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 NEW- YORK, 
 
 On the Politics of the Day, 
 
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 NEW.rORK: PriBted b^SAMUEL LWOON. 
 
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 A L E T T E R, &C, 
 
 *r ^ -rHlLE not only every perfonil artifice is 
 ^/%/ employed by a few heated and incon- 
 
 f y fideraic fpirits, to praftife upon the pafllons 
 of the people, but the public papers arc 
 ma^c the channel of the moft inaamn^aiory and per- 
 nicious dcariaes, tending to the fubverfion of al! 
 prifare fecurity and genuine liberty; it would be 
 culpable in ithofe who underftand and value the true 
 iniereds of the community to be filent fpe^lators. It 
 i?, however, a common obfervation, that men, bent 
 upon mifchief,are more aaive in the purfuit of their 
 objea. than ihcfe who aim at doing good, ^ Hcoce it 
 is in the prefent moment, we fee the mo(J induftrious 
 ' efforts to violate the conftituiion of this ftate, to 
 trample upon the rights of the fubjea,and to chicans 
 or infringe the mofl folemn cbligations of treaty ; 
 while di'fpaffionate and upright men almoil totally 
 neglea ihe means of counteraaing thtfe daogerons 
 attempts. A fenfe of duty alone calls forth the ob- 
 fervaiioQS which will be fubmitted to the good fcnfe 
 of the people in this paper, from one who has more 
 inclioaiion than leifore to fc:rve them ; and who has 
 had too deep a (hare in the common CKeriions in this 
 revolution, to be willing to fee its fruits blafted by 
 the violence of raftior uopriocipled men, without a; 
 
 Ifaft protcftipg ag^ioft th^ir defigq?. 
 
\ 
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 The perfon? allu.^cd ro, pretend to appeal to iht 
 fpirit of WM.f.,.;.f'n. while they cndcivour to put m 
 motion all toe iunuus aud da.k paffions of the humaa 
 mind. The fpiri: of Whi^^giim, 's generous, humane, 
 beoeficeat «n.1 juft. Thele rucn inculcate revenge, 
 cruelty, perkcadon. and pcrfiJy. The fpirK of Wh.g- 
 gifm chcr.lhc^ legal liberty, holds the rights of every 
 individual Ujred, condemns or puniQies no man with- 
 out rcguUi (rial. and conviaion of fome crime dc- 
 clarcd by ^.irectdenf laws, reprobates equally the 
 puoifhmeoc oi the citize:^ by arbitrary afts ot legil- 
 fature as by th^-l jvl-fs corabinaiio'U of unaurnonled 
 individuals :— Whue thefe men are advocates for ex- 
 pellinga large number of their f«llow cwizeas ua- 
 heard, untried J or if they cannot effea this, are tor 
 ^isfranchilmp: them, in the face of the ccnauution. 
 •without the judgment of their peers, and contrary 
 totheUwof the land. ' 
 
 * Thf 1:5 '1 article of the conmtution dealares, 
 ^ that no meraoer of this tiacC fhall be disfranchifed 
 « or defrauded of any cf the rights or privileges 
 «» facred to the (..bjeasot this ftite by the '-.oaltiiu.- 
 «« tion, unlefs by the law of the land o^ lbs judgment 
 «« ofhispeersj^ If we enquire 'J»hat is m?anc by the 
 law of the land, the beft commentators will tell u?, 
 that it means due procefs of law. that is, by in- 
 4iam>'nt or prefintment of good and lawful men, ^ 
 3nd trial and conviaion inconsequence. 
 
 It it is true, that in England, on extraordinary oc- 
 caGons, attainders for high ireafou. by aa of parliameiit 
 have been praaiced, but many of the ableft advocates 
 for civil liberty have condemned thisi* praaice, and it 
 has commonly befinexercifed with great caution upoo 
 individuals only by name, ocver agalnft genera, * 
 
 defcriptions 
 
 » CcxB upon Magna Chartaj Chap. 29, Page 50,' 
 
 € 
 
ppeal re the 
 iir to put it) 
 f the human 
 lus, hunaane, 
 :are revenge, 
 irit of Whig- 
 jh'.s 0^ every 
 30 man with- 
 le crime de- 
 equally the 
 adls of Icgif- 
 unaurhorifed 
 )caces for ex- 
 ' cirizeas ua- 
 t this, are for 
 : ccnftiiution, 
 and contrary 
 
 tion c^ealares, 
 
 ; disft anchifed 
 
 or privileges 
 
 the './."•aitiiu.- 
 of ths judgment 
 
 meant by the 
 3rs will tell u?, 
 \hat is, by in- 
 ' lawful mcn^^ 
 
 • 
 
 traordinary oc- 
 
 ft of parliameiit 
 iblefi; advocates 
 praflice, and it 
 at caution upoo 
 agaloft genera 
 defcrtptions 
 
 9, Page 50; 
 
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 defcrlptions of men. The fcnfc of our cooftitutiot 
 00 th^ pra6tice, we may gather from the 41ft art.cicj 
 where all attainders, other than for crimes committed 
 during the late war. are forbidden. , , -r 
 
 If There hai been no treaty in the way, the legii- 
 lature migh., by name, have attainted ^^^''f^;^^}" 
 ffius of hi?h treafon tor crimes committed durmg the 
 war, but "iodepemknt of the treaty it could not and 
 cannot without tyranny, disfranchife or puo.lh whole 
 claffes of ciiizens by general dcfcriptioos, without 
 trial and conviftion of ofFences known by laws previ- 
 onQy eftabliihcd declaring the offence and prcfcribing 
 
 '^ Vhi^slfa diftate of natural jufticc. and a funda- 
 ' mental principle of law and liberty. 
 
