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BY * s WILLIAM BOUSFrgLD, M.A. ' , LONDON: EDWABD STANFORD, 55, OHARINa CROSS. '187 7. -^ ' ■•^^•■p [FltI(»S TWO SmXJUEirQS.] J' EEPBESENTATION OF THE BRITISH COLONIES . * i. -'.^ GOY ,-:» % ;* * REPEJ ED \^ sy THE GOVEENMENT OF THE EMPIEE. A CONSIDERATION OF MEANS ■n rOU TIIK REPRESENTATION OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN AN IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. BY WILLI AIM BOUSFIELD, M.A. LONDON: EDWARD STANFORD, 55, CHARING CROSS 1877. niEFACE. This paniplilet took its origin in the strong convictions of the autbor thnt the prosperous fortunes of Great Britain and of her people were, and must bo in the future, inextricably bound up with those of the other communities of British race scattered throughout the world, and especially with those that are now united under the shadow of lier empire ; and that a failure on the part of Englishmen now to recognize tliis truth must lead them to danger and to disaster. No one can be more sensible than he is of the extreme incompleteness and imperfection of his attempt to consider one of the most gigantic questions of the present age. If he had seen that the men, who most justly command the confidence of Englishmen, and to whom they rightly look for advice on subjects, which not only require the exercise of practical wisdom, but also reasoning from the past and a long look into the future, were occupying themselves with this truly national concern, he woukl have hesitated to publish any of his own views, however well founded ho might have believed them to be. But this has not been the case, and he has therefore ventured to tread on ground that might justly have been considered beyond his reach, if it had been previously ipied. It is his hope, that as even the smallest effort may, in concert with otliOiS, have some result, so may this have the effect, either of, in some degree, drawing the attention of the public to this great question, or of persuading some thinker of earnestness and weight to devote his abilities to its solution. There are many matters, such as tlie consideration of the number of members best fitted for carrying on the work of an Imperial House of Commons, which have been omitted, although they fall within the proper limits of the discussion in this pamphlet. The author lias considered their omission preferable to further increasing its bulk. B '1 THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EliriKE. No patriotic J'^nglislnmin who regards llio progress already made Ity liln race in civilization, and in sjnvadiiig it throughout th(^ world, can look forward, willioiit hope and conlldenco, to tlie part that race is destined to jihiy in tho lutiue y history of mankind. 'J'hat this part will probably he a i)rcdominant one, the organized colonies of Great IJritain, covering vast tracts of land in the most important parts of tho globe, and apparently settled beyond chance of dis- possession, are a proof. The causes also which have produced this development are still at work. The material prosperity that has allowed early nuirriages, the magnificent improvidence with which they have been entered into, and the largo families resulting (herefrom, show no signs of diminution; while the enterprise continues which has transferred our redundant po[iulation to unoccupied or uncivilized countries in the temperate zones, and has formed communities of our countrymen in every part of the world for the purposes of commerce. As long as these outlets renuiin, we may look with satisfai'tion on 4, ^ any possiijle increase of our numbers, and even the individual harilships thereby produced, and niust guard only, by stringent sanitary regidations, against a deterioration of physical type, and by a watchful discrimination of almsgiving, both legal and voluntary, against the moral evil of ])auperisui. The genius of the race has not been less displayed by tho facility with which it has peopled our colonies, and has organized governments in them, than in the atlministrative power, shown especially by the educated classes, in ruling, with justice and for tho general benefit, vast numbers of the people of alien races in India and the plantation colouii's. 3"]ngland is not only a European power, an Asiatic power, a Colonial power, a IMaritime power, a Christian power, « and a IMahommedan [tower; she is a world-power, perhaps the only, certainly the greatest, world-power. Wo are so familiar with these facts, that a confidence has been created in our miuils, both in the jtrosperous future of our race, and in the wisdom of continuing to rely unhesitatingly on the policy by which our present position with regard to our Colonial Emi)ire has been attained. This [)olicy has not been part of any wide and general scheme for national extension, but has been one of expediency, treating, as occasion required, and with little regard for uniformity, the circumstances of the various settlements of Englishmen. The process has, however, been one of growth, the true source of strength ami per- TIIK OOVBnNMKNT OF TlIK EMPlKIi. ninnciico; and m» empire hiis wpiunf; up nrouiid us, full of life, full of promiHC, but without unity, unsettled, di>joiuted, fni^'iuentary, and c'out;iiniu<^ on (>very Hide opposing' foiees, iKJwurful enough, if njiadirceted and uidiannonizod, to t'lVeet its disruption. Tlio objeet of tliin papui* Ih to nuiko a fow siiggostions, m to tho moans by wliich our position can hv orpvui/ed and 8trinj,'t!ieuod, and by whicli tho (levelopnieut of tho ou'.iiiro may proceed as vigorously as before, bnt within lines insuring unity and permanence. TluMo is a very general consent tiiat it is for th(( bcuolit of both England and her colonies, that a connection should ije nniintained between them as lonir ns it is practicable and consonant, as now, with the wishes of Englishmen in all l)art8 of tho empire. I shall not attempt to analyze these benefits in an exiiaustivo manner, but will mention a certain number of th(>rn which affect both the mother-country and the colonies. Tho benefits to England herself, aro both actual and prospective, and great as are tho i'ormer of these in giving Great Ih'itain profitable outlets for her surplus population and capital, her trade and energy, it may be that future and more comprehensive advantages ought to havo tho greater weight upon Englisli opinion. Groat Britain has now a population so large, as to render it improbable that it can ever maintain a very large increase of its numbers, lint oven if this were found practicable, still the maximum must some time bo reached, and that within a limited period. In every healthy community the ptopulation is constantly increasing, and it may confidently be expected to do so here. It is therefore necessary to look forward to a time when tho whole of this constant increase will have to be exported to other lands in search of sub-jistence. It will be of the deepest interest to the mother-country, where her emigrant sons shall betake themselves, whether to places in which they will retain their character as Englishmen, sueh as her colonies and dependencies are, or to other countries, in which they will bo absorbed into, and become part of nations, either actually or possibly hostile to her. It cannot, I think, bo doubted that it will be then a very great advantage to her to have suitable and rising colonies to which to send her surplus poi)uIa- tion. But if it were made a practice to abandon our present colonies as soon as they were in any way able to support themselves, no such places would remain in her possession, or be available for acquisition by her for tho purpose. All those who value the corporate influence of Great Britain, as well as tho individual influence of Englishmen as a power exercised tlu-oughout the world, in favour of free government, ireo trade, and freedom generally, would regiet to see it dissiiiated and neutralized by subdivision and internal dissension. It is also improbable that the relative suj)eriority of England to her colonies will always etuitinue. We cannot look forward with any certainty to a, THE aoVEKNMENT OF THIS EMHUi:. 7 j)('r|iotuiil contimmuco of tlio conimorciul jiroHperity which has onublcd Knj^huid t(» uttiiin hor pn-ntMit jiositioii, unci whicli now enublcH licr to Bupport tho wholo rost ol' oIll|^i^(^ Jli^st()^y shown thiit a vi;i;or»)iis poojth', coiniricrcial aptitude, aud a coininaiid of tho sea, huvo not prevented the decay of tho Italian liepid^lics, and of Ilolhmd; and tlion;;h Great Britain, no doubt, hohls a stronger natural portition than they over did, a change in tho course of trade, tho growth of u inaritimo power ubio to interfere with our pn.'sent practical nionoply of tho carrying trade of the world, or u diminution of our power of underselling other nations in nianulactures, would [trodiice a rapid decline of our eoniniercial im- portance, to be followed by as rapid a lowering of our [)opulation. Hut whatever may be in store for these islunds, there can be liltio doubt that no decadence of the British race generally is to bo feared ; and, if wo in lOngland now, while it is still in our power, succijod in fixing, with a wise and gciuerous conipreheusion, such lines of government as will insure the political unity of tho race, our descendants hero may look with cheerfuluess upon oven a declining homo trade, and have reflected upon themselves the rising greatness ctf their countrymen in Australasia, Anierien, and Alrica. Far from having to abandon, in weakness or decrepitude, such a noble work as the government of the empire of India, or see it pass into other hinds, they would lind tiieinselves aided in their task by tluMr brother Englishmen in every part of the globe. Thus a (H)ntinued connection with the colonies nniy be to England in the nature of insurance. It is equally the interest of the colonies to maintain a close connection with tho mother-country and with each other. The due develoiiment of all of them is greatly dependent upon thrc^j things: 1st. The maintenance of public security from war, Irom revolution, and ironi attacks or insurrections of native races; 2nd. Upon a suilicient supply of capital nupnsite for commencing and carrying out new undertakings; as well as, 8rd. Upon facilities for obtaining a due importation of labour. All these recjuisites are supplied by tho connection now existing with tlio mother-country. (1) The combination of all the various countries iidiabited by Englishmen under one Impi'rial (Jovernment is a sullicient protection from war among them- selves. It is dilUcult to believe that if the restraining hand of the mother- country were taken away, the colonies W(»uhl long remain on good terms with each other. Our experience has shown that, even nndt-r [desent circumstances, tlie relations of the various local goverinnents, in Caiuula, in Australia, and iSouth Africa, have not been always l'ri(^ndly, and their anfiigonism would bo greatly extended if each colony, without any check for the general interest, eould legislate, and take measures to the extent of war, as its faiieieil retjuire- ments lor the moment might denianil. The energy so necessary to lullil the mission of civilization and the development of the waste j)lai'es of the earth, would be in danger of behig expeudeil in intebtiue atriiggles. On this point I ! 8 THE GOVERNMENT OF TUE EMPISE. may quote the opinioa of Sir Georgo Cornewall Lewis, who remarks :* " It would appear from the perpetual hostilities between the republics of ancient Greece and Italy, and between those of Italy in the Middle Ages, that a multiplicity of independent and small states multiplies the chances of war. It is certain, moreover, that the mutual wars of the numerous independent states subdued by the Roman arms, were extinguished by their common subjection to the Im- perial city; arl that the peace of the civilized world was commonly preserved by the Imperial Government, so long as the dependence of the provinces was not substantially impaired." It has been said that the British Empire is the greatest of coalitions, and the united weight of it is sufficient to render any external attack from an equal power very improbable. It has in the past secured English colonies from tlie covetousness of foreign states which might liave attempted to govern upon despotic principles. By it also the whole power of Englishmen is available for repressing native inroads, and the knowledge uf this latent power both gives the colonists most liable to them, confidence and prevents the policy of extermina- tion, which is too often regarded as the safest course for small communities, composed of men of civilized races and surrounded by large masses of those of inferior ones. Sir George Lewis says,t " With respect to wars, the colonial policy of England has been successful in preventing them in the dependencies of English origin. Tlie war with the American colonies belongs to a period when the extent of the Imperial control was as yet undefined, and when the colonial problem had not been worked out. The Canadian war of 1837 principally grew out of the mixture of races in that province, and the feelings of the French population of Lower Canada. Our recent colonial wars have been against neighbouring aborigines." The English connection has been equally a security against insurrection. I make no apology for again quoting Sir George Lewis, who, in his 'Dialogue on the Best Form of Government,' p. 98, says, through one of his debaters, "The legal supremacy of the mother-country, capable in any extreme case of being called into activity, operates as a check opun the excesses of the democratic spirit." Moreover, a wide and educated public opinion has been much more easily brought to bear upon selfishness in any political or social order or clique than is possible in a limited community. The weight caused by the consent of a great empire renders the support of any abuse, maintained in some local interest, extremely ditllcult. Such would be even more the case if colonists had some share in the general government; we might then look forward with confidence that they would continue accustomed, as Englishmen now uri', to surrender whatever the majority should pronounce to be against the public * ' Ciovt'iunicnt of Dc'iicmd^iicii's,' ]!. L'lO. t ' Dialogue oil tbu Bust Form of Govcrnmunt,' \\ lO'j. V I THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIllE. 9 good of the empire. If the Northern and Southern States of the North American Republic had remained parts of the British Empire, the late war between them would have been impossible. (2) Nor are the colonies less indebted to England for the requisite supply of capital to stimulate their commercial enterprise. England is the great lender of the world, because it is there only that the increase of wealth exceeds what is required for home use. Any connection, therefore, having the effect of promoting the transference of its surplus accumulations to places where they are thus needed, is of the greatest benefit to our colonists. That our connection with them has the effect of so promoting a transference of capital is proved by the low rate of interest at which colonies and colonial cities are able to borrow in the London market, and by the number of English trust deeds under which securities in the colonies are accepted as investments. The English lender believes that he will get his money again ; because the resources of the colony will be fostered under British rule ; because British courts ailminister justice ; because no civil war is likely to break out, or the colony to be attacked by foreign enemies ; and because he believes a national public opinion will secure that his interests are treatcil fairly. The British Government has also directly advanced money to her dependencies. This is shown in detail in Sir John Lubbock's article in the ' Nineteenth Century Review,' for Blarch 1877, on the «* Imperial Policy of Great Britain," which should be read by everyone who takes an interest in the present position of England with regard to her depen- dencies. He points out that from 1859 to 18G9 this expenditure amounted altogether to over £11,000,000, and though since that period the annual sums expended for them have decreased, owing to her ceasing to pay tlie colonial military expenses, this subsidy in the year 1875 still exceeded £1,500,000. He also explains that the navy is entirely paid for by the thirty millions of Englishmen in Great Britain and Ireland, while two hundred millions of our countrymen in the colonies and in India, who reap many of the benefits it confers, pay scarcely anything for it. Since the year 1830 tlie British Government has either advanced or guaranteed loans to our colonies for over £7,000,000. I may also remark, that the facility by which a government, with the prestige and influence of the British, can assist commorcial interest, is of value to the colonies, particularly as no local government could have anything like the same weight in negotiating with foreign powers. (3) It has been nuich discussed whether English connection with the colonies has the eft'ect of specially promoting enii<^ratiou of labour to them in preference to other locidities. Emigration Ja at'[)reseut so entirely