ever broadly this conception may be interpreted. 
 The standard of subsistence is not even an adequate 
 objective representation of the laborer's estimate of 
 his labor, for this includes, both the utility of the 
 reward and the disutility of the labor. The utilities 
 afforded by the reward may, through the necessities 
 of the laborer's position, be so intensified that the 
 sum of them may the more quickly counterbalance 
 the, disutilities of labor. The laborer's estimate is 
 simply his demand that in the reward he may find a 
 sufficient recompense for the various discomforts 
 and inconveniences he incurs in working, and in 
 working at the bidding of another. If the disutili- 
 ties of labor diminish, owing to shorter hours, or 
 better sanitary conditions, for instance, the laborer 
 might be ready to accept a lower reward because the 
 necessary recompense need not be so great ; though 
 this event is hardly likely to occur. He might also, 
 come to estimate the utilities of the reward more 
 highly owing to a general intensification of his wants, 
 
 
The Laborer s Estimate, 
 
 145 
 
 or, owing to the greater cheapness of consumption 
 goods, he may find the equation of utility and dis- 
 utiHty in a smaller wage. The social and indus- 
 trial tendency is, however, in the opposite direction. 
 The equation is found in a higher wage; for the dis- 
 utility of labor is probably increasing while, owing 
 to greater cheapness, the marginal utilities of the 
 commodities which make the reward are decreasing 
 and a larger amount of them is, therefore, necessary 
 to provide the recompense for the disutility in- 
 curred. 
 
 The standard of comfort represents one element 
 only in the disutility of labor, though that element 
 is, and is likely to remain, the most important ele- 
 ment. It corresponds, in a certain measure, with the 
 amount of energy expended in labor and, therefore, 
 affords us an objective measure of the principal con- 
 stituent of a somewhat shifting conception. It can- 
 not be taken as equivalent to the laborer's estimate 
 for it takes no account of the moral disutilities of 
 labor. We must take into account the effect of 
 work, and especially of work at the bidding of an- 
 other, on the mind and feelings of the laborer. The 
 feeling of dependence and the sense of the irksome- 
 ness of restraint and control do, indeed, make de- 
 mands on a man's energy, and this expenditure must 
 be made up ; but the equivalent of the physical en- 
 ergy expended would not be regarded as a sufficient 
 prcemiuni affectionis. The laborer's estimate, un- 
 doubtedly, includes this purely subjective element; 
 and, in one sense, the laborer's estimate is individual 
 
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 146 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 and subjective. It is his own estimate of what he 
 is worth in his own eyes, not necessarily of what he 
 is worth to an employer. But his estimate is really 
 no more individual and subjective than he is him- 
 self.* His estimate is framed, as his opinions are 
 framed, after the model of the opinions of others. 
 If he lives among men who value themselves and 
 their self-respect highly, his estimate will be high. 
 He will not accept employment which brings social 
 disapprobation except for an additional compensa- 
 tion ; and there are some occupations in which he 
 will engage only under compulsion, and to which, 
 under no circumstances, will he allow his children to 
 be apprenticed and trained. What he regards as a 
 degrading occupation he will leave severely to those 
 whose self-respect is less. Consequently, it is not 
 in the most disgusting occupations that the highest 
 wages are ^'>aid ; but a butcher's assistant will receive 
 more than a grocer's. His estimate is framed, as we 
 said, on the model of the estimate which others have 
 formed, and, more particularly, on the estimate 
 which the employer has formed. If he is worth so 
 much to his employer, his self-respect will not allow 
 him to estimate himself at less. In his employer's 
 estimate, in so far as he knows, or thinks he knows, 
 what that is, he has an assurance of his merits which 
 his own conception alone could not give; and he 
 may accept the employer's estimate so implicitly 
 
 * Cp. Spinoza Ethica, part iii., prop. 57 et Schol, QtUlibet unius- 
 cuiusque individui affeclus ab affectu alterius tantum discrepat guan- 
 tum essentia unius ab essentia alterius differt. 
 
TJic Laborer s Estimate. 
 
 147 
 
 that it never occurs to him that his subjective esti- 
 mate is an adopted one. 
 
 Strictly speaking, this estimate is not represented 
 by an amount of commodities but by that amount 
 of commodities which will afford an equation of 
 utility and disutility ; and the equation may be dis- 
 turbed either by intensifying or by reducing the 
 laborer's wants and necessities; or by increasing or 
 by decreasing the disutility of labor. Although, 
 therefore, the laborer's estimate cannot be regarded 
 as an absolute minimum, at any given time, or ex- 
 cept in a purely formal sense, it has a determining 
 power. The standard of subsistence, however in- 
 terpreted, is simply an amount of commodities and 
 there is no reason why the amount of commodities 
 a man has been in the habit of consuming should 
 determine his wages unless it be that the standard 
 of subsistence is simply a rough and ready (but in- 
 complete, though objective) measure of the disutility 
 of labor. In this sense, the standard is a determi- 
 nant because the disutility of labor must be coun- 
 terbalanced, and more than counterbalanced, by 
 the utilities which the reward affords. It is not a 
 final determinant, however, even of the minimum 
 wage because circumstances may alter and a new 
 equation be necessary. An established equation, 
 however, is not readily altered, and throughout all 
 changes certain elements remain fairly permanent. 
 The expenditure of physical energy is nearly con- 
 stant, and the standard of comfort is that amount 
 of utilities normally necessary to meet this constant 
 
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 148 
 
 T/tc Bargain Theory of Waf^cs. 
 
 element in the disutility of labor. The standard of 
 comfort is, therefore, the most important element 
 in the laborer's estimate and gives to that estimate 
 much of the resisting power which it has. The 
 laborer's estimate is not, except in form, a minimum 
 below which wages cannot fall, but it has great 
 power of enforcing itself. If the equation between 
 utility and disutility is not established, the laborer's 
 sense of fair play is wounded and his work will suffer. 
 His efficiency depends almost as much on his willing- 
 ness as on his physical strength and dexterity, and 
 the employer who tries to reduce wages in his 
 anxiety to increase his surplus of the product may 
 easily defeat his own ends. The strength of the 
 laborer's position depends greatly on this necessary 
 weakness of the employer for, though theoretically 
 the employer has the laborer at his mercy owing to 
 the necessities of living, practically he dare not push 
 his advantage. 
 
 The laborer's estimate is, as we said, an equation 
 of two factors, the disutility of labor and the utility 
 of the reward, both of which are subject to inde- 
 pendent variations — though the latter more so than 
 the former. 
 
 The disutility of labor is, on the whole, increasing. 
 Many of the disagreeable features of modern indus- 
 try are preventable and are likely, by an extended 
 application of the principles of the factory acts, to 
 be prevented. It is significant that the worst abuses 
 of modern industry, those which most surely destroy 
 the health and the efficiency of the worker, are most 
 
The Disutility of Labor, 
 
 149 
 
 prevalent in those industries vvliich have lagged be- 
 hind in the industrial development. The modern 
 parallel to the iniquities of the early factory system 
 is found not in the factory industries but in home 
 industries; and this fact is so notorious that the 
 more advanced of labor advocates propose practi- 
 cally that home industry should be suppressed by 
 law. The improvement of sanitary conditions and 
 the shortening of the hours of labor effected by the 
 factory acts have probably diminished the disutilities 
 by a greater amount than they have been increased by 
 the speeding of machinery and the intensification of 
 work which have accompanied these ameliorations of 
 the conditions of labor; and have perhaps rendered 
 the speeding economically possible.* It is certainly 
 an open question whether the expenditure of energy 
 demanded from the labor in industry is increasing 
 or decreasing ; for over against the optimism of those 
 Utopists who, looking forward, see labor, by means 
 of short hours and varied occupations, becoming 
 pleasant and involving no disutility, but perhaps 
 even a positive utility as affording an exercise for 
 our powers, we must place the pessimism of J. S. 
 Mill, who was inclined to doubt whether machinery 
 had lightened human labor. 
 
 This uncertainty exists only in reference to the 
 positive disutilities of labor, if the paradoxical 
 phrase may be permitted ; for there can be no 
 doubt that the negative disutilities are increasing. 
 These arise out of the dependence of the hired 
 
 ♦Nicholson, Effects of Machinery on Wages, p. 48. 
 
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 150 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 laborer on his employer and the widespread feeling 
 that in workin^jat the bidding of another something 
 of the full stature of manhood is lost. This feeling 
 is a wages factor of increasing importance. The 
 socialists have all along denounced vehemently what 
 they call wage slavery ; and the ardor of the apostles 
 of " pure," or producer's co-operation,* is inspired 
 by the same idea. The idea that there is something 
 rather degrading in being a wage earner has been 
 fostered by the more zealous advocates of profit 
 sharing, like Mr. Sedley Taylor, who speaks of the 
 " moral gain to the workman in passing from the 
 position of a mere wage earner to that of an associate 
 in profits. * ' f Whatever the attitude of the working 
 classes towards these schemes, there can be no doubt 
 that the negative disutilities of labor are of great 
 importance in the wages question, and that with the 
 spread of education, in the narrower and in the wider 
 sense, and the growth of the political power of the 
 working classes, they will become of more and more 
 importance. The greater the self-respect of the 
 laborer the greater will be his estimate of the dis- 
 utility of labor, and the higher will the lower limit 
 of wages stand. 
 
 The other factor in the equation which gives the 
 lower limit is the utilities afforded by the reward of 
 
 * The ideal of Producer's Co-operation is "that the worker shall 
 be elevated to the position of partner and profit sharer instead of 
 being the hired machine of the capitalist and consumer." — Mr. Gray, 
 Secretary of the Co-operation Union, quoted by Schloss, Industrial 
 Remuneration, p. 202. 
 
 f Report of Industrial Remuneration Conference, p. 256. 
 
The Utility of the Reward, 
 
 151 
 
 labor. A given amount of satisfaction may be 
 obtained from the satisfaction of a few wants of 
 great intensity or from a larger number of less in- 
 tensity. It is possible, therefore, that an intensifi- 
 cation of the elementary physical and human wants 
 may induce the individual to find the equation of 
 utility and disutility in a smaller amount of goods. 
 Such an intensification of the elementary wants is 
 of frequent occurrence, and whenever it does occur 
 the laborer will put forth more effort to obtain the 
 satisfaction than he puts forth at other times. The 
 skilled artisan who is compelled to take relief work 
 provided for the unemployed does not value himself 
 the less but the reward the more ; and the widowed 
 mother will slave for a pittance to keep her children 
 from starving. In comparison with their necessities 
 they seem to place no value upon their wo/k. On 
 the other hand, the farther a man is from the danger 
 of starvation, the less will be the marginal utility of 
 the reward, and the sooner will he find that the dis- 
 utility of working exceeds the utility of the reward, 
 and the higher, therefore, the wages which must be 
 offered to induce him to work. Moreover unto him 
 that hath shall be given ; and the development of 
 the purely human wants will increase the negative 
 disutilities of labor, making dependence more irk- 
 some and the sacrifice of leisure more ungrateful. 
 
 The individual laborer is not, necessarily, de- 
 pendent on his individual estimate. The lower 
 limit which he sets, or would set, for himself is 
 often superseded by an artificial lower limit set by 
 
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 152 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 the industrial condition of the community in which 
 he lives. In new countries, agriculture and the ex- 
 tractive industries set the standard of wages, and the 
 wages in these occupations form a minimum below 
 which the wages in other industries cannot fall. 
 This was one of the first laws of wages to be enunci- 
 ated, and subsequent observation has corroborated 
 Benjamin Franklin's statement (though not his in- 
 ference) that " no man who can have a piece of land 
 of his own, sufficient by his labor to subsist his 
 family in plenty, is poor enough to be a manufacturer 
 and work for a master."* His inference that 
 ** while there is land enough in America for our 
 people, there can never be manufactures to any 
 amount or value," has been hotly contested by the 
 protectionists and was, in effect, condemned by 
 Adam Smith. f The competition of rival nations 
 in foreign trade has a similar tendency to create 
 such an artificial lower limit in all countries, but the 
 tendency is not so strong in this case because of 
 the greater immobility of labor. In a new country 
 every man thinks he knows enough to be a farmer; 
 and the readiness of access to the land improves the 
 laborer's standing not merely by reducing the sup- 
 ply of hired laborers but also by removing some of 
 the disabilities which might make the laborer, owing 
 to the intensity of his elementary wants, find the 
 equation of utility and disutility in a smaller quan- 
 tity of commodities. While a man " can have a 
 
 * Benjamin Franklin, JVorh, vol. iii., p. 108. 
 \ Wealth of Nations y bk. 4, chap, i, 
 
 
 Iii 
 
Mi 
 
 An Artificial Lower Limit. 
 
 153 
 
 piece of land of his own," the elementary v nts are 
 not likely to be much in evidence ; and the freedom 
 and independence of the farmer render the de- 
 pendence of the hired laborer more odious and 
 unwelcome. As the country fills up, the laborer 
 has to depend more on himself and on his own 
 estimate. This does not mean, as Franklin sug- 
 gests, that wages must fall as the nation becomes 
 industrial. Indeed, the effect is generally in the op- 
 posite direction because the development of manu- 
 factures creates new wants; and the creation of 
 new wants means that the laborer must receive 
 a larger amount of commodities to establish the 
 equation of utility and d^sutilit3^ But whether the 
 new natural limit is higher or lower than the old 
 artificial limit, the laborer has now to depend upon 
 himself alone. 
 
 Th 1 upper limit of wages is the employer's esti- 
 mate of what the laborer is worth to him ; and, since 
 the payment of wages is not an exercise of philan- 
 thropy and the employer is driven thereto by no 
 physical necessity, but impelled by a purely eco- 
 nomic motive, it is likely to be both more definite 
 and more absolute than the laborer's estimate. It 
 is more definite, because the employer is less liable 
 to be governed by the peculiarities of his personal 
 feelings and more ready to accept the guidance of 
 his fellows who are at least as able to make an 
 estimate as himself and' are more animated by the 
 same motive as he is. The laborer has to form 
 his estimate by reference to the somewhat vague 
 
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 154 
 
 The Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 and subjective ideas of utility and disutility while 
 the employer can make use of the " calculation form 
 of utility." It is true that he has to calculate in 
 anticipation the price he can obtain for the fruits 
 of the labor he purchases, and there is thus a pos- 
 sibility of error in his calculations; but given the 
 price, he has to do little more than calculate the 
 efficiency of the individual laborer which he can 
 readily measure. The upper limit is more absolute 
 than the lower, because the employer has a stronger 
 conviction that his estimate is just and accurate; 
 for in this assurance, he will be able to offer a more 
 effective resistance to any attempt to raise wages 
 above this limit. 
 
 As already explained, the upper limit is regarded 
 by the employer as a maximum; and if, as must be 
 the case when labor is to be bought and sold, the 
 buyer's estimate is higher than the seller's, the only 
 reason why the employer should pay the maximum 
 is that he can pay it ; and this he is not likely to pay 
 until he is forced. But the fact that he can pay up 
 to the limit is an element of weakness in his position 
 as a bargainer; and should, at the same time, the 
 position of the laborer be strong, wages may be 
 forced nearly up to the maximum. There is no 
 other sufficient reason why he should pay out the 
 maximum wage. Competition of master with 
 master is not keen enough to bring about this re- 
 sult ; and, besides, the effect of competition is set 
 aside by the tacit or avowed combination of masters 
 to pay as low wages as is compatible with efficiency, 
 
The Employer s Estimate. 
 
 155 
 
 and by the fact that the development of the capi- 
 talist regime has created a surplus of irregularly 
 employed labor on which much of the force of the 
 competition between masters for labor is dissipated. 
 In fact, apart from the power which the laborers 
 have of enforcing their demands, there is no reason 
 to suppose that the employer will willingly pay as 
 mi'.^h as he can. Rather does he endeavor to pay 
 as little as he may; and he respects the laborer's 
 estimate only because of the effect which an out- 
 raged sense of justice has on efficiency. 
 
 However powerful the laborer is, we may practi- 
 cally regard this upper limit as a final and unsur- 
 mountable obstacle to the rise of wages. The 
 employer can pay more to labor only by paying less 
 to the other claimants for a share of the product and 
 this would involve a readjustment: which is a task 
 he is not likely to seek to undertake. He mTiy be 
 forced by necessity, or by the pressure of public 
 opinion, to undertake it; but, since one of these 
 claims is his own, and all are made by men of his 
 own class and standing, it will requiic a very great 
 pressure. Labor it is natural fur him to regard as 
 the agent which should be sacrificed for the hi- 
 tegrity of the others; and it would be a reversal of 
 all his class and business preconceptions to think of 
 reducing the shares of the other claimants to increase 
 the share which goes to labor. The wide acceptance 
 of the doctrine of a living wage shows that there is 
 a growing belief that the wages of labor should be 
 regarded as a first charge on the product of industry. 
 
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 156 
 
 T/te Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 and the meaning of this is that, in the opinion of 
 many, the employer, if necessary, should face the 
 difficulties of readjusting the claims. 
 
 If this readjustment cannot be effected, the suc- 
 cess of the laborer in raising wages above the em- 
 ployer's estimate would result in a restriction of 
 industry unless there were some way open to the 
 employer to neutralize its effect. There is one ob- 
 vious way in which he can render a demand ineffec- 
 tual which he is not strong enough otherwise to 
 resist. The law of substitution * is especially appli- 
 cable as between capital and labor; and the strength 
 of the laborer's demand may be turned aside by an 
 increased use of fixed capital. Machinery, at least 
 to a very large extent, can be made to do the same 
 work as labor; and labor-saving machinery is most 
 used where, as in America, wages are high. The 
 immediate result of the substitution of capital for 
 labor is to reduce the demand for labor, and, there- 
 fore, to weaken the laborer's position ; and it is the 
 immediate. result only which is of importance in this 
 connection. The law of substitution thus operates 
 frequently to render conce: sion to the demands of 
 labor unnecessary. When the law of substitution 
 is not operative, and there are still many industries 
 in which labor-saving machinery cannot be used in- 
 stead of labor, a successful demand for wages higher 
 than the employer's limit will restrict industry. 
 For a general readjustment of the distributed shares 
 will occur only when the demand for higher wages 
 
 ♦ C/. Marshall, Principles of Economics, passim. 
 
 m 
 
 li 
 
The Law of Substitution. 
 
 157 
 
 has been successful over a large area; and success in 
 those industries where the law of substitution is not 
 operative is not enough to force a general readjust- 
 ment. Accordingly, a demand which requires a 
 readjustment will be neutralized in most industries 
 by the law of substitution and in the others will result 
 in a restriction either of profits or of employment, 
 or Itimately of both. 
 
 It may be suggested that where the law of substi- 
 tution does not protect the employer, there is a cer- 
 tain compensation for the higher wages which will 
 prevent the restriction of industry. The working 
 classes form the great majority of consumers, and 
 their increased spending power may make it profit- 
 able to introduce improved processes of production. 
 But unfortunately for the employers who, debarred 
 by the nature of their industry from using the law of 
 substitution in their own defense, have been forced 
 to pay higher wages than they consider they can 
 afford, the increased demand for commodities will 
 probably not affect the industry which they are 
 engaged in before. It is in the highest skilled 
 trades, mainly, where artistic workmanship is re- 
 quired, that machinery cannot be introduced as a 
 substitute for human labor; and the demand of the 
 working classes for the product of these industries 
 is small and is likely, in spite of any possible in- 
 crease of wages, to remain small. The demand of 
 the working classes is for commodities produced in 
 those industries where the law of substitution is 
 operative. Accordingly, the compensation to thq 
 
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 158 
 
 77if Ihrrgain Theory of Wages, 
 
 unfortunate employer who has been forced to pay 
 hii^her wages than he can afford, is found only in 
 that increased general prosperity which tends to 
 follow from a permanent increase in the demand 
 for the products of any industry or group of indus- 
 tries. The compensation, therefore, if not highly 
 problematic, is at least very indirect. 
 
 We may conclude, then, that the employer's esti- 
 mate is practically a fixed and constant maximum. 
 The attempt to raise wages above this limit will 
 rarely be successful and, in those industries where it 
 may be immediately successful, rejoicings are prema- 
 ture. The endeavor " o'erleaps itself " and restricts 
 employment; and, in a short time, the employer's 
 estimate will be re-established more firmly than ever 
 as the upper limit of wages. 
 
 The employer's estimate of the value of labor is 
 the resultant of two factors, the amount which the 
 laborer can produce and the resources at the com- 
 mand of the employer. The first of these factors 
 is so obvious that the Productivity Theory was based 
 on the neglect of the second. The Wages-Fund 
 Theory undoubtedly went to an extreme in the im- 
 portance it attached to this second factor, but it 
 rightly emphasized the fact that the employer is 
 limited by the actual resources at his command in 
 the amount that he can offer for labor. By this 
 we mean not by the resources of any casual individ- 
 ual who may, rightly or wrongly, aspire to be an 
 employer, but by the resources o*" the marginal 
 employer : that is, ultimately by th< mount of the 
 
I' I 
 
 Factors in the Employer s Estimate. 1 59 
 
 present income which the community is willing to 
 divert from present consumption to the buying of 
 labor. The Wages-Fund, in the narrower sense of 
 the resources immediately (including credit) at the 
 command of the employer, even though it be, as is 
 asserted, continuously replenished, is an important 
 fact in determining the proper limit. The Wages- 
 Fund is a " Zwischen-reservoir, " as Roscher has 
 termed it ; and although the capacity of the reser- 
 voir is no measure of the volume of the supply, the 
 situation of, and the height of the water in, the reser- 
 voir determine the height to which the water can 
 rise. The employer is the distributor of wages and, 
 although the amount of his resources can affect 
 money wages only, the question of money wages is 
 the most important part of the question of real wages. 
 The resources at the disposal of the employer in- 
 clude the credit he can command at the bank and 
 elsewhere. The monetary and banking systems of 
 the community are thus of immense importance to 
 the working classes. The volume of business peri- 
 odically increases ; and, if the money of the country 
 is inelastic and does not expand in volume when 
 the volume of business expands, there is a great 
 danger that the value of labor wall periodically de- 
 crease. When banking facilities are rare and the 
 credit system defective or undeveloped various de- 
 vices are adopted, generally in connection with 
 the method of remuneration, to supply the lack. 
 Wages are paid, not weekly or fortnightly, but 
 monthly or quarterly, or they are paid wholly or in 
 
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 part in goods or in orders on a store controlled 
 directly or indirectly by the employer, or in dwelling- 
 houses or land provided by the employer; and the 
 effect is, in every case, to provide a somewhat in- 
 efficient substitute for credit and to enable the 
 employer to do a larger business on his available 
 capital. The motive, of course, is not any desire to 
 raise the wages of the workmen ; but were it not 
 that these devices have serious indirect consequences 
 for the laborer, the practice, even from the laborer's 
 point of view, would be laudable wherever the credit 
 system is not developed. It is significant that in 
 Canada at any rate these devices fall naturally into 
 disuse without the necessity of legislation as the 
 banking system expands, and that they are practised 
 now only in back country districts or by employers 
 whose credit at the bank is not good. Unfortu- 
 nately, the practice is attended by so many evils 
 which weaken the position of the laborer that their 
 influence in raising wages is as nothing in compari- 
 son with the influence of their indirect effects in 
 lowering wages.* 
 
 The upper limit of wages is fixed but only for the 
 time being. It is not unchangeable and may rise 
 and fall with changes in industrial circumstances. 
 It may fall as well as rise, although the progress of 
 the working classes during the last half century has 
 made the idea of a lowering of the upper limit 
 strange and unfamiliar. The employer's estimate 
 
 * For a further discussion of this question see Chap. VIII. of this 
 essay. 
 
IS 
 
 Variations of the Employer s Estimate. i6i 
 
 will rise, in general, from two causes, viz., increased 
 efficiency and an improved credit system. The 
 conditions of a rise of efficiency are obvious and 
 have been in part already discussed in the earlier 
 chapters. The most important, as well as the most 
 obvious, are the spread of elementary and technical 
 education and the influence of high wages in im- 
 proving the industrial capabilities of the laborer. 
 Equally important, though not quite so obvious, is 
 the influence which the lower limit has on the upper 
 limit. Generally speaking, the higher the lower 
 limit the greater the efficiency of the laborer. The 
 man whose self-respect is great is likely, other things 
 being the same, to prove the better workman. But 
 this is true only in general, because a man's self- 
 respect is never so militant as when it is wounded, 
 and the attempt to violate the laborer's self-respect 
 will result in a lowering of efficiency. 
 
 These limits are, in the main, determined inde- 
 pendently of the influence of outside causes. The 
 laborer determines the lower limit and the employer 
 the upper limit, and public opinion and legislation, 
 which have considerable influence in determining 
 where between the limits actual wages shall be 
 fixed, have no certain and regular influence on the 
 limits themselves. The influence is felt mainly, 
 where at first we should hardly expect, in maintain- 
 ing the upper limit higher than it ought to be. 
 This occurs more frequently in the case of the 
 wages of management than in the wages of hired 
 labor. The employer, influenred by the idea of 
 
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 162 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 what ought to be a living wage for men of his own 
 class and rank, frequently pays higher wages to his 
 managers than their work is worth. At least this is 
 the conclusion which follows from the remarkable 
 fact to which Mrs. Sidney Webb has called atten- 
 tion in her Co-operative J^Iovetnent : * 
 
 " By selecting officials and managers from a class 
 without a conventional and extravagant standard of 
 expenditure, they (/. ^., the " Lancashire Limiteds ") 
 have reduced the earnings of the brain worker to the 
 level of his actual wants — to the personal expenditure 
 needful for the full and effective use of his faculties. 
 The preposterous salaries given by upper class share- 
 holders to upper class officials — the ^^2000 to ;;^5ooo a 
 year have been replaced by modest incomes of ;^2oo to 
 ;^4oo and apparently without detriment to skill or 
 integrity." 
 
 Between these limits the value of labor is deter- 
 mined by the comparative strength of the bargainers. 
 If the laborer is too weak to enforce his claim the 
 wages of labor will be nearer the lower limit : if the 
 laborer is a strong bargainer, near the employer's 
 estimate. In some cases where organization and 
 combination have greatly strengthened the laborer's 
 position, the margin of debatable territory will be 
 almost absorbed by labor; and this is probably the 
 case where a trade-union minimum wage is enforced. 
 The object of trade-union policy would then be to 
 force a general readjustment of the terms of dis- 
 
 * Beatrice Potter, The Co-operative Movement, p. 132. 
 
71 w ruxrgaining Process. 
 
 163 
 
 tribution — a much more difficult task than that, 
 already accomplished, of forcing wages up to the 
 employer's limit because there will now be opposed 
 to forces of trade-unionism, not merely the objection 
 of the employer to a curtailment of his profits, but 
 also the resistance of the other participants in the 
 product to any readjustment which means a dimi- 
 nution of their shares. It is impossible to determine 
 whether, or how frequently, labor has been able to 
 absorb the margin ; for the employer's maximum is 
 definitely known only to the employer; and his 
 protestations (because they are the protestations of 
 an interested person) cannot be accepted except at 
 a liberal discount. The fluctuations in the actual 
 rate of wages which are frequent though not violent 
 seem to forbid us to assume that the margin has 
 been absorbed permanently by either party. The 
 strength of the laborer, through combination, is 
 very great ; but his necessities, the influence of 
 which he endeavors to neutralize by means of these 
 combinations, are also very great ; and combination 
 is being met by combination. 
 
 The Wages-Fund Theory, which we saw presented 
 the form of a reconciliation of the other two great 
 theories, states explicitly that actual wages are de- 
 termined solely by means of competition. From 
 the standpoint of the fuller meaning which has been 
 given to the limits of the Wagcs-F'und Theory, it 
 is obvious that competition is not the only factor 
 which enters into the determination of actual wages 
 between the limits although undoubtedly it is one 
 
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 164 
 
 T/tc Jtari^ain Theory of Wages. 
 
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 of the most important. The competition of master 
 with master for labor tends to raise wages towards 
 the upper Hmit : the competition of laborer with 
 laborer for work tends to force wages down to the 
 lower limit ; and tlie supply and demand of labor is 
 of decisive importance in the determination. But 
 competition is not the only factor or, at the best, is 
 only a general name for the working of several fac- 
 tors the nature of which requires more explanation 
 than is given in the use of one general term. The 
 strength or weakness of the laborer's position is 
 only in part determined by the number of competi- 
 tors for work. We are not dealing with a mere 
 commodity whose value may be completely deter- 
 mined by the more or less. We must, in the case 
 of labor, take into account the knowledge which the 
 laborer has of the general conditions of supply and 
 demand and the presence or absence of that char- 
 acter and decision which would enable him to take 
 advantage of his knowledge, of the strength of his 
 own position and the weakness of his employer's. 
 
 The strength of the laborer as a bargainer depends 
 on his knowledge of the market. Other things be- 
 ing equal, knowledge is power and here the laborer 
 is weak. It is true that the improvement there has 
 been in the laborer's position during the last half 
 century has been, to a large extent, due to his 
 greater knowledge of the conditions of the labor 
 market. The differential advantage which the em- 
 ployer has always had owing to his greater knowl- 
 edge and his wider opportunities for obtaining 
 
Knoivlcdgc is Poiver. 
 
 ,6^ 
 
 information, has been greatly reduced by the spread 
 of {general education, by the dissemination of indus- 
 trial news through the press, by the organization 
 and federation of labor unions, and by the opening 
 of industrial bureaus, State or municipal, for the 
 gathering in and dissemination of information re- 
 garding the condition of industry in different parts 
 of the country. The differential advantage, how- 
 ever, still continues in favor of the employer; for, 
 although at the present day a labor bureau is re- 
 garded as an indispensable part of the administrative 
 machinery of every progressive State or province, 
 yet, till now, the information these bureaus have 
 collected and published has probably been of more 
 service to the economist and the statistician than it 
 has been to the working classes. Indirectly, no 
 doubt, through legislation promoted in consequence 
 of the evidence thus presented, the interests of the 
 laborer have been served ; but he is still generally 
 either too ignorant, or too apathetic, to make much 
 direct use of the reports. 
 
 The laborer's ability to acquire information and 
 his ability to use such information as he has ac- 
 quired, have sometimes been restricted by methods 
 of industrial remuneration. The truck system, 
 which theoretically might have so many advantages 
 for the wage earner, has invariably served to hamper 
 his movements and to blind him to the knowledge 
 of the actual condition of industry. The distinction 
 between real wages and money wages is easy to 
 draw in theory, and almost impossible to draw in 
 
i W H J..- u)La. i inL i iu -——a 
 
 t66 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 if 
 
 
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 practice; and the truck system, in all its modifica- 
 tions, has served to make it even harder. Profit 
 sharing, and other methods of deferred payment, 
 whatever the motive which inspires them, have the 
 same tendency to make it more difiicidt for the 
 laborer to discover where his real interest lies. 
 
 Knowledge is not power, unless there is both 
 ability and disposition to make use of it ; and on 
 this account the employer is again stronger than 
 the laborer. The laborer is at a disadvantage be- 
 cause his necessities do not allow him to make use 
 of the knowledge he l^-^i. He cannot often, even 
 if he always would, follow wherever his advantage 
 calls. The immobility of the laborer may be re- 
 garded as the crowning disability of labor. It is 
 true that the employer is also handicapped by the 
 fact that fixed and specialized capital is peculiarly 
 immobile; but his disadvantage is not so great nor 
 is it so immediate. Because the laborer must live 
 by his work, it is more often he who seeks the em- 
 ployer than the employer who has to follow after 
 the laborer. The immobility of specialized capital is 
 not a very great disadvantage because the employer 
 is the centre of attraction.* 
 
 Every disability under which the laborer suffers 
 weakens his position as a bargainer and tends to 
 keep --vages down near the lower limit. Apart '"rom 
 the special disadvantages they bring, they generally 
 have the effect of weakening character. Strength 
 
 * For the discussion of Mobility of Labor see the two following 
 chapters. 
 
 iW 
 
m 
 
 Factors in the Wages Bargain. 
 
 167 
 
 as a bargainer corresponds, in some measure, with 
 the strength of the economic character of the bar- 
 gainer. He who knows his interest and is zealous 
 to pursue it occupies a strong position. The effect 
 of many of the minor disabihties is to weaken those 
 quahties which would enable the laborer to take ad- 
 vantage of those conditions which are in his favor. 
 The consciousness of the immediateness of his ne- 
 cessities, however, prevents him from taking th( 
 necessary risks to turn these conditions to his ad- 
 vantage and the fruit that might be his, had he 
 the means of gathering, fails to his employer. 
 Character and decision are qualities in which the 
 employer, by his circumstances and his training, is 
 strong, and consequently, in the contest of strength 
 between the employer and the employed, the result 
 would generally be much in the favor of the em- 
 ployer were it not that the laborer, conscious of his 
 weakness and deficiency has, in combination sought 
 and found a substitute for character. 
 
 Trade-unionism or collective bargaining is a 
 method by which the laborer endeavors to remove 
 or to minimize the disabilities, notably the immedi- 
 ate pressure of his necessities which forbid him, in 
 isolation, to stand out for his price. The competi- 
 tion of master with master for labor is not so keen 
 that it is not neutralized and more than neutral- 
 ized by the competition of laborer with laborer for 
 work; and by combination the laborer tries to do 
 away with the suicidal competition of laborers with 
 each other. This is the first but not the only aim 
 
 Wi 
 
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 1 68 
 
 T/ic Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 of trade-unionism. The early passive policy, if we 
 may so call it, results in the organization of labor; 
 and thi!> organized force is used to snatch advantage 
 from any disorganization in the ranks of the em- 
 ployers. So long as the employers are meeting with 
 slight resistance the lack of harmony in their ranks 
 is of small importance but this lack of harmony is 
 the opportunity of organized labor. 
 
 The phrase " substitute for character" does not 
 necessarily imply a depreciation of trade-unionism. 
 Trade-unionism is only one expression of the maxim 
 " union is strength " ; and we cannot condemn it as 
 arising out of weakness without at the same time 
 passing condemnation on the whole evolution of 
 society. Trade-unionism, though it does act as a 
 substitute for character, does not destroy character. 
 On the contrary, it builds character up and trade- 
 unionists are the most energetic and self-reliant, not 
 the least energetic and least self-reliant, of the work- 
 ing classes. The ability to combine is an evidence of 
 comparative strength, not of comparative weakness. 
 
