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ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL POWER OP
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OVER THECOLONIES IN
AMERICA',
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WITH T H :^ >: V
RESOLVE S ;
OF T H E
COMMITTEE
FOR THE PROVINCE OF
P E NN STLFAN I A,
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AND THEIR
INSTRUCTIONS
Totheir REPRE SENTATIVES
IN ASSEMBLY.
PHILADELPHIA:
Printed and Sold, by William and Thomai
Bradford^ at the London Coffee-Hou/K
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Extract from the Minutes of the
COMMITTEE.
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SATURDAT, July i6, [1774.]
THE committee for the f province of Pennjylvania\ met
according to adjv)urnment. . yc;*. iu .- ^s. r^.v '
John Dickinson, Doflor William Smith, Joseph
Read, John Kidp, Ei.isha Price, William Atlk2,
James i>MiTH, Jamis Wilson, Daniel Broadheap,
John Okei.y, aud William Scull, are appointed to
prepare and bring in a draught of inilrudions.
Monday, July 18. * The conunittee appointed to bring
in inftruftions, reported, that they had made a draught,
which they laid upon the table, ' ,
Mo'vedt That they be read, — which was done. "^
Tue/Jay, July 19, Upon a motion made and feconded,
agreed that the draught of inllrudtions brought in by the
committee, and which were read, be re-committed to the
fame committee.
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'] Wednejday, July 20. The committee having brought in
& draught of initrudions, the lame were debated, amended
and agreed to.
A 2 :' V" ■ ;'" !. Thur/dajt
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* The committees of the counties having bcch invited, by the
committee tor the city and county of Philadelphia, to meet them
at Philadelphia on the ijth ot July ; this committee thought it their
duty, to make Tome preparation in the bufinels, that was te be
laid before the provincial com'mittee by them. On the 4th of
July they appointed a committee for this purpofc ; and this mea-
fure enabled thofe appointed by the provincial committee to briu|f
in a draught fo foon.
I
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Tiur/Hay^ July 1 1 . The inllruAinns were figned by the
chairman.— I'he committee in a body, waited on the
AflJembly then fitting, and prefented the fame.
It having been moved, that the eflay of the inftruflions
firft propoled to be tiven to the honourable Affembly of
Penn/yl'vania^ by the provincial committee aU'embled at
Philaaeiphia i\ic 1 8th inftant might be abridged, leaving
out the argumentative part, fo as to be more pioptr for
inlliudions, the fame was agretd to ; but rtfoked at the
fame lime, that the whole work ought to be publilhed, as
highly delcrving the perulal and feriou.* confideration of
every friend of liberty within thefe colonics. ^
,^
Agretd unanimoujly^ That the thanks § of this committee
b^ given from the chair to John Dickinson, Efq; for
the great aflillance they have deiived from the laud&ble
application of his eminent abilities to the fervicc of his
country in the above performance, , , ,,.,
ExtraEi /rem tht Minutts, ' r' / . ! i
CHAKLES IHOMSON, Clerk of tht Committte.
^ * P R E-
§ Mr. Dickinson being abfent this day, on account of
the funeral of a relation, the next diiy the chairman, in a very
obliging maimer, delivered to him from the chuir the thankt of
the committee ; to which he replied :
'• Mr. Chairman,
" I heartily thank this rcfpetaablc AflTcmbly for the honour
they have confened upon me, but want words to exprcfs the
fenfe I feel ot thtii kiudnefs. The mere accidents of meeting
with particular books, and converting with particular men, led
sne into the train of fcntiments, which the committee are pleafed
to think juft ; and others, with the like opportunities of informa-
tion would much bettei have defervcd to receive the thanks,
they DOW gcneroufly give. I coniider the approbation of this
company as an evidence, that they entertain a favourable opini-
on of my good intentions, and as an encouragement for all to
apply themftlvcs, in thefe unhappy times, to the fervice of the
public, fince even fmall endeavours to promote that fervicc, can
find a very valuable reward. I will t|;y, during the remainder
©f my life, to remember my duty to our common country,
and, it it be pofljble, to render myfelf worthy of the honour
tot which I now ftand fo deeply indebted.
r ' y I thank you, Sir, for the polite and aflPeiflionate manner, in
^ which you have communicated the fcnfc of the committee to me."
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P R E F A C E.
WHEN the committee for p^re-
paring a draught of inftruc-
tions was appointed, it was confider-
ed, whether it would not be proper,
to form fome kind of a Iketch,
however imperfeft it might be, of all
the grievances of the colonies, and
of courfe of their conflitutional rights.
'"' Such an attempt, tho' very rude,
might be improved by better hands;
and it feemed abfolutely neceflaty, no
longer to confine ourfelves to occa-
fional complaints and partial reme-
dies, but, if poffible, to attain fomc
degree of certainty concerning our
lives, liberties and properties. ;,^,,. ~
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flifit
' ■ ' It was perceived, that if the indruc-
tions (hould be formed on this plan,
they would comprehend m.any and ve-
ry important pofitions, which it would
be proper to introduce, by prcvioully
alhgning die rcalbns, on which they
were founded. Oiherwifc, the pofi*
tions might not appear to the com-
mittee to be juft. From this confi-
deration it became necelTary, to ren-
der the inftruflions long and argu-
mentative ; and whoever candidly
reflefls on the importance of the oc-
cafion, will think fuch a method very
juftifiable.
♦• ■ . . ■
The draught of inflrufiions being
brought into the provincial commit-
tee and read, and no objection being
made to any of the principles aflerted
in them, it was not thought neceffary,
that the argumentative part (hould
continue any longer in them. The
committee, that brought in the
draught, therefore moved, that this
part of the infiru61ions might be fe-
parated from the reft. Whereupon
the draught was re committed, for
this purpofe, to the committee, that
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brought it in.
Ihis was done.
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Several additions have been
made to the other part, now called
*' An Effay," &c. fincc the vote for pub-
lilhing. The additions are diftinguifh-
ed by crotchets, thus [ ] and in
thcfe it was not thought necelTary to
obferve the Ilile of inflruftions. The
notes have been almoll entirely ad-
ded fince the vote.
August i, 1774.
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RESOLUTIONS, ^c.
^/ a provincial meeting ef deputies chofoi by
the fevcral counties^ in Pennfylvania, held at
Fhiladelphia, July 15, 17 /^^ and continued by
adjournments Jrom day to day.
PRESENT.
For the city and county of Philadelphia,
Thomas Willing,
John Dickinson,
Peter Chevalier,
Edw. Pennington,
Thomas Wharton,
John Cox,
Joseph Reed,
Joseph Moulder,
Anth. Morris, jun.
George Gray,
John Nixon,
Jacob Barge,
Thomas Penrose,
John M. Nesbit,
Tho. Wharton, jun. Jonathan B. Smith,
Samuel Erwin, 'James Mease,
Thomas Fitzmmons, Thomas Barclay,
Dr. William Smith. Benjamin Marshall,
Isaac Howell,
Adam Hubley,
George Schlosser,
Samuel Miles,
Thomas Mifflin,
Samuel Howell,
William Moulder,
John Roberts,
John Bayard,
William Rush,
Christoph* LuDwic,' Charles Thomson.
A Bucks,
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Bucks.
John Kidd, John Wilkinson,
Henry WvrKOOP, James Wallace.
Joseph Kirkbride,
Chejier.
Fran. Richardson, Hugh Llovd,
Elisha Price, John Sellers,
John Hart, Francis Johnson,
Anthony Waine, Richard Reiley.
Lane after.
George Ross, Emanuel Carpenter,
James Webb, "William Atlee,
Joseph Ferree, Alexander Lowry,
Matthias Slough, Moses Erwin,
Toi'k.
James Smith, Thomas Hartley.
Joseph Donaldson,
Cumberland.
James Wilson, William Irvine.
Robert Magaw,
Berks.
Edward Biddle, Thomas Dundas,
Daniel Broadhead, Christoph. Schultz.
^, Jonathan Potts,
Northampton. '
William Edmunds, JohnOkeley,
Peter Kechlein, Jacob Arndt^
Northumberland.
W^illiam Scull, Samuel Hunter.
Bedford,
George Wooi^s. /. ' ,
fVeftmor eland.
Robert Hannah, James Cavett.
THOMAS
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THOMAS WILLING, Chairman.
CHARLES THOMSON, Clerk.
Agreed that, in cafe of any difference in
fentiment, the queftion be determined by the
deputies voting by counties.
The letters from Bojion of the 13th of May
were then read, and a fhort account given of the
fleps taken in confequence thereof, and the
meafures now purl'uing in this and the neigh-
bouring provinces; after which the following
RESOLVES were paired.
TT T ^TnHAT we acknowledge ourfelves,
UnAN. I. I ,,•.!• r w
JL and the mhabitants or this pro-
vince, liege fubjedls of his majtfty king George
the third, to whom ihey and we owe and will
bear true and faithful allegiance
Unan. II. That as the idea of an uncon-
ftitutional independence on the parent (late is
utterly abhorrent to our principles, we view the
unhappy differences between Great Britain 2ind
the Colonies with the decpell diftrefs and anx-
iety of mind, asfruitlefs to her, grievous to us,
and deftrudive of the beft interefts of both.
Unan. III. That it is therefore our ardent
defire, that our ancient harmony with the mo*
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ther country (hould be reftored, and a perpe-
tual love and union fubfiH: between us, on the
principles of the conftitution, and an inter-
change of good offices, without the lead in-
fraflion of our mutual rights.
Unan. IV. That the inhabitants of thefc
colonies are entitled to the fame rights and li-
berties WITHIN thefe colonies, that the fubje^ls
born in England are entitled to within that
realm,
Unan. V. That the power aflumed by the
parliament of GreatBr'Uain to bind the people
of thefe colonies, " by (latutes in all Cases
WHATSOEVER," IS unconftitutional ; and there-
fore the fource of thefe unhappy differences.
Unan. VI. That the a6t of parliament,
for (liutting up the port of Boftony is unconfti-
tutional; oppreffive to the inhabitants of that
town *, dangerous to the liberties of the Britijh
colonies; and therefore, that we confider our
brethren at Bofton as fuffering in the commor;
caufe of thefe colonies,
Unan, VII. That the bill for altering the
adminiftration of juftice in certain criminal
cafes within the province oi MaJfachufetts^Bay,,
if pafled into an afl of parliament, will be as
vnconftitutional, oppreflive and dangerous, as
^he ^6k above-mentioned,
Unan.
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Unan. VIII. That the bill for changing
the conftitutign of the province of Maffachufetts
Ba)\ cftabliflied by charter, and enjoyed fince
the grant of that charter, if paffed into an aft
of parliament, will be unconilituiional and dan-
gerous in its confequences to the Am£rican CO-
lonies.
Unan. IX. That there is an abfolutc nc-
ceflity, that a congrefs of deputies from the
feveral colonies be immediately afiembled, to
conCult together, and form a general plan of
conduct to be obferved by all the colonies, for
the purpofes of piocuring relief for our fufFer-
ing brethren, obtaining redrcfs of our griev-
ances, preventing future difienfions, firmly
eftablifhing our rights, and rcfl:oring harmony
between Great-Britain and her colonies on a
conftitutional foundation,
Unan. X, That, although a fufpenfion of
the commerce of this large trading province,
with Great-Britain, would greatly diftrefs mul-
titudes of our induftrious inhabitants, yet that
facrifice and a much greater we are ready to offer
for the prefervation of our liberties-, bat, in
tendernefs to the people of Great-Britain, as
well as of this country, and in hopes that our
juft remonftrances will, at length, reach the
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cars of our gracious fovereign and be no longer
treated with contempt by any of our fellow
fubjedls in England, it is our earneft defire,
that the congrcfs (hould firll try thr gentler
mode of dating our grievances, and niaking a
firm and decent claim of redrefs.
XI. Resolved, by a great majority, That
yet notwithftanding, as an unanimiiy of coun*
fels and meafures is iiidifpenfably neceflary for
the common welfare, if the congrefs Ihall judge
agreements of non-importation and non-ex-
portation expedient, the people of this province
will join with the other principal and neighbour-
ing colonies, in fuch an aflbciation of non-im-
portation from and non-exportation to Great-
Britain as fhall be agreed on, at the congrefs.
XII. Resolved, by a majority. That if
any proceedings of the parliament, of which
notice fhall be received, on this continent, be-
fore or at the general congrefs, fhall render it
necefTary in the opinion of that congrefs, for
the colonies to take farther fteps than are men-
tioned in the eleventh refolvej in fuch cafe,
the inhabitants of this province fhall adopt fuch
farther fteps, and do all in their power to carry
them into execution.
Unan. XIII. That the venders of mer-
chandize of every kindj within this province^
. . ought
§1
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ought not to take advantage of the rcfolvcs
relating to non-importation in this province or
clfe where; but that they ought to fell their
merchandize, which they now have, or may
hereafter import, at the lame rates they have
been accuftomed to do within three months iuft
paft.
Unan. XTV. That tl-e people of this pro-
vince will bleak off all trade, commerce, and
dealing, and will have no trade, commerce,
or dealing of any kind with any colony on this
continent, or with any city or town in fuch
colony, or with any Individual in any fuch co*
lony, city, or town, which (hall refufe, de-
cline, or neglefb to adopt, and carry into exe-
cution fuch general plan as fhall be agreed to in
congrefs.
Unan. XV. That It is the duty of every
memberof this committee to promote, as much
as he can, the fubfcription fet on foot, in the
feveral counties of this province, for the relief
of the diftrefled inhabitants of BoJlotK
Unan. XV!. That this committee give
inftrudfons on the prefent fituaiion of public
affairs to their reprefentativcs, who are to mecc
next week in AlTembly, and requcfl them to
appoint a proper number of perfons to attend
a congrefs ot deputies from the feveral colo-
nics,
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nics, at fuch time and place as may be agreed
on, to cfFeft one general plan of conduft, for
attaining the great and important ends men-
tioned in the ninth refolve. '^ ^ '- *" ' *
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INSTRUCTIONS
From the Committee to the Repre-
sentatives in Assembly met.
Gentlemen,
THE diflcnfions between Great-Britain and
her colonies on this continent, com-
mencing about ten years ago, fincc continually
encreafin^, and at length grown to fuch an
excefs as to involve the latter in deep diftrefs
aifd danger, have excited the good people of
this province to take into their ferious confi-
deration the prefent fituation of public affairs. ,
The inhabitants of the feveral counties qua-
lified to vote at ele6lions, being afibmbled on
due notice, have appointed us their deputies;
and in confequence thereof, we being in pro-
vincial committee met, efteem it our indifpen-
fible duty, in purfuance of the truft repofed in
us, to give you fuch inflruftions, as, ac this
important period, appear to us to be proper.
We, fpeaking in their names and our own,
acknowledge ourfelves liege fubje(5^s of his ma-
jefty king George the ibird^ to whom " we will
be faithful and bear true allegiance.'
**
B
Our
c
lO
]
R
Our judgments aifd affedlions attach us,
with inviolable loyalty, to his majefty's perfon,
family and i^overnment.
•^('We acknowledge the prerogatives of the fo-
vercign, among which arc included the great
powers ot making peace and war, treaties,
leagues and alliances Ipindi ^ us — of appointing
all officers, except in cafts where other provi-
fion is made, by grants from the crown, or
laws approved by the crown — of confirming
or annulling every aift of our afllmbly within
the allowed time — and of hearing and deter-
mining finally, in council, appeals from our
courts of juftice. '* The prerogatives ar? li-
mited," *as a learned judge obferves, " by
bounds i) certain and notorious, that it is im-
poffible to exceed them, without the confent
of the people on the one hand, or without, on
the other, a violation of that original contra^,§
which
• I Blaclijlone 337.
§ And though we are ftrangers to the original of mod
flates, yet we mud not imagine that what has been here
faid," concerning the manner in which civil focieties are
formed, is an arbitrary fidlion. For fince it is certain, that
all civil focieties had a beginning, it is impoHible to con-
ceive, how the member."!, of which they are compoffd,
could unite to live together dependent on a fuprcme autho-
rity, without fuppofing the covenants abovementioned. ^ •-
BuRLEMAQUl's Py/W. o/*/Vi-'
•Sf
•■■'A
V
>' -.
f
01
.,,|j .i...-l.'r "'''
ft£fi
. ■. ^1 ..I . ., ..(^ /■<',*» llf jlJ. «'/ /J . ,1 . f 1 s/^#-
which, in all dates impliedly, and In ours moft
exprefsly, Ibbfiits between the prince and fub-
je(^. — For thcle prerogatives are veiled in the
crown fcr the fupport of focicty^ and do not in-
B 2 trench
I ~> ■^
Nature has made us all of the fame fpecies, all equal, all
free and independent of each other ; and was willing that
thofe, on whom (he has bellowed the fame faculties, (hould
have all the fame rights. It is therefore beyond all doubt
that in this primitive (late of nature, no man hr.s of himlelf
an original right of commanvling oihcrs, or any title to fo-
vcreignty.
There is none but God alone that has of lilmfelf, and in
confequcnce ot his nature and perfcdions, a natural, efien-
tial, and inherent right of giving laws to mankind, and of
exercifing an ablolute fovereignty over them. The cafe is
otherwife between man and man, they are of their own na-
ture as independent of one another, as they are dependent
on God. This liberty and independence is therefore a right
naturally belonging to man, ot which it would be unjuil to
deprive him againll his will. I J. p. 38.
There is a bt.Mutiful paflage of Cicero' t to this purpofe *.
Nothing is more agreeahh to the fuprtme Deity, that goi'erns
this univer e., than ci-vil Jcciities la^dofuly ejiabltjhed.
When therefor;- we give tu lovereigns the title of God's
vicegcfents upon earth, this does not imply that they de-
rive their authority immediately from God, but it figuifies
only, that by means of the power lodged in their hands,
and with which the people have iuvefted them, they main- '
tain, agreeable to the views or the Deity, both order and
peace, and thus procure the happinefs of mankind. '
•* - /* Id, p. /J.O. ^
■'4;,i:"('
But
* Nihil cfl: llli principl Deo, qui omncm hunc mundum regit,
quod quidem in terris fiat acceptlus, quam coniilia ccEtufque honiir
iviiates appclluiuur. S'jnvi, SaP. c. ■,.
ir
jure
qua:
.[
12
J
ill
trencliany farther on our «^//^r^/ liberties, than
is expedient for the maintenance of our civiL'*
But it is our misfortune, that vvc are com-
pelled loudly to call your attention to the con-
fideration of another power, totally diiTcrenc
in kind limited, as it is alledged, by no
** bounds,'* and § *' wearing a moft dreadful
afpedt," with regard to America. We mean
the
iir ,'
p !
in
J-
:5j^
II* •
But it will be here objetJled, that the fcripture itfelf fays,
that every man ought to be fubjcQ toihc fupreme powers,
becaufe they arc eliablilhed by God *. I anfwer, with Gio-
tiust that men have eflabliihed civil focieiies, not in confe-
quence of a divine ordinance, but of their voluntary mo-
tion, induced to it by the experience they had had of the
incapacity which fcparate families were under, of defending
themfelves againi^ the infults and attacks of human violence.
From thence (he adds) arifes the civil power, which St.
Fcter^ for this reafon, calls a human power, || thouj^h in
other parts of fcripture it bears the name of a divine infti-
tution t, becaufe God has approved of it as an eflablifh-
ment ufeful to mankind %'
All the other arguments, in favour of the opinion we
have been here refuting, do not even deferve our notice.
In general, it may be obferved, that never were more
wretched reafons produced than upon this fubje6l, as the
reader may be eafily convinced by reading Puffendorf on the
law of nature and nations, who, in the chapter correfpond-
ing to this^ gives thefc arguments ac length, and com<
pleatly refutes them H. Id. p. 42, 43.
* Rom. xili. II i. Ep. c. z. v. 13. f Rom. xiii. i.
\ Grotius of the right of wai Sc peace, b. I. c. 4 § 7, i*. No. 3
51 Sec 'he law of nature and nations, book VII. c. 3.
§ I Blackjione 270.
[ Ki J
the power claimed by parliament, ofr^glir, lo
bind the people of t'lclc colonies by lt.utir<^«^'
*' IN ALL CASES VVJI ATSOE VE R*' — a pOWtT, ai
wc are nol, and» from local circiimdances, ca::-
mt be reprellntcd then*, uiteily rubvtrlive ot^
our natural and civil liberties pall event.i
and realon convincin^.^, u*?, that there never ex-
ided, and never can txill, a Hare ilus fubordl-
nate to another, and yec retaining': the llii?hicn:
portion of freedom or happinefs. ' ''^''
The imporc of the words above quoted
needs no defcant; for the wit of m.ui, as wc
apprehend, cannot pofTibiy form a more clear,
concife, and compreiienfive definition and fci-
fence of flavcry, than thefe expitfilons contain.
Thi'? power claimed by GrerJ-Britr.in, rtnl
the late attempts to excrcife ic over tliefc colo-
nies, prelent to our view two events, one of
which muH: i?ievitably take pl^ce, if (lie (hall
continue to infifb on her pretenfions. Either^
the colonifts will fink from the rank of free-
men into the clafs of flavcs, overwhelmed with
all the miferies and vices, provM by the hillory
of mankind to be infeparably annexed to thar
deplorable condition : Or, if they have fenft-
and virtue enough to exert themfelves in driving
to avoid this perdition, they mud be involved
in an oppofition drv-fadful even in contemplation.
'■":. ••';^->f ,:.;^
? it!
[
. »
m
H 3
llomur^ jujiicc, and humanity call upor us to
iiold, antl to tranrniit to our pollrrity, that li-
bcrty» which wc rcccivtxi from our ancc(tors.
It is not our du^y to leave wealth to our chil-
r^scn : But it is our duty, to leave liberty to
them. No infamy, iniquity, (tr cruelry, ran
exceed our own, if we, born and educated in
a country of '.rcedoin, entitled to its blelfmns,
and knowing their value, pufilanimouriy de-
lerting the poll affigncd us by divine Provi-
dence, lurrender lucceeding generations to a con-
dition of wretchedneH:, from which no human
efforts, in all probability, will be fufficient to
extricate them -, the experience of all llates
mournfully demonfl rating to us, that when ar-
bitrary power has been eftablifhcd over them,
even the wifcfl: and braved nations, that ever
fiourilhed, have, in a few years, degenerated
into abjc6l and wretched vafTals,
So alarming are the meafures already taken
for laying the foundations of a defpotic autho-
rity of Great-Britain over us, and with fuch art-
ful and incefTanc vigilence is the plan profecuted,
that unlefs the prefent generation can interrupt
the work, while it is going forward^ can it be
imagined, that our children, debilitated by our
imprudence and fupinenefs, will be able to over-
throw it, when compleated? Populous and pow-
erful as thefe Colonies may grow, they will dill
find arbitrary domination no: only ftrengthcning
with
C 15 ]
with their ftrcngth, hut exceeding, in the fwifr-
ncls of its prof^rclTion, as it ever has do.ic, all
the artlcfs advantages, thar can acrue to the go-
verned. Thefe advance with a regularity, which
the d'vine author of our exiftence has imprLlTed
on the lau.iable puriuirs ot his creatures : But
dcfpotinn, * unchecked and unbounded by any
laws'^ncytx fatisfied with what has been done,
while any thing remains to be done, for the ac-
complilhmenc of its purpolcs — conliding, and
'\ ;, capable
• As virtue is nccenary in a republic, and in a monarchy
honor, fo fear ik neccHury in a defpotic govornnunt: with
rtrp;ard to virtue, there is no occafion for it, and honor
would be extremely dangerous.
'iere the irnmenfc power of the prince is devolved intlrely
upon th<.fe to whom he is pleafed to cntruft it. Terfons ca-
pable of fetting a value upon chemfclvcs would be likely to
create revolutions. Fear mull therefore dcprefs their Ipirits,
and extincailh even the lead fenfe of ambition.
Mont. Spir, rf Lawj, 'vol. i. 6. III. (fj. 9.
j^M idea of defpotic pcivir.
When the favages of Louifiaiia are defirous of fruit,
they cut the tree to the root, and gather the fruit f . Thia
is an «/w/V^/» of defpotic government. IJ.bcokV.c. 13.
The principle of defpotic government is fear ; but a
timid, ignorant, and faint fpirited people have no occafion
for a great number of laws.
Every thing ought to depend here on two or t h r e e ideas ;
therefore there is no neceflity that any new notions Ihould
be added. When we want to break a horfe, we take care
not to let him change his mafter, his leffbn, or his pace.
