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This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est f ilm6 au taux de reduction indiqu6 ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X 7 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X The copy filmed here hae been reproduced thnnks to the generosity of: Nationai Library of Canada L'exemplaire filmi fut reproduit grflce d la gnondaKa3 and the Oneidas, Death of De Frontenac— His character, . PAOB 73 75 77 79 8 1 CHAPTER V. Chevalier de Callieres appointed Governor, 1699, .... 82 I'eace established with the Iroquois, ..... K2 Settlement of Detroit— Death of De Callieres, . . . . 8* The Manpiis de Vaudreuil becomes Governor, 1 7o,v ... 85 Massacre of Haverhill, . . • . ■ . . 87 (jueen Anne determines on the contiuest of Canada, ... 87 Capture of I ort Royal in Nova Scotia, ..... 88 Admiral Walker and General Hill leave Kngland to capture Quebec, . 89 A part of the English fleet lost in the St Lawrence : the remainder returns to England, ........ 90 Treaty of Utrecht — Newfoundland and Nova Scotia ceded to Great Britain, ........ 92 Charlevoix comes to Canada — His account of the country, .' . 93 Death of Governor De Vaudreuil-De Beauharnois appointed Governor, 1726, ......... 94 Social condition of Canada, ...... 96 Capture of Louisburg by the militia of Massachusetts, led by William Pepperell, ........ 99 CHAPTER VL Count de la Galissoniere becomes Governor — His public measures, 1774, De la Jonquiere assumes the Government of Canada, The French encroachments in Nova Scotia, Abuses in the Government, ..... The Marquis du Quesne appointed Governor — He prepares for war with Great Britain, 1752, ...... Virginia claims the valley of the Ohio : is resisted by the French, Washington proceeds to the Ohio valley to prevent French occupation o He constructs Fort Necessity, where he is besieged by Contrecour and compelled to surrender, ..... Measures of the British Government, .... Marquis de Vaudreuil appointed Governor, 1755, Degraded condition of the Inhabitants, .... Braddock marches to attack Fort du Quesne : is attacked by the French and defeated, ....... The British drive the French from the Acadian Isthmus, Dieskau attacks Sir William Johnson at Lake George, and is defeated, French and Indians harass the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania, >03 105 105 108 109 no 1 1.-! 114 116 117 117 119 121 124 Contents. CHAPTER VII. France and England declare war against each other— Condition of Canada, ...... Arrival in Canada of Montcalm — He prepares for war, Dc Villier attacks Bradstreet near Oswego, and is defeatcil, Montcalm besieges and takes Oswego, Lord Loudon prepares to besiege Louisburg, Montcalm invests Fort William Henry, Colonel Munroe surrenders, Massacre of the British garrison by the Indians, Pitt appoints new general ofiicers, . Amherst proceeds to capture Louisburg — Wolfe his brigade, .... Capture of Louisburg, Abercromby moves against Ticonderoga, . Defeat of the British by Montcalm : their retreat, Bradstreet besieges and captures Fort Frontenac, . Forbes marches against Fort du Quesne : and captures it, Amherst appointed commander-in-chief in America by Pitt, effects a landing with •25 127 128 129 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 143 144 '45 CHAPTER Vm. Plan of the campaign for 1759, ..... Deplorable condition of Canada — Its population, . General Prideaux advances against Niagara. He is killed, and Sir William Johnson assumes the command, The French under De Aubrey attempt to raise the siege, and are defeated, Amherst moves down Lake Champlain, .... Pouchot surrenders Fort Niagara, ..... The French abandon Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and retreat to tli Isle-aux-Noix, ....... Amherst places his army in winter quarters, Wolfe arrives before Quebec :..... Establishes his head-quarters at the Montmorency, Endeavours to force Montcalm's lines below the town : is repulsed. The British ascend to the Plains of Abraham, Montcalm begins the battle, ..... The French are defeated, ...... Death of Wolfe, ....... Death of Montcalm, ...... Surrender of Quebec, 1759, . . . . Great rejoicing in the British colonies, .... 146 147 150 •5' 154 155 155 «56 158 160 161 168 1-0 171 172 '74 175 '75 CHAPTER IX. Condition of the French in Canada, . . . . • ' 77 De Levi moves from Montreal to besiege Quebec, . . . 1 78 The British, under Murray, are defeated, . . . . . i8o De Levi commences the siege ; the arrival of reinforcements to the Britisli compel his retreat, • . . . . . . .181 i -III Contents. XI Amherst captures the French fort at Ogdensburg, Capitulation of Montreal, and surrender of Canada to Great Britain, The British nation arc divided with regard to retaining Canada, . Death of George II. — George III. desires peace, . Vast territory ceded to Great Britain, .... 183 184 187 1S8 190 CHAPTER X. General Murray becomes Governor of Canada, 1763, . . . 192 Government of Canada settled by proclamation ; introduction of English laws: colonial abuses, ....... 193 Sir Guy Carleton appointed Governor, 1768 — Great fire in Montreal, . 195 The British inhaliitants desire a House of Assembly, . . . 197 Passage of the Quebec Bill, ...... 198 Commencement of the American War of Independence, . . . 20i The Inhabitants refuse to serve as militia — The Americans advance to- wards Montreal, ....... 202 Montgomery captures Fort St John, ..... 203 Marches on Montreal : General Carleton retreats to Quebec, . . 204 Montgomery besieges Quebec : his death, . . . . . 205 Succour arrives and the Americans retreat, .... 206 They are driven out of Canada, ...... 209 CHAPTER XI. General Ilaldimand becomes Governor : his administration is unpopular, 1778. Settlement of Upper Canada. (1784.) .... Mr Hamilton becomes Governor, 1785, .... Lord Dorchester again appointed Governor, 1 786, Canada at length gets a constitution and is divided into two provinces, Condition of the country, ...... General Prescott appointed Governor, 1796, Slavery abolished in Canada. (1803.) .... Sir James H. Craig assumes the government, 1808, The Canadian newspaper is suppressed and persons imprisoned, . Disagreement between the Executive and the Assembly, . Death of Governor Craig : his character : deceived by other.s, 211 213 214 215 216 220 222 223 226 229 230 230 CHAPTER XII. Upper Canada from 1791 to 181 1 — Governor Simcoe's administration begins, ......... 232 First House of Assembly meets : its acts, ..... 233 Simcoe's policy : selects Toronto for his capital, .... 236 Method taken to abolish slavery by the Assembly, . . . 237 Administration of Mr Hunter, 1800, ..... 239 Social and political condition of the province, .... 240 Construction of the Family Compact : poUtical parties in Upper Canada in 1805, ........ 243 I H Xll Contents. Administration of Mr Gore, l8o6— He attaches himself to the Family Compact — Second newspaper established, .... 245 Light taxation — Population, &c., ...... 247 General Erock assumes temporary charge of the government, . . 248 . if CIIArTER XIII. Causes leading to the second American invasion of Canada, . . 249 Sir George Prevost becomes Governor-in-cliief, . . . .257 War declared by the United States : hostilities commence, . . 25S Capture of Mackinaw, ....... 259 Hull is defeated and retires on Detroit, ..... 2C0 Surrenders to General Brock, ...... 261 The Americans carry Queenston Heights, ..... 264 Death of General Ikock, ....... 264 Defeat and surrender of Scott to Sheaffe, ..... 265 The Americans defeated : close of the campaign of 181 2, . . 26S CHAPTER XIV. War measures of the Canadian Legislatures, .... 270 Proctor defeats the Americans at Frenchtown, . . . .271 Ogdensburg captured by the British, . . . . .272 Toronto is captured for the first time by the Americans, . . .274 Fort George captured by the Americans — Proctor defeats the Americans in Ohio, ........ 276 Exjcdition against Sackett's Harbour, . . . . .278 The American camp at Stony Creek attacked, .... 2S0 Operations on the Niagara Frontier : Boerstler's force is captured : Black Rock captured, . . . . . . .281 Operations of the fleets on Lake Ontario, ..... 282 Plattsburg captured : events on Lake Champlain, .... 284 British fleet captured on Lake Erie by Perry, .... 286 Defeat of Proctor ; death of Tecumseh, ..... 2S7 Americans defeated at Chrysler's Farm, ..... 290 Americans defeated at Chateaugay by Canadians, .... 292 Americans burn the town of Niagara and retreat, .... 293 Indignation of the Canadian people, ..... 293 Americans defeated along the Niagara frontier : their towns burned, . 294 Close of the campaign of 1 813, ...... 296 CHAPTER XV. Measures of the Canadian Legislatures, ..... 298 The Americans are defeated at La Colle Mill, .... 300 Naval operations on Lake Ontario : Oswego taken, . . . 302 England blockades the whole American seaboard, . . . 303 Battle of Chippewa : the British defeated, .... 304 Battle of Lundy's Lane : Americans defeated, .... 307 The British under Drummond besiege Fort Erie, . . .311 Abortive attempt of the Americans to re-capture Mackinaw, . 321 Co7itcnts. • •• Xllt 245 247 248 A large part of Maine captured by the Britisli, Defeat of the British fleet on Lake Champlain, Termination of the War, . Depressed condition of the United States, pAr.B 312 3'4 31S 3'6 249 257 258 259 2C0 261 264 264 265 26S 270 271 272 274 276 278 280 281 2S2 284 286 2S7 290 292 293 293 294 296 298 300 302 303 304 307 3" 321 CHAPTER XVI. Lower Canada from 181 5 to 1828, General Drummond's government, Sir John Sherbroke becomes Governor-in-chief, i8i6, Papineau is first chosen Speaker of the Assembly, Government of the Duke of Richmond : his difficulties with the Assembly 1818, ....... Lord Dalhousie becomes Govcrnor-in-chief, 1S20, Differences between the Houses of the Legislature, Project of the Union causes public dissatisfaction, Antagonism between the British and French inhabitants of Lower Canada False colonial policy of British ministers, . The French-Canadians petition the Crown, Prayer of petition sustained by British Commons, CHAPTER XVH. Upper Canada from 181 5 to 1825, General condition of the province, First agitation against the Clergy Reserves, 181 7, Robert Gourlay comes to Canada ; his character. Arbitrary conduct of the Executive, Sir Peregrine Maitland becomes Lieutenant Governor, Robert Gourlay is tried for libel and acquitted, He is driven out of the province, .... Bishop Strachan enters political life, I3lographical sketch of Bishop Strachan : . His position as a clergyman and politician, Barnabas Bidvvell elected for Lennox and Addington : his biogri expelled the House, • « • . . Plan of the Welland Canal by William H. Merritt, First agitation against Orange processions, Wm. L. Mackenzie enters public life — First Reform AssemLly, Agitation on the Alien Bill, .... Mackenzie's Printing Office wrecked, Presbyterians claim a share of the Clergy Reserves, Singular proceedings on the Forsyth petition, Judge Willis is suspended bj the Lieutenant-Governor, CHAPTER XVHL aphy : is 318 3'9 320 321 323 324 326 328 328 333 334 335 337 338 339 340 343 344 345 346 348 348 350 352 356 357 358 361 363 364 364 366 Upper Canada from 1829 to 1S35- commences, 1829 — Marshall Assembly, -Administration of Sir John Colbome S. Bid well chosen Speaker of the 368 (I I ii XIV Contents. First agitation for Responsible Government, . . . . Reconstruction of the Reform Party — The Family Compact displaced by the Conservative Party, 1 82b to 1 83 1, Conservative Party have a majority in new Assembly, Mackenzie is expelled the House, . . . . Cholera afflicts the province — Emigration, 1832, . Reformers obtain a majority at the elections — Bidwell again choser Speaker, ....... Seventh Grievance Report published — Fifty-seven Rectories established. Sir John Colborne resigns — Sir Francis Head appointed as his successor, 370 373 376 379 381 382 383 384 CHAPTER XIX. Lower Canada from 1S28 to 1837. — Sir James Kempt becomes Govemor- in-chief, 1828 — The financial disputes still continue between the Assembly and the Executive, ..... 385 Lord Aylmer becomes Governor-in-chief, 1830, .... 3S7 Imperial Duties surrendered to the Assembly, .... 388 Lord Stanley refuses an elective Legislative Council, . . . 389 House of Commons' committee report unfavourably to the demands of the Papineau Party, . . . .. . . .391 Disordered condition of the province, . ' . . . . 392 Lord Gosford becomes Governorin-chief — He opens Parliament with a conciliatory speech — Proceedings of the Gosford commission, 1835, 393 The Papineau faction aim at total independence of Great Britain, . 395 Assembly grants a Supply Bill for six months, .... 396 State of public feeling — alarm, . .... 399 Coercive measures of British Commons, ..... 400 House of Assembly refuse to transact business — Conduct of the Roman Catholic clergy, ...... 400 ) CHAPTER XX. Causes leading to the Lower Canadian Rebellion, .... 402 Centralisation policy of English Parliament, .... 403 Errors of British colonial policy, ...... 404 Condition of Lower Canada before the Conquest, .... 405 Habitants unfit to exercise the franchise, ..... 407 Results of the difference of race, ...... 408 Non-progressive character of the Habitants, .... 410 Union the true policy of united Canada, ..... 413 If pursued, our nationality must become aggressive. — Character of Papineau, ........ 413 Military condition of the Canadas before the rebellion, . . . 414 Affray with the Sons of Liberty in Montreal, .... 416 Rebellion commences in Lower Canada — Attack on cavalry by the Habitants, . . . . . . . .417 Battle of St Denis — Gore defeated by Nelson — Murder of Lieutenant Weir, 418 Wetheral attacks St Charles — Rebels defeated, .... 420 Sir John Colborne attacks St Eustache, ..... 421 I Contents. XV Government of the Earl of Durham, i S38, .... Lord Durham banishes principal rebels to Bermuda— Is censured by Ini j)erial Parliament — Resigns, ..... Government of Sir John Colbome, 183S — The second rebellion begins, The Insurgents are defeated at La Colle Mill, Nelson (Robert) defeated at Odclltown, .... The Glengary men move on Beauharnois — Rebellion ends in Lower Canada, ........ rACB 424 42s 426 427 428 429 CHAPTER XXL Upper Canada from 1836 to 1838 — Sir Francis Head becomes Lieutenant Governor :,.,.... His own account of his governmental fitness ; Results of interview with Bidwell and Mackenzie : His singular administrative policy : . He dissolves Parliament — Reform P.arty defeated at General Election, Sir F. B. Head is directed to carry out responsible government — he refuses Commercial crisis in the United States and Canada, Troops withdrawn from Upper Canada, , Rebellion commences — Mackenzie threatens Toronto, Mackenzie's narrative of attempt rgainst Toronto, . Sir F. B. Head's statement of attack on Gallows Hill, The loyal militia march to save Toronto, . Van Rensselaer occupies Navy Island, Destruction of the Steamer Caroline, The Patriots under Sutherland threaten Amherstburg, The Schooner Anne captured by militia. Patriots driven from Point Pelee Island, Administration of Sir George Arthur begins. Burning and plunder of the Sir Robert Peel, Affair with Patriot robbers at the Short Hills, Patriots under Von Schultz move against Prescott, Are defeated and captured, .... Patriots are defeated at Sandwich — Prince orders prisoners to be shot. End of rebellion in Upper Canada — Character of Mackenzie, 4.?' 432 433 434 440 442 443 445 447 448 452 453 455 456 457 458 461 461 463 464 465 466 467 469 CHAPTER XXII. Military strength of the Canadas, ..... Depressed financial condition of Upper Canada, Lord Sydenham becomes Governor-General : . . . Hia manly and straightforward policy, . - . . The Special Council of Lower Canada consents to the Union, Lord Sydenham's letter to Lord Russell : . His speech opening Upper Canada Legislature, His difficulties — Message to the Legislature on the Union, The Legislative Council agrees to the Union— Resolutions of the Assep^.bly, The Assembly's address to the Queen, .... Epitome of the Union Bill, ...,,. 471 t73 474 476 477 478 480 482 4S5 487 489 XVI Contents. CHAPTER XXIII. Government of Lord Sydenham continued —Settlement of the Clergy Reserves' question— Responsible Government established, Brock's monument shattered by gunpowder : great meeting beside it, With Sir George Arthur ends the Lieutenant-Governorship of Upper Canada — The Legislature assembles at Kingston, Death of Lord Sydenham : his character, .... Sir Charles Bagot becomes Governor-General : . He forms his ministry from the Reform Party, Lord Metcalfe becomes Governor-General : he leans to the Conservative Party : Reform ministry resign, .... Lord Metcalfe forms a Conservative ministry — Great Fire at Quebec Result of general election, . . . - . Government of the Earl of Cathcart — Proceedings with regard to Rebellion — Losses in Lower Canada, ..... Amount of claims made to commissioners — Lord Elgin becomes Governor- General, ....... Reformers obtain a majority at general election, Baldwin and Lafontaine form a ministry — Rebellion Losses Bill introduced into the Assembly, ...... Great agitation regarding this Bill — Annexation to United States advo cated — Bill passes Legislature, .... Great riots in Montreal — destruction of the Parliament House — flightof the members, ....... Mob attack several dwellings, ..... Lord Elgin is attacked — his carriage broken. Seat of government removed to Toronto — Rebellion Losses Bill sustained in England, ....... Agitation subsides — condition of the country, 492 493 494 495 497 497 499 500 SOI 502 505 505 506 507 510 511 512 513 m CHAPTER XXIV. Measures with regard to Reciprocity — Clergy Reserves' Agitation — Clear Grits, . . . . . . . . .514 Constmction of Railroads — Postal improvements — Mr Baldwin resigns, 515 Prosperous condition of the Canadas — F6te to Canadians at Boston — General election — Ministerial changes, .... 516 Great Fire at Montreal — The Legislature assembles at Quebec — Recipro- city agitation, ........ 518 Period between 1852 and 1855 : all the great public questions settled, . 519 Termination of Lord Elgin's administration, .... 530 CHAPTER XXV. The Government of Sir Edmund W. Head : .... 531 His origin, and the causes which led to his elevation, . . -53' The Canadian contribution to the Patriotic Fund, . . . 532 State of affairs at the close of the Session of 1855, . . . 532 The adoption of the principle of Free Trade largely increases the commer- mercial prosperity of the country, ..... 533 Contents. xvii Sketch of Mr George Brown ...... His favour witli the Reform Party, .... Defeat of the Ministry on Mr Cameron's motion, . Resi{,'nation of Sir Allan M 'Nab as Premier, The Attorney-General, Mr John A. Macdonald, becomes leader of the Conservatives, ....... The first railway accident in Canada, .... Destruction of the ^W'/z/na/ steamer by fire, and loss of 250 lives, Abandonment of the "double-majority" principle, First appearance in Pariiatnent of Thomas D'Arcy M'Ghee, Agitation produced by the abandonment of the "double-majority" prin ciple, .......; Ottawa selected as the seat of the Provincial Government, The opposition oppose this, and defeat tiie Ministry on the subject, Mr Brown forms a new administration, which is compelled to resign, Mr John Gait rei[uestcd to form another, but declines, A new Cabinet is formed by Mr Cartier, .... Intense bitterness of party-spirit on the subject, Death of Mr Robert Baldwin, the Nestor of Canadian reform, State of Canada at the close of 1859, .... Opening of the session of i860 — conduct of the opposition on the Union question, ....... Vi.iit of ihe Prince of Wales : his entbusi.istic reception and progress, Case of the fugitive slave Anderson, .... Outbreak of the rebellion in the United States, The census of i860 shows a large increase in the population. Death of William Lyon Mackenzie, .... Sir Edmund Head ceases to be Governor-General, . . rAOi 534 535 536 537 537 S3« 539 540 54' 542 543 544 544 545 546 547 54» 549 550 552 553 554 555 556 557 CHAPTER XXVI. The government of Lord Monck, ...... 558 The affair of the 7w/^— Canadian feeling towards the United Sia'^es, . 558 Opening of the session of 1862, ...... 559 The Macdonald-Carlier administration defeated on the Militia Bill, . 561 Deathof Sir AU.in M'Nab, ...... 562 Prosperous condition of the agricultural community, . . . 563 Opening of the session of 1S63 — defeat of the .Ministry — dissolution of Parliament, ........ 564 Meeting of the new Parliament, ...... 566 Financial condition of the country, ..... 567 Faction fights and their results, ...... 568 Adoption of the "joint-authority" scheme, .... 570 F'ormation of a short coalition government, .... 571 Relations of the country with the United States, .... 572 Proposed confederation of the North American States, . . . 57J CHAPTER XXVH. Opening of the se.-sion of 1S65— debate on the subject of confedera- tion. 575 h (I XVIU Contents. Progress of the American Rebellion, Great fire at Quebec, . , , • General condition of the country, . Termination of the Reciprocity Treaty, and its results, Origin and rise of Fenianism, Programme of the Fenian leaders : They invade Canada : . . . . Are baffled and driven out of it: The American government issue a manifesto against them, The Legislature assemble in the new buildings at Ottawa, Mr Gait's new Tariff, ..... Another great fire at Quebec— Trials of the captured Fenians, Completion of the great project of confederation, 576 579 580 581 582 5»4 586 5S6 587 588 589 CHAPTER XXVIII. The dominion of Canada : Its population and religious denominations. Geographical extent. Maritime resources, Railway statistics. Public debt, Volunteer forces, Educational statistics. Commerce and trade. Social condition, Constitution of the dominion of Canada, Provincial constitutions, Distriljution of legislative powers. Powers of tlie general Parliament, Exclusive powers of provincial or local legislatures. Education, . . . . Uniformity of laws in Ontario, Nova Scotia, and New wick, .... Agriculture and immigration, Judicature, Revenues — debts — assets— taxation, Admission of other colunie.s, Eruns- 590 590 592 593 593 596 597 598 599 602 605 606 607 607 608 609 609 609 609 610 612 INTRODUCTION. THE discovery of America revealed to the wondering gaze of civilised humanity a people in the rudest and most priyiitivc condition.* The annals of the Old World had no corresponding spectacle to present. Even the earliest philosophers of Greece and Rome have not left a single fact on record as evidence of an acquaintance with any portion of the human family in the primal stages of existence. In every region within the sphere of their observation society had already made considerable progress ; and the several nations of their day had long before emerged from the social dimness and historical uncertainties which belong to a first condition. The Scythians and Germans, the barbarians of antiquity, were acquainted with the useful metals ; possessed flocks and herds, and other property of various descriptions ; and when compared with the aborigines of this continent, had already attained to a high degree of civilisation. In some instances the red man appeared in the rudest state in which it is possible for our species to exist. Accompanied solely by his wife and children, he roamed, like a beast of prey, through the forests and over the savannas of South * In the New World the state of mankind was ruder and the aspect of nature extremely different. Throughout all its vast regions there were only two mon- archies remarkable for extent of territory, or distinguished by any progress in improvement. The rest of this continent was possessed by small independent tribes, destitute of arts and industry, and neither capable to correct the defects nor desirous to meliorate the condition of that part of the earth allotted to them for their habitation. Countries occupied by such people were almost in the same state as if they had been without inhabitants.— AW'. Aiiier. vol. i. p. 126. < V i I I hi ;vl \h\ 1 XX Introduction. America, subjected to no restraints but those imposed by the imperious necessities of his condition, or the caprices of his own will ; and revelling in that primeval simplicity which, in the other continents, was known only by the imaginary de- scriptions of the poet.* In other instances his wants were compelling him to seek a closer union with his fellow-man, and accordingly communities were beheld in the first process of formation. In Brazil, \\\ Tierra Firme, and Paraguay, many of the ruder tribes were unacquainted with every description of cultivation. They neither sowed nor reaped ; and lived upon the spontaneous productions of the soil, the fruits and berries which they found in the woods, the pro- ducts of their teeming rivers, and the lizards and other reptiles so numerous in those warm and prolific regions. The Iroquois, •}• the Algonquins, the Ilurons, and the other principal North American tribes, occupied a point in social progress as far in advance of these barbarous natives of the South as it was inferior to the condition of the Mexicans and Peruvians. They cultivated maize and a few vegetables, lived in villages, had made some progress in two or three of the more necessary arts of life, and recognised certain fixed principles of public policy in their intercourse with other tribes. When Canada was first discovered by the French, the Algonquins and the liuronsj held chief sway within its limits. T\\& territory of the former extended along both banks of the St Lawrence as high as Cornwall, and also embraced the district watered by the Lower Ottawa. They * Man, in some parts of America, appears in a form so rude that we can dis- cover no effects of liis activity, and the principle of vnderstanding, which should direct it, seems hardly to he unfolded. Like all other animals, he has no fixed residence ; he has erected no habitation to shelter him from the inclemency of the weather ; he has taken no measures' for securing certain subsistence ; he neither sows nor reaps ; but roams about as led in search of the plants and fruits which the earth brings forth in succession ; and in quest of game which he kills in the forest, or of the fish which he catches in the rivers. — Rob. Amcr. vol. i. p. 152. t The Iroquois or Five Nations occupied the greater part of the state of New York, and were the bitterest enemies of the French, as well as of the Canadian Indians. :J: This tribe were frequently called Wyandots. f Introduction, XXI scd by the ices of his ' which, in ginary de- cants were jUow-man, rst process Paraguay, vith every Dr reaped ; le soil, tlie s, the pro- and other Tions. d the other it in social :ives of the :xicans and vegetables, or three of tain fixed with other rench, the within its ong both and also wa. They at we can dis- which should e has no fixed emency of the he neither d fruits which le kills in the i. p. 152. ; state of New the Canadian :e were a bold and warlike race, subsisting principally by the chase, for which the vast forests of the North afforded the most ample scope, and were reputed to be more advanced in their public policy and in general intelligence than any of the neighbouring tribes.* The Iliu-ons occupied the left bank of the Upper St Lawrence and the northern shore of Lake Ontario. Their close alliance, however, with the Algonquins, induced them frequently to establish themselves lower down the river ; and in 1534 Cartier met with them at Anticosti and the Bay of Chaleur.f At Ilochelaga he found them occupying a well-defended and populous village. Regarding the chase as a precarious mode of subsistence, they did not, like the Algonquins, disdain the cultivation of the soil, and partially devoted themselves to agricultural pursuits, from which, imperfect as their mode of tillage was, the fertile glebe and favourable climate of Western Canada usually enabled them to reap a most abundant return. | A few unimportant * Coldcn. + Wlien the tribes were all settled, the Wyaiulots were placed at the head. 'I'licy lived in the interior, at the niuuntains east, about the St Lawrence. They were the first tribe of old, and had the first chieftainship. The chief said to their nephew, the Lenapees, Go down to the sea-coast and look, and if you see any- thinj^, bring me word. They had a village near the sea-side, and often looked, but saw nothing except birds. At length they espied an object, which seemed to grow, and conic nearer and nearer. When it came near the land it stopped, but all the people were afraid, and fled to the woods. The next day two of their number ventured out to look. It was lying (piietly on the water. A smaller object of the same sort came out of it, and walked with long legs (oars) over the water. When it came to land two men came out of it. They were different from us, and made signs for the others to come out of the woods, A conference ensued. Presents were exchanged. They gave presents to the Lenapees, and the latter gave them their skin clothes as curiosities. — Schoolcraft, p. 199. X As the country was thinly inhabited, and by a people of little industry, who had none of the domestic animals which civilised nations rear in such vast numbers, the earth was not exhausted by their consumption. The vegetable productions, to which the fertility of the soil gave birth, often remained untouched, and being suffered to corrupt on its surface, returned with increase into its bosom. As trees and plants derive a great part of their nourishment from air and water, if they were not destroyed by man or other animals, they would render to the earth more, perhaps, than they take from it, and feed rather than impoverish it. Thus the unoccupied soil of America may have gone on enriching for many ages. The vast number, as well as enormous size, of the trees in America, indicate the extraor- dinary vigour of the soil in its native state. When the Europeans first began to cultivate the New World, they were astonished at the luxuriant power of vegeta- h! Ill I xxii Iniroduclion. tribes, or rather clans, were scattered over the remaininn; por- tions of the country ; but all these, like the Xipissings, were merely off-shoots of the Algonquin and Huron races, and spokx" their language. No data exist on which to base any- thing approximating to a correct estimate of the population of Canada at this period ; but it certainly did not exceed fifty thousand souls. These were scattered here and there over the vast area extending from Gaspe to Goderich, which could easily sustain a population of twenty millions, and which is now peopled by nearly three millions of inhabitants,* The history of the Canadian Indians, prior to the arrival of the French amongst them, is shrouded in the deepest obscurity. In this respect they resembled the other Northern tribes, whose numerous wars and frequent migrations hail effectually neutralised whatever benefits, in a historical point of view, they might have derived from their knowledge of pictorial writing.f Unlike the Aztecs and Peruvians, who, from memorials of this kind, could give a correct outline of tion in its virgin mould ; and in several places the incean, and rent asunder by a violent earthquake. The portion which still remained unsubmerged by the ocean, would one day be discovered." — Malte 3 nut. % " BufTon quoting Plato's Timoeus, relative to the destruction of Atalantis, Isays, it is not devoid of probability. The land swallowed up by the waters were Iperhaps those which united Ireland to the Azores, and the Azores to the con- Itinent of America ; for in Ireland there are the same fossils, the same shells, and Ithe same sea-bodies as appear in America : and some of which are found in no lother part of Europe." — BuffotCs Natural History, vol. i., p. 306. § " In the middl" ages the prevalent opinion was, that the sea covered but one- Iseventh of the globe, an opinion which Cardinal d'Ally founded on the book of lEzra. Columbus, who always derived much of his cosmological knowledge from Ithe cardinal's work, was much interested in supporting this opinion of the small- Iness of the sex He also used to cite Aristotle, Seneca, and St Augustine m its Isupport. "—Humboldt. 77/^? History of Canada. Columbus to Spain on the 4th of January 1493, after an absence of seven months, dispelled every doubt regarding the existence of hitherto unknown regions, amid the waters of the Western Atlantic. The wise and politic Henry VII., who then sat upon the throne of England, was not a little moved by the intelligence which so pro- foundly agitated the maritime nations of Europe. The mere accident of the capture of the brother of Columbus by pirates, when on his way to the English Court, had in all probability robbed that monarch of the glory of the great navigator's discoveries being made under his auspices, and deprived the nation at large of the vast commercial benefits which he foresaw they must sooner or later produce. Henry, however, was not discouraged. Wisely judging that other countries were yet to be discovered, he fitted out a small llcc;; in 1497, ^"^^ placing it under the command of John Cabot, a celebrated Venetian navigator, sent him forth in quest of new climes, as well as of a North-West passage to the Indies nnd China, then sought after as earnestly as it has been in our own times. Cabot sailed from the port of Bristol about the middle of May 1497 ; and following very nearly the course now pursued ^"' ■ by vessels, making the voyage from Great Britain to North America, discovered on the 26th of June, the Island of Newfound- land, which he named St John's Island in honour of the day. After a brief stay there he continued his westerly course, and arrived oft the coast of Labrador on the 3d of July. He had, therefore, the honour of being the first discoverer of the Continent of America, which was not seen by Columbus until some thirteen months after- wards. Having made a partial survey of Hudson's Bay, and the Gulf of St Lawrence, he sailed south as far as Virginia : when, being anxious to announce his success to Henry, he returned to Eng- land; where, shortly after his arrival, he received the honour of knighthood. At this period Britain possessed no royal navy, and, in cases of emergency, the crown had to arm merchant vessels. Encouraged by the success of Cabot, Henry detennined that this condition of affairs should no longer continue, and promptly applied himself to the con- struction of a national fleet, on one large ship of which he expended the immense sum, for those times, of fourteen thousand pounds.* This, with some smaller vessels, he placed in the following year under the command of Sebastian, one of Sir John Cabot's sons, with instructions to search for a North-West passage. Beyond the barren glory of mere discovery, Henry derived no result * Hume, vol. iii., p. 7<5. 1498. The History of Canada. an absence existence of em Atlantic. ;he throne of 'hich so pro- lere accident when on his :hat monarch made under t commercial luce. Henry, ;her countries in 1497, aiid ited Venetian well as of a ought after as iddle of May now pursued itain to North of Newfound- le day. After nd arrived ofl therefore, the of America, months after- Bay, and the when, being •ned to Eng- le honour of d, in cases of .ncouraged by ition of affairs f to the con- he expended and pounds.* lUowing year John Cabot's West passage, ived no result from this or two subsequent expeditions. No settlements were formed ; and his death in 1509 terminated for several years all efforts, on the part of the British nation, to profit by a ^ ^* more intimate connexion with this continent For the next fourteen years Spain and Portugal were the only nations, who derived any solid benefits from settlements in the New World. In 1^24 • I if 24. the French Sovereign, Francis I., with a view to the partition *' "*' of these benefits in his own favour, resolved to acquire a claim on a portion at least of America by further discoveries. " What ! " said he, to his courtiers, "shall the Kings of Spain and Portugal divide all America between them, without suffering me to take a share as their brother] I would fain see the article in Adam's will that bequeaths that vast inheritance to them." Francis accordingly prepared a squadron of four ships, which he placed under the command ot (Jiovanna Verazzano, a Florentine navigator of great repute, who explored the American coast from Carolina northward. He called the entire region New France, (La Nouvelle France,) and, utterly regardless of the prior claims of England, took formal possession ot it in the name of his sovereign. Verazzano, like Cabot, returned without gold or silver. He was in consequence unfavourably con- trasted with the adventurers to Mexico and Peru ; met with a cold reception; and died in obscurity. In 1527, Henry VIII. resolved to make another attempt to discover a North-West ^ ' ' passage to the East Indies. One of his ships was lost : and the remainder returned to England without any fresh discoveries being made, or a settlement effected. In 1534 the French King fitted out a second expedition, the con- duct of which he entrusted to Jaques Carticr, a fearless and skilful mariner, who had previously been engaged for several ^534- years in the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland ; which, even as early as 1517, already gave employment to some fifty English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese vessels. This expedition, consisting of two vessels of sixty tons each, sailed from St Malo on the 20th of April, and on the loth of May arrived at Newfoundland, where it remained ten days. Proceeding northward, Cartier passed through the straits of Belleisle, entered the Gulf of St Lawrence, and landed at Gaspe ; where, on the 24th of July, he erected a cross, surmounted by a fleur-de-lys, to commemorate his advent on the coast. A friendly intercourse with the natives enabled him to kidnap two men, with whom he sailed for France, where, on his arrival, he was well received by his sovereign. In the following year Cartier obtained a new commission from 4 Tfie History of Canada. Francis, and sailed with three vessels* direct for the Gulf of St Law- rence ; with instructions to explore its shores carefully ; to es- tablish a settlement, if at all practicable ; and to open a traffic for gold with the inhabitants. In the month of August, on the festival day of the martyr Lawrence, this navigator entered the great father of the northern waters, which he called after the saint. Proceeding up its course he found himself, in a few days, opposite the Indian village of Stadacona, then occupying a portion of the ground on which the city of Quebec now stands. As the vessels came to an anchor the terrified natives fled to the forest, whence they gazed, with mingled feelings of awe and wonder, on the " winged canoes " which had borne the pale-faced strangers to their shores. These feelings were, however, much less intense than they must have otherwise been, owing to the rumours which, from time to time, had preceded Cartier's approach ; and to the fact, that they were well acquainted with the circumstance of his visit to Gaspe the pre- vious year, and the outrage he had there perpetrated on their countrymen. This knowledge led the inhabitants of Stadacona to resolve on a wary intercourse with the strangers. Their chief, Donacona, approached the vessels with a fleet of twelve canoes, filled with his armed followers. Ten of these canoes he directed to remain at a short distance, while he proceeded with the other two to ascertain the purport of the visit — whether it was for peace or war. With this object in view he commenced an oration. Cartier heard the chief patiently, and with the aid of the two Gaspe Indians, n( w tolerable proficients in the French language, he was enabled to open a conversation with him, and to allay his apprehensions. An amicable understanding having thus been established, Cartier moored his ves- sels safely in the river St Charles, where, shortly afterwards, he received a second visit from Donacona, who this time came accompanied by 500 warriors of his tribe. Having thoroughly rested and refreshed himself and his men, Cartier determined to explore the river to Hochelaga, another Indian town, which he learned was situated several days' journey up its course. With the view of impressing the Indians with the superiority of the white man he caused, prior to his departure, several cannon shots to be discharged, which produced the desired result. Like their countrymen of the South on the arrival of Columbus, the red men of the St Lawrence were alarmed by the firing of artillery ; and as its thunders reverberated among the surrounding hills, a • These were the Ilermina of 1 10 tons, the Little Hirmina of 60 tons, and the Htrmerillon o{ 40 tons burden. The History of Canada. f of St Law- cfully ; to cs- open a traffic ^ust, on the entered the er the saint, ays, opposite )rtion of the s the vessels )rcst, whence the " winged their shores. n they must time to time, at they were ;aspe the pre- ted on their Stadacona to Their chief, ; canoes, filled :ted to remain to ascertain )r war. With icr heard the Indians, ni w abled to open An amicable ored his ves- s, he received :ompanied by ^nd his men, lother Indian mrney up its jlie superiority Iveral cannon 1 result. Like ibus, the red of artillery ; ^ding hills, a tons, and the feeling of mingled terror and astonishment took complete possession of their minds. Leaving his other ships safely at anchor, Cartier, on the 19th of September, proceeded up the river with the Jl'-rmf.illon (which owing to the shallowness of the water he had to leave in Lake St Peter) and two boats; and frequently came into contact with small parties of the natives, who treated him in the most friendly manner. IJold, and loving adventure for its own sake, and at the same time strongly imbued with religious enthusiasm, Cartier watched the shifting land- scape hour after hour, as he ascended tlie river, with feelings of the deepest gratification, which were heightened by the refiection, that he was the pioneer of civilisation and of Christianity in that un- known clime. Nature presented itself in all its primitive grandeur to his view. The noble river on whose broad bosom he floated onwards day after day, disturbing vast fiocks of water-fowl; the primeval forests of the north, which here and there presented, amid the luxuriance of their foliage, the parasitical vine loaded with ripe clusters of luscious grapes, and from whence the strange notes of the whip-poor-will, and other birds of varied tone and plumage, such as he had never before seen, were heard at intervals ; the bright sun- sliine of a Canadian autumn ; the unclouded moonlight of its calm and pleasant nights, with the other novel accessories of the occa- sion, made a sublime and profound impression upon the mind of the adventurer. Delighted with his journey, Cartier arrived, on the 2d of October, opposite the Huron village of Hochelaga, the inhabitants of which lined the shore on his approach, and made the most friendly signs for him to land. Supplies of fish and maize were freely tendered by the Indians, in return for which they received knives and beads. Despite this friendly conduct, however, Cartier and his companions deemed it most prudent to pass the night on board their boats. On the following day, headed by their leader dressed in the most im- posing costume at his command, the exploring party went in pro- cession to the village. At a short distance from its environs they were met by a sachem, who received them with that solemn courtesy peculiar to the aborigines of America. Cartier made him several presents : among these was a cross, which he hung round his neck and directed him to kiss. Patches of ripe corn encircled the village, which consisted of fifty substantially-built huts, secured from attack by three lines of stout palisades.* Like the natives of Mexico and * There is no doubt that Cartier gave a most exaggerated description of Hoche- laga, being desirous that his discoveries should bear some resemblance to those flil!;l ^1 6 The History of Canada. m\ mm ' *' Peru the Hochelagians regarded the white men as a superior race of beings, who came among them as friends and benefactors.* Im- pressed with this idea they conducted them in state to their Council Lodge, and brought their sick to be healed. Cartier was at once too completely in their power, and too politic to undeceive them. It is recorded that he did everything he could to soothe their minds : that he even prayed with these idolaters, and distributed crosses and other symbols of the Catholic faith among them. The introductory ceremony concluded, Cartier ascended the mountain behind Hochelaga, to which he gave the name of Mont Royal, subsequently corrupted into Montreal. From a point near its summit a noble prosper,, met his view. Interminable forests stretched on every side ; their deep gloom broken at harmonious intervals by hills, and rivers, and island-studded lakes. Simple as were the natives of Hochelaga, they appeared to have some know- ledge of the geography of their country. From them Cartier learned that it would take three months to sail in their canoes up the course of the majestic river which flowed beneath them, and that it ran through several great lakes, the farthest one of which was like a vast sea. Beyond this lake was another large river, (the Mississippi,) which pursued a southerly course through a region free from ice and snow. With the precious metals they appeared but very par- tially acquainted. Of copper they had a better knowledge, and stated that it was found at the Saguenay. Favourably as Cartier had been received, the lateness of the season compelled his immediate return to Stadacona. The Indians expressed their regret at the shortness of the visit, and accompanied the French to their boats, which they followed for some time, making signs of farewell. The expedition did not, however, find all the natives equally friendly. While bivouacking one night on the bank of the river, they would probably have all been massacred, but for a timely retreat to their boats. Cartier had a narrow escape, and owed his life to the intrepidity of his boatswain, an Englishman. The adventurers wintered in the St Charles River, and continued to be treated with apparent kindness and hospitality by the Stadaco- nians, who had fortunately laid up abundant stores of provisions. Unaccustomed, however, to the rigour of a Canadian winter, and scantily supplied with warm clothing, Cartier and his companions of Cortes and Pizarro. Hochelaga was simply an ordinary Indian village, sur- rounded by wooden palisades, and containing, probably, a thousand or fifteen hundred inhabitants. * Jesuit's JournaL upenor race ctors.* Im- ;heir Council was at once eceive them, their minds : I crosses and scended the ime of Mont a point near nable forests , harmonious . Simple as some know- artier learned p the course d that it ran ras like a vast Mississippi,) free from ice DUt very par- )wledge, and eness of the The Indians accompanied time, making find all the on the bank ed, but for a escape, and lishman. continued the Stadaco- f provisions. winter, and companions m village, sur- and or fifteen :-| T/ie History of Canada. f ffuffered severely from the cold. To add to their other misfortunes, fcurvy, the terror of the seaman in those days, made its ^ appearance, and in conjunction with a disease produced ^^ by a licentious intercourse with the natives, speedily carried off <:wenty-five of their number. To a decoction from the bark of the spruce-fir, taken on the recommendation of the Indians, the remain- dor ascribed their restoration to health. The long winter at length drew to a close ; the ice broke up, and although the voyage had led to no gold discoveries, or profitable returns in a mercantile point of view, the expedition prepared to re- turn home. Like other adventurers of that age they requited the kindness and hospitality of the aborigines with the basest ingratitude. They compelled Donacona, with two other chiefs and eight warriors, to bear them company to France, where the greater part of these unfortunate men died soon after their arrival Disappointed in their expectations of discovering the precious metals in the regions explored by Cartier, the French nation for the ensuing four years gave no adventurers to the New World. That navigator's favourable representations of the valley of the St Law- rence, however, still continued to attract a large portion of attention. In 1540 a new expedition was organised under the direction of the Sieur De Roberval, an opulent nobleman of Picardy, ^'^ to proceed to Canada, as it now began to be called from the Indian word Kanata, (a collection of huts,) which had been mistaken fox the native name of the country. In consideration of his bearing the expenses of the expedition, and effecting a permanent settlement on the St Lawrence, or in the adjacent districts, Roberval was created a Lieutenant-General, and appointed viceroy of all the territories claimed by the French in the New World. Circumstances having arisen which prevented him from proceedin ■ n.xred that a winter existence among the snows of the Noitii was not only possible, but even had its pleasures. While providing for the present comfort of himself and his com- panions, Champlain was not forgetful of the future. Already had he devoted his attention to the agricultural capabilities of the country. The land in the neighbourhood was discovered to be fertile, and in the autumn he planted the first wheat crop on the banks of the St Lawrence. Winter gradually merged towards spring with- out producing any incidents of very great importance to the infant colony. Meanwhile everything had been done to preserve a good understanding with the Indians who visited the Fort ; Cham- plain wisely perceiving that the success of the settlement chiefly depended on their friendship. Nor were the Indians themselves, who belonged to the Algonquin nation, averse to the cultivation of a friendly understanding with the French. A fierce war was then waged between them and the Iroquois, or Five Nations, over whom they anticipated an easy victory, were they but aided by the white men. To secure this aid a son of one of their principal chiefs had already visited the fort, and as an inducement to the alliance he pro- posed, promised that his nation should assist Champlain in exploring the country of their enemy. About the middle of February a scarcity of food began to prevail among the Indians. Some of these people on the opposite side of * Champlain, Book III. chap. iii. 1609. I 1 The History of Cafiada. 