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FROM PHOC lO N. . v=». ...^ TC^ THE ,/^#> CONSIDERATE CITl2p9 '••#, ^.:, "sX vS.- ,Ni o t W NEW- YORK, On the Politics of the Day, ±a: NEW.rORK: PriBted b^SAMUEL LWOON. 1l * \4 • // '[(o/SR H £.36,50 'i^-mv 'ts'C-^^^^^' '?m 'm \. i road nici prii culj inte upc obj is ii cff: trai or wh nej atn fer of iDC ha( re\ tb. \ 50 ( z ) A L E T T E R, &C, *r ^ -rHlLE not only every perfonil artifice is ^/%/ employed by a few heated and incon- f y fideraic fpirits, to praftife upon the pafllons of the people, but the public papers arc ma^c the channel of the moft inaamn^aiory and per- nicious dcariaes, tending to the fubverfion of al! prifare fecurity and genuine liberty; it would be culpable in ithofe who underftand and value the true iniereds of the community to be filent fpe^lators. It i?, however, a common obfervation, that men, bent upon mifchief,are more aaive in the purfuit of their objea. than ihcfe who aim at doing good, ^ Hcoce it is in the prefent moment, we fee the mo(J induftrious ' efforts to violate the conftituiion of this ftate, to trample upon the rights of the fubjea,and to chicans or infringe the mofl folemn cbligations of treaty ; while di'fpaffionate and upright men almoil totally neglea ihe means of counteraaing thtfe daogerons attempts. A fenfe of duty alone calls forth the ob- fervaiioQS which will be fubmitted to the good fcnfe of the people in this paper, from one who has more inclioaiion than leifore to fc:rve them ; and who has had too deep a (hare in the common CKeriions in this revolution, to be willing to fee its fruits blafted by the violence of raftior uopriocipled men, without a; Ifaft protcftipg ag^ioft th^ir defigq?. \ ( 4 ) The perfon? allu.^cd ro, pretend to appeal to iht fpirit of WM.f.,.;.f'n. while they cndcivour to put m motion all toe iunuus aud da.k paffions of the humaa mind. The fpiri: of Whi^^giim, 's generous, humane, beoeficeat «n.1 juft. Thele rucn inculcate revenge, cruelty, perkcadon. and pcrfiJy. The fpirK of Wh.g- gifm chcr.lhc^ legal liberty, holds the rights of every individual Ujred, condemns or puniQies no man with- out rcguUi (rial. and conviaion of fome crime dc- clarcd by ^.irectdenf laws, reprobates equally the puoifhmeoc oi the citize:^ by arbitrary afts ot legil- fature as by th^-l jvl-fs corabinaiio'U of unaurnonled individuals :— Whue thefe men are advocates for ex- pellinga large number of their f«llow cwizeas ua- heard, untried J or if they cannot effea this, are tor ^isfranchilmp: them, in the face of the ccnauution. •without the judgment of their peers, and contrary totheUwof the land. ' * Thf 1:5 '1 article of the conmtution dealares, ^ that no meraoer of this tiacC fhall be disfranchifed « or defrauded of any cf the rights or privileges «» facred to the (..bjeasot this ftite by the '-.oaltiiu.- «« tion, unlefs by the law of the land o^ lbs judgment «« ofhispeersj^ If we enquire 'J»hat is m?anc by the law of the land, the beft commentators will tell u?, that it means due procefs of law. that is, by in- 4iam>'nt or prefintment of good and lawful men, ^ 3nd trial and conviaion inconsequence. It it is true, that in England, on extraordinary oc- caGons, attainders for high ireafou. by aa of parliameiit have been praaiced, but many of the ableft advocates for civil liberty have condemned thisi* praaice, and it has commonly befinexercifed with great caution upoo individuals only by name, ocver agalnft genera, * defcriptions » CcxB upon Magna Chartaj Chap. 29, Page 50,' € ppeal re the iir to put it) f the human lus, hunaane, :are revenge, irit of Whig- jh'.s 0^ every 30 man with- le crime de- equally the adls of Icgif- unaurhorifed )caces for ex- ' cirizeas ua- t this, are for : ccnftiiution, and contrary tion c^ealares, ; disft anchifed or privileges the './."•aitiiu.