^ J^^ ''^*>. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) ^'^^ 1.0 1.1 m m 25 2.2 IL25 III 1.4 MISHIT 1.6 6" HiotDgraphic Sciences Corporalion 23 WIST MAIN STRUT Mk^tfiT^tT N.Y. UStO (716) t72-4S03 CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibllographlcally unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming , ere checked below. D D D D D Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ Couverture endommag6e Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaur^e et/ou pellicui6e Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque Coloured maps/ Cartes giographiques en couleur Coloured inic (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bieue ou noire) I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ ReiiA avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re liure serrie peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge intirieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ ii se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties iors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais. iorsque ceia 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 fiimies. Additional comments:/ Commentalres supplimentaires: L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il iui a 4tA possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la methods normale de filmage sont indiquds ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagdes □ Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaurtes et/ou peliicui6es Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages dicolories, tachet6es ou piqu^es □Pages detached/ Pages d^tach^es HShowthrough/ Transparence D Transpar Quality of print varies/ Quaiit^ in^gaie de I'impression Includes supplementary material/ Comprend du materiel suppi^mentaire Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible T T P o fl G b tl SI o fl si o T si T d ei b ri r( IT Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totaiement ou partieliement obscurcies par un feuiilet d'errata, une peiure. etc., ont M filmies i nouveau de fa^on d obtenir la mellieure image possible. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est filmA au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X TIm copy filmsd h«r« has b««n raproducad thank* to th9 ganarosity of: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia L'axamplaira film* fut raproduit grica A la OAnAroaitA da: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia Tha imagaa appaaring hara ara tha bast quality possibia considaring tha condition and lagibiiity of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha filming contract spacificationa. Original copias in printad papar covart ara filmad baginning with tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustratad impras- sion, or tha back covar whan appropriata. All othar original copias ara filmad baginning on tha first paga with a printad or illustratad impras- sion. and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustratad imprassion. Tha last racordad frama on aach microficha shall contain tha symbol ^»> (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol ▼ (moaning "END"), whichavar applias. Maps, plates, charts, etc.. may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one OKposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Lea images suivantas ont «tA raproduites avac la plus grand soin. compta tenu de la condition at de la nattetA de rexemplaire film*, et en conformit* avac las conditions du contrat de filmaga. Les exemplairas originaux dont la couvarture en papier est imprimis sont film*s en commen^ant par la premier plat et en terminant soit par la darniAre paga qui comporta una ampreinte d'impression ou d'illustration. s.^it par la second plat, salon le cas. Tous las autras exemplairas originaux sont film*s an commen^ant par la pramiire paga qui comporta una empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration at en terminant par la darnlAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la darniire image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole -^ signifie "A SUIVRE". Is symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc.. peuvent *tre filmte A des taux de reduction diff*rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour *tre reproduit en un seul clich*. il est film* * partir de I'angle sup*rieur gauche, de gauche * droite. et de haut en bas. en prenant le nombre d'images n*cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrant la m*thode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 TrVp T ^oxt/uvest ^UectCoiv T SPEECH OF HON. S. BREESE, OF ILLINOIS, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OP THE UNITED STATES, MONDAY, MARCH 2, 1846. WASHINGTON: PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF BLAIR AND RIVES. 1846. Il Mr. * THE OREGON QUESTION. riic Senate procfccderl to the coiisidcnition of the Special Order, being the joint resolution of the Committee on Foreis^n Relations, proposing to give notice to Great Britain of the desire of tlic Government of the United States to annul and abrogate the treaty for the joint occupancy of the Oregon territory, and the resolutions of Messrs. Han'vkgav, Cai.hocm, and Crittev- i>KV, relating to the same subject. Mr. BREESE, of Illinois, addrcs.sed the Senate IS follows: Mr. PnEsiDENT: It is not to be expected that any Senator rising in the present stage of this debate, can throw much additional light on the important question before us. It has betn so f'lauoratcly disctisscd, not only in these Halls, but by the public press throughout the country, tliat it is now scarcely possible to invest it with a new interest, or urge topics with which the Senate and the country are not already familiar. It had excited, and justly too, throughout every part of our widely-extended Union, the most earnest at- tention of the whole American people. Probablj , no question since we had become a nation, had u-ouscd so strong an interest as this has, and none, probably, has been more ably debated. Tiic na- tion awaits with intense anxiety the decision of (.'ongrcss, and the eyes of nil are now turned to the action of the Senate. The Executive has done what Itelonged to him in the matter; and the House of )lepresentatives has perl'ormed its duty. It now only remains for the Senate to perform its duty, by -■onsummating the action of both. It is, Mr. President, in view of the great interest ilie State from which I come has in this question, •uid in obedience to an overruling sense of duty 10 it, that I am now prompted to address the Sin- nfe. 1 did not know, sir, until this morning, tliat the General Assembly of my State had, at its lost session, adopted the resolutions just presented !iy n»y colleague, [Mr. Sempi.f,,] and re;id by the Sec- retary, I waa aware, fjir, that two years si:; •"- similar resolutions liad been adopted and present- ed here; and two years since, it was my duty and ■ my pleasure, here in my i)lace, to respond to them, and to express the views I then entertained of the subject, and of the obligations resting upon Con- gress to cany out the wishes of that State, and those of other States who had conveyed here, simi- lar expressions of the public will. These resolu- tions, sir, read here at this moment, but strengthen me in the determination I had formed to vote for some resolution to annul and abrogate the conven- I tions of 1H18 and \&21, and to follow it up, by pressing such other measures as should jtlace our citizens beyond the Roiky mountains under the pr<)tecliouof ourlav.s; incorporate tlie country into our Union; protect tlie emigrant on his way to its fertile plains, and plcdii^e to all who seek them, the honor and faith of the (lovernment that they shall be made secure in tlieir possessions by perfect grants of land, at the earliest period within the competency of the Government to act, consistent with treaty stipulations. And I cannot but hope that my conduct iw these regards will be apfiroved by the State of Illinois, whose will and llelings and opinions I take pleasure in retlecting. In that State, sir, there is but o>ic opinion; nay, sir, in the entire jNorihwest, so fu-as I am inform- ed, (and I have paid much attention to the manifes- tations of the public niiud,) tlicre is no difference of opinion upon it. I do not think, sir, that any party, or any respci-table portion of any party, is ojiposed to prompt and immeiliate action by Con- gress, to terminate, what all feel ami believe to be an inconvenient and injudicious relation between this a id a foreign couuiry, alTecting, as it docs, so dis- astrously, many important national interests. They are not,' sir, tor " wise and masterly inactivity; ' whatever might have been its virtue in times past, they think the time has arrived for action, prompt and decided; and ia this, sir, I concur widi them m')si heartily; and with the favor of the Senate, I will irive some reasjns, briefly us I may, for their and i.iy opiaiwiis. i iJ V vi V ) ; . 1 do not iiitniul, Mr. President, to rntor iipnn n discussion of llui rcLitivi^ mniis of tin; varions projiosiiions now on your ta'.ilc, liy wliii'li tiie first olijcct is smii^ht to be lUtaiued. I will not contrast or compare tliem, or attempt to ])oint out tiie (liilerence Ixlween tlienr, Hiiflice it to s,iy, tliat my preference is for tiiat form wiiirli sliall in tlie most direct nianccr eilrct tlie oiijict desired. iS'or will I discuss tlie important propositions contain'.'d in the resolutions of the Senator of Indifina, [Mr. Hawiujan,] or the suhstitute for them presented by the Senator of South (,'arolina, [Mr. Cal- houn-,] belicvin;,'', us I do, that it is unnecessary, at this time, to express an opinion ui>on tliem. At ]iresent, we have only to do with the naked question of the propriety of <:;ivin:^ notice to Great Britain of our desire to annul and abrogate a con- vention, the benefits of which are wlioHy upon the side of Great Britain, and which staiids in the way of the iVec and untranuiielled action of this Government upon an intcj^ral part of our isa- tional (b)main, to which many tliousands nf our citizens have ))UKhed their enterjirise, but who arc ■without the cllicient prcjtcciion of tliis Gcivernmcnt and its laws. Nor do I intend, sir, in the view I shall take of this subject, to go into an extended and labor- ed discussion of the title of the United States to the country west of the Rocky mountains, nor dilate upon its beauties and advantages, thouy^h ; I by no means believe such a discussion is inaj>- propriatc; nor would I desire to restrain Sena- tors, on either side, from a full and free expres- sion of their opinions upon the question of title. It is true, sir, the propriety of the notice at thi.s lime is the only question before the Senate; yet the title is necessarily niinurleil with it, and forms an important clement in the debate; for if the United States have no valid title to the country covered by the convention, it may Nvell be contended, a notice to terminate it would be impolitic and un- wise. Two years ago, sir, when this subject was before the Senate, the title was discussed more or less, I think, liy every speaker; and what is worthy of note, not a Senator was then found ex- pressinjj a doubt of the validity of the American title. Now, af:cr two years of investio:ation and reflection, I do hear, sir, occasionally, some doubts expressed of its validity. 1 entertain none my- self;a!id if I did, I should solve them formy coun- try. Tlien, sir, objections were urged against giving the notice at that time, for the reason that we liad invited a renewal of negotiations, with a view to a final adjustment of the controversy, and that a special Envoy, at our instance, had been sent here by Great Britain to conduct them on lierpart; and that it would be discourteous at such n moment, and undci- such circumstances, to give the notice; and it was further said, that, at that time and in the then aspect of afiairs, v.ar might be the consequence of our action. At the present session, we have beard, sir, from the only Senator who has spoken to the question on the other side of the Chamber, [Mr. J. M. Ci.Avrox,] that the notice would not lead to v.ar; but. on tliC coi:ir,ny, that it would be a preservative of peace; that it is a measure tending to peace, and importnnt to be given as a mean.- of preserving that re!i\tloii be- tween two great and powerful nations; at tiir same time giving it as his opinion that the ipies ti(Ui of lille .