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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. by errata led to ent jne pelure, apon A 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 T 1 1 !•; PvKSULTS IN KlIKOPK OK CARTIER^S EXPLOIIATIONS, 1542-1(J():^ BY JUSTIN WINSOIJ. I I [KKnilNTKI), SKVKNTV-IIVK ((tl'Ils. FliOM TIIK I 'it' »(i;i;i)l N(iS ol Mil Massaciiiisktin lliMdiiii' m, S-' (JAIITlKirS KXIM.OIJA^riOXS. 'I'liK results of CartiiM-'s cxplonitioiis ojinic slowly (o the kiit)wled«^e of contciniioraiv ourtograplicrs. In tlic year of Cuitier's return fioni his st'coiul voyage (l."):)«i), Al«»nso de (/haves, tlie oHlcial r!()smo7) with Chaves's map before him, give us any ground for discrediting tiic map of Gutierrez as indicating the features of that by Chaves. The next year (ir):>8), the rising young Flemish map-maker, (Jerard Mere; tor, made; his earliest map, which shows that no tidings of the Cartier voy- ages had yet reached the Low Countries. He did not even recognize the great Scpiare Ciulf, which had aj)peared in tlu; Ptolemy of loll, as premonitory of the (Julf which Cartier hail circumnavigated, though three years later Alercator affords a faint suspicion of it in his gores of lo-H. We do not find any better information in the best of the contemporary cosmographers. Miinster in (iermany (lo40) widened a little the passage which severed Newfoundland from the main, and so did the Italian Vopellio ; but l'lj)ius, making the globe at Rome, in 1 ")42, which is now owned by the New York Historical Society, seenis not to have been (^ven thus imperfectly informed. The Fiench globe-maker, who not far from the same time ma«le the sphere preserved at pp Nancy, kiunv only onoiigh tn iniiko a j^roiip df islaiidH beyond the Newfonndliind hanks. • We tniii to soint'thin*,' indie intimately connc^cted witli Vav- tier's own work. It nii<,dit go without saying that f'artier would plot his own tracks : hut we have no written evidence that he did, oil. 'r Ihan a letter of his grand-nephew fifty yeais later, who says that he himself had inherited one such map. We must look to three or four mai)s, made within five years of Cartier's last voyage, and which have come down to us, to find how the last charts of Cartie" affected cartographical knowl- edg(! in certain circles in Francj;, and ]»laced the geograjihy of the St. Lawrence on a liasis which was not improved for sixty years. Those who liave compared the early maps find the oldest cartographical record which we have of Ca? tier's first voyage (l")'54)in a (hn'ument hy .lean Itotz, dated eight years latci-, and preserved in the liiitish Museum. Ilarrisse thinks that i»ack of this Rotz maj)thei(! is another, known as the Ilarleyan mappemonde, which is deposited in the same collection. Hut the draft l»v Hotz is the better known of the two. Its desij;ner is held to be a Frenchman, which may account for hisacquawit- j lice with Maloiiiii sources. This " Hoke of I(irograp!i3%" as liotz calls it, contains two maps which interest us. One sliows the (lulf of St. Lawrence and the optning into tlu; river, which indicates an aciiuaintance with the extent of Cartier's first explorations (1 ")84), and may well liave been made soiie years before the dat(! of tlie nianuscrii»t which contains it. If its outline is interpreted correctly, in making Anticosti a pe- ninsula connecting with the southern shore of the St. Lawrence liivcr, it is a further jji'oof that a foggy distance prevented Car- tier from suspecting that he was crossing the main channel of the St. Lawrence, when he sailed from Gaspe to the Anticosti shores. The other map may be nearer the date of tlie manu- script, for it carries the river much farther from the gulf, and indicates a knowledge of Cartier's second voyage. Two years later (ir)44) there was the first sign in an engraved map of (^artiers success, — the now famous Cabot mappe- monde, — and this was a year before; any narrative of his secontl voyage was printed. As but a single copy is known of both map and narrative, it is j)ossible that the publication was not welcome to tlu; government, and the editions of the two were suppr (ierm copy Is beyond with Car- it f'iirtier ovidt'iioo il'ty years «H;h map. ' years of IS, to fuu\ il kiiowl- fraphy of for sixty lie oldest t voyag[e irs later, inks that Harle>'an »n. Bnt desi« i. One ;he river, C'artier's tde soi'ie IS it. If sti a |)o- awiene(^ ted (\ir- iinnel of Uiticosti e nianu- nlf, iind ngraved mappe- « second of both vas not 'o were suppressed