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 ADDRESS 
 
 
 
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 P U B L I C. 
 
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A N 
 
 UNCONNECTED W H I G's 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 • TO THE 
 
 P U B L I C i 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 PRESENT CIVIL WAH, 
 
 THE STATE OF 
 
 PUBLIC AFFAIRS, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 REAL CAUSE 
 
 OFALLTHE 
 
 NATIONAL CALAMITIES. 
 
 CIVIL WAR IS A disease; BUT TYRANNY IS THE 
 
 DEATH OF A FREE STATE. Algemoti Sidney. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for G. KEARSLEY In Fleet Street. 
 MDCCLXXVII. 
 
/" 
 
 A N 
 
 UNCONNECTED WHIG'i 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PUBLIC, 
 
 •'Tp H E prefent fituatlon of the affairs 
 ■^ of this once great and glorious nation 
 is fo peculiar, fo critical, and fo truly alarm- 
 ing, that if it be not a tafk of duty, it can^ 
 not be a cenfurable attempt in any man 
 among us, who hath made it in any degree 
 the objed: of his attention, to deliver his 
 thoughts upon it. So material a change as 
 a little fpace of time, yet fhort of the fifth 
 part of a century, hath wrought in our 
 empire, cannot be afcribed to mere accident 
 
 B gr 
 
( i ) 
 
 or fortuitous events. Probably the hlftofy 
 of mankind and of human fociety doth 
 not furnifli fuch another. If this change 
 be from a worfe to a better flate of things, 
 it mufl be for the advantage of thofe who 
 diredl the national concei'ns, that the means 
 whereby it hath been effeded be made ma- 
 nifefl to us. If it be of the contrary kind, 
 it is of the utmoft importance that we fliould 
 caft off that difgraceful indifference and 
 inattention to our deareft interefts, by w^ ich 
 we have been lately characterized, and look 
 a little into our own affairs. The conduct 
 of a correct and faithful fteward can at no 
 time be unfeafonably infped:ed : that of a 
 negligent or fraudulent one, cannot be too 
 foon or too rigidly brought to the teft. 
 
 I 
 
 ft. 
 
 
 fs 
 
 i 
 
 Never did the times afford fewer incite- 
 ments to any man to give faithful attention 
 to your affairs, independent of party prin- 
 ciples and party views. The treachery of 
 
 many 
 
11 
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 many of thofc who have for a time devoted 
 themfclves to your intcrells, and the weak- 
 ncfs and milcondudt of, others, have driven 
 you Into an unlverfal diftruft of all men : 
 and it is peculiarly unfortunate that you 
 fhould be in this temper now, when every 
 thing confpires to make it neceflary that 
 fome perfon fhould undertake the taik of 
 laying the truth before you ; a taik un- 
 pleafant in itfclf, and i*ot without hazard in 
 its confequences. 
 
 r 
 
 
 Every difficulty is thrown in the way 
 of thofe who are willing to give you in- 
 formation. If a man blame the condudt of 
 adminiftration, their emiffaries perfuade 
 you that he is an enemy of the govern- 
 ment. If he condemn the fteps which 
 led to the prefent unhappy civil war, and 
 hefitate about the fucceis of government, 
 you are told, that he is the friend of Ame- 
 rica, and the enemy of Britain j that he 
 
 B 2 would 
 
1/ 
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 woukI Piiip tlic Later of her bLll-cAabliriicd 
 rights, and fui^port the cl.i'nns of the rormcr 
 in their wldefl: extent. Trufl me, I am no 
 fnch man. However, as I have no interefl: 
 in deceiving you, and confequently no de- 
 fign to impofe upon you, I declare to you, 
 that after all the legillativc declarations 
 which liavc been made upon the fuhjedl:, I 
 do not yet believe this to be a national 
 ^var waged with your hearty concurrence ; 
 and though I did think fo, I tell you franks 
 ly, that I am too fledlall a friend to the 
 liberties of mankind, to wifh one unjull 
 point carried againft America, even by your 
 arms. 
 
 ^J 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 Unqualified as I am to addrefs you, I can- 
 not longer, in filence, fee you made the 
 bubble of tlie groiTeft fraud and impofturc, 
 nor conceal the melancholy refledions by 
 which I am oppreflcd : and as I offer thefe 
 t you in the humble language of truth, I 
 **. intreat 
 
 I 
 
 ' *;■ 
 
 ^ 
 
C; 
 
 ( s ) 
 
 intrcat your patient attention to them. Re 
 nilurcd that I am not inlifled under any of 
 the banners of party. I am not to be 
 found in any of the divifions of oppofition 
 under Lord Chatham, Lord Rockingham, 
 or Lord Shclburne. I do not pofTcfs the 
 eloquence of Mr. Burke, the force of Colo- 
 nel Barre, the fubtilty of Mr. Dunning, or the 
 brilliancy of Mr. Fox ; but in the finccrity 
 of my heart I make common caufe with 
 you, my fellow citizens, and I appeal to 
 you with plainncfs and fimplicity. 
 
 We have hitherto borne and foreborne 
 with patience unparalleled among us. At 
 what other time could our affairs have been 
 deranged as they now are, without a forfeit 
 fomewhere, without fatisfadlon of any 
 kind, without even the demand of an en- 
 quiry into the caufes ? Where is our zeal 
 for liberty ? We, that were accuftomed to 
 
 be 
 
 f 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 I 
 
 be jealous in the extreme cf a!) admlniflra- 
 tions, fit clown patiently under the accu- 
 mulatecj ills of the prefent day. Nay more ; 
 we have dealt out our confidence and fiap- 
 port to miniftry in a degree that the joint 
 merit of the pureft intentions and moft 
 fuccefsful exertions on their part would have 
 alone intitled them to. If we think the 
 moft precious gift under heaven be yet 
 worth our care, let us at laft give a little 
 moment to fo weighty a concern. The 
 end of fociety is the fecurity of liberty and 
 property. Government is the mean to this 
 end, and muft be made fubfervient to it. 
 When it ceafes to be fo, we are upholding 
 the inflrument of our own deftrudion. Let 
 us rccolle£l what we were, and what we 
 are. Let us look backward to our anceftors, 
 and forward to our pofterity. Let us fee 
 how we have ufed the fair inheritance be- 
 queathed to us by the former ; and in what 
 '• condition 
 
 ^i 
 
 
f 
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 condition we are likely to tranfmit it to the 
 latter. 
 
 ,\ 
 
 In the firft part of this melancholy, though 
 neceflary comparifbn, we need not go far 
 back. Our fathers lived in happy days 
 indeed ! Every EngHlhman*s heart mull 
 beat high, when, forgetful of the calamities 
 in which his country is at prefent involved, 
 he recollects what ihe was in the reign of 
 his Majefl:y*s illuftrious grandfather George 
 the Second. This prince, though * not 
 born in this country, was educated in thofe 
 principles by which the nation rofe to 
 power, and happinefs, and gloried in being 
 the king of a free people. He carried the 
 power and the commerce of the nation to a 
 degree, to which they had never till then 
 
 1 
 
 ' 
 
 * In his prefent Majefty's firft fpecch to Parliament, 
 upon his acccfTion to the crown, he made ufe of thefe 
 exprefhons, *' Born and educated in ih^' country, I 
 *' glory in the name of Briton." 
 
 attained. 
 
^1 
 
 A 
 
 r 
 
 I 
 
 'i 
 
 li 
 
 i 8 ) 
 attained. Abroad he eftablifhed the im- 
 portance, the honour, and dignity of his 
 crown, upon a footing not known before 
 his time to a King of this country, and 
 made the name of EngHfliman refpedablc 
 in every corner of the world. No foreign 
 power trifled with his refentment, or def- 
 ^oiled his people with impunity. It hath 
 been faid that he had prejudices ; and the 
 aflertion from the mouths of Tories and 
 Jacobites fhould not furprize you. The 
 nation was benefited by the prejudices of 
 this Prince. Abroad they operated againft 
 the natural enemies of the kingdom ; at 
 home, againft the enemies of the national 
 freedom, and of the Proteftant eftablifh- 
 ment made at the Revolution ; againft thofe, 
 who preferred the odious, tyrannical go- 
 vernment of the accurfed race of Stuart, to 
 the mild and legal government of the 
 Houfe of Hanover ; againft thofe, who held 
 to the divine, indefeafible, hereditary right 
 
 of 
 
 .j^. -...-.„ 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 of Princes, and to the flavifli do^rines of 
 pafTive obedience and non-refiftance ; thofe 
 men, who, when in poffelTion of power, in 
 every inftance, hath driven hard to the de- 
 flriidion of England, and from whofc per- 
 nicious projedts this country hath been 
 more than once ilived, as, I truft in God, it 
 will be again, by almoft miraculous inter- 
 pofition. If he headed a party it was the 
 mofl glorious of all parties, — the national 
 freedom. If he encouraged and fupported 
 a particular fet of men, it was the fet who 
 dillinguiilied themfelves higheft in their 
 attachment to that caufe. If he were avcrfe 
 to antnber fet, he was only averfe to them 
 as piblic men; averfe to their being in the 
 firft departments of the ftate, becaufe their 
 maxims of government were incompatible 
 with the happinefs of his people; and 
 w^hen he did employ them, which he did 
 more frequently than they deferved to have 
 been, he took care to put it out of their 
 
 C pOVvtT 
 
(': 
 
 ul' 
 
 Uf 
 
 I 
 
 { lo ) 
 
 power to pradife their mifcliicvous princI-» 
 pies, by diftributlng tliem chieHy among 
 tlic fiibaltern officers of the ftate, and by 
 keeping a fuflicicnt number of Whigs in 
 the higher departments to watch and over- 
 rule their pernicious projects. Would to 
 God, my countrymen, all our Kings were 
 thus prejudiced ! If he loved war, he made 
 not his own fubjedts the devoted objeds of 
 his vengeance. Foreign, national, natural, 
 manly war, upon Britifh principles, in de- 
 fence of Britifh rights, he indeed entered 
 into, profecuted with ardour, and reaped 
 the moft glorious confequences from, for 
 this country. He w^as honefl, wife, brave 
 and liberAl. Capable of opening his heart 
 to new connedllons : he did not contradt and 
 give it up to one man ; but when the voice 
 of his people demanded it, he yielded up 
 the objed: of his choice, and received the 
 objed of theirs to his bofom„ The greateft 
 of his favorites, if he ever had any in the 
 
 criminal 
 
( '« ) 
 
 criminal fenfe of that term, were made to 
 yield. Sir Robert Walpolc and the Duke 
 of Newcaftle, \Vho, by long lives of ufcful 
 fervicc, had well earned the favour of this 
 Inonarch, had each their favourite meafures, 
 ind at different periods were compelled to 
 facrifice an Excife Scheme, and a Jew Bill, 
 and finally their places, to the demands of 
 his people. He received Mr. Pitt from the 
 people, as the gift of the people ; and when 
 the public good required a facrifice of that 
 fefentment which had been excited in his 
 mind by the parliamentary conduct of that 
 perfon, who had oppofcd his beft and mofl 
 favoured fervajits with unufual violence, he 
 made it with manllnefs and dignity. I have 
 dwelt with particular latlsfa^Slion upon the 
 charaifler of this good, this great Prince, 
 becaufc I obferve that it is the failion among 
 a particular {(^t of men of the prefent times* 
 to decry his memory, in order to make way 
 for, and to reconcile you to, the total lub- 
 
 C 2 verfion 
 
( 12 ) 
 
 verfion of every thing that was coiifidcrcd 
 as wife and honeft policy in his reign ; and 
 I flatter myfelf, that you will fympathize 
 with me in that lively gratitude which I feel 
 at a rccolle£lion of the advantages derived 
 by this nation from the happy and glorious 
 reign of George the Second. 
 