-diould be discussed with closed doors — thereby inqilying, there might be some ob.icuriiy resting upon it, which it would be i)rudent not to expose before the world. As I iiave stated, Mr. President, I do not pro- pose to go at length into the discussion of our title. After tiic very able argiunents of the Scna- ti>r;i of New \'ork [.Mr. Drx and Mr. Du kinsun] ujion this branch of the. subject, by whiidi the Sen- ate and the country were so much edified n few days since, for me to attcnqit to add to their force and point would be "wasteful and ridiculous excess." I shall not attempt il, sir; and I throw myself upon the indiilixcnce of the Senate merely for the pur- pose of presenting some princijiles of public law to which they have not adverted, ^v hich Great Brit- ain herself has established on this continent, hav- ing, as I conceive, a direct bearing upon her as- sumed claims to the country west of the llocky moiuitains, and decisive, in my judgment, of the case asainst her. I wish to show, sir, that she is estojiped by her own voluntary act, on her own princi])le3, t'rom setting u]) any claim whatever to any part of the territory of Oregon. Not an ctUop- pcl in law, sir, but an estoppel in pais — an act done by her, which dciuirs her, for all tunc to come, from any territorial right there, unless she can extort one from our Government, by a cession of some part of the territory to her, with or without an equivalent; that without such cession, she can have no claim whatever. I did not say, sir, as I am reported in the jour- nals here to have said, in the few hasty remarks I made to the Senate the other day, that I could de- monstrate "that we had a perfect title to the whole of Oregon." I would by no means make such a pledge; for, however strong my own convictions maybe, I mig-ht be unable so to present them as to conviiice others; hence, I would not incur the re- sponsibility which attaches to such a declaration. What I intended to say, sir, was, that I would en- deavor to show, on the p-inciplcs established by Great Britain hcnself, that our title was clear as against her, and that she could not dispute it — ]n-incii>les which she had put forth and maintained at the cannon's mouth, before the war of indepen- dence — principles which, if correct then, are applica- ble now to this territoiial dispute, which, with such remarkable fatuity, we have so long entertained, but which, I trust, is now soon to be terminated. It is a matter of well-known history, Mr. Pres- ident, that the King of Great Britain granted colo- nial charters to Virginia, and to other British- Ameri- can colonics, long prioB to the conquest of Canada, which extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and covered by their broad and comprehen- sive description the whole of the territory v.cst of the Ro.'kv mountains, from 3'P to G2'^ north lati- tude. That to Virginia, liy James the First, bears date May 23, IGOi); it erects the colony into a body corporate and politic, and the grant is thus ex- pressed: " We do give, craiit and confirm, unto the said 'lrea.^i;rcr and cunqiany and their successors, all ' those hnids, countries, and territories, situate, ly- ' ing and bting in that part of America calltd Vir- 'ill iiailons; at the iiiioii tliat tliC ([iiri*- witli rinsed doors — be liomv nliwciiriiy d be jirudent not to dent, I do not prn- ! discussion of orr nu'iits of tlie yriKi- iid Mr. Du kinson] , ijy wiiii:b thu yen- •ii edified a few days to tlieir force luul ridiculous cxces:-." tlirow myself ujion merely for the pur- ijiles of public law l,^vIli(■.llGretlt IJrit- tlii.s continent, luiv- wuvj; upon iier as- west of the llocI;y ly judi^ment, of the low, sir, tiiat she in •y net, on her own / claim whatever to ^on. Notancstop- Inpais — an act done I tunc to come, from less slie can extort y a cession of some vith or without an 1 cession, she can eported in the jour- sw hasty remarks I ay, that 1 could de- ;ct title to the whole iieans make such a ly own convictions D present them as to Id not incur the rc- such a declaration, as, that I would en- [ilea established by r title was clear as dd not dispute it — )rth and maintained the war of indepcn- ect then , are applica- :e, which, with such ;o long entertained, 1 to be terminated. history, Mr. I'res- 'ritain jjranted colo- ithcr British- Ameri- lonquesi of Canada, antic to the Pacific lad and comprehen- he territory v.cst of o to 62'^ iK)rth lati- mcs the First, bears ! colony into a body 5 grant is thus ex- nfirm, unto the said their suc('e^>sors, ail •ritories, situates ly- A.menca calltd V^ir- ' tiinin, fr i;n the point of land called Cape or Point ' Comfort all alon'jr the seacoast to the northward 'two hundred miles, and from the said piiiit of ' Cape Comfort all aloiiir the seacoast to the soulh- ' ward two hiMulred n ilcs, and all that .space and ' circuit of land lyiuLT from the sracnast of the pre- ' ciiict aforesaid up into the laiul, llmnr^hciit fnun ' vrrt /" sfr/, if<,eace of the lOth of JMbruary, ITt)'), made lietween (vreat Britain, Spain, and l-'rance, ratified this Ijriiish principle of inierna- tional law, by imiilicatitm at least. J>y the 4th article of that treaty, sir, the King of France, as the a;;;:ressor, and as nnforti!iiate in the field, " re- ' nounces (/// /nr/i ii.sicii.s irhirh ht lias licrdnforc form- ' ed, Of iiiiirhtform, tn,\'oV(i Scotia or Jradiu, in all its ' pmis, and giiaraniies the whole of it, and with its ' dependencies, to the King of Great Brit;iiii: morc- ' over, his most Christian Majesty ctdi'i and ii;uur- ' anlits to his said Britannic Majesty, in full ri<^lit, ' (.'.inada, with all its dependencies, as well as the ' Island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands ' and coasts in the gulf of the river St. Lawrence, ' and in general everythimr that depends on the said ' countries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sov- ' f (•(•'>))/;/, prnpertii, pof^refsion, and all rights ac- ' ' quired Ijy treaty or otherwise." j France,' it is well known, sir, had commenced set- tlements at A''adia, and in a dependency of Canada northwest of the Ohio, bein-!: now the Stale t'rom wiiich I come, and on the Ohio river; and beinj» beat.'ii ill tiie field, renounced her rii;ht and yield- ed all her preteiisions to them. She was forced, sir, to acknoulediic this Ih'iiish doctrine for the American coiitiiicnt, that prior remote discovery and subsequent partial setlhinent on the Atlantic and a i'c.w of its rivers, afforded a just and sutH- cient irround f'or extension by contiguity and con- limiiiy iVom tiiat coast to the Pacific. The same rnie of public law she had apjdied, sir, loiiL' l're\-ioii,'!y, to ihn Dutch in their colony of IS'ew iNt iheilaiids, afterwards colony, now State of Xew York. Great Britain claimed to have first discovordl the Hudson river in 1()(I8 l)y a iJutch navigator in their service, who sold it to the Dutch; and ahiiough liiey first sctiled at its mouth prior 6 to llir srlilmrn! oftlic ril'.n-iin'; nt Plyni'""!'.!!, nnd i)(r.u|iii(l ii in) lijiir ti (■•■iiliiry, tiny I'lll initlcr lie opciiiiioii (>l"ilii;-i IJiilisli Aiiitilciiii |»iiiii'i|ile ofin- toniiilidiKil lii\v-, niitl cniKnirst, jiisiilii'd liy liritiiin •III pridr (iiscox 'I'v miil (■untiiiiiiiy, ms iiii( ivt'iiiiiir hi-rcnloniis Imih Muriliuiuil mnl similiuurd, (inully a(l"'"idi/.< meiit. She must now stand up lo the )irineiple — "the chalice mnsl he returned to her own lips."' She aii)ilied this same |iiineiple. sir, to the l-'alk- land Islands, on the Atlantic coast of South Amer- ica, which were liist sun in jr>It-2 hy one of In r naviirators; ami nfierwnrds, in 17(i4 iiossession was tj'.keii of all ot" theiu in ihe name of Georije the Third, tiieii Kiii'j:, hy Inndinu' on one of iheni, thoiiL'!! no settli meiit wiiaU'ver v/as made or at- tenipled. Spain, I wo y<'h principle of public law was , atraiii invoked, and Spain, weak and timid Spain, ' had to submit. '' Indeed, sir, her whole histriry sliows tliat ]iiior discovery, even unaccompanied by settlement, was, for her, a suliicient irround of title. It may be said. sir. that a true exposiiioij ol'the hiw of nations doe.s not saiu'tion this princi))Ie. But Grci ;. Uriiaiii has estaldished it, and iIk.' con- troversy is with lu'r, and to her it can be applied witii peculiar a;id poweri'ul force. She was en- abled to write this law with the |>oint oj' her sword, and to interpolate the code of ]>ulilic law in a manner to suit herself. In this :iialter of interna- tional law, air, the jrreat moral law v.hich should govern nations as well as individual man, is not unfrif|uenlly disreL'arded. Willi nalions, mi:.'lii is too commonly rcjarded as riiiht, iuid power com- pels obedience to the most odious priiici[iles, which, iVom the forced acfpiiescence of the weak, become in time to b.e regarded as t'uiidaniental principles of inlernaiioiial law. No nation, .sir, has been more uniformly successful than (rreat Britain in cstablishiim' tliese principles of international law which best compoiifd with her ov.mi views of pidi- ey; and she has ih lied all iiMiion>:, mW, exct^plin^'- our own, sir, in their assertion and )>rosecation. A|)ply, -Mr. Pnsiileni, tins conjoint Briiisli and American exposition of puldic lav,-, which 1 have ftated, to the Spani.Nli discovery, in a natioiuil ship, fitted out for the purpose, l>y j'erez in 177'l,ofthe Pacific coasl of (^re;::oii us I'ar north ;is iIk iiorili- wrst i«>int oMVashiir'lon Island, as claimed l>y the United States, im ludiiej, also .Nootka and V'an- coiivfr'.s Island; of Hecela anil U,uadra in 177.'>, of the mouth of the Columbia river, and of varion- other pans of the coast, as rdiilcd by linmbiddl ill his " New S|iain,'' (vol. r>, pp. 2.V>; ■,>;"■»:»;) to I h' fiict of an aciual Spanish oi'cu|iaiioii of iSoolk.' from |7'-!l to i7!t.">, when the Spaiiiarils voluntarily abandoned ii; and that no British senlcment ha> since been made there. Apply it to the .Vmericai. discoverv of and sailin;; up the principal river by Cajilain Oray in hisi;ood .-hip the ('(diimbia. wIiom icime thi' river bears. Apply it to the prior .sel- ilenieiil bv Spain of Calit'ornia and other points oi the co,!:t'of \hc I'acific, under the onh is of tin Viceroys of Mew S|iain. wiili a .steady and iiii- yieldinir I laim of title tVom 1774, to the whole cons' from Califoinia to a latitude north (dT)4"^"' 4(1'. Ap- ply it to the explorations of On ;rr>ii by Lewis and Clarke from the head walers of the Cohnnbia toil- month on the line of coiitiniiiiy, and to the Amen- can setilenicnts made in )Nl!»"and \r*ll — the lattei beiiiL' Astoria, ai its nioulli — and the po>t on tin Olcanatraii, six hundred miles up the river, and one on the Spokan, siill further advanced, and on ihe Kooskooskce and the Willanniie rivers, aii'l to the fatrreridrr of Astoria lo the United Slates l)y (Jreat Britain in virtue of the first article of tin tnalN- of (ih( lit. and without any qualification oi reservation wlrilevei : ami consider that all thesi acts and foimdali(nis of tiile, Spanish (uid Ameri- can, beloni;- to the United Slales, — aiid we find our title perfect to tlu^ whole of On !ron n|)on tliosi principles of public law established by Great Brit- ain herself on the American coir.indii firior to oui iicli slie lia.s alwuy. betwt .S43 and {i':P north latitude. It will noi juiawcr pre\ ions llie oppo knowlcib ♦• the V ' pendciii ' and for ' ,|iii.shes ' and lin ' thenof. by thi^ Bevoliition in 177ti, and \\ i uri;ed in Inr own behalf. On iMiirhnid's own doctrine, sir, have we not a perfect title to the wliole, of Orii^on? liavi we not a perfect ri:,dit, sir, to afijily to her pre- tensions then-, the test of her own priiiciides If her discovery of the Atlantic coast, and liei ]Kirtial settlements at .Taniestown and Plyniouih, entitled her to claim the whole coast and country, and to turn the l-'remdi and the Dutch out of it — dc not ourdisco\eiirs, and those of Spain, which now beloii;! to us. on the iN'orlhwe.st coasi, and her and our esialdishnienis and ))ossession there; (Spaii: beimr undeniably the first discoverer, and thai not remoiely;) irive us a title ecuially valid to tin- coast of the Pacific- If tlie Britisli j'rinciple wa. sound in the one case, why was it not in theoiher; Clin this be answered? Or .shall it be |iermill( (I her. at lier own caprice, to ch.aiiice principles she li;'.> established, without resisiaiice, from a Govern- niiiii and Power equal, if not su])crior, lo her own .' The views here presented, .sir. Justify me, 1 think, in the assertion, that from tlie puldic lav ill regard to title arisimx upon discovery, as as- serted b\' I'aii'-'and, she is estoi)ped by jier ow ii act from ci.iimin'2' any pfirt fd'lhe A(^rihwist coast do to sav, sir, in o|iposinoii lo this coia lusion, that the limits of tin' P>rilis!i po.ssessions on thi.. continent were confined by the treaty of ]l{i',i to th(> cotintrv east of tin; Mississijipi; nor tliat the trcitv of peace of 17^.';, acknowledgin!.'; the inde- .seu. tiff I'liiiiiii (I l'\ iiitk;i and V';iii- (.uiiiirii ill ll'i'i. \ !Ui(l (if viirioii- liv iliinilHiidi }.)•;," r.>r>;h)i(» III' limi til' iNOolk.i iiiiis vdliMitaiily .st'ltlciiiciit liu.- n llif Aincricai, iiK'il'iil liver l»y nillliliii.'l, \\'l|(>^f ) tlif prior srt- iiii'r [xiiiils ol r onlii's (if till y ii1 (111 tin the river, and viuiccd, mid fii: (lie rivpis, tind iiited Slfitcs liy t iirticle ot' till f|iiidiriciilion (11 r that all iliesi isli and AiiKtii- liid we liiid our roll upon tlio.si I liy (-.'iTiit IJrit- ::m prior to oiii he la.s ill way. I', liavf; \\»; 1)1)1 )riL;oii r Unvi iply to licr pif- )wn )iriiiciple.s const, and liei and I'iyiiioiuii. St and emintry. c.li ont ol'ii — (ir i.".in, wliirii now SI, and iier and there; (.Sjiaii: ■erer, and thai liy valid In the li ]'rincip!e Wii- lol ill tlieoilier; !' lierniitud iier. ii'ipic.s she l);i.> orn a Goverii- .i])criur, to iier justify mr, I the ]Hddic lav. leiivery, as as- 'd liy her own I'erihwi St eoasi le. It will no! hi.s coiiilii.sio.M, e.ssions on i!ii.> i-aly of ]7(j;j lo !•. nor llsat the igiii'.^ the inde- Iieiiiicni^r of the Anicriean rojoinof, confinrd ta. ni lo that river as their wfsiirn limit. This is no answ( r to ilie arirnmeni, based as it is upon the jire\ 10I1.1 ael of (jlreal IJrilniii herself, and slw now ] the opposin;^ 'd.iiniant ; tor liy ilie leriiis of that ao | Knowli d':inent,his ISritanic iVlajestyaekiiow h du'cs i " the l.'nited Slates to lie free, sovereitcn. and inde- i ' pendent Slates; that lie treats with them as sindi; ' 'and for hinl^ell', his heirs, and ,ii/fc(.s\wrs, reliii- j ' quishes all claims to the government, jiroperty, ' and lirritoriiil rii^hts of the same and every pari I ' thereof." Alilioii;rii lioiindaries were estahlishi il , liy this trcaly for the States, yet there was no as- j sinned re.siiinption of territory theretofore ;;Taiited i |jy Ureal Mriiain to any of the colonies; Imt all their '• territorial riiihts ' are |)rescrved to them as ! fJtated. Uy the colony eliarter of |fi(l!t, Viriiinia i had " territorial ri2;hts','' as le.Minsi Great I'riiain, on the I'ai'ific coasi, coiiiprelieiidiiiir Iwiaily-eii^dit i dei^rees of huiuide; and liiiaerh she did iioi claiai, ns airaiii.