as far as i onld l»e. The solitary map was found in (lermany, an, is in the British Museum, among the books which Thcmas (Irenville collected. To test this publiihed narrative, scholars have? had recourse to thre*; manuscripts, pr('serv«!d in tlu; I'aris Library ; varying .somewhat, and giving evidenc;*; that before the text was printed, it had cintnlated in hand-written copies, all made ap- parently by the same penman. It was probably from the printed text that both Ilakluyt and Uamusio ms.de tluiir ver- sions to be i)ublish(Ml at a later day. The suppression, if there was such, of tht; f'abot map is more remarkable ; for this I'aris copy is the only one which has come down to us out of several editions — Ilarrisse says four — in which it appeared. 'I'his nndtiplitdty of issue is inferred from th? description of copies varying, bnt it is not sure whether these changes indicate anything more than tentative conditions of the plates. That the map embodies some concep- tion of the C/artier explorations is incontestable. It gives vaguely a shape to the gulf conformable Ut Cartier's track, and makes evident the course of the great tributary, as far as Caitier explored it. There are many signs in this part of the map, however, that ('artier's own plot could not have been used at first hand, and the map in its confused nomenclature and an- tiquated geograi)hical notions throughout indicates that the draft was made by a 'prentice hand. The profesc.ion of one of its 1 jgends — of late critically set forth fiom the study of them by Dr. Deane in our Proceedings (February, 18!>1) — that Sebastian Cabot was its author, is to be taken with nuich modification. The map is at least an indication that the results of Cartier's voyages had within a few years be- come in a certain sense j)ul)lic property. It hai)})ens that most of whivt we know respecting the genesis of tlu; maj) is from English sources, or sourcies which point to Kiigland ; but the map, it seems probable, was made in Fianders, and not in France, nor in Spain, the country with which (Cabot's olticial standing connected him. It looks very much like a surreptitious pul)lication, which, to avctid the scrutiny of the Sj)anish llydrographical OHice, had been made beyond their reach, while an anonymous publication of it protected 6 the irrospotisiblo inakor or makers from oflicial jinnoyanee. This may account for its rarity, ami pcrliups for the incompU'te- iicss of its information. IJetior information, mixed apparently witli some knowledjje (lerive(l from the I'ortnguese voyaijfes, — and certaiidy clironi- elin^' I*ortii}^uese discoveries in other parts of the glol)e, — and so present ini,' some hut not great differences, appears in an- other map of about the same date, Icnown as the Nichohis Val- hird map. When Dr. Kohl brought it anew to the attention of scholars, it was in the collection of Sir Thomas IMiillipps in England ; but there is reason to suppose that not far from the date of its tnaking, it had been owned in Dieppe. The maker of it may have profited dirttctly from French sources, particu- larly in the embellishment upon it, which seems to represent events in Roberval's experiences. There is, likewise, another map of this period which is still more intimately connected with Cartier's movements; indeed, it can hardly have been made independently of material which he furnished. This is the one fashioned by the order of the king for th(^ Dauphin's instruction, just before the latter suc- ceeded his father as Ileiny !I. A few years ago Mr. Major, of the Hritish Museum, deciphered a legend upon it, which showed that it was the handiwork of Pierre Desceliers, a Dieppe map-maker then working at Arques. This fact, as well as its official character, brings it close to the prime sources ; and the map may even identify these sources in the represen- tations of Roberval and his men, as they are grouped on the banks of the St. Lawrence. I am informed by the present owner, the Earl of Crawford and lialcarres, that an attempt at one time to efface the legend which di closes its authorship has obscured but has not destroyed the lettering. The map formerly belonged to Jomard, the geog.