 ■ i 
 
 I confefs myfelf one of thofe men, whofe 
 plain underftandings value one experiment 
 in the art of Government, as in every other 
 matter of human concern, infinitely more 
 than all the fpeculations and refinements of 
 the moft exalted genius. The reign of 
 George the Second afforded to the minifters 
 of his fucceflbrs a large body of experience^ 
 which a real ftatefman would have been for- 
 tunate in the pofTeffion of. The maxim* 
 purfued in this reign were wife, not be- 
 caufe they were to be accounted for upon 
 this or that theory, but becaufe their con- 
 fequences were falutary. They ought, 
 
 therefore, 
 
 ,^^o_.- 
 
{ 13 ) 
 
 therefore, to have been followed as the bafig 
 and fure foundation of all good government 
 in this country, of which they afforded fo 
 recent and To diflinguiflied an example; and 
 you flijuld have confidcred as your worft 
 enemy the hrft man who removed the 
 fniallefl Aonc in the flrudure of this folid 
 fabric. Strange as it will tell to pofterity^ 
 til is body cf experience was not fapped 
 by degrees, but at once, totally and in all 
 its parts overthrown, by thofe who were 
 called to the adminiftration fpeedily after his 
 prefent Majefty's acceflion ; and every pub- 
 lic meafure of any importance purfued in 
 the prefent reign, with the exception which 
 I (hall have occafion to mention hereafter, 
 hath been founded upon principles dire£tly 
 oppof :d to it. As if the public happinela 
 were a fubjech of envy to the courtiers then 
 for the fir ft '.ime brought forward, the con- 
 duct whi :a h.id produced it was to be rever- 
 fed, and a frefa trial was to be made of 
 2 thofe 
 
 1 ( 
 
I 5 
 
 ( '4 ) 
 
 thofe principles, to which the public had 
 been facrificed upon every occafion whereiil 
 they had prevailed. How fuccefsful this 
 fcheme hath been, is unfortunately, but too 
 apparent. 
 
 n 
 
 U 
 
 '\ » 
 
 V- 
 
 i 1 
 
 -( ■■ 
 
 His prefcnt Majcfly was enabled to dic- 
 tate to the French the terms of the peace of 
 Paris concluded in the beginning of I763> 
 by the wife condudl of the war in his Grand- 
 father's reign, and the fuccefles (unparal- 
 lelled in the Britifli annals) which were 
 thereby obtained. As the merit of every 
 treaty muft be relative to the ftate and con- 
 dition of the contending parties, when it is 
 entered into, this cannot be pronounced 
 adequate to thofe expedations which you 
 had a right to form. Independent of the 
 language of oppofition, fome well founded 
 exceptions may be taken to it ; and yet it 
 muft be confefled, that in almoft any other 
 fituation which England hath occupied in 
 
 the 
 
 ^■-"Tmi \i\ i~*1t tffl' ''t! 09SKI» ^ 
 
 ,^' « m * "" ' " * 
 
w 
 
 { '5 ) 
 
 the fcale of Europe, it liad been a glorious 
 treaty. I afcribe little merit to Lord Bute, 
 by whofe advice and influence this treaty 
 was made ; becaufc fo great had been the 
 fuccefs of the Britifti arms, fo reduced was 
 the power of France, that without the mofl 
 palpable facrifice of your intcrefts, he could 
 not have gone farther than he did go, in 
 the accommodation of difEculties with the 
 French court, 
 
 Forgetting intlrely thofe two great princi- 
 ples of policy which have hitherto prevailed 
 among us, — the increafe and extenfion of 
 our commerce, and the deftrudlion or dimi- 
 nution of the maritime and commercial 
 power of France, he yielded that import 
 t^nt conquefl the Havannah^, with a con- 
 liderable part of Cuba, without any indem- 
 nity ; for I do not call by that name the ac- 
 
 ♦ Article XIX of the Definitive Treaty, 
 ^ol quifition 
 
 I « 
 
i) 
 
 I! 
 
 i 
 
 \J^ 
 
 y- 
 
 ( '6 ) 
 
 quifition of ihofe Tandy and Iniu.fpitable dc- 
 farts, calculated only for fcpulchrcs for our 
 countrymen, which * Spain ceded to us by 
 the name of Florida: and in return for 
 thofe truly valuable iflandsf Martinique and 
 Guadaloupc (not to name the Iclfer ones,) 
 the poflefTion of which had fccured to us all 
 the Windward Sugar Colonics, he received 
 a dereliction of the dubious and obfcure title 
 of the Court of France to three defer t lOands, 
 namely J Dominica, St. Vincent and Toba- 
 go, the expence of whofe cultivation that 
 Court was too well apprizeil of, to put any 
 real value upon them. To the retention of 
 the conquefts thus ceded, we fhould have 
 adhered flridly. The Havannah, Marti- 
 nique and Guadaloupe were capable of af- 
 fording qs fome immediate compcnfation 
 
 • Art. XX, of theDcfin. Treaty, 
 t Art. Vin. of the Defin. Treaty. 
 t Art. IX. of the Defin. Treaty. 
 
 for 
 
Vi 
 
 { '7 ) 
 
 for the cxpcncc of a long aiul bloody war. 
 Oar acquilltions in Norlh America were 
 made, and wifely made, with a view to fu- 
 ture fecurlty and future advantages. Their 
 adual tradewas inconfidcrable; its increafe 
 could only be cxpeded in procefs of time, 
 as the cunfequence of fomc expence and 
 much wifdom in the management of them. 
 No indemnity for the immenfe fums ex- 
 pended in th'i profecution of the war could 
 be obtained from them. Nor can it be 
 urged, with any juft reafon, that the de- 
 mand of the Sugar Colonies would have 
 been exorbitant or unrealbnable on our 
 part. Enough bcfide them was ceded to 
 France, to dilplay abundantly the modera- 
 tion and generofity of our councils. We 
 left her in poffelhon of the Filliery*, con- 
 firmed that article of the Treaty of Utrecht, 
 Jjy which a go^^fiderable extent of ccaft Qn 
 
 * Art. V. of the Defin. Tre.ity, 
 
 p 
 
 New 
 
T 
 
 ( i8 ) 
 
 Novvfoundlancl was allowcu her for tluj 
 piirpolc, "^ ceded to her St. Pierre and Mi- 
 qiiclnn, l\vo ilhinds to the ioiitliwiird of 
 Newroiindlaiul, cominodioufly fitiiattd and 
 advanla/;coully cip'um Danced for purfuing 
 the Fidiery, and f granted her permifhoti 
 to extrcifc that occupation within the Gulf 
 of St. Lawrence. We rcflored to her, her 
 trade on the River Senegal, hy t furrendering 
 Gorce j and wc gave her up, without excep- 
 tion or referve, § all our conquells in every 
 part of the Kaft Indies. Thus did we leave 
 her in full polTefllon of thefe four mod va- 
 luable fources of her commerce, the Sugar 
 trade, the Fidicry, the African and Eaf): 
 India trades ; and after all our glorious and 
 fuccefsful efforts, have as much to fear fron^ 
 
 
 * Art. VI. of the Dcfin. Treaty. 
 i Art. V. of the Defiii Tieaty. 
 X Art. X. of the]:)efin. Treaty, 
 § Arr. XI. of the Dehn. Treaty* 
 
 ^hc 
 
( '9 ) 
 
 I 
 
 the maritime ami commercial power of our 
 natural rival, as when vvc. bcg^n tlic laft 
 war, which was undcrta^^j and profcLUtcJ 
 entirely upon maritime and commercial 
 principles. 
 
 er! 
 
 In North x^mcrica, Indeed, our empire be- 
 came complcat. No pretence was left for 
 future claim or limitary difputes. We kept 
 Canada,* and added to it a vr(ltra<5t of ter- 
 ritory lying behind it and our ancient fet- 
 tlements, and extending to the river Miffi- 
 fCip'i, tlie boundaries of which territory were 
 clearly marked out and afcertained. And 
 thus we becarme poireflcd of a mighty 
 empire in the new world, comprehending 
 an immenfe extent of country, including 
 every various foil and climate, inexhauftible 
 in its refources, and which, in the exten- 
 five lakes and navigable rivers with v/hich 
 
 ! 
 
 * Art. IV. ofthcDcfin. Treaty, 
 
 D 3, 
 
 tU 
 
lJ 
 
 I : 
 
 ( 20 ) 
 tlie country abounds, pofTcfles every ad- 
 vantage of intercourfe and communication 
 that can be expeded from the luxuriant 
 bounty of natuf % 
 
 St* 
 
 Here, my countrymen, let lis paufe a 
 
 moment and look up to that pinnacle 
 
 of national glory from whence we have 
 fallen ! Let us furvcy the amazing prof- 
 pedl then before us. What could be more 
 flattering to an Englifhman, in the utmoll 
 pride cf his heart and extravagance of his 
 wiflies, than to fee his country ihe feat of 
 fuch an empire, the millrefs of fuch a world. 
 Compared with this power, the extent to 
 which it might have been puflied, the ad- 
 vantages which might have been derived 
 from it, every thing that hath gone before 
 it, is trilling and infignificant. And if we 
 had made the millions of free-men in Ame- 
 rica fubfer vient to rational purpofes, if we 
 
 had 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 had given that fpirit, which we are noW 
 attempting to break, its proper diredlion, 
 and opened up to it a different fcene of ac- 
 tion, what v^ould not their noble courage 
 and enterprizing genius have earned for us f 
 Had the Spanifh provinces, the weaUh of 
 Mexico and Peru, been at any time defira- 
 ble to us, what would they have coft our 
 free-born fons in America, at whofe threfli- 
 hold they lie ? I fpeak with the pride, the 
 partiality, the enthufiafm of an Englifli- 
 man. Alas ! alas ! how are all our well- 
 founded expedations deftroyed ! Where are 
 we now to feek our glorious dependencies ? 
 