-t France and Sjiaiii, any farther west than the Mississippi, she could claim as au'ainst (ireat r>ritain — no treaty or ad of hers liavinu; reslricted ! Iier western limit.-! in favor ofGreat IJritain. Apart, j then, .sir, from the claims of France and Spain, Vilirinia claimed riirhtfuily from .sea to sea; and this title, ihu-s emanating;- froinO'r.'at Hritain her.self. .she ^'raiiK d to the United States Ijy her deed of ccs.sion at' tlic 1st of March, 1784. Anuiher view of the qucsiion, sir, and aux- iliary to iiii.s already presented, makes tiie case more ( onckisive ; and it is this : Great 15rilain, l»y virtue of prior di.scoverv, and of small and de- tached sittlenicnis made after the lap.^e of more than arenuiry, clainu d a perfect title lo, and juris- diction over, llie vast reirioii sUeicliiiiu; from the AUaiilic, lo the Pacilii;, iiadudin;; ()rei;-oii, and cov- ered it with her colonial charters, as we have seen. By the treaty »-' whole of Oregon; because tliere was no other Power then in existence asserting- a claim to, or which had made a settlement at that time on, that coast; and ilie claim by continuity, exti ndini^- east- ward from the Pacific, and westward from the Mis- sissippi, would lawfully cover the wdiole space. This treaty of 17(i3"\vas to close a war wa'^ed for territorial rio;hts, and it was intended " to re- • movc/uctrtr all subjects of dispute with rc^crard to ' the limits of the liritisli and French terriunies ' 0)1 the cnnlinent of Jhmricu;" the secret treaty of 17G;i not beini;- then known, bv which Spain "iiad succeeded to the rights of France. It was ai^rced by it "that, furlhefului-e, Ike confines bit trtoi the ' iluminions of his Britannic Majesty and those of ' his most Christian Majesty in' tliat ])arl of the • world, siiall be fixed iircrocablii by a line drawn • aloiiL; ihe middle of the river Mississippi, from ' its source to the river lljerville. and from thence, • by a line drawn aloii;; the middle of tiiis river • and the lakes; Maurcjias and Punlchartrain, to the • .sea."' Spain, nt the same time, n\r, rc.ird to Grrnt Britain {''lorida and all S[>aiiish possessions cn.st of iIk .Mississipjii; and till se parlies, by ihcir re- sp( ( ii\(' c( s..ioiis, left tlie iiil'irence, allliou'jh not expressed in the treaty, tliat the ti rritory tnM< of that rivi r remained in the posses.ioii id' either or iiotli, France and Spain. The raibseipn nt cession of Louisiana by Spain to France in IHMI eiialiled her to cede the same to the I'niled States by the treaty of lM(J."<. If not conveyed by that treaty sir. as not within the limits of Louisiana, it was within iIki dominions of Spain; and liiat I'owcr by tiie Floriila treaty of l^J'.J, ceded to us all her "ri'ihl-i, c|aiin.>',and preteusiiois" to the territoric on the I'.icific north of the forty-second degree o iKirth latitude. Mr. President, to say the least of this exhibition of title on onr |iart, a strong prima facie case is made out, siillicieni, in a court ofjuslice, to put the opposing pirly on his dtfeiice; and if he shows no liile on his part, a recovery niu.-it lie had for the ]>remises in (lucsiioii. li is a good title, and must prevail overajiarly showing end claiming none, althoiigii in the actual possession; such pos.srssioii being bv the consent of the party holding the titled ami which the tenant is not nt liberty to dis- pute. It is now for Great Britain to show her title. We have made out a yirima facie case as against her, and can recover on ils strength, un- less some act has been done by us, or by one or all of the parties ihrougfi whom we claim, to defeat a recovery. Since this charier of Kitlit, and the treaty of 17().'J, Great Britain could piu fortli no valid pretension, sir, to any part of this contineiil we.st of th(! iVIississippi, imh ss.she cfin found it on .some transaction or treaty subse(|iient to those dates. The coiiidusion is irresistibh; — there is no e.scajie from it: she has given tip all the continent west of that river, and can claim nothing there, unless on the ground of smue subse(|uent arrangf:- ment, by wliicti a valid claim has iheen acquired. And this, sir, it is |ireteiided, she has aciiiiired by the convention between Spain iuul Gre.at Brit- ain, signed at the Escurial on the :2Hlh of October. 17U0, called the " Nootka Convention." This con- vention, allowing British subjects to make settle- ments for trade with the Indians, without any grant of soil or sovereiirnty, it is alleged, changes the position of the parlii's, and defeats our claim to a recovery. It remains to be .seen, Mr. President, if this is so — if the convei-.tion does secure to or recoo:ni/.e in Great P.riiaiu siu h a territorial claim as will defeat our title. The laiiaiiaire of the convention, sir, .speaks for itself. There is not a syllable in it, nor a sentence, wdiich can be tortured to convey the idea of a ces- sion of soil and sovereignty, or of a recognition of territorial or national rights, as pre-existing in Great Britain. It secured sinnily, sir, to the sub- jects of bolii Great Britain and Spain certain priv- ileges on thai coa.^t. Look, sir, at the fourth ar- ticle of the treaty of ]7().'J for the terms nation.': use. in ceding soil and pnvercignty. They are far dillereni from those used in the Nootka conven- tion. 'I'liere arc words importing irrants. No terms of trraiit or cession of any sort being found in the Nootka convention, it must be deem- ed, like ihc convention we arc seeking to annul 8 1 and (ihrnsjnf^, n mere intr.rnntinnal (irransfomrnt for tlic iiurpoNCN (if trade, wliii'li ciui liiivciiu iritliiencc r»n llilomatic correspondence, nor the words of the treaty itself, make the least allusion to a claim of sovereignty by Great P.ritain, nor to a direct denial of such .sovereignty as existine in Spain. The deluites in Parliament, sir, which eri- sued this < onvention, will lie in vain appealid to, as furnishing any evidence llmt it was the undi island • ingof any British statesman of that day, v.l.n took part in tlie disi'ussion, that any territorial rights, jurisdiction, v sovereiirnty, wer<» aci^uired by it. Besides, sir, whatever it may be, it was extorted from Spain whilst under a moral duress. Slie was not in a condition to resist any demand Great Brit- ain, in her arrf>irant spirit, might choose to make. It was an extortion which shocked the ni. mil sense of nations. One of the most distinguished I'.riiish hi.storiiuis, in commenting upon this transaction, so derogatory to the fame of a great and proud na- tion, says: "By the treaty of MtVA, the river Missii^sippi, * flowing from north to south, in a direct course of ' fifteen hundred miles, was made the perpetual ' boiuulary of the two empires; and the whole ' country to tlie west of that vast river belonsred to ' his Catholic Majesty, hy just as valid a tenure, as ' the countrji easticard of the nver to the Kinp; of Eng- ' land. "^ lusive of the recent and decisive line ' of demarcation, by which the relative and politi- ' cal rights of both nations were clearly ascer- ' tained, the Spanish Court referred to ancient trea- • ties, by which the rights of the Crown of Spain ' were acknowledged in neir fall extent by Great 'Britain." After commenting on the olTer of Spain to refer the matter to any crowned head in Etu-o))e, which Great Britain refused, and the proceedings of the King and Parliament, he says: " No assistance being had from France, Spaiti, ' yielding to necessity, complied with the harsh de- ' mands for restitution and indemnification; and ' at length, on the i28th of October, 1790, a con- ' vention was signed at the Escurial, by which ' every point in dispute was conceded by Sjiain. « The settlement of Nootka w:is restored, free nav- ' igation and right of fiKsliiii"- in the southern Pa- ' cific were confirmed to Britain; a full lilnrty of ' trade, and even of settlement, was granted to all ' the northwest coasts of America beyond the mo.st 9 Did S|i(»in, l)y iM>ir tliivn thin. , Ik r <'X(|iinivr lie (•(iiiiitry, lip wliirli slic liml II liirc ilic I'ow- 'V the ni.slMiiild ('(iiciii iiruiiiri I iiw; til lit' th< I'litiiiii lit' iVool- II' Hitverciirnty. the SDvcn'iffii- .siilijcrts in thr ZH, vcsscIh, M\(\ of wliifli, it y (iisposscsst'il; <'i)ni|)i!nsiition'' wliii li ilifv liad of the kiiiff. nt, nor the hin- dniro, nor the h'iist iilluNioii at liiitnin, nor ;nty as cxistini: I, sir, whiih LTi- ) fippinli (i lo, «s, ihr undrrstnnd- day, who took nrritoriiil ri;^hts, iirqiiirt'd hy it. it was f'xtortpd ircss. She was land Grrai Hrit- hoosr to make. thf. nigral .-icnsr; is-uislii d liriii.sh his transartion. t and proud na- :vv Mi.ssii!.-iippi, direct eoiirse of c tlie perpetual and the whole iver belonsrcd to I'alul a tenure as the A'iao- nf Eng- id derisive lino xtive and politi- 3 clearly n.seer- to ancient trea- ^Jrown of Spain extent by Great f Spain to refer F^nrojie, which ccedin2;s of the France, Spain, th the harsh de- inifieation; and r, 1790, a con- rial, by which ided hy Spain, tored, free nav- e .somhern Pa- i full lilcrty of s jrranted to all cyond th.o most ' M.inhf riy of ilio .Sjianlsli scttlcincnt.'^, i(ii.,-!"<',(mj)-«- , ' nh'1, however, by any form il rrn\n\''utthni of iheir ' ri','lils of .soverei^'uly." , 'I'liM, Mr. I'rcsidi .II, is the Ian?in.;e of the ini- piirli il Ih'ili^h iiisl.iriai), nclshai.i, (vol, 8, p;i. .'I.'llj-'T,) and clearly shows ilmt iio sovrrei^iiiy | w.i"< aci|iiirrd by (Jnat liiii lin over any part of the niirihu'st co.i-;t; and su''!i priv il« .res us ucrc aiuii- ally firaiiti d, if not txer>'ise(l iiy thu irrintee du- riiiL^ the i-oiiiinuaiice of ownership by Spain, (and ihcy weri! not,) would not attach to tli'i ti iritory when out of the p(iss(>sion of .Spain. 'I'h ti- veiiiioii would not binil the nation to wlnmi Sjaiii crd'd. Il is not a coviiiani ruuniii.; with lb' I tiid, and to ailhere to it tlironirh all the niutalious of ovviii r.ship. If tlial touiiiry, .sir, had become settled after tiiis convention by our own citizens, or sulijecls of u forei;^ii I'ower, and they had eslablisliid their ind<'|i('Hdi uff, the eonvenliou would have been ipsii furtii al)ro;;aled, and equally so by a cession to another l'oui;r. 'I'alce the. case o i/y of 'I I XllS SU-, tor an exiiiii;)!!' Whilst an iiiile- pcudi lit n;liin, she made treatii s with several of the ICurojiean Powirs. She is now no loii:',er such a n.itioii — she is incorporated into our Union. What becoincs of these treaties.' Are they biiid- m^uponiisr (.'an iho.-^e t'oreiyn Powers d"maMd of us the fuilihiuiit of t!ie enga'.,'-em(>:iis of Ti'Xas.- 1 do no* ■!) under.Uai'd it, sir. No mi,re coi (.ircat IJritaiu claim, te.u ;'. eouiilry upon the northwest led to us by Spain is emu m!)ere( I in e.ir eoiist ci I hands ' stijinlilioiis whicli S,.an entei'Ld into whilst she possessed it. I5ui li'ok, sir, to a part of the lett(!r nf Alleyne I''it/hei-l>ert, the Hriiish .Minister at Madrid, to the Count Florid, i lllaiica, the Spani.sh .Ministi.'r, for the true uuderrtaiidin^ and real view wliieli Cireat ilrii.ain iheii eiiti itaiileil ol' this iiuesti'iii. Me says, in his nply lo ihe count'- meuimial, aftei- speakiii'^ of the reparation to v.liieh Ennhuid was tntilli d for the violence at Notuku: '• Filially, as to tiie nature of the .satisfaction * which the Court of Londiin exacts mi this occa- 'sion, and on whieji your excellency appears to ' desire some e.xjihiuiuiim, i am ua'hurhi.d, sir, to ' assure you, that if his Catholic Majesty consents ' to HI ike a ikclaratitjii in lii.s name, beariii^ in su!i- ' stance that he had detenuined ii, oHer to his l]ii- ' tannic Majesty a ju. not escape some censure f u' enc.iur;v,'iiiLj//if ff rcxa • ' liditH ritrrouehiiii Ills on the tirritoi'uU rijf/i/.f of Spain. " (. liinniilix, pp. 'Kl, 41.) What, then, .Mr. President, becofnes of the ter- ritorial I'l.iiuis of (iieat Miitain u;i'>n the northwest (iia-'l; since, wh.Ue\er liny niiy have been "prior ' to the c.onveniioii of I'M), tliev wi re from thenci- ' forward no louLTcr to be ir.icei! in va;^ue narralivt^M ' ofdisciivi rii's, sevf ral of them admiited to beapoc- , ' ryphal, but in t'le text and siipulatimis of thati'on- I ' vention itself," and tiny of the character 1 have shown them to be, on the authority of her own historian.-i and her own pnlillshi d documents.' .Vnd, sir, it may be ob.'erved here, that if these vie'.vs of ih.it coineiilion are eironeous, and that Hnj,land did aetu illy acnuiie, or procure the reco;;- ' nitioii of, lerritoii. . 'liims there by this eonveii- ' tion, then, sir, it •, > i, well be insisted such claim, j or title, rnii i '.'es of I>ritish law — and I prefer I .tppeali.i'jj to that in a controversy of this nature — I as jirououni'ed by im ■ of Inr most distiiii^uished miiiister.s and stiili'.jmen, Lor'l I'.ilhurst, in the I ne','oti;iiion of |S1,'> between l'>i:,da id :-'iil tjie Uni- ; t( d St. lies, respedin'.;; tin; X^ ,vr>iiualland fish?rieH, He s.iid "(ire It I'ritain knows of no exeeptioii to th(> rule that all treaties .iri' put an end to ley a siiLscijuent v.ar betw<;e!i tie; same partie.-;,'' The j war of 17i)(), between Spain anil (Ireal nritain, alirogateil this convention therefore, and it had never hrr.w reiiev,-ed. No su!ise([ueut treaty be- t'vvecii those Powe.'s can be shown, whii^li, in its terms, or by its tijiirit and iutentioii, renews tliia convention. The mode, a -I piM''tIs 'd, sir, by those very Pow- ers, of reiiewin;:; a irerJy al'iera war, is by an ex- press recital and reiiewal of it by date, or p.irticular des.'ription and coniirmaiion. Tliesecoiid section of ilie treaty of Paris of Mi]'.], so ofteii referred to, in wiiich Great Britain and rene.v treaiie.';. It is in thi.S ;, (!f Wesipludiaof IGIS; tho.sc a the crowns of Great Britain sir, shows the. mod Siiain and I'raaci form; *' The treaii ' of .Madriil, betwi 'and Spain of Kin"? .md KiTO: the treaties of jieaee ' of rNim-'.