13 in the neigh- a short dis- t, and passed 3d July, he ude buildings ord shelter to t was formed, o\v stands, on exception of nt settlement Quebec with- iring the same former adven- :cted from the mtly supplied ice than their iter existence but even had ■ and his com- Llready had he f the country. "ertile, and in inks of the St s spring with- Drtance to the to preserve a Tort ; Cham- ement chiefly themselves, cultivation of war was then 3, over whom by the white al chiefs had iance he pro- in exploring in to prevail )osite side of the river were reduced to great extremities, and resolved to cross it at all hazards, in the expectation of receiving assistance at the fort. Death stared them in the face on eitlier hand, and they had only to choose the mildest alternative. The huge floes of ice that crashed against each other, as they drove hither and thither with the tide, threatened instant destruction to their frail canoes,which, neverthe- less, were boldly launched in succession, death by drowning being preferable to that by lingering starvation. Presently mid-channel is gained. Vast fields of ice encircle the canoes which are speedily crushed to pieces. The Indians seek to save themselves by jumping on the ice, which fortunately floats to the shore. But Champlain could only spare them a very scanty supply of food, and the unfor- tunate people were obliged to subsist for a time on the putrid carcasses found in the neighbourhood. The spring appears to have been an early one ; and no sooner had the weather become sufficiently warm to make travelling agree- able, than Champlain prepared to ascend the river, and explore it above Mont Royal. When twenty-five leagues from Quebec, ha was met by a war party of the Algonquins on their way to attack the Iroquois, who now without much difficulty induced him to promise his aid. He accordingly retraced his steps to the fort, procured a reinforcement from Tadoussac, where another settlement had been formed, and niatle the other necessary arrangements for the expedi- tion. On the 28th of I^Iay, in company with his Indian allies, he again ascended the St Lawrence, diverged into the Richelieu river, after traversing Lake St Peter, and proceeded along its course till he encountered rapids which prevented the further passage of his boats. Finding it useless to attempt cutting a road through the woods, he resolved to commit himself and his companions to the canoes of the natives, and to share their fate. Only two of his men had sufficient courage to accompany him : the hearts of the remainder failed them Avhen they perceived the dangers of their position, and he permitted them to return. The bark canoes of the Algonquins were easily carried past the rapids, and Champlain soon found himself on the waters of the beautiful lake which still bears his name. The party saw nothing of the Iroquois until they had entered Lake George, on the shores of which a pitched battle took place, which with the aid of firearms resulted in their favour. A number of the Iroquois were killed, and twelve taken prisoners were subsequently tortured and put to death. On Champlain's return from this expedition, he was greeted with unfavourable tidings from France. Its merchants had again made ^ ;^ t* (SI"' I6I0. The History of Canada. loud complaints of the injury they sustained by the fur trade being confined to a single individual. De Monts' commission had in con- sequence been revoked, and Champlain was obliged to return home to give an account of his conduct, which the king listened to with apparent satisfaction. All attempts, however, to procure a renewal of the monopoly proved abortive. Still De Monts determined, even without royal patronage, to continue the settlement. To lighten the expense, he made an arrangement with some traders at Rochelle to give them the use of his buildings in Quebec, as a depot for their goods, while they, in return, engaged to assist him in his plans of colonisation. He was thus enabled to fit out another ex- pedition for his lieutenant, and to furnish him with con- siderable supplies and a respectable reinforcement. On Champlain's return to the St Lawrence, he received a fresh application from the Algonquins to aid them in another war. Un- deterred alike by fear or principle he accepted the proposal ; but upon his arrival at the mouth of the Richelieu, found affairs more urgent than he had anticipated. An Indian brought the intelligence that one hundred of the enemy were so strongly intrenched in the neighbourhood, that without the aid of the French it would be im- possible to dislodge them. The Algonquins imprudently advancing to the attack unsupported had been repulsed with loss, and com- pelled to fall back and await the assistance of their less impetuous allies. As soon as Champlain came up he proceeded to reconnoitre the Iroquois' position. He found it very strong, and formed of large trees placed close together in a circle. Thus protected, the enemy continued to pour forth sliowers of arrows, one of which wounded him in the neck. His ammunition soon began to fail, and he urged the Algonquins to greater exertions in forcing a way ir^to the barri- cade. He made them fasten ropes round the trunks of single trees, and apply all their strength to drag them out, while he undertook to protect them with his fire. Fortunately at this crisis a party of French traders, instigated by martial ardour, made their appearance. Under cover of their fire the Algonquins pulled so stoutly, that a Bufficient opening was soon eftected, when they leaped in and com- pletely routed the enemy, most of whom were either killed, drowned, or taken prisoners. Of the assailants three were killed and fifty wounded. Champlain before taking leave of his allies, who were too well pleased to refuse his request, readily prevailed on them to allow one of his people to remain among their tribe to learn their language ; while he, at their desire, took a native youth with him to France, whither he went soon after. The History of Canada. n ir trade being n had in con- ) return home itened to with lire a renewal ermined, even ro lighten the It Rochelle to lepot for their a his plans of ut another ex- lim with con- :eived a fresh her war. Un- proposal ; but id affairs more he intelligence renched in the t would be im- ntly advancing OSS, and com- less impetuous to reconnoitre brmed of large led, the enemy [hich wounded and he urged ir.to the barri- f single trees, undertook to ,is a party ol r appearance, toutly, that a in and com- led, drowned, [lied and fifty les, who were Id on them to I to learn their Ih with him to m In 1611 Champlain again returned to America, bringing the young Algonquin with him ; and on the 28th of May, proceeded in search of his allies, whom he was to meet by appoint- ment. Not finding them he employed his time in choosing a site for a new settlement, higher up the river than Quebec. After a careful survey, he fixed upon an eligible spot in the vicinity of Mont Royal. His choice has been amply justified by the great prosperity to which this place, under the name of Montreal, has subsequently risen. • Having cleared a considerable space of ground, he fenced it in by an earthen ditch, and planted grain in the enclosure. At length on the 13th of June, three weeks after the time ap- pointed, a party of his Indian friends appeared. They evinced great pleasure at meeting their countr)'nian, who gave a most favourable report of the treatment he had received in France, and after a liberal present to Champlain the cause of their long delay was unfolded. They stated that it was altogether owing to a prisoner, who had escaped the previous year, spreading a report that the French, having resolved to espouse the cause of the Iroquois, were coming in great force to destroy their nation. Champlain complained of their having paid attention to such an idle rumour, the truth of which all his actions belied. They protested that it had never been credited by themselves, and was believed by those only of their tribe who never had an opportunity of becoming personally acquainted with the French. Having now received solemn protestations of friendship, and being satisfied with Champlain's sincerity, they declared their firm determination of adhering to his alliance ; and of promoting, to the best of their ability, his projects of penetrating into the interior. As an evidence of their good will they imparted much valuable in- formation respecting the geography of this continent, with which they seemed to be tolerably well acquainted as far south as the Gulf of Mexico. They readily agreed to his proposal to return shortly with forty or fifty of his people to prosecute discoveries, and form settle- ments in their country if he thought proper. They even made a request that a French youth should accompany them, and make obser\'ations upon their territory and tribe. Champlain again returned to France with a view of making ar- rangements for more extensive operations ; but this object was now of very difiicult accomplishment. De Monts, who had been appointed governor of Saintonge, was no longer inclined to take the lead in measures of this kind, and excused himself from going to court by stating the urgency of his own affairs. He therefore committed the whole conduct of the settlement to Champlain, advising him, at the 16 The History of Cattada. m \-: I i6t2. same time, to seek some powerful protector, whose influence would overcome any opposition which might be made to his plans. The latter was so fortunate as to win over, almost immediately, the Count de Soissons to aid him in his designs. This nobleman obtained the title of lieutenant-general of New France ; and, by a formal agree- ment, transferred to Champlain all the functions of that high office. The Count died soon after, but Champlain found a still more influential friend in the Prince of Conde, who suc- ceeded to all the privileges of the deceased, and transferred them to him in a manner equally ample. These privileges, including a mo- nopoly of the fur trade, gave great dissatisfaction to the merchants j but Champlain endeavoured to remove their principal objection, by permitting as many of them as chose to accompany him to the New World, and to engage in this traffic. In consequence of this permis- sion, three merchants from Normandy, one from RocheDe, and one from St Malo, accompanied him. They were allowed the privileges of a free trade on contributing six men each to assise in projects of discovery, and giving one-twentieth of their profits towards defraying the expenses of the settlement In the beginning of March, the expedition sailed from Harfleur, and on the 7th of May arrived at Quebec. Champlain now engaged in a new project. A person named Vignau had accompanied him on several visits to the Indians, and spent a winter among them. He reported that the river of the Algonquins (the Ottawa) issued from a lake connected with the North Sea, that he had visited the shores of this sea, and there witnessed the wreck of an English vessel. The crew, eighty in number, had reached the shore, where they had all been killed and scalped by the inhabitants, except a boy, whom they offered to give up to him, with other trophies of their victory. Wishing to have this narrative as well authenticated as possible, Champlain caused a declaration to be signed before two notaries, warning Vignau that if it were false he would be exposing himself to capital punishment. Finding that the man persevered, and having learned that some English vessels had really been wrecked on the coast of Labrador, his doubts were at length removed, and he determined to devote a season to the prosecution of discoveries in that part of North America. Having this object in view he did not remain long at Quebec, and on the 2ist of May arrived at the Lachine Rapids. With two canoes, containing four of his countrymen and one Indian, he pro- ceeded on his voyage up the Ottawa, during the continuance of which he experienced much severe hardship, and encountered nu- 1613. The History of Canada. '7 luence would ; plans. The :ly, the Count obtained the formal agree- at high office. found a still ide, who suc- erred them to eluding a mo- le merchants ; objection, by m to the New af this permis- helle, and one the privileges in projects of ■ards defraying rom Harfleur, :haniplain now d Vignau had spent a winter Igonquins (the Sea, that he le wreck of an led the shore, tants, except a ophies of their lenticated as ed before two 1 be exposing .n persevered, Deen wrecked noved, and he discoveries in merous difficulties. They met with a succession of cataracts and rapids, which they could only avoid by carrying the canoes and stores overland. In some instances, the woods were so dense that this laborious plan could not be adopted ; and their only alternative then was to drag them through a foaming current, exposed to the danger of being themselves engulfed. Another danger arose from the wan- dering bands of Iroquois, who, if they had the French in their power, would doubtless have treated them in the same manner as they did their Algonquin captives. The difficulties of the navigation increas- ing as they ascended the river, they were obliged at length to leave their corn behind, and trust entirely to their guns and nets for pro- visions. At length the party reached the abode of Tessonant, a friendly chief, whose country was eight days' journey from that of the Nipissings, where the shipwreck was said to have occurred. He re- ceived them courteously, and agreed to admit their leader to a solemn council. Champlain being asked the object of his visit, after many courteous expressions, requested four canoes to escort him into the country of the Nipissings, which he earnestly desired to explore. The Indians were averse to granting this request, and only complied with it on the most earnest entreaty. The council having broken up, he ascertained that his wishes were still regarded unfavourably, and that none of the natives were willing to accompany him. He, therefore, demanded another meeting, in which he reproached them with their intended breach of faith ; and to convince them that the fears which they expressed were groundless, referred to the fact of Vignau having spent some time among the Nipissings without injury. This person was then called upon to state whether he had made such a voyage, and after some hesitation replied in the affirmative, when the Indians declared in the strongest terms that he had uttered a falsehood, having never passed the limits of their own country, and that he deserved to be tortured for his dishonesty. After a close examination of Vignau, Champlain was obliged to acknowledge that they were right ; and that he had been egregiously deceived. He had not only encountered a long series of labours and fatigues in vain, but the whole season had been spent without promoting objects which he had much at heart. Leaving Vignau with the Indians, as a punishment, he returned to Quebec, whence he sailed afterwards for France, where he arrived on the 26th of August, and found that matters still continued favourable for the colony. The Prince of Conde retained his influence at Court, and no diffi- culty was consequently found in equipping a small fleet, to carry out settlers and supplies from Rouen and St Malo. On board of this B 1614. iS The History of Canada. •h\ .1!': 1615. fleet came out four fathers of the order of tlic Rccollcts, whose benevolence induced them to desire the conversion of the Indians to Christianity. These were the first priests who settled in Canada. Champlain arrived safely, on the 25th May, at Tadoussac, whence he immediately pushed forward to Quebec, and subsequently to the usual place of Indian rendezvous, at the Lachinc Rapids. Here he found his Algonquin and Huron allies full of projects of war against the Iroquois, whom they now proposed to assail among the lakes to the westward, with a force of 2000 fighting men. Always desirous to embark in any enterprise which promised to make him better acquainted with the country, Champlain laid down a plan of operations which he offered to aid the Algonquins in carry- ing out, and at which they expressed the utmost satisfaction. He accompanied them in a long march first up the Ottawa, and after- wards over small lakes and portages, leading to Lake Nipissing. The Nipissings, about 700 or 800 in number, who inhabited the shores of this lake, received the party in a friendly manner. Having remained with them two days, the Algonquins resumed their journey along the course of Frencli River to Georgian Bay, which they crossed near the Great Manitoulin Island, and entered Lake Huron, which Champlain describes in his travels as a fresh-water sea 300 leagues in length, by 50 in breadth.* After coasting this lake for several leagues, they turned a point near its extremity, and struck into the interior with a view of reaching Cahiagua, where they were to be reinforced by a detachment of the Algonquins, and some other friendly Indians. On arrival at this place a large body were found collected, who gave them a joyful welcome, and stated that they expected 500 additional warriors of other tribes, who also considered the Iroquois as their enemies, to join them. While awaiting the arrival of these warriors, several days were spent in dancing and festivity, the usual prelude to Indian expeditions. These over, and the allies not arriving, they again set out, and occasionally employed themselves in hunting, until they came to Lake St Clair, near the present city of Detroit, where they at length descried the Iroquois fort, which, in expectation of an attack, had been rendered unusually strong. It was defended by four rows of wooden palisades, vvith strong parapets at top, and enclosed a pond whence water was conducted to the different quarters, to extinguish any fires which might occur. The Iroquois advanced from this fort and skirmished successfully against their assailants for some time, and until the fire-arms were discharged, when they retreated precipitately. They • Champlain, Book ix. chap. vi. ;ollcts, whose >f the Indians :d in Canada, lac, whence he ibsequently to ichinc Rapids, of projects of > assail among fighting men. 1 promised to lain laid down quins in carry- isfaction. He awa, and after- ,ake Nipissing. inhabited the nner. Having d their journey ly, which they d Lake Huron, i-water sea 300 |g this lake for ;ty, and struck 'here they were xnd some other Ddy were found :ated that they ilso considered le awaiting the 1 dancing and 'hese over, and nally employed Clair, near the :d the Iroquois .ered unusually palisades, with \ice water was [ny fires which .nd skirmished and until the litately. They T/ie History of Canada. 19 I fought bravely, however, behind their cfcfenccs, and poured forth showers of arrows and stones, which compelled the allies, in spite of the exhortations and reproaches of Cham[)lain, to withdraw beyond T reach. He now taught them to construct an enclosure of ..iks called a cavalier, which would command the enemy's en- trenchment. The discharges from this machine were meant to drive the latter from the parapet and afford the assailants an opportunity of setting fire to the defences. The Indians showed the utmost activity in constructing this work, which they finished in four hours, when 200 of the strongest moved it close to the palisade. The shot from it drove the Iroquois into the interior of their stronghold, whence, however, they continued to discharge missiles of various kinds. The fort might now, with the greatest ease, have been set on fire, but Champlain found to his mortification that he had to deal with men who would make war only as they pleased. Instead of following his directions, they preferred to pour out execrations 11 on the enemy, and shoot arrows against the strong wooden defences, length they commenced throwing pieces of burning timber, but arelessly, as to produce very little effect, while the voices of their opean friends, instructing them how to proceed, were In l amid the tumult. The Iroquois, meanwhile, drew water from th : reservoir so copiously, that streams flowed through every part of the fortress, and the fires were speedily quenched, when, taking advantage of the disorder in the adverse ranks, they killed several of their assailants Champlain himself was twice wounded in the leg, and his allies find- ing the reduction of the fort likely to be attended with more loss than they had anticipated, resolved to retire. They justified their conduct by alleging the absence of the 500 auxiliaries, promising on tlieir arrival to renew the assault. For two days a strong wind blew most favourably for another attempt to fire the fort ; still, nothing could induce them to advance. Several petty attacks were subse- quently made, but with such little success, that the French were obliged to come to the rescue. The enemy, in consequence, bitterly taunted llie Algonquins as being unable to cope with them in a fair field, and obliged to seek the aid of a strange and odious race. The reinforcement not appearing, the Canadian Indians deter- mined to abandon the enterprise altogether, and return home. Their retreat was conducted with a much greater degree of skill than had been displayed in their ofiensive operations. The wounded were placed in the centre, while armed warriors guarded the front, brought up the rear, and formed flanking parties. The Iroquois followed them a short distance, but unable to make any impression m 4 'ti'i '■1:1'; i!* 20 7)5^ History of Canada. 1616. on their ranks abandoned the pursuit. But, if the safety of the disabled was well provided for, their comfort seemed to be a matter of trifling consideration. Their bodies were bent in a circular form, bound with cords, and thrown into baskets, where, unable to stir hand or foot, they appeared like infants. Champlain suffered the greatest agony while being carried twenty-five or thirty leagues in this position, and at the termination of the journey, felt as if he had been released from a dungeon. Arrived in the country of the Hurons, Champlain claimed the ful- filment of their promise to convey him to Quebec after Lhe campaign. But they averred that guides and canoes could not be procured. He soon discovered that this was a mere excuse, designed to con- ceal their desire to retain him and his companions, with a view to a more effectual defence in case of attack, and to aid them in future forays on their foes. He was consequently compelled to pass the winter with his faithlei.s allies, during which he derived his principal amusement from accompanying them on their hunting ex- cursions. No sooner had the warm sun of April and May melted the ice on the rivers and lakes, than Champlain, accompanied by some friendly Hurons, secretly set out on his return to Quebec, where he arrived in the eorlier part of July, and shortly afterwards sailed for France.* On his arrival there, he found that the interests of the colony were threatened with serious danger, owing to the disgrace and imprisonment of his patron, the Prince of Conde, for the part he had taken in the disturbances during the minoiity of Louis Xni. Sone other powerful protector was necessary to enable Champlain to carry out his plans ; and he accordingly induced the Marquis De Themines to accept the office until the Prince should be released, by agreeing to give him a share of the emoluments. The influence of the Marquis was not sufficient, however, to pre- vent his being involved in a serious controversy with several merchants, desirous to participate in the profits of the fur trade : and after a tedious negotiation of two years and a half, matters still remained in a most unsatisfactory condition for the colony. In this dilemma he sought the protection of the Duke De Montmorency, high admiral of France, who purchased his viceroy- alty from Conde for 11,000 crowns. The merchants, however, still continued to make every effort to degrade Champlain from ^' the governorship of Canada ; but the protection of the new viceroy enabled him to overcome all opposition. A hot dispute was * Ileriot's His. Can. p. 29. Champlain's Voyages. 1618. '. ! V T/ie History of Canada. 21 safety of the :o be a matter circular form, unable to stir 1 suffered the rty leagues in it as if he had aimed the ful- the campaign, be procured, signed to con- ivith a view to aid them in ipelled to pass e derived his :ir hunting ex- ted the ice on mied by some n to Quebec, tly afterwards t the interests owing to the of Conde, for e minoilty of sary to enable induced the nee should be ments. The vvever, to pre- roversy with ts of the fur and a half, ition for the the Duke De 1 his viceroy- however, still am plain from m of the new t dispute was 1621. also waged between the different commercial cities, as to the re- spective shares they ought to have in the new expedition ; which was still further delayed by the disputes between the Protestants and Roman Catholics. After a tedious voyage, Champlain arrived at Quebec in the month of July, and found that his long absence had been of the ^ greatest injury to the colony ; which, after all he had done for it, numbered on the approach of winter only sixty souls, ten of whom were engaged in establishing a seminary. In the following year the Iroquois* made a descent upon Quebec, and caused con- siderable alarm, although they were easily repulsed. Owing to the representations of Champlain that they had neglected to furnish supplies, the associated merchants, who had fitted out the last ex- pedition, were deprived of all their privileges by the Duke, \\ho J ave the superintendence of the colony to William and Emeric De Caen, uncle and nephew, both Huguenots. William proceeded to Canada during the summer, and had an interview with Champlain. He was disposed to act in a very arbitrary manner ; and claimed the right of seizing the vessels of the asso- ciated merchants, then in the river. This conduct had the effect of further weakening the colony. Several quit it in disgust : and to- wards the close of 162 1, the European population of Canada only numbered forty-eight souls.t The high-handed course pursued by De Caen, and the numerous difficulties which otherwise beset the infant colony, must have quickly disheartened an ordinary man. But Champlain was not an ordinary man. Patient, self-denying, hopeful, and courageous ; desirous to found a colony, and conscious that he possessed the qualities necessary to accomplish the arduous task, he did not per- mit himself to be turned aside from his object for a moment. No sooner had the difficulties produced by De Caen been partially arranged, than he gave his attention to settlement and discovery in tlie interior ; and was so fortunate as to aid in the establishment of peace between his allies, the Algonquins and Hurons, and the Iroquois ; % but which as usual was only of very brief duration. * Heiiot's His. Can. p. 29. Champlain's Voyages. + The first child of European parents was bom in Canada this year. lie was the son of Abraham and Margaret Martin, and was named Eustache.— /'r/m/^ Register of Quebec. J The Iroquois, or Five Nations, destined to act the most conspicuous part among all the native tribes of North America, occupied a long range of territory, extending from Lake Champlain and the Mohawk River to the western ex- tremity of Lake Erie. This confederacy embraced the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onon- Vf 22 The History of Canada. Champlain's judicious policy soon led to the arrival of additional r settlers, and in 1623 the settlement at Quebec alone had fifty inhabitants. To afford these more effectual protection in case of danger, he now commenced the construction of a stone fort. The distressed state of the colony, however, compelled him to depart for France before its completion to procure supplies. On his arrival there he found that De Montmorency, disgusted with the trouble his viceroyalty had given him, had transferred it to his nephew, the Duke De Ventadour, for a very moderate considera- tion. The new viceroy was a member of a religious order, and had long retired from the noise and bustle of Parisian life. A zealous promoter of the interests of his religion, he at once avowed that his object in becoming connected with Canada was not so much to advance its temporal as its spiritual interests. This announcement was received with the utmost distaste by the French Protestants, many of whom already looked for\vard to a secure re- fuge in the colony from persecution. The duke promptly applied himself to carry out his views, but , coon found that his course was beset with numerous diffi- culties, and was likely to cause him much more trouble than he at first imagined. Apart from the opposition he received from influential Huguenots, and from the De Caens, who secretly traversed his plans, among the rest, he soon ascertained that the most skilful and adventurous of the French mariners chiefly be- longed to the reformed faith, and that few Roman Catholics were willing to proceed to Canada either as settlers or as sailors. After much searching he found captains of his own faith to command his vessels \ but he could not prevent the major part of the crews being Protestants. To satisfy his rehgious scruples, he directed that the means of exercising their religion should be restricted as much as possible ', and, in particular, that they should not sing psalms on the St Lawrence. The mariners, who had freely been permitted to perform this act of worship on the open sea, remonstrated in the strongest terms against the illiberal restriction ; but the duke's dagas, Senecas, and Cayugas. They were the most powerful of all the tribes east of the Mississippi. They uniformly adhered to the British during the contests that took place subsequently with the French. In 1714 they were joined by the Tuscaroras, since which time the confederacy has been called the Six Nations. Remnants of the once powerful Iroquois are still found in Canada East at Sault St Louis, or Caughnawaga, the usual rendezvous of Champlain, at St Regis, and at the Lake of the Two Mountains ; whilst a considerable body of the same people, under the title of The Six Nation Indians, are settled on the Grand River in Canada West. % .^ The History of Canada. as of additional :c alone had lal protection m of a stone mpelled him upplies. On ted with the red it to his te considera- s order, and sian life. A •nee avowed was not so Tests. This ^ the French a secure re- is views, but imerous diffi- more trouble he received who secretly led that the s chiefly be- itholics were lilors. After ommand his crews being ted that the as much as psalms on n permitted onstrated in the duke's orders had to be obeyed, and the captains, by way of compromise, allowed them greater latitude in other parts of their ritual.* The conversion of the Indians, as well as the establishment of his own faith in Canada on a secure and dominant basis, was a favourite project with the viceroy. It had already engaged his attention for years, and armed as he was now with the most ample powers, and possessed of the greatest possible facilities, he resolved to make every exertion for its accomplishment. Like many others of the French nobility at this period, the Jesuits had acquired a complete control over him. The order supplied him with a confessor, and were well acquainted with his views, which they readily entered into. Three Jesuit fathers and two lay brothers, charged with the conver- sion of the Indians, accordingly embarked for Canada; and where, on their arrival, they were comfortably lodged ^' by the Recollets, now ten years in the country, despite an attempt by the Protestant settlers to create a prejudice against the order. Considering Champlain sufficiently orthodox to carry out his views as to religious matters ; and satisfied, also, that no person could better direct the temporal affairs of the colony, the duke continued him in all his powers as Governor of New France. From one cause or another, however, over two years elapsed before Cham- plain returned to Canada, where he found matters in an equally un- satisfactory condition as after his former absence. The fort was in the same unfinished state as he had left it, and the population of Quebec numbered only 55 persons, of whom but 24 were fit for labour. Shortly after his return he found that a hostile spirit was brewing among the Indians ; and that a fresh war might soon be looked for between the Iroquois on the one hand, and the Algon- quins and Hurons on the other. Champlain made the most strenu- ous efforts to preserve peace, and strongly advised that several cap- tive Iroquois, about to be tortured, should be restored to their nation, with presents to compensate them for the injuries they had already sustained. This salutary counsel was so far adopted, that one individual was sent back, accompanied by a chief and Magnan, a Frenchman. Unfortunately for the colony this pacific course had a most tragical termination. An Algonquin who sought to produce a war, in which he expected that his nation, aided by the French, would be completely victorious, persuaded the Iroquois that this • Champlain, who was also a strict Roman Catholic, constantly expressed a pious horror of the Huguenots, and granted them as few privileges as possible. He states in his memoirs that two-thirds of the ships' crews were usually Pro- testants. ii'i;"!! fA-r 24 T/te History of Canada. ^ mission, though professedly friendly, was devised with the mo^c treacherous intent. Regarding the strangers accordingly as spifs, the latter prepared to take the most horrible revenge. The unfortu- nate men found a caldron boiling, as if to prepare a repast for them, and were courteously invited to seat themselves. The chief was asked, if after so long a journey he did not feel hungry? He replied in the affirmative, when his assassins rushed on him, and cut slices from his limbs, which they flung into the pot and soon after presented to him half cooked. They aftenvards cut pieces from other parts of his body, and continued their torture until he expired in the greatest agony. The Frenchman was also tortured to death in the usual manner. Another Indian, more fortunate, while at- tempting to escape was shot dead on the spot : a third was made prisoner. When news reached the allies of this dreadful tragedy, the war cry was immediately sounded, and their remaining captives put to death with every refinement of cruelty. Champlain himself, deeply afflicted by the intelligence, saw no longer any possibility of averting hos- tilities ; and felt that, as a countryman had been deprived of life, the power of his nation would be held in contempt if his death were not avenged. Nevertheless, he could effect but little in the way of punishing the Iroquois, owing to the impoverished state of the colony, which still continued to be known by the pompous title of New France, A few small houses lodged the inhabitants of Quebec, not yet increased to 60 souls ; while at Montreal, Tadoussac, Three Rivers, and two or three other points along the St Lawrence, the settlements were in a wretched condition.* To make matters still worse, religious dissen- sions agitated the colony. Champlain, a sincere Romanist himself, endeavoured to carry out the views of the viceroy, while the De Caens, on the other hand, being equally sincere Huguenots, sought to obtain liberty of conscience for those of their own faith, and an equal participation in every civil privilege. Cardinal Richelieu having by this time firmly established his in- fluence with his sovereign, found leisure to turn his attention 1 62 7 '* to New France, and to listen to the representations of its viceroy, whom Champlain had already acquainted with the condition of affairs. Apart from the suggestions of the duke, the cardinal had the desire of crushing the Huguenots too closely at heart, to miss any opportunity of doing them an injury. He accordingly re- voked the exclusive privileges which had been granted to the De * Heriot's His. Can. p. 49. See also Charlevoix. Tlie Hlitory of Canada. ^ [Cacns , and at the same time, with the view of placing the colony {in a more prosperous condition, encouraged the formation of a new |com])any composed of men of influence and wealth ; and to which [a charter was granted under the title of "The Company of One [Hundred Associates." To this company Louis XIII. made over [the fort and settlement at Quebec, and all the territory of New JFrance, including Florida ; with power to appoint judges, build for- Itresses, cast cannon, confer titles, and take what steps they might [think proper for the protection of the colony and the fostering of Icommerce. He granted them at the same time a complete monopoly )f the lur trade, and only reserved to himself and his heirs supre- lacy in matters of faith, fealty, and homage, as sovereign of New "ranee, and the presentation of a crown of gold at every new acces- sion to the throne. He also reserved for the benefit of his subjects, ithe cod and whale fisheries in the Gulf of St Lawrence. The com- )any were also permitted to import and export French goods to and (from New France free of all restrictions. In return for these privileges this company engaged, first, to sup- 1 ply all their settlers with lodging, food, clothing, and farm implements [for three years ; after which they would allow them suflScient land to i support themselves, cleared to a certain extent, with the grain neces- sary for sowing it; secondly, that the emigrants should be native Frenchmen and Roman Catholics, and that no stranger or heretic should be introduced into the country; and, thirdly, they agreed to settle three priests in each settlement, whom they were bound to provide with every article necessary for their personal comfort, and \ to defray the expenses of their ministerial labours for fifteen years. After which cleared lands were to be granted by the company to the ' clergy, " for maintaining the Roman Catholic Church in New France." This scheme of Richelieu, if we except its religious illiberality, was equally able and adapted to the necessities of New France ; and had it been carried out as he proposed, would, no doubt, have placed Canada at the head of the North American colonies. But a storm was now brewing in Europe which threatened serious interruption, if not total destruction, to his plans. The imprudent zeal of the Catholic attendants of the Queen of Charles I., in connexion with Richelieu's persecution of the Huguenots, had aroused the hostility of the English people ; and the Duke of Buckingham, to gratify a private pique against the Cardinal, involved them in a war with France. The conquest of Canada was at once resolved ui)on at the English Court ; and Charles granted a commission for that purpose to Sir David Kirk, one of the numerous Huguenot refugees then in 2& The History of Canada. \ m J f ■ England. Aided by his two brothers, Lewis and Thomas, and the younger De Caen, who vowed vengeance against his native country for the loss of his exclusive privilege, he speedily equipped a squadron, and sailed for the St Lawrence. On arrival at Tadoussac he sent a formal summons to Quebec, demanding its surrender. Champlain immediately called a meeting of the inhabitants to consult what was best to be done. On learning their determination to support him, he returned so spirited an answer, that Kirk, ignorant of the weak state of the defences, gave up his intention of capturing the town, and contented himself with seizing a convoy on its way thither with settlers and stores of all kinds. But Champlain and his companions gained only a brief respite of a few months by their courage. The following summer, in ^' the month of July, the English fleet again ascended the St Lawrence. A portion of it under the Admiral remained at Tadoussac, while the vessels commanded by his brothers sailed up to Quebec to demand its surrender. Champlain distressed by famine, owing to the capture of his supplies, and the settlement being severely harassed by the hostile incursions of the Iroquois, at once resolved to comply with the summons of the Kirks, and accordingly surrendered the town and fort on the next day. The terms granted him were of the most honourable character. The inhabitants were allowed to march out with their arms and baggage, and were to be conveyed to France if they desired it ; but, owing to the kind treatment they experienced from the English, very few of them left the country. Leaving his brother Lewis in command of Quebec, Sir David Kirk, accompanied by Champlain, sailed for England in September ; and arrived safely at Plymouth on the 20th of October. Shortly after his arrival Champlain proceeded to London, for the purpose of obtaining an interview with the French ambassador, who was now endeavouring to adjust the differences between the two nations. The ambassador, like a numerous party in France, had no very exalted opinion of Canada ; and seemed to regard its restora- tion, as one of the conditions of the proposed peace, as a very unim- portant matter. Champlain's representations, however, prevailed at the French Court. He clearly proved the vast national importance of the fur trade and the fisheries ; and that the latter formed an admirable nursery for seamen. These facts, backed by his strong solicitations, induced Richelieu to negotiate for the restoration ot Canada, Acadia, and Cape Breton, which, by the treaty of St Germain en Laye, again became appendages of the French crown. The estab- lishment of peace placed the company of One Hundred Associates The History of Canada. 27 brief respite of ing summer, in scended the St \ at Tadoussac, p to Quebec to le, owing to the verely harassed )lved to comply urrendered the lim were of the owed to march eyed to France ey experienced Leaving his accompanied arrived safely ondon, for the Dassador, who tween the two ranee, had no rd its restora- s a very unim- r, prevailed at al importance ter formed an by his strong restoration ot of St Germain 1. The estab- ed Associates 1635. possession of all their former privileges. They promptly reinstated lamplain as Governor of Canada, and commenced extensive pre- rations for a fresh expedition, which several Protestants offered to |m. This the company would not permit, and stringent measures jre resolved on to prevent the spread of ^^ Heresy" in their trans- lantic possessions. From various causes Charaplain was detained in France until the bing of 1633, when he arrived once more at Quebec with >nsiderable supplies, and several new settlers. He found [e colony in nearly the same state as he had left it, both as regarded iimbers and poverty. His first care was to place its affairs in a more lospcrous condition, and establish a better understanding with tlie ^dians, and was tolerably successful in both respects. He next reeled his attention to the establishment of a college, or seminary, the education of the youths of the colony, agreeable to a scheme Ip'oposed by the Jesuits, and one of whom (a noble who had lately fjatered the order) gave 6000 crowns in gold to aid in carry- ipg it out. The foundation of the seminary was laid in the j|utumn of 1635, to the great giatification of the inhabitants. Iphamplain, however, was not destined to see its completion. Ho ,ped in the following December, deeply regretted by the colonists, i^d by his numerous friends in France. At once possessed of great ixperience of human nature ; of energy, perseverance, enterprise, and courage, he was eminently fitted to be the founder of a prosperous Colony. The tenacity with which he clung to his projects, and the Earnestness with which he sought to carry them out, prove that he Anticipated the future greatness of Canada, and that he was creating for himself an imperishable place in its history. His memoirs afford the most ample testimony of his extensive professional knowledge, ^Jnd prove him to have been a faithful historian, a most intelligent Iraveller, an acute geometrician, and a skilful navigator. They also Irove, that the errors of his early colonial policy were principally Jwing to the novelty of his position, and his want of experience in idian affairs. While the pen of the historian can record his chequered )rtunes, he will never be forgotten. The flourishing cities and )wns of this dominion are enduring monuments to his foresight; id the waters of the beautiful lake that bears his name, chant the lost fitting requiem to his memory as they break in perpetual mur- lurings on their shores. CHAPTER 11. mi THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE MONTMAGNY. MDE MONTMAGNY, the successor of Champlain, and a • Knight of Malta, arrived in Canada in 1637. He was accompanied out by M. De Lisle, who had been appointed to the com- mand of Three Rivers, then next in importance to Quebec, ^'' and who was also a Knight of Malta. The new Governor found the affairs of the colony in a very unsatisfactory condition. The " Company of One Hundred," after their first great efiort, speedily re- laxed in their exertions, and neglected to supply the necessary troops and stores. In other respects, also, the colony was in a very critical condition. The Algonquins and Hurons, unaided by the French, were utterly unable to resist the assaults of the Iroquois, who, from their intercourse with the Dutch and English traders, were fast becoming acquainted with the use of fire-arms, and had rapidly ascended to supremacy of power among the northern tribes. They had already completely humbled the pride of the Algonquins, and now closely pressed the Hurons ; scarcely allowing them to pass up or down the St Lawrence, and capturing their canoes, laden with furs, as they descended to Quebec. They also threatened the settlement at Three Rivers, and their scouting parties occasionally appeared almost under the very guns of its fort. While matters remained in this condition, De Montmagny very readily entered into a plan for the settlement of the Island of Montreal by the Sulpicians, and which promised to check the future encroachments of the Iroquois from that direction. Accordingly, in 1638, M. Maisonneuve was formally invested with the govern- ment of the island on behalf of that order : and on the 17th of May, in the following year, the site of the town and fort was solemnly consecrated by the Jesuit fathers. Apart from this event, the zeal and enterprise of the religious orders made up, to a very great extent, for the supineness of the company. They organised a mission at 1638. The History of Canada. 29 sillcry, four miles above Quebec, for the conversion of the Indians, land where Brubart De Sillery, once the magnificent ambassador ot [Marie De Medicis, and who subsequently assumed the friar's cowl, jbuilt a fort, a church, and dwellings for the natives. The Jesuits [founded, shortly afterwards, the Hotel Dicu at Quebec as an hospital [for the sick, and also an Ursuline Convent with a view to the educa- Ition of female children. The audacity which the Iroquois had shown, in appearing in arms [before Three Rivers, and the insolence of their conduct generally, rendered it necessary for De Montmagny to guard against a sur- prise. However desirous he might be to punish them for the injuries Ithey had inflicted on the French and their allies, and to compel jthcm to abate the arrogance of their pretensions, (their aim now [being evidently to give law, either by policy or force, to the whole [country,) the want of resources compelled him to act on the defen- sive. In pursuance of this policy, he determined to erect a fort at the entrance of the River Richelieu, by which the Iroquois usually made their descents, after having first mustered their forces on Laiore remote. The missionaries were at a loss how to deal with the rem- nant of their converts, now nearly reduced to the single village of St Mary. The Island of Manitoulin, in Lake Huron, was proposed as a safe asylum from danger ; but although they wanted the means or courage to defend their country, the Hurons felt a deep reluctance to remove to such a distance from it. They preferred the insular situation of Amherst Island, in Lake Ontario, which it was hoped would secure them against their dreaded foe. They enjoyed repose for some time, but were obliged by the difficulty of obtaining subsistence, a terrible famine having appeared among them, to form stations on the opposite coast at ditTcrent localities. It was hoped that on any alarm the inhabitants might flee to the islar.d for safety ; but the Iroquois, on learning the existence of these posts, came upon them successively with such suddenness and fatal precision, that it seemed as if a destroying angel had guided their steps. One after another was surprisetl and destroyed, till of many hundreds only a single in- dividual escaped to tell the story of their massacre. The unhappy remnant of the Huron nation, now reduced to 300, renounced all hope of remaining in their native country. One of their chiefs addressed the missionary, representing the extremity to which they were reduced, being ghosts rather than men, and hoping to preserve tlicir wretched existence only by a speorthward ; and were it not that the great lake which washed the southern borders of their country still retains their name, every memorial of their existence would have passed into oblivion. The Iroquois about this period likewise turned their arms against the Outawas or Ottawas, a branch of the great Algonquin race, whose hunting-grounds lay along the Ottawa from Ottawa City upwards. This tribe did not make the slightest resistance, and sought shelter * Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 38. 1657. The History of Canada. 39 amid the marshes along their river, or fled to the islands of Lake Huron, whence a portion of them subsequently penetrated to the south-west, Avhere they joined the Sioux. A great part of Lower, and all Upper Canada, were now completely in the possession of the Five Nations. They had become the terror of all the Indian tribes of the north, and even on the side of New England, the cry of "a Mohawk," echoed from hill to hill, caused general consternation and flight.* The Iroquois having attained to this formidable position among the native tribes, and esteeming the neutrality of the French as now no longer of any value, the destruction of the settlement in the Onondaga country was resolved upon. The Christian Hurons were first mas- sacred, some of them in the very arms of the Jesuit missionaries, and Dupuys, who still continued to command this post, saw at once that unless he and his people made a timely flight, they must shortly ex- pect to share the same fate, an opinion in which he was confirmed by the secret warnings of some native converts. Day after day the position of this little band became more and more critical. Luckily for them, three Frenchmen had been scalped and murdered near Montreal by the Oneidas, which was promptly revenged by De Ailleboust seizing a dozen of Iroquois, and placing them in irons. This proceeding, although it added to the irritation of the confeder- ates, now compelled them to proceed moi-e cautiously, not wishing to endanger the lives of the prisoners. Dupuys was destitute of canoes and other means of transport, but he remedied this want by having several light batteaux constructed in the garret of the Jesuits' dwelling, which stood apart from the other buildings. A day at length was appointed for departure, and every preparation made so secretly that the Indians knew nothing of what was going forward. To conceal the launching of the batteaux a great feast was given to them. As much noise as possible was made : the boats were speedily launched. Gorged with food and drugged with brandy, the Iroquois slept heavily, and awoke to find the dwellings of the Frenchmen tenantless, and their occupants spirited away in a most mysterious manner.f After a dangerous journey of fifteen days' duration, Dupuys con- ducted his detachment in safety to Montreal. But his grati- fication at this fortunate occurrence was diminished by the ^ '5 • reflection, that his precipitate flight was highly discreditable to his • Colden's Hist. Five Nations, vol. i. pp. 3, 4. Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 77. Missions to New France in 1659, 1660, p. 34. Brit. Amer. vol. i. p. 174. t Vide Father Paul Ragueneau's Report to the Jesuit Superior in France, for full details. 40 The History of Canada. country, and that had he been properly supported, he could have 'maintained his position among a people who only derived their power from the weakness of the French. He found the inhabitants of the Island of Montreal in a state of great alarm, owing to the appearance of parties of Iroquois, who, although they did not openly proclaim themselves enemies, were evidently there for some hostile purpose. Towards the end of May, the Mohawks, having conducted Father Le Moyne to Montreal, agreeable to their promise to place him in a place of safety in case of hostilities, which they thus honourably re- deemed, threw off the mask in conjunction with the other confeder- ated tribes, and openly declared their determination to drive the French from the country ; a purpose their ignorance of siege opera- tions alone prevented them from accomplishing. THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE ARGENSON. Meanwhile, the Viscount De Argenson had been appointed Governor of Canada, and landed at Quebec on the nth of July. The morning after his arrival he was startled by the cry " To arms ! " in consequence of the appearance of the Iroquois under the very cannon of the fort, where they had massacred some Algonquins. Two hundred French and Indians were promptly detached in pur- suit, but the enemy fled without waiting to be attacked.* Shortly after this occurrence a strong force of the Mohawks ap- proached Three Rivers, designing to surprise that post if possible. Under pretence of holding a conference with the commandant, they sent eight men to ascertain the condition of the garrison ; but these, instead of being treated as legitimate deputies, were promptly placed in prison. Disappointed in their object they retreated from the colony, which for a brief space enjoyed repose. Of this the mission- aries promptly availed themselves to prosecute their labours among the northern tribes, and now discovered several routes to Hudson's Bay. The principal events of the following year were the arrival of the . Abbd De Montigney, the first Canadian bishop, on the 27th '' ^' of June ; and the establishment of a regular parish priest- hood, entitled to one-thirteenth of all the natural and artificial pro- ducts of the country as tithes. In the spring of 1660,. the Iroquois made a fresh irruption into Canada ; and 700 of their war- riors, having defeated a strong body of the French and their Indian allies, sent to intercept them, advanced to Quebec, * Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 29. Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 87. 1660. The History of Canada. 41 which they held in a state of blockade for the greater part of the summer. Their scouting parties during this period spread them- selves over the country in every direction, and committed all the mischief possible. No succours arriving from France, a feeling of utter despondency now took possession of the colonists, many of whom prepared to return thither. The first half of the succeeding year proved equally fruitful of dis- aster to the colony. The enemy swept like a sirocco over ,, the open country in every direction. Towards midsummer, however, they retired, satisfied for the present with the injuries they had inflicted ; and, in the month of July, sent two canoes to Mon- treal, with a flag of truce to demand an exchange of prisoners, as well as to signify that they were not indisposed to peace. After some consideration the governor acceded to the proposed ex- change, which Father Le Moyne was deputed to arrange, as well as to ascertain whether an honourable peace could not be effected. With these objects in view the Father accompanied the deputies, who belonged to the Onondaga and" Cayuga tribes, on their return home. THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE AVAUGOUR. The ill-health of De Argenson, added to the chagrin he had ex- perienced at the supineness of the Company, and some private dis- contents, had induced him during the past year to desire his recall, when the government was committed to the Baron De Avaugour, who arrived out in the latter part of the summer, and shortly after- wards visited the several settlements throughout the country. The Baron, a military man, who had served in Hungary with distinction, was possessed alike of great integrity and resolution of purpose, and entered upon his government with the intention to administer it to the advantage of the colony. But he -as astonished at the deplor- able condition of affairs, and despairing of relief from the " Company of One Hundred," now reduced to forty-five members, he promptly complied with the solicitations of many of the inhabitants to re- quest the King to take Canada under his immediate protection, and to present him with a petition to that effect from themselves. Boucher, commandant of Three Rivers, was sent to France to lay their memorial before Louis XIV., and was graciously received by his sovereign, who was much surprised to learn the de^ lorable state of matters in a country naturally so fruitful of resources. , , He proirptly ordered M. De Monts to proceed to Canada as his commissioner to inquire into its condition, and whedier it 42 The History of Canada. would be desirable to annul the Company's charter. He directed at the same time, that four hundred soldiers should hold themselves in readiness to reinforce the posts most exposed to the assaults of the Iro(iuois. The subsequent arrival of these troops at ^' Quebec was productive of the greatest satisfaction to the inhabitants, and begat the hope that the colony would soon attain to its merited importance and prosperity.* Although Father Le Moyne still remained in the Onondaga coun- try, his mission, beyond the exchange of prisoners, had pro- duced no results of importance. The Indians, it is true, were greatly attached to him as an individual, and listened attentively to his religious instructions, but this did not prevent the Onondagas and Cayugas from making a fresh irruption into Canada. On the Island of Montreal they attacked the inhabitants at work in the fields, and killed the town-major and a party of twenty-six soldiers sent out to protect them, after a sanguinary conflict which lasted an entire day. In the meantime the proud and unbending De Avaugour became involved in a serious controversy with the clergy, whom he disliked on account of the great influence they exercised in the aflfairs of the colony, and which not unfrequently clashed with his own autho- rity. Hitherto he had prohibited the sale of intoxicating liquors to the Indians, A woman disobeyed his ordinance on that head, but was screened from punishment by the interference of one of the Jesuit Fathers. This occurrence, in connexion with the dislike he had already conceived against the order, so piqued the Governor that he declared, " that since the traffic of spirits was not deemed by ecclesiastics a fault punishable in a woman, no man should in future suffer for a similar ofience." This decision, which the resolute old gen- eral refused to alter, was productive of the greatest disorders, and oper- ated most unfavourably to the authority of the clergy. The lust of gain proved stronger with the people than the admonitions of their confessors, whom some persons even taunted with the heavy tithes they collected and their own avarice. The bishop was finally under the ne- cessity of going to France to put a stop to this state of things, and suc- ceeded in procuring from the King an order prohibiting the sale of liquor to the Indians. The bishop's success in this respect, and the favour with which he was otherwise regarded at court, so disgusted the Governor, that he requested permission to resign his post. The * Her. Hist. Can. p. 97. Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 35. Char. vol. ii. p. 120. Con. of Can. vol. i. p. 285. ' , The History of Canada. 43 1663. agitation, however, had one good effect. It ultimately led to the tithes being reduced from a thirteenth to a twenty-sixth part of the products of tlie country. But, under the new arrangement, the flir- mers were compelled to pay their tithes in clean grain, instead of in the slieaf as before.* The earlier part of the ensuing year was distinguished by a memor- able event in the annals of this country. On the 5th of February, about half-past four in the evening, a great noise was heard throughout the whole extent of Canada. It resembled the crackling and rushing sound of a great fire, and the inliabitants im- agining their dwellings were in flames ran out of doors to save them- selves. But their terror was if possible increased when they saw the buildings tottering backwards and forwards, the walls, in many instances, suddenly parting one moment, and closing again the next. The earthquake caused the bells in the churches to peal, the pickets of fences to bound from their places, great trees to be torn up by the roots, and dashed hither and thither against their fellows of the forest. Dogs howled, terrified cattle ran here and there, dense clouds of dust increased the prevailing darkness, while the cries and lament- ations of women and children, who supposed their last hour had come, added to the horrors of the hour. The ice on the different rivers was broken into fragments and frequently thrown into the air, several small rivers and springs were dried up, and the water of others strongly impregnated with sulphur. In some instances hills were torn from their places, their broken fragments damming up the courses of rivers, and inundating the neighbouring districts. But derangements of this kind could only have been of a temporary char- acter, for at the present moment the physical features of this country present the same general aspect as they did to Jacques Cartier. f The St Lawrence, from Kingston to Quebec, bears no marks of having had its channel changed. The rapids of Lachine, or the Sault St Louis, remain in the same state as when first seen by Europeans. There appears to be some grounds for the supposition that the St Lawrence, at one period, diverged into two streams at Cape Rouge, which again united at Quebec. But if this has ever been the case, it must have happened long before the French visited this country. I All the old writers on Canada are pretty unanimous upon this point, I and there can be no doubt that had any important changes in the physical appearance of the country taken place, they would be easily ^^ * Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 33. Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 160. IChar. vol. ii. p. ^B f Heriot's Hist, Can. p. 102, Jesuits' Jour. 1663. Smith's Hist. Can, ,p. 34. Hist. Brit. Amer. vol. i. p. 175, vol, i. 44 The History of Canada, I traced, even at the present day, as belonging to that period in which it is supposed the coal beds originally lying in the limestone basins of the valley of the St Lawrence were destroyed by subterranean fires. The first shock continued without intermission for half an hour. Three hours afterwards another violent shock was felt, and during the night no less than thirty shocks took place. Slighter shocks were subsequently experienced at intervals till the month of August. This earthquake extended throughout Canada, Nova Scotia, and New England. There can be no doubt that its effects were much exagger- ated, owing to the novelty of the occurrence, and the extreme terror it produced. The Jesuits' Journal, which supplies very full details of the event, does not state that any buildings were destroyed, and it says that no person perished, a proof of itself that the danger was not very imminent. The geological formations in many parts of Canada, and paUicularly the islands of tl-e St Lawrence, prove tlie occurrence of severe eartliquakes and volcanic eruptions at some very remote period, but there is no just grounds to suppose that the causes »vhich produced these now exist, or that this country will ever again be subjected to severe visitations of this kind. CHAPTER III. THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE MEZY. THE representations of his commissioner, as well as those of the Canadian Bishop, who strongly advocated the measure, deter- mined Louis XIV. to demand their charter from "The Company of One Hundred Associates," and to place the •^' colony in immediate connexion with the crown. The profits of the fur-trade having been much diminished by the hostility of the Iroquois, the Company readily surrendered their privileges, an act which inaugurated a new and better condition of things in Canada. As soon as the transfer was fully completed, and the necessary arrangements made for the conduct of the government, a new Gover- nor, M. De Mezy, was appointed for three years, and an edict* published, which defined the powers of the principal officers of the colony. Hitherto, with the exception of a tribunal for the decision of small causes, no court of law or equity existed in Canada, and the Gover- nors decided according to their pleasure,! but provision was now made for the regular administration of justice, in conformity with the laws of France, and a sovereign council or court of appeal created. It consisted of the Governor, the Bishop of Quebec, and the Intendant, together with four others to be named by them, one of whom was to act as Attorney-General, and another as Clerk. De Mezy, accompanied by the Bishop, to whom he owed his ap- pointment, arrived at Quebec in the latter part of the summer, and at once assumed the government of the colony. He brought witii him M. De Gaudais, who came out as the King's Commissioner to take possession of the colony, to report on its condition, and also to investigate the charges against the Baron De Avaugour. The latter willingly resigned his authority and returned to France, where he * Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 36-39. t Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 104. Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 36. I'l:^ t m • |.i ii i( I'! Jir «; .3. nil t: 46 77/i? History of Canada, found no difficulty in satisfying his sovereign how little he was to blame. He afterwards entered the service of the Emperor of Austria and was killed in 1664, while gallantly defending the fortress of Serin in Croatia against the Turks. De Me/y brought out with him the four hundred troops already alluded to, and one hundred families of emigrants, with cattle, horses, and every description of agricultural implements. As the Governor was indebted for his post to the Bishop, the Jesuits supposed that he would prove much more tractable and more favourably inclined to them than his predecessor had been. On this point they soon found they had made a serious mistake. The Gov- ernor, like De Avaugour, and a large party in France, viewed the growing influence of the order with the utmost dislike, and promptly applied himself to thwart its views in the colony.* But he speedily discovered that the Jesuits exercised an influence and power superior to his own. Owing to their representations, or to those of their crea. tures, Colbert determined on his recall. On the other hand, the statements of De Mezy in his own defence had considerable ^' weight at the French court, and led to suspicions that the Jesuits had attained to greater influence in the colony, than was con- sistent with the interests of the crown.* While these events were in progress, Louis appointed the Marquis De Tracy viceroy of all the French possessions in the New World with instructions to proceed to Canada, after making a tour of in- spection through St Domingo and the Windward Islands, and to pro- vide for its future security by curbing the power of the ^* Iroquois. The Marquis had scarcely departed on his mission, when M. De Courcelles was directed to proceed to Canada to supersede De Mezy. In conjunction with De Tracy, and Talon, the Intendant, he was also to form a commission to investigate the complaints against his predecessor, and, if necessary, was instructed to bring him to trial. But De Mezy died before even the intelligence of his recall had arrived, and thus escaped the mortifications which he must have otherwise been subjected to.t THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE COURCELLES. The Marquis De Tracy arrived at Quebec in the month of June, bringing with him from the West Indies a portion of the regiment of * Conquest of Can. vol. i. p. 287. Heiiot's Hist. Can. p. iii. t De Mezy died 5th May 1665, before he knew of his recall. — Jesuits' your. The commission of his successor was dated 23d March 1665. The History of Canada. 47 Carignan, and was soon afterwards joined by Governor Do Courccllos, and the remaining companies of this corps. In the same fleet with the Governor came out 130 adult male emigrants, and 82 women and children. It likewise brought, for the use of the colonists, sheep and horses, and a large supply of agricultural and other stores. The viceroy promptly applied himself to fulfd his instructions with respect to the Iroquois. The force at his command readily enabled him to repel their usual summer forays, and the harvest was couse- (juently gathered in security. To check their future inroads, as well as to place troops in close proximity to their country, and aftbrd a secure base for offensive oi)erations against them at any time, forts were erected on the river Richelieu at Sorel, at Chambly, and at a point above its rapids. The vigorous manner in which these forts were constructed, as well as the bolder front now assumed by the French and their allies, discouraged the Iroquois for the time. The Onondagas, the Cayugas, and the Senecas sent deputies to Quebec, to assure the Governor of their peaceable disposition, and of their desire to maintain in future a good understanding with the French. One of the deputies (Garahonthie) pronounced an eloquent eulogium on Father Le Moyne, who had died in his country a short time pre- vious, and declared the sorrow of his people for that event. But the Mohawks and Oneida,s still kept haughtily aloof, and as this conduct left no doubt of their hostility, a winter expedition into their country was resolved upon to punish them for the numerous injuries they had inflicted on the colony.* This expedition, com- posed of 300 soldiers and 200 militia, left Quebec on the 9th January, under the command of De Courcelles. Each man carried, besides his arms and the necessary warm clothing, twenty-five pounds of biscuit. During the march to the Richelieu the greatest hardships were encountered, owing to the severity of the weather, and some men were lost, who had to be replaced from the garrisons on that river. Still, De Courcelles resolutely perse- vered in the enterprise, and after a long and toilsome journey, the greater part of which his troops performed with snow-shoes, he found himself in the vicinity of Schenectady on the 9th of Feb- ruary. In the evening some Indians making their appearance he detached sixty of his best marksmen in pursuit. These were le'c\v N'i'rl, v-.l. 1 |.p, Cif), 70, \\^. (an. vol. i. p. 5^. Ikii'ir,- IIi>t. ','aii. !>. 121. .Smill: The History of Canada. 51 while on his way to dispose of his furs, by three French soldiers, and some quarrels between the Senecas and Ottawas, 1670. threatened again to deluge the colony with all the horrors of warfare. The Governor promptly proceeded to Montreal, and there had the soldiers tried and executed for the murder in the pre- sence of the assembled Indians, whom he declared he would punish with the same severity if they disturbed the p iblic peace. By this impartial conduct, and his prudent representa ions, he induced the Ottawas and Senecas to send deputies to Quebec, where all their disputes were satisfactorily arranged. But a more destructive foe than even the Iroquois was now about to afflict the hapless red men of Canada. The small-pox made its appearance amongst them this year with the most fatal virulence. Some of the small tribes resident north of Quebec were almost wholly swept away. Tadoussac, where 1200 Indians annually assembled to barter their rich furs, was completely deserted ; and Three Rivers, once crowded ^he Algonquins, was now never visited by a red man. Time - ' i r. i abate the ravages of this fatal disease. A few years subsequcr.'..^, . attacked the Indians of Sillery, and out of 1500 scarcely one survived. The salutary dread with which the French had inspired the Indians, enabled De Courcelles, during the succeeding year, to inter- pose effectually between the Senecas and the Poutcouatamis, a western tribe, for the preservation of peace. At the same time, the religious and political zeal of the Jesuit missionaries was fast building up an influential French party among the Onondaga and Cayuga Iroquois. Many of the converts had already come to reside ill Canada. These were now separated from the Huron Christians, and established in a distinct settlement of their own at Caughnawaga, near the Lachine Rapids. French influence tvas also strengthened among the distant tribes of the north-west by the mission of Nicholas Perrot, an experienced traveller, wlio had embraced tlie service ci the Jesuits from necessity. This bold adventurer penetrated among the tribes dwelling on the borders of the upper lakes, took possession of their country in the name of his sovereign, and speaking their language fluently, he readily persuaded them to consider themselves under the protection of the Governor of Canada, and to send de- puties to the Falls of St Mary. Here they were met by the repre- sentative of De Courcelles, acknowledged the sovereignty of hi.« Kinp^ and witnessed the erection of a cross bearing the royal arms of France, as an evidence that he had taken possession of their soil. Although tlie Iroquois were at peace with the French and th^r 1671. .14.; 52 The History of Canada. \\:^ M.-'y\ native allies, they ■were far too restless not to carry their arms in other directions. On their southern borders they terminated a long and fierce struggle with two tribes, by a final defeat and incorporation with themselves. Of this event De Courcelles was duly made aware, and he at once saw the necessity of imposing new barriers to their future forays iiito Canada. A fort at Cataraqui, situated at the foot of Lake Ontario, and at the head of the St Lawrence, would form an excellent base foi operations at any time against the western Iroquois, as well as a valuable trading post. Here he accordingly met the deputies of those nations in person, explained that he wished to esta- blish a trading ]■ >st in the neighbourhood, and obtained their consent thereto. Gratified at the success of liis plans thus far, he returned to Quebec to find his successor already arrived in the person of Louis De Buade, Count De Frontenac. His failing health had previously compelled De Courcelles to solicit his recall, and he returned home followed by the regrets of the majority of the inhabitants, to whom his chivalrous courage and prosperous administration had endeared him. With the religious orders, now becoming an important element in Canadian society, he was far from popular ; and the Jesuits, whose views he especially thwarted, regarded him with positivt dislike. Wisely leaving the chief burden of the civil administration to Talon, whose greatest fault was that he deferred too much to the clerical orders, the Colony flourished greatly under his rule, taking the exactions of French monoply into consideration. The Iroquois feared him for his courage, and respected him for his love of justice and moderation, qualities which also won for him the sincere respect of the Indian allies of the French. He sincerely desired the prosperity of Canada, and prior to i.is departure other cares did not prevent him from impressing upon his successor the necessity of a fort at Cataraqui to insure its continuance.* THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNT DE FRONTENAC. The Count De Frontenac was already a lieutenant-general, and had frequently distinguished himself as a soldier. Brave, talented, and possessed ot most of the virtues o^ tne old nobility ot ' ' France, he likewise inherited many of their vices. His noble descent, as well as military ed- cation, made him haughty and overber.ring in his manners. It was his nature to command: he wished to rule alone. This circumstance of itself soon rendered him unpopular with the Jesuit fathers, to whom his great personal influ- * He-iot's Illbt Can. vol. i. i>. 293. Sniilli's Hist, Can, pp. 62, 63. The History of Canada. 53 ence at the French Court and numerous friends made him very formid- able. The free and easy manners of a colony, where comparative equality of possessions had planted to some extent the incipient seeds of democracy, was little suited to the count ; and those who knew him best augured a new order of things on his arrival. To Talon especially, this prospect was most unpleasant. The indolence of De Courcelles in civil affairs, had hitherto given him a principal share in the internal administration of the colony. Unwilling to have his influence diminished he had some time before De Frontenac's arrival applied for his recall, but had been prevailed upon by the King to remain at his post until its affairs should be placed on a more permament footing, Flattered by the compliment his sovereign had paid him, the zeal of Talon was stimulated to fresh exertions in his service. In 1673 he despatched Father Marquette, a Jesuit, and '^' Joliet, a geographer of Quebec, to search for the great river which the Indians had so often described as flowing towards the south. These adventurous men, accompanied by six voyageurs, boldly navi- gated Lake Michigan in bark canoes, ascended Fox River, and finally struck the Mississippi in 42, 30 north latitude. Descending its stream till they satisfied themselves that it flowed inlu the Gulf of Mexico, they retraced their course towards ''^' Canada. Marquette subsequently decided to remain among the Indians of the north-west, while Joliet descended to Quebec to in- form Talon of the gratifying results of the expedition. He found the intendant had already departed for France, his successor, Du Chespeau, having arrived. Canada now enjoyed a long repose from Indian warfare. Never- theless, her prosperity was far less rapid than it might have been. The despotic conduct of the Governor led to continual quarrels be- tween him and the other principal officials. He imprisoned a priest for inveighing against him from the altar, exiled, of his own autho- rity, the attorney-general and all the councillors, came to an open rupture with the intendant, filled the principal departments with his own creatures, and thus became the sovereign arbiter of the colony, which he ruled with a rod of iron. The surrender of its charter by the West India Company, rather increased than diminished his power, of the arbitrary exercise of which fre- quent complaints were made to Louis XIV., whirh, however, owing to the influence of his friends received but very liuie attention.* * Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 149. Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 68. Brit. Amer. vol. i. p. So. 1675- 54 The History of Canada. ii" ■ I 1677, The departure of Talon and the death of Father Marquette, pre- vented for some time the prosecution of fresh discovery ' ' and settlement on the Mississippi. In 1676 this project was again resumed by the Sieur De la Salle, a young man of family, who had come to Canada to discover, if possible, some route to Japan and China ; or, in other words, a north-west passage by land, so long fruitlessly sought after at sea. Thus open to schemes of adventure and profit, the representations of Joliet fired his imagina- tion, and he resolved to descend the Mississippi to its mouth, which he felt confident must be somewhere in the Gulf of Mexico. He speedily won the favour of De Frontenac, who sent him to France to lay his plans before the king, backed with strong recommendations from himself La Salle met with the great- est success. Louis XIV. granted him the seigniory of Cataraqui, bestowed on him the government of the fort there, (Frontenac,) on condidon that he should cause it to be rebuilt with stone, invested him with the privilege of carrying on a free commerce, and autho- rised him to resume the discoveries on the Mississippi. Encouraged by the success of his mission. La Salle returned with thirty workmen and pilots to Quebec, where he arrived on the 15th of September. After a brief stay there he ascended to Fort Frontenac, which he promptly rebuilt with stone. At the same time he had a barque constructed in which he sailed to Niag- ara, where he erected a small fort, and whence he vigorously pro- secuted the fur-trade with the Senecas, whose country he traversed on foot. Ably aided by De Tonti,his second in command, anodier barque was const! ucted on Lake Erie during the following '^* summer,* in w' 1 he embarked with forty men for ]\Iack- inaw.f But a fierce storm by water and hardships on land dis- heartened his followers, many of whom deserted him. Leaving De Tonti in command of a fort he had built on the Illinois, he returned to Frontenac for assistance and supplies, as he still, 1678. li-: sift * Modern usage has abbreviated the long Indian name of Machilimakinac, given to the strait or river connecting Lakes Huron and Michigan into Mackinaw. I have used the latter phrase as much the more desirable. I likewise use the mo- dern names of places, Indian tribes, &c., whenever it can be done with propriety. Many recent writers on Canada persist in using obsolete names for places and tribes, which only tend to confuse the reader. Even Warburton falls into this error very frequently, and applies terms to the Iroquois and other Indians, which were used by the old French writers and none others. + A census taken this year gave S41S souls as the number of French inhabitants in the colony. — Char. vol. i. p. 467. •!i;> The History of Canada. 55 1680. with unshaken resolution, determined to persevere. He retraced his way westward with a reinforcement of twenty men, traversed the great " Father of Rivers " to its mouth, and after enduring hardships of the severest kind and encountering many dangers, returned to Quebec in the spring of 1683. He sailed soon afterwards for France, and found little diffi- ^ ^' culty in equipping an expedition to proceed to the Mississippi, con- sisting of four vessels and 290 men. Unfortunately the latitude of the river's mouth had not been correctly asrertained. He sailed one hundred leagues too far southward, formed a ^' settlement in the Bay St Bernard, and was murdered by his mutinous followers, while wandering in the interior in search of the fabulous mines of St Barbe. His death broke up the settle- '" nient. Some died by hunger, others were massacred by the Indians; others again were encountered by the Spaniards, and sent to labour in the mines. Seven men only returned to Canada to relate the dreadful story of their misfortunes.* * Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. pp. 65, 66. Ileriot's Hist. Can. pp. 151 159. Con- quest of Can. vol. i. p. 297. llaynal, vol. iii. p. 462. nhabitants CHAPTER IV. THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE I.A BARRE. • '■■m:«i'' 'I Wm 1682. NEARLY ten years had now elapsed since the accession of De Frontenac to the Government of the colony, yet he remained haughty and unyielding as ever. The Inler.dant, Du Ches- neau, a man almost as despotic as himself, still darkened the pathway of his power, and time instead of diminishing had added to their mutual dislike. Both had their partizans at the French Court, and while the numerous complaints against the Governor had weak- ened the hands of his friends, the intrigues of the Jesuits placed Du Chesneau daily in a better position, till he came to be looked upon as altogether the aggrieved party. But finally, to terminate the diffi- culty and to gratify, in some measure, the Governor's friends, both were recalled. The Count had M. De la Barre for his successor : the Intendant, M. De Meules. The new Governor entered upon his functions at a critical period for Canada. The transfer of the Dutch settlements in the State of New York to Great Britain, had placed a powerful and energetic rival in immediate communication with the Iroquois and the other Indian tribes. Trade had already taught the red man, who had intercourse with Europeans, to discriminate between the relative value of similar merchandise, and he soon discovered that the Eng- lish traders sold much cheaper than the French. The Iroquois, who still cordially disliked the latter, were not slow fo avail themselves of this circumstance to their disadvantage, and endeavoured to divert the current of trade from the St Lawrence to their own country. Nor were these politic people, who scarcely merit the name of savages at this period, by any means unsuccessful. They introduced the Eng- lish traders among the western tribes, weakened French influence with the Ottawas and others of the north-west Indian:, and thus gave a serious blow to the Canadian fur- trade at its very source. The murder of a missionary friar by the Senecas, isolated collisions with The History of Canada. 57 French trappers, and occasional forays into the hunting-grounds of triucs friendly to France, displayed additional ill-feeling on the part of the Iroquois. Time had weakened their dread of " Ononthio," and although they were still unwilling to come to an open rupture, but little provocation was necessary to rekindle the flame of savage warfare along the St Lawrence.* In pursuance of his instructions from the King,t De la Barre promptly applied himself on his arrival to place public matters in a better position. He summoned a council of the chief men of the colony, which he instructed to report on the causes that had produced the present condition of affairs, and to state the remedies necessary to restore the country to prosperity. This report, after showing the crafty and selfish policy of the Iroquois, provi the necessity of addi- tional reinforcements of troops and emigranin l)efore offensive opera- tions could be undertaken against them with any prospect of success; and that money also was wanting to build boats to navigate Lake Ontario, to erect magazines for provisions, and to cover the general expenses of the war, to which the resources of the colony were wholly inadequate. The report met the approval of the Governor, who promptly for- warded it to France. Louis, now aware of the critical condition of his Canadian possessions, obtained an order from the licentious Charles to Governor Dongan, of New York, to maintain a good under- standing with De la Barre, of which order the latter was duly made aware. A correspondence ensued between the two Governors, which, apart from courteous professions of individual good will, did not lead to very amicable results. Dongan was too desirous to retain the western traffic, now very lucrative, at New York, to pay much attention to the order of his sovereign. The Iroquois, knew well they had nothing to fear from him, and while De la Barre's courier was still on his return to Quebec, a scouting party ^' of the Senecas attacked fourteen Canadian traders, seized their merchandise, and subsequently invested the French post on the Illinois river, which was gallantly defended by the Chevalier De Bangy. These outrages, as well as intelligence that the Iroquois were secretly preparing for hostilities, and had already sent deputies to the Virginian Indians to prevent an attack from that quarter, left De la Barre no other alternative but war. He accordingly resolved to strike the first blow, and to carry hostilities at once into the Seneca * Doc. Hist. New York, vol. i. p. 96. t Ueriot's Hist. Can. pp. 161, 162. Smith's Hist. Can, vol. i. pp. 93, 94. 58 The History of Canada. »^!J- I (')84. country. At the same time he sought to weaken the confederate Iroquois by endeavouring, although fruitlessly, to persuade the Mohawks, the Oneidas, and the Onondagas to remain neuter in the event of a war. Their mediation between the French and the Senecas, in the present emergency, was all these tribes would concede. If this was refused they avowed a determination to make common cause with their confederates, and stated, that in this case they had received assurance of ample support from New York."' The trading posts established at different points among the Indians of the north-west, gave the French so much influence in that direction that a body of 500 warriors was speedily drawn together to co-operate with the force, consisting of 700 militia, 130 soldiers, and 200 Indians, under the command of De la Barre, which moved upwards from Montreal on the 21st of July, 01 route for Niagara, where it was intended to penetrate into the Seneca country. But sickness among his troops and the want of provisions detained the Governor in the neighbourhood of Fort Frontenac, where he patched up a humiliating peace with the Onondaga, Oneida, and Cayuga Iroquois ; one condition of which was that he should retire on tlie ensuing day. This he complied with, leaving the north-west Indians, much to their disgust, to return home from Niagara. On the Governor's arrival at Quebec, he found that a reinforcement of troops and supplies had arrived from France, as well as despatches which placed him in an awkward predicament. The King supposed he was waging a successful war against the Iroquois, and that the 300 additional troops he now sent out would enable him utterly to extir- l)ate them : or, at the least, to punish them so severely, that they would be glad to seek peace on whatever conditions he might think proper to impose. At the same time he instructed the Governor, " that as the Iroquois were stout and robust, and would be useful in his galleys, to make a great many of them prisoners, and have them shipped to France by every opportunity." Great, therefore, was the surprise of Louis, when he learned the true state of affairs from the account given by De la Barre himself, as well as from a lengthy report supplied by the Intendant, who placed the Governor's conduct in the most unfavourable light. De la Barre was immediately pro- nounced unfit for his post, and the Marquis De Denonville, an active officer, appointed to supersede him. At the same time, the Chevalier De Callieres, a captain of the regiment of Navarre, was appointed Governor of Montreal. His command was described as extending * Doc. Ilisl.New York, vol, i. pp. 109-139, Conquest of Can. vol. i. p. 309. The History of Canada. 59 to Lake St Peter.* He proved an able and jiulicious officer, and soon came to be regarded by the colonists with very great respect. THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE DENONVII.LE. A reinforcement of troops proceeded to Canada in the same fleet whicli brought out the Governor. The voyage hafl been long and boisterous, yet impressed with the urgency of affairs, Dc . Denonville only allowed himself a few hours' repose at ^' Quebec, till he departed for Fort Frontenac. On arrival there, he sedulously applied himself to learn the true state of matters with regard to the Iroquois, and the other Indian nations. The long and lucid reports which he furnished to the French court on this head display ecjual industry and ability, and possess much vaine as liistorical documents. He faithfully depicted the condition of affairs, and stated it would be more to the advantage of the colony to maintain i)eaceable relations with the Iroquois ; but that their recent insolence of tone rendered war a necessary evil. To enable this to be carried on successfully, he strongly recommended the strengthening of Fort Frontenac, as the point d appui of offensive operations ; and the construction of another fort at Niagara to be garrisoned by 500 men, which would give the French the complete command of Lake Ontario, keep the Senecas, the most powerful of the Five Nations, in check, and prevent the Indian and Canadian trappers of the north-west from trading with the English. As the cost of maintaining this post would possibly be an objection to its construction, he proposed it should be rented. The merchants of Quebec highly approved of the Marquis's plan, and offered to supply the proposed fort with merchandise for nine years, and to pay an annual rent therefor of 30,000 livres. The extensive preparations for war proposed by the Governor, as well as a demand for mlditional troops from France, would naturally lead to the supposition that he was about to attack a very numerous foe. Such was not the case. The population of a small Canadian town at the present day would outnumber the whole Iroquois nation, which scarcely amounted to 7000 souls. The Mohawk tribe could muster only 200 warriors, the Oneida 150, the Onondaga 300, the Cayuga 200, and the Seneca laoo.f But these were no ordinary men. In intelligence they were far superior to the uneducated * Heriot's Hist. Can. pp. 172-190. Colden, vol. i. p. 66. Hist. Brit. N. Amer. vol. i. pp. 181-183. t Doc. Hist. New York, vol. i. p. 196. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. '> 7: '> > "^J /A Photographic Sdences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 4^ .•V :\ iV \ ^v ^ '^\. .>/^ o^ ^ Z 6o The History of Canada. 1686. peasantry of civilised Europe, while in their love of country, their natural eloquence, and their indomitable courage, they rivalled the chivalry of antiquity. If they wanted the discipline of the French, and could neither march in column of echelon, nor deploy into line with mathematical precision, they could use the musket far more dexterously, were inl'.nitely better shots, and every way superior in desultory warfare.* As the plans of De Denonville met the approbation of his sovereign, the following year saw him busily engaged in making the necessary preparations to carry them out. Governor Dongan, of New York, had already heard a rumour of the proposed fort at Niagara, and this circumstance, in connexion with the collection of extensive suppHes of provisions at Fort Frontenac, convinced him that the Iroquois v>'ere about to be attacked, and the trade of his people with the west seriously interrupted. He promptly remon- strated with the Marquis, claimed the Iroquois as subjects of Great Britain, and expressed a hope that nothing would be done to disturb the amicable relations between their respective Governments. The latter replied by denying the claim of Great Britain to the sove- reignty of the Five Nations; asserting that the French had possession of their country long before the British acquired New York. He added that the provisions collected at Fort Frontenac were intended for the supply of the garrison, without any view to a war with the Iroquois. Dongan was too well acquainted with the policy of the Canadian Government, and saw too clearly its ambitious designs to, place any dependence on De Denonville's pacific assurances. Although obliged to act with extreme caution, owing to the new instructions of James II. to preserve a good understanding with the French, he resolved to maintain British supremacy, if possible, among the western Indians, and to retain a firm grasp of the fur-trade, in which freedom from monopoly had already given the New York and Albany mer- chants an immense advantage. He accordingly assembled the principal chiefs of the Five Nations at New York, and laid before them the line of policy he desired them to pursue. They were to cease all intercourse with the French; to make peace with the Hurons, and other north-west tribes, and induce them to trade with the British. They were further to aid him in establishing a post at Mackinaw ; to recall the Christians of their people living at Caugh- nawaga ; to compel the Jesuits to withdraw from amongst them ; and to receive the missionaries he would send them. If they * Doc. Hist. New York, vol. L p. 231. The History of Canada. 6x complied with these demands, and were attacked by the French, Dongan promised his assistance. The politic chiefs did not entirely commit themselves to these measures. They were loath, as yet, to break wholly with the French ; but, at the same time, they fully satisfied the English Governor of their desire to aid him in the greater part of his plans. The return of the Onondaga chiefs from this council put Father L*amberville, a Jesuit missionary to their tribe, in full possesr.ion of the demands of Dongan, which he promptly communicated to De Denonville. The latter was thoroughly incensed, and prosecuted his preparations for war with additional vigour, being resolved to prove to the British, that even their support would not prevent him from punishing the Iroquois. By way of retaliation, one of his first operations in the spring of 1687 was the capture of nearly all the English trading posts at Hudson's Bay, with the ex- '* ccption of Port Nelson.* This act of hostility was perpetrated in open violation of a treaty, just then ent ^red into between the French and EngUsh Governments, to the effect " that whatever might occur between the mother countries the American colonies should always remain at peace." Unfortunately, the force of national prejudices, and the clashing of mutual interests, rendered this enHjhtened pro- vision totally fruitless.! Having received the expected reinforcements from France, and made every necessary preparation for war, De Denonville was guilty of an act of treachery v/hich places his character in a very unfavour- able light. Availing himself of the influence of Father Lamberville with the Onondagas, and that of the Jesuit missionary to the Oneidas, he induced several chiefs of these tribes and their immediate followers, amounting to fifty altogether, to meet him at Fort Frontenac to settle all disputes by a peaceable conference. These, on their arrival, to their utter astonishment, he caused to be seized, put in irons, and forwarded to Quebec, with orders to the commandant there to ship them at once to France to labour in the galleys, in obedience to the wishes of his sovereign. The rage and indignation of the Iroquois, when they heard of this outrage, were without bounds. The Oneidas seized their missionary, and condemned him to expiate • The English recovered their factories seven years afterwanls ; but the French soon got possession of them again. In 1696, two English mcn-ofwar re-took them. In Queen Anne's war they were again taken by the French ; but by the peace of Utrecht were ceded to the British. — .Smith's Hist. Can., vol. i. P.75- t Her. Hist Can. p. 207. Conquest of Can. vol. i. p. 311. 62 The History of Canada. his own presumed treachery, and that of his nation, in the flames. He was saved at the last moment by a Christian matron, who adopted him as her son. The chiefs of the Onondagas hastily assembled in council, and summoned Lamberville before them. When he saw the intense rage that was pictured in their faces, he thought his doom was sealed. But these red men of the forest, rude and un- cultivated as were their understandings, proved themselves superior to the passions of the hour, and showed, by their conduct, how much more nobly they could act than the courtly and polished De Denonville. "There can be no question," said a chief, addressing himself to the terrified missionary, " that we are now in every respect authorised to treat thee as an enemy ; but we cannot resolve to do so. We know thee too well not to be persuaded that thy heart had no share in this treason, of which thou hast in some degree been the cause ; and are not so unjust as to punish thee for a crime of which we believe thee innocent" Apprehensive lest some of their warriors, in a moment of excitement, might do him injury, they com- pelled the Jesuit to depart immediately, directing the guides, which they gave him, to conduct him by unfrequented paths, and not to leave him till he was out of all danger. Having collected his force, composed of 2000 regular troops and militia and 600 Indians, at Montreal, De Denonville pursued his march westward on the nth of June. His principal object was to crush the power of the Senecas, and embarking his army in boats and canoes, in two divisions, at Fort Frontenac, he safely arrived at the Genesee River. Here, an intrenchment was hastily constructed to protect the stores and provisions, and a detatchment of 440 men left to garrison it. From this point the French and their Indian allies marched forward on the 12th of July towards the Seneca villages, with a supply of provisions for fifteen days. During the first day the march was pursued without interruption through a comparatively open country. On the succeeding day they were not so fortunate. After being permitted to pass through two defiles in safety, the van- guard was vigorously attacked while marching through a thiid by a strong body of the Senecas. Three hundred of these boldy held the French in check, and threw their best troops into disorder, while 200 others, after delivering their fire, took them rapidly in flank. The Indian allies of the French, however, promptly checked this move- ment, and the Senecas were finally repulsed with a loss of forty-five killed and sixty wounded. On the side of the French six were killed and twenty-five wounded. In this engagement the Iroquois Chris- tians particularly distinguished themselves, and were it not for them The History of Canada. 63 and the other Indians, who restored the battle in their fiivour, it must liavc gone much harder with the French, as they were coni- j)lctely taken by surprise. A few of the north-west Indians from Mackinaw, who had effected a junction with the invading force, ]>rovcd themselves genuine savages by devouring, after the battle the bodies of the slain Iroquois. Finding themselves unable to offer further oppo.sition to the French, the Senecas withdrew into the lecesses of the forest after destroying their villages. The greatest injury that could now be inflicted on them was the destruction of their crop of growing corn, and this De Denonville caused to be done in the most effectual manner. lie likewise directed the destruction of a large number of hogs which, it appears, the Senecas possessed. Having thus accomplished, as fur as possible, the objects of the campaign, the Governor proceeded to Niagara, where he erected a wooden fort, in which he left a garrison of 100 men, under the com- mand of the Chevalier De la Troye. Scarcely, however, had the army disappeared when this post was blockaded by the Senecas, who, thoroughly enraged by the losses they had sustained, missed no opportunity of revenge. Incessantly harassed by the enemy, the garrison had to keep themselves behind their defences, or run tlie risk of being murdered. Continual watching and fatigue produced disease, to which was soon added the horrors of famine, with abundance of fish in the waters near them, and the forests abound ing with game. Ten men alone of the 100 survived : hunger and sickness carried off the remainder in a few brief months. And thus sadly terminated the second attempt at settling Niagara, which is now one of the mosc delightful districts of Canada West* Governor Dongan was soon made aware of the disasters suffered by the Senecas, and an angry correspondence ensued between him and De Denonville. He assured the latter that the Five Nations would never make peace with the French, save on condition, that the Indians sent to the galleys, and the Caughnawaga proselytes were restored to their tribes, the forts at Niagara and Frontenac demolished, and the Senecas compensated for the damage they liad sustained. t Nor was Dongan content with simple remonstrances. He clearly foresaw from the formal manner in which the French had taken possession of the territory of the Senecas, that they sought to establish a claim to its permanent sovereignty, while their ac^s * Doc. Hist. New York, vol. i. \i\\ 237-277. Hcriot's Ili>l. Can. j>p. 213, ;i4. Smilli's lii.sl. Cm. vol. i. ]>p. 79, So. Conqiie-l of ("an. vol. i. ]>. 312. I Smilli's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 80. 64 The History of Canada. otherwise taught him that they only wanted the power, not the will, to establish their supremacy throughout the whole country. He felt that the time had now come for the British colonics in the north to strike for their very existence. His assurances of support raised the drooping spirit of the Iroquois ; and after supplying them abun dantly with arms and ammunition, he incited them to revenge the injuries they had sustained. Meanwhile, a terrible malady swept over Canada, and carried death and mourning in its train. It prevented the Governor from making a second expedition the same summer against the Senecas, which he contemplated ; and compelled him to remain nearly inactive, while he felt that a dangerous crisis was rapidly approaching. In November the Mohawks appeared before Fort Chambly ; and, although the garrison beat them off, they could not prevent them from burning the farm-houses in the neighbourhood, and carrying the inmates into captivity. The French blamed Dongan for causing this inroad. No sooner had the latter learned their suspicions than, dreading reprisals, he caused Albany to be put in a better state of defence, and retained a strong body of Indians in the neighbourhood, during the winter, to cover it from an attack. The following spring found the confederates thorough V united in their hostility to the French. Still, they determined tha.: if peace could be procured on the terms proposed by Governor Dongan, of which they highly approved, they would not reject it. The mistaken policy of James II. compelled Dongan liimself, at this time, to seek a peaceable result to the quarrel, if at all practicable; and, in obedience to the orders of his sovereign, he now counselled the Iroquois to come to terms with the French, p-ovided they could do so with justice to themselves. They accordingly proceeded to Canada, prepared alike for peace or war. One thousand warriors established themselves at Lake St Francis, within two days' march of Montreal, whence they sent deputies to demand an audience of De Denonville, and to offer peace on the conditions proposed by Dongan, for the consideration of which four days only were allowed. The Iroc^uois backed this high-handed diplomacy by warlike demonstrations of the most formidable description. Besides the force at Lake St Francis, whose neighbourliood filled the colonists with the direst apprehension, a body of 500 men swe])t the open country around P'ort Frontenac, burned the farm-stores with llaniing arrows, killed the cattle of the settlers, and finally closely blockadetl the garrison. The Frencli boweil l)ijfore the storm they were unaMe 1688. The History of Canada. 65 jnited in |if peace overnor )ul(l not )ongan •rel, if at ign, he rench, They or war. rancis, uties to on the ■which warhke ties the olonisls le open ilaniing •ckadcil unable to resist The humiliating terms offered by the Iroquois were accepted, and De Denonville was under the necessity of expiating his treachery, by requesting the authorities in France to return the captives to Canada, sent to labour in the galleys, that they might be restored to their friends. Deputies from all the Iroquois tribes were to ratify this treaty, which, it was stipulated by De Denonville, should also secure peace to the Indian allies of the French. A cessation of hostilities immediately took place, and the Iroquois consented to leave five hostages at Montreal, to insure the safe arrival of a convoy of provisions at Fort Frontenac, the garrison of which were already threatened with famine. It was further agreed upon, that if any hostile skirmishes should occur during the progress of the pending negotiations, no change, nevertheless, should be made in the conditions which had been stipulated. The Abenaquis, who inhabited the present .State of Maine, and were the most inveterate of all the enemies of the Iroquois, refused to be a party to this truce. While the Governor was busy in his pacific projects, they advanced to the River Richelieu, surprised and defeated a body of Iroquois and their Mohigan allies, and pushed on to the English settlements, where they killed and scalped several of the inhabitants and burned their homesteads. But c^ all the Indian aUies of the French, the Hurons were the most indisposed to a peace with the Iroquois. They had engaged in the war on the con- dition that it should not terminate until the total destruction of the Five Nations had been effected ; and now when they found that a peace was about being accomplished without even consulting them, they were indignant in the extreme. Their principal chief, Kondi- aronk, was not slow to perceive that his nation, left to themselves, must feel the full vengeance of the Iroquois, and be thus sacrificed to benefit French interests. He promptly resolved to interrupt the ne- gotiations, and secure the continuance of the war, and took the most effectual measures to accomplish his object About thirty miles above Montreal, he awaited the arrival of the Iroquois deputies at a point where the rapids would compel them to land. Here their party, consisting of forty warriors, were either killed or captured on disembarking from their canoes. When his prisoners were all secured, Kondiaronk informed them that it was the French Gover- nor who had ordered their attack. The Iroquois, shocked at this supposed second act of perfidy on the part of De Denonville, stated the object of their mission to the Huron, who then craftily expressed his regret foi the act of turpitude of which he had been made the £ 66 The History of Canada. 1689. instrument Releasing his prisoners, he supplied them with arms and ammunition, and bade them return and inform their country- men of the perfidy which had been committed. One prisoner alone he retained to replace a Huron warrior who had been killed. This man, on his return home, he handed over to the French commandant at Mackinaw, who, ignorant of the truce, ordered him to be put to death ; a fact of which the Huron chief caused the Iroquois to be apprised, in order to inflame their hostility still more. No sooner had De Denonville been informed of the manner in which the deputies of the Iroquois had been treated, than he dis- claimed all participation in the act, and assured these tribes that he would hang the Huron chief the moment he laid hands upon him. He expressed a hope, at the same time, that what had occurred would not prevent the progress of negotiations, and that they would send other deputies to conclude a peace. Meanwhile, the progress of the revolution which placed William III. upon the throne of England had released the Governor of New York from the unwise restrictions imposed upon him by James, and he now instigated the Iroquois, the majority of whom were only too willing of themselves to avenge their injuries, to retaliate on the French. On the 26th of July, 1000 of their warriors landed on the Island of Montreal, and dividing into small parties laid waste the country in every direction. Men, women, and children were ruthlessly mas- sacred ; a detachment of )ne hundred soldiers and fifty Indians, sent to attack them, were nearly all killed or captured ; houses were burned ; every possible injury perpretated ; and they finally quit the island laden with plunder, and carrying away many captives, having sustained in this irruption a loss of only three men.* This terrible catastrophe filled the minds of the colonists with the greatest terror, a feeling which extended itself to the garrison at Fort Fron- tenac, who hastily deserted their post, (which was soon seized by the Iroquois,) and lost several of their number in shooting the rapids, their precipitate retreat preventing them from taking the proper precautions. Thus closed in disaster and disgrace the government of De Denonville. Its commencement was signalised by an act of perfidy and partial victory; its termination by misfortune and certain defeat. His sovereign, who had looked for the complete subjection of the * Bancroft, who is singularly incorrect occasionally, when he alludes to Canada, says that at this time the Iroquois captured the town and fort of Montreal, and that the settlement was broken up, neither of which was the case. — Vide Ban. Hist. United States, London Edition, vol. ii. p. 825. The History of Canada. 67 Iroquois, and expected to see his galleys manned by their chivalry, chafed at his want of success, directed him to be recalled, and ap- pointed Count De Frontenac to replace him. THE SECOND GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNT DE FRONTENAC. The increasing influence of the British colonists v/ith the Iroquois, became at this period a source of considerable alarm to the C'ana- dian authorities. The revolution in England, which placed that country in a hostile position to France and her colonies, added not a little to this feeling. The Chevalier De Callieres, who commanded at Montreal, had long been convinced that the security and tran- quillity of Canada could only be preserved by crushing the power of the Five Nations ; and as the English of New York openly avowed their alliance with them, he conceived the idea of first capturing their settlements. The Chevalier departed for France in the fall of 1688, to lay his plans before its Government, by whom they were approved, and instructions given to De Frontenac to carry them out. De Callieres proposed that he should have the command of 2000 regular troops, with whom he would march into the country of the Iroquois by the Richelieu River and Lake Champlain, with the apparent pur- pose of attacking them, until he arrived in the neighbourhood of Albany, when he would suddenly assault and capture that place. He stated that Albany was about the same size as Montreal, and in addition to a garrison of 150 men, had 300 inhabitants able to bear arms. It contained about 150 houses, and was defended by an earthen fort, mounting a few pieces of cannon, and wooden pali- sading. After capturing Albany, the Chevalier proposed to descend the Hudson and possess himself of New York, which he described as an open town, defended by a fort, and containing about 200 houses, with 400 men capable of bearing arms. As an additional inducement to the adoption of his plan, De Callieres urged that it would put the French in possession of the finest harbour in America ; that it would prevent the Iroquois from getting further supplies ot arms and ammunition, and thus effectually cripple them ; and that, although a treaty of neutrality as far as regarded the colonies existed, the fact of the settlements in question being chiefly Dutch and Pro- testant, would lead them to join the Prince pf Orange. He added, that if the present favourable opportunity were neglected, the Iro- (luois would soon destroy Canada, which must entail the loss of the posts at Hudson's Bay, the beaver and peltry trade, Acadia, and the 68 Tlie History of Canada. Gulf and Newfoundland fisheries, which produced several millions of livres annually to France.* The flight of James, and his subsequent determination to make a final eflTort in Ireland for the throne he had so cowardly abandoned, speedily involved England and France in a war, which removed whatever scruples might have been entertained by Louis XIV. and his ministers relative to the capture of Albany and New York. The prospective control of these settlements was given to De Callieres, to reward him for his plan of their capture and his meritorious ser- vices otherwise. He was directed, when established in his new government, to allow the English Roman Catholics to remain, and to banish the other English and Dutch inhabitants to Pennsylvania and New England, while the French refugee Huguenots were to be sent to France. But, if Louis was all-powerful in France, and alarmed Europe /or its liberties, like the Nicholas and Alexander of our own times, a handful of half-naked savages in America set his power at defiance, and marred the best laid plans of his generals and himself. De Denonville had to crave the return of the kid- napped Iroquois — they no longer graced the galleys of France, and their countrymen had already retaliated a hundredfold the injuries and indignities they had sustained. The Count De Frontenac sailed in the month of July 1689, a second time for Canada, in the fleet sent to operate against New York by sea while a French army assaulted it by land. He carried out with him troops and stores, and departed in high spirits to establish French supremacy in North America, and to crush for ever the power of the Iroquois. But De Frontenac was not insensible, high as his hopes and those of his sovereign were, to the caprices of fortune. Riper years had given him ripened wisdom, and he sedu- lously cultivated the friendship of the chiefs of the captive Iroquois, who returned in the same ship with him. One of these, Oureou- hare, charmed by his manners, remained ever afterwards his steadfast friend, and was of the greatest use to him in the negotiations with his countrymen. His arrival at Quebec on the 12th of October confirmed the wisdom of this course. The first intelligence he received was the terrible irruption of the Iroquois on the Island of Montreal, the loss of his favourite fort, named after himself, at Cataraqui, and the abandonment of Niagara; reverses that were only partially counterbalanced by the fierce inroads of the Abena- quis in New England, and the success of Iberville in Hudson's Bay. • Doc. Hist. New York, vol. i. pp. 285-291. Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. pp. 84, 85. Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 227. Conquest of Can. vol. i. p. 318. The History of Canada. 69 Offensive operations were now out of the question. Apart from the lateness of the season, De Frontenac saw he must be con- tent for a while to act on the defensive, and shortly after his arrival departed for Montreal, where his presence was necessary to revive the drooping spirits of the inhabitants, and regain the confidence of the Indian allies of the French, many of whom were now sensibly inclineci to attach themselves to the Iroquois and the English. The Ottawas, one of the principal tribes of the north-west, even went so far as to send ambassadors to the Senecas to proffer peace and amity, and to restore the prisoners they had captured during the war. The French agents and missionaries strongly remonstrated against these proceedings, but without effect. The Ottawas replied, that they had already placed too much reliance on the protection of *' Ononthio." They taunted the French, at the same time, with the tame manner in which they had borne their recent defeats; told them that instead of avenging their injuries like true warriors, they craved a dishonour- able peace, to gain which they would even sacrifice their Indian allies ; that their commerce was far less beneficial than that of the English ; and that they sought to secure benefits by a peace, which they were unable to retain in war. No sooner had De Frontenac become aware of this formidable disaffection, than he boldly determined to strike a blow at the English colonies that should restore the military reputation of the French with the native tribes, lead the Iroquois to accept the peace which he proffered them, and disturb the intrigues of the Ottawas and others who wavered in their alliance. He accordingly ^ organised, in the month of January, expeditions at Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec, to invade the British settlements at different points ; and sent instructions at the same time to Durantaye, who commanded at Mackinaw, to assure the Ottawas and Hurons, that in a short time the French would recover their ancient supremacy, and affairs be altered for the better. The expedition organised at Montreal, consisting of about 200 men, half French and half Indians, under the command of De St Helene, a Canadian born officer, was destined for the capture of Albany. This force departed in the beginning of February, and after marching for five days a council was called to determine on the plan of operations. The Indians now ridiculed the idea of attacking Albany with such a small body of men, and advised an assault on the village of Schenectady, which was slenderly guarded in comparison. They arrived close to this place on the night of the 8th February, about eleven o'clock, without being discovered, and at first resolved to 70 The History of Canada, defer the assault until two o'clock next morning. But the excessive cold admitted of no further delay, and they entered the village through the gateways, which the unfortunate inhabitants, in fancied security, had left open and unguarded. Anxious fathers slept ; lov- ing mothers had hushed their nestling babes to sleep, and slept also; and the silence was undisturbed of happy homes save by the mono- tonous breathings of peaceful repose. Presently the wild war-whoop of hostile Indians ring through that recently peaceful hamlet, and carries terror and dismay into its every dwelling. Startled mothers grasp their little ones in despair, or fall upon their knees to ask the protection of that Power who now alone could aid them ; agonised fathers seize the first weapon at hand, and stan^l, like the lion rudely aroused from his lair, at bay, to defend their families. But the general defence was feeble in the extreme. A small fort at one end of the village was speedily carried by storm, and sixty men, women, and children were cruelly butchered in cold blood. Twenty- eight were carried away into captivity, and the settlement, which had eighty well-built houses, reduced to ashes. The French, laden with plunder, rapidly retired the ensuing day, after releasing the more helpless of their prisoners and twenty Mohawks, it being their policy to convince this people that the expedition was made wholly against the English. But the Mohawks were not so easily satisfied : they promptly essayed to restore the drooping spirits and revive the courage of their old neighbours. " We will avenge your wrongs," said they, "and not a man in Canada shall dare to go out to cut a stick." Succour soon arrived from Albany, and inclement as the season was, a body of Mohawks and a few troops were despatched in pursuit of the retreating enemy, who cut off twenty-five of their stragglers, and followed them almost to the gates of Montreal. The French and their Indians suffered severely from want of food, and were it not that they had captured some fifty horses at Schenectady, on which they subsisted as they found need, many of them must have perished from famine.