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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds d des taux de r6duction diffdrents. Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clichd, il est filmd d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant Ie nornbre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 . ■ 1 ' i i 5 1 1 1 I ( r aOUNO |4V MUSII :i A LETTER TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLS EARL OF HILLSBOROUGH, O N T H E CONNECTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN ^ A N D H E R AMERICAN COLONIES. A jn rege :—nift paret^ Impcrat. K o r . LONDON: Printed for T. Becket, in the Strand •, and J. Almoin, in Piccadilly. MDCCLXViri, .'^^ Ti- ll i I tf I I iwmMSiEunannn,raaemi?M'i ■'mmsBBfirgiimm.TmsKSBmtBsxrr A L E T T E R, c. ■ *illlWl ■ !■! lli 'M- i' A 4 My Lord, IT IS the way of the world to beflow favours more liberally on thofe who do not, than on thofe who do, want them. Nor^ is this univerfaily acknow- ledged propenfior, when fairly canvafled, fo very illaudable as it feems at firfl: blulli. PoiTefhons, of whatever kind, mull always imply a prefumption, at ieaft, of fome fort of merit. From the molt fordid crumenal, to the noblell- literary and fenatorial acquire- jnents, we may trace in the polTclTors a fpirit, or habit, beneficial to the pubiick -, B for ( 6 ) for the puhlick rubriil.s by the hibours and exertions of its individuals. Tlie poflef- {jV of tlie greater proportion of talents has even the exprefs fniclion of heaven for the acquifition of more : while the dull for- lorn wretcli, whole indolence and iirno- ranee have either dilhpated his (lore, or preferved barely the poor pittance which nature had granted, without fruit or in- creafc, is defcrvedly llripped of even that whicli he hatii. Pro.mpted by this principle, I prefumc to addrefs a few (cattered thoughts, (merit- ing notice, or not, as your judgement will determine,) on the fuhjedt of the relation betvvccn Great Britain and h^l' Colonies, to your Lordlhip, as the man perhaps in the world wlio want advice and informa- tion on this topick the Icafl ; but who, at the fame time, from priiiciple, ability, and flation, can malie the beft ufe, and the moil lalut^ry for your country, of the fmallcil: mite th';own into that treafure of commercial and political knov/ledge, which by ( 7 ) by attention and experience you Ir.vvc accu- mulated already. T H E grand qucaion rcfpcaing a par- liamentary taxiuiun of oar Color.us in America has been aptly and gcu'-rally di- vided into two parts ; the one relative to the Right of the LegiHature of Great En- tain to impoie taxes upon tliem at any time whatever, the other relative to the Expediency of exereiiing ili^h Right in the prefent conjuncture. I'he kgiflitive Riglit of this kingdom over every moft dilhmt parcel of the Laitilli empire, though fo- lemnly allirmed by a declaration of the hlghell, <.Mid mo.c authoritative nature, is IVdl doubted by many, who fjruple not to exprefs their doubts in llrong terms. The Expediency of exercifnig fueh Right at prclent, by levying a tax on the American Colonies, has, after long debate, been de- termined in the negative by the Aipremc let^ifiature. , by B 2 Upon ( 8 ) Upon this flate of the cafe, both que- itions arc, in my opinion, iHll open to dilcufTion. The former, becaiife many- men may lend a patient ear to private rea- fon, which offers itfelf with the concilia- ting air of equality, who revolt at once from the authority of parliamentary deci- fion : and it is furely more eligible to con- vince than to compel. Compulfion ex- tends only to adls, not to thoughts : and fuch thoughts as the people of this country entertain, it would be extremely diilicult, nor is it defireable, to prevent their ex- prcfli ng. They are a generous fpirited people, fond of freedom to cnthufiafm, and would maintain that of others at the hazard of their own; but, I hope, not madly at the certain lofs of it. The latter queftion, that, 1 mean, of Expediency, is ftill open to difcuHion ; be- caufe^ I'rom its nature, it can admit of no more than a temporary determination. What is not expedient to day may become fo to-morrow, but natural Rii^hts are of in:ab]e duration. Thus the Expediency mull \ ( 9 ) mud ever be free to debute ; the Right only lb far as may tend to convince the prejudiced and uninformed. TifF, two quelllons feem to me, In ma- ny points of view, fo clofely, and, I may fiy, cunningly, interwoven together, that tile lame thread of argument fuits the tex- ture of both. Though the divilion, there- fore, be clear, I profefs not to treat them always as feparate, but to blend, or diflin- guifli, as occalion may require. At the head of