 Nothing is more common than for a tree people, 
 in times of heat and violence, to gratify moment- 
 . arv paffions. by letting into the government prin- 
 ciples and precedents which afterwards prove fatal 
 to thtmfeives. Of this kind is the doai^me of dif- 
 qualification, disfranchifement and bamlhment by 
 afts of lepiQature. The dangerous confcquences 
 of this power are manifeft. If the legiflature can 
 disfranehife any number of ciiizens at pleaftire by 
 general defcriptions, it may loon confine all the 
 votes to a fmall number of partizans, and ellablito 
 an ariftocracv or an oligarchy , if it may baniQi at 
 . difcretion all thofe whom particular circumitances 
 render obnoxious, without hearing or trial, no nua 
 can be fafe, nor know when he may be the inno- 
 cent viaim of a prevailing faGion. The name ot 
 liberty applied to fuch a government ^ would be a 
 mockery of common fenfe. ^ 
 
 The Englifh Whigs, after the revolution, froiii 
 an overweening dread of popery and the Pretender, 
 ^ifrom triennial voted the parliamea^ fepicpnial.— 
 ^ ^ " They 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 They have been trymg ever fiace to uni!o this fa'ftj 
 ftcp io vain, and «rc rcpcaiini; the cffedJs of crtcir 
 folly io :he over-^ro\«ru powtr oF the lunt iamily. 
 Some imprudent Whigs among us, from refentm:^nc 
 to thofe who have talc?a the oppofi e (i le, (mi 
 many of them from worfc motives) would or .^jc 
 ihe principles of oar govcrnmeat, au 1 furniib ; ^^ 
 dents for future ulurpitioas o;i thi rights i^f u.a 
 community. 
 
 Let the people beware of fuch CDnnfclbrs.*—— 
 However, a few defi^ning men may rife in confe- 
 quence, and advance their private interefti by fach 
 expedients, the people, at large, are fare to be the 
 lofers in the event, whenever ilicy fuiTer • departure 
 from the rules of general and cquil juftice, or from 
 Rhe true principles of univerf^l liberty. 
 
 Thefe men, not only overleap the barrifrs of the 
 •onfliiution wiibout rcmorfc, buf they advife us to 
 become the fcorn of nations, by violaring the folema 
 engagements of the United Sfates. They endeavour 
 to mould the Treaty with Great Britain, into fuch 
 form as pleafes them, and to make it mean any thing 
 or nothing as fairs their views. — Ttiey tell us that 
 all the ftipulatioDf, with refpe6l co the Tories, are 
 merely that Congrefs will recommend, and the Statc« 
 may comply or not as they plcafe. 
 
 But let any man of fenfe and candour read the 
 Treaty, and it will fpeak for itfclf. The fifth article 
 is indeed recommendatory ; but the fixth is as pofitive 
 as words can make it. " Tbere Jhall be no future con- 
 *' fifcations made, nor profecutions commenced agaiaft 
 " any perfon or perfons, for, or by reafon of <hc pare 
 " whkh he or they may have taken in the prefcnt war, 
 << and DO perfon (hall, on that account, fuSer any 
 •* future lofs or daoaage, either its his perfon, liberty, 
 
 L'. 
 
 cr 
 
 property, 
 
 ' */», 
 
ai 
 
 lis fa'ftj 
 if cftcir 
 i'amily, 
 
 confe- 
 >y fjch 
 
 be (he 
 parture 
 )r from 
 
 5 of the 
 e us to 
 folema 
 leavoiir 
 ro fach 
 y thing 
 us fhac 
 ies, are 
 le States 
 
 :ad the 
 ti article 
 pofitive 
 ire con- 
 I agaiod 
 the pare 
 ent war, 
 ier any 
 liberty, 
 
 //^4r 
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 T 
 
 At to the rcftoraiion of confifcatcd property, 
 which is the fubjcft cf the fifth article, the flaica 
 Hiay rcftorc or not as they think proper, becaufs 
 CoDgrefs engage only to recomtr.cnd ; but there is 
 cot a word abcaf rcccmrocndation in the 6th article. 
 
 Quotations are mr*,e frc nt the debates in Parlia- 
 meoi to prove that the whole is undcrflorjj as re- 
 cotnracodatory ; but the cxprcflioos in thoTe quota- 
 tions, turn altogether upon thofe perfons who have 
 been actually prcfcribed and ihcir property confif- 
 caeed; they have no relation to thofe who coroe 
 Oflder the fixth article, or who might be the obje^a 
 of future profecution or punifhment. And to this 
 it may be added, that it is abfurd and inadmiflible 
 in fair rcafoning, to combat the plain and authentic 
 language of folema treaty by loofe recitals of debates 
 in news-papers. 
 