- of ths judgment meant by the 3rs will tell u?, \hat is, by in- ' lawful mcn^^ • traordinary oc- ft of parliameiit iblefi; advocates praflice, and it at caution upoo agaloft genera defcrtptions 9, Page 50; ( 5 ) defcrlptions of men. The fcnfc of our cooftitutiot 00 th^ pra6tice, we may gather from the 41ft art.cicj where all attainders, other than for crimes committed during the late war. are forbidden. , , -r If There hai been no treaty in the way, the legii- lature migh., by name, have attainted ^^^''f^;^^}" ffius of hi?h treafon tor crimes committed durmg the war, but "iodepemknt of the treaty it could not and cannot without tyranny, disfranchife or puo.lh whole claffes of ciiizens by general dcfcriptioos, without trial and conviftion of ofFences known by laws previ- onQy eftabliihcd declaring the offence and prcfcribing '^ Vhi^slfa diftate of natural jufticc. and a funda- ' mental principle of law and liberty. Nothing is more common than for a tree people, in times of heat and violence, to gratify moment- . arv paffions. by letting into the government prin- ciples and precedents which afterwards prove fatal to thtmfeives. Of this kind is the doai^me of dif- qualification, disfranchifement and bamlhment by afts of lepiQature. The dangerous confcquences of this power are manifeft. If the legiflature can disfranehife any number of ciiizens at pleaftire by general defcriptions, it may loon confine all the votes to a fmall number of partizans, and ellablito an ariftocracv or an oligarchy , if it may baniQi at . difcretion all thofe whom particular circumitances render obnoxious, without hearing or trial, no nua can be fafe, nor know when he may be the inno- cent viaim of a prevailing faGion. The name ot liberty applied to fuch a government ^ would be a mockery of common fenfe. ^ The Englifh Whigs, after the revolution, froiii an overweening dread of popery and the Pretender, ^ifrom triennial voted the parliamea^ fepicpnial.— ^ ^ " They ( 6 ) They have been trymg ever fiace to uni!o this fa'ftj ftcp io vain, and «rc rcpcaiini; the cffedJs of crtcir folly io :he over-^ro\«ru powtr oF the lunt iamily. Some imprudent Whigs among us, from refentm:^nc to thofe who have talc?a the oppofi e (i le, (mi many of them from worfc motives) would or .^jc ihe principles of oar govcrnmeat, au 1 furniib ; ^^ dents for future ulurpitioas o;i thi rights i^f u.a community. Let the people beware of fuch CDnnfclbrs.*—— However, a few defi^ning men may rife in confe- quence, and advance their private interefti by fach expedients, the people, at large, are fare to be the lofers in the event, whenever ilicy fuiTer • departure from the rules of general and cquil juftice, or from Rhe true principles of univerf^l liberty. Thefe men, not only overleap the barrifrs of the •onfliiution wiibout rcmorfc, buf they advife us to become the fcorn of nations, by violaring the folema engagements of the United Sfates. They endeavour to mould the Treaty with Great Britain, into fuch form as pleafes them, and to make it mean any thing or nothing as fairs their views. — Ttiey tell us that all the ftipulatioDf, with refpe6l co the Tories, are merely that Congrefs will recommend, and the Statc« may comply or not as they plcafe. But let any man of fenfe and candour read the Treaty, and it will fpeak for itfclf. The fifth article is indeed recommendatory ; but the fixth is as pofitive as words can make it. " Tbere Jhall be no future con- *' fifcations made, nor profecutions commenced agaiaft " any perfon or perfons, for, or by reafon of <hc pare " whkh he or they may have taken in the prefcnt war, << and DO perfon (hall, on that account, fuSer any •* future lofs or daoaage, either its his perfon, liberty, L'. cr property, ' */», ai lis fa'ftj if cftcir i'amily, confe- >y fjch be (he parture )r from 5 of the e us to folema leavoiir ro fach y thing us fhac ies, are le States :ad the ti article pofitive ire con- I agaiod the pare ent war, ier any liberty, //^4r ( 7 ) T At to the rcftoraiion of confifcatcd property, which is the fubjcft cf the fifth article, the flaica Hiay rcftorc or not as they think proper, becaufs CoDgrefs engage only to recomtr.cnd ; but there is cot a word abcaf rcccmrocndation in the 6th article. Quotations are mr*,e frc nt the debates in Parlia- meoi to prove that the whole is undcrflorjj as re- cotnracodatory ; but the cxprcflioos in thoTe quota- tions, turn altogether upon thofe perfons who have been actually prcfcribed and ihcir property confif- caeed; they have no relation to thofe who coroe Oflder the fixth article, or who might be the obje^a of future