that army, which often- fibly ranges itfelf under the banners of li- berty, there proudly fteps forth a glgantlck phantom, jAumed with the arrogance of imaginary vigour, who hurls defiance againA all opponents, himfelf trucly invul- nerable, becaufc a mere goblin of air. I mean the monllrous idea of a Firtual Rcpref'ntcition. Grant this phantom, for one nion at, a poffible exiftence, and he militates equally, in the prefent conteft, for Great Britain, and her Colonies. If he ( 10 ) he makes but one ftcp from Manchcrter to London, he may as eafily ilraie Colol- fus-likc acrofs the Atlantick. If any one town In England be but virtually reprc- fented, her Colonies have furdy no good caufe to murnuir, if they be inchidcd with- in the lame predicament. So that all the boadcd rcafoning that Eloquence has drawn from the ftrange proportion of a Virtual Reprefentatlon labours obvioudy under the fatal objeaion of proving too much— a fa- tality attendant upon ahnoft every argu- ment worth a moment's confidcration, which the Advocates of America have late- ly adduced. Suppose, my Lord, two faber and fen- fible men, the one an Englilhman, the other a Colonill, fat down to reafon toge- ther, coolly and deliberately, on the po- pular fubjec^ of an American taxation by a Britifh legiaaturc. As to the point of Ex- pediency, it is pretty clear, I think, and certain, they can never agree. Wav- ing other ccnfiderations, this fingle bar to I harmony ( •■ ) hari "y will keep them always at vari- ance : /amcly, the good Englilliman, with all his generolity, having a rooted averfion to the paymert uf fco nomin:) Taxts, will ever think it expedient, if he bij I'ltlsiied of his Right, to ligritcn his own burden, by laying a part of it on American Ihcml- ders ; an idea of Expediency, to which the Ipirited Colonlft can never fuhfcribc, while he preferves that defire, lb uaturrd to man, t)f chilling rather to difpofe of his property hinifclf, than furler it to lie at the difpofal of another. The Right, however, opens a more ample field of arinmient ; the reafonlnp- on it is more abflr.iiiled, and comes not liome fo loon or ii:> ciofely to the Individual. I can well conceive the Eno-lilhm.in, uoon general theoretical notijns of Liberty, to whofe can lb he v: always \o v/armly at- tached, npon notions of EqurJity amongft all the fons of men., v^ry \\\vz in Ipecula- tion, and very falfe in fadl:, 1 ca.i conceive him, I lay, oi] the naked oueftici of Right, to i ,1 iS :i ( ^2 ) to be led away by plaufible and conciliato- ry proportions, prefled much more ftrong- ly upon his heart than his head, offered, not to the man's reafon, but rather to the man, rendered plealingly inlidious by com- pliments artfully paid to the crlorious flruo-. gles of Engliflimen in all ages for Liberty, I can conceive him fo enraptured with this Dulcinea of his imagination, as to facrifice his fenfes at her vifionary fhrlne, and while he combats aerial caUks for her honour, to defert his patrimony, and abdicate his birthright. But, my Lord, I alk pur- don : I had forgot that my EnglKfnnan was a man of cal.nincfs and good fenlc. He fcts a jufl and true value on his birth- right j and, although not abfolutely pre- determined on the queflion, refolves to be on his guard again ft the fophiflry of his antagonift, whofe intereft he fees deeply concerned in the ilTue. I It But, before my two champions enter the lifts of debate, give me leave to ihcw that, on the topick of Right, as I have already iciliato- ; ftrong- offered, to the 3y com- is flrug- Libcrtv, Ith this facrifice d while honour, :ate his iik pur- li'lHiian- I fenle. 3 birth- ]y pre- s to be of his deeply s enter fliew 1 have alrcad\r ( 13 ) ah'cadv endeavoured to demonflrate that tliey may agree, by the Briton's attach- Jiient to the Siren Song of faUe Liberty, fo their feiunucnts may llkewife be brought to coincide, by a conceilion of the Right on the part of the Colonift. But fuch conceilion would be temporary and delu- five, not flowing from conviction, but ex- torted by Tear. The power of Great Bri- tain might julfly alarm : Oppofition, it might be apprehended, would irritate and iiidamc : an infolent or obftinate denial of the Right might provoke a fudden exer- tion of Power to enforce it. Policy would fuggeil that the felf-fame arguments, which at this day fupport Colonical Independence, might be urged with far greater fecurity and ethcacy, when their numbers are be- come double, and when their wealth is augmented in, perhaps, a tenfold propor- tion, chietly by means of the fupinenefs of Britain, in refting latisfied with empty declarations of one of her mofl important and eirential Rights ; which, if not fpee- dily and etiiciently