dependent on the emigrant's own wishes, that the sole powers that the British Government exercise with regard to it, are those of regulating the means of transit, and of giving public warning if it believes that large numbers of labourers are being 10 IHE GOVEUNMENT OF THE EMl'lBE. attracted to other countrios by untrue statements. Tlio latter function lias recently been exercised in the case of emigration to Brazil, where English enn'grants had learnt by sad experience that fertile soil and a magnificent country were no compensation for insecurity of goverumeut amongst an alien race. It folio ivs, therefore, that the most favourite fields for emigration will be those which are most prominently brought before the notice of persons willing to emigrate, as insuring good prospects of success, and to which they can proceed at the smallest cost to themselves. Tiio United States, from their comi)arative nearness to Great Britain, and the consequent cheapness of transit, have had great advantages in procuring labour, and these ad\antages have increased as each succeeding emigrant left friends behind him, whom he often attracted by his exami)le. Now, however, from various causes, of whitrli the undue development of the large American cities is a prominent one, the tide of emigration to the States has almost ceased, though it will probably again revive in some degree. Tiie position and natural advantages of the United States must, as long as property is secure there, always render them the most formidable rival of the colonies in attracting emigrants. On the other hand, the political connection of the colonies with England 8Ui)plies a means for bringing their circumstances to the notice of the English jmblic, and this would be vastly more the case if colonial representation in Imperial matters were adopted, when arrangements for systematized emigration to the colonies would probably be made an Imperial question. Even as it is, the fact that emigration to a foreign country involves a change of allegiance, has an influence in attracting a class of emigrants, and that the best class, to our colonies. It is impossible within these limits to discuss as it deserves, the complicated question of emigration and its relation to Imperial interests, but it may be said generally, that the fact that the colonies remain parts of the empire has weight, and may have much greater weight, in attracting English labour to them, and that the home connection cannot possibly, except in the case of persons whom any com- munity had better be without, have a deterring efl'ect on emigration. Besides the advantages of union which I have mentioned, there is another, less material, but perha})s even more likely to draw the colonies towards us with the cords of afli'ectiun. It is the desire of colonists to continue to share directly in the dt.eds of Englishmen, and in tiie iidieritance of those great names, in literature, science, and arts, already produced, and to be produced by Great Britain — in fact, to be Englishmen, with all that the name imports. 1 shall now attempt to show that it is absolutely necessary, in order to maintain any lasting connection between England and her colonies, that some wide, practical, and simple scheme of union shouLl be agreeil upon, without del y, towards eU'ecting which our policy should bo unswervingly directed. Up to the present time no such scheme has ever been brought prominently beforo THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIUE. 11 the public, though several propositions havo attracted momentary attention. English statesmen, without having any definite aim towards which they could point their efforts, have been willing to sliape their colonial policy according to the immediate pressure of circumstances. The fortunes of the colonies havo drifted with the tide, but the tide has never set away from home. Glimpses* however, of a new spirit have been seen, and there are signs that both the public and public men are more deeply interested in the colonies than was formerly the case, and would be loth to see any of the ties weakened which bind them to the mother-country. The successful Confederation of the Dominion of Canada' and the attempt of Lord Carnarvon to consolidate our South Afiican colonies^ mark the commencement of a more defined action on the part of the Home Government, and are a sign that the doctrines, that benefit would accrue both to England and to her colonies from separation, which were formerly urged by persons of weight, have ceased to have any great hold upon the public mind. As long as any doubt existed, whether it might not become the creed of a great political party, that separation was inevitable, and should be accelerated, all action for the consolidation of the empire was paralyzed. That this question has now been set at rest is due to the patriotic instincts of the people generally, who, both at homo and in the colonies, regarded the political unity of the race as a fact of ."greater importance, and having a more practical bearing on politics than did some of their ordinary political teachers. As Mr. Herman Merivale* most truly says, "The sense of national honour, pride of blood, the tenacious spirit of self-defence, the sympathies of kindred communities, the instincts of a dominant race, tlie vague but generous desire to spread our civilization and our religion over the world, these are impulses which the student in his closet may disregard, but the statesman dares not, for they will assuredly prevail, as they so often have prevailed before, and silence mere utilitarian argument whenever a crisis calls them forth."t At the outset, it must bo admitted that our present relation with regard to our colonies can only, of its nature, be a temporary one, and must give way, sooner or later, either to a more complete union, or to complete disunion. This may be maintained, although we may allow that there are some advantages in • ' LuctiiRs on CtiloiiiziUiou and the CoUmiL's,' cd. 1801, Lecture xxii., api). p. 045. t In Mr. V. Ikixtou's 'Tlio Ideas of the Day du Policy,' laiblislicd in 1808, the Ibllowing are •^iven as tlie tipiuions of a larn that which you have a right to do, and that which it is right you slionld do. That the Imperial lyOgislature has a right to legislate for tlie colonies cannot be disputed ; how far it is right that it should do so is a matter of polii'y and discretion." * Ruiko's Si>ocflioiJ, vol. i., ]>. 2.[\~. t 'I'liis is vtM'v c'lt'ai'ly j)imiU' jrift to tlio ('(tlonists ol" direct roproscn- tiition in n Parliiui.cnt callod sohdy for Inipcrliil purposes that tlio true key is to 1)0 found to tlio pormanont and eiTeetive politi(Ml union of (Jroat J3ritain and li. r colonies, and to the consolidation of tho Ih'itish I'jnpiro. Since tho timo of IJurko tlu^ fi;erms of British colonization, that oven then j,'ave promise of a luxuriant fj;rowtli, havo grown into nii;j;lity trees which overshadow the world. Ihit for tho great catasfropho which his wise and eloquent appeals in Parliament w(n'o nualilo to prevent, of tho secession of tho American provinces, this growth would probably havo taken plivco entirely within the dominion and under the purview of tho Imperial Parliament of (ircat Britain, and the British i'^mpin? would now have been conterminous with the British race. This was, however, not tho destined ccmrso of events, and in consofiuenco many of tho most interesting problems of government and national development have been worked out, and are in process of being so, outside the direct ii\fluenco of home o|)inion and tradition. It is impossible for Englishmen not to feel both pride and interest in the progress of the United States : blood is thicker than water. But putting on one side this great severance, the duties of the British Parliament, as it cariios on the business of its wide and Imperial sway, are sufficient in their maguitudo and importance to occupy and exhaust tho faculties of any assembly of men, without being hampered and choked, as is the case now, with the importunate and more mijiute cares of a local legislature. This evil of repletion has long been growing, and with tho progress of the nation's prosperity must increase more, initil either some change of system is made, or Olio or more kinds of necessary business are, as a rule, pressed and huddled out of notice. And if the latter predicam(>nt should occur, it is not difficult to see what interests are likely to suflfer most ; those which appear most pressing in the ordinary life of a member of Parliament and his constituents, such as the licensing of public-houses and the reduction of the rates, important as these are, or those more remote, and loss understood, which appertain to the general weKare of the empire at large and of tlie distant colonies. And it must be also n,'meml>ered that as the tendency is nowadays for constituents to elect repre- sentatives to the House of Commons for local reasons, and to advance local objects, so will these men both prefer to direct their energies to local matters, and be of a class incompetent to form independent opinions of value on the more important questions of Imperial policy. At the present moment tho dis- cussion of such questions is in the hands of a few members, to whom either extended views or personal experience have caused them to be interesting ; and the policy of the Colonial Ollict; is directed by the Minister of the day without any check, and except in case of expenditure from Imperial funds or of wide- THE aOMSnNMFNT OP THK EMriRE. 10 sproalieve tluit uiiloss ^oinn publii; disaster in tho colonics Hhonid impend, colonial policy could he of eulHcicnt weight to dotormino the formation or rejection of any Ministry. The present unsatisfactory state of affairs has long been acknowledged, and was lately reniarltotl upon by tho Homo Secretary ; and several propositions have already been made for d(jlegating much of the local authority now exercised by i'arliament, either to other elective bodies, or to administrative agents. I would maintain that both local and Imperial interests are of such importance that they require comploto and uiulivided attention from the representative bodies to which they are entrusted, and that they are of such a character tiiat each is, in tho majority of cases, best served by a dilTerent kind of men from those which are of most use in the other. Many men are of course equally fitted to grasp and superintend both tho wider and more contracted interests of England, and for tho sake of unity of policy it is most desirable that they should continue to exercise an influence upon both of them. It would be pro|)er and practicable that this should bo provided for in a Parliament reformed in an Imperial sense. There Ciin be no doubt that there exists in Great Uritain an abundance t»f suitable men to represent her various interests, both in an Imperial and a local Parliament, and the real difficulty of late years has not been to find men who are worthy to bo members of the House of Commons, but to get them elected to it. Population, and with it the number of educated and enlightened men, have enormously increased, while the nmnber of members of Parliament remains a ct)mparatively fixed one. Tho dream of colonial representation in an Imperial Parliament has fasci- nated tho minds of many men of genius who have thought and speculated on tho future of the British constitution, even of those who have believed that the difficulties in its way rendered it impracticable. A century ago Adam Smith wrote in the ' Wealth of Nations,' on the eve of the secession of the American colonies,* " There is not the least probability that tho British constitution would be hurt by the union of Great Britain with her colonies. That constitu- tion, on the contraiy, would be completed by it, and seems to be imperfect without it. The assembly which deliberates and decides concerning the affairs of every part of the empire, in order to be properly informed, ought certainly to have representatives from every part of it. That this union, however, could be easily effectuated, or that difficulties, and great difficulties, might not occur in the execution, I do not protenil. I have heard of none, however, which appear insurmountable. The principal perhaps arise, not from the nature of things, but from the prejudices and opinions of the people, botli on this and on the other ♦ Mun-ay's rd, 1870, p. 493. 2 20 TTIR (lOVKnNMKNT 01' THR J'.MrillK. siilc of the Atliiiitir." Tlti> views of tin's jin^ni lliinkcr, rxprcsscd in tlir * Wnillh of NutioiH,' Inivo iili'(M(ly inoiildtMl ami traiisl'oriiuvl tlio opinions of his (viuntiy- njcn on tlio |»rin('i|il(3s wliii'li uiwlcrlic tlic transactions of tnulo, liavp ninscil an ♦•ntirc clian^c* in tlio hcIicuic of oin- coinnicrcMiil Icffislation, and may |)(>rlni|is yt-t prevail, in tlie inatt».'r of colonial rcpn'scntation. In Ml'. Hiiiko's great spcoch in I'arliaTuent, on March 22, 177'), upon his resolutions for conciliation with the AnKM'iean ctdonies, he 8aid : * "My ideii, tlnm't'ore, without eonsiderinfj; whether we yield as u nnvtter of right, or grant as a matter f»f favour, is to adiiiit the lyeoplv of our colonics into an infrri'st in the c institution." And sul)sei|Uently, in the same speech:! "You will now, Sir, perhaps imagine that I am on iho point of proposing to you a Hchemo for tlm representation of the colonies in Parliament. Perhaps I might l>o iiudiniid to entertain some such thought; buta^reat flood stops me in my course. Opposuit natiira. I cannot remove the eternal harriera of creation. The thing in that mode I do not know to be possible. As I meddle with no theory, I do not absolutely assert the impracticability of such a representation. But I do nut see my way to it, and those who have l»ecn more confident have not been more successful. However, the arm of jiublic benevolence is not shortened, and there are often many means to the same end. What nature has disjointed in one way, wisdom may unite in another. When we cannot give the benefit as wo would wish, let us not refuse it altogether. If we cannot give the principal, let us find a 8ub4ituto." And again later :$ " 3Iy trust is in her (America's) interest in the P)ritish constitution. Jly hold of the colonies is in the close affection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and ( (pial proteeti(m. These are ties which, though light as air, are strong as liid- I TilK aOVKIINMKNT OF TIIK liMMIlK. 21 • • |»ri»|ii)sili(iii tliiit liml Im'i'ii imido — thai Jbo w»I) iitiol oi' purely local nmth^rs, ill tilt' colonics, hIiiiiiM I»o Icl't to u ccutiul '''prcHuiitiitivt) Ixxly. I mny uli^o I'cniuik tliiit lie was (if iipiiiioii that din't ^;imiii . (t'> Imperial piiipoHc.s would, and uiij^lit to l)c, niudo to Ihe Cruw/i l)y colofiiu) li'^ishUiin^ ; Imt this, experiunco IniH proved, has not liceii tlie cuho. Mr. .lose pi I lluiiie, tlie economist, tilt W. ]']. Forstcr, Hir Kdward Creasy, and oilier eminent I'liif^lislimcn, liavo at various times oxprcHsod tlio(tJS«'IvoB in I'uviMir ot' colonial representation tor Imperial purposes. The dilliciilliis caused liy distance IVtmi the central power ,\hich formerly existi'tl, such as the len;;tli of lime necessary for representatives from the colonies to come for attindancr at a I'arliamcnt in Mii^dan*!, and to discover the sentiments of colonists on (piestions of im[»ortance, have already been obviated by steam and the tcle;j:iaph, and may in process of time be still further removed. At present the transmission of imws is much more rapiilly accitm- plished, and the transit of persons little less so, from the most remote colonies to London, than was tho case, from one part of tho kingdom to the other, in the early days of the I']n;,disli Parliament. What I would urge, tln'ii, is that a true Iniiierial Parliament, having its seat in liOiidoii, be created liy the reform of tho present Parliament, consisting of the Crown, an hcre(litary House, and an elective body with representatives from th(^ United Kingdom, and from every colony having reiaesentative institu- tions; and that this Parliament should possess, ovef every part of Her 3Iajosty's dominions, the supreme jiower now vested in the present Jiritish Parlianujiit' 'J'hat under this Imperial rarliament thert; should bi- in the United Kingdom, and in each colony, or coni'ederation of colonies, a local legislature, having tho [tower of taxation within its own limits, and allowed, subject to the veto of the Crown, to legislate uncle of giving relative e(piality to every part of Her IMajesty's dominions iucludcd in its scope. To order otherwise would Ik? to create jealousies fatal to imblic spirit, and perhaps never to be ai)pcased, which f lUE OOVERNMENT OF THE EMVIUE. 