* The party from Three Rivers led by Hertel, and consisting of but fifty-two men, of whom one-half were Indians, turned to the left from Lake Champlain, and surprised the village of Salmon Falls, on the Piscataqua. After a bloody engagement they defeated its inhabit- ants, burned the houses and the cattle in the stalls, and retired with • Doc. Hist. New York, vol. i. p. 297. Conquest of Can. vol. i. pp. 318, 319. Ban. Hist. United States, London Edition, vol. ii, p. 827. Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. pp. 87, 88. Heriot's Hist. Can. p. 241. Hist Brit.N. Amer. vol. i. p. 188. The History of Canada. 7 1 fifty-four prisoners, chiefly women and children, whom they carried off dcsi)ite the people of a neighbouring settlement, who had gallantly come to their rescue. Returning from this expedition Hertel encountered a third party from Quebec, and proceeded with them to attack a fortified Knglish j)0st at Casco Bay, on the sea-shore of Maine, which they captured after having drawn fifty men of its garrison into an ambush, nearly the whole of whom they either killed or took prisoners. I5ut Dc Frontenac, who was but little disturbed by the horrors of the massacres at Schenectady and Salmon Falls,* was fully sensible that something more must be done to regain the confidence of the north-west Indians, than simply re-establishing the military reputation of his nation in Canada. The great point was to render those In- dians independent of English commerce, and to turn the current of the fur-trade once more down the St Lawrence. On the 2 2d of May a convoy of goods, guarded by 143 soldiers and a few Indians, was forwarded from Montreal for Mackinaw. Louvigny, who com- manded the detachment, was intrusted with presents for the Ottawas and Hurons, and instructed to supersede Durantaye in command of the frontier posts, who was recalled, it was said, for no other reason than because he was too favourable to the Jesuit missionaries, against whom the Governor still entertained his old grudge. On the second day after leaving Montreal, the convoy was fiercely attacked by a party of Iroquois in ambush, who were only repelled with the greatest difficulty. It finally reached Mackinaw in safety, just as the deputies of the Ottawas were about to depart to conclude a treaty with the Iroquois. The strength of the detachment, the large quantity of merchandise, the valuable presents to themselves, and the account of the recent successes of the French, had a power- ful influence on these politic savages, and they hastened to give proofs of their renewed attachment to "Ononthio." One hundred and ten canoes, bearing furs to the value of 100,000 crowns, and manned by 300 Indians, were soon after despatched to Montreal to propitiate the Governor in their favour. The latter, who chanced to be there at the time, received the escort in the most gracious manner, made them presents, and exhorted them and their nation to • De Frontenac stands conspicuous among all his nation for deeds of cruelty to the Indians. Nothing was more common than for his Indian prisoners to be given up to his Indian al '"S to be tortured. One of the most horrible of these scenes on record was perpetrated under his own eye at Montreal in 1691. — Col- den, vol. i, p. 441. Th:' History of Canada. I l!^. aid him in humbling their dreaded foe, the Iroquois. They departed highly pleased with their reception, after renewing their former professions of friendship and regard for the French. Still, the terrible war-cry of the Iroquois was continually heard in the Canadian settlements. Scouting parties of these fierce warriors burst from the recesses of tlie forests when least expected, and fell upon isolated posts and villages with destructive ferocity. The growing crops were destroyed, the farmers murdered, and small detachments of troops surrounded and cut off. This harassing, mode of warfare, so well suited to the Iroquois, was a source of much uneasiness to De Frontenac. " You must either not be a true friend, or powerless in your nation," he said angrily to Oureouhare, who still remained in Canada, " to permit them to wage this bitter war on me." But a still greater danger now menaced the French possessions on the St Lawrence. The British settlements, thoroughly aroused by the hostilities of the French and their allies during the past winter, resolved on the conquest of Canada. In April a small squadron sailed from Boston, which captured the greater part of the French posts in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and after the lapse of a month returned with sufficient plunder to repay the cost of the expedition. This success encouraged the people of Massa- chusetts, and their authorities issued circular letters to the nearest colonies, inviting their Governments to send deputies to New York, to deliberate on measures for the general safety. On the ist May 1690, this first American Congress assembled, and promptly deter- mined on the invasion of Canada. Levies were ordered to be made, the contingents of the several states fixed, and general rules appointed for the organisation of the army. At the same time a fast-sailing vessel was despatched to England, with strong representations of the defenceless condition of the British colonies, and requesting aid in the projected invasion of Canada. They desired that ammunition and other warlike stores might be supplied to their militia, and that a fleet of English frigates should co-operate with the colonial navy in the St Lawrence. But Britain was too intent at this period on her own domestic struggles to heed the calls of help from her transatlantic offspring. The bloody battle of the Boyne had still to be fought, Aughrim was yet to be won, and Limerick surrendered, before William could turn his attention to French ambition in the New World struggling for possession of the hills of New England, the beautiful harbour of Manhattan, and the fertile valley of the Genesee. The British The History of Ca7iada. 73 colonists were thus thrown upon their own resources : still they were not dismayed, and resolutely determined to carry out their intentions. The plan of the campaign was simple, and carefully concealed from the Canadians. General Winthrop wss to move upon Montreal with a force of 800 militia and 500 Indians, at the same time that a fleet of thirty-four vessels of various sizes, the largest of which carried forty-four guns, was to sail from Nantucket Road, near Boston, for the capture of Quebec. Nearly 1500 of the hardy sailors of New England manned this fleet, which had also 1300 militia on board, under the command of Major Walley. The chief conduct of the expedition was intrusted to Sir William Phipps, a man of humble birth, who had won his way to an exalted position among his fellow colonists, and now contributed largely from his own private fortune towards fitting out the fleet. In the month of August De Frontenac first received the intelligence of approaching danger. He was still at Montreal providing for the safety of the settlement there, when an Algonquin announced that an army of Iroquois and English were constructing canoes at Lake George, which boded some enterprise against Canada. The Governor immediately summoned the neighbouring Algonquins and Hurons, and the Christian Iroquois to his assistance ; and with the tomahawk in his own grasp, old as he was, chanted the war-song and danced the war-dance in their company to animate their courage. But an incompetent commissariat paralysed the advance of Winthrop's army. Want of provisions compelled him to retire from Lake Champlain to Albany, leaving Major Schuyler, who had pushed on in advance to the attack of La Prairie, unsupported. The fort at this point, defended by a few Canadian militia and Indians, was speedily captured, and its garrison compelled to retreat upon Chambly. Succour from this post meeting them on tlie way, they halted and faced their pursuers, when Schuyler was forced to retreat in turn with the loss of thirty men killed and wounded. The Indian spies of De Frontenac soon put him in possession of the retreat of Winthrop's force. Thus assured of the safety of Montreal he was about to return to Quebec, although still ignorant of the danger with which it was menaced, when he learned that a faithful Algonquin, hurrying through the forests in twelve days from Piscataqua, had announced the approach of a hostile fleet from Bos- ton. That fleet without pilots now sounded its way cautiously up the St Lawrence, its officers and men, alike anxious for the result of the expedition against Montreal, watching wistfully the course of the 74 The History of Canada. winds, and hoping in the efficacy of the prayers for their success that went up morning and evening from the Puritan hearths of New England. Had the land expedition succeeded in reaching Montreal, and thus compelled the Governor to remain there for its defence, or, had fair winds wafted the fleet a few days sooner up the St Lawrence, Quebec must have been surprised and taken. But the inhabitants were already alarmed, and its commandant, Major Provost, vigor- ously applied himself to strengthen the defences against a sudden assault. After a brief pause at Three Rivers to direct the regular troops and militia to follow him as rapidly as possible, De Frontenac arrived at Quebec on the 3d of October, two days in advance of the fleet. The preparation for defence was now continued with unwearied industry. The militia of the neighbouring districts were directed to hold themselves in readiness to march as might be required ; a strong detachment moved down the river to observe ^he approaching fleet, and prevent a descent on the more exposed settlements ; and swift canoes were despatched to warn any French vessels coming up of the impending danger. Over 4000 regular troops, militia, and Indians, soon manned the defences of Quebec or covered its weakest points. There were nearly two to one against the men of New Eng- land ; an assault was therefore out of the question ; while a regular siege at that advanced period of the year was equally hopeless. Early on the morning of the 5th October,* many an anxious look was cast from the ramparts of Quebec on the white sails of the British fleet, as vessel after vessel slowly rounded the headland of Point Levi, and crowded towards the viflage of Beauport, on the northern bank of the river. About ten o'clock the British took in sail, and dropped their anchors, when their vessels swung round with the receding tide. On the following day Admiral Phipps sent a haughty summons to the French chief, demanding an unconditional surrender of the town and garrison in the name of King William of England. The messenger was conducted blindfolded into the presence of De Frontenac, who awaited him in the council room, surrounded by the Bishop, the Intendant, and all his principal officers. The English officer read the summons, laid his watch upon the table, and told the Count that he waited only one hour for a reply. The council started from their seats, surprised out of their dignity at a burst of sudden anger from their fierce old chief. " I do not acknowledge King William," said De Frontenac the moment he could master his * Hutchinson's Hist. Massachusetts vol. i. p. 399 ; and Major Walley'a Journal of the Expedition. The History of Canada. 75 rage sufficiently to speak, " and well know that the Prince of Orange is a usurper, who has violated the most sacred rights of blood and religion. I will answer your master by the mouth of my cannon." It was now resolved to assault the town at once, and accordingly at noon on the 8th. the troops were landed without opposition, and advanced with spirit to the River St Charles, where they were attacked by a body of 300 militia securely posted among the rocks and bushes. A part of the British line, galled by this unex- pected fire, fell back for a moment, but the officer giving the word to charge, they again rushed forward, and speedily cleared the ground. In the afternoon four of the largest vessels moved boldly up the river and anchored within range of the town. They opened a spirited but ineffectual fire, their shot being directed principally against the lofty heights of the Upper Town, while a vigorous cannonade from the guns of the garrison replied with overpowering effect. Although his ships had suffered severely, Phipps, with pertinacious courage, renewed the action at daybreak on the 9th, but with no better results. About noon he saw it was useless to continue the contest longer, the fire from the town being much superior to that of his fleet, and directing the anchors to be weighed, the receding tide floated his crippled ships beyond its reach. During the action his flag was shot away, and floating towards the shore was borne triumphantly to land by a Canadian, who boldy swam out into the current to se- cure it. Hung up in the parish church of Quebec, this precious trophy remained for many years a memento of Admiral Phipp's de- feat. Major Walley placed his troops in battle array at daylight, but from some unaccountable cause, which he does not explain in his journal, he did not move towards the town until the action with the squadron had terminated. Some severe skirmishing occurred during the day, which resulted generally to the disadvantage of the British, and next morning, at a council held on board the Admiral's ship, it was decided to abandon the enterprise altogether. On the night of the nth, the army re-embarked in the greatest confusion, leaving five guns and a quantity of ammunition and stores behind. Defeated by land and water — damaged in fortune and reputation, the British chief returned homewards. But disaster had not yet ceased to follow him. The dangerous shoals of the St Lawrence and the storms of the Gulf wrecked nine of his ships. With the re- mainder shattered and weather-beaten, and his men almost mutinous from want of pay, he arrived at Boston, on the 19th of November, 76 The History of Canada. to find an empty public treasury, and to cause the first issue of colonial paper money.* Thus ended in disaster and defeat a well-planned scheme, which only required energy, ability, and military discipline in its execution to be successful. Had Winthrop's corps been led by a more skilful officer, or had the force which appeared before Quebec been directed by wiser heads and stouter hearts, the results must have been very different, and Wolfe would never have created for himself an im- perishable memorial on the heights of Abraham, Great were the rejoicings at Quebec when the British fleet disap- peared from before it. With a proud heart the haughty old Go- vernor penned the despatch which told his sovereign of the victory he had achieved, and of the gallant bearing of the colonial militia. In the Lower Town a church was built by the inhabitants, and an annual festival established, to celebrate their deliverance ; while in France a medal commemorated the success of Louis XIV. in the valley of the St Lawrence. To add to the rejoicing, vessels expected from France reached Quebec on the 12th November, having ascended the Saguenay and thus escaped the British fleet. Their arrival, how- ever, with slender stores of provisions only tended to increase the scarcity, then pressing upon the colony from an insufficient Ijarvest, caused principally by the incursions of the Iroquois, and which ne- cessitated the distribution of the troops in those districts where food could be most easily procured. The inhabitants, grateful for the valour which had saved them from the dominion of the hated Eng- lish, met this new burden on their slender resources with the utmost cheerfulness. While the result of the movement against Canada was still unde- cided, and a probability existed that the British would obtain posses- sion of the French colonies, the Iroquois warily held aloof, or only gave sufficient assistance to save appearances, which was one reason why Winthrop had retreated, eighty of their warriors only having joined him instead of 500. The politic Confederates, much as they hated the French, did not desire to see their power entirely crushed, as they began at this period to entertain apprehensions of the rapidly increasing pojiulation and strength of the British colonies. But the cowardly retreat of Winthrop. and the defeat of the expedition under Sir William Phipps, convinced them that the French had really little * Smith's Hist. Can. vol i. pp. 91-108. Conquest of Can. vol. i. pp. 321--327. Ban. Hist. United States, London Edition, vol. ii. p. 831. Hist. Brit. Amer. voL i. pp. 1S1-190. Heriot's Hist. Can. pp. 255-262; The History of Canada. 17 1691. to apprehend from the raw militia and ill-directed efforts of the pro- vincials. Accordingly in May, several hundred of their warriors again poured down upon the settlements near Mon- treal, and marked their progress with devastation and massacre. Smaller parties spread themselves along the fertile banks of the River Richelieu, burning the homesteads, and murdering the inhabit- ants. To repel these attacks the militia were hastily drawn to- gether. One detachment of 120 men surprised a party of Iroquois on the Richelieu, and slew them without mercy, with the exception of twelve, who escaped into a farm-house. These defended them- selves with the greatest courage, killed an officer, and wounded several of the militia ; and for a time it seemed as if the latter would be beaten by a few Indians posted in a ruinous dwelling. At length the building was set on fire, and the Iroquois as a last resource fiercely burst upon their enemies, and endeavoured to cut their way with their tomahawks, which five of them succeeded in doing. Of the remainder, two were killed, and five taken prisoners. The latter were tortured after their own cruel manner to restrain the incursions of their nation in future. But this slight check only stayed the hostilities of the Iroquois for a brief period. In the latter part of July a strong body of their warriors, accompanied by some English militia and Mohigan Indians, advanced upon Montreal with the intention of destroying the crops, the loss of which must have inflicted famine upon the colony. After capturing an important post at I.a Prairie, by a sudden and unex- pected assault, and slaying several of the defenders, they fell back into the forest, where they met and destroyed a small French detach- ment, and shortly after boldly faced a strong force under the com- mand of M. De Vairenes. For the full space of an hour and a half did these formidable warriors withstand the fire, and repel the charges of the Canadian troops, on whom, although ultimately compelled to retire, they inflicted a loss of 120 men in killed and wounded. No sooner had De Frontenac received intelligence of this alarming inroad, than he promptly hastened to Montreal, where he found a despatch from the Governor of New York, offering an exchange of prisoners, and proposing a treaty of neutrality, notwithstanding tl.e war between France and Great Britain. But the Governor mis- trusting these proposals, they were not productive of any beneficial results, and he shortly afterwards returned to Quebec, having first, however, witnessed the gathering-in of the harvest in safety. Although the Iroquois had been forced to retreat, yet fully sensible of the heavy loss they had inflicted upon the French, they were not 78 The History of Canada. by any means discouraged. Led by a favourite chief, iJlack Caldron, they continued to make sudden inroads in every direction with various results, and heavy losses to the French as well as 1B92. to themselves. On the other hand, the Abenaquis and 1694. French ravaged the frontiers of Massachusetts, and revenged upon its hapless borderers the injuries suffered by the Canadians, while detachments of troops swept the favourite hunting-grounds of the Iroquois, along the beautiful Bay of Quinte, and an expedition from Montreal, led by De Mantel, did considerable injury to the ^^' Mohawks in their own country, but was severely harassed by the latter during its retreat. This fierce and desultory contest rendered seed-time and harvest in Canada alike unsafe. Stone walls and armed fortresses alone gave security to the habitants, and the Iroquois' boast that " their enemy should have no rest but in their graves," was almost literally carried out. In the following year, however, these warriors appeared to grow weary of the long contest and desire peace. The Onondagas, as usual, appeared most prominently in this friendly movement, and sent messengers to Montreal to ask De Callieres, now commanding there, whether deputies from the Five Nations bearing pacific overtures would be received. These messengers got a favourable answer and returned home ; but the deputies did not make their appearance until, the beginning of August, when little was effected towards the establishment of peace, owing to the in- trigues of the Abenaquis, and the desire of De Frontenac himself to use his increasing power in crushing the Iroquois more effectually. The latter were not slow to comprehend the turn matters were taking, and endeavoured, by way of retaliation, to weaken French influence among their Christian countrymen of Caughnawaga, and partially succeeded. Hostilities were again resumed. The Iroquois once more ravaged the open country at every undefended point, and when asked to renew their propositions for peace, haughtily re- quired that the French, in turn, should now send deputies to treat at their villages, and cease hostilities in the meantime, not only against themselves, but with respect also to the English. De Frontenac resolved to repair and garrison the fort at Cataraqui, as the best means to curb the Iroquois of the Lake, and to form a secure base for the offensive operations he had planned against them. He adopted this course contrary to the express commands of his sove- reign, and the advice of some of his principal officers, who repre- sented the great expense this fort had formerly entailed upon the 1695. The History of Canada. 79 Crown, and the disasters it had originated. But to these represen- tations the obstinate old count paid very little attention, and in the latter part of July despatched 600 men, one-third of whom were Indians, under the command of the Chevalier Crisasy, to Cata- raqui to rebuild the fort. They fulfilled his orders with energy and skill, and Fort Frontenac once more menaced the Oneidas and Onondagas. The Iroquois retaliated by a descent upon the Island of Montreal, where, this time, they found the inhabitants fully pre- pared to receive them, owing to a timely warning of their approach, and were very roughly handled. Nor were they more successful towards the west. Cadillac, the commandant at Mackinaw, had in- duced the Ottawas and Hurons to make an irruption into the Seneca country, whence they brought a number of prisoners. In that direction, also, the Five Nations sustained a severe defeat from a body of Miamis and French. On the other hand they formed a peace with the Ottawas and Hurons, who had become much dis- satisfied with the high prices of French merchandise, and desired to participate in the benefits of English commerce. This conduct on the part of his western allies was a source of con- siderable uneasiness to De Frontenac, who used every endeavour to detach them from the Iroquois. His efforts met with only very questionable success, and to check this formidable disaffection he now resolved to carry out his project of invading the territory of the Five Nations, for which he directed immediate preparations to be made. While these were in progress, during the winter, a detachment was about to be marched into the Mohawks' ^ country ; but intelligence was received that this tribe, aided by their European neighbours, had placed their villages in a thorough state of defence, and the design was abandoned. In the month of July, every preparation having been completed, De Frontenac moved up the St Lawrence, from Montreal, with a force of 1500 regular troops, militia, and Indians, en route for Cata- raqui, where he arrived on the i8th. The army remained at this place, to rest and refresh themselves, until the 26th, when they departed for Oswego, which they reached on the 28th, Dragging their canoes and batteaux, or light boats, up the Oswego river, they finally launched them on the Onondaga Lake, on the shores of which two bundles of cut rushes informed them that the Iroquois knew their number to be 1434, so vigilant were their scouts. The army landed on the southern side of the lake, and an intrenchment was at once constructed of felled trees and earth, to protect the baggage and provisions, which 140 men were left to guard. This duty 8o The History of Canada. finished, the French proceeded cautiously towards the fortified villages of the Onondagas and Oneidas, their centre led by De Frontenac, now seventy-six years of age, who was carried in an arm-chair, while De Callieres commanded the left wing, and De Vaudreuil the right. But the Onondagas, satisfied that the invaders could not make a permanent conquest of their country, pursued their old policy of burning their villages on the approach of the enemy, and retreated into the recesses of the forest, whither they could not be pursued, leaving their crops of corn to be destroyed. A lame girl, found concealed under a tree, and a feeble old chief, whose infirmities prevented him from retreating with his tribe, were the only Onondaga captives made by the French. This gray-haired man, whom his own advanced years should have taught him to spare, De Frontenac handed over to be tortured by his Indians, Bravely did the withered sachem suffer, and fierce were the epithets he hurled at his tormentors, whom he derided amid his sufferings, " as the slaves of a contemptible race of foreigners." The French were more fortu- nate among the Oneidas, of whom they captured thirty-five prisoners. But beyond the destruction of their crops and dwellings, very little injury was inflicted on either them or the Onondagas, Their loss in men was trifling, and the Cayugas and Senecas remained wholly undisturbed. On the 1 2th of August the army returned to Oswego, and on the 15th arriveji at Fort Frontenac, whence they shortly after descended to Montreal, while bands of the Iroquois hung on their rear, and cut off stragglers whenever an opportunity presented itself. Nor did these tribes afterwards cease their incursions into the French settle- ments, till they found the frontier so strongly guarded that they could not carry off any important plunder. Unlike former times, they were now unable to make any serious impression upon 1697. Canada; and in 1697 appeared disposed for peace, the negotiations for which were opened through Oureouhare, still faithful to De Frontenac, and whose death for a while interrupted them. But the treaty of Ryswick terminated the war, in which Great Britain had engaged without policy and came off without advantage, and removed ever)' difficulty in the establishment of peace between the French and English colonies and their allies. The English were the first who received intelligence of the treaty, and at once sent a deputation to Quebec, to propose an exchange of prisoners, both as regarded themselves and the Iroquois. The Governor, however, preferred to negotiate separately with the latter, and thus impugn their assumed sovereignty by the British. Of this sovereignty he found the Iroquois The History of Canada. 8i to be not a little jealous, and did everything in his power to improve this feeling to the advantage of his countrymen.* While busily engaged in these transactions, and in taking measures otherwise for the benefit of the Colony, De Frontenac died in the seventy-eighth year of his age, having to the last preserved the great energy of character which had enabled him to ^ overcome the many difficulties and dangers of his most adventurous career. He died, as he had lived, loved by some for his courage and military virtues, hated by others for his cruel temper and proud and overbearing manners, but respected and feared alike by friend and foe, and with the credit of having, with trifling aid from France, supported and increased the strength of a colony, which he had found on his re-appointment at the brink of ruin.t • Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. pp. 125-145. Doc. Hist. New York, vol. i. pp. 325- 345. Heriot's Hist Can. pp. 313-344. tHeriot's Hist. Can, p. 345. Conquest of Can. vol i. p. 331. Hist. Brit. Amer. voL i. p. 198. La Potherye,VQL i. p. no. CHAPTER V. THE GOVERNMENT OF M. DE CALLIERES. THE Chevalier De Callieres, Commandant of Montreal, who had already distinguished himself by important services in the colony, received his commission as Governor of Canada, to the joy , of the inhabitants, by the first ship from France after navi- ^^' gation had opened. The negotiations with the Iroquois were still incomplete, owing principally to the intrigues of his prede- cessor to get them to acknowledge the French sovereignty of their soil, and received the immediate attention of the new Governor. The Earl of Bellamont, now Governor of New York, by insisting that the Iroquois as well as the English prisoners should be exchanged at Albany, sought to procure an admission from the French that these tribes were subjects of Great Britain. "That the Five Nations," said Bellamont, " were always considered subjects of England, can be manifested to all the world." But De Callieres proved more than a match for the Earl in this game of diplomacy. He flattered the pride of the Iroquois, by sending agents to the principal Onondaga village to treat of an exchange of prisoners, to settle the preliminaries of peace, and to induce them to send deputies to Canada for its final ratification, a course they ultimately pursued, despite the ex- postulations and threats of Lord Bellamont. During the summer J the Onondagas and the Senecas sent envoys to Montreal ' ' " to weep for the French who had been slain in the war," and " to bury their hatchets, oVcr which should run a stream of water, in/the earth." Their arrival created a jubilee in the town, which they entered amid the pealing of artillery -, a reception which piqued a Huron chief not a little, and who told the bystanders, " that fear made the French show more respect to their enemies than love did to their friends." After rapid negotiations, peace was ratified by the Iroquois on one side, and the French and their allies on the other. " I hold fast the TJie History of Canada. 83 tree of peace you have planted," said the politic De Callieres, address- ing the deputies in their own figurative style, " and will lose no time in despatching an armourer to Fort Frontenac to repair your arms, and will send merchandise there also suited to your wants." *' I have always been obedient to my father," said Le Rat, a Huron chief, " and I bury the hatchet at his feet." The deputies of the Otta- was and the other north-western tribes echoed his words. " I have no hatchet but that of my father, Ononthio," responded the envoy of the Abenaquis, "and now he has buried it." The Christian Iroquois, allies of France, also expressed their assent to the peace. A written treaty was made, to which the deputies attached the sym- bols of their tribe. The Senecas and Onondagas drew a spider ; the Cayugas, a calumet ; the Oneidas, a forked stick ; the Mohawks, a bear ; the Hurons, a beaver ; the Abenaquis, a deer ; and the Ottawas, a hare. The numerous prisoners on both sides were allowed to return. The Indians eagerly sought their homes, but to this conduct the greater part of the French captives presented a mortifying contrast. They had contracted such an attachment for the unrestrained freedom of forest life, that neither the commands of their King nor the tears and entreaties of their friends could per- suade them to leave their savage associates. The authorities of New York were highly indignant at the success of De Callieres in thus weakening British influence with the Five Nations. They correctly attributed the chief cause of this success to the influence of the Jesuit missionaries, who had acquired a strong hold on their religious sympathies, and never scrupled to use it for political purposes. Their indignation found vent in a law of their legislature, which directed the hanging of every " Popish priest" who should come voluntarily into the province. The Governor promptly informed the French ministry of the con- clusion of this advantageous peace, and urged that it should be im- proved to the ruin of British influence with the Five Nations. If a favourable arrangement of the boundary disputes could not be made, he urged that at least the country of the Iroquois should be declared neutral ground, and that both nations should not make any settlements among them. He likewise proposed that they should be left to their own choice in spiritual affairs, being fully satisfied they would prefer Romanist to Protestant missionaries. Still, the sovereignty of the Iroquois remained undecided. The British continued to penetrate through their country, and share in the Indian commerce of the west. But Canada ' ' preserved the mastery of the great lakes, and De Callieres, to 84 The History of Canada, strengthen French influence, resolved on establishing a fort and trading post at Detroit. The Iroquois were soon apprised of this design, and remonstrated against it in strong terms. The Governor replied, " That as Detroit belonged to Canada, its settlement could neither in justice be opposed by the Five Nations nor the English ; that his object in building a fort there was to preserve peace and tranquillity among all the western tribes ; " and added, " that he was master in his own government, yet only with a view to the happi- ness of hi? children." The Iroquois were fain to be content with this answer, and in the month of June, De Cadillac, accompanied by a Jesuit missionary and one hundred Frenchmen, was despatched to commence a settlement at Detroit. Thus Michigan is the oldest of all the inland American States, with the exception of Illinois, whose colonisation had already been commenced by the unfortunate La Salle. But while France was thus grasping a firm hold of the west, and establishing her supremacy more securely on the great lakes, events were in progress in Europe which threatened to defeat her plans. James II. had died at St Germans, and Louis XIV. raised the ire of the British nation by recognising his son as the legitimate ruler of the " three kingdoms." William III., although on his death-bed, was still true to his ruling passion of hostility to France, and formed new alliances, governed the policy of Europe, and shaped the terri- torial destinies of America. His death in March 1702, 1702 • ' * did not interrupt the execution of his plans, which the ministers of Anne ably carried out. From the pinnacle of power, and with every prospect of giving law to all Europe, the exploits of Marlborough and Eugene, the bloody fields of Blenheim and Ramil- lies, reduced Louis to the lowest condition, and at one time even seemed to place his very crown in peril. But the gallant and prudent De Callieres was not fated to witness the reverses of his royal master, nor to see French influence weak- ened in America. He died on the 26th of May 1703, to ^ '°^' the great regret of the people of Canada. Their sorrow for his loss was the best tribute they could pay to his worth. Although, probably, inferior to his predecessor in brilliancy of talent, his sound common sense, greater freedom from passion, honourable conduct, and chivalric courage, gave him great influence with the Indian tribes, as well as with his own people. While, far from being their tool, he wisely preserved a good understanding with the reli- gious orders, now becoming formidable in the colony from their wealth and numbers. To him, however, they chiefly owed an edict TJu History of Canada. 85 from the Crown, which limited their acquisition of real estate to a certain amount. This measure was rendered necessary by the rapid manner in which they were acquiring Janded property by purchase, as well as by grants from private individuals. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUIL. The Marquis Do Vaudrcuil, who had succeeded De Callieres as Commandant of Montreal, became also his successor in the govern- ment of the colony, agreeable to the earnest petition of its inhabit- ants, with whom he had become a great favourite. He began his government at a hazardous period, nor did he prove himself un- worthy of the occasion. The authorities of New York had no sooner learned the revival of hostilities in Europe, than they endeavoured to persuade the Iroquois to resume their ravages in Canada. This they flatly refused to do, and avowed their intention of respecting the peace they had entered into. Dc Vaudreuil promptly met these intrigues by despatching the Sicur Joncaire, long a resident among the Senecas, who had adopted him into their tribe, and who was much respected by the Iroquois, to the Onondagas, to confirm them in their alliance. He succeeded so well in his mission, that this tribe not only declared their intention of maintaining a strict neu- trality and retaining the Josuit Fathers among them, but they also conceded the sovereignty of their country to the French. The English, on the other hand, were less successful in securing the neutrality of the Abenaquis. This fierce tribe, instigated by the Jesuit missionaries, who made no scruple of their hostility against heretic Massachusetts, and aided by a detachment of French troops, swept the more exposed frontier settlements, and carried death and mourning into many a New England home. The whole country from Casco Bay to Wells was ravaged in every direction, and its inhabitants murdered without distinction. In the month of February Hertel De Rouville, with two hundred French ' and one hundred and fifty Indians, burst upon the settlement at Deerfield, crossed the palisades on the snow, which had rendered them useless, and massacred or carried off the inhabitants into captivity. But while these terrible irruptions brought sorrow to the hearths of New England, Canada enjoyed profound repose, and was left to develop her resources as she best might. Freed from the appre- hensions of Indian warfare, many of its inhabitants showed a greater disposition to ruin themselves in law-suits, than ^'°5' to enrich themselves by attending to their occupations. The Intend- 86 The History of Canada, 1! \% ant, M. Raudot, wisely applied himself to diminish this evil by promoting amicable arbitrations between parties at variance, and succeeded beyond his expectations. Nor was this the only benefit he conferred upon the colonists. They grew annually considerable quantities of flax and hemp, but were prevented by the most strin- gent laws from engaging even in the coarsest manufactures, which were jealously reserved to the mother country, and whither they were also obliged to send even their wool, to be re-shipped to them again in the shape of poor and costly fabrics. Raudot now proposed to the French ministry, that the habitants should be per- ' ' mitted to manufacture coarse stuffs for their own consump- tion. He stated the price of clothing had become so extravagant, owing to the loss of a vessel laden with goods for Quebec, and the risk of capture at sea, that the poor were utterly unable to provide themselves with even the coarsest apparel, and were almost in a state of nakedness. This appeal was irresistible, and from thence- forth the people of Canada were allowed " to manufacture in their houses home-made linens and druggets for their own use " — a liberty they gladly availed themselves of. Trouble was in the meantime brewing among the western Indians, and hostilities at length broke out between the Illinois and 1707 • • ' '' Ottawas at Detroit, which occasioned De Vaudreuil consi- derable trouble. A vigorous inroad into the country of the Illinois by Cadillac at the head of 400 men, speedily brought those savages to reason, and restored peace among the western tribes. During these difficulties the Iroquois observed a strict neutrality, to which the efforts of the Jesuit missionaries somewhat contributed. But to Joncaire this desirable result was principally owing. His knowledge of their language, which he spoke as well as themselves, his daring courage, his liberality and affable manners, rendered him exceedingly popular with the Iroquois, whom he gradually induced to regard the French with favour. But if the British lost ground in this direction, they succeeded in debauching the loyalty of the Christian Iroquois in Canada, numbers of whom by this time had become confirmed drunkards, the sale of spirituous liquors to the Indians having been revived in the most shameless manner. De Vaudreuil, to prevent the further spread of disaffection, deter- mined to assail the British colonies. In the spring of 1708, at a war council held at Montreal, an expedition was re- solved on against New England, to be composed of Indians and one hundred chosen Canadian militia volunteers. After numerous delays these began their march, led by Des Chaillons and Hertel De 1708. The History of Canada. 67 Rouville, the destroyer of Deerfield, who had not yet wearied of slaying women and children. The Iroquois and Hurons soon de- serted the expedition and returned home, and the Abenaquis failed to join it at the appointed place. The design was to capture Ports- mouth ; but Des Chaillons and De Rouville finding their force now unequal to the enterprise, descended the Merrimac to Haverhill, resolving to attack a remote village rather than return to Canada as they came. At sunrise on the 29th of August, they moved forward ■ to storm the fort, garrisoned by a few soldiers, which was carried after a fierce assault, while their Indians scattered themselves among the houses, and commenced their horrid work of murder and death. The sharp and constant ring of the musket and the smoke of the burning village alarmed the surrounding country, and the inhabitants boldly gathered to the rescue. The French now beat a hasty retreat, but had scarcely proceeded a league when they fell into an ambush. By a rapid charge they dispersed their antagonists, yet with a loss to themselves of nearly thirty men. They left Haverhill, so recently a peaceful and happy village, a mass of smoking ruins, and its green-sward red with the blood of its pastor and brave men, of women and mangled babes. New England be- wailed this savage act; nor did it go unreproved. "My heart swells with indignation," wrote honest Pel:°r Schuyler of Albany to De Vaudreuil, "when I think that a war between Christian princes is degenerating into a savage and boundless butchery." During this season of trial and disaster to the people of New England, many a wish was uttered for the conquest of Canada, as the only means of removing the danger that hovered perpetually over their more exposed settlements. Queen Anne was not insensible to the sufferings of her colonial subjects, and readily listened to a plan by Colonel Vetch, who was well acquainted with the St Lawrence, for the capture of Montreal and Quebec. Vetch landed in New York on the 3d of May, and at once commenced preparations for an invasion of Canada by way of the Richelieu, which invasion was to be supported by a fleet from England in the St Lawrence. De Vaudreuil received early intelligence of the threatened danger, and resolved to dissipate it by a counter- movement against the British colonies. On the 28th of July, De Ramsay, Governor of Montreal, proceeded with a strong force towards the British encamp- ment near Lake Champlain. The French scouts brought intelli- gence that the enemy, amounting to 5000 men, was strongly in- trenched. The Indians quailed at this news, refused to advance 88 The History of Canada. farther, and the army retreated to Montreal. Nor were the prepara- tions of the British colonies productive of more Important results. Towards the end of September De Vaudreuil learned that their forces had retired from the lake, owing to sickness and the non- arrival from the mother country of the promised aid. The fleet destined for the attack of Quebec never crossed the Atlantic ; it was sent to Lisbon instead, to support the waning fortunes of Portugal against the triumphant arms of Spain. The Iroquois also had played their English allies false. No sooner had they joined the British army, than perceiving it was sufficiently strong to take Mon- treal, they resolved, with their usual cautious policy, to maintain the strength of the European rivals, and thus preserve their own impor- tance, and perhaps their very existence as a people. A small stream trickled by the camp ; into this they flung the skins of the animals they killed. These under a burning sun soon infected the water, and many of the militia died from its use, while not the slightest suspicion was er'-ertained of the true cause of the mortality. But Britain had not abandoned the design of aiding weeping Massachusetts, and humbling the pride of Louis the Magnificent in the New World as well as in the Old. In September six ' * English men-of-war, and thirty armed vessels and transports of New England, with four militia regiments under the command of General Nicholson, sailed from Boston for the conquest of Nova Scotia. In six days this fleet cast anchor in the noble harbour of Port Royal. With a garrison suffering from famine, and reduced by casualties and desertion to 156 men, Subercase, the French com- mandant, was speedily forced to surrender, and marched out with all the honours of war, to beg for food the next hour from his victors. In honour of the Queen the captured settlement was -called Anna- polis, a name it still retains. Vaudreuil saw clearly the danger that threatened Canada, were the British to advance their possessions towards the St Lawrence. He accordingly appointed Castin, an energetic officer, to the govern- ment of Nova Scotia, and during the winter sent messengers over the snows, to press upon the Jesuit missionaries the necessity of pre- serving the zeal and patriotism of the Indian allies and French settlers in that region. But Castin was unable to restore the failing fortunes of the French on the sea-board, and from that day to this the Union Jack has floated over Annapolis. Flushed with victory, Nicholson repaired to England to urge the conquest of Canada, while, at the same time, the Onondagas sent deputies to De Vaudreuil, to assure him that they remained faithful The History of Canada. 89 to their treaty with the French, although their confederates were in- clined to make common cause with the British. The legislature of New York had already appealed to the Queen on the dangerous progress of French dominion in America, and deputed Colonel Schuyler of Albany to present their address. " The French pene- trate," it argued, " through rivers and lakes at the back of all your Majesty's plantations on this continent to Carolina, and in this large tract of country live several nations of Indians who are vastly nume- rous. Among these they constantly send agents and priests with toys and trifles to insinuate themselves into their favour. Afterwards they send traders, then soldiers, and at last build forts among them." Schuyler carried five sachems of the Iroquois with him to London. Dressed in black small clothes and scarlet mantles, coaches carried them in state to an audience with Queen Anne, and giving her belts of wampum, made of the most brilliant shells,* they avowed their readiness to take up the hatchet, and aid in the reduction of Canada. Bolingbroke planned the campaign and expressed " a paternal concern for its success." But while he could write brilliant . . . 1711. treatises on philosophy, and successfully originate taxation of newspapers, he knew little of the colonies he proposed to succour, and lacked the requisite soundness of judgment and powers of com- bination to make that succour effectual. At midsummer, Nicholson arrived in Boston with news that a fleet might soon be expected from England to aid in the reduction of Canada, and impressed upon the different colonies the necessity of having their militia contingents in readiness as soon as possible. On the 30th of July the whole armament sailed from Boston. The English fleet, consisting of fifteen ships of war and forty-six trans- ports and store-ships, was placed under the command of Sir Hoven- den Walker. The land force, composed of five veteran regiments from Marlborough's army, and two colonial regiments, was led by Brigadier General Hill, brother to !Mrs Masham, the Queen's favourite. This armament was nearly as strong as that which subse- quently captured Quebec under the intrepid Wolfe, although its works in the meantime had been rendered far more formidable, while its defenders were much more numerous.f Upon the same day on * Wampum belts were made of beads formed from shells of different colours. These shells were also used as money by the Indians. The inhabitants of Hin- dostan use shells called cowries in lieu of small coin at the present day. t Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. p. 171. Canada in 1 71 1 contained about 30,000 French inhabitants and 6000 Indians. 90 The History of Canada. which the fleet sailed from Boston, General Nicholson proceeded to Albany, where in a short time he found himself at the head of 4000 Provincial troops and 600 Indians, prepared to move upon Montreal. In the west, the Foxes, desirous to expel the French from Michigan, appeared as the allies of the EngUsh to effect a diversion in their favour. Intelligence of the intended expedition was seasonably received at Quebec, and the measures of defence began by a renewal of friend- ship with the Canadian and north-west Indians. Joncaire, at the same time, was successful in retaining the Senecas in neutraHty, and the Onondagas remained faithful to their promises j but the rest of the confederates ranged themselves on the side of the British. Leaving De Boncourt to strengthen the defences of Quebec, De Vaudreuil proceeded to Montreal, where he rapidly organised a force of 3000 soldiers, miHtia, and a few Indians, and placing it under the command of De Longueil, directed him to encamp at Chambly, and there await Nicholson. Admiral Walker arrived in the St Lawrence on the 14th of August, and after lingering a few days in the Bay of Gaspe, owing to an un- favourable wind, proceeded up the river. Little was then known in England with regard to the peculiarities of the St Lawrence, and Walker, sharing the apprehensions of the vulgar, imagined that a current, where vessels floated on water one hundred fathoms deep, would be frozen to the bottom during winter, and puzzled his brains to know how he would preserve his ships. " To secure them on the dry ground in frames and cradles till the thaw," he sagely imagined to be the true mode of procedure. On the evening of the 22d of August a thick fog came on with an easterly breeze. Next morning both the French and English pilots thought it right to bring the vessels of the fleet to with their heads to the southward, as the best course to keep the mid-channel and drive clear of the north shore. The day passed safely over, but just as Walker was going to bed, the captain of his ship came dv^.vn to say that land could be seen, and without going on deck he wantonly ordered the fleet to head to the north. Goddard, a captain in the land service, at the instigation of the pilot, Paradis, rushed to the cabin in great haste, and importuned the admiral at least to come on deck ; but the self-willed man laughed at his fears and refused. A second time Goddard returned; "For the Lord's sake come on deck," cried he, " or we shall certainly be lost ; I see breakers all around us." Walker came on deck and found he had spoken the truth ; " But still," the admiral exclaimed, " I see no land to the The History of Canada: 91 leeward." Just then the moon broke through the mist and showed him his error. Now he beheved Paradis, and made sail for the middle of the river, but not before eight ships had been wrecked among the reefs of the Egg Islands, and 884 men drowned. As soon as the scattered fleet was collected a council of war was held, at which the craven-hearted leaders voted unanimously " that it was impossible to proceed, and that it was for the interests of her Majesty's service that the British troops do forthwith return to Eng- land, and the colonial troops to Boston."* The failure of the expedition against Quebec compelled Nicholson to retreat. The French scouts soon brought intelligence of this movement to the camp at Chambly. For the moment the news was doubted ; " it was almost too good to be true," and Hertel de Rou- ville was despatched with 200 men to procure more certain informa- tion. He marched far on the way to Albany till he was joined by three Frenchmen, set at liberty by Nicholson on his return, who told him of the consternation of the British colonists when they learned the misfortune which had befallen the fleet. Barques were soon despatched down the river from Quebec. At the Egg Islands the remains of eight large vessels were found, out of which the cannon and stores had beeu taken, and the many dead bodies that strewed the shores of the river told unmistakably the disaster which had befallen the British fleet. In the west, however, new dangers menaced French power. The Foxes resolved to burn Detroit, and pitched their wigwams near the fort, now defended only by a score of Frenchmen. ' ' But the Indian allies of the little garrison came to their relief, and the warriors of the Fox nation, instead of destroying Detroit, were themselves besieged, and at last compelled to surrender at discretion. Those who were found in arms were ruthlessly massacred, and the rest were distributed as slaves among the victors. Thus did the fidelity of their allies preserve Detroit to the French. Cherished as the loveliest spot in Canada, its possession secured the road to the upper Indians. Its loss would have been the ruin of the Canadian fur-trade, and shut out the French for ever from the great highway to the Mississippi. Still, these successes did not alter the great cur- rent of western commerce, which continued to flow steadily towards Albany and New York. The Indian loved the Frenchman as a com- * Admiral \V.ilker's Journal, pp. 122, 123. Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. pp. 167- 177. Heriot's Hist. Can. pp. 399-404. Conquest of Can. vol. i. pp. 333-335. Brit. N. Amer. vol. i. pp. 201-303. Ban. Hist. United States, London Edition, pp. 853-858. I' i 4 92 The History of Canada. 1713. panion, but the British merchant paid a higher price for beaver, and self-interest, that great motive -power of human nature among the civilised and the savage, led him to prefer the traffic of the latter. Weakened by defeat — driven back from the banks of the Danube, the Tagus, and the Po, Louis, now an old and feeble man, earnestly desired peace even on humiliating terms. The debility of France became its safety. England was satiated with costly continental victories, and public opinion demanded a peace. Marlborough, who hesitated not to say " that the enmity between France and England was irreconcilable," was dismissed from power ; the Whigs fell with him, and the Tories took their places to inaugurate a new era of peace. A congress of ambassadors assembled at Utrecht to regulate its conditions. Louis strove to preserve his Canadian possessions intact, but the sufferings of Massachusetts made Great Britain resolute to retain Nova Scotia, and finally it was fully ceded to her, with the fisheries of Newfoundland, the vast un- known regions of Hudson's Bay, and the nominal sovereignty of the Iroquois. The war had scarcely terminated when the active mind of the Canadian Governor began to devise means for strengthen- ' '*' ing the defences and peopling the colony, which instead of increasing, was actually decreasing in population. He stated to the French ministry that Canada possessed only 4480 inhabitants, be- tween fourteen and sixty years, able to carry arms, while the regular soldiers barely amounted to 628. This small number of persons was spread over a country 100 leagues in extent. He added, the English colonies had 60,000 men able to bear arms, and that on the first rupture they would make a powerful effort to get possession of Canada. He proposed that additional troops should be sf nt out, and that 150 convicts should be shipped annually to this country, to aid in the labours of agriculture. Fortunately for Canada the latter proposition was never carried out, and she escaped the indignity and difficulty of becoming a penal settlement. The bitter lesson which the Foxes had received at Detroit, instead of making the remainder of their tribe more peacefully in- *' ^' clined, thoroughly exasperated them against the French. i-'X c^ly did they interrupt the trappers in Michigan, their native country, Jut they infested the routes leading to the distant posts of o.' j'lony, and inflicted all the injury possible upon the Indian allies 01 inc French. The Governor at length detached a strong force to bring them to reason. Shut up in their fort, against which two field- The History of Canada. 