-apher. Theie are only the sketch maps of Allefonsce which can be traced nearer the explorers themselves than the maps already mentioned. What this pilot of Roberval drew on the spot we know not, but he attempted, in 1545, in a rude way to draw ui)on his experiences in a little treatise. This manu.script " Cos- mographie," in which the coast-lines are washed in at the top of its sheets, is preserved in the National Library at Paris. Seveial modern writers have used them, an.d the sketches have been more than once copied. Hibliographers know better, how- ever, tions eneil death " Les was rathc! able prej) duct! othei mam we k chai)l copy that annoyance, incomplcte- knnwlcdire nly elironi- ol)e, -^ and •ears in iin- cholas Val- R attention liilli|)ps in ir from the riie maker 3s, j)artien- ) represent ieli is still s; indeed, ;iial which der of the latter suc- Ir. i\f',ijor, it, which sceliers, a ■ct, as well ! sources ; represen- Bd on the le present ttempt at uthorship The niaj) h can be ■1 already i sj)ot we to draw ipt '' Cos- the tojt it Paris. lies have ter, how- ever, a little ehapliook, which ran through at least four edi- tions in till! itit(!ival before new int(;rest in Canada was iiwak- ened by Champlain. It was lirst published in lo;V.> after the s iis most. WIuto Im L,M)t liis rcc'oids of tliat ciitciprise (tf ir):»4, it is not oasy to coii- ji'etiirc, and wljal lii! says icinaiiUMl for a loiij^ while tliu sum of all that was kmnvii coiiffriiiiig it. That tluao wcMe orit^inally scfveral maimscript texts of this narrative, varyim; eiioii|)eai's to he certain ; Init il is not so e isy to trae(^ them dis- tiiujlively in tin; various printed tuxts whi(Oi have been puh- lished. 'ilni text in Uamnsio v/as without d(nil)t nsi d by .John Klorio in makinu; tli( early ICnylish tianslation (liOiulon, l/iSO), which is the source )f most that has appeared in that lani^ua^e res|)ectinu[ the voyatje. A Norman pui)lislier at Koueii printed a Kr(Mich text, aiu' it is not (piite certain that he used itamusio. It. has l)(!(!n suspected that, in preteiidinu; to make a transla- tion, this editor may possibly have used an ollicial narrative, and that his pretence was intf that ct'ii Dt'iiyH HI 111 II},' tli(! lirst Wlicro Im' iiisy to c(ni- tliu sum of ! oiii^Miiiilly • MlOllirll ill iL;uisliiil)l(', ! tlioin dis- Ix'fii piih- <1 l).v .John Jon, loSO), t hiiiLjiiii^e (Ml priiUcd 1 liiiiiiiisio. u traiishi- naiTiitive, I'l'cptitioiis thi.s little 1 that way covered a the hook with the )f it or an alter ])ul)- siirjjrised it' it were I'^'unients (s authen- )ns nianii- 7, having m section an editor Goniara, ")5), that in some what he iven the gulf, and it has never been qiiltc eHtaldished wlieii the same name gained currency as the aj)iiellation of the gull" itstdl", and of the great river of Canada. Nevertheless (lomara writes in l.^)!"),'}, or perhaps a year earlier, that *' a great river called San Loren(;o, which some think an arm of the sea [t. e. leading to Cathay] has been sailed U[) for two hundn'd leagues, and is called by some the Strait of the Three Hrothers." Wo may consider that I'roni the Kotz, Vallard, Cabot, and Desceliers maps, pretty nearly all the ground that (^artier's own maps c(»uld have disclosed is deducihle by the careful student, and that a largii part of our history of this obscure period is necessarily derived from such studies. Now, what was the eflFect of these cartographical records upon the maps of the St. Lawrence for the rest of that century ? This ([uestion brings us to consider nearly all the leading European cartographers of the sixteenth century, tfl whatever maritime peoples they belong. The most famou." and learned of the (irennan cosmographers, Sebastian Minister, contented him- self with insulariziiig a region which he associated with the earlier Cortereal. Pedro Medina, the leading Spanish writer on seamanship, in his " Arte de Navegar," and in other books, for a score of years after this, used a map on which there was merely a conventional gulf and river. Baptista Agnese was continuing to figure the coast about Newfoundland in absolute ignorance of the French discoveries of ten years before. We are in 1546 first introduced to Giacomo Gastaldi, a Venetian map-maker of reputation throughout Italy. He gives us a map which was included in Lafreri's atlas. It looks like a distinct recognition of Cartier, in a long river which flows into a bay behind an island. This is the more remark- able because, wlien he was employed two years later to make the maps for the Venetian edition of Ptolemy (l')48), he re- verted to the old pre-Cariier notions of an archipelago and rudimentary rivers. When Ramusio was gathering his American data at this time, he depended on an old friend, Frascastoro, to supply the illustrative maps. This gentleman, now in advanced years, was living on his estate