 There are other external influences, such as legis- 
 lation and the pressure of public opinion, operating 
 on behalf of labor which may, without reservation, 
 be spoken of as substitutes for character. Whatever 
 their final effect on the character of the labor they 
 do not spring from, or imply, the possession of those 
 qualities which make for industrial success. On the 
 contrary, these influences are generally exerted in 
 behalf of those who, from one cause or another, are 
 weak and lacking in character and decision. Such 
 
•jm^ ■nn j n iiiii rjini f 
 
 Substitutes for Character. 
 
 169 
 
 influences are not to be condemned merely because 
 they have not their origin in the strength of those 
 on behalf of whom they are exercised. If the effect 
 is to weaken or to prevent the development of char- 
 acter they ought to be condemned and repudiated ; 
 but we cannot decide a priori that every substitute 
 for character has this effect. It is true from of old 
 that the curse of the poor is their poverty, and the 
 disabilities of labor are cumulative in their effect. 
 Consequently, if the influence of legislation and the 
 pressure of public opinion can be directed to the 
 raising of this acquired curse, the result may be the 
 development of character. Legislation, undoubt- 
 edly, has had this effect. The position of the laborer 
 as a bargainer has been improved not merely by 
 Factory Acts and Employers' Liability Acts, but by 
 every measure which, positively or negatively, aims 
 at the amelioration of the condition of the people. 
 Compulsory education, the encouragement of thrift, 
 and measures of a like kind, strengthen the laborer's 
 position, because they tend to remove the disadvan- 
 tages under which he suffers, owing to his ignorance 
 and to his necessities. Such measures probably 
 promote rather than hinder the development of his 
 character and thus, in a twofold manner, strengthen 
 his position. Even though a measure may seem 
 calculated to check the developments of character 
 and self-reliance, it is not necessarily to be con- 
 demned. The evils and abuses at which it is aimed 
 may more completely destroy self-reliance, but the 
 propoi^ed remedy obviously requires reconsideration 
 
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 170 
 
 77/^ Bargain TJicory of Wages, 
 
 and amendment. It is a poor remedy which aims 
 only at removing a symptom, instead of removing 
 the cause of the malady. The abuses which can be 
 removed by legislation arise out of, and are fostered 
 and protected by weakness and want of character; 
 and if these are perpetuated by legislation, in a short 
 time new evils, as great and as objectionable, will 
 have arisen to produce the same effect as the old 
 abuses which have been suppressed. 
 
 There is little danger that, when public opinion is 
 active on the laborer's behalf, it will operate to make 
 the disabilities of labor permanent; for its influence 
 wdll be principally exercised in forms which give the 
 laborer confidence in his claims, and make him more 
 resolute in his efforts to enforce them. Public 
 opinion can strengthen the laborer's position because 
 there is something depressing in being in a minority, 
 and the employer is, to some extent, subject to this 
 common failing. Thus, even when public opinion 
 finds no more forcible expression than in letters to 
 the newspapers, its influence on the industrial situa- 
 tion may be considerable; and, when the mind of a 
 whole community is strongly impressed with the 
 justice of the laborers' claims, the employer will not 
 be able to follow up his advantages so promptly and, 
 at the critical moment, his hand may be stayed 
 through a dread of social disapprobation. Occa- 
 sionally, public opinion makes a decided protest 
 against the rapacity of the employer and expresses 
 its protest not nerely in words but in money con- 
 tributed to Eissist a picturesquely depressed class in 
 
Public Opinion as a Wages Factor. 
 
 171 
 
 its struggle for economic freedom or higher wages. 
 The great dock strike in London was a success be- 
 cause of popular sympathy and popular contribu- 
 tions. The demand for the dockers' "tanner" 
 approved itself and public opinion was aroused 
 against the magnificence of the dock companies' 
 attitude — the attitude of the Friend of Humanity 
 to the Knife Grinder. 
 
 " I give thee a sixpence. I will see thee damned 
 f^rst." 
 
 The influence of public opinion '" has hitherto been 
 exerted on behalf of labor, only in a capricious and 
 a spasmodic way; and the merits of the case have 
 usually had little to do with the matter. Public 
 opinion is not a force on which the friends of labor 
 can place reliance; for it might easily be thrown into 
 the opposite scale whenever the convenience of the 
 public is threatened. The increasing humanitar- 
 ism or sentimentalism of the public, and the in- 
 creased information which all men have of the way 
 in which the other half lives may suggest to the 
 more hopeful that, in the future, public opinion will 
 strengthen the laborer, not merely in the dramatic 
 struggle of the occasional strike, but also in the 
 steadier contest of which a strike is but a violent 
 episode. There is no doubt a growing interest in 
 
 * The distinction drawn between legislation and public opinion is 
 not absolute. Legislation is but crystallized public opinion, and the 
 most beneficent pieces of labor legislation, e. g., the Factory Acts, 
 etc., have been carried as a result of the systematic pressure of en- 
 lightened public opinion. 
 
 I 
 
 
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172 
 
 TIic Bargain TJicory of I \ 'ages. 
 
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 labor questions on the part of those who make or 
 mold public opinion. Newspapers and majrazines, 
 church congresses and scientific associations, show 
 the same tendency; and this social interest will un- 
 doubtedly operate more fully and more steadily than 
 it has done towards the end of the amelioration of 
 the condition of the working classes. But as yet 
 public opinion is, itself, in need not merely of being 
 roused but also of being educated. It will be edu- 
 cated more by the force of example than by the force 
 of the precept. The influence of those model em- 
 ployers from Leclaire to Mr. Mather, who have 
 endeavored in part to see labor questions from the 
 standpoint of the laborer himself, is already begin- 
 ning to have effect on public opinion ; and the in- 
 fluence of State and municipal authorities is being 
 exerted in the same direction. The example, which 
 is being set in many countries by the government 
 and by public authorities in establishing an eight 
 hours day, as the United States government has 
 done for its employees, in inserting in all contracts 
 a clause requiring a trade-union minimum wage to 
 be paid by the contractor to his employees, as the 
 London County Council does, or in suggesting, as 
 Mr. Fowler did, in 1893, when President of the Local 
 Government Board, in a circular to local sanitary 
 bodies, that public works should be executed and 
 public contracts given out at the season when em- 
 ployment is otherwise scarce — is likely to create a 
 sentiment which will assist the laborer, and assist 
 him in a manner which can involve few of the dan- 
 
Public Opinion and the Wages Question. 173 
 
 gcroiis consequences which generally follow from 
 legislative interference with the course of industry. 
 The influence of this sentiment may involve some 
 injustice to employers who are not backed by the 
 public funds, but the laborer's necessity will cease 
 to be regarded as the employer's opportunity. The 
 ultimate result will be, through sympathy, a devel- 
 opment of conscience among employers, and the 
 creation of a disposition to pay without compulsion 
 all that the laborer is really worth rather than merely 
 what he can be forced to take. The process of ele- 
 vating business to the rank of a profession, through 
 the pressure of outside opinion, will necessarily be 
 slow ; but the sporadic appearance of profit sharing 
 schemes, in one form or other, shows that the old 
 individualist standpoint may be in time abandoned. 
 
 ut;j 
 
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 1 1' 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE MOBILITY OF LABOR. 
 
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 NOTWITHSTANDING Adam Smith's classical 
 caution that " man is of all sorts of luggage 
 the most difficult to be transported," * the early 
 English economists postulated a perfect mobility of 
 labor; and, by a strange perversion, admitted only 
 as a possible and merely theoretical exception the 
 obvious fact of the immobility of labor through 
 custom and ignorance. Mobility was the method 
 by which competition worked to secure equality of 
 wages. It is probable that, for these economists, 
 equality of wages meant merely an arithmetical 
 equality, not an equality of net advantages, or a 
 real equality of payment according to the actual 
 amount of work done as measured by the result. 
 Even those who reject the Wages-Fund Theory 
 continue to be partly influenced by the artificial 
 simplicity of the arithmetical ideal. Prof. Walker 
 declares f that a difference in wages which would be 
 
 * Wealth of Nations, p. 31. 
 
 f Walker, Wages Question, p. 184. 
 
 174 
 
 •I'' 
 
The Necessity of Mobility, 
 
 175 
 
 il 
 if 
 
 sufficient to induce a man to cross the Atlantic is 
 often insufficient to send him from one part of the 
 kingdom to another, ignoring, inconsistently for the 
 time being, the fact that the northern laborer may be 
 more efficient than the southern, in an even greater 
 degree than the difference of wages indicates. He 
 seems to regard differences in wages as proving the 
 absence of mobility ; whereas mobility and competi- 
 tion, while they will secure the removal of accidental 
 differences of wages, due to local failures of the 
 equation of demand and supply, have no tendency 
 to level up the wages of inefficient workmen to the 
 same height as those of efficient workmen.* The 
 facility with which the Wages-Fund Theory assumed 
 an arithmetical form possibly predisposed the Theo- 
 rists in favor of the arithmetical ideal. 
 
 The mobility of labor is a postulate necessary to 
 make the Wages-Fund Theory march. As one de- 
 parts from it and the necessity for mobility, as a 
 theoretical postulate, decreases, the defects of mo- 
 bility, as a social and economic ideal, become more 
 prominent. Those customs and prejudices which 
 the theorists regarded merely as hindrances to the free 
 play of competition, come to bo regarded as social 
 forces of great value. Dr. Smart, the English expo- 
 nent of the newest theory of distribution, goes to 
 the opposite extreme, perhaps, when he declares: 
 "Physically, labor is not mobile; historically it has 
 never been mobile; and, ethically, it should not be 
 
 *See the tables given in chapter vi., p. 212, for evidence as to in- 
 fluence of mobility to level up wages and remove accidental differences. 
 
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 176 
 
 T/ic Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 mobile. " * This terse statement is possibly too cpi- 
 ^^rammutic to be altogether accurate; but there is a 
 larger measure of truth in it than in the Wages-Fund 
 Theory postulate of universal mobility. Histori- 
 cally, even the Theorist would probably admit, labor 
 has never been mobile ; and he might go so far as to 
 allow that there are great hindrances, even at present, 
 to the mobility of labor; but that, ethically, labor 
 should not be mobile is contrary to his most cherished 
 opinions. The change of views regarding mobility is 
 part of the general change of opinion regarding the 
 whole wages question. It is incorrect to say that at 
 present labor is not in any degree mobile ; because 
 the great characteristic of an age of transport is the in- 
 creasing mobility of labor; but, at the same time, as 
 the physical difficulties of transporting the human 
 " luggage " diminish, the ethical objections to mo- 
 bility increase. While the difficulties of transport 
 were great, only the more self-reliant and self-de- 
 pendent had the enterprise to change their habita- 
 tion. There was then no social danger, but great 
 social and individual benefit, in the migration of 
 labor. When, however, these difficulties of trans- 
 port no longer deter the weakest in character and 
 self-reliance from emigrating from one end of the 
 earth to the other, it is well that the ethical objec- 
 tions to mobility should be emphasized. 
 
 As industrial competition is probably only a short- 
 lived, and not over-beautiful, stage of transition from 
 custom to combination, so mobility is only a tem- 
 
 * Studies in Economics^ p. 171. 
 
 
A Siibstiliitc for Mobility. 
 
 ^77 
 
 t- 
 
 porary postulate of the theory of distribution. 
 When the bonds of custom have been broken, and 
 the interests of the worker are no longer safeguarded 
 by tradition and public opinion, it is necessary that 
 the laborer should be ready to follow wherever his 
 economic interests calls. It is practically the only 
 way by which any measure of justice in distribution 
 can be obtained. As soon, however, as a substitute 
 for migration is available, all the ethical objections, 
 hardly silenced hitherto by the plea of necessity, 
 become vociferous. The combination of labor pro- 
 vides a substitute for mobility, not a complete 
 substitute removing altogether the necessity of mi- 
 gration, but doing away with the more objectionable 
 features. Mobility is no longer the only and indis- 
 pensable condition of justice to the wage earner. 
 The trade-unions in the early stages of their history 
 encouraged migration ; but as they have grown in 
 strength and become able to enforce their demands 
 without recourse to a strike they have modified their 
 policy. There is no longer the same need to facili- 
 tate migration because " the more perfectly a trade 
 is organized the less necessity is there for its mem- 
 bers to travel in search of work." ''^ Within the last 
 twenty years, trade-union policy with regard to 
 travelling benefits has completely changed. This is 
 due in part to the fact that improved communication 
 has levelled wages up so as to bring about some 
 measure of equality of net advantages ; and also in 
 
 * From evidence of Pattern Makers Association before Royal 
 Labor Commission (Eng.), quoted by Drage, T/ie Unemployed, p. i8. 
 
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 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
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 (716) 873-4503 
 
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 T'^^ Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 part to the fact that the same cause has universalized 
 trade depression when it occurs, and rendered even 
 emigration a futile endeavor to escape from bad 
 trade. The network of trade-unions covers the 
 land; and, as local unions have been federated into 
 national and international unions, while govern- 
 ments and municipalities have organized labor 
 bureaus and industrial agencies, information re- 
 garding work and wages has become more definite. 
 Instead of receiving a travelling benefit, the trade- 
 union out-of-work member has his fare paid to a 
 district where work may almost certainly be ob- 
 tained. The practice has become obsolete because 
 organization is better and the unions have definite 
 reports of the state of the labor market ; and be- 
 cause as the necessity of the policy becomes less 
 urgent the social and ethical objections to it become 
 more convincing. Some unions discarded the policy 
 because it fostered a roving spirit and degraded the 
 members: others have abandoned it because, as in 
 the case of the iron founders, it was made use of to 
 secure a free holiday. Even from the narrowest 
 trade-union point of view, the policy was one marked 
 out for abolition, so soon as it became possible to 
 do away with it. The object of trade-union policy, 
 collective bargaining, cannot be achieved unless a 
 union can control its own members; and the rov- 
 ing unsettled spirit which took possession of the 
 professional mendicant as Mr. Howell calls him, 
 rendered him less, not more amenable to union dis- 
 cipline. From the broader point of view, moreover, 
 
 i.i ' 
 
Ethical Objections to Mobility. 
 
 179 
 
 to which to some extent,* the older and stronger 
 unions have risen, viz., that the moral and intel- 
 lectual progress of the workers is essential even for 
 material success, the policy of assisted migration is 
 open to weighty objections. It is not that the home 
 and place attachments are hindrances to mobility 
 but that, from the point of view of good citizenship, 
 these hindrances should not be removed but built 
 up. Ubi bene ibi patria^ as a maxim of politics or 
 of industry, gives us neither good citizens nor good 
 workmen. Mobility may often be the only safe- 
 guard of the interests of the worker; but when, by 
 efficient organization, it can be superseded and the 
 same, or nearly the same, benefits achieved without 
 sending men forth, homeless wanderers from one 
 job to another, society is the gainer. There are still 
 many trades and industries where the free circulation 
 
 * " At one time tramping was systematic and general ; and it be- 
 came a great nuisance, for many men merely used the society as a 
 means for enabling them to tramp all over the country, living upon 
 the funds of the union. . . . This practice has greatly diminished 
 of late years ; ... it so degenerated as to become little better 
 than a kind of professional mendicity." — Howell, Conflicts of Capital 
 and Labor ^ pp. 141-142. 
 
 Since 1S77, "the system of travelling benefit has declined more 
 and more. It is discouraged by nearly all the better organized 
 unions throughout the country and, as a rule, rightly .0. In the 
 London Society of Compositors and the Scottish Typographical As- 
 sociation travelling relief has been abolished for several years, the 
 members receiving a removal grant to enalile them to proceed to an 
 engagement they may have obtained in any part of the United King- 
 dom."— /<5iV/., p. 142, n. Cp. also, Drage's TIu Unemployed, p. 
 18, n. 
 
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 7Vie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 of labor is essential because no other method can be, 
 or, at any rate, has been, devised to secure the same 
 result. Where a trade is not organized, where the sup- 
 ply of workers, in the unskilled trades especially, is 
 liable at times to be far in excess of the demand, it is 
 of vital importance that every worker should be ready 
 to move to a place where the demand is greater. As a 
 social factor, combination is preferable to mobility 
 and, as an economic force, not less powerful. The 
 same results may be achieved by ei^^her method. 
 Organized trades have discarded their policy of en- 
 couraging migration : unorganized trades depend 
 largely on mobility for any improvement in the con- 
 dition of labor which they desire ; and their trust is 
 often justified by the results. The wages of domes- 
 tic servants have risen, both really and nominally, as 
 far, and as quickly, as the wages of any other class; 
 and, in their case, the rise is due entirely to their 
 mobility. Domestic servants are not in any way 
 organized, unless it be by a kind of tacit combina- 
 tion ; but, as a class, they possess the very highest 
 degree of mobility, as any housekeeper will most ve- 
 hemently testify. They are" found " in everything: 
 they have no local and few personal attachments, 
 except of a transitory nature, to bind them to any 
 particular place : the demand for servants exceeds 
 the supply; and, without a " character," they can 
 obtain a situation. The result is, that in the rise of 
 their wage, they exhibit the maximum advantages 
 of mobility; but, as a class, are coming to exhibit 
 the mental and moral deterioration in which exces- 
 
Trade Mobility and Place Mobility. 1 8 1 
 
 sive mobility results. In the domestic seivant the 
 early English economist might find his ideal of the 
 free circulation of labor, but it has no beauty that 
 we should desire it. 
 
 The phrase, mobility of labor, covers two very 
 different kinds of migration which, ordinarily, have 
 little to do with each other. It includes the migra- 
 tion from one industry or occupation to another, 
 which we may call, trade mobility ; and migration 
 from one district or country to another, place mobil- 
 ity. The former is undoubtedly the more difficult 
 and, unlike the latter, is becoming increasingly more 
 difficult. The improved means of transport and 
 communication which rendered place mobility much 
 easier have, on the whole, as part of the great 
 modern movement towards specialization, helped 
 to make trade mobility harder, if not a practical 
 impossibility. It is true that there is the possibility 
 of exaggerating the restrictions of speciaKzation. 
 Prof. Marshall has shown * how general intelligence, 
 in nearly all industrial occupations, is rising in im- 
 portance as compared with specialized skill ; and, to 
 the extent in which this holds, increasing specializa- 
 tion does not necessarily imply greater permanence 
 of trade boundaries. Specialization in the form of 
 localization of industry naturally destroys migration 
 from district to district ; while, as we shall see later in 
 this chapter, place mobility has a certain tendency to 
 promote trade mobility where general intelligence is 
 more in demand than highly specialized skill. When 
 
 * Marshall's Principles of Economics, Book IV., c. g, passim. 
 
l82 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 i] 
 
 'i, f 
 
 m 
 
 Mi. 
 
 i ,H 
 
 
 specialization has proceeded so far that the market 
 for specialized labor is a local market, migration 
 from district to district is of comparatively little im- 
 portance, unless the worker is prepared to take the 
 step of changing his trade at the same time. 
 
 The early economists spoke lightly of trade mo- 
 bility, as if there were no real hindrances, as if, in a 
 word, workmen took up, or, at any rate, could take 
 up, a new trade every week. The assumption is 
 necessary for the theory, and they make it unhesi- 
 tatingly. Even Adam Smith, who has warned us 
 that man is " of all sorts of luggage the most dififi- 
 cult to be transported," * forgets the significance of 
 his own warning, and assumes that " the whole of 
 the advantages and disadvantages of the different 
 employments of labor . . . must, in the same 
 neighborhood, be either perfectly equal or continu- 
 ally tending to equality " ; although, to secure such 
 an equality it would be almost necessary for every 
 workman to be ready and able to change his trade 
 at a moment's notice. Few economists, except 
 McCuUoch, to whom it seems to have been given 
 to carry everything to an extreme, have gone so far. 
 Most have recognized, more or less explicitly, the 
 existence of what Cairnes called non-competing 
 groups within which there may be perfect mobility 
 but between which there is practically no migration. 
 Between the extremes of Adam Smith and Prof. 
 Cairnes the truth lies. Unless the non-competing 
 group is so narrow as to include only one trade, 
 
 ♦ Wealth of Nations, Book I., p. 41. 
 
Trade Mobility. 
 
 183 
 
 there is no such perfect mobility as Cairnes demands ; 
 while, between the groups there may be little strength 
 in the tendency to pass from one to another upwards, 
 there is always a considerable movement downwards. 
 So far as adult labor is concerned, trade mobility 
 unfortunately generally spells degradation from the 
 ranks of the skilled to the unskilled.* There is 
 always, owing to old age and infirmity and to lack 
 of adaptation, a movement downwards; and, as the 
 amount of work which can be done without any 
 previous training, is becoming less, the degradation 
 is apt to be very sudden, from skilled labor past un- 
 skilled labor to casual labor. We do occasionally 
 meet men who, in their time, have played many 
 parts, and yet have maintained their grade or even 
 risen in the scale; but, as a rule, the measure of 
 their total success is not such as to lead us to place 
 much stress on trade mobility as an agent in indus- 
 trial fortune. Even in America, the paradise of self- 
 making men, the proportion of those who rise, is 
 very small. A great many instances of striking suc- 
 cess may be enumerated, but it seems probable that 
 the day of the self-made man who rises from the 
 ranks is past. 
 
 It is more than doubtful whether trade mobility 
 increases the real wages of the migrant. By chang- 
 ing from one occupation to another he may secure 
 an immediate advantage ; but, to secure this advan- 
 tage of opportunity (for that is all it usually amounts 
 to), he sacrifices the whole rent of ability which he 
 
 * But see later in this chapter, p. 190, 
 
 w 
 
t ' 
 
 li 
 
 184 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 I 
 
 I t- 
 
 \A 
 
 
 might have gained from his previous training. The 
 changes are often, in the long run, short-sighted. It 
 might ahnost be laid down as a general rule, to which 
 of course there are particular exceptions, that when 
 an individual changes his trade or his country, after 
 he has served his apprenticeship or completed his 
 training, we have a tolerably certain indication, if 
 not of failure, yet of very moderate success in the 
 new calling. To seek an immediate advantage by 
 the sacrifice of past training leads to the goal reached 
 by those whose parents, or themselves, have been 
 unable t'^ resist the temptation offered by the high 
 immediate returns from odd jobs. Just as the earn- 
 ings of those who follow two different employments 
 do not exceed the earnings of those who confined 
 themselves to one, so men who pass readily from 
 one employment to another at the suggestion of the 
 slightest immediate advantage seldom succeed ulti- 
 mately in bettering their position ; for we must take 
 account not merely of the earnings of a week or a 
 year but of a working lifetime, and consider the rent 
 of ability which may arise after years of patient in- 
 dustry, in one occupation.* 
 
 n'i 
 
 * An exception must be made in case of what may be called step- 
 ping-stone employments. Very few of the men who enter the teach- 
 ing profession in America as public-school teachers have any intention 
 of remaining in the profession. It forms a very convenient means 
 for students whose funds are exhausted by the expenses of college to 
 earn enough to enable them to attend a professional school. It is 
 good for the young men that they should have an opportunity of 
 earning immediate high returns but is, on th? whole, very bad for thQ 
 Status of the profession, 
 
The Disposable Fund of Labor, 
 
 185 
 
 Since the exposure of the Wages-Fund Theory, 
 few writers can be found to assume the trade mo- 
 bility of adult labor. Prof. Cairnes declares that, 
 within the non-competing groups mobility, and, 
 through mobility, equality of advantages, is secured 
 by the existence of a disposable fund of young per- 
 sons annually arriving at industrial age. In one 
 sense the energies of these young persons are at dis- 
 posal to be distributed among the industries which 
 offer the largest net advantages; but, even granting 
 the fullest measure of freedom of industrial choice, 
 it is questionable whether the fund is large enough 
 to produce the desired effect. The number of young 
 persons, annually arriving at industrial age, does not 
 constitute more than two and a half, or three per 
 cent, of the total number of workers; and, in the 
 best of years, the trade-union returns show that as 
 large a proportion of the best workers of the country 
 are out of work. Consequently, there is no industry, 
 or small group of industries, ready and able to 
 absorb all these new recruits to the labor army; 
 and, in the absence of a special opening, the proba- 
 bility is that the annual two or three per cent, will 
 be distributed over the whole industry of the 
 country. 
 
 It is obvious that, apart from predilections for 
 particular occupations, on the part of the children 
 (which are naturally not based on any estimate of 
 the net advantages of the employment), the disposi- 
 tion of this fund of labor depends on the knowledge 
 and foresight of the parents and on the sacrifices 
 
1 
 
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 III!'' 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 
 ilil 
 
 i' ■ 
 
 1 
 
 :i 
 
 if 
 
 
 
 ^i 
 
 1 86 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 they are prepared to make. The knowledge is not 
 always sufficient; though most parents will make 
 sacrifices for their children, sufficient, at least, to 
 place the children in as good a position at the be- 
 ginning as that at which they themselves stand. 
 P'arther tl. m this, except in special cases, the aver- 
 age parent is not prepared to go. Here and there, 
 we may find men who are endeavoring to place 
 their children in a better position than they them- 
 selves occupy. Men whose ambitions have been 
 thwarted often become ambitious for their children ; 
 but we must beware lest our admiration of the • '^cri- 
 fice lead us to overestimate the frequency Oi its 
 occurrence. It is regrettable that, owing to he 
 wrong development of our educational systems, 
 these sacrifices are generally made with a view to 
 secure for the children the chances of a professional 
 or semi-professional career. The crowded state of 
 the market for genteel unskilled labor shows that 
 knowledge and foresight on the part of the parents 
 are quite as essential as readiness to make sacrifices. 
 It is rather on account of social position than on 
 account of higher wages in the employment, that 
 sacrifices are made by the parent ; and where the in- 
 spiration of the hope of seeing a son " wag his heid 
 in a poopit " is wanting, the sacrifices made are not 
 very great. A great deal of the labor legislation of 
 the last half century was passed to prevent the sacri- 
 fice of the children for the temporary advantage of 
 the parents ; and in that legislation we have an ob- 
 jective and unsentimental estimate of how n^uch 
 
Fathers and Sons 
 
 187 
 
 some parents arc prepared to do for their offspring. 
 In large cities probably less is done for children by 
 their parents than is done in the smaller towns and 
 in the country. In spite of the great variety of 
 occupations in a large city, it is often difficult to get 
 a boy apprenticed. Employers are able to rely on 
 the immigration of skilled artisans trained in the 
 country and are, therefore, unwilling to take the 
 trouble of training apprentices. The difficulty of 
 getting boys apprenticed makes parents yield the 
 more readily to what Mr. Charles Booth calls the 
 temptation of odd jobs. In a large city, pay is 
 more strictly according to the work done; and if a 
 boy can do the same work as a man his remuneration 
 will be almost as large as a man's. 
 
 The consequence of the absence of customary 
 wages is that the city-bred boy has abundant oppor- 
 tunities of earning large immediate returns for labor, 
 which requires little more skill than he has as his city 
 birthright. It is not altogether a matter of wonder 
 that the parents, almost disheartened by the cease- 
 less struggle to keep a decent roof over their heads, 
 should succumb to the temptation of adding such 
 an amount to the family earnings as will make the 
 difference between ceaseless worry and comparative 
 content ; even although, what probably they do not 
 realize, the boy may, in a few years, be left stranded. 
 
 Most fathers will declare, as a matter of course, 
 that they prefer to bring up their sons to any trade 
 but their own ; but, equally as a matter of course, 
 nine tenths of the disposable fund of labor will be 
 
 
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 : i 
 
 1' ' 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 Wi « 5 1 
 
 1 88 
 
 T/ie Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 annually distributed according to the trade of the 
 fathers. Sometimes, as in country villages, the dis- 
 position will be accidental. A boy is apprenticed 
 to a plumber or a carpenter according as it happens 
 to be the plumber or the carpenter who requires an 
 apprentice. In larger places, the fact that vacancies 
 for apprentices are few, especially when the district 
 has specialized, more or less, in one kind of pro- 
 duction, or when the trade-union prejudice against 
 apprentices is strong, and the fact that a father has 
 exceptional opportunities of advancing his sons, 
 afford a motive strong enough, were the influence 
 of custom and habit not operative, to secure that 
 the son follows his father's trade. In the best 
 shops, indeed, those into which a father would en- 
 deavor to introduce his son, preference is generally 
 given to the sons of employees when a vacancy 
 occurs.* 
 
 The trade mobility of labor, whether of adults or 
 of young persons, has never been very great. Adults 
 cannot change without the sacrifice of the benefits 
 of past training; while children are brought up to 
 the trade of their parents because circumstances are 
 stronger than the vague wishes of the parents. Prof. 
 Walker asserts that till the mobility of the adult is 
 
 * The first article in the regulations of Redouly et Cie. (Ancien 
 Maison Leclaire), Paris, is to the effect that " the sons and nephews 
 of the foremen of the workshops, of the workmen and employees, 
 members of the noyau, are received as apprentices in preference to all 
 orhex^."— Canadian Blue Book, "Social Economy" (1889), p. 173. 
 Elsewhere, though the preference is not so clearly announced, the 
 practice is much the same. 
 
Effect of Place Mobility on Trade Mobility. 1 89 
 
 secured there will be no force in the tendency for 
 children to be apprenticed to trades other than those 
 followed by their fathers. In view of the distinction 
 between trade mobility and place mobility, we may 
 modify this assertion to the forr' that till place mo- 
 bility has been secured for the audt worker, there 
 is very little opportunity of trade mobility for his 
 children. When the adult worker has changed his 
 home, especially when he has emigrated to a new 
 country with greater opportunities and a more open 
 career for talent, the chances of the children adopt- 
 ing a different occupation from their fathers are 
 greatly increased. Emigration does not always 
 secure to the emigrant the benefits he anticipated ; 
 but it rarely fails to improve the chances of his 
 children. 
 
 Migration, or place mobility, has a certain ten- 
 dency to promote the trade mobility even of adult 
 labor — a tendency most marked in the case of emi- 
 gration. Whether the migration from district to 
 district of the same country or from the rural coun- 
 ties to the cities has the same tendency, is not quite 
 clear. The high returns for physical strength and 
 for trustworthiness with both of which qualities 
 country-bred workers are comparatively better en- 
 dowed than townsmen are, offer a temptation to 
 rural emigrants to a large city to forsake a skilled 
 trade for an unskilled occupation. There are many 
 occupations in which these qualities rather . than 
 technical skill or alertness are required ; and conse- 
 quently we find immigrants in large numbers in these 
 
 
 
 M M 
 
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 190 
 
 77ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 occupations.* We should also expect that the gen- 
 erally trained labor of the provinces might, in many 
 cases, prove unable to maintain its position in the 
 highly specialized industries of i c metropolis: with 
 the result that a certain proportion of the emigrants 
 would seek employment in the relatively highly 
 paid unskilled occupation. Full statistics are lack- 
 ing on this point, and those we have hardly justify 
 any conclusion. The figures given in Booth's Life 
 and Labor of the People^ by Mr. H. Llewellyn Smith, 
 show that out of a thousand emigrants a slightly 
 smaller number of skilled artisans is found working 
 in skilled trades after migrating to the town. Out 
 of one hundred and fifty-nine skilled artisans 
 scheduled, four only have dropped into the ranks of 
 the unskilled, while six of the total five hundred 
 included in the table, one of whom, however, was a 
 boy of fifteen when he migrated from London, had 
 risen from the ranks of unskilled; or 2.5 per cent, 
 of the skilled artisans have fallen while 1.7 per cent, 
 of the unskilled have rijen to the ranks of skilled 
 labor, t 
 
 * In December, 1888, 70 per cent, of the city and the Metropolitan 
 Police (London) were born elsewhere than in London. — Booth's Life 
 and Labor of the People, vol. iii., p. 87. In one of the sub-districts 
 of the city of London the proportion of outsiders is as high as 46 per 
 cent, of the total population of the district ; and the fact is accounted 
 for by the nature of the occupation of the permanent portion of the 
 population of the city, viz., caretaking. — Ibid., p. 124. 
 
 \ Booth's Life and Labor ^ vol. iii., p. 140. Five hundred cases 
 were actually scheduled, but to obtain a basis for comparison one 
 thousand is taken (p. 140) as the standard total. 
 
Emigration and Trade Mobility. 
 
 191 
 
 Emigration seems to promote trade mobility more 
 readily than migration from the rural counties to the 
 cities does. This is possibly due in part to the fact 
 that emigration is a much greater change and creates 
 a disposition to make further changes when occasions 
 offer * ; but more largely, probably, to the fact that 
 in the new countries, towards which international 
 migration is mainly directed, the division of em- 
 ployment is not so marked as in older industrial 
 communities. Consequently general intelligence is 
 relatively more important in a new country than 
 highly specialized ability; while the greater use of 
 automatic machinery, owing to the dearness of labor, 
 has reduced many occupations to the class of the un- 
 skilled, though nominally, they are still skilled indus- 
 tries. The relative disadvantage at which highly 
 specialized ability is placed in the colonies is so 
 notorious that the British Emigrants* Information 
 Office deliberately warns skilled artisans that the 
 colonies are no place for them. 
 
 " In new countries, there is not the same strong li:, * 
 drawn between different employments and different 
 branches of the same trade, as in our own. . . . The 
 more specialized a man has become in his work and 
 calling, the less fitted is he to emigrate, partly because 
 he is unlikely, in most cases, to find an opening in his 
 own specialty in the colonies, partly because he is not 
 suited to turn his hand to general labor." f 
 
 ♦See chapter iii., pp. 107, loS. 
 
 \ Report of Emigrants' Information Office, 1888. 
 
 L: 
 
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j ! 
 
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 1 M 
 
 III 
 
 Hi 
 
 192 
 
 77/^ Bargain Theory of IVagcs. 
 
 Adaptability, rather than highly specialized skill, 
 is the condition of success for an emigrant ; and the 
 comparative youth of the emigrants renders them 
 much more adaptable. 
 
 In spite of the fact that the enterprise and the 
 adaptability arising from youth would prepare us for 
 some measure of trade mobility as a result of emi- 
 gration, we are not quite prepared for the apparently 
 enormous amount of it. Children form a large pro- 
 portion of the total number of emigrants and are a 
 specially disposable fund of labor. They are not in- 
 cluded in the occupation returns at the port of entry ; 
 while in later years they are included in the numbers 
 of foreign-born employed in various industries. We 
 have, however, a more serious movement to explain 
 than can be thus accounted for. Many emigrants 
 must actually rise in the standard of labor, be- 
 coming at least nominally skilled laborers; for while 
 seventy per cent, of the immigrants at the port of 
 entry who have had any occupation return themselves 
 as laborers, more than thirty per cent, of the total 
 working population of the United States engaged in 
 mining, manufacturing, and mechanical pursuits is 
 foreign-born.* The foreign-born formed 14.77 ^^ 
 
 * The practice now abandoned by the provincial governments in 
 Canada of giving assisted passages to agricultural laborers probably 
 made the percentage of laborers who entered somewhat greater than 
 it really was. Naturally accurate information is entirely wanting, 
 but there are several complaints from trade-unionists and others of 
 mechanics taking advantage of the assistance reported in the evidence 
 before the Canadian Labor Commission. The deception cannot have 
 been carried on to any great extent. 
 