afierted, will foon found C us -* ■• ( H ) as ridiculous, as the Cham of Tiirtary's gracious permiflion to the potentates of the earth to fit down to their dinners. Thus, I fay, my Lord, it is poffible that, en the topick of Right, the Briton and the Colonift may fmoke the caUimet of peace : with only this difference refped:- ing their motives — that, if the agree- ment arif.s from the Briton's acceding to the fentiments of the Coloniil:, and dif- claiming his fupremacy as incompatible witli freedom, he afts from the benevo- lent fimplicity of his heart, and the coin- cidence of opinion is cordial and fmcere. If this agreeable concurrence, on the other hand, ihould fpring from a concefiion on the part cf the i\mericai.,. fuch acquief- ccnce is politick, temporary, and dclu- fivc, calculated merely to amufc, and fuf- pend the dreaded exertion of power, till flrcngth be acquired to fuoport argument wiih force. i But -.^■'iw«5J"*«- >**-- '5 ) But my two fober Difputants, whom, as men of my own creation, 1 have a right to model according to my fancy, fliaP bring no other weapon into the field of ra- tiocination than plain good fcnfe, fupport- ed by a general information as to fads, and a tolerable infight into the topicks of argument. To make them Men, each mufl have his foible : it (hall be an amiable one, and the fime in both---namely, a tender prcdiletflion for the countries whicli refpcctively gave them birth, implanted deeply by nature in the bofum of each, and branching out imperceptibly under cover of their reafonings, but not witli fuch preffure as to diminiih their force. It is not my intent to iVame a regular colloquy, or to embarrafs the difcourfe by marking precifely every anfwer and reply. Let us Juppofe the tirft forms of difputa- tion adjuilcd i let us pafs over each previous qucilion in (ileiice; let us endeavour, as foon as may be, to lay hold on the point. It li urred bv tiie American, with ereat C 1 plaufi- r ( i6 ) plaufibility, and with a glow of eloquence, which even the femblance of Liberty al- ways infpires, (but which, to avoid the tranfgreffion of epiiT:olary limits, it is my duty to rcftrain,) that Man has no native fuperiority over Man ; that, not only by virtue of this general principle, but by virtue of the mod exprefs and particular ;ftipulations, an Engliiliman can claim no fuperiority over an American, except that of a Father over a Son at full age, which, if circumflances are eafy "*, amounts to no- thine mciC than a claim of honour and re- fpcd: i that fuch homage the Americans are ever willing to pay ; that in the pay- ment of fuch homage they have never yet been deficient ; that they have proceeded much farther, and, as became children zealoully devoted to their duty, have la- vilhed their blood and treal'ure in the quarrels of that parent, who now fecks to opprefs them ; that they are ftill ready to expend their treafure to the kill mite, and Eafy, I mean, on the part of the Father. their ( 17 ) iheir blootl to the lall drop. In defence and lupport of the rights of their parent; hut that, while they remain free, the mode of exertion mufl be left to themfelves ; that they themfelves are the only competent judges of the flrength of their own fmews ; that they are freeborii Britons, as the De- Icendants of Britons, and have never yet forfeited or imnoired their title to the do- rious immnnities and privilc;:!;cs of their Ancefliors, but by the whole tenor of their condudl have rather Jlrcngthened their claim; that the volatile fpirit of Eno-fllh Liberty transfufcs its facred flaiuc tlirouoh every remoteit branch of the. Empire of (ireat Britain ; that Property is inviolable under the infinence of that fpiilt ; that an extortion of money from the mcaneil indivi- -o hand in hand ; that all the inha- bitants of Britain are either adtually or vir- tually reprefented in the Britiili Senate, but not one fingle inhabitant of America bears, as an American, the minuteil part in either fuch actual or virtual reprefenta- tion ; that the Colonies in fad have Af- femblies of their own, conilituted in every refped like the Britifli Parliament, and fully adequate to every purpofe of taxation amonp-ft themfelves ; that thofe Allem- blies are the only power which can or ought to tax them ; that thefe principles and fentiments are not the luxuriant growth of 1 i ( 19 ) of American opulence and wantonnefs, now faftioufly aiming at a novel indepen- dence, but were imported from Great Bri- tain by their Britifh Anceflors, who brouf>^ht along with them into thofe inhofpitable wilds the fpirit of the Law and Conllitu- tion of their Country, which have been at variouo times, then and fmce, confirmed to them, by the fame high fandion, which flamps the Fiat on every BritiOi A(fl of Parliament, namely, by the landlion of the Crown of Cireat Britain. I HOPE, my Lord, I have not been a niggard to my Colonift : if his bcfl reafon- ing proves defedlive, he mud blame the weaknefs of his caufe . if I have not pla- ced it in its fulleft light, it was no error of intention : if I have been deficient in my reprefentation of it, I mull: take fliame to the imbecillity of my own underftand- ing, which, I f;iirlv acknowledge, did for lome time acquiefce under the v/eip-ht of thofe very arguments, which I now h ivc urged freely, though concifely, for him. Attention 1^. "•«.i* - > .