^ucn of ](JTH and KiTl); of Ryswick of ' l(i;)7: timse o!' pea 'e and of commerce of Utrecht ' of 171.'}; that of Biden of 1714; the treaty of the ' triple alli.ui'C of the II.i;^ue of 17 '7; that of t!io ' qn.idruji'e alliance of Londoii of 1718; the defmi- ' live treaty of Viemia of M'.IS; the definitive treaty 'of Aix-la-Chapeile of 1748; and that of Madrid ' between the crowns of Great Biitain and Spain ' of 17.')(J;as well as the treaties betv.<.en the crowns j ' of Spain and Portugal of the 13tli of February, ' ICm, of the Gth of l-'ebruary, HIT), and of the I ' lath of February, 17(il, and dmt of the 11th of 10 * April, 1713, between France and Portugal, with ' the guaranties of Great Britain, serve as a basis * and foundation to the peace and to the present • treaty; and for this purpose they are all renewed •and confirmed in the best form, as well as the • treaties in general trhich subsisted betroeen the high ' contracting parlies before the ivar, as ij ihey were in- ' serted here, word for icord, so that they are to be ' exactly observedfor the future in their whole tenor," 8fc. This, sir, is the regular mode of reviving treaties ■which have been abrogated by a war — not by si- lent inference, Inilby express recognition »nd enu- meration; for ill this mode all doubt and uncer- tainty as to the intention of the parties is removed. The treaty of Madrid, of 1814, did not, nor was it intended to, revive the Nootka convention, or any commercial treaty or internatioiuU arrange- ment which war had terminated, except those re- lating to commerce between Great Britain and Old Spain, not including her American colonies or dis- tant possessions; for one clause of that treaty stip- ulates, if til' trade is opened to her colonies, Eng- land shall be placed on the footing of the most fa- vored nation m respect to it. How, then, it may well be inquired, can " the text and stipulations of the Nootka convention," which did not, virtually, grant anything to Great Britain, but merely permit- led British subjects to settle for trading purposes upon the northwest coast, and did not even grant to them the fee simple of their settlements, be now regarded as such a foundation of title in Great Brit- ain as to justify her in demanding of us, who have succeeded, by fair purchase, to all the rights of Spain, a division of the country? With equal propriety, sir, might a tenant at will, or at suffer- ance, who has occupied the premises of another under a Ucense unmolested for a series of years, demand of the proprietor, on receiving a notice to quit, a partition of the farm, or the occupied field. I insist, therefore, sir, in view of all these facts, arguments, and inferences, that Spain had not en- cumbered her title before ahe passed it to us. It was not affected by the convention of Nootka, and our title through Spain is therefore " clear and unquestionable." I insist, also, Mr. President, that there is great propriety and manifest justice in according to Spam all the benefits of these principles of British law to which I have referred, and which Great Britain had forced all nations to acknowledge; be- cause Spain had, for many years, made it a prom- inent feature in her policy to originate, and at great expense promote, voyages of discovery through- out the wnole extent of the northwest coast. So important, sir, Avas this object in her view, and so deeply was it ingrafted upon her system, that she erected a distinct department, (called the Marine Department of San Bias,) purposely to conduct ex- plorations and surveys of the northwest coast of America. She made, sir, all the most important discoveries on that coast, and named its rivers, bays, capes, and headlands, and followed up her discoveries by such settlements as were suited to her then condition; or if no settlements followed, continual clai'-i was made, which no nation ques- tioned. And why, sir, I would ask, were we not entitled to the benefit of this as claimants under Spain of that very title which these acts of hers originated? As to the true exposition of the public law, sir, upon the question of title arising from discovery only, nothing conclusive can be urged. Wl; have seen, sir, how Great Britain has under- stood and enforced it. It cannot be contended, sir, in any view of the question, that a nation is bound forthwith to follow up a discovery by settlement. As to that, her condition, the exigencies of tlu State, must be considered; but .she must do sonn act which will be notice to the world that she i; determined to appropriate the discovery to herself. What particular act this shall be, is not settled. It must, in the nature of the subject, depend on very many circumstances — no invariable rule can be ap- plied. Yet some act must be done, evincing this- design of appropriation; but at what time, must always be an open question. Spain did as much to notify the world of her intention as any other nation, that is certain, which had originated dis- coveries. Another view of this convention, Mr. President, as a foundation of claim by Great Britain, may with propriety be urged. Whilst it was, as now alleged by Gretit Britain, in full force, why did .she. in 1818, before we had acquired the Spanish title, voluntarily enter into the convention with us on the 20th of October of that year, so inconsistent, as it is, with her engiigements with Spain under the Nootka convention? And why did she not base her pretensions at that time, as she does now, on its "texts and stipulations," and not on "vague narratives of discoveries, some of them admitted to be apocryphal?" If she really believed the con- vention of Nootka was in force at that time, it is incomprehensible that she should not have urged it. By neglecting to do so, sir, these inferences are fair and rational : 1st. That Great Britain no longer considered it in existence or binding upon her; otherwise, she could not have violated her ob- ligations to Spain, by covering the same ground in a treaty with another Pov/er. 2d. That, by transferring her obligations from Spain to the Uni- ted States, Great Britain thereby acknowledged a right in the United States, independently of Spain, as existing in virtue of our well-known prior dis- covery, exploration, and settlement. This con- vention of Nootka, supposed by Great Britain in 1818 to be extinct and not alluded to, was made an element in the controversy, by our own Minis- ter in 1824, who brought it forward under instruc- tion from his Government. Thus forbearing, sir, in 1818, to present her claims under the Nootka convention. Great Brit- ain can now repose on no other right than that, gratuitously, without any equivalent whatever, granted to her subjects by the convention with us of that year, anti indefinitely continued by the convention of the 6th of August, 1827; fbr by the conclusion of the former treaty, she considered and treated that of 1790 with Spain as a nullity, and, thus regarding it, it follows, as a necessary and inevitable consequence, that, as by her own oc- knmcledgment tee were the party in possession, the right of sovereignty resided in the United States. Should it be necessary, Mr. President, to adduce strong circumstantial proof of the conscious wart V * I 11 se acts of hers public law, sir, from discovery urged. Wv. un has under- contended, sir, nation is bound / by settlement, igencies of tin must do sonif orld that she h very to herself. i, is not settled, depend on very rule can be ap- ;?, evincing thi^ ^hat time, must in did as much >n as any other originated di.s- , Mr. President. at Britain, may it was, as now i^e, why did she. le Spanish title. n with us on th( consistent, as it ipain under tht id she not bast le does now, on not on "vague hem admitted tc Elieved the con- t that time, it is I not have urged these inferences Ireat Britain no or bindin? upon violated her ob- 6 same ground 2d. That, by pain to the Uni- jcknowledged a Jently of Spain, lown prior dis- :nt. This con- ireat Britain in 1 to, was made our own Minis- I under instruc- to present her on. Great Brit- ight than that, lent whatever, mvention with •ntinued by the 327; fbr by the she considered 1 as a nullity, IS a necessary I by her own ac- possession, the ted States. dent, to adduce conscious wart of claim of Great Britain to any part of the north- ■weslcoiLst south of 54*^ 40', derived from whatever source she may now choose to select, it may be found, sir, in the most solemn jmd imi)osing form. By the convention between the Unitco States and Rus.sia, made on the 17th of April, 1824, it was agreed that she should make no settlement south of 54° 40' north latitude, and we none north of that parallel. It is a fact, in the history of that transaction, that it was contemplated to have, at that time, a joint convention between Eni:;la!id, Russia, and the United States; but after the an- nunciation by President Monroe of the non-colo- nization principle, in regard to this continetit, it was abandoned, and separate conventions were framed. Great Britain being thus aware, sir, of this arrangement between us and Russia, and wishing to secure the sovereignty and possession of a part of that coast, entered into negotiations with Russia for that object; and by the convention of the 28th of February, 1825, more than ten months after the date of the convention between the United States and Ru.ssia, Great BriUiin ac- cepted a stipulation restricting her to the coast lying between 54° 40' and 56° of north latitude. In thus accepting, sir, this restriction on the south, cither Great Britain tacitly relinquished any pre- tensions to interfere with the territory of the Uni- ted States, or the Russian Government undertook to prevent such interference (so far as she could do it by treaty) with the rights of the United States, so recently acknowledged by herself, under the solemnity of treaty forms. The former is to be presumed, sir, rather than the latter; and a mag- nanimous spirit would attribute such acknowledg- ment by the British Government to a conscious- ness of the superior title of the United States to that territory above all other nations, we having then the entire Spanish title, rather than to the tame submission of a nation possessing a power more extensive than that of Rome in the plenitude of her glory. It may be said, sir, that the arrangement be- tween Great Britain and Russia did not affect any conflicting claims as between Great Britain and tlic United States to any territory south of 54° 40'; but the value of this suggestion will be propeily appreciated, sir, when it is considered, that in the negotiations between the United States and Russia no notioe was taken by either party of any claim whatever of Great Britain to any part of that terri- tory; which, it is not to be supposed would have been the case, had any known, well-foundftl claim on the part of Great Britain existed. A nation of her power would scarcely have been treated with so much indifference, not to say disregard, by the other contracting parties. Moreover, sir, had Grep.t Britain considered her- self in 1824 as possessing any right over the terri- tory south of 54° 40', or \v\d she considered her'-cif as having " a claim not in respect to any part, bui to the whole, limited to a right of joint occupancy in common icith oilier States, leaving the right of do- minion in abeyance," it is not to be imagined, as observed by the present distinguished Envoy of Great Britain to our Government, (in speakina; of the pretensions .)f Spain to the same territory,) that Great Britain " would have passively Bubniilted ' to see the contending claims of [Russia] and the ' United States to a portion of that territory the sub- 'ject of formal diplomatic transactions between 'those two nations. It was important, sir, to the interests of the United States that an arrangement of this kind should be made with Russia after we had succeeded to the title of Spain, as Russia had eiirht establishnienta on that coast of very considerable antiquity at 58 and 59 degrees north latitude, composed of several hundred individuals, and, on the principles of con- tiguity and continuity, might well have claimed a more southern boundary ; and she was the only Pow- er whose pretensions we might have found difficult to resist, being coterminous with us in our exten- sion north on the same principle of continuity; for it is admitted, sir, on all sides, that the claim of Spain to Nootka at 49° 30' is good, by virtue of her settlement there, madein 1789. Russia, then, extending south from 59°, and the United States, under Spain, north from Nootka, would bring the line very near the paralh 1 of 54° 40', which these parties did in fact establish. Believing, Mr. President, the grounds set forth to be conclusive of the title of the United States to the territory in question from latitude 42° to 54° 40' north, I do not deem it necessary to enter into a di.scussion of many considerations pertaining to the case which have been brought to onr view by the able efforts of distinguished diplomatists. It may, however, sir, not be inapprojjnate, as in close connexion with this subject, and as having a favor- able bearing upon our title, to notice the just re- marks of Lord Bathurst, in his communication to our Secretary of State of the .lOtli of October, 1815, discussions being then pending as to the effect and operation of the treaty of Ghent, but a short time previously concluded: " It will not be denied," he said, " that the main ' object of the treaty of Ghent was the mutual res- ' toration of all territory taken by either party from ' the other during the war. As a necessary consc- ' quence of such a stipulation, each parly reverted to « their boundaries as b(Jhre the icar, icithout reference • to the title by which Ihoae possessions were acquired, ' or to the mode in ic/iic/t their boundaries had been ^ previoushj fixed. In point of fact, the United States ' had before acquired possession nf territories asserted to ' depend on other lilies Ihan those inhich Great Britain ' could confer.''