 The found and ingenuous conftruftion of the 
 two articles taken collc61ively, is this — that where 
 the property of any perfons, other than thofe who 
 have been in arms agaiofl the United Stares, had 
 been a61ually confifcated and themfelves profcribed, 
 there Congrefs are to recommend a reftoration of 
 e dates, rights and properties ; and with rcfpeft to 
 thofe who had been in arms, they are to recommend 
 permiilicn for them to remain a fwelvemcnth in the 
 country to folicit a like refloration : But with lefpcft 
 to all thofe who were not in this fituation, and who 
 had not already been the objeds of ccnfifcation and 
 banifhroent, they were to be abfolutely fccnred fronaf 
 all future injury to petfon, liberty or property. 
 
 To fay that this exemption from pofitive injury 
 does not imply a right to live among us as citizens, 
 is a pitiful fophiftry; it is to fay that the banifh- 
 ment of a perfon from his country, connexions and 
 refources (one of the greaieft puniftimeEts that can 
 ¥sfal a man) is no puniibmeat at a)!. 
 
 Bat 
 
I 
 I 
 
 ll < 
 
 .1 
 
 , ( 8 ) 
 
 fhemeaoing of the word liberty hti b'« «<>«; 
 teBed T t ue fenfe muil be ihc rnjo>mcm of .he 
 
 i,«nmejt. Theie s no middle line ot juu con 
 
 from mtfoDal iraprifoomro. ! If »he Utt were adopted, 
 he k^^iioa would becotne m-eatory ; aod by 
 dep..v,S thofewho are the fubjcfl: fj'f'^l 
 prSteflioD of government It would amount to a 
 Tirtu.l confifca.ion and ban.lhmea. ; for 'hey "U^^ 
 no. have the benefit of the laws ag^mft thofe ^ho 
 fliould be aogrcffors. . ,^a*^ 
 
 Should It be faidthat they may receive protefloa 
 without being admitted to a full enjoyment of the 
 ; ivuSesotciazens, this muft be e..her matter of 
 fight uBder .he treaty, or mitter of grace id the 
 governmeut. If the U..e,,..he government awy 
 fefufe it, and then .he objefiion prefents i.felf, that 
 •he trea V would by (hisconftrufiion be virtually de- 
 feated ; if m...e. of right, .hen i. follows that more 
 is intended by .he word liberty, 'han aniere e«mp- 
 on f°om imprifunment. and where (hall the Ime be 
 dtawn-net a capricious and arbit.ary l.ne. but one 
 warranted by rational and lepal conftrufl.cn ? 
 
 To fay that by elpoufing the caule of G'tit'Sti- 
 tain they became aliens, ar.d tbjt .t w.ll fatisfy the 
 reaty to allow them the fame proteflion to wb>cU 
 aliens are enti.led_is to admit that ^fj^^s "laj 
 at pleafore renounce .heir allegiance to the ftate o| 
 which they ar£ members, and devo.e .hemfelves 
 to a foreifin inrifdiflion ; a principle coo.'"'? '?'•!; 
 ,nd fubv'rfive of government. But even th«i wil 
 no. fatisfy the treaty ; for aliens cannot ho\A KiX 
 proper.y under our government ; and 'f<hey ««»''"'' 
 all their real eftates belong .o the public. This will 
 be to all Joteots and purpofes, a confifcation ot 
 
 property. 
 
been COR- 
 Dt of ihe 
 fame go- 
 
 JU(1 COD- 
 
 :xetnptioQ 
 : adopted, 
 ; and by 
 it, of ihc 
 lUDt to a 
 hey could 
 thofc who 
 
 protection 
 cDi of the 
 
 matter of 
 :e in the 
 rocot may 
 itfcif, ihat 
 irtually dc- 
 
 that more 
 ere excrop- 
 thc line be 
 e, but ooe 
 ^icn ? 
 
 GrcatBri- 
 
 fatisfy the 
 D to wbich 
 jbjeits may 
 he ftatc of 
 
 thcmfclves 
 rary to law 
 en this \n\\\ 
 I hold real 
 ey are aliens. 
 
 This will 
 ififcaiioD of 
 
 property, 
 
 C 9 ) 
 
 property. But this Is not all, how r'ocs ic appear tha? 
 the perfons who arc thus to be ilripped of their 
 citizeiiftiip, have be?n guilty of fuch an ai!hcrcnce 
 to ihe enemy, as in legal conromplation amounis to a 
 Clime. Their merely rcmaioiog in their polTtfiions 
 under the power of the cocqucror docs not imply 
 this; but is executed by the laws an! cuftoms of all 
 civilized naticns.. To adjudge them culpable, ihey 
 mud be hilf tried and convi^lcd} and this the treaty 
 forbids. Thefe are the difficulties involved, by re- 
 curring to fubtle and tvafive, inftead of fimple and 
 candid conflruaion, which will teach us that the ftipu- 
 laiions in the treaty, amount to an amnefty and aft 
 
 of oblivion. 
 