- -^^.^-r^ ■'»»|!^ / I' m ( 20 ) Attention and deliberation have chans-ed my opinion : and, to vary my Ityle, and throw oIt the aukwardnefs of a dialogue in the third perfon, I will proceed to urge my Engliihman's anfwcr as my own. is, Would to God that all mankind en- joyed freedom and happinefs, in the high- eft, mofl perfed:, and permanent degree ! Would to God there were no pain, or other evil in the world ! — But how vain are fucli wilhcs ! How futile are the dreams of the Philofophcr in his fludy, where he creates worlds by his fancy, and models fyflems by his caprice — for Reafon, ab- ftradcd from i'liCi and experience, will al- ways degenerate into fancy and caprice. How long did the iiatural world lie enve- loped in darknefs, while Hypothefis was deified, and Experiment defpifed 1 while the reins hung loofe about the neck of Reafon, and Fad was trampled upon, as unworthy of regard ! — Reafoning a priori is in every refpedt as falfe, and leads as c eruunly to error, in the moral, and poli- tical, X"" «^- .iu__i;> ..^^^ '1*^ anged ;, and ilogue ) urge id en- high^ jgrcc ! other e fucli ms of ;re he Qodels 1, ab- /ill al- iprice. enve- Ls was while sck of on, as priori ads as I poli- tical, ( 21 ) tical, as it is now univerfally confeded that it did, for a fcries of ages, in the natural world. There arc, indeed, in E thicks, as well as in Phyficks, and likewife in Politicks, as well as in both, certain grand firfl principles, which fcrve as polar ftars, to t!:ive liirht and di''edtion for the dif- covery of the true fylliem : but, though we take them as guide, they are by no means the fourccs whence our reafoninQ:s fliould flow. The tendency of argument fliould be upwards to them from facls, not down- wards from them at random. The rays of ratiocination fliould arife feverally from the fcattered multitude of experiments, and then in tlieir progrefs converge to a point : but, if they are forced abfurdly to dart from that point towards which they Ihoidd tend, diverging through their whole courfe, they will diiTipate their lufl:rc, nor prelerve fufficient radiance, when they have reached the fphere of reality, to elu- cidate a angle fa6t which experience offers to our view. ---Such has been the fate of r^l Hypothetical, Platonick, and Utopian D fylleins ! y 1 u ( 22 ) fyflcms ! fuch muft ever be their fate, till Man advances to perfedion — a period, indeed, mod devoutly to be wiOicd ; but, if we may judge from the pad, and, I fear I may add with dricfl: truth, from the pre- fent, not likely to be accompliflied, at lead in our time. I 'i' The fubordination of Colonies, wherever planted, to their Mother Country, is as univcrf^lly acknowledged, as it is varioufly defined. To argue from experience, as well as from reafon, we mud prefume that every fuch edabliflicd fubordination par- takes in nature, as well as in degree, of the conditution of that particular Country, from which the Colony that owns it took its rife. The Colonies of monarchical and aridocratical Defpotifm, will in vain figh for freedom, while they pay homage to their Parent; the Colonies of every popu- lar, mixed, and free Government, pre- ferving tlicir duty, have a right to be free. A ludden fit of phrenzy, though mifchiev- ous, may be pardoned. But diould fuch free fate, till period, ;d ; but, id, I fear the pre- , at Icafl vherever y, is as i^arioufly snce, as ime that ion par- Jgree, of Z<'ountry, it took lical and /ain figh mage to ry popu- it, pre- be free. lifchiev- uld fuch free ( 23 ) free Colonies, vith deliberation and per- feverancc, make riotous, tumultuous, or rebellious oppofition to the legal appoiiit- ments of th;it power whence thev fprung, it might become necclTary, perhaps, not only to reduce them, by compulfory mea- fures, to ajuft fcnfe, or at leaft an oflen- fible pradice of duty ; but by binding their hands, to fecure the Parent from a repeti- tion of outrage. Thus, I trufl:, it will clearly and readily be granted, that no Co- lony can ever pretend to a greater propor- tion of liberty, than the Country from which it