Thus an imprcflion is made on his brain by two or three
motions and no more. ; y. took V. ch, 14. '^•^ '""''
' r.
f Edifying letters, 11 coll. p. 3 1^.
•^
f
m\
X'
! )
capable of confiding, only in the annihihition of
nil cppofifion^-'\\o\y\\i its courlewith Juch unabat-
ing and deilruflivc rapidity, that the world has
bccon7eits prey, and at this day, Great-Britain
;:nd licr domuiions excepted, there is fcarce a
Jpot on the globe inhabited by civilized nations,
where the velliges of freedom are to be; oblerved.
To us therefore it appears, at this alarming
period, our duty to God, to our country, to
uurfelvcs,^ and to our poUerity, to exert ourut-
molt ability, in promoting and cftablifhing har-
mony between Great -Britain and thefe colonies,
ON A CONSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATION.
For attaining this great and defirable end,
we requell: you to appoint a proper ri. mber of
perfons to attend a congrefs of deputies from
the fcveral colonies, appointed, or to be ap-
pointed» Ly the reprefentatives of the people
of the colonies refpedively in afferobly, or
convention, or by delegates cholen by the
counties generally in the refpedive colonies,
and met in provincial committee, at fuch lime
and place as fhall be generally agreed on: And
that the deputies from this province may be in-
duced and encouraged to concur in fuch mea-
furcs, as mav be devifed for the common wel-
fare, we think it proper, particularly to inform
you, how far, we apprehend, they will be fup-
|)ortea \y, ihciL- condud by their conftituents.
''/-^''- ^ [In
,.,W;.
r »7 3
' {In thiS place was inferted the argumentativ$
part^ which in this publication is called " An
The affumed parliamentary power of internal
legiQation, and the power of regulating trade,
as of late exercifed, and defigned to be exer-
cifcd, we are thoroughly convinced, will prove
unfailing and plentiful fources of diffcntions to
our mother country and thefe colonies, unlefs
fome expedients can be adopted to render her
fecure of receiving from us every emolument,
that can in juflice and reafon be expcdled, and
us fecure in our lives, properties, and an equi-
table ihare of commerce.
Mournfully revolving in our minds the
calamities, that, arifing from thefe diffcntions,
will moft probably fall on us and our children,
we will now lay before you the particular points
we requeft of you to procure, if polTible, to be
finally decided ; and the meafures that appear to
us moft likely to produce fuch a defirable pe-
riod of our diftrelfcs. and dangers. We there-
fore defire of you--- ,'
First That the Deputies you appoint,
may be inftrufted by you ftrenuoufly to exerc
ihemfelves, attheenluing Congrefs, to obtain
a renunciation, on the part of Great-Britain^ of
C all
|!:P.
[;V^i,'3
■ C 18 J
all powers under the ftatuteof the 35 of Htnry
the eighth, chapter the 2d.— of all powers of
internal legiflation- -ot impofing taxes or duties
internal or external— and of regulating trade,
except with refpcft to any new articles of com-
merce, which the Colonies may hereafter raife,
as filk, wine, &c. referving a right to carry
thefc fiom one colony to another— a repeal of
all ftatutes for quartering troops in the Colonies,
or fubjedling them to any expence on account
of fuch troops— of all ftatutes impofing duties
to be paid in the Colonies, that were pafled at
the acceflion of his prefent Majefty, or before
this time •, which ever period fhall be judged
moft advifeable-'Of the ftatutes giving the
courts of admiralty in the colonies greater
power than courts of admiralty have in England
— ^of the ftatutes of the 5th of George the fc-
cond, chapter the 2 2d, and of the 23d of
George the fecond, chapter the 29th-'. of the fta-
tute for fiiutting up the port of Bofton— and of
every other ftatute particularly afFeding the pro-
vince of Majfacbufetts Bay^ pafTed in the laft
feflion of Parliament.
Tn cafe of obtaining thefe terms. It is our opi-
nion, that it will be reafonable for the colonies
to engage their obedience to the afls cf parlia-
ment, commonly called thea(5lsof navigation,
and
' C »9 ]
and to every other afl of parliament declared to
have force, at this time, in thefe colonies, other
than thofe above-mentioned, and to confirm
fuch ftatutes by a6ts of the feveral alTemblies.
It is alio our opinion, that taking example from
our mother country, in abolilhing the " courts
of wards and liveries, tenures in capite, and
by knight's Ccrvice, and purveyance," it will be
reafonable for the colonies, in cafe of obtaining
the terms before mentioned, to fettle a certain
annual revenue on his majefty, his heirs and
fucceffors, fubjedt to the controul of parliament,
and to fatisfy all damages done to the Eaji-
India company*
This our idea of fettling a revenue, arifes
from a fenfe of duty to our fovereign, and of
cfteem for our mother country. We know
and have felt the benefits of a fubordinate con-
nexion with her. We neither are fo ftupid as
to be ignorant of them ; nor fo unjufl: as to de*
ny them. We have alfo experienced the plea-
fures of gratitude and love, as well as advan-
tages from that connexion. The impreffions
are not yet erafed. We confider her circum-
flances with tender concern. We have not
been wanting, when conftitutionally called up-
on, to affift her to the utmoft of our abilities ;
infomuch that fhe has judged it reafonable to
C 2 make
i
mm
-if
I •
I »o ]
make us recompcnccs for our overtrained ex-
ertions : And we now think we ought to con-
tribute more than we do, to the alleviation of
her burthens.
? u
Whatever rray be faid of thefe propofals
on either (ide of the Atlantic^ this is not a time,
either for timidity or raftinefs. We pertedtly
know, that the great caufc now agitated, is to
be conducted to a happy conclufion, only by
that well tempered compofition of counfels,
which firmnels, prudence, loyalty to our So-
vereign, refped to our parent State, and at-
fe6tion to our native country, united mud
form.
By fuch a compaft. Great Britain m\\ fecure
every benefit, that the parliamentary wifdom of
ages has thought proper to attach to her. From
her alone we (hall continue ro receive manufac-
tures. ^0 her alone we (hall continue to carry
the vaft multitude of enumerated articles of com-
merce, the exportation of which her policy has
thought fit to confine to herfelf. With fucb pdtrts
ef the world only ^ as (he has appointed us to deal,
we Ihall continue to deal ; and fuch commodities
cnly^ as (he has permitted us to bringirom them,
we (hall continue to bring. The executive and
€oninulin^ powers of the crown will retain their
prefent
c
21
]
prcfcnt full force and operation. We (hall con-
tcntcdly labour for her as affcdionate friends^
in time of tranquility ; and cheerfully fpend
for her, as dutiful children^ our treafurc and
our blood, in time of war. She will receive a
certain income * from us, without the trouble or
cxpence
• The train of Officers, employed by Great-Britain,
confume a very large part of what (he takes from us. She
therefore increafes our dillrefles to make up for that con-
iiimption. They will hereafter grow more and more op-
preflive, we more and morejunealy; ,flie more and more dif-
turbed. We could raife aft-e^ualTum in a much more eajy^
tqualt and cheap manner, than ihe can do. The attention of
fmall dates extends much more efficacioufly and beneficial!/
to every part of the territories, than that of i:he adminidra^
tion of a vaft empire. The reprefentatives in affembly,
WHO ARE TAXED, WHEN THE PlOPLE ARE TAXED, AND
ACCOUNTABLE TO Tij E M^vrtllkave doublc motires to take
care, that the r«//f//g-^inoney ismanaged in the bed way.
The Houfe of Commons would not bear to examine everf
particular relating to the juft taxation o^ every county on thii
continent, zn^ to fettle all the accounts fairly. Jf they couli
go through the immenfe labour, it would be impofiible for
them to do any other bufmefs In fliort, by not doing it,
they would be uhjujl ; by doing it they would be ujdefu
Equity and reafon demonflrate that fuch a power belongs not
to them. T h fl fawn rgnfon i ng hol d g a c to tho nffliMtim
o f m o ney i We have had fome remarkable inflances on this
continent fome itsu years ago, of the crown being according
to all the forms of huf fiefs charged with Att'icleSt that never
went to the ufe of the crown. Thefe vjtvt perquiftes^ and
who could be fo puritanical as to blame the civil word. It
is faid, our barracks coll about £. 8000 of this money — -
and that the barracks at another place^ not ueferving a ccm-
pariion
'I' I
c
22
]
expence of colle6ling it — without being con-
ftantly dlfturbed by complaints of grievances,
which (he cannot juftify, and will not redrcfs.
In cafe of war, or in any emergency of diftrefs
to
ii-
I h
parifon with ours, coft;^. 40,000 fterliag. We built our
own, ourfehest and were as faving and careful as we could be,
it may be fuppofed. If money is raifed upon us by parlia-
ment ; of one thoufand pounds, taken out of our pockets,
not one hundred, in all probability, will be ufefully applied
to the fervice of the crown. Deficiencies will cnfue—
they muft be fupplied— other afts are made -fiill others-
till our • " unrepre/ented blades of grajsy^ too frequently
and clofely cut down and expofed to the burning heat of an
unfetting Sun, ever" in its meridiarit^ perifti to their deep-,
cfl roots.
** There is not upon earth (fays the excellent Gordon)
a nation, which having had unaccountable magiflrates,
has not felt them to be crying and confuming mifchiefs.
In truth, where they are moft limited, it has been often
as much as a whole people could do to redrain them to
their trult, and to keep them from violence ; and fuch
frequently has been their propenfity to be lawlefs, that
nothing but a violent death could cure them of their vi-
olence. This evil has its root in human nature j men
njoill never think they ha've enough^ whilft they can taKe
more j nor be content with a part, when they can feize
th« whole."!
*' That the bufinefs of mod kingdoms has been ill man-
aged, proceeds from this; it imports the /ow/r rank of
men only, and the people (whofe cries feldom reach the
prince, till it is too late, and till all is pad remedy) that
matters Ihould be frugally ordered, becaufe taxes muft
" arife
«(
•(
((
mending to places for a confideration, and then inftfting on
recommending ftill, and fo getting both ways. Rolling o-
ver lolTes upon the crown, or public, while the gain was to
fink into private pockets. A father ftopping a large fum in
his own hand, which was to have been paid the public cre-
ditors. Before he can be brought to account, he dies.
The money ilnks into the pocket of his heir. He obtains a
pardon
h'>-
•J ,,
\ Davvj. It. *(ix.
§ Dalr^m^^ Mem. ii, 84.'
m
Ill'
I' 'S" r "
t h;
[ H ]
I
to contribute, it will be a mean and manifcft •
yiolation of a plain duty, and a weak and wick-
ed defertion of the true inrerefts of this pro-
vince, whieh ever have been and mull be bound
pardon of all his father's debts. Grofs frauds in office found
out. Then new officers and falarics fet up as checks. The
new prove as great knaves as the old, a^^d form a fcheme of
(ollufion and mutual underdanding. But the public pays
for all, and the power of the court is ftrengihened. An old
placeman begs leave to fell. Pockets the money, and hj
and by, through interell, gets a new place gratis Extra-
vagant mm fquander their own money in their public em-
ployments of embafladors, governors, 5cc. and charge the
public with more than they have really fpent, while what
they really fpent was ten times more than neccffary. The
bufinefs of old offices transferred to new : but the profits of
the old dill kept up, though become finecures. An old
fcrvant of the public retires upon a penfion. He who fuc-
cceds him, by intereft, gets it continued to him. Another
gets an addition to his falary, and then fells his place for a
great deal more than it cod him, and fo an additional load '
is laid on the public : for the addition mull be connnued,
bccaufe the place was bought. An annual fum is granted
by the public for a public ufe, as keeping up a harbour, or
the like. A private man, by intcred, gets a grant of the
jobb; the public concern is neglefted, and the public poc»
ket picked. Crown I .uds perpetually begged aiid given a-
way to drengthen the court intered. The crown conftantly
kept in debt, and parliament folicited to pay thofe debts oc-
cafioned merely by the voracity of the court. Commander!
of fleets order a fuperfluous quantity of dores. By collu*
fion between them and the dore maders, this fuperfluout
quantity is fold again to the king, and the money funk ia
their pockets. Sometimes the dorc-maders gave receipts
for more than was received into the king's ftores, and the
^s„ i mone/
" •.
' C »5 3
..... '
up in the profperity of our mother country.
Qur union, founded on mutual compass and
mutual bcntrfits, will be indiflbluble, at Icaft
more firm, thin an union perpetually difturbcd
by difputed rights and retorted injuries,
D Secondly.
..K
money was divided among the plunderer). The king's
works done by the day, whereas it would have been cheap-
er by the great. Money pretended to be coined gratii.
Lifts of large Aims newly coined produced. But the con-
trivance was to make the pieces unequal, and then the too
heavy pieces were carried back to the mint, and the profit
funk in private pockets, &c.
Secret feritice is a huge cloke thrown over an inlmcnfe
fceue of corru>>tion; and under this cloke we muft not
peep. Our court-men tell us, there muft be lat-ge I'ums ex-
pended in this way, and thofe Aims cannot be accounted
for; becaufe the Jervices done for them muft never be
knoiuHk Butwefind^ that the commons J, D. 1 708 ad-
drefTed queen Anne for accounts of peniions paid for Jecret
ftrvice to members of parliament, or to any perfons in truft
for them ; and that ' the queen trdered faid account to b6
• laid befhre the boufe.*f
Contract are a great fund of minifterial influence. It is
Well known, that our miniftry do not accept the moft rea^
JonabU offer; but the offer which is made by thofe, who
have the grtattA parliamentary intereft; and that in war
time, every man, who fumi^et for the go'vernmenty is en-
richetl\ va France iht contrary, which fhews, that we man-
age our public money much *worfe than the French miniftry
do theirs. In the late war it is notorious, that feveral of
our purveyors and commijfariet got eftates fufficient to fet them
vp for earls and dukes. But as Burnet || fays, * the re-
' gard, that is fhewa to members ai parliament among us,
1 ' caufet
I
t Dkb. Com. iv. it^. | Hist, own T4mes, in, i;^.
Ill
ft
!■ ''
C 26 ]
'j.n- .^'Tiu.'c ytifirr(Ti,4, to I'u !••-;.>-•) ->iii,«. (.,
Secondly. If all the terms abovementlon-
cd cannot be obtained, it is our opinion, that
the mcafurcs adopted by the congrefs for our
relief fhould never be relinqtiifljed or intermitted^
until tbofe relating to the troops,— internal Ic-
giflailon,"-innporuion of taxes or duties herc-
attcr, — the 35th ot Henry the 8th, chapter the
2d,—
• caufea that few abufes can be inquired into, or di/co'vered*
;■' , ' ' Pol. Disqu. b. v. p. 274. — *77.
What redrefs could a poor plundered, unrcprefented co.
lony obtain againft a VtrrtSt fupported by a ftrong parlia-
mentary influence. We know what fevcral governors of
iiZ/ffo; £•« have dared to do. A governor of Giimttar has
ventured to opprefs even the garrifon of that important
place. The very drudgery of examining accounts, would
probably fecure him. If cad, the injuries could not be rc-
compenfed. A fuccefTor might prove .as bad — ** Vi^rix
pro-vin iaplorat.," .. ,- ■■, ,. .^'A,.,..
It has been faid in Great Briiain, that Lord Chattf^mt
Lord Camden, and fome other great men, have taught the
colonies to defpife her authority. But it is as little true as
the multitude of invedives vented againft the colonies.
The conflant pradice in thefe publications, is to confound
fads and dates, and then to rail. It Oiould be remember-
ered, that, the oppofition in Ataerica to the ftamp ad was
fully formed, and the congrefs held at New-Torif before it
was known on this continent, that our caufe was efpoufed by
any man of note at home. We (hould be glad to count
fuch venerable names in the lill of our friends. They arc
the true friends of our mother country, as well as of this ;
and ages unborn will blefs their memory. But if every man
in Gmit Britain, it carried by the ftream of prejudices into
fentimepts, hofiileto our freedom, that freedom will not be
the Icfi efteemed, or tli« fooner relinquilhed by Americans.
ft
ir
t 37 ]
2d,— the cxtcnfion of admiralty courts,— the
port of BoJ^en and the province of Majfachufeits
Bny are obtained. Every modification or qua-
lification of thefe points, in our judgment,
(hould be inadmifTible. To obtain them, wc
think it may be prudent to fettle Come revenue
as above-mentioned, and to fatisfy the £.^y?-
India company. , . .
TniRDLy. If neither of thcfc plans fliould
be agreed to, in congrcfs, b^ut fome other of a
fimilar nafjre (hall be framed, though on the
terms of a revenue, and fatisraftion to the l ad-
India company, and though it (hall be agreed
by the congrefs to admit no modification or
qualification in the terms t'.icy (hall infift on,
\ dtfire your deputies may be inftruded to
concur with the other deputies in it; and we
will accede to, and carry it into execution as far
as we can. ., . ... .
FouR-THLV. As to the regulation of trade—
we are of opinion, that by making fome few a-
mendments, the commerce of the colonies
might be fettled on a firm eftablilhment, ad-
vantageous to Great-Britain and them, requir-
no future alterations, with-
'g
fubje6t
IA1
) »"ii
out mutual confent. We defire to have this
-point confidered by the congrefs-, and fuch
meafures taken, as they may judgs proper.
'fi
VS;''lf3(
D 2
In
TigS!fe'a8l» 'r| «i i« l >»1 i|i | ■ '^"-n
ri
%m
i
()&
Im order to obtain rcdrcfs of our common
p/icvanccs, we oblcrvc a general inclination a-
inong the colonies of entering into agicenicnts
of non-importation and non-cxportation. We
are fully convinced, that fuch agreements would
withhold very Urge lupplies from Great-Britain
»nd no words can defcribe our contempt and ab-
horrence ot thofe colonics, if any fuch there
arc, who, from a fordid and ill judged attach-
nicnc to their own immediate profit, would
purfue that, to ihe injury of their country, in
this great Itrugglc for all the bleflings of liber-
ty. It would appear to us a moll wafteful fru-
gality, that would lofe every important poflcf-
fion by too ftridl an attention to fmall things,
and lofc alfo even thefe at the lafl. For our
part, we will cheerfully make any facrifice, when
neceflary, to preferve the freedom of our coun-
t|y» / But other confiderations have weight with
us* ^ We wi(h every mark ot refpe6t to be paid
to his majefty's adminiftration. We have been
taught from our youth to entertain tender and
brotherly afFeftions for our fellow fabje(5ls at
home. The interruption of our comrrerce muft
diftrefs great numbers of them. This we ear-
neftly defire to avoid. Wc therefore requeft,
that the deputies you fhall appoint may be in-
ftrufted to exert themfelves, at the congrefs,
to induce the members of It, to confentto make
a full and precife ftate of grievances and a de-
pent yet firm claim of redrefs, and to wait the e^
vent.
m
C 29 J
vent, before any other ftep is taken. It is our
opinion, that pti'fons fhould be appointed and
fcnt home to prcfent this Hate and claim, at the
court oi Great -Britaw. ' . ..v ,#•.,.„
If the congrefs fliall chufe to form agree-
ments of non importation and non exportation
immediately, we defire the deputies trom this
province will endeavour to have them fo formed
as to be binding upon all, and that they may be <
PERMANENT, fliould the public intercft require
it. They ( annoc be efficacious, unlefs they can
be permanent', and it appears to us that there
will be a danger of their being infringed, if they
are not formed with great caution and delibera-
tion. We have determined in the prefent ficua-
tion of public affairs to confent to a ftoppage of
our commerce with Great-Britain only; but in
cafe any proceedings of the parliament, of which
notice (hail be received on this continenc, before
or at the congrefs, fiiall render it neceflary, in
the opinion of the congrefs to take further
fteps, the inhabitants of this province will a-
dopt fuch fteps, and do all in their power to
carry them into execution. • ;. ■^"i'^^ ^^^'-' "^
fir
An-y,!
This exrenfive power we commit to the con-d
grefs, for the fake of prcferving that unanimity
of counfcl and condudl, that alone can work
out the ialvation of thefe colonies, with a ftrong
hope and truft, that they will not draw this pro-
vince into any m^afure judged by us, who mud
be
*' !
.'!^
!> ,4.
ii':fn'
li
Mi
# ^
\
r
1 1
1 1
r
IF 30 I
be better acquainted with its (late than ftrang-
ers, highly inexpedient. Of this kind, wc
know any other ftoppage of trade, but of that
with Great -Britain^ will be. Even this ftep we
ftiould be extremely afflidled to fee taken by the
congrefs, before the other mode above pointed
out is tried:. But fliould it be taken, we appre-
hend, that a plan of reilri(ftions may be fo
framed, agreeable to the refpedlive circum-
fVances ot the feveral 'colonies, as to rcndei
Great-Britain fenfible of the imprudence of her
(Jounfels, and yet leave them a nectflary com-
merccr. And here it may not be improper fo
take notice, that if redrefs of our grievances
car not be wholly obtained, the extent or conti-
nuance of our reftridlions may, in fome fort, be
proportioned to the rights we are contending
fbf, and the degree of relief aiTordcd us. This
ittode will render our oppofttion as perpetual as
our opprejjiony and will be a continual Clai m
AND AscF.RTiON OF OUR RiGHTS. We cannot
exprefs the anxiety, with which we wifti the
confidcration of thefe points to be recommended
to yor. We are perfuadtd, that if thefe colo-
nies fail of unanimity or prudence in forming
their refolutions, or of fidelity in obferving
them, the oppofition by non-importation and
non exportation agreements will be inefFc<5lual;
nnd then we fhall have only the alternative of a
more dangerous contention, or of a tame fub-
;« * y
f.JMfcJ ?>«►
Upon
t 3>» 3
«*. -•
Upon the whole, we (hall repofe the higheft
confidence in the wifdom and integrity of the
cnfuing congrefs: And though we have, for
the facisfaftion of the good people of this pro-
vince, who have chofcn us for this exprefs pur-
pofc, offered to you fuch inftruftions, as have
appeared expedient to us, ytc it is not our
meaning, that by thefe or by any you may think
proper to give them, the deputies appo'nted
by you (hould be reftrained from agreeing to a-
ny meafures, thatfhall be approved by the con-
grefs. We (hould be glad the deputies chcfen
by you could, by their influence, procure our
opinions hereby communicated to you to be as
nearly adhered to, as may be pofTible : Buv to
avoid difficulties, we defire that they may be in-
flrufled by you, to agree to any meafures that
fhall be approved by the congrefs, the inhabi-
tants c^ this province halving refolved to adopt
and carry them into execution. — Laftly — We
defire the deputies from this province, may
endeavour to procure an adjournment of the
congrefs, to fuch a day as they fhall judge pro-
per, and the appointment of a Handing commie-
•I
"i
I) i
tec.
' Agreed, that John Bickinfon^ Jofeph Read,
and Charles Tbomfon, be a committee to write
to the neighbouring colonies, and communicate
to them the refolves andinftrudlions.''.
i \r If
A<3iiei:d-
■ytj
'I
11
I
■^ 'AORftiD* that the committee for the city
and county of Philadelphia^ or any fifteen of
them, be a committee of correfpondence for
the general committee ot this province.
-t. •>- i s/
*►• \
h^ Wl
ExtraSl from the Minutes y
CHARLES THOMSON, CI Com.
1 gt'
» i«*
/^i.
.?>,'
'i-r
AN
»
A N
ESSAY,* ^f.
»' I ^ H E authority of parliament has within
JL thcfe few years been a queltion much agi-
tated i and great difficulty, we underftand, has
occurred, in tracing the line between the rights
of the mother country and thofe of the colonics.
The modern dodtrine of the former is indeed
truly remarkable ; for though it points out,
what are not our rights, yet we can never learn
from it what are our rights. As for example —
Great'. >^'\7.n claims a right to take away
nine-tci.,i: 5 of our eftates— have we a right to
the remainiiig tenth ? No.— To fay we have,
£ is
• This piece has been written in fuch haftc, under (o
great indifpofition, and amidft fuch a confuiion of public
affair" that it is hoped, its inaccuracies will be looked up-
on ^h indulgence. If longer time could have been be-
ftowtr! ipcn ks corre^ion, it would have been at leafl
fhortcr, if not ir.ore exaft. The firft appointment of a
.committee to form a draught of inltrudions, was made on
the fourth of lad month. See note on the extract, dated
the i8th of July.
li:
•*i}
.'t.
lite ■
11 !jl II. H-
I
R,l
.-I,.
C 34 ]
-y of parts; which are principal
things, and much i^eioved by every livinfr creature. la
the JouU it i.« ivijdom', that wifdom which arifes amongll
men, from the knowlciige cfcau/es, and Horn natural jufl ice.