27 » would cause an aggrieved colony to regard its local interests in any question that might arise apart from tlie general welfare of the empire. What I would propose, therefore, is, that representation should, throughout the empire, in the United Kingdom as in the colonies, be always strictly proportionate to population. A difficulty no doubt arises in arranging such a proportionate represen- tation in colonies like the West Indian Islands, which contain a large number of persons of native or negro blood. This difficulty is lessened, however, by the fact that the most important of these, such as Jamaica and Ceylon, have not re- presentative governments, but are Crown colonies, and would not therefore, according to my proposition, share in Imperial representation, until representa- tive local governments were granted them. In the other colonies it will probably be wiser only to include persons of European descent, except in those places where, as the Ked Kivev Settlement, the native population is being assimilated and blended witli them by intermarriage, or, as in the case of the Chinese in Australia, tliey form orderly and civilized communities. It would be necessary, in order to ensure a legislative body sufficiently wieldy and efficient, to reduce to some extent the number of representatives at present sent by Great Britain and Ireland. Such a reduction would involve a recasting of the entire system of home representation and tlie distribution of seats — a process that is inevitable, irrespective of any scheme for colonial representation. It is not necessary to discuss here the mole in which this redistribution should be made. I will only say, that though the number of Imperial representatives sent by the present constituents of the House of Commons would be less, still, taking into consideration the local House, a much larger number of representatives would have to be elected in the three kingdoms than is done under present circumstances. This consideration will have practical importance in securing the support of politicians to a scheme of colonial representation. It is worth while for a moment to regard the present state of representation in the British Parliament. The House of Commons may be taken to contain approximately G5S members, 493 of whom are elected in Enghind, 105 in Ire- land, and (30 in Scotland. According to the last census (1871), the population of tliose countries together amounted to about 31,485,000, Ei. gland having about 22,712,000, Ireland 5,412,000, and Scotland 3,300,000, tlius giving one repre- sentative tu about 47,800 persons in the whole ; oi', taking England, Ireland, and Scotland separately, the proportion is about one representative to 4(5,000, to 51,000, and to 50,000 respectively. It is more difficult to fix tlie number of persons of European descent living in the various colonies, but, according to the calculation given in the ' Statesman's Year Book for 1877,' the population of r 28 THi; flOVlCUN^MENT OF THE EMl'lUU. tlio colonics liiiviii<,' rcpri'sentativc <,'ovoninieiits iimounts to ul»ont 7,110,000, nuiuely : — C'aiiiKliV Nowfoumllaiiil.. I'iilitiiuas IV'riiuidas Leeward Islands Windward Islands , Capo of tioiid lliipo . Natal 3,579,782 Nuw Smith Wales r.0;!,!tSl 1H),^>.^() Qnconsland iL'O.lOt ;{9,1(;2 Rnnth Anstralia lKr),()2() 12,121 120,4<)1 281,078 5(;(!,ir)8 293,832 Victoria 731 528 Tasmania 101,785 Wustt'i'u Anstralia 21,785 New Zcalaml 25(;,2(;o Cliannel Islauils, and Islu of Man 141,(338 If we then suppose that a rel'onneil Imperial IT()u.«e of Coininous shonhl consist of 700 nienibors, it wonhl, inuler those ciicnn^stanees, mbers. Should it be subsequently found possible to give representation to dependenei(^s, such as Jamaica and the other Crown colonii's, the ju-oportion of colonial mend)ers would be increased.* As, however, the population througliout the Uritish empire is constantly increasing, and in some i)arts of it at a much gieater rate than in others, it is absolutely certain that to maintain ai)itroximately the proportion that n^presen- tation should have to population, equalizations and adjustments will be continu- ally necessary. Up to the present time such adjustments have net in any way been provideil for by the IJritish Constitution, and have oidy b«!en made as the result and at the expense of considerable political distuibance. This has been unavoidable, and has not, on the whole, caused detriment to the State. IJut the case would be very different if this political disturbance were to take place throughout all parts of the empire represented in the Imperial Parliament, and which are not bound together by the inevitable natural connection which exists between the United Kingdoms. It would cause, wherever inequality was felt, discussions as to value to the aggrieved colony of the Imperial tie, and whether it was worth the trouble necessary to be taken to re-equalize representation. This, if the object in view is to maintain the empire, would be most dangerous and undesirable. I would therefore propose that at the time of admitting colonial menbers, Parliament shoiild pass an Act providing for the recurrent reform at stated intervals, say of twenty-iive years, of the Imperial representation on the principle of proportion on which it was originally framed, and providing ibr the proper taking under Inqierial supervision of a census of the pojiulation * FroLalily, however, at the conniienccincnt of a system of Imi crial representation, a llonso of Commons of not much more than half the size ahove mentioned would he tlie most siiitcd to tiie wants of the emiiire ; and it would allow for future increase, as tlie colonies heconic more ami more nearly the cipials of the mother-country in thcnundiers of their inhabitants. If, at the (nit- set, tlic Imiicrial House of Coninidus should contain the maximum nundxr of representatives wliich would he convenient fur such a hody, all suhsupienl ciiuali/.alinus would have to he made by a removal nf lepresentalives frum exi.-tiu.; constiluencieii -a iirucct.-, burc to caube di.scoiitont in tlic I'ai lb of the emi'iie thus all'ectcd. ' • « » i THE aOVEHNMENT OF THE EMPIHE. 29 ■• » ill all parts of tho ompirc as a basis of swh reform. This Aot would not, of course, interfere with tho supremo power of future parliaments, who might amend or rejeet it, nor would it amount in any way to a treaty between tlie various component parts of the empire; but it is most unlikely that, if it wcro passed, the i>rin('iple it laid down would be tampered with or im[)Ugnod, and it would remain as the j)erpctual safety-valve of the constitution. Supposing, therefore, that the number of representatives to bo sent to Parlia- ment by each unit or province of the empire were settled, it remains to be consi- dered how, and on what principle, they are to be elected ? Is it possible to devise any uniform standard of fitness for the status of an elector, to be applied alike to persons in all parts of tlie em{)ire sending representatives ? And if the answer is in the alHrmative, then how is Parliament to arrange the mode of election — whether iu electoral districts, or in cities and counties, or in one general election ov pUhisciti;, for the whole province? It may very likely be that a Parliament containing representatives from all parts of the empire might, after some years' experience of the working of the system, be able to arrange some uniform quali- fication for voters, and general principle for the exercise of voting throughout the empire ; but that would seem to be quite beyond tlie jjower of the present I'arliament, which has not the complete knowledge of the facts relating to all the colonies requisite to decide so dilHcult a question, nor could attempt to lay down any gi^ueral law, without causing unnecessary controversy and opposition. Probably the plan which would have at first the best chance of success would bo that the Imperial Government should ask the local government of each colony to obtain the approval, by the local legislature, of a scheme for the exercise of the Imperial sufirage within the colony ; and that this sclieme should, unless it contained some clearly unjust or impolitic provisions, be included iu the In)perial Act of Consolidation as the law for voting in the colony. By this means colonists would be themselves enabled to ailapt the Imperial franchise to their own wants ; and any inconvenience arising from want of uniformity in the various parts of the empire would be more than compensated for by the stability that their satisfaction in this important particular would give. A further question of great importance to the success of such a scheme as is here proposed is, whether the colonists are able and willing to send to a Parliament in England as large a number of fit representatives as would bo required by it? It would be too bold to prophesy that a difiicully in this would not at times occur with some of the scattered members of our extended empire; but I believe, as a rule, the burden to the colony would not be felt, and the demand for representatives would, as in the demand for other things, create the supply.* For it would be possible for the colonies to send as representatives * Such a difliculiy did uccuv in Euglund during the Middle Ai.;.o.'<, wlu'U boroughs weic frequenliy excused, at their own ivquist, iVoni sending members tn l*arliiimeul. This hapjieued then without detriment to general inteicsts; but the case i^^ rather dill'ereut now. r 80 THE aOVERNSIENT OF THE EMPIHE. persons of two classes, either of wliich would supply aMo nnd fit members of an Iniporial Parliament. The fii-st of these would be naturally the class from which the bulk of the members of the local legislatures are at present elected — a class mainly political by profession, the product of universal suffrap;e in new countries, and resembling that which engrosses political power in the United States. This class, in conse- quence of the activity, cleverness, and facility shown by its members in urging measures which appear to bo for the pecuniary interest of the most numerous classes, has great influence, and would have enormous weight, if united, in pnnnoting or discouraging any scheme of colonial representation. The members are not, however, as a rule, rich, and they would require that, if sent as repre- sentatives to England, this should be done at either local or Imperial expense. It is impossible not to feel that a great difliculty may arise from this fact, as the tendency of remote colonies would undoubtedly be to demand payment for their representatives from Imperial funds ; while to grant this might be productive of great peril to the State, and would, perhaps, to some extent neutralize the advan- tages of Imperial unity. The discretion and duty of making this payment should, as a matter of public policy, be left to the local governments, the matter being a local one, and varying in each colony, according to its distance from England and its social position. There are at present signs that some of the colonies, such as Victoria, which have adopted the plan of paying the representatives in their provincial legislatures, may cease to do so. It does not seem to have produced a better or more independent class of legislators. The other class from which colonial representatives could be drawn is that composed of the rich merchants, stock owners, and planters, who now return to England to spend the fortunes they have made in colonial enterprise. It has been the weakness of the empire, and the misfortune of the colonies, that the men who have frequently done most for the industrial development, and have the largest stake in the weli'are of our rising dependencies, are practically shut out from all political power. As ]\[r. Herman IMerivale, speaking especially of the Australian coloin'es, says:* " We see tlie higher and more educated class, as a class, politically ostracised there, as in the United States. We see them, consequently, looking to England as their home ; anxious only to accumulate wealth in the colonies as fast as they may, and using such indirect power as they may still possess almost wholly for the purpose of maintaining their own pecuniary interests against apprehended encroachments of the multitude." It is much to be desired in the general interest that these men should have some outlet for their political energy, and should be induced, when they have the leisure wliich wealth gives, to devote it with their influence and thoughts to the service of their own colony. The power of representing that colony in an Imperial Parliament would supply such an outlet. Instead of gradually losing * ' [jocturos on Colonization nnon tlu* hoIo jHWSossors to their bnthrun in tho colonies, these in turn are bound to bear tlieir part of the expense of niaintainin},' that empire, wliich, when the dircetion of its destinies was entirely out of their own control, tliey might phiusibly have refused to do. This reciprocal duty of colonists of granting funds for Imperial purposes, through their representatives in an Imperial Parliament, is probably that part of any such scheme aa the present which will most attract attention through- out the empire, should it ever come to bo publicly discussed. It will be urged in the colonies, and the cry will be repeated at home, that it is unjust to colonists to give to an assembly in which the membi-rs for any particular colony will only form a very small part, the power of taxation for puri)oses in which that colony has t)nly a fractional interest. It will be urged that the value to the various members of the empire of the Imperial protection, and their interest in the objects for which expenditure is made, such as the annexation of fresh lands, the maintenance of communications, and the erection of fortifi- cations, is in nil cases ditl'erent, and that it is beyond the power of a central authority to ai-range taxation in an equitable manner. In tho first i)lace, I may point out that the Imperial Parliament, as at present constituted, has had, and has, the absolute power of taxation in the colonies, without ever exercising it, though in the majority of cas •^ it would have been easy to do so. It has also provided, through tlie taxation of its own constituents alone, the funds by exj>cndiiig wliich the colonies iiave been protected. Is it therefore likely that a I'urlianient only reformed by tho introiluction of representatives from the colonists themselves, would act in a manner unjust to tliose colonics? It must also be reniembi'red that protection from foreign enemies, di[)lomatic representation abroad, and th;; other objects for which Imperial expense is incurred, are necessary to every comnium'ty, a fact which has been proved in the case of the United States. Now the only couis(^ possible in the future, if the Imperial tie is not preserved, is that eacli colony or gr<»up of colonies should become separat i and imlcpcnilent states, when tliey would have to provide these requisites for themselves at tlieir own expense. I think it is indisputable, that in sucli a <'ase, the cost would be far larger than where they would only have to provide their quota in tlie general expenditure. Of course it cannot be expected that the United Kingdom shall permanently find all the necessary funds for Imperial pur[)oses. Further, with respect to tlie want of equality of interest, I would remark that British lands are the outlet for the energy of the British race, in which all members have an equal interest, and though at one time, perhaps, cxpenst's are, a)id have to be, incurred, which stjeni only to beiiellt one part or one ehiss 4$' ear dit prii am grad rouf not, parti the mam supe: body Imp( to dc it shi nane and THE QOVEBNMENT OF THE UMPinS. 