Emigration and Trade Mobility, 
 
 193 
 
 le 
 
 m 
 
 an 
 
 'g. 
 of 
 
 ice 
 
 >ve 
 
 the total population in 1890, but they are more than 
 thirty per cent, of the total engaged in the skilled 
 industries. A very large number of those who are 
 unskilled laborers when they arrive must within a 
 few years become skilled or quasi-skilled laborers. 
 The percentages which are given below may, in 
 some cases, include the unskilled labor employed in 
 eveiy mill and foundry; but, after every allowance 
 is made, the unskilled laborers of Europe become in 
 a short time skilled laborers in America. The im- 
 migrant laborer 
 
 " comes ready to take up any occupation in which it can 
 earn a living. I do not suppose that the French-Cana- 
 dians when they come to the United States enter them- 
 selves as cotton-mill operatives. Probably they have 
 never seen a cotton mill in their lives. They are only 
 potentially cotton-mill operatives ; but they fill up the 
 mills just the same. So very likely the Hungarians who 
 are imported to dig coal in the Hocking Valley are not 
 miners when they arrive." * 
 
 Although only an insignificant fraction of the im- 
 migrants are skilled laborers when they arrive, yet 
 the census returns show that thirty per cent, of the 
 skilled labor of the United States is of foreign birth. 
 In some districts the proportion is much higher. In 
 Minnesota it amounts to 47.5 per cent. ; in Wiscon- 
 sin, 48.8; in Illinois, 43.3; in Michigan, 43.4; in 
 Massachusetts, 35.6; in Rhode Island, 39.1 ; in New 
 
 ♦ Professor Mayo-Smith's Emigration and Migration, p. 127. I 
 am also indebted to this book for the statistics quoted below. 
 13 
 
 

 ; J 
 
 ill 
 
 J : 
 
 ¥■ 
 
 I 
 
 9/ 
 
 ■ 
 
 I 
 
 194 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 York, 38.7; and in Connecticut, 32.4. In some 
 skilled industries, the proportions are considerably 
 in excess of the general average for the country ; 
 while the number of immigrants following these 
 occupations at the time of entering the country is 
 very small. In 1886 there were only twelve occu- 
 pations in which the number of immigrants exceed 
 one thousand, and in many of these industries from 
 a third to a half of the employees throughout the 
 country were of foreign birth. Thus there were in 
 1886: 
 
 TABLE OF OCCUPATIONS OF IMMIGRANTS AT PORT 
 OF ENTRY AND OF FOREIGN-BORN IN U. S. 
 
 1886. iSBo.* 1880. 
 
 TOTAL NUMBER I^ERCENTAGE OF 
 OCCUPATIONS. IMMIGRANTS. WORKERS WORKERS OF 
 
 FOREIGN BIRTH. 
 
 Bakers 1209 41,309 56 
 
 Blacksmiths 1420 172,726 27 
 
 Butchers 1190 76,241 38 
 
 Carpenters 3678 373,143 23 
 
 Masons 1803 102,473 35 
 
 Shoemakers 1681 194,079 36 
 
 Cigar makers 1160 56,599 44 
 
 These are minor industries ; but in the larger in- 
 dustries the proportions are nearly as high, while the 
 number of entries is smaller. Of cotton-mill opera- 
 tives, forty-five per cent, were of foreign birth; of 
 woollen-mill operatives, thirty-nine per cent. ; of 
 paper-mill workers, thirty-three per cent. ; of iron 
 and steel workers, thirtv-six per cent. : of curriers 
 
 * Compendium U. S. Census Report, 1880, table 103. 
 
Skilled and Unskilled Labor, 
 
 195 
 
 and leather dressers, forty-five per cent. ; of en- 
 gineers and firemen, twenty-seven per cent. Many 
 of these industries, it is true, since the introduction 
 of machinery, have gradually been coming to have 
 less and less claim to the title of skilled trades ; and 
 it is probable that many of the immigrants become 
 skilled laborers only in name. Thus in 1880,* of 
 133,756 tailors and tailoresses, 71,571, or more than 
 fifty-three per cent., were of foreign birth, and the 
 amount of skill possessed by the victim of a sweater, 
 though it may be sufficient to justify the title skilled, 
 is, after all, not very great. Mr. Schloss gives us, 
 from the evidence taken by the Lords Committee 
 on Sweating, an instance of the evolution of an un- 
 skilled emigrant into a skilled workman. A witness, 
 Hirsch by name, 
 
 " had been an agricultural laborer in Russia and had 
 come to England six months prior to his appearance 
 before the committee. He presents himself to a coun- 
 tryman of his, who is himself a journeyman finisher em- 
 ployed by a sub-contractor. ' He gave me nothing the 
 first week, but he gave me food, and he gave me a shil- 
 ling for the second week with food.' Then Hirsch is 
 advanced to five a week and now he is making eight. * I 
 start (the evidence continues) on Sunday morning, com- 
 mencing at seven and work up till ten, and the other 
 days I start at six and work right up to ten as well, but 
 on Thursday I work up to twelve o'clock and on Friday 
 come again at six, then I work till sunset.' " f 
 
 * Compendium U. S. Census Report^ 1880, table 103. 
 f Schloss, Industrial Remuneration^ p. iii. 
 
196 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 ''. ' ) 
 
 it 
 
 
 in: 
 
 While emigration undoubtedly tends to raise many- 
 workers from the ranks of the unskilled it remains 
 more than doubtful whether the worker is really 
 benefited to the extent the classification seems to 
 connote. The skilled trades which he adopts are 
 now, only in name, skilled trades; and as an un- 
 skilled laborer his first condition was often, not 
 worse, but better. 
 
 Trade mobility, then, though a necessary postu- 
 late of the Wages-Fund Theory, has never been a 
 very important factor in the determination of wages. 
 Adult labor seldom migrates from one industry to 
 another; and where it does move the results are not 
 altogether good. Though as a result of emigration 
 large numbers seem to rise in the scale of labor the 
 rise is often merely nominal; and the amount of 
 trade mobility, even under these circumstances, is 
 hardly sufficient to bring about the equality of net 
 advantages. McCulloch declares that ** the dis- 
 crepancies that actually obtain in the rate of wages 
 are all confined within certain limits — increasing it 
 or diminishing it only so far as may be necessary 
 fully to equalize the favorable or unfavorable cir- 
 cumstances attending any employment."* To 
 secure such a real equality of reward, the actual in- 
 fluence of the fullest measure of that trade mobility 
 which is so lightly postulated would have to be ex- 
 erted; and our examination has shown us that no 
 such degree of mobihty is operative. Place mo- 
 bility, without trade mobility, could secure only 
 
 * Principle of Political Economy {)Jl)xxx&y'^ Reprint), p. 124, 
 
Place Mobility and Trade Mobility. 
 
 197 
 
 y 
 
 that within the limits of a single trade there might 
 be the world over a practical equality of reward : 
 without trade mobility inequalities of returns in 
 different trades might long continue even were the 
 volume of emigration very large. 
 
 Place mobility, though not theoretically so im- 
 portant, is, and always has been, of more practical 
 importance as a wages factor than trade mobility. 
 The migration of labor from ore district to another 
 is easier than the change from one employment to 
 another. The conservative influence of custom and 
 tradition operates against both forms of mobility; 
 but, since a man's occupation becomes so much 
 more intimately a part of himself than the locality 
 in which he lives, the change implied in trade mi- 
 gration is so much the greater than that implied 
 even in emigration. There are other sentiments 
 which color a man's life beside his trade traditions 
 and attachments; but these — religion, national 
 sentiment and local patriotism, home ties and 
 family attachments — are, in part, not sacrificed by 
 emigration; and, when they cannot be enjoyed in 
 the new land, the sacrifice involved is not recognized 
 till months after the change has been made. On 
 the other hand, the dangers and drawbacks of 
 change of occupation are immediately felt. The 
 dangers are so obvious that we may take it for 
 granted that the change will hardly ever be made 
 without the fairly sure prospect of material advan- 
 tage. Sentiment enters less, and practical advan- 
 tage more, into the motives which lead to change 
 
 
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 198 
 
 77/r Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 of employment ; and as the organization of industry 
 becomes more complex, the possibility of advan- 
 tageous change from one occupation to another 
 diminishes. The change involves the learning of a 
 new trade, and, during the period of learning, the 
 acceptance of a low rate of wages. The average 
 rate of wages in the new occupation may be higher 
 than the rate in the old ; but the wages of a learner 
 in the new cannot, if the trade be worth adopting, 
 for a long time, be much more than the earnings of 
 the former occupation. The advantage sought is 
 seldom sure enough, or large enough, to cover the 
 risks of the change ; and, as place mobility equalizes 
 the returns in a trade the world over, there will be 
 less inducement to a man to change his occupation 
 to escape a local disturbance of wages. 
 

 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE MOBILITY OF LABOR (Continued). 
 
 BEFORE the Industrial Revolution there was 
 little migration of labor: in part, because free- 
 dom of movement was restricted by poor laws and 
 other legislation; but also because there was less 
 necessity for it. Supply was more closely then 
 than now governed by demand ; production being 
 for a steady and a known market. The area of the 
 market was limited and the distinction of employer 
 and employed was not so definitely drawn. When, 
 however, the area of the market extended and ma- 
 chinery was introduced, trade became subject to 
 violent fluctuations. Demand and supply are no 
 longer in correspondence, and industry is alternately 
 inflated and depressed. The laborer is the passive 
 victim of this want of correspondence. He is no 
 longer the small master producing for the known 
 market, but a laborer for hire. He must live by the 
 reward of his labor from day to day ; and the fluctua- 
 tions of industry tend, on the whole, to depress 
 wages. The fluctuations are not offset by each 
 
 199 
 
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 )■ I 
 
 2CX) 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 other. The laborer's remuneration in good times 
 is scarcely ever sufficient to tide him safely over bad 
 times without recourse to the " poor man's banker," 
 or to credit at the store; for in bad times, despite 
 the equalizing effects of machinery, there is some- 
 times great lack of employment in the district in 
 which he lives. Since the laborer must, so to speak, 
 deliver the labor himself, it matters little that work 
 is plentiful elsewhere, if the laborer remains where 
 his commodity is a superfluity. Consequently, 
 mobility is a necessity for the equation of the de- 
 mand and the supply of labor, or would be, were 
 trade fluctuations merely local. Unfortunately, as 
 the knowledge of industrial conditions in other dis- 
 tricts increases, the area of depression widens. The 
 same forces which have rendered migration easy 
 make trade depression universal. It is difficult, 
 now, to imagine any trade depressed in one district 
 and prosperous in another, as it might have been 
 before the Industrial Revolution. The improved 
 means of communication which naturally promote 
 the tendency of labor to migrate have equalized 
 industrial conditions and thus destroyed the induce- 
 ment. We shall see below that the volume of migra- 
 tion is decreasing and at the same time becoming a 
 regular movement. We can hardly speak of the 
 circulation of labor because the movement is steadily 
 in one direction — towards the cities. 
 
 We need not draw any rigid distinction between 
 the two forms of place mobility, migration and emi- 
 gration. The political effects are different, but, in 
 
Migration ami Emigration. 
 
 201 
 
 essence, the economic effect is nearly the same. It 
 has generally been assumed that migration is a much 
 more extensive movement than emigration : so much 
 more extensive a movement that the whole orthodox 
 theory of foreign trade is based on the difference. 
 To justify the hypothesis of the economic nation in 
 the theory of international trade it is necessary to 
 assume that the mobility of labor within the nation is 
 practically complete ; while between the nations it is 
 practically non-existent. The assumption is not even 
 approximately accurate. The volume of migration 
 within the nation is not only not so great as is sup- 
 posed, but is shrinking; and emigration which, it is 
 supposed, is not sufficient in amount to bring about a 
 real equality in the cost of production must, in some 
 cases, be a more powerful industrial factor than migra- 
 tion. Between the Maritime provinces of Canada and 
 the New England States the movement is steadier 
 than the movement from these provinces to Ontario 
 and Quebec; and the city of Boston contains a 
 very much larger number of " provincialists " than 
 Quebec, Montreal, and Toronto.* It is hardly pos- 
 
 In 
 Il- 
 
 n 
 
 * The aim of a protective policy, in the language of the orthodox 
 theory of foreign trade, may be said to be the identification of the 
 economic with the political nation. The "National Policy," as it is 
 called in Canada, therefore included the improvement of the internal 
 means of communication. The table of Canadian migration below 
 shows that the effect of this part of the policy is not appreciable, but 
 without it the " N. P." would have been a greater organized injustice 
 than it was. The usual method was adopted of compensating one 
 class for the special burden placed upon it by placing another equally 
 heavy burden upon some other class or section of the community. 
 
!.■ 
 
 lir, 
 
 m 
 
 Ml 
 
 4 
 
 
 m i 
 
 SI 
 
 ( 
 
 V 
 
 } 
 
 ■ 
 
 'S 
 
 ! 
 
 f) 
 
 ' ' J 
 
 1 
 
 ih'i' 
 
 
 1 
 
 202 
 
 77/^* /hir^di/i Tltcory of IWiji^^ts. 
 
 siblc to make ii comparison of the respective vol- 
 umes of migration and emigration. The census 
 returns of those countries in which both movements 
 take pkicc are not detailed enough to permit a 
 thorough comparison. For instance, in the English 
 census, the county is taken as the unit area: in the 
 Canadian census, the province. The unit area, in 
 either case, is too large. Probably the greatest 
 amount of migration takes place within the unit 
 area. The English census of i88i shows, that of 
 8,877,623 persons who resided elsewhere than in the 
 county of their birth, 4,049,918, or nearly half, were 
 resident in the counties bordering on their native 
 county; and probably at least another four millions 
 have migrated from one place to another within the 
 county of birth. The same remark holds true, to 
 an even greater extent, of the returns of the Cana- 
 dian census, where the unit is the province. Census 
 returns, moreover, can take no account of successive 
 removals by the same individual ; and ten years is 
 a period long enough to cover several changes. The 
 volume of migration must, consequently, especially 
 
 Thus Nova Scotia received, as its compensation for the manufacturing 
 monopoly in Ontario, the duty on foreign coal and iron. This prac- 
 tice has been found, in all countries, politically necessary, but is none 
 the less an impossible and ridiculous method of distributing the sec- 
 tional benefits of protection throughout the community. The task of 
 identifying the political and the economic nations in Canada, and 
 thus securing a just distribution of the gains and losses of monopoly, 
 is peculiarly difficult because there will always be a greater movement 
 between Canada and the United States than between Quebec and the 
 English provinces of Canada, 
 
Volumi's Compared. 
 
 203 
 
 in the case of Canada, be much hirgcr than is set 
 down in the census returns. 
 
 Even when every allowance is made for the in- 
 completeness of the figures, total migration is not 
 so much greater in volume than enn'gration as to 
 justify the assumption of the theory of international 
 trade. The total number in any given year of those 
 who have migrated, is not the same as the volume 
 of migration in that year; and it is the volume of 
 migration that is the industrial factor. 
 
 Migration, however, is not only of less compara- 
 tive importance as an economic force in distribution 
 than is assumed, but is also a factor of decreasing, 
 or, at any rate, not of increasing importance.* The 
 volume of migration reached its maximum ten or 
 twenty years since ; and the opening of new lines of 
 communication and the lessened cost of transit have 
 been apparently without effect on the volume. 
 Within the United States the volume of migration 
 has not merely been stationary', but has sensibly 
 shrunk. This is due in part to the fact that the 
 colonizing period in the history of the United States 
 
 ♦According to the British Census Report^ l8gi, the native 
 population shows stationary habits of a very decided character. In 
 1871, 74.04 per cent, of population were resident in native county ; 
 in 1881, 75.19; in 1891, 74.86. 
 
 It would appear that though emigration to foreign countries in- 
 creased enormously between 1881 and 1891, there was no correspond- 
 ing increase in the migration within the borders of England and 
 Wales themselves, notwithstanding the increased facilities of locomo- 
 tion, the extended knowledge possessed by the working classes as to 
 the conditions of life in parts outside their immediate localities. 
 English Census Report, 1891, vol. iv., p. 61. 
 
204 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 ■|! 
 
 I 
 
 ii 
 
 I is 
 
 has closed, and that since the available land in the 
 West has been filled up the classic advice, " Go 
 West, young man," has lost much of its appropri- 
 ateness. It is, however, not merely migration from 
 East to West, or from State to State, that has de- 
 creased. There is also less movement within the 
 States and less movement from the rural portions of 
 the States to the cities. The same phenomenon is 
 observable, though in a less marked degree, in Eng- 
 land, France, and Canada, as appears from the fol- 
 lowing table, which is taken, so far as United 
 States, France, and England is concerned, from an 
 article by Prof. Wilcox in The Political Science 
 Quarterly.^ 
 
 m 
 
 i 
 
 PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION RESIDENT IN UNIT 
 AREA OF Blirj I IN CENSUS. 
 
 ENG. AND WALES. 
 
 FRAN'CE. 
 
 .ANADA. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Unit Area. 
 County. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Unit 
 Area. 
 Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 88.4 
 
 85.7 
 84.0 
 83.2 
 
 Year. 
 
 Unit 
 
 Area. 
 
 Province. 
 
 97-5 
 96.0 
 
 95.0 
 
 Year. 
 
 Unit Area. 
 State. 
 
 I871 
 1881 
 189I 
 
 74.04 
 
 75.19 
 74.86 
 
 1866 
 1876 
 18S6 
 1891 
 
 1871 
 
 18S1 
 189I 
 
 1870 
 t88o 
 1890 
 
 73.8 
 77.9 
 79.1 
 
 - j 
 
 
 Prof. Wilcox also gives tables * of internal migra- 
 tion for the two States Massachusetts and New 
 York, to demonstrate that not only inter-State but 
 also intra-State migration is declining. 
 
 ♦Vol. X., No. 4. 
 
 m.i 
 
Migj'ation Declining. 
 
 205 
 
 PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL NATIVES OF NEW YORK 
 
 RESIDENT IN 
 
 1855. 
 
 County of birth 56.0 
 
 Some other county of New York iq.9 
 Some other State 24.2 
 
 1865. 
 
 1875. 
 
 55.3 • 
 
 ... 57.8 
 
 17.8 . 
 
 ... 16.0 
 
 26.5 . 
 
 . . . 26.2 
 
 \ 
 
 PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL NATIVES OF MASSACHU- 
 SETTS RESIDENT IN 
 
 1875. 1885. 
 
 Town of birth 48.61 51.00 
 
 Some other town in Massachusetts 30.62 29.46 
 
 Some other State 20.77 19. 54 
 
 The migration from province to province within 
 the Dominion of Canada seems remarkably small, 
 the reason being that the " exodus " to the United 
 States, as it has been called, is, so far as the difficul- 
 ties of and obstacles to movement a.e concerned, 
 really of the nature of a migration from the rural 
 parts of a country to the industrial centres. The 
 Canadian figures show a slight increase in the amount 
 of migration, but do not form a serious exception to 
 the general tendency ; for the period covered is that 
 in which the great railways have for the first time 
 opened up the country. The table on p. 206 shows 
 the number per thousand resident in each of the 
 four original provinces of the Dominion, in the three 
 census years, who were born in the various provinces 
 of the Dominion. 
 
 These are hardly the results we should have ex- 
 pected. The period covered by these statistics is a 
 
 I; 
 
(iff 
 
 !i' 
 
 ,1 ■. 
 
 
 1 :^ 
 
 206 
 
 T/ie Bargain Tlicory of Wages, 
 
 period of railroad expansion ; great trunk lines have 
 been built and parts of the countries which had been 
 separated more completely than if the ocean had 
 rolled between have been bound together by ties of 
 intercourse and communication. The re( eipts from 
 pa.ssenger traffic have increased year by year until it 
 seems as if the whole population were continuously 
 on the move. With improved means of communi- 
 cation has come increased knowledc^e of the con- 
 ditions of industry in other districts and States; but 
 
 THE NUMBER PER THOUSAND OF NATIVE-BORN 
 CANADIANS RESIDENT IN THE FOUR ORIGINAL 
 PROVINCES AND MANITOBA ACCORDING TO THE 
 PROVINCE OF BIRTH. 
 
 iji:;. 
 
 M i ' 
 
 w 
 
 * \ 
 
 %\ 
 
 \\ 
 
 t :■ 
 
 PROVINXE OF 
 RESIDENCE. 
 
 New Brunswick - 
 
 Nova Scotia. . . . 
 
 Quebec. 
 
 Ontario 
 
 Manitoba. 
 
 CENSUS 
 YEAK. 
 
 187I 
 1881 
 189I 
 187I 
 
 i8gi 
 
 187I 
 
 1881 
 189I 
 
 1871 
 
 1881 
 1891 
 1871 
 1881 
 1891 
 
 PROVINCE OF BIKTH. 
 
 O 
 
 J3 
 
 3 
 
 O.Q 
 I.O 
 1.1 
 0.6 
 
 0.9 
 
 '•7 
 
 f.2 
 
 8.0 
 
 II. O 
 
 9.9 
 10.7 
 12.0 
 
 0.9 
 
 1.0 
 
 1-3 
 
 991-3 
 989.8 
 
 985-9 
 
 959-5, 34.3 
 
 960.2 
 966. 1 
 
 398.4 
 431^ 
 
 33-8 
 3C-4 
 
 83.0 
 70.0 
 
 
 
 l-H 
 
 n 
 
 m 
 
 W 
 
 9.59.5 
 
 i 957-4 
 
 956.2 
 
 9-5 
 
 '^ 
 
 9.8* 
 9-3 
 
 q.o 
 8-9*1 
 
 21.1 
 
 21.2 
 
 18.4 
 
 981.4 
 
 10.9 
 
 982.2 
 
 3-9 
 
 13-0 
 
 981.6 
 
 4.0 
 
 0.8 
 0.9 
 1.0 
 
 0.6 
 0.6 
 0.9 
 
 0.8* 
 
 0.4 
 
 0.3 
 
 2-4 
 
 3-0 
 
 0.9* 
 
 1.6 
 
 2.4 
 2.7 
 
 0.4 
 0.4 
 
 7-1 
 
 6.6 
 
 17.0 
 12.9 
 
 3-2 
 
 2.1 
 
 0.0 
 0.0 
 0.0 
 0,0 
 
 0.6 
 
 375-4 
 459-6 
 
 U 
 
 0.0 
 0.0 
 0.0 
 0.0 
 
 
 o o 
 0.0 
 0.0 
 0.0 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 O.I 
 
 
 O.I 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 O.I 
 
 0.0 
 
 0.0 < 
 
 0.0 
 
 0.0 ( 
 
 
 
 0.1 
 
 0.0 
 
 0.0 
 
 O.I 
 O.I 
 
 0.5 
 
 o.Si 
 
 »33-7 
 7.2 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 r 
 
 
 1' 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 i ■■ 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ii i 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 J • 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Ul 
 
 .. i 
 
 ♦ Including natives of Newfoundland. 
 
Modern Restrictions on Mobility, 
 
 207 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 migration seems to have reached a maximum just 
 when it was being rendered easier. 
 
 The result is somewhat surprising. There is 
 ahnost complete freedom of movement permitted. 
 The laborer is no longer hampered in his movements 
 by laws of settlement, but may move wherever and 
 whenever he thinks fit. In some places old mediaeval 
 ideas restricting the right of migration have survived 
 or been revived and enforced. The conservative 
 reaction in Germany reveals itself in proposals to 
 restrict the migrations of the agricultural population. 
 East Prussia has been drained of a large part of its 
 agricultural labor; and the organs of the great land- 
 owners demand renewed restrictions on the pretext 
 that so long as free migration is permitted there can 
 be no adequate check to the spread of epidemics. 
 The modern demands for restriction, however, come 
 chiefly from the working classes. America for the 
 Americans, Canada for the Canadians, London labor 
 for London laborers, are cries which demand restric- 
 tion of migration, in fact, if not in law. It is fre- 
 quently little more than a sentiment ; but in demo- 
 cratic countries the sentiment is sometimes embodied 
 in legislation. In Canada, there has been, in places, 
 a reincarnation of mediaeval ideas regarding the 
 right of movement. In Fredericton and St. John, 
 N. B., and elsewhere, a tax of twenty dollars is 
 levied upon imported labor. The argument is that it 
 is not fair that those who reside in the city and pay 
 their proper share of the taxes should be exposed 
 to the competition of outsiders who may come in, 
 
 !l 
 
 
 i 
 
208 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 \: 
 
 m 
 ■I ' » ■ 
 
 
 II! 
 
 1 ,v 
 
 i' 
 
 I 
 
 1 f. 
 
 <l| 
 
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 t 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 LJ 
 
 1 
 
 earn wages, and depart without ever being domiciled 
 in the city and subject to taxation. In the spring 
 of 1896, there was a dispute in St. John between 
 the Ship-Laborers' Union and the managers of the 
 Donaldson Line of steamers. The managers refused 
 to grant the Union demand for higher wages and 
 imported a trainload of men from Montreal, which 
 was then icebound. After partial failure of the 
 attempt to bring the "blacklegs" "out," the 
 Union threatened to have the city by-law enforced. 
 There was some talk of appealing to the courts 
 against the by-law, which, it was claimed, was a 
 violation of the British North America Act ; but no 
 further steps * were taken, and the result was a 
 victory for the Ship-Laborers' Union. f 
 
 The growing strength of local patriotism, combined 
 
 * Since the above was written the city by-law of St. John has been 
 amended, and the tax or license fee paid by non-resident labor has been 
 reduced to seven dollars and a half, or about a dollar more than a 
 laborer pays for his poll tax. 
 
 f The Contract-Labor Law in the United States is an instance of 
 the same tendency, although the object of this measure is to restrict 
 the right of immigration ; but the Corliss bill may be classed as a 
 measure whose object was really to restrict the right of migration. 
 The measure proposed to forbid dny man from earning wages in the 
 United States who did not reside there. It is to be hoped that the 
 advocates of the measure did not base their support of it upon the ac- 
 curacy of a petition in favor of it presented by citizens of the United 
 States living close to the Canadian border. The petition averred that 
 between two and three hundred thousand Canadians crossed the border 
 every morning and, after earning the higher rate of wages in the States, 
 crossed back again at night to their Canadian home — a number which 
 probably exceeds the total population of Canada living within five miles 
 of the border line. 
 
TJic Causes of Decline of Migration. 209 
 
 with the increasing political power of the working 
 classes, has, of late years, tended to reduce the vol- 
 ume of migration, but hardly sufficiently to account 
 for the diminution exhibited in the tables given 
 above. The decline of migration is possibly, also, 
 in part due to the increasing tendency towards locali- 
 zation of industry. Where an industry is strictly 
 localized, migration offers no escape from trade de- 
 pression ; and, although it sometimes appears as if 
 an industry were localized in more districts than le, 
 yet, on examination, the industry is seen to be two 
 or three different industries included under the one 
 name. The localization of industry promotes the 
 organization of labor in trade-unions ; and we have 
 seen that the trade-unions, if they do not positively 
 discourage, certainly no longer encourage the migra- 
 tory tendency by travelling benefits.* In one way 
 the union undoubtedly does promote migration in- 
 directly. The standard wage is higher in the cities 
 than in the country, and the best workers seek the 
 centres of population and industry; while those who 
 are unable, from any cause, to earn the standard 
 wage in the metropolis and find it difficult, on ac- 
 count of the trade-union antipathy to a system of 
 graded wages, to obtain any employment, tend to mi- 
 grate to the provinces. 
 
 Again, if it be true that a larger proportion of the 
 working classes are aiming at owning their own 
 houses, this would undoubtedly tend to hinder 
 migration. The evidence is too fragmentary to 
 
 * Chapter V., p. 179. 
 
 I^^l 
 
210 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 \\ 
 
 \ 1 
 
 .1? 'I 
 
 allow us to decide whether they do so aim. If they 
 do, we need not, as some writers and speakers, regret 
 the tendency.* Mobility does not, on the whole, 
 tend to promote good citizenship. Ownership un- 
 doubtedly implies greater fixity, and in so far as 
 every trade, and, in a special degree, localized trades, 
 are still subject to local variations, fixity of residence 
 may imply fluctuations in wages and employment. 
 On the other hand, when trade revives, the man on 
 the spot is likely to reap the immediate benefits. A 
 priori, we might conclude that mobility will secure 
 an arithmetical equality of wages and employment ; 
 that the wages of those who reside permanently in a 
 district will fluctuate more according to the state of 
 trade, and that their average will be higher than the 
 average of those who move from place to place ; and 
 this rt:/n<?r/ conclusion is supported by the following 
 comparison of the two classes of owner occupiers 
 and tenant occupiers in respect of wages and days 
 employed in the year, which is taken from the report 
 of the Ontario Bureau of Industries for 1889. The 
 comparison covers a sufficiently wide area to secure 
 that accidental variations do not much influence the 
 results. In 1888 returns were received from 576 
 owner occupiers resident in twenty-one towns in 
 different parts of the province, and in 1889, 842. 
 The tenants in 1888 numbered 1272, and in 1889, 
 1634. Another class is included in the first table, 
 viz., boarders, but the number, forty, is too small to 
 
 * See the reference to Bishop Fraser of Manchester, in Price's 
 Industrial Peace y p. 114. 
 
Tenants and Ozvncrs. 
 
 211 
 
 k 
 
 admit any inference. The boarders, probably, are 
 found mainly in the larger towns where the average 
 wage is comparatively high. 
 
 COMPARATIVE TABLE OF EARNINGS AND DAYS EM- 
 PLOYED IN THE YEAR 1S89, FROM RETURNS MADE 
 BY MALE WORKERS, OVER SIXTEEN, WITH DE- 
 PENDENTS. 
 
 STATUS. 
 
 NUMBER OF 
 RETURNS. 
 
 DAYS EMPLOYED 
 IN YEAR. 
 
 TOTAL EARNINGS, 
 
 INCLUDINC THOSE 
 
 OF DEPENDENTS. 
 
 Owners 842 272.06 $467.67 
 
 Tenants 1634 269.34 449-33 
 
 Boarders 40 265.80 450.93 
 
 The second table, with the accompanying diagram, 
 is intended to show the local and temporary varia- 
 tions of wages and time employed, of each of the 
 two classes in the two years 1888 and 1889. The 
 average of wages and time employed therein set 
 dawn is the average of the two years, not of 1889 
 alone, as in the first table. 
 
 We find from the comparison (i) that for the 
 tenant occupiers there are fewer fluctuations above 
 or below the average cither in respect of wages or 
 of the number of days employed during each year: 
 from which we may conclude that the greater the 
 mobility of labor the stronger the tendency towards 
 an arithmetical average. We find (2) that the aver- 
 age wage of the owner and the average of the num- 
 ber of days employed are considerably higher than 
 the corresponding average for the occupier; from 
 which we may justly conclude that permanence of 
 
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 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
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Levelling Up. 
 
 213 
 
 residence, which is admittedly desirable from a 
 social and ethical point of view, is not an economic 
 drawback. We may therefore dismiss the fears of 
 many philanthropic economists and publicists that if 
 the working classes own the houses they live in, they 
 must necessarily be in a worse position as bargainers 
 in the labor market.* 
 
 The real cause of the diminution in the volume of 
 migration, to which the social phenomena already 
 mentioned are only contributory causes, is that, im- 
 provement of the means of communication, which, 
 at first sight, seems to facilitate, does not really en- 
 courage migration. The improved means of com- 
 munication have levelled wages up to such an extent 
 that differences in wages are no longer, to a large 
 extent, at least, accidental, but in a measure corre- 
 spond with differences in efificiency and with differ- 
 ences in the cost of living. The decrease in the 
 volume of migration does not mean a slackening of 
 competiton. The influence of competition, on the 
 contrary, has outstripped the actual mobility of 
 labor. As between good players the game is often 
 
 -'• '"ht-n. IS., '■'■:>. some places, a conviction among the working classes 
 thirst x iab'i. ,» ..ho owns his house is at the same disadvantage as the 
 laborer who is compelled to live in a house provided and owned by 
 his employer, and sometimes at a worse, for a company tenant is 
 generally preferred when work is scarce. In a small town the laborer 
 may be practically at the mercy of an unscrupulous employer, and, 
 though the cases may be few in which such an unscrupulous use of 
 power is made, when such an abuse occurs a grave social crime is 
 committed. Cp. on this point Report of Connecticut Labor Bureau, 
 1885, pp. 84, 85. 
 
 M 
 
 
M. 
 
 i ■ 
 
 IS; i 
 
 I !■ 
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 iii'- 
 
 
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 t, ' 
 
 1 !■ 
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 ■I 
 
 214 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 decided by a show of cards, so, without recourse to 
 the actual step of migration, competition has levelled 
 wages up and removed the necessity of, and induce- 
 ment to, migration. The knowledge that change is 
 always possible has at the same time weakened the 
 desire for change and the economic need of mobility. 
 Mr. Garnier declares that, in England at least, what- 
 ever may be the case in Scotland, the system of 
 yearly hiring of agricultural laborers induces more 
 men to wander from master to master at the annual 
 hiring fairs th?,n a system of weekly contracts does. 
 " The weekly contracts with their cottage laborers, 
 strange to say, seem to promote more settled habits. 
 These latter men, feeling that they can leave if they 
 choose, elect to stay." ^ Similarly, the knowledge 
 that the Bank had power to suspend the Bank 
 Charter Act, has twice allayed a panic without the 
 necessity of actual suspension. Competition acts on 
 the minds of men; and the same results may be 
 achieved either by actual display of power or by the 
 knowledge that the power is there if need arise. 
 One instance must suffice. The amount of migra- 
 tion f between Ontario and Quebec is not very great, 
 and, since the majority of the migrants are resident 
 in a few border counties, is actually less than it 
 appears, yet there has been a steady levelling up of 
 the average wages earned in Quebec to the average 
 earned in Ontario. If we take the average wage in 
 Ontario in each of the three census years 1871, 1881, 
 
 * Gamier, Annals of the British Peasantry, p, 415. 
 f Cp. table, p. 206. 
 
Migration an Economic Movement. 
 
 215 
 
 1 89 1, as, in each case, equivalent to one hundred, 
 the corresponding averages for Quebec are as fol- 
 lows * : 
 
 ONTARIO. QUEBEC. 
 