Since there. ore, tliis habit doth thus itilcruC>, and prc-
fervc, the whole and every part ; rendcting all the fame,
in heart, and in tongue, why may it not be faluted, by the
univerfal voice; the parent and nourish er of evhrv
VlRTUEf"
: Pol. Pvth. Luc. rt/;.\y Sron/ruM, pi. loj. edit. Tl-
cur:, iCsQ. ,.
r>v
!>,' ■
!iU '
■•*
■ «'.|i
C 3S ]
fences, he pleases." J But is his prerogative
rcfpeding thefe branches of it, unlimited ? By
no means. The words following thofe next
above quoted from the " commentarfcs on the
laws of England" are—" unlefs where the con-
ftitution hath exprefsly^ or hy evident conse-
quence, laid downfome exception or boundary ;
declaring^ that thus far the prerogative (hall go,
and no farther." There are " fome boundarits"
then, befides the " exprefs exceptions •," and
according to the (Irong cxpreflion here ufed,
" the conftitution declares there are." What
" evident confequence" forms thofe " bounda-
ries V
If
h
t
I
. The happlnefs of the people is the end, and,
if the term is allowable, we would call it the
body of the conftitution. Freedom is the fpirit
or foul. As the foul, fpeaklng of nature, has
•^ right to prevent or relieve, if it can, any mif-
chief to the body of the individual, and to
keep it in the beft health ; fo the foul, fpeak-
ing of the conftitution, has a right to prevent,
or relieve, any mifchief to the body of the fo-
ciety, and to keep that in the beft health. The
*' evident confcquence" mentioned, muft mean
a tendency to injure this health, that is, to di-
minifh the happinefs of the people— -or it muft
mean
J I Black?t. Com. 250. * '
[ 37 ]
mean nothing. If therefore, the conftltution
*' DECLARES by cvideut confequence j" that a
tendency to diminllh the happinefs of the peo-
ple, is a proof, that power exceeds a " bounda-
ry," beyond which it oughi not to " go j" the
matter is brought to this fingle point, whether
taking our money from us without our conlent,
depriving us of trial by jury, changing confli-
tutlons of government, and abolifhing the pri-
viledgeof the writ of habeas corpus^ by feizing
and II carrying us to England^ have not a great-
er
II " Of great importance to the public is the preferva-
tion of this peifonal liberty : for if once it were left in the
power of any, the higheft magiftrate, to imprifon arhitrah-
Ijf whomever he or his officers thought proper, (as in France
it is daily praflifed by the crown) there would soon he
AN END OF ALL OTHER RIGHTS AND IMMUNITIES." - -
" A natural and regular confequence of this perfonal liber-
ty is, that every Englijhman may claim a right to abide
,. IN HIS OWN country SO LONG AS HE PLEASES, and not
to be driven from it unlefs by the fentence of law. Exile
or tranfportation is a punifhment unknown to the common
law. — ** The king cannot conftitute a man lord lieutenant
Si Ireland ugalnR. his will, nor malce him a foteign ambafla-
dor. For this might in reality be no more than an honora-
ble exile." I Blackstone 135 to 138.
** Thcfe precedents colledled by the reverend and learn-
ed judge, chief jultice Anderfon and all written with his own
hand, do fully refolve for the maintenance of the antient and
fundamental point of Liberty of the person, to be re-
gained by Habeas Corpus, when any one is imprifoned-'* .
Pari. Hift. 7. 418. -H '^ :
-11
M
m
4(Jlj'J,l]
M
111:
[ 38 1
cr tendency to diminifh our happinefs, than any
cnormicirs al'^ng can commie under prcicnce
of prer. rativ . caa have todiminilh chc happi-
nelb of ,*ic ful.jcdls in England. To come 10 a
decifion upon this poinr, no long time need be
required. To make this comparilbn, is dating
the claim of parliament in die mod favourable
light: Forit[)Uts the njfumcd power of parlia-
ment, to do, " IN ALL CA^ES WHATSOEVER,"
zvbat tbcypleafc^ upon the fame tooting with the
ccknoivledgcd power of tiie King, "• to maka
what peers— pardon what offences, &c. he
pleafesy But in this light, that power is not
entitled to be viewed. Such is the wil'dom of
the EnglJIj conftitution, that it ** declares" the
King may tranfgrefs a *' boundary laid down by
evident confcquence," even by ufmg the power
with which he is ^;^/)r/}/y' veiled by the conftitu-
tion, in doing thoje very a5fs which he is exprefs-
ly trufted by the conftitution to dO"-as by cre-
ating too many or improper perfons, peers; or
by pardoning too many or too great offences,
&c But has the conftitution ot England r;^-
prefsly *' declared,*' that the parli.iment ot
Great-Britain may take away the money of
English colonifts without thtrir confent, and
deprive them of tryal by jury, &c ? It cannot
be pretended. True it is, that it has been {o-
lemnly declared by parliament, that parliament
/^'^j fuch a power. But that declaration leaves
the point juft as it was before : For if parlia-
,. ment
[ 39 J
ircnt had not the power before, the declaration
could not give it. Indeed if parliament is really
*' omnipotent," * that power is jufl: and con-
ftitutional. We further obferve, that no Eng-
rtnber, h.
ited
;ing.
lawyer, as we rcmei
prcciil'ly the line beyond which, if a
Ihall *' go," refinance becomes lawful. Gene-
ral terms have been ufed. The learned author
of thofe commentaries, that notwithft^inding
fome human frailties, do him fo much honor,
has thought proper, when treating of this fub-
jedl, to point out the " precedent'* of the revo-
lution, as fixing the line. We would not ven-
ture any reflexion on fo great a man. It may
not become us. Nor can we be provoked by
his expreflions concerning colonifts ; becaufc
they perhaps contain his real, though hafty fen-
timents. Surely, it was not his intention to
condemn thofe excellent men, who rafting eve-
ry tender confideration behind them, nobly
prefenred themfelves agamft the tyranny of the
unfortunate and milguided Charles's reign; thofe
men, whom the houfe of commons, even after
the reftoration, would not fufFcr to be cenfured.
- ' We arefenfible of the objefllon that may be
made, as to drawing a line between rights on
each fide, and the cafe of a plain violation of
rights. We think it not material. Circumftances
h^Lvc usually produced, and may again produce
this
* I Blackftone, i6i.
'if
i',
:' ,1- !
■m
It'' 1
1
[40 J
this qucllioii. — Wh. 384.
See alfo Puffcndorf^X-xs^ of nature and nation's, b. 3.
ch. 8. and b, 8. ch 6.
It is held by the bed writers, that a conqueror in a
juft war, acquires not a right to the propetry of thofe of the
fubdued country, who oppofed him not, nor of the pofteri-
ty of thofe who did: Nor can the pretence of obtaining fa-
tIsfa(rdon for the charges and damages of the war jurtify
luch a claim.
§ ** In a free ftste, every man, who 13 fuppofed a free
agent f ought to be, in (bate raeafure his oixin governor^ and
theiefore a branch, at leafl of the kgifiati-vt povier- ought ta
refidt
II 5ce Davik's report*, Lend. i '^',^ \\\\\
England
rtftie in the njohole body of the people. And this power, when
the territories of the llate are fmall and its citizens eafily
known, ihould be exprefled by the people in their aggre-
gate or colle£\ive capacity, as was wifely ordained in the
petty republics of Greece, and the firil rudiments of the Ro-
man ilate. But this will be highly inconvenient when the
public territory is extended to any confidcrable degree,
an'^ the number of citizens is increafed. In fo large a flate
as ours, it is therefore very wif<;ly contiived that the people
fhould do that by their reprelentatives, which it is imprac-
ticable to perform in perfon." 1 Blackstone 158. 159.
The above quoted words are fuiScient of themfelves to
refute the notion of ** virtual reprefentation" of Americam
in parliament
As to the argument drawn from fimilltude between the
cafe of tho/e in England^ not qualified to vote by their pro-
perty, »^hough pofTefled of a confiderable fhare, as proprie-
tors of the funds — The Eaji India company— merchants—
manufadurers &-c. and the cafe of colonifts, ilie true anfwer
is, that there is no referablance whatever between the cafes.
A few propofitions will prove it : But it may be proper to
premife — ift. If repre/entation w^s intended hy the con/iitution
of England, a complete reprefentation was intended ; for the
reafon of having any, requires having a complete one, as
being the bejl. 2dly. — If a «/w^/f/^ reprefentation was i«-
/^»/ri/ by the conftitution, every deft£i\\\ the reprefentation,
is againji the intention of the conjlitution. 3diy. If a refpeftc
able part of the people in England is not reprefented, // is a
defeSt, 4thly. if therefore, the intention of the conjlitution
is to be regarded as the ' -^'^itution, it involves a plain abjur-
dity,io iXif&r a greater At^' . being conjlitutional, from a /mai-
ler defedl which is uKConjUtutional. 5thly. The intention of
the conllitution muji be regarded— and pra^ices inconftjient
with its defign, muft be amended by it, if the happinefs
■•',■ ■ • . .. _' . which
C 9^ ■}
f 47 ] ^^^^^ ,'?^irMijn/>
England argues, J " the efids of government can-
not be anfwcred by a total diflblution of all hap-
pinefs at prefent, and of all hopes for the fu-
ture.
i»
.A\
The
which it means to promote and fccure, is to be rej?;arded.
6thly. If there is not fuch a reprtfentation in England^ as the
conftitution requires, there ought to be. As to the refem-
blance above fuppofed. ift. If many inhabitants of £/»«-
land HAVE NOT a right to vote in the choice of members of
the houfe of commons, there are many who have. 2dly.
liot one inhabitant of the colonies, has that light. 3dly.
Some reprefentation is better than nontt though a complete
one cannot be obtained. The frji, is a de/e<3 of mode, the
laUer an extiniiion of i\\t/ubjiance. There is, to a nice obfer-
ver of nature, tl perceptible difference between a deformed m^n
and a DEAD man. 4thly. Proprietors of the funds &c. tho'
they have no right to fuch vote, ai proprietors &c. may yet
have it under another charafter, as freeholders &c. "Jthly.
When afting as freeholders l^c. they may take care their
intercfls ai proprietors ^c. for — 6thly. 1 heir being propi actors
fjc, does not difqualify them, from acquiring and enjoyiag
a right to fuch vote by becoming freeholders l^c. but /thly.
By acquiring and enjoying a right to fuch vote, the colonifts
muft ceafe to be inhabitants of the colonies — 8th!y. Their
being inhabitants of the colonies ^ therefore difqualifies them
from acquiring and enjoying th« rig it to fuch vote. — 9thly.
If thofenot entitled to fuch vote in E*igland were not bound
by ftatutes made there they wodd not be bound by fta-
tutes, nor taxed at all, though poffeft of great property — '
but lothly. The coloulits are bound and taxed by the afts
of their aflemblies. i ithly. K'cn thofe not entitled to fuch
vote in England, and incapable of obtaining it, have this
protedlion, that b ee a ' ]ti » reprejentatiites and their eh:lors ar^
bound by the laws made, as well as the reji of the people — and
the
X Hoadley's Dilc. on government.
i I
i\
'^\ I
m
fill"
4
i *i; (■
. . r 48 ]
The juft inference therefore from thelc pre-
mifcs would be an exclufion of ajry power of
parliament orcr thefe colonics, rather than the
admiffion of an unhanded power.
We
the connexions between the rc^rr/entatitts, their elcJiors, and
the rejl of the peopUy all living together in the fame kingdom,
are fo many and io intimate, that even the aSually unreprejented
cannot be affeded, unlefb the reprefcntati'ves and tbeir tUdors
are afFcded alfo. I2thly. Totally different is the condition
of colonifts, if bound by flatutes generally. — ^y the a£ts of
parliament for raifing a revenue in America, the commons
ufe the words, '* give and grant." Can men give and
grant what they have not ? Did any of chofe ads take a fin-
gle penny out of the pocket of a finglc 6ivcr and gran-
tor ? No. So far from it, that if there is any truth in the
proverb, and money faved is money got, thefe " <^o«g them, just
and POLITICAL, An open avowal has been made in par*
hament— that it is ^ *• the indispensible duty of par-
liamenty
•f- PrcamMes to ftatutcs for raifing a revenue in America.
I PmlippiatiS iii. 7.
§ Thcfe words arc extraded from the proteft of the lords on
the repeal of the American ftamp-adt — §. 6. — 61 lordi w«re a-
gimd tUf :-('pcal, 33 d them finned the proteft.
C 49 ]
' We well know, that the colonifts are charged
by nrnny perfons in Great Brit, in, with at-
tempting to obtain fuch an exclufion and a total
independance on her^ As well wc know the
accufation to be utterly fit^fe. We are become
crimmal in the fuiht of fuch perr)ns, by re-
fufing to be guilty ot the higheft crime againft
oi:rreivt.s and our poftenty. Nolumus leges
ANGLiiE MUTARi, This is the rebellion with
G which
liament to tax the colonies in order to ease the gentry
And peoplf of Great-Britain." Let not j^mtricaus c-
ver forget the loidly words! To underHand them fullyy we
fhould confider —
Our difputc includes not only the prefent taxes laid
upon us. The univerfal property of England wasinterefted
in Mr. liambdtn\ fuit, about a few (hillings. If the crown
had a right to thojt ihiiling», it had a right to every (hilling
«f e'very man in the kingdom. Great Britain is about
ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY MlLLiOiMS OF
POUNDS STERLING in debt. If (he can pay any fart
of that debt, by taxing js, (lie may pay the luhole by tax-
ing us, if we can raife the money. If we cannot, yet as we
are upbraided continually in pamphlets and papers with the
richnefs of our houfes, our furniture, our equipage, our
tables, and our drefs, (he may be made to think we abound
too much in thefc con'veniencies. If we are reduced to the
condition of French peafants, it is no matter. We belong
to the people oi Great- Britain: And all Britijh fubjeds, but
jimericansy ma do vvhat they pleafe with their own. " It
is her indifpenfible duty, fay their lordfmps,to cafe her-
felf by taxing us ;" and furely there is virtue enough left in
a J!?r////^ parliament, notwiihftanding all the dreadful intel-
ligence Britijh writers fend us over, to perform that " duty,**
exaAly. But this is not all. Th^ere are certain wicked
, . frmchmm
■^
,; »
.1!
C 50 ]
'1
pi-
%:i
which we are ftigmatized. [ We have commit-
ted the like offence, that was objeded by the
polite and humane Fimbria againrt a rude fcna-
tor of his time. VVe hav? " difrefpcol fully re-
fufed to receive the whole weapon into our bo-
dy." We could not do it, and live. But that
muft
Frenchmen and Spaniards, that in every period of twenty or
thirty years oblige Great- Britain to add thirty or forty mil-
lions to her debt. Upon an average, fjnce the revolution,
fhe runs annuviUy in debt about a million and an half. Can
it be expeded, her mii/ulers will be kinder to us, than they
have been to her ? Where will the demand upon us, where
will our wretched nefs llop, if we have not refolution enough
to defend ourfelvet. ?
A ftatute intended to have force on the people of Gnat-
Britain, is the cafe of a state ailing upon itself. A fta-
tute intended to have force on the people oi America ^ is the
cafe of ONE fidte aSling upon another. The people of
Great Britain, who in the firll cafe TxxtJubjeSi to the ftatute
—in the fecond, are the abfolute fovereigns ivho impofe it on
others, '
** Virtual reprcfentation" then, as applied to colonifts —
is, to borrow expreflions of the excellent archbirtiop Tillot-
fon, on another occafion, altering only two words — " An
abfurdity of that monftrous and mafly weight, that no
human authority or wit are able to fupport it. It will
*• make the very pillars of St." Stephens *' crack, and re-
quires more volumes to make it good than would fill"
WeJiminJIer Hall,
Yet this ii\cJt defpicable notion has been the pretence, fir
our felloiv fuhje^s f clapping inuficets to our breads, and tak-
ing our money out of our pockets.
f *' Win their hearts, and you may foon have their hands and
pur/es,*' Wis the advice of oid lord Burleigh to queen Eliznheth.
She was wile euoii;jU to take it. The world knows the confc-
yet voluntarily to put heifef under the abfolutf necelTity,
,of perpetuating an immenjely large one, to govern the many
miJions of flaves (he expects (bon to have on this vaft con-
tinent. Two of the (hrcwdcU, though not belt emperors,
that ever lived, Augujlus and Tiberius, prohibited every man
of dilHiidior. from letting his foot in £^v//,*becaufe of the
importance o( that province to Rome. Hut Great Britait?,
as if thife numetous provinces, much more remote irom
lier, than Egypt from Rome, were o\ little confi-quence,
willingly obliges herlelt to tru(t a mighty armed power
into the hands of a Lbjeft, in thefe colonies, the
' tempting intereft of which fuHjeft and of the people, may
' engage them to unite in «-ftabii(hingan independant empire,
on her own model. Great-Britain ojght not to forget, that
Jlame was ruined by keeping (landing armies in her pro-
vinces.
• Tau
<
[ 53 J
ind
lany
If this fubmiflion indeed implies a diiTolution
of our conftltution, and a renunciation of our
liberty, we lliould be unworthy oi' our relation
to her, if we fliould not frankly declare, that
we regard it wi h * horror; and every true
true EngliJIjman will applaud this juil diliindlon
and
* The Privernates had revolted from the Rowans, hut
were reduced. The quellion was, what judgment Ihou'.d
be given againft them. Tliis is Livys account ol tj^e af-
fair, in the 2 11 chapter of his 8th book.
" Qiium ipfa per fe res aticeps eij'et, prout ciijurqne in-
genium erat, atrocius mitiuivc fuaucntihus ; tuni inceriio-
ra ofiinia unus ex Privernatibus legaiis lecir, ma if. couditi-
onis, in qua iiatus efict, quam irgc'enti ncccflitaiis, mc-
mor: tjui, idtcrronatus a quodam trillioris fcntetificc au>ito-
re, quam janam tr.eritcs P»ivernates cenlnet (" enm, inquif,
quam meteiitur, qui Je iibertate di^nos ceut'cnt: cujus quum fe-
roci refponlo intelliotes fados videret conlu; tos, qui ante
Privernatium caufam impu'^i.alT'ir.t ; ut ipie ber.i^na inter-
rogatione niitius rffponfum eliciret, f^''\Ji pcenam^ in-
quit, remittimui 'vobis, qualem ties factm njohijcum habitwcs
/per emus? Si bonam tteleutis^ inquit, ^ Julam, tif perpctuam:
Ji malam, hau/i diuturnatn. Turn vero minciii, necidan^bi-
gue, Privernaiem qiiiiiam, >' iliis vocibus ad rebellandum
incitari pacatos popu!o«, pars melior fena'us ad mtliora re-
fponfum trahere, & diceie, Viriy ^ lileu^ ^uccem auditam^
an credi pcjje, ullum populum, aut hominem am: que, in ea condi-
tioner cujus eum pegniteat, diH>ius, quam iienjj- Jit, manjurwn?
Ibi pacem ejjejidam, ubi 'vcluntarii pacati put : tieque to Icco,
ubi fer'vitutem cjje ^uelint. fidem Jjerandam ejje. In hanc (en-
tentiam maxinie coiiful ipfe indinavir animos, identidem ad
principes fententiarum coufulares, uti exaudiri poffet a plu-
ribus, dicendo, Eo, 'emum, qui nihii. prceterqiiam deltlertate^
cogitent, dignos rjf-, qui Rornani fnnt. Jtaque & in fenata
caufam obtinuere, & ex auftoritate Patrum latum ad popa-
Juin eft, ut Privernatibus civiTAs DARiTUR,"
f,
ir
i't
C 54 ]
and candid declaration, f Our defence neceflarily
touches chords in unilbn with the fibres of his
honed heart. They muft vibrate in fympathetic
tones. If we, his kindred, fhould bcbafee-
nough to promife the humiliating fubjedion, he
could not believe us. We fhould fufTer all the
infamy of the engagement, without finding the
benefit cxpedled from being thought as con-
temptible as we (hould undertake to be. ]
But this fubmifiion implies not fuch infup-
portable evils: and our amazement is inexprcfii-
ble, when we confider the gradual incieafe of
thefe colonies, from their flender beginnings in
the laft century to their late fiouriftimg condi-
tion, and how prodigioufly, fince their fettle-
ment, our parent (late has advanced in wealth,
force and influence, till (he is become the firft
power on the fea, and the envy of the world —
that thefe our better days (hould not ftrike con-
viction into every mind, that the freedom and
happincfs of the colonids are not inconfiftent
with her authority and profperity.
The experience of more than one hundred
years will furely be deemed, by wife men, to
have fome weight in the fcale of evidence to
fupport our opinion. We might juftly a(k of
her, why we are not permitted to go on, as
we have been ufed to do fmce our exiftencc,
■ "" ■' :" '■''■■■ -:'>■--■ ,-^ r'- '^" • ■•;■' con- •
C 55 ]
conferring mutual benefits, thereby (Irengthen-
ing each other, more and more difcovcring the
reciprocal advantages of our connexion, and
daily cultivating afFcdions, encouraged by thofe
advantages ?
[ What unknown offences have we commit-
ted againft her within thcfc ten years, to pro-
voke fuch an unexampled change in her condufl
towards us ? In the lad war, (he acknowledged
us repeatedly, to be faithful, dutiful, zealous
and ufcful in her caufe Is it criminal in us,
that our numbers, by the favour of Divine
Providence have greatly encreafcd ? That the
poor chufe tr fly from their native countries in
Europe to this continent ? Or, that we have fo
much improved thefe woods, that if we can be
forced into an unfuccefsful refiftance, avarice
itfelf might be faiiated vy)th our forfeitures ? ]
It cannot with truth be urged, that pro-
je«Ils of innovation have commenced with us»
Fadls and their dates prove the contrary, f Not
a difturbance has happened on any part of this
continent,
t " The winds lift up the waves",— faid a wife man-
yet we read of a weak man, who fcourgcd waves — but he
had not : aifed them. To excite commotions, and then to
fcourge /tr bting excittd^ »« an addition to the wildnefs of
a Xerxes, referved more particularly to diftinguifh the
prcfent age, already fufficiently illuftrious by the injuries
•iTcrcd to the rights of human paturCi
'«!
C 56 ]
continent, but in confcquencc of fonic imrnc-*
dinicly preceding provocation*
To what piirpole ? The charge of our af-
fcdlin^ one gre.u, or many Imall republics,
muil app. ar as contemptible a madncfs to her,
as it Hoes to us. Divided as we are into many
provinces, -f and incapable of union, except
... , . agajnft
f The piTilus of a Beccaritt, fufrgcHcJ to l.im the condi-
tion of* a larp,e einpiie verging into fervitudc — the only
plan for faving it, — and the difficulty of executing that
plan. ** An overgrown republic (lays he, and fuch a H-
Bii'ed monarchy as that of Great-Britain with fuch an extent
of dominions, may well be called, •' an overgrown repub-
lic,") can only he faved from dcfpotlfm, hy fuhdividing it
into a number of tonfederate reiubl cs. But how is this
praflicable f by a defpotic di£lator, who with the coyage
of Syi/a, has a» much genius for building up, as that Roman
l»ad for pulling down, ifh- be an ambitious man, his re-
ward, will be immortal glory; if a pMIo^opher, the blefl*-
ings of his fellow citizens will fufficicntly confole nim for
the lofs of authority, though he (hould not be infenfiblc to
their ingratitude."
What was argument in Italyj is reality to Great Britain,
with this additional ciicumftance in her favor, that ftie muft
always continue if fiie wifely conduds her affairs, though
leis tiian all, yet greater than on^. The immenle advan-
tages of fuch a fituation, are worthy the clofelt attention of
[ every Briton. To a man, who has confidered them with that
attention, perhaps it will not appear too bold to aver»
that, if an archangel had planned the connexion between
Great-Britain and her colonics, he could not have 6xed it
ou a more lalUng and bsneEcial foundation^ unlefs he could
have
*y.
[ 57 ]
againfl a common danger, flic knew, that
wc could not think of embarking our trcafurcs
H of
have cliangcd human nature. L mighty raval power at
the head of the whole— -that power, a parent Hate, with all
the endfaring fentiments attending the relationfhip - that
never could difoblige, but with dcfign — the dependant
Hates much more apt to have tcuds among thcmfel vcs— Ih;
the umpire and cootrouler thofe Uates producing every ar-
ticle necelFary to her j^reatnefs - their intereft, that (he
flioulc I ontinue free and jlouriftiing — their ability to throw
a cnnfiderable weight into the fcale, Ihould her govern-
ment gcr UNDUi.v POISED — flic and all thofe Uates Pro-
testant —are fomc of the circuinllances, that delim^ated
by t:ie mafterly hand of a Bcccaria^ would exhibit a plan,
vindicating the ways of heaven, and demo Ibating, that
humanity and policy arc nearly related. An AleKunder^ a
Ccefai ^UarUst a Lewis, and others have fought through fields
cf blood, for univerful empire. Great- Britain has a certainty,
by population and commerce alone, of attaining to the moft
allonl;hing and well founded power the world ever faw.