derives exigence enjoys, while it continues to profefs a duty to that Coun- try; and that every Colony is liable, by a grofs and flagrant abufe of indulgence, to a reducJ'tion below the fixed ftandard of liberty, as primarily and conilitutionally eredted by law. I AM well aware that, on a hirgcr fcale of abllrad rcafoiiing, All Men arc at all times univerfally free. — But the laws of Nature are applicable only to its {late. D 2 Its ( 24 ) Its flatc, and its laws have been found alike inconvenient. Mankind, in exaft proportion to their civilization, over the whole face of the earth, h:ivc abrogated both, and fubftitu- tcd others at difcretion in their room. The particular exigencies of every Society, as from time to time they arofe, and the ope- ration of thole exigencies upon the genius, fpiiit, and temper of the major part of the members of every fuch Society, or, if not democratical, upon its leading man, or leading men, have given occalion to the framing oi particular ordinances, which are fo many encroachments on, or at lead reitrictjons of, the univerfal law of Na- ',ure, and upon their multiplication have fwclk'd to a Code, which becomes the mu- nicipal law of tlie Coun^'y, and gives equally the tone to its conllltutioi!, and its manners. It is thus, in effcd', that every politivMl (l.itc his been gradually formed. M.inkind never met in an oecumenical af- fcmbly, c!t!v.r cr-Hedivcly in their perfons, or virtually by tlicir repreicntativcs, to make at once a grand djviiion of the lands of ii i» ( ) id alike portion : face of abftitu- i. The Icty, as lie ope- gciiius, t of the , if not lan, or to the which at Icaft of Na- 3n have the mu- d gives , and its I at every fjrmed. nical al- perfons, ivcs, to he lands of uf the earth, ami by fiich agrarian law to allix permanent boundaries to each rclpcc- tive Nation, within which its polkrity (liould be for ever incloled. Nor have the legal co!\lUtutlons, any more than the b- gal limitb, of the fcvcral Nations, been fettled at one xra, and confirmed by the fandtion of univerfal allent. Both are i:i fjidl, and always have been, in every part fubjctlt to perpetual fluduation. As they ftand at the prcfent moment, it is both our moral duty, and our intereft, to pay them refpcd and obedience ; though we know that, even at the very next moment, they are liable to every polhble alteration, from that fupreme legillativc power, whicli has gradually gained pre-eminence and afccn- dancy, and mud be omnipotent in every ftate. Were all human Society by fomc fudden llroke dillulved, and men thereby left free to form new alfociations, during fuch interregnum the law of Nature would rule. But till that event happens, it be- hoves us to fubmit to the regulations of ithat country, where we chufe or chance to 1 i: .if S-. '1; vn I ( 26 ) to rcflde., as we find thole regulations al- ready eilabliflicd. Reformation, where re- qulfite, mud be of gradual growth, and abufes, as they arofe, be removed, by de- grees. The Supreme Legiflature alone can be the Reformer of political evils. Individuals may addrefs, remonftratc, and complain ; but are bound to obev, till the Supreme Power grants redrefs. An ella- bliflimcnt of gradual rife is certainly much firmer, and probably more jufl, than one of fudden creation, however generally af- fcnted to : becaufe the fame authority that has palled an Ad:, can as read'ly repeal it ; but where time is an ingredient in the compofition of its force, time Hiould like- wife confpire to work its diUblution. Few men are born to new-model Governments : All are born within the fphere of fome par- ticular form, to which they are morally obliged to yield homage and obedience. The Freedom of every man, born in the lap of a Community, is by no means an abfolute, un retrained, fivage Freedom; but limited by, and amenable to, the laws of ffj. ions al- 'herc re- 'th, and by de- e alone il fcvils. itc, and till the in ella- y much lan one •ally af- ity that :peal it ; in the Id like- . Few mcnts : ne par- norally dience. in the ans an edom ; ic laws of ( 27 ) of that Community, wherein he drew his iirfl breath, and afterwards to the i;iws of fuch other Communities, amongft whom. he may happen from time to time to rehde. However ihadowy the idea of 1 virtual re- prcfentation, every Heir is the aciual re- prefentative of his Anceflors, as his An- ceflors were by anticipation the rcprefen- tatives of him. This is a Rcpri'fentation formed by Nature herleif. As the Heir is undoubtedly a part of his Anceflors, thofe Anceflors were reciprocally fo many parts of the Heir : as they were his repre- fentatives, he is bound by their adls ; as he is their rcprefentativc, he is bound to ful- fdl their enojao^ements. To apply to the Uibjed matter tills po- litical do(^l:rine, which I !:oid to be that of common {qw^^:: and experience — for I en- tirely wave the authority of great names, p'.d will as confidently ui^Jertake to fup- port right reafon, found policy, and truth, againil a Locke, as againll a pfLMFK ; however confcioui of the wcuknefs o't my own .M ( 2S ) ■\i own abilities, however refpedable I think the one, however contemptible 1 think the other, of thofe two jarring names.