33 inout of isso-^Hora I'ir I'lirt II i.f its ly liuvo mrpoHi'S. ,liiit part thr()U^:l>- , will Ihi unjust to ar colony in which the vahic and their oxatiou of of fortifi- a central lent, as at ion in the it w«)nhl tiou of it3 hiive been 1 by the act in a pvotcctiou ler objects mity, a fact only course h colony or wlicn tlicy vn exiicnsc. lavji<'r than xpinditurc. )frniam'utly mhl remark ill which all Njionst'S ari', or one class 4' of persons in ITer Majesty's dominions, in the long run this is equalized, and the general expenditure proves to bo for the (vjual benefit of all. I believe the truth of this reasoning might be shown by a (hjtailcd examination of English expenditure for Imperial and colonial purposes in past times, and liu* principle it represents furnishes one of the causes of the consolidation of the small states on the continent of Enrnpe, which existed in the times of our ancestors, into the large empires which we have now. The due adjnstment of the incidence of taxation for Imperial purposes is, without doubt, a matter of great dillicnlty. Our empire is so vast, and contains so many and various stages of social, economical, and political progress, that it is perhaps rash to expect that any wide and general princi[)le can be applied to all parts alike. If, however, it be once admitted that the interest of every subject of Her Majesty, wherever located, in the maintenance of the empire is the same, it is possible that some rule of taxation may be arrived at, which can be acted upon in the greater number of cases, and be subject to exceptions only where special circumstances occur, that in all probability time may in due course remove. If this could be done, a great step would be made in removing friction and promoting the smooth working of the entire system. It appears to me that a valuation, based upon the rateable value of property and the estimated incomes of all persons in each part of the empire, should be made at certain intervals under Imperial supervision, and that from this valuation the amount payable by the United Kingdom and by each colony, or confederated group of colonies, should bo arrived at. The ditHculties of making such a valuation would be at first enormous, and the principles upon which it should be formed would probably cause great discussion and debate; but if the plan were once adopted, these principles would gradually become settled and the imperfections be removed. Until then, some rough system of allotment must be adopted, in which the mother-country would not, we may be snre, err in want of generosity to the colonies. But I believe although an Imperial Parliament may justly allot to a particular colony a proportion of the general taxation, that it is wiser to leave to the local legislature of that colony, the functions of determining in what manner it shall be raised there, and the persons who shall pay it, and of superintending the collection. In fact, the local legislature should be the body responsible to the Imperial Parliament for the due payment into the Imperial exchequer of the nroper quota of the colony. In case of its refusal to do this, the Imperial Parliament, in virtue of its supreme power, could act as it should think most fit under the circumstances of the case. The other functions of the Imperial House of Commons are the mainte- nance of those affairs and interests which may bo considered as strictly Imperial, and for which the funds raised by it are applicable. ;m THE OOVEnNMKNT OF TIIK EMPIIIK. The first in ordor of tlifsc, is tlie imitcetion «it' ull parts of tin? ompiro from injury l>y lorri},'n cncniii's, and tlif hU|>i»r(fssi()n of iiny insnrnn'tion or revolt of niitivt' jM'cplc, liryonil tiio power of tlin lociil }j;ovtrnnii'nts of tlioso provinces where hucIi insnrrections or revolts may occur 'I'o fullil this duty there will he required jin iirmy and navy under Imperial contrnl, capal)le of defending and keepin;^ up the prestij^e of the empire, of protecting its shipping and coniinerce, and of putting down the slave trade. Also, the nutintenunce t)f naval stations and military posts, wherever required hy Imperial interests, and of the principal fort i Heal ions, arseinds, and dockyards in (Jreat Uritain and the colonies. Whilo these n\v by fir the most important items in Imperial exjtense, the burden of them woiild in a system of taxation, such as I have suggested, fall approximately upon those who would have to pay tlieju in a ratio corresponding with the benellts conferred by the expenditure. In passing, I nuiy remark, that such a system of Imperial forces would not prevent a militia being also maintained in each province at local expense, ►Such militia should, except during time of war, be under the orders of the local government, and should never without that govi'rnnieiit's consent be moved out of its own province. Minor fortifications might be provided for in an analogous way. The next Imperial duty would be to su})port and regulate diplomatic and consular representation in foreign countries, nnd to maintain the machinery of the Foreign Office. No function of the government is more Imperial than this, and none would be more strengthened by colonial r(>prosentation. At present there is scarcely as much disposition on the part of persons at home ns is desirable to consider foreign politics in any other light than that of home interests. A change in this disposition would naturally be made, if the cost entailed by our foreign policy was partly defrayed by colonists. Our wide-spread dominions, ('Xtensive commerce, and mercantile marine, render the appointment of proper and sufficient consuls in foreign ports and cities of the greatest im- portance to the inhabitants of all parts of the empire alike. The close political connection of the scattered members of the empire, knit together in one Imperial representative government, would cause the ready communication of the various parts with the centre, and with each other, to bo a matter of the very highest importance. Ii nild, therefore, he a duty of that government to watch over and, if necessary, to create rapid and certain intercommunications by means of steam and the telegraph, and to maintain convenient postal arrangements. No system would more promote and mark the unity of the empire, than one pro\iding for the transmission of letters at one charge, say of a penny, from any on(; part of it to another. The cost of these works would be fitly delVayed by Imperial funds ; but, under careful manage- ment, there is reason to believe that this branch of government might be mado self-supporting. 'i •' I iro from revolt of )n)viiici'rt u will h^^ liii}^ iiiul (iniiiori'*', stations [trinripiil , Wliilo jurden of (xiimitoly with tho at such rt tuiiiod in le of war, liout that tifications matic and 'hinery of tliun this, t present juie 08 is of home f the cost idcj-sprciul [)ointnuMit eatest im- ipire, knit the ready ;her, to 1)0 ty of that 1(1 certain I maintain and mark ters at one st of these il nianage- ht bo made THE aOVEIlNMKNT OF THE EMI'IRE. ;}.■ •i »' Ono feature of Imperial government now exists, thr ii;,'ht of every colonist toiip|)eal from the local civil conrtK to the Soverein;ii in Council.* This has had great effect iu koepin;; up in the minils of colonists a senso (»f connoctioti with the mother-country, aii of Imperial Goverinnent it would ho convenient that a Coiut of Appeal representing the Sovereign should he formed hy the fusion of the Courts of the I'rivy Council and of the House of Lords, which . hould command general respect, ami de(Mde causes sent on Appeal from evs r/ province of the emi»ire. A (rourt of this kijid would supply the only means capable of preserving such unity in the law of the various parts of the empire, as at present exists, and of nniintaining a ('ode of Common Law I ^r all parts of the empire, if it should be fomnl practicable at some future time to create (me. Tiu! maintenance of this court and the salaries of the judges cfmipusing it would properly be provided for by the Imperial House of Commons. The same may be said of the office and necessary machinery of the Imperial Minister of Justice. The duties of the Sovereign are, ns has already been pointed out, in very great measure Imp(n'ial ones, and it is therefore reasoiuible that a large part at least of the income of the Sovereign should ba a charge upon the empire generally, and be provided from Imperial funds. But as the scat of government is in the United Kingdom, and the relations of the Sovereign to the local government of that [)art of the empire must bo different from what they are to those of the other parts where he is represented by a (Tovernor oidy, we may suppose, that the United Kingdom would itself provide the remainder of his necessary income. It may possibly be fotmd a convenient course for colonics to allot to the Sovereign unoccupied land, which should be inalien- able by him, and might b(> managed either by his personal agents or by the government for his benefit. This plan might not at first be a profitable one in some colonies, as the laud so allotted would remain unworked till the progress of the surrounding holdings of resident freeholders caused it to be valiuible for leasing i)urposes. It would thou enable the local government to provide for the Sovereign without expense to itself. I am aware that a plan, similar to that I propose, was tried in Upper and Lower Canada, and subsequently had to be abandoned. No doubt much would depend upon the nature of the colony and the land appropriated. In Australia, for instance, where unoccupied land is let to squatters for grazing purposes, and has to bo given up by them to any persons who purchase the land from the local governments, there could be no * It is Uw tliat iiiipcals to tlio Pvivy Council frnni Caiwda are at present suspended, but tliat may onlv l)o a toin|iorary measure. D 2 3(5 THE aOVB-nN:^IENT OP THE EMPIRE. difficulty in obtaining some ininiediatij income from liinil appropriated to tbo Crown, and there would' bo less reason to fear that unoccupied tracts of land would stand in the way of local progress. In a more atlvauced state of develop- ment, these lands of the Sovereign might be of great public advantage, as has been the ease with many Crown lands in England. The Imperial Parliament would also assist in making the necessary pro- vision for the members of the Royal Family, this being an expcnditnre also required for the support of the j\[onarchy. The objects for which the foregoing Imperial expenses would bo incurred, are sucli as affect equally all parts of the empire, and for them the Im})erial House of Commons might justly obtain the necessary funds rateably from each local government. There are, however, other revenues raised and expended under the control of that House and of Parliament, viz. those of India and the Crown colonies. In the former, and in some of the latter dependencies, the relative cost of ])rotccti(m by army and navy is far greater than in the rest of the empire ; and accordingly up to the present time the Imperial Parliament has, in virtue of its supreme power, raised by taxation in these places sufficient money to recoup itself for all expense of this protection; in fa<'t, protection has been afforded not only without any pecuniary expense to the Imperial Government, but in some cases, with a profit to it. This practice will no doubt continue when necessary and possible, as it has many advantages, and India could not be governed without it. IMorcover the position of those provinces of the empire which have re{)resentative local government must always be very different from the otliers, and legislation for them, including taxation, is carried on sometimes under the prerogative of the Crown, and at others by Acts of the Imperial Parliament. As the latter is in all cases supreme, and the power of the Crown is exercised at the advice of j\Iinisters who have the confidence of the Imperial House of Commons, a substantial unity of administration exists. The system is anomalous, but it has worked well, and will probably be continued until the time arrives, if it ever docs, when local self-government can be given to every part of the empire. The Crown has now the power of granting local self-government to colonies without consulting Parliament, but cannot recall the grant without its consent. If, however. Imperial representation should be accorded to every colony havin" this right, it is desirable that the prerogative should be then exercised at the advice of the Imperial Parliament only, as otherwise the constitution of the Imperial Hous(i of Commons could be altered without its own (joncurrence. There is no reason to believe that Parliament would be unwilling to grant full representation wherever there might be just claims to it, but it is obviously a step which would require the fullest consideration. In concluding these remarks upon the pcjssible position of an Imperial >> THE GOVERNMENT OP THE EMPIRE. 37 •'> l)eriul House of Commons, I may say tluit I assume that the privileges and pre- rogatives of tlie present House, and the rehitioii that it bears to other brant;lies of the legislature, would remain as now. They are the fruits of exi)erionce ; wo are accustomed to them, and they have been copied in both British and foreign constitutions all over the world. It is possible, however, that in carrying out reforms it may be necessary to consolidate into positive enactments what is now only custom and constitutional usage. This would be part of a system of codification, for which our law and people are nearly ripe. Imperial repre- sentative government would make it immediately necessary to have drawn up a code of Imperial law, inoor[)orating all those statutes which apply to the empire at large ; though a rigid expression by statute of the precise relations of the Imperial Ministers of the Crown to the representative House might be in- expedient. Tliose relations must, from the nature of things, remaiu very n>uch as they are at present, as no government could either perform its functions or would be tolerated by public opinion, which did not act in harmony with the opinions of the majority of the Hcmse of Commons. In thus sketching what I believe to be at once the most constitutional and the most practical means of giving to the colonies Imperial representation and res])onsibility, I do not overlook the diiriculties which would have t(j he over- come iu every stage of progress towards that result. But there are gool omens for the future. No race has ever shown such self-restraint, forbearance, and spirit of compromise in politics as the English people, and these nve the qualities of which we shall have need. To them, stimulated by patriotism, we may look for a successful end, both at home and in the colonies. A few remarks remain to be made upon the second branch of reform of the present Parliament; the delegation of the control of purely local affairs in England, Ireland, and Scotland to a subordinate legislature. The details of this change would be more conveniently discussed, and the Act of Delegation passed by Parliament before the admission of colonial representatives. If a }»lan similar to the one sketched here were adopted, the ancient Parliament of England woidd have developed into a legislature wielding the supreme power in the widest and most important dominion in the world ; while the care of the local interests of England, formerly the principal work of that ancient Parliament, would have b(>come the duty of u dependent and provincial legislature. Such would bo the fruit of the Imperial spirit in an Imperial race. But this cjange need have no terrors for Englishmen at home. The empire is theirs, and they must for many years hold the preponderance in Imperial counsels. The seat of government being in England, they are at the centre of affairs, and reai> the pecuniary advantage which this Im])erial expenditure brings. And a great advantage to them would be to have the 88 THE GOVEUNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. undivided attention of a competent and distinguished Parliament on affairs of the greatest importance to their happiness and prosperity, wliich are now, of necessity, neglected. In settling the lines of this provincial Parlianieut, the aim to be kept in view must be to ensure as far as possible that the high character of the British Parliament bo kept up, and that the local legislature may not degenerate into bodies of the stamp of our London vestries, or of the State legislature of the United States, but should contain and express the cultivated intelligence of the land. There is little fear of such a legislature not being sufficiently representative in the democratic sense. I would propose that, as far as possible, the present system should be preserved in the local Parliament, which should consist of Sovereign, Lords, and Commons, as now. The Sovereign, being resident in the United Kingdom, would naturally fulfil duties towards the local government of tlie United Kingdom similar to tliose he does at present, and to those performed by colonial governors appointed by himself at the advice of the Imperial Ministers. I do not think the theoretical objection which may be raised, that he would in this case be the servant of the Imperial Parliament, whose master in another capacity he is, and that the two duties might clash, is really of importance. Occasional difficulties might occur, but then it would be of great advantage to the State that a person whose deepest interest it was that no dead-lock should arise, should exist as a moderating influence upon both bodies. But under any circum- stances, it would be most undesirable that a person other than the Sovereign should be appointed to such a position as that of local governor in the United Kingdom. I would suggest that the members of the present House of Lords, together with those Scotch and Irish peers wlio have not at present seats in it, should form an hereditary House of local legislature, to which the Crown should have power to add fresh members, who need not be also members of the Imperial House of Lords. The same reasons exist for having an hereditary House of Peers in the local Parliament for the United Kingdom as for having one in the Imperial Parliament, and I shall not again state them. Such a House is not to be made off"-haud, and it is peculiarly necessary that the class which forms our present House should b ith be interested and be able to act in local politics. It will of course be objected that the attention of the same men would be too much occupied in forming separate legislative bodies for Imperial and local affairs, and that too much power would be given to a class not always, from a democratic point of view, in sympathy with [jrogress. To the first objection it may be replied, that the functions of the ])resent House of Lords are more consultative than initiative, and this would remain the case; so that the labour of attending both Houses of Lords would not be so great as that of a member of both representative Houses. Moreover, ditVeront men would probably take the THE aOVEUNMENT OP THK EMPIHE. 