The circumllaiices of her fituation are new and ftriking.
Heaven has offcied to her, glory and profperity without
meafure. Her wif;.- minillers dildain to accept them — and
prefer—" aptpper corn."*
So diredlly oppofite to the iniereO of Great Britain^ hai
the condud of adminijiration been for lome time paft, that it
may fafely be affirmed, that, ii their view was, to eftablifli
arbitrary power over Great- Britain^ fchemes more danger-
ous could not have been laid. lo profefs this purpofe,
would enfure a defeat. Any man, who had fuch a defign^
would firft take the opportunity of peace, to set one
PART of TriE SUBJECT AGAINST THE OTHER. ThlA
might be done in the following manner. ^ ,. .^,„',
• Mr. Nugtnfi fpccch.
[ 58 1
oi tranquility and liberty, on an ocean of biood,
in a wandering expedition to lome Utopian
port.
Let every feflion of parliament produce a frefli in-
jury. Give no reft, or hope of reft. Let infult . added
to infult, fill up the vacancies between the feflions. Tcafc
and perfecute into oppofition. Then let ininillers them-
felves rejoice in the freedom of the prefs. Let every adion
of the oppreffed be exaggerated. Let innumerable falfe
invedives be vented in pamphlets and newspapers.
Let all the provocations and excufes be concealed from pub-
lic {ight as much as poflible. Load the devoted with the
terms of tray tors and rebels. Nearly in this way Scotland
WaS treated by the arbitrary minillry of Charles the firft.
But the pajliament and people of England had common
fenfe and virtue. The bafc* deccpdon could not pafs upon
them. They faw the fr are laid for thetn\ and refented it
fo deeply, that an arrr.^ of Englifijmen fied before an army
o{ Scotchmen iX Nenvhurn. For once it was glorious to fly.
But it required Englijh head- i: EngUjh hcar":s to undcrftand
and to ad the part.
Thus :he colonies have been treated. At laft a ci''il war
may be worked up. It fliould be cuniidered, \>^ Lord Marti'-
field expreffes it — .\hether ** th*; play is worth the candle."
In fuch a war, every vidory will be a defeat. If the colonics
are fubdu'^d, vaft fums muft be raifed, and a prodigious. army
muf; be fupported, to keep them in fubjedion. Great-Britain
muft feel the weight ot that influence, added to the power of
thecrown. The colonies are encreafing. Who can computc'the
extent and efFed of fuch an influence^ ? Undone by her vic-
tories,
t " Bit, on the other hand, it i$ to be confidcred, that «very
prince, in the firft parliament after his acctffion, has by long uf-
age -K tru'y royal addition to his hereditary revenue fettled upor
him for his life; and has never any occafion to apply to parliament
for fupplics, hut upon fome public neceflity of the whole realm.
This reftores to him that conftitutional independence which at his
firft accefjon fceme, it muft be owned, to be wanting. And then,
with
C 59 J
port. The hi (lory of mankind, from ihc re-
moteft antiquity, t'urnifhts not a fingle inftance
11 2 of
tones, (hc«z/y? refign her liberty or fomefuture monarch
WITH HER colonies, unlcfs Tiic firfl lofes thtm in another
way. If (he is unfortunate, pubiic calamities may make
great changes. Such changes feem to be intended by fome
men. Great-Britain has been leJ into the Rulicon, She
has not yet paft it. We confider the hoftilities already prac-
tifed,
with rci'ard to power, we may find pci-haps that the handi of go-
\ernmeiu are at leaft fuflicietuly '"ircrigtheiied; and iliat an Englifirt
nionarcl' is now in no danger of being ovcrhorne by citlier the no-
bility or the people. The inftrumcnts of power are not perhaps fo
open and avowed as they formerly were, and thjrefore arc the lefs
liable to jealous and invidious rtflevSlions; but they are not the
vtilcer upon that account, lu fliort, our national debt and taxes
(hefidcs the inconvenicnoies before-mentioned) have alfo in their
natural coiifcqucnces throwii fuch a weight of power into the exe-
cutive fciie of government, as we cinnot think was intended by
our patriot ancrflors; who gloriouily ftruggled for the abolition otV
the then formidable p r ts of the pverogativc, and by an unaccount-
able wanf of foi-efight t (hiblinied this fyfteni in their ftead. Tbt
entire colleHion and nunaoe-nent of fo vajl a revenue, being placed in
the handi of the crown, luvc given life to inch a mu'titude of new
ofTicers, creited by and rcmovcaljle at the royal pleafure, that
they have extended the influence of government to every corner of
tke nation. Witntfs the commifioners, n\<.\ the mullitude of depen-
denti en the culloms, in every port of the kingdom; the commtfion-
ersofexcife, Axid their tin /neroKsfuball ems, in every inland diffriifk:
the fajlmajien, and thc\v fervants^ pi.intcd in every town, and up-
on every public road; the ccmmijjiofiers of Ike Jiamps, and their i/iy/ri-
lutors, which are full as fcat«^cred and full as nunierou-,; the offieert
of the fait duty, which, though a fpecics ofcxcifc and conduiSred in
the fame manner, are yet made a diftioi^l corps from the ordinary
managers of that revenue; thejurveyors of houfes and ivindowi; the
receivers of thi land tax; the nunagers of Lttarie^; and the commiJ/ioH'
en of hackney coaches; ail which are either mediately or immediate-
Jy appointed by the crown, and removeable at pleafure withn\ii
any reafon alTi^ned : tkcfe, it rcquiits but little penetration to i'te,
muft give that power, on wl»ieh they depend for fubfiftence, an in-
fluence nioft amazingly exteniive. To this may be added the fre-
quent opportunities of conferring particular obligations, by prefer-
ence in loans, fubjcriptioiis, tickets, remittance^ and other money tran-
faHioHS, which will greatly encrcafc; this influence ; and that over
thofe pcrlbns vrhofc attachment, on account of their wcikh, is fre«
" ainft us, and the favourite publi-
cations indulhiouflv ipread abrt;ad, to excite a jcaloufy of
us among our Bntijl) brethren. We know how acceptable
to many an caitlujuake would be to " hnk fomc of the
colonies in the oceai;" -and how pleafing, to cmplov the
reft ** in raihng Jlaple comnu/diiies ;" 1 hat we are thought
*' too numerous," and how much it would be judged by
fome for the intereft of Great Britain, if a peltilence fhould
fweep off a million and a half of us. Theft" wonderful lucu-
brations have notefcaped us. But here we are, by Divine
Providence, three miliions of fouls. What Cin be done
wilh
quenrlythc mofl dcfirablc. All this is thcnatiira), though perhaps the
uutortlctn, tonltquencc of erf(5ling our funds of cicdit, and to fup-
portthcmcft>w great a trufl is thereby repoied in the prince by
his people. A trufl, that is more than equivalent 10 a thoufand
little troublefome prerogatives.
" Add to all this, that, befides the civil /?/?, the immevfe r^f^-
Hj«c of almoft feven millions flerling, which is annually paid to the
creditors of the public, or carried to the fuikingfund, is firfl depo-
fited in the royal exchequer, and thence ilTued out to the refpec-
tive offices of payment. This revenue the people can never rcfufe
to raife, bccaufe it is made perpetual by aifl ol^ parliament ; which
alfo, when well confidered, will appear to be a truft of great deli-
i^acy and high importance."
I 3l>ac]($ion£'& Com. b. i. ch. 8. p. 334 — 326.
C 6-1 'J
chants, vokmtaiily engaging in fuch aphrenzy
of
with us ? If we were tobeconfidered, only as jjrROTBSTANT
alliest we oughc to be elleemed by a wife peopie. Such a
people certaiuly would not be careful to difunite us from
their intcrcll -to make us foes when ihey mi^ht have us
friends. Some ftate? have ihouv;i.t it true policy to j^rant
greater indulgences t^) rem-^te dominions, than were enjoyed
by themfeives : An. I this policy ha<' been much applauded.
The enjoyment of va1ual)le privileges bv inferior Hates, un-
der the proteilion of a fupcrior, is the llrongcll bond of de-
pendance. Why (hould wl- prefer a dcpendance on Great-
Biitain to a dependance on France^ if we enjoy lefs free-
dom under the former, than we mav under the latter? "/'/>-
mijjmum impet iunt, quo obedkntes gaudent" — or as lord chie£
jullice Coke expreHls it, in his comment on the 25th of Ed~
cward the third, '* the tlate of a king llandcth more i^fJurcd
by the love and favour of the fubje*.^, than by the dread and
fear of laws, &c.*'| Ought Gr^^*-2?>-;/i3y« to defpife the ad-
vantages
11 Great- Britain put hciCelf to a very confidei rfl)!e expeuce lafl
war in dccnce of Portugal, bccaufe thu kin|;'ioin was litr ally,
and fhe dttivt-d jJieat advintaj»ts from ^m intercourfe with her.
But what are thofc auvaiiuj^cs or the afT.vilions arifinj; ftom them,
when compired to tlic advantages and alLvVl ifis thar c mnccft rhcfc
Colonics with Grecit-Brltmn ? W<>rds cawnot <-x'/» tl's the furprizc,
that men frte from |).iflion muft feci, on con'.KKrir.g her impt)Iicy,
in labouring to disj )in from lit^iTcIf the only tiu<; rrleiidi Cut l»a> in
the world. If her nilnifUrs were penfioncrs of France and s/>7/V,
they could not purfue mcafurts more picahng and advantageous to
to ihofc kingdouiii.
f " During all our happy days of concord, pirtly from ourna-
tlonai moderation, and paitly from the wifJ' in, and fametinies
perhaps from the farelefsntTs (.f our miniRcis, rliey h.ive beeu
truftcd in a good me^fure with the cuiitr m uiaj^ rii.;iit of their af-
fairs; and the (ucctfs they have met with ouolu i.> ho to us an ever
memorable proof, thatTHc tr#k \' do" — But,
theinftances are numerous where princes and their courtiers
err, by not believing, that fubjcf\s mean as well as they do.
1:
C 63 ]
flifllon, wc find ourfelves obliged to oppofc
that fyftem of dominion over us, arifing from
counlcls pernicious both to our parent and her
children — to drive, if it be poflible, to clofe
the breaches made in our former concord — and
flop the fources of future animoficies. — And
may God Almighty, who delights in the titles
ot juft and merciful^ incline the hearts of all par-
ties to that equitable and benevolent temper,
which is neceflary, folidly to ellablifh peace and
harmony, in the place of confufion and diflenfion.
The legiQativc authority claimed by parlia-
ment over thefe colonies confifls of two heads—
firft, a general power of internal legiQation ; and
fecondly, a power of regulating our trade: both,
flie contends are unlimited. Under the firft,
may be included among other powers, thofe of
forbiding us tof worlhip our creator in the man-
ner we think mod acceptable to him— impofmg
taxes on us — colleding them by their own offi-
cers enforcing the collection by admiralty
courts or courts martial — abolifliing tryals by
jury^-eflabliQiing a Handing army J among us in
time '
''^?''
w
>!' 1!,
f See Ca«tf< bill. ' "
t The army under the command of general Gacf, in
the pravince of Majpuhujltts Bay alone, amounts to feveral
thoufand men— kept there ivtthout con/tnt 0/ their ^JJ'tf^^b\,^
and to be augmtntui as \\ie general (hall think proper.
' I mud
[ 64 3
lime of peace, without confcnt of our aflcm-
blies—
I' i
ill'
* I mud: own fir, I can fee but one rcufon for raifing
* at this prcTcnt junilure, t'lis acldiaoual number of troops,
* and that is to llrcngt'nen the hands of the miniiler againft
* the next tle£lions by giving hini the power of (iiipoliisg of
* ccmmijjion to the fous, brotliers, nepheAS, coufjns, and
* friends of fuch as have intere!l in boroughs into lozne
* of which perhaps, troops may be fent to procuic the
* free elefllon of their members, in imi'.ation of the Jate
* Czarina lending her troops into Pvlund to Iccurc the free
* cleftion of a king
• But Hill there is one thing more fatal 'han all I have
* yet named that nujl he the confequence of lo great a body
* of troops being kept on foot in England., and ^miU he the
* Jinifrnng Jlroke to all our liberties. For as the towns in Eng-
'■ landvjxW not be able much longer to contain qua: rers tor
* them, moft of thofe who keep pyb'ic houfcs beip.g ne«.r
* ruined by foldier's billeted on them; fo oa fntencesf the
* neajjitj tfit^ barracks will be built for quarieiin::^ then;,
* which will be as fo many fortrcfles with strong gar-
* RisoNS IN THEM, cre^ed in all p-Aits ot £/igla)rd, which
* CAN' TEND TO NOTHING, but by dcgrccb to fubduc and
* enflave the kingdom.
* Cut if ever this fclieme fljould be attempted, it will be
* incumbent on every Engli/hman to endeavour to prevent it
* by all methods, and as it would be the laft Jiand that
* could be ever made for our liberties, rather than fuffer it
' to be put in execution, it would be our duty to
* DRAW OUR SWORDS, AND NEVER PUT THEM UP, till
* ciir liberties ivere fuured, and the authors of our intend'
* ed Jlwjery ir ought to condign punijhment. 1 hope I
* Ihall be forgiven if during the debates 1 fliall take the ]i-
* berty of fpeaking again ; for / am determined tojight inch
* by inch, every propofition that tends, as I think this does
* to the enflaving my country."
Lord Vifcount Gage's Speech in 1730. Pari. Deb.
book nth, p. 383. See Mc»///^. on (landing armies.
S
C 65 J
blies-'-paying them with our money — fcizing
I our
A miniftCT declared in the houfe of commons, that he
Ihould " always confider it as a part of the conftitution
that the military (kould aft under the civil authority." But,
by order, the commande. in chief of the forces has prece-
dence of a governor, in the province under his government.
By his majefty's ordtrt tranfmitled in a letter dated the 9th
of February \i6f^, from the fecrctary of ftate to the com-
mander in chief, it is declared, •* that the orders of the
commander in chief, and under him, of the brigadiers-
general, commanding in the northern and fouthern depart-
ments, in all military affairs, Jhall be supreme, and muft
be obeyed by the troops, as fuch, in all the ci'vil govern'
ments in America. That in cafes, (where no fpecifick orders
have been given by the commander in chief, or by the
brigadier-genera) commanding in the diilrift, the civil go-
vernor in council, and where no council there fubfiils, the
civil governor, may^ for the benefit of hit government^ give
orders for the marching of troops, the difpofiiion of them,
for making and marching detachments, efcorts, and fuch
purely military fervices within his government, to the, com-
manding officer of the troops, lubo is to give proper order Jor
carrying the fame into execution : Provided they are not ^ ««-
itaditfory to, or incompatible luithy any order he may have
feceived from the commander in chief, or th« brigadier-
general of the district." ' .
In May 1769 the houfe of reprefentatives for Mnffachufets-
Bay, requefted governor Bernard " to give the necelTar/
and effedlual orders for the removal of iht forces by fea and
land oat of the pott oi Bojlon, and from t\\t gate of the city,
DURING THE SESSION OF THE SAID ASSE BI.Y j" tO which
he anfwered— •* Gentlemen, 1 have no authority over
his majefty's />////« /^"/'O''' or his troops ivithin this toun,
nor can J give any orders for their removal.
May 31, 1769, Fra. Bernard.'*
Thus,
I
11:
i
;»t1
■ '-1 li ,
■■■■■} ■'
,«m»ir.w»r
S ^'■
C 66 ]
our young men § for recruits --changing confli-
tutions of government-f- — (topping the prci's-—
.;.HU'
declaring
Thus, our governors, the captains- general and com-
manders in chief, reprefenting the fovereign, and known
to the conllitution of thefe colonies, are deprived of their
legal authority, in time oy peace, iy an order — and a
perpetual MSiatorial poiuer eftabliQied over as. To accom-
plifh this great pur^ofe, it was thought proper during the
lall war, to change the mode of granting military commif-
Honsi and to pafs that to the general in America under the
great /eal. It is not known, whether this uncommon for-
jnality has been obfcrved with regard to the major-generals
ff the refpeSi've *■'■ districts."
§ The Germans \i2L)it been juflly celebrated in different
ages, for fagacity in promoting the arts, and for martial
spirit ; yet how unhappy have they been made in a Ihort
period of time, by that fingle engine of arbitrary power,
a Jianding army. Their diftrefs was wrought up to fuch
a degree, that thoufands, and tens of thoufands, relin-
quifhed their native country, and fled to the wildernefles of
Jimetica. It was a way of thinking and afting that became
them. For Germans may truly be called the Fathers of Eng-
lijhmen. From \ Germany came their anceflors and the firft
principles of the conllitution. Germans therefore feem to
be more juftly entitled than other foreigners to the bleflings
of that conHitution. To enjoy them, in this free country
as it then was, they came here, but now unfortunately find,
arbitrary Gonjernment and ajianding army purfuing theia
even into thefe woods. Numbers of them now in thefe
provinces, have ferved in the armies of the feveral princes
in Germany and know well, that one reafon with their ru-
lers, for putting fwords into their hands was to cut the
throats of their own fathers, brothers and relations who
fhould attempt to relieve themfelves from any part of their
mifcries.
t Bill for changing th« coallitutlng of Mafachu/ets-Bay^
I I BUckil. p. X47.
r 67 ] .
declaring any a£lion, even a meeting of tch
fiii.iUelt number to confider ot peaceable modes
to obtain redrcfs of grievances* high trcafon—
taking colonills to Great Britain to be tried |1— •
exempting " murderers"-}- of colonifts from
punifhment, by carrying them to England^ to
anfwcr indidlments found in the colonies—
§ (hutting up our ports —prohibiting us from
flitting J iron to build our houfes,— -making ^*
hats to cover our heads, or clothing to cover \,
the reft of our bodies, &c. f 4. . •• ^
, . In
mifeijes. Their former foverelgns are now compleating, it
is faid, the cruel tragedy of tyranny. They will not fufter
thofe they have made wretched, to fcek for a more tolerable
exillence in fome other part of the globe. It is their du-
ty, fay thcfe unfeeling princes, " to be unhappy, and to
renounce all hopes of reiierV* They are prohibited from
leaving iheir country. Thofe who have already efcaped in-
to thefe colonies, reinember what they and their parents
fufFered in Germany. The old tell the ftories of their op-
preffions to the younger; and however improbable it may ap-
p^'.ar on the other !ide of the Jtlantic, it is aflerted by per-
fons well acquainted with this people, that they have 'very
/;///(? inclination to suffer the same ckuelties agaiiy
in America.
• General Gtf^A proclamation, dated June 21, 1774.
II Refolves in the houfe of lords on 35th Hen. 8. ch. 2d.
f Bill for the adniiniftraiion of juftice, &c.
§ Bojlon afl. X 23d Geo. 2 ch. 29. ff 5th Geo. 2 ch. 22
4-t \f (ireaf Brit'iin has a conftitutional power to prohibit
U9 from flitting iron as pe has done, flie has a conftitutional
power, tliat is, a rights to prohibit us from raifing grain
for our food; for the principle that fupports one law, will '"
fapport
m
If.
' In our provincial legiQatures, the beft judges
in all cafts whatfuits us--.fountit'd on the immut-
able and unalienable rights of human nature, the
principles of the ccnlHtution, and charters and
grants made by the crown at periods, when the
power
lupport the other. What a vart demand muft be made oa
^er for this article, and how firmly would her dominion be
eaubl ihed, if wc defended whoily on her for our daily
bread ? Hei- modern writers- confider coloniils as flaves of
Crc.it Britain iliut u^ in a a-ge workhoufc, conllantly kept
at labour, in procuiir.g fuch jnateriids as ihe prciciibcs, and
weanng fuch cloaihes as fne fends. — Should Oic ever adopt
the meafiire abnvemer.tioned, and on our coniplaints of
grievances, withhold food from us— what thfp ' why
then, on her principle it would be ri^ht .o be
STitRVHD To fay in fuch (a/e we flionld have any other
ri^ht, would be a '* traiterous and rebellious denial of the
fupreme legillatare of Qrtat B^itain^* for Ihe *• has power
cf right to bind us by Ilatutes in all cases whatso-
ever. ."
Let not any perfon objcft that the Aippofition of fuch
a ca(e is the fuggellion of fancy. The Carthaginians, thofe
mailers in the fublinie politics of commerce — politics that
have projuced lb many dieadful fccnes u^on earth, fojbad
the Sardinians to raife corn, in order to keep them in due
fubjec\ion. The Eall Indies y St. Fincentt, the proceedings at
Rhode JJJand, and the Bojion adl, &rc. give rife to many alarm-
ing appiehcnfions in America. There are few men on this
continent would be ai much furprized at tl'at meafure, as at
fome late meaiures. The beginnii)g julli/ies any apprchen-
fions. Puwer debauches the affedions. The improbabili-
ty of ca'es happening, is no anfwer in fuch important con-
lidcrations. The laudable fpirit of commerce may be in-
flamed into rapacity and cruelty in a nation as well as in an
individual. We muft regard the power claimed by
Great
It*
id
power of making them was iiniverfally acknow-
ledged by the parent (late, a powtr fincc fre-
quently recognized by herj-'-fubjed to the con-
troul of the crown as by law cftablilhed, is
veiled the exclufrjc right of inlernal k^i aiion.
Such
m
Ibc
'y
lor
I
C)$at Briiain, not folely her will or contingencies de-
pending on that WILL. If Ihtr affixes no liiniis to her
poTVir why Ihould we alHx any to iti rJ^cJIjF *' 1 know (lays
Mr. HnaMyj it is next to impofiible, ihat any fuch cafe
ihould happen: But it Tuch thint^b be fuiJ, and fuch cafes,
/;; effci'l, be put, it is ncceflkry to fpeak, upon the fuj [ofnion
of jucb cajes. — And mc thinks it is but a narrow fpirftcJ
proceeding in us to go jull no farther in our notions^ tha:i
a compliance with eur oxvn prefint iomluion I'orceth us\ to ex-
clude fioiu our regard the condition ot all othtr n tions, nnd
all cajh^ but jail that, whicli hath happened lail of all i;i
our own."
That the plan of governing us by withholding w^c^^nW^
life has been confidercd, and in what li^jiit wlonies are viewed
at home, the following extrads will partly fliew."
• ** It a[>pearb that the original and gr:ind evil attendinrj
them was the fcttiement oi Jo conjiderable a part \\\ a cli-
mate incapable of yielding the commoditiis wanting ia
Britain.
*' Thefc northern colonies, long after their difuj>vanta'
geous natur*.' uas known, were continually increafed b/
fiefii rnlgrativins from Etiro/e; which, as I before obfervc.l,
ought totally to I'ave been prevented, and fuch migraiicns
have been encouraged onlv to the beneticiai colonies.
«' Since the late war, Britain laid the tra«.le of th.e colo-
nics under fome very ftridl regulations, which certainly cut
off many inlets by which they formerly received much Spa-
nijh and Portuguefe coin. The principle upon which fuch
regulations vv^ie formed, of fecuring to the moiher coun-
try alone all matters of ccmmaCe^ 1 have already attempt-
ed to prove/'/,'/ and necejfary. ,,, " When
u
m
iki
m
1
i
Such a right vcftcd in parliament, would
place us cxadly in the fame fuuatian, the peo-
ple
" When once their rupernumt-rarlrs are b( come manu-
fa£lurers, it will require more than BritiJ^j policy to con-
vert them into planters.
•' I muft think this point of foch great importance, as
to extend probably to the annihilation of manufaciur.s ii)
our colonics — To conclude, it is. in the prcjpolcd fettlc-
ment on the Ohio we muft firji look for hemp and flax ; as
fuch great numbers of the old Ameritan tarnicrs ha\e re-
moved and fettled thcic, which may, in iholc feiiile ivztXs,
be cultivated in fuch abundance, as to enable us to underfell
all'thc world, as well as fupply our own conlumption. It
is on thofe high, dry, and healthy lands, that vineyards
will be cultivated to the bell advantage, as many of thjfe
hills contain quarries of ftone, f and not in the unhealthy
fea-co(ls of o\xr prcfent colonies. To thefe we (hould bring
the fettlers from Euro/e, or at leall fuffer none to go tiorift
of Nenjo-Tork ; b^ which means our numbers would in-
creafe in thofe p4rts, where it is our intercll they Ihould
increafe ; and the report of the fettlers from the new colo-
ify on the Ohio would be a conllant drain of people from
our a«/ro//tf^/^ northern ones, by whi^h means they would,
in future times, as well as the prcfc/it, be prevented from
extending their manufadlures.