 1871 100 73 
 
 1881 100 83 
 
 189I 100 90 
 
 So, if migration is decreasing in volume, and mobil- 
 ity is no longer the important wages factor it has 
 been conceived to be, the result — competition — is 
 still being accomplished. 
 
 Migration arises from a more purely economic 
 motive than emigration. The volume of emigrants 
 from Europe is still swelled from year to year by 
 those whose motives for changing are political or 
 social, or, at times, even religious. The political 
 motive is almost entirely absent as an incentive to 
 migration, though social motives may induce many 
 to seek the large cities. There can be no doubt 
 that all " that makes the difference between Mile 
 End fair on a Saturday night, and a dark and 
 muddy country lane with no glimmer of light and 
 with nothing to do," f has something to do with the 
 volume of migration; but, in the main, migration is 
 an economic movement undertaken with a deliberate 
 idea of bettering the material condition. There are 
 elements in the movement which are not economic. 
 
 * Census of Canada, 1891, Bulletin xviii., p. 8. 
 f H. Llewellyn Smith, Booth's Life and Labor of the People vol, 
 iii., p. 75 : cp. Life in Our Villages, Chapter I, 
 
 H^ 
 
 ' \ 
 

 1,1 
 
 2l6 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 ,' . ■ 1 I ! 
 
 \'S 
 
 . I 
 
 y 
 
 
 ii I 
 
 %\ 
 
 I! 'Mil: 
 
 There is the drift of the tramps and the beggars and 
 the characterless to the great cities where odd jobs 
 and charity and oblivion may be found. The move- 
 ment of women is only partly due to economic 
 causes; and women form the majority of those who 
 migrate.* The general direction of the economic 
 movement has been the rural districts to the cities, 
 though there has also been a reverse movement 
 back to the country. The volume of the migration 
 from the towns to the country (not including in this 
 volume the great modern movement of population 
 towards the suburbs of the cities) cannot be great 
 since it is a movement of the old and the successful. 
 As the young and vigorous move towards the towns 
 where, though the cost of living is high, wages are 
 proportionately as high and seem higher: so the old, 
 who have retired from active work, move to the 
 
 * The limited number of employments open to women, and the 
 localization of most of these within narrow areas, have tended to in- 
 crease the volume of female migration. The excess of females in 
 textile towns is not due to an exodus of the males, but to migration 
 from the surrounding districts of families, the majority of the children 
 in which are girls. The practice of depending in part for the family 
 support on the supplemental earnings of the regular or casual work 
 of the wife and children sometimes checks migration from the districts 
 where there is a demand for female labor and generally promotes migra- 
 tion to such a district. A laborer who counts on these supplemental 
 earnings may not always follow his own individual economic advantage 
 and go where there is the greatest demand for his labor ; because in 
 the new locality his wife and daughters could find no employment. 
 On the other hand, he may move to a district where the demand for 
 his labor is less in order to find employment for a growing family of 
 daughters, 
 
T 
 
 Migration to Cities an Adult Movement. 217 
 
 country to take advantage of the lower cost of 
 living. 
 
 The movement towards the cities is an adult move- 
 ment. Under modern industrial conditions the 
 system of apprenticeship is breaking down and no 
 substitute has yet been found. It has broken down, 
 however, only in the large cities and industrial cen- 
 tres. In the workshop, in the country village, the 
 apprentice is still faithfully taught the whole art and 
 craft of his trade; and he learns not a special de- 
 partment, but the whole trade as it could not pos- 
 sibly be learned in a large city, even in shops where 
 apprentices are taken. The demand for trained 
 artisans in the cities is great ; and, since in the city 
 workshops apprentices are no longer trained, the 
 demand must be met from the outside. The move- 
 ment to the cities is produced by ** suction from 
 within" rather than by" pressure from without." 
 It is not because trade is depressed in the country 
 but because the demand is so great in the town that 
 the number of trained workmen migrating to the 
 cities is so large. If the town were not recruited 
 from the country, industry would languish and fail. 
 The conditions of town life are so debilitating that 
 were it not that the city population is being contin- 
 uously invigorated by the infusion of fresh country 
 blood the cities would soon become industrially in- 
 effective. The economic debt v/hich the cities owe 
 to the rural districts is incalculable. They receive 
 the flower 'of the industrial army. The great pro- 
 portion of the migrants to the city are between the 
 
 
 ft 
 
 '"■■'■■ \ 
 
 i ! 
 1J> 
 
2l8 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 i ! 
 
 ;!;< 
 
 y i 
 
 ages of fifteen and thirty.'^' London receives such a 
 number of migrants between these ages that the 
 percentage of her population between these Hmits is 
 much higher than the corresponding percentage for 
 the whole country. The migrants are, as might be 
 expected, markedly successful. The poverty in the 
 various districts of London is almost in an inverse 
 ratio to the proportion of provincials resident in the 
 district. Where the dark colors are laid down in 
 Booth's map of London poverty, there is resident 
 only a very small percentage of immigrants from the 
 country. The reason is that the migrants are picked 
 men, and in competition with city-bred labor, can 
 easily secure the best positions. The percentage of 
 failures amongst them is surprisingly small. 
 
 Mr. Ravenstein has put forward a law of the move- 
 ment which he calls the law of migration by stages. 
 He found that, according to the English census 
 returns, the amount of migration ,vas, roughly, 
 inversely as the distance of the migrants from their 
 counties of birth; and, from this fact, he drew the 
 conclusion that, in spite of the great attractions of 
 large cities, the set of migration is rarely directly 
 and immediately to them. The migrant seems to 
 approach gradually, resting by the way to make surer 
 of his footing, and, as it were, to hesitate before 
 
 * It is significant that eighty-three per cent, of the failures occur 
 among those who left their homes after reaching the age of twenty- 
 five. Both for the migrant and the emigrant twenty- five seems to be 
 the limit age for which success is possible. After that year the in- 
 dividual seems to lose the energy and the adaptability which arq 
 essential. 
 
Migration by Stages. 
 
 219 
 
 making the plunge. Many never reach the destina- 
 tion, but remain at some of the intermediate stages. 
 Short-distance migration is much more frequent than 
 long-distance migration. Mr. Llewellyn Smith* 
 has ingeniously illustrated and supplemented Mr. 
 Ravenstein's theory by dividing England and Wales 
 into a series of rings of counties, in a roughly semi- 
 circular arrangement round London, to show how, 
 the greater the distance, the smaller the number of 
 migrants to London. The results are given in the 
 following table: 
 
 RING. 
 
 AVERAGE DISTANCE 
 FROM LONDON. 
 
 1 23.8 miles 
 
 2 52.5 " 
 
 3 -^^-9 " 
 
 4 .0 " 
 
 5 175.7 '* 
 
 6 236.9 " 
 
 NUMBER OF PERSONS PER lOOO 
 
 OF POPULATION OF EACH 
 
 RING LIVING IN LONDON. 
 
 166.0 
 
 I2I.4 
 
 61.2 
 
 32.0 
 
 l6.2t 
 
 24.9 
 
 As a further illustration of Mr. Ravenstein's law, 
 Mr. Smith shows that the average age of the migrants 
 from the more distant rings is higher than the aver- 
 age age of those who come from the home counties. 
 If long-distance migration takes place by stages it is 
 obvious that the age of the long-di.stance migrant 
 will be somewhat above the average age of the 
 migrants when he reaches London. 
 
 I' ii^ 
 I. ■ 
 
 * Booth, op. cit., vol. iii., p. 67 ; see also ibid,., p. 126. 
 f The figures here show the disturbing influence of the attraction 
 of the manufacturing centres of Lancashire and Yorkshire. 
 
i 
 
 220 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 RING. 
 
 ■ \ 
 
 il: 
 
 In i'f 
 
 1 1 •! - 
 
 
 s ., 
 
 I';. 
 
 PERCENTAGE OF MIGRANTS 
 UNDER TWENTY. 
 
 DISTANCE. 
 
 I 
 2 
 3 
 
 4 
 5 
 6. 
 
 22.4 
 18.1 
 
 16.8 
 
 15.4 
 19. 1 
 
 15.9 
 
 DITTO OVER 
 TWENTY. 
 
 . . 77-6 23.8 
 
 ... 81.9 52.5 
 
 . .. 83.2 90.9 
 
 . .. 84.6 126.0 
 
 • .. 80.9* 175.9 
 
 ... 84.1 236.9 
 
 The law of migration by stages must be slightly 
 modified to take account of facilities of access and 
 travel. There is a larger proportional fnovement 
 from Scotland to London than from Scotland to 
 Birmingham or Leeds. London seems much nearer 
 than Birmingham and its attraction is much more 
 actual. In general, where there is communication 
 by water there will be a relatively greater migration. f 
 
 The exodus from the Maritime provinces of Canada 
 has most of the characteristics of a migration. The 
 emigrants go to a country where their own language 
 is spoken and the same customs are observed ; and 
 the direction of the movement is towards the large 
 cities. In this case the law of migration by stages 
 is again partially set aside on account of facilities of 
 access. The migration is not to the State of Maine, 
 
 * The figures here show the disturbing influence of the attraction 
 of the manufacturing centres of Lancashire and Yorkshire. 
 
 f The greater proportion {i. e., of migrants to London), consider- 
 ing distance, is that shown by Devonshire, Somerset, Dorset, and 
 Cornwall, which collectively send 24.7 per cent, of their migrants 
 into London. Here the geographical situation, giving, practically, 
 only one degree of freedom of movement to the migrant, is doubtless 
 a gre.it operative cause. In general, it will be found that a dispropor- 
 tionate amount of migration takes place to London from counties 
 with a seaboard. Booth, op. cit., vol. iii., p. 72. 
 
Distribution of Canadian Immigrants. 221 
 
 which geographically lies nearest to the Maritime 
 provinces, but to the State of Massachusetts. In 
 the State of Maine are found 52,076 Canadians; in 
 the State of Massachusetts 207,601. 
 
 The distribution of Canadians in the United States 
 is as follows : 
 
 North Atlantic division 490,229 
 
 South Atlantic division 5.412 
 
 North Central division 401,660 
 
 South Central division 8,153 
 
 Western division 75.484 
 
 United States 980,938 
 
 The migration to three of those divisions is too 
 small to be governed by any discoverable law except 
 the law of health-seeking. Fully one fifth of the 
 Canadians in the South Atlantic division are resident 
 in Florida ; and more than a third of those resident 
 in the South Central division have sought Texas to 
 prolong their days. In the Western division 26,028 
 have fled to California frorr the rigors of the Cana- 
 dian winter. The details of the other two divisions, 
 according to States, give rather contradictory re- 
 sults. The attraction to the North Atlantic division 
 is towards the industrial and manufacturing States, 
 which are as different as possible from the Maritime 
 provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and 
 Prince Edward Island. New York and Massachu- 
 setts together absorb three fifths of the total migra- 
 tion. In the North Central division, on the other 
 hand, the attraction is mainly, if we except Illinois, 
 in which is Chicago, and Ohio, to States where the 
 main employment is in agriculture or lumbering; 
 
 r- iiS 
 
 k 
 
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 fit 
 
 i I'l*. ■ 
 
 li' 
 
 \v '< 
 
 ,, I, 
 
 ii! 
 
 { 
 
 
 
 ,: : 1 . 
 
 L, 
 
 222 
 
 77/^ Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 and in neither case do the nearest States to the Cana- 
 dian centres of population absorb anything hke the 
 share they should, if the law of migration by stages 
 were unconditionally true. Michigan, it is true, is 
 immediately contiguous at one point with the prov- 
 ince of Ontario; but 30,466, out of a total 181,416 
 Canadians, have travelled across the breadth of On- 
 tario from Quebec to reach the lumber woods of 
 Michigan. The fact, however, that Ohio absorbs 
 more than three times as many Canadians as Indi- 
 ana; that Wisconsin has twice as many, and Minne- 
 sota two and one half times as many as Iowa; that 
 North Dakota has two and one half times as many 
 as South Dakota, and as many as Nebraska and 
 Kansas taken together; while, in the Western divi- 
 sion, in spite of equal facilities of access by sea from 
 British Columbia, Washington has attracted three 
 times as many as Oregon, which lies directly to the 
 south of it, seems to give some support to Mr. 
 Ravenstein's law. 
 
 NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION. 
 
 Maine 52,076 
 
 New Hampshire 46,321 
 
 Vermont 25,004 
 
 Massachusetts 207,601 
 
 Rhode Island 27,934 
 
 Connecticut 21,231 
 
 New York 93.193 
 
 New Jersey 4,698 
 
 Pennsylvania 12,171 
 
 Total 490,229 
 
 NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION. 
 
 Ohio 16,575 
 
 Indiana 4,954 
 
 Illinois 39.525 
 
 Michigan 181,416 
 
 Wisconsin 33,163 
 
 Minnesota 43, 580 
 
 Iowa 17,465 
 
 Missouri 8,525 
 
 North Dakota 23,045 
 
 South Dakota 9,493 
 
 Nebraska 12,105 
 
 Kansas 11,874 
 
 Total 401,660 
 
Temporary Migration. 
 
 223 
 
 1 
 
 1,660 
 
 In addition to tlic migration already discussed, 
 there is a kind which does not appear in the census 
 tables; because the migrant does not seek a domi- 
 cile in the district into which he moves. His sojourn 
 there is for the season ; and, at the end of the season, 
 he returns to his old home. This kind of migration 
 represents the maximum of economic mobility. The 
 individual sometimes travels very far afield in search 
 of employment. Some trades are subject to periodi- 
 cal migrations and labor circulates freely between 
 different parts of the country. The seasons in which 
 trade is brisk are sometimes different in different 
 parts of the country. There is, for instance, a cir- 
 culation of boot- and shoemakers between London 
 and provincial towns such as Leicester and Norwich ; 
 there being, at the same time, a fairly steady move- 
 ment of labor in various parts of England following 
 the transfer of industry away from the sphere of 
 trade-union influence. It is but seldom, however, 
 that the seasonal variations of industry lead to con- 
 siderable migration, except in the case of agriculture 
 and trades dependent on the seasons. The Irish 
 harvesters who come in large numbers across the 
 Channel to meet the increased demand for agricul- 
 tural labor at harvest time may be taken as a typical 
 instance. In 1890, according to the annual return 
 of the Registrar-General for Ireland, in the month 
 of June, 14,081 persons left their homes to seek 
 employment as agricultural laborers elsewhere. Of 
 these seasonal migrants 84.4 per cent, sought work 
 in England, 12.2 per cent, in Scotland, and 4.4 per 
 
 Hi 
 
 r 
 
 li 
 
tf^ 
 
 
 ! 1 
 
 [; ' i 
 
 (■ 
 
 lli' 
 
 m 
 
 
 224 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 cent, in Irchmd, mainly in Lcinstcr, in the counties 
 around Dublin. The migrants form a fairly large 
 percentage of the total male adult population, 
 amounting in County Mayo to 15.3 of the total 
 adult male population of the county. The same 
 migratory tendency during harvest season is observ- 
 able in Germany, where there is a movement of 
 agricultural laborers out of, and into, the eastern 
 provinces of the kingdom of Prussia. In 1892, 
 96,894 laborers left the four eastern provinces. East 
 Prussia, West Prussia, Silesia, and Posen, and moved 
 westward in search of work, to return to their homes 
 at the end of the season; while in the same year 
 nearly twenty thousand immigrants from Russia and 
 Galicia sought temporary employment in these four 
 provinces. From some countries, the volume of 
 temporary emigration is almost as large as the vol- 
 ume of the real and permanent. In 1892, from 
 Italy, 107,025 emigrated in search of work, for the 
 most part, in the spring of the year, to various 
 European countries, chiefly to France, Austria, 
 Switzerland, and Germany. The majority of the mi- 
 grants naturally come from the frontier provinces, 
 and in the case of Udine and Belluno, more than 
 seven per cent, of the whole population seek work 
 in other European countries every year.* There is a 
 similar movement across the Canadian frontier into 
 the United States. The seasonal industry of lum- 
 bering, which can be followed in the winter only, 
 
 * Mayo-Smith, Statistics and Sociology, pp. 318, 330; cf, Bren- 
 \AVi.o^% Hours y Wages ^ and Production, pp. 41, 42. 
 
 1' ! ; 
 
Temporary Migration, 
 
 225 
 
 causes an annual migration from the cultivated por- 
 tions of the country to the woods and in the spring 
 back again. When the lumberman does not follow 
 the alternate trades of farming and lumbering, he 
 has his summer at his own disposal. Too often, 
 though not so often as in former years, the summer 
 is spent in loafing; but, of late, with the improved 
 means of communication and increased knowledge 
 of industrial opportunities, there has sprung up a 
 habit of sojourning iti the United States during the 
 summer, where employment is obtained mainly as 
 bricklayers and bricklayers* laborers. The seasons fit 
 into each other. The frost and snow which throw the 
 bricklayers out of employment render possible the 
 work in the woods. It is perhaps commoner for the 
 summer to be spent in Canada on the farm, and the 
 winter in the New England mills and factories; and 
 a great part of objection raised to Canadian labor is 
 due to this practice of the French Canadian. 
 
 The Canadian and United States trade-unions 
 make common cause against the trans-Atlantic mi- 
 grant who crosses to work in Montreal and New York 
 during the season and returns for the winter to Scot- 
 land and England, where, in the milder climate, work 
 can generally be carried on throughout the winter. 
 Masons and bricklayers are said to be the chief 
 offenders; but, in spite of cheap fares and quick 
 transit, the c -^mpetition of such migrants cannot be 
 very serious. *t is alleged in Canada that these men 
 come in at the opening of the year, and not having 
 
 to face the rigors and the lack of employment char- 
 ts 
 
 
 m 
 
 III] 
 
226 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 \ i 
 
 tl! ; 
 
 yi i 
 
 
 ;tii. 
 
 acteristic of the Canadian winter, can afford to work 
 for lower wages than the Canadian workman. In 
 Canada work is scarce in winter, and generally paid 
 at a lower rate ; and in many trades is impossible. 
 Consequently, an artisan must make up by the higher 
 wages in the summer for the slack times and higher 
 cost of living in the winter. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to take advantage of human 
 weakness before numbers running into millions, to 
 have the importance of emigration recognized. "With 
 whatever deductions the figures require to be taken, 
 on account of the impossibility of forming an esti- 
 mate of the net or real emigration, there is no deny- 
 ing the importance of the movement they exhibit. 
 Less striking, perhaps, but no less profound in its 
 consequences, and, in reality, no less imposing in its 
 silent magnitude than the barbanun invasions which 
 overthrew the Roman Empire, the tide of emigra- 
 tion has set steadily from the old world to the new 
 for nearly a hundred years, and shows no signs of 
 diminishing in force. Since the beginning of the 
 century, in every year, hundreds of thousands of the 
 strength and manhood of every State in Europe 
 have abjured the old allegiance, have broken the old 
 ties and the old associations and set themselves reso- 
 lutely to new conditions in a distant part of the 
 world. Many have gone among strangers, who were 
 yet kinsfolk, speaking the same language and in- 
 heriting the same political traditions; but to the 
 great majority emigration has meant the profound 
 change of home and language and customs. The 
 
 .'mi i 
 
Loss and Gain. 
 
 227 
 
 results of this movement are incalculable. New 
 continents have been opened up, that larger popula- 
 tions might be supported at home; new markets 
 have been established, that industry might be more 
 economically conducted ; new wealth has been cre- 
 ated ; new resources developed ; new nations called 
 into being. 
 
 The nations of the old world have given of their 
 abundance that the nations of the new might be 
 built up ; but we cannot estimate the greatness or 
 the value of the gift by the rough-and-ready method 
 of regarding every emigrant as an irretrievable loss 
 and e\'^ery immigrant as a great gain. The popula- 
 tion of the British Isles would not have been in ex- 
 cess of fifty millions if the fifteen millions who have 
 left her shores had remained within her sea-girt 
 borders. It would have been no larger than it is at 
 present, and it is possible it might have been a 
 great deal less. Whatever may be the case un- 
 der more ideal conditions of land tenure (and Dr. 
 Geffchen * shows that emigration from the various 
 provinces of Germany bears a distinctly inverse rela- 
 tion to the average size of the holding), at present 
 the British Isles could not produce food for thirty- 
 eight millions without serious economic loss and in- 
 dustrial derangement. A much larger proportion of 
 
 * Schonberg's Handbuch, ii., Auf. iii., p. 1063. Die Ursaclien 
 liegen teils in der Ertrags.fahigkeit des Bodens, noch mehr aber in 
 dessen Verteilung ; Ostpreussen ist durchschnittlich nicht sehr frucht- 
 bar und hat doch wenig Auswanderun^, Mechlenburg ist fruchtbar 
 und hat starke Auswanderung, in ersterem ist mehr Bodenverteilung, 
 in letzterem herrschen die Latifundien, 
 
 •■■\ 
 
 ' M 
 
 .1 
 
 11 
 
 ' ^1 
 
 J '1 
 1 ii 
 
 1 '■ 
 
 \ ! 
 
 I 
 
 1 ! 
 
228 
 
 TJic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 \ % 
 
 \ '. i 
 
 hi 
 
 t 
 
 the population would require to devote itself to the 
 production of food, and England's economic position 
 as an industrial and manufacturing nation could not 
 be maintained. Her extreme industrial specializa- 
 tion has been possible because the opening up and 
 settling of virgin continents have given her a cheaper 
 supply of food than she could have obtained from 
 her own soil ; and have, at the same time, widened 
 the market for the products of her mills and fac- 
 tor* cs. The area of the world's market has been 
 extended by the movement ; and productive capacity 
 has been increased to a proportional extent. The 
 emigrants departed only to make room for a corre- 
 sponding number of workers. As we saw in Chapter 
 v., a large number of the emigrants have risen at 
 least nominally in the ranks of labor; and, so far as 
 this rise from the ranks of the unskilled has been 
 real, there has been a great gain to the productive 
 capabilities of the world. The great volume of emi- 
 gration has permitted a more economical use of the 
 world's resources; and to this extent emigration has 
 been fruitful of gain. It cannot be said that the 
 gain has been distributed in proportion to the con- 
 tributions made. The emigrants themselves in the 
 new country have naturally engrossed a greater part 
 of it ; but what of gain there has been for the coun- 
 tries of origin has not been distributed according 
 to the contributions made to the volume of emi- 
 gration. Nations have shared in it which have 
 contributed nothing. The trade of France with 
 the United States has grown during the last sev- 
 
1 
 
 Measure of Loss and Gain. 
 
 229 
 
 IP 
 
 enty years as steadily as the trade of Germany: 
 yet France has sent none of her children beyond 
 the seas, while Germany has given more than six 
 millions. The exports of the United Kingdom to 
 the United States have risen from rather less than 
 four millions sterling in 1820 to more than thirty- 
 two millions in 1890; and the increase docs not 
 seem to be as great as might be expected in return 
 for a contribution of eight or nine millions of people ; 
 especially, when we remember that the total British 
 export trade has increased, in the same period, in 
 almost the same ratio, from thirty-six millions to 
 two hundred and sixty-three. We cannot say how 
 great an increased resultant of trade we might have 
 looked for; and, consequently, we have no means 
 of measuring absolutely the loss and gain by emigra- 
 tion. France has undoubtedly gained because she 
 has in the beginning lost little, and her gains are 
 therefore net gains. Germany has lost as much 
 as any nation because all her citizens have emigrated 
 to foreign countries. The United Kingdom has not 
 lost so much proportionally; because, though the 
 great majority of her emigrants have gone to coun- 
 tries independent of their native land, a certain pro- 
 portion have settled in the British colonies and have 
 maintained closer ties with the mother country than 
 have those who settled in the United States. This 
 gives us one relative means of estimating the loss 
 and gain of emigration. Each colonist buys British 
 produce to the amount of one hundred and sixty- 
 eight shillings, while the emigrant to the United 
 
 . f 
 
 
 vi \ 
 
 n\ 
 
 
 I' 
 
 I! 
 
 v. 
 
 1 1 
 
 k 
 
 f* 
 
mt't 
 
 230 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 ii 
 
 5 lir !i^ 
 
 < si 
 
 ll I 
 
 ll'i'i; ■■ i 
 
 States buys only forty-seven shillings' worth — a 
 difference of one hundred and twenty-one shillings 
 per head. We need not attempt to determine how 
 far trade follows the flag; but it is obvious that if 
 the eight or nine millions who have left the British 
 Isles for the United States had gone to the British 
 colonies, British export trade would have been larger 
 by thirty or forty millions per annum, or, making 
 allowance for an earlier and completer industrial de- 
 velopment of the colonies consequent upon the larger 
 emigration, by at least twenty millions. Even to 
 the colonies Englishmen go out, as the Corcyrans 
 did of old, " on a footing of equality with, not of 
 slavery to, those that remained behind," and since 
 the colonial trade was freed from all preferences to 
 English goods, we have no guarantee that, as colo- 
 nists, they buy all that a corresponding number at 
 home would have bought. It is only a relative 
 means of estimating the loss by emigration. J. S. 
 Mill declares that " there needs be no hesitation in 
 affirming that colonization, in the present state of 
 the world, is the best affair of business in which the 
 capital of an old and wealthy country can engage " * ; 
 but the main result of emigration, at any rate, for 
 most European nations seems to be the creation and 
 fostering of industrial and commercial rivals. Ger- 
 many has all along suffered more or less from the 
 competition of the United States as a food producer 
 and as a competitor for the English market. Eng- 
 lish agricultural interests have likewise suffered; 
 and we seem to be at the beginning of a period of 
 
 * Principles of Political Economy {^OT^. ed.), p. 586, 
 
 K^ 1 < 
 
The Gain to the Receiving Country, 231 
 
 industrial competition between England and the 
 United States. As Adam Smith says, in another 
 connection, "the inconveniences" of emigration 
 " every country has engrossed to itself completely. 
 The advantages ... it has been obliged to 
 share with many other countries." * 
 
 On the other hand the addition to the population 
 in the receiving countries cannot be regarded as pure 
 gain. The population of the United States has 
 during the emigration period been augmented by 
 fifteen millions of immigrants; but the rate of in- 
 crease of the population has remained stationary 
 during the period or actually fallen. It may seem 
 too much to say that the population of the United 
 States would have been as large as, or larger than, 
 it is to-day, had there been no immigration; but it 
 is undoubtedly true that immigration has checked 
 what would otherwise have been the natural rate of 
 increase. The fact is clearly brought out in the 
 following table : 
 
 :fe 
 
 
 
 
 
 PERCENTAGE OF INCREASE IN 
 
 YEAR. 
 
 POPULATION. 
 
 INCREASE 
 
 IMMIGRA- 
 TION IN 
 
 
 DECADE. 
 
 
 
 
 IN DECADE. 
 
 DECADE, 
 
 Total. 
 
 By Immi- 
 gration. 
 
 Natural. 
 
 1840 
 
 17,069,453 
 
 4,203,433 
 
 599.125 
 
 32.67 
 
 4.66 
 
 28.01 
 
 1850 
 
 23,191,876 
 
 6,122,423 
 
 1,713,251 
 
 35-87 
 
 10.04 
 
 25.83 
 
 i860 
 
 31,443,321 
 
 8,251,445 
 
 2,579,580 
 
 35-58 
 
 11.12 
 
 24.46 
 
 1870 
 
 38,558,371 
 
 7,115,050 
 
 2,278,425 
 
 22.63 
 
 7-25 
 
 15-38 
 
 1880 
 
 50,155,783 
 
 11,597,412 
 
 2,812,191 
 
 30.08 
 
 7-29 
 
 22.79 
 
 1890 
 
 62,622,250 
 
 12,466,467 
 
 5,246,613 
 
 24.86 
 
 10.46 
 
 14.40 
 
 ♦ Wealth of Nations (Nicholson's ed.), p. 260, 
 
ir 
 
 
 J; !l 
 
 • '1 
 
 !:i: 
 
 i^ i.i!' 
 
 232 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 Moreover, the countries of Europe have not always 
 completed their contributions. They may give the 
 labor; but without the opportunities for employing 
 the laboi the gift may be a burden ; and the oppor- 
 tunities are limited by the wealth and capital of the 
 country. In the United States, in 1890, the average 
 amount of wealth per inhabitant exceeded one thou- 
 sand dollars; and the average amount of wealth 
 brought in by the immigrant certainly does not 
 amount to one hundred dollars. We may not ac- 
 cept in its full extent the proposition that indus- 
 try is limited by capital; and yet we must admit 
 that in modern industry capital is indispensable. In 
 1890 the capital invested in the United States in 
 mechanical and manufacturing industries alone 
 amounted to $6,525,156,486, or rather more than 
 one hundred dollars per head of the population, or 
 $1384 per employee. To the fund of capital the 
 immi[' 'ant can add little or nothing; and, conse- 
 quently, to the degree in which the Wages-Fund 
 Theory is true, immigration may prove a hardship to 
 the receiving nation. 
 
 These, however, are only general considerations 
 which might help us to decide whether emigration 
 and immigration is a loss or gain ; but they afford 
 no means of estimating how much the gain or the 
 loss actually is. Various methods * have been em- 
 ployed to obtain an approximate measure of the 
 amount. The one generally employed consists in 
 
 * For a full discussion of th^se methods see Mayo-Smith, Emigra- 
 tion^ c, 6, 
 
The Gain not to be Accurately Measured. 233 
 
 forming some rough estimate of the cost of rearing 
 and training a child till he arrives at industrial years, 
 and then taking this amount as the measure of the 
 loss to the country of origin and the gain to the 
 country which receives him. To this amount is 
 generally added the average amount of money in 
 the shape of gold or drafts which the immigrant 
 brings with him. Another and more elaborate 
 method estimates the laborer's chances of life, 
 according to the accepted standards, and then, after 
 deducting from his total earnings, during the period 
 he has still to live, the cost of maintaining him 
 during that period, regards the surplus as the loss 
 by each emigrant and the gain by each immigrant. 
 These calculations and results are exceedingly inter- 
 esting, and throw some light on the question of the 
 balance of trade between nations, but do not go far 
 to give us an accurate measure of loss and gain by 
 emigration and immigration. They err in attempt- 
 ing to measure accurately what cannot be accurately 
 measured ; and are also open to the serious objection 
 that they suppose labor to have some definite pre- 
 determined value apart from the opportunities it may 
 be afforded of creating wealth. That it is a loss to a 
 nation, however, to train up its children to manhood 
 and then have to begin the process anew, when the 
 strength and manhood of the nation seek a career 
 in a foreign land, is a fact which cannot be disputed. 
 The world, as a whole, may be a gainer by the pro- 
 cess, but to the individual country of origin the pro- 
 cess is not only a loss, but a disheartening loss. The 
 
 ■ ! 
 
 , I 
 
TT 
 
 »rr 
 
 ! ! I 
 
 mi 
 
 234 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 majority of the emigrants,* more than sixty percent, 
 of them, arc adult males in the prime of their physi- 
 cal strength, and the drain is on the effective indus- 
 trial population of a nation. 
 
 The grand totals of emigration and immigration 
 have led many to adopt, somewhat unnecessarily, 
 an alarmist tone. There is no country in danger of 
 being depopulated on account of emigration and no 
 country where the quantity rather than the quality 
 affords real cause for alarm. Here and there there 
 may be districts from which immigration has taken 
 away all the energy and left nothing but stagnation 
 and depression behind. In the Maritime provinces 
 of Canada there are districts which have suffered 
 very severel.- more severely than the aggregates of 
 the census reports at first indicate; but there, as 
 elsewhere, over a large area, emigration can do little 
 more than keep the population stationary and seldom 
 carries out anything like the natural excess of births 
 over deaths. As the volume of immigration is seldom 
 distributed equally over the whole area of the receiv- 
 ing country, so it is rarely ever drawn in equal pro- 
 portions from the districts of the country of origin. 
 Particular districts may experience an actual decrease 
 in population, but, as the following table, taken 
 partly from Schonberg's HandbucJi, and partly from 
 Mayo-Smith's Statistics and Sociology^ shows, there 
 is little danger of a country being depopulated : 
 
 ♦ See Fawcett's Political Economy, p. 602 (sixth ed). 
 
Natural Increase of Population. 
 
 235 
 
 COUNTRY. 
 
 United Kingdom 
 
 (Jermany , 
 
 Italy , 
 
 France 
 
 Switzerland .... 
 
 Sweden , 
 
 Norway 
 
 Denmark , 
 
 EXCESS OF BIRTHS OVER 
 
 DEATHS I'KR lOOO 
 
 INHABITANTS. 
 
 [EMIGRATION I'ER lOOO IN- 
 
 IHAIUTANIS TO COUNTRIES 
 
 OUTSIDE EURUl'E. 
 
 1885. 
 
 12.3 
 II-5 
 
 6.4 
 II. 8 
 14.9 
 II. 7 
 
 1888. 
 
 IT. 9 
 
 12.9 
 9.8 
 I . T 
 
 7.8 
 
 13.8 
 
 1892. 
 
 10.54 
 
 17.0 
 
 10.14 
 
 0.5 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.1 
 
 TI.9 
 
 10. 1 
 
 1885. 
 
 i838. 
 
 1892. 
 
 3-7 
 
 7-5 
 
 5-51 
 
 2 , 2 
 
 2.0 
 
 2.23 
 
 2.7 
 
 6.8 
 
 3-53 
 
 0.1 
 
 0.6 
 
 0.14 
 
 2.3 
 
 2.8 
 
 2.64 
 
 4.0 
 
 9-7 
 
 6.87 
 
 7.2 
 
 II. 2 
 
 H.53 
 
 2.1 
 
 4.0 
 
 4.76 
 
 •1 ' 
 
 I 
 
 ■; i 
 
 From this tabic it i.s apparent that emigration is 
 greatest in proportion from those countries where 
 the natural excess of births over deaths is highest, 
 and where the population increases but slowly, the 
 volume of emigration is least. From France, from 
 which there is practically no emigration, the excess 
 of births over deaths is barely sufficient to keep the 
 population stationary. The Maritime provinces of 
 Canada present the somewhat unusual phenomenon 
 of a lartre excess of births over deaths and a .station- 
 ary population ; and the phenomenon is accounted 
 for by emigration to the United States. Unfortu- 
 nately, no systematic records of the movements of 
 population are kept; and, since 1885, the United 
 States has ceased even to pretend to keep account 
 of the immigration from British North America. In 
 the census year 1891 the excess of births over deaths 
 was for New Brunswick, 14.34 per thousand; for 
 Prince Edward, 13. 19 per thousand ; for Nova Scotia, 
 
 III 
 
 !• 
 
 il 
 
^^ 
 
 I';! 
 
 til I. 
 