^ Again he says: " It is justly stated by the Amer- < ican Minister, that the United States did not ' need a new grant of the boundary line. The war ' did not arise out of a contestect boundary; and 'Great BriUiin, th(U-efore, by the act of treating ' with the United States rccogni-ed that nation in its \former dimensions, excepting so far as the jus belli 'had interfered with them; and it was the object ' of the treaty of Ghent to cede such rights to tcr- ' ritory as the jus belli had conferred." Those remarks, sir, applied to the condition of the question concerning the territory of Oregon, will be seen to have a peculiar and powerful force. The jus belli, sir, had given to Great Britain the American settlement of Astoria at the mouth of the Columbia river — the symbol of our sovereignty and title there — the rightful possession of which had been acquired by us previously, and rested on 12 " other tillca tlmn those which Gvpnt 13ritain roiild confer." The nmin object of the treaty of Ghent was, " the mutual restoration of «// territory taken by either party from the oilier during tlie war." The United States claimed title to the whole terri- tory in virtue of discovery, exploration, and .settle- ment, in their own rijjiht, and by cession from France; and " without reference to the title by which it was acquired," they reverted to the right as it existed before the war. Before the war, sir, we had exclusive po.sscssion of the territory of Oregon— of distinct parts in the name of the whole. By the war we lost it; and by the unconditional surrender of this part, on the 6th "'' October, 1818, without any reservation whatever, we were from that moment, again in leeal contemplation, in the exclusive po.ssession and became sovereigns de fac- to if not dejure, of the whole country claimed; the British Government, tlirougli their authorized func- tionary, admitting, " in the most ample extent, our right to be reinstated, and to be the parly inpossen- sion while treating of the title." Great Britain is estopped from denying o\ir right to be in jiosscs- sion by her own acknowlcdgnient; she cannot now contest it. This right of possession, sir, we now, and from thence, have wholly enjoyed; and we cannot be deprived of the right, except by force or by a voluntary cession on our part. Having thus, sir, our sovereignly acknowledged, fourteen days after the restoration of Astoria, on the 20lh of Oc- tober, 1818, without any equivalent whatever — un- less the concessions in the first article of the con- vention of that date were intended by the high contracting parties as an equivalent — wo agreed with Great Britain, that this territory "sl'.all, to- ' gether with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and • the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free • and open for the term of ten years from the date ' of the signature of the (jrescut convention, to ihe • vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two Powers ; • it being well understood that this agreement is ' not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim • which either of the two high contracting parlies ' may have to any part of the said country, nor ' shall it be talcen to afl'ecl the claims of any other • Power or State to any part of the said conntrv; • the only object of the high contracting parties, in • that resjiecl, being to prevent disputes and dilTcr- 'ences among thcms(;lvcs. " This convention, sir, it will be perceived, ad- mits no claim on the part of Great Britain to a foot of territory there — no sovereignty, no right of soil, no territorial jurisdiction whatever. It is a mere easement granted to Great Britain for the sole pur- pose of preventing disjiutes and dilVerences between the parties through collisions among their citizens and subjects, and originated in motives of policy. British traders, after the ca])ture in 181,1, souglit the country in great numbers, enriching tlicniselves from its wild iiniductioiis, with wlnvin our own citizens, allured by the same object, might come in collision, from which angry disputes and na- tional dillicultics niigiit ensue. It was deemed pol- itic, sir, under such circumstances, to license this use of the country ( know- ledged right of possession to the territory of Ore- gon., in the greater pju-t of if, — in all of it north of the Columbia river, except a small American set- tlement at Bulfiiich's Harbor, Great Britain, by her .subjects and her churtered power, is in the actual and exclusive possession. So exclusive was this Jiosscssion, that the northern bank of that river was known and called the " British side," and the opposite bank the "American side." Our own citizens, Mr. President, derive no benefit whatever from this convention: idl the ndvantngts are on the side of British su'gccts; imkI wc, at the same time, the Ir.ie owners of the w!:olc coun- try. This being the c;ise, sir, unless we t-ike some decided action in order to obtain, on our nari, that exclusive possession w-hidi belongs to the right, they will continue to derive these benefits, to the exclusion of aur citizens. It seems to me, there- fore, sir, the advaiileges being all on the side of Great Britnin, unless we give the notice, unless we express a desires to tenninale tin- convention, it will never lie terniiiiaKd by Great IJritnin. Ni>tire will never come from that side, sir. Sjie hcs all she desires, as things now stand, and has, there- fore, no slimulniit to act. She will not tiike ilie initiative. She does not desire to be remitted to \ It t at tlic time it »mit Britain is iK.'Ii idra in any M expressed oi to any part or Oi sir, we had repose, nor in c'ition to assert irlit as n2;ainst title of Spain. s at that time no\vIe(li,red hy lout to expire, very unwisely illcred rircum- Sth of Aug))st, ate; and when in the exclu- its legitimate lfiilly,'and by an a<;t of war, the riuht to he issiun of Great in LSJ8, that -. Great Brit- ny part of the arty in pospes- ",':rnilly. Sueh 1 ehoose, after ', would neces- id jurisdiction; 0, would share Tits of m\r ua- and participate 's, of whaiever clierislied and when this ron- liad hoped we f^ition, without promptitude. :; the a«Jff|ow- •ritory of Orc- I of it nortii of American sct- ^t Britain, by wer, is in the 80 exclusive hern bnuk of liie " 15riti^;h ucrican side." •ive no Ijenefit lie a(lvantn;rfs 'lid we, at "the wliole eoi:n- wc fiike some <»"i" I'iui, tliat to tlie ri'j;ht, encfiis, to ilic to tvie, iltere- !iM the .'-ide of lofice, luikss 'onveiition, it itain. IVotico She lii's all d has, till re- not tidl''d to exercise, in the fidlest extcMt, any act of soverci'rnty we may desire — it will restore us to freedom and enable us to pursue such a course for our own interest as we may choose, in our wisdom, to adopt. If we do not titke thi.-i course, if we do not give this notice, if we allow things to remain as they iu"e, there is mani- fest (lunger, before the lapse of many years, that ditficulties will so grow up and thicken, that a war m :i\n(l in strenirtti, nnd, de- riving iis sustenance from the parent stem, will flourish with it in undying verdure. k depends upon ourselves, whether this coun- trj' shnll remain with us or not. Its destiny is, under Providence, in our own power, and we eti- countor a most weighty and fearful responsiltility, if by any supineness, timidity, or want of resolu- tion on our tiart, its preservation shall be jeopard- ed, and, in the end, lost to us f(u-ever. If it was pro|ier, sir, in the nascent state of the Atlantic cohmies, f()i-(jreat Britain to assert, and prose'-ale, avid establish by f'ur.'e of arms, and by arguments tVom the cannon's mouth, the principles she did establish for the cxlcnyion of her territory, — how much more proper and neces?sary is it for us, sir, in this our age, with all the improvements in mechanical philosophy and the arts, by which space is annihilated and di.stance measured, not by miles but by minutes, with our teeming millions on the vast plains of the West, in reach of the Pacific — many thousands of whom have gone to settle upon its shores and upon the fertile banks of its rivers — that the full benefit of this principle of Briti.sh law should be claimed by us, and we be as ready and as willing to contend for it, even unto war, as she was, with ouraid, against France. And why should we hesitate to take the initiative of measures which will force her, sir, to acknowledge her own doc- trine? The judgment of the civilized world will be pronounced against her shoidd she disavow the doctrine, and the sin of a war, should one follow, will lie heavy on her soul. Relying, Mr. President, on the principle of pub- lic law, as to territorial rights, taught us on the Heights of Abraham and on Braddock's field. Great Britain will have no reason to complain if we urge them against her, who originated them and gave them currency. And, sir, when Oregon shall be filled with our peoplt, (as it soon will be if thi.o Gov- ernment is true to its own interests,) no apprehen- sions of any foreign ir truder, under what flag so- ever he may seek to mai:e his entrance, need be en- tertained. It is our true policy, then, sir, to give the notice, and assert and maintain the principle of British law which Englni;d is estopped from de- nyinff, and wliich establishes our title to the Rus- sian line. If, however, sir, I could be made to be- lieve that the eflect of the notice would be, as has been intimated, to place our Government in a posi- tion to comproi\use our undoubted right, upon any other line south of that, 1 would vote against it, and fall back upon the "masterly inactivity "of the Senator of South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,] as the wisest policy, and leave to time to accomplish the great oi)jeet to which the whole American heart is so earnestly and truly devoted. But, sir, I have full faith in the prudence, firnmess, and sagacity of Ihe Executive, and do not anticipate any such ca- lamitous result. I do not sutler myself for a mo- ment to believe that he will violate his published pledges. No, sir; 1 heve implicit faith in him, and ' that he will so act on this and on all other great oc- '\ cusions, in which the interests and honor of his , country are involved, as to command the unqual- ified approbation of tlmsc who have raised him to j his present elevated position. ("onsidcM-ing, sir, the contiguity of Oregon to I our western seitletnents, and as the oidy vent, ' westwaid, of (he vast surplus productions of the rich liasin of the Mississippi to the shores of Asia with her millions of iidiabitants, and its acce.ssi- ! bilitv iiy railroads from the Atlantic States, bring- i ing them also into close proxiinity to the same j great markets; and considering, also, that our re- I fuiblic opens her public domain to the over-popu- j lated countries of Eurly to a proposition presented in such a form, as it was not a definite proposal to submit the question of title. It is a "^/ling" question. A hypothetical case is presented, which our Govern- ment might well refuse to entertain, and made subject to the condition, on the happening of a contingency, of an equitable division of the terri- tory. Sir, we do not desire a division of the terri- tory. I am instructed, and feel pleasure in acting up to those instructions, to oppose by my vote a surrender of any portion of territory rightfully be- longing to us through the instrumentality of arbi- tration by crowned heads, or a board of civilians, or by negotiation in any form. I would advise negotiation, sir, as I have already said, hi regard to all other matters growing out of this question, or witli which it is lep;itimatcly connected; and should be disposed to be liberal. I would grant to the Hudson Bay Company, which has so much at stake, certain privileges for a limited period. I would do nothing that is unjust, nor advise it to be done; and, in taking a retrospect of our past history, sir, I believe the greatest enemy of repub- lican principles cannot point his finger to a single act of national injustice committed by us. It may be said, to the glory of the American name, tliat not a single act in our whole career can be found, by our most unscrupulous enemy, calculated to stamp injustice upon our national character, Wc have never done injustice; we have always sought, in our national conduct, in all our difificulties and embarrassments, to carry out the golden maxim, " Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." Our reputation, in this regard, ispure and unspotted, sir; and I desire to keep it so. I wish to do nothing bordering even upon the con- fines of injustice; and therefore, sir, if the Hudson Bay Company have important interests there — and that they have, I am fVee to admit — and the British Government is responsible to them for any injury which may result, in consequence of any disposition of the country policy may require Great Britain to make; and if, in order to carry on their trade a few years longer, and settle their afiairs, they should desire the use of the river for a short reriod, I would concede it to them most cordially, would afford them every fkcility for closing up their affairs, and leaving the country to our exclu- sive jurisdiction; but to no division of the territory could I ever consent. We all recollect, sir, that memorable display of the wisdom of Solomon — the case of the living child claimed by two mothers — and the exhibition of true parental afifection on that occasion. She who consented to the division of the child was adjudged not to be the true parent, 16 and the real mother was restored to her own. So it is, sir, with the true friends of Oregon: they cannot consent to a division of tlie child of then- love. If Enj^land is the true parent, £;ivc it nil to her, sir. We cannot consent to a division of the territory, cither by the Columbia river, or the forty-ninth parallel. And here, Mr. President, T must be permitted to say, " more in sorrow than in anger," I regret, as a rtiend of the Executive, that he felt himself bound to offer to Great Britain the proposition to divide the territory on the forty- ninth parallel. 