-— To apply, I fay, to the fubjc.^ matter this political docflrine, I will only beg per- mifiion to afl^; a few queftions, and leave the anfwers and their confcqucnces to can- dour and common fenfe. Are not the Britifli Colonics in America the De- fcendants of Britifh Anceftors, and is not this pojiu Id turn the very foundation, up- on which they lay claim to the immu- nities of Britons ? Can the Defcendants of Britidi Anceitors, merely as being fo defcended, arrogate to themfelves, by any colour of right, a greater proportion of freedom, than thofj very Ancefhors actu- ally enjoyeJ, or than fuch of the Poflerity of thofe very Anceftors, as remain in Great Britain, now adually enjoy ? Had any one of thofe Anceiiors, under whom they de- rive their claim, the leail fhare in confti- tilting that Icglflature, whofc fupremacy he was bound in all things to obey, unleis' 1 as ^M, ( 29 ; I think link the : matter beg per- id leave to can- A.re not the De- l is not on, iip- immu- dants of eing fo , by any rtion of rs aftu- Pofterity in Great . anv one hey de- i confti- premacy /f ur.leis' as as a Frcehoidcrof lands or tenements in Gre-,\t :Mtain, or -as a Freeman of fomc corporate town within the realm? Have the Poilerlty of thofe Anceiiors, ftiil re- maininjy in Britain, any Ihare in conili- tating the fuprcme kgillature, unlefs as uicli Freeholders, or as fueh Freemen ? Flave the raajor part of the inhabitants of Great Britain any actual ihare in conili- tating the fupreme legillature ? Are not all, however, bound to obey its pDwer, equally with thofe who are its adlual con- ilrcuents ? Will the Colonills, by obey- ine the lecriilature of Britain be one jot lefs \'\-i^<: than thofe of her fons who h.we no fnare in conitituting it ? Have the money- ed men of Great Britain, merely as money- ed men, the copyholders, as copyholders, or lef/ees for year'>, as lelfees f:)r years, the leail ihart; in conili luting the fupreme le- gillature, any more than the Colonills Iiavej as Colorails ? May not all thofe per- ions, however, !>y (becoming Freeholders or lundt; or t'.:i':m-nl\5, or Frjemen of cor- i: poratioiis aj^ if" In i ( 50 ) I s_ porations within the ivahn of Great Bi-;.. tain, acquire a ri-ht to be conflitucnts of the legiflature, and may not the Colonias ^^cquirc the i;une riglit, preciilly by the fame means ? Arc not Reprefentative and Con[lituent re'athe terms ? Can I have a Rcprefl^ntative, unUis I am a Conftltuent ? Though pofieffed of every million accumu- liUed iii the funds, though tenant by copy of a]] Wic lands in England which are held by fucii tenure, though IciTce for a term of ninety-nine years of every acre which m:^y beioJett, am J, in confequencc of fuch an imnienil' mafs of property, a Conilitu-. cntofthelegifature in the minuteil de- gicc ? Have i a R(.prefentativc ? Yet do I iiot pay taxes ? Do Taxation and Rcnre- ici:U.tion then go hand in hand ? Am I not taxed by the Lrgii],ture, though I have no Keprekntatise? I, not then the bcafled mf^pirablc a^li.nce between Taxation and llcprcicntation founded on hdion, and overthrown by t,a ? Are not Taxation and Legist, A riux the truely inlbparabjc allies ?= 1' V'^V;" v;* Great Dri- Litiunts of 2 Colonifls ly by tlie tiitlve and 1 I have a inilauent ? n ace um li- lt by copy 1 arc held a term of 'bicli m:^y " of fuch Conilitu- iiitcH: de- Yct do I d Rcnrc- Am I not I have no ^ bcaflcd ation and ion, and Taxation Icparal^Jc allies > ( 31 ) allies ? Do not the Coloniils acquiefce un- der relliidions upon their commerce, and a levying of fuch duties as they call exter- nal taxes, by the fole authority of the Brithh legiilature ? Can commo:i fenfe find a diflercncc, except in the name, be- tween external and internal taxation ? Are not fuch commodities as may lie in a chell on board the veilel of an American trader, as much his property as the mo- ney in Ids purfe ? Does it require a great- er ilrctch of the arm of civil power to take a Ihilling from the one than an ounce from the other ? Should I not feel as fenfibly the lots of my cadi, if taken f:om my ap-ent^ my fador, or my fervant, as if ta- ken immediately from my o vn proper perfon ?