profecution or punifhment. And to this it may be added, that it is abfurd and inadmiflible in fair rcafoning, to combat the plain and authentic language of folema treaty by loofe recitals of debates in news-papers. The found and ingenuous conftruftion of the two articles taken collc61ively, is this — that where the property of any perfons, other than thofe who have been in arms agaiofl the United Stares, had been a61ually confifcated and themfelves profcribed, there Congrefs are to recommend a reftoration of e dates, rights and properties ; and with rcfpeft to thofe who had been in arms, they are to recommend permiilicn for them to remain a fwelvemcnth in the country to folicit a like refloration : But with lefpcft to all thofe who were not in this fituation, and who had not already been the objeds of ccnfifcation and banifhroent, they were to be abfolutely fccnred fronaf all future injury to petfon, liberty or property. To fay that this exemption from pofitive injury does not imply a right to live among us as citizens, is a pitiful fophiftry; it is to fay that the banifh- ment of a perfon from his country, connexions and refources (one of the greaieft puniftimeEts that can ¥sfal a man) is no puniibmeat at a)!. Bat I I ll < .1 , ( 8 ) fhemeaoing of the word liberty hti b'« «<>«; teBed T t ue fenfe muil be ihc rnjo>mcm of .he i,«nmejt. Theie s no middle line ot juu con from mtfoDal iraprifoomro. ! If »he Utt were adopted, he k^^iioa would becotne m-eatory ; aod by dep..v,S thofewho are the fubjcfl: fj'f'^l prSteflioD of government It would amount to a Tirtu.l confifca.ion and ban.lhmea. ; for 'hey "U^^ no. have the benefit of the laws ag^mft thofe ^ho fliould be aogrcffors. . ,^a*^ Should It be faidthat they may receive protefloa without being admitted to a full enjoyment of the ; ivuSesotciazens, this muft be e..her matter of fight uBder .he treaty, or mitter of grace id the governmeut. If the U..e,,..he government awy fefufe it, and then .he objefiion prefents i.felf, that •he trea V would by (hisconftrufiion be virtually de- feated ; if m...e. of right, .hen i. follows that more is intended by .he word liberty, 'han aniere e«mp- on f°om imprifunment. and where (hall the Ime be dtawn-net a capricious and arbit.ary l.ne. but one warranted by rational and lepal conftrufl.cn ? To fay that by elpoufing the caule of G'tit'Sti- tain they became aliens, ar.d tbjt .t w.ll fatisfy the reaty to allow them the fame proteflion to wb>cU aliens are enti.led_is to admit that ^fj^^s "laj at pleafore renounce .heir allegiance to the ftate o| which they ar£ members, and devo.e .hemfelves to a foreifin inrifdiflion ; a principle coo.'"'? '?'•!; ,nd fubv'rfive of government. But even th«i wil no. fatisfy the treaty ; for aliens cannot ho\A KiX proper.y under our government ; and 'f<hey ««»''"'' all their real eftates belong .o the public. This will be to all Joteots and purpofes, a confifcation ot property. been COR- Dt of ihe fame go- JU(1 COD- :xetnptioQ : adopted, ; and by it, of ihc lUDt to a hey could thofc who protection cDi of the matter of :e in the rocot may itfcif, ihat irtually dc- that more ere excrop- thc line be e, but ooe ^icn ? GrcatBri- fatisfy the D to wbich jbjeits may he ftatc of thcmfclves rary to law en this \n\\\ I hold real ey are aliens. This will ififcaiioD of property, C 9 ) property. But this Is not all, how r'ocs ic appear tha? the perfons who arc thus to be ilripped of their citizeiiftiip, have be?n guilty of fuch an ai!hcrcnce to ihe enemy, as in legal conromplation amounis to a Clime. Their merely rcmaioiog in their polTtfiions under the power of the cocqucror docs not imply this; but is executed by the laws an! cuftoms of all civilized naticns.. To adjudge them culpable, ihey mud be hilf tried and convi^lcd} and this the treaty forbids. Thefe are the difficulties involved, by re- curring to fubtle and tvafive, inftead of fimple and candid conflruaion, which will teach us that the ftipu- laiions in the treaty, amount to an amnefty and aft of oblivion. There is a very fimple and concluUve pomt ct view in which this fuhjeO may be placed. No ciiizea can be deprived of any right which the citizens ia general are intitled to, iwlefs forfeited by fome