 There is a very fimple and concluUve pomt ct 
 view in which this fuhjeO may be placed. No ciiizea 
 can be deprived of any right which the citizens ia 
 general are intitled to, iwlefs forfeited by fome offence. 
 It has been feeo that the regular and conflitu- 
 ti«nal mode of afcertaining whether this forfeiiure 
 has been incurred, is by legal procefs, trial and con- 
 viftion. This ex vi termini, fuppofcs profecuiiOD, 
 Now confiftent with the tieaty there can be no future 
 profecuiion for any thing done on account of the 
 war. Can we then do by aft of legiilaiure, what 
 the treaty difables us from doing by due courfe o£ 
 law ? This would be to imitate the Roman General, 
 who having promifed Antiochus to reftore half his 
 veflels, caufed thpm to be fawed in two before theik' 
 delivery ; or the ^hixx, who having promifed the 
 Thcbans to reflore their prifoners, had them firft 
 put to death, and returned them dead. 
 
 Such fraudulent fubterfuges are juflly confidered 
 more odious than an open and avowed violation cf 
 treaty. When thefe poflure-maftcrs in logic arc 
 driven from this firft ground of the meaning oi the 
 treaty ; ihey arc forced to that of atuckiog the right? 
 ^ jB of 
 
( Id ) 
 
 of Congrefs to make fuch a (lipulatioQ. and arrjlgnlog 
 the impudence of Great- Britain in aiicmpiing to make 
 tcrros for our own fubjcas. But here as every where 
 clfe, they are only fuccefsful in betraying their nar* 
 rowncfs and ignorance. 
 
 Does not the aft of confederation place the cxcla- 
 five right of war and peace in the United States m 
 Congrefs? Have they not the fole power of making 
 treaties with foreign nations ? Are not thefe among 
 the firft rights of fovercignty. and does not the 
 delegation of them to the general confederacy, fo far 
 abridge the foverdgnty of each particular (late? 
 Would not a different doftrine involve the contradic 
 tioa of impnum in imperio f What reafonable limits 
 can be affigned to thefe prerogatives of the union, 
 other ihan the general fafety and iht jundamentah 
 of the couftitmion ? Can it be faiJ that a treaty for 
 arreftiog the future operartion of pofitive a6>sof legif- 
 Jature, and which has indeed no other effeft than 
 chat of a pardon .for paft oficnces committed againft 
 thefe a6^s, is an attack upon the fundamentals of the 
 ftate conftiiutions ? Can it be denied that the peace 
 which was made, taken colleaively, was maoifeftly for 
 the general good ; that it was even favourable to the 
 folid intereOs of this country, beyond the expcaaiioa 
 of the raoft fanguine ? If this cannot be denied ; and 
 none can deny it who know either the value of the 
 cbjeas gained by the tfeaty, or the oeceffity thefe 
 
 flakes were under a: the time of making peace ? 
 
 It follows iliat Congrefs and their Mioifters aaed 
 wifely iu making the treaty which has been made; 
 and it follows from this, that thefe ftates are bound 
 by ir. and ought religionily to obferve if. 
 
 The utl popdiiif, eacb party to hold what tt 
 jMis, is the point from which nations fet out m 
 framing a treaty of peace ; if one fide gives up a pare 
 »f ks accj^nifitioii?, the other 5d« r«nd«rs ao cqutvaleet 
 
g (o make 
 jry where 
 heir nar- 
 
 the cxcla- 
 
 States m 
 of making 
 :fe among 
 
 not the 
 icy, To far 
 lar (late ? 
 contradic- 
 lable limits 
 he uDJon, 
 ndamentals 
 
 treaty for 
 ^s of legif- 
 ciTeft than 
 :ed agaiofl 
 raisof the 
 
 the peace 
 nifcftly for 
 able to the 
 expcOaiioQ 
 enied ; and 
 iliie of the 
 effity ihcfe 
 
 >eacc ? • 
 
 ifters afted 
 eeD made; 
 
 are bouud 
 
 d what it 
 J fet out in 
 ;s up a pare 
 €qu(ivaleB£ 
 
 id 
 
 ( n ) 
 
 i tee other way. "^^^^^'^^ ^"^S^ 
 
 G.eat-Bricain for all the itinoorraat c««™^ 
 
 cT.s m^de. She has rende:cd ^^ ^J^^ 
 
 i„.e .^^ hs l.rge dependenc.es. ^^'^ ^^^.J^^^J 
 
 ... i^meaiely -^-^^^f ^^^^^t ^ ^i" one 
 
 5..hole.fu.t.3^;me^~^ 
 
 to the navigation of the M.UiUpp • ^ 
 
 ft.re in the filh^.s. ^^^^V^ei^^- ^Y 
 
 SrJ^7Sllthe"^^s,wna:e^^^ 
 
 bL our origin.l P-^^^^^ " fa\"^ 
 
 Che laws of °^^--l- ^:,\7t':e give'n re^n ? 
 
 bcra<lheremsa™ogas. How,nt>gnm ^^^^ 
 
 '*'Tffb"efa;:.°"a.'G:«,.Britain has only rcfiored 
 ,0 uV whi (he had uDiuttly taken from as. and that 
 rhcrefoTe we a.e no. bouod ,o -^e co.peaa^.n - 
 This admics of fever.l ''"f^J.^-f'f ,,,'",„« of 
 