1 think', sir, the error, on his part, con.sisted in this: that he did not consider it a ncic question, so far as he and his Administration were concerned. In my judgment, sir, so far as he was concerned, it was an entirely new question. And why, sir? Because, at the convention which as- sembled hi May, ]844, to nominate candidates for President and Vice President, to be supported by the party to which he belongs, a delegate of the State of New York offered the following, among other resolutions, which was unanimously adopt- ed, as a principle of action and of union. Here it is, sir: " Resolved, That our title to the whole of the ter- j • ritory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable; that • no portion of the same ought to be ceded to Eng- ' land or any other Power; and that the re-oecupa- ' tion of Oregon and the re-annexation of Texas, ' at the earliest practicable period, arc great Amcr- ' ican measures, which this convention recommends ' to the cordial support of the Democracy of the •Union." Now, sir, on these great "American measures," then for the first time adopted as such, we went before the country. The present Executive was the candidate of the party that avowed this right and title to the whole of the territory of Oregon. Oregon was the watchword throughout the whole length and breadth of the land, it was not con- fined to the west or southwest; but in the north- ern, middle, and throughout all the States, it was the rallying cry. Oregon and Texas were one and undivided. The Executive was elected by the aid of this measure; and to what did he pledge himself on the eastern portico, before his assembled fellow- citizens, in his Inaugural Address to them and to the country ? Mark his language, sir: " Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to ' assert and maintain, by all constitutional means, • the right of the Unitcdi States to that portion of • our territory which lies beyond the Rocky moun- ' tains. Our title to the country of the Oregon is ''clear rind unquestionable;' and already are our • people preparing to perfect that title, by occupy- ' ing it with their wives and children." Such, sir, was his explicit and frank declara- tion, in accordance with the public Judgment of the country; such was his pledge, fie had been elected as friendly to a series of measures, of which the entirety of Oregon was one; and thus it became, in my opinion, as to him and his Ad- ministration, an entirely new question. It nevr had before, Mr. President, been an element in any political controversy, and his Inaugural Ad- dress prefigured to his constituents what his course would be, when called to act upon the question. In his Message delivered to Congress at the present session, he docs not depart from the ground he then assumed as to the riglit, Init " in • deference alone to what had been done by his pre- ' decessors, and the implied ol)ligaiioii which ilieir ' acts seemed to impose," and not considering it a new question, he made the proposition. Again, I say, sir, I regret the President tnok that view of the subject, and offered a proposition so well cal- culated to embarrass his friends in dillerent parta of the country, and who had united in conclemnin^ those predecessors for making a similar ofi'cr. But the proposition was made and rejected by Grent Britain, withdrawn by our Government, and is no longer binding. The President tells us, with his conviction that no conqironiise which the United States ought to accept can be effected, "the pro- ' position of compromise, which had been made ' and rejected, was, by my direction, subserjcntly • withdrawn, and our title to the whole Oregon ' territory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained ' by irrefragable facts and argumtnts." He tlw n recommends giving the notice to terminate the convention, and says: "At the end of the year's ' notice, should Congress think it proper to make ' provision for giving that notice, we shall have ' reached a period when the national rights in ' Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly main- ' tained. That they caimot be abandoned wilii- ' out a sacrifice of both national honor and inter- ' est, is too clear to admit of doubt." Again he ' says: "Oregon is a part of the North American ' continent, to which it is conlideiitly aiHrined. tlu ' tille of the United Slides is the best in existence.'^ To understand, sir, what is meant by our na- tional rights in Oregon, which cannot be abandon- ed without a sai'rifice of both national honor and interest, we have only to recur to the passage first above quoted. AVe there find that it is to tlit whole Oregon territory, our title to which is main- tained " by irrefragable facts and arguments." Under these full and patriotic declarations, the country can repose, sir, with perfect confidence: entertaining no apprehensions that their Presideni will swerve from them in the slightest particular, now that the honorary obligation is fully dis- charged. The recoinmendafions of the President, sir should be carried into eireci. 1 hope they will bi by the unanimous vote of the Senate. I shouli rejoice to see entire iniion u])on them. In cases (i; this kind there should bono party divisions; party should have no existence; it is not now a party question. By reference to the vote in the otliei House, it will be seen that partj* lines were no: ol.iserved, and I hope it may be so here. Even, sir, if the very objectionable resolutions offered liy the Senator from Georgia [Mr. Col- quitt] should receive the assent of the Senate, I should still feel assured, having so much conildenci in the wisdom and firmness of the Executive, t\uy whatever conqiromise he might be compelled, uii derthe terms of it, to offer or accept, it would no be such an one as would involve a cession of an) part of the territory, because, sir, he is fully com milted to the nation to maintain its right to tin whole territory, and to preserve unsullied the n:\ tional honor, and he foela the responsibity of tha position, , sir: u Icpnrt from thr. c rii^lit, Init '• in (lone l)y Ills i)re- li(ii) which ilicir cniisidcrinu it ;i itioii. Af^uin, I ok that \'\v\v nf tion HO well cal- 11 (lillcrcnt piirla " 11 c.oiKlemnin!;; niiliir oft'cr. Hut jectcd liy Great unent, and is no ells us, with his hicii the United icted, " the pro- liad Ijeeii made ion, subscfjently e wJioic Oregon eved, maintuiiied nts." lie then 'o terminate the nd of the year's t proper to ninKe e, we sliall have itional riy;hts in d or firmly main- abandoned witli- honor and intcr- iibt." Again he North American .'iitly ailiriiiid- Iht I in e.iinttnce. " ncaiit by our na- nnot be abandon- uioiial honor and 1) the passage firs; that it is to tht to which is main- and arguments.'' declarations, the orfect confidence: lat their Presidcri! ightest particular, ion is fully did- ic President, sir hope they will hi Senate. I sliouli hem. Ill canes (i; y divisions; parly i not now a party k'ote in the otliui tj* lines were no: io here. enable resolution? Eorgia [Air. Coi.- t of the Senate, 1 o imicli confidenci le Executive, tlu.' be compelled, un cept, it would no e a cession of an) r, he is fully com in its right to tlis ! unsullied the nii sponsibity of tha Mr. President, let us incjuire what will he the state of tliin|2;s after the notice is given, and the twelve months have expired. What will follow, sir ? If British subjects remain in the territory, they will, necessarily, become subject to ourlaw.s, as they are now in every other part of the United States in which they may happen to be. That, sir, will lie their condition — that will be the effect of the termination of the convention; for we would be at once remitted to our right of possession, which must necessarily be exclusive, placing; us in the actual sovereignty of the country. That we can maintain that position is very certain. There need be no apprehension, sir, if notice be piven, and the measures recommended by the President carried out, and emigration encouraged, that any act of \ ' jlence on the part of Great Brit- ain will take place; because, in addition to other considerations, we haveher unqualified admission, that we have the right of possession, and any act of encroachment on her part would be entirely un- authorized and unjustifialjlc, and which she would not hazard, as it would be an act of war. She cannot now gainsay that admission. She cannot ain-idge it, and while it remains, she would have no right to interfere with our exclusive possession. The question then will be, sir, shall we maintain this right, fortified by the admission of Great Britain herself, and reposing upon a title so clear and unquestionable as ours is shown to be, by force of principles which she has herself establish- ed, or shall we abandon it? I cannot think of it for a moment, sir, as it would be a wilful and wicked abandonment "of our own self-respect and our national honor." All we have to do, sir, in this and every other emergency, is, to pureue the path of duty and honor, lead where it may. After all we have said and done, sir, it would, in my judgment, be highly derogatory to our national character to recede a shigle inch from the position we have assumed, fortified as it is by tlie clear right of the case, sanctioned by the common judg- ment of the whole country, and taken with delib- eration. But it is said, sir, Great Britain will not recede — she will not yield her pretensions, and war may come; and this seems to be the opinion of the Senator of Michigan, [Mr. Cass.] I cannot undertake to say, Mr. President, what England will do when the crisis comes; but this I think I ran say, that her history shows that in i>.lmost every case threatening a controversy with us, in which she has been firmly met and resolutely opposed, she has never persisted. To in.stancc no other rxampl«s: at the time we acquired Louisiana; did she not object, and protest, and threaten ? She was then at war with France, and might, by belli- gerent capture, have added that rich province to her Crown; but we pursued the even tenor of our way, kept our object steadily in view, and in spite of enemies at home and aliroad, consummated the act: and what was the result? So in regard to our proceedings towards Spain, before the Florida treaty. She charged us with a desire for territorial atrgrandizcinent; she protested against our riirhl to take ixisscssion of that jiart of it we claimed; yet we pursued the course policy and justice to our- selve.'s dictated — placed at the disposal of the Ex- ecutive means adequate to the exigency of the case, and we heard no more of British interference or opposition. So in regard to the surrender of this very territory, under the first article of tho treaty of Ghent. For three years she raised dilH- culties, coined objections, and postponed the exe- cution of a positive treaty stipulation; but we wer« firm and importunate, and were reinstated in our possession. And it is only necessary for us, sir, in this case, to be firm, calm, and prudent, demand- ing nothing but what is exactly right, and mani- festing a dispMsition to do full justice, and there is no danger of a controveray. But, sir, if we adopt a timid policy; if wc betray a weak and vacillating purpose; if wc hesitate, — wo run the hazard of bringing upon us the very calam- ity we seek to avoid. Great Britain understands this well. She knows our history. She knows we are as firm and unyielding as any nation can be with the right on our side, and that we have never persisted in the assertion or maintenance of wrong. All we have to do, then, in this crisis, is, to main- tain this firm and decided position; and my life on it, slie will not involve her country and this in the calamities of war for Oregon. Sir, Great Britain is not prepared for a war with us. She never was in a more precarious condition than she is at this moment; not from internal decay, perhaps, sir, but from the circumstances of her position, and without a friend in any one of the nations of the earth. She is, too, at this moment embarking in a bold, and to her dangerous, experiment — no less, sir, than a radical change in a policy to which she has ad- hered, with such pertinacity, since the revolution of 1688. Her success, sir, in this experiment, she must know and feel, depends in a very great degree upon the maintenance of amicable relations with this country. We have been, and now are, her best customer, and it is not to be presumed she would attempt such a change, with her best cus- tomer in arms against her. That would be fatal, suicidal. The controversy will never be prosecuted to a war by Great Britain, under the circumstances in which she is placed, unless we manifest timidity and indecision; and if it should, sir, I cannot think she could do us any very great injury. 