offence. It has been feeo that the regular and conflitu- ti«nal mode of afcertaining whether this forfeiiure has been incurred, is by legal procefs, trial and con- viftion. This ex vi termini, fuppofcs profecuiiOD, Now confiftent with the tieaty there can be no future profecuiion for any thing done on account of the war. Can we then do by aft of legiilaiure, what the treaty difables us from doing by due courfe o£ law ? This would be to imitate the Roman General, who having promifed Antiochus to reftore half his veflels, caufed thpm to be fawed in two before theik' delivery ; or the ^hixx, who having promifed the Thcbans to reflore their prifoners, had them firft put to death, and returned them dead. Such fraudulent fubterfuges are juflly confidered more odious than an open and avowed violation cf treaty. When thefe poflure-maftcrs in logic arc driven from this firft ground of the meaning oi the treaty ; ihey arc forced to that of atuckiog the right? ^ jB of ( Id ) of Congrefs to make fuch a (lipulatioQ. and arrjlgnlog the impudence of Great- Britain in aiicmpiing to make tcrros for our own fubjcas. But here as every where clfe, they are only fuccefsful in betraying their nar* rowncfs and ignorance. Does not the aft of confederation place the cxcla- five right of war and peace in the United States m Congrefs? Have they not the fole power of making treaties with foreign nations ? Are not thefe among the firft rights of fovercignty. and does not the delegation of them to the general confederacy, fo far abridge the foverdgnty of each particular (late? Would not a different doftrine involve the contradic tioa of impnum in imperio f What reafonable limits can be affigned to thefe prerogatives of the union, other ihan the general fafety and iht jundamentah of the couftitmion ? Can it be faiJ that a treaty for arreftiog the future operartion of pofitive a6>sof legif- Jature, and which has indeed no other effeft than chat of a pardon .for paft oficnces committed againft thefe a6^s, is an attack upon the fundamentals of the ftate conftiiutions ? Can it be denied that the peace which was made, taken colleaively, was maoifeftly for the general good ; that it was even favourable to the folid intereOs of this country, beyond the expcaaiioa of the raoft fanguine ? If this cannot be denied ; and none can deny it who know either the value of the cbjeas gained by the tfeaty, or the oeceffity thefe flakes were under a: the time of making peace ? It follows iliat Congrefs and their Mioifters aaed wifely iu making the treaty which has been made; and it follows from this, that thefe ftates are bound by ir. and ought religionily to obferve if. The utl popdiiif, eacb party to hold what tt jMis, is the point from which nations fet out m framing a treaty of peace ; if one fide gives up a pare »f ks accj^nifitioii?, the other 5d« r«nd«rs ao cqutvaleet g (o make jry where heir nar- the cxcla- States m of making :fe among not the icy, To far lar (late ? contradic- lable limits he uDJon, ndamentals treaty for ^s of legif- ciTeft than :ed agaiofl raisof the the peace nifcftly for able to the expcOaiioQ enied ; and iliie of the effity ihcfe >eacc ? • ifters afted eeD made; are bouud d what it J fet out in ;s up a pare €qu(ivaleB£ id ( n ) i tee other way. "^^^^^'^^ ^"^S^ G.eat-Bricain for all the itinoorraat c««™^ cT.s m^de. She has rende:cd ^^ ^J^^ i„.e .^^ hs l.rge dependenc.es. ^^'^ ^^^.J^^^J ... i^meaiely -^-^^^f ^^^^^t ^ ^i" one 5..hole.fu.t.3^;me^~^ to the navigation of the M.UiUpp • ^ ft.re in the filh^.s. ^^^^V^ei^^- ^Y SrJ^7Sllthe"^^s,wna:e^^^ bL our origin.l P-^^^^^ " fa\"^ Che laws of °^^--l- ^:,\7t':e give'n re^n ? bcra<lheremsa™ogas. How,nt>gnm ^^^^ '*'Tffb"efa;:.°"a.'G:«,.Britain has only rcfiored ,0 uV whi (he had uDiuttly taken from as. and that rhcrefoTe we a.e no. bouod ,o -^e co.peaa^.n - This admics of fever.l ''"f^J.^-f'f ,,,'",„« of Srmndiv Thai hnwewr ihe prmc.pie of the ob yrU have ^-/Xrrc' af^^r-'lh; mifmg an eqaivaleot. u '=^"« '°\ '^M as to the external effects ot war, inc vuiu j - -^-^^^ knows no diftiaflio- ^^.'^.f" J^ J,f '"Je' 'Jd^s.he of the quarrel; bot m the "«»'? °[ P ; " / „hich "on,ra£?oK P«"«/P°^,f J^'^L Xf»^en« of i» , Bcceffiry confenaeBC? of the mwpe ^^^.