 It I 
 
 it il 
 
 {■\% 
 
 236 
 
 T/ii^ Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 10.84 per thousand. This large excess is removed 
 by emigration ; for the population of Nova Scotia 
 increased in the decade 1881-91 only 2.23 percent.; 
 Prince Edward Island increased .17; and the popu- 
 lation of New Brunswick has remained absolutely 
 stationary. 
 
 The forces which have led to emigration have 
 changed from generation to generation ; but the 
 only really efficient cause has been the economic. 
 It is true that the economic motive began to operate 
 only from the beginning of the present century. 
 Early emigration was due to political or religious 
 causes; but the volume of emigration never swelled 
 to any dimensions till the economic motive began 
 to operate. 
 
 In 175 1, when the population of the American 
 colonies, according to Bancroft, was more than 
 eleven hundred thousand, Benjamin Franklin * esti- 
 mated that the number of emigrants from whom 
 this population was descended, did not amount to 
 more than eighty thousand, of whom twenty thou- 
 sand had arrived before 1640. Practically, we may 
 say, that emigration from Europe did not begin till 
 after the downfall of Napoleon had released Europe 
 from the fears of immediate war and permitted the 
 governments of Europe to slacken their hold upon 
 their subjects. From 1820, the movement of the 
 nations begins. Men sought no longer an Eldorado 
 where even the poorest might grow rich without 
 effort, or a retreat where they might worship God 
 
 * Works^ vol. ii., p. 319. 
 
Emigration an Economic Movement, 237 
 
 according to the dictates of conscience; but a land 
 of opportunity. The political motive has not been 
 entirely absent during the present century, though 
 it has usually been an economic motive under a 
 political guise. The excessive drain from Italy 
 during the last decade is unmistakably due to the 
 tremendous and increasing burden of taxation. The 
 desire to escape the blood tax of compulsory military 
 service has swelled the volume of emigration from 
 Germany. Even in 1872 and 1873, when the con- 
 ditions of the laboring classes were " fast ungesund 
 giinstige," * more than ten thousand injunctions 
 were, each year, taken out against intending emi- 
 grants on the ground that they had not served in 
 the army ; and as the burdens of militarism are in- 
 creased, and grounds in mercy for exemption are re- 
 stricted, larger numbers will annually seek to escape 
 from the burden which already presses with crush- 
 ing weight upon the manhood of Europe. The 
 desire to escape from the burden of taxation is, 
 however, only an economic motive slightly disguised. 
 Pure political motives operate rather to restrict than 
 to increase the volume, although the hereditary hate 
 of the Irish for England still sustains a movement 
 of which bad agrarian conditions have been the chief 
 cause. 
 
 When we examine the statistics of emigration and 
 immigration we discover that there have been cycles 
 in the movement which correspond in a certain 
 measure with the cycles in industry and commerce. 
 
 * Schonberg's Handbuch, ii., p. 1063. 
 
t 1 
 
 ''' I. 
 
 J'- 
 
 S! 1 
 
 r;-;i 
 
 238 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 The fluctuation in the volume of emigration is obvi- 
 ously an effect of the variations of industry ; but the 
 way in which the state of industry reacts on the 
 volume of emigration is not very clear. There has 
 been a good deal of discussion on the point whether 
 emigration increases because of good times or of 
 bad times. It is argued, on the one hand, though 
 somewhat a priori, that the volume of emigration 
 will be largest when industry is in the most flourish- 
 ing condition, because only at such times are the 
 working classes able to meet the necessary expenses. 
 Prince Bismarck argued, in the Reichstag, on June 
 8, 1885, that emigration increased during periods of 
 prosperity, and even went so far as to take the posi- 
 tion, from which he afterwards receded somewhat, 
 that it was the only cause of the increase. Emigra- 
 tion, however, as Dr. Geffchen * argues conclusively 
 .0 the contrary, is not greatest from the most pros- 
 perous districts of Germany, but from the least pros- 
 perous. On the other hand, it is argued equally a 
 priori that men leave their native country only 
 under pressure of bad times. But those who are 
 out of work have not the means; and, as a rule, 
 those who have the means are not in a mood to 
 make so great an experiment. The following com- 
 parative table of out-of-work and emigration statis- 
 tics shows what relation has actually held in England 
 between emigration and the state of trade. The 
 out-of-work returns are taken from Mr. Burnett's 
 Board of Trade Report. 
 
 ♦ Schonberg's Handbuch, ii., p. 1060. 
 
 : ■! 
 
The Causes of Emigration, 
 
 239 
 
 YEAR. 
 
 1886 
 
 1887 
 1888 
 l8Sy 
 1890 
 1 89 1 
 l8y2 
 
 1893 
 1894 
 
 1895 
 
 PERCENTAGE 
 OUT OF 
 WORK. 
 
 10. 1 
 8.6 
 4.4 
 
 1.8 
 2.6 
 
 4-45 
 
 7.33 
 
 7.9 
 7.0 
 
 5.8 
 
 NET EMIGRATION OF 
 
 TERCENTAGE OF 
 
 BRITISH AND IRISH EMIGRATION 
 
 SUltJKCTS. TO POPULATION. 
 .... 152,882 0.41 
 
 196,012 0.53 
 
 185,795 0.50 
 
 150,725 0.40 
 
 108,646 0.29 
 
 115,470 0.30 
 
 112,262 0.29 
 
 106,695 0.27 
 
 37,721 0.09 
 
 75.763 0.19 
 
 .ly 
 
 'he 
 tt's 
 
 These figures prove nothing very conchisively re- 
 garding the cause of emigration. The volume of 
 emigration is practically equal in the best year and 
 the worst year, in 1889 and in 1886. The volume 
 of emigration is greatest when the state of trade is 
 neither very good nor very bad. The period taken 
 for comparison is too short to justify any sweeping 
 conclusion. If any conclusion at all is justified, it 
 is that the years of reviving trade after a period of 
 depression are marked by an increase of emigration. 
 The memories of bad times have not yet faded, and 
 the first use many seem to make of more regular 
 work and higher wages is to scrape together enough 
 to leave the country. 
 
 When we turn to the figures of immigration into 
 the United States, we find that the volume of migra- 
 tion has fluctuated to a very large extent, and that 
 it has perfectly definite maxivia and minima which 
 correspond with the course of trade and industry. 
 When we look closely into the fluctuations, we see 
 them coincide very nearly with the changes in the 
 
 !| 
 
 "1 1 
 
 li 
 
:»40 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 li 
 
 % 
 
 prosperity of the country which receives the immi- 
 grant : the concomitant variation proves that the 
 connection between immi<^ration and prosperity is 
 very close, but whether the connection is of cause or 
 of effect or of mutual determination does not clearly 
 appear. I have compared in the following diagram 
 the fluctuations in trade and in immigration, and with 
 that purpose have selected as the best index of the 
 relative prosperity of a new country like the United 
 States the number of new miles of railroad opened 
 each year since 1845. This is only one indication 
 out of many, and might easily be supplemented by 
 others, such as the earnings of the railroads, the 
 bankruptcies in each year, the total exports and im- 
 ports, the exports and imports of bullion ; but the 
 index selected is perhaps as clear as any other, and, 
 in the case of the United States, which down to the 
 last decade was still in process of expansion, is prob- 
 ably better adapted to show the fluctuations which 
 have taken place in the business of the community. 
 While there are still large areas to be opened up, 
 advancing prosperity will always be marked by 
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 miles of railroad constructed each year is shown in 
 the right margin (one thousand to the half-inch). 
 An examination of the diagram will give a clearer 
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The Diagram. 
 
 241 
 
 figures. The comparison has only been carried back 
 to 1845, on account of the necessities of the scale 
 and of clearness. The diagram also exhibits an 
 analysis of the main curve of immigration into its 
 chief constituent elements, the German and the 
 British, which latter again is analyzed in the curve 
 of Irish immigration. The intention at first was to 
 trace on the same diagram the fluctuations of Ger- 
 man and British trade and industry ; but the remark- 
 able and unexpected closeness of the correspondence 
 between the prosperity of the United States and the 
 voluipe of immigration has rendered this unneces- 
 sary. The maxima and minima of the two curves 
 practically coincide. The only variation of any im- 
 portance occurred between 1845 ^^^ 1850, when the 
 volume of immigration was large from the effect of 
 the Irish famine. There are two explanations of 
 this remarkable concomitant variation — one that the 
 immigration is the cause of the expansion of trade 
 and industry, the other that it is the effect of such 
 expansion. The former is not often put forward as 
 an explanation, and in this instance may be set aside, 
 because the maxima and minium of trade and in- 
 dustry as indicated by the railroad expansion occur 
 one or two years earlier than the corresponding 
 maxima and minima of immigration. The increase 
 or decrease in the amount of immigration is thus 
 governed by the state of trade in the United States. 
 Mr. Llewellyn Smith uses a phrase to describe the 
 cause of migration from the provinces to London 
 
 ; an explanation of the 
 
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 may adopt 
 
 i 
 
 
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 242 
 
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 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 amount of immigration. It is, he says, due not to 
 pressure from without but to suction from within. 
 The expansion of trade and industry creates a de- 
 mand for labor (and for labor of such a kind) as can 
 best be supplied from the outside. Immigrants come 
 in response to the invitation of industry and come 
 to do work, as we shall see later, which the native 
 American is unwilling to do. The state of the 
 country of origin has little to do with determining 
 the volume of emigration. Commercial depressions 
 are experienced at the same time in the United King- 
 dom and in America, and emigration offers small 
 chance of escape. From Italy and the southern 
 countries of Europe the volume of emigration is 
 almost entirely determined by the state of trade in 
 the United States. A large proportion of these 
 immigrants are assisted by remittances from the 
 friends who have pieceded them to America; and 
 the amount of such remittances naturally decreases 
 when trade is bad in America. Germany occupies 
 the middle position. It is not so readily subject to 
 commercial depressions and on the other hand 
 German emigrants are not so dependent as Italians 
 on remittances from America. We should expect, 
 therefore, that the variations in the volume of Ger- 
 man emigration would correspond less closely with 
 the changes in industry in the United States; and 
 this result is discernible. There was a large increase 
 after 1853 ^^ consequence of the bad times and 
 scarcity in Germany ; but since then the two curves 
 have moved together. 
 
 M. 
 
 
The Industrial Quality of the Euiigrants. 243 
 
 The comparative tabic of excess of births over 
 deaths and of emigration on page 235, disposed of 
 the alarmist idea that continued emigration would 
 result in depopulation. The fear that the industrial 
 capacity of a nation may be fatally weakened will 
 also give way if we consider the industrial character 
 of the emigrants. No nation is really giving of its 
 best. It gives at the most only a certain proportion 
 of its unskilled labor and sends out but few of its 
 artisans and factory hands to carry to new lands the 
 secrets of traditional skill. In 1891, according to 
 the gross estimate, 189,756 adults of British origin of 
 whom 112,256 were males, left the United King- 
 dom. The adult males were classified according to 
 occupation as follows: 
 
 Agricultural laborers 14,797 
 
 Unskilled laborers and miners 36,251 
 
 Occupation not stated 26,663 
 
 Mechanics and skilled laborers 9»7I7 
 
 Farmers and graziers 3,704 
 
 Clerks and shopkeepers 4,773 
 
 Professional men 11,467 
 
 Miscellaneous 4,614 
 
 So that if we include among the unskilled — as we 
 may reasonably — those whose occupations are not 
 stated, of 112,256 adult males, more than 70,000, or 
 about sixty-three per cent., were unskilled laborers. 
 From other countries, the proportion of unskilled 
 laborers is still larger. From the point of view of 
 production there is no cause for alarm ; but, from 
 the point of view of the wages question, there is, 
 
 I 
 
 \ a, 
 
 
 \ !' 
 
 I 
 
i^(i'.! 
 
 Ill'' 
 
 I- I 
 
 i: 
 
 
 n\ 
 
 244 
 
 T/w Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 also, unfortunately, little reason for regarding emi- 
 gration as a means of lessening the competition for 
 work. As the table on page 239 shows, the relief to 
 the labor market is hardly ever given when it is 
 most wanted. When ten per cent, of the working 
 population of the country are out of work the emi- 
 gration of less than one per cent, of the population 
 or about two per cent, of the working population 
 can hardly have much effect. Emigration, it is 
 true, carries out a considerable proportion of the 
 lower classes of labor. 
 
 Nothing, probably, would benefit the working 
 classes more than the removal of the competition of 
 the casually employed and semi-vicious class,* but 
 the strenuous objections which the United States 
 and the colonies raise against the practice of assist- 
 ing paupers and criminals has effectively checked the 
 tendency to relieve the country of the useless and 
 the burdensome members of the community. The 
 number actually turned back from New York is not 
 large (in 1896, only 2799 out of 343,267, and of those 
 sent back 'j'jG were refused admission under the con- 
 tract-labor law), but the deterrent effect must be 
 great. The shipping agents are made unwilling to 
 accept such passengers and therefore look more 
 carefully into the conditions of each case. Volun- 
 tary agencies may continue to send children, and 
 those who, though not criminal, are not exactly de- 
 sirable settlers ; but the relief to the poor-rates must 
 be inconsiderable and the relief to the competition 
 
 * Booth, Life and Labor, vol. i., p. 162. 
 
Emigration and the Labor Market. 245 
 
 in the labor market still less. The general effect of 
 emigration on the labor market and on the wages 
 question either for good or evil cannot be very great. 
 The relief afforded is not great enough, nor is it 
 given at the right time, to be of much advantage. 
 Indirectly, emigration, by extending the market and 
 rendering possible economies in production may 
 benefit the laboring classes. The export trade of a 
 country will increase with the volume of emigration 
 and there will be a larger dividend to distribute 
 among the owners of the different factors of pro- 
 duction. Emigration may also enable those of the 
 working classes who remain behind to obtain food 
 and other necessaries of life at a lower labor cost. 
 
 The effect of immigration on the wages question 
 requires more serious consideration ; because, on 
 this point, discussion has not been confined to 
 vague generalities. Definite assertions are made 
 regarding the effect on wages and in many countries 
 a definite policy of restriction has been adopted. It 
 is alleged that immigration unnaturally increases 
 competition in the labor market and increases above 
 all unfair competition of underpaid labor. If this 
 be the result of immigration, the mobility of labor 
 has its darker side ; for it not only tends to level the 
 wages up but also, it seems, to level wages down. 
 
 The contention that immigration tends to reduce 
 wages, in its usual form, is based on an unqualified 
 acceptance of the Subsistence Theory of wages ; and 
 the answers to the contention are generally little 
 more than unqualified assertions of the Productivity 
 
 I ? 
 
 ' 
 
 
246 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 '. i 
 
 ifi. 
 
 fcj 
 
 ii if, 
 
 Theory. If wages are determined solely by the 
 standard of comfort which the lowest class of com- 
 peting^ labor has adopted, then the constantly re- 
 newed competition of foreign labor with a low 
 standard of life must, as constant dripping wears 
 away a stone, wear away the resistance which the 
 working classes can oppose to the lowering of the 
 standard. If the gates of the country were thrown 
 open but once in a generation to the crowd of half- 
 fed, half-clothed foreigners, there might be some 
 chance of successfully resisting the tendency to 
 lower the standard, by bringing all the influences of 
 a higher civilization to bear on the incoming horde ; 
 but, when the occasion recurs every year, and each 
 spring brings a new horde, and the effort of re- 
 sistance has to be continuously kept up, the work will 
 never be done. The higher standard might resist a 
 few long attacks ; but persistent attacks will wear 
 out the energy and patience of the defenders, and 
 reduce them to a sullen acquiescence in a lower 
 standard of life. On the other hand, if we accept 
 the easy optimism of the productivity theory, there 
 is no wages problem to be faced. We may encour- 
 age immigration, as much as we please; for the 
 newcomer will not, simply because he cannot, dis- 
 place the old hand. The newcomer will be paid 
 according to the work he is able to do. If his efifi- 
 ciency be as high as the standard efificiency of the 
 trade, he will be paid the standard wage, no matter 
 what his manner of life may be. Pauper labor is 
 pauper labor because it is inefificient ; and it will re- 
 
Imviigration and Wages. 
 
 247 
 
 IS 
 
 re- 
 
 main inefficient probably under the new industrial 
 conditions; but it cannot by competition reduce 
 the higher wages of more efficient labor. The an- 
 swer to the contention that immigration may preju- 
 dicially affect the position of labor practically consists 
 in the invention of a new style of economic harmo- 
 nies by means of which we may prove that fears are 
 groundless, for no possible evil can possibly exist. 
 
 A question of fact, however, cannot be disposed 
 of in such an airy way. Even if investigation show 
 that immigration docs not really reduce wages, there 
 is at least some ground for the widespread opinion 
 that it has this tendency. In some industries, nota- 
 bly the textile industries of New England, a fall in 
 wages has coincided with an influx of cheap foreign 
 labor into the district and the industries; and the 
 trade-unions have undoubtedly ground for their 
 support of the contract-labor law because foreign 
 labor has certainly been frequently imported to 
 enable the employer to resist the demands of the 
 union. 
 
 In the first place, immigration, although it has 
 sadly deteriorated in quality in the last decades (and 
 the competition of the lowest grades is always deadly, 
 as Mr. Booth has pointed out) can hardly lower 
 wages because of the actual increase in the number 
 of competitors. The volume of immigration, great 
 though it is, and composed three fourths of able- 
 bodied men in the prime of life, bears only a small 
 proportion to the actual body of labor — small at 
 least, when we take into account that every industry 
 
 : 
 
 !- ! 
 
248 
 
 TJic Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 3.?- 
 
 % 
 
 in a new country is subject to the law of increasing 
 returns. Though the average annual immigration 
 has increased enormously since i860, the amount of 
 capital invested in industry and the total produce of 
 indus y have increased much more rapidly. In- 
 duh.. / has developed so quickly that it has been 
 able to absorb all the immigration : in part the rapid 
 development has been due to the great volume of 
 immigration. As the West fills up, the power of 
 absorption, on the part of the United States at least, 
 will probably decrease ; and then the problem set by 
 immigration will become more actual. As things 
 are, at times during the last decade it has seemed as 
 if the United States had already absorbed to satura- 
 tion point. The filling up of the West will have one 
 important consequence. So long as there is good 
 land available in the quantity desired the returns 
 to agricultural labor will govern city wages, but, 
 as the country fills up, the wages of tiic city, mak- 
 ing allowance for the higher efficiency of city labor, 
 will come to be standard for the country. Even 
 now, the great majority of the immigrants do not 
 go West, but remain at the port of entry, or herd 
 in a few of the larger cities where chance has placed 
 tneiii and circumstances have developed a suitable 
 milieu for them. In these cities their competition 
 may serve to lower wages for their class of work, 
 and indirectly to lower wages not only in the cities 
 but all over the country, provided that the old sup- 
 ply of labor is maintained in that class. 
 
 The old supply, however, is not being maintained, 
 
 
 11! !:' 
 
The Displacing of Native Laborers. 249 
 
 It is a well-established fact that the native workmen 
 are being displaced but only by being forced up 
 higher in the scale. In the same way, as the com- 
 petition of women is displacing male workers, not 
 by degrading them but by forcing them to seek 
 employment in the higher occupations which the 
 progress of science is constantly opening up, the 
 competition of immigrant labor has, in some cases, 
 forced American labor into new channels of activity. 
 It might even be more correct to say that the open- 
 ing of the new channels for American labor has 
 created the vacuum which foreign immigration has 
 flowed in to fill. It has been, on a vaster scale, a 
 case of suction from within, rather than pressure 
 from without. The great increase of immigration, 
 in the early eighties, came to meet the demands of 
 a period of railroad expansion. The immigrant 
 labor performed a task which there was no labor in 
 America to perform. The native American has, in 
 his time, performed as great a task. He has cleared 
 and settled the land; but he is by nature an indi- 
 vidualist, and has never shown any disposition to 
 labor in gangs. American labor was more profitably 
 and more congenially employed ; and when the de- 
 mand occurred foreign labor was practically invited 
 in. The great volume of immigration was due more 
 to American necessities than to European poverty 
 and oppres<r'on. That there have been individual and 
 local hardships to native labor in America during 
 the process cannot be denied ; but these hardships 
 are such as lollow every economic change. 
 
 % 
 
 \ 3 
 
250 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 i i' 1 
 
 
 M 
 
 fi; 
 
 \'^ It' 
 
 m 
 
 *!"', 
 
 X ■ i 
 
 n\ 
 
 I ' 
 
 The whole contention for restriction of immigrants 
 has been based on the tacit assumption that for- 
 eigners prefer to accept lower wages. Few men, 
 when they argue, arc so clear-sighted as the Toronto 
 mechanic who declared, in his evidence before the 
 Canadian Labor Commission, that" men never fight 
 for lower wages, but try all they can to get higher 
 wages." * Immigrants may be willing, daring their 
 short apprenticeship to the new conditions to accept 
 less than the standard rate of wages; but they are 
 " exceptions when they stick to that tendency right 
 through." t It must be surprising to the supporters 
 of the standard-of-comfort theory to see how very 
 soon the newcomers rise to their privileges, and re- 
 gard high wages as their necessary and just reward. 
 Mr. Gould proves in his pamphlet TJie Social Con- 
 dition of Labor that the foreigner is not long in rising 
 to the native-wage standard. Foreign workmen of 
 British or German origin, instead of underselling 
 the native workmen, actually receive, on the whole, 
 higher wages, partly because, in the displacing pro- 
 cess which made room for the foreigner, only the 
 less intelligent native workers had been left. An 
 influx of foreign workmen may indicate a lower 
 standard of efficiency, but is rarely the cause of the 
 lowering of the standard. The influx of the French 
 Canadian? into the New England mills and factories 
 occurred about the same time as a fall in wages of 
 the native workers; but, though the popular con- 
 
 * Canadian Labor Commission, " Ontario Evidence," p. 2, 
 \Ibid., p. 367. 
 
 I I 
 
 ■, ! 
 
The Wages of Foreign-Born Laboi'crs, 251 
 
 Tr 
 Ihe 
 Ich 
 ies 
 of 
 in- 
 
 clusion is not unnatural, it may be that the more 
 intelHgent of the textile workers had been displaced 
 upwards, and that those who remained behind were 
 worth only the lower wages they received. What 
 is true of the workmen of British or German origin 
 is true, though in a less marked degree, of even the 
 degraded " Dagoes," Poles, and Bohemians. Even 
 these immigrants show very little tendency to people 
 down to their squalor. Their standard of life may 
 not be very much higher than when they landed; 
 but their savings bank account is. The great eco- 
 nomic objection which can be taken to this class of 
 immigrant is not that they reduce wages by their 
 low standard, but that they save too much and spend 
 too little.''^ The objection has especial force when, 
 as in the case of the Italian and French-Canadian 
 immigrants, the object of the saving is to acquire 
 some small property in the native land and return 
 thither, as soon as possible, to genteel affluence. 
 It is not that they are not good workmen, or that 
 they lower the wages of others through their squalid 
 mode of life ; but that they are not good citizens, 
 nor ever can be, so long as they cherish the hope of 
 leaving the country when their savings are large 
 enough. When the immigrant comes with the in- 
 tention of settling, his standard of life soon rises. 
 The elevation is effected in a comparatively simple 
 way. The family ceases to be the wage-earning 
 unit ; and with the continual presence of the mother 
 in the home, a family lif" in the sense in which it 
 
 ♦Connecticut Bureau of Libor Statistics, Report, 1885, p. 60. 
 
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 252 
 
 77/^ Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 could not exist before begins. Except in those 
 cases, such as the French Canadian and the ItaHan, 
 where there is a dehberate intention to return as 
 soon as possible to the native country to enjoy a 
 cleared patrimony, the female members of the im- 
 migrant family seldom continue long to go out to 
 work to eke out the earnings of the head of the 
 house. No consequences in industrial life seem 
 surer than the fact^ that when a man can rely 
 on the supplemental earnings of his wife and chil- 
 dren his own wages are low. In many cases, the 
 family must be taken as the wage-earning unit; 
 and with this as the ground of comparison it does 
 not appear that wages in Germany are so very 
 much lower than wages in America. The difference 
 is certainly not so great as the difference between 
 the wages of the German and the wages of the 
 American workman. When the German workman 
 becomes an American immigrant the family earnings 
 remain at nearly the same amount ; but the amount 
 is no longer made up by petty contributions from 
 all the members of the family. The head of the 
 family now contributes the whole amount, for, in- 
 fluenced by the example of the country, he has in 
 great measure ceased to send his wife out to the 
 workshop. 
 
 The contention that the immigration of hordes of 
 men with low standards of living must eventually 
 reduce wages is based on Ricardo's assumption that 
 wages must fall, which, in its turn, is based on the 
 Malthusian doctrine that men will necessarily pe pie 
 
The Standard of Living, 
 
 253 
 
 down to their standard of comfort. On the con 
 trary, however, the margin for saving which even the 
 most degraded, and least desirable from a political 
 pomt of view, possess, shows that the Malthusian 
 assumption is not directly and unconditionally true 
 If we give up the Malthusian doctrine behind Ri* 
 cardo s assumption, the contention that the low 
 standard of living among the immigrants must 
 lower wages for native labor loses much of its force 
 bo long as the immigrants do not people down to 
 their standard, the lowness of the standard may be 
 a social evil of the first magnitude; but it does not 
 reduce the wages, and consequently cannot reduce 
 the standard of the native workman. 
 
 lift 
 
 in 
 
F' 
 
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 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 TRADE-UNIONS AS A WAGES FACTOR. 
 
 M. 
 
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 THE Austrian school, in their efforts to establish 
 the theory of distribution that the value of 
 labor is reflected back from the value of the con- 
 sumption goods it is employed in making, have 
 overlooked one important factor in the determina- 
 tion of wages. It is not only overlooked but, by 
 critical implication, rejected by Dr. Smart in his 
 recent Studies in Economics. This rejection is the 
 more remarkable that it not only prevents them 
 from recognizing one of the most potent facts in 
 modern industrial life, and, thus, gives an air of un- 
 reality to their whole theory, but also is inconsistent 
 with their own theory. The doctrine of a living 
 wage they rej";ct because it seems to give labor a 
 predetermined value; yet on the grounds of their 
 own theory, the standard of a living wage remains 
 one of the most important determinants of wages. 
 
 On page 6i, of the Introduction to the Theory of 
 Value, by Dr. Smart, immediately following the 
 enunciation of the law that price is determined some- 
 
 254 
 
 |-; 
 
* 
 
 TJie Lazv of the Marginal Pair, 
 
 255 
 
 )lish 
 
 2 of 
 
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 his 
 the 
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 in 
 un- 
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 of 
 the 
 
 me- 
 
 where between the subjective valuations of the last 
 buyer and the last seller, who together are pictu- 
 resquely called " the Marginal Pair," there stands 
 this paragraph : 
 
 " But in the business world itself there is one great 
 simplification of the law of the marginal pair. In mod- 
 ern industry ])roducers do not make for themselves, but 
 for the market, and the amount of their own products 
 which they could use in their own consumption is insig- 
 nificant. Consequently it may almost be said that such 
 goods have no subjective value for the sellers, and we 
 lose one whole side of our valuations . . . practically, 
 then our law takes this form : Price is determined by 
 the valuation of the Marginal Buyer." * 
 
 It may be true, as Dr. Smart contends, that the 
 value of labor is simply a case of the general law of 
 value, and therefore entirely dependent on utility, 
 having, therefore, " no predetermined value "; but 
 it does not follow therefrom that the wages problem 
 is a simple or simplified case of the general law. 
 Labor would get its " value entirely from what it 
 produces, "f only under the condition that labor is a 
 good of precisely the same character as all other 
 production goods having" no subjective value for 
 the sellers." The very existence of the modern 
 labor question is proof enough that labor is no. sub- 
 ject to this great simplification of the law of the 
 Marginal Pair. The employer, the marginal buyer 
 
 * Smart, Introduction to the Theory of Fa/ue, p. 61. 
 f/dtJ., p. 79. 
 
 
256 
 
 The Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
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 in this case, has not the only word to say in the de- 
 termination of the price of labor. The seller claims 
 vehemently that he must be consulted and the trade- 
 union movement is an effort to give force to his 
 claim. The valuation of the buyer, which is, in 
 effect, the estimate which the employer makes of 
 the eflficicncy of the labor, is only one of the deter- 
 minants of wages. Labor, in spite of sentimental 
 objections, is undoubtedly a commodity which is 
 bought and sold. It serves no useful purpose to 
 speak of selling the fruits of labor. Labor is a com- 
 modity subject to market conditions; but it is not 
 therefore true that labor is a commodity resembling 
 in all essential respects every other commodity in 
 the market. 
 
 Labor differs from most, if not all, other com- 
 modities in retaining, even under modern industrial 
 conditions, its subjective value to the seller. We 
 cannot separate the labor and the laborer. It is 
 labor that is bought and sold but, with the labor, 
 goes the laborer. Therefore instead of a great 
 simplification we have a great complication. The 
 subjective valuation placed upon labor is not en- 
 tirely derived from what it produces or from that 
 which is obtained in exchange for its product. The 
 direct utility to the laborer of that which he sells 
 may not be very great. Modern agrarian con- 
 ditions deny to the great majority of laborers the 
 possibility of being able to consume what they pro- 
 duce. The peasant proprietor, or even the modern 
 farmer, may produce all that he consumes and pro- 
 
 m 
 
Labor not a Simple Case of Value. 
 
 25; 
 
 duce little besides what he does consume; but, to 
 the great majority of laborers it is a physical im[)os- 
 sibility for them to consume more than an infinitesi- 
 mal fraction of what they produce. It does not, 
 however, involve any unjustifiable stretch of lan- 
 guage to say that, since labor and the laborer cannot 
 be separated in fact, labor has a very definite sub- 
 jective value put upon it, and with this estimate 
 upon it, enters the market. Even if permission be 
 not given to say that labor retains its subjective 
 valuation, under modern industrial conditions, yet, 
 without fear of contradiction, we may say that labor, 
 involving disutility, demands a return of sufficiently 
 great utility, at least to counterbalance the disutility 
 incurred ; which, if it be not precisely the same as a 
 direct subjective estimate, is, in practice precisely 
 equivalent to it. 
 
 The law of the value of labor is the law of general 
 value without the great simplification ; and the price 
 of labor will lie somewhere between the subjective 
 estimates of the buyer and the subjective estimates 
 of the seller. The estimate of the buyer of labor, 
 /. €., the employer of labor, will form the upper 
 limit : the estimate of the seller will form the lower 
 limit. Between these limits, the value of labor, or 
 the wages of the laborer, will be determined ; and 
 the result will depend on the comparative strength 
 of the bargainers. That the seller is often at a great 
 disadvantage because he must sell, while the buyer 
 need not buy, does not disprove the statement. 
 This hard fact is one of the forces which go to de- 
 
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 Tlic Bargain TJicory of Wages, 
 
 
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 tcrmine what the subjective estimate may be; and 
 one of the forces which determine where between 
 the limits the actual price of the laborer shall lie. 
 The upper limit will be determined by the employer's 
 estimate of the efficiency of labor working in co- 
 operation with machinery and other instruments of 
 capital. The lower limit cannot be a physical mini- 
 mum, as Dr. Smart argues in his study of the liv- 
 ing wage,"^" or even a fixed limit. The subjective 
 estimate placed on labor by the laborer is essentially 
 individual and is not so greatly affected as the sub- 
 jective estimate on other commodities is, by the 
 social estimate placed on it. Labor is an individual 
 exertion ; and the estimate which each man places 
 on his labor depends upon the irksomeness of labor 
 to himself; and the degree of irksomeness will 
 hardly ever be the same for two different laborers or 
 even for the same laborer on two different days. 
 The lower limit of wages is not an absolute limit. 
 Any circumstance which intensifies the necessities 
 of the laborer, every hostage given to fortune, tends 
 to lower the minimum. The lower limit is, after all 
 is said, an opinion the laborer has of his needs and 
 his merits, which for the time being he is prepared 
 to stand by, and for which, if need be, he is pre- 
 pared to fight. It may be a physical niinimum or it 
 may be a standard of comfort; but in neither case 
 is it a fixed limit. Necessity of competition may 
 compel him to lower his estimate and accept a lower 
 price for his labor. The laborer, as Thornton in- 
 
 * Smart, StuiHt's in Economics, chap. i. 
 
 
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 ill 
 
 
The Limits of Wages. 
 
 259 
 
 sistcd, cannot stand out for his price. He must live 
 by his hibor; and the body is more than raiment. 
 
 So lon<^ as wealth is increasing twice as fast as 
 population, and the total product increases more 
 quickly than the share of it paid to the laborer, there 
 is not much danger that the general body of laborers 
 will be called upon to fight to maintain their sub- 
 jective estimate. Wages have risen, and are likely 
 to continue rising. The subjective estimate of the 
 laborer has risen with the risr: of wages: his standard 
 of comfort is higher, and his standard of subsistence 
 is higher. Whether the rise in the standard would 
 be maintained through a long period of depression 
 cannot be determined a priori ; and it will be well if 
 we are never called on to draw a conclusion a pos- 
 teriori. It is not necessary that the limits should 
 be fixed and absolute. For the time being and 
 under the ordinary pressure of circumstances, these 
 limits have the same effect as if they were immov- 
 able. With contingencies we cannot wisely deal. 
 Between those two limits the value of labor will be 
 determined by the comparative necessities of the 
 bargainers and by the comparative knowledge and 
 skill in bargaining which each party brings to bear. 
 If we represent the upper limit by I2x, and the 
 lower limit by qx, the law of value declares that the 
 value of labor will lie between 9X and I2x: whether 
 wages are lox or iix depends on the comparative 
 strength of the bargainers. 
 
 Theoretically, any force which operates on the 
 value of labor may tend either to raise or to lower 
 
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 wages; and in practice, in individual cases, wages 
 may fall as well as rise. Practically, however, the 
 long steady advance of both nominal and real wages 
 has so accustomed us to consider only the more 
 hopeful side of the wages question that we reject as 
 merely theoretical any discussion of falling wages. 
 Wages, according to the view set forth above, may 
 rise in throe ways, viz., by increasing the seller's 
 valuation, by increasing the buyer's valuation, or by 
 improving the position of the laborer as a bargainer. 
 To put the same statement symbolically, we may 
 say that wages may rise if 9X is raised to lox, I2x 
 remaining stationary; or 9X remaining stationary, 
 if I2X increases to 13X; or again, the limits remain- 
 ing the same, if the laborer's position is so much 
 improved that, in the " higgling " of the market, he 
 can obtain better terms, iix, say, instead of lox. 
 \Vc may treat each of these methods separately, 
 tliough, as a matter of fact, they react on each other 
 and seem to change simultaneously. We can hardly 
 improve the position of the laborer as a bargainer 
 without at the same time, or previously, raising his 
 estimate of what his work is worth to him : nor can 
 we raise the lower limit without sticngthening the 
 laborer in his bargaining. The upper limit is less 
 subject to reciprocal influences. It is the employer's 
 estimate, and is less likely to change than the lower 
 limit. Wages can hardly rise above the employer's 
 estimate based on the efficiency of the labor. What 
 he pays is, naturally, no perfect guide to what he 
 might pay if necessary, but the upper limit, though 
 
 1 
 
VariatioNS in the Limits. 
 