 Srmndiv Thai hnwewr ihe prmc.pie of the ob 
 yrU have ^-/Xrrc' af^^r-'lh; 
 mifmg an eqaivaleot. u '=^"« '°\ '^M as to the 
 
 external effects ot war, inc vuiu j - -^-^^^ 
 
 knows no diftiaflio- ^^.'^.f" J^ J,f '"Je' 'Jd^s.he 
 of the quarrel; bot m the "«»'? °[ P ; " / „hich 
 
 "on,ra£?oK P«"«/P°^,f J^'^L Xf»^en« of 
 i» , Bcceffiry confenaeBC? of the mwpe ^^^.^^^_ 
 
f 
 
 ( 
 
 It 
 
 ) 
 
 uaticns; for as ihcy acknowledge no common jiicJ^; 
 ii in concludiog peace both parties were not to ftad 
 *i3pon the fame ground of right, there never cotd 
 be an adjuflaaent of diflferenccs or an end of wa-, 
 This is t fettled principle. 
 
 Let us examine the pretext upon which it is div 
 puted, Congrefs, fay our political jugglers,* have d 
 right to meddle with our internal police. Thei 
 would be puzzled to tell what they mean by the ex 
 preffion. The truth is, it has no definite meaning j 
 for it is im|)offible for Congrefs to do a fingle aft 
 which will not dire^ly or indircftly afFca the internal 
 police of every ftate. When in order to procure 
 privileges of commerce to the gtizensof thefe dates 
 in foreign countries, they ftipulate a reciprocity of 
 privileges here, flioes not fuch an admiffun of the fub- 
 je-Hs of foreigtj countries to certain rights within thefe 
 ilares operate, iipmedine'y upon their inteunj police P 
 And were this not done, would not the poAer of mak- 
 ing commercial treacles vefted in Congrefs, become a 
 fn-rc nullity ? 1» (hort. if oorhing was to be done by 
 Congrefs that woulj afFecl our internal police, in the 
 large fenfe in which it has been taken, would tot all 
 the powers of the confederation be annihilated and 
 the union diffolved ? 
 
 Bat fay they again, fuch a thing was never heard 
 of 3S-an indemnity for traiterous fubje(!ls Itipulafed in 
 « treaty of peace. Hiftory will inlorin them that it 
 h i llipulation often made. Two examples (bill be 
 fi eJ ; The treaty of Muofler which put ao end to 
 i'i2 niiFereaces between Spain and the Uoited Pro- 
 \i"ic<i2, after the revolution of thcfe provinces : The 
 t'Ca:y coQcluicd in 1738, between the Eupirc, 
 France, Spain, Poland, and (cveral other powers, cal- 
 . led iba Chridian peace. The war which preceded 
 this rreny was one of the moft complicated in which 
 I'^^rr.pe. ha4 been engaged j the fucccflion to the 
 
 "Spaniib 
 
 
ion jnd^, 
 )t to ftad 
 ver cotd 
 I of w?, 
 
 I ic IS div 
 
 !,*h«VC Di 
 
 c. The] ' 
 )y ihc ex 
 rocacing j 
 
 fingle aft 
 le ioteroal 
 3 procure 
 lefe dates 
 rocfty of 
 
 the fub- 
 ihin thcfe 
 ii police ? 
 r of roak- 
 become a 
 r done by 
 e, in the 
 J Ctoc ali 
 ated aDd 
 
 er heard 
 ulafed ia 
 I that ic 
 
 (bill be 
 3 end to 
 sd Pro- 
 5: The 
 Enpirc, 
 ers, cal- 
 ►reccded 
 n which 
 
 to the 
 Ipanifl; 
 
 ( n ) 
 
 SpaniCh Monarchy, and the right to the throne of P«» 
 land, had been included in it, Siamllaus having bees 
 obliged to abcicarr^ the crown. Different parts of the 
 nations concerned had taken oppofite fides. Many cf 
 the German Princes had been in arms agamrt the 
 Empire to 5»hich they owed obedience : This treaty 
 not only mmually flipulates indemnity to the fubjefts 
 of theiefpeftive powers, but even reftituiion of pn^ 
 ferty and offices^ The Emperor, who contraftcd in 
 behalf of the Empire,' has much lefs cxtenfive powers 
 as he^d of the Empire, than Congrefs as reprefenta- 
 tive of the United States. 
 
 But let it be admitted that Congrefs had no right 
 to enter into this article— Dacot equity and pru- 
 dence ftrongly urge the feveral ftaies to comply 
 with it ? We have in part enjoyed the benefit of 
 the treaty ; in confeqaence of which, wte of this flare 
 arc now in pofftirion of our capital ; and this implici 
 an obligitioQ in confcience, to perform what is to* be 
 performed on our part — But there is a confideraiioa 
 which will perhaps have more force with men, wh« 
 feem to be fuperior to confcientious obligations; 
 it is that the Briillh are (till in poffeffion of our 
 frontier pofts, which ihey may keep in fpitc of us ; 
 and that they may effeniially exclude us from the 
 filheries if they are fo difpofed. Breach of treaty 
 on our part will be a juft ground for breaking it oo 
 iheirp. The treaty muft (land or fall together. — 
 The wilful breach of a fingle article annuls the 
 whole. ■'^ Congrefs are appoin^vcd by the conftitu- 
 lion to manage our ibreign concerns. The nations 
 with whom they contract are to fuppofe they undcr- 
 iland their own powers and will not exceed ihem. 
 If they do it in any inftancc< and we think it proper 
 to difavow the a£l, ic wiii be no apology to thofe 
 with whom they contraft, that they had exceeded 
 their authority. One fide cannot bt bound unle& 
 •the obligation is reciprocal. Suppofe 
 
 * Vatel, Enok ^, Ch. 4. \ ^-j. Grotlu5,Beolf j.Ch. J^, ^ 14, 
 
*i! 
 