^^^_ f ( It ) uaticns; for as ihcy acknowledge no common jiicJ^; ii in concludiog peace both parties were not to ftad *i3pon the fame ground of right, there never cotd be an adjuflaaent of diflferenccs or an end of wa-, This is t fettled principle. Let us examine the pretext upon which it is div puted, Congrefs, fay our political jugglers,* have d right to meddle with our internal police. Thei would be puzzled to tell what they mean by the ex preffion. The truth is, it has no definite meaning j for it is im|)offible for Congrefs to do a fingle aft which will not dire^ly or indircftly afFca the internal police of every ftate. When in order to procure privileges of commerce to the gtizensof thefe dates in foreign countries, they ftipulate a reciprocity of privileges here, flioes not fuch an admiffun of the fub- je-Hs of foreigtj countries to certain rights within thefe ilares operate, iipmedine'y upon their inteunj police P And were this not done, would not the poAer of mak- ing commercial treacles vefted in Congrefs, become a fn-rc nullity ? 1» (hort. if oorhing was to be done by Congrefs that woulj afFecl our internal police, in the large fenfe in which it has been taken, would tot all the powers of the confederation be annihilated and the union diffolved ? Bat fay they again, fuch a thing was never heard of 3S-an indemnity for traiterous fubje(!ls Itipulafed in « treaty of peace. Hiftory will inlorin them that it h i llipulation often made. Two examples (bill be fi eJ ; The treaty of Muofler which put ao end to i'i2 niiFereaces between Spain and the Uoited Pro- \i"ic<i2, after the revolution of thcfe provinces : The t'Ca:y coQcluicd in 1738, between the Eupirc, France, Spain, Poland, and (cveral other powers, cal- . led iba Chridian peace. The war which preceded this rreny was one of the moft complicated in which I'^^rr.pe. ha4 been engaged j the fucccflion to the "Spaniib ion jnd^, )t to ftad ver cotd I of w?, I ic IS div !,*h«VC Di c. The] ' )y ihc ex rocacing j fingle aft le ioteroal 3 procure lefe dates rocfty of the fub- ihin thcfe ii police ? r of roak- become a r done by e, in the J Ctoc ali ated aDd er heard ulafed ia I that ic (bill be 3 end to sd Pro- 5: The Enpirc, ers, cal- ►reccded n which to the Ipanifl; ( n ) SpaniCh Monarchy, and the right to the throne of P«» land, had been included in it, Siamllaus having bees obliged to abcicarr^ the crown. Different parts of the nations concerned had taken oppofite fides. Many cf the German Princes had been in arms agamrt the Empire to 5»hich they owed obedience : This treaty not only mmually flipulates indemnity to the fubjefts of theiefpeftive powers, but even reftituiion of pn^ ferty and offices^ The Emperor, who contraftcd in behalf of the Empire,' has much lefs cxtenfive powers as he^d of the Empire, than Congrefs as reprefenta- tive of the United States. But let it be admitted that Congrefs had no right to enter into this article— Dacot equity and pru- dence ftrongly urge the feveral ftaies to comply with it ? We have in part enjoyed the benefit of the treaty ; in confeqaence of which, wte of this flare arc now in pofftirion of our capital ; and this implici an obligitioQ in confcience, to perform what is to* be performed on our part — But there is a confideraiioa which will perhaps have more force with men, wh« feem to be fuperior to confcientious obligations; it is that the Briillh are (till in poffeffion of our frontier pofts, which ihey may keep in fpitc of us ; and that they may effeniially exclude us from the filheries if they are fo difpofed. Breach of treaty on our part will be a juft ground for breaking it oo iheirp. The treaty muft (land or fall together. — The wilful breach of a fingle article annuls the whole. ■'^ Congrefs are appoin^vcd by the conftitu- lion to manage our ibreign concerns. The nations with whom they contract are to fuppofe they undcr- iland their own powers and will not exceed ihem. If they do it in any inftancc< and we think it proper to difavow the a£l, ic wiii be no apology to thofe with whom they contraft, that they had exceeded their authority. One fide cannot bt bound unle& •the obligation is reciprocal. Suppofe * Vatel, Enok ^, Ch. 4. \ ^-j. Grotlu5,Beolf