** What 1 (hall therefore venture to propofe is, that the
government, through the means of afeiu merchants acquaint-
ed with the American trade, that can be tolerably de-
pended upon, fliould eftablifli/zii^orjat Bofton, V hiladelphia,
Nfw Torkt and a few other ports, for the fale of fuch car-
goes of Britfjh manufactures as fhould be conligned to them ;
and to confift of fuch particularly as were moll manufaiflured
in the province, with diredions immediately and continual-
ly to under/ell al! fuch colony manufadures. By this means
the opQration of the fucceeding meafures, from the num-
ber
•>jU
•M .
L 71 1
pie of Greet Britain would have been reJurcd
to, had Jiimcs ihc full and his tamily lucwcedcd
in
if?
ber of hands rendered idle, would be fo much the caficr to
be executed.
«* The fliips which carru'd out Aich cargoes (hould be
large bulky ones, of eight, nine hundred, and one thuu<
{and tons burden, for the fake of bringing large quantities
of deals, &c. hack, at a lifs propo tionute t^xpence; and,
previous to their arrival in America^ cargoes of theft (hould
be ready for them. Trie col')i)ills fhuuld be enj^aged to
work their irou mines, and gt t the produd ready in bars,
&c. and va(l quantities of deals and fquared timber icudy
for loading the (hips : All which, on the ceiiaia and imme-
diate profpcd of a fulc would eafily be effcdcd ; as it is
well known they have more than once proved to the legifla*
ture, that they could iupply ^1 Europe with thefe articles,
had they but the demand,
** But I laid it down as a rule to proceed upon, that
trade, fJJting, and manufaSuring, were put an entire (lop
to among the colonies.
•* If the fugar illands contained ten millions of people,
AS DEsTiTUTii OP NECESSARIES as they are at prefcnt,
J? r/ra;/t would be as sure of their allegiance as Oie is at
prefent -provided no power more formidable than hcrfelf
at fea arofe for their protedion.
*• The firll dependancs oX our colonies, as well as all
their people, is, to change the terms a little, upon corn
worked into bread and iron wrought into implements ; or,
in other words, it is upon necejjary agriculture and necfjjury '
manufadures ; for a people who do not pofl'cfs thefe, to
think of throwing oft" the yoke of another
C 72 J
in their fcheme of arbitrary power. Changing
the word Siuart: for parliament^ and Britons lor
what they would ? No, certainly; Tor that is nothing mere
than fuppc^fsng they fliould tlirovv oft' tlelr allegiance to
Jjoas and fpades, and coats and y^-o^^, which is abfuiu io
imagine : can any one imagine thai a rebellion can be car-
ried on among a people, when the greatert fuccefs mud be
attended with Ome lofj of ha!f the nece^aries of life !
'* The following, among other efFcfts relative to this
point, would be the confcquence of the plan fkctched out
in the preceding fedliion.
'• The people would depend on Britain for thofc neaf-
Juries of life which refu't from manufadures.
•* The cultivation oi' Jlapla would be more profitable to
them than any other employment whatever.
** The/fl/r of thofe ilaples would depend on Britain,
** The people would ail h& fread over an immenfe
country as [)lariters ; — none of them collrflj-d in towns. *
" To which ciicumftances I fhall add, in refpeil to Bri-
t?ii/t*s fuiditr policy,
•' TIi;U (he fhould abide by the boundaries fixed already
totheolf'l colonie-;, that of the rivers heads; and ail far-
ther fetdiug to be in kciv cclonies, wherever they were traced.
** That fhe fhould keep the inland navigation of the
contijient, that is, of all the great lakes and navigable fi-
ver, to l.cifclf, and not fuifer any fets of men to navigate
uien>.
■ I
• " Tills point, which is of infinite importance, woiild prt'.ty
fully be occafiiontd by other parts oi the plan, iiut, to cnfuic fo
great a point, no new towns (L. iild lie fuiTtrcd, nor cvf n villages ;
ihati \v!nch nothing could l)e eafur to manage : nor would they be
any where ncccd'ary but by the inaga/incs ot naval (loics for load-
ing fiiius. All pollible decrcafe ot numbers in ihe cities already
in being, flioutd be ciretStcd. So fyflcmaticaMy abfurd is it "to
iound towns nnd cities, as Britu'ui has iiithtno couftAUtly dofle, in
all lUe iiolonie.'- ilic has fo;mcd.!'
to
•rn, ■ -.« •'»y».'. n'j7^>T
C 73 ]
Jmericani, the arguments of the illuflrious pa-
K triots
them, and thereby communicate fiOm one part of the con-
tinent to another.
•* That Ihe fliould never fuffer zny provincial troops ot
viilitia to be railed, but referve entirely to herfelf the de-
fence of the frontiers. *
** That fhe fhould thro»v whatever obftacles fhe could,
upon all plans of commiini<.aticn from colony to colony, or
conveniences of fpeedy removals from place to place.
*' That in proportion as any colony di:'c1ined in ftaples
and threatened not to be able to produce a fufficiency of
them, the inhabitants Ihould receive fuch encouragement
to leave it, as more than tc draio its natural increafe, un-
Icfs new ftaples were dilcovered for it.
** This is non» the cafe with thofe I have diftinguifhed
by the title of the northern colonies ; inio:n ich that Nova^
Scotia^ Canaduy Ni'VJ-England, Ne^v York, Ne-iv-Jer/ty, and
Pewifylvania, would be nearly of as much benefit to this
country buried in the ocean as they are at preient.'*
Political EJfays^
The conduft of adminiftration correfponds exadlv with
the fentiments of this modern writer, and with the mcafurea
purfued by Philip the fecond oi Spain againft the tow Cmn-
tries. The reafons given by one in adminillration for at-
tacking the colonies, feem to be copi "d (with Tome fmall al-
terations on account of rtligion) from the famous advice
of the unfeeling duke oi Alva, that** fpecie retinendae dig-
nitatis," ccft his mailer, his glory, his happinefs, and his
provirices — and funk his countiy into diiheflcs, fiom which
ihc is not yet recovered. '* At vero dux Albanus arma &
t;LTioNEM,contendebat, ««/V«/fl Isefx auctoritati principis iC-
medium. Quippe ceteris artibus ac diuturna facilitate nihil
aliud efFedum, quam uC regi obedieuiia, rebellibus timor
adimeretur
" Specie tuendi finlum, jugum Uberis provin'-Ms mcdltatur.",
Str*. >a, lib. ».
IIP'
m
; f
.T
C 74 ] ., „. , ;, ,,
triots of thofe times, to whofe virtues their
dcfcendants
adimcretur. Poflulafl*e^r/';f//^/(7 Belgas, ut Hifpanus c pro-
vincia miles exceJeret : id rdlicct unum declTe conllantes
jid quiptem populorum. Num propteri.a, impetraia externo'
rum ;/i/^;W quieviflc ? ^n potiui "v confideiuius efflngitafTe,
ut— clrtvo detarbaretur GRAN VELLANUS. At unius forte
naufragio complacatoi fuifle ver.tos. — Quin immout u'rgntia
crefcit faciliiis — homines a nollra facilitate fecuri — UhelUsiit'
rUiculis^ Jfagig/'ofs con/piratiof^iSus—improh'is palam carmini-
bus — minis — precibus armatis — extorfercnt quod averent—
o\i?iin3i\.i^inverecuncie legationibusHifpaniam fatigarent— '
Hicquoque vifumclementiae piincipis aliquaindignapofcenlc-
bus indulgerc. Enim vero quid ex ilia indul^eiaia relatum,
nift ut vororum ubique compotes, non parcndo ; fubditct
fefe oblivifcerentur, obfcqium dedifccrent, atque exuta
principis reverentia, communicata provinciarom defeflione,
tanqjam cuipa ibcieiate tutiorcs, humana omnia contredla-
tac femel libertati poft haberen!:. Nunc veto non uniut civita'
iisy fed /rcy/fltit^rB.v/ a7»/^/?/a peccatum efTe in regem. Nee
quia rebelles in prefcntia ccnquiefcant, minus ferociae ani-
mis incfle> refumpturos utique vires, ubi tnetum uhients ab-
jecerint. Sic ;7/« pronus ad asperio'ia, difleiebat."
Strada de bello Btlgico, lib. 6.
It is evident, that the Britijh jninifters have diligently
ftudied Straiia and the other authors who have tranfmitted to
pofterity the pleafing and inilrudive annals o. Philippic po- '
licy, as every mcafure ihey have taken, is founded on a pre-
cedent f<;t by that celebrated fchool of hum.anity.
diva is the favorite ma(kr-on his conduft they keep
their eyes ftcadily and reverently fixed, and It may truly be
faid — they follow him with no unequal ficps. Great, gcod,
and wiVe men ! whom fome future Pujfenclorf or Tsmph will
duely celebrate.
** In i5<54, Granville was removed from the council,
to appeafe the people. Their joy was fhorf; lived j for as
the yiiwr meafur!;s were purfued; it foon began to be faid
publicly
[ 75 3
to
10-
ill
as
id
defcendants owe every bkffing they now enjoy,
K 2 ^pp^y
^ublickly, that though his bodv was removed from, his /pi-
rit flill iiitluenced the council, Uj.)on application for a re-
laxation of the edicts, it was fald, that modtration had tnly
made matters ixjor/e, and the obrervation of thtm was again
•njoined upon more fevere penaltits than befoic.
*' At length an association was entered into, for mu-
tually defending each other. This being figned by above 40^
perfons of quality, who all proieitcd, that they raeant no-
thing but til'* honor of God, the glory ol the king, and the
good ol their coun'ry, they met ajid PirrriONEi*, that the
praclamatian might be revoktd: but the king would confcnt to
no mitigation. Good advice was given to him. But the
duke /)V/v«'j violent counfel, who proposed the en-
tire ABOLlSHMttNT OF TH2 LIBERTIES OP THE PIO-
viNCKS* wai moll pleafing and followed. The crt^el cuke
was fent into the ioow Countries with a powerful army. The
counts D^E^mont and Horn, were immediately feizedv on a
pretence that they had underhand, fpirited up the people's
difci^'eiiioH. They were afterwards executed. All who -Had
figned the association or petition were declared guilty
of \ HIGH TREASON, and anivverable for what had happened.
A council called from its cruel proceedings, f THE
COUNCIL OK BLOOD, was ereded for trying the ac-
cufed, from nvhich there nuas no appeal, (Note well) 41'wa
himlclf tried the accufvd in their own country^ where their
friendi and nxitnejjes might attend them, — where the paini
of death itfelf might be mitigated, by feeing with their dy-
ing eyes, that they expired beloved and lamented. Here,
the difciples exceed their tutor. This is too great a confo-
lation to be indulged to a colorift. He mud be carried
3000 miles acrufs the ocean - that he may not only dye,
but be infuUed in nis laft momenti, with the mockery of a
trial where the clearelUnnocence Hands no chance of acquit-
tal,
* " Lay tkem at my feet." \ Sec Gen. Gd^r't procla.
f Refolutions in pirliimcnt for trying coloniftt iu EnjrlgntU
Rhode- JJiand Court. Late A«i\tfoi Ma([achuf$tti-Bay.
mm m
i:t
ri
ril
i ''",
apply with inexpreffible force and appofitcncfs,
in
tal, and with the formality of a fentenre founded on a (latute
paft before the colonies cxiflcd.( 'r the approach of the army,
the piiticc oi Orange and other lords fled; and being fum-
moneJ to appeal before the council, in default thereof were
condemnv'd, and their eftates confifcatrd. ^/i/ejl tfjlcers, which the wars of
ChaAa ymt ^xSx^ or PL'uf: the fecond h d bred up in Eu-
rope ; •k'-'h, with t-w6 tbjujand more in the provinces, un-
der tWcoflMund of to old «nd renowned a general as the
duke of Mnja, mad« up -a iorcc, which nothing in the lonjo
CommbmK could look in t;e face with other eyes, than of
aflonilhment,
i'raltv courts. FhotU-Tfl.viil court, for enfoicino; the fta-
tute ot 35 Hen. 8. Act for rtguUting the !>ovtrnm<;(ii of M^fi«-
feiti'Sat. AA tor admir.illraticu of jufticf. &c.
hf '
•will. LI».l\Jf^,"l*J"Jii-
C 78 3
of the pretenfions fet up by their too forgetful
* poilt-ricy,
aftonilhmcnt, rubmilHon or defpair. This power was for
the a[lijlan(e of the gcvernejsy the execution cj the lazvs, the
fupprtjjing and pumjhing ali wlio had been authors or foment'
en oi' the late dtjiurbances. § On his ariival the governefi
having obtained leave of the king, retired out of the pro-
vince. The duke of Alva was inverted in the government,
ixjithpoinjers nevtr before giien to any governor. A council,
called THE COUNCIL OF BLOOD, || w as erefled for the
trial of ail crimes committed againfl the kirtg'i authority.
The towns llomached the breach ok their chartbi^j,
the people of their liberties, the knights of the golden
fleece the charters of their order, by thefe new
AND opious courts OF JUDICATURE ; all complain of ihe
DISUSE OF THE STATES, f of the INTRODUCTION OP AR-
MIES, but all in vain. The king was conftant to what he
had determined. Mva was in his nature fr/<#/and imxora-
hle^ The new army was fierce and brave, and defirous of
nothing fo much as a rebellion in the country. The people
were enraged, but awed and unhcadcd. All wa^ seizure
and PROCESS ;— CONFISCATION and IMPRISONMENT ; —
ji.-oa and horror ;— insolence and dejection; —
PUNISHMENTS cxccuted, and meditated revenge. The
fmaller branches were lopt off a pace ; the great ones were
longer a hewing down. Counli Foment and Horn lalled fe-
veral months; but at length, in fpite of all their fervices
to Charles the fifth, and to Philips as well as of their new
merits in quieting of the provinces, and of fo great fuppli-
cations and interccffions as were made in' thtir favour, both
in Spain and Flankers, they were jublicly bt headed at Briif-
felst which fecmed to break all patience in the pcoj le ; and
by their end to give thofe commotions a beginning, which
coft Europe \o much blaod, and ^jfain a great part ot the
Low Country provinces. The war begun, Alva had at
firfi
^ Sec fpccches in parliament, and preambles to the late atSi.
II See note in page yf .
t Frequent Diffolutions of affcmbllei— and their total ufc
Tefiacfs, if parliament taxci us.
C 79 3
poftcrity, over their unhappy colonics. Con-
fiding
Jir/l great fucccfs. Moved with no rumors, terrified with
no threats from a broken and unarmed people, and thinking
no mea/ures or forms were any more ncctirary to be obfcrvcd
in the provinces ; he pierends greater funis are iieceflary for
\\it pay and reiuard oi hi ^'viiloricns troops than were annu-
ally GRANTED UPON' THE KINO's REC^'SST BY THE
STATis or THE PROviNCbS '. (Nott. Hcrc OUT minillc. s have
again improved upon Philipi\ ; for they have taxed us, ^vith-
out making req lelb.) § And therefjie demands a general
tax of the hundredth part of every man's edatc, to be
raifed at once : and for the future, the twentieth of all im-
moveable, and the eighteeiuh of all that was fold. The
ftatcs with much relu,^ancy confent he firft, as a thing
that ended at once. They pe i irix. • ^'^f^S* dut wira-
cuT REDRESS J draw out the ye.tr in -ontells, fometimes llo-
machful, fometimes humble with the governor : Till the
duke, impatient of delay, caufes the ^diV?, without cok-
SENT of th£ states, to hi publijbcd. The people ri*"
fuse to pay ; the soldiers begin to levy by force ;
the townsmen all shut up THE^R shops; the peofle
IN THE COUNT'^.Y FORBEAR THE MARKET ; fo aS HOt fo
much as bread a-^d meat is to be bought iu the town. The
duke is enraged ; calls the fzlUers to arms ; and commands
feveral of the inhabitants, who refused the payments,
to be hanged that very night upon their sign posti ;
which moves not the obftinacy of th« pcop'e. And
NOW
iM.ii
§ Another advantage the Brr/i/^ minif^ers have over the Spanijh
in depth ot policy, is very rcinarlcible. Spainrv/zt A gieac
empire. The Low Coimtrics a mere Tpcck, comf v ri with it.
Spain was not a maritime ftate that depended upon them for the
fupply of her revenue. Had they been Unit in the Tea, flie would
fcircely have felt the lofs. Her profpeCt of fuccefs was almoit
certain. France, licr then inveterate enemy, cxhavifled by a civil
war, and divided into two powerful pirtres. Every circumrtancc
ii direiflly the revcrfe to Great- Britain m her preiient cotitcil with
the coluuics. " Siquidcm vcriirimnm eft, ijnem tcvli-. iiiji^'cit', et
iiijciflo fpatiufli moduniiia:. Sutucrs, coa ^.Ic m Cjufdem niaixu."
STRA-J*, lib. 7.
■ !
L 8o ] ~
fiding in il»e undeniable truth of this fingle
poficion, thuf, *' to live by one man's ■'- will,
became
wow THE OFPICltRS AND THE GUARDS ARE READY TO
BLC3JN THE EXECUTIONS, w4ien ncvvs comer, to tovvn of
the taking of the BriJt by the Cuefes, ff and of the ex-
pe£lation that had <^iven of a fudJcn revolt in the province
of Hcllnna.
'* This unexpci'^rd Wow struck the duke of ///i/^, and
fortfecing the confequcmcs uf it, becauff he knew the ftubble was
dry, and now he found the fire was fallen in, he thought it
an ill time to make an end of the tragedy in lirabattt, whilft
a new fccne was opened in IlollatjJ \ and fo giving over for
the prefent his taxes and executions, applies his
thoughts to the fuppreflion of this ne* enemy that broke in
upon him fif^m the 0.*a. And jtoiv began that great commo>
tion in the Lonv Counf-ies, which /icver Cfw^cJhMi in the lofa
•of lliofe provinces, when the death of the royal government
£ave lifi* to a new commonwealth."
O'jfcrvat. upon the UNIT RD provinces of the Nether-
lands by fir hFiltiam Temple.
Philip and his junto of cabinet minifters thought them-
fclves no doubt very wife, and politic as fo many Machia-
*vels. But what Hu's, and will fay mankind as long as the
memory of thofe events is preferved ? That their counfels
were def icrrble, their motives deteftable, and their minds
like thofe defcrib -d by the biihop of Lerida, that exadtly
refemhled ihe hon.s of tSe cows in hia country — little,
" HARD, and CROOK^D."
t Hooke", *' Ft^r a man to be tenant at '-will o{ his liber-
ty 1 can nev«r agtee to it. It is a tenure, not to be found
in all Litt'eton"' Speech of Sir Edvk^ard Coke.
•' Etiam ft uominus nan Jtt molejius, tumen mifertimum ejl,
pofTe y? vcllt." Cicero.
^ *« Th-/;^^,
Know ungentle tyranny." RowE.
♦" B/Tcr^rj — Tliev were cai'icd fo in fr>ntcmpt, when they peii-
ti'HcJ. ( hfr peoM. tiicrciipod ai^unud ihat name, peibap» tO
kur;> ap liic mcmurv <:i£ an iufuU ouafwncd by their loyaUy.
C 8» 1
became the caufe of all men's mifcry," they ge-
neroufly fuffcred.---And the worthy bifhop be-
fore mentioned, who, for ftrcnuoufly aflfertino-
the principles of the revolution, received the
unufual honor of being recommended by a
HOUSE OF COMMONS to the fovercign fur prefer-
ment, has juftly obferved, that " mijery is the
fame whether it comes from the hands of many
or of ONE."
*' It could not appear tolerahk to him
(meaning Mr. Hooker author of the ecclefMftical
policy) to lodge in the governors o( any fociety
an UNLIMITED AUTHORITY, to anull and alter
the conftitution of the government, as they
fhould fee fit, and to leave to the governed the
privilege c«/y of ABSOLUTE subjection in all
fuch alterations \ * or to ufc the parliamentary
phrafe, " in all cafes whatfoeverJ"
[ From what fource can Great-Britain derive
a fingle reafon to fupport her claim to fuch an
enormous power? That it is confident with the
laws of nature^ no reafonable rnan will prftend.
That it contradidls the precepts of chrifiianity^
is evident. For fhe drives to force upon us,
terms, which fiie would judge to be intolerably
fevcre and cruel, if impofcd on herfelf. " Vir"
tual reprefentation^* is too ridiculous to be re-
garded, ne neceffity of a /upreme fovereign legifla--
L / ture
* HcadlyV. difc. on gov-crnment,
ft
ture iiitcrn.Vily fupcrintcnding the whole em-
pire*, is a notion equally unjull and dangerous.
*' 1 he pntence (fays Mr. juiUce Blackjlone
fpeaking oi James the firft's reign)** for which
arbitrary mealures was no other than the ty-
rants plea of the NECESSITY OF UNLIMITED
POWERS, in works of evident utility to the -f-
public, the fupreme reafon above all realbns,
which is the falvation of the king's lands and
people.**
t With fuch fmoolh words may the mod dreadful dc-
figns be gloflld over. " There arc feme men who call
evil, good, and bitter, twcet.-^yujfice, is now called /o/w-
tarity And Fa Jlion.'* Pari. hill. 8. 193.
'* A man fliall not unprofitably fpend his conicmpU-
tlon, that upon this occafion confiders the method of God'»
judicc (a method terribly remarkable in many palfages, and
upon mmy perfons, which we fhall be compelled to re-
member in this difcourfc) that the fame piinciplcs, and the
fame application of thofe principles fliould be ufed to the
wrcfting all fovereign power from the crown, which the
crown had a little before made ufe of for the extending its
authority, and power, btyonJ Ws hounds, to the prejudice of'
ihejuji rights cfthf, fuhjeii. A supposed N£C»s«ity was
then thought ground enough to create a power, and
A BARE AVERMENT OF THAT NECESSITY to beget a prac-
tice to impoje ivhat tax they thought convenient upon
the fubjedt, by writs of Jhp-mtiiiey never before known,
and a fuppoled neceflity now, and a bare averment of that
neceffity,. is as confidently, and more fatally, concluded
a good ground to cxi;Iude the crown fiom the ufe of any
power, by an ordinance never before heard of, and the
fame maxim of " falui populi fuprema lex," which had
been ufed to the infringing the liberty of the one, made uf«
of for dellro) ing the rights of the other.'*
Lord C/;##«<»'c//s hill, b. 5, p. 54,
. vi >
[ 83 ]
people.'* This was not the dodtrinc of James
only. His Ton unhappily iniierited it from him.
On this flimfy foundation was built the claim
oi fiip money &c. Kor were tiiere wanting men,
who could argue, from the couiily text, that
parliaments were too fiupid or too faflious to
grant money to the crown, when it was their .
intereft and their duty to do fo. This argument
however, ^^^ fully rctuted, and flcpt above a
century in proper contempt, till the pofteriiy
of thofe, who had overthrowii it, irougl.tfit to
revive the exploded n-hfurdity. Trilling as the
pretence was, yet it might much inorc propeily
be urr .' :;-i 'ivour of a fingk fcrfov.^ than of a
multtu.lt. /".ccounfcis of amonirch may be
more <'^ciet. His mcafurcs more quick. In j^afllng
an a£l of par' ^ment for all the colonies, as many
men are tonfjitcd, if not more, than need be con-
fulted, in o''taining the anfenr of every legiflaturc
on the contin nt. \[ it i' ago argument for par-
liament, it is . better ag.iinli vliem. It there-
fore proves noihing but its own fi ilirv. The
fuppojed advantages o\ fuch a powi-r, could never
be attained but by the dcllri.ition of-j- realbeie-
. L 2 fits,
■\ Thus the patriotr of Char/es^s days argued — "It is not,
that ftjif-money hath been levied upon l'J, but it is, that
thereby fhip-money f . -ned^ which is the gift and ear-
nest PENNY OF ALL WK UAVE : it 15 fiot, »^hat our perrops
have been imprifoned, 'u' .he payment of Inip money, but
that our persons and lives are, upon \\\^ lame ground of
lavj, delivered up to nvill and ^>leafure, his, that our
BIRHTRIGHT
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[ 84 3
//^, evidenced by fafls to cxifv without it.