93 1718. pieces were brought to bear, they finally offered favourable terms of accommodation, which were accepted. But they soon evinced little respect for the treaty they had been forced to ' enter into, and though greatly reduced in number?, rendered the routes towards Louisiana unsafe, and ever after remained the dead- liest enemies of the French. The success of the expedition against the Foxes established peace in all the borders of Canada, and for many years it presented few events of importance to record. The attention of the Go- 1 7 1 7 vernorwas now turned to the careless and improper manner ' '* in which notaries frequently performed their duties, and stringent regulations were made to correct this abuse. In 17 18 con- siderable excitement was caused in the colony by the dis- covery of ginsing, a plant highly esteemed by the Chinese, in the forests, which for a time promised to be a valuable article of com- merce. But the Canadians were unacquainted with its proper mode of preservation, and it soon became unsaleable. The two succeeding years were alike barren of events. Charle- voix, one of the early historians of Canada, came out from France in 1720, remained here during the ensuing year, and visited the principal settlements, which he describes in his journal. ' Quebec embraced even then an Upper and Lower Town, and con- tained about 7000 inhabitants. Its best society, composed of mili- tary officers and nobles, was extremely agreeable, and he states that nowhere was the French language spoken in greater purity. Under a gay exterior was concealed a very general poverty. " The Eng- lish," the Canadians said, " knew better how to accumulate wealth, but they alone were acquainted with the most agreeable way of spending it." The only employment suited to their taste was the fur-trade, the roving and adventurous habits of which they especially liked. They made money by it occasionally, which was usually soon squandered again in pleasure and display. Many who had made a handsome figure in society were now suffering pecuniary distress ; still, while they curtailed the luxuries of their tables, they continued as long as possible to be richly dressed. Agriculture received very little attention, and the timber trade was yet in its infancy. The banks of the St Lawrence for some distance below Quebec were already laid out in seigniories and partially cultivated. Some of the farmers were in easy circumstances, and richer than their landlords, whose necessities compelled them to let their land at low quit-rents. At one point Charlevoix found a baron, holding the office of inspector of highways, who lived in the forest, and derived 94 The History of Canada. his support from a traffic with tae neighbouring Indians. Three Rivers was an agreeable place, containing 800 inhabitants, and sur- rounded by well-cultiVated fields. Its fur-trade had been in a great measure transferred to Montreal, and the iron mines had not yet been worked. He found the country thinly peopled as he ascended the river, till he arrived at the Island of Montreal, the beauties of which he describes in glowing terms. He does not state the popu- lation of the town, but very probably it was about 4000. After leaving Montreal, he only met with detached posts, established solely for defence or trade. Passing up the river in bark canoes, he reached Fort Frontenac, which he describes as merely a small mili- tary station. After a tedious voyage along the shores of the lake, he came to a log block-house on the Niagara river, occupied by Joncaire and a few officers and troops, but saw neither a village nor cultivated fields. Passing up Lake Erie he visited Detroit and several of the stations on the upper lakes, but beyond small trading posts, en- countered nothing worthy of the name of settlement. Such was Canada West 135 years ago : it now presents a very different aspect. Hitherto the fortifications of Quebec had been very incomplete, but the French ministry now resolved to strengthen and extend them, agreeable to the plan of De Lery. Montreal was defended ' ■ by wooden works, which were in a most dilapidated condi- tion. Orders were given to fortify it with stone. The King advanced the money, but the town and seminaiy were to repay one ' ■ half in annual instalments of 6000 livres. Barracks were likewise constructed for the regular troops. No provision was made, however, for the militia, who only existed in the colony from its necessities and the will of the Governor. As an institution in the State, they had never been recognised by any French law or edict.* Ten years' peace had added considerably to the trade and popu- lation of Canada. Nineteen vessels sailed this year from ' ^' Quebec for the ocean. Six new ships were built for the merchant service, and two men-of-war. The exports to France em- braced furs, lumber, staves, tar, tobacco, flour, peas, and pork ; the imports from thence were wines, brandies, and cotton and woollen goods. On the loth of October 1725, the Marquis De Vaudreuil closed his useful career. The sorrow manifested by the people for 1725- this event, was proportionate to the satisfaction they had displayed when he was first appointed Governor. For the long ' * Smith's Hist. Can. vol. i. pp. 185, 186. The History of Canada, 95 period of one-and-twenty years had he discharged his important duties with great loyalty, ability, and courage. His vigilance, firm- ness, and good conduct had preserved Canada to France through a disastrous war, and he went to rest from his labours with the blessings and regrets of a grateful people, who had enjoyed all the peace and prosperity possible under his rule. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MARQUIS DE BEAUHAKNOIS. When the death of De Vaudreuil became known in France, the Marquis De Beauharnois, a natural son of Louis XIV., received the appointment of Governor. He arrived in Canada early in May, and was almost immediately engaged in a warm con- '" troversy with Governor Burnet of New York, relative to a fort and trading establishment which the latter was constructing at Oswego, with the view of diverting still more of the Indian trade to New York. To prevent this result, the Governor despatched M. De Longueil to the Onondagas to ask permission to erect a store- house and fort at Niagara. The persuasions of the Jesuit mis- sionaries readily induced them to give a favourable reply, and the French promptly applied themselves to profit by the privilege. Burnet, on the other hand, persuaded the Senecas to hinder the proceedings of the French, and this tribe at once sent a messenger to Niagara to require them immediately to desist, as the country where they were belonged to them and not to the Onondagas. Regardless of this demand, the works were pushed forward. Jon- caire's great influence with the Senecas prevented their demolition, and finally reconciled them to French occupation of their territory. Burnet finding himself unable to dispossess the French at Niagara, strengthened the fort at Oswego, which so enraged Beauharnois, that in the month of July he sent a written summons to the officer in command there to abandon it within fifteen days. He wrote to Burnet six days afterwards, remonstrating with him on the erection of this fort as being contrary to the treaty of Utrecht, which pro- vided that the boundary lines of the British and French Colonies should be settled by commissioners, and claiming the land on either side of Lake Ontario as belonging to his nation. The English Go- vernor replied in a polite but resolute manner, completely refuted his arguments, and presented counter -remonstrances against the proceedings at Niagara. Beauharnois retorted by a fresh summons to the officer commanding at Oswego, and another message to Mr Burnet, stating that hostile measures would be adopted if the fort were not abandoned and destroyed. The latter upon this threat iv. 96 T/ie History of Canada. coolly reinforced the garrison, to secure it in the event of attack ; and so the matter terminated for the time. Four years elapsed without producing a single event of note, and the Union Jack still floated at Oswego on the bracing ' ^ ' breezes of the lake. Beauharnois had not carried out his threat of attack, but in order to repress the growing energies of the British Colonies, he now resolved on the erection of a fort at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain. Should a war again occur, he saw clearly that a military post there would place the French troops in such close proximity to the frontier settlements on the Hudson and Connecticut rivers, that great injury could be easily inflicted on them. At the same time itwas an important step towards carrying out the plan, already conceived, of restricting the British Colonies to the sea-board. The Government of Massachusetts speedily becam alarmed. Belcher, who was now at its head, sent a letter to Vandam, ' ^ ' the Governor of New York, offering to bear one-half the expense of an embassy to Canada to forbid the construction of this fort, and pressing him to engage the opposition of the Iroquois, now beginning to be known as the "Six iNations." Vandam laid the letter before his council ; but a long peace had blunied its vigilance ; no action was taken thereon, and the French retained peaceable possession of Crown Point. Enjoying profound repose, year after year now passed over the colony, without producing scarcely a single event of importance. The laws of France, with trifling modifications by royal decrees, were the laws of Canada ; which, unlike the Canada of the present day, was never disturbed by the quarrels of a local Parliament. The torpid repose, which it gained in this way, repressed the energies of its inhabitants, and perpetuated their natural easy and indolent man- ners, which three-quarters of a century of British freedom has not sufficed to remove. An old writer* on Canada fills up the historical blank that now intervenes, by detailing how the nuns of the General Hospi- ^'^^' tal of Quebec began to adopt the lax manners of the colony, and mix in society contrary to their vows ; and how Louis XV. reproved them therefor, and compelled them to pursue a more decorous behaviour. There was, then, the difficulty about '•^ ' the Bishop's Palace, which these nuns claimed as their pro- perty ; but royalty discountenanced their pretensions, and they had * William Smith, who was a Master in Chancery and Clerk of the Parliament of Canada after the Conquest He narrates occurrences honestly, though not very clearly nor methodically. The History of Canada. 97 to succumb. Meanwhile, Beauhamois J.ligently applied himself to forward the interests of the Colony, which now made rapid strides, in proportion to its former progress, in population and wealth. Culti- vated farms gradually appeared along the St Lawrence from Quebec to Montreal, as well as upon the banks of several of its tributary streams. The absence of roads prevented settlement in the interior, and water was accordingly the only highway of the farmer. This led to the system, the evils of which is still felt in Lower Canada, of cutting up the farms into long narrow strips, having from one to three acres' frontage on the rivers, and extending inland from forty to eighty acres. The French colonists during this prolonged interval of peace, ap- pear to have entirely overcome the enmity against them, so long treasured up by a few of the principal tribes. Their pliant and courteous manners ; their cheerful disposition ; their frequent inter- marriages with the natives ; and, in many instances, their actual adoption of the wild and stirring life of the Indian, rendered them far better fitted to secure his confidence than the staid British colonist. A very favourable change took place also as regarded the fur-trade in which the British merchants had so long had the advan- tage. The Government adopted a more liberal and equitable system of Indian traflfic, which was now released in a great measure from the licensed monopolies, which had hitherto so injuriously affected it. A large annual fair was opened at Montreal, to which the Indians were invited to resort, and whither many of them came to dispose of their furs in preference to going to Albany. Still, the progress of Canada was far inferior to that of its self- governed Anglo-Saxon neighbours. This was owing to a variety of causes, among the chief of which may be reckoned the absence of a local legislation, the seignorial tenure system, the want of schools, the gay and indolent habits of the people themselves, their numer- ous religious festivals, and the equal partition of lands among the children of deceased parents, without regard to primogeniture. Not only were the lands of the seigniors divided in this ^vay, but also the farms of their tenants, which were usually barely large enough for the support of a single family. This system, which did not even permit of alteration by will, proved a most effectual bar to the clear- ing of wild lands. The children, contented and indolent as their parents, instead of going forth to provide for themselves in new districts, settled down on the paternal farms, which were divided and subdivided amongst them to no end. The ''*'** King sought to correct these abuses, by directing the Bishop of l!Y PI |: 98 77/i; History of Canada. 1738. Quebec to suppress a number of holidays, which, instead of being rehgiously observed, only led to drunkenness and disorder, and by issuing an edict preventing in future the erection of dwelling-houses on tracts less than one and a-half acres in front by forty in '^^' depth, under the penalty of one hundred livres and the de- molition of the buildings.* In the meantime a storm had arisen in the political horizon of Europe, which once more threatened the rival colonies of the New World with the horrors of war. British commerce, now penetrating every quarter of the globe, refused to brook any longer the restric- tions imposed by Spanish jealousy in South America. The English nation became clamorous for war, and the ministry giving way to the popular cry, strengthened the forces by sea and land, and prepared for hostilities. In 1739 war was declared in due form against Spain. Vernon captured Porto Bello and ' ^^' destroyed its fortifications, with scarcely the loss of a man ; Anson swept the coasts of the enemy in the South Seas, surprised, with a few soldiers, Paita by night j and, after spending three days in stripping it of treasure and merchandise, set it on fire. He after- wards proceeded to Panama, and subsequently traversed the Pacific Ocean till the long-looked-for Spanish galleon, the treasure '^ ' and cargo of which were valued at ;^3 13,000 sterling, hove in sight, which he carried a prize to England, and thus enriched him- self and his officers. These successes alarmed France, and Fleury, who, like Walpole, desired to preserve peace, was, like him, also overruled by the clamours of his rivals. France soon avowed herself the ally of Spain, whom she promised to aid with fifty ships of the line. But in taking this step all intentions of conquest were disclaimed. " I do not propose to begin a war with England," said Louis XV., "or to seize or annoy one British ship, or to take one foot of land possessed by England in any part of the world. Yet I must prevent England from accomplishing its great purpose of appropriating to itself the entire commerce of the West Indies. France, though it has no treaty with Spain, cannot consent that the Spanish colonies should fall into English hands." " It is our object," said Cardinal Fleury, " not to make war on England, but to induce it to consent to a peace." Such was the posture of affairs, when, by the death of Charles VI., the extinction of the male line of the house of Hapsburg, raised a question on the Austrian succession. The treaty known as the 1 * Smith's Hist. Can., vol. i. pp. 199, 20a w The History of Canada. 99 " Pragmatic Sanction," to which France was a party, gxiaranteed the Austrian dominions to Maria Theresa, the eldest daughter of the late Emperor, but this did not now prevent the sovereigns of Spain, Saxony, and Bavaria, from each laying clai ii to the empire. The opportunity was too favourable to gratify his hereditary hatred of Austria ; so Louis forgot his pledged faith, neglected the advice of his minister, Fleury, and sought to place his creature, the l"]lector of Bavaria, on the throne of Charles. Scarcely had the Empress closed the eyes of her father, when the young king of Prussia, Frederick II., seized Silesia. Saxony demanded another part of her domin- ions, and presently Bavaria, backed by France, laid claim to her crown. The latter powers were at first successful in the war that speedily ensued, and Maria Theresa, driven from her capital, sought refuge with her son in her Hungarian dominions. Her misfortunes speedily produced a reaction in her favour. England, now ruled by George II., (who sought to shield his Hanoverian domi- nions,) avowed herself as the ally of the Empress. Sardinia ' ^' and Holland soon after declared themselves in her favour, and her misfortunes thawed even Russia into an acknowledgment of her claims. France, in return, declared war against ^' England, plotted already a change in its dynasty, and the establish- ment of the Pretender, Charles, on its throne. In North America, New England sustained the first shock of war. While Canada and the central British provinces still reposed in tran- quillity, and even in ignorance of the declaration of hostilities, a body of French from Cape Breton* surprised the small English garrison of Canseau, and carried eiglUy men as prisoners to Louisburg. An- napolis, in Nova Scotia, was next assailed by a body of French Indians, instigated by the Abbe Le Loutre, their Jesuit missionary, and as the defences were in a most ruinous condition they were with difficulty repelled. New England was speedily alarmed for the safety of her frontier, and resolved upon the capture of Louisburg, the great stronghold of France on her borders, as the best measure of protection. A majority of one vote, in the legislature of Massachusetts, ^ '45' was cast in favour of the expedition. Governor Shirley had already solicited aid from England, and the other colonies were now ap- pealed to. New York sent a small supply of artillery, Pennsylvania • The French had established themselves here after being driven from Nova Scotia, and strongly fortified Louisburg, its principal settlement, situated on an excellent harbour. The works were destroyed after it came into the acknow- ledged possession of the British at the peace of 1 763. 100 The History of Canada, I m \P gave provisions, Connecticut raised 516 militia, New Hampshire 304, wliile the forces levied by Massachusetts exceeded 3000 volun- teers. Assistance was asked from Commodore Warren, then at Antigua, but on a consultation with the captains of his squadron, it was resolved, in the absence of orders from England, not to engage in the expedition. A merchant, William Pepperell, of Maine, was appointed to the chief command, and counselled by Shirley to see that the fleet arrived together at a precise hour, to land the troops in the dark, and take the town and fort by surprise. The ice from Cape Breton was drifting in such quantities as rendered further progress danger- ous, and the fleet was detained many days at Canseau, where it was joined by Warren, who had in the nicantime received orders from England to render all the aid possible to Massachusetts. An hour after sunrise, on the 29th of April, the armament, in a hundred vessels of New England, large and small, came in sight of Louisburg, defended by 163 guns and six mortars, and a garrison of 600 regular troops and 900 militia. On the other hand, the men of New England had only eighteen cannon and three mortars ; but no sooner did they come in oight of the town, than letting down their whale boats they boldly pulled to the shore, and drove the French who came to oppose their landing into the woods. That night the garrison of a detached battery, struck with panic, spiked their guns and retreated into the town. It was promptly seized by the be- siegers, who soon drilled out the cannon, and turned them on the French works. But this success was counterbalanced by the de- feat of a night attack on a battery commanding the entrance of the harbour. To annoy this battery earthworks were thrown up, and guns placed in position to play on it ; while, at the same time, trenches were opened within two hundred yards of the town. Still no breach was effected, and the labours of the garrison were making the works stronger than ever. It was now agreed that the fleet should run in and bombard the town, while the land force entered it by storm. But Duchambon, the commandant, was ignorant of his duties, and the garrison were discontented. A French man-of-war, laden with stores, was decoyed into the English fleet, and captured in sight of the beleaguered town. This occurrence completely disheartened its defenders. The desponding Governor sent out a flag of truce, terms of capitulation were signed, Louisburg was surrendered with all its munitions of war on the 17th of June, and a New England minister soon preached in the French chapel. With Louisburg the whole The History of Canada. lOI island passed into the hands of the British. When intelligence reached Boston that the strongest fortress in North America had fallen before the undisciplined mechanics and farmers and fisher- men of New England, the town bells rung out a merry peal, and the people were almost beside themselves with joy. The news of the capture of Louisburg created not a little annoy- ance at the French court, which for the moment vented its ppleen by the recall of Beauhamois, and the appointment '"* of his successor in the Admiral La Jonquiere, an old man of sixty years of age. Orders at the same time were given for the equip- ment of an extensive armament to recapture Louisburg, and lay waste the British colonies. This fleet, consisting of eleven ships of the line and thirty smaller vessels, was ready for sea by the begin- ning of May; but contrary winds detained it in the harbour ot Rochelle till the 2 2d of June, when it sailed for Nova Scotia. It was expected that the French inhabitants of that province, amount- ing to 15,000, would declare for the expedition on its arrival, which M. De Ramsay anxiously awaited on its borders with 1700 Cana- dians. The fleet was only a short timic at sea when it was separated by storms, and only a few of the ships arrived together at Chebucto, near Halifax, which had been appointed as the rendezvous. Here the Admiral of the fleet, the Duke De Anville, died of apoplexy, on the 1 6th of September, four days after his arrival. A council of war was now called at which the Vice-Admiral proposed returning to France, as only seven ships remained, and the greater part of the troops were on board the missing vessels. Governor La Jonquiere, who was with the fleet, on his way to Canada, opposed this course, and proposed an attack on Annapolis, to which the majority of the council agreed. The Vice-Admiral, whose health was already fail- ing, was so disturbed by the determination of the council that he was thrown into a fever attended with delirium, and run himself through with his sword. Jonquiere succeeded to the command and proceeded to attack Annapolis, but a violent storm separating his ships, he was compelled to return to France. These disasters did not, however, discourage the French Court, and a fresh armament was directed to be equipped for the attack of the British colonies, the command of which was intrusted to Admiral La Jonquiere. With this fleet sailed another from Brest, which was to act against the Biitish settlements in India. The English ministry, apprised of these measures, despatched Ad- mirals Anson and Warren to intercept both fleets. This they eftec- 1747- 1 I02 The History of Canada. tually accomplished off Cape Finisterre, on the Gallician coast, where they captured all the enemy's line-of-battle ships, and nine of the convoy. A considerable quantity of bullion fell into the hands of the victors, and the gratitude of their sovereign raised Anson to the peerage, and decorated Warren with the ribbon of the Bath. As Admiral La Jonquiere was among the numerous captives who graced the victory of the British fleet, the Count De la Galissoniere was appointed Governor of Canada, until his exchange could be effected. CHAPTER VI. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNT DE LA GALISSONIERE. :!i NATURE denied to Count De la Galissoniere a command- ing stature, or a handsome person, but in lieu of these it had given him abiUties of a high order. No sooner had he established himself in his government, than his active mind led him to acquire a just knowledge of the climate of the Colony — of '^'' its population, its agriculture, and its commerce. He quickly per- ceived the advantages France must derive from the continued pos- session and extension of Canada, and proposed the adoption of a system, which, if properly carried out, must have prevented for many years, at all events, its conquest by the British. He urged the French Court to send out a good engineer to construct fortifications from Detroit to the Mississippi, and to colonise the west with ten thousand of the peasantry of France. This course would have effectually re- stricted the British colonies to the sea-board eastward of the Alleg- hany mountains. Its partial adoption only awakened their jealousy, and paved the way for the conquest of Canada. The firm hold which the French colonists and traders had acquired on the sym- pathy of the western Indians, and the disaster which befell Braddock, are evidences of the many dangers which must have threatened the British, had the Count's plans been ably carried out. De Galissoniere judging that a peace would soon be established, and sensible of the importance, in the meantime, of giving well-de- fined boundaries to Canada, to prevent future disputes and support the pretensions of France, despatched an intelligent officer, with a guard of three hundred men, to take possession of the vast country west of the Alleghany mountains. These he desired to establish as the boundary of the Anglo-American plantations, and beyond which he denied their having any just claims. This officer was also directed to use his influence with the western Indian allies of the French to induce them to accompany him, in order to give a colour of justice, 104 The History of Canada. so far as they were concerned, to his conduct ; and further, to get them to promise, if possible, not to admit any EngUsh traders in future into their country. Leaden plates, on which the arms of France were stamped, were ordered to be buried at different points, as evidence that the district had been duly taken possession of, while notarial documents were to be drawn up on each occasion, to record, beyond dispute, the priority of French sovereignty. The Count sent a letter to Mr Hamilton, the Governor of Pennsylvania, apprising him of these measures, and requesting him in future to prevent his people from passing beyond the AUeghanies, as he had received orders from his Court to seize any British merchants found trading in a region incontestably belonging to France, and to confis- cate their goods. The " Treaty of Utrecht," which confirmed Nova Scotia to Great Britain, contained a stipulation providing for the free exercise of their religion by such of the French Roman Catholics as chose to remain in that province. Many availed themselves of this indulgence, took the oath of allegiance, and held quiet possession of their pro- perty. De Galissoniere, disappointed in procuring an ex- ' ' tensive emigration from France, now conceived the design of withdrawing these settlers from under British rule, and forming them into a new colony on the isthmus connecting Nova Scotia with New Brunswick. Knowing the attachment of many of these people to their priests, he considered the latter the proper instruments to effect his object, and readily induced the Jesuit, Le Loutre, and several others, to persuade them to quit British territory. The Governor had soon the satisfaction of learning the success of his plans. Appealing to them as Frenchmen and Catholics, Le Loutre speedily induced several families to qui^ *:heir Acadian homes, and join a settlement near the Bay Verte, which his zeal had already established. France regarded with a jealous eye the British station at Halifax, so rapidly increasing in military importance and population, and De Galissoniere vainly hoped that the colony of Acadian refugees he was forming would lessen the danger of its neighbourhood. He laid his plans before the French ministry, who warmly indorsed them, and readily responded to his demand for a fund to enable him to carry them out, by an annual grant of eight hundred thousand livres. But while busily engaged in the execution of these schemes, the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle restored De La Jonquiere to '^^' liberty, when, by virtue of his commission, he proceeded to Canada to take possession of its government Before the Count '1 The History of Canada. 105 sailed for France he furnished his successor with the fullest informa- tion respecting the Colony, and minutely detailed the plans which he conceived to be most beneficial for its advancement and pros- perity. . W THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MARQUIS DE LA JONQUIERE. La Jonquiere did not pursue the course adopted by his prede- cessor, in reference to the Acadian French, as he considered it would most conduce to the benefit of the Colony to avoid any act which might lead to a new war. He supposed, too, that the limits of Nova Scotia, left unsettled by the recent peace, and which were already a source of dispute, would be duly arranged by the commis- sioners to be appointed for that purpose. This moderate course, it would naturally be presumed, ought to have met with general ap- proval ; yet so little was it relished by the ministers of Louis, that the Governor was reprimanded for not carrying out the plans of his predecessor, which he was now directed to pursue forthwith. In addition, he was instructed to take immediate possession of the Acadian isthmus with a sufficient body of troops, to build forts at the most favourable points, and to give every assistance to the Abbe Le Loutre. In consequence of these orders, the Chevalier De la Come was despatched to Acadia to choose a site for a fort, and fixed on Chediac as being advantageously situated for receiving supplies from Canada, as well as from France. But the Governor and Le Loutre, however, disapproved of this location as being too distant from the Acadian settlements ; and it was resolved to erect one fort near the mouth of the St John, and another on the north side of the Messagouche, opposite the village of Chiegnecto, now Fort Law- rence. Colonel Cornwallis, the Governor of Nova Scotia, had made repeated remonstrances respecting the course pursued by Le Loutre towards the Acadians, ^nd his occupation of the isthmus, to which very little attention was paid. Believing that the bound- ariis would be amicably defined, he was loath to proceed to ex- tremities, and the Abbe had accordingly been allowed to pursue his insidious course without interruption. No sooner, however, had La Corne appeared on the isthmus with a force of iioo French and Indians, and avowed his intention of erecting a fort on the Messagouche, than Cornwallis resolutely determined to maintain the boundaries of Nova Scotia intact. The French occupied the village of Chiegnecto, and compelled the inhabitants to take the io6 The History of Canada. 1750- oath of allegiance to Louis XV., in the beginning of winter, but still nothing could be done towards expelling them till spring. Cornwallis was not idle in the inter\'aL The home Government was duly advised by him of what had occurred, and he solicited Massachusetts for aid to expel the intruders, but met with an unfavourable answer. Thrown upon his own resources, he could only muster four hundred men to check French aggres- sion on 'v'- .^ imcnt. These arrived off the Messagouche on the evening of the 20th April. La Come had already withdrawn to the north side of the river, after inducing as many as possible of the Acadians by threats and promises to accompany him. Still, several of the inhabitants of Chiegnecto clung to their homes, and refused to qi:""^^ •■■' ie^tile farms. The French officer, the man of blood, jnlica and ;; lowed Ihem to remain. Not so with the Jesuit, Le Louire ^^ . ^ jox^tx had the British appeared in the offing, than with his own in> ds he sacrilegiously applied the torch to the vii'age ch'-:-:l\ end tr ■ T ;res ra7idly spreading from hoi;se to house wiLii fie dd . ' h*..> j ".'-^v, diaries, the homeless and desponding people had no ai'. na,.,., lut to proceed to the French camp.* Major Lawrence, who commanded the force from Halifax, had an interview with La Corne as speedily as possible, and found him resolutely resolved to retain possession of every post north of the Messagouche, till the boundaries of the two countries shoi'd be arranged by commissioners. The French held a strong position; his force was far too weak to dislodge them ; so Lawrence had no course open but to return. From Halifax news soon spread that the French held possession of British soil, that they had burned a British town, and incited the Acadians to acts of treason. The New England colonies heard the news with little emotion, but in England the Earl of Halifax insisted effectually that Cornwallis should receive aid. In August a second expedition left Halifax to retake Chiegnecto. Le Loutre exerted his influence with the Indians and the Acadian refugees to oppose its landing, and La Corne covertly supplied them with arms and ammunition. Strongly intrenched they swept the beach with a steady fire as the British landed, and six of the latter killed, and twelve wounded, proved, although few in number, how resolutely they fought. The French had erected forts at the Bay Verte, at St John's River, and at Beau-Sejour. At the latter fort was La Corne's head-quarters, and here he had a fresh interview * Smith's Hist, Can., vol. i. p. 214. Bancroft's Hist. U. S. (Lon.) vol. iii. p. 48. The History of Canada, 107 with Lawrence. " My orders," said the French officer, " do not permit of my crossing the river, and there is plenty of room at the other side for you." The Enghsh officer took the hint, and Fort Lawrence arose on the opposite bank of the Messagouche, both commanders remaining in peaceable possession of their resi)ective posts till the next war. But these were not the only events which bred bad blood between the British and French in this part of the world. An armed sloop was despatched from Quebec to St John's River, with stores for the garrison there, the captain of which was ordered to avoid all British vessels, but if attacked to defend himself to the last ex- tremity. Rouse, in the Albany, encountered the French vessel off Cape Sable, captured her after a short action, and took her into Halifax, where she was condemned by the Admiralty Court, on the ground that she was taking supplies to an unlawful military post. French anger knew no bounds at this indignity, and the small cloud of war, already dimming the horizon, began to ex- pand. In the far west occurrences were also transpiring, which threatened the renewal of hostilities. Despite the claims so positively asserted by De la Galissoniere, with respect to French ^'^ ' sovereignty beyond the Alleghanies, the Governors of the British colonies continued to grant permission to their merchants to trade with the Indians of the Ohio. This trade La Jonquiere was in- structed to interrupt as far as possible, and he accordingly had three of these merchants seized, and brought prisoners to Montreal, whither also their goods were forwarded. They were examined by a commission, r.nd closely questioned as to their commerce with the western Indians, when they were discharged. This high-handed exercise of authority created considerable sur- prise and indignation among the British colonists, and was looked upon by them as still more hostile, from the fact that commissioners had already been appointed by the French and English Governments to settle the boundary disputes. But these functionaries had scarcely commenced their duties at Paris, when they perceived there was little prospect of an amicable arrangement of the questions at issue, and that the sword alone could decide them. The Canadian Gover- nor saw clearly that if a new war occurred the principal struggle would be in America, and he promptly represented to his Govern- ment, that if it was desired to retain the French possessions on the '^ Lawrence, troops and warlike stores must be speedily sent out. Nor even with the means at his command was La Jonquiere entirely I I !i io8 The History of Canada, negligent of placing the defences of the Colony in a better position. A French schooner once more clave the waters of Ontario, and he endeavoured, so far as his insatiable avarice would permit, to have the forts at Frontenac, Toronto, and Niagara kept in repair. He endeavoured, also, to weaken the attachment of the Iroquois to the British \ and, through the Jesuit missionaries, tampered so suc- cessfully with the Mohawks, that it required all the influence of Sir William Johnson to prevent them from openly attaching themselves to the French. But while La Jonquiere was thus careful co provide for the mili- tary protection of the Colony, he permitted the grossest abuses to exist in its civil administration. Like the first servants of the Eng- lish East India Company, the principal officials came to Canada, at this period, to amass fortunes, if possible, and then return home to enjoy them. This they could never accomplish from their salaries alone, which were ridiculously small, and justified in some measure the wholesale peculation so unblushingly practised. An extensive mercantile firm of the present day would pay larger salaries to its confidential assistants, than the nominal incomes of the dignitaries of Canada at this period. The Governor received for his services an annual stipend of some $1300 ; out of which he was expected to clothe and pay a guard of twenty-seven soldiers \ while the salaries of the whole civil hst did not amount to $20,000 per annum.* This public parsimony paved the way for the grossest abuses. La Jon- quiere himself, being of a narrow and excessively avaricious dis- position, set the example of official peculation. He kept the nefarious traffic of supplying the Indians with brandy principally in his own hands, and belonged to a company, consisting chiefly of the principal officials, which monopolised nearly the entire trade of the Colony. Bigot, the Intendant, imitating the example of his superior, soon became rich by farming out the principal posts in the Indian country. All the Government officials at this time appear to have been ac- tuated by the same sordid motives, and we search in vain for purity of public conduct, or honesty of intention. The corrupt morals of the corrupt Court of Louis tainted Canadian society to the core, and the condition of things generally offered the most fitting commen- tary on the evils of unrestrained power, and the blessings of popular constitutional liberty. The Jesuit Le Loutre even went so far in his greedy thirst for gain, as to commit a cowardly murder to obtain the contract for supplying the post at St John's River with provi- * Heriot's Travels in Can., p. 78. Smith's Hist. Can., vol. i. p. 219. The History of Canada. 109 1752. sions ; a service he subsequently performed in such a manner as to yield him an enormous percentage, while the supplies were far less than they should be, and of the most inferior quality.* Complaint after complaint was despatched to France touching the peculations of the Governor and his creatures, and the ruinous state of things they were fast producing in the province. These com- plaints were at length so forcibly and pointedly pressed, that they reached the dull ear of the sensual Louis, and La Jonquiere, dread- ing an inquiry into his conduct, demanded his recall. Short as his government had been, he amassed, from commerce alone, over a million of livres ; and his wealth may be judged from the fact, that for many years his salary, pensions, and perquisites had amounted to sixty thousand livres annually. He was not fated long to enjoy the riches he had so carefully hoarded up, and died at Quebec in May 1752, before the arrival of his successor. During his last illness his ruling passion of avarice was strong as ever. He grudged himself the ordinary necessaries of life, and on one occasion ordered the wax tapers burning in his bedroom to be changed for tallow candles, " as they were less expensive, and would answer every purpose equally as well." He was buried in the Recollet church, where those of his predecessors who had died in the Colony likewise reposed. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MARQUIS DU QUESNE. On the death of La Jonquiere, Baron De Longueil, as the senior officer in the Colony, assumed the reins of government for a brief space till the arrival of the Marquis Du Quesne, who had been ap- pointed, on the ist March, Governor of Canada, Louisiana, Cape Breton, St John's, and their dependencies. The Marquis was a captain in the French navy, Major of Toulon, and possessed con- siderable ability : but his manners were austere and haughty, and promised little for his colonial popularity. The Count De la Galis- soniere, who had procured his appointment, furnished him with the fullest information relative to his duties and the territorial claims of France ; and thus instructed he landed in August at Quebec, where he was received with the usual honours. Du Quesne's instructions with respect to the disputed boundaries, were of so positive and aggressive a character, as to leave little room to hope for the continuance of peace. One of his first measures, therefore, was to prepare for war. He formed the militia of Mon- treal and Quebec into companies, and had them carefully drilled. * Smith's Hist. Can., vol. i. p. 217, no The History of Cajtada. The militia of the country parishes were likewise organised in the best possible manner, and the regular troops thoroughly disciplined. While matters on the Nova Scotian frontier gradually assumed a more peaceable appearance, they became more and more disturbed in the west. Virginia assumed the right to appropriate to her juris- diction the country extending from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi, and the Ohio Company, with her express sanction, was already form- ing a settlement beyond the mountains. The commandant of Detroit promptly determined on the expulsion of the settlers, and two hundred and forty ^ndians and thirty French soldiers pushed up the Ohio to capture the Company's traders. Six of these had taken refuge among the Indians of a Miami village, who resolutely refused to give them up. An action at once ensued, in which one Englishman and fourteen Miamis were killed. Intelligence of this affair alarmed Virginia, and Dinwiddie, its governor, made an elaborate report of the aggression to the British Broad of Trade, and asked specific instructions to regulate his con- duct in resisting the French. George II., now almost in his dotage, thought more of Hanover than America, and the Prince of Wales had not yet learned to value the colonies ; but the Lords of Trade resolved to sustain the claims of Virginia to the valley of the Ohio, and determined on the immediate occupation of the eastern bank of its river. Influenced by their representations, the King, in council, decided that the valley of the Ohio was in the western part of the Colony of Virginia, and that the settlement of the French in that quarter was to be resisted as an act of hostility. Still little or no- thing was done to place the British colonies in a position to sustain the war, in which it was plain this policy must speedily eventuate. The mother country was unwilling to incur expenses in extending the possessions of colonists, who, while they already resisted the royal prerogative on many grounds, were perfectly disposed to throw the burden of their defence upon the crown. Each colony, too, was a distinct government, and if its own borders were safe from attack, it gave itself as little trouble as possible about its neighbour. A few guns from the English ordnance stores was all the aid that Virginia received in her present emergency, and the English ministry, remind- ing her Governor of the numerous militia of his province, left to her- self the conquest of the west. But there were many astute minds in the British colonies which saw clearly the impending contest, and were desirous to prepare for the emergency. Kennedy, the Receiver-General of New York, urged through the press the necessity of an annual meeting of commis- The History of Caiiada, III sioners from all the colonies at Albany or New York, to adopt measures for the general welfare. From upwards of forty years' observacion of the conduct of provincial assemblies, and the little regard paid by them to instructions from their governors, he inferred (hat the British Parliament must compel them to pursue this course, and to contribute for the common defence. The clear-headed Franklin, on the other hand, advocated a federal union, voluntarily entered into by the colonists themselves, as preferable to one im- posed by Parliament. " It will not be more difficult to bring about," said he, and " can be more easily altered and improved as circum- stances may require and experience direct. It would be a strange thing if six nations of ignorant savages should be capable of form- ing a scheme for such a union, and be able to execute it in such a manner that it has subsisted for ages, and appears indissoluble ; and yet that a like union should be impracticable for ten or a dozen English colonies, to whom it is more necessary and mujt be more advantageous." * Such was the posture of affairs in North America, when Du Quesne entered upon his government, and whose promptitude in carrying out his instructions speedily caused a hostile collision be- tween the British and French in the west. In 1753 the Ohio Company opened a road from Virginia into the Ohio '^^' valley, and established a plantation on Shurtee's Creek, but left it exposed to the wavering jealousy of the Red men, and without pro- tection against French encroachment. Du Quesne had already been informed of the designs of the Ohio Company, and promptly resolved to anticipate and frustrate them. Early in the spring a strong body of troops and Indians passed upwards from Montreal, to reinforce the western posts, and establish forts in the valley of Ohio. A hunting party of the Iroquois on the St Lawrence speedily conveyed intelligence of this occurrence to their grand council at Onondaga. The Six Nations were opposed to the French occupation of Ohio, which this force evidently was intended to effect. In eight-and-forty hours relays of Indian runners conveyed the intelligence to Sir William Johnson, and urged him to protect their western allies, the Miami and the tribes of the Ohio. These were also speedily informed of the approach of danger, and their envoy met the French in April at Niagara, and warned them to turn back. At Erie a fresh mes- senger desired them to withdraw, but the French commander * The British Parliament subsequently rejected a union of this form, as tending too much to increase the power of the colonies. 112 The History of Canada. threw back his belt of wampum in contempt, and told the as- tonished chief " that the land was his, and that he would have it, let who would stand up against it." True to his word, fortified posts were established at Erie, at Waterford, and at Venango, and preparations made to occupy the banks of the Monongahela and the Ohio. Dinwiddie, of Virginia, now felt that the time had come for decisive action, and he resolved to send " a person of distinction to the commander of the French forces on the Ohio, to know his reasons for invading the British dominions while a solid peace subsisted." The envoy whom he selected for this mission was George Washington, then just twenty-one years or age, who promptly set out on his perilous winter's journey, guided by Christopher Gist, the agent of the Ohio Company, and accom- panied by an interpreter and four attendants. On the 29th of November he was present at a council of the Delawares and Shawnees, at which it was agreed to give a third warning to the French to quit their country, and if they refused, to solicit the aid of the Iroquois to expel them. Washington then proceeded to Venango with the deputies of the Ohio Indians. The French officers there made no secret of the intention to take possession of the Ohio, and intimidated the envoys of the Delawares by boasting of their forts at Waterford and Erie, at Niagara, at Toronto, and at Cataraqui, From Venango Washington proceeded to Waterford, where he found Fort Le Bceuf defended by cannon. Around it stood rude log cabins which served as barracks for the soldiers, and close by were fifty bark canoes and one hundred and seventy boats of pine, prepared for the expedition to the Ohio. The com- mander, St Pierre, distinguished for his courage and resolution, refused to discuss the question of the French right of posses- sion. " I am here," said he, " by the orders of my general, to which I shall conform with exactness and resolution. He has ordered me to seize every Englishman in the Ohio valley, and I will do it." Washington now turned his face homewards towards Virginia. Passing down French Creek, he reached Venango to find his horses weak and unfit to travel. Heedless of a driving storm he pressed forward on foot, and with gun in hand and a pack on his back, quit the usual path the day after Christmas, and, with Gist for his sole companion, by the aid of a compass, steered the nearest way across the country for the Fork. An Indian who The History of Canada. 113 had waylaid him fired at him from the distance of fifteen paces, missed him, and became his prisoner. Gist would have killed the assassin, but Washington spared and dismissed him. They travelled all that night and the next day, and not till dark did they think lelves safe enough to sleep. Clearing away the snow, the .y wanderers now built a camp fire, and laid dowa to repose with no shelter but the leafless forest tree. Arrived at the Alleghany they endeavoured to cross its waters on a raft, the result of a day's labour ; but before they were half way over, they were caught in the running ice, and carried down the stream. Washington putting out a setting pole to stop the raft, was jerked into the deep water, when they were compelled to make for an island, where they built a fire and dried themselves. The night was intensely cold : in the morning they crossed the river on the ice : but not till they reached the settlement on Shurtee's Creek were their hardships terminated. Washington's report was followed by immediate action. The Ohio Company made preparations to build a fort at the Fork, ond he was sent to Alexandria to enlist recruits. Governor widdie, in the meantime, applied to England and the '^'*' • colonies for assistance, but received very little from either one o. .ne other. He persevered in his plans, nevertheless and sent Washington, now a lieutenant-colonel, to finish the fo begun at the Fork of the Ohio, and to hold it to the last extremity. But while Washington was still on his way thither, the French, led by Contrecour, came down from Venango, drove thirty-three English- men, who were working on the fort, away, finished what they had begun, and named it Fort Du Quesne. The near forest trees were felled and burned ; log cabins covered with bark were built to shelter the troops \ and wheat and maize planted to supply them with food. An Indian scout of the Mingoes soon apprised Washington of these occurrences, and implored his assistance to expel the French. But his raw recruits had their few cannon to bring on, deep streams to ford, and could only advance very slowly. On the 25th June another scout brought the intelligence that a party of French were advancing towards them, and advised them to beware. That night this party concealed themselves among rocks, but the sharp eyes of the Mingoes discovered their trail, and brought Washington upon them. They saw the English approach, and sprang to their arms. " Fire," said Washington j and he raised his own musket to his shoulder and showed his men how to obey the order. An action of about a quarter of an hour's duration ensued, in which ten of the H 114 The History of Canada. French were killed, and twenty-one taken prisoners. And thus George Washington struck the first blow in a war which led to the expulsion of France from North America, and paved the way to the independence of the United States. From first to last he was the most conspicuous actor in the drama, which altered the relations of civilised humanity. Contrecour, who still commanded at Fort Du Quesne, was no sooner made aware of the fate which had befallen his detachment, than he at once assembled his garrison and Indian allies, and in- cited them to revenge. Washington had already constructed a stockade at Great Meadows, which he called Fort Necf ssity, and which he had unwisely placed between two eminences covered with trees. Here he was besieged, on the 3d of July, by six hundred French and one hundred Indians, who, posted securely behind the trees on the heights, fired from their shelter on the troops beneath. For nine hours, however, did Washington animate his raw recruits to resistance ; nor did he surrender till he had thirty men killed and several wounded, while the French had only lost three of their num- ber. On the 4th of July the English garrison, retaining all dieir effects, withdrew from the basin of the Ohio ; and westward of the Alleghanies no flag floated but that of France. Meanwhile, commissioners assembled at Albany from the colonies north of the Potomac, to adopt measures for the general safety in the approaching war. To this congress were admitted the deputies of the Six Nations, who, indignant at the unseemly squabbles which had so long prevailed, recommended union and action. "Look at the French," bitterly said a Mohawk chief; " they are fortifying everywhere. But we are ashamed to say you are like women with- out any fortifications. It is but one step from Canada hither, and the I'rench may easily come and turn you out of doors." The cau- tious Iroquois strongly distrusted the result of the approaching struggle, and fully one half of the Onondagas had already withdrawn and joined a French settlement at Ogdensburg on the St Lawrence. But the commissioners effected little or nothing towards the general defence. Franklin proposed a federal union, which was strongly opposed by other members of the congress, but finally adopted with modifications ; yet nothing was done towards the establishment of a general revenue ; and it was evident, that without the aid of Great Britain, her American colonies would not be able to drive the French from the Ohio, or share much longer in the commerce of the great lakes. The mother country gave that aid ; and who will gainsay that it was not repaid with ingratitude '? The History of Canada. 