 261 
 
 necessarily to the worker an unknown quantity, is 
 none the less a very determinate quantity. There 
 is no necessity upon the employer to allow this limit 
 to be passed as there may be on the employee to 
 accept less than the lower estimate. Yet there is a 
 tendency for the limits to move together, to advance 
 together or to fall back together, like the two ends 
 of a piston rod. They keep their distance because 
 an increased subjective estimate by the laborer of 
 the worth of his labor makes him a more effic'ent 
 workman ; and whether he is or is not paid accord- 
 ing to his efficiency it is economically possible for 
 him to demand the higher wage without bringing 
 industry to a standstill. 
 
 The laborer can only by increasing his efficiency 
 raise the upper limit of wages; and practically the 
 working classes as a whole have been content to try 
 to raise wages by raising the lower limit below which 
 it is difficult for wages to fall, or by improving their 
 position as bargainers. These methods fortunately 
 tend to make the laborer more efficient and thus in- 
 directly raise the upper limit of wages ; but they do so 
 indirectly. Every social and moral force, every law 
 and custom, every measure of education and mental 
 improvement which tends to increase the laborer's 
 dignity and self-respect, every change in his environ- 
 ment and in the public opinion regarding his mode 
 of life and work, every improvement in the sani- 
 tary conditions of workshop or dwelling-place which 
 tends to make a more human life a possibility will 
 act in the direction of raising his estimate of his 
 
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 262 
 
 T/ic Bargain Theory of Wages.. 
 
 work, because raising his estimate of himself. To 
 increase the laborer's self-respect is one of the surest 
 ways of raising his wages; and this, apart from the 
 effect which increased sclf-rospect will have on effi- 
 ciency. On the other hand, an increased efficiency 
 of labor tends to raise the upper limit. Increased 
 technical skill and improved general education 
 render it possible to employ new and in .proved 
 machinery and to adopt processes of manufacture 
 which a lower level of general education had made 
 it uneconomical to emplt \ From the resulting 
 increased product the employer is able, though not 
 necessarily disposed, to hand over a larger share to 
 labor; and can hand over a larger share without 
 economic danger to industry. There does not seem 
 very much ground for the position taken by many 
 modern writers on wages, that remuneration is 
 strictly proportioned to efficiency if, at any rate, 
 this be taken to mean that wages and efficiency are 
 almost convertible terms. That the employer can 
 pay higher wages is no economic reason why he 
 should pay them ; and there is often very little rea- 
 son to believe that he does pay them. It is true 
 that both wages and efficiency have increased 
 during the last half century but we cannot take the 
 one as the measure of the other. Indeed, when we 
 consider that the amount of capital employed has 
 increased much faster than the amount of the prod- 
 uct, and that wages have increased in a higher ratio 
 than either, it is evident that efficiency and wages 
 do not necessarily correspond. What we can say 
 
The Reciprocal Influence of the Limits. 263 
 
 is, that out of the increased product the employer 
 may and can pay a larger absolute, if not a larger 
 relative share to labor. 
 
 The most hopeful feature of the industrial ^tua- 
 tion is that "these two methods of increasing wages 
 react on each other. Increased wages, and still 
 more increased leisure, not only help to promote 
 a higher degree of self-respect and of human dig- 
 nity but also to raise the standard of efificiency. It 
 would be impossible to measure, even had we the 
 aid of definite statistics, how far a better man is a 
 better workman ; but it is none the less true, though 
 we cannot measure, that whatever tends to raise the 
 workers self-respect, whatever increases his frugality 
 and sobriety, whatever quickens his intelligence and 
 enlightens his moral sense, has a direct and immedi- 
 ate effect in raising his efficiency. To raise the 
 seller's valuation of what he has to sell is one very 
 sure, though indirect, way of raising the buyer's 
 estimate of what he wishes to buy ; and any increase 
 of wages obtained as a result of the moral elevation 
 of the workingman, is doubly secured to him against 
 reversal. 
 
 Trade-unionism has as yet done little to raise the 
 ftandard of efficiency directly ; although it is possible 
 by means of encouragement to technical education 
 that much might be effected. So far the effect of 
 many trade-union regulations and of the notion, 
 which Mr. Schloss calls the theory of the Lump of 
 Work, that inspires those regulations has rather been 
 to discourage any tendency towards increased effi- 
 
 
 
 I 
 
264 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 li 
 
 ^ i 
 
 
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 If. 
 
 
 
 ill. 
 
 cicncy. While the idea persists that the man who 
 does his best is a traitor to the cause of labor, trade- 
 unions will do little directly to make it possible to 
 raise the upper limit of wages. Indirectly, however, 
 trade-unionism has done much to raise the standard 
 of work. Not only has it insisted that each member 
 of the union shall earn the standard wage, but, as 
 Prof. Marshall points out,* by quickening the intel- 
 ligence, by elevating the dignity of labor and pro- 
 moting, in Parliament and elsewhere, measures 
 which increase the self-respect of the laborer, it has 
 undoubtedly contributed to an improvement of the 
 quality of the work done. It is, however, only in 
 this indirect way, that trade-unionism has been able 
 to raise the upper limit of wages. By its influence, 
 the lower limit may rise from 9X to (say) lox, and, 
 indirectly, the upper limit way have a tendency to 
 rise to 13X; but the influence is neither so great nor 
 so unique as to justify the claims of enthusiastic 
 unionists or a separate treatment of the trade-unions 
 as a factor in the labor market. Its influence in 
 raising the self-respect of the labor is not much 
 more important than the influence of the temperance 
 movement, or the extension of the franchise; and 
 there can be no doubt that a higher standard of 
 popular education does much more to increase in- 
 dustrial efficiency than all the multiplicity of trade- 
 unions and working-class associations. 
 
 It is in connection with the third method of rais- 
 ing wages that trade-unionism chiefly merits treat- 
 
 * Economics 0/ Industry, bk. vi., cxiii. 
 
Trade Unionism and Wages Bargaining. 265 
 
 ment as a powerful factor in the Wages Problem. 
 The influence of the unions has been generally 
 directed rather to making the best use of what at 
 present exists than to altering the status quo. Their 
 influence is most readily discernible in the endeavor 
 to improve the laborer's position as a bargainer. 
 Except in the case of the subjective disutilities of 
 labor which arise from the material conditions in 
 which the laborer works, trade-unionism has rarely 
 attempted the more difficult task of raising the limits 
 of wages. The result is too remote and can hardly 
 be foreseen. The steps to be taken to make qx, 
 iqx, or to raise i2xto 13X, do not readily commend 
 themselves to the average member of the union as 
 something for which he ought to make sacrifices. 
 The unions, as we shall see, must appeal to the 
 fighting instinct in their members to maintain disci- 
 pline ; and the desirability of legitimately raising the 
 limits within which wages are determined has nevei* 
 been a matter of contention. The unions have con- 
 fined themselves to the more obvious task of striving 
 to secure that as large a portion of the difference 
 between the two limits as possible should come 
 to the wage earner. The distribution of this differ- 
 ence depended not on the strength of the limits 
 to resist attack, but on strength of the bargainer p 
 and the object of trade-union policy has been to 
 strengthen the laborer as a bargainer in the labor 
 market. 
 
 The laborer, bargaining in his own strength, is 
 subject to serious disabilities. Usually he has no 
 
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 266 
 
 The Bargain Tlicory of Wages, 
 
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 reserve fund to enable him to " stand out, as all 
 other sellers do, for his price." * 
 
 " A landlord," says Adam Smith, " a farmer, a master 
 manufacturer, or merchant, though they did not employ 
 a single workman, could generally live a year or two 
 upon the stock which they have already accjuired. 
 Many workmen could not subsist a week, few could 
 subsist a month, and scarcely any a year without em- 
 ployment In the long run the workman may be as 
 necessary to his master as his master is to him, but the 
 necessity is not so immediate." f 
 
 It is the immediacy of the necessity which makes 
 all the difference in the bargaining. The laborer 
 must sell to-day : the employer need not buy till to- 
 morrow. To the master it is only a question of 
 profits : to the laborer it is a question of life. Trade- 
 unions, with their out-of-work funds, enable the 
 laborer to stand out for his price, as other sellers 
 do. They practically endow the laborer with a re- 
 serve ; and thus enable him to bargain with the em- 
 ployer on more equal terms. This is one great 
 disability they remove, in part at least ; but it is not 
 the greatest to which the laborer is subject. The 
 individual laborer is not simply set over against the 
 employer. He must sue for work as one of a 
 crowd. When two men run after one boss, said 
 Cobden, wages fall; and the first clause is more 
 often realized than the second of his much quoted 
 
 * Thornton, On Labor ^ bk. ii., c. i. 
 \ Wealth of Nations, p. 28, 
 
 I 
 
The Disabilities of the Laborers. 
 
 267 
 
 dictum. The laborer may be endowed with a re- 
 serve, and may stand out for his price, as other 
 sellers do ; but the competition for employment may 
 be so great that his place is filled while he stands 
 out. No individual workman is indispensable. 
 " In the long run," to repeat the sentence from 
 Adam Smith, " the workman may be as necessary 
 to his master, as his master is to him ; but the neces- 
 sity is not so immediate." Labor is indeed indis- 
 pensable, but no individual is. II n y a pas d' homme 
 ntfcessaire, Matthew Arnold (as he tells us), was fond 
 of quoting to the most complacent people ; and the 
 lower we go in the ranks of industry, the truer the 
 doctrine is. This is the reason why strikes among 
 unskilled laborers are so rarely successful. Unskilled 
 labor may be necessary and indispensable ; but no 
 unskilled laborer ever is. His place can be too 
 easily filled and his services as readily rendered by 
 another. The object of trade-union policy, through 
 all the maze of conflicting and obscure regulation-, 
 has been to give to each individual worker some- 
 thing of the indispensability of labor as a whole. 
 Had the unions power as they have ambition they 
 might rule the industrial world. That their policy 
 has not effected more than it has is due partly to the 
 small proportion of the workers included within their 
 numbers, and partly to certain natural limitations 
 to their power. They could not succeed in engross- 
 ing the whoij of the product of industry because the 
 master is, in present industrial conditions, as neces- 
 sary to the laborer as labot is indispensable to the 
 
 I 
 
Li,l,uapii 
 
 268 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 
 master. A large measure of success in their policy 
 would probably result in a diminution of the de- 
 mand for labor owing to the conversion of circulat- 
 ing into fixed capital and the adoption of labor-saving 
 machinery. There is small risk of their policy be- 
 coming dangerously successful. The natural limita- 
 ti jns to the policy quickly check any excess of 
 zeal. 
 
 The province of trade-union action is the strength- 
 ening of the position of the laborer as a bargainer, 
 the enabling him, in particular, to resist that pressure 
 of circumstances of which employers might be ready 
 to take advantage. In the useful p' 'ase given us 
 by Mr. Sidney Webb, the essence of trade-unionism 
 is " collective bargaining." More or less uncon- 
 sciously, all the regulations of the union have this 
 in view ; and most of the customs and prejudices of 
 the trade-union world are inspired by this idea. 
 The solidarity of labor for which they strive is only 
 a means to collective bargaining; and, with this in 
 view, they strenuously oppose many reforms which 
 would probably secure great, though temporary ad- 
 vantages for at least a large number of workers. 
 They oppose any scheme, however enticing or 
 philanthropic, which would have as one of its re- 
 sults the separation of the individual workman from 
 his fellow workers. They will not allow grading of 
 workers according to ability, although the demon- 
 strated result is to make it increasingly difficult for 
 older men to obtain any work when they no longer 
 have the physical strength to earn the trade-union 
 
Collective Bargaining. 
 
 269 
 
 tt 
 
 minimum.'' They object, with the success of the 
 avowed policy of the South Metropolitan Gas Com- 
 pany before their eyes, to any, and every, scheme 
 of profit sharing: such schemes, however profitable 
 they may prove to the individual workmen, having, 
 as their result, if not as their motive, the detaching 
 of a section of workers from their fellows. They 
 are, with some exceptions, opposed to piece work, 
 because it offers a standing temptation to the indi- 
 vidual to set the pace of work too fast for his weaker 
 or less skilled fellow workers. As a body, they will 
 not hear of measures which allow contracting out ; 
 because of the inevitable effect on the solidarity of 
 labor. Their aim is to compel the employers to deal 
 with their men collectively. The history of the 
 growth of their power is simply the history of the 
 giowing public and legal recognition of their right 
 to represent the collective interests of their members. 
 From first to last, this object has been kept in view ; 
 and the object is as important in the present day as 
 ever it was. Divide and govern has ever been the 
 policy of the master. To treat with each individual 
 as an individual pnd to ignore the trade-union which 
 claimed to represent him, has always been the prac- 
 tice; now it is also the avowed policy. Masters* 
 
 associations have been formed to 
 
 fight 
 
 the trade- 
 
 * The Halifax (Nova Scotia) Shipwrights and Caulkers Association 
 allow men over sixty to work in the trade for what they please. If 
 an individual, however, chooses to remain in the society after he has 
 reached sixty years he is subject to the usual penalty if he accepts less 
 than the Union pay, $2.50 a day. Royal Commission (Canada) on 
 the Relations of Capital and Labor, Nova Scotia Evidence, p. 108. 
 
270 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 i:f' 
 
 it; 
 
 f ■ 
 It 
 
 % 
 
 '''1% 
 
 ml^l 
 
 
 unions with their own weapons. The employers 
 maintain, exclusively for their own purposes, as they 
 avow, Associations of Free Laborers, so called, al- 
 thou^Mi the government and management are car- 
 ried on by, and for the interest of, persons who are 
 not members. These associations are designed to 
 permit the masters to treat with all workmen as in- 
 dividuals, in contempt of the unions. 
 
 The trade-unions have not, so far, been very suc- 
 cessful in carrying out their policy. After nearly 
 three quarters of a century of agitation, the English 
 unions secured a modified recognition of their posi- 
 tion. The right to combine was admitted, and legal 
 protection against their own officers was accorded ; 
 but little else has been gained. Public opinion, 
 occasionally and spasmodically, allows the right of 
 the unions to treat for the men. Here and there, a 
 more enlightened employer has recognized that it is 
 better to deal with a strong union than with indi- 
 vidual workmen ; but as yet the unions Have not 
 won any legal locus standi as the representatives of 
 their members. It is still held in law that there is 
 a separate contract between the employer and each 
 of his employees. The union may order a strike; 
 but before the strike begins each individual employee 
 must give separate notice of the termination of his 
 individual contract. The union is not competent to 
 give legal notice for its members; and a collective 
 strike may legally take place only after individual no- 
 tice has been given. To obtain this legal position, as 
 the representatives of the members, the trade-union 
 
his 
 to 
 :ive 
 no- 
 , as 
 ion 
 
 The Membership of the Unions. 
 
 271 
 
 leaders arc still striving;; and until this recognition 
 is obtained, collective bargaining will not become, 
 even between the limits, a complete determinant of 
 wages. 
 
 The reason why this legal recognition has not been 
 obtained is that the trad«"-unionists do not, in many- 
 trades, form a large prop. rtion of the workers.* 
 There is a natural hesitation in committing to a 
 fractional proportion the regulation of the whole of 
 industry. It is not, however, necessary for the 
 practical success of the policy of collective bargain- 
 ing that the whole of labor should be included within 
 the unions; and hitherto the union policy has been 
 more successful than tlie membership seems to have 
 warranted. This is possibly due in part to the fact 
 that the membership has been made up from the 
 best workmen in the trades, who might, in any case, 
 have obtained the rise of wages which they disinter- 
 estedly attribute to the union policy; and, partly, 
 also, to the fact that the full strength of trades- 
 unionism is not, at most times, adequately repre- 
 sented by numbers. The membership varies a great 
 deal according to the necessities of the industrial 
 world. In times of peace and prosperity, the 
 membership will hardly maintain itself at fighting 
 strength. In times of threatening it receives large 
 accessions. There seems to be a kind of nucleus 
 of the labor army continually under arms while the 
 
 * According to Mr. Frederick Wicks {Nineteenth Century, 1891) 
 about II per cent, of the working males over twenty in the United 
 Kingdom are enrolled in the unions. 
 
?! 
 
 
 272 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 \\. 
 
 
 f! 
 
 \ 
 
 large part of its fighting strength is in reserve and 
 does not rem.iin with the colors. This reserve is 
 not so eiffective as the stalwarts who remain all the 
 time under arras but it has its effect in maintaining 
 a large degree of s> idarity and in giving greater 
 authority to the demands made by the standing 
 army. The knowledge that danger brings out the 
 reserve checks aggression which apparent numerical 
 weakness invites. 
 
 At the same time, this habit of irregular service is 
 almost necessarily fatal to discipline, and shuts out 
 the hope of complete success. Effective collective 
 bargaining depends even more on discipline and 
 cohesion than on numbers. The unions are, there- 
 fore, faced with a twofold difficulty, and, conse- 
 quently, a twofold task. They . cannot hope to 
 obtain recognition from employers as the represen- 
 tatives of the employees, while they fail to retain 
 their hold on their own members. The very possi- 
 bility that an agreement with the union may be 
 repudiated by the vorkers outside the councils of 
 the union is sufficient to prevent any important 
 agreements from ever being made. Until the unions 
 secure the adhesion of their own lukewarm sympa- 
 thizers and the implicit acceptance of the collective 
 decisions by every member, whether consulted or 
 not, they will gain only a grudging, or, at most, 
 a sentimental recognition from a few employers. 
 Their main task, as it is the chief obstacle in the way 
 of success, is to make their internal discipline more 
 perfect and to strengthen their hold on their own 
 
Discipline the Problem for Trades-Unions. 273 
 
 ore 
 iwn 
 
 members. The difficulty is greater in peace than 
 in war. While a strike is impending and during its 
 continuance a union has little difficulty in control- 
 ling its own members. During peace it is harder to 
 convince unenlightened members that the benefits 
 of concerted action and collective bargaining out- 
 weigh the sacrifices which must be made to obtain 
 these benefits. Caprice and lukewarmness alike tend 
 to reduce the membership when nothing calls forth 
 the spirit of class antagonism. Consequently, it is 
 not merely as a remedy against the masters, but also 
 as a remedy against the indifference of their own 
 members and the lack of habits of discipline, that 
 newly formed unions find themselves compelled to 
 carry on a militant policy and engage in strikes. In 
 older unions, among whose members the habit of 
 obedience has been formed, there is not the same 
 necessity for a perpetually militant policy. Their 
 proved strength has not only won them the respect 
 of the employers but has also secured co' esion in 
 their own ranks. 
 
 The difficulty of securing this cohesion arises 
 from the fact that the only power which a union 
 can exercise over its members is a moral power. 
 It depends on their willingness to make pres- 
 ent sacrifices for future benefits. Even where 
 habit has reinforced the original moral motive the 
 control of the members during times of peace is a 
 serioi's question. Many of their rules and regula- 
 tions are more honored in the breach than in the 
 
 observance; and most unions have been compelled 
 18 
 
i; 
 
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 M 
 
 
 ; :il 
 
 ( i 
 
 f: 
 
 I 
 
 N'T ^; 
 
 2/4 
 
 77/i' Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 t':\- 
 
 to reinforce their authority by more mechanical 
 methods than an appeal to principle or future self- 
 interest. With the exception of the militant new 
 unions, nearly every association exercises the func- 
 tion of a benefit society, and by means of deferred 
 payment endeavors to retain control of its members. 
 The means which they object to the employer us- 
 ing in order to attach the men to his service they 
 themselves employ in order to maintain the solid- 
 arity of labor. These benefit funds were originally 
 established purely as benefit funds, but now they 
 are made to serve a double purpose. It may seem 
 strange that members of a voluntary association 
 founded to secure the interests of its own members 
 should be so difficult to manage ; and some have not 
 hesitated to write strongly of trade-union tyranny. 
 It is asserted that coercion of some sort must be 
 used to induce those members to join who are so 
 hard to retain and so difficult to manage. Surely, 
 however, the divergence between collective and in- 
 dividual interests is no uncommon political phenom- 
 enon. Every day collective decisions are being made 
 by men who know that personally they will not abide 
 by these decisions. Everyone who has liv<.'d in a 
 prohibition town knows men, saloon keepers even, 
 who, having voted for " no license," not only wink 
 at the violation of the law but often violate it them- 
 selves. It is a weakness by no means confined 
 to the working classes that their immediate inter- 
 ests weigh heavier with them than their collec- 
 tive decisions. How easy a matter is it to induce 
 
The Obstacles in the tvay of Die inline. 275 
 
 -n, 
 ink 
 km- 
 led 
 [er- 
 lec- 
 jce 
 
 the shopkeepers in one district to stick by an early- 
 closing agreement ? Has not the ring or the cor- 
 ner developed under pressure of the same difficulty 
 into the combine and the trust ? Many an ardent 
 advocate of high protection has, without much hesi- 
 tation, done a little smuggling on his own account; 
 with less justification, too, for his inconsistency, 
 than the trade-unionist has for his, who, after voting 
 for a general strike goes back to work while his fel- 
 lows remain out, or, after a long experience of being 
 out of work, undersells his fellow-workers, although 
 he has previously acquiesced, at least, in the prin- 
 ciple of the trade-union minimum wage. It is not 
 trade-union tyranny which lays down these regula- 
 tions but human nature which necessitates them. 
 For the laborer must live by his own labor; and 
 when there are added the necessities of his wife and 
 children, it is small wonder that he is sometimes false 
 to his unionist principles. Without injustice to the 
 sex, when we remember how much more to a woman 
 is the economy of her own household than the collec- 
 tive interests of labor can ever be, we may say that 
 the women are a most potent cause why trade-union 
 policy is not more successful. When, in a long spell 
 of forced idleness on the part of the breadwinner, 
 article after article of furniture disappears from the 
 home, to buy the children bread, it is natural that 
 the wife should urge her husband to sacrifice what 
 is to her only a half intelligible principle. Women 
 live more in the concrete than men, and have less 
 power of realizing an abstract principle. Conse- 
 
 I \ 
 
i',' 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 Mr 
 
 1 ' 
 .1 , 
 
 J'J; 
 
 lit'' 
 
 hii 
 
 % 
 
 276 
 
 yV/f Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 qucntly, the influence of the women must be 
 counted as, on the whole, one of the influences 
 hostile to the success of trade-unionism. Their in- 
 fluence reinforces the individual interests which it is 
 the policy of the union to subordinate. However 
 much sympathy leaders of the union may have with 
 the individual's position they must set their faces 
 against any pursuit of self-interest which might 
 weaken his allegiance to union principles. It is 
 because trade-unionists believe that the interests of 
 the individual worker are best guarded and main- 
 tained by concerted action that the policy of collec- 
 tive bargaining has been adopted; and collective 
 bargaining is not tyranny but democratic principle. 
 
 The difficulty of maintaining cohesion and disci- 
 pline is the great natural limitation on the action of 
 trades-unions in raising wages. It is a permanent 
 limitation because it arises from the inher2nt im- 
 perfections of human nature and will remain until 
 man is perfectly socialized in his motives as well as 
 in his outward actions. It arises not so much from 
 the small proportion of workers included within the 
 unions as from the conflict of individual and collec- 
 tive interests; a conflict which, in the nature of 
 things, is probably inevitable. The diflficulty may, 
 it is true, by means of out-of-work funds and strike 
 benefits, be met and partially overcome ; but, while 
 the necessity for trade-unions continues, this diffi- 
 culty v/ill confront them in carrying out their policy. 
 
 The proportion of the actual workers included 
 within the union becomes of more pressing import- 
 
1 
 
 The Cardinal Maxim of Trade- Union Policy. 277 
 
 ancc when the wisdom of any particular application 
 of the principle is under consideratioi The utmost 
 that the fullest application of the principle could 
 achieve for the laborer is that the actual value of 
 labor should be determined as nearly as possible to 
 I2X, the upper limit. Trade-union action would be 
 suicidal if it demanded more of the product in wages 
 than the industry can economically afford. It may 
 try to secure that the whole of the debatable ground 
 is secured for labor; but it is practical wisdom to 
 recognize that the whole of this ground can never 
 be secured at a stroke. Fcstina Icnte must be the 
 motto of the union leader unless success is to be im- 
 mediately reversed ; and advance can be made only 
 by stages. 
 
 The weakness of the position of the employer as 
 a bargainer in the labor market is that delay means 
 loss of profits. He can, it is true, support himself 
 out of the stock which he has already acquired ; but 
 he is never willing to do so if he can avoid it. The 
 greater the amount of capital involved in his busi- 
 ness, the greater the loss arising from delay in pro- 
 cess of production. The employer may therefore 
 be willing to grant a demand which is only trifling 
 in itself to avoid a greater loss by delay. If the de- 
 mand is put forward in such a way that it alarms him 
 with the prospect of further demands to be made, 
 he may decide to resist before the opposing forces 
 are flushed with success. So it is the cardinal 
 maxim of wise trade-union policy never to make 
 extravagant demands, or to ask more than the em- 
 
 
T 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 s«;:s i ■ 
 
 I 
 
 .J-- \ 
 
 278 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 ploycr will grant rather than face the loss from re- 
 fusing. If he does refuse, there is certain loss to 
 him — not, perhaps, the great loss of having all his 
 capital made idle, but certainly the loss which arises 
 from the necessity of making a change in his staff of 
 workers and in getting them trained to his methods. 
 Never to press for a larger gain than is covered by 
 the difficulty of replacing the body of present em- 
 ployees by outside labor," * is the maxim of a wise 
 policy. It is a wise policy not only because it is 
 likely to be successful, but also because it does not 
 expose the laborer to any unnecessary risks. The 
 laborer must live by his labor; and if by grasping at 
 a greater gain he sacrifices the employment he has, 
 his condition is both hard and ridiculous. What 
 demand the cost of replacing the present staff by 
 outside labor may admit, depends on the supply of 
 labor, the strength of the union, and the nature of 
 the work. If a large proportion of the workers 
 is included within the union they may press for a 
 larger gain because the difficulty of replacing the 
 body of the present workers may be so great that 
 the employer must either submit to the demand or, 
 refusing, submit to have his works closed down. In 
 the skilled trades, where a considerable proportion 
 of the workers is included within the union, a de- 
 mand, within the proper limits, will generally be 
 granted unless it happens, as it may very probably, 
 that the strength of the workers has already secured 
 for them all the difference between the two esti- 
 
 * Hobson, Problems of Poverty, p. 116. 
 
The Effect of Trade-Unions on Wages. 279 
 
 
 mates. In the case of unskilled workers, demands 
 must be very much more moderate, because the cost 
 of replacing is so much less. 
 
 The advocates of trade-unions claim that the 
 greater part of the rise of wages during the last half 
 century has been due to their influence. Certainly 
 the rise of wages and the growth and progress of 
 trade-unionism have proceeded /d-rZ/^j'jJw. The ex- 
 amination we have made of the influence of collective 
 bargaining shows thnt the claim must be modified. 
 Had the standard of efficiency not risen steadily, 
 there would have been no steady rise of wages, un- 
 less, indeed, we are to suppose that the difference 
 between the two limits, at the beginning of the 
 period, was enormous: which we have no ground 
 for supposing. Indirectly, as we saw, trade-union- 
 ism has promoted efficiency and, indirectly, has 
 thus raised the upper limit of wages. Directly, 
 however, the method of collective bargaining can 
 secure only that the value of labor is determined 
 nearer the upper limit than the lower; and, had 
 there been no rise in the standard of efficiency, 
 there would, very quickly, have been a limit to the 
 rise of wages. 
 
 When we regard the policy of trade-unionism re- 
 garding wages as being directed towards the collec- 
 tive interests of the workers the balance sheet of a 
 strike becomes of secondary importance. To the 
 individual striker, the result may be a great loss : to 
 the whole body of workers it may be a great gain. 
 We can no more estimate the wisdom of a strike 
 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
28o 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 11, 
 
 from the point of view of the actural loss or gain to 
 the strikers, than we can estimate the results of a 
 battle or a campaign by the number of lives lost.* 
 Even a virtual defeat when the strikers, or so many 
 of them as can find room, go back to work, with 
 their demands ungranted, may result in a great gain 
 to the body of workers as a whole — to the body of 
 workers in that trade directly and in a greater meas- 
 ure, but also, though indirectly, to the workers in 
 all trades; and an advance which was refused, when 
 thus violently demanded, may be conceded by de- 
 grees when more cautiously requested — and not to 
 the strikers only — because the employers have 
 learned to respect the fighting power of their 
 employees. 
 
 * Marshall : Economics of Industry^ p. 391 ; see also Nicholson's 
 Strikes and Social Problems. 
 
 % 
 
 If, I 
 
 1 ■ I 
 
 iJvt 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE METHODS OF INDUSTRIAL REMUNERATION 
 AS A WAGES FACTOR. 
 
 MR. SCHLOSS, in his Methods of Industrial 
 Remuneration, has confined his investigation 
 to the method as distinguished from the amount of 
 the remuneration ; but the method is not without 
 bearing on the more essential question of the amount. 
 The system adopted may be of such a nature as 
 materially to affect the position of the wage earner 
 in the wages bargaining: his freedom may be cur- 
 tailed, his general character weakened, his efficiency 
 reduced, by one method of remuneration; while by 
 another his mobility and his independence may be 
 increased, the stronger elements in his character 
 allowed to develop, and the utility of the reward, 
 for which he is induced to serve, augmented. 
 
 The form of the wages contract which is made at 
 the conclusion of the bargaining has, therefore, 
 sufficient importance to justify separate treatment ; 
 even although the methods of remuneration are not 
 to be regarded as an independent factor in the pro- 
 
 28 1 
 
 1 
 
5'"- 
 
 ji-i 
 
 !:■: 
 
 P 
 
 hi 
 
 iii ■ 
 
 iv.] : 
 
 I i 
 
 282 
 
 The Bargain Theory of ]Vogi's. 
 
 cess but simply as a general condition affecting the 
 factors which have already at greater or less length 
 been discussed. This chapter is, therefore, an ex- 
 amination of the way in which the manner of 
 payment affects the mobility of the laborer, the 
 possibility of combination, the efficiency, the dis- 
 utility, etc., of labor; and may be regarded as a 
 supplement of or appendix to the previous chapters. 
 
 The time and the manner and the kind of re- 
 muneration which the laborer receives determine in 
 part the laborer's estimate of what the labor he ren- 
 ders is worth and the employer's estimate of what 
 the laborer's work is worth in the market; and 
 affect strongly the comparative strength of the bar- 
 gainers in the process of bargaining. 
 
 The laborer's estimate of what his labor is worth 
 — the lower limit of wages — is partly conditioned by 
 the methods of remuneration which may either in- 
 crease or diminish the disutility of labor, or increase 
 or diminish the utility of the reward. The former 
 is not directly or greatly affected. Indirectly, by 
 weakening the laborer's power of resistance, certain 
 forms of payment, notably truck payments, lead to 
 evil conditions which materially increase the dis- 
 utilities; and generally speaking those forms of 
 wages-contract which leave some element indefinite, 
 intensify both the positive and negative disutilities. 
 
 Profit sharing, as we have seen, has the effect 
 of increasing the labor expended without propor- 
 tionally increasing the reward ; and piece work, by 
 forcing the pace and paying all according to the 
 
 'Vi\':'-- 
 
 m 
 
Effect on the Disutility of Labor. 
 
 283 
 
 lis- 
 of 
 te, 
 es. 
 cct 
 or- 
 by 
 
 standard of the most efficient, has the same effect.* 
 The objections which the trades-unions raise against 
 the system of piece work are not based on any en- 
 vious grudge of a higher reward for higher efficiency, 
 but on the fear that the superior abiHty of a few may 
 be set as the standard for all. Time wages have 
 nearly always a quantitative reference and in the 
 ethical phrase are sanctioned by the dismissal of all 
 who fail to reach the standard. This standard tends 
 to be the efficiency of the best workers on piece 
 work ; and the consequence of enforcing this standard 
 would be that for a given reward a greater expendi- 
 ture of energy is required. 
 
 The moral disutilities of labor are generally in- 
 creased by those forms of wage payment where the 
 laborer is not left in free and complete command of 
 his reward. These intensify the irksomeness of labof 
 and the sense of dependence; and, consequently, 
 mean a larger output of energy and a greater gen- 
 eral disutility. 
 
 The influence of the methods of remuneration on 
 the other element which goes to make the laborer's 
 estimate — the utility of the reward — is more direct. 
 Wages are earned in order to be consumed and the 
 method of payment obviously affects the command 
 the laborer has over consumption goods. The maxi- 
 
 * Piece work has undoubtedly the effect of increasing the output of 
 the worker but it has hdd no influence in raising the average wage of 
 the piece workers above that of the time workers. The average 
 annual time wages in the United States is $498 — the average annual 
 piece wage is $500. Wright, Industrial Evolution of United States, 
 p. 197. 
 
 1 
 
w 
 
 284 
 
 T/w Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 '1! 
 
 ; \ 
 
 
 ii 
 
 M 
 
 , . ir 
 
 y 
 
 % 
 
 
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 ^\\'^ 
 
 -+,(. 
 
 mum utility is obtained by the laborer when his 
 wages arc paid, at short intervals, and in the legal 
 tender of the country. Whether he obtains an ethi- 
 cal maximum depends entirely upon himself and his 
 discretion in consumption. He certainly obtains 
 the fullest possible opportunity. The minimum of 
 utility is in general obtained when the wages are 
 paid in goods, or in orders at the store only, or at 
 long and irregular intervals. There are two cases to 
 discuss (i) when war^fes are paid in cash but at long 
 intervals or irregularly; and (2) when they are paid 
 in kind or in goods, whether by the week, the month, 
 or the season. 
 