 You will readily perceive, that if ever 
 your afFairs required a great ftatefman, it 
 was immediately after the laft peace. The 
 ableft mipiftcrs which this nation ever pof- 
 fefled, I may fay more, which the world 
 ever boafled, never ad before them fo 
 great a tafl^ as was then to be performed. 
 
 A mind 
 
1 ' 
 
 
 l/' 
 
 n? 
 
 ( 2i ) 
 
 A mind capable of euibraclng To magnifi" 
 cent a fubjc6t, of perceiving and combining 
 the complex relations of fo extended an em- 
 pire, muft have dlfcovered that the ufe made 
 of what we had then become quietly poflef- 
 fed of, would determine whether the new 
 world was to remain in dependanceupcn us 
 or not. A philofopher in a(Slion was then 
 neceffary to our affairs. The eflablifhments 
 proper in our new acquifitions, the meafures 
 to be purfued in our old pofTeflions fo as to 
 unite and fecure both to us, (and, eventually; 
 the whole new world, if the interefls of the 
 nation hereafter required that part of it 
 which yet remained with France and Spain) 
 were undertakings, that called for a genius 
 in politics equal to Sir Francis Bacon's in 
 phllofophy. But at no period was the arC 
 of governing made fo light of. Your bu- 
 fmefs was to be done by fcrap and piece- 
 meal, as if one part had no connexion with' 
 another. Nothing great, nothing liberal, 
 
 aothing 
 
{ 23 ) 
 
 jiothing comprehcnfivc, appeared. Plan, 
 defign, permanence, were all out of the quef- 
 tlon. Every thing was little, narrow, and 
 temporary. Men without any experience, 
 who had never given any proof of capacity, . 
 and were intirely unknown to the puhlic, 
 were placed in the firft offices ; and the doc- 
 trine of the court was, that the King's 
 choice was not to be queftioned, and that 
 the royal favour was to fland in the place 
 of all qualification for public employment. 
 In one refpcd:, indeed, there was a plan 
 formed in the interior of the court, and 
 thefe proceedings were in profecution of it — 
 I mean a plan for fecuring the diredion of 
 the cabinet to the Earl of Bute for life, . ^d 
 the reverfion of it to Mr. Jenkinfon or fuch 
 other perfon or perfons as that nobleman 
 ihould appoint :— -a plan the moft dc» 
 ilrudive to every good national purpofe, and 
 |he-beft for the aggrandizement of a fub- 
 
 ... : i'<^ 
 
I! 
 
 fry ' 
 
 
 i 
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 jcifb and thofe attached to him, that the in- 
 trigues of a court had ever given birth to. 
 
 The Earl of Bute firil took the lead. He 
 was fhort and decifivc in his operations. 
 He infulted and difplaced the good old 
 Duke of Newcaftle, the virtuous Cavendilh, 
 and the pride of Engliflimen — Mr. Pitt ; 
 and he fwept the Whigs and ther connec- 
 tions, from every department high and low 
 of the ftate. This he did without the leaft 
 management, with the moil: indecent expe-- 
 dition, without the leaft attention to the 
 memory of King George the Second (thus 
 wounded through his ancient and faithful 
 fervants), or to the character of his royal 
 Mafter. And after making this trial of 
 your temper he relinquifhed the public of- 
 tenfible diredion of atTairs to Mr. George 
 Grenville, who was appointed to the trea- 
 fury, and was underdood to lead the King's 
 councils under the fecret controul of Lord 
 
 BwtQ, 
 
( =5 ) 
 Bute. Of Mr. Gicnvillc much hath been 
 faid. Many have reprefented hnn as a 
 min^n-'rr oF uncommon ability, and even 
 ferae ci thrO.' ^ Vvho approved not his mea- 
 fures, have allowed him much merit. For 
 my parr, fpc'ilcing ray mind honcflly to you, 
 I fee not the leaf!: caufc for cither opinion. 
 Never, ar, I tliink, did man fliew Icfs ca- 
 pacity for, or fall more miferably fliort of, 
 
 ^^IP 
 
 * An ingenious writer, Mr. E. B. vvho had {"I'fP.cl- 
 cnt opportunities of knowing his character, iiath repre- 
 fented it in a very favourable light, at Icrifl: hath llLided 
 its material defedls, in one of his fpecchcs which hatli 
 been given to the public, and v\hich, like all the works 
 of that great mafter, hath b^en much admired. They 
 adcd for feme tin<e in oppcfite parties, eacli of which 
 treated the other with much afpcrity. The injudicious 
 mcafures of aJminiftration fubfcquent to Lord Rock- 
 ingham's time at the treafury, drove thcfe '-r.rties to 
 feek their mutual defence in an uaion. ConnciTHons 
 in party bjgct flrong attachments ; and no doubt Mr. 
 G's pariiamentaiy weight and ability, as a member of 
 oppofuion, contrii^uted a liule to erafe from Mr. B's 
 mind the imprclllon which his condufl in adminiftra- 
 tion had made upon it. For the reft, his memory Muft 
 ftand indebted to Mr. B's indulgence and forgivenefs. 
 
 E 
 
 the 
 
 
 V L 
 
 ) 
 
 \ 
 
 /- 
 
 ) 
 
 /■ 
 
m 
 
 \ 
 
 I, 
 
 ( =6 ) 
 
 the fituatlon in which he flood, and the 
 duty which lay before him. Without per- 
 ceiving the happy opportunity that the na- 
 tion then had ; without taking into view the 
 various affairs of the Empire, and from 
 thence forming and pcrfuing a fyflem of 
 condudt which would have led to power 
 and glory not equalled in the records of the 
 world, he fat down to your bufinefs as if 
 he had been about to adjuft and regulate 
 the affairs of a trifling corporation. In no 
 one meafure of his adminiftration did he 
 fhew any thing like comprehenfion of un- 
 derftanding, or enlargement of mind. When 
 he fhould have been raifmg a mighty em- 
 pire upon the foundation which he had be- 
 fore him, incrcafing its people, and ex- 
 tending its commerce upon great and liberal 
 plans, he was fretting and fatiguing him- 
 felf in, and giving kim up all his time and 
 attention, and direding all the operations of 
 government to, the fuppreffion of a little 
 
 fmug- 
 
 ^^■i 
 
 is 
 
 1 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 rmiiggling, the bringing a few thoufand 
 pounds a year into the exchequer from 
 America, and the gratifying the Court's rc- 
 fentmeriC againfl: an individual who had 
 abufed Lord Bute, and firft proclaimed his' 
 defigns to the public. Such were the mighty 
 objeds of this mighty minifter. Bounded 
 in his views, and intirely attached to forms, 
 his little technical mind was juft calculated 
 to fee that America did not contribute to 
 th^ publi'- burdens of the nation in one par- 
 ticular mode of revenue^ and utterly incapa- 
 ble of perceiving that the colonies, in the 
 way in which they had been managed^ had 
 been the great fource of our wealth, and had 
 brought this country from what it was at 
 the difcovery of the new world, to the 
 point of glory at which we have feen it. 
 He was the firft man in public authority in 
 this kingdom, who, by his converfatlon and 
 vondud, infinuatcd into your minds a jea- 
 
 E 2 • loufy 
 
 f 
 

 \ 9 
 
 \^ ' 
 
 r 
 
 
 ( 23 ) 
 
 loufy of your brethren m America, and 
 who, when tlicre was the grcatcfl need of 
 concord and union for oil great national 
 purpofcs, when every knot by wliich the 
 two countries were held together flioidd 
 have been pulled as clofc as poOiblc, began 
 to break tlic bonds aiunuer. We all, my 
 countrymen, remember too Vvcli the lan- 
 guage of that unfortunate day, when the 
 Stamp Adl was paflcd. Fatally did he lofe 
 fight of the abfolute fubmillion in which 
 we held the labour and induflry of the in- 
 habitants of that extenfive country by the 
 Navigation Ad: and whole fyllem of our 
 trade laws then quietly and univerfally ac- 
 quiefcd in, and he was willing to put the 
 whole to hazard, ...nd flake the intire autho- 
 rity of your leglHature, for a paltry parlia- 
 mentary duty. I will not fay that the au- 
 thority atJually exercijl'd before the date of 
 the Stamp Ad, by your Parliament over 
 America, was net rcconcileable to reafon. — 
 
 I will 
 
 
 r 
 
' ( 29 ) 
 
 I will not fciy that to tie the hands of the 
 inhabitants of a great coniinent abounding 
 with raw matcrialt;, to redrain them from 
 ufi ng the gifts of nature, and to force them 
 to take tlie produdy ot" your own labour, 
 was lacrilicing that continent to this little 
 iiland; but this I will fay, wliether Tuch a 
 power grew up accidentally, or was the 
 fruit of defign, the wit of man could not 
 have devifed one more extenfive, or one 
 that fo etfedually anfwered the ends of this 
 powerful and commercial ftate. 
 
 % 
 
 
 For the government of Canada, that ex- 
 tenfive country acquired by the peace, no 
 folid plan of improvement or cftablifhment 
 appeared. Every thing there was left to 
 operate as it might. The only adl of go- 
 vernment that adminiftration put forth re- 
 lative to that country was, the proclamation, 
 fmce fo Ihamefully falfificd by that autho- 
 rity which ought to have been its defender 
 
 and 
 
 :i 
 

 I,'' 
 
 i 30 ) 
 
 And vindicator. Nor did the limited fpirit 
 of the miniflcr appear more conrpicuoufly 
 in any part of his condudt than in the ufe 
 made of the dcfart iflands acquired in the 
 Weft Indies, and known by the name of 
 the Ceded Iflands. Inftead of copying the 
 laudable example fhcwn by the French in 
 their fugar fettlements, where the governor 
 is authorized to appropriate a moderate 
 portion of land to every individual who 
 comes in, adapted to his circumftances and 
 means of cultivation, without referving even 
 a quit rent, or putting the planter to the 
 expence of a grant, thefe defart lands 
 too were to bring their pepper corn into the 
 exchequer ; that pepper corn to whicli 
 every proper and rational purpofe of go- 
 vernment was facrificed by this fordid fi- 
 nancier. 
 