115 When the English ministry were apprised of the capture of Fort Necessity, and the occurrences which preceded it, they were ex- tremely undecided what course to pursue. Newcastle, the Premier, sent pacific assurances to the French ministers, who were now very unwilling to enter into a new war, and left the entire conduct of American affairs to the Duke of Cumberland, then commander-in- chief of the British army."' Fond of war, and covetous of military renown, the latter entered on his new career with eager ostentation. One of his first measures was to appoint Edward Braddock to the command of the American army. It proved an unfortunate choice. A martinet in matters of discipline, Braddock was far from being a skilful general ; and being of rough manners and despotic temper, he was wholly unsuited to conciliate the colonists. Nor did the Duke apply himself in the least to cultivate their good graces. The idea was foreign to him of a people accustomed to wield fire-arms frorr boyhood, and he committed the mistake of comparing the backwoodsmen of Virginia and Pennsylvania with the peasantry of England. " He had only confidence," he said, " in regular troops," and directed that the generals and field-officers of the Provincial forces should be ranked beneath the royal subalterns. Disgusted at being thus arrogantly spurned, Washington retired from the service, and his regiment was broken up.f General Braddock arrived in New York towards the end of Feb- ruary, and one of his first measures was to summon the • • • IT'S "i governors of the di'"i' 'ent British colonies to meet him at '*'•'■ Alexandria, in Virginia, on the 14th of April, to concert a plan of operations. Four expeditions were there determined on, yet not with the view, it was alleged, of making war on France, but to estab- lish the British interpretation of the boundary disputes. Lawrence, the lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, was to drive the French from the Isthmus and St John's River; William Johnson was to conduct an army of provincial militia and Indians against Crown Point ; Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, proposed to win laurels by the capture of Niagara, while Braddock himself Avas to recover the Ohio valley and the north-west. The departure of General Braddock from England, and that of the two regiments of the line which accompanied him, alarmed the * Lord Million's Hist, of England, vol. iv. p. 72. + From the positions subsequently held by many of the colonial officers, and by Washington among the rest, it is evident that this order was never strictly carried out. Even Braddock speedily saw its folly, and gave Washington a post on his own staff. Ii6 The History of Canada. Y ii- French Court, despite the pacific assurances of the English ministers, and it was determined to send out additional troops to Canada. The French fleet sailed from Brest in the month of April, and the Eng- lish ministry, although no declaration of war had yet taken place, resolved to have its motions watched by a competent force. For this purpose Admiral Boscawen sailed from Plymouth with eleven sail of the line, and encountered three of the French fleet off" the Banks of Newfoundland, two of which, the Alcide and the Lys, were captured ; the third, being a good sailer, made her escape. The re- mainder of the French fleet, favoured by a fog, arrived in due time at Quebec. It brought out a new governor to Canada, in the per- son of the Marquis De Vaudreuil, the son of the former governor of that name, and who had been born and served long in the Colony. Du Quesne had already resigned, being desirous to resume his post in the navy. ^ THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUIL. The arrival of De Vaudreuil was gladly hailed by the Canadian people, who hoped to enjoy under his rule the same prosperity and peace which had characterised his fatner's government. But in this respect they were sadly deceived. The new Governor was too fami- liar with the corrupt manners of the day, to resist the sinister in- fluences by which he was speedily surrounded on his arrival. For the preceding two years many of the inhabitants had been engaged in expeditions in various quarters, their lands had, therefore, been left uncultivated, and they were now threatened with famine. The company which had monopolised the trade of the Colony during La Jonquiere's government was still in existence, and De Vaudreuil was speedily won over to wink at its extortions. Perceiving the likelihood of a scarcity, this company had bought up large quantities of flour, which they sold back to the people again at an immense advance, and even sought to increase the prices of food, and con- sequently their own profits, by procuring the shipments of wheat to the West India Islands. Nor was this the only way in which the people suffered. Bigot, the Intendant, who after being for some time in France had again returned, connived at the robbery ot the farmers in the most shameful manner. He issued an ordinance to compel them to sell their grain at a low fixed price, under the pre- tence that they had caused the scarcity, and then sent his creature. Cadet, through the country to enforce it. The latter scoured the settlements in every direction, and took the grain by force when the inhabitants declined to sell it. Numerous complaints were made ■A. The History of Canada, 117 against him ; but the Intendant refused to hear them, and referred the parties to a member of the company, who threatened them with imprisonment if they did not keep quiet ; which the helpless people were thus compelled to do.* Such was the degrading condition of the inhabitants of Canada at this period. With famine already afflicting them, they were now threatened with the miseries of war, and suffered, in addition, all the evils of a most corrupt administration. Happy indeed is the pre- sent condition of the Canadian habitant when compared with the past. The conquest of Canada won true freedom for him, and gives him a more genuine liberty than his race enjoys in any other part of the world. Self-ruled, "he sits under his own vine and fig-tree," and no official, like the Bigot or Cadet of past times, dare lay an illegal finger on his property. On the 5th of May, Braddock joined the main body of his army near Fort Cumberland, and found himself at the head of a force' of two thousand three hundred men, which embraced the 44th and 48th regiments of the line, with twelve pieces of artillery. Here, owing to the want of carriages, horses, and provisions, he was detained till the loth of June, when he pushed forward towards Fort Du Quesne. Learning on the way that its garrison expected speedy reinforce- ments, he selected twelve hundred men and ten guns, and pushed boldly on through the solitudes of the AUeghanies. Colonel Dunbar, with the rest of the army and the heavy baggage, followed as he best might. Braddock's march was conducted in the most careless manner, and the remonstrances of his officers only made him the more obstinate. Washington, who commanded some companies of Virginian militia, and acted as his aid-de-camp, pressed his objec- tions to this course so warmly, that the irritated chief ordered him and his men to undertake the inglorious duties of the rear-guard. Contrecour, who still commanded at Fort Du Quesne, had received early information of all Braddock's movements from his faithful Indian scouts, and detached De Beaujeau, on the morning of the 9th July, with two hundred and fifty soldiers and six hundred Indians, to occupy a defile six miles distant. Before, however, De Beaujeau had fully completed the disposition of his force, the appearance of the British vanguard brought on an engagement. Its flanking parties were speedily driven in by a deadly fire from an almost unseen enemy. Braddock promptly advanced the 44th regiment to succour the front, and endeavoured to deploy that corps upon the open ground ; but a deadly fire from the thick covert swept away the head of every * Smith's Hist. Can., vol. i. p 235-239. ii8 The History of Canada. formation. Panic-struck by the wild war-whoop of the Indians, which they had never before heard, and the disorder in their front, the 44th staggered and hesitated. Its colonel. Sir Peter Halket, and his son, a lieutenant, were now shot dead, side by side, while cheering them on. Meantime, the artillery instinctively pushed forward without any orders, and plied the thickets in front with grape and canister, but in a few minutes all the officers and most of the gunners were lying killed or wounded. The broken remnant of the advanced guard now fell back upon the disordered line of the 44th, and threw it into utter confusion. Again and again did Braddock, with useless courage, endeavour to induce the 44th to present a firm front to the enemy ; but this luckless corps, fated to be massacred at a subsequent period in Affghanistan, were seized with uncontrollable terror, lost all order, and fell back in a crowd on the 48th, now advancing to their aid under Colonel Burton. With these fresh troops Braddock en- deavoured to restore the battle, and made several desperate efforts to get possession of a hill, from whence a body of French poured down a most destructive fire ; but trees and rocks disordered his well drilled ranks, which were also cut up repeatedly by the flanking fire of the Indians. Lacking the" qualities of the general, his valour was useless j the carnage increased, and after having five horses shot under him, a bullet shattered his arm, and passed through his lungs. He felt his defeat keenly, and desired to be left to perish on the field ; but Colonel Gage placed him in a waggon, and hurried him to the rear. The remnant of the 44th and 48th now broke and fled in the ut- most disorder, leaving the artillery and baggage in the hands of the French, and, what was still worse, their wounded to be scalped and murdered by the Indians. Washington, with his Virginian companies, who had borne but little share in the action, held the banks of the Monongahela till the fugitives had crossed over, and then retired himself in tolerable order. All night did that panic-stricken army fly, and the following evening joined the force which had been left behind under Colonel Dunbar, full fifty miles from the scene of the action. Still the retreat was continued, Braddock's sufferings hourly increasing till his death, which took place on the third day from his defeat. Shortly before he expired he dictated a despatch acquitting his officers from all blame, and recommending them to the favour of his country. Full three-fourths of the small army Braddock had taken into action were killed, wounded, or missing, including sixty-four officers. Fifty- four women had accompanied the troops, and of these only four the him The History of Canada. 119 escaped alive from the dangers and hardships of the expedition. The French, on the other hand, only lost their commander, De Ikaujeau, and sixty men in this astonishing victory, while the loss of their Indian allies was still less in proportion.* On Braddock's death Colonel Dunbar assumed the chief com- mand, and continued the retreat in the most disgraceful haste upon Fort Cumberland. Leaving two militia companies to strengthen its garrison, he pursued his march to Philadelphia, despite the earnest entreaties of the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, not to leave their western frontiers unprotected. From Philadelphia, tlie remains of the army, sixteen hundred strong, were shipped to Albany by the order of General Shirley, of Massachusetts, who was now commander-in-chief. While the disastrous events were occurring, which left the French flag floating triumphantly in the valley of the Ohio, Governor Law- rence, of Nova Scotia, was vigorously engaged in driving the enemy from the Isthmus. De Vergor, now commanding at Beau-Sejour, knew nothing of the preparations for war between Great Britain and France till spring ; nor was he fully apprised of his danger, till, on the 2d of June, he beheld the British fleet sailing fearlessly into the bay, and anchoring before his eyes. On the 3d the militia and regular troops, amounting to thirteen hundred in all, were landed without (lifiiculty, as well as a train of artillery. De Vergor had been too busy during the preceding winter, assisting the Abbe Le Loutre in plundering the Acadian refugees of the allowances given them by the crown, and in enriching himself by making fraudulent returns of firewood, and other articles required for the garrison, to be now pre- pared to defend his fort with resolution.f The British were suffered to cross the Messagouche without opposition. Beau-Sejour, its garrison weakened by discontent and fear, was surrendered after an inglorious siege of four days' duration, and called Fort Cumberland by its captors, in honour of the commander-in-chief. The little for- tress at the Bay Verte, garrisoned by only twenty soldiers, was the next to fall ; the French themselves burned the fort at St John's, and retreated to Louisburg. These important successes were cheaply purchased with the loss of twenty killed, and about the same num- ber wounded. The unfortunate Acadian refugees having broken their oath of allegiance to Great Britain, and now a second time * Russell's Modern Europe, vol. ii. pp. 444, 445. Conquest of Can., vol. ii. pp. 19-26. Bancroft's Mist. United States, vol. iii. pp. 129-136. Smith's Hist, of Can., vol i. p. 233. Brit. North Amer., vol. i. p. 2H. t Smith's Hist. Can., vol. i. p. 229. I20 The History of Canada. completely at its mercy, were treated with unwarrantable harsh- ness. General Shirley organised the third expedition determined on by the council of Alexandria, and marched westward from Albany, in the beginning of July, to capture the French fort at Niagara, But the news of Braddock's defeat and death soon reached his troops, and disheartened the Provincials, who deserted their colours by squads. Shirley, nevertheless, vigorously pushed forward with all the troops he could keep together, relying on the aid of the Iroquois. But these had also heard of the French victory at Fort Du Quesne, and hesitated to commit themselves to the doubtful fortunes of the British. They even remonstrated against the passage of their terri- tory by an army, alleging, at the same time, that the fort at Oswego was only tolerated by them as a trading post. The middle of August was past when the general, after a toilsome march, arrived at Lake Ontario, and the want of supplies and lateness of the season pre- vented him from attacking Niagara. Leaving seven hundred men under Colonel Mercer to strengthen and occupy the defences at Oswego, he commenced, on the 24th of October, to retrace his dif- ficult route from Albany. To William Johnson was due the honour of redeeming in some measure the reputation of the British arms, so seriously tarnished by the defeat of Braddock, and the fruitless marches of Shirley. An Irishman by birth, he had followed when a youth the example of numbers of his countrymen even at that early day, and sought to better his fortunes in the New World.* Here, like Cobbett, and Ledyard, and Coleridge, and East Indian Thompson, " who died a Major-General," in the Old World, he began his career as a private soldier. But Johnson was moulded in no ordinary stamp. Possessed of a noble form, of strong perceptive powers, and influenced by an honourable ambition, he gradually worked his way upwards to wealth and public consideration. A settler for many years on the fertile banks of the Mohawk, his manly bearing, social manners, and Irish hospitality, had rendered him exceedingly popular with the abori- gines of New York, and he might justly be termed the " Tribune of * Even in the latter part of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century, the emigration from Ireland to the American plantations was very exten- sive in proportion to its population. At one period this emigration was a source of much alarm, as lands in many parts of Ireland were left untenanted. There is not the smallest doubt, that at the present day Irishmen, or their descendants, form the largest portion of the people of the United States. Vide Russell's Modern Europe, voL iii. p. i. The History of Canada, 121 e of the Six Nations."* Not a single Iroquois had joined the ill-fated Braddock, or the tedious Shirley: but the entire Mohawk tribe attached themselves to the fortunes of Johnson ; and Hendrick, their bravest sachem, led three hundred of their warriors to his camp.t Early in July the militia of Massachusetts and Connecticut, with a few from the other New England states and New York, assembled at Albany, to the number of five thousand men, preparatory to mov- ing upon Crown Point. General Lyman led this force to the portage between the Hudson and the head-springs of the Sorel, where they constructed Fort Edward to serve as a safe depot for provisions, and to secure a point of support in case of defeat. Here Johnson joined the army the last days of August, and leaving a garrison of three hundred men in the newly-built fort, conducted it to the southern shore of the lake, which the French called the Lake of the Holy Sacrament, but which he now named Lake George. " I found," he said " a mere wilderness ; never was house or fort erected here be- fore." Johnson had never seen a campaign, yet his position for his camp was chosen with much more judgment than Washington had displayed in the site for Fort Necessity. On the north lay Lake George, his flanks were protected by wooded swamps, and behind him was the secure post of Fort Exiward. Tidings of the danger which threatened Crown Point speedily reached De Vaudreuil, and abandoning the plan of an attack upon Oswego he despatched Baron Dieskau, a brave and experienced officer, with seven hundred veteran troops, fifteen hundred of the militia of Montreal, and seven hundred Indians, to its succour. Dividing his army at Crown Point, and eager for distinction, Dieskau, taking twelve hundred Indians and Canadians and three hundred regulars, pushed forward to assault Fort Edward. On the evening of the 7th September, he found himself within four miles of this post; but the Indians now refused to attack it, stating at the .same time they were willing to go against the army on the lake, which was thought to have neither artillery nor intrenchments. Late that night it was told in the camp at Lake George that a strong body of French and Indians had landed from South Bay, and marched towards Fort Edward. Next morning one thousand men, under Colonel Williams, and two hundred Mohawks, led by Hend- * Memoirs of an American Lady, vol. ii. p. 61. Russell's Modem Europe, vol. ii. p. 446. t Conquest of Canada, vol. ii. p. 31. 122 The History of Canada. rick, were despatched by a council of war to its relief. Dieskau's scouts warned him of their approach, and posting his force among the brushwood and rocks of a defile, he soon had the satisfaction of seeing the enemy rashly advance. But at the critical moment the Christian Iroquois of Caughnawaga hesitated to fire upon their kin- dred, and showed themselves to apprise them of the ambush. This movement saved the detachment from being entirely cut off. Put on their guard they fought bravely, and, although Williams and Hendrick were killed, made good their retreat to the camp, which was only three miles from the defile. The close roll of musketry rendered Johnson aware that a sharp engagement was in progress, and as yet ignorant of the strength of the enemy he resolved to prepare for the worst. His camp had still no intrenchments. The New England militia were armed with rifles and fowling-pieces, without a bayonet amongst them ; trees, therefore, were now rapidly felled by the stalwart backwoodsmen, and waggons and baggage placed along tlie front of their line to form a breastwork. Behind this they could take deadly aim in comparative safety, and were perfectly at home. Dieskau designed to enter the camp with the fugitives, but John- son had brought up three guns from the lake, and the moment the Canadians and Indians found themselves under their fire, and in front of an intrenched line, their courage failed and they inclined to the right and left, contenting themselves with keeping up a harmless fire on the flanks of the British. Dieskau, although surprised at the strength of the position he had to assault, boldly pushed forward Avith his regulars to break Johnson's line in the centre, which he assailed at a distance of one hundred and fifty paces by a heavy platoon firing. The action soon became general, and although the French troops stood their ground stoutly, they melted rapidly away under the well-directed and deadly fire of the New England men. Dieskau finding, after the action had lasted four hours, that he could make no impression on the centre of their line, directed a movement against its right flank, and was now supported by the Canadian mihtia. Johnson had been wounded in the beginning of the action, but Lyman ably supplied his place, and soon checked the flank movement of the French. They wavered and gave way, when the New England men, leaping over their slight defences, drove them into rapid and disordered flight. Nearly all the French regulars perished, and their gallant leader, Dieskau, was wounded incurably and remained a prisoner. The entire British loss, in the different actions during the day, was two hundred and sixteen killed and ninety-six wounded. The History of Canada. 123 The French loss has been variously estimated, but it could scarcely be less than seven hundred in killed and wounded* The Canadians and Indians, who had suffered comparatively little in the engagement, finding themselves unpursued halted at the scene of Williams' defeat to plunder and scalp the dead. Here they were suddenly encountered by a body of New Hampshire militia, under Captain Macginnis, who were marching to aid Johnson's force, and a fresh engagement immediately ensued. It lasted two hours, and resulted completely to the advantage of the New Hampshire men, who lost their brave leader, however, in the moment of victory. Thus defeated a second time the remnant of the French broke up in disorder, and made the best of their way to Ticonderoga, where a portion of the force left behind by Dieskau had intrenched them- selves. Johnson has been severely censured for not following up his vic- tory by a movement on Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which was recommended by his own council of war, and also by the New Eng- land Governors. But his military experience, brief as it was, had already taught him that however bravelv raw militia, armed with rifles and fowling-pieces, might fight behind an intrenched position, where they had no evolutions to perform, and where all that was necessary was swift and well-aimed firing, they were, nevertheless, totally un- equal to contend on a fair field against veteran French troops, armed with musket and bayonet, and still less fitted to assault fortified positions. Johnson, under these circumstances, felt that he had done sufficient in saving the frontiers of the New England colonies, and that his wisdom was not to risk a defeat by facing trained troops behind intrenchments. He accordingly contented himself with erect- ing Fort William Henry on the battle-field, and detaching Captain Rogers, a daring and active officer, to obtain correct intelligence of the enemy's movements. Rogers performed this duty in the most satisfactory manner, cut off several of the detached parties of the French, and ascertained that a body of two thousand men, with a proportion of artillery, were securely posted at Ticonderoga. Having strengthened Forts Edward and William Henry, which he garrisoned with a regiment of militia, Johnson, on the 24th of December, fell back to Albany with the remainder of his forces, who from thence returned to their respective provinces. Although * Bancroft says their loss was not much greater than that of the British ; but in this estimate he is evidently mistaken. Smith rates their loss at one thousand killed, wounded, and missing, and Warburton says eight hundred. Their entire loss throughout the day was probably about seven tundred. 124 The History of Canada. the victory he had won, with untrained and imperfectly armed troops, was not productive of any brilliant results, England 'was grateful for what he had accomplished, and rewarded him by a baronetcy, and a parliamentary grant of ;^5ooo.* While Johnson and the men of New England were winning laurels at Lake George, the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania felt the full effects of Braddock's defeat and the cowardly flight of Dun- bar. The French of Fort Du Quesne and their Indians swept the open country in every direction, plundering and murdering the inhabit- ants. Its Quaker legislature refused assistance to repel these aggres- sions, and not till the clamours of hundreds of fugitives proclaimed that fifteen hundred French and Indians had mustered on the Susquehanna only eighty miles from Philadelphia, did these men of peace respond to the importunities of their Governor, by calling out the militia and appropriating ;^62,ooo for the expenses of the war. The other colonies, whose frontiers were also exposed, be- came more and more alarmed, and, on the 12th of December, a grand council-of-war was held at New York, composed of several of the Governors and superior officers, to deliberate on measures for the common safety. A splendid campaign was now planned for the following year ; Quebec was to be menaced by the Ken- nebec and the Chaudiere ; vessels were to be launched on Lake Ontario from Oswego, and Frontenac and Niagara and Toronto to be captured ; and then Fort Du Quesne and Detroit and Mackinaw, deprived of their communications with Montreal, must surrender. A strong force at the same time vas to carry Ticon- deroga and Crown Point, and to threaten the settlements on the St Lawrence by the Richelieu. The mother country was appealed to for succour. This she determined to give, despite her fears already of colonial independence when freed from French aggres- sion, and Lord Loudon was appointed to direct her American armies. * Conquest of Can., vol. ii. p. 35. Smith's Hist. Can., vol. L p. 235. CHAPTER VII. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MARQUIS DE VAVVREVlLf—COflii/lUei/. DESPITE the hostile conflicts in the New WorUl, France and England were still nominally at peace. Contrary to all political conjecture, France made no reprisals for the capture of the A/d^e and the Zys, the two men-of-war taken off the St Lawrence by Boscawen, and tamely saw three hundred of her trading vessels, laden in many cases with valuable cargoes of West India produce, and manned by eight thousand seamen, captured and carried into the ports of England. France felt her inferiority at sea, and had flattered herself that the anxiety of George II. for the safety of his German dominions, would prevent him from adopting any vigorous measures, notwithstanding her encroachments in America. But the numerous captures of French vessels soon taught Louis XV. that no dependence need be placed on the promises and peace- able professions of the British ministry, and he unwillingly pre- pared for war. Both Great Britain and France now sought to strengthen themselves by new alliances, and to make preparation otherwise for the approaching contest, which threatened to involve all Europe. France began hostilities by the '^ invasion of Minorca, and war was soon after formally declared by both countries.* In the New World the campaign opened with far the best pros- pects on the side of the French, in a military point of view. They held undisputed possession of the valley of the Ohio and the great west ; Niagara and Toronto had been strengthened, as well as Fort Frontenac; and their flag floated over Lake Ontario in almost undisputed sovereignty ; while Crown Point and Ticonderoga gave them the supremacy on Lake Champlain. In addition to these ad- vantages three thousand regular troops, a hardy militia already trained to war, and numerous tribes of friendly Indians, ever ready to range • Russell's Modem Europe, vol. ii. p. 447. 126 The History of Canada. themselves on the side of the stronger party, constituted a much more formidal)lc military power than the Uritish colonies, with their jarring interests, and independent commanders, could pre- sent. But, while apparently formidable in military strength, Canada was woefully deficient in all the genuine materials of warfare, when com- pared with her Anglo-Saxon rivals. New England alone had more men capable of bearing arms than her entire population, which now num- bered scarcely eighty thousand souls, Avhile the united British colonies boasted of nearly three million inhabitants. It is true that the British settlers, like their descendants of the present day, were men of peace, and much better fitted by choice and habit for the occupations of commerce and agriculture than for the military life. Still, they pos- sessed all the qualities which constitute the true soldier — energy, courage, and endurance, and needed only union, discipline, and the right kind of a leader, to drive their rivals single-handed from this continent. On the other hand, the Canadians were poor in purse, and suffering from a scarcity of food. Their union and military training gave them the advantage in the beginning of the contest ; their want of numerical strength and the necessary resources ruined them in the end. The British colonies presented the aspect of a free self-governed people, grown rich and populous by their intelli- gence, their industry, and their love of justice. Canada exhibited the spectacle of a military settlement, ground down by the exactions of a feudal land tenure, dishonest public servants, and knavish com- mercial monopolies. The ice of winter had still firm hold of the rivers of Canada, when De Vaudreuil opened the campaign, by detaching Lieutenant De Lery, on the 17th of March, with two hundred and fifty-nine French and eighty Indians, to capture some small forts, which he learned had been constructed on the road to Oswego for the protection of convoys pro- ceeding thither. One of these posts, garrisoned by twenty men, was captured after a stout resistance and blown up. The obstinacy with which the little garrison had defended themselves, and the loss of some of their warriors, so exasperated the Indians that they scalped and murdered them all, with the exception of two men, who were saved with difiiculty by De Lery. Three hundred men were also despatched from Fort Frontenac, under Captain De Villier, with instructions to establish themselves at some favourable point in the vicinity of Oswego, and inflict all the injury possible on stragglers from its garrison, or on convoys proceeding there, and if possible to capture the fort itself by a sudden assault. De Villier erected a small stock- The History of Canada. ii-j adcd fort in a dense part of the forest, where he hoped to remain unperccived. IJut it was soon detected by a scouting party of Iroquois, who became not a httlc alarmed at this unauthorised occupation of tlieir territory. By the advice of Sir William John- son, they sent a deputation to remonstrate with l)c Vaudreuil at Montreal, and to recpiest him to demolish the fort. This he re- fused to do : but told them if they remained neutral, and would not join the British, that he would protect them from every insult* After promising to pursue this course, they departed homewards laden with rich presents. No sooner had De Vaudreuil dismissed the Iroquois deputies than he took prompt measures to strengthen the detachment under IJe Villier, and also for tlie capture of the British armed vessels, which now began to appear on Lake Ontario. While thus engaged a large body of troops arrived at Montreal under the command of Field- Marshal Montcalm, the Chevalier De Levi, and Colonel De Bour- lemaque, three brave and experienced officers. After remaining a few days at Quebec, to make himself acquainted with the condition of matters there, Montcalm directed three regiments of regular troops to proceed to Montreal, whither he departed in advance to confer with the Governor. He highly approvetl of the measures the latter had taken with respect to Oswego, and directed Bourlemaque to push forward to De Villier's camp with a reinforcement, and take the chief command. Having completed these arrangements he pro- ceeded to Ticonderoga, on the 27th of June. Here he remained making preparations for the defence of the frontier, and endeavouring to procure accurate intelligence of the movements of the British at Albany, till the 15th of July, when he set out on his return to Mon- treal. To De Levi and three thousand men he left the protection of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and the maintenance of French supremacy on Lake Champlain and the Richelieu. From Montreal '■"' tin'" led to Fort Frontenac to make preparations for the capture .fi >go. \ thus all was vigour and action on the side of the French, lela ind indecision characterised the operations of the British. Lord Loudon being detained by business in England, Major-General Abercromby was ordered to precede him, and hold the chief com- mand till his ar' ival. This officer brought out with him the 35th and 42 d regin ,, and found himself at Albany towards the latter end of c. Abercromby deemed the force under his command tor jak to carry out the extensive plan of operations which had bee sketched out by Shirley and the other colonial 128 The History of Canada. li! officers ; and, desirous to avoid responsibility, resolved to await the arrival of the commander-in-chief before undertaking any im- portant operations. Meantime, he marched the Provincial forces upon Fort William Henry, under the '^ommand of General Win- slow, preparatory to the proposed i.^.ovement on Crown Point and Ticonderoga. While the bulk ot the army thus remained in idle inaction, Lieu- tenai 'i-Colonel Bradstreet, with a detachment of raw Irish recruits, conducted a large convoy of provisions in safety to Oswego. De VilUer pushed forward from Sackett's Harbour, with seven hundred French and Indians, to intercept him, but losing his way in the forest he did not reach the Onondaga River till after the convoy had safely passed down its course. Bradstreet, fearing an attack on his return, divided his canoes and boats into three divisions, with an easy interval be- tween, so that if his advance was attacked the men behind might push for the bank of the rivei, and meet the enemy on equal terms. Gallantly posting himself in the first canoe, he left Oswego on the 3d of July, and had only advanced nine miles up the stream, when suddenly a sharp volley, and the wild war-whoop of the savage, rang through the forest. The first fire fell with dea dly effect upon the leading division, yet Bradstreet did not lose his presence of . lind, and made for an island, which twenty of the enemy, however, dashing through the water, gained before him. He had not a dozen men with him, stili he boldly faced his foes, and quickly drove them from the island. The remainder of his first division speedily arriving, made his strength up to twenty men, who bravely beat back a fresh attack by twice their number. The enraged French now made a third onset with seventy men, who, after a desperate hand-to-hand conflict on the island, were repelled by Bradstreet and his gallant little band. Meanwhile, the boatmen of the second and third divisions had landed, formed in good order, and pushed forward to the assistance of their hard-pressed comrades. After a desperate struggle the French were completely routed, leaving a hundred of their number dead ; and seventy prisoners, with a large quantity of fire-arms, in the hands of their conquerors. On the other hand, the Irish boat- men had sixty killed and wounded in this fiercely -contested action. Bradstreet arrived at Schenectady on the 4th of July, and the fol- low'ng day proceeded to Albany, to warn Abercromby that Oswego was menaced by a large French force. The general at once gave orders for the 44th regiment to hasten to its relief, but owing to the interference of soma of the Provincial governors its march was The History of Canada. 129 delayed. Lord Loudon joined the army on the 29th of July, and still no active measures were taken. Montcalm having completed all his arrangements for the siege of Oswego, departed from Fort Frontennc on the 4th of August, and arrived on the evening of the same day at Sackett's Harbour, the general rendezvous of his army, which amounted to more than three thousand men. On the 9th his vanguard arrived within a mile and a half of Oswego ; on the night of the loth his first division also came up. The second division followed shortly after, and at midnight on the 1 2th he opened his trenches against Fort Ontario, which crowned a height on the opposite side of the river from Fort Oswego, and com- pletely commanded the latter. From the following daybreak till evening the fire of the garrison was well kept up, when their ammu- nition becoming exhausted, they had no alternative but to spike their guns, and retire across the river to Fort Oswego. The abandoned fort, which contained eight guns and four mortars, was immediately occupied by Montcalm, who now continued his parallel down the river side, where a breaching battery was speedily erected, and next morning, at six o'clock, nine guns poured a destructive fire at point blank range against Fort Oswego. At eight o'clock, Colonel Mercer, its commanding officer, was killed ; and at ten, although its fire was still much superior to that of the French, the besieged hoisted a white flag and offered to surrender, much to the astonishment of Montcalm and his officers. The garrison, consisting of Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments, and a detachment of Schuyler's regiment of militia, was about seventeen hundred strong, and lost one hundred and fifty in kiiled and wounded during the brief siege, or shortly afterwards, when thirty men attempt- ing to escape through the woods, were massacred by the Indians. The French had eighty killed and wounded. Over sixteen hundred prisoners of war, including one hundred and twenty women, were sent down the St Lawrence, and the colours of the captured regiments for a brief space decorated the walls of tlie churches of Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec. One hundred and twenty cannon and mortars, six sloops of war, two hundred boats, and large stores of ammunition and provisions, with _;^i 8,000 in coin, fell to the conquerors.* This was a most fortunate victory for Canada, and established the already rising reputation of Montcalm; but he stained his triumph by permitting his Indians to plunder many of his captives, and to slay * Doc. Ilist. New York, vol. i. pp. 4SS-497. Conquest of Can., vol. ii. pp. 51-54. Bancroft's Hist. United States, Loudon Edition, vol. iii. p. 1C9. Smith'd Hist. Can., vol. i. pp. 243, 244. I.^O The History of Canada. and scalp the wounded who had been intrusted to his care* Instead of occupying Oswego, he courted the favour of the Iroquois by raz- ing it to the ground, and then retraced his way to Fort Frontenac. The cowardly defence of Oswego imprinted a deep stain on the reputation of the British troops, and its capture terminated the cam- paign of 1756 completely in favour of the French. "Our trade," wrote an officer of Montcalm's army to a friend, " is now entirely re-established. Lake Ontario is ours without any opposition. We can hardly recover from astonishment at the victory we have achieved." Webb, who had at length advanced with the 44th regiment to relieve the garrison, when he heard of its capture turned and fled to Albany ; Loudon expressed his fears of an attack while the enemy was flushed with victory. When the danger had passed over he dismissed the militia to their several localities, and quartered his regulars on the people of Albany and New York. The hapless frontier settlers of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York alone experienced the full evils of the recent disasters. Parties of French and Indians, from the Ohio, swept through the border counties of those colonies, and marked their course by plunder and massacre. Maddened by these injuries a body of three hundred Pennsylvanians hastily assembled, pursued a party of Delaware marauders to their village, and slaughtered them without mercy. On the side of New York, a detachment of tliree hundred French and Indians from Fort Fron- tenac, on the 28th of November, passing up the Black River pene- trated into the Palatine settlement of the German Flats, in the valley of the Mohawk, captured five small forts which protected the village, killed forty men, and carried off one hundred and fifty prisoners. An immense quantity of cattle and provisions was destroyed, and tlie French and Indians returned to Frontenac laden with valuable plun- der. The disasters which had befallen the British arms caused even the Iroquois to waver in their neutrality, and incline to the French. Their young men disdainfully trod the English medals under foot, and it required all the address of Sir William Johnson to prevent them from offering their services to Montcalm. Emboldened by their numerous successes, the French did not per- mit their energies to slumber during the winter months. Scouting parties of Indians and the hardy habitants swept the frontiers of the northern settlements, and brought IMontcalm the most accu- ' '' ' * rate intelligence of the condition of the enemy. Vast stores of provisions and warlike munitions had been collected at Fort Wil- liam Henry, on Lake George ; and Montcalm now resolved to cap- • Doc. Hist. New York, vol. i. p. 498. The History of Canada. 131 ture it by a sudden assault, and thus effectually cripple the future operations of the British against Ticonderoga and Crown Point. At midnight, on the 19th of March, eleven hundred French and four hundred Indians, led by Rigeaud De Vaudreuil, approached this fort to carry it by escalade ; but the vigilant sentries discovered them in time, and alarmed the garrison, who speedily drove back their assail- ants with a brisk fire of cannon and musketry. On the next day the French invested the fort, and on the 21st summoned the command- ant, Major Eyres, to surrender, which he promptly refused to do. Finding himself unable to take the fort, De Vaudreuil destroyed the storehouses and buildings around it, and returned to Montreal. Shortly after his return, Colonel De Bourlemaque was despatched with two battalions to strengthen the works at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, while Captain Pouchot was sent to Niagara to fortify it in the best possible manner, and assume the command. While these events were in progresr on the Canadian frontier. Lord Loudon was exerting himself to collect a sufficient force to strike a decisive blow. For the present the attack on Crown Point had been laid aside, and the reduction of Louisburg, in Cape Breton, deter- mined on. Preparations for this enterprise were rapidly pushed forward in England, and towards the end of June seven regiments of infantry and a detachment of artillery, on board a fleet of fourteen line-of-battle ships, arrived at Halifax, the port of rendezvous, and were joined by Lord Loudon, on the 9th of July, with six additional regiments and some militia. Here he remained inactive till August, when inteUigence being received that a strong French fleet had arrived at Cape Breton, the project of besieging Louisburg was abandoned. Lord Loudon's departure ^or Halifax had not left the colonies by any means unprotected. Colonel Stanwyx, with two thousand militia and a detachment of regular troops, guarded the western frontier ; Colonel Bouquet, with nearly the same force, watched the borders of Carolina ; towards Lake Champlain, General Webb defended New York and the New England states ; while to Colonel Munro, with two thousand men, the safety of Fort William Henry was intrusted. In addition to these forces, the hardy militia of the neighbouring states could be rapidly drawn together, in case of an emergency, and would be more than sufficient for every purpose of self-defence. No sooner had Lord Loudon put to sea for Halifax, than Mont- calm promptly determined on the siege of Fort William Henry, for which he speedily drev.' together an army of six thousand regular troops and militia and seventeen hundred Indians. Among the 132 The History of Canada \ t- latter were a number of the Oneidas and Senecas, who had aban- doned their promise of neutrality, and attached themselves to the rising fortunes of the French. It was a season of scarcity in Canada, the inhabitants of which now began to feel the full evils of continual military service : and the difficulty of collecting supplies for Mont- calm's army was increased by the peculations of its commissariat, and the robberies of officials of every class. But all the obstacles to the progress of his troops were soon overcome by the resolute spirit of the French general, who proceeded himself to Ticonderoga, in the latter part of June, to complete the necessary preparations. From this point scouting parties were spread out towards Lake George. One of these, led by Marin, surprised a body of British militia near Fort Edward, and returned with fifty-five scalps : another attacked a fleet of barges on Lake George, killed several of the boatmen, and took one hundred and sixty prisoners. " To-morrow or next day," said some of the captives to Montcalm, " General Webb will be at the fort with fresh troops." " No matter," answered the intrepid sol- dier, " in less than twelve days I will have a good story to tell about them." From Webb there was little to fear. He went, it is true, to Fort Henry, but took good care to leave it again with a large escort in sufficient time to avoid the siege. Montcalm had not sufficient boats to carry his entire army by water, and the Iroquois agreed to guide De Levi with two thousand five hundred men by land. Next day, which was the ist of August, the main body of the army embarked in two hundred and fifty boats, in front of which advanced the Indians in their decorated canoes. The rain fell in torrents, yet they rowed nearly all night, till at length the three triangular signal fires of De Levi broke upon their view, and the fleet pulled into North-west Bay. An hour after midnight two English boats were descried upon the lake, which had been despatched to reconnoitre. Two canoes of the Algonquins boldly pushed out in pursuit, and with such celerity that one of the boats was captured. Of its crew two prisoners alone were reserved, the rest were massacred. The Algonquins had one of their principal chiefs killed. Next morning no eflbrt at concealment was attempted by the French, and the Indians, forming their canoes in a single hne across the water, made the bay resound with their war-cry. The British were almost taken by surprise, and Montcalm disembarked without interruption a mile and a half below the fort, towards which his troops advanced in three columns. The Indians covered his flanks •with vigilant skirmishers, or pushed on in advance to burn the The History of Canada. 133 barracks of the British, to capture their cattle and horses, and to cut off and scalp their stragglers. They speedily succeeded in surprising a foraging party, forty of whom they slew and scalped, and captured fifty head of cattle. During the day they occupied, in connexion with a force under La Corne, the road leading to Fort Edward, and interrupted all communication with the army of Webb. To the north, De Levi was posted with his regulars and Canadians, while Montcalm, with the main body of his army, estab- lished himself on the west side of the lake. Fort William Henry was defended by Lieutenant-Colonel Munro, of the 35th regiment of the line, with less than five hundred men, but seventeen hundred more lay intrenched at his side on the eminence to the south-east, where now may be seen the ruins of Fort George. Montcalm spent the 3d of August in reconnoitring the fort and neighbourhood, and in erecting his batteries. Next day he sum- moned Munro to surrender; but the gallant old soldier sent an answer of defiance. " I will defend my trust," said he, " to the last extremity." This bold reply hastened the preparations of the French, whose scanty supply of provisions must speedily run short. Montcalm felt, if he would conquer at all, it must be soon, and pressed forward his approaches night and day. The zeal of their general imparted itself to the men, who vigorously dragged the artillery over rocks and through forests ; brought gabions and fas- cines ; and laboured with untiring zeal in the trenches. The first battery of nine guns and two mortars was speedily constructed, and awoke a thousand echoes amid the surrounding hills as it opened on the fort amid the wild war-whoop of the savages. In two days more INIontcalm had constructed his second parallel ; and another battery, at a shorter range, poured a destructive fire upon the fort, while the Canadians and savages, swarming into the zig-zag of the trenches, swept its ramparts with murderous aim. The odds were great against him, still Munro held out with stubborn valour, in the vain hope that Webb would advance to his aid. But the craven- heart, who might speedily have collected a strong body of militia to assist his four thousand men in raising the siege, sent nothing but a letter, with an exaggerated account of the French army, and advising him to surrender. Still the gallant old man held bravely out ; and not till half his guns were burst, and his ammunition nigh exhausted, did he unfurl a flag of truce. Montcalm dreaded the excesses of the Indians, who thirsted for massacre and plunder, and with the view of making the terms of caoitulation inviolably binding on them, invited their chiefs to coun- 134 The History of Canada. cil. It was stipulated the British were to depart with all the honours of war, on condition of not serving against the French for eighteen months. They were also to surrender everything but their private effects, and the Canadians and French Indians taken captive during the war were to be given up. On the other hand, Montcalm agreed to supply a sufficient escort for their protection. The capitulation was signed on the 9th of August, and on the evening of the same day Munro delivered up the fort, and retired with his garrison to the in- trenched camp. Hitherto Montcalm had kept intoxicating liquors from the savages, but now they obtained them from the English, who were desirous to court their forbearance. But, unfortunately for the latter, this course produced a wholly different result from what they had expected. The Indians had been promised the liberty of plundering the British, and the greater part of them were dissatisfied with the stipulation which allowed them to carry off their private effects. Thus disap- pointed, and maddened by liquor, they spent the night in revelry and in recounting the wrongs they had sustained from the English. As the day broke, the British soldiers began to march out of their intrenchraents and were immediately surrounded by the Indians, who at once began the work of plunder and massacre. Officers and men, stript of everything, sought safety in the recesses of the forest, in the fort, or in the tents of the French. De Levi rushed in among the infuriated savages, and endeavoured to appease them, but with- out effect. A spirit was now aroused which it was impossible to allay. Many French officers were wounded in their endeavour to shield the British troops. " Kill me," said Montcalm, " but spare them, they are under my protection." But his prayers and menaces were alike fruitless, and he urged the British to defend themselves. The march to Fort Edward was a disordered flight ; not more than six hundred reached it in a body. Four hundred more were col- lected in the French camp, who were dismissed with a strong escort, while Montcalm despatched an officer to ransom those who had been made captives by the Indians. Such wns the terrible occur- rence which Cooper has so eloquently depicted in his " Last of the Mohicans." The Indians speedily returned to their homes, leaving the French busy in demolishing the fort, and in carrying off the vast stores that had been collected there. Montcalm's loss was trifling ; only fifty- three of his army had been killed and wounded. Still he forebore to follow up his victory by attacking Fort Edward, and dismissed the 'Canadian militia to gather in their harvest. Webb expected to be The History of Canada. 135 ich Ihat fty lore Ithc be assailed every moment, sent his baggage accordingly to the rear, and designed to retreat to the highland fastnesses of the Hudson. The alarm spread in every direction. " For God's sake," wrote the officer com- manding at Albany to Governor Pownall, of Massachusetts, " exert yourself to save a province. New York itself may fall;" and the in- habitants west of the Connecticut River were directed to destroy their waggons, and drive in their cattle. Lord Loudon returned from his bootless and costly expedition to Halifax, leaving Louis- burg untouched; but he spent the remainder of the season in quarrelling with the colonies about the quarters for his troops, and the royal prerogative, and the French were left undisturbed. Driven from the basin of the Ohio and the great lakes, the western trade effectually checked, with the American frontiers beset by a vigilant enemy, and hordes of treacherous savages, the false friends of pros- perity, Britain and her colonies were sorely humiliated, and longed to avenge themselves. In England the return of the shattered fleet, which had conveyed the troops to operate against Louisburg out to Halifax, and the in- telligence of the fruitless operations of Lord Loudon, awoke a storm of public indignation. The discarded ministry of the Duke of New- castle shared the odium of failure with the incompetent general, and all eyes were now turned on Pitt, who had again assumed the helm of state, in the hope that his wisdom would soon alter matters for the better. Nor were they disappointed. The "Great Commoner" knew no party but the British nation, and sought its benefit with honesty and singleness of purpose. The principal object with him was to exalt the power and establish the prosperity of his country on a sure basis, and to protect continental Protestantism, threatened in the King of Prussia by the formidable coalition of the great Roman Catholic sovereigns. No sooner was he firmly established in office than, warned by their incapacity, he urged upon his sovereign the necessity of removing the military and naval officers who had hither- to conducted the operations against the French. The propriety of this course was at once apparent to the King, who promptly gave his consent ; and Pitt, with that keen perception which belongs to superior genius, proceeded to select his generals. Casting aside the formalities of military precedent, he elevated Colonel Amherst, a man of solid judgment and respectable ability, to the rank of major-general, and placed him at the head of the force which was designed for the attack of Louisburg. Under Amherst, Whitmore, Lawrence, and James Wolfe were appointed brigadier-generals. The conquest of the Ohio valley was assigned to Forbes j while 136 The History of Canada. Abercromby was to operate against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, with Lord Howe, on whom Pitt mainly relied for the success of the expedition, for his second in command. Of Abercromby the minister knew very little, and had soon reason to regret his appointment. Among these officers, Howe and Wolfe, both young men, were the favourites with the minister and the public. Howe, connected with many of the best families of the nobility, was possessed of a manly and humane disposition, and great quickness of perception in discerning merit. Wolfe had only seen thirty-one summers, yet he had already been eighteen years in the army, and served at Dettingen, at Fontenoy, and at Laffeldt. At two-and-twenty, merit had elevated him to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, in which capacity he had won the respect of his officers, and the affection of his men, who, while they experienced vct him a strict disciplinarian, found also a kind and humane friend. Conscious of ability, like every man of sterling talent, his aspirations for distinction had still nothing of egotism about them, and were clad in the garb of genuine modesty. An authoritative and firm commander, a brave soldier, he was not ashamed to obey his widowed mother, whom he regarded with the utmost affection j while his gentle nature, even while he kindled at the near prospect of greater distinction, already saw visions of happiness in the pure scenes of domestic love. On the 19th of February a magnificent fleet sailed from Ports- mouth, which carried out General Amherst, and an army '^ of ten thousand men. It was long detained by contrary winds, and after a stormy passage reached Halifax on the 28th of May, where Boscawen's fleet was met coming out of the harbour, the gallant Admiral being weary of inaction. At dawn, on the 2d of June, the entire armament, embracing twenty-two ships of the line, fifteen frigates, one hundred and twenty smaller vessels, and eleven thousand six hundred troops, arrived off Louisburg. Amherst indulged in the hope that he would be able to surprise its garrison, and issued orders for the silent landing of the troops. But for six days a rough sea, and the heavy surf which broke upon the rugged beach, rendered a disembarkation impossible. During this interval the French toiled night and day to strengthen their position, and fired upon the ships at every opportunity. On the evening of the 7th the wind lulled, the fog cleared off, and the heavy sea gradually subsided, but a violent surf still continued to break on the beach. On the following morning, just before day- light, three divisions of boats received the troops ; at dawn Commo- dore Durell examined the shore, and reported a landing to be prac- The History of Canada. 