The Swifs Cantons^ and the United Provinces^
are combinations of independant dates. 1 he
voice of each mud be given. The inftance of
thefe colonies may be added: For dating the
cafe, that no ar/>/} themfelves to be
loyal fuhjeds of? It cannot be his prefent mod
gracious majedy, George the third, king of
Great Britain^ for his title is founded on an a£l
of parliament, and they will not furely acknow-
ledge that parliament can give them a king,
which is of all others, the higheft ad of fovcr-
eignty, when they deny it to have power to tax
BIRTHRIGHT IS dcftroyed, and that there hath been an en- r
deavour 10 reduce us to n lower Jiate than villainage, ThC; -.
lord might tax his 'villain de haut et de hafle, might im- .-^
prifon him, but his life was his own; the law sh-,,^
CURED HIM THAT," Lofd Clarendon^ suyi
X See note on thefe words — " Therefore a power of re-^j^t
gulating pur trade, involves not in it the idea of a fupreme
legiflatur;^ over us." pa. 1 2 ^
\ I /
r i
\\ -Hi f
t ^ i , ,, ■
or bind them in any other cafe ; and I do not
recolkSI, that there is any adt of alT i;nbly, j[>
any of the colonies for fettling the crown upon
king ^tlliam or the illuftrious houfe of Ilaiio-
ver *." " Curious reafoning this." § It :s to
be wi(hed the gt-ntleman had *' utol'eCied'*
that without any fuch *' adl of allcmbly"
none of the colonics ever rtrbclled. What
aSf of parliament is here meant ? Surely not ^hc
luh Ot Henry the leventh, chapter the id in
favour
• ** The controierjy between Great -Britain and her colo-
nies revie.ved." The learned gentleman who wrote this
piece, has thought proper to quit his argument, rtep out
of his way, perfonaliy abufe and leverely attack the wiictr of
the " Farmer's L'-tters." His principal objedions are the
Ibl'owinir, and the anfwers here given may perhaps be fuffi- '
cient to fliew with what force his objedions are geneially A
urged, ifl. He fays, " the wi iter of the letters, tells us,
chat the drawbacks A'hich aie illowed on fome articles upoai^'
their exportation fro;^ England 2Lmo\xxiX. to more money than
all the duties t0L;ether which are laid upon them on their ar- ^
rival in the colonies will produce. 1 believe it is the firft^f
time that the colonies of any Itate have complained of the^^
injuftice of the m^ither country in laying taxes upon them,
which were not fufficiently heavy y nor was it ever lefore dil- '^
covered that the proper means to redrefs the grievances of
any people, were to increafe their taxes " Page i6. Anh-wer, .. ..
The truth of the affertion in the letters is not denied. It is
""■ipi
aflumed, by the author of the '* com. jverfy," as the foundarJ^^
tion of his argument. If then, parliament would have ^^
raifed more money, *' hjr flopping the drawbacks, than by,^^
laving the duties lobe paid in the colonies," nuhy were they
kid ? From r^rfped for parliament it mull be fuppofed, x\kt^,
were laid iot Jome purpofe. ' -^' ''~" *^~ '^ '" ~' *^'^
It was not for the fake of the „
■ 'm-
iTiOnev, =^
§ Id. p. 17.
^l'
hi k
Wl'
w
i 86 1
favour of a k\i\gdefa^o. Probably the 12th
and 13th ot William the 3d chapter the 2d
** for the further limitation of the crown &c.'*
is intended. And, is it imagined that the
words " dominions and territories thereunto
* belonging"
money. For what then ? To cfiablifh a precedint for
taxing the colonics, fays the writer of ihe letters. The
author of the controverfy does not deny it ; hut enters into
a diflertatlon upon the more and the lefst which is not the
point in queftion. 2dly. 1 he writer of the letters fays, that
** zci aS of parliament commanding us to to do a certain
thing, if it ha: any validity, is a tax upon us, for the ex^'
fince \\ that accrues in complying with it." In reply to this,
the author of "the controverfy" enumerates many inftances
of fovereignty Jubjeding the cclcnies to expince, which he fup-
■pofes may be legally exercifed within the colonies •• by
ACT OF parliament". Pages 23, 24. Anj'wer. The pro-
priety of this fuppofition is dcnitd, and remains to be
proved. ** Abfurdities and contradictions" are pleniitully
attributed to the writer of the letters, becaufe he will not
acknowledge, that the power of parliament ** to regulate
^ trade, and prefervsi the connection of the whole empire in
f" all pleaft,
^ A perfon of fuch fagacity, as the author of the controver-
' {^t might plainly have perceived, if his refentment had not
prejudiced his candor, that the writer of the letters, was
unwilling to give up any point, which he then thought ef-
fential to the freedom and welfare of his country, and at
■j^D'tti* II Thjj fcptcnce related to the diflblutlon of the aflcmbly of
"f'f A rw- Tori, for not complying 'with the adl of parliament for not
//-^vfupplying the troops. Laft feflion of parliament an adk was pafl'cd
,»;>;: for the more commodious quartering of the troop* in America. It is
'13'! not yet come over ; but dcferves the attention of the coloaifts, even
I 3 if it has not the remarkable features, that diftinguifli the prod uc-
^ rbi'tions of the laft fcffion.
' .«i.t>»»i.-t>3T?at T5ff ^iroyrit •^.,•^v^'
0^• ,;i^j»i»«%t ■
.■I«
'A IV
X ■»
r\i4
■:t,
. C 87 ]
belonging*' in that ftatute, form his majeily'a
title to th" fovereignty of thefe colonies? The
omiflion of them might have looked odd-, but
what force is added by their infertion ? The fet-
-:- ^ ' tie men c
the fame time was § unwilling to propofe any new fubjcifl
of difpute. Jallly has the author of the controverfy ob-
ferved— that •* it would be cndlefs to trace this dodrine of
TAXES THROUGH ALL THE CONSEQUENCES." pa. 23.
3dly. The writer of the letters fays, ** we are as much de-
pendant on Great -Britain, as a perfedly free people can be
on another." On this the author of the controverfy kindly
obferves, that — ** it is a pity the learned editor (the Eng^
lijh editor, it is fuppofed) his not given the public a differ-
■ '^ '' * ' tation
§ " If any pcrfon (hall imagine thit he difcovers, in thcfe Icitcrs,
the Icaft diflik.' of the dependence of thcfe coloiiies on Great-Bri-
tain, I beg that fuch perfon will not form any judgment on parti-
cular exffefficns, but will conQder the tinor of all ihe letten takdn tc
gether. In that cafe, I flatter myfclf, that every nnprejudiccd rea-
der will be convinced, that the true intcrcfts of Great-Britain jirc as
dear to me, as they ought to be to every good fubjeifl.
*' If I am an enlhuftaji in any thin(», it is in my zeal for the perpc
tual dependence of thefe colonies on their mother country. — A de-
pendence founded on mutual benefits, tlic continuance o^' wbichcan
be fccured only by mutual afettions. Ihrrcforc it is, that wiih ex-
treme apprchcnfion I view the fmatleft feeds of difcontent, which
arc unwarily fcattered abroad. Fifty or Ji.xty years will make afto-
nifhtng alterations in thefe Colonies ; and this confidcration fhould
render it the bufinefs of Great-Britain more and more to cultivate
our good difpofitions towards her : But the misfortune is, that
thofe ^r^fl/ mf«, who are wreftling for power at home, think them-
felvcs very flightly intcrefted in the profpcriiy of their country fifty
or fixty years hence, but are deeply concerned in blowing up a
popular clamour for fuppofed »V«wer//fl/f advantages.
•• For my part, I regard Great-Britain as a bulwark, happily
fixed between thefe colonies and the powerful nations of Europe.
That kingdom remaining fafe. we, Under its protection, enjoying
pcace^ may diiFufe the bleliiogs of religion, fcience, and liberty,
through remote wilderneffes. It is therefore incomeftably our duty,
and our interejl, to fupport the ftrcngth of Great Britain. When
confiding in that ftrength, (he begins to forget from whence it
arofe, it will be an eafy thing to (hew the fource. She may readi-
ly be reminded of the loud alarm fprcad among her merchants and
tradcAncn
. .. '
!*■. j
It
si #
<-■>_
'%
'4
m-!\
w.
i:
3 ••' I
Lk'/' '»
H '■
mi
tkmcnt of the crown of England includes the
fcultnirnt of the fovercignty of the colonics.
K^ng PVilUam is mentioned — and will the gen-
tleman venture to fay, that fniiiam was not,
r;i;n;T'ftf'*'^
:ing
tarion on that mrft ingenious and inrtruinive pafiape." pa.
it;. Anjiutr. Amtncan underftandings difcovcr no incOnfif-
tcncy in the idea of •* a Hate being dependant, and yet per*
fe^ly free," and their temper is fo moderate that they
would be content with that degree of freedom, which is
compatible with a dcpendance. If the propofition puzzles
B^ttijh underllandings, it is prefumed to be, becauie Bri-
ions will not give themfdves the trouble to think of any
dcpendance, but of fuchy as is deftruflive of all freedom i
though they themfelves are dependant in Tome meafurc on
others. 4ly. The writer of the letters fays — *' if money
be railed upon us by others without rur confent, for our de-
fence, thofe who are the judges in levying it, mull alfo be
-... . ■ •: , - .._ . jj,e
tradefmen, by tlie univerfal afTociation of thefc colonics, at the
time of the fiamp-aff, not to import any of "her m an UFA ctur es.
" In the year 1 718, the Ruffians and Sivedcs entered into an agree*
mcnt, ntitto iuffer Great -Brilain to cxpoK any naval stores
from their dominions but in Ruffian or Sivedijh fliips, and at their
own prjces. Great-Britain was diArefled. Pitch and tar rofc to three
founds a barrtl. At length (he thought of getting thefc articles from
tlu- colonies ; and the attempt fcceeding, they fell down to fifteen
Jiiillinjis. In the year 1756, Great-Britain was threatened with an
inva/ion. An cadcrly wind blowing for tix weeks, (he could not
MAN her fleet, and the whole nation was thrown into the uttnofl;
confternation. The wind changed. The American fliips arrived.
The fleet failed in ten or fifteen days. There are fomc other re-
fle«aion», on this fubjedl, worthy of the moft deliberate attention
of the BW/i^ parliament ; but they are of such A nature, that I
do not chufe to mention them publicly. I thought it my duty, in the
year 176$, while the ftamj>-ait \ris in fufpenfe, to wntc my fcnti-
ments to a gentleman of great influence at home, who afterwards
diftinguiflied himfelf, by efpoufing our caufe, in the debates con-
cerning the repeal of that adV." Farmer's Letter, xii. p. 100,
If the author of " tht controverly" had feen the letter above
referred to, he would have found, that, the difi'ercnce between
the PREROGATIVE in Great- Britain and in America, and the ei*
ercife of imternal legislation by parliament over the colo-
nies, with fome otiier points therein mentioned, were reprefented
in the ftfonseft tcim> the writer of the letters could ufe, as unjuftj.
^W/i*\ f^-mmf/^trnffUff^
C 89 ]
king of England 2in6. foyereign of thcfc colonies,'
before his tiile wa,. " declared" or " recog-
nized" by '' an adl of parliament?" The gen-
tleman flurs over this cafe. His zeal for the
, '» M " illuftrious
■:■}
the judges in applying it. [Of consequence, the money,.
f aid lo be taken from us for our defence, may be employed^ to
our injury. We may be * chained in by a line of fortifica-
tions — obliged to pay for the building and maintaining them
— and be told that they are for our dt;fence ] With what
face can we difpute the fad after having gr.ntf'd tliat thofe
who apply the monev, had a right to levy it ? For (urely ic
is much eafier for their wifdom to undcrlland how 19 apply
it in the bell manner than how to levy it in the bert man-
ner. Befidc the right of K.vying is of infinitely more confe-
quence than that of applying. '\ lie people q{ England^ who
would burft out into fury if the crown fhould attempt to //-
•vy money by its own authority, have always afligned to the
crown the a'plication of money."
From thefe words relating to " application" the author of
** the controverfy" deduce-^ a *' proof," that the writer of the
letters is very deficient in " his knowledge of the conflitu*
and certainly tending ift a few years to produce thcdccpcft dJfcon* )- '
tents. The time is at lengilt come, when filence ia ^;Nfr(C(a on
thefc fubjedls wou'd be Hupid ^r ciiminal.
• The probability of this nieafurc taking place, is confirme4
by the Canada bill, a political device fo extraordinary, as to ex*')'.
ciicfurprize even in thofe colonics who live in the year 1774. By '
this bill, it is faid, the Itgijlativc power is lodged in the gorerno?
and a few men, not Icfs than 17 nor more than *3, appointed and
rcmoveable by the crown ; and the government becomes wholly
military. Trials by jury are abolillied, though multitudvs o£
Englip fubjcdts fettled there on the encpuragcment given by, i
the kii^g's proclamation in ijCj The French laws arc re^.un
ftored, and all the country on the back of these oo»m''
LUNiES is added to Canada, and put under the same m UNI-
TARY government. This is indet-d to be '• citmed'm." No-is
thing is wanting to complete the plan, but oiu money, to defray^f;*
the expence of eredting jlrong hnlds among our woods .and mcii^e^n
tains, and to bribe our Indians; and then the exprcfliQa of '• beat'*->^c,
trig our f-words into plough'jhares will be rcvcrfed in.ao extraordinary! ^
manner; for" our plough-thare*" will furniftj tl.C very •' fwotds"
that are to cut our own throats.
\ I.
■A i i)
A
[ 90 ]
¥
. I*'
■4(1 i-
•'.^^illuftrious houfe of Hancver" would be lit-
tle graiified, by infering, that bccaufe the two
houles
i:on"t &c Aiif'wtr. Is this treatment generous? In fuch
queftions ought the attack, to be turned from the cauje to the
7:ian ? The writer of the letters, pretends not to be diiHn-
guifhed, as a ** critic on government" nor for •• juftnels or
elegance of compofrion." || Surely, even the author of ♦* the
controverfy " mull now be convinced of his averfion, to writing,
as that performance, with all *♦ the jullnefs and elegance of
its compofition, knowledgeof the fubjed handled, & confli*
tutional learning difplayed in it," and employed to pull to
pieces the reputation of the writer of the letters, has not
rouzed him during fo many years fince its publication, to
make a finglc effort in vindication of his charafter. Was it
imagined, that every objeftion was juil, becaufe not replied
to ? Many reafons, befides a fear of encountering objec-
tions, may prevent an anfwer. In truth, he cannot be
called a 'vclunteer author. — He never did, and never d\kzq
to writt, but ivben the honour or interellof his country was
alTaulted — when duty compelled every one to contribute
what afTillance he could in her defence — and when he
hoped, the caufe would draw fome kind of a veil over his
defe(^ls. He expeded, he might efcape as the Spartan
youth did, with fome flight cenfure for engaging improperly
armed^ but that his motive would excufe him from a fevere
one. How well founded the prefent reproach is, will now
be conildered. One would imagine, that a man of com-
mon fenfe on reading the foregoing extrad from the letters,
would underftand the writer plainly to mean by •* levying^*
the power of** taxing* — and by *' applying** the power of
*' employing^' x\ic money railed by taxing; or in other terms,
i\ie uc'tual expenditure o£ it. This meaning is evident — the
conclufion being expre/s, that *' i^ ethers may be judges in ap'
flyifig money, ofconsuquence hmay ie employed to our in^^
jufy"— and then follow fome itijiancest in which it '* may
Jo employed." All this is very clear. - How then docs
\ Page %$. 11 Pages aa and 15.
.*<-/'»tsoil*aiUi
r 91 1
houfes with the confent of the nation, made
a king, therefore the two houfes can make
- M 2 hws.
the very ingenious gentleman open his way to the wiircr cf
the letters, to give him this violent blo*v ? By a dexterity wor-
thy of imitation — if jujlijiahle. He le.i'vcs out of his quota-
tion, all the 'Words incloi'ed within the lall crotchet, be-
ginning at the words " of coNSEquENCu" and ending at
the words '* our def:nce," that Jhe'iued bevond a poffibility
of doubt tn ''nfiuence of the crown? —
He particularly takes notice of it with refpe£t to the army
— in thefe expreffions — •* paid indeed ultimately by the
people, but immediately by the crown ; rulfed by the crown ;
officered by the crown; commanded by the crown."* "■
Is not the word *• application" uled here too, not only
properly, as defined^ but properly, in a confituticuat jenje?
True it is, that the word is fometimes ufed as fynonimous
with appropriation^ though this latter feems to be- the fitteil
word
M
ElackftoDc 330.
\-'M
'si: •'
■■\._
E 9« 3 .
laws. Yet thatconclufion woul':' be as juflifiable
as this — that the aflfcnt ot the colonics to an elec-
tion
word to mean the Je/ignation of money to particular pur-
pofes in a£ls of parliament. Could it be poflible, that^he
author of ** the controverfy" (hould iinagiiie, the writer of
the letters could be ignorant of fuch defignation or appro-
priation of money by parliament, when one can fcarcely
open a book of ftatutes, without obierving them ? Parlia-
xnen; may accommodate grants of money to public neccfli-
ties — and may call officers of the crown to account for mo-
ney, but thele powers no more prove the a£2ual expend'turt
and employment of money to belong to parliament, than the
power of calling officers of the crown to account for in-
jurious leagues, or declarations of war, proves the power
of parliament to make leagues or to declare war. fiefides,
it being contended againfl the colonies, that the •' fovereign
fower'* is lodged in king, lords, and commons, the fame
perfons may tax and expend^ to what excefs and in what man-
ner they please, while the colonies will have no kind
OF CONTROUL ovcr them : And, that fuch an union of thofe
powers, is unconlUtutional and dangerous to the colonies in
extreme, was the point the writer of the letter i^offenfively
tn. ventured to yfift on. : ;j,,i' > -.,
Exadly in the fenfe here contended for, are the words
** appropriation" and " application*' ufed in fome of the
befl authorities. Bilhop EUjs in his trads on liberty, page
^31, fays—" The parliament, at prefent, in granting mo-
ney does for the moll part appropriate it to particular fer-
vices, wheieby the application of it is more effedually fe-
.cured." *' When any aids are given, the commons only
-.do judge of the neceffities of the crown, which cannot be
\ Otherwife made manifeft to them, than hy inquiring^ Jiow
the money which hath been granted, and re^^enue of the
«rown, is expended and applied. ''"'^ ** Out of the aids given
by parliament, (which by the law of England are appropri-
•;■: t ■ ■■ , ■- •■■''^**Ji'-J','.-i>if!'- .fi -Gl r^-ttX'U ■•4>^-.; ,,»;,» nja gffgj
* "Words of the commons at z conference with the lords. ParlJ'tff.
Of
[ 93 }
tion of a king by the two houfcs, or to the li-
mitation of the crown by ad of pirliamcnt,
proves a right in parliament to bind the colo-
nies by ilatutes " in all cafes whatfutrver." In
fuch great points, the coiidudl of a people is in-
fluenced Jalely by a regard for their freedom and
hap- • •
audi and ou^^ht to have been employed m the common profit of
the whole realm) many la>gt fums of money, during the times
of fuch heavy taxes uponilie people, have been diverted un-
der the head Qi fecretferviceit and for JalatieSf lounties aiid
ptnfions Sec."*
Some other unfairnefles there are in this famous piece,
that need only be viewed, to be refuted ; but of which, it
may be faid, if a ** precedent" elUWidicd by the ref^etSla-
ble gentleman himfclf, can procure pardon for the expref-
fxon, that" they are not entitled to notice." How could he
venture to aifert as he does, that — ** the purpose ot the letters
was to excite refentirent in the colonies aghinil their parent
country and to pulh them on to a fepari^.tion from her."
The letters prove the contrary Few men have expreft
a warmer zeal for the connexion, than the writer of them 1
Yet his reputation is to be attac'.ced on every account, and
a charge even ol dijloyalty direclly levelled againft him. The
author is welcome to take what other licenfes he pleafes ia
his reprehenfions of the writer ; but he ought not to have
denied his integrity. Their inientions mull ftand the teft of a
tribunal, that decides for eternity. May they then appear
equally pure. ^
.?-,, True indeed are thofe words of lord C^»'^»/, is a novelty- -a dread-
ful novelty. It may be compared to the en-
gine invented by the Creeks for the dcftruflion
ot Troy]'. It is full of armed enemies, and the
walls of thc conltitution mull be thrown down,
before it can bfe infoduced among us.
When it is confidered that the king as king
of England has a power in making laws- -the
"powev oi exscuiif!g them- -of Jin ally determining
on appeals— of calling jpon us for fupplies in
'; * This word " d'^pendance" as applied to the Hates
connefted with EuglanJ, feemi to be a new one. It ap-
pears to have been introduced into the language of the law,
by the common wealth a£l of 1650. A *• dependance on
parliament" is dill more modern. A people cannot be too
cautious in guarding againft fuch innovations. *• The creden-
tials of the imperial ambafladors to the ftates of Holland,
were direded--** to our faithful and beloved."
The words feem to be very kind; but the cautious ftates
difcovered that this was the Aileof the imperial chancery in
writing; to the 'vajfals of the empire. The queftion was,
whether the credentials fhould be opened? and it was urg-
ed, that a folemn embaiTy ought not to be difappointed,
for a few tiifling words. But the ftates refolvcd to fend
them back unopened, which they did. Other credentials
were then fent, w'th a proper diredion; and the ambafla-
dors were well r eived." Arcana imp. det. p. 196,
, ^f 7 Co. J 8, »••;
'■\ri
times of war or any emergency— that every
branch of the prerogative binds us, as the fub-
jcfls are bound thereby in En^Lwd—and that
all our i n tercou r fe with /cr«^y;jri is regulated
by parliament. — Colonills may " furely" be
acknowledged to fpcak with truth, and prccif-
lion , in anfwcr to the " elegantly'* exprcft
queftion— " What king it is" &;c. by faying
that " his mod gracious iT\B.}t([y George the third"
is the king of England^ and therefore, " the
kir/g" they— proicfs themfclves to be loyal ftib-
jetlsofr . :'/ •"
t'l We are aware of the objeAion, that, " if the
king 0^ England is therefore king of thecolonies,
they are fubjedl to the general legiflative autho-
rity of that kingdom." The premifes by no
means warrant this conclufion. It is built on
a mere fuppofition, that, the colonies are
thereby acknowledged to be within the realm,
and on an incantation expe6ted to be wrought
by fome magic force in thofe woods. To be fu-
bordinately conneded with England, the. colonics
have contracted. To be fubjedt to the general
legiflative authority Oi" rhat kingdom, they never
contratled. Such a power as may be necefiary to
preferve this connexion Ihe has. The authority
.of i\\t Sovereign, and the authority of controul-
ingour intercourfe Wiih foreign nations form that
power. Such a pozvsr leaves the colonies free.
"But
i;;,
m
r 96 ]
m'
K.
^i^
'ih
I'
But a general ler^iflativc power, is not a power
to prefrrve that conne6lion, but to diftrefs and
cnflave them. If the firft power cannot fubfiflr,
without the laft, (he has no righteven to the firft,
—the colonies were deceived in their contradt—
and the power muft be unjuft and illegal;
for God has given to them a better ri^bt to
preferve their liberty, than to her to dellroy it.
In other words, fuppofing, king, lords and com-
mons ading in parliament, conftiiuteayi>t;^m^»/jf
over the colonies, is that fovereignty conitiiu-
tionally ahfolitte or limited? That ftates without,
freedom, fhoukl by principle grow out of a free
ftate, is as impolFible, as that fparrows, Ihould be
produced from the eggs of an eogle. The fo-
vereignty over the colonies, muft be * limited.
Hejiod long fince faid, " half is better than the
whole i" and the faying never was more juftly
applicable, than on the prcfent occafion.
Had the unhappy Charles remembered
and regarded it, his private virtues might
long have adorned a throne, from which his
public meafores precipitated him in blood.
To argue on this fubjed from other inftances
of parliamentary power, is ihifting the
emt-'> ■<.«*<'-• s,T<*',*(
* tt
ground^ ^
Nee REGiBus infinha aut libera poteflast was the con-
ftitution of our G/rm^a anceflors on the continentp and this
is not only confonant to the principled of nature, of
i^iBERTY, of REASON, and of SOCIETY, but hat always been
eftcemed an exprefs part of the com.jc. x law of Englandy
even when prerogati've ivas at the higbtji." 1 Blackft. 233.