near Verona, and in correspond- ence with geographical students throughout Europe. Oviedo had sent some navigator's charts to him from Spain, and 2 10 Ramiisio tells iis tliat siwiilar information had come to him from France; relative to the discoveries in New France. These charts, placed hy Frascastoro in Ramusio's hands, were hy this editor committed to Gastaldi. The result was the cjeneral map of America which appears in the third volume of the " Raccolta," This map is singularly inexpressive for the Haccalaos region. Something more definite is revealed in an- ()th(;r map, more canfined in its range. A study of this last map makes out; feel as if the rudimentar}' rivers of the Ptolemy maj) (1")4H) had suggested a network of rivers, stretching iidand. It has one feature in the shoals about Sahle Island so peculiar and so closely resend)ling that feature in Rotz's map, that Gastaldi must have worked with that map before him, or he must have used the sources of that map. With this exception there is absolutely nothing in the map showing any connection with the cariography of the Cartier-Roberval ex- pedition. These features stand, in fact, for earlier notions, and are made to illustrate the narrative of the "Gran Capitano." There is a Portuguese map by Johannes Freire, which must have been based on Cartier's second voyage, for it leaves unde- veloped the west coast of Newfoundland, which Cartier followed in 1584. Another Poituguese map, which at one time was owned by Jomard, shows acquaintance with both the first and second voyages of Cartier, as does the Portuguese atlas, with French leanings, which is ))reserved in the Archives of the Marine at Paris, and is ascribed to Guillaume le Testu. A popular map by Rellero, used in various Antwerp publications of this period, utterly ignores the F'rench discoveries. The map of Homem in 1558 is an interesting one. It is in an atlas of this Portuguese hydrographer, preserved in the British Museum. It is strongly indicative of independent knowledge, but whence it came is not clear. He worked in Venice, a centre of such knowledge at this time ; and Homem's map is a proof of the way in which nautical intelligence failed to establish itself in the Atlantic seaports, but rather found recognition for the benefit of later scholars in this Adriatic centre. It is in this map, for instance, that we get the earliest recognizable plotting cf the Bay of Fundy. But with all his alertness, the material which Ramusio had already used re- specting Cartier's first voyage seems to have escaped him, or 11 lome to him t'W France, hands, were 111 It was the <1 volume of isive for the ealed in an- ;his last map he Ptolemy stretchinsr 5al)le Island e in Rotz's map before With this howing any oberval ex- ier notions, the " Gran which must aves unde- ier followed ! was owned and second nth French Marine at opular map this jjerind, 3- It is in ved in the idependent worked in d Homem's Bnce failed ther found s Adriatic the earliest ith all his y used re- id him, or i perhaps Homem failed to understand that navigator's track where it revealed the inside coast of Newfoundland. What he found in any of the an unts of the Carticr voyages to warrant his making the nouli bank of the St. Lawrence an archipelago skirting the Arctic Sea, is hard to say ; but Homem is not the only one who developed this notion. We have seen that Allefonsce believed that the Saguenay conducted to such a sea, and there are other features of that pilot's sketches which are consonant with such a view ; while a network of straits and channels pervading this Canadian region is a fea- ture of some engraved maps at a considerably later day. Homem living in Venice most probably was in consultation with Ramusio, and maj- have had access to the store of maj)s which Frascastoro submitted \o Gastaldi. Indeed Ramusio intimates, in the introduction to his third volume, that this Canadian region may yet be found to be cut up into islands, and he says that the reports of Cartier had left this uncertainty in his mind. The stories which Cartier had heard of great waters lying beyond the points he had reached, had doubtless something to do with these fancies of the map-makers. When the learned Italian Ruscelli printed his translation of Ptolemy at Venice (1501), he rdded his own maps, for he was a professional cartographer. He also apparently profited by Ramusio's introduction to the collection of Frascastoro ; for the map which he gave of " Tierra nueva" reverted to the same material of the