89 priiici])al shares of Imperial aud local affairs. In proce^ of time, also, the L'oini)Osition of the two hereditary Houses would become diverse, as old peerages became extinct, and new ones, confined to one particular House, were created. To tlie other objection, I may say that the framework of modern society, the power of public opinion through the press, and the control of the purse, which is exercised by the representative House, elected on the widest basis of suffrage, altogether render it impossible that any progress or change, that the majority of the people desired, could be prevented by an hereditary House. On the other hand, thinking men are convinced that it is necessary for public safety that some constitutional check should exist, out of the power of the government of the day, to secure that measures of vital importance to the country should not be carried headlong, in a moment of popular ardour, before their real bearing and effect had been brought to notice by discussion and detailed consideration. Further, no power would be given to the class composing the hereditary House beyond that it possesses at present ; the only change made would be that its exercise would be adjusted to meet modern requirements. The change involved in separating Imperial and local government would be quite a sufficient work in itself, without attempting to join with it the alteration of the balance of political power at home ; a junction of the two attempts would only inflame party spirit, and render Impe.-ial consolidation impossible. It might be advisable, in this case also, to give the Crown power to appoint a certain number of life peers. Little change would probably be necessary in the number and mode of election of the members of the local representative Houses from that now existing in the House of Commor . I have before pointed out that, in our enlarged and varied community, there is no lack of competent men, with leisure and knowledge fitting them for being representatives, who would be willing to put their services at the disposal of the electors, aud that the high character of the interests and principles involved would attract persons of the greatest weight. There could be no reason why the character of the House should be lower than that of the present one. It might be found convenient that the Imperial and local Parliaments should meet in London, at different times of the year. In the constitutional relations of the various branches of the legislature, it is probable that the model of the existing constitution would be followed. Local adnunistvation would necessarily be carried on by a Ministry who would retain office at the pleasure of the local Parliament. It would be necessary to revise the departments of State; but those which at present are solely con- cerned with local affairs would, of course, be controlled by a local Parliament. In the revision it might be possible to appoint 3Iiuisters for Scotland aud for the Metropolis. No doubt a point of some difficulty at the commencement of a purely local 40 THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. Parliament would be to discriminate accurately between matters which are of Imperial interest and tliose which concern only local administration. There are many questions, such as free trade and laws relating to land, which are clearly of the greatest importance to both, and many others which lie on the border-line of both jurisdictions. Practice only would teach the exact limits which must be observed on each side ; but it is obviously for the interest of all that powers as wide as possible should be conceded to the local government, and that the Imperial Parliament should not interfere with local authority, unless such inter- ference was clearly called for in the interests of the empire at large. At the same time a legal dead-lock could not, under the plan I propose, occur, because the Imperial Parliament would as now be legally supreme over all local legislatures, even in purely local matters, if it should choose to legislate upon them. There are no people in the world who would more readily perceive than the English the true limits of Imperial and local affairs, or could more surely be trusted, in acting from either point of view, to keep those limits in practice. Among the powers that ought most clearly to be confided to local Pai-lia- ments throughout the empire is that of amending and reforming their own constitutions. So long as the forms of representative government and allegiance to the Crown were observed, it could be of no Imperial interest to control any local development of government, and it would then be open to every province of the empire to modify its constitution according to its special needs. Nothing could be more dangerous to the stability and welfare of the empire generally than a desire for uniformity in its various parts. But, on the other hand, the boundaries of each local government are certainly matters of Imperial concern. It is impossible not to foresee that a severance of the two functions of the British Parliament would be made the occasidU of a fresh demand on the part of a large number of Irishmen for a separate local government in Ireland, apart from that of Great Britain. It is possible that such a separation would not, under these circumstances, be so injurious to all parties as it would be now ; but probably the same reasons that have now so much weight will continue to prevent any form of repeal of the present union. But under any circumstances a separation of the governments of the two islands would be an Imperial as well as a local matter, and would have to be discussed on rather different grounds. The same question of boundaries must arise in many of the other provinces of the empii-e, as it has already done. At present no change can be made in these boundaries without the consent of the English Parliament. The Imperial interest in this is solely that of the majority of the parts composing the empire, whose desire it must always be that every part should be as strong and as rapid in its development as possible, provided that in so doing no counterbalancing harm be done to other parts. THE GOVEBNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 41 lone to Jt must always assist the due developraeut and smooth working of the whole of the empire that those parts which touch each other, and have common interests, should be so far united in local government as to ensure a uniform policy being adopted with regard to public works, trade regulations, and other matters. It will, therefore, be the general interest either that each local government should be as large as possible, or that systems of colonial confede- ration, like the Canadian, should be adopted. By having large areas for local government, many of the effects of the local selfishness prevailing in small communities, which might cause serious difficulties to the empire, would be avoided. But it would be most unwise for the Imperial Government to press confederation or union upon adjacent colonies before such a step is largely supported in the colonies themselves. There is often a certain repulsion from each other existing in neighbouring colonies, where outsiders would suppose that, from interest and common origin, the inhabitants would naturally be attracted towards each other. A premature attempt to promote confederation would both fail of success and cause the Imperial Government to be unpopular. I have seen it asserted that Imjierial consolidation was not possible until some system of intercolonial confederation had been previously adopted. It is diflicult to see the grounds for such a statement, and I am convinced that it is erroneous. In fact colonial confederation would probably be rendered much more easy by Imperial representation. At present the sole connection of the various colonies to one another is as being co-dependencies, and containing co-subjects of the Crown ; while, with colonial representation in an Imperial Parliament, their representatives would sit there side by side — a fact which would have some efi'ect in removing mutual jealousy. When confederation or union of colonies became expedient, it would be pressed and carried by the colonists themselves, with every necessary help from the Imperial Government Confederation of groups of colonies has been urged in the interest of common defence against external enemies or native races, which became necessary, as the Imperial Government declined the duty of protection. In a consolidated empire, where the central government undertook to protect all parts alike, this would be less immediately necessary. With regard to the local governments other than that of the United Kingdom and Ireland, no change would be necessary. The Governor of each would continue to be appointed by the Crown, at the advice of the Imperial ^Ministry, and would, as now, watch over affairs in the Imperial interests. He would also, in the absence of some other arrangements between the Imperial and local governments, be the Commander-in-chief for any local militia and forces. The regulat^'on of the franchise is a question of very great difficulty, and must differ in almost all our colonies according to the circumstances of each. This is shown by the fact that no two of them have now precisely the same 42 THE GOVERNMKNT OF THE EMPinE. constitutions. The presence of a large native populuticjn in many of them of itself causes distinctions according to the nature of the races composing them, and their progress in civilization. These difTiculties exist now, and must be met, whether Imperial consolidation is accomplished or not ; but there is no reason to suppose that it would do other than help their solution. It will be well for a moment to look forward to some of the most immediate and certain results of Imperial consolidation ; and, in the first place, to the pecuniary position of the emi)ire. While I think it is clear that a care for the pocket is not the sole argument which will prevail in determining the course of a people, and that those persons err vitally who consider that the nation's affairs should be guided purely by economical reasons, disregarding the more constant and permanent instincts of race, and aspirations alter an Imperial destiny ; it is also necessary to watch well that these diverse feelings should not clash, and that neither our people, nor a section of them, should ever have deliberately to balance one against the other. So to arrange is one of the first re'quirements of good government. It will at all times need much care to do this in so widely spread an empire as ours. But it is essential that, at the out- set, our colonists should not look to Imperial consolidation as bringing to them an enormous liability from transactions in the past, in which they have had no say. Nothing would make the prospect of Imperial representation more distaste- ful to I. em than to suppose tluit any part of the public debt of the United Kingdom would be laid upon their shoulders. This debt now amounts to about £770,000,000, and the interest upon it is solely paid by the inhabitants of the United Kingdom. Adam Smitli, in the last chapter of the 'Wealth of Nations,' in arguing in favour of the union of Great Britain with In^hmd and the then existing colonies under a centralized government, says: — "It is not contrary to justice that both Ireland and America should contribute towards the discharge of the public debt of Great Britain. That debt has been contracted in support of the government established by the Ilevolution, a government to which the Protestants of Ireland owe not only the whole authority which they at present enjoy in their own country, but every security which they possess for their liberty, for their property, and their religion ; a GoA'ernment to which several of the colonies of America owe their present charters, and consequently their })resent constitution, and to which all the colonies of America owe the liberty, security, and property, which they have ever since enjoyed. That public debt has been contracted in the defence, not of Great Britain alone, but of all the different provinces of the empire ; the immense debt contracted in the late war in particular, and a great part of that contracted in the war before, were both properly contracted in defence of America." Though so many changes have taken place since 1770, when this passage ••> > THE aOVEnNMENT OP THE EMPIRE. 43 t' them of ing tlieiu, must be ore is no tiimediato :o, to the re for the course of nation's the more Imperial hould not 'ver have f the first iare to do t the out- j to tliem •e had no ! distaste- United 1 to about bitants of health of 1 Ireland :— " It is oulribute has been hitioii, a le whole ' security iligion; a L* present 1 all the hey have ence, not l)ire ; the t part of I defence s passage was published, much of this reasoning still applies, and might be regarded now if it were possible to organize the empire and determine the liabilities of its several parts from a strictly logical standpoint. It is true that much of our debt has been contracted for purposes which affect the interests of the colonies as much as those of the United Kingdom, and for wars, of which the only permanent result to Great Britain has been the acquisition of some of the colonies themselves. It is true that but for the annual expenses incurred by England in maintaining and protecting her colonics, a large amount of the debts contracted in time of war might have been paid off in time of peace. But what statesman dare, with hopes of success go to the colonies offering them a share of Imperial Government with one hand, and a sliare of our national debt with the other ? In reality, it is no hardship to England that she should retain the sole responsibility of her debt. Under present circumstances she could never look to do otherwise, as she cannot practically tax the colonies to meet that or any other object. And in making Imperial reform it would be a graceful act, suitable to her dignified and parental character, that she should take upon herself the burden of the past, while her children, though sharing her glory, have only the brilliant hopes and prospects of the future. But with regard to any debt incurred by the Imperial Parliament sub- sequently, the case would be different. No province of the empire would incur any debt except for local purposes. If it should become necessary for the Imperial Government to borrow, the debt would be contracted by the whole empire, and would be met by Imperial taxation in the usual way. A new stock would be created. The effect upon the old 3tock, which exists at present, would probably be to raise its value, as no more money for wars and the other purposes which have been hitherto the principal causes for borrowing would be needed ; and therefore the stock would not in future be liable to increase to the extent it has hitherto done. The value and popularity of the new Imperial stock would depend upon the view of the stability of the consolidated Imperial Government taken by the investing classes. If this were a favourable one, this stock would also probably be more valuable than the old United Kingdom stock, as besides the United Kingdom, the rising colonies would also be liable. In this case, the pecuniary position of both Great Britain and of the empire at large would be improved. I think there can be no doubt that Imperial consolidation would increase the estimation in which Great Britain is held by foreign nations. This would ha[)i)en, perhaps, not so much because the immediate physical power of the emjnre would be increased, but because there would be a pledge that the development of our race would go on without hindrance, and that its future strength would not be wasted and s[)lit up by disintegration and internal quarrels. Imagination has great weight even in diplomacy, and the minds of foreign 44 THE QOVEnNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. stc^esmon would be impressed with the vision of our mighty empire, its peopli'd continents and countries throughout the world, knit together lirnily in one harmonious whole. Until now they liave, instead, looked forward to the time when England, shorn of her crown of colonies, despised and treated with ingratitude by the children that she has brought forth, should sink into a Hol- land or a Denmark, a memory of past glories, and a lesson for the ages to come. Tliat this would be the result if all our dependencies were parted from us, and were ruled by governments animated by the jealousy of their mother-country, which the policy of the United States Government has undoubtedly shown, is, I fear, more than a possibility ; but a popular belief that it would be so is the best surety that such a partition shall not occur. To no power would the change be more beneficial than to the United States themselves. We have no really antagonistic interests, and ought mutually to rejoice in each other's prosperity, which, after all, is the common glory of our race. And, with regard to our foreign policy and general interests, a close political union with our colonies would give such a definite character to our national aims that neither we ourselves nor foreign countries in regarding our policy could stand in doubt, as all do at present, as to what it is we really value and would defend at the cost of war. It would be, perhaps, a rash prophecj'^ to say that any principles of