 
 Thefe are fome of the great delinquencies 
 of Mr. Grenville, whom I am yet far from 
 
 charging 
 
 I ] 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 charging with a criminal intently to injure 
 his country. My objcdions go intirely to 
 his want of penetration, capacity and ge- 
 nius for the fituation in which he was 
 placed ; and furely if ever a minifter was de- 
 ficient in theie capital points of qualification, 
 Mr. Grenville was the man. Whatever he 
 v/as, he pointed out the high road, which 
 others, with worfe intentions, were looking 
 for, to the dcftrudion of our country. If 
 the project of impofing a trifling tax upon 
 America had not taken pofleffion of the 
 ooftinate mind of this weak man, we had 
 liill called America our own. 
 
 The difturbances In America confequent 
 to the Stamp Adl firft opened the eyes of 
 Government. Court intrigues, and no 
 better reafon had difplaccd Mr. Grenville; 
 and that ftedfaft friend of England, the 
 late Duke of Cumberland, feized the op- 
 3 portunity 
 
i - 
 
 ( 30 
 
 porfimity of/>T;-min^, the only Whig Adml- 
 niilration w!»Idi \vc have hat! In the prefcnt 
 reign. You will pcrcL'ivc that 1 allude to 
 tliofe men diain^uiflied in the political 
 world by the name of 'the Rockingham 
 Connexion, among whom yen will recog- 
 nize the names of '^ Savillc, V. entwortli, 
 Cavendifh, Bcntinck, Richmond, and 
 others of great worth and confideratlon, 
 all illuftrioiis V/hirs. No men had ever 
 greater diflicultics to Rruggle with, or were 
 ever furrounded l>y greater temptations 
 than the fct of wliich I am now fpcaking : 
 thofe they overcame; tlicfc they refilled. 
 Their ftruggle was a glorious one, and was 
 crowned with the moO; complcat fuccefs. 
 While others clofed their eyes and ears to 
 every thing but the improbabilities and ab- 
 
 '^■t 
 
 * That firm friend to his country, Sir Geo. Saville, 
 it is true held no office in this adminiftration, but was 
 as deeply engaged in it, as any man in office. 
 
 furditles 
 
i 
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 furilltltles of a few incendiaries, they pro-* 
 cured information in every channel in which 
 it could beohtaincd; and, by combining tlic 
 various accounts received, were enabled to 
 form jttfl conclufions of the condutl and 
 temper of the people in America. They 
 repealed the Stamp A<5t, reftorcd the ancicn'c 
 fo»*tunute management of our colonies, and 
 gave peace to the empire. That at the fame 
 time they might not be faid to give fandion 
 to the provincial claims of total exemption 
 from taxation, they repealed the Stamp Ad: 
 upon grounds of inexpediency; and, avail- 
 ing themfelves of an * campio fet by par- 
 liament 
 
 * By the a£l of 6 Geo. i, ch. v, it is declarec!. That 
 the kingdom of Ireland hath been, is, and of right 
 ought to be, fubordinate unto, nnd dependent upon, the 
 imperial crown of Great Britain, as being infcparably 
 united and annexed thereunto ; and that the King's 
 Majefty, by and with the advice and confent of the 
 Lords fpiritual and tempora', and Commons of Great 
 liament aflembled, /W, hath, i 
 
 parii 
 
 of right 
 
 eu^ht to have, full power and authmty to make laws andjla^ 
 
 ma 
 
 
/ 
 
 ■I ;1 
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 liament in the reign of George the Firftj 
 when its right to bind Ireland was alTerted 
 by a declarzitory law, they declared the 
 fitme right over the colonies, in ftrong 
 though general terriis ; thus not taking up- 
 6n themfelves to rnake any explicit facrifice 
 or furrender of that particular truft of go- 
 vernment, nor fettering the condudl of fu- 
 ture minifters, who were left free to avail 
 themfelves, at any future periodj of the 
 
 ') i 
 
 iutes of JuffuUni forte and validity^ to bind tht kingdom 
 an:! people of Ireland. 
 
 The act of the 6th of Geo. 3, chap. 12^ pafled in 
 Lord Rockinsjham's aclrniniftration, declares that thft 
 colonies and plantations in America have been, are, 
 and of riglic ought to t°, fubordinate unto, and depend- 
 aiitupon, the imperial crown and parliament of Great- 
 Britain ; and that the King's Majcfty, by and with the 
 advice and confcnt of the Lords fpiritual ahd temporal, 
 and Commons of Ores'" Britain, in parliament afTemblcd, 
 had, hatb^ and of right ought to have, full povuer a7id aw- 
 tharliy to inakc lazvs andjlatutes offufflclent force and vali' 
 dlly to bind the colonics and people of America, fuljeSls of the 
 crown cf Great Isrltalr., In all cafes nhaifoei/er* 
 
 f^m \ 
 
 ■M' 
 
 circum-* 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 circumllances of the times, and temper of 
 the people of America.* 
 
 *■■• 
 
 >^B> 
 
 The material part of this condua: was 
 didated by the founded judgment, w?s the 
 refultofthewifeft policy, and was followed by 
 
 the happiefl: confequences. As when a dorm 
 or tempeft fubfides, we faw every thing fall 
 immediately into its natural and accuftomed 
 order. Yet the fadion formed to ruin this 
 country haveaffeded to think it ill policy that 
 parliament fhould yield upon that occafion, 
 
 * " I had, indeed, very earned wifhes *o keep the 
 *' whole body of this authority perfed and intire as I 
 *' found it ; and to kc^p it fo, not for our advantage 
 .5' folely, but principally for the fakqof thofc, on whof? 
 *' account ail jufl authority exifts,— I mean the people 
 *' to be governed. For I thought 1 faw, that many 
 " cafes might well hap^)en, in which the exercife qf 
 *' every power, comprehended in tlie broacleft idea of 
 *' leglflature, might become^ in its time and ciicuwjiauces^ 
 ** not a littfe expedient for the peace and union of the 
 *' colonies amongfl themfelves, as well as for their pe^- 
 ** fe<a harmony with Great Britain." Mr, B's Letter to 
 the Sheriffs of Brifiol^ 2d ediiipn, p. 47, 4S. 
 
 F 2 though 
 
S9H 
 
 !> 
 
 .' f 
 
 (' 
 
 ■?> 
 
 m 
 
 '/i 
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 ttiougK many of them admit the inexpedien- 
 cy of the meafures repealed. Thefe men 
 thcmfclves know where elfe to feek for the 
 caufcs which have involved you in a fatal 
 civil war. I only wonder that any man 
 among you fhould be made the dupe of fo 
 fhallow an artifice. I have no comprehen- 
 fion of that fort of dignity v.'hiclx perfeveres 
 in error to deftru6lion. This is not a day 
 wherein to impofe, and the American^: are 
 nor a people to fwallow, the belief of the 
 infallibility of the Britifh parliament, or of 
 any otl tr body of men inverted with the 
 truil of gcvernment. The pride of the 
 mofl: auguft afTemblies muft fometimes 
 fubmit to the acknowledgement of mifcon- 
 ducfl. Would to God, parliament had fhewn 
 of late mjrc frequent inftances of repentance. 
 For want of this falutary humility, the 
 boaflcd pride and dignity of government 
 now lies proftrate, when we have loft that 
 country, and our utmoft exertion of force 
 
 •■^ I 
 
 i ^m < 
 
 1$ 
 
/ 
 
 i ^m I 
 
 37 ) 
 
 IS baffled by the perfeverance and virtue of 
 thofe, who were to tremble when but our 
 little finger was held up in wrath againft 
 them. The fame wilful blindnefs which 
 hath betrayed us into our prefent melancho- 
 ly fituallon, afferts that America would 
 have fubmitted to the Stamp A£l, if parlia-. 
 ?nent had fhewn an inclination to enforce it. 
 They, who believe this, are in a difpofition 
 to believe any thing. Every tranfudion of 
 that memorable day, and of fubfequcnt 
 times, is a palpable contradidion of fuch a 
 fuppofition. 
 
 After having thus merited your confidence 
 and affedion, this fet of minifters was dif- 
 mifled. Juftice requires me to fay, that 
 chey left your empire, not as they found it, 
 m not and confiifion, but in peace and fe- 
 curlty. From that time your affairs have 
 gradually declined. 
 
 The 
 
/ 
 
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 The miniftry, who fucceeded Lord 
 Rockingham's, renewed the project of raif- 
 ing a revenue in America, and laid on the 
 new duties. The adt for this purpofe was 
 pafTed in 1767, by the fame parliament 
 which in 1765 had enaded the Stamp Aft 
 to raife a like reve i^e in America, and 
 which in 1766 had rep*. ! the Stamp Act, 
 becaufe the fcheme of raifmg fuch a revenue 
 was inexpedient*; with fo much facility doth 
 
 parlia- 
 
 * It may be curious to fee in one vlew» the preambles 
 ofthefe different zS:s of the fame parliament, fucceeding 
 each other fo haHiiy. 
 
 5 Geo. 3, chap. 12. " Whereas, by an A61 made in the 
 laft feffion of parliament, feveral duties were granted, 
 continued, and appropriated towards defraying the ejc- 
 pences of defending, prote(5ting and fecuring the Britifh 
 Colonies and Plantations in America : JrJ whereas it is 
 juft and necejjary thai trovifmi he inade for raifmg a fuv 
 ther revenue within your Myejiy^s dominions in Jmerica^ tO' 
 wards defraying the faid expcnces, 
 
 6 Geo. 3, chap. 11. Whereas an zdt was pafied in 
 the laft feffion of parliament, intitlcd, * An Ad forgrant- 
 
 ing 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 parliament change its opinions and meafurefi 
 when adminiftration leads the way. Some 
 curious particulars relative to the laying on of 
 the new duties have come to the knowledge 
 of the public. Three of the principal mem- 
 bers of the then miniftry have difclaimed 
 thai meafure, and have openly and pofitively 
 
 * ing and applying certain ftamp duties, &c.' Jnd whereas 
 the continuance of the faid ali would he attended with many 
 inconveniences^ and may be produ^ive of confequences greats 
 ly detrimental to the commercial inter eji, 
 
 7 Geo. 3, ch. 46. Whereas it is expedient that a re^ 
 Venue Jhouid be raifed in America for making a more cer- 
 tain and adequate provifion for defraying the charge of 
 the adminiftration of juftice, and the fupport of civil 
 government in fuch provinces where it fliail be found 
 neceflary j and towards further defraying the expences 
 of defending, protefling, and fecuring the faid do- 
 minions." 
 