— Can thoie boaded Charters, by virtue whereof the feveral Colonies claiin a royal exemption from parliamentary au- thority, operate one degree fart'iei thin the Charters granted by ilv^ Crown to tlie feveral corporations within the realm ot Great Britain ? Are not the privileges of E 2. *^^ch. 'I' ■ fit t > . \ . u ( 32 ) cacli cntlrdv confined to the making of bve-].iws, and tlic raifmg of duties within thcmlclvcs, to anfv/cr tiicir own private purpoles rclpeaively, abllraLlcd from fuch exigencies as regard the whole puhlick Weal ? Did tlie Crown in fact mean to grant theni Lirger powers, or could the Crown conllitutionallv have irranted them larger pov/ors, had it meaned fo to do ? Can ilie Crown place a fingle fubjed: of tlie reahn bcyorjd the reach of the I.en-ifia- t.ireof Gr-at Britain r— If I, as a money- ed nvan, copyiu^lder, or IcfLe, having no right to vote in the eledion of a member of parliamcn!, am yet virtually reprcfcntcd b)' i'.ich perfons as .ire cliofen without mv concurrence, do net the Colonies fall ct-ualiy wit'iin the iina:;ined line of ihch virtual repr-lu.ituiun : Or if, (as the caie read/ ira;ids,) 1 am taxed bv the Ible au- thority of all-ruling Legiilation, without my iiax ing the iliadow of a Ucprefjntative in pui-iiament, ihall I tamely Uibmit to t:ie p.;;'mcnt cf liieli tax> which is levied iC'itl'Oiit, ^1 1 =1 •J ■ J J, ;akln(r of s within I private orn fach puhlick mean to ould the :cd them to do ? bjed: of I ,e:nfla- money- Lving no member jrcfcntcd lout mv lies fall of liich the caie fole au- without fcntative bmit to 's levied 10 it bo lit, ( 33 ) ncifhnt. that is, aga'mft my confent, and iliail my American Coudn murmur at bowing before the fame aweful fccptre, which is fwayed conftitutionaily by the hand of Supreme Power over all his Kinf- men mdifcriminately in the Mother Coun- try ? I .MUST alls: your Lordllilp's pardon, if on fomeof the topicks I have been too dif- fufive, on others too concife. Yet to you, my Lord, I fhould apologize only for te- dioufnefs, brevity cannot fland in need of an excufe ; for, by neither could 1 hope to give your Lordfhip information, by one I inuil certainly intrude on your time. But, in truth, though I have chofen to addrefs myfelf to your LordHiip, I have had it in view to v/rite for the People. A good and free People are always worthy of convic- tion, and conviction may flow from the homelieil pen. My aim, however, has ratiier been to put the gjod i^n(Q cf the Puhlick upon the irue fcent of the argu- ment. ■(■ rfif I ( 34 ) mcnt, than to prefunic to hunt down tlic game for them myfclf. I CANNOT conclude, without retouch- ing a point, which I have as yet barely Hanccd at, but which deferv'cs the moft mature and molt folid attention ; I mean, the neceffity of enforcing llie right of the fapreme legillature to frame Money-bills, as well as other laws, for America, upon the primary grand principle, the cardinal law of Nature, Self-preservation. It grieves me to confider the interefts of Britain in a light of oppoiltion to thofe of her Colonics : but the Colonies thcmfelves extort the diftindtion. Are they not at this moment tUxking every harfli meafure, by conventions, combinations, provincial compass, and lawlefs aflbciations-— I had almoll added, by folemn leagues and cove- nants, to diilrefs our manufadurers, and fct up an avowed Independence for thcm- felves ? and this too at a time when they have jud received the tender ell proofs of parental O LL. )wn tlic ■c'toucli- t barely le moft [ mean, ; of the ey-bills, a, upon cardinal A TION. jreils of thofc of cmfelves 1 not at nieafure, rovincial — I had tid cove- ers, and jr them- len they proofs of parental ( 35 ) parental indn]genc<" !-— Is this tlicir duty ? tliis tlicir alTj-Lion ? — Is it not rivaldiip and oppoiUion in the moll rancorous de- \v there can b:^ found an Englifliman, fo unnaturally uif\lTectrd to the Country that gave hini birth, as to applaud thofe efforts, which aim ihafts ut her vltnls, as to cry out enthunailically,* Hos iifinam hitcr licroas n,it?P!i tcfliis me nova tuliffl't ! — In the name of God let him fly there : what llops his m'gration? Let him fettle amongil his Favourites : let him dwell with his EIccl. But while he lives in Old England, it is his intereft, nay more, it is his duty, to view every thing through the medium of her welfire and profperity, and not to leek for ?iczv I'gbts in a new quarter of the globe. OxNE objecb'on is urged by fome wel/- me.:ning people, which I had like to have pailed (jv.r, as from its futilitv fcarce mo- riting " I'f /. t 3^> ) ritlno: a icrioiis reRituIon ; biif, ris I re- cullcdt to have heard it niorc tiian once much infiftcd on by men tf •.';ood Ijcnrtn, thc!' '■. hut wcuk III L!..ri1;iiu'' in <'.'