govern- ment are so unalterably settled, that it is certain that a supreme Imperial Parliament would insist on their being recognized in every part of the empire by every local Goverimient. There are, however, a few fundamental rules which we at present maintain everywhere, and which I believe will rather increase than loosen their hold upon the public mind in England. They are, Eepresentative Government, Personal Freedom, or absence of slavery in any form, Humane Treatment of Native Eaces, and Toleration of all lleligious Opinions. To these may perhaps be added. Free Trade. All these matters are of Imperial importance, and concern either the national conscience or interest. The first — Ilepresentative Government — has already been sufliciently discussed. There is no principle of political morality with which Englishmen now-a- days more universally agree than with the maxim that Slavery is itself a wrongful practice — of such a character that no compromise may be made with regard to it. Though this national conviction is not one of very long standing, there is no other moral principle which we have carried to all its consequences so unhesitatingly and so thoroughly. With regard to it, we have acted as national proselytizers ; we have not, as in the case of the truths of Christianity, contented ourselves with the peaceful persuasion of private missionaries, but we have carried the gospel of freedom, vi et armis, with fire and the sword. We have rooted out the unclean thing from our own dominions at great cost and THE aoVKRNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 45 with unsparing Imnd. And yet tliore exists a dang(!i' that without the oxcrcisc of a watchful eyo we may in some parts of the empire find ourselves {jjrudually permitting some of the features of slavery. The temptation to tiiis is very strong in those parts whore we have at once a virgin and fertile soil, and a climate so hot as to incapacitate persons of European arrungomonts with native races into its own hands, but tliere is one contingency in which it is bound to do so, that in which it is necessary to defend the colonists by military forco from native attack or revolt. It is fretpiently in these cases that th(f feelings of colonists are most strongly excited against the native races. The true remedy lies in a stronger and a represent itivo Imperial (jrovernment. It is not likely that an Imperial I'drliament with colonial representatives would take u less humane view of our duty to aborigines than the present one, but it would speak with far more authority, and would bo credited by colonists with greater knowledge of the real state of the various parts of the empire. I believe that such a I'arliamcnt could, without taking away auy authority possessetl by local governments, by its expression of opinion alone, secure that native interests should be treated with more consideration than at present ; and that if it became necessary for it directly to interfere, it could do so with greater assurance that its decisions would be cheerfully accepted. There is fortunately less likelihood that any diflerence of opinion could arise between th(,' Imperial and any of the local governments as to the fullest toleration of religious opinions of every kind, and to their public exercise, provided this did not involve the commission of acts contrary to public policy or decency, or to hunninity. We have fortunately no European religious body within our empire whose creed is connected with a practice so opposed to public interest and law as the polygamy of the Mormons, which, I believe, would bo tolerated neither by home or colonial sentiment; but if such a sect were to arise, and become numerous in any of our colonies, it would clearly be a matter of Imperial interest to decide how far the practice of polygamy should be allo'Acd within any of the dominions of the Crown. In this case, also, the presence of representatives of the provinces specially affected would be able to assist the Imperial Parliament in coming to a wise decision. Free trade does not, perhaps, properly come within the same category as the principles first enumerated, as it is one which has not been hitherto practised or enforced as part of our system of Imperial Grovernment. Taxatitm has been considered as a local question entirely within the province of each local govern- ment, which has looked only to its own interests, apart from the effect that its financial policy might have ujjon other parts of the empire. This has been tho natural result of England's own mercantile policy, which, until a comparatively recent time, made its tariffs and commercial laws solely for the advantage, as it was then considered, of English merchants, without consideration of the industrial interests of either the colonists or of Ireland. In both cases, however, thert; has been tho ssime principiil cnuse, namely, that the local bodies who made tho taxes, tarifl's, and laws, have regarded their own interests as seiiarate from those of their fellow subjects who happen to live outside the bounduries of their own prevince, although those boundaries were sometimes of an entirely arbitrary kind. 48 THE QOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIItE. It iH of thn (Iccjiost iinportanco to tho pinpiro that its various parts hIiouM BO order their flHcal arianujeiiienta as to intL'rlbr(» as littlo as poHsihlo with tho jirognss of tho others, and so of the wholo. It is admitted that thn elVect of free trade is ciuise e c'l'^iipfst lors will he iihitiints of in ciiso of pplyiii}; nil ) or area of lo employ- lay neii shown in tho relative progress of two Australian colonies, Nt;w South Wales ami Victoria, the fornior adopting a free trade and the latter n protective policy. In tho tlvi' years fnun 1870 to 1875, the exports of New South Wales, with free trado, increased H',] |)er cent., while those of Viitoria only increased 1(> per cent. The shipping of tlu; former als > increased 48 jier cent., and that of tho latter 25 per cent., in tho samo period. Tho n^lativo increase of New South Wales in other respects has been little less rennirlcable. The taxation in New South Wales is at tho rate of £1 ISs. 3(^ per head, while in Victoria it is £2 28. Od Tlui same argumiuits apply to tho relations of all purts of the empini with each other. With free trade tho em|»ire will Im; s(df-supporting, though each part of it may not be so by itself. Wo tnU'^t trust to our great navy and extensive mercantile marine to keep open communications between the various parts, which will thus attain their highest possible development, and tht* dill'erent wants of tho large populations which must n^sult will '''ways provide suitable employment for every person. The cost to the empire Oi the largest navy will be nothing compared with the enormous pecuniary advantages derived by it from Imperial free trade. At the same time it does not fidlow that it would he wise for the Imperial (lovernment to [)ress fr(;e trade against the wish of tho (•(donists. It wouhl possihly have been politic for that government, in granting representative local government to each of the colonies having that privilege, to have provided that the local government should not have the power of imjiosing prohibitory duties upon goods coming from other parts of the empire ; but this opportunity has been nllowed to pass, and we have to regard each of those colonies as practically independent of Imperial control in the matter of taxation, and as accustomed, by its means, to intOifero with the free course of trade. There is no necessity, however, why such restrictive measures on tho part of the colonists should l)e passed without notice by the Imperial authorities. England has long been in the habit, by its ambassadors, of pressing upon the notice of powerful European Governments the injury that their protective com- mercial systems were doing to English manufactures and to the production of raw materials in English colonies, and it has frequently succeeded in obtaining modifications of those systems. The Imjierial Government would be at least entitled to use the same pressure upon colonies of the empire that it does upon foreign and independent States ; and it could do so with the greater force, that • its efforts would be made on behalf of interests in which the colonists shared, and to which they could not become politically opposed. As public opinion in the colonies is the eventual arbiter of all (lisi)ut d questions, such pressure would be suitably and sufficiently exercised by a statement by the Imperial 50 THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIKE. Govemment of the evil eft'eets caused, ia their opinion, by the taxation or Custonas' duties complained of, to the general welfare of the empire. This statement might be addressed in the fiist place to the colonial government, and then published for the consideration of colonists. It can scarcely be expected that Inipc'.ial consolidation would of itself immediately cause the colonists to abandon their protective measures ; but it would have this good result, that they would be encouraged to regard the relative interests of their own and of other provinces of the empire from a broader and less exclusive point of view. From this, and also from the progress of economical knowledge, we may oxj)ect the gradual adherence of all local governments to the munificent principle of free trade. It now only remains to consider the means by which Imperial reform can be carried into effect. And the first reqiiisite for this result is that there should be a genei-al opinion, both at home and in the colonies, that such a reform is nec^essiry and practicable. For this purpose every speech of a public man, every artic'e in a new8])aper, and every book, which has the effect of drawing the attention of men of British race to the relation of England and her colonies* does a public service. As might be expected, the colonists, who have their relations more often brought to their notice in a [)ractical way, have taken the lead in insisting that some closer connection between the various parts of the empire is demanded by Imperial interests. The iloyal Colonial Institute in London has greatly contributed to a healthy state of opinion in colonial affairs, and has been the means of bringing together, for the exchange of ideas, residents in the most opposite parts of the empire. Some of the members of the Institute are much in favour of Im^^erial confederation for the empire, involving Imperial representation of the colonies ; though, as far as I am aware, no elaborated scheme, nor consideration of details, has yet been made. Though our objects for the consolidation of the empire are the same, it will have been seen that the arrange- ment I have here sketched can in no sense be called Imperial confederation. A federal system, or confederation, in its nature presupposes that each member of it is an equal and inde[)endent jiarty to a contract by which the confedeiation is formed, and has theoretically the same right to secede from the union that it had to enter into it. The United States of North America is legally a confederation of equal States, and the late war by which tlie secession of the Southern States was suppressed was, constitutionally, an illegal war, and was opposed as such by the strict constitutionalists in all the States. Jloreover, in a confederacy, no change of the basis up(m which the union is formed can properly be made without a reassembling of the equal and independent parties io re-settle the terms of the contract. No doubt in ju-actice this is often avoided, but it is always with inconvenience and with a straining of the strict letter of the law — ever an undesirable cxj)cdient. These evils are constantly !l ,tion or . This ;nt, and xpec'ted mists to lit, that 1 and of yi view. f expect ieii)le of orm can should eform is lie man, drawing colonies* ive their iken the ts of the ititute in il affairs, residents Institute Imperial scheme, for the arrange- ition. at each hieli the from the iierica is secession war, and Moreover, med can it j)urties is often the strict onstantly THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 51 liable to appear in confederations, and almost always do so in one form or other- In dissentions between the whole of the parts, the victory is usually with the central authority ; but it is at tlie expense of much ill-feeling, and of tlie con- victions of some of the most worthy members of society. Fortunately the present position of the British Empire allows us to obtain all the advantageous results of confederation without its dangers. We have now a Sovereign end a Legislature "in these her realms, and all other her dominions and countru^s, over all persons, in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as temporal " supreme ; and we are accustomed to see that supremacy exercised in all the empire in a manner agreeable to all classes of her subjects. It is possible that by these means a union of all the dominions of the Crown may be made with the same consent of the various parts that a confederation implies, but in a legal form at once more stable and more elastic. It is indubitable that, in strict constitu- tional law, the Queen in her Imperial Parliament might reorganize the empire, by granting the Imperial suffrage to the colonies, without consulting the colonists at all, and the latter would be guilty of rebellion in resisting any of her decrees tiius made. But with semi-dependent and at the same time loyal states as the colonies are, such a course would be equally unwise and unjust. What can be done is, that when the colonists have arrived at the state of mind which would have impelled them, if they were independent parties, to confederate, the Queen and her Imperial Parliament shall pass an Imperial Act which of its own force shall knit the empire into a compact whole, legally unassailable at any future time by any dissentient part. In this case, if any dissatisfaction arose, and a part of the empire attempted to secede from it, the sympathies of all constitu- tionalists would, unlike those of the United States, be always against secession. And also, unlike the United States, where the rigidity of the constitution is, and probably will continue to be, a danger to progress and order, the Imperial con- stitution could be modified by the supreme authority to suit the changing circumstances of the empire without either illegality or scruple. I know of no attributes of a wide representative government more likely to produce perma- nence than these. The modern tendency on the Continent and elsewhere towards the political unity of races has not expressed itself in the form (f confederation, but rather in that of a central government, with an Imperial head for certain Imperial purposes ; and this has been shown, undoubtedly, to produce a stronger government than a merely federal bond can do. What is wanted is not Imperial confederation, but Imperial reform, which, both as a word and a thing, is more suited to our traditions and wants tlian the fortner. We may hope that tlie Koyal Colonial Institute will continue its efforts in favour of Imperial representation of the colonies ; and in consequent discussifms by men acquainted both with home and colonial opinion, the plan for its accom- [)lishment most suitable to the [)osition of the empire will be arrived at. E 2 52 THE GOVEUNMFNT OF THK EMPinE Though many of the most enlightened colonists are already alive to the necessity of st)me ehiinge, and are pres&ing the matter into notiee, it has not been found that the colonial political class, as a rule, have advocated any steps for bringing the colonies into closer relation witli England, and the reason for this is not hard to seek. The position of a politician acting in the government of one of our colonies is one of great importance and dignity, naturally cherished by its possessor. If he is a far-sighted man, who looks forward with confidence to the great future that awaits his colony, he is naturally anxious that his name should be associated in the minds of posterity with the history of its early fortunes, lie therefore is tempted to regard with suspicion any measure which be fears might have the eftect of taking any of the control of those fortunes whi<;h he now has out of his hands, and thus reducing his actual and historical claims to notice. That these fears are really unfounded where such extensive powers of local government must always exist I have already en- deavoured to show, and that the effect of colonial representation woidd really be to offer a political career far more magnificent than at present to a colonist of first-rate abilities ; still, I fear it cannot be doubted that this reform would encounter the opposition of a section at least of the colonial political world. No change of magnitude can be carried out without interfering with some apparent inti^rests. However, if the matter were formally before colonial notice, wo might reasonably expect that parties would be divided on this as on every other subject, and that, if reform were opposed by the colonial government, it would be supported by the colonial opposition. The ditliculty lies in this, neither at home nor in the colonies is there any wide-spread dissatisfai-tiou with the present state of things. Everyone admits that it is only a terajioravy state mIu'cIi cannot in its nature be of any long continuance, but few people have any notion of what may be the result, or would be willing to tak*? steps towards a great change purely from speculative reasons. On the other hand, if some real cause of dissatisfaction with the present con- nection of the empiie were to arise either here or in the colonies, hostile feelings would be ai'onsed on both sides, which would throw the greatest difficulties in the way of making any Imperial reform or preserving our present unity. This has been already proved by our experience in the disputes with our American colonies, now forming the United States. There is also this further difficulty in the (?ase of our present colonies. Tliey have the additional reason for satisfaction with the present state of affairs, that they now have all the benefit of England's great Imperial expenditure without contributing anything towards it, while they have, at the same time, the most complete autonomy in their own internal affairs. In any possible scheme for Imperial unity some provision must be made for their [)n)viding a share of the funds required for this expenditure. Would the colonists then consent to a new system, entailing this burden upon THE GOVERNMENT OF TUB EMPIEE. 