pre-Carticr period which had been used by Gastaldi, showing that he either was ignorant of the claims of Cartier's discoveries or that he rejected them. Ruscelli clung to this belief pertinaciously, and never varied his map in suc- cessive editions for a dozen years ; and during this interval Agnese (1504) and Porcacchi (1572) copied him. We have two maps in 1500 in which the Cartier voyages are recognized, but in quite different ways. The map of Nicolas des Liens of Dieppe was acquired by the great library of Paris in 1857, and the visitor there to-day can see it under glass in the geographical department. It is very pronounced in the record of Cartier ; for his name is displayed along the shore of a broad sound, which is made to do duty for the St. Lawrence. The other is the map of Zaltiere, with an inscrij)- tion, in which the author claims to have received late informa- tion from the French. In this map the St. Lawrence is merely 12 a long waving line, and the river is made to flow on each side of a large island into a bay stndded with islands. Three or four years later we come to the crowning work of Gerard Mercator in his great planisphere of 1569 ; and a year later to the atlas of the famous Flemish geographer who did so much to revolutionize cartography, — Abraham Ortelius. The great bay has now become, with Mercator, the Gulf of St. Lawrence (Sinus Lanrentn); but the main river is left without a name, and is carried far west be^'ond Hochelaga (Montreal) to a water-shed, which separates the great interior valley of the Continent from the Pacific slope. Here was what no one had before attempted in interpretation of the vague stories which Cartier had heard from the Indians. Mercator makes what is a[)parently the Ottawa open a water-way, as Cartier could have fancied it, when he gazed from the summit of Mont Royale. This passage carried the imagination into the great country of the Saguenay, which the Indians told of, as bounding on a large body of fresh water. It seems easy to suppose that this was an intei-pretation of that route which in the next generation conducted many a Jesuit to the Georgian Bay, and so developed the upper lakes long before the shores of Lake Erie were comprehended. Not one of the earlier maps had divined this possible solution of Cartier's problem ; and Mercator did it, so far as we can now see, with nothing to aid him but a study of Cartier's narrative, or possibly of Car- tier's maps or data copied from them. Ifc was one of those feats of prescience through comparative studies which put that Flemish geographer at the head of his profession. By a similar insight he was the first to map out a great interior valley to the continent, separated from the Atlantic slope by a mountainous range that could well stand for the Alleghanies. Dr. Kohl suggests that Mercator might have surmised this eastern water-shed of the great interior valley, by studying the reports of De Soto in his passage to the Mississippi, during the very year when Cartier and Roberval were developing the great rorthern valley. There was yet no conception of the way in which these two great valleys so nearly touched at va- rious points that the larger was eventually to be entered from the lesser. Before Mercator's death (1594) he felt satisfied that the great mass of fresh water, to which the way by the Ottawa 18 IS >g pointed, connected with the Arctic seas. This he made evi- dent by his globe-map of 1587. Earlier, in l^TO, he had con- veniently hidden the nucertainty by partly coverinij the limits of snch water by a vignette. Hakluyt in the same year (ir)87) thought it best to leave undefined the connections of such a fresh-water sea. The map-makers struggled for many years over this uncertain nortiiern lake, whicli Mercator had been the first to suggest from Cartier's data. Ortelius also (1570, 1575, etc.) was induced to doubt the fresh character of this sea, and made it a mere gulf of the Arctic Ocean, stretched toward the south. In this he was followed by I'opellinii're (1582), Gallaeus (1585), Miinster (1595), Linschoten (15!»8), Bottero (1603), and others. It is fair to observe, however, that Ortelius in one of his maps (1575) has shunned the con- clusion, and Metellus (1600) was simihirly cautious when In; used the customary vignette to cover what was doubtful. There was at the same time no lack of believers in the fresh- water theory, as is apparent in the map of Judaeis (1508), DeBry (1596), Wytfliet (1597). and Quadus (1600), not to name others. These theorizers, while