., i will give it ... ■• Siicli nun I ^h."'' '^rci' be (ludijiis to icL i ■.>., .-J i.ic bcil of my poor abihty and inioriuation, \\h'^: l^'o- phiflry deiervcs only to he d a/.d defpifcd. Ti'C ohjcLcion is tms, *' thit ** the Coh^niih mull cither be Freemen or *' Shives ; that no medium can be fou..d '* betw^een Freedom and Slavery ; and, ** confequently, that if Dependence be en- ** forced in the leaft degree, the Chains of ** Slavery are rivclted about tlieir necks." This plea rclls fulely on the infirm bafis of a falfe propofition ; vviiich once overturned, the fuperllrudurc is demoliO^iCd. Freedom is by no means an ahlohitv. idea, but clearly fulceptible o/diniinution andincreafe : or, as the Logicians v.'oiild phrafe it, hlhcrius r I'd I) it nuvs'is ct minus. To in (lance at once in cuir oum happy Conllitution — Since t;ie Kite tblciun JLiJicial condemna- tion " IS I re- an once hcnrtn, , i will ."'' , ..1- I of my „..d a/.il , ** thit ^cnicn or .)c foih.d /•y and, :c be en- 'huliis of necks." bails of a jrturncd, Frcedoni t clearly iii'c : or, Li.bcruis lance at iition — idenina- tion ( Zl ) tlon of General Warrants, we pre certain. ly become a freer people than we were be- fore ; yet It will fcarcely follow that fuch condemnation formed the glorious acra of Britifli Liberty^ and that till that propitious moment every Briton was a flave. Let not the generous Friends of Free- dom entertain an apprehcnfion that they revolt from her caufe, in reducing within the legal bounds of their natural duty thefe Mock-Champions of Liberty, who plead exemption from the authority of a popular legiflature, by a Royal Diploma, by a Fiat of One Man ; who in the fmie breath contend for a licentious emancipation from conilitutional Government, and proclaim thcmfelves Charter-formed Creatures of the Crown 1 Great Britain can never bs otherwife rcfpedablc, than as a centra of power, be the circumference of her dominion ever fo widely extended. Atit Cccjhr, aiit nulla: F liiould '^ Uil' ( 35 ) (hould be this Ifland's motto. It is hy flrcngth of conflitution, and policy of law, that Nvc have rlll'ii above the [;ulph we were plunged In by nature, and can no longer be treated witli contemptuous nei^led', no longer be pointed at as outcafts of the world, as milbrable borderers on the ultima Tbiilc, as pcnitus toto divJjhs orhe Britari' nos. Our Liberty we owe to the virtue of our anceftors, our Empire miifl; be main- tained by the virtue of ourfelves. Nay, even our very Liberty mud fall with our Empire, and I hope our Exigence will not outlaft our Liberty. We have glorioudy defended it again ll the open ailaults of fo- reign enemies, againft the undermining arts of domeflick tra)^ tors. And fliall we tamely and pufdlanimouily fuffer it to be wreflcd from us, by a long-chcriflied, un- grateful, refrac?ory ofH^pring ? That we have Right to fupport us has, I trufl, been demonilratcd : that we have Power to en- force it, ivt' f:;el, and tbcy know. And fiiuli we hcr.tatc for ever upon petty fcru- ples I 11'- It IS by cy of" law, h we were no longer ef^^Ietfl, no fls of the the ultima ^>e Br I tart' the virtue L be main- ES. Nay, with our :e will not glorioufly ilts of fo- lerniining Hiall we ■ it to be filed, un- That we n\{\y been 'er to en- w. And -tty fcru- pies ( 59 ) pies of Expedience ?— -Will not ObfUna- cy gather ftrength from continued indul- gence ? Docs not tlie Offspring of Ame- rica increafc every day ? Does not every day add to the number of her fons by adi^ption ? D:?es not the vigour of every Country fpring immediately from its po- pulatioii ? Do not PVcedom and Indepen- dence give hnews to that vigour ? Aie the Children of Great Britain multiplied i-i proportion ? Arc licr naturalized Pvcnega- does from Ail.i, Africa, ajid the Conti- nent, at all comparahic, as militants for a free Coiillitutio.i, to the genuine nurfe- lings of thefe Islands of Liberty, who migrate to America by hundreds every year ? 1 lave we purchafed Canada at the expcnce of our beii blood and treafurc, to ferve as a forge to prepare chains for our pollerity ? There can be no doubt but that the felf-fune fources, v/hicli pour in riches and plenteouihcfs unon a Country, if futfcrcd to run over, by their luxuriance niav deilrov it. Our Amcri- can -1* 1 1^ h { 40 ) can Colonies are copious fprings of our treafure; but {hould their ftreams over- flow thole channels our Supremacy has prefcribed, they would deUigc that land which they now fertili -c. I have the Honour to /'f, 'iDith the greaiefc RefpeB, Ejleem, and Regard, My Lord, Tour Lordjiyifs mofi obedient, andmoji humble fervant^ George Canning. Middle Temple, March isth, 1768. li N' ^s of our tins over- m^cv has that land gard, iicnf, rvantf A N N I N 0.