j.Ch. J^, ^ 14, *i! It ( H ) Suppofe thco Great. Britain (hould be induced to rcfufc a further compliaoce wich the treaty, in con- fcqaCQCC of a breach of it on our part, what Giaatioo IhoQld we be in ? Can we renew the war to compel a compliance. We know, and all the world knows, it is o«t of our power? Will thofe who have here- tofore affifted us take our part ? Their afFiirs require peace as well as ours, and they will not think them- fclves bound to undertake an unjuft war to regain to us rights which we have forfeited by a childilb lc?uy and a wanton contempt of public faith. We (hould then have facrificed important mtcrclts to the little vindiaive felfilli mean paflions of a few. To fay nothing of the lofs of territory, of the diiad- vantage to the whole commerce of the unio", by obftruaions in the fiOieries j this ftate would lofc an annual profit of more than £. 50, 000 Sterling, irom the furr trade. . . But not to iofift on poflible inconveniences, there is a certain evil which attends our intemperance, a loft of charaaer in Europe. Our Miniftcrs write that aui condua. hitherto, in this refpeft, has done us infinite injury, and has exhibited us in the light of a people deftitute of government, on whofe engagements ©f courfe no dependence can be placed. The men who are at the head of the party which fontcndsfor difqualiacation and expulfion, endeavour :o inlift a number of people on their fide by holding oui motives of private advantage to them. To the Trader they fay, you will be overborne by the large capitals of the Tory merchants ; to the Mechanic, your bufinefs will be lefs profitable, your wages lefs confiderable by theinteference of Tory workmen. A pan, the Icaft acquainted with trade, will indeed laugh at fuch fuggeftions. He will know, that every merchant or trader has an intcreft in the aggregate faafsof capital or ftock in trad? 5 that what he himfeli 'A induced to ly, in con- hai OtU'dtioa ir 10 compel orld knows, have here- fiirs require think them- 10 regain to lildifti lc?ity mt iotcrcfts IDS of a few. )f the difad- union, by ould lofe an Urling, from cncea, there erance, a lofi s write that las done us le light of a engagements party which in, endeavour le by holding em. To the by the large he Mechanic, lur wages lefs workmen. A will indeed )W, that every the aggregate hai he himfel? *i ( tj ) . wants in capital, bemnfl make up in credit; thattia^ lefs there are others who ppffefs large capitals, this credit cannot be had, and that in the diminution of the general capital of the State, commerce will dectioe, and his own profpe£ls of proBt will dimiiiifti. Thefe arguments, if they were underftood, would be conclufive with the Mechanic :— " There is already •* employment enough for all the workmen in the •* city, and wages are fufficicnily high. If you could *• raife them by expelling thofe who have remained " in the city, and whom you confider as rivals, the " extravagant price of wages would have too cffefis; •' it would draw perfons to fettle here, not only front " other pans of this State, but from the neighbouring '* States :-— Thofe clafles of the community who arc to employ you, will make a great many (hi fts rather ** than pay the exorbitant prices you demand; a man * will wear his old cloaths fo much longer before he '* gets a new foit ; he will buy imported (hoes cheap^ ** rather than thofe made here at fo dear a rate :— " The owner of a houfe will defer the repairs as long *• as poflible ; he will only have thofe which are ab- « folutely neceffiry made; he will not attend to ** elegant improvement, and the like will happen id " other branches. Thefe circumftances will give ** you lefs employment, and in a very little time bring •» back your wages to what they now arc, and cvca •« fink them lower. But this is not all : You are not required merely to expel your rival Mechanics, but you muft drive away the rich merchants and others •* who are called Tories, te plcafcyour leaders, wh» " will pcrfuade you they ^i^ dangerous to your liber- ty (though in h& they only mean their own confe- qucoce ) By this con^udl yon will drive s^ay the principal part of thofe who have the means of becomiog large undertakers. The Carpenters