they connected it with a salt northern sea, made current for a while the name of Lake Conibas, as applied to the fresh-water basin. This body of water seemed in still later maps after Hudson's time to shift its position, and was merged in the great bay discovered by that navigator. It was not till a suggestion appeared in one of the maps of the Arnheim Ptolemy of 1597, made more emphatic by Molineaux in 1600, that this flitting interior sea was made to be the source of the St. Lawrence, while it was at the same time supposed to have some outlet in the Arctic Ocean. The great interior lakes were then foreshadowed in the " Lacke of Tadenac, the bounds whereof are unknown," as Molineaux's legend reads. The English indeed had become active in this geographical quest very shortly after Mercator and Ortelius had well es- tablished their theories in the public mind. Sir Humphrey Gilbert l.ad not indeed penetrated this region ; but when he published his map in 1576 he had helped to poj)u]arize a be- lief in a multitudinous gathering of islands in what was now called the land of Canada. Frobisher's explorations were far- ther to the north, and his map (1578) professed that in these higher latitudes there was a way through the continent. 14 H I ^1, ^ i Hakluyt, in his " Wosterne Planting," tells us that the bruit of FroMsli'^r's voyitge had reached Oitelius, and had induced that geographer to come to England in 1577, " to prye and looke into the secretes of P'robishcr's Voyadge." Hakluyt furtber says that this " greate geographer " told him at this time " that if the wanes of Flaunders had not bene, they of the liOwe (^ountries had meant to have discovered those partes of America and the north vveste straite before this tyme." Hak- luyt had it much at heart to invigorate an English spirit of discovery, and the treatise just quoted was written for that purpose. "" Yf wee doe procrastinate the plantinge," he says, " the Frenche, the Normans, the Brytons or the Duche or some other nation will not onely prevente us of the mightie Hayo of St. Lawrence, where tbey have gotten the starte of us already, thoughe wee had the same revealed to us by bookes published and printed in Englishe before them." It is not easy to satisfy one's self as to what Hakluyt refers, when he implies that previous to Cartier's vo^^age there had been English books making reference to the St. Lawrence Gulf. Modern investigators have indeed in English books found only the scantiest mention of American explorations before Eden printed his translation of Miinster in 15r)3, nearly twenty years after Cartier's first voyage. The late Dr. Charles Deane in commenting on Hakluyt's words could give no satisfactor}' ex- planation of what seems to be their plain meaning. The year before Hakluyt wrote this sentence lie had given up an intention of joining in Gilbert's last expedition, and had gone to Paris (1588) as chaplain to Sir Edward Staf- ford. While in that city we find him busy with " diligent inquiries of such things as may yeeld any light unto our westerne discoverie," making to this end such investigations as he could resi)ecting curi-ent and contemplated movements of the Spanish and French. In this same essay on " Westerne Planting" Hakluyt drew attention to what he understood Ciirtier to say of a river that can be followed for three months "southwarde from Hochelaga." Whether this refers to some Indian story of a way by Lake Champlain and the FFudson, or to the longer route from the Iroquois country to thfl Ohio and Mississippi, may be a question ; if indeed it may not mean that the St. Lawrence itself bent towards the south and found its rise in a warmer clime, as the 15 cartojirraphors who were contemporaries of Hakluyt made it. Hakluyt further translates what Cartier makes Donna- cona iuul other Indians say of these distant parts where the people are " elad with clothes as wee [the French] aic, very honest, and many inhahited townes, and that they had create store of golde and redde copper; and that wilhin the land beyonde the said firste ryver unto llochelaoa and Saguynay, ys an Hand envyroned rounde ahoute with that and other ryvers, and that there is a sea of freshe water founde, as they have hearde say of those of Saguenay, there was never man hearde of, that founde vnto the hegynnynge and ende thereof," Here is the warrant that Mercator and his followers found for their sea of sweet water. Hakluyt adds : " In the Frenche origiiuiU, which I sawo in the Kinges library at Paris, yt is further