 In the industrial centres wages are row generally 
 paid by the week; but in many districts where 
 money is scarce, or labor unorganized, and in cer- 
 tain employments where the natural conditions do 
 not favor weekly payments — e. g., railroads — wages 
 are still paid by the fortnight or the month. There 
 can hardly be any question that weekly payments 
 are a benefit to the laborer. On this score his own 
 demand may be taken as final ; and there is practical 
 unanimity among the working classes in regarding 
 weekly payments as an advantage. They arc en- 
 abled thus to avoid the increased prices which are 
 charged when credit is given ; and although, in a few 
 instances, it may be that the laborer, paying cash, 
 is unable to obtain a discount from credit prices, and 
 may thus be made to make up to the storekeeper for 
 the bad debts of his credit customers, such instances 
 are rare and occur chiefly in smaller towns and vil- 
 
 
Effect on the Utility of the Reward. 285 
 
 lages. Evidence was taken by the Canadian Labor 
 Commission on this subject and the opinion of 
 working-class witnesses was that with weekly cash 
 payments they could spend their money twenty to 
 twenty-five per cent, better than if, in consequence 
 of monthly payments, they were compelled to buy 
 on credit. On the other hand, the employers who 
 still maintained the practice of monthly payments 
 averred that weekly payments led to extravagance 
 and dissipation while monthly payments encouraged 
 saving and enabled the worker more easily to meet 
 any large liability — e. g.y house rent — he might be 
 required to pay. To the best workmen weekly pay- 
 ments miglit be no great advantage, and to the dis- 
 sipated they would prove a great evil; but to the 
 average workmen they would be highly advan- 
 tageous.* 
 
 * On tar to EviJ., p. 875, Can. Labor Com. "The employees 
 would rather have their pay weekly, hcca.'se it would make them 
 financially more independent. We find that in a great many in- 
 stances (witness was District Master of the Knights of Labor) work- 
 men have to run monthly accounts, and that puts them entirely at 
 the mercy of the corner grocers. You feel under obligation to the 
 man ; you have to take what he has got and you cannot go anywhere 
 else ; you are obliged to stay there." 
 
 Nova Scotia Evidence, p. 364. " The men could live for from five 
 to eight dollars a month less for cash, if they had it, than they can 
 upon credit. . . . When you have cash the merchant will take 
 what you give him, whereas, if you get goods on crec'if they go into 
 his books at his own figures." 
 
 Ibid., p. 441. "It would give the men a much better chance to 
 deal for cash, and would give them a chance to buy many things 
 cheaper than they can do by the present system of monthly payments. 
 If a man comes in with country produce and you are paid weekly or 
 
WFT 
 
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 ii 
 
 I 
 
 1- 
 
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 H' 
 
 r ■ 
 
 
 \ ■ 
 
 1 
 
 -'■■■ f- 
 
 i i ■ ■ ; > 
 
 ir 
 
 286 
 
 7/ic Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 Not infrequently the payment of wages is not 
 made for some weeks after the time sheet has been 
 made up and the workmen get advances at high 
 rates from outsiders on this security. Sometimes 
 the employer pays wages in due-bills payable at 
 some future date; and the wage earner may either 
 wait or get them discounted. The rates of discount 
 on such due-bills are generally high not only because 
 the security may noJ: be good, but also because the 
 necessities of the worker are immediate. One wit- 
 ness testified before the Canadian Labor Commis- 
 sion * that he had been paid with bons or due-bills 
 
 fortnightly you have cash. If you have not, he goes to the store and 
 sells what he has, and you have to buy the same article on credit and 
 pay more for it." 
 
 Ibid., p. 405. " In reference to the subject of weekly payments 
 . . . the only difference is that the men go drunk once a week 
 instead of unci \ fortnight." 
 
 * Quebec Evu ice, p. 783. — We were obliged to take ' bons,' notes 
 to be paid ; witht. t these we might have waited a long while and 
 perhaps lost our money. 
 
 It was an order, a note to be changed, a promissory note : " I pro- 
 mise to pay in thirty days the sum of ." 
 
 Q. What did you do with that note ? A. I got it changed. 
 
 Q. Did it cost you anything ? A. One dollar and the note was for 
 twenty. 
 
 Q. Did you change it in a bank or with somebody in connection 
 with your master? A. With a broker. 
 
 Q. Did your master send you there or did you go of your own ac- 
 cord ? A. My master told me to go there. 
 
 Q. Then the master gave you a note of twenty dollais to pay your 
 wages, and sent you to the broker he pointed out who paid you the 
 note and retained the dollar? A. Yes. 
 
 The only industry in which this practice still survives to any extent 
 is lumbering where a considerable interval of time must elapse between 
 
mmmmmmm 
 
 Deferred Payment. 
 
 287 
 
 ! I 
 
 which were discounted at sixty per cent. Several 
 Ontario witnesses stated that they had been paid in 
 due bills which were discounted by local shop- 
 keepers at fifteen, twenty-five, and even fifty per 
 cent. ; although some merchants in Ottawa were 
 said to receive them at face value.* 
 
 The manner of payment here not only restricts 
 the command which the laborer would otherwise 
 have over the necessaries of life but actually re- 
 duces the nominal wages paid. 
 
 Payment of wages in kind may be either produce 
 wages or truck wages. For the former there is 
 much to be said as a method of securing the real 
 advantages of profit sharing. Mr. Garnier advocates 
 it as a method of improving the condition of the 
 agricultural laborer. The great objection to pay- 
 ments in kind is that the reward is not definite 
 and, therefore, leaves the laborer continuously at 
 the discretion of his employer. The goods received 
 in payment may vary in quantity, quality, and 
 value; but in the case of produce payments, though 
 
 the performance of the work and the marketing of the product. 
 Should the "cut " of a small operator, or subcontractor, be held up in 
 the smaller streams and tributaries he is generally paid by means of a 
 due-bill payable next season when the lumber arrives at the market or 
 when his cut gets out into the main stream ; and presumably he often 
 pays his hands for their winter's work in the same fashion. Quebec 
 Evidence, p. 11 90. - 
 
 * Ontario Evidence, p. 11 88. These due-bills are not scrip regu- 
 larly issued but notes of hand which it is said are not always redeemed 
 when they fall due. Ontario Bureau of Statistics Report, i888, iv., 
 p. 8. This practice has with the truck system practically disap- 
 peared. 
 
 IM 
 
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 1 
 
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 W: 
 
 H 
 
 288 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 ,^'» 
 
 the value is not definite, the quantity always is, and 
 the quality is ascertainable. The variations in value, 
 moreover, are determined, not by the will of the 
 employer, but by the forces of the market. " I 
 would at any rate suggest," he says, " that there 
 should be less cash and more flour in the wages of 
 each Saturday night " ; and he quotes with approval 
 from the Journal R. A. S. E., the following 
 passage : 
 
 " One very obvious benefit arising to the hind from 
 this mode of paying in kind, besides that of having a 
 store of wholesome food always at command, which has 
 not been taxed with the profits of intermediate agents, is 
 the absence of all temptation which the receipt of weekly 
 wages, and the necessity of resorting to a town or village 
 to buy provisions, held out of spending in the ale-house 
 some part of the money which ought to provide for the 
 wants of the family." . . .* 
 
 In so far as produce wages are definite, the system 
 is advantageous to all concerned, but especially so 
 to the wage earner, owing to the great saving on the 
 profits of middlemen ; f but it is doubtful whether 
 
 * Garnier : — Annals of the British Peasantry^ p. 411. As he 
 points out (p. 410) the good in payments in kind was abolished by the 
 English Act of 1887 while the bad was practically retained. Intoxi- 
 cating liquors may not legally be given in payment of wages ; but the 
 employer may still do so by calling it a gift. 
 
 f The system of metayer farming which is practiced largely in some 
 of the older of the United States may be regarded either as a system 
 of produce rents or of produce wages. The disinclination of the de- 
 scendants of the original settlers to engage in farm work and their 
 natural exodus to the cities and the professions have rendered them 
 
Produce Wages. 
 
 289 
 
 is he 
 )y the 
 itoxi- 
 it the 
 
 I some 
 
 (Tstem 
 
 lie de- 
 
 their 
 
 them 
 
 these advantages offset the disadvantages which 
 arise in a period when wages are falHng. Wages 
 which are paid, in whole or in part, in goods, are 
 subject to unrecognized fluctuations with the level 
 of prices. Thus the wages of lumbermen in Can- 
 ada, and domestic servants everywhere, have either 
 fallen, or not risen so far as at first appears, because 
 board is included in their pay and the prices of most 
 of the articles they consume have fallen, although 
 the increased variety and the improvement in the 
 quality of the board provided may restorcthebalance. 
 The truck system is the outstanding form of the 
 payment of wages in kind and is still prevalent in 
 many districts. It has disappeared, indeed, at all 
 the industrial centres and the practice is confined *^ 
 backward districts, where banking facilities are pooi , 
 
 unwilling or unable to continue cultivating the old homestead. Labor 
 is too dear to allow the farm to be cultivated entirely by hired labor ; 
 and it is difficult to dispose of the farm, apart from sentimental rea- 
 sons, on advantageous terms, sometimes on any terms. At the same 
 time there has been an immigration of European farmers without 
 capital. The system of farming by ' halves ' or ' thirds ' which has 
 been developed is as natural an outcome of these circumstances as the 
 stock and farm leases of the 15th Century were of the conditions pro- 
 duced by the IJlack death. The owner supplies the farm, the stock, 
 and sometimes even the implements, and the farmer pays 1 j half, or 
 two thirds, of the produce to the owner, according to the amount of 
 capital supplied. In the Maritime Provinces of Canada where the 
 same agricultural and social conditions prevail the wrA/jvr system has 
 not been developed owing to the absence of a foreign element in the 
 population accustomed to intensive farming. In New Brunswick, 
 however, the hay harvest is often cut and private gardens are occa- 
 sionally cultivated on this system. In this case we have a system of 
 produce wages rather than of produce rents. 
 »9 
 
290 
 
 The Bargain TJicory of Wages. 
 
 iSl^ 
 
 1 ' 
 
 % 
 
 
 % 
 
 ti: 
 
 and labor unorganized and ignorant, and to those 
 industries which, depending on the season, involve 
 irregular employment and proportionally large capi- 
 tal. The effect of this method of industrial remuner- 
 ation was characterized in the report of the Canadian 
 Labor Commission as always amounting to a sweated 
 wage ; and in its worst form, as it has existed in many 
 places, it has resulted, as was epigrammatically said 
 of it in Nrwfoundland, in the laborer being not paid 
 in " part goods, part cash," but in " part goods, 
 part trash." Frequently the laborer, where this 
 system is in force, has received no part of his wages 
 in cash. By means of deferred payments and irreg- 
 ular employment, the worker gets involved in debt at 
 the company store, and then he has practically ceased 
 to be his own master. Those who are once in the 
 toils of the system are seldom able to work their way 
 out again ; and the more deeply they are involved, 
 the more subject are they to petty tyrannies at the 
 hands of the subordinate oflficials of their employers. 
 The salesmen in these stores frequently carry side 
 lines of goods which they practically force * upon un- 
 willing but helpless customers, because they control 
 
 * ' ' But there is another evil which we learn in connection with 
 this system. At some company stores in this county the managers, 
 or clerks, carry side lines of goods, usually jewelry, which they sell 
 to men who have employment around the works ; and in one instance, 
 it has been told us that a workman who had purchased a $1 5 filled- 
 case watch for the moderate sum of $35 . . . went and asked 
 for an order to get $5 in cash at the office of the mine. 'Yes,' was 
 the reply, ' if you give me $4 on that watch you bought from me last 
 month.'" — The Island Reporter {(Z^^Q Breton), Nov. ii, 1896. 
 
 I •• 
 
^^ Part Goods, Part Trash.'* 
 
 291 
 
 the avenues of employment. The object of those 
 who practise the system in its most objectionable 
 form is to control the expenditure of their laborers 
 for the sake of the profits, legitimate or not, of the 
 retail business; and the laborer is seldom allowed to 
 carry away any part of his earnings in cash. In 
 many cases, the only way in which ready money 
 can be obtained is by reselling the goods obtained 
 at the stores; and there is a profitable business, 
 mainly in the hands of the saloon-keepers, of buying 
 from the laborers the articles they ha .. obtained at 
 the stores. * This is not infrequently the only 
 method in which the goods required can be ob- 
 tained, for when the goods asked for are not in 
 stock, the intending buyer has to do without, having 
 neither the cash nor the courage to seek elsewhere. f 
 The problem how far the payment of wages in 
 goods obtained at these stores curtails the utility of 
 
 led- 
 >ked 
 was 
 last 
 
 * A valued correspondent, Mr. C. Ochiltree McDonald, of Port 
 Morien, Cape Breton, who has given me much information regard- 
 ing the working of the truck system in Cape Breton, informs me that 
 there were lately auctioned off by a drink-seller at Glace Bay, C. B., 
 1038 tobacco pipes, which had been taken from the miners in exchange 
 for drinks — the auction being the method of realizing cash on the 
 transaction. Frequently, in the same district, there are auctions — 
 sometimes several in the course of a week — of goods such as clothing 
 and groceries, which have been obtained at the stores and exchanged 
 for drink. The profits of "this business are so large that many saloon- 
 keepers have been attracted to the district. 
 
 f Canadian Labor Com., N'cw Brnnsrvick Evidence, p. 407. It is 
 by no means always the case that the company stores are inferior to 
 outside stores, and many of them are said to carry as large a line of 
 goods, and at as reasonable prices. The Hon. Robt. Drummond, 
 for eighteen years head of the miners' organization in Nova Scotia, in- 
 
m 
 
 'tii 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 i 
 
 K (l 
 
 292 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 the reward depends, largely, though not altogether, 
 on the scale of prices. There is a certain exaltation 
 in the sense of freedom and independence which 
 comes from the consciousness of possessing money 
 in the pocket which that man does not experience 
 the payment of whose wages is simply a matter of 
 bookkeeping, no matter how reasonable the prices 
 in these company stores may be. A priori it might 
 almost be argued that the existence of a practical 
 monopoly will sooner or later lead to a higher scale 
 of prices; and the facts seem to bear out this con- 
 tention. I have accumulated a good deal of evidence 
 on this point, but the following table is more com- 
 prehensive than the statements of any of my corre- 
 spondents, and is, moreover, taken from the public 
 
 forms me that the renewed outcry against the truck system in that prov- 
 ince (luring the last two years has come from the storekeepers rather 
 than from the miners. The coal fields of Nova Scotia are now con- 
 trolled by the Dominion Coal Co. ; and under new management the 
 old objectionable features of the system have disappeared, the com- 
 pany stores now keeping a larger variety and selling superior goods 
 at lower prices than the retail shopkeepers can afford to do ; and the 
 result has li en an agitation on the part of the storekeepers against the 
 system. Mr. Drummond's contention is in part borne out by the fact 
 that the most emphatic denunciation of the system is contained in 
 the following resolutions, adopted Dec. 21, i8q6, by the Sydney, C. 
 B., Board of Trade, i. ^., in a small town, retail shopkeepers : 
 
 *' Whereas the Truck System of paying wages in goods is alarm- 
 ingly on the increase in this country, 
 
 " And, whereas the system is buying up the main avenues of wealth 
 among the masses of the people, paralyzing internal trade and invest- 
 ing the wealth produced through mining in the mining companies to 
 the exclusion of the general public, 
 
 "And, whereas, in addition, precedent i.i Great Britain and the 
 United States of North America instructs us of the pernicious infiu- 
 
Comparative Prices. 
 
 293 
 
 the 
 .flu- 
 
 records of the evidence of the Canadian Labor Com- 
 
 mission 
 
 ARTICLK. 
 
 PRICE AT company's 
 STORE, 
 
 Flour per barrel $6.25 . . . . 
 
 I'ea " pound 0.35 .... 
 
 Sugar " " 0.09 
 
 PRICE AT OUT- 
 SIDE STORF. 
 
 . $5-50 
 
 . 0.22 to 30 
 
 . 0.08 
 
 Soap " " 0.07 and 8 0.05 
 
 Butter" " 0.22 to 26 0.20 
 
 Molasses per gallon 0.50 0.40 
 
 Potatoes per bbl 0.80 0.40 to 45 
 
 The witness, on oath, asserted that the articles at 
 the outside stores were of the same brand and of as 
 good quality as those sold at the company's store.* 
 
 ences of the Truck System upon the social progress of a nation ; and 
 upon the steady system of productive industry of all kinds, 
 
 "And, whereas we must have national forethought and refuse to 
 sanction the monopoly of wealth produced by any individual, or com- 
 pany of individuals, by the supplanting of Canadian currency by 
 goods for workmen, 
 
 " Be it therefore resolved, that the Board of Trade draw the atten- 
 tion of the Government of Nova Scotia to the grievous conditions 
 existing and threatening to exist in the County of Cape Breton, owing 
 to the disappearance of money from circulation by the Truck System, 
 and urge the Governor, Council, and Assembly of Nova Scotia to 
 enact legislation forbidding the payment of wages in goods." 
 
 However, the protests of the miners, individually, and through 
 their associations, are too emphatic to permit us unreservedly to 
 adopt Mr. Drummond's view. He claims that the evils of the sys- 
 tem, which were exposed in the evidence of the Canadian Labor 
 Commission, are things of the past ; and in the mainland of Nova 
 Scotia the Truck System has disappeared. Mr. Ochiltree Macdon- 
 ald, writing from Cape Breton, insists that the evidence taken ten 
 years since is perfectly true for the conditions of to-day ; that, if there 
 has been any change, it has been a change for the worse, not for the 
 better. Even regarding Cape I5reton, the truth probably lies in the 
 middle between these conflicting statements. 
 
 * Labor Com. Nova Scotia Evidence, p. 465, and sttNova Scotia 
 Evidence, passim. 
 
 I 
 * 
 
'h 
 
 i: 
 
 11 
 
 m 
 
 k 
 
 t ' 
 
 ;i*'!^ 
 
 
 % 
 
 m^'\\: 
 
 II 
 
 294 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 The principal argument urged in defense of the 
 
 practice is that, under the actual conditions of winter 
 
 industry in Canada, the stores are a necessity. The 
 
 mines in Cape Breton cannot be worked steadily the 
 
 year through because the ports are closed by the ice. 
 
 Were it not for the willingness and the ability of the 
 
 company to carry their employees through the slack 
 
 winter season there would be great hardship. The 
 
 outside shopkeepers have neither the security nor 
 
 the capital to permit them to give six or nine months 
 
 credit. During four months of the year there is 
 
 practically no employment in the mining districts 
 
 and during that period a debt will be incurred which 
 
 cannot be paid off before the summer is nearly over. 
 
 However long the credit the storekeeper can obtain 
 
 from the wholesale merchant it is not long enough 
 
 for him to wait six or nine months for payment. 
 
 TABLE* SHOWING IRREGULARITY OF EMPLOYMENT 
 IN MINING DISTRICT. 
 
 MINER S 
 NAME. 
 
 A. 
 B. 
 C. 
 D. 
 E. 
 F. 
 G. 
 H. 
 I., 
 
 J. 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 DAYS IN 
 
 YEAR. 
 
 173 
 
 i88 
 207 
 192 
 
 189 
 173 
 195 
 
 158 
 
 184 
 
 
 < 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 3 
 17 
 2 
 2 
 II 
 2 
 2 
 
 < 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 17 
 
 l8 
 
 < 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 19 17 
 
 18 
 i8 
 
 16 
 
 18 
 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 26 
 26 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 25 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 25 
 
 
 21 
 21 
 21 
 21 
 21 
 20 
 18 
 20 
 18 
 21 
 
 H 
 en 
 
 D 
 
 O 
 
 < 
 
 26 
 26 
 26 
 26 
 26 
 26 
 
 19 
 
 25 
 
 19 
 26 
 
 H 
 
 (A 
 
 23 
 
 25 
 
 24 
 24 
 
 25 
 25 
 25 
 25 
 23 
 24 
 
 H 
 U 
 O 
 
 22 
 23 
 23 
 23 
 23 
 23 
 19 
 23 
 19 
 23 
 
 O 
 
 16 
 14 
 17 
 17 
 14 
 
 17 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 14 
 17 
 
 o 
 
 Q 
 
 It 
 10 
 IT 
 II 
 10 
 II 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 5 
 4 
 
 
 * Canada Labor Com. Nova Scotia Evidence^ p. 464 . from the 
 
 W-. 
 
The Truck System and the Credit System. 295 
 
 It should be remembered, moreover, that many of 
 the objections to the truck system are valid also as 
 against the credit system which, in one form or 
 other, is an absolute necessity when employment is 
 irregular. For the laborer it is quite as hard to 
 work his way out of debt to a private storekeeper, 
 and probably more worrying because the storekeeper 
 has not the same security for his debt. The private 
 storekeeper has no means of coercion and must, 
 therefore, charge higher prices to cover bad debts. 
 The company stores, as a matter of fact, stop wages 
 till the debt is reduced to manageable proportions.* 
 The effect of the truck system of wages payment on 
 the utility of the reward under these circumstances 
 will be measured by the difference between credit 
 prices and company store prices, and the greater or 
 
 evidence of C. H. Rugby, Supt. of Glace Bay Mining Co. It should 
 be stated however that in the opinion of my correspondent Mr. Mac- 
 donald there would be no difficulty in supplying the wants of the 
 community during the slack season were the company stores closed 
 and supports his view by citing the fact that when the Dominion 
 Coal Co., purchased the mine at Port Morien (C. B.) the former 
 owner abandoned the stores on the rst of October while the new Com- 
 pany did not open the stores till the ist of May following. There was 
 he asserts neither want nor distress in the district that winter more than 
 there had been in previous winters when the stores were open — the 
 outside storekeepers being quite able to carry their customers when 
 they were no longer subject to the unfair competition of the com- 
 pany stores. 
 
 * The Nova Scotia Act against Truck is practically a dead letter 
 because it permits contracting out. Frequently the employer does 
 not even go to the trouble of requiring the formal order from his men 
 which permits him to deduct the store bill from the wages as they 
 are earned. 
 
 I 
 
w 
 
 il I; 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 iiii^L^ 
 
 2cj6 
 
 The Bari^ain Theory of Wages. 
 
 less dc'i^rcc of personal freedom which the victims of 
 the two systems retain. The worker's wage, when 
 thus paid, is not sweated by the amount of the profits 
 of the store ; for a large part of these profits is due to 
 superior trading advantages. The profits of the 
 stores arc without doubt very large; and one of my 
 correspondents affirms that the mine in his district 
 is run for the store profits. The Dominion Coal 
 Company was offered, it was said, one hundred and 
 fifty thousand dollars for the right to run their 
 stores; and however philanthropic the company 
 might be, men do not go into the market to pur- 
 chase charitable organizations. The defenders of 
 the system generally protest too much about the 
 purity of their motives. There is nothing disgrace- 
 ful in a company trying to add to its ordinary profits 
 the profits of retail shopkeeping; the disgrace lies 
 in the abuse of the position which the employer 
 occupies. 
 
 Of the two important elements which form the 
 lower limit of wages the methods of industrial re- 
 muneration has the greatest influence on the utility 
 of the reward. Less directly, the disutility of labor 
 may be increased or diminished by the method of 
 payment because the disutility is more than the 
 physical energy expended. With cash payments 
 the moral elements which enter into the sum of dis- 
 utilities are likely to be reduced to a minimum, for 
 the laborer in this way obtains the maximum of 
 personal freedom. With truck payments the dis- 
 utility is increased and the utility of the reward is 
 
Effect on the Employer s Estimate. 297 
 
 decreased; but the fighting strength of the laborer 
 is so reduced by the system that he is able to offer 
 little effective resistance to the lowering of the 
 lower limit of wages. Practically the methods of 
 remuneration exercise little influence in raising, but 
 may exercise considerable influence in reducing, 
 the lower limit, thus rendering an actual lower wage 
 possible. 
 
 The chief elements of the upper limit — the em- 
 ployer's estimate — may be affected by the method 
 of industrial remuneration. The efficiency of the 
 laborer may be increased or diminished, mainly by 
 the effect on the moral conditions of ef^ciency ; and 
 the wages fund may be augmented. 
 
 The output of labor is not a mere question of 
 strengtl. and knowledge. Willingness and hopeful- 
 ness and ihe disposition to do one's best are almost 
 as important as physical and intellectual qualities; 
 and these moral qualities are peculiarly liable to be 
 influenced by the manner in which the wages are 
 paid. If the laborer is paid promptly, in full and in 
 cash, he is much more likely to do his best than 
 when his wages are curtailed by all sorts of petty 
 exactions and his use of them restricted by all sorts 
 of conditions. 
 
 Profit sharing and piece work tend, directly and 
 indirectly, to raise the efficiency of the individual 
 and, generally also, > .' all in the establishment, and 
 thus tend to permit a higher wage to be paid. Not 
 only are the expenses of management and super- 
 vision decreased, while there is less waste of material, 
 
 !i» 
 
298 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 ], I 
 
 li'! 
 
 «iM- ':; 
 
 but the hope of greater gains acts as a powerful in- 
 centive to greater exertion. Workers paid by these 
 methods reahze, more or less, that they arc being 
 treated with justice and consideration, and they are 
 less likely than those on time wages to be eye ser- 
 vants merely. 
 
 When wages are paid in cash, any feeling of resent- 
 ment which the conditions of labor may have caused, 
 generally disappears when the wages are paid, un- 
 less the wages are very inadequate; but when the 
 control of the employer continues till the last penny 
 earned has been expended the laborer continues to 
 feel his economic dependence and to feel that there 
 is no part of his life which he can call his own. This 
 naturally leads to inefificiency, because it tempts the 
 laborer to try to get " even " in some way. Pay- 
 ment of wages in truck or store orders, or at long 
 intervals, and then not up to date, is apt to create 
 a sense of irritation which materially reduces eflfi- 
 ciency. Under the extreme forms of the truck sys- 
 tem, where the laborer is convinced of the inevit- 
 ableness of the tyranny and the injustice, a premium 
 is, in effect, placed upon idleness and thriftlessness. 
 The laborer who owes the company a large sum 
 knows that work is assured to him whenever work 
 is going, not because he is a good workman, but be- 
 cause the company naturally desires to collect part 
 of what he owes them. It is their interest to find 
 him work. He believes that he has been cheated 
 by higher prices and thinks that his real is not half 
 his nominal indebtedness ; and the result is that Hq 
 
The Wages Fund. 
 
 299 
 
 tries to ^ct even with his cmi)loycrs by cheating 
 them with dishonest and scamped work. Even 
 should he remain honest, the incentive of hope has 
 disappeared. The most efficient workmen are dis- 
 couraged by the system, for they quickly learn that 
 not efficiency, but indebtedness at the store, is the 
 best claim for work when employment is scarce. 
 Payment of wages in kind, tends not only to reduce 
 efficiency, but also to destroy those qualities which 
 promote efficiency and to encourage habits which 
 promote inefficiency. 
 
 The wages fund, the resources of the employer for 
 the payment of wages, is directly affected by the 
 methods of remuneration. The payment of wages 
 in cash at the end of each week requires a large 
 amount of capital, a larger amount than is required 
 by any other method of remuneration to pay the 
 same wages. Payment in kind means a large econ- 
 omy of capital and allows a larger business to be 
 done on a given capital. It reduces payment almost 
 entirely to a matter of bookkeeping, and by analogy 
 might be called the clearing-house system applied 
 to wage payments. Theoretically, it might be said 
 that the truck system would lead to larger wages 
 because the employer commands a larger capital. 
 The employer is able to augment his resources by 
 all the long credit he can command from the whole- 
 sale supply houses; and may be able to market a 
 large part of his output before these obligations 
 have to be met ; and not only is the capital thus 
 augmented, but additional profits are earned on the 
 
300 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 \\ 
 
 if- 
 
 % 
 
 V 
 
 hi* 
 
 I 
 
 whole of it. This holds also of deferred payments 
 and of payments by the month or the season instead 
 of by the week. In many instances the reasons 
 which are offered in defense of this practice, against 
 which the laborer protests, when stripped of their 
 philanthropic and paternalist pretence, amount sim- 
 ply to this, that a great saving in capital is thus 
 secured. There is not only the saving in office ex- 
 penses when the pay sheets are made up at leisnre 
 once a month instead of once a week; there is also, 
 and in the case of large concerns this becomes a very 
 important item, the saving of the interest on the 
 sum paid out in wages.* When part of the pay- 
 ment is withheld for some weeks, as in the case of 
 employers who pay on the 20th of the month up to 
 the end of the preceding month, or when part is re- 
 tained in the employer's hands to the end of the 
 year, as, for instance, the dividends in a profit- 
 sharing scheme, or indefinitely — e. g., contributions 
 to a provident fund — the employer simply retains 
 part of the wages as an unsecured investment, and 
 practically compels his employees to subscribe to 
 the capital required for his business. 
 
 Wages, however, do not necessarily rise because 
 the resources of the employer are augmented. The 
 wages fund is only one factor in the determination 
 of the upper limit ; and the employer is under no 
 obligation, physical or moral, to pay out the whole 
 of his funds. An increased wages fund simply 
 means that higher wages are possible without neces- 
 
 * Ontario Bureau of Statistics, Report, 1886, iv., p. 18. 
 
 W 
 
i mmiiiin i JKWI 
 
 Truck System a Rudimentary Credit Instrtimejit. 301 
 
 Luse 
 'he 
 
 i;ion 
 no 
 
 lole 
 
 |piy 
 
 :es- 
 
 sitating a readjustment of the reward of the different 
 economic factors in production. Moreover, this pos- 
 sibility may be at the actual expense of the workers 
 themselves. They are made to contribute to the 
 wages fund by exactions levied from the wages of 
 their past labor. They are denied the right to 
 spend the contract price of their labor, when and 
 where they choose ; and the probability of increased 
 compensation in the future depends on the strength 
 of their economic position. Those methods, how- 
 ever, which increase the wages fund, tend to reduce 
 the laborer's efficiency and to weaken his position 
 as a bargainer; and the possible good is generally 
 converted into an actual evil. The effect of the truck 
 system is, when the other wages factors are taken 
 into consideration, to depress rather than to raise 
 wages. 
 
 In a new country, where money is scarce and 
 banking facilities rare, deferred payments or pay- 
 ments in kind may be a practical necessity. Were 
 wages paid in cash they would necessarily be low ; 
 and under these conditions even the truck system 
 iji^iy be a practical benefit to the working classes. 
 /mIl as the country develops, there is less necessity 
 for making use of this primitive credit instrument 
 and the system is banished from the industrial cen- 
 tres to the districts where banking facilities are still 
 unprovided, and to industries dependent on the 
 seasons, where a long period must elapse before the 
 product is marketed. There is something so mean 
 in the practice of throwing part of the burden on 
 
 I 
 
). ! 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 V ^ 1 1 
 
 
 i- 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 t - H 
 
 
 M 
 
 ii ' : 
 
 
 »■' ' ,;•■ 
 
 \h 
 
 -:',.i 
 
 < 1 ;" i i ' 
 
 1 
 
 ) ' ■ 
 
 '!;■ 
 
 
 iLis 1 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 illi;. . 
 
 ■ ; 
 
 ll 
 
 302 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 the laborer, that so soon as another means of dis- 
 tributing habilities over a longer period is devised, 
 every firm which has any sort of credit and some 
 moasure of self-respect, abandons of its own accord 
 the attempt to mulct the wages of its employees. 
 Except in the seasonal industries, it is practiced 
 now by the " non-profit " employers only — those 
 whose credit is bad and who have a hard s<-ruggle to 
 maintain their position. One of few surviving com- 
 pany stores in the province of New Brunswick, out- 
 side of the lumber industry, is conducted by a firm 
 which has already failed several times ; and this in- 
 stance may be taken as typical of the condition of 
 those firms which retain the system when banking 
 facilities are provided. The assistance which such 
 firms are able to obtain by this method enables 
 them longer to continue the struggle against their 
 more fortunate or more competent rivals. The de- 
 struction of the system by legislative interference 
 would be a death blow to such employers; though 
 it is not possible to agree altogether with a corre- 
 spondent of the Ontario Bureau of Statistics in as- 
 serting that the abolition of the truck system and 
 of deferred payments would place a premium on 
 large industry. It would give a certain advantage 
 to those who had capital enough for the business 
 they had undertaken.* 
 
 * The truck system, however, is both effect and cause of the scar- 
 city of money. During the recent agitation in Cape Breton against 
 the truck system it was repeatedly asserted that money is being driven 
 out of circulation (see the petition of the Sydney Board of Trade 
 
[ dis- 
 used, 
 some 
 .ccord 
 Dyees. 
 cticed 
 -those 
 rgle to 
 T com- 
 <, out- 
 a firm 
 [his in- 
 tion of 
 ranking 
 ;h such 
 enables 
 St their 
 he de- 
 ference 
 though 
 corre- 
 s in as- 
 m and 
 um on 
 antage 
 usiness 
 
 the scar- 
 against 
 Ing driven 
 lof Trade 
 
 Effect on the Bargaining Process, 
 
 303 
 
 It remains now to discuss the influence of the 
 methods of remuneration on comparative strength 
 of employer and employed in the wages bargain 
 which determines where between the limits actual 
 wages are fixed. The method of remuneration may 
 increase or decrease the mobility of labor, may affect 
 the capacity for combination and collective bargain- 
 ing, and may strengthen or weaken the general 
 character of the laborer. 
 
 The mobility of labor depends partly on the 
 knowledge the laborer has of the relative conditions 
 of labor in his own district and elsewhere. Causes 
 which prevent him from acquiring, or even render it 
 more difficult for him to acquire, this knowledge in- 
 
 already quoted) ; and Mr. Ochiltree Macdonald stigmatizes the ac- 
 quiescence of the individual in the system as a crime against honest 
 currency. In many districts trade is reduced almost to the primitive 
 form of barter to the great disadvantage of those, farmers for instance, 
 who have anything to sell. If these contentions are true a situation 
 exists in that district which can be cured by legislation only, enforcing 
 the payment of wages in cash without any possibility of contracting 
 out. A primitive and vicious credit system seems to have obtained 
 such a hold on the community that there is no room for the more re- 
 fined credit instruments provided by the banks. It required an eco- 
 nomic cataclysm to overthrow the truck system in Newfoundland which 
 had been encouraged by an unsound banking system ; and the inter- 
 vention of the Canadian banks after the crisis of 1894 has rendered 
 it easier to make the necessary departure from a system which had in- 
 volved the whole community in ruin. 
 
 The close connection between an inadequate banking system and 
 the prevalence of the truck system finds its best illustration in the 
 southern states of the American Union. There the truck system has 
 attained its fullest sway and there currency is scarcer and banking 
 facilities less frequent than in any other section of the country. 
 
 f 
 

 m 
 
 i» 
 
 1 
 
 t ■ ■ ! ! 
 