 To thefe it may be a proper fupplement to add, that 
 the preamble of the ad of the fucceeding parliament iri 
 the loth of George the Third, by which ail the duties 
 laid on by the laft-mentioned a<ft, except that on tea, are 
 fepealed, ^Qcizxzs thzt fuch duties were laid on y contrary 
 to the trite principles of commerce, 
 
 affirmed^ 
 
ii 'f 
 
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 affirmed, in the Hoiife of Lords, that it wad 
 carried through without their concurrence, 
 and againft their judgment. The peribns 
 I fpeak of are, the Duke of Grafton, then 
 firft Lord of the Treafury, Lord Shelburne, 
 Secretary of State, and Lord Camden, Chan- 
 cellor. From hence you will draw your 
 own inferences. The confequcnces of a 
 fyflem, which enables one man, in no often- 
 fible office, and confequently without any 
 refponfibility, to diredt every operatir d£ 
 government, and over-rule thofe whc by 
 their fituations are accountable to you, are 
 but too obvious. It is a debt of juftice to 
 thefe noble perfons to difcriminate them 
 from thofe Whofe mifchievous defigns have 
 brought on this unhappy American bull- 
 nefs. 
 
 When Lord Shelburne quitted the feals, 
 
 the Earl of Hillfborough was announced to 
 
 you, with the utmoft pomp and triumph, 
 
 I as 
 
( 4' ) 
 
 as the man who alone poflefled the talents 
 requifite in the management of the colonies 
 at a conjundture fo critical. This nobleman 
 hath indeed had the cunning to withdraw 
 from office ; but I truft he will not, in the 
 fhade of retirement, find fecurity and pro- 
 *£t3:ion from your juft indignation. In 
 what confifted, or wherein had been fhewn, 
 that ability imputed to him by the court 
 runners of the day, I have not, with great 
 attention to public proceedings, been able 
 to difcover. But he is a Khig^s friend. His 
 condud was a fatire upon all government. 
 Let thofe who are fo clamorous for fteadi- 
 nefs on the part of government, and who 
 are fo jealous of its honour and dignity, fee 
 among their own friends and their own pro- 
 ceedings, one more inftance of the pundlual 
 obfervance of them all. When this frefli 
 experiment of the new duties was likely to 
 be as ineffedual and dangerous as the for- 
 mer, and had renewed all the difcontent and 
 
 O diforder 
 
r 
 
 ( r- ) 
 
 (Jlfbrdr' in ihc provinces, wc began once 
 iiorc . ) conceive hopes that all woukl yet 
 be right. When niinillry found they could 
 not impofe tliefc duties upon America, they 
 difcovcrcd that they were impolitic. When 
 they could do no better they confeffed this. 
 They were ready enough to avail themfelvcs 
 of Lord Rockingham's plan, and to pledge 
 themfelves for a repeal of the duties upon 
 grounds of inexpediency ; or rather they 
 abufed this plan to the purpofes of the 
 grofleft fraud and hypocrify. In May 1769, 
 Lord Hillfborough wrote his famous circu- 
 lar letter to the Governors of the Provinces. 
 It is as follows : 
 
 tt 
 
 1 can take upon me to aflure you, not- 
 " withftanding infmuations to the contrary 
 " from men ivif^ faElious and feditious 
 ** views^ that his Majefty's/r^;;/ admini- 
 *' ftration have at no time entertained a 
 dcfign to propofe to parliament to lay 
 
 *' any 
 
 (£ 
 
( 43 ) 
 *' any further taxes upon America, /^r the 
 " piirpofe of raifmg a revenue ; and that it is 
 «* at prcfcnt their intention to take off the 
 ** duties upon glafs, paper, and colours, 
 «* upon confideration of fuch duties having 
 *' been laid contrary to the true principles 
 ** of co'Timerce, 
 
 *' Thefe have always been and jlill are 
 «' the fentiments of his Majefty's prefcnt 
 « fervants, and by which their condud in 
 " refpea to America has been governed. 
 " And his Majefty relies upon your pru- 
 " dence and fidelity for fuch an explanation 
 *' of his meafures^ as may tend to remove 
 " the prejudices which have been excited 
 " by the mifreprefentations of thofe who are 
 *' enemies to the peace and profperity of 
 «* Great Britain and her colonies, and to 
 *« re-eftablifh that mutual confidence and aj^ 
 «' fecllon upon which the glory and fafety 
 «' of the Britiili empire depends 
 
 G 2 . When 
 
p 
 
 { 44 ) 
 
 \V hen the road to peace was once more 
 thus clearly marked out, you will wonder 
 how it could he deviated from. Never 
 furely were any expreflions Icfs capahle of 
 variety of interpretation hy thofe for whom 
 they were intended. Every man in America 
 thout':ht himfelf prefcntly to be at eafe when 
 this letter was publilhed there. The fecre- 
 tary of /late for the colonies folemnly and 
 deliberately, in the names of all the King's 
 fervants, renounces the principle of laying 
 taxes by Parliament^ for the purpofe of raifmg 
 a revenue. The candour and fimplicity of 
 the Americans received this letter as a 
 pledge of the Royal word for the total repeal 
 of all the duties. And who could have col- 
 lected any other itnic from it ? Was it to 
 be gathered from any thing in this letter 
 that minlftry meant to bring the queftion in 
 dirpute to Iflue upon one of the objects of ' 
 tax tlon in this new revenue law ; or was 
 
 It 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 it not to be concUidcd that they meant to 
 get rid of it, and to give quiet to the em- 
 pire in the fame manner that the IlockIn[>-- 
 ham Adminiftration had done ? Is there 
 any thing in the letter that fays, or infmu- 
 atcs, or points mofl: diflantly to the former 
 intention ? Is there any exception of any 
 particular objedls of the law to be repealed, 
 as proper objeds to be taxed, for the pur- 
 fofe of raifmg a revenue in America^ Is 
 there any hint to the governors to recom- 
 mend to the people of America to acknow- 
 ledge the right of parliament to tax them ? 
 Is there any aF-rtion of that right, or any 
 reprehenfion of thofe who denied it ? In 
 thefe refpeds, if miniftry had been a6ling 
 with good faith, the letter was moft judici- 
 oufly written, and wifely filent. But all 
 was rotten at bottom. If there were a heal- 
 ing pacific intention fomewhere, in another 
 place, where all influence and controul were 
 lodged, a very contrary refolution was a- 
 
 dopted 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 doptcd. Finally, would not any man, of an 
 iinrufpcding mind, have though' that no- 
 thing more or icfs was intended than a 
 fimplc repeal of the new ad, as inexpedient 
 and contrary to the principles of commerce. 
 Yet when parliament met, and the bufinefs 
 came to be done, the a 'St was repealed as to 
 five of tlic objects ot taxation in it, and left 
 m full force as to the fixth, or duty upon 
 tea. And it is not in the nature of things 
 that this could have been done, that this 
 duty upon tea could have been left in the 
 way for any other purpofc, than to prefervc 
 the caufe of a quarrel with America, and to 
 furnifli the occafion, which fome were 
 carneRly looking for, of chaftifing men 
 whofe principles were odious to them, and 
 of altering the free governments of America. 
 Thefc fii£ts arc of fuch a nature as to re- 
 quire no obfervation. Judge for yourfelves, 
 whether the faith of government, given as 
 we have feen to America (^gainjl the political 
 
 principle 
 
 I 1 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 principle of taxing by all of parliament for 
 raifing a revenue in the colonicSf war, ever, in 
 any inftancc, more fatally broken. 
 
 } 1 
 
 As was too plainly forfcen, the Ameri- 
 cans dcftroyed the tea. The violent mea- 
 furcs then'bcgun, and to this day obftinatcly 
 perfifted in, arc too recent to be recapitulat- 
 ed, livery thing from that time hath been 
 hoftillty and war. No men are fo lavifli of 
 the blood of others, as thofe v 'lo are parti- 
 cularly careful of their own. Some, at lead, 
 of the prefent miniftry know this truth 
 experimentally. In every ftep of admini- 
 flration are traces of the moft fliallow policy 
 difcernable. General Gage's appointment 
 to the command in that country liad no 
 wifer motive than his relation by marriage 
 to an American lady. Miniftry fuppofed 
 that the high blood of fadion, fedition and 
 treafon, was to be fuddenly tamed to due 
 fubmiffion by the means of this lady. With 
 
 peculiar 
 
il 
 
 1' if 
 
 .('.. 
 
 f 48 ) 
 
 peculiar fagacity they excepted from his 
 Majcfty'i' grace and pardon, offered to all 
 America befides, Samuel Adams and John 
 Hancock, the two men moft capable of 
 contributing to the reftoration of the au- 
 thority of the Britifh government, and 
 thereby made it more than ever the inter eft 
 of thofe profcribed leaders that America 
 fhould refift. The detention of the inha- 
 bitants of Bofton, after General Gage's ca- 
 pitulation with them, by which it was 
 ftipulated, that, upon the furrender of their 
 arms, they fhould be at liberty to depart 
 with all their effeds, was a fhameful ex- 
 ample given to the Americans of a violation 
 of engagements deemed facred among civi- 
 lized nations. The burning of Falmouth 
 and Norfolk, and th^ attempt to ami the 
 flaves in Virginia, have anlwered no other 
 end than to furnifh to the Americans a 
 comparifon for the miid and merciful pro- 
 ceedings of Louis XIV. in the Palatinate. 
 4 What 
 
 I 
 

 
 ( 49 ) 
 What judgment dldlatec, or wha. advan- 
 tages were derived from the attack upon 
 Bunker's Hill, have not yet been difcovered. 
 Speedily after this great vidory, the caufe 
 of fo much triumph, was General Kowe 
 driven from Bofton,— I fay driven, becaafe 
 minifterial effrontery no longer denies that 
 he could not remain in that fituation. The 
 Maflachufet's Bay, the hot -bed of rebellion 
 according to miniftry, was left to enjoy the 
 fruits of her fuperior treachery, and the feat 
 of war was transferred to New York; 
 where, according to the fame perfons, all 
 the friends of government were affembled. 
 How much hath been efFeded in and about; 
 the province of New York we all. know. 
 In vain are we afilired that the Americans 
 are poltroons of the vileft kind ; that their 
 armies are ill-appointed, naked and ftarv- 
 ing. Takii.e this for granted agalnft all 
 \\}^ evidence before us, what have we pro- 
 
 ^. 6te4 
 
 ,♦•. 
 