137 ticable. Seven frigates now opened fire to cover the advance to land. In a few minutes afterwards the left division, led by Brigadier Wolfe, began to row in-shore, and was speedily followed by Whit- more and Lawrence, with their brigades, while two small vessels were sent past the mouth of the harbour to distract the attention of the enemy, and induce them to divide their force. The left division was the first to reach the beach at a point about four miles from the town. Wolfe would not allow a shot to be fired, stimulated the rowers to fresh exertions, and on coming to shoal water boldly jumped out into the sea to lead on his men. The French stood firm, and retained their fire till their assailants were close to land. Then as the boats rose on the last swell, which brought them into the surf, they poured in a close and deadly volley from every gun and musket they could bring to bear. Wolfe's flag- staff was shivered by a bar-shot ; many soldiers were killed ; several boats were wrecked by the surf ; but still he cheered on his men, who had not yet returned a shot, and in a few minutes, with fiery valour, they had burst through the breastworks of the French, who fled in disorder. The victors pressed rapidly on in pursuit, and despite a rugged country inflicted a severe loss on the fugitives, captured seventy prisoners, and invested Louisburg the same day. For the succeeding two days a rough sea rendered it impossible to land the siege artillery, and provisions were conveyed to the army with the greatest difficulty. On the nth the weather moderated, when tents were landed, and some progress made in the preparations for the siege. On the 12th De Urucor, the French general, with- drew all his outposts, and even destroyed a battery which com- manded the entrance of the harbour, being desirous to reserve all his force for the defence of the town. The garrison of Louisburg was composed of three thousand regular troops and militia, with a few Indians. In addition to this force, six line-of-battle ships and two frigates guarded the harbour, at the entrance of which three other frigates had been sunk, to prevent the passage of the British fleet. Wolfe's light troops were speedily in possession of the different posts deserted by the French, and on the 20th a battery opened upon the ships and land defences. For many days the slow opera- tions of the siege continued under great difticultics to the British, owing to the marshy nature of the ground, and heavy rains which flooded the trenches. But science, a sufficient force, union among the principal officers, and courage and endurance in sailors and sol- diers, overcame every obstacle, and promised speedy success. A sortie on the 9th of July by the besieged was speedily repelled, and 138 The History of Canada. '■1 PI day and night the batteries thundered against the ramparts, the citadel, and the shipping. On the 21st three of the French men-of- war were set on fire by a shell, the following day the citadel was in a blaze, the next the barracks were burned down, while Wolfe's trenches were pushed close to the town, and the French driven from their guns by the British sharp-shooters. On the night of the 25th two captains of Boscawen's fleet swept into the harbour with a squadron of boats under a furious fire, and burned one of the re- maining men-of-war and carried off another. Boscawen prepared to send in six ships of the line to attack the other French vessels ; but the town was already a heap of ruins, the greater part of its guns dismounted, its garrison without a safe place to rest in, so De Drucor resolved to capitulate at discretion, such being the only terms he could get. Skilfully fortified, defended by a sufficient garrison and by a power- ful fleet, Louisburg had been bravely won. Its capture shed fresh lustre on the genius of Pitt, as well as on the gallant men he had wisely chosen to effect it. It was indeed a triumph for British arms, so long stained by sad reverses. Five thousand six hundred soldiers and sail- ors were made prisoners, and eleven ships of war taken or destroyed. Aboi't fifteen thousand stand of arms, and large quantities of military stores and provisions, also fell into the hands of the victors ; as well as eleven stand of captured colours, which were laid at the feet of the British sovereign, and subsequently deposited with due solemnity in St Paul's. With Louisburg fell Cape Breton and Prince Edward's Island ; and thus terminated the power of France for ever on the eastern seaboard of North America. Halifax being the British naval station, Louisburg was deserted ; and although the harbour still affords shelter from storms, a few hovels only mark the spot which so much treasure was expended to fortify, so much courage and endurance needed to conquer. While Amherst and Wolfe were still busily engaged in the siege of Louisburg, the largest army as yet seen on the American continent assembled at Albany, under the command of Abercromby, the suc- cessor of Lord Loudon as General-in-chief, for the attack of Ticon- deroga and Crown Point. It was composed of a strong detachment of the royal artillery, six thousand three hundred and fifty troops of the line, and nine thousand provincial militia. In the latter end of June this force marched to Lake George, and encamped by the ruins of Fort William Henry till the 5th of July, when they struck their tents, and embarking in one thousand and thirty-five boats, protected by artillery mounted on rafts, proceeded towards Ticonderoga. All that The History of Canada. 139 day did this flotilla pull steadily forward, and when evening fell the troops landed, and built large fires to deceive the French into the belief that they would proceed no further till morning, and to distract their attention. But in the dead of the night they were suddenly re-em- barked, and hurried forward to the stream which connects the two lakes. On the left bank of this stream, where it falls into Lake Cham- plain, rises a bold headland, on which stood Ticonderoga, or Fort Carillon, as it was named by the French. Protected by the lake and river on the east and south, while to the north it was effectually covered by marshes, it could only be approached from the west. The fort might thus be said to be situated at the point of an acute angle, the base of this angle presenting the only way by which it could be assailed by a land force. Across this base, at the distance of half a mile fom Carillon, Montcalm marked out his lines, which he fortified by felled trees and intrenchments of earth. At five o'clock on the morning of the 6th, the advanced guard of the British, composed of two thousand men under the command of the gallant Bradstreet, were safely landed, and meeting no opposition were speedily followed by the entire army, which pushed forward in four columns covered by skirmishers. Montcalm did not expect to see Abercromby so soon in his immediate neighbourhood, and was almost taken by surprise. "These people," said he, "march cautiously, yet if they give me time to gain the position I have chosen on the heights of Carillon I shall beat them." The British columns, led by guides who knew little of the neighbour- hood, broke and jostled each other repeatedly. So dense was the forest and uneven the ground that an outlying detachment of three hundred French troops, called in by their general, lost their way, and were suddenly encountered by the right centre of the British army led by Lord Howe. The worn-out stragglers, who had been wandering twelve hours in the forest, fought bravely, but were soon over- whelmed. Some were killed, others drowned in the stream, and one hundred and fifty-nine surrendered. Lord Howe, foremost in the skirmish, was the first to foil. Pierced by a bullet in the breast, he expired almost instantly, to the great sorrow of his com- panions in arms, by whom he was much beloved. His death was fatal to the army, and infatuation and dismay took the place of the cool conduct and courage which had hitherto marked its movements. The British troops passed the ensuing night under arms in the forest, and next morning Abercromby had no better plan than to withdraw them to the landing-place, about two miles distant. An hour before noon Bradstreet again pushed forward with a strong 140 The History of Canada. % % detachment to rebuild the bridges which the French had thrown down, and take possession of a strong position at some saw-mills, less than two miles from Montcalm's lines, where he was speedily joined by the entire army, v At dawn on the morning of the 8th, Colonel Clark, the chief engineer, was despatched with several of the principal officers to reconnoitre the French lines. These Clark represented " to be flimsy in construction and strong in appearance only ;" an opinion from which several of the other officers dissented. I3ut Abercromby leaned to the professional counsel of the engineer, and having already learned from a prisoner, who deceived him however, that Montcalm's force was six thousand strong, and that De Levi was marching to support him with three thousand men, he determined to carry the French lines by storm, without even waiting for his cannon. De Levi had already joined Montcalm the previous evening, and brought only eight hundred men to his assistance, but four hundred of these were picked troops. At an early hour the French drums beat to arms, and Montcalm marched his force, which did not amount to four thousand men, into the threatened intrenchments ; and having instructed them in the positions they were to occupy, the strengthening of his works was promptly proceeded with, despite the fire of the British light troops. The French intrenchments were of the most formidable description — a fact discovered too late. A solid earthen breastwork protected the defenders from a hostile fire ; while the slope in front was covered for nearly one hundred yards with an abatis of felled trees laid close together, the pointed branches of which obstructed the movements of an advancing force. Montcalm designed to jirotect his flanks, which he had not time to intrench, by batteries, but the rapid advance of the British prevented their construction, and accordingly both ends of his line could have been turned without difficulty. This the French general was well aware of, and gave orders that if either of his flanks were turned, his troops were to abandon the field, and retreat to their boats as they best might. Totally ignorant of this circumstance, which could never have escaped the sharp eyes of a skilful general, Abercromby rashly de- termined to throw his best troops against the enemy's centre, and cut their line in two, while his other troops assailed their right and left. While the army was forming for the attack, Sir William Johnson arrived with four hundred and forty Iroquois, who were pushed forward into the woods to distract the attention of the enemy, but they took no active part in the bloody action that ensued. The American The History of Canada, 141 -lavc de- and and nson ward took lean rnngcrs, Uradstrect's boatmen, and some companies of light infantry, formed Abcrcromhy's first line ; the second line was composed of the Massachusetts militia ; in the third were the IJritish regiments of the line, with Murray's Highlanders, the gallant 42(1. The reserve con- sisted of the Connecticut and New Jersey militia. While the army was forming, detachments of French came forward and skirmished, but were speedily overpowered and driven back to the cover of their intrenchments. At one o'clock, having received orders not to fire till tliey had sur- mounted the breastwork, the British moved forward in three heavy columns, with skirmishers in the intervals, to force the French defences. Montcalm, who stood just within the intrenchments, while Abercromby occupied a secure post in the rear of his army, threw off his great-coat, the heat of the July afternoon being ex- dfessive, and ordered his men not to fire a shot till he commanded. No sooner had the heads of the British columns become entangled among the trees and logs in front of the breastwork, than the word to fire was given, when a sudden and incessant discharge from swivels and small arms mowed down brave officers and men by hundreds. The light troops and militia were now moved aside, and the grenadier companies of the line, followed by Murray's Highlanders, pushed forward with quick but steady step, and despite the heavy fire of the French, without one hesitating pause or random shot, their column gallantly dashed against the abatis. Through this the grenadiers with desperate valour endeavoured to force their way, but the cool and well-aimed fire of the French smote them rapidly down. Maddened by the delay, the Highlanders, who should have remained in reserve, were not to be restrained, and rushed to the front. For a moment they appeared more successful, but they fiercely won their way through the abatis to die upon the summit of the breastwork, till ere long half of these gallant men, and the greater part of their officers, were slain or severely wounded. Then fresh troops pressed on, and for nearly four hours the attack was re- newed again and again by the British ; now fiercely rushing forward, then broken and shattered by the murderous fire of the foe, they sullenly retired to reform their ranks for another desperate effort. But the valour of these brave men, thus sacrificed by an incom- petent commander, was unavailing ; and against that rude barrier so easily turned, and which one hour of well-plied artillery would have swept away, the flower of British chivalry was crushed and broken. At length, in the confusion, an English column lost their way, and fired in mistake on their comrades. This event produced hopeless 142 The History of Catiada. ^^■'4 i- ?' i ri< dejection ; the disorder in a few minutes becauie irretrievable, and Highlanders and Provincials, rangers and grenadiers, joined in one disgraceful flight. During the confusion of battle, Abercromby cowered safely at the saw-mills in the rear. When his presence was necessary to rally the fugitives, he was nowhere to be found, and his second in com- mand lost the opportunity of distinguishing himself, and gave no orders. But the disordered troops, finding the French did not pur- sue them, gradually recovered from their terror, and rallied of their own accord on a few unbroken battalions whom the general had retained in his vicinity, most probably with a view to his own safety. Yet scarcely had confidence been partially resu>red, than an unaccount- able order from Abercromby to retreat to the landing-place renewed the panic. The soldiers concluding they Avere to embark immedi- ately, to escape the pursuit of their victorious enemy, broke from all order and control, and crowded towards the boats. Fortunately the gallant Bralstreet still held together a small force, which he now with prompt decision formed across the landing-place, and would not suffer a man to embark. Had the disordered masses been allowed to rush into the boat-s, numbers m jst have perished in th^ Lke ; and thus to the prudence of one man the salvation of many lives may be justly attributed. Owing to Bradstreet's spirited con- duct, order was in a little time restored, and the army remained on the lake- shore for the night. It still exceeded the French force four- fold, yet next morning Abercromby re-embarked, did not rest till he was safe across the lake, and even then sent on his artilleiy and ammunition to Albany, to prevent the possibili:y of their falling into the hands of Montcalm. In this sanguinary battle the British army lost nineteen hundred and fifty men in killed, wounded, and missing, nearly the whole of whom were regular troops, with a large proportion of officers. Of the French force four hundred and fifty were killed and wounded, among whom thcrewere no less than thirty-eight officers.* Had the French pursued, the loss of the British must have been much greater ; and no doubt had they been aware of the complete disorder of the enemy, they would have done so. No sooner had tl.e firing ceased than Montcalm caused refreshments to be distributed amongst his exhausted soldiers^ and tha.jked every regiment for their incredible valour. Dreading a fresh assault Avhen the British would bring up their guns, he employed the night in strengthening hislines. But hehad nothing toapprehend from Abercromby, who shared the fright and consternation of his meanest * Smith's Hist. Can., .vol. i. p. 265. m The History of Canada. 143 sentinel. "Had I to besiege Fort Carillon," said Montcalm, "I would ask but for six mortars and two pieces of artillery."* The English general had still an army of fourteen thousand men, and an amply sufficient siege train ; but he whiled away the season of action near the site of Fort William Henry in lining out a new fort, and thus signalised himself as one of the many incapables, whom the purchase of commissions, and seniority syr^tem of the British military service, have elevated to the rank of general officers. But the brave Bradstrect still persisted in his purpose of attacking Fort Frontenac, and was at length supported by a majority in the council of war. At the Oneida portage. Brigadier Stanwyx placed under his command nearly three thousand militia, and here he was also joined by forty-two of the Onondagas led by their chief " Red Head." Leading his men down the river past the scene of his bril- liant victory in 1756, Bradstrect speedily found himself on Lake Ontario, and landed on the 25th of August within a mile of Fort Frontenac. This famed position he found to be a quadrangle, defended by thirty guns and sixteen oi. 11 mortars; but the works were weak, and the garrison small and dispirited. Bradstrect opened his lines at five hundred yards from thr fort, but finding the distance too great, and the fire of the enemy little to be feared, he took possession of an old intrenchment near the defences, whence his guns opened with efi^ect. The garrison, consisting of only one hundred and twenty soldiers and forty Indians, were utterly in- capable of defence, and surrendered on the morning of the 27 th, find- ing there was no prospect of the succour which the commandant, De Noyan, had already asked from the Governor. Sixtv pieces of cannon, sixteen small mortars, an immense supply of provisions and ammuni- tion, and all the shipping on the lake, among which were several ves- sels laden with rich furs, fell into tlie hands of the victors, who had not to lament the loss of a single man. Owing to the orders of Aber- cromby, Bradstrect had no choice but to burn and destroy the artillery, stores, and even the provisions he had so easily captured, and to return by the route he had advanced. The shipping, with the exception of two, retained to carry the furs across tlie lake, were also ciestroyec" . and the fort blown up and abandoned. It was repaired, however, during the summer by the French, who likew'se added to the works at Niagara, and strengthened the garrison there. Still, the loss of the large supplies of ammunition and provisions stored up at Frontenac was a severe blow to the French, and seriously crippled, in connexion with the destruction of the fleet, their operations westward. De •Bancroft Hist. United Slates, vol. iii. p. 217. 144 The History of Canada. ^ Wr Vaudreuil endeavoured to shift the blame attaching to himself, for not strengthening the garrison, to De Noyan ; and compromised that officer's position to sucli an extent, that he was compelled to retire from the military service altogether. While Bradstreet was engaged in the expedition against Fort Frontenac, Montcalm, from his position at Ticonderoga, lost no op- portunity of hc^rassing the outposts of Abercromby's army. On the 17th of July, a party of twenty Provincials and three officers were destroyed by the French light troops near Fort Edward ; and, ten days afterwards, one hundred and sixteen teamsters were surprised and massacred about the same place. ISIajor Rogers was despatched, with seven hundred men, to seek out and punish the enemy. Hardship and desertion soon reduced his force to nearly five hundred men, who encountered an equal number of French on the 8th of August, and soundly beat them, killing and wounding one hundred and ninety of the enemy, while their own loss was only forty. The capture of Louisburg and Fort Frontenac, with the bloody repulse of Abercromby by Montcalm, and the affair of outposts just narrated, may be said to have closed the campaign of 1758 at the north. Westward, the French power received a severe check in the capture of Fort Du Quesne. On the 30th of June, Brigadier Forbes marched from Philadelphia, en route {or the Ohio valley, at the head of fifteen hundred regular troops and five thousand militia. Among the L.vtcr were two Virginia', corps under the command of Washington. The march over the Alleghanies was long and laborious, and com- memorated by the construction of a new road to the Ohio. Sep- tember had come before the army arrived at Raystown, within ninety miles of Fort Du Quesne. Here Forbes, who had been car- ried the greater part of the way in a litter, and whose life was fast ebbing, lialtcd the main body of his force, and detached Colonel Bouquet with two thousand men to take post at Loyal Hanna. This officer, having learned tiiat Fort Du Quesne was weakly garrisoned, conceived the idea of capturing it before the arrival of his chief, and accordingly detached Major Grant, with eight hundred Highlanders and a company of Virginian militia, to effect a reconnaissance of the works. Insteail of fulfilling his instructions, and retiring on the main body, Grant posted his men on a hill, and beat a march as a challenge to the garrison. The combat was promptly accepted, and, after a severe atlion, the Highlanders were completely rouied, with a loss of nearly three hunv!red in killed, wounded, and prisoners. In this affair the con^pany of Virginian militia rendered essential service, and were publicly extolled by Forbf s. The Histo}y of Canada, 145 The whole army now moved forward as rapidly as the rugged na- ture of the country and the unfavourable weather would permit, the advance led by Washington. Scouting parties of French and Indians endeavoured to impede its march, but were always promptly repulsed. Finding that resistance to the strong force, so cautiously and securely moving against him, could not be made with any j^rospect of success, the French commandant withdrew the garrison from Fort Du Quesne, after springing a mine under one of it:, faces, and dropped down the stream of the Ohio to the friendly settlements on the Mississippi. It was now the 24th of November, and the hills were already white with snow. On the following day the British took possession of the deserted stronghold, at once proceeded to repair its works, and changed its name to Pittsburg, in honour of the minister who planned its capture, and of whose glory the city on its site remains the endur- ing memorial. The capture of Fort Du Quesne closed the campaign of 1758. It was a'T f "-^nt of considerable importance to the British, and restored their !.•!;:;!. military reputation with the western Indians, while it effec. i:' .ricrrupted the communications of the French with their settlements m Louisiana. Brigadier Forbes lived but a brief space to enjoy the credit of its capture : his naturally weak constitution was ruined altogether by the hardships he had undergone during the expedition, and he died at Philadelphia soon after his return, much regretted by his acquaintance. Although the campaign had been chequered with disaster, still its general results were eminently favour- able to Great Britain, and reflected additional lustre on the great man who guided her coi.ncils. The capture of Louisburg left France without a safe port neir the St Lawrence, and effectually closed Canada in on the seaboard, while the reduction of Frontenac and Du Quesne had given all the territory to Britain, for the possession of which the war had arisen. Abercromby's defeat only debyed the final catastrophe for a brief space. His ovt-rwhelming force still menaced Canada from the side of Lake Champlain ; and Montcalm was fully sensible that it only wanted a skilful general to lead it to victory. T!iat leader, Pitt considered he gave it in the prudent Amherst, who received his commission, appointing him Commander- in-chief of the army in America, in December, and at once i)roceeded to New York to supersede Abercromby, who returned in disgrace to England. In the same vessel with the fallen general sailed tlw gal- lant Wolfe on leave of absence. Pl i |hi| kill |!i' CHAPTER Vlir. i€l m THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUILj — COntillUCd. THE vear 1759 opened with dangerous menace to the French dominion in the New World. Pitt, with hands strengtlicned by a vote from the grateful Commons of England, of twelve millions sterling to carry on the war, sketched out with consummate '•^^' t, JU the arrangements for the ensuing campaign in North America. In appointing his general officers he entirely disregarded seniority of rank, and selected the men he considered most capable of larrying out his views. To Stanwyx he entrusted the conquest of the French posts from Pittsburg to Lake Erie ; Prideaux was to re- duce Niagara ; while Amherst was instructed to assault Canada by Lake Champlain and the Richelieu, to capture Montreal, effect a junc- tion with the expedition against Quebec, and thus teiminate French power in North America by a single campaign. Put Wolfe was Pitt's favourite general. In him he saw the same noble qualities which were inherent in his own nature. With the intuitively sympa- thecic love of genius for its fellow, he reposed implicit trust in the gallant soldier, and felt that he was safely entrusting the honour of their common country to his keeping. Wolfe, eager for glory, gladly accepted the command of the expedition against Quebec. Still, he could have found happiness in retirement. Gentle, yet courageous; affectionate, though aspiring; of highly cultivated tastes, and with a nature formed for the highest enjoyments of pure domestic love, he could fully appreciate all the charms of a peaceful home. But tlie noble passion for immortal distinction overcame his fondness for repose, and the day before his departure to join his troops, as Pitt detailed his wishes pnd his plans, he forgot everything but the ardent desire to devote himself to the service of his country. The large armies which had been set in motion by the British during the campaign of 1758, convinced De Vaudreuil that the total extinction of French power in North America was designed. unr The History of Canada. 147 De Bougainville was accordingly despatched to France to solicit provisions and the aid of fresh troops, and preparations were promptly commenced, under the viligant superintendence of Montcalm, for the better defence of the colony. A proclamation was issued to the officers of the militia to increase their zeal in preparations for resist- ance, and directing that all the male inhabitants of the province, from sixteen to sixty years of age, should be enrolled, and hold them- selves ready to march at a moment's notice. In addition to the approach of the fiercest war they had ever yet encountered, the unfortunate habitants were now threatened with all the horrors of famine. The recent harvest had been below the average, owing principally to the absence of the farmers on military duty, and the scarcity was still further increased by the peculations and extortions of the civil officers. The rapacity of these men caused the poor people to conceal their scanty stores of provisions, and the troops were now quartered on them by the Intendant, who found it otherwise impossible to procure the necessary supplies. The scarcity gradually became so great, that horses had to be killed for the use of the inhabitants and troops at Montreal and Quebec. Early in January a census was taken of all the inhabitants, who were found to number about eighty-five thousand, of whom fifteen thousand two hundred and twenty-nine men were capable of bearing arms. Of these, however, a large proportion were unavailable in time of war, owing to the necessities of agriculture, and the prospect of a still more severe famine if the fields were left untilled. A detach- ment of artillery, eight battalions of French regulars, and thirty-three companies of the marine or colony troops, formed the real strength of the Canadian army. On the other hand, the British had nearly fifty thousand men under arms, or ready to take the field ; provisions were abundant in all their colonies, and the people prosperous. The gallant Montcalm saw the net with which fate was gradually encircling him, still he never faltered in his duty. He could tell the French minister plainly, " that Canada must be taken in this or the next campaign, without unexpected good fortune or great fault in the enemy," yet he acted with the same vigour as though he felt secure of victor)^ He was indefati;^able in his preparations for the impending struggle. Tlie several fortifications were strengthened, vessels built to command Lake Champlain, and every exertion made to collect provisions, now beconiing exec -dingly scarce. On the 14th of May, M. De Bougiinivillc returned from France, bringing out with him decorations and promotions in abundance for ' hs The History of Canada. the officers who had distinguished themselves in the last campaign, and but a slender supply of food, needed much more. The Governor was instructed to undertake all in his power for the defence of Canada, for the conquest of which he was informed the British were making vast preparations, and the P'rencii minister wrote to Montcalm, "that the King relied upon his zeal and obstinacy of courage." De Vaudreuil now addressed a circular to the militia officers, re- quiring them to be ready for marching in any direction at a moment's warning ; and, at the same time, sought to excite their patriotism by a stirring appeal.* But the most remarkable document which appeared in Canada at this period, was a pastoral letter from the Bishop, Henry De Pont Briant, to the clergy of his diocese, which gives considerable insight into the civil and religious condition of the people, and which he represents as most deplorable.f * "Tliis campaign," said he, "will afford tlie Canadians an opportunity of signalising themselves, lli.s Majesty well knows the con'ldencc I have in thcni, and I have not failed to inform him of ihcir services. Ilis IM.ajesty trusts they will make those efforts that are to be looked for from the most faithful subjects, more particularly as they have to defend their religion, their wives, and their pro- perly, from the cruel treatment to be expected from the English. " With respect to myself, I am resolved not to consent to any capitulation, in hopes that this resolution may have the most ruinous consequences to the English. It is most indubitable, that it would be more merciful for lite inhabitants, their wives and children, to 1)e buried under the ruins of the Colony, than to fall into the hands of the Engli-li. " It being highly uccl ^ary that the most prudent precautious should be taken to prevent a surprise, I ive established beacons from post to post, along the south shorr-, below I'ouii. Levi, to be set fire to as soon as the en'jmy are dis- covered. " We promise every protection to the inhabitants, their wives, children, and property, to prevent their falling into the hands of the English, who would make liiem suffer the same hardships and miseries experienced by the Acadians. In addition to which, we have the testimony of their late ill conduct, in their treat- ment of the inhabitants of Cape Breton, notwilh.slanding the capitulation, as well as those of the Island of St John. "Their hatred is so well known towards everything that is Canadian, that they even make them responiblc for the cruellies of a few Indians, still forgetting tlie measures we Iiave taken to prevent a repetition of these actions, and the good treatment whicli the nation has at all times shown to them when prisoners. " We have a real satisfaction in declaring that we entertain no apprehensions for the safety of the Colony, yet we shall adopt the most efficacious measures for securing l > the inhabitants their rights and property." t " You are not unacquainte-l, my dear brethren, with the immense preparations of the enemy, the designs formed to Clack the Colony in four different parts, the The History of Canada . 149 During the month of May, a council of war was held at Montrer.l, which after several meetings decided that a strong body of troops should be posted at Quebec under Montcalm; and that Bourlemaque should take post at Ticondcroga, and blow up the works on the number of their regular troops and militia, six times at least superior to ours. Neither are you ignorant that they have sent emissaries to all the Indian nations to incite them to forsake us, and rouse those to take up arms against us who are willing to preserve a kind of neutrality. You are sensible, moreover, that they occupy those harbours at the lower end of our river, which hitherto we have re- garded as so many barriers ; you perceive e\ cry incitement to fear and terror, and you are undoubtedly astonished thereat. The uncertainty of the affairs of Europe, the many dangers to which the succours we expect are exposed, the numerous tlcets destined for our destruction; the general scarcity that prevails of everything necessary for our defence as well as our subsistence even in peace, ought naturally to make the greatest impression on our minds. But what ought still to be the cause of the greatest chagrin, is the little zeal for piety obseived everywhere, the injurious and wicked speeches maintained against those in whom we ought to place all our confidence ; and what may create still further fear in us, are the profane diversions to which we are addicted with greater attachment than ever ; llie insufferable excesses of the games of chance ; the impious hypocrisy in derision or rather in contempt of religion ; the various crimes against Heaven, that have been multiplied in the course of this winter ; all these, my brethren, ought to make us dread everything, and oblige me to declare to you, that God himself is enraged, that His arm is prepared to chastise us, and, in fact, that we deserve it. Yea, my friends, we tell it, in the face of the altars and in bitterness of our heart, that it is not the number ui" Llie enemy, nor their utmost efforts that affright us, and make us reflect on the impending disasters both on the state and on religion, but our manifold sins and wickednesses. Eighteen years have now elapsed since the Lord called us, though unworthy, to watch over this extensive diocese ; we have frequently seen you suffer by famine, and disease, and almost continual war. Nevertheless, this year, it appears to us, is in all respects the most afflictive and de- plorable, because in reality we are most criminal. Were there ever such open rob- beries, so many heinous acts of injustice, such shameful rapines heard of? Who has not seen, in this Colony, families devoted publicly, if I may so say, to crimes of the most odious nature ? Who ever beheld so many abominations ? In almost all ranks the contagion is nearly universal ; however, my brethren, matters are not yet remediless, neither are our misfortunes irretrievable. The Christian faith leaches us that a t'-ue and sincere conversion can stop the avenging hand of divine justice, and that it even hath frequently stayed it. It is true the disease is great, but the remedy is in our own power. faithless 'Jerusalem, return to your God ; and God, according to His promise, will deign to relent I Atone, my dear brethren, I say, atone speedily for the past by tears of a sincere repentance ; they vvfill be acceptable to the merciful heart of God, who never punishes His cieatures but with regret. Dear cliildren, be diligent therein, sympathise with the ministers of the altar in weeping, wailing, and prayer. Implore the Lord with fervency to en- lighten sinners with the misery of their souls, that He will affect and convert them ; we mean those of our brethren who run to their own destruction ; dread, lest you find yourselves involved in their calamities ; and ye, O sinners I we beseech you, in the name of Jesus Christ, at least be no hindrance to the blessings we ask for i=;o The History of Canada. ,.„. ^I!i Jf;-j 94? i approach of the British, should he find himself unable to resist them. Crown Point was to share the bame fate, and he was then to retire to an island at the head of Lake Champlain, and there, aided by the shii:)ping, to make the most stubborn resistance possible, and thus prevent the junction of the armies under Amherst and Wolfe. To withstand any force which might descend from Lake Ontario, the Chevalier De la Cornc, with eight hundred regulars and militia, Avas directed to intrench himself above Montreal, and there hold out to the best of his power. The campaign of 1759 opened with the advance of Brigadier Pri- deaux, at the head of nearly four thousand regular troops and militia, and a large body of Iroquois, led by Sir William Johnson, against the fort at Niagara. Leaving a detachment under Colonel Haldimand to construct a tenable post at Oswego, the army embarked on Lake Ontario, the ist of July, and coasting its southern shore landed on you ; come, rather, we conjure you by all that is capable of affecting you ; come and solicit them of your own accord, with a spirit full of meekness and contrition. For these purposes, after conferring with our respectable brethren the Canons of our Cpthedral Church, having invoked the holy name of God, we have ordered, and do hereby order, the due performances of the services herein directed. Im- primis, In the country parislies, on the first Sunday of every month, shall be a procession, witliout the host or sacrament, to the place and at the hour each of the rectors shall appoint. In that procession sliall be sung the litanies of the saints, then the psalm Miserere viei Dens ; and immediately after the ancient and common prayers of salutation, the priest shall make an honourable atonement in the name of sinners, which he may find in the ritual for Trinity Sunday. Secondly, Every secular and regular priest shall add to the prayers of the mass the prayer of the Deus Refitgium. Thirdly, In all the benedictions of the holy sacrament shall be sung the tract Domine noii secundum, with the versicles and prayer for the remission of sins. Fourthly, In the different churches of Quebec — namely, the Cathedral, the Church of La Victoire in the Lower Town, the Seminary, the College of the Jesuits, that of the Recollets and Ursulines — shall be performed alternately a Nona or Ninth : the holy mass shall be celebrated at seven o'clock in the morning, the litanies of the saints, and the psalm Miserere mei Deiis shall be sung thereat, an honourable atonement shall be made for sinners, and the whole concluded with the benediction of the sacrament, in the holy chalice only : on the working days, the votive masses of the Holy Angels, of the Holy Trinity, of the Holy Cross, of the Virgin Mary, for all necessities, for times of war and for pi ace, shall be said reciprocally. The mass of the patron of the church or chapel sl.all be said : first, at the Jesuits of Saint Fran9ois Xavier, in the Lower Town at Ste Genevieve, at the Ursulines, and at the Seminary instituted for the co::""' jion of the Indians. What is prescribed for Quebec shall be observed as much as possible at Montreal and at Three Kivers ; the camps and forts shall also observe what is appointed for the country parishes. This mandate shall be read after the Gospel of the mass of the parish., on the fust Sunday immediately after the receipt thereof." The History of Canada. 151 the 7 th at one of its inlets six miles east of Niagara. Situated at the apex of the angle formed by the junction of the river with the lake, the fort was easily invested on the land side, while the numerous armed boats of the British e.'.ectually intercepted all communication by water, Pouchot, the French commandant, had no sooner learned the approach of the British than he despatched a courier eastward to Frontenac to solicit aid, and another to Detroit and the other western posts with orders to their commandants to hasten to his assistance with all the men they could spare, and as many Indians as could be collected. Confidently expecting succour, he deter- mined to defend the fort to the last extremity, and returned a prompt refusal to the demand of tl ■; British general requiring him to surrender at discretion. " My post is strong," said he, " iry gar- rison faithful ; and the longer I hold out the more I will win the esteem of the enemy," Prideaux planned his approaches with skill, and rapidly advanced them towards the defences, which soon began to crumble under a well-aimed and vigorous fire. Encouraged by the arrival of a small body of French and Indians, who succeeded at night in getting into the fort unobserved, the besieged made a sally on the nth, but were almost immediately repulsed and driven in under the shelter of their guns. On the night of the 13th the British finished their parallels to the lake, and the next day their fire became so heavy that the be- sieged could only find safety in the covered way and behind their ramparts. On the 19th the French schooner Iroquois arrived from Frontenac, and lay oft" the fort, but dare not venture in, owing to the British guns, which night and day kept up a harassing and destructive fire. Still Pouchot held bravely out, and watched anxiously for the aid which the summer breezes of Erie should bring to his assistance, and which Prideaux, aware of its approach, had already taken mea- sures to intercept. But the latter was not fated to see the successful issue of his skill and courage. On the evening of the 19th he was killed in the trenches, while issuing orders, when the command de- volved on Sir William Johnson. Meanwhile, De Aubrey rapidly descended from Detroit, at the head of twelve hundred Frenchmen, collected from the different posts to- wards the Ohio, and nearly fourteen hundred Indians. On the 23d four savages made their way into the beleaguered fort with a letter to Pouchot, informing him that succour was at hand, and that the British lines would speedily be attacked. But Johnson's scouts had given him ample intelligence of De Aubrey's approach, and he coolly prepared « m' i 15: T/ic Ilislory of Canada. for the combat. Leaving sufficient troops to guard tlic trenches, he threw forward strong pickets, on the evening of the 23d, to occupy the woods on either side of the rough forest road leading from Chip- pewa to Niagara, and connected these by a chain of Indian skir- mishers. These arrangements completed, and no enemy appearing, the troops lay down to rest with their arms in their hands. It was a warm July night, and the stars glimmered brightly down upon the sombre forest, now unruffled by even the faintest breeze. To the contemplative mind, the scene must have been one of peculiar solemnity and grandeur. Close at liand, the stillness was unbroken save by the monotonous breathings of the many sleepers, or the sentinel's tread. A little further on there was a brief pause around the beleaguered fort, and then its dark sides were suddenly illumi- nated by its own guns, or revealed by the red light of a salvo from the hostile trenches. From the distance, the dull boom of the cata- ract fell upon the ear like the noontide roar of life in London, or the rush of the approaching storm. The white tents of the besieg- ing army, the watch-fires of the camp, the bright moon whose rays peered softly down amidst the sprays of the forest tree to glance from the polished muskets of the sleeping sentinel or the Indian's toma- hawk, and the soft feathery cloud of spray that rose upwards from the Horse-shoe Falls, all tended to complete a scene of surpassing interest. On the following morning, at daybreak, Johnson pushed forward his grenadier comjxanies and part of the 46th regiment to strengthen his front, while the 44th regiment was formed in reserve to preserve the communication with the troops in the trenches, and to act wherever its assistance might be needed. About eight o'clock the head of the French column was perceived advancing through the woods, with large bodies of Indians covering either tlank. As the enemy came on, the British outposts fell steadily back on the main body without firing, while the Iroquois pressed forward to parley with the French Indians, with a view of inclining them to peace. The latter refused to abandon their allies, and accordingly the warriors of the Six Nations again resumed their post on the flanks of the British. De Aubrey now speedily formed his force, and advanced to the attack. Shouting their appalling war-cry the Indians burst through the woods, and fell furiously upon the British line, which coolly awaited their approach, and swept them away with a {qw rolling volleys. The close and steady fire with which they were received completely astonished the western warriors, and so thorough was The History of Canada. 03 h was their discomfiture, that '.hey disappeared altogctlicr from tlic fieUl of battle. Their Ihght left the flanks of the French completely exposed, and they were soon boldly turned by the Iro(iuois, who pressed rapidly forward through the woods, while the British hold their ground in front with the utmost steadiness. Attacked on all sides by greatly superior numbers, the French hesitated, gave way, and, after an action of little more than half an hour, broke into utter rout. De Aubrey and all his surviving officers, with a great part of his troops, were taken prisoners, while the fugitives were rapidly pursued and slain or driven into the wilderness, where the numerous dead lay un- counted. No sooner had Johnson withdrawn his forces from the battle-field, than he sent an ofllccr with a flag of truce to inform Pouchot of the victory he had won, and exhorted him to surrender without further bloodshed. The French chief doubted the information, and re- (juested that one of his oflicers might be allowed to see the pri- soners, and hear the talc of their defeat from them. The request was granted, and thus assured of the hopelessness of aid, Pouchot surrendered up the fort and garrison. The terms were liberal. The French were to march out with all the honours of war, and then to lay down their arms on the lake-shore. The women and children were to have safe conveyance to the nearest port of France, while the garrison, six hundred strong, were to be conveyed to New York by the most convenient route. All stores, jjrovisions, and arms, were to be given up to the British general, who undertook, on his part, to pre- serve his prisoners from every injury and insult, a promise which, unlike Montcalm, he faithfully redeemed. And thus did prudence and valour, with trifling loss of life, win the most important post on the great highway of the west. So decisive, indeed, was the victory, and so effectually did it weaken the western posts of the P'rench, whose garrisons under De Aubrey had either been killed or cap- tured, that the officer and troops sent from Pittsburg by Stanwyx took possession of the forts as far as Erie without resistance. John- son's modesty was equal to his merit. " I have only to regret," he writes in his despatch to Amherst, " the loss of General Prideaux and Colonel Johnson. I endeavoured to pursue the late general's vigorous measures, the good effects of which he deserved to en- joy." ... While the siege at Niagara was in progress, a strong body of Canadians and Indians under La Corne, who had ascended to Frontenac, made a demonstration against the detachment left at Oswego by Brigadier Prideaux. On the 5th of July La Corne en- IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I fli 12.5 li |50 •^ 1^ ill 2.2 :: lis lllllio 1.8 1.25 1.4 1.6 •4 6" — ► '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 154 The History of Canada. deavoured to carry that post by surprise, by rapidly advancing some Indians and Canadians ; but these were speedily repulsed, although their fanaticism was incited to the utmost by a Jesuit, the Abbe Piquet The attack was renewed on the following day, but a few discharges of grape and musketry speedily compelled the enemy to retire, and La Corne was under the necessity of departing without a single scalp, although, as some deserters stated, he had offered a large sum for a trophy of this horrible description. Meanwhile the Commander-in-chief assembled the main army at Lake George, and had considerable difficulty in keeping the militia together, owing to desertion to their homes. Threats and promises and moderate punishments failed to keep them by their colours, till at length a general court-martial sentenced four deserters to be shot \ and even this terrible example did not altogether abate the evil. On the 22d of June, Amherst traced out the plan of Fort George, near the spot where Fort William Henry formerly stood, and on the 21st of July, every preparation being completed, his army, over eleven thousand strong, one-half of whom were regulars, with fifty-four guns, embarked and moved down the lake in four columns. Next day it landed near the place where Abercromby had disepibarked the year before. The British vanguard, composed principally of light troops, pushed rapidly fciWard into the bush, and soon encountered a detach- ment of French and Indians, who were overpowered and dispersed. Amherst followed with his main body in good order, and halted for the night at the Saw-mills, preparatory to an assault on the French lines, which he learned from some deserters were guarded by De Bourlemaque, with a body of three thousand four hundred men, composed of regulars, Canadians, and Indians. That night the British lay upon their arms, while every exertion was made to bring up the artillery. But, although Amherst's force was inferior to Abercromby's army, the French next morning with- drew from the lines which had enabled them to gain their victory of the preceding year, and fell back upon Fort Carillon. The British grenadiers immediately occupied the deserted intrenchment, and the rest of the army encamped a short distance to the rear. A sharp fire was soon opened from the fort on the British camp, but no loss was sustained owing to the great height and strength of the breast- work, which now proved a most effectual shelter. De Bourlemaque soon perceived that even the defence of the fort was impracticable, and, in pursuance of his orders in that case, silently abandoned it on the night of the 23d, leaving four hundred men behind to continue such resistance as might conceal his retreat. These carried out their The History of Canada, 155 orders in the most efiFectual manner by making an assault upon the besiegers' trenches, where they killed and wounded sixteen men, and caused considerable confusion in the darkness of the night. During the 24th an * 25th they kept up a constant fire on the trenches, and having got the range accurately, caused a good deal of trouble and some loss of life. On the night of the 26th, deserters brought in- telligence to Amherst that the garrison had abandoned the fort, but left every gun loaded and pointed, mines charged to blow up the defences, and a lighted fuse communicating with the powder maga- zine. In a few moments a tremendous explosion confirmed their statements, and the next minute the flames of the wooden breast- work, barracks, and stores, fell far and near upon the lake and forest, their yellow hue deepened at intervals by the flashes of the bursting guns and exploding mines. General Amherst promptly detached some light troops in pursuit: of the retreating French, who captured several boats laden with powder and sixteen prisoners. At daylight a sergeant volunteered to strike the French flag, which still floated uninjured above the ruined fort, and raise that of Britain in its place. A detachment soon after succeeded in extinguishing the flames, when the work of repairing the fort was speedily proceeded with, while Captain Loring of the navy raised some French boats which had been sunk, and commenced the construction of a brig, in order to strengthen the British naval power, which was much inferior to that of the enemy on the lake. The capture of Crown Point was the next important step to be accomplished, and Major Rogers was despatched with two hundred rangers to examine the position, establish himself in some strong post near the fort, and hold out, if attacked, till relieved by the ad- vance of the army. But it was soon ascertained that the French had also dismantled and abandoned Crown Point, which was ac- cordingly taken possession of by a British detachment. On the 4th of August, Amherst came up with his main body, encamped, and traced out the lines of a new fort, as a protection against the scout- ing parties of the French and Indians, who had so long been the terror of the British frontier settlements. De Bourlemaque had retreated to the Isle-aux-Noix, at the northern extremity of the lake, where he strongly intrenched himself. Here, with a force of three thousand five hundred men, one hundred pieces of cannon, and four armed vessels commanded by naval officers, he de- termined to defend the entrance of the Richelieu to the last extremity. Amherst has been much censured for not carr)'ing this post, and effect- 156 The History of Canada, ing a junction with Wolfe at Quebec, but when his position comes to be fairly examined, it is at once evident that he has been unjustly con- demned. The command of the Richelieu was then absolutely neces- sary to the descent of an army from I ake Champlain on Canada, it being the only open road, and a land force was utterly helpless be- fore an enemy strongly intrenched on an island, and v/ho held com- plete command of the surrounding waters with his fleet. Amherst under these circumstances had only two courses to pursue. One was to open a road through the forest, and push on to Montreal, leaving De Bourlemaque in his rear ; the other to obtain command of the lake, and drive him from his position. He wisely adopted the last course. Before, however, it could be fully carried out, the bleak Avinds of October swept the lake, and the main body of the British invading army was compelled to waste its strength in inaction on the very threshold of Canada. Nor was the force which Prideaux had led against Niagara more fortunate. On learning the death of that officer, Amherst had sent Brigadier Gage to assume the command, and instructed him to descend from Oswego with a sufficient force to capture Ogdensburg, or, as it was then called. La Presentation, where a Jesuit Father, the Abbe Piquet, had founded a flourishing Indian settlement in 1750. But Gage allowed his harvest-time of honour to pass away, to Amherst's infinite chagrin, and this important opera- tion was deferred till the ensuing year. While the bulk of the army lay inactive at Crown Point, a detach- ment of two hundred rangers under the indefatigable Rogers, already so distinguished in border warfare, was despatch-^d to punish the In- dians at Lake St Francis for detaining an officer and some men who had been sent with a flag of truce to offer them peace on condition of their remaining neutral. Rogers suffered the greatest hardships in penetrating the untrodden wilderness. One-fourth of his men dropped behind from fatigue, or perished in the march. Still he persevered, arrived in the vicinity of his destination on the evening of the 2 2d October, and pushed forward alone to reconnoitre. The Indians were engaged in the war-dance, and exhausted by fatigue, as mid- night approached, they sunk into a profound slumber. But a foe as subtle as themselves, and infuriated by long years of injury, now hovered near, prepared to inflict the punishment their numerous massacres of women and children so justly merited. At two o'clock in the morning the British burst upon the sleepers with a loud cry of vengeance, and two hundred warriors were speedily slain, but the women and children were spared. Meanwhile a French detachment had captured Rogers's boats, and threatened to cut off" his retreat Ths History of Canada. '57 Breaking into small parties, the British sought the shelter of the forest, and underwent the most extreme hardships before reaching a friendly settlement. Oii the loth of October a brig mounting eighteen guns arrived at Crown Point from Ticonderoga, and a sloop of sixteen guns being also ready, the army embarked in boats for Isle-aux-Noix, and pro- ceeded up the lake in four divisions. But a severe storm and mis- haps of various kinds retarded its progress, and although the greater part of the French fleet was destroyed, the lateness of the season rendered it useless to advance, and Amherst reluctantly retired to place his troops in w-nter quarters : a measure the more necessary as the Provincials had become unusually sickly. Thus closed the campaign of the British forces, which menaced Canada towards the west : it now remains for us to trace the operations in the St Law- rence. As soon as the weather permitted Wolfe assembled his army, amounting to about eight thousand men, at Louisburg. It was divided into three brigades, led by Brigadiers Monckton, Townshend, and Murray, while its Adjutant-General was Isaac Barre, an Irishman of humble birth, eloquent, ambitious, and fearless, to whom the author- ship of the Letters of Junius has been attributed, and who subse- (luently perished on his return from the East Indies. The fleet, con- sisting of twenty-two men-of-war and as many frigates and armed vessels, was under the command of Admiral Saunders, a brave, skil- ful, and kind-hearted sailor. On board of one of its ships was Jervis, afterwards Earl St Vincent, while James Cook, the celebrated navigator, who subsequently traversed the unexplored v/aters of the Pacific, and threaded his way amidst its many isles, was sailing-mas- ter of another. On the I St of June preparations were made to put to sea from Louisburg, yet fully six days elapsed before the huge armament had ontiiely cleared the land. While spreading sail the Admiral received tilt; unwelcome intelligence, that his advanced squadron had suf- fered three French frigates and several store-ships to pass up th'^ St Lawrence. Two vessels only were captured, on board of which were found charts of the river, which proved of the greatest service to the British fleet. On the 26th the armament arrived safely off the Isle of Orli;ans, and preparations were promptly commenced for the disembarkation of the troops. Great were now the confusion and distress at Quebec, where the reverses of the preceding year's campaign had already pro- duced the most dismal forebodings. To the clerical orders, especially, 158 The History of Canada. the prospect of British rule was particularly unpalatable. This was forcibly illustrated while the British fleet was still ascending the river. The advance under Durell carried French colours till they arrived off Bic Its inhabitants imagined in consequence that the expected succours had arrived from France, and messengers were despatched to Quebec with the intelligence. But when the white colours were struck, and the Union Jack hoisted in their place, their consternation and grief were inconceivable, and the occurrence so affected a priest, who stood on the shore with telescope in hand, that he dropped down and instantly expired.