 1;: , '] 
 
 1 
 
 , 
 
 1 
 
 ' 1 ) 
 
 .1-, 
 
 i 
 
 l-ul, .„ 
 
 304 
 
 T/ic Bargahi Theory of Wages. 
 
 terfere with the mobility of labor. Money wages 
 are the calculation form of the reward; and when 
 the reward is not paid in money, it is less easy for 
 him to make the comparison. He may not have 
 the knowledge or the skill to calculate what the 
 wages are even in his own district. Mobility de- 
 pends also on freedom from restrictions; and weekly 
 cash payments alone give the laborer full command 
 of his resources and leave him free to make what 
 use he pleases of them. A system of deferred pay- 
 ments ties the laborer to the employment he has. 
 To change he must sacrifice the deferred pay. The 
 fact that the participant in a profit-sharing scheme 
 has no legal right to claim a share in the profits, 
 till the financial year is complete, restricts his move- 
 ments; and the benefits of a prov'dent fund can be 
 obtained by those only who remain permanently in 
 their present employment. When wages are paid 
 at infrequent intervals and part of the pay is re- 
 tained in the hands of the employer, the intention 
 frequently is to restrict the laborer's freedom of 
 movement. One firm posted a notice in its factory 
 that " persons leaving the service of the company 
 without serving the notice required shall forfeit the 
 arrears of pay due to them " * ; and though the action 
 would be illegal, and the employees might know it 
 to be so, the notice would doubtless have the de- 
 sired effect, owing to the fact that it would require 
 a costly suit at law to force the employer to pay. 
 The laborer who has arrears of pay in the hands of 
 
 * Canadian Labor Commission, Quebec Evidence p. 1301. 
 
The Mobility of Labor. 
 
 505 
 
 his employer has given hostages to the extent of the 
 arrears. Frequently, even when the employer is 
 honest and law-abiding, he will pay a workman who 
 desires to leave before the monthly pay day comes 
 round by means of a due-bill which is cashed at a 
 discount. In some cases, even, a deduction is made 
 from his wages to pay the expenses of securing a 
 new workman.* The truck system involves a still 
 greater restriction of mobility. When a workman 
 has got into debt at the company store, his mobility 
 is practically nil till he has worked his way out; 
 and it is said — and it is antecedently probable — that 
 the company oflficials endeavor to keep him in debt 
 in order to retain their control over him. 
 
 Trade-unionists are constantly discussing the 
 methods of remuneration from their point of view. 
 They naturally find the ideal method in weekly cash 
 payments. They contend that any other system 
 leads to the isolation and consequent weakness of 
 the individual worker. They criticise, and if neces- 
 sary, agitate against, any method which encourages 
 the laborer to deal with his employer directly and 
 in his own strength. Piece work and profit sharing 
 
 * Canadian Labor Com., Ontario Evid(nce, p. 1190 : — " They will 
 charge him for the passage fee of another man to bring up (to the 
 woods) in his place and let him go ; and I have seen some concerns 
 not pay him at all. If he wants to go he goes without any payment." 
 
 It was argued before the English Labor Commission that the pay- 
 ment of wages to sailors at frequent intervals would increase the 
 danger of desertion. The present practice therefore involves, rea- 
 sonably enough perhaps, a restriction of the mobility of that class of 
 
 workers. Spyers : Labor Question, p. 200. 
 ao 
 
3o6 
 
 The Bargain Theory of Wages. 
 
 
 1 i 
 
 ; 
 
 ; i!- 
 
 A 
 
 % 
 
 II 
 
 |: 
 
 both, they consider objectionable because in this 
 way the laborer is tempted to be disloyal to his class 
 by the prospect of extra rewards for himself. Profit 
 sharing has indeed been explicitly advocated as a 
 method of weakening the power of the unions. 
 They do not, as has been so often asserted, object 
 to the higher reward of superior efficiency ; but they 
 dread the effect of the stimulus to individual exer- 
 tion on the solidarity of the working classes; and 
 they are rightly of the opinion that the interests of 
 all are best secured by union and combination. To 
 deferred payments and the truck system they offer 
 the most strenuous opposition because by these 
 methods the individual worker is made to feel his 
 dependence on his employer. Weakness and de- 
 pendence even more than the desire for exceptional 
 wages are isolating forces; and the objections of the 
 unions to these methods is very strong. 
 
 In spite of all that has been said by Carlyle and 
 others against the cash nexus, there is no reason 
 to doubt that it is the system which promotes the 
 best interests of the working classes. Paternalism 
 and sentimentalism have been discredited by the ex- 
 perience of generations. It is better that the rela- 
 tions between employer and employed should be on 
 a pure basis of contract and that no margin of in- 
 definiteness should remain. What is left to be 
 understood is generally left to be misunderstood 
 and interpreted against the interests of the weaker. 
 Weekly cash payments are best for the working 
 classes in almost every way. The employee remains 
 
 w. 
 
Effect on General Economic Character. 307 
 
 his own master when the contract period is over and 
 the employer has no right to interfere. Under the 
 truck system the laborer is under continuous super- 
 vision in his home as well as in the workshop ; and 
 one can understand why indignant opponents of the 
 system have denounced it as scarcely disguised 
 slavery. What is true of the truck system is true 
 also, to a less degree, of every method of remunera- 
 tion which keeps the laborer dependent on his em- 
 ployer after the contract period has expired. This 
 continuous supervision and subjection is not con- 
 ducive to the building up of strong characters; and 
 the most disastrous effect of these methods is to 
 weaken the general character of the laborer as a 
 wages bargainer. Trade-unionism is but a substitute 
 for character, and the mobility of labor is a result ; 
 tl. character of the laborer is what tells in the wages 
 bargain — the determination of where between the 
 limits actual wages shall be fixed. 
 
 Weekly payments, according to some who practise 
 other methods of remuneration, promote thriftless- 
 ness and dissipation and prevent the accumulation 
 of property; and one witness before the Canadian 
 Labor Commission * claimed that the only differefnce 
 between weekly and fortnightly payments was that 
 the men go drunk once a week instead of once a 
 fortnight. On the other hand the laborers strongly 
 favor weekly payments, preferring^ it may be, free- 
 dom to compulsory sobriety every alternate Satur- 
 
 * Nova Scotia Evidence, p. 405 ; seeialso ibia,, p, 427, and New 
 Brunswick Evidence,^, ^^l, 
 
.f' 
 
 1 ^^ * i 
 
 ; ; 
 i 
 
 %. 
 
 4'' 
 
 
 11 v ■ 
 
 308 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of IVa^ 
 
 day. They indignantly resent the insinuation that 
 they are not able to manage their own domestic 
 affairs and the miners of Cape Breton insist that 
 they are as able to spend their wages as wisely as 
 the workmen in Great Britain who must be paid in 
 cash.* 
 
 The assumption that the workman cannot manage 
 his own affairs weakens his character; and the effect 
 of the truck system, which is sometimes justified on 
 that ground, is to destroy all self-reliance and self- 
 respect and remove all motive to honesty and effi- 
 ciency of work. The truck sj'stem, by its injustice, 
 makes the worker practise, and justify, all sorts of 
 underhand evasions of his contract. Above all it 
 promotes thriftlessness and idleness. The Hon. 
 Robert Drummond said from his place in the Legis- 
 lative Council of Nova Scotia that the system was 
 an abomination and a premium on beggary ; and 
 elsewhere he declared that it had a " tendency to 
 foster thoughtlessness and beggary." This is the 
 natural effect of the truck system everywhere. 
 Those who run bills at the store are the favorites in 
 the factory and the mine. To encourage the others, 
 they receive the best places in the mine, and during 
 the slack season they are given what work there is 
 to be given that they may have an opportunity of 
 reducing their debt to the store. The industrious 
 and thrifty find that constantly the idle and the dis- 
 sipated have the preference. Those who take no 
 responsibility for themselves, but run up bills, know- 
 
 ♦ Newspaper report of a meeting at Glace Bay, Nov. 13, 1896, 
 
 $ 
 
The Truck System in Neivfoiindland. 309 
 
 ing that it is the company's interest to provide them 
 with work, are the fortunate ones of the community; 
 and the whole community is demoraHzed through 
 their influence. 
 
 The economic crisis in Newfoundland in 1894 was 
 a striking instance of the complete demoralization 
 of a whole community under the truck system. The 
 system was of old standing. Nearly a hundred 
 years ago the governor of the island tried by an 
 edict to suppress it. It was not destroyed, but, 
 on the contrary, tightened its grasp on the busi- 
 ness of the country. Everyone deplored it, but no 
 one could give it up. It promoted dishonesty and 
 crime and universal distrust; but it required an eco- 
 nomic disaster to overthrow it. Everyone suffered 
 by it, the workmen most of all. He was ground 
 between the upper and the nether millstones — the 
 fickle sea and the burden of his long-standing debts. 
 He could hardly call himself his own, and many a 
 Newfoundland fisherman passed from the cradle to 
 the grave without ever having seen a piece of money. 
 No one really profited by the system, and Black 
 Monday, the loth of December, 1894, was the day of 
 salvation for the " planter" as well as the fisher- 
 man. 
 
 The effect of the truck system on the character of 
 the laborer depends altogether on the degree of 
 coercion employed. Where no compulsion is used, 
 company stores with their superior trading facilities 
 might prove almost as great a benefit as the co- 
 operative stores. It is generally claimed that the 
 
f 
 
 
 
 ii ' 
 
 :l: 
 
 i I 
 
 I' 
 
 310 
 
 T/ie Bargain Theory of Wages, 
 
 workman is left free and some employers prefer to 
 run the stores for the benefit of the workmen. But 
 it is difficult to say what is and is not compulsion. 
 Many witnesses before the Canadian Labor Commis- 
 sion began by denying that there was any sort of 
 compulsion to deal in a company store ; and ended 
 by admitting that there was discrimination in favor 
 of those who dealt there. The prospect of an extra 
 profit is a sufficient incentive for the exercise of some 
 kind of coercion. The companies, as one man said 
 to me, who had experience in running these stores, 
 are not in it for their health, and a member of the 
 legislature of New Brunswick, whose firm used to 
 run several such stores, assured me that where com- 
 pulsion in some form is not exercised the stores are 
 seldom profitable. 
 
 Compulsion in its most brutal form is rarely 
 exercised anywhere now in Canada but in the 
 shape of discrimination it still flourishes in Cape 
 Breton. Freedom may be absolute in name, but it 
 may be little more than freedom to starve. When 
 a storekeeper is able to place those who are 
 not his customers at a disadvantage in the com- 
 petition for work compared with those who deal 
 with him he can bring a good deal of pressure to 
 bear. The evidence taken by the Canadian Labor 
 Commission affords many instances of this indirect 
 compulsion. Employers confessed that they did 
 prefer those who dealt at the store, that they did 
 discriminate in their favor, that unmarried men were 
 not so likely to find employment as married men 
 
Methods of Industrial Remuneration, 
 
 311 
 
 with families who dealt at the store.* Pressure ex 
 crcised in this form is practically compulsion ; and 
 few arc strong enough to resist it. Circumstances 
 naturally determine what amount of compulsion can 
 be used. An obstinate man with great social or 
 political influence may resist successfully and receive 
 his wages in cash; but the greater the necessity of 
 the individual the more likely he is to succumb 
 
 The truck system destroys the freedom of the 
 laborer; and with his freedom goes his power of 
 resistance. He is no longer master of himself and 
 therefore there is less hope that in the trial of 
 strength which precedes the determination of the 
 wages bargain the victory will lean to his side. 
 
 ^ot ^7 ^■'"''' ^'^'^'''''' P- 3^7 ' ^^^ Brunswick Evidence^ p. 
 407, et passim. • ^ 
 
 FINIS. 
 
1!^ r 
 
 ilN 
 
 fs^. 
 
 
 V' 
 
 :;'-7''t 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 ^11 
 
 1- 
 
 1 ' ■' 
 
 1 
 
 i I' 
 
 It/' 
 
 
 iiv: 
 
 1- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Autonomous producers, 48- ) 
 
 B 
 
 Banking systems, importance of, 
 to labor, 159, 301, 302 
 
 Bargain, wages : comparative 
 strength of bargainers, 162; 
 strength of laborers as bar- 
 gainers, 164-173 ; disabilities 
 of labor, 166 ; trade-union- 
 ism as collective bargaining, 
 167, 264-270 ; substitutes for 
 character in, 168-173 
 
 Booth (Charles), on the organiza- 
 tion of dock labor, 20 ; Life 
 and Labor of the People^ rgo, 
 215, 219, 220, 244, 247 
 
 BrentanOy on wages and output, 
 87, 90, 91, 105 ; reconciliation 
 of economy of high wages and 
 economy of low, 107-109 
 
 Burnet (Mr.), out-of-work sta- 
 tistics, 239 
 
 Cu'^i'nes (Prof.), non-competing 
 gi nps, 182; disposable fund 
 of laoor, 185 
 
 Canadian Labor Commission : 
 summer and winter wages, 24 ; 
 shorter hours and efficiency, 
 85 ; effect of immigration on 
 
 wages, 250 ; trade-union mini- 
 mum wage, 269 ; the util- 
 ity of reward, 285-287 ; truck 
 system and retail stores, 291- 
 293 ; truck prices, compara- 
 tive, 293 ; irregularity of em- 
 ployment in mines, 294, 295 ; 
 truck system and mobility, 
 305 ; methods of remuneration, 
 effect of, on economic char- 
 acter, 307 ; truck system and 
 compulsion, 311 
 
 Canadian migration, 202, 204, 
 206 ; " exodus," 205 ; restric- 
 tions on movement, 207 ; Cor- 
 liss Bill, 208, note ; tenants and 
 owners (diagram), 210-213 ; 
 tendency to level wages up, 
 215 ; migration by stages, 
 220-222 ; distribution of Cana- 
 dian immigrants in United 
 States, 221, 222 ; seasonal mi- 
 gration, 224-226 ; loss of popu- 
 lation due to emigration, 235 
 
 Capital : Kicardo's definition, 45 ; 
 are wages paid out of? 46, 55- 
 69 ; function of, 53 ; as in- 
 choate wealth (Prof. Taussig), 
 56 
 
 Capitalist, intention of, the de- 
 termining factor in wages, 3, 
 60 
 
 Census Reports : United States, 
 194, 195 ; British, 203 ; Cana- 
 dian, 215 
 
 313 
 
314 
 
 Index, 
 
 '. ;! 
 
 
 f- 
 
 • I ' 
 
 i| 
 
 m 
 
 'M 
 
 Charity, indiscriminate, effect of, 
 
 22 
 
 Claimants on the product, satis- 
 fied according to economic 
 strength, 123 ; no right to a 
 share of product inherent in 
 any, 124 ; how affected by law 
 of substitution, 125 
 
 Commodities, demand for, and 
 demand for labor, 66-69 
 
 Competition in Wages-Fund 
 Theory, Oy ; according to sec- 
 ond version of Productivity 
 Theory, 95 
 
 Concomitant variations, method 
 of, applied to wages theory, 
 24-28, 81 
 
 Contribution of labor to produc- 
 tion, not physical but eco- 
 nomic, 119 ; confusion of ideas 
 of production and distribution, 
 123, 126 
 
 Co-operation : of factors in pro- 
 duction, 121, 122 ; ideal of, 
 150, note 
 
 Corliss Bill, 208, note 
 
 Correspondence between labor 
 conditions and wage theories, 3 
 
 Cost of production of labor, 8 ; 
 wages as an element of, g ; of 
 living and wages, 24 ; wage 
 and labor cost, 105 
 
 D 
 
 Defects of the historical theoric • 
 of wages, 129-135 
 
 Degradation : of wage earning, 
 Mr. Sedley Taylor on, 150 ; of 
 labor and mobility, 1S3 
 
 Demand for commodities and the 
 demand for labor, 66-6g 
 
 Dependence of laborer on em- 
 ployer exaggerated in Wages- 
 Fund Theory, 59 
 
 Distribution of product accord- 
 ing to claims, not according to 
 contributions, 123-126 
 
 Disutility of labor, more realized 
 the less remote the exertion, 
 137 ; makes labor a personal 
 commodity, 13S 
 
 Domestic servants and mobility, 
 180 ; wages of, 289 
 
 Drage ((jcof.), trade-unions -d 
 mobility, 177, 179 
 
 Drummomi {Wow. Robt ) on op- 
 position to company stores in 
 Nova Scotia, 291, note ; effect 
 of truck system on economic 
 character, 308 
 
 Dynamic principle required in 
 Theory of Wages, 109 ; secured 
 directly or indirectly, 109 
 
 £ 
 
 Economy of high wages estab- 
 lished by Factory Acts, 102 ; 
 of low wages a natural infer- 
 ence from Mercantilism, 103 ; 
 of high wages and of low 
 wages reconciled, 107-109 
 
 Efficiency depends on mental 
 and moral qualities, 52 ; higher 
 wages and, 82, 83 ; output as 
 standard of, 88 ; effect of 
 trades-unions, 263 ; methods 
 of remuneration, 296 
 
 Emigration and trade mobility, 
 igi-196 ; British Emigrants 
 Office on, 191 ; Prof. Mayo- 
 Smith, ig3 ; Mr. Schloss, 195 ; 
 Dr. Geffchen on causes of, 
 227, 238 ; J. S. Mill, 230 ; the 
 balance-sheet of emigration, 
 227-234 ; emigration as a na- 
 tional investment, 228-231 ; 
 effect of immigration on 
 natural increase of United 
 States, 231 ; gijin by immigra- 
 tion not to be accurately meas- 
 ured, 233 ; depopulation, 234- 
 236 ; British industry and emi- 
 gration, 239 ; United States 
 industry and immigration, 
 
 \r- 
 
 I .-. ) 
 
Index. 
 
 315 
 
 )ility, 
 jrants 
 |»layo- 
 
 195 ; 
 
 IS of, 
 
 the 
 ition, 
 la na- 
 
 [231 ; 
 on 
 
 lited 
 jigra- 
 
 leas- 
 
 1234- 
 lemi- 
 jtates 
 Ition, 
 
 239-242 ; quality of emi- 
 grants, 243, 244 ; emigra- 
 tion and the labor market, 
 245 ; immigration and wages, 
 245-253 ; displacing of native 
 laborers, 249 ; wages and 
 standard of living of immi- 
 grants, 250-253 
 
 Employer's estimate, economic, 
 153 ; includes two factors — 
 amount of product and re- 
 sources of employer, 158 ; 
 variations in, 161 ; when non- 
 economic, 161 
 
 Evolution, doctrine applied to 
 wages theories, 128 
 
 Exodus from Canada, 205, 220- 
 222, 235 
 
 Experiment, industrial, involved 
 in first version of productivity 
 theory, 83-86 
 
 Factory Acts established econ- 
 omy of high wages, 102 ; un- 
 expected economic justifica- 
 tion ol, 104 
 
 Family the wage-earning unit, 
 28, 251-252 ; Gould on, 250 
 
 Fluctuations of industry, effect 
 of, on the standard of comfort, 
 
 Franklin (Benj.), on artificial 
 lower limit of wages, 152 ; 
 on the population of United 
 States, 236 
 
 Garnier, possibility of mobility 
 may reduce actual mobility, 
 214; produce payments, 287; 
 English truck system, 28S, note 
 
 Geffchen (Dr.), agr.irian causes 
 of emigration, 227 ; causes of 
 German emigration, 238 
 
 Gonner, the misrepresentations 
 of Ricardo, 17 
 
 Gould, Social Condition of Labor, 
 
 250 
 Gross and net returns, 10 
 Gunton, subsistence theory as 
 method of raising wages, 7 ; 
 on family as wage-earning unit, 
 28 ; version of subsistence the- 
 ory. 33-40 ; on Walker's re- 
 sidual theory, 116 
 
 H 
 
 Ilardie (Keir), the standard of 
 living and wages, 30 
 
 Hired laborers only considered 
 in Wages-Fund Theory, 48 
 
 Hobson, trade-union policy, 278 
 
 Howell, trade-unions and mobil- 
 ity, 179 
 
 Income, national, wages paid 
 out of, 55 ; of society, who 
 disposes of it, 63 
 
 Indifference theory of wages, 
 Senior and Brassey on, 103 
 
 Industrial revolution, effects of, 
 21, 108 ; conditions and the 
 subsistence theory, 21 ; and 
 mobility, 199 
 
 Intelligence required for use of 
 machinery, 100 
 
 Ireland, temporary migration 
 from, 223 ; emigration, 237, 
 239 ; diagram opp. 241 
 
 Italy, temporary migration, 224 ; 
 causes of emigration from, 
 242 ; objection to immigrants 
 from, 251 
 
 Labor, vaiying intensities of, 15 ; 
 necessities of, 39 ; not a pas- 
 sive factor in wages bargain, 
 51 ; dependence of. on em- 
 ployer, exaggerated in Wages- 
 Fund Theory, 59 ; luxurious 
 expenditure and demand for 
 
r 
 
 316 
 
 Index. 
 
 If 
 
 \ 
 
 I I 
 
 ii.'i 
 
 Labor — Con tin tied. 
 labor, 69 ; the supply price of, 
 73 ; disabilities of, Adam Smith 
 on, 75 ; commodity with a sup- 
 ply price, 76 ; cost and wages 
 cost, 105 ; contribution of, to 
 production, iig-126 ; two es- 
 timates of utility enter into 
 determination of vahie, 135 ; 
 disutility of, and remoteness of 
 exertion, 137 ; disutility makes 
 a personal commodity, 138 ; 
 value of, determined between 
 two estimates, 140-144 ; dis- 
 utility of, increasing or de- 
 creasing? 148 ; positive and 
 negative disutilities of, 149 ; 
 importance to, of sound bank- 
 ing system, 159 ; disposable 
 fund of, 185-189 ; not a sim- 
 plified case of value, 72, 256, 
 257 ; trade-unions and disa- 
 bilities of labor, 265-268 ; 
 methods of remuneration and 
 disutility of, 283 ; methods of 
 remuneration and disabilities 
 of labor, 303, 307 
 
 Leclaire, 172, 188 
 
 Limits of wages, 140-142, 153- 
 158; the debatable ground, 
 140 ; to pass upper limit re- 
 quires distributive readjust- 
 ment, 153, 257, 263 ; effect of 
 trade-unionism on limits, 263- 
 265 
 
 Localization of industry, effect 
 on migration, 209, 223 
 
 M 
 
 Macdonald {Mr. C. O.), on truck 
 system in Cape Breton, 291 ; 
 truck system a crime against 
 honest currency, 302, note 
 
 Machinery, intelligence required 
 for use of, 100 
 
 Mallock, Labor and the Popular 
 Welfare, 100 ; application of 
 method of residue, 123 
 
 Malthus, influence of, on de- 
 velopment of Wages-Fund 
 Theory, 46 
 
 Marginal laborer, Gunton and 
 Marshall on the, 33-35 
 
 Market and natural wages, ac- 
 cording to Ricardo, 41 
 
 Marshall (Prof.), on marginal 
 laborer, 35 ; Mill's theory of 
 distribution, 71, note ; trade 
 mobility, 181 ; on strikes, 280 
 
 AlcCulloch, trade mobility and 
 wages, 196 
 
 Mercantilism, influence of, on 
 wages theory, 103 
 
 Metayer system, in United 
 States, 2SS, note 
 
 Method of concomitant varia- 
 tions, 24, 81-83 ; of residues, 
 109-119 
 
 Migration and emigration, vol- 
 umes compared, 201-203 \ * 
 labor factor of decreasing im- 
 portance, 203-215 ; British 
 Census Report, on, 203, note ; 
 Prof. Wilcox on, 204 ; Cana- 
 dian migration, 205, 206 ; 
 modern restrictions, 207 ; Cor- 
 liss Bill, 208, note ; causes of 
 decline, 209, 213-215; prop- 
 erty owning, effect of, on, 209- 
 213; possibility of, has levelled 
 up wages, 213 ; in Ontario and 
 Quebec, 215; an economic 
 movement, 215 ; of women, 
 216 ; an adult movement, 217 ; 
 law of migration by stages, 
 218-222 ; temporary and sea- 
 sonal, 223-226 
 
 Mill, recantation of the Wages- 
 Fund Theory, 4 ; treatment of 
 particular wages, 44 ; attitude 
 of, towards economic history, 
 70 ; regards labor as the com- 
 modity, 70 ; theory of distribu- 
 tion. Prof. Marshall on, 71, 
 note ; disutility of labor, 149 
 
 Minimum of subsistence, physio- 
 logical and industrial, 17 ; the 
 
Index, 
 
 317 
 
 ges, 
 sea- 
 
 jes- 
 
 tof 
 
 ude 
 
 ory, 
 
 om- 
 
 bu- 
 
 71. 
 
 ^9 
 rsio- 
 
 the 
 
 standard of living as minimum 
 wages, 40 
 Mobility of labor, A. Smith on, 
 174, 182; Dr. Smart, 175; 
 Prof. Cairnes, 182, 185 ; neces- 
 sary postulate of Wages-Fund 
 Theory, 177 ; trade- unions 
 and, 177-180; ethical objec- 
 tions to, Howell on, 179; trade 
 mobility and place mobility, 
 181 ; trade mobility and degra- 
 dation of labor, I S3 ; tendency 
 of place mobility to promote 
 trade mobility, 189-196 ; in- 
 fluence of Industrial Revolu- 
 tion on, 199, 230 
 
 N 
 
 Necessities of the laborer, 39, 
 
 151, 266 
 Net return, does labor receive ? 
 
 12-15 
 Nicholson, on profit-sharing, 100, 
 
 note ; on strikes, 280 
 
 Ontario: Bureau of Statistics, 210, 
 287, 300 ; migration from, 215 
 
 Output, and wages, Brentano on, 
 87 ; as the standard of effi- 
 ciency, 88-89, ^"<i wages, 
 comparative statistics of, 90, 
 gi ; increment of, due to labor, 
 q6 ; proportion going to labor 
 diminishing, 97-100 ; and 
 labor, Mr. Malloch on, 100 
 
 Ownership of the wages fund 
 57-64 
 
 Piece work, trade-unions and, 
 269 ; and disutility of labor, 
 282 ; piece wages in United 
 States, 283 ; effect on effi- 
 ciency, 297-299 
 
 Position of the laborer, indepen- 
 dence exaggerated by Produc- 
 tivity Theory, 4 ; Wages-Fund 
 
 Theory, 59 ; contribution to 
 production, 121 
 
 Potter (Miss Beatrice), on em- 
 ployer's estimate, 162 
 
 Product of industry due to co- 
 operation, 121-123 
 
 Product sharing, Mr. Gamier on, 
 287-289 ; metayer system in 
 United States and Canada, 
 288, note 
 
 Production an extended process, 
 53-55 ; contribution of labor 
 to, not physical but economic, 
 119-126 
 
 Productivity Theory and the in- 
 dependence of labor, 4 ; two 
 versions of, 81 ; the first ver- 
 sion involves an industrial ex- 
 periment, 83 ; the second ver- 
 sion relies on competition, 95 ; 
 neglects second factor in em- 
 ployer's estimate, 158 
 
 Profit-sharing, Prof. Nicholson 
 on, 100, note ; attitude of ad- 
 vocates to wage system, 150; 
 attitude of trade-unionism to- 
 wards, 269 ; and disutility of 
 labor, 282 ; effect on efficiency, 
 297-299 
 
 Property owning and mobility, 
 209-213 
 
 Protective policy, aim of, 201, 
 note 
 
 Public opinion as a factor in 
 wages bargain, 171 
 
 RavensteirC s law of migration by 
 stages, 218-222 
 
 Remuneration, industrial, meth- 
 ods of, 166, chap. viii. 
 
 Residues, method of, in economic 
 theory, 109-1 19 ; rent as a 
 residual share, 110-113 ; profits 
 as a residual share, 113; in 
 economics implies false theory 
 of economic history, 113; sanc- 
 tioned by Adam Smith, 114; 
 
3>8 
 
 Index. 
 
 \ 
 
 
 \ 
 
 ■;i I 
 
 m ■•■ 
 
 wages as residual, 115 ; I'rof. 
 Walker on wages as residual, 
 115-117; Mr. Mallock's ap- 
 plication of, 123 
 
 Restrictions on mob'lity, 207, 
 20S ; Corliss Bill and contract 
 labor law, 208, note ; military, 
 238 
 
 Rictirdo, exceptions to law of 
 natural wages, 41 ; definition 
 of capital, 45; standard, Mr. 
 Conner e-'qilaiiis, 17 ; on rent 
 and profiLa as residual, 110-113 
 
 Roscher^ on Wages Fund, 159 
 
 Schloss, Methods of Industrial 
 Remuneration, 150,281 ; trade 
 mobility, 195 ; lump-of-work 
 fallacy, 263 
 
 Senior and the Factory Acts, 
 102 ; and Lord Brassey, indif- 
 ference theory of wages, 103 
 
 Swart (Dr.), the mobility of la- 
 bor, 176: on value, 254, 255 
 
 Smith (Adam), the theory of dis- 
 tribution, 7 ; criticism of sub- 
 sistence theory, 23 ; summer 
 and winter wages, 23 ; wages 
 paid out of capital, 53 ; disa- 
 bilities of labor, 75 ; immo- 
 bility of labor, 175, 182 
 
 Smith (H. Llewellyn), Booth's 
 Life and Labor, 190, 215, 220 
 
 Smith (Prof. Mayo-), see emigra- 
 tion and migration 
 
 Standard, of subsistence and the 
 principle of population, 18 ; of 
 comfort and the fluctuations of 
 industry, ig ; of efficiency out- 
 put as, 88-90 
 
 Substitution, law of, as effecting 
 claimants in distribution, 123, 
 125, 156, 158 
 
 Summer and winter wages, in 
 Canada, 23, note ; Adam Smith 
 on, 23 
 
 Supply of labor not determinate, 
 47-51 ; supply price of labor, 
 73-76 
 
 Taussig (Prof.), on capital, 56 
 Taylor (Sedley), the degradation 
 
 of the wage earner, 150 
 Trade-unionism as collective bar- 
 gaining, 167, 268-271; as a 
 substitute for character, 168 ; 
 fallacy of lump of work, 89, 
 
 263 ; effect on limits of wages, 
 
 264 ; mainly a method of bar- 
 gaining, 264 ; object of trade- 
 union policy, 267 ; legal locus 
 standi, 270; numerical strength, 
 271, note; the problem of dis- 
 cipline, 272 ; must rely mainly 
 on moral forces, 274 ; obstacles 
 in the way of discipline, 275- 
 277 ; cardinal maxim of policy, 
 277, 27S ; balance-sheet of a 
 strike, 279 ; its ideal method 
 of remuneration, 305 
 
 Truck system, 160, 289-296 ; the 
 sweated wage, 290 ; compara- 
 tive prices, 293 ; and irregu- 
 larity of employment, 294 ; 
 compared with credit system, 
 295 ; and wages fund, 299-303; 
 and mobility, 305 ; effect on 
 economic character, 303, 311 ; 
 and financial conditions, 302, 
 note, 309 
 
 U 
 
 United States, wages and the cost 
 of living, 25 ; share allotted to 
 labor, 98 ; law of substitution 
 in, 125 ; Benjamin Franklin on 
 law of wages in, 152 ; Census 
 Report, 194, 195; Prof. Wilcox 
 on immigration, 204 ; Cana- 
 dian immigrants into, 205, 221 ; 
 Corliss Bill, 208, note ; tem- 
 porary immignnits, 224-226 ; 
 
 ir 
 
Index. 
 
 319 
 
 migration and natural rate 
 of increase, 231 ; immigration 
 and waj^es, 245-253 ; piece 
 wages in, 2S3 ; metayer system 
 in, 288, note 
 
 Value, theory of, 72, note, 254, 
 
 257 ; labor a complicated case, 
 
 72, 256, 257 
 Variations in subsistence theory, 
 
 () ; in intensity of labor, 15 ; 
 
 in the employer's estimate, i6r 
 
 W 
 
 Wages, theories, development of, 
 3 ; as an element of cost, 9 ; 
 a gross return, 11 ; and the cost 
 of living, 24, 25 ; of women, 25- 
 28 ; the family the wage-earn- 
 ing unit, 27, 251, 252 ; gener- 
 al, and per head, 42 ; source of 
 wages, 45, 4O, 53-f'9 ; paid out 
 of income, 55, 56, and output, 
 Brentano on, 87 ; and output, 
 comparative statistics, 88; econ- 
 omy of high and economy of 
 low, loi-ioS ; the indifference 
 theory of, 103 ; cost and labor 
 cost, 105 ; dynamic principle 
 thought necessary in theory of, 
 109 ; method of residues ap- 
 plied to theory of, 107-119; 
 doctrine of evolution and criti- 
 cism of theories of, 128 ; de- 
 fects of the historic theories, 
 129-135 ; Ml. Sedley Taylor 
 on degradation in earning, 
 150; artificial lower limit 
 to, Henjamin Franklin on, 
 152 ; bargaining, influence of 
 legislation and public opinion 
 on, 117, 173; and trade mo- 
 bility, 183 ; McCulloch on, 
 196 ; levelled up by effect of 
 
 property owning, 209-213 ; im- 
 proved communications, 213- 
 215 ; piece wages, 2S3 ; weekly 
 payments of, 284 ; deferred 
 payment of, 286 
 Wages Fund : and Capital, 53-55; 
 ownership of, 57 ; not abso- 
 lutely fixed and predetermined, 
 60-69 » sliould include credit, 
 61 ; amount of, 65 ; and luxu- 
 rious expenditures, 69 ; a 
 " Zwischen -reservoir,"' 159; 
 increased by some methods of 
 remuneration, 159, 297-303 
 Wages-Fund Theory, Mill's re- 
 cantation of, 4 ; problem of, 
 43; formulated in three propo- 
 sitions, 47, 53, 69 ; considers 
 hired labor only, 48 ; a theory 
 mainly of the demand for labor, 
 52; and competition, 69; 
 critics usually consider money 
 wages only, 79 ; and rent as 
 residual share, 112 ; a recon- 
 ciliation of subsistence and pro- 
 ductivity theories, 133 ; the 
 fundamental error of, 134 ; but 
 the most adequate of the his- 
 toric theories, 135 ; over-em- 
 phasizes the second element of 
 employer's estimate, 158 
 
 Walker (Prof.), residual method 
 applied to wage theory, 115- 
 118 ; on mobility, 174, 188, 
 189 
 
 Wicks (Mr. F.), on trade-unions, 
 271, note 
 
 Wilcox ( Prof.), on migration, 204 
 
 Women, wages of , 25-28 ; migra- 
 tion of, 216; influence on trade- 
 unionism, 275 
 
 Wfight (Carroll), wages and cost 
 of living in United States, 25 ; 
 piece wages in United States, 
 283 
 
1 
 
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