 
 It 
 
 ( H ) 
 
 Suppofe thco Great. Britain (hould be induced to 
 rcfufc a further compliaoce wich the treaty, in con- 
 fcqaCQCC of a breach of it on our part, what Giaatioo 
 IhoQld we be in ? Can we renew the war to compel 
 a compliance. We know, and all the world knows, 
 it is o«t of our power? Will thofe who have here- 
 tofore affifted us take our part ? Their afFiirs require 
 peace as well as ours, and they will not think them- 
 fclves bound to undertake an unjuft war to regain to 
 us rights which we have forfeited by a childilb lc?uy 
 and a wanton contempt of public faith. 
 
 We (hould then have facrificed important mtcrclts 
 to the little vindiaive felfilli mean paflions of a few. 
 To fay nothing of the lofs of territory, of the diiad- 
 vantage to the whole commerce of the unio", by 
 obftruaions in the fiOieries j this ftate would lofc an 
 annual profit of more than £. 50, 000 Sterling, irom 
 
 the furr trade. . . 
 
 But not to iofift on poflible inconveniences, there 
 is a certain evil which attends our intemperance, a loft 
 of charaaer in Europe. Our Miniftcrs write that 
 aui condua. hitherto, in this refpeft, has done us 
 infinite injury, and has exhibited us in the light of a 
 people deftitute of government, on whofe engagements 
 ©f courfe no dependence can be placed. 
 
 The men who are at the head of the party which 
 fontcndsfor difqualiacation and expulfion, endeavour 
 :o inlift a number of people on their fide by holding 
 oui motives of private advantage to them. To the 
 Trader they fay, you will be overborne by the large 
 capitals of the Tory merchants ; to the Mechanic, 
 your bufinefs will be lefs profitable, your wages lefs 
 confiderable by theinteference of Tory workmen. A 
 pan, the Icaft acquainted with trade, will indeed 
 laugh at fuch fuggeftions. He will know, that every 
 merchant or trader has an intcreft in the aggregate 
 faafsof capital or ftock in trad? 5 that what he himfeli 
 
 'A 
 
induced to 
 ly, in con- 
 hai OtU'dtioa 
 ir 10 compel 
 orld knows, 
 have here- 
 fiirs require 
 think them- 
 10 regain to 
 lildifti lc?ity 
 
 mt iotcrcfts 
 IDS of a few. 
 )f the difad- 
 union, by 
 ould lofe an 
 Urling, from 
 
 cncea, there 
 erance, a lofi 
 s write that 
 las done us 
 le light of a 
 engagements 
 
 party which 
 in, endeavour 
 le by holding 
 em. To the 
 
 by the large 
 he Mechanic, 
 lur wages lefs 
 workmen. A 
 
 will indeed 
 )W, that every 
 the aggregate 
 hai he himfel? 
 
 *i 
 
 ( tj ) . 
 
 wants in capital, bemnfl make up in credit; thattia^ 
 lefs there are others who ppffefs large capitals, this 
 credit cannot be had, and that in the diminution of the 
 general capital of the State, commerce will dectioe, 
 and his own profpe£ls of proBt will dimiiiifti. 
 
 Thefe arguments, if they were underftood, would 
 be conclufive with the Mechanic :— " There is already 
 •* employment enough for all the workmen in the 
 •* city, and wages are fufficicnily high. If you could 
 *• raife them by expelling thofe who have remained 
 " in the city, and whom you confider as rivals, the 
 " extravagant price of wages would have too cffefis; 
 •' it would draw perfons to fettle here, not only front 
 " other pans of this State, but from the neighbouring 
 '* States :-— Thofe clafles of the community who arc 
 to employ you, will make a great many (hi fts rather 
 ** than pay the exorbitant prices you demand; a man 
 * will wear his old cloaths fo much longer before he 
 '* gets a new foit ; he will buy imported (hoes cheap^ 
 ** rather than thofe made here at fo dear a rate :— 
 " The owner of a houfe will defer the repairs as long 
 *• as poflible ; he will only have thofe which are ab- 
 « folutely neceffiry made; he will not attend to 
 ** elegant improvement, and the like will happen id 
 " other branches. Thefe circumftances will give 
 ** you lefs employment, and in a very little time bring 
 •» back your wages to what they now arc, and cvca 
 •« fink them lower. But this is not all : You are not 
 required merely to expel your rival Mechanics, but 
 you muft drive away the rich merchants and others 
 •* who are called Tories, te plcafcyour leaders, wh» 
 " will pcrfuade you they ^i^ dangerous to your liber- 
 ty (though in h& they only mean their own confe- 
 qucoce ) By this con^udl yon will drive s^ay the 
 principal part of thofe who have the means of 
 becomiog large undertakers. The Carpenters and 
 " MafoDS in particular, rauft be content with patch- 
 