97 ]
ground. The connexion of the colonies with
En^landy is a point of an unprecedented and
delicate nature. It can be compared to no
other tafe; and to receive a juft determination,
it murt be confidered with reference to its own
peculiar circumftances. f The common law ex-
. iH ', tends
f The learned Judge, [in Vol. i. pag. 107.] fays thi$
country was not *• uftinhabiied when difco^er'^d and
planted by the Englifh, &c. but ought to he confidered
as a conqu^redt ceded, or infidel country. Our American
plantations ^xt principally of this latter fort, being obtain-
ed in the laft century, either by right oi coi^que/i and dri^v-
ing out the natives (with what natural juHice, I fhall not at
prefent inquire) or by trtaties : and therefore the common
law of England, as fucii, has no allowance or authority
there, they being no part of the mother country, but dif-
tindt (though dependent) dominions. They are fubjedl
however to the cojitroul of the parliament.'* ,
According to this do^rine, the colonifts are confidered
in a legal vieixj by the parent ftate, *' as infideh or conquered
people y* not as her cnildren with her confent eftablifhing
focieties for her benefit. Though not a fingle man of the
** infidels or conquered" people, fhould now be found to
reiide in each col<;ny j yet a political contagion is com-
municated to Englijhmen in fecula ficulorunit becaufe /«-
dians once fiihed in the rivers, and hunted in the woods.
If this be their ** condition,^' then according to the
law laid down by the judge, ** they are fubjert not only
to the contro).! of parliament y** but the ** Kinj^ may alter
and impoje what laws he piea/es." ^
It is not known, what the learned Judge means by the
word ** principally.^* Perhaps he alludes to the '11 direded hu-
manity and jujiice of the firft fettlers of fome colonies,
who purchafed the lands from the natives, for valuable a;id
iatisfoitory
^ X fil»c kO. 107. afid the cafes tbcic cited.
I
ts*
..|;|.'*: -SBm& -
X^^v.'.
"«; ■*'«
■■%;*"t'^'** i'--^^ "^W^
C 98 ]
\ /
it
^r
tends to colonies-, yet Mr.judice Blackjlene fays,
" fuch parts of the law as arc neither nef/«f ; for /^(f/ic6urtly tenets
are the only confequences deducible from the cuiious argif~
vient ihat tends to involve thefe colonies in the misfortunes of
if^ conquered^ cededy or infidel countries. " The ** contrcul of
parliament," is aflerted to be fupreme, in P'.\.ry cafe.
Whether the colonies were fettled in " uninhabited countries,"
or in -? conquered, ceded, or infidel counties," makes no
differenB€-as to that point.
..-Another learned gentleman has difcovered, that we " are
iiiQt entitled to as great a degree of freedom as Ireland.**
Why ? '* Becaufe Ireland was a ctnqnered country." This
remark does not feem to remove the difficulty. Let us hear
the point a litlle more explained, " Inland \\ is true was
conquered
-^
^7 nor conve'iicnt for them, as the jiirifdiiftion oE
the fpirituu! courts, &c. are therefore not in
. .■ N 2 , .„, force.",,.,
•I , ) : i
conquered, but certain conr.ejjiom were rradf^to the people. >
Thefe were the terms granted therrij bot Eniland is obliged
to keep no terms with the colonills." At every ftep theftt
fventlemen take, thofe writers, who have contributed fo
much to ihe ^lory of their country, turn upon them, and
dircdiy oppofe them. Thev at firfl fhrink before thefe ve-
nerable advocates f)r liberty and humanity — but recol-
ledlin^ themielves, they diltinguifh and refine, in order to
take away the fubftance of every argument, and to whittle
down a Hooker and a Locke into a Lejlrange and a
Filmer. After taking thefe liberties, they at length
grow bo'.d enough to arraign the authority of any
man, even Mr. Lockn himfelf, if his writings cannot, by
ail this art, be turned to their purpofe.
We need not bt; furprifed after this, that every colonifl,
who ventures honeflly, to allert, as well as he can, the caufe
Ct his native land, Ihould be treated with little refped. The
colonies, have always been on the defenfi^ " ** a fiibjed, and that his com pad held them; whereas it
•^it H \V«* being only a neceffary condition annexed to the land, and
if i •* the inheritance of an eftate, which is under that govern-
((
«<
<«
Tf. 0/-W
" mcnt
C XOl ]
li
<(
<«
It
<(
<(
*' The laws of England with refpcdl to preroga-
tive, and in other inftanccs, have accommodated
themlclvcs
** aient, reaches only thofe who will take it on that con-
** dition, and fo is no natural tic or engagement, bat a
" voluntary fubnnflion; for every man's children being by
** nature as free as himleif, or any of his anceftors ever
were, may, whilft they are in that freedom, choofc what
fociety they will join themfelves to, what common-
wealth they will put themfelves under; but if they will
enjoy the inheritance of their anceilors, they muil take it
" on the fame teims their anceftors had it, and fubmit la
all the conditions annexed to fuch a pofreflion."
Whoever (fays he in another place) by inheritance, pur-
chafe, permiffion, or othcrways, enjoys any pare of the
** lands /3 annexed to, and under the government of, that
*• common-wealth, muft take it with the condition it is un-
*• der; that is, offubmitting to the government of the
. ** commonwealth under whofc jurifdidion it is, as far,
** forth as any fubje£l of it.'' page 31 The ingenuity
of the gentleman is here again remarkable Mr Locie'm
his a^th chapter on civil government ** Of the beginning of
^ political foci<^ties," immediatly before the words abovemen-
! tioned •* Whoever by inheritance," &c. fpeaks of a man
' who '* unites his perfon which was before iict to a fociety
for the Jtatring and regulating of property, and fubmits to
■' the community thofe pofltJflions which he has or i\'
'\%-^-:\\ ' ' ^nMWi''.;'A
iV .,(1,1 in
RIGHT TAKE FROM ME WHEN HE PLEASES," f " means
no more** than that the fuprcme legiflative power has no
right to take the property of others vvithout their confent
" for the PRIVATE use or purpose of the Icgiflative."
So that according to this conflruftion, the conftitution of a
Hi" well eftablilhed governnacnt, or the freedom of a people,
depends not or the great right which God has given them
*' of having a fliare in the government of therafelvcs,"
whereby their property is fecured, but merely, on the
** purpo/e," to which the property taken from them with-
out their confent is «//// by thofe who thus take it. And
^ yet this gentleman has fevePely attacked the writer of the
letters, for ufing the word ** purfofe* in a much mere cott'
Jint^kvikt in l«'i)ing. a *' tax is an impofition on the fub-
jed for i\\e /ole purpoje 0¥ levying money." ■'» " •'*"''
■w^, Mr. Locke, in the preceding chapter, fpeaking of mo-
narchy ("ays, *• thatabfolute power purifies not mens bloods.
For if it be aflced what fecurity or fence arifes infuchajiate,
againll the violence and opprtlfion of ' the ai/olute ruler? the
very qucftion can fcarce be borne. They are ready to tell
you it deferves death, only to afk after fafcty. Betwixt
I5ji fubjeft and fubjedl they will grant there mud be meafures,
laws and judges for their mutual peace and fecurity : But as
ioT the ruler, he ought to be ahjolute, and is abcve allfuch cir-
cumjlancei ; becaufe he has power to do more hurt and wrong,
'tis right when he does it. To afk how you can be guarded
from harm or injury on that fide^ where the ftrongeft hard is
to do it, is prcfently the voice of y<2c.7/o» and rebellion?*
But here our opponent may come in with another diftinAi-
on. ** Mr. Locke fpeaks here of an ahfolute ruler, not q{ ab-
folute rulers. Lilly proves that there is the fingular number,
and the plural number. A power that Mr. Locke would
have held illegal in a Pijijlratus or a ttuarXy he v;ould have
i'- . "' ♦• ^'-•. -, -, ,,. f held
t Ti, 33.
k''
\
E ^03 3 . .
fo requiring. A regard for that grand objedl ['■^r'
pccudlly :, ,,
•>.\,ii~)-'t<'- ■->'l » ir-> "I u. '!•♦>'' v(h r, '.M'(<)iJ^frii
held legal in the fcur hujidred o? Athens^ or the parliament
of Great Britain*'' Let the diflindtion be allowed its due
weight. Can it be believed that fuch a friend to mankind,
as Mr. Locke \vn%t could ever think ^//yo/z//^ dominion J juft
or legal? Would not fuch a fentiment diredly oppofe thofe
principles, his benevolence 'udi'ced him to take fo much
pains to vindicate and ellablifh ? Would the found of the
words — •* dependance — " '• fubordination — " ** withirt
the realm — " *' part of the dominions — " &c. have convinc-
ed him, that it was *• the indii'penfable duty of parliament
to eafe the gentry and people o^ Great -Britain by taxing
the colonilh without their confent?" — and that it was the
indifpenfable duty of the colonirts on conjiituiional princir
pies to fubmit to fuch taxation ? The learned fay that the
too rigid attention of the mind to one idea fometimes is the
caufe of ma inefs. So rigid has been the attention of many
heads in Great- Britain to the idea of dcpenhance^ that it
feems to have cccafioned a kind of infanity in them j and
by ruminating, fpeechifying, and enabling about it and
about it, they have loft all ideas of jullice, humanity, law
and conftitntion, and in fhort of every quality that ufed tp
dillinguirti men from the reft of this creation, zxi^ Englijh-
men from the reft of mankind. But Mr. Locke* % under-
Handing, even in the prefent whirl of the political world,
would have preferved him, juft and tenacious of his princi*
pies. The cafe he puts, and on which the author of
*• the controverfy" argues, is that of a fubmljfion to the
arms of government in a common-nveallb. The queftion be-
tween Great-Britain and the colonies, is, ivhat are the terms
of their connexion under all the circumftances of it.
It is not rccollefted that Mr- Locke ever infinuates, that
. the parliament of Great-Britain might bind the people of
.^f^'nij-': u /-lAr-'r^v' ,: , ^vWi Ireland"
, * ♦* Ah/olute domhison however PLACED, is'fcl 'fa* fwm
hein^ one kind of civil fc:':t!y, that it is as inconjiftent with it, as
Locke on civil
'(I
'1
■ ii
m
Jlavcr) is with ^roPertv.
gOYrt. p.
[ 104 T
peiually animates the conftitution, and regu-
lates all its movements— unlels unnatural ob-
(Irudions interfere-— " ' 'i-u.'-ih miht"^/'
*' Spirit us intus nVtt^ totaniqi^e infufa per art us
•* Mens ogitat mokm, £ff magno fe corpore niifcet.'**
I ■ K ' \
: • .. \
Another •*
:, «■'
III
■r
■( -'
.)"♦
Ireland by ftatutes, *' in all cafet nKhatfwver .** Yet tlierii
was in his time a famous dii'pute concerning the authority
of parliament over that kingdom. So far was he from fa-
vouring the claim of parliament, tliai it is hoped, it can
clearly be proved, he favoured the oiher fide of the quellion.
His fiiend Mr, Molineux, in a letter dated Marc/? ij,
i'S(,7-8, tells him of his intentions to vifit him--~when he
coold gel loofe from bufincfs : *' But this I cannot hope for
till the parliament in England rifes. 1 fhould be glad to
know from you when that is expeifled, for indeed they bear
very hard upon us in heland. How juftly they can bind
us, !•
u .*.t* ..
. iUMui \y,i\'n\ [i:.i
right to promote the ^/?/? union of both, in order
to enjoy both in the higheft degree. Thus,
while this right is properly excrcilbd, dcfires,
that feem felfijh^ by a happy combination, pro-
duce the welfare of others, " This is remov-
ing fubmiflion from a foundation unable to fup-
port it, and injuriousto the honor of God, and
fixing it upon much firmer ground."*
•'(»
,-,'(;.( 4\.<-
l.« i.
No fenfible or good man ever fufpcded Mr.
Hooker of being a weak ovfatUous perfon, " yet
he plainly enough teacheth, that a fociety
upon experience of univerfal evil, have a
right to try by another form to anfwer more ef-
fetoally the ends of government" — And Mr.
^oadley afks — *' Would the ends of government
be deftroyed fhould the mifcrable condition of
the people of France^ which hath pro-
ceeded FROM THE king's BEIiVG ABSOLUTE,
awaken the thoughts of the wifeft heads a-
y^ mongft them ; and move them all to exert
themfelves, fo as that thofe ends fhould be bet-
ter anfwered for the time to come ?"
hi
What mind can relifh the hardy propofition,
that becaufe precedents have been introduced
|,,by the inattention or timidity of fome^ and the
^ cunning or violence of otherSy therefore the
latter have a right to make the former mifer-
able ,
• Ht)adly's dift, on government.
m, ':■
1. '»oy J
able — tliat is, that precedents that ought never
to liavc been fct, yet being fct, repeal tlie eter-
nal laws of natural jullice, humanity and equity.*
The argument from precedents begins un-
Auckily for its advocates. The frfl produced
againit us by the gentleman before mentioned,
was an a6l palled by the Commonwealth parlia-
|l^"V
M' iM'i! '
O 2
'Ta
•** I could never think
ment
ct
r
o
((
the fecond, — Charles the
twelfth, — Lezvis the fourteentii, — and a numerous lift of
diftinguilhed princes, were overcall, when unrelenting
cruelty came to prelide over their refolutions. From Athens
to Genoa the obfervation holds true. Let not the opiniort
be condemned as prcfumptuous, before it be fully enquired
into. It is worth an enquiry.
*• Difcite juititiam moniti & non temnere divos.'*
England Ivia been profperous in many civil wars, but they
were in defence of liberty. She never engaged in one a-
gainft liberty. — Would to Heaven, (he would fet the world
' the much wanted example of lenity in government.
: Mankind might gain by it. The other mode has been fof-
- fikiently tried, and proved to be impolitic and ruinous.
3i
wrmmm
!,:.
I ii"'auft' J
^'^'^Wer^! in 1650 to " pitnilh*' yir^inia f, BarliaJos^
f\^i^^j4ritfgua^ and Bermudas, for tiieir FiDBLnv
2'jjnij.Q Charles the Second. .9y mitieni is the
Miy.,V/??/ of parliament to ** puniJJj' ( olonills for
^' dbittg their dut). But tlie parliament had before
overturned church and throne^ fo that there is
^ an older ** precedent** ^"et againil thefe. <'•'"?
1 ', That parliament fat amidfl: tlie ruins that
furrounded it, fiercer than Alarm among thofe
of Carthiige. Brutal power became an irrefif-
"*' tiblc argument of boundlefs riglit. What the
'^' ftyle of an Arijlotlc could not prove, the point
'' of a Cromweirs fwortl fufFiciently demonltrated.
'' Innocence and Juilice fighed and fubiDitted —
*' -'What more could they do? The Reltoration
' 'took place, and a le^al parliament v/ould not
' doubt but it had as extenAve a right as an ilk'
* gal one. The Revolution fucceeded, and v/it!i
r it methods for blending together the powers of
' king and people in a manner before unknown.
• A new political alembic was fixed on the great
. principle of refiftance, and in it, feverc experi-
ments were to be made on every other principle
of the conftitution. Hov/ the holdnefs of mini-
ono b.ubi'/fh:i -yyii.-i Vjfii tf .vji Jlers
fro f' This loyal, generous colony pre&rved its principles
^ith Aich fpirit, notwithllanding the oppreflion abovemen.
tioned, ii^^xxn January 1659, they threw ofFall obedience
"" to the parliament, replaced the kings governor, and pro-
claimed Cbarlts the fecond, feveial munths before the rcllo- ■
racio^i yn £«r(>/^ * .. , ' t
m
I n"y J
,1 fters & eontempi of the people have liirrcafcd fincc
V that pcno.i, n:)t a man the Icalt ucijuaiiital with
.)\ En^lijh \\\[\oxy can be ifrnorant. '1 he Colonics
were in a (late of infai)cy — Hill in a Hate of chikU
, hooil. Not a fuiy;lc Itatutt' conccrninjy them ir.
recollcdetl to h^ve been pall b';fc)r the Revolu-
tion, buc fuch as relatevl to tlv.* re«:ulation of
trade. " Precedence" v/ere afterwards mad,
that, wli'jn they ^?;rew u^"), the authority of a
fmfier mi2;ht fuccjed thr.: of a/'.7r^;;/.'''^'nij|t
)!•
A.. . -N
•y ■ Pri:c:::)i:>jtc;, it h apprehended, arc noother-
. wife regarded in th.e Eh'jUI!} laws than as they
, eitabiilh certainty for the dunefit of thb
I'EOPLi: — according to the maxim — " niiferable
, is the fervitude when the laws are uncerfain.**
> Precedents militating again(l,the v/elfare or hap-
pinefsof a people, areinconfiltcnt with tTie grand
original principle on v/hich they ouglic to be
founded. 'I'heir fuppofcLl fancLion encrcafes in
proportion to the repetiticnj of inJAifhice. They
, muil be void. In fiibjcit.] of dif|.)ute between
man and man, precedent may be. of ufc, though
^ not founded on the bell reafon. Tiiey caufe
a certainty, and all may govern themfelves ac-
cordingly. If they take from an individual one
. day, they may give lo him i\v^. ne::t. But pre-
/^cedents to oY^nhco^N principles, to juitify tlie^^r-
/>f/«^/ opprefiion of/?//, and to impmr tb: power
of the covjliiutioHy r]iough-a cloud of rhem ap-
t-lS
W
) -(II
:f'
pear.
L 110 J
pear, have no more force than the volumes of
diift :hat furround a triumphal car. They may
obfcure it : They cannot (lop it. What would
the liberties of the people of England have been
at this time, if precedents could have made laws
inconfiftent with the conftitution ? Precedents
tending to make men unhappy, can with pro--
priety of chara6t:er be quoted only by thofc be-
ings, to whom the mifery of men is a delight.
W
l!>"'.
Wi
k
n
>■'■.■■
tl
m
" If the ufage had been immemorial and uni-
form, and ten thoufand inftances could have
been produced, it ^yould not have been fuffici-
cnt ; becaufe the practice muft likewife be
agreeable to the principles of the law^ * in order
to be good : whereas this is a practice inconfift-
ent with, and in dired oppofition to the frji and
cleareft principles of the law" ■\ — to thofe^W-
ings of humanity^ out of v/hich mankind will not
be reafoned, when power advances with gigantic
ftrides tnreatening difiblution to a ftate — to
thofe inherent though latent powers of fociety^
which no climate^ \\ no time^ no conftitution^ no
(ontra5iy can ever defti oy or diminilh." J '^ ' *
• This is a maxim of law, that — ** a bad ufage ought
to be abolifhed."* .
*^ 't Letter on general warrants.— ^^^^ ,^-,^ ^^i t ah
ajA( , Blackftonep. 245. . ,, , .,.,..•,«*
-s .'II Equal distribution of justice, and freI
-JENJOYMBNT of PROPERTY, ^YttYiQ great objcfts oi focii-
^ y j^^mtiiife^ precedent t ft at Ht€t or inftitution-, fhouM
:>VJ
'itqflpL*
liU
t!£r..
ki
u
Si
vbr>li{<;MOtj
'iXnx>U
deter
X)l
.V '''
•(iiUU-fi. -j^'i-'ni
fii-g-u 3lOii»v ^ii/ VO
£• :id3 .k:fth-i »f^ \ii^ *^J^
Wii
Ayij;i34 3^3 ^"*iJi J^^J ^i-inm.
«%
TT7T
""■"'"WSlll
#%
to ?f>fiu>Iov o.flf ninli y.niu.-
112
»5» ■■
^l%^^d^'m% %
conftitutional, miift be univerlal ' and Aipi^^lnl^*
in the utmoll Icnfe of the words. It is thcl-e^"^'^
tore concluded, that the colonifts, by acknow-'
ledging the power of regulation, have acknow^'
ledged every other power." On this objedion'"-
we obferve, that according to a maxim of lav/, "
*' it is deceitful and dangerous to deal in gene-
ral propofitions." The freedom and happincfs
of flates depend not on § arlful argument s^ but
" ■/'" ' . ' ■ on '"-'[
§ Our chance of fuccefs would be flight indeed, if it
depended on ("ubieties of reafoning. Who can refift the ikil-
ful and courageous attacks of thofc Britons, who have not
long fince diftinguifhed themfeives in the polemical fields ?
Have they not />7?i;^i/ to the fatisfadion of thoufands, the
non exiftence of matter — the neceifity of human aftions—-
confequcntly the in.iocence of ihem — the comfortable mor-. .
tality ofthe foul — that virtue is a name — vice a jell — liber-
ty a nonentity — chiilHanity an impofture — and, \vith due
detv=:ftation be it mentioned ; that we have no ^dea oi po^wer^
nor of any Being endowed with any power, much less
of one endowed with infinite power : "
With explofions of learning and flalhes of wit, thefe welt
trained troops would keep up a terrible fire of artillery and
fmall arnis againll us undifcipUhed Americans. We mult
not meet them in the fnock of battle. That would*
BE MADNESS IN THE EXTREME. We mult make the mofl
of our natural aivan-ac;es. — — ^['here we are fafe ; and all ^
the forces that can be brouglit to the afTault, will never
be able to prevail againll us. To drop the metaphor.
** Inquiry ccafes to be rational, and becomes b-^th whim-
ficfll and pernicious, when it advances as far as feme late
authors have carried it, to coutrovert the flrll prihciplcs of
knowledge, morality, religion, and confequently the fiin-*
damentai laws of the Britijh government, and of all well
regulated fociety."
Mr. Meattie on truth.
'fmpw^finijB^
F ^13 ]
on a few plain principles. The plaufible appQ^r-
ance of the objedion confiUs in a ronfufed com-
prehenfion of feveral points, entirely diftinft irf ♦j^;
their nature, and leading to confequences diredt- 4,
\y oppofite to each other. The^e was a timcj h, i
when England had no colonies. Trade was theU4.
objedt Ihe attended to, in encouraging them,-''^
A love of freedom was manifeilly the chief mo- ' ^'
tive of the adventurers. The connexion of co- ' '"
lonies witii their parent ftate, may be called a '
new objedt of the Englijb laws. That her right '
extinguilhes all their rights, — rights effential to
freedom, and which they would have enjoyed,
by remaining in their parent ftate, is offenfivc to s
reafon, humanity, and the conllitution of that
ftate. Colonies could not have been planted on '
i^efe terms. What Englijbman, but an ideot,'
would have become a colonifl on thele condi-
tions ? to mention no more particulars, '' That
every fhilling he gained, might rightfully be ta-
ken from him — trial by jury abolifhed — ti* .
building houfes or making cloths with the mate- ^^
rials found or raifed in the colonies prohibited— *'■;;' '^;'
and armed men fet over him to govern him in,
every a6lion ?", . P .^.^, _ Had
' It has been aflerted by fome men diftinguiftied as hifto-.>; -0^
rians, that the zeal of the reformers in religion engaging:^; a^,
them to think liberally on that fubjedl, led them tJ thinK . ."^^vaft.
with like freedom in civil affairs, whereby the government _^
of England TQCtvrtd its greateft improvement. If the icn- "^
timent is jufl, may it not be inferred, that contempt for re- ^5^
-ligioii, mull neceflarily introduce an indifference for all dii*»^ ■'****
j 'ill riUes of government & the principles of the conilitation ^pt^isnti
.■^1
-.*•.*>.
.;^<,1.' ■.-.•H, t *.J^ii**iJ^
f^i'.!
l&
i "4 1
Had thefe provinces never been fettled — had
til the inhabitants of them now living, been
born in England^ and refident there, they would
now enjoy the rights of Englijhmeny that is, they
would be free in that kingdom. We claim in the
cflonies thefe and no other rights. There no other
kingdom or ft ate interferes. But their trade,
however important it may be, as the affairs of
mankind are circumftanced, turns on other
principles. All the power of parliament cannot
regulate that at their pleafure. It muft be regu-
lated not by parliament alone, but by treaties and
alliances formed by the king without the con-
isENT OF THE NATION, with Other ftatcs and
kingdoms. The freedom of a people conjijis in
leing governed by laws^ in which no alteration
can be made^ without their confent. Yet the
wholefome force of thefe laws is confined to the
limits of their own country. That is, a fu-
' preme legillature to a people, which ads inter*
nally over that people, and inevitably implies
ferfonal zStnty reprefentation^ oxjlavery. When
an univerfal empire is eftablilhed, and not till
then, can regulations of trade properly be cal-
led, a6ls of fupreme legiflature. It feems from
*^ many authorities, as if aimoft the whole power
^6f regulating the trade of England was original-
ly veiled in the crown. One reftridbion appears
^to have been, that no duty could be impof-
without the confent of parliament. Trade
m(^:- was
i ,
T
•»
;r
was little regarded by our warlike anceftors. Ar,
commerce became of more importance, duties,
and feverities were judged neceflary additions to
its firft fimple (late, parliament more and more
interfered. The conftitution was always free,
but not always exadlly in the fame manner.