1 have re- flected a good deal upon this subject, and I cannct for my life, sir, see how she can inflict upon us any permanent injury, while she is exposed to that hazard from us by the very nature of her sys- tem. Wo might lose some merchant ships, and a vessel of war or so; but her own commerce would be more crippled than ours. We could carry on a war often years with less injury to us than to her. Our condition is vastly different now from what it was when the war of 1812 was declared. Then our population v/as small, our internal commerce nothing. Now we have facilities of approach from the seaboard into every part of the country, near 20,000,000 of people, and an internal commerce fifteen times as great as our foreign, which wc could fall back upon, and verify the fact, that we can live and flourish without any foreign com- merce. These make our position more favorable for a war than that of Great Britain; besides, so far as the great staple of her manufactures, cotton, is concerned, slie is almost wholly dependent on 18 I us. She rannot procure from India nnd Egypt enough (o keep her spindles em|y the strong arm of power. It is the policy of throiics and dynasties to ]irevent a war with us. If a war does come it will be a war of systems — not for Oregon; and in such a war, so sure as the red man fades away before the advance of civilization, so sure will those thrones and dynasties fall before the advance of republican principles. No, sir; Europe will not suffer Eng- land to war for Oregon with us. The great free- trade interest alone, now promising to be in the ascendant in England, will nave power suflicient to prevent a war, >id will prevent it at every sacri- fice. I have not been able to see, sir, how a nation so politic as England is, can liazard a war, in her present condition, provided the matter is managed by us, ars it should be, (we doing nothina: calculated to irritate, and manifesting a just and liberal spirit towards her,) with becoming firmness. If war does grow out of this question, Mr. President, it must be commenced by England — we will not take the initiative in that. But, it is said, sir, we must so manage the matter by negotiation , compromise, and acquiescence, in the demands of Great Britain, as not to force her to this alternative; for it is said, sir, if war does ensue, we will lose our foreign trade, be visited by all its accumulated horrors and cal- amities, and that we would be broken down in our finances, as the Senator of South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun] said a few days since. If these are proper considerations, sir,' and to be used as arguments on such a topic, the duty of maintain- ing national rights would be at an end. Such ar- guments persuade us to surrender them up quietly to any ai'rogant demand or baseless pretension, if made by a formidable Power, lest, by resisting, we should be subjected to loss and injury. Such reasoning, sir, puts a stop, at once, to the assertion and maintenance of any right, no matter how im- jiortant. Much as I detest war, sir, and would earnestly .seek to avoid its consequences could it be done honorably; much as I should deprecate an increase of the paper system which nught ensue,— 1 would greatly prefer them all, to a surrender, underexisting circumstances, of any portion of the Oregon territory. There is nothing that can grow- out of a war that my State would not be willing to endure, in preference to the surrender of any part of it— nothing, whatever, sir. For, so far as we are concerned, the point of honor is involved. We have been told, sir, time and again, if we do assert our title, and take measures to maintain it, war will follow; and again and again are we re- minded of the magnitude of England's power, and of our own unprepared and defenceless condition. Sir, I have said I did not believe a war could do us much injury — certainly not so much as it would England. She has no mternal commerce to fall backupon to sustain her — no internal resources — all is scattered over the face of the earth. With us, it is wholly diflferent. We pos-sess all the varieties of soil and climate, well adapted to the most profuse production of all necessary articles of consumption ; a population possessing every kind and degree of skill, enterprise, and pursuit; with an internal commerce spreading over more than three thousand miles of territory — amounting annually to many hundred millions of dollars, with the most perfect facilities by railroads and canals to accommodate it, which would not only sustain, but enrich the whole country, and verify the fact, as 1 have before said, that we could live and pros- per, independent of all foreign nations. We would discover that our prosperity does not depend on the accidents of foreign commerce, or on the unruly politics of Europe. This commerce between the States, sir, is, without its restrictions, like that be- tween so many foreign and distinct nations. Com- pare our situation in this regard, with those Euro- pean States having but little foreign commerce, and none internal, estimated by ours; they seem to pros- jier, sir, under burde^is and exactions far heavier and greater, even in a time of peace, than ours could be in war. Situated as we are now, sir, if we have not the ability to sustain a war, it seems to me that no nation on the face of the earth ever had or ever will have that ability. As to "breaking down our finances,'* sir, and the evils of the paper-system, which it is thought will necessarily follow a war, this will be but tem- ' jiorary, and can be greatly modified by wise legis- I iation. There is nothing, sir, in this view of the ! subject calculated to inspire alarm, or make us hes- itate in defending all our riffhta. We have now, I sir, in the country about )ff 100 ,000 ,000 of specie, which, in the event of war, would remain in the country, as there would be no use for it to pay bal- ances abroad, there being no foreign trade. This would be a basis for safe issues, according to the modern science of banking, of three hundred mil- lions of dollars. Treasury notes beai-ing no interest, and receivable by the Government for all dues, would be at par for all Government payments, and being in demand to pay taxes, would not fluctui'te t Id injury. Such to tlie assertion natter how im- sir, nnd would leiiccs could it '1 deprecate an iu;^ht ensue,— ) u surrender, portion of the that can crow not be willinf^ rrender of any For, so far as or is involved, laain, if we do to maintain it, ;ain are we re- d 's power, and les.s condition, war could do joh as it would inmcrce to fall lal resources — ! earth. With possess all the adapted to the icssary articles ssessing every c, and pursuit; u\g over more ry — amountinj^ of dollars, with )ads and canals )t only sustain, verify the fact, I live and pros- ns. We would not depend on )r on the unruly •ce between the IS, like that be- nations. Com- ith those Euro- commerce, and iy seem to pros- ons far heavier 3ace, than ours ire now, sir, if a war, it seems the earth ever nces," .sir, and h it is thoufifht I'ill be but tem- by wise leo;is- lis view of the »r make us hes- iVe have now, ,000 of specie, remain in the jrit topay bal- 1 trade. This cording to the e liundred mil- ing no interest, t for all dues, })ayments, and d not lluctui'te vrrv mii-'li iii v.-ihic in ilic markoi. Such a fyrlcni nii^lit lie made to work quite safely, sir, durin:,' n war, but should terminate with it, or beCure our nvived commerce created a balance of tnule ag.iinHt us. As to the taxes, sir, do the pcoj^le not pay now, indirectly, through the operation of; our tanll'laws, more than they would have to pay directly by taxation ? If they have no taxes to ; pay in the shape of duties, as they would not m case of war, they would be better enabled to ' pay those which should bo levied by taxation to support a war waged in defence of national . rh^hUi and national honor. A war with all the ca- ' lamitics attendant ujion it, such as they may be, would not be barren of benefit. It\vould unite oiu" , people more closely than they nrc now united, would increase their energies, aud, by calling into , exercise the .sterner virtues, lead, in the end, to a | vast increase of our jiower. We arc becoming, sir, too circminatc, luxurious, and extravagant; I all ihesc tendcncie.^ would be checked by a war: I " .'^wcpt iiro tlie uses of nd vnrsity ! 1 Wliicli, like the toiul, UL'ly anil venomoiis. Wears yet a procioua jewel in its head." And as for a speedy recovery from the ill efTcts of a war, sir, no nation on the globe possesses half the recujierative energy that ours possesses. This our history proves. ^ Who believes, sir, that the . late war was of any injury to us .- Though many fell — though much blood' was spilt — our foreign ^ commerce broken up, and all industrial pursuits crijipleJ and damaged, and not one object attained for which the war was declared and waged at so nuv^h expense of blood and treasure, \vho can . doubt that it was of immense service to us, weigh- ing all these against that one item which it irained f(>r us — the resjiect of all other Powers, and the high exaltation of our national character? And we recovered from its eflects in a few years, and with renewed life and vigor have since pursued our glorious and successful career. The Senator from Delaware, sir, [Mr. J. M. Ci.at- Tov,] todk occasion, in his remarks upon these res- olution.s, to contrast our naval force witli that of Groat Britaiii, and read to the Senate a prepared statement of her military and commercial marine. But the Senator did not' seem to recollect that the numlior of vessels of war possessed by a nation is no criterion by which to estimate its power. Eng- land has many ships of war, sir — she has tlie wooden walls, but has she the sinew and nuiscle ' with which to man them? Can she get the men ? , I recollect readini; last .summer, sir, in a British , in;i::;iy.ine, an article upon the defences of Great Britain, and, among other things, the condition of her navy, both as to the materiel and the personnel, in which it was stated that Captain Lushington, ono of the most popidar officers in her navv," had great (iitliculty, and had been utiable up to that time, t.) ship a crew for the steamer "Retribmion." Now, sir, with this fad in view, I Avould ask that Senator, hovv- it is in the power of Great Britain to man one half of the vessels on that formidai>le list he presented to the Senate, even bv resortina— as she certauily would nsort— to the oiess-ojuii;? She rumnt man them, sir. The Sena'tor showed, sir. by his statement, that in proportion to our cran- merce, as compared witli tliat of En-land and some of the minor Powers of Europe, we h:ul fewer <;inis for its protection than any of them; but the Senator did not seem to consider the capacity of this nation to arm itself on an emergency, i\nd he left the inicrcncc very fair that he believed ours was the weakest naval power on the globe. I think, sir, a little consideration of, and examina- tion into, elements of naval |)ower will serve to sat- isfy every Senator that we have the eajiacily to put adoat, in a very short time, a more |iowi>rful navy than Great Britain ever possessed. It cannot be denied, sir, that we are capable of ci)nstrui;ting ves- sels with more raiddity, and with better equipment and sailing qualities, than any other nation; and if war comes, instead of findine: us unp.repared in ihis arm of annoyance and defence, we sliould be found, in a few months, the best prejiared natiun in the world. Itistrue,sir,ofnational vessels, we have but seventy six, all told, but we have a commercial marine unsurpassed by.any. All our |>ackei shijw, sailing from the ports of New York and Philedel- jdiia, are larger, better fitted, stauncher, better sail- ers, and capable of carrying more guns and sustain- ing their recoil, and resistinc; an enemy's broadside, than our second-class frigates were in the last war, or could soon be made so bv additional bulwarks, the work of a few weeks. These, with our whale ships armed and fitted, to say nothing of our steam- boats with armaments on board, will enable us to put adoat a more etVicient navy than Great Britain ever possessed; and for shipping crews, patriotism would sup|ily the ))lace of the press-gang. If you will look, sir, at the list of the Bri'Ish navy, you will find tinit many ships named in it are not seaworthy, and cannot be made so: many of them are old .ships, ships engaged in the I'attles of Trafalgar and the Nde ; they are now old hulks, unfit for service. Mr. .f. M. Ci.AYTov desired to correct the honorable Senator in one or two particulars. He did not say that wc were the weakest nation, nor had he endeavored to place the strciiicth of Great l-?ritain in a slrikinc light before the Senate. He had merely stated the relative n.aval power of this country and England, in reply tcj^ the remarks of the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. Ali.ek.] He had said nothing to disparage our own naval force, but he Inul thought it proper to correct some state- ments of the gentleman from Ohio in regard to the naval power of Enijland. And he had done so from facts then in his possession. Since he had made that statement, lie had seen a still later au- thority, disclosing more particular information as to the naval jiower of Great Britain than he had been in possession of at the time he had the honor to address the Senate. He stated at that time that Eniiland had 071 shijis, carrying an armament of lf),27i2 guns. By the latest ol'icial documents re- ceived by the last steamer, I pefcive, so nnich has she increased her naval power within the last quar- ter, that she has now 17,772 guns in her navy. This is a ereat increase, and this he.s been effected in the last quarter of the last year. The number of her wai-stcaniers, according to the account wc were in possession of when he last addressed the Senate, was 9S. Ho perceived by the documents liitely received that there were now 1:2]. He had also staled tliat her military marine amounted to 20 ? 