and " MafoDS in particular, rauft be content with patch- «ing « IC <« ({ f< u ) ' M;i hn\ ''! i -c;j / ••* ( lO ■ « iogupthe houfcs already built, and buijdidg iitilc " huts tipon the vacant lots, inftcad of having profi- " tabic and durable employment in credling large and « clegint edifices." There is a certain proportion or level m all the departments of induftry. It is folly to think to raife any of them, and keep them long above their naiuial height. By attempting to do it the oeconoray of the political machine is diflurbed, and, till things return 10 their proper ftaic,; the fociety at large fufters. The only objcft of coticern with an iadultrious arti- fan, as fuch, ought to be, that, there may be plenty of money in the community, and a bri/k commerce to give it circulation and aftivity. All attecrpts at profit, through the medium of monopoly or violence m\\ be as fallacious as they are culpable. But fay fome, to fuflfer ihefe wealthy difaffeaed men to remain amQog us, will be dangerous to our liberties ; enemies to our government, they will be always endeavouring to undermine it and bring us ksck to the fubjcftion of Greai-i&ritain. The fafeft reliance of every government is on mens interefts. This is a principle of human nature, on which all political fpceulation. to be p{\, mult be fonndcd. Make it the iuiereft of thofe citi^ensi who, during the revolution were oppofed to us, \o be friends to the new government, by affording them not only protection, but a participarion iu iis privileges, and they will undoubtedly become its triends. The apprehenfioQ of returning under the dominion of Great-Britain is chimerical; if there- is any way to bring it about, the raeafares of thofe men, agaitifl whofe condua thefe remarks are aimed, lead diredtiy to it. A diforderly or a violent government may difguft the bed citiz-ns, and make the body of the people tired of their indepeudcoce. The iildiflg iitifc aving piofi- g Urge aod ) in all the link (0 raife heifDatuial loray of the lings return irge fuftersr iftrious arti- y be plenty k commerce attecrpcs at or violence • f difaffe^ed rous to our bey will be 3d bring us The fafeft as interefts. which all be fonndcd. who, during »e friends to m not only ivi leges, and lends. The dominion of any way to men, agaitid lead directly rnment may body of I he The ( 17 ) • The crc^arraffcd and cxhauflcd (late of Great- Britain, and the political fyftem of Europe, render it impoffible tor her ever to rc-acqoire the dominion of this country. — Her former partizins muft be con- vinced of this, and abandon her caufe as defperatc. They will never be mad enough to rifk their fortunes a fecond time in the hopelefs attempt of reftoring her authority ; nor will they have any inclination to do ir, if they are allowed to be happy under the go- vernment of the fociety in which they live. To make it prafticable, if they fliould be fo difpofed, they mull not only get the government of this ftate, but of the United States into their hands. ^ To fuppofe this poffible, is to fuppofe that a nnajoriiy of the numbers, property and abilities of the United States has been and is in oppofition to the revolution. Its fuccefs is a clear prqpf that this has not been the cafe ; and every man of informnion among us, knows the contrary,— The funpofition iifelf would fiiow the ab- furdiiy, of expelling a fmall nnmber from the city, which would conftituce fo infignificant a proportion of the whole, as without diminifliing their influence, would only increafe their difpofition to do mifchief. The policy io this cafe would be evident, of appeal- ing to their interefts rather than to their fears. No- thing can be more ridiculous than the idea of expelling a few from this city and neighbourhood, while there arc numbers in different parts of this and other flatcs, who muft neceffarily partake io our governments, and who can never expert to be the objects of animad- vcrfion or cxclufion. It is confirming many ioi their eqmity and prejudices againft the ftaie, to indulge our enmity and prejudices againft a few. The idea of fuffering the Tories to live among us under difqoalifications, is equally mifchievous and ab- furd. It is fteccflitaiing a large body of citizens ia the ftaic to cominuc enemies to the gQverament, ready C ^^ ! . 