" By the Feodal law, all navigable rivers and
havens were computed among the Regalia, and
were fubjed to the fovereign of the ftate. Arid
in England it hath always been held, that the
king is lord of the whole Ihore, and particu-
larly is guardian of the ports and havens, which
are the inlets and gates of the realm : and there-
fore, fo early as the reign of king John, we find
(hips feized by the kings officers, for pitting in
at a place that was not a legal port. Thefe le-
gal ports were undoubtedly at firft affigned by
the crown *, fmce to each of them a court of
portmote is_ incident, the jurifdidion of which
muft flow from the royal authority. The erec-
tion of beacons, lighthoufes, and fea marks is
alfo a branch of the royal prerogative. The
king may injoin any man from going abroad,
or command any man to return. The powers of ;
eftabhlhing public marts, regulating of weights
and meafures, and the giving authority to,
or making current, money, the medium of com*
. merce^ belong to the crown. By making peace
"or war, leagues, and treaties, the king may
, P 2 opea
ll
I-
m.
5-
' If.
► I..
m
m
^ « .' t 4? *- ri M IH I
n6 3
J Open or flop trade as he plcafcs. The admiralty
ixourts are grounded on the necefTity of fupport-
ing a jurifdidioa fo extenfive, though oppofite
to the ufual dodlrincs of the common Uw. The
. laws oi Oleron were. made by Richard the firll,
V and are dill ufcd in thofe courts." In the " Marc
■ caufum", arc fcveral regulations made by
1
'\ings
^■«i ■'>*'•'
Time forbids a more exaft enquiry
^ u>''^
r:'4f
'■»• hA'
mto
A
V
.If
»\
'<•
*;'♦ The power of regulating trade, was carried fo far by
.the crown, as fometinies toimpofc duties; and queen Eli-
xahtth obtained feveral judgments in the exchequer on fuch
regulations. Lord chief jurtice Coke anfwers the argument
founded on thcfe— -in z inlt. 62. 6^. Princes aimed at too
jnuch power exxecded due bounds — their imprudence
produced " grievances" — and ihe people who always fuf-
ieif when their rulers are weak or wicked, would no longer
trjill fuch opportunities of opprejjion in their hand. The
•.power of itnj)rejj\ng feamen, Ihews the cxtenfivc authority
j^ naval aj^airs truiUd to ** the crown."
•1"' ' " ^ . ,. .'f :.| Blackft. 419. Foftcrsrep. 154. •
.-So extremely averf■«;..; '
liecame of the bill in the houfe of lords. One Mr. Srcoh
hid in 1621 ——« We may make laws here for Firginia,
for i/tb* king gives tonjeni to this bill pail here and by the
iords* this will controul the patent."
It feems, as if the notion of the king's regulating power
iUll prevailed, but, that" a claufe of /or^i//vr«" in fuch re-
gttiations was void." So much had the power of parlia-
ment grown iince king JobH*s reign. Nor does it ap-
pear to have been unreafonable, as commerce became of
l&ore confequence. The inftance here mentioned, related
ite m regulation of trade; and however the king might have
' iceommodated the point, with the other branches of the Ic
'giflature, the whole proceeding is immaterial. If it was
[^ right actually enjoyed by EngUJhmeH to fiAi on the coafts
; of a plantation—; ad a grant by the crown of the filhery to
^ fhe people of the plantation excluding the people of MngianJ,
r could not WSro;^ them of their right — or, •• if by the king'i
. ';giving his confent to a bill paffed by lords and commons,
* -— «« thfe patent might be controuled" — it does not follow,
' that the king, lords and commons could diveft the people
;^©f the plantations of all tbeir rights, ^^i u r.tttv ,^, «!«r^ •
t Cafe of the OjiinJ Eaft InMm company, iv -li^ uiW*r
* " Another light, in which the laws of BngUnd confi*
der the king with regard to domelHc concerns, is the arbi*
cer of commerce. By commerce, I at prefent mean domeftic
commerce ■
it
»)
'/
C »9 T
pic of England were freemen^ before they were
merchants. Whether they will continue /r^^,
they themfelves muft determine. //d?w they Jhali
trade^ mult be determined by Germans^ French^
Spaniards^ Italians^ Turks^ Moors^ i^c. The
right of acquiring, property depends on the
rights of others : the right of acquired property,
folely on the owner. The pofleflbr is no owner
without it. " Almofl every leaf and page of
all the volumes of the Common Law prove this
right of property f." Why (hould this right be
facred in Great Britain^ " the chief corner done"
in the folid foundation of her conflitution, and
an empty name in her colonies ? I'he lamb that
prefumed to drink in the fame fir earn with a
ftronger animal* though lower down the currenty
> >. ^ . could >.
commerce only. It would lead me into too large a field,
if I were to attempt to enter upon the nature of foreign
tradcy its privileges, regulations, and reftridions ; and
would be alfo quite beftde the purpofe of thefe commenta-
ries, which are confined to the laws of England. Where-
as no municipal Iwws can be fufficient to order and deter-
mine the very extenji've and complicated affairs of traffic
and merchandize j neither can they have a proper authority
for this purpofe. For, as thefe are tranladions carried
on between fubjefls of independent dates, the municiple
laws of one will not be regarded by the other. For which
reaibn the affairs of commerce are regulated by a law of
their own, called the law merchant or lex mereatoria,
« which all nations agree in and take notice of. And in
particular (it is held to be part of the law of England,
which decides the caufes of merchants by the general rules
which obtain in all commercial countries ; and that often
even in matters relating to domeftic trade, as for inftance
with regard to the drawing, the acceptance, and the tranf-
fer of inland bills of exchange/'
. t Patlia. m. . w^^^S-i i^^Tv i4 »^ *
I'^iluiiTi,-:).
V»-* -f'-..»i'^(^^ii* fi J/.
'■^^tf ■><
. •^;;
^M^JSiSS'i* 10^*1
H-
L120 I
coukl not refute the charge of incommoding kt-
ter, by difturbiag the water. Suqh power have
realbni that appear dcfpicable and deteflable a^
lirit v/hcn they are properly enforced. /.i/.v.\
FnoM this very principle arofe her power -, and
can //W power now bcjujHy exerted, infupprejji-
on of that principle ? It cannot. Therefore, a
power * of regulating our trade, involves not
* This diilincHon between a fuprenie legiflature and
a power of regulating trade, is not a new one. We find it
clearly made, by the judges of £;/^/^/7//, at a period, when
the modern prohtabie mode of blending rogether in j arlia-
ment the auilioiities of the crown and people, had not
cxtinguilhcd all reverence for the principles of the con-
lUtUlion. ' ' , - ■ ■', ' •* -:.;.. .i^ V^J .'H :^i3> (
Ky the ftntutc of the zAo^ Henry G\\i ch. 4th Calais v:n$
confirmed a rtaple place for the wool exported from Eng-
lanci, PFales and Ireland, Some wool (hipped from this lad
kingdom, was config ed to ^/w/cf, in Flanders. The ihip
by llrefs of weather was forced into Calais^ where the wool
was feizcd as forftited. The chief queftion in the exchequer
chamber was, whether the ftatute bound Ireland. In Richi:
3, 12, the cafe is thus reported. *• Et ibi quoad ad primam
qjeftionem dicebant,quod terra M'^fm^r inter fe habet far-
Jiamcnturn Sc omnimodo cur:as prout in Anglia^ & per idem
parliam. - ^- # I
. Y\
a.
, \
^■.-
a,
/
^?
.;a.
t
122
1
in it the idea of fuprcme legiflaturc over us.
The firft is a power of a" prefcrving " protedling*'
' *^-! (^ nature.
90 fays—" the chief juOice was of opinion, that the fta-
tutcs of England fliall bind Irelunti, which was in a manner
agreed by the other juflices ; and yet it was denied the for-
mer day: Yet note, that Ire/anJ is a realm of ilfelf, and
i'at a parliament in ilfelf "
Here it may be obferved, firfl, that the reafon affigned.
by the judges, why the llatutes of England bind not the
pe9p!e oi Ireland, though fpeciallj named, contains a confti-
tuti.)nal principle, the fine qua of freedom Secondly,
that the pjoiple of he'and, as fubj^-dls of the king, were
*' under toe admiralty of England as to things done on the high
fea'j" w'lich u a ilrong conhrmatiun given by the judges of
England, to the fupppfition before madf, of the power of
regulating trade being forme/ ly veftcd in the king,
Ihirdly, that the opinion of the chiel jullice, and of
the other jultices, fuch as it was, ** reddendo fjngula fin-
galis, ic fecundum fubje^tam materiam," piove& at mod,
only that /r*/fl»<^ was bound by Jiatutes regulating their trade,
for fuch was the 2 Henry 6th ch. 4th on which the cafe
arofe. Fi^nrthly^ \\\zx Bro(jke z, man of great eminence and
dignity in the law, appears by his note, to have been difTa-
tisfied with the judgment, tho onl) on a ftature of regula-
tion, for this reaion of fuch weight with »n Englijbman, —
*' becaufe Ireland is a realm ot itlelf and has a parliament
within itfelf " Fifthly, that the authority of the crown,
including the regulation of the trade oi It eland, and fend-
ing writs of error there, were fulficient rellraints, to fec.irc
the obedience and fubordination of that kingdom. This
reafon fcems to have held its ground, till loru chief jullic*
Ccke^i time; and though a great reverence is entertained
for his memory, yet it can never be ackn \^'!edj»ed, rhai an
'* obiter dietun^ of his, or of any .Other man, is a rule of law. \
In! Calviti'% cafe, the chief jufticc reciiii.g luc tortguing
Cufc, lays, '* Hihernia habet pariiamentuin, Sc laciunt le-
i',es, Sc nof^ra Itatuta non legant ecs, quia non mittunt
inilite^ ad parliamentum (which ••' adds he," is to be under-
Jicod, unlefs they be ejpecially named) Atid does the
" cfpecially naming them," give them a rcprelentation, or
jemove the injulHce of binding them without it? This ob- ,
ft:' vation in plain Englilh would run thui. " Our itatutes
do
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nature. The lad, as applicJ to America^ is
fuch a power as Mr. Juflice Blackjlone dc-
do not hind thr people of frfland, when we « «o/ infend id
bind them, Bkc \Use, th»v are not rr pre enti'C in our pnrli-
anienr : bur out lliitute* bind them, when wr intent^ to bind
them." Wl);Ie point
is, wheihei it is our rv/V/ to bind them"— -or in othfr words
— ** th»t our Ifatute* do not bind th^'m for a reafoji, as
llronc; as man can give, and fo acknowie yed hv us to be,
which yet, is no rcainn at all : for, where th reisnoocca-
fion for its op--ration, it applies not; aid where there is oc-
cafion, it is of no force " Mis Lordftiip hifd juil before
taken notice tli.it *' a writ of trr or dui Ive in the kind's
bench of E»:la*t(i of an erroneous ju.igment in tht* kin^^'s
bench of Irelnnd;^^ and per' aps that led him in the
couiiie of his ar ument to imagine, th»'re mipht be a
like pre eminciice of the parliament of England over
that Oi Ireland That this was his reafon Items certain,
becaufe at a nieeting of commiffi mors to confid«r of a pro-
je^ed union betwren E/igland and Satland, at which the
chief juftice was prefent — Moor 796, it it faid *' that
parliament has power over Ireland, as is proved by that
a writ of error may be brought of a judgment in the king's
bench of Ireland.''* In the 4th inft. he alfo fays the people
ofCuern/ey, Jer/ey and Manure not bound by the ftatutes of
England, unlels they are fpecially named. Yet whoever
examines the ftatutes relating to Ireland, Guern/ey, y*rjiy
and Ma-f w;ll have very liiile caufe to believe, that it has
. been thought in England, that llatutc^ Aould generally bind
the people of thole countries, notwlti ilanding ihe fubjec-
tion of Inland, and the other ifland;). the many diftrefles of
the former, and the weaktieU of the latter have afforded
f)pporiunitie« of extending fuch a power over them. With rc-
fppc\ to all ihefe places fcarce a ttatute can be found of any
period, but for f e regulation of their trade. The fame
obfervation may be made as to Ga/coigny, Guienne znd Calah,
Juflice ffylde in 2 vent. 5, faid, ** he had feen a charter
whereby thefe placts were recited to be united to England
by mutual pa^. Aiid writs of error run thofe." ** Walts was
a conquered country, and the people fubmitted to Eaiuard
the fifft de alto et hjo,** , „
■.,f ,:r f^i:??^^.:'' "^''' r^^'- Whatcirer ,,
^i,i#t» Iv'-r
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TS-T«»»i v ^w*—"- •*»«•-
m^^www^r^im
/ ({Mil
fcribcsin thcfe worJis, " whofe enormous weight
fprcads horror and deilradlion on ill inferior
. ,, 0^2 movements.**
Whatever pretence thcchitf j nlice's opinion was founded
on, u has bv-ent.ic.u i i. , c.icd in many law bt)(> l>nilh fMncaiit, tha- fta.ntcs of TT/i^/aWcoulil
^1./ the people ot ///.wirf, in tnkirig away trials by jury,---
taxing thfiu, and ** in ailcti ts ivhui/ofvtr^^* or on y in pre-
fci .i.ig 'hew iuboidination, as by rtguiatlng their tradc^
which was the caic icTened to in his coin>iient, docs not
appear. Tne parliament in declaring the dependence of
Inland, did not vL-d that
queltion to the couiUe ot the queer, and it was held by
}yray^ Ditr, and (ierrarde, attorne^' gerej' ', he could not,
becaui'e he wa.-> a fubjcct of Ireland And not of England^ and
if tiitd in England, he could not be tried by his peers."
Dietj 360. Auerwards, to gratify the queen's refeutmcnt
againit fome rehel>, they weie tried in England ; and thus
pailion and c ^mplaifancc made ^ery good law agaioll
reafon and juilice.
Having mentioned Cal'via^s cafe, it may not be im-
proper to oblerve, that it the author of ♦* the controverfy"
had taken the trouble of reading it, he might have found
hia perplexities removed on the quelHon that has given him
fo much aikxieiy, and brought fuch aIo«d of reproaches on the
colonies. He is provoked at cur infolcncc for pretending
to be any thing moie than aliens in England, while we deny
the power of parliament to bind us *' in all cafes whatever.'*
In that cafe, the gentieman would have difcuvered, that the
judges of England held, tha. a man born in Scotland, under
tht allegianct of James the firlt, after his acceflion to the
•^5;;' throne
• Nor, to this day docs parliament tax them, &c. And thcre-<
fore the inference is juft, tlut neither they nor the chief judice
meant fuch a power.
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movements." The firft is a power fubjedl to a
conllitutional check. Great Britain cannot m-r
jure us by taking away our commerce without
\,,j.ji^^hLjrting herkif immediately. The lafl is a pow-
^.Hi;i-j,er without check or limit. She might ruin us
nil J j>y it. The injury thereby to herfclf might be
hau . r^»/(?/^ as to be defpifed by her. ■■-^^^■vy^
hi: \n lii The power of regMlati;)n was the only band ♦■hat
;j t >// could have held us tosrether -, formed on one of
thefe " original contrails/* — -which only can be
-''' '-"a foundation of juft authority. Without fuch a
band, our general commerce \yith foreign nati-
qns, might have been injurious and deftrudive
to her. Reafon and duty rejedl fuch a licence.
This our duty refembles that of children to a pa-
rent. The parent has a power over them : but
they
1 (
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■' throne of En^land^ was entitled to al! the rights of a
fubjeft born in England \ tho i(»h the objeftion, that (latutet
pf England c.om\^ not bind ' cotland or a man rcfiding there,
who held lane's i 1 England, was mcn'ioned in th ■ courfe of
the argument. That great difficulty being got over, if the
gentleman, will go a ."^ep farther, and perceive fome
I'ttic diftinyUon bet\Veen colonies proceeding ouf of the
loins of EngLmdy and the '• conquered** countries of
Ireland and f-^ales, — the countries of Gafcoigny Guienne,
and Calais. ** united hy mutual pa£i to England" and the
jHands oi Gufrn/ty, Stc *♦ lying nvithin ihe four feas^ 'whoft
(jf fovfregns annexed them to England :" and will oiil> allow the
; .^oloiiiils a little more rf'gard than is ^rofeji in l»w books for
'".'^'thcje ciuntrits, ai d about as much as has been a^ually ohfirT
125
3
. :"-, .. . ., . . ,. ;• Jt%»r^ ■••)n''J* "■ - ■•I'C, >>?*■" t''^'!*-;,
7 have rights, what tl;? parent cannot take
' "jiway. llcuven grant that our mothc; country-
may regard us as her children, that if by the
dilpcnfation of Providence, the time fhall come,
nwhcn her power incrcafes the memory of foriner
kindneifes, may fupply its decays, and her
colonies like dutiful children, may fcrve and
guard their aged parent, for ever revering the
arms that held tiiem in their infancy, and the
breads that fupported their lives, vvliile they were
littleones. .. ..., v i. .r •* . «■ ^^'/H? ^
, It feerns, as if the power of regulation might
not inaptly be compared to the prerogative of
making peace, war, treaties, or alliances, whereby
*' the whole * VMtion are bounds against their,
consen^t:" and yet the prerogative by no
means implies a fupreme legijlature. The lan-r
guage held in " the Commeniaries " on this
point is very icniarkable. " ""Vith regard to
FORLiGN CONCERNS the king is the delegate or
reprcfentaiive of the people •, and in him, as in a
center^ all the rays of his people are united || ;
and the sovereign pow.iR qticad hoc is veiled in
his perfon §j." Will any Englipnian fay thefc ex-
preiTions are def :riptive of the king's authority,
WITHIN THE REALM. " Is tllC SOVEREIGN
POWER within /;?7^/ veiled in his perfon :" He is
fliled " fo'vercigff indeed -, " his realm is, de-
clared by many ads of parliament an Empire
and his crown Imperial:' But do thefe fplendid
appellations, the higheft known in Eitrope figni-
\ly, that '^fovereign power in veiled in his perion
within the realm ? " We have a full anfwer ii;
1 Blackl 252, 257' 11 ^^'- ^'^^-^ ^ ™*r^^^
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the Commentaries. " The meaning of the legi-
fl::tiire, when it ufes thefe terms of empire and
imperial^ and applies them to the reahn and
crown of England^ is c«/y to afTert, that our king
is c(\\\2i\\y fo'vcreign and independent within thtle
his dominions \ and ewes no kind of Juhjetiion to any
potentate upon c^rch." I'hus wi- maintain, that
with regard to foreign affairs, the parent
original ilate, " is the delegate or reprejentative^^
of the entire dominions, " the f over eiga power
QUOAD HOC is veiled " in her. Her acts under
this power " irrevocably bind the whole nation."
B'lt yet this power by no means im olies afupreme
kgijlatnre.
The exercife of this power hy jlatutes was
abfoL.tcly necellary ; becaufe it was, and could
only be lodged, as the laws of the parent ftate
ftand in the fuprerie legiflature of that ftate,
confifting of king, lords, and commons •, and
ftatutes are the modes by which this united
fentiments and refolutionsare expreil. It is uni-
verfally acknowledged \vl Great -Britain^ hat it in
fers no power of taxation in king and lords, that
ineir limited authority is ufed in cloathing, gifts
and grants of the commons with the forms of law
— nor does it infer jupreme legiflature over us,
that the limited authority of king, lords, and
commons is ufed in cloathing regulations of trade
with the form of law. The commons joining in
the law, is not material. The difference is only
in the mode of affent. Theirs is exprefs, ours
is implied^ as the aflent of the " v.rhole nation,"
is, in the preceeding inftanccs.
Thi
WW
iiiPIIWPPPiVWPIHfpi
, L »27 J
This power of regulation appears to us to
have been pure in its principle, fimple in its
operation, and falutary in its efTeds. But for
fomc time pall we have obferved, with pain, that
it hath been turned to other purpofes, th^n it
was originally defigned for, and retaining its
title, hath become an engine of intolerable op^
prcfiions and grievous taxations. The argu-
ment of an eminent judge. Hates the point in
a fimilar cale itrongly tor us, in thcic words. —
" Though it be granted, that the king hath the
cujlody ot the havens and ports of this ifland, be-
ing the very gates of this kingdom, and is trujled
with the keys of thefe gates \ yet the inference and
argument thereupon made, I utterly deny. For
in it there is mutatio hypcthefis^ and a tratiption
from a thing dione nature to another \ as the pre-
mijes are of 2i power only fiduciary^ and in point of
tritji and government^ and the concluficn infers a
right of intereji and gain. Admit the king has
cuftodiam portuum, yet he hath but the cuficdyy
which is a truji and not dominium tilile. tie
hath power to open zxi^jhtit^ upon considera-
tion OF PUBLIC GOOD TO THE PEOPLE AND STATE,
bvU not to make gain and benefit by it : the one is
r isOTECTioN, the^//??^r is expilation." Bycom-
T ov; law the king may reitrain a fubjcct from
going abroad, or enjoin him by his chancellor
from proceeding at law : But to conclude^ that
he may therefore take money^ not to reilrain or
not to enjoin, is to sell government, trust,
AND COMMON JUSTICE*.
• Rights of the people, as to in:5poiitIons.
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R R R A T A;
For " thec^iu' fum" in note of pa. *i.— ^rcad-k" tliefAme Aim."
Fin " railing money" in fame note r. — •• raifing and expending
tftont y."
Dtle IP fame note tliefc words — " The fame reafoning holdi as
to the application of money."
Df'f ill pa 39 tlufc words — '• no EnghPo'y f" thcconftifutirtn
lawvtr, pi*> x*'i* J« member, has pointed out > r. < ha* not exprrfsly
pre 'fcly" ■ - — — and j ^ drawn."
P'-if in fame jia. thcfe words — " General tern» have been ufed.
!>< It in n<>tc oFpa. 47 — this word— ^" hfcauft."
Ill note oF pa. 51 — after 7 Geo. 3 ih. 41. — r. 7 Geo. j ch. 4*.
In note of pa. fit. after the word " Govcrnmem;" — r., •' confifts"
In note of pa. 84 for "pa. lai" — r.— p. no.
A P 1^ K N D -1 X.
AtJditipn to N')te II in pa. ^t. -^ '
rr^J^F- ftatuteifincc the 8th year of this reign relalinj? to the colo^
;a;** nics, fallow one ahothtr much in thf fame qiiick m.inucr ai
btfore: but they could not be cv)llcd;( d. Many of the ftatutes
lure nicntionff! particularly tho^- 'elating to the admiralty courts
a'ld the comm iriiiners of the curt , «:- connedli-d with a multi-
tude of other ft:Uutes, bv btin(» €• A with which; the arti-
ficcN will appear, thiC gradn il y dtpa» g fiom the l.iws of Eng'
land, have at Icngili invcft"d thffif cnuit* and commiffimers with
fuch new, unrctfonabte, unconftitutinnal and dangerous powers.
Addicional Note to pa. 80.
THK who'e country of 'he feven UaUed Pro- hces is not as large
as nnehalfof Ptu,.fylva>ita; and uhcn they be an their contef! with
Phti'tp the fecund for their liberty ci>ntaincd abfut as m«nv inha-
bitants as are now in thi- province of Mj/f.irh'tfetts-Bar. Philip's em-
pire then comprehandt'd in Europe, all >pn'ui and Portugal, the two
Siciiits, and Inch provinces of the Loiv Countries a» adhered to Iiim, .
— nray iflards (tf imp >!tar.cc in ;he Mediterranean — the Milantfe
and many other v^ry valuable teiritoties in //a/v and elfewhcre.— *•
In Afi'ica iiul Afta^ all the dominions belonging to ^'^jjiu, and Porta-
gol — in /imeiica xhc\mTii bhgtd that great general and glorious king Henry the
fourch. to raife ar one time the (iege of Paris and at another, that'
of Roan. So confiderable was the naval power of Philip, that in the
rriclrtofthe fimewats, he fi fed out his dreadful armada to invade
F-ngland." Yet fcvcn little provinces, or counties, as we iLould call
thcni, infpired by one generous refolution — " to die free, rather ,
than to live Haves," not only bafllcd, but broii'ght down into .^h«i,
doft, that enormous- power, that had contended for univerfa! em-'
phe, and for half a ctniurv, was the terror of the world. Such afi ,
amazing change indctd took pUce, that tHofc provinces afterwaidfr
a^ualiy protectsd Spein agalnft the power of Frjuct. ■ '
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