 «ing 
 
 « 
 
 IC 
 
 <« 
 
 ({ 
 
 f< 
 
 u 
 
) ' 
 
 M;i 
 
 hn\ 
 
 ''! i 
 
 -c;j 
 
 / 
 
 ••* 
 
 ( lO ■ 
 
 « iogupthe houfcs already built, and buijdidg iitilc 
 " huts tipon the vacant lots, inftcad of having profi- 
 " tabic and durable employment in credling large and 
 « clegint edifices." 
 
 There is a certain proportion or level m all the 
 departments of induftry. It is folly to think to raife 
 any of them, and keep them long above their naiuial 
 height. By attempting to do it the oeconoray of the 
 political machine is diflurbed, and, till things return 
 10 their proper ftaic,; the fociety at large fufters. 
 The only objcft of coticern with an iadultrious arti- 
 fan, as fuch, ought to be, that, there may be plenty 
 of money in the community, and a bri/k commerce 
 to give it circulation and aftivity. All attecrpts at 
 profit, through the medium of monopoly or violence 
 m\\ be as fallacious as they are culpable. 
 
 But fay fome, to fuflfer ihefe wealthy difaffeaed 
 
 men to remain amQog us, will be dangerous to our 
 
 liberties ; enemies to our government, they will be 
 
 always endeavouring to undermine it and bring us 
 
 ksck to the fubjcftion of Greai-i&ritain. The fafeft 
 
 reliance of every government is on mens interefts. 
 
 This is a principle of human nature, on which all 
 
 political fpceulation. to be p{\, mult be fonndcd. 
 
 Make it the iuiereft of thofe citi^ensi who, during 
 
 the revolution were oppofed to us, \o be friends to 
 
 the new government, by affording them not only 
 
 protection, but a participarion iu iis privileges, and 
 
 they will undoubtedly become its triends. The 
 
 apprehenfioQ of returning under the dominion of 
 
 Great-Britain is chimerical; if there- is any way to 
 
 bring it about, the raeafares of thofe men, agaitifl 
 
 whofe condua thefe remarks are aimed, lead diredtiy 
 
 to it. A diforderly or a violent government may 
 
 difguft the bed citiz-ns, and make the body of the 
 
 people tired of their indepeudcoce. 
 
 The 
 
iildiflg iitifc 
 aving piofi- 
 g Urge aod 
 
 ) in all the 
 link (0 raife 
 heifDatuial 
 loray of the 
 lings return 
 irge fuftersr 
 iftrious arti- 
 y be plenty 
 k commerce 
 attecrpcs at 
 or violence 
 • 
 
 f difaffe^ed 
 rous to our 
 bey will be 
 3d bring us 
 
 The fafeft 
 as interefts. 
 which all 
 be fonndcd. 
 who, during 
 »e friends to 
 m not only 
 ivi leges, and 
 lends. The 
 dominion of 
 
 any way to 
 
 men, agaitid 
 
 lead directly 
 
 rnment may 
 
 body of I he 
 
 The 
 
 ( 17 ) • 
 
 The crc^arraffcd and cxhauflcd (late of Great- 
 Britain, and the political fyftem of Europe, render it 
 impoffible tor her ever to rc-acqoire the dominion of 
 this country. — Her former partizins muft be con- 
 vinced of this, and abandon her caufe as defperatc. 
 They will never be mad enough to rifk their fortunes 
 a fecond time in the hopelefs attempt of reftoring 
 her authority ; nor will they have any inclination to 
 do ir, if they are allowed to be happy under the go- 
 vernment of the fociety in which they live. To 
 make it prafticable, if they fliould be fo difpofed, 
 they mull not only get the government of this ftate, 
 but of the United States into their hands. ^ To 
 fuppofe this poffible, is to fuppofe that a nnajoriiy of 
 the numbers, property and abilities of the United States 
 has been and is in oppofition to the revolution. Its 
 fuccefs is a clear prqpf that this has not been the cafe ; 
 and every man of informnion among us, knows the 
 contrary,— The funpofition iifelf would fiiow the ab- 
 furdiiy, of expelling a fmall nnmber from the city, 
 which would conftituce fo infignificant a proportion 
 of the whole, as without diminifliing their influence, 
 would only increafe their difpofition to do mifchief. 
 The policy io this cafe would be evident, of appeal- 
 ing to their interefts rather than to their fears. No- 
 thing can be more ridiculous than the idea of expelling 
 a few from this city and neighbourhood, while there 
 arc numbers in different parts of this and other flatcs, 
 who muft neceffarily partake io our governments, and 
 who can never expert to be the objects of animad- 
 vcrfion or cxclufion. It is confirming many ioi their 
 eqmity and prejudices againft the ftaie, to indulge our 
 enmity and prejudices againft a few. 
 