53 them, unless tlioy woie compelled to do so by some urgcut cause, such as pressure by the Imperial Government ? The ouly means of pressure upon the colonies open to the Imperial Government would be to threaten to withdraw the protection now afforded by Great JJritaiu, and thus to compel them to incur much greater expenses in providing separately for themselves all the requisites of pro- tection and government than the y would undertake in simply contributing to the Imperial exchequer. But this would be to threaten a dismemberment of the empire, a catastroplie which it would be the special object of any reform permanently to avert; and I am convinced that public sentiment in England would never sanction such a course being taken. It is probable that thieats of any kind on the part of the Imperial Government would tend, as the separatist policy fashionable in England some time ago undoubtedly did tend, to weaken the attachment of the colonists to the mother-country. If the colonists believe that England is unfeignedly anxious, even at the cost of much expense and trouble, to retain then in union with herself, they will be much more willing to meet her just wishes. Those of British race will be generous to those who act generously and openly towards them. If, therefore, the full facts connected with England's share in Imperial government were laid before them, and were discussed calmly without any pressure, the reasonableness of their assisting her in her great work would be admitted, and colonial governments would be forced by public opinion in the colonies to unite with the Imperial Government in carrying some comprehensive and suitable Imperial measure. Jloreover, colonists will be anxious in time to be rid of the kind of quasi-dependence to which they are subject at present, and to have personally some share in directing the affairs of the gi'eat empire of which they form so important a part. When this anxiety becomes strongly felt, as it undoubtedly will be, if no great disputed question should previously arise to estrange colonial attachment from the mother-country, they will be met at once by the obvious difliculty that they cannot in fairness ask for power without being willing at the same time to undertake somt* of the consequent responsibilities. To the two noble motives, desire to have a share in the Imperial govern- ment of their race, aniiug, as we see in the case of the monarch who liuds himself oblige d to submit to the pressure of a po[»ulur assembly. But none the less is it often necessary to do it, and wise to do it with a good grace. And there never was a renunciation of power to which those who 54 THE aOVEUNMENT OP TUE EMPIRE. make it, need look with less apprehension. For it is the admission by a parent of the children that he has reared, to share in a great enterprise and in mighty aims. To them he relinquishes some of the control and some of the glory, and to them he looks in their young strength for help in the burden and heat of the day, to maintain not only the glorious work that he has created, but to carry it where even his strong arm alone cannot reach. We in England should no doubt lose our exclusive right of determining the foreign policy of the empire, but that policy would be strengthened by the very loss, and we should show a fatal short-siglitedness, if for the sake of the sole exercise of Imperial power we threw away any opportunity of engaging our colonies to cast in their lot with us, both for better and for worse. Most truly did Burke, in his speech for conciliation with the American colonies, say, on March 22ud, 1775,* "As we must give away some natural liberty to enjoy civil advantages, so we must sacrifice some civil liberties fur the advantages to be derived from the communion and fellowship of a great empire." I have already pointed out, in discussing the effect of Imperial consolidation upon the colonies, that the difficulty most likely to hinder their acceptance of any scheme for it will be that they must undertake at the same time a share in Imperial taxation, which has been till now the burden of the United Kingdom alone. It must not be supposed that the acceptance of a share of this burden by the colonies would cause a corresponding alleviation of the Imperial taxes paid in Great Britain. It is probable that these would at least be as large as at present, if not more so. One of the consequences pf the existing unsette 1 relations of the colonies to the mother-country is, that defences by fortification, coaling stations for ships of war, and necessary communications by telegraph, are, especially as regards the Australian colonies, either non-existent or greatly deficient, over large areas, which would have to be defended by us in time of war. This deficiency has lately attracted a good deal of attention, but nothing has yet been done really to meet the difficulty in a suificient manner. The colonists have neglected to do for them- selves what it was imagined might be done for them by the Imperial Government ; and the latter has naturally objected to spend English money on what appeared to be really a local concern. And besides these existing deficiencies, fresh centres of Avealth are day by day arising in most of the colonies which will render necessary constant additions to the defences that are now required. Though under a centralized Imperial Government, it will probably be found practicable to make a certain class of military fortifications a purely local charge, there is much to be done in the colonies, the expense of which would properly fall on the Imperial excheqtier. The colonists would justly expect that upon their contributing to the Imperial funds, steps should at once be taken to provide for their security, ♦ ' lUii-ke's Siiceclies,' vol. i., p. 3'J7. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIHE. 55 and they would press their wants tlirough their representatives in the Imperial Parliament, in a manner not likely to be neglected.* But as the United Kingdom must, for a good many years to come, still provide by far the largest share of the Imperial funds, it is likely not only that all colonial contributions would in reality be spent in the colonial interest, but tliat a considerable part of those obtained from the United Kingdom would go to the same destination. The people of Great Britain, therefore, cannot be attracted to a support of Imperial unity by the prospect of a diminution of their burdens (except, as I have already attempted to show, in the matter of their funded debt), and they must consequently look, for the advantages of such a scheme to themselves, to other considerations. And what these considerstions are, no one who has followed in history the course of England, since her people became a nation, can doubt. For it has been prompted by a spirit working within, passing on from the fathers to the children, and ever showing itself from age to age, in varied and diverse forms. This spirit is the spirit of empire, and it lives not in the brain of the despot, but in the heart of the people. With the government, or without the government, it has worked its way, and it will work its way still. No English monarch has been permanently popular who lacked this spirit, and it is an essential qualification of a great Minister. With the two great weapons of trade and colonization, it is gaining the supremacy of the world ; and no force has yet appeared which can check its march onward. It aims at empire, not for the glory which is attained thereby, nor for the simple pleasure of ruling over wide lands and numerous races, nor for the tribute of peoples ; but that it may assimilate other races to the English race, and enforce their obedience to laws of action that Englishmen have evolved for themselves, and wish to see everybody else follow. But like all great forces, it shows no haste, and works on, biding its time. It is to this powerful spirit of the empire of race we must look as a principal cause, not only to make Imperial unity possible, but to force it into a reality. There would be also material advantages to Great Britain in such a union, which cannot fail to have their weight. The easing of the over-worked and over-weighted machinery of her present Parliament; the strength that she will draw from her increasing colonies as time rolls on ; the sense that they can never become her enemies, and that with their help her work may indeed delovop in new channels, but can never decay, and is ensured against the weakness of old age ; these are considerations which may well influence a nation that has done much in the past, and has much to show for it in the present, but ♦ Probably one of the greatest difSculties in the workinj^ of an Imix'rial Parliament with colonial reiiresentation, woukl bo at tiie coniniencenient, in moderatint; the demands made by out- lyinji; provinces upon the Imperial exchequer, without at the same time causing local dis- talisfactioM. r 56 THE GOVERNMENT OP THE EMPIRE. who knows, or ought to know, that what has been gained has been out of all proportion to tlie little geographical space which has prodiic 'd the men that have gained it, and that they have been aided in their work by physical and other causes unlikely to exercise the same weight in ptTpetiiity. Indeed, Imperial unity is the only fitting climax to our noble history in the past. England has only once really failed in her functions of government, and though that ftiilure occurred with regard to her dependencies, she has learnt and profited by it. But she has to prove to the wur''l that she is able, besides providing freedom and tranquillity at home, to consolidate her empire on the basis of that freedom and tranquillity. Without Imperial unity, she will have shown herself able indeed to sow, but not to reap. And the harvest ought surely to be near ; it is ready to our hand. Other nations have achieved the union of the branches of their races under one government by violent revolu- tions, by wars, by annexations, and with the greatest difliculties. We have the union already made, and have only by wise reforms to render it permanent and put it out of the reach of danger. Let us seize the present moment for these efforts, when the empire is tranquil and progressive; when no great question of home politics disturbs our minds ; when faction is hushed ; when no controversy exists between the Government in England and any province of the empire ; when those who would dismember the empire have been tried and found wanting ; and when Englishmen, both at home and in the colonies, so readily admit the advantages they gain from allegiance to a common Sovereign. Let us not wait till the blood is heated by disputes which the present un- certainty may any day produce. Our experience in America shows that an arrangement is then impossible, and that experience is the best guide to the future. No doubt the change would be in a certain sense a revolution ; but the history of the English people has been one long series of revolutions carried on often imperceptibly, and preserving order and old names and associations. Such revolutions were the emancipation of the villeins, the reformation of the Church, the amalgamation of Scotland and of Ireland with England, and the gradual assumption by the House of Commons of the supreme power in the State. These revolutions are not to be feared, and with them the word is robbed of its sting. And how can these great reforms be made ? I would re2)ly, in the same manner, that all great reforms are made in these islands and among men of British race, by the Legislature, after the public have become convinced by means of general discussion that they are necessary and practicable. The first step is the forcing of tlie questions at issue upon the public mind at home and in the colonies; the second is the determinatitm of the form in which change can safely and wisely be mndc In both these the help of the Alinisters of the * t ^ THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 57 I I L i Crown is needfnl. And at present there is little doubt that it would be accorded by Ministers of either of the political parties that Her lAlujesty can suiumon to her service. There is no substantial diflcroncc in tlie present policy towards the colonies advocated by either of them. And there is no measure that British statesmen could carry which wouhl be so glorious as this ; as it concerns the deepest interests of thei'* country and people, not only now, but in the most distant future ; and it would affect, perhaps more profoundly than any other political course open to human action, the destinies of the world at large. The Minister wim sliould succeed in carrying into efl'oct the political consolida- tion of the British race would earn for himself an imperishable name, and the era in which it w.is accomplished would merit the respect of posterity. The course which has been taken by Lord Carnarvon, in South Africa shows what an able and disinterested Colonial Minister may do in educating and convincing colonial opinion in favour of a wide and beneficent scheme of comprehension ; and the same process is possible with regard to a wider and moro iuipoitant scheme for Imperial unity. Probably, the most reasonable course, if a Minister were willing to promote such unity, would be that he should send out to the colonies, to which it was proposed to offer Imperial representation, the draft of an Imperial scheme for public information and discussion, and should request the colonial legislatures to send to England delegates to explain the fieelings and wishes of their colonies upon the subject. It is possible that intercommuni- cation between the delegates of the various colonies, the Ministers of the Crown, and other home statesmen, might have the effect of smoothing difficulties and promoting the spirit of compromise, most necessary to complete a work of such magnitude. For the interests of England we may hope that the question may never, at home, be made one of party. It is a national question, and the interests, sentiments, and sensibilities of so many communities of Englishmen are afi'ected by it, and have to be considered in the discussion upon it, that violent party opposititm, or harsh words on the part of prominent Englishmen might produce complications which would destroy all chances of success, and perhaps lead to the dissolution of the empire. I believe no motion in favour of the consolidation of the enq)ir(% by giving the colonists Imperial representation, has been brought before the House of Commons in recent times, but such a motion would be of great service, as it would induce a discussion which would put before the world the advantages which might be gained, and the dilUculties which have to be met, iu tlie accoinplislunent of Imperial reform. If these pages should have the efl'ect either of inducing any member of Parliament to undertake such a motion, or of bringing the enormous interest which the peojtle of Great Britain have in the loi)tion of a sound basis of union with their brethren in her de[)endencies, in a( f 58 THE GOVERNMENT OP THE EMPIHE. any way to the notice of the public, they will have fully attained the purpose of their author. In conclusion, I would point out that if in spite of difliculties and opposition the genius of the English people should succeed in accomplisliing this crowning work in tlieir political development, there would be at least this pledge of its stability and permanence, that it would have on its side the only great principle Avhicli has in modern times proved strong enough to cause either the formation or the disintegration of states — a community of race and language. And, if we ask whether this success would result in the moral, intelleotnal, and material benefit of the race that it more particularly concerns, and of the world at large, I think that the deeds of England in the past, and the spirit in