Wi 
 
 ( 50 ) 
 
 filed by It ! Is America, reduced ? Is her 
 treafure in our exchequer ? Is her trade re- 
 Hored to us ? 
 
 The fuccefs of General Howe not being 
 anfwcrable to the aiTurances given you by 
 the miniftry, you are beginning to be dif- 
 contented with him; and fince things have 
 not gone better in America, adminijftration 
 are not ill-pleafcd to fee you in this temper. 
 Theii agents are induflrlous in propagating 
 reports that every thing might have been 
 done, if another had been at the head of 
 the army. Some attribute to this gallant 
 officer want of capacity, others want of in- 
 clination to the caufe of government. Some 
 fay he is avaricious, and that he finds his 
 account in indecifive meafurcs. All drive at 
 one point. In your cenfure of General 
 Howe, miniftry expc6l to find their apolo- 
 gy. I truft y will difappoint them. Re- 
 member that Spain employed the beft gene- 
 rals 
 
 Ik „, 
 
t 51 ) 
 
 rals and troops in Europe, in vain, againft 
 the united Provinces armed in defence of 
 freedom. To do juftice to your abfent 
 countryman, minillry would be obliged to 
 inform you of the two things in the world 
 which it will coft them moft to confefs — their 
 inattention and blunders in the condudt of 
 the war, and the ftrength and refources of 
 America. Be you, therefore, juft to Ge- 
 neral Howe. Derive wifdom from his want 
 of fuccefs ; and let it be one ftrong additi- 
 onal proof, that the fword will gain nothing 
 for you in that country. 
 
 This truth muft be confefled a aft, and 
 had better be acknowledged now. In po- 
 pular difputes a v^lfe miniftry will gain 
 fomething even by yielding. If claims not 
 maintainable muft be abandoned, give way 
 with franknefs and dignity. Had this been 
 done early in the difpute, we had maintain- 
 ed compleat, nay we had confirmed, ifcon- 
 
 H 2 firmatioix 
 
,il I 
 
 n 
 
 ( Si ) 
 
 firmation were wanting, all other parts of 
 our authority over America, though we had 
 departed from the claim of taxation. This 
 fpirit carried King Charles the Firfl to the 
 block, and hath lofl America to us. That 
 monarch had not difcernment to perceive 
 the neceflity for facrificing fomething rea- 
 dily, and with apparent good will, to the 
 early demands of the popular leaders, in 
 order to preferve the reft. He fuffered all 
 his concefllons to be forced from him ; (a 
 that every one of them, inftcad of being 
 made a grace fromhimfelf, was a vid:ory to 
 his enemies. We have too long imiiated 
 tliis unfortunate conduct ! 
 
 :ii 
 
 We are afiured by niiniftry, that no fo- 
 reign power interferes in this war, and we 
 have more truft in their alTurances than in 
 our own fenfes, for we fee the contrary 
 every day^ The French do not come to a 
 rupture with us. Why fhould they ? All 
 
 their 
 
 S 
 
^.. 
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 their purpofes are anfwered without that 
 rifk. They deny all interference in this 
 American bufinefs* Why fhouK^ they not ? 
 Their fubterfugee are what all experience 
 ihould have taught us to expert from this 
 people. Yet they content our miniftry, and 
 the French are thereby enabled to derive 
 every poffible advantage from the war in 
 perfea fecurlty. Rely upon it that miniftry 
 have received authentic advices of the pro* 
 c^edings of the French, of a nature 'with 
 which they dare not make you acquainted. 
 That nation now poffefles the whole Ame- 
 rican trade. She fupplies the whole con- 
 tinent with arms, and ammunition and 
 cloathing. She furnifhes them with land 
 officers and feamen. She affords t^em a 
 fafe recept^le for their prizes in her har- 
 bours, both in Europe and the Weft Indies. 
 Will you have more ? She receives their 
 veflels as thofe of an independent power in 
 alliance with her. She falutes their flag. 
 
 She 
 
\'. 
 
 t 54 ) 
 
 She fits out her own veficls to make capture* 
 of your property, under the fanCtion of an 
 American commifTion. It is not the doing 
 thefe things that alarms our miniflry ; it Is 
 the avowal of them which they fear. So 
 long as they are difavoived^ they care not 
 that they are done. Thus, whilft you are 
 confuming in every pnrt of you, France is 
 availing herfelf of your misfortunes, and, 
 with the moft fedulous care and attention, 
 is appropriating to herfelf the wreck of your 
 fortunes. 
 
 , .1 
 
 The politicians of this day, whofe errors 
 have deprived us of America, difcover that 
 one great fource of this lofs is derived from 
 the peace hy which we acquired Canada. 
 According to them we fliould not have in- 
 filled upon Canada; becaufe, truly, with 
 the French upon their backs, the Americans, 
 needing our prote«5lion, mult have been 
 , fubniiffive to our government. In truth 
 
 we 
 
 I 
 
) 
 
 ( ss ) 
 
 we have not had capacity to avail ourfelves 
 of any of the advantages that the peace 
 threw into our hands, and we are now wilU 
 ing to exclaim that it was too good a treaty. 
 The leaft attention will convince you of the 
 weakncfs and abfurdity of the objedion 
 touched upon. If the French had kept pof- 
 feflion of Canada, would not that nation 
 have been more at hand to encourage every 
 fymptom of ill humour, foment every dif- 
 turbance, and cultivate every tendency to 
 revolt, that appeared in the colonies I Would 
 not France have furnifhed more certain, 
 immediate and effedual afliftance to Ame- 
 rica through Canada, than in any other 
 channel of which flie is now pofleffed ? On 
 the other hand, without Canada, what 
 fhould we have done in the prefent conteft ? 
 How elfe fhould we have obtained and kept 
 any footing on the continent ? And where 
 would have been the fcene of General Bur- 
 goyne's elocj^uence and military triumphs I 
 
 ' ■ ' : : :r 
 
 X 
 
( 56 ) 
 
 :fi'; 
 
 It hath been truly fald that government Is 
 a pradical art. Nothing I think more fo. 
 Nor is there any fubjedt in which, in my 
 opinion, theories are of lefs ufe. Hiftory, 
 which is philofophy teaching by experi- 
 ment, doubtlefs contributes greatly to forn^ 
 the ftatefman ; but mere theories never an- 
 fwercd any better end than to amufe men 
 who fpeculate in their clofcts. He, who 
 fiiould attempt to govern the Turk and the 
 Englifhman, the Frenchman and the Indian 
 by the fame code, would fpeedily find his 
 jnlftake. The firft and mod important ftep 
 towards the pra<Slice of this art confifts in 
 acquiring a perfect knowledge of the ma- 
 terials in the hands of the ftatefman, that 
 is, of the charader, tempers and difpofitions 
 of the people, [whofe happjnefs, it hath 
 pleafed providence, fliould depend upon 
 him. If he objed to their paffions and pre- 
 judices, we tell him beware how you 
 attempt to remove them. If he can check 
 1 them^^ 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 them, or throw them into a Icfs inconve- 
 nient bias, with a patient and a gentle hand, 
 let him make the effort ; but beware of vio- 
 lence. If he fay they are a flubhorn and a 
 fliff-necked generation, we may lament i^ ; 
 but there they arc, fuch as God made them, 
 not fuch as human imperfedlion would 
 have them made ; and it is they, bad as 
 they are, whom he is to govern. He is to 
 value highly their opinions, to refpedt 
 their prejudices. If thefe people be not 
 worth his care and pains, let him have no- 
 thing to do with them, and not attempt to 
 fcourge them, like fchool-boys, into the 
 habits in which he wifiies to fee them. 
 Let them be reafoned with as long as he 
 likes, and be fhewn the beauty and perfec- 
 tion of his fyftem of government in all its 
 parts. Let him even engage Mr. Dclolme 
 to difplay it to them, and to evince to them 
 how exadly it is equipolfcd. Let them hear 
 the reafonings of all the lawyers that your 
 
 I forum 
 
 f 
 \ 
 
 ■ yc'^S 
 
( 58 ) 
 
 forum hath produced for ages ; and if he 
 dotli not reconcile them to the nttiuil cxcr- 
 cife of his power, trufl: me, all the reft will 
 have heen vain : he will have made little 
 progrefs; and the material part of his bufi- 
 nefs will be ftill to be performed. Govern- 
 ment is not at war with America merely to 
 decide difputed rights. It propofes to re- 
 form the manners, and alter the charader 
 of the Americans. It doth not admit that 
 God and nature hath made man the judge 
 of his own happinefs, and authorized him 
 to perfue it, but claims the right of know- 
 ing better what is meet and convenient, for 
 Americans than Americans do for them- 
 felves, and means to drub them for their 
 own fakes, and to make them happier. 
 This is minifterial language. 
 
 It might have been early difcovered, that 
 the Americans' ideas of liberty were par- 
 ticularly aflbciated with the right of taxing 
 
 themfelves ; 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 thcmfclvcs ; and, to fay the truth, if it were 
 a prejudice, it was one that fliould not have 
 furprizcil, and much Icfs have ufFendcd U8. 
 We taught them the dclufive lelTon. Our 
 proceedings, hiftory and conditution gave 
 them the principle. Their anceftors carried 
 it witli them. The prcfcnt generation im- 
 bibed it in their infancy, and with the firll 
 rudiments of their inftrudion. The great 
 example of Hampden, and other illuftrious 
 patriots of our country, fortified them in 
 their opinions, and hath no doubt animated 
 them in their defence. They faw the new 
 government (fuch I call your government 
 fmce the Revolution), formed and fupported 
 upon this principle. The pradice among 
 themfelves from their earliei fettlements 
 was conformable to it. What but infanity 
 would have attacked their opinions and 
 combated their prejudices in this their 
 ftrongeft hold ! We cannot wonder that 
 they expeded Engliflimen at leaft to coun- 
 
 I 2 tenance 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 tenance them in their defence of this pri- 
 vilege. 
 