 The idea of fuffering the Tories to live among us 
 under difqoalifications, is equally mifchievous and ab- 
 furd. It is fteccflitaiing a large body of citizens ia 
 the ftaic to cominuc enemies to the gQverament, ready 
 
 C ^^ 
 
! 
 
 . 1 
 
 l|: 
 
 ' .- 
 
 i\r 
 
 ili|;-\% 
 
 /%t 
 
 U; 
 
 i 
 
 , 
 
 
 { 
 
 If 
 
 'r 5 1 
 
 
 ( i8 ) 
 
 at aH times, in A moment of commotion, to throw iheip 
 weight inro that fcale which mcdifaics revenge, whe- 
 ther favourable or unfavourable to public liberty. 
 
 Viewing the fubjeft in every pofliblc light, there 
 ii not a fiQgle inccreft of the cornmuaity but dilates 
 moderation rather than violence. That honerty is 
 ftill the bed policy ; that juftice and moderation arc 
 the fureft fupportsof every government, are maxims, 
 which however they may be called trite, at all times 
 true, though too feldom regarded, but rarely neglcft- 
 cd with impunity. Wer-j the people of America, 
 with CDC voice, to aOc, What (hall we do to perpc- 
 mtecur liberties and fecure our happioefs? The 
 anfwer would be, " govern well" and you have no- 
 thing to fear cither from internal diafFc6lion or exter- 
 nal hoQility. Abufe not the power you poiTefs, and 
 you need never apprehend its diminufion or lofs. But 
 if you make a wanton u(c of ir, if you furnifti another 
 (example, that defpoiifm may debafe the government 
 of the many as well as ^\t few, you like all others 
 that have afted the fame part, will experience that 
 liccntioufneD is the fore-runner to flavery. 
 
 How wife was the policy of Augudus, who after 
 conquering his enemies, when the papers of Brutus 
 were brought to him, which would ha?e difdofed all 
 his fecret affociates, immediately ordered them to be 
 burnt. He would not even know his enemies, that they 
 might ccafe to hate when they had noihing to fear. 
 How laudable was the example of Erirabetb,^P 
 when (he was transfer ed from the priibn to the thiBMC, 
 fell upon her knees and thanking Heaven, for the 
 deliverance it had granted her, from her bloody^ per- 
 fecutors ; difralffed her rcfentment. " Tbis aft of 
 ' pious gratitude, fays the hiftorian, fccms tohavcbccq 
 the lad circumftance in which the remembered any 
 paft injuries and hirdttiips. With a prudenqc and 
 raaaaanimity truly laudable, (he buried all oflfcDccs ^ 
 7-5 "^ * ' ' ' ' / " pblifion, 
 
irow their 
 ;ngc, whc- 
 crcy. 
 
 ght, there 
 K dictates 
 hooerty is 
 ;ratioD are 
 e roaxims, 
 It all times 
 ly negicft- 
 Araerica, 
 to perpc- 
 3efs? The 
 have no-' 
 or cxter- 
 )o{refs, and 
 r lofs. But 
 lifli another 
 government 
 : ail others 
 jrience that 
 
 • 
 
 , who after 
 s of Brutus 
 difclofed all 
 
 thein to be 
 ies, that they 
 ling to fear. 
 natJeth, whp 
 } the thfscie, 
 ren, for the 
 
 bloody* per- 
 Tbis aa of 
 to have beeii 
 jmbcred any 
 radenqe and 
 II oifeoces it\ 
 oblivion, 
 
 - (• 19 ) 
 
 oblivion, and received with affability even thofe, wh« 
 bad a£lcd with the grcatcft virulence againft her,*' 
 She did more— (he retained many of the oppofite party 
 in her councils. 
 
 The reigns of thefe two fovercigns, are among the 
 moft illuftrious in hiftory. Their moderation gave a 
 (lability to their government, which nothing elfe could 
 have effcftcd. This was the fecrct of uniting all parties. 
 
 Thefe fentiments are delivered to you in the frank- 
 nefs of confcious integrity, by one vfhofeeU that foli- 
 citude for the good of the community which the 
 zealots, whofe opinions he encounters profcfs, by one 
 who purfuesnot as they do, the honour or cmolu- 
 menis of his country, by one who, though he has 
 had, in the courfe of the Revolution, a very confiden- 
 tial (hare in the public councils, civil and military, 
 and has often, at leaft, met danger in the common 
 caufe as any of thofe who now a(rame to be the 
 guardians of the public liberty, aiks no other reward 
 of his countrymen, than to be heard without preju- 
 dice for their owq intered. 
 
 P H O C I O N. 
 
 P. S, While the writer hopes the fentiments of 
 this letter will meet the approbation of difcreet and 
 honed men, he thinks it necelTary to apologize for 
 the hafty and incorteft manner. Perhapi? too, exprcl- 
 fjons of too much afperity have been employed againft 
 thofe who take the lead in the principles which arc 
 here oppofed ; and feelings of indignation againft the 
 pernicious tendency of their meafures, have not ad- 
 mitted fufficient allowances for what is, in fome 
 inftances, an honeft, though mJ^'^ken, zeal. Though 
 the writer entertains the wor(i opinion of the motives 
 pf many of them, he believes there are fonae who 
 a£t from principle. 
 
 //£4^ 
 
 #