40,000, nnd ho did say, too, in referoncfi to the coinnici-ciiil niMrinc, to wliich tlic Senator from Il- linois hiid now [illudtd, that ours wii.s al)f)Ut ctinal, or pcrhiips ii little iiifuiior to tliutof Eiii,'land. Hut the recent infonriation showed tliat that estimate was somewhat erroneous, or at lt;a.st I hat their comnier'-iai marine had increased since the former sUitenii'nt. The tonnaejo, foreign and coastwise, of the Uni- ted Kinu'dom of Great Britain, at the dose of the year 18,'J8, uas 2,4'-2(),7")9 tons. The same state- ment is made by McCulloch, title " I'ritisli Em- pire," and by Baron Charles Dupin, in iiis " Pa- rallclc (ks Tiois PrhirApales Alarlues de rLaiivrs." A rare work, very recently publislicd, and re- ceived within a few days past at liie Treasury, (McGrefTor's Commercial Tariirs,&c.,) referred to nnd relied upon in the Secretary's report tliis day, brines down the information on tlic subject as late ns the 31st December, 1844, at which time it aji- pears that the whole tonnage, foreign and coast- wise, of the United Kingdom, was 2,994,1(16 tons; which, added to that of Guernsey, Jersey, and Man, (50,236 tons,) makes the whole tonnage of all, by the latest returns received within the last week at the Treasury, 3,044,392 tons. The Secretary's report states the tonnage of tlie United States, on the 30th June, 1845, at 2,416,999 tons. This was the amount stated by Mr. C. in his speech of the 12th ultimo, on the Oregon ques- tion. He then estimated the tonnage of the Uni- ited Kingdom, &c., at 2,420,759 tons, wliich was according to the latest returns to be relied on at the time. By the latest "List of the Britisli Navy," it appears that there has been a very extraordinary increase of tlie naval power of England within the last quarter of the year 1845. He (Mr. C.) stated, in the del)ate on the 12th ultimo, from the best information to be then had, the whdic number of guns in tlic British navy at 16,242. That state- ment was founded on the then latest returns of the Britisli navy. The official list received by the last steamer how shows the number of guns to be 17,772, exclusive of the armament of the hailing packets. It is certain that the British navy has greatly increased of late. Mr. C. stated, on the same occasion, the number of English war steam- ers, by the only oflicial list then to be consulted on this side of the water, at 98. The late intelli- gence shows that this number has been increased within the last quarter to 121. Mr. C. observed, in his speech of the 12th ultimo, in reply to Mr. Allen, that he had carefully avoided oven-atinn; the British power. His estimates were correctly predicated on the very best information to be had at the time ho spoke, and he had rather undei rated the British and slightly overrated our own naval power. He stated the number of guns in our navy at 2,352; the number is, I now learn, precisely 2,.329. The important result of this interesting in- quiry into the relative naval and commercial |)ower of the two countries ij almost precisely the srane as stated by Mr. C. Great Britain a'npears, by the Secretary's report, to have about 600 guns for every 100,01)0 tons of conmierce; we have duly 96; while France has 1,046: Holland 683; Sweden and Norway 394; Turkey 1,223; Denmark 703; Portu- gal 70'^; Austria 321; arid Russia far more than any other nation, in proportion In tlie anmunt of her commerce to be [irotci.ied. We are behind a!i other civilized nations in iliis respect. Wu have less protection for the same amount of comiiierei.il wealth than any other people, and we must double our navy l)ofore we cm .sI.i.k' on a resjiectabl*! peace establishment, if we are to measuie our own l)y the standard which regulales the other navies of the world. Mr. BuKKSK. The Senator's statement confirms what I said, sir; for it does represent his own coun- try as the weakest naval Power on earth; it shows that even the minor Powers of Euro})e have more guns in proporti(m to their commerce than we have. And it eonfirnia another statement I made, sir: that Great Britain cannot man her guns. She has, sir. it seems by the Senator's showing, 17,722 guns in her navy; and as ten men are required to each gun, she should have 177,220 men; whereas the fact is she has but 40,000. But, sir, this inequality is not the point. The question is as to the capacity of this nation to arm for a contest; and, in this particular, that of Great Bri ..in, vast as it may be, is still inferior to ours. She does not possess the elements of preparation and combination we do, and in these respects we are the strongest naval power on the globe. Look at one fact, sir, in proof of what individual enter- prise can do, in building steam-vessels. In 1834, when the whole steamboat tonnage of the British empire did not exceed 82,000 tons, that in the Mis- sissippi valley alone amounted, two years ago, to 125,000 tons, or one-third more than that of the whole British empire. Compare the capacity of Groat Britain with' that of the United States to pre- pare a military marine. Sir, there is no comjiari- son. We liave forests, which she docs not [los- sess — we have all the materiel, the personnel, and the skill. Our skill in naval construction is un- equalled. She has never possessed such ships as our line packets; she has never yet approached us in the construction of steam-vessels, in beauty, swiftness, and capability. We have constructed them to run twenty-seven miles in the hour — a speed never yet attiiined by any British steamers, and never will be, unless our models are adopted. In every particular — I have not the ability now to go into the details — in every particular, we have immense advantages over her, m the possession of the elements of defence and assault, which can soon be worked up into eiyective means. Our capacity, sir, to put the country in a state of naval defence is decidedly greater than hers. But, sir, as signs of approaching war, the 2;reat military and naval preparations in which Great Britain is engaged, and of which we have heard so much, are referred to: and to what do they all amount? I have said, sir, I did not believe Great Britain would go to war for Oregon, and I consider these preparations r o indication of such a purjioso. She makes iicriodiv;ally a survey of her marine, examines and repairs her dock-yards, cuts down large vessels into razees; and it is a part of her sys- tem. She has been, and is now, busily enga2:cd in fortifying the more exposed points of her coast, but the reason of that v.'as well known. All this activity, to v.'hich the attention of Senators and the 4 f.ir niorf! tlian lllll nillnlillt of u are Iicliiiiil a!i ict. Wl- liiive oCcoimiirrfial VC MlUSl llollhlc 1 II I'csjicM'.laliU •ii.siii'o inir own e oilier iiiivica cmniit ('.oufirnis 1 liis own coun- eurtli; it sliows id|)c liave more tlian \vc have. made, sir: tluil Slic lia.s, sir, 17,723 iruiis ill •('(] to tacli gun, iieaa the fact is ic point. Tlie s nation to arm r, tliat ot' Great nferior to ours. , of preparation :sc respects we 2 ii^loljc. Look iidividual enter- isels. In 1834, e of tlie Britisii that ill tlic Mis- o years n^o, to "lan that of tlie the capacity of d Slates to pre- is no coin|iari- c docs not pos- e personnel, and struction is un- d such shi)»s as t approached us els, in beauty, ive constructed in the hour — a ritish steamers, dIs are adopted. ; ability now to icular, we liave le possession of which can soon Our capacity, r naval defence :; war, the 2;reat n which Great we have lieard •hat do liiey all t believe Great , and I consider such a p;;r]iose. of her marine, rds, cuts down liart of her syy Napoleon upon the Eng- lish coast was seriously contemplated from Bou- logne, and would have 'been carried into eflbct but for accidental causes. This pamphlet pointed out the weakness of the defences of llic British coast ,0]iposite Fiance, and insisted, in case of n war, 'army from France mii;lu easily make a sudden ■eeni upon F.ngland, and this through the agency of steam. Steam, sir, has placed those great Pow- ers o/i more equal ground. Brest, ca, .iljle of con- taining fifty war steamers of the first class, is only one hundred miles — a Cnw liours run — from the coast of Cornwall. Dieppe, Boulogne, Ca- lais, and Dunkirk, thouirh smaller ports, "are from ■ixty to twenty-four miles only from the shores of SusscKj Kent, and Essex. With that immense control of men which France possesses, and with y-ar steamers, wliat is to ])rcvcnt her from repay- ing llie visit England made to lier capital thirty years ago, or of ravaging her coasts, unless ade- quate fortifications, either fixed or fioating, and n ■utR'-ient military force, be raised to prevent a land- ing? The Duke of Wellington himself, in his evi- dence before the Committee on Shipwrecks, raised by the House of Commons, says: " In the event • of a war, I sliould consider that the want of pro- • tection and of rcfuiro, which now exist, would • leave the coasts of England opposite to those of 'France in a very precarious situation." These forts now erecting might protect the points wlicre they shall be built; but tliey do not insure the safe- ty of England, because the power, certainty, and celerity of steam, enabh.s France to choose her own ]ioint of deljarkation and attack. Wind and tide are not to be wailed on. Steam has revo- lutioiii/.ed the .science of naval warfare, rendering comparatively inetfective the immense sail-navy of EngliUjd for defence; at the same time incrcasin!0,000 men in Algiers, a standing army, well disciplined and equipped, of 3.')0,()00, with magazines and arsenals filled to repletion, and all munitions of war on hand, besides near- ly a million of militia, and a well-drilled nation- al guard in all her ])rovinciaI cities and towns, it is very easy to believe, in the present slate of improvement ill the means of warfare and approach, Great Britain would be alarmed: hence her [last and present activity. Her insular position, sir, in no longer her sure protection. Her popular na- tional air — '• IJiit.iniiiii ncid-* iin buhvarks. No tdwcrs llloilU the stcci); llcr iimicli is o'it tlic riioMiituin «avo, Fk'r lioiiio is on tlic deep," is now no longer true, sir. She doe.s need those " bulwarks," and at a vast expense sin? is build- ing " towers along the steep;" and they all had reference — not lo us, sir, but to her dangerous neighbor and hereditary foe. She has to oppose to this tremendous power of France, a standing army of 130,000 men, 80,000 of whom are scatter- ed abroad over the wo.ld, 22,000 are in Ireland to kec)) down the commotions of a people waiting their "opportunity, "when England's " necessity" shall have arrived; and the remainder, most of them raw recruits, arc scattered over England and .Scotland. Well might she be alarmed, sir, at the prospect before lier. The Senator t'roin Delaware, sir, [Mr. J. M. Clattok,] when exhibiting to the Senate the im- mense naval power of Great Britain, forgot to say, or at least lie did not say, that much of it had to be spread, for the protection of her colonies, over tlie globe; and without leaving these colonies and posts expo.scd to the attack of a hostile force — and they are the most inviting points of attack — she could not concentrate a fleet upon our coast that need give us the slightest ahu-m. With the aid of our vast and nnexi-cllcd commercial marine, such national ships and .-Jleamers as we could soon sup- ply, instead of being blockaded, as we have been" told, we could blockade our enemy: 1 have no sort of doubt about it. So far as naval superiority is concerned, and to be tested, let the energies of this nation and this jieople be roused, and all doubts on that suljject would soon be put to flight. It is not our policy to keep uj>, in time of peace, and no war-cloud impending, a cumbrous and expen- sive naval force — it will not, I trust, ever be our policy. I am, sir, among the warmest and best friends to the navy; and because I am so, I shall oppose its increase, in time of peace, to any great extent, lest that should break it down. It is suffi- cient for us, sir, that we have the capacity, when- ever an emergency shall arise, to make it more formidable than that of any other power on the face of the globe, let that arrive to-day, or at any time. I am confident, sir, should the emer- gency occur to-morrow, the energy, the alacrity, the means and capacity of the country lo meet it, would be so aisphiyed as to astonish our- selves. Should a war come, sir, in the prosecu- tion of our right, I believe all parties would cor- ditdly unite in currying it on with vigor. There 2i I would not 1)C, as in llic Inst wnr, " apcnrf pmly,'' aidiiif; llie enemy, prcvciuinijcnpitiiliHts fmin loiin- iiii; money to tlie Govonnnunt to curry it on, imJ refuitiinj^ ovrr our dcfentH. Tlirrc would be no donicHtic, traitors. We al.onlil nil l)c Amcririins in (iced; and heart nnd hand, in cordial union, rally an one man around our country's standard. A war, sir, will not proceed from us. It must come from Ihr other quarter; and if it doc« rome, it will be a war of af^grcHsion, unsiistaincd hy the sense of justice, or the sympathies of other nations. We never will, we cannot oerome an a'Ji^'ressive Power; imt when >m ns.snult is made unon us, sir, the whole land will rise as the mighty man armed, and with a viL'orous and united etlbrt, overwhelm the aggressor. .Sir, I luive done. I T 1 I !sromp, It will I l)y the H