 As I (lefire no other proof of good policy 
 in the adminiflraiion of a government than 
 fuccefs, that is, the eafc, fecurity and hap- 
 pinefs of the empire, fo can I never approve 
 of meafurcs and plans of condinSl which, 
 upon trial, have not attained thcfe objects. 
 They are the ends of all government j and 
 inafmuch as the mode of adminiftring it 
 falls (hort of thofeends, fo diftant is it from 
 a good mode. The experiment of inforc- 
 ing the authority of j..arliament with the 
 fword hath now been made. You could not 
 have been reconciled to the trial, if you had 
 not been aflurcd that it would be attended 
 with the moft fpeedy and decifive fuccefs. 
 A handful of men, in comparifon of the 
 force we now have in America, was to efFe<9; 
 every thing as foon as they appeared in that 
 country. Whilft it was a doubtful point 
 
 how 
 
 ■i'h 
 
 lt1 
 
( 6, ) 
 
 how far the Americans would carry their 
 rcfiftaiice, you ballanced whether you 
 fliould believe thofc who foretold every 
 confequence that hath fincc happened in 
 this conteft, or give credit to adminiftration, 
 who conftantly told you, that, were they 
 truftcd a little longer, all would be right, 
 and America be prefently at the feet of 
 Great Britain. It is now no matter of fpe- 
 culation. The event is before us, and the 
 meaneft of us all can fee it ;is plainly as the 
 Chancellor of the exchequer. 
 
 I have heard it urged, as an apology for 
 adminiftration, that the information which 
 they received in the early part of this bu- 
 finefs, turned out to be falfe. The excufe 
 is a bad one, and is itfelf an acknowledg- 
 ment of great mifcondudt and incapacity. 
 Before miniftry took their raeafures, efpeci- 
 ally when thofe meafures were of fo ftrong 
 and violent a nature, it was of the laft 
 
 3 importance 
 
» 
 
 m •iV»i1|a.< 
 
 : V 
 
 M 
 
 [ 62 ) 
 
 importance that they fliould be certain of 
 the fuds upon which they proceeded. But 
 I believe we arc all convinced of the truth 
 of the cxcufe. The incendiaries from Ame- 
 rica, thofe who acStcd the bafeft and black- 
 eft: part in this bufinefs, told minift:ry, amidft 
 an incredible number of the moft: grofs and 
 palpable falihoods, and miniftry repeated to 
 you, that all America, but the mob headed 
 by John Hancock, were in their interefl: ; 
 and that, whenever Great Britain fhewed 
 her indignation, this mob would difappear, 
 and all be peace and quiet. Do you re- 
 member this language or not ? I '^m fure 
 you all muft. liath the event juftified the 
 prediction? Ifotherways, have the authors 
 of thefe wicked mifreprefentations been 
 brougl^t to punifhment, or received any 
 marks of the Court's dilapprobation ; or 
 have they not rather received the rewards 
 due only to men who have ferved their 
 country with ability and fidelity ? If mini- 
 ftry 
 
^'sTfTT'f' '^TTiT' ^-PIF,', 
 
 >• I 
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 flry believe that they were mlfinformed, 
 why do they perfevcre in condu^l: avowee' !y 
 fouad;:d upon fuch miiinformation? ^.*/\y 
 is pamphlet after pamphlet piiblilhcd, i;..der 
 the fandlon, and by the dircdioQ o^ac.ni- 
 jiiftration, to provoke and ftir up your 
 finger againll your fx;llow-fubjecls, to rcpre- 
 fent the Amci-icans as the moft treacherous, 
 infamous, worthlefs race of men that God 
 ever permitted to inhabit the earth? Why, 
 but to obtain your concurrence in a cruel 
 and unnatural war, upon which admini- 
 ftration was fo obilinatcly bent ! The for- 
 feitures likely to enfuc, as the confequenccs 
 of treafon, were no inconfidcrable induce- 
 ment to the war with fome, I do not fay 
 all, of its promoters. The cultivated lands 
 of the colonics v/ere too fertile to be enjoy- 
 ed by American Whigs, who fliewed no 
 fymptom of apoflacy, and afforded no 
 hopes of their becoming converts to the 
 true political faith. Thefe lands were better 
 
 merited 
 
 I 
 
T^ 
 
 1 
 
 
 ( 64 ) 
 
 merited by Tories and Jacobites of both 
 countries, who had long lain negleded, but 
 were now compenfated for the lofs of their 
 beloved Stuarts, in the revival of their de- 
 teftable principles, and who were as ready 
 to bleed and die for thofe principles in the 
 fervice of a prince of the Houfe of Hanover, 
 as in that of the exiled family. 
 
 To this calamitous war, it is with grief 
 of heart I fay it, fome among you have, by 
 your lavij'H offers to government, too much 
 contributed ; and we are to thank that part 
 of you to whom I now allude for the de- 
 claration of independence made by America 
 by which all political relation between the two 
 countries is difTolved. How far the people of 
 a country have a right to take fuch a ftep, or 
 what meafure of provocation is neceffary 
 to juflify the exercife of that right, it is 
 not to my prefent purpofe to enquire. I leave 
 all queftions of this kind to the difcuffion of 
 
 thofe 
 
 ] 
 
 V 
 
( 6j ) 
 
 thofe, who can content themfclvcs for the 
 lofs of America, by proving that the great 
 breach of civil convention proceeded from 
 that fide of the water. You will recollca:, 
 however, that they were profcribed as rebels 
 and put out of the protection of your laws, 
 before they adopted this meafure ; and, 
 Xvhat is more immediately within my pre- 
 fent defign, you will obferve that, as long 
 as the Americans had any fort of pre- 
 tence for feparating the body of the people 
 of England from the adminiftration, they 
 imputed the violences againft them to ad- 
 miniftration alone, and appealed to you 
 for fuccour and protedlon* And when ad- 
 iiiiniftration had acquired that fatal influ- 
 ence, which induced fome of you, In the 
 raflinefs of your zeal, to approach the throne 
 with offers of your lives and fortunes in 
 fupport of this unhappy war, then, and not 
 till then, when America faw herfelf cut off 
 from all hope in your virtue, and the ne- 
 
 K ceflity 
 
( 66 ) 
 
 Ctility of relying intirely upon her own 
 then, I fay, am! mt before, fhe proclaimed 
 her independcuce. In telling you this, 
 you will perceive that I rcfpc6l you too 
 highly to flatter you. It is full time that 
 you faw the truth in its naked colours. 
 
 u \ 
 
 Perfeverance in thefe meafurcs is the 
 fureft proof that they proceeded from fome 
 other caufe than the falfe information tranf- 
 mitted from America, and brought home 
 by the incendiaries. The origin of thefe 
 troubles lies deeper than any of you have 
 chofen to go in fearch of it. All the em- 
 barraflments of prince and empire proceed 
 from the application of falfe and corrupt 
 principles in the adminiftration of govern- 
 ment. The principles I mean confift briefly 
 in the profcription of the Whigs and the 
 reprobation of their maxims of adminiftra- 
 tion ; the encouragement and fupport of 
 Tories, aad the perfuit of their maxims. 
 
 Nothing, 
 
 Pi u 
 
( 6/ ) 
 
 Nothing, I am aware, is more offbnfive to 
 adminiftration than the revival of thefe 
 diftindtions. They think tliey are playing 
 a fure and fecret game. The umbrage which 
 they take at the mention of Whig and Tory • 
 betrays the cloven foot. To a man who is 
 no Tory it is of lictle conlequence who is 
 thought one. But knowing how odious to 
 you all Tory adminiftrations have been, 
 they cautioufly endeavour to keep the di- 
 ftindion out of your view. As the name of 
 Tory is hateful, they have exchanged it for 
 that of King's Frimds^ as if the reft of his 
 Majefty's fubjeds were his enemies ; and 
 they triumphantly point out fome apoftate 
 Whigs, who fubmit to the difgrace of bein;:j 
 among them, as a proof in contradidion of 
 the charge of Toryifm. But you will deter- 
 mine their principles from their meafiu'es. 
 
 Suppofe, my countrymen, that, upon the 
 death of his late Majefty, it had happened 
 
 K 2 that 
 
•'■J'> 
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 that the defcenilant of the Stuart Family 
 had aflumcd the reuis of govcrmnent. He 
 wouUl not have been fo dcflitute of advifers 
 as to have made any attempt upon Magna 
 Charta, the Habeas G^rpus Ad, or any of 
 thofe other great parliamentary afTurances 
 of your hberties in the ftatute book ; nor 
 is it hkely, when fo much more compendi- 
 ous a method of managing parHament, by a 
 judicious diflribution of the favours of go- 
 vernment among its members, hath been 
 difcovered and pra6lifed with fuch fuccefs, 
 that he would commit any breach of the 
 rights and privileges of that body. But 
 you would naturally expedl, that he would 
 truft and employ Tories and Jacobites ; that 
 he would profcribe, and, where he durft, 
 punifh Whigs ; that at fuch a time a man 
 could carrv to court no recommendation to 
 favour fo certain as his difgrace, in the late 
 reign ; that on the other hand the road to 
 preferment would be efFe<3lually clofed a- 
 
 gainft 
 
( 69 ) 
 gainft every man who had then been in any 
 ^legree of favour ; that the deicendants of 
 thofe, and fuch of the individuals them- 
 felves as were alive, who had been in re- 
 bellions and confpiracies againft the Houfe 
 of Hanover, would be particularly diftin- 
 guifhed and rewarded; that the Roman 
 Catholic religion, and an abfolute Govern- 
 ment, fhould be eftablifhed in Canada, and 
 a proclamation for afluring liberty and a 
 free government to all who fhould fettle 
 there be fhamefully broken ; and that all 
 that part of America, where the Proteftant 
 feligion and Whiggifh principles of liberty 
 prevailed, Ihould be the objea: of a cruel 
 and deftrudtive civil war. If a man of great 
 birth had difgraced his family, facrificed his 
 honour, betrayed his country, in the day of 
 battle, in a war upon Proteftant principles, 
 againft the Houfe of Bourbon, and had 
 been doomed to ignominy by a fentence of 
 his fellow officers, worfe in the opinion of 
 
 the 
 
( 7° ) 
 
 the late King than, death to a man of 
 honour, you would think there was little 
 indecency in a Stuart's recalling fuch a 
 man from the obfcurity which became 
 him, and placing him in one of the higheft 
 departments of the ftate. Events like thefe 
 you would look for as the inevitable con- 
 fequcnccs of feeing one of that mifchievous 
 and accurfed race upon the throne which 
 his anceftors repeatedly forfeited. But iu 
 any other fituation of things, you could 
 not but look upon fuch events as prodigies 
 in politics of the moft unforcfecn and ex- 
 traordinary kind. 
 
 *.;i 
 
 However, my deareft countrymen, if you 
 he of opinion that any thing, in any degree 
 fimilar to this imagined reprefentation, hath 
 really happened in the prefent reign, mif- 
 take not, I befeech you, the true caufe of it. 
 Do not, upon any account, impute blame 
 where blame ought not to reft. In e.%amining 
 Z intQ 
 
 ■-■.'■ J JMMI IMIM I W I ■ ^ l.t ■»■ .—■ W1. I- . 
 