which she now looks forward to the future, will unite in giving an affirmative reply. Note upon Mu. Gold win ^uith'b Article in the ' Fortnightly Beview' of xipril \st, 1877, upon the ' Political Destiny of Canada' Since nearly the whole of the foregoing pages were written, Mr. Goldwin Smith has published an article containing reasons why, in his opinion, the Dominion of Canada, in particular, and ineidenttdly also, why the other English colonies cannot in the future be united with Great Britain and each other under one Imperial Government. He regards the hope of colonial representation as an extravagant dream. But when his reasons are examined, I think they will be found by no means of crushing weight. ]\Ir. G, Smith well says, and I for one entirely agree with him, " The great forces prevail. Tliey prevail at last, however numerous and apparently strong the secondary forces opposed to them may be. They prevailed at last in the case of German unity and in the case of Italian independence. In each of these cases the secondary forces were so heavily massed against the event that men renowned for practical wisdom believed the event would never come. It came, irresistible and irrevocable, and we noAv see that Bismarck and Cavour were only ministers of fate. " Sus^jended, of course, and long suspended by the action of the secondary forces the action of the great forces may be. It was so in both the instances just mentioned. A still more remarkable instance is the long postponement of the union of Scotland with Englard by the antipathies resulting from the abortive attempts of Edward I., ana )y a subsequent train of historical accidents, such as the absorption of the energies of England in continental or civil wars. But the Union came at last, and, having the great forces on its side, it came for ever." IMr. Smitli then states that' the great forces are in favour of the separation of Canada from the English empire. It is n little remarkable that the only th THE OOVEUNMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 09 instances he gives of great forces in the foregoing passngo, are those that have compelled the political union of the various brandies of one race under one government. But the great forces oji wliich he relies for compelling the separa- tion of Canada from the empire, are, its distance from England, the divergence of interest and the divergence of political cliaracter of Englishmen living in those two parts of the empire, and lastly the attractions presented by the United States, with their identity of race, language, religion, and general institutions, to those of Canada, together with economic iniluences. Jlr. Smith's opinion is a valuable one where it has been formed from facts which his residence in Canada and the United States of America has brouglit under his notice. His views are, however, here founded upon what he considers general possibilities, of which persons who have not resided in America may form as valuable opinions as himself. He is a witness to the existence of a strong Canadian feeling in favour of a continued connection with England, and to the " glamour of Hritish association." His political predictions and wishes are on one side ; the evidence that he is compelled to bear as to actual facts, is on the other. His local knowledge, however, enables him to show that certain forms of the Unionist feeling are of secondary and transient importance ; but ho entirely puts out of sight and undervalues the great force which is at work to prevent disintegration and create unity, and Avhich, aided by the secondary orces, that he admits together make a strong cable, may be found of supreme importance — I mean the love and the power of race. Of geographical distance, as a great force, he finds little else to say than that " few have fought against geography and prevailed," while he admits that increasing skill is likely to increase our powers of intercommunication by steam and telegraph, though he thinks the cost of transit will not be lessened. In truth, the ocean is no real barrier between England and America ; it is our safest and best highway. It is an unfailing permanent road which requires no money to keep it fit for travelling, and which, to a great naval power, can be closed neither by public nor by private enemies. With no land between, we are adjacent countries. The strongest argument against Mr. Smith's views for the future is, that with far inferior means of communication than those which are now open to us, the union has continued to exist in the past. If England's distance from America is what l\Ir. Smith calls geography, then we have fought against it, and have prevailed. With Mr. Goldwin Smith's next great force, of " divergence of interest," it is still more difficult to deal, for he does not say much more about it than that such a divergence exists, and is as wide as possible both in diplomatic and economical questions. It is difficult to see why Englishmen in Canada have nothing to do with the European and Oriental concerns of England, and with the development of their race in other parts of tlie world. As a matter of fact. f 60 THE QOVEnNMENT OF TUB EMPIRE. however, such is not thoir opinion. Mr. Smitli points out nnd laments tliat Iho Caniulinn has not such an exchisivc attaclimcnt as lio would wish to Caiiiuhi, as tho sole country round wliieh liis fcolinji;s of patriotism should cliiif^; but ho does not see that the cause of this is that tht; Canadian fools ho is a nienibcr of a groat and a wide-spread race, and owes attachment, not merely to tin; fortunes of the land upon which he resides, but to the race of which he is proud to be a member. That- he lives where he does is an accidental eircumstance; his relationsliip to the other members of his own race is a force out of his own control, affecting nearly every sentiment oncl hope that he has, Certainly Mr. Smith's way of regarding national ties is not the way of his countrymen, and helps to show his want of sympathy v.ith their feelin;j;s That ho apparently thinks it possible that the Chinese may ultimately be allowed to expel people of the British race from the Australian colonies, and that the unassimilateil Irish may take their place in the United States, and p()s>ibly in J'higland her?elf, is an example of the unsympathizing and jaundiced view with which he regards the progress and aspirations of his fellow-countrymen. Such is not the spirit in which Englishmen have made their way in the world, and will continue to make it. The remissness that may possibly have been shown by the Imperial Govern- ment in the advocacy of the claims of Canada, in dealings with tlie United States, would be remedied by the colonial representation that I have attempted to urge in the foregoing pages ; it has occurred, when it has, not so much from diversity of interest, as from want of some recognized way by which the Canadians could make known their wishes and wants in England. It is scarcely an argument against the permanent unity i>f the empire that Canada has retained the same currency that it had previous to tho secession of the United States, and which was inherited by both of them from the original Spanish colonizers of America. It is undoubtedly in the power of the United States to interfere with and injure tho trade of Canada by hostile duties, trade regulations, sind the shutting up of their markets ; but even Mr. Smith does not appear to suppose that Canada could be coerced into secession from tho empire, and into a union with the States, by such means. It is more reasonable to believe that the people of the United States will come to see that their real interests lie in favour of free trade, and will enter into commercial treaties with the British Empire for the general advantage. Such treaties are far more likely to be negotiated by the Imperial Government, acting in the interests of tho empire at large, and of the bulk of all the United States' customers, than by the govcrnu'i'nt of Canada alone, which represents a very small part of them. I would also remark that it yet remains to be seen what will be the efi'ect upon tJie United Stat(»s themselves of the' increased value which is now set upon the bloud-relationships in tlio ! I" b ks THE aOVFRNMENT 01" THE EMPIRE. 61 I t]lilt tlio iiiiadii, as ; but ho K'inbor of ' I'oitiincs 1 to bo II iiic(!; liis Ills OSMl CV'ituiiily men, and ppareiitly pt'oplo of toil Irish vle, a huge debt, gigantic l)rofliga('y in all branches of the executive government, are not things of a character to allure free and contented neighbours, who share but in a small degree in such curses, to a more intimate union with them. But these things are marked features of the United States as a community. The present commercial depression there, though no doubt only temporary, shows that republican government and boundless land are no preventives of the most serious evils which occur in modern civilized life. At the same time I am quite willing to admit that if under present circumstances the tie which binds Canada to the rest of the Britiih Empire were loosened by the upsetting of the f 62 TUB QOVEnNMBNT OF TUE EMPIRE. British IVrunarehy in a revolution at homo, or by any otlior cnnso woukoning the cohosioii of tho Uritish nice, tho attraction ti) tho United States, if they remained in their present form, nii<^ht bu too great to bo resisted. If, howeV(,'r, some such Imporiul union as I have urged should bo adopted, it is more probable that tiio attraction to tho rest of tho British Kmpiro wouhl remain in tlie preponderance, and tlie circumstances under which tho Unitoil States conhl exercise a superior influence wouhl never arise. In such a case the attracitivo force might be found acting upon, rather than from, the United States themselves. Mr. Smith asks what has been the destiny of colonies down to the present time, and what has become! of the American dependencies of Spain, Bortugal, France, and Holland? The colonies of Spain, except Cuba, have no doubt separated from her, but it was not until, by continued intermarriage with the native races, tho people of those colonies had become Spaniards in nothing but name, and the priiujiple of race had become a repellent instead of an attractive power. The government of Mexico since the separation from Spain has for considerable periods been carried on by full-blooded natives. Tiio same has been the case in some of the South American States. There is surely no analogy between these instances and British colonies where no such deterioration of blood has taken place. In Brazil and the Portuguese colonies the same extinc- tion of pure European blood had occurred before their separation from the mother-country, and the relation of Brazil to Portugal was further complicated by dynastic disturbances. The colonies of Holland we have mostly ourselves acquired by the fortune of war, and are gradually assimilating the Dutch people there to the English type. Such a conquest of our own colonies by another nation does not at present appear probable. The lost colonies of France have been likewise either annexed by us like Canada, or seized by an over-mastering inferior and alien population like San Domingo. In Canada, as ^Ir. Smith points out, the French population remains practically unassimilated by tho surrounding English one, and is no doubt a disturbing factor in the development of the Dominion in a British mould ; but this would be equally the case if it were joined to the United States, the only other possible course for it. Besides, the United States would be far less likely than the Imperial Government to allow the continuance of the separate and ancient institutions to which the French Canadians are much attached, and the fear of a disturbance of these privileges would always of itself prevent them from intriguing for the separation from the empire and a union with the neighbouring people. I think it is clear that the causes which have produced the separation from themselves of the colonies of those other European nations do nut exist to disturb the connection of Britisli colonies with the mother-country. As IMr. Smith aspires to the character of a political prophet, it is worth while to notice the manner in which some of his past prophecies appear to bo Tlin OOVEnNMENT OF THE EMPIUB. 68 'ukoiiing , if th.-y liowover, is more 3muiu in U'8 coulil ittructivo )iijselve8. 3 present Portugal, no doubt with the tiling but ittractive n has for same has analogy )ration of le extinc- frora the mplicated ourselves cih people y another inco have nastering Ir. Smith bv the elopment case if it Besides, nnient to ^liich the of these eparation t is clear i^s of the jnnectiou is worth 3ar to bo working thtir fiiKilmcnt. In iHiu], ho published in a work called 'The Enipire,' Honic letters which ho had written in the previous year to the newspapers upon the Hidtjeet of our colonial sway. In the I'rcfac'e, p. xxi., ho says :* " If in the midst of tlu^ vast revolution which is going on over the world, the almost in- visible lilanients of pnlitical connection wliieh still bind Kngland to \u;r cctlonies should at length ccmsc to exist, and if she were to tind that a few military positions no long(T answered the purpose for which they had bt?en occupied, or repaid the money they cost, history a c(;ntury hence would not nund>er thia amongst the greatest events of an eventful age, nor give it so large a space in her record as she will give to other things of which England itself is the scene." Jlere Mr. Smitli evidently connects, as likely to bo contemporaneous circum- stances, the snapping of the tie which unites England to her colonies, and the abandonment of her military positions in them. The latter has almost univer- sally taken phicc, and yet the tie remains stronger than ever. In one of the letters, on page 10, Mr. Smith says, that Lord I'almerstoii, though youthful in bodily vigour, was old in ideas, and unconscious of the great moral and material changes that had taken place in Europe since he first entered public life: and then proceeds, "But he will be succeeled, probably, by statesmen more imbued with tlie ideas and alive to the exigencies of our own age, and, depend Jipou it, such statesmen will be disposed to retrench our empire in order to add to our security and greatness." Lord Palmerston passed away twelve years ago, anil five Ministries have since directed the fortunes of Great Britain ; but her empire has been increased and not retreuche I by them, and no government which showed a desire to diminish Her Majesty's dominions could stand for a session of Parliament. So much for Mr. Smith's predictions ; but he sings the same song still. ]\Ir. Smith, in his recent article, asks if a great effective union of all the provinces of the British Crown could be made, what would be the good of it? I have attempted in the foregoing pages to point out the many and most important benefits all branches of our race would receive, and I will only repeat now, that it would ensure that civilization should proceed in a snjooth and even manner ; that one colony of Englislimen should not cut the throats and destroy the p)-ogres3 of other colonies of Englishmen ; that the prosperity of Englishmen in one part of the world sliouhl be made conducive to the benefit of Englishmen in another, and the general and united progress of Englishmen, to the benefit of the world ; that the great and humane principles of government which English- men have discovered, and upon which they act, should bo observed in the future development of their race, and that they should be encouraged to take wide views and exhibit broad syiu[)athies rather than to narrow the sphere of their influence, and to limit their power of good by local and often shoit-sighted selfishness. * The italics are my own. Gi THE GOVERNMENT OP THE EMPIUE. If the prospect of the whole and united British race moving onward together in peaee and in happiness to higher developments of civilization and social progress, produces glory to the people that exhibit it, so mtich the better, for it will be glory of tl:o truest kind. But to the race, with sufh a prospect before it, that chooses from timidity, from selfishness, from want of a wide and noble aim to refrain from encountering the difficulties through wlucli it may be realized, no glory will be accorded either by bystanders or by history ; but it will be regarded as another instance of a people to whom vast opportunities were accorded, but who were not strong or good enough to avail themselves of them. And if such a prospect were realized, might not the mother-country share in that glory ? There would be a sufficient material advantage in it for her to satisfy tlie requirements of Sir George Cornewall Lewis, which Mr. Smith quotes ; for she would si^cure for herself in a couple of small islands a right to the protection, the care, and the respect of her children inhabiting half the world. iondon: ri!iNri:i) nv kdwauh STANrnun, 5;), ohaiuno ciinss. ^ing onward ilizatiou nml h the better, 'li a prospect f a wide and ich it may he f ; but it will •tunities were k'es of them, country share i\ it for her to h Mr. Smith ads a right to ting half th(5 PURCHASED.A^..^^Ce4XxJZ>r:^ From )l^4''4.-M«V*''^Mr^--i^*-=<>^^ Place of Purchase. Jut:M.