1 l|: ' .- i\r ili|;-\% /%t U; i , { If 'r 5 1 ( i8 ) at aH times, in A moment of commotion, to throw iheip weight inro that fcale which mcdifaics revenge, whe- ther favourable or unfavourable to public liberty. Viewing the fubjeft in every pofliblc light, there ii not a fiQgle inccreft of the cornmuaity but dilates moderation rather than violence. That honerty is ftill the bed policy ; that juftice and moderation arc the fureft fupportsof every government, are maxims, which however they may be called trite, at all times true, though too feldom regarded, but rarely neglcft- cd with impunity. Wer-j the people of America, with CDC voice, to aOc, What (hall we do to perpc- mtecur liberties and fecure our happioefs? The anfwer would be, " govern well" and you have no- thing to fear cither from internal diafFc6lion or exter- nal hoQility. Abufe not the power you poiTefs, and you need never apprehend its diminufion or lofs. But if you make a wanton u(c of ir, if you furnifti another (example, that defpoiifm may debafe the government of the many as well as ^\t few, you like all others that have afted the fame part, will experience that liccntioufneD is the fore-runner to flavery. How wife was the policy of Augudus, who after conquering his enemies, when the papers of Brutus were brought to him, which would ha?e difdofed all his fecret affociates, immediately ordered them to be burnt. He would not even know his enemies, that they might ccafe to hate when they had noihing to fear. How laudable was the example of Erirabetb,^P when (he was transfer ed from the priibn to the thiBMC, fell upon her knees and thanking Heaven, for the deliverance it had granted her, from her bloody^ per- fecutors ; difralffed her rcfentment. " Tbis aft of ' pious gratitude, fays the hiftorian, fccms tohavcbccq the lad circumftance in which the remembered any paft injuries and hirdttiips. With a prudenqc and raaaaanimity truly laudable, (he buried all oflfcDccs ^ 7-5 "^ * ' ' ' ' / " pblifion, irow their ;ngc, whc- crcy. ght, there K dictates hooerty is ;ratioD are e roaxims, It all times ly negicft- Araerica, to perpc- 3efs? The have no-' or cxter- )o{refs, and r lofs. But lifli another government : ail others jrience that • , who after s of Brutus difclofed all thein to be ies, that they ling to fear. natJeth, whp } the thfscie, ren, for the bloody* per- Tbis aa of to have beeii jmbcred any radenqe and II oifeoces it\ oblivion, - (• 19 ) oblivion, and received with affability even thofe, wh« bad a£lcd with the grcatcft virulence againft her,*' She did more— (he retained many of the oppofite party in her councils. The reigns of thefe two fovercigns, are among the moft illuftrious in hiftory. Their moderation gave a (lability to their government, which nothing elfe could have effcftcd. This was the fecrct of uniting all parties. Thefe fentiments are delivered to you in the frank- nefs of confcious integrity, by one vfhofeeU that foli- citude for the good of the community which the zealots, whofe opinions he encounters profcfs, by one who purfuesnot as they do, the honour or cmolu- menis of his country, by one who, though he has had, in the courfe of the Revolution, a very confiden- tial (hare in the public councils, civil and military, and has often, at leaft, met danger in the common caufe as any of thofe who now a(rame to be the guardians of the public liberty, aiks no other reward of his countrymen, than to be heard without preju- dice for their owq intered. P H O C I O N. P. S, While the writer hopes the fentiments of this letter will meet the approbation of difcreet and honed men, he thinks it necelTary to apologize for the hafty and incorteft manner. Perhapi? too, exprcl- fjons of too much afperity have been employed againft thofe who take the lead in the principles which arc here oppofed ; and feelings of indignation againft the pernicious tendency of their meafures, have not ad- mitted fufficient allowances for what is, in fome inftances, an honeft, though mJ^'^ken, zeal. Though the writer entertains the wor(i opinion of the motives pf many of them, he believes there are fonae who a£t from principle. //£4^ #