put downe, that Donnacona, the Kinge of Canada, in his barke had traueled to that contrie wher<; cynamon and cloves are had." Hakluyt, with the tendency of his age, could not help associating this prolonged passage with a new way to Cathay, and he cites in sui)port " the judg- niente of Gerardus Mercator, that excellent geographer, in a letter of his," which his sou had shown to Hakluyt, saying, " There is no doubte but there is a streighte and shorte waye open unto the west, even to Cathaio." Hakluyt then closes his list of reasons for believing in this ultimate \y,iii- sage by adding, in the words of Ramusio, that " if tlie Frenchmen in this their Nova Francia woulde have dis- covered upp farther into the lande towardes the west northwest partes, they shoulde have founde the sea and have sailed to Cathaio." Before Hakluyt published any map of his own, there were two English maps which became prominent. In 1580 Dr. John Dee presented to Queen Elizabeth a map which is preserved in the British Museum. It has nothing to dis- tinguish it from the other maps of the time, which show a St. Lawrence River greatly prolonged. The second map was far more distinctive and more speculative. Ruscelli in loOl and Martines in 1578 had represented the country south of the Lower St. Lawrence as an island, with a channel on the west of it, connecting the Atlantic with the great river of Canada. This view was embodied by Master Michael 16 liok ill this other map, in union with other pr3val«nt notions ill ready mentioned, of a nei«,'liboring archipehicfo betwee" the St. Lawrence and the Aretie waters. In this way Lok made the jrreat river rather an ocean inlet than an affluent of the gulf. Hakluyt adopted this map in his little " Divers Voyages" (1582) to illustrate an account of the voyage of Veirazano, and curiously did so, because there is no trace of Verrazano in the map except the great western sea, which had long passed into oblivion with other cartographers. When llakluyt again came before the public in an edition of the eight decades of Peter Martyr's " De orbe novo," which he i)rinted at Paris in 1587, he added a map bearing the initials " F. G." This map may be supposed to embody the conclusions which Hakluyt had reached after his years of collecting mate- rial. He had, as we have seen, already reviewed the field in his " Westerne Planting," where he had adopted the Mercator theory of the access by the Ottawa to the great fresh-water lake of the Indian tales. Jaccjues Nciel, a grand-nephe v of Cartier, writing from St. Malo in 1587, refers to this F. G. map of Hakluyi, as putting down " the great lake " of Cimada much too far to the north to 1)0 in accordance with one of Cartier's maps which he pro- fessed to have. This Noel had been in the country, and re- ported the Indians as saying that the great lake was ten days above the rapids (near Montreal). He had been at the rapids, and reported them to be in 44° north latitude. In 1590 llakluyt was asking Ortelius, through u relative of tlie Antwer[) geographer then living in London, to publish a map of the region north of Mexico and towards the Arctic seas. Ortelius signified his willingness to do so, if Hakluyt would furnish the data. In the same year the English geo- grapher wrote to Ortelius at Antwerp, urging him, if he made a new map, to insert " the strait of the Three Brothers in its proper place, as there is still hope of discovering it some day, and we may b}- placing it in the map remove the error of those cosmographers who do not indicate it." It is apparent, by Hakluyt's accompanying diawing, :hat he considered the " Fre- tum trium fratrum " to be in latitude 70" north. There was a temptation to the geographer to give a striking character to the repoi'ts or plots of returned navigators. Mer- cator compliments Ortelius on his soberness in using such plots, 17 and compbins that geographical truth is much corrupted by map-makers, and that tliose of Italy are specially bad. The maps that succeeded, down to the time when Cham- plain made a new geography for the valley of the St. Lawrence, added little to the conceptions already mastered by the chief cartographers. The idea of the first explorers that America was but the eastern limits of Asia may be said to have van- ished at the same time ; for the map of Myritius of near this date (ir)87, 1590) is perhaps the last of the maps to hold to the belief. While all this speculative geography was forming and disap- pearing with an obvious tendency to a true conception of the