( 7' ) 
 
 into the caufcs of your prelent mlsfortuneSf 
 it is of the utmon: conrcqiicncc that your 
 attention he direded to its proper objcds. 
 Adhere ilill to the principles of the con- 
 flitution, and fay, *•■ Our Gracious Monarch 
 *' can do no wrong.'* Let us not forget the 
 reafon and utility of that reflraining maxim; 
 nor depart from it, until fatal neceffity com- 
 pels us to do fo, as the only and laft rc- 
 fource left us for the prefervation of free- 
 dom. Let us remember that princes are not, 
 more than other men, infallible; that great 
 allowance is to be made for human wcak- 
 n^fs ; and that the beft are moft liable to hz 
 pradlifed on, and are perhaps moft in the 
 power of wicked and defigning men, who 
 happen to poflefs their confidence. If our 
 Sovereign hath in any manner fant^ioned 
 the caufes of our misfortunes, be alTured that 
 fpecious reafons have been given him by mea 
 whom you fee not, to induce his belief that 
 they were proper and wife meafures, and 
 
 would 
 
WW 
 
 ( 1^ ) 
 
 Would be produdlivc of public happlnefs; 
 But I recommend no rcfcrve whatever in 
 your enqiirics into the conduct: of the ad- 
 vifcrs and promuters of fo fatal a fyflem. 
 When the Earl of Bute, of the name and 
 family of Stuart, rccommerds fuch a mode 
 of condudling the affairs of this country^ 
 believe me, that lie ads from motives of 
 afFc'£lion to the ancient friends of th<S 
 Stuarts, and of attachment to the prin- 
 ciples profeflcd by them, and that to them 
 he is facrificing prince and pc pie. Do 
 not lole fight of this author of your mis- 
 fortunes. Do not fuffcr him to evade your 
 fearch, by avoiding the pofleflion of any 
 oftenfible office, and afluring you every 
 now and then, as he doth through the chan- 
 nel of the public papers, that he takes no 
 part whatever-in public affairs. Rely upoil 
 it that he direds the whole machine of go- 
 vernment ; and if you fuffer the artifice 
 which he ufes of keeping out of office, and 
 of atling with the utnioll privacy to proted 
 
 him 
 
a 
 
 ( 73 ) 
 him, and will continue to give your coun- 
 tenance and fupport to thoiC, who, filling 
 the firfl: departments of the ftatc, are con- 
 tent to ad as rubalterns to this nobleman, 
 you will become a ruined and an undone 
 people. 
 
 The trade of North America is already 
 the property of France. Your fugar colo- 
 nies, inftead of continuing, as it is your 
 true intereft they fliould do, large manu- 
 fadories of bulky rommodities, the tranf- 
 portation whereof gives employment to 
 your fhipping, now cut of? from thofe 
 cheap and ready fupplies which they were 
 ufed to receive from America, are daily be- 
 coming their own feeders, and appropriat- 
 ing the labour of their flaves in a great mea- 
 fure to the raifing provifions for their own 
 confumption. Stripped as you are of Ame- 
 rica, upon what doth your boafted navy de- 
 pend but on precarious treaties with foreign 
 ^ -^ L powers> 
 
11 / 
 
 M 
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 powers, wliofc intcrcll it may cafily be 
 inatle by your enemies, to wiilihold from 
 you their I'upplics. Wlicn you drew your 
 naval /lores from America, you had them 
 independent of tlie worUI. In fpitc of every 
 effort i>f government, your public funds are 
 falling, aiul their reputation is low in fo- 
 reign dates. U he conduct of your fagaci- 
 ous neighbours the Dutcli, who are feizing 
 ^very opportunity of drawing out their mo- 
 ney, fliould fill you with juft alarm and ap- 
 pn hcnfion. Thefe melancholy truths have 
 been told you frequently. I truft you are 
 now in better difpofition to attend to them. 
 
 
 \Vc are profecuting a war evidently 
 againil all our intcrells. We arc truly con- 
 quering ourfelves in America. To fhew 
 this, more than was neceflary hath been 
 urged. But there is yet one thing behind, 
 of dcarcfl import to us all. Let it alfo be 
 confi Jcrcd, Every friend of the conftitution 
 
 hatU 
 
{ 75 ) 
 
 hath fccn, with tlic utmoll concern, tlic pro- 
 digious incrcafe of the inlhicnco of the 
 crown, and of the means of corru})tin;^ your 
 rcprcfcntatlvcs in parh'arncnt. This evil is 
 now gone fo far, and hath taken fuch deep 
 root, that I doubt much wliethcr it be reme- 
 diable in the prcfenl circumrtances of the 
 nation; or whether, in making the attempt, 
 the remains of freedom woidd not fall a fa- 
 crlficc. It is only in the virtue of the Ameri- 
 cans that we can hope to fee it checked, or at 
 leaft its further progrefs impeded, fo that our 
 reprefentatives may be enabled to preferve 
 fome little attention to our interefts. But let 
 me ferioufly afk you, what reafonable hope 
 can you have that the freedom of this country 
 will furvive the conqueft and fubmidion of 
 that ? If the influence of the crown be al- 
 ready enormous, and fatal to the independ- 
 ence of parliament, will it not fwallow up 
 the little remains of ftruggling integrity now 
 in the kingdom, upon fo vaft and unlimited 
 
 L 2 an 
 
1 
 
 in 
 
 i'i 
 
 11 
 
 1% '■' ' 
 
 ( 7'> ) 
 
 ar acqiiifition of power, as the entire difpo- 
 lal of that whole continent ? Refled:, I be- 
 fecch you, upon the accumulated influence of 
 which the crown will then be poirefl'ed, when 
 America fliall be in fuhjecTLion and flavery ; 
 when the lives and properties of all its in- 
 habitants fhall depend upon the arbitrary 
 vill of the crown i when a numerous 
 army fliall be raifed and fupported for fecur- 
 ing- the conqucfl of it j and when legions of 
 civil and military oflicers fliall be nominated 
 to the numerous employments conl'cquent to 
 fuch an event. Have thefe things occurred to 
 you, or have you duly rciicded upon them ? 
 Would you put even the facrifice of Ameri- 
 ca in competition with the entire lofs of 
 your liberty, and the total extimSlion of all 
 independence and public virtue among us? 
 
 Hi 
 
 ,1 
 
 But do you, my countrymen, believe that 
 America can be conquered ? Take into your 
 IkukIs, I conjure you, a map of that coun- 
 try 
 
 SI 
 
 i W i i i nt i ii i i W iii WWiiiuw i i'iiH i n iit « i ,. < 
 
{ 77 ) 
 try. See the crtent of it, and compare it 
 with your own. Confider attentively its 
 immenfe diftance from you, and its great 
 refourccs. Think of the unanimity, the 
 progreiTive increafe of its inhabitants. Re- 
 colled; that they are bone of your bone, and 
 liefh of your flefh, and fo jealous loving of 
 their liberty, that they will not fuffer the 
 fmalleft infringement upoit it ; that if they 
 are not foldiers, you are teaching them fall: to. 
 be fo ; and that the dearer they purchafe 
 their experience, the greater fruits of it 
 they will hereafter exad from your troops. 
 Blood is the fureft cement of a free govern- 
 ment : nor have thofe dates fiiled to be du- 
 rable and happy, into whofe foundations it 
 hath been moft copioufly poured. Do not 
 imagine that the acquifition of Ticonderoga 
 breaks the oppofition, or decides the fate of 
 America. Our army doth not always ad- 
 vance, but, though we hear of no American 
 vidlories, is frequently compelled to retreat 
 
 before 
 

 ii- 
 
 ( 78 ) 
 
 before the enemy. Do you, I fay, believe 
 that America will be, can you wilh that ilie 
 fliould be conquered ? If fhe fliould be fub- 
 dued, cm bono ^ to what wife end ? Is it pro- 
 pofed to fortify and garrifon that whole 
 country ? If not, wuU not rebellions multi- 
 ply upon your hands, until your wealth 
 and ftrength fhall be utterly exhaufted ? Are 
 thefe growing millions of free men, think 
 you, to be reconciled to the exercife of lla- 
 very ? Will not the fons cry aloud for ven- 
 geance, for the blood of their fathers ; and 
 doth not every life you facrifice, create you 
 a multiplicity of enemies yet in the womb? 
 
 k i 
 
 
 Let us intreat his Majefly to confider that 
 he held this vafl: domain, not as a private 
 inheritance to be facrificcd to the rafli de- 
 ftructive projects of his fervants, to falfe or 
 mlOaken pride, without account or fatisfac- 
 tion to his people, but as the faithful truf- 
 tce or guardian of your inte:efl:s. The 
 4 Americans 
 
 . tHritMiSI 
 

 ( 79 ) 
 Americans certainly were not the enemies of 
 his houfe and government. Ill ufage may 
 do much. Why they Ihould have been 
 marked out for vengeance, fo contrary to 
 every principle of true wiidom and good 
 policy, is with difficulty to be conceived. 
 But it is now time to draw a veil over 
 thefe lamentable millakcs, and to clofe t -is 
 unhappy contelt. What chance we have of 
 drawing them back to us, it is not eafy to de- 
 termine; but fure 1 am, that tlicir feparation 
 grows wider every day that the war conti- 
 nues. I am much inclined to think we may 
 yet regain them. It is an obje£t worth the 
 trial. Withdraw your troops. — Repeal your 
 late acls. — Give the Americans fatisfaclion 
 upon thf principal points of the original 
 difputc. — Change your meafures. — Reftore 
 the fyftem of colony adminiftration by 
 which they were governed before the late 
 fatal innovations. — Introduce thofe men into 
 power, in whofe public charader Englifh- 
 
 men 
 
 i 
 
' I 
 
 ( 80 ) 
 
 men and Americans can place confidence ; 
 and having done juftice r^nd intitlcd your- 
 Iclves to it, demand the renewal of their 
 allegiance. The generofity and magnani- 
 mity of fuch proceedings cannot, I think, 
 fail of the defired cfFedl ; and will, I con- 
 ceive, efface from the minds of the Ameri- 
 cans your late violences, and eflahlifli your 
 authority deep in their affecfticns. At any 
 rate, it is the only chance you now have for 
 it; and if, in place of fo much wifdom, 
 blind pride and headftrong obftinacy are 
 flill to prevail, I earneftly recommend to 
 you to make up your minds to the final 
 and irreparable lofs of America. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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