* Early on the morning of the 27th, the troops landed on the island, which the inhabitants had abandoned during tlie previous night, and with the fertility and beauty of which the soldiers were delighted after their wearisome voyage. The eye of genius has often sir^ce rested upon the magnificent coup (Tceil which now burst upon the vision of their young general, from the western end of the isle, but the scene can hardly ever again awaken the emotions which then agitated his bosom. In the foreground, the white tents of his camp glanced in the sunshine; on his left lay the magnificent fleet at anchor; in his front, the citadel of Quebec was seen in the distance risir if precipi- tously against the horizon, in the midst of one of the grandtjt scenes of nature, and apparently impregnable. For its defence the gallant Montcalm had exhausted, with the means at his disposal, every plan which ingenuity and skill could devise. Above Quebec the height on which the Upper Town is built, spreads out into an elevated table-land, suddenly terminated towards the river by steep declivities. In this direction, for nine miles or more to Cape Rouge, every land- ing-place was intrenched and guarded. Immediately below the city, the River St Charles, its mouth then closed by a boom and defended by stranded frigates, swept its rocky base, and expanded into marshes which afforded additional security. From thence to the Montmor- ency, a distance of eight miles, extended the position occupied by the French army, protected by numerous redoubts and intrench- ments, the shoals and rocks of the St Lawrence, and almost impreg- nable. Behind lay the rich valley of the St Charles, and the pretty villages of Charlesburg and Beauport, which, with a few other ham- lets, gave shelter and hospitality in the rear. For the defence of these formidable lines Montcalm had twelve tliousand French and Canadian troops and about four hundred Indians. As Wolfe gazed with intense interest on the prospect, to him at once beautiful and appalling, a storm suddenly gathered, and soon • Smith's Hist. Can., vol. i. p. 291. The History of Canada. 159 the teeming rain vailed the opposite shore, while a dangerous hurri- cane swept over the river with destructive force. Transports were driven from their moorings and cast ashore, smaller vessels were dashed against each other and swamped, while the vessels of war with difficulty held to their anchors. Wolfe retraced his steps thoughtfully to the camp, somewhat discouraged by the great diffi- culties which he now saw clearly beset the enterprise he had pro- mised Pitt to accomplish if possible. The storm passed away; evening soon merged into a night at once still and dark ; and now Montcalm sent down six fire-ships on the receding tide towards the British fleet. From these shot and shell crashed among the trees and rocks, or left long seething furrows in the stream. Presently lurid flames burst from their hulls, caught the sails, and ran along the masts and spars in thin red lines, lighting up the river, the hos- tile camps, and the city in the distance. As the blaze increased ex- plosion after explosion tossed the burning vessels hither and thither, the tide still carrying them steadily towards the fleet. The sentries terrified at a sight so unusual, and believing that the French were advancing in force, fell back upon their pickets, and these in turn on the main body, when tlie drums beat to arms. Daylight alone re- stored confidence and order. Meanwhile, a number of we'1-manned boats had put off towards the fire-ships, and the sailors, waiting till all the guns had exploded, fastened grappling irons to their hulls and towed them leisurely ashore. Finding the channel at the Island of Orleans was neither a safe nor convenient anchorage in rough weather, Admiral Saunders de- termined to pass up into the basin, or harbour of Quebec, and learn- ing that the French occupied, with some troops and artillery, the headland of Point Levi, from whence they could seriously annoy his ships, he requested Wolfe to take possession of it. This duty was assigned to Brigadier Monckton, who pushed forward one of his regi- ments on the evening of the 29th, and following next morning at daybreak with the rest of his brigade, soon occupied the point, despite a stout resistance by a body of Canadians and Indians, some twelve hundred strong. In the possession of this post, Montcalm felt that the British had gained a dangerous advantage. From the first he had seen its import- ance, for although it was three-quarters of a mile from the city, heavy guns could play from thence with destructive effi::ct. In a council of war he had urged that four thousand men should be strongly in- trenched at Point Levi, and hold it to the last extremity, but was overruled by the Governor, and from that hour the general regarded i6o The History of Canada. the latter with dislike. He made a feeble attempt to dislodge the British by attacking their position with three floating batteries, but these were repulsed by a single broadside from a frigate, which a fair wind speedily carried up to the scene of action. Wolfe had already issued a proclamation to the inhabitants, offer- ing safety in person and property if they remained neutral. But the counter- proclamations and threats of Montcalm, and their own national prejudices, held them fast in their allegiance. In company with the Indians they hung upon the skirts of the British army, cut- ting off and scalping stragglers whenever practicable, and Wolfe's soldiers, some of whom had been at the massacre of Fort William Henry and well trained in forest warfare, began to make reprisals of the same description, and burn and plunder on every opportunity. The British general endeavoured to restrain these excesses, but was ultimately so enraged by the cruel massacre of several of his men, that he allowed his light troops to retaliate on Indians, or on Cana- dians disguised like them, but forbid them, under penalty of death, to molest the peaceable inhabitants. A battery at Point Levi, and another at the western point of the Isle of Orleans, gave sufficient security to the fleet. These were completed by the morning of the 9th of July, when three frigates of light draught opened fire upon the French lines below Quebec. Monckton, at the same tinn , marched his brigade along the oppo- site side of the river, in order to distract Montcalm's attention while Wolfe was taking post with the main body of his army on the east- ern bank of the Montmorency. He was thus placed at an angle with the French lines along the St Lawrence, and in their rear, but the rapid current of the Montmorency, rushing over its rocky bed in impassable eddies and rapids, still separated the hostile armies. Three miles in the interior a ford was discovered, but the opposite bank was steep, woody, and well intrenched, and its passage im- practicable in the face of a superior force. Not a spot along the Montmorency for miles into the interior, nor on the St Lawrence to Quebec, was left unprotected by the vigilant Montcalm, and Wolfe began to despair of forcing him to a battle on anything like equal terms. The French once defeated, he felt assured that Quebec, in- sufficiently supplied with military stores and threatened by famine, must surrender ; but to compel them to fight with a fair prospect of success to British arms was the great difficulty. Vainly did Wolfe penetrate the dense bush and rugged country along the Montmor- ency, in order to discover some favourable point to turn Mont- calm's flank, and thus bring on a battle in rear of his lines. These The History of Canada, i6i reconnaissances only led to the slaughter of his light infantry by the Indians and Canadians lurking in the secret places of the forest, and the British general soon saw that he must look for success in some other direction. No sooner had Wolfe established himself at the Montmorency, than Montcalm, urged by the solicitations of the inhabitants of the Lower Town, who dreaded the destruction of their houses, resolved to hazard a night attack on Monckton's position at Point Levi. It failed completely, the Canadians missing their way and firing upon one another in the dark, with a loss to themselves of seventy killed and wounded, while the British lines were left wholly undisturbed. Next day a battery opened upon the town, the lower part of which was soon much damaged, and on the i6th a shell set a house in the Upper Town on fire. Fanned by a strong west-wind, the conflagra- tion destroyed many buildings before it was arrested, and among others the great cathearal, with all its paintings, images, and orna- ments. But the defences still remained uninjured, and the destruc- tion of property caused by the fire from Point Levi, only diminished the value of the prize for which the British strove, without bringing them nearer to its possession. Completely foiled in his endeavours to force Montcalm's lines, and bring on a battle below the city, Wolfe now determined to reconnoitre the bank of the river above it, and ascertain whether anything could be effected in that direction. To effect this recon- naissance the protection of a sufficient force was necessar)', and ac- cordingly towards midnight of the i8th, a small squadron under Captain Rous, favoured by a fair wind and tide, run the gauntlet of the enemy's batteries without being even discovered by the sen- tinels, two of whom Montcalm hung on the following day for their carelessness. The French speedily constructed a battery at Sil- lery to annoy Rous's squadron, but its fire only had the effect of causing him to weigh anchor, and to move a little farther up the river. The French artillerymen had scarcely ceased firing at Rous's frigates, when a boat was observed skirting the southern shore, the mast of which'they carried away by a shot. This boat bore Wolfe and Admiral Saunders on their way to reconnoitre the river's bank above. The keen eye of the general traced the outline of the pre- cipitous hill on v/hich stands Quebec, and beheld a natural fastness defended by cannon, boats, and floating batteries, at every assailable point. Matters looked just as unpromising above the town as be- low it ; the banks were everywhere high and precipitous \ at every L l62 The History of Canada. weak point intrenchments had been thrown up, and each movement of an enemy was jealously watched. Wolfe was almost in despair ; yet he determined to persevere, in the hope that some fortunate occurrence would aid him. To divide and harass the enemy and obtain intelligence, he directed Colonel Carleton, who commanded the troops with Rous's squadron, to make a descent on the small town of Point-aux-Trembles, twenty-one miles up the river from Quebec, and to which many of the inhabitants of the city had retreated with their goods and valuables. A few Indians made a feeble resistance, and a number of useless prisoners, some plunder, and several packets of letters fell into the hands of the British. The latter furnished important intelligence. " The Gover- nor and Montcalm have disagreed," said one ; " But for our priests and the dread of the savages we would submit," said another ; a third stated, " We are without hope and food ; since the English have passed the town, our communication with Montreal is cut off — God hath forsaken us." To increase the misery of the besieged, orders were now given to lay waste the surrounding country. On the 2Sth, Wolfe proceeded up the eastern bank of the Mont- morency, to examine some works which the French were erecting on the opposite side. His escort was attacked, and for a time hardly pressed by a strong body of Indians, who were only repulsed after a loss had been sustained of fifty killed and wounded. Next morning the 78th Highlanders surprised a French detachment, and slew nine of them. Scarcely a day passed away without skirmishes taking place. On the night of the 28th the French sent down a large fire-raft, but it was towed ashore without doing any injury, and Wolfe threatened that if any more such were made, they would be fastened to those vessels in which v.rere the French prisoners. This threat had the desired effect. July was now almost gone, and the British general as yet had effected little towards the capture of Quebec. It was true, he had severely harassed the enemy, and that he occupied the most import- ant points in the neighbourhood of the beleaguered fortress, but its defences still remained untouched. Before leaving England Wolfe had been taught that his force was merely auxiliary to Amherst's army, and another man, with the formidable obstacles which every- where encountered him, would have awaited its arrival. But with dauntless resolution he hoped on almost against hope, and although his constitution was rapidly breaking up, resolved to make every effort to serve his country. The Montmorency after falling over a perpendicular rock expands The History of Canada. 163 in into shallows for a distance of three hundred yards, and flows into the St Lawrence at an obtuse angle. Near the apex of this angle Montcalm had placed a four-gun redoubt. The shallows of the Montmorency were fordable at low tide, and Wolfe now arranged with the Admiral, that one column should wade across the stream and assault this redoubt, while another disembarking from the boats of the fleet supported the movement from the St Lawrence. Mean- while, the batteries from beyond the Montmorency were to sweep the French lines, while that at Point Levi was to play vigorously on the city. Could he possess himself of this redoubt and turn the right of the French line, Montcalm must then either fight or retreat. In the latter case the St Charles, defended by a boom and two stranded frigates, would still be between Wolfe and the town; but one difficulty overcome, he trusted to surmount the other. On the 31st July, every preparation being made, three vessels of light draught, two of which, however, grounded, run in-shore, and opened fire upon the redoubt. The movements of the British warned Montcalm of their true point of attack, and he promptly made dis- position to baffle it by a flank movement across the ford of the Mont- morency, to capture their batteries, while their main body wasted its strength against his intrenchments. The British general, however, saw his intention, and directed the 48th, left in the works at Point Levi, to push up the river as if to attack the French position above the city. This proceeding compelled Montcalm to relinquish his flank movement, and detach the two battalions he intended should accomplish it, to observe the 48th. Meanwhile, night was coming on apace, and a storm already darkened the distant horizon ; but Wolfe, observing disorder in the enemy's line, owing to new forma- tions of troops, gave the signal to advance at five o'clock, and with a loud cheer the sailors bent to their oars, and the long motionless flotilla sprung into life. Some of the leading boats grounded on a rock, others were swamped by the guns of the enemy, and for a brief space it seemed as though the British would be beaten back. Wolfe sprang into a cutter and soon discovered a safe passage to the shore, to which a few pulls carried the flotilla. The next moment the eager troops jumped upon land, when the French gave a parting volley, abandoned the redoubt, and retreated to their intrenchments, crown- ing the crest of the slope beyond. Thirteen companies of grenadiers and some Royal Americans were the first ashore. These had orders to form in four columns on the beach, and wait the arrival of the remainder of the troops from the boats, and Townshend's brigade already advancing across the Mont- 1 64 The History of Canada. morency. But proud of their post of preference, exasperated at their long delay, and regardless of the orders of their officers, they rushed forward to storm the French intrenchments. Wolfe saw that this rash valour had ruined the fortunes of the day, and instead of sup- porting the advance of his grenadiers, whom he strove ineffectually to recall, formed the remainder of his troops in admirable order on the beach to cover their inevitable retreat. Meanwhile the storm burst, the ground became slippery, and the teeming rain soon spoiled the ammunition of the grenadiers. Still they pressed on, relying upon the bayonet, although they could scarcely keep their feet. But one close and steady volley from the French was sufficient to roll them back from the crest of the hill, when they sullenly retired, leaving over two hundred of their killed and wounded behind at the mercy of the Indians, who speedily swarmed across the field. The evening was far advanced, the tide was begin- ning to flow, the ammunition of the whole army had been damaged by the rain, the French, who had suffered little or no injury, Avhile the British were weakened by the loss of thirty-three officers and four hundred and ten men, had concentrated their strength, and all that Wolfe could now do was to effect an orderly retreat Such of the wounded as could yet be saved were carried from the field, the stranded ships were abandoned and burnt, and the flotilla embarked and rowed away from the fatal shore, while Townshend's and Mur- ray's brigades recrossed the ford without interruption, and resumed their position on the heights east of the Montmorency. In the meantime. Admiral Holmes had joined Rous's squadron above the town, and twelve hundred men were now despatched, under Brigadier Murray, to aid in the destruction of the French vessels which had retired up the river. These avoided the danger of capture by sending their guns and stores ashore and taking refuge in the shallows towards Montreal, one brigantine excepted, and which having grounded was abandoned and destroyed. Murray, as the fleet ad- vanced up the river, found every landing-place fortified, and the French on the alert. After two fruitless attempts to disembark, he finally effected his purpose at the village of D'Eschambault, thirty- nine miles from Quebec, which was defended by some invalid soldiers, and carried without difficulty. A few prisoners of some importance were taken, and letters fell into Murray's hands, from which he learned the occupation of Ticonderoga and Crown Point by Amherst, and the capture of Niagara by Johnson. Finding that he could effect nothing of importance, the brigadier hastened down the river to con- vey this glad intelligence to Wolfe. He found the general, chagrined The History of Canada. 165 ad- the he irty- ;on- led by the failure at Montmorency, and worn out by his exertions, stricken with fever, and unable to bear the presence of his officers. Still the British batteries thundered vigorously from the heights of Montmorency on the French lines, while the fire from Point Levi laid waste the city. On the morning of the lotli of August, at one o'clock, a shell pitched upon the vaulted roof of a cellar in the Lower Town, and burst beneath, igniting a large quantity of brandy which was stored there. The flames quickly spread, and nearly the whole of the quarter was burned down, including the church erected to commemorate Phipps's defeat. A fire broke out at tlie same time in the Upper Town, but did not do much injury. Amherst's and Johnson's successes, though gratifying in them- selves, gave no hope to Wolfe of aid before the close of the cam- paign. The difliculties which had hitherto impeded his own progress, taught him what they had to encounter, and he saw that he must depend solely on himself, and struggle on unaided. The numerous body of armed men under Montcalm " could not," he said, " be called an army j " but the French had probably the strongest country in the world to cover the approaches to the only vulnerable points of the town. The keen eye of the Indian scout prevented surprise, the peasantry, so long as they could be kept together, being thoroughly exasperated by the forays of the British troops, and in- cited by their clergy, were zealous to defend their homes, their lan- guage, and their religion. Every one able to bear arms was in the field, and old men and boys fired upon the English detachments from every position which gave them concealment — from the edges of the woods, from behind rocks and houses. Nevertheless Wolfe felt that every exertion must continue to be made, and while yet disabled by sickness, laid a plan before his brigadiers, embracing three different and equally desperate methods of attacking Montcalm in his intrenchments below the town. They unanimously rejected them all, and adopted instead Brigadier Townshend's plan of land- ing an army above the town, and thus draw the French from their impregnable position to an open action. " I have acquiesced in their proposal," said Wolfe in his aduiirable despatch to Pitt of the 2d September, alluding to the course recommended by his brigadiers, " and we are preparing to put it into execution. There is such a choice of difficulties, that I am myself at a loss how to determine." Attended by the Adm: "al he once more examined the citadel with a view to a general assault. Although every one of the passages from the Lower to the Upper Town was intrenched, the gallant Saunders was willing to join in any hazard for the public service. 1 66 The History of Canada. But the general saw that the undertaking promised no success, and while he had the main force of Canada to oppose, the magnificent fleet could give him no assistance. But if Wolfe's difficulties were great, so also were those which sur- rounded Montcalm. He knew not where to turn for a ray of hope, except to the now rapidly approaching winter. Danger menaced him on every side. Gage threatened him from Lake Ontario, Am- herst from Lake Champlain, while the stately fleet riding securely at anchor below left no hope of succour from France. The pecu- lation and misconduct of the civil officers wasted his resources, and he hesitated not to tell even the Governor himself, that he had sold his country ; " but while I live," exclaimed the intrepid soldier, " I will not deliver it up." " Of one thing I can assure you," wrote he to a friend, " I shall not survive the probable loss of the Colony. There are times when a general's only resource is to die with honour ; this is such a time ; no stain shall rest on my memory." But he found consolation in the fact, that the conquest of Canada must speedily lead to the independence of the British colonies. Provi- sions and ammunition were becoming scarce in his camp, and the unhappy peasants stole to their homes by dozens to gather in their harvest. He scourged some offisnders, hanged others, and threatened their villages with the vengeance of the savages ; yet he could not keep them together, and was finally obliged to allow two thousand of the militia to depart, to gather in their crops, at the most critical period of the campaign. The new plan of operations adopted by Wolfe, rendered the con- centration of his troops at Point Levi necessary, and preparations were at once made to evacuate the position at the Montmorency. These were all completed by the 3d September, when the troops safely crossed over the river. The vigilant eye of Montcalm had anticipated this movement from the unusual stir among the British, and he marched two strong columns to attack them while embark- ing. Monckton, from the heights of Point Levi, discovered the danger which menaced the retiring brigades, and embarking a strong detach- menr in boats which were protected by some sloops and frigates, rowed towards the Beauport shore, as if about to assault the French lines. Montcalm was accordingly compelled to recall his battalions for their defence, and to permit the British troops at Montmorency to embark without molestation. On the 7th, 8th, and 9th, Admiral Holmes constantly manoeuvred his fleet above the town, and harassed the enemy by threatening their different posts. Wolfe had partially recovered, and in company The History of Canada. 167 with his brigadiers now closely reconnoitred the bank of the river, in the hope of discovering some point by which his army could ascend to the Plains of Abraham. At length, about three miles above the city, he discovered a narrow path winding up the steep precipice from the water's edge, at a point where the bank curved slightly in- ward, and which is now known as Wolfe's Cove. Two men could scarcely ascend this path abreast, yet here he determined his army should disembark, and take the guard at the summit, which he knew by the number of tents could not exceed a hundred, by sur- prise. Once on the plains above, the French must give him battle. Preparations were promptly commenced for the execution of this plan; and in order to deceive Montcalm as to the true point of attac :, Cook, the great mariner* and others, were sent to sound the river at Beauport, and plant buoys along the shore, as if an assault was intended in that quarter. But the real design was kept care- fully secret, as otherwise the treachery of a single deserter would have prevented its execution. On the morning of the 12th one of the Royal Americans did go over to the enemy, but from the caution obser\'ed was unable to warn them of their danger. At the same time a French deserter brought most important intelligence to Wolfe. " The main force," said he, " is still below the city, and our general will not believe that you meditate an attack anywhere but from the Montmorency side. The Canadians are alarmed by the fall of Niagara, and in great distress for provisions. De Levi, with a large detachment, has left us for Montreal to meet Amherst, and De Bougainville, with fifteen hundred men, watches the motions of your fleet in the upper river." As evening approached the heavier ships of the line moved to- wards the Beauport shore, and anchored as near it as the w.iter would permit, when the boats were lowered and filled with sailors and marines, as if to make a descent on the French intrench- ments. While the enemy's attention was thus occupied, all the smaller ships of the fleet suddenly .spread out their sails, and with a fair breeze swept proudly past the batteries of Quebec, and soon joined Holmes's squadron at Cape Rouge. At the same time Monckton's and Murray's brigades pushed up along the river from Point Levi, till they arrived opposite the fleet, on board of which they embarked without being observed by the enemy. At nine o'clock the first division of the army, sixteen hundred strong, silently removed into flat-bottomed boats, and waited the orders of their chief. i68 The History of Canada, It was a pleasant autumn night, and the full lustrous stars of a northern firmament twinkled cheerfully down on the noble current of the St Lawrence, as Wolfe quietly passed from ship to ship to make his final inspection, and utter his last words of encourage- ment. In a pure and gifted mind like his, the solemn hour could scarcely fail of awakening befitting associations. He spoke of the poet Gray, and the beautiful legacy he had given the world in his "Elegy in a Country Churchyard." "I would prefer," said he, "being the author of that poem to the glory of beating the French to-morrow ; " and, while the cautious dip of the oars into the rippling current alone broke the stillness of the night, he repeated : — "The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave. Await alike the inexorable hour, The paths of glory lead but to the grave." About one o'clock, on the morning of the 13th, the order to advance was given, and the flotilla dropped silently down with the receding tide, Wolfe commanding in person. He still continued his poetical musings, but his eye at the same time was keenly bent on the outline of the dark heights, beneath which he floated past. He recognised at length the appointed spot, and leaped ashore. Meantime, the current had carried a few boats lower down, which had on board the light company of the 78th High- landers. These were the first troops to land : without a moment's hesitation they scrambled up the face of the wooded precipice, clinging to the roots and branches of trees. Half the ascent was already won, when for the first time the " qui vive " of the French sentry above was given. " La France',' promptly an- swered M'Donald, the Highland captain, with ready selfposses- sion, and the sentinel shouldered his musket and pursued his rounds. In a few minutes, however, the unusual rustling among the trees near at hand alarmed the sentinels, their guard was turned out and fired one hurried volley at the Highlanders, then panic- stricken turned and fled. By this time another body of troops had pressed up the pathway, and possessed themselves of a four- gun redoubt which commanded it. As day dawned Wolfe stood with his invincible battalions on the Plains of Abraham, the battle-field which gave a new empire to the Anglo-Saxon race. Only one gun, however, could be got up the hill, so difi^icult was the ascent. The History of Canada. 169 Meanwhile, Montcalm had been completely deceived by the de- monstration against his lines below the town. All night long boats plied off and on from the shore, while the ships of war swept the beach with their fire, as if to keep it clear for the landing of troops. Daylight at length • -.me on ; yet he knew nothing of the danger that menaced him in another direction. Presently the morning breeze bore along the boom of a distant gun, and the scattered roll of mus- ketry, from above the beleaguered town. While he yet doubted as to their cause, a horseman galloped up and told him the British had ascended to the Plains of Abraham. " It can be but a small party come to burn a few houses and retire," said Montcalm in amaze- ment. The man persisted that the British were there in force. " Then," said the general, " they have at last got to the weak side of this miserable garrison ; we must give them battle and crush them before mid-day." Leaving Governor De Vaudreuil behind with fifteen hundred mi- litia, and despatching a courier to recall De Bougainville, Montcalm hurried his troops across the valley of the St Charles, over the bridge, and along the northern face of the ramparts to the battle-ground, where Wolfe, having already formed his line, calmly awaited his ap- proach. The 3Sth regiment were posted on the extreme right near the precipice. On their left stood the grenadiers of Louisburg ; the 28th, the 43d, the 58th, the 78th Highlanders, and the 47th, com- pleted the front, led by Wolfe and Monckton on the right, and Mur- ray on the left. The second line, composed of the 15th regiment and two battalions of the 60th or Royal Americans, was led by Townshend. The 48th regiment, in four columns, formed the re- serve under Colonel Burton. Colonel Howe, with the light infantry posted in houses, or scattered through the neighbouring coppices, covered the left flank and rear. The right flank was effectually pro- tected by the precipice. The entire British army was somewhat under five thousand men, but they were all well-trained veterans. About six o'clock, small bodies of the French troops deployed on the slopes near the ramparts of the city ; by seven, they mustered more numerously, and brought up two field guns, which caused some annoyance to the British. Towards eight o'clock, Montcalm had arrived with the bulk of his army, which he formed in three distinct masses on a slope to the north-west of the city, where they were sheltered from Wolfe's solitary but mischievous gun. At nine, he pushed to the front, and began to form his line of battle, being assured that De Bougainville was close at hand, and whose light cavalry, of which he had three hundred and fifty, already threatened 170 The History of Canada. I the British left. His centre was formed of seven hundred and twenty regular troops and twelve hundred militia. The right was composed of sixteen hundred veterans and four hundred militia : on the left were thirteen hundred trained soldiers, supported by two thousand three hundred of the Canadian levies. His total force thus amounted to seven thousand five hundred and twenty men, besides Indians, who were not less than four hundred. * Of this force scarcely one half were regular troops, but the expected arrival of De Bougainville would add fifteen hundred veterans to hir army, and, he trusted, enable him to win the battle and save Quebec. Montcalm designed to avail himself of his superior force, by out- flanking the British left, and thus crowding them towards the landing- place, where he would assail them again with his own left and centre, while De Bougainville threatened their rear. Thus attacked on three sides of a square at the same time, he considered that the stubborn courage of the enemy must give way. The British position formed two sides of a square, one of which was occupied by their line of battle, the other by Colonel Howe's light infantry, who, as already stated, thus covered the left flank and rear. Agreeably to his plan of operations, Montcalm began the battle at ten o'clock, by assailing Howe's position with a strong body of Canadian and Indian skirmishers, who speedily drove in the British pickets on their supports. Under cover of the cloud of smoke which soon rose over this part of the battle-field, the veterans of the French right wing passed swiftly at an angle with the British left, and fiercely assaulted their light infantry. Howe felt the importance of his post, and made a stout resistance. His men fell fast, but in a few minutes Townshend, with the 15th regiment and two battalions of the 60th, came to his aid, and the assailants were speedily beaten back with heavy loss. The attempt to out-flank the British left being thus completely de- feated, Montcalm's only resource was to attack their right and centre. Throwing forward a swarm of skirmishers, their fire speedily dis- lodged the few light infantry with which Wolfe had covered bis front, and drove them back in disorder on the main body. This occur- ren the • Bancroft estimates the French army under five thousand, but quotes no autho- rity in support of this statement. Smith, who wrote shortly after the battle, and had access to the most accurate sources of information on this head, gives the num- ber as above. He also furnishes the official return of the British army on the morning of the battle, showing its strength to be exactly four thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight on the field. Garneau is inaccurate and partial in this as well as in numerous other cases. The History of Canada. 171 itho- and light this rence somewhat alarmed the British troops, but Wolfe, hurrying along the line, cheered them by his voice and presence, and directed them on no account to fire without orders. He speedily succeeded in re- storing confidence. Recalling his light troops, Montcalm now pushed forward his whole centre and left, and which with loud cheers and arms at the recover moved boldly on to the attack. As the smoke of the skirmishers' fire cleared off from the battle-field, the long ranks of the French were seen rapidly approaching the British position. At the distance of one hundred and fifty yards an oblique movement from the left ga\e their lines the appearance of columns, which chiefly threatened Wolfe's right wing. Another moment passed, the French paused, and from flank to flank poured a murderous and rapid fire upon the British line. The 35th and grenadiers fell fast. Still not a shot was returned. Wolfe was struck in the wrist, but wrapping a handkerchief around the wound he hurried from rank to rank, warning his men to reserve their fire for a shorter and deadlier range. Not a single trigger was pulled. With arms shouldered as if on parade, and motionless, save when they closed upon the ghastly gaps made in their ranks by the French fire, these gallant men waited the word" of command with that indomitable endurance which has ever characterised the British soldier when properly trained and led. The French were still unharmed, their confidence increased, and with a loud cheer they pressed forward against the British. A few moments more and only forty paces separated the combatants. And now the clear voice of Wolfe giving the word to fire rises over the field. The order passes like an electric shot along the British line ; its long row of muskets is swiftly levelled ; and the next instant a well-aimed volley, almost as distinct as a single shot, rolls over the battle-field. It fell with terrible effect upon the advancing foe. Num- bers of the French soldiers reeled and fell at once, others staggered for a moment, then dropped aside to die ; others, again, burst from the ranks shrieking in agony. Presently the breeze which blew gently across the battle-field, carried away the smoke of one of the deadliest volleys that ever burst from British infantry, and the assail- ing battalions were seen reduced to mere groups among the slain. Scarcely fifteen minutes had elapsed since Montcalm had made his principal attack, and already the battle was lost. The Brigadier De St Ours was killed, and De Senezergues, the second in command, mortally wounded, while the Canadian militia had already broken and fled in confusion. Still the gallant Frenchman was not dis- mayed. Riding through the shattered ranks he cheered the men 172 The History of Canada. with his voice, and induced them to reform. Meantime the British troops had reloaded, and Wolfe resolving to take advantage of the disorder in the French ranks, ordered his whole line to advance, placing himself at the head of the 28th and grenadiers. For a few minutes they move forward steadily, then their pace increases to a run, and with bayonets at the charge they rush upon the French. Just then Wolfe was wounded a second time in the body, but still pressing forward he received a ball in the breast. " Support me," he said to an officer near him, " let not my brave fellows see me fall." He was carried to the rear, and water was brought him to quench his thirst. Still the British pressed forward with fiery valour. On the right, the 35th swept all before them; in the centre, the .28th and Louis- burg Grenadiers moved firmly on; on the left, the 58th and 78th overcame a stubborn and bloody resistance, and the last corps with its terrible claymore followed swiftly in pursuit, and supplied the want of cavalry. The fierce struggle fell heavily on the British, but was terribly destructive to the French. They wavered under the carnage ; but Montcalm, galloping among his stubborn veterans, called on them to reform, and again oppose the advancing foe. His efforts were vain ; the head of every formation was mowed down by the terrible fire of the British, who again rushing forward at the charge compelled his troops to give way in every direction. At this critical period he fell mortally wounded, and from that mo- ment all was utter rout and confusion on the side of the French. Wolfe's life ebbs fast away ; yet from time to time he essays to look upon the battle, and clear away the death-mist that gathers on his sight. Presently his spirit draws nearer " to that bourne whence no traveller returneth ; " he sinks backward and gives no signs of life beyond a heavy breathing, and the occasional groan of painful dissolution. The French fly in all directions. " They run ! they run ! " exclaimed some of the officers who stood by their dying general. " Who runs?" eagerly asked Wolfe, like one aroused from sleep. " The enemy, sir," answered the officer who supported him, " they give way everywhere." " Go one of you to Colonel Burton," said Wolfe, " and tell him to march Webb's regiment (the 48th) with all speed down to the St Charles River to cut off their retreat." His voice grew fainter and fainter as he spoke, and he turned as if to seek an easier position on his side. Four days before he had looked /orward to an early death with dismay, but he now felt he would brer.the his last breath on the field of victory, and that he had well done his duty to his country. " Now God be praised ! I die happy," said won imm oft croM The History of Canada. 173 5y, said the gallant soldier faintly, yet distinctly : and Wolfe, who had won a new empire for his race, passed from this material world to immortality. But while tongue can speak or pen record the annals of the past, he will never be forgotten. In a few brief years he had crowded actions that would have reflected lustre on the longest life. The morning of his career had given promise of no ordinary great- ness, that promise was more than realised at a period when other men only appear prominently on the world's stage, and his day closed as it reached its meridian in the blaze of one of the most momentous victories that has ever marked the annals of the human race. Grape shot from the ramparts of Quebec, and the fire of the frigates grounded in the St Charles, checked the pursuit of the British, whose rear was already threatened by the near approach of De Bougainville's formidable corps of veterans. Monckton had been shot through the lungs, and Townshend, now the senior officer, hastened to recall his disordered battalions to oppose this new enemy. His arrangements were strictly defensive ; and while forming his line of battle he ad- vanced the 35th and 48th, with two field-pieces, one of which had just been captured from the French, to meet the advancing force, and if possible to check its approach. But the news of Montcalm's total defeat speedily reaching De Bougainville, he declined meeting a victorious enemy, and hastily retreated to Cape Rouge. On the same day De Vaudreuil, with his one thousand five hundred Cana- dians, deserted the lines below Quebec, and leaving all his artillery, tents, ammunition, and stores behind, made a hurried retreat towards Jacques Cartier, The loss of the British in the memorable battle of the Plains of Abraham, amounted to fifty-nine killed, and five hundred and ninety- seven wounded of all ranks ; that of the French to six hundred killed, and over one thousand wounded and taken prisoners.* The militia were completely disorganised by the defeat, and a large proportion of them never rejoined their colours. As they ran away when they saw victory inclining towards the British, they suffered much less than the regular troops, who were almost destroyed. * I have followed Smith and Russell in giving this estimate of the French loss. Every probability is in favour of its correctness. Besides Wolfe, the British had of officers, one captain, six lieutenants, and one ensign killed. One brigadier, (Monckton,) the Quarter-master-General, (Barre,) three staff officers, fourteen cap- tains, twenty-six lieutenants, and eleven ensigns were wounded. Vide War Office Return of killed and wounded on 13th September 1759. Previous to the 13th, Wolfe's army had lost one hundred and eighty-two killed, six hundred and fifty-five wounded, and seventeen missing. 174 The History of Canada. \ From the field of battle and its immediate results — from the last moments of the immortal Wolfe, let us now turn aside for a brief space and stand at the bedside of the gallant Montcalm. When his wound A*as dressed, he asked the surgeons if it was mortal, and being answered in the affirmative, calmly said, " I am glad of it ; how long can I survive?" " Perhaps a dozen hours, and perhaps less," was the reply. " So much the better," rejoined the general, " I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." To a cotmcil of war which hastily assembled, he showed that in twelve hours all the troops near at hand might be concentrated, and the British attacked before they had time to intrench themselves ; but his proposition was overruled.* With him the hope of France in Canada was departing. De Ram- say, who commanded the garrison, asked his orders about defending the city. " To your keeping," he replied, " I commend the honour of France. I wish you all comfort, and to be happily extricated from your perplexities. As for me, my time is short, I shall pass the night with God, and prepare myself for death." To another he said, " Since it was my misfortune to be discomfited, and mortally wounded, it is a great consolation to be vanquished by so noble and generous an enemy." He sliortly afterwards called for his chaplain, who, with the bishop, administered the last offices of his religion, and remained with him till he died next day. Thus terminated the career of a great general and a brave man. Trained from his youth in the art of war ; laborious, just, and self-denying, he offered a remarkable exception to the venality of the public men of Canada at this period, and in the midst of universal corruption made the general good his aim. Night, the nishing tide, veteran discipline, and more brilliant genius, had given his rival the victory, yet he was not the less great; and while the name of Wolfe will never be forgotten, that of Mont- calm is also engraved by its side on the enduring scroll of human fame. The latter has been censured for not abiding the chances of a siege, rather than risking a battle. But with a town already in ruins, a garrison deficient in provisions and ammunition, and an enemy to contend with possessed of a formidable siege train, the fire of which must speedily silence his guns, he acted wisely in staking the issue on a battle, in which if he found defeat he met also an honourable and glorious death. No sooner had his men recruited themselves after the fatigues of battle, and the wounded been cleared from the ground, than Town- shend promptly proceeded to intrench himself, and secure his posi- tion from assault by the construction of redoubts. The communica- * Raynal's America, vol. ii. p. 128. The History of Canada. 175 tions of the city with the country were next cut off as far as possible, and the erection of breaching batteries rapidly pushed forward. By the evening of the 1 7 th no less than sixty-one pieces of heavy artillery, and fifty-seven of smaller calibre, had with the united labour of sol- diers and sailors been dragged to the camp. To support the land- force Admiral Saunders had already moved the whole of his fleet into the basin, preparatory to an attack on the Lower Town. The besieged had endeavoured to retard these operations by constantly plying their guns, but their exertions were ineffectual, and to their great dismay the trenches of the British rapidly rose up before them. Governor De Vaudreuil had retreated precipitately, without throw- ing provisions into the city, and the small supply furnished by the cavalry of De Bougainville, who had established himself at Beauport, was of scarcely any importance. Reduced to a few ounces of bread per diem, extreme famine now menaced the wretched garrison. The unhappy citizens pressed De Ramsay to capitulate before they were reduced to the last extremity. " We have cheerfully sacrificed our houses and our fortunes," said they, "but we cannot expose our wives and children to massacre." De Levi, at Montreal, had already heard of the death of Montcalm, and by request of De Vaudreuil hastened to Quebec to assume the chief command. He arrived at the French head-quarters, in the neighbourhood of Jacques Cartier, on the 16th, and immediately convened a council of war, at which it was determined to raise the seige if possible. A message was de- spatched to De Ramsay, to tell him to hold out to the last extremity, as on the i8th the whole French army would be in motion, and a disposition made to throw in a large supply of provisions, and re- lieve the town. But this intelligence came too late. On the even- ing of the 17th the terms of capitulation had been agreed on; early next morning they were fully ratified and Quebec surrendered. In the evening the keys of the city were delivered up, and the Louis- burg Grenadiers marched in, while at the same time Captain Palliser, of the navy, with a body of seamen, took possession of the Lower Town. De Levi heard all this at Cape Rouge, whither he had ad- vanced with his disposable force, and immediately retired to Jacques Cartier, whence he shortly afterwards proceeded to Montreal, leaving De Bougainville to watch the enemy. Quebec had at length fallen. All the British colonies rung with exultation ; towns were illuminated, bonfires flashed on the hills of New England ; and legislative halls, the pulpit, and the press re- echoed the tumultuous sounds of joy that arose over the land. 176 The History of Canada. Wolfe's despatch of the 9th September had caused the British nation to despond only for two brief days, when intelligence arrived of his victory, his death, and the surrender of Quebec. A generous people bewailed his untimely end while they rejoiced in his triumph. Par- liament voted him a monument in Westminster Abbey, Lord Dal. housie subsequently erected a pillar in honour of him and Montcalm at Quebec, and Lord Aylmer placed a memorial where he fell. His body was embalmed and conveyed to Greenwich, where it was placed beside his father, who had died only a few months before. CHAPTER IX, SURRENDER OF CANADA TO GREAT BRITAIN. THE cold and stormy weather which threatened tlie British sol- diers with sickness, and the fleet with accident, led Saunders and Townshend to grant very favourable conditions to the garrison of Quebec,* amounting to about one thousand troops of all ranks. They were permitted to march out with all the honours of war, to be afterwards conveyed to the nearest port in France. On laying down their arms the inhabitants were to be protected in their persons and property, and permitted the free exercise of their religion, while churches and convents were to be shielded by guards from insult. These conditions were faithfully fulfilled by the British ; and so grate- ful were the people for the clemency shown them, that numbers came of their own accord to take the oath of allegiance to King George II. On the 1 8th of October the entire fleet, with the exception of the Racehorse of twenty and the Porcupine of eighteen guns, departed for Halifax or England. Brigadier Townshend at the same time pro- ceeded home, while Monckton went to winter in the milder climate of New York, where he soon recovered from his wound. To Murray was intrusted the government of Quebec, with Colonel Burton as his lieutenant-governor, and the troops of all ranks and arms, now amounting to only some five thousand men, for his garrison.t The sick and wounded, who were not likely to recover speedily, were taken home in the fleet. Soon after its departure a French vessel, bearing despatches from the Marquis De Vaudreuil and the Intendant, passed secretly down by Quebec during a fog, and after escaping many dangers arrived safely in France. These despatches were filled with criminations and recriminations. De Vaudreuil bitterly censured De Ramsay for his precipitate surrender of Quebec, while others ♦ General Townshend's Letter to Pitt, September 20tli, I7S9. + Smith's Canada, vol. i. p, 321. 178 The History of Canada. held up his own flight from the lines at the Montmorency in no very flattering tc^ms. The condition of Canada, so recently the most important colony of France, had been completely altered by one disastrous campaign. Shut out from Lake Ciiamplain, by the loss of Ticonderoga and Crown Point \ from the west, by the fall of Niagara, while the con- quest of Quebec excluded her from the sea-board, all the posts of importance that now remained in French hands were those of Three Rivers, Montreal, Frontenac, Detroit, and Mackinaw. The strongest positions had all passed into British hands, and many of the bravest veterans of France had found graves in the land which their valour had vainly striven to defend, or had been borne away as prisoners across the Atlantic. The condition of the unfortunate habitants was most deplorable. Every hamlet had its sick or wounded men. Pro- visions became scarcer than ever as winter progressed, rose to famine prices, and many people perished from want. At length the farmers would scarcely part with their provisions at any price ; still. Bigot and the commissary-general, Cadet, managed by force at one time, by threats and promises at another, to procure a scanty subsistence for the troops at Montreal. Even at Quebec, the British soldiers suffered severely owing to the want of fresh provisions. Scurvy broke out amongst them from the almost continual use of salt food and biscuit, and carried off eight hundred men, while it rendered nearly twice that number unfit for duty. During the winter Murray made every exertion to strengthen the defences of Quebec, and provide for the comfort of the garrison. He erected eight timber redoubts outside the defences towards the Plains of Abraham, and armed them with artillery, laid in eleven months' provisions in the citadel, and repaired five hundred of the injured houses as barracks for his troops. He likewise established outposts at favourable points in the neighbourhood, which proved of considerable advantage in concealing his movements from the enemy, collecting provisions, and confirming the country people in their allegiance, eleven parishes having already placed themselves under the protection of the British. Meanwhile the French troops at Jacques Cartier were not idle. They harassed the British outposts whenever an opportunity pre- sented itself, while De Levi, at Montreal, steadily pushed forward preparations for the recapture of Quebec in the spring, before suc- cour could arrive. The moment the weather permitted he directed the French vessels, which had escaped up the river 1760. from Saunders's^ fleet, to be refitted, the small craft to be repaired, The History of Canada. 179 and galleys built, on board of which he placed stores and ammuni- tion withdrawn from the forts at St John's and Charably, and such other supplies as he could collect. De Vaudreuil seconded these exertions by publishing an inflammatory address to the Canadian people, in which the injuries and injustice inflicted by the British governor of Quebec were painted in false and highly coloured language. On the 17th of April, De Levi, having completed his prepara- tions, left Montreal with all his available force, and collecting on his way downwards the several detached corps scattered at the different posts, arrived at Cape Rouge with eight battalions of regular troops, four thousand five hundred strong, six thousand Canadians, of whom two hundred were cavalry and over two hundred In- dians. De Vaudreuil had sent belts to several of the native tribes to induce them to join the French army, but the wary savages held aloof from its failing fortunes, and either allied themselves with the British or remained neutral. De Levi's heavy artillery, ammu- nition, and stores were conveyed down the river in boats and other vessels. On the morning of the 27th, before day, a French artilleryman was rescued from the river off" a floating cake of ice, who gave Murray the first intelligence of the approach of a hostile force. He stated the French flotilla had been seriously injured by a storm, as well as by the difficulty of navigation, owing to the river not being free from ice, which still drifted in large quantities. The boat in which he was had been swamped in the storm, and he had great difficulty in saving himself by scrambling from one piece of ice to another. He rated the French army at nearly twelve thousand men, which was speedily to be supported by all the frigates and vessels of war they could collect. The aid of a fleet from France was also looked for, as well as the immediate arrival of a frigate, laden with stores, which had wiptered at Gaspe. Murray marched out during the day, with all the troops that could be spared from garrison duty, to cover the retreat of his advanced posts at Cape Rouge and elsewhere, a duty he performed with the loss of only two men, and retired on the approach of evening, after breaking down all the bridges. De Levi, however, pushed rapidly forward down the St Foy road, and at nine o'clock on the morning of the 28th was within three miles of Quebec. The British general, with an army reduced by disease, desertion, and death, to less than three thousand five hundred available men, had already formed the unaccountable resolution of giving the enemy battle. In his sub- iSo The History of Canada.