physical realities of the problem, there was scarcely any at- tempt made to help solve the question by exploration. There was indeed a continuance of the fishing voyages of the Nor- mans and Bretons to the banks, and the fishermen ran into the inlets near the Gulf to dry their fish and barter trinkets with the natives for walrus tusks ; but we find no record of any one turning the point of Vraspe and going up the river. There was » at the same time no official patronage of exploration. The politics of France were far too unquiet. Henry II. had as much as he could do to maintain his struggles with Charles V. and Philip IT. St. Quentin and Gravelines carried French chivalry down to the dust. The persecution of the Protes- tants in the brief reign of Francis II., the machinations of Catharine de' Medici and the supremacy of the Guises kept attention too constantly upon domestic hazards to permit the government to glance across the sea. All efforts under Charles IX. to secure internal peace were but transient. Ever}'^ interval of truce between the rival religions only gave opportunities for new conspiracies. The baleful night of St. Bartholomew saw thirty thousand Huguenots plunged into agony and death. The wars of the League which followed were but a prolonged combat for Huguenot existence. Henry III. during fifteen years of blood played fast and loose with both sides. Henry IV. fought at Arques and Ivry to preserve hit crown, and abjui'ed his faith in the end as a better policy to the same end. At last these tumultuous years yielded to the promulgation of the famous edict at Nantes (April 1"), 3 18 loOH), jiiid in the rest wliicli came later the tiuies grew ripe for new enterprises l)ey()n(l t!ie sea. We have seen that it was to tlie labors of Hakluyt and Ramusio dnrintj these sixty years that we owe a large part of the current knowledge of what were then the last official ex- peditions to Canada. That private enterprise did not cease to connect the French jjorts with the lishery and trade of the gulf and its neighboring ports is indeed certain, though (ijir- neau speaks of this interval as that of a teni}K)rary abandon- ment of Canada. Gosselin and other later investigators have found entries made of numerous local outfits for voyages from Ilonfleur and other harbors. Su ;h mariners never, however, so far as we know, coniemplated the making of discoveries. Old fishermen are noted as having grown gray in forty years' ser- vice on the coast : and there is reason to believe that during some seasons as many as three or four hundred fishing-crafts may have dipped to their anchors hereal>outs, and half of them French. Some of them added the pursuit of trade, and chased the walrus. Breton babies grew to know the cunning skill which in leisure hours was bestowed by these mariners on the ivory trifles which amused their liouseholds. Norman maidens were decked with the fur which their brothers had secured from the Esquimaux. Parkman found, in a letter of Rlenende^ to Philip of Spain, that from as far south as the Potomac Indian canoes crawled northward along the coast, till they found Frenchmen in the Newfoundland waters to buy their peltries. Breard has of late, in his " A[arine Nor- mande,"' thrown considerable light upon t? 9se fishing and trading voyagers, but there is no evidence of their passing into the great river. Once, indeed, it seenidd as if the French monarch, who had occasionally sent an armed vessel to protect his subjects in this region against the English, Spanish, and Portuguese, awoke to the opportunities that were passing ; and in 1577 he commissioned Troilus du Mesgonez, Marquis de la Roche, to lead a colony to Canada, and tlie project commanded the con- fidence of the merchants of Rouen, Caen, and Lisieux. Cap- tain J, Carleil), writing in 1588, in his "Entended Voyage to America," tells u^ that the French were trying to overcome the distrust of the Indians, which the kidnapping exploits of Cartier had implanted. Whether any such fear of the native 1!> ser- animosity stood in tin; way of La Roche's enterprise or not, is not evident ; hut certain it is, that he did not sail, and the king remained without a representative on the St. Lawrence. This sovereign gave, however, in 1588, in re(iuital of claims made by the heirs of Cartier for his unrewarded services, a 'barter to two of that navigator's nephews, Etienne Charton and Jacques Niiel, in which he assigned to them for twelve years the rif;!it to trade for furs and to work mines, with the privilege of a