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The Ho\ise beins^ in Committoe of the Whole on ilie ^^Ult«! of the Union, fin tlie Hill to protect the rijjhis of Anierictm settlers in Oregon — Mr. CHAPMAN addressed the committee a.s follovv.s : Mr. Chairman' : I rise this morning; under aome emharrnssment to address the committee on this subject, when the present state of feeling among members on this floor, in consequence of recent events which have taken place in the other end of the Capitol, upon another, though no more im- portant branch of the same subject, is quite unfa- vorable to a patient hearing. The passage of the notice in the Senate, since our last adjournment, though not in the form wc sent it from this House, has sonicwhat changed tne question now before us. I should not atteinpt to address the committee at all, if it were not for the peculiar po.sition I find myself in, owing to the course I felt it my duty to pursue heretofore on this subject. T was one of only three of the parly to which I belong, who voted at the last session of Congress against a bill similar, in some respects, though worse in many respects, than the present liiil a.s it has been re- ported from the Committee on Territories. I might plead in justification of the course I pursued on that occasion, my re-election since, from the district I have the honor to represent; but it would be im- proper for me to justify myself oiY that ground, in • asmucli as the question that has since occupied so much of the ))ublic mind, was not agitated at all during that canvass. I claim, therefore, no .sanction trom my constituents by my subsequent re-election, for the course I fell it my duty to pursue on this subject prior to that election. I place my election upon other grounds — upon the ground of generous confidence — by their approval of my course as their Representative for many years. I consider, Mr. Chairman, that this is n question of immense magnitude; one that involves either immediately or remotely the question of peace or vnr between two of the most powerful nations on the face of the globe — two nations, whose com- bined trade and commerce throughout the world Eerhaps exceeds that of all the other Powers com- ined. All questions, therefore, involving the re- lations between such nations ought to be well con- sidered. Hasty and intemperate action, as well as angry and incautious expressions by speakers and the press, ought to be avoided. I foresaw at the commencement of this session of Congress that there was likely to be great indis- cretion in the declarations of opinions upon this all- important subject; and when the Message of the President was read, it will be remembered that, in order to aft'ord all an opportunity to weigh well and consider what was proper to say and do, before they had hastily committed themselves upon this question, I took the earliest occasion to call the previous question on printing the Message. To those who have observed the character of most of the speeches since, the necessity for that precau- tion will be sufficiently manifest. I have regretted, Mr. Chairman, deeply regret- ted, the attempt made, in the discussion on the notice resolutions, to make this Oregon question a sectional one, and to give it a party character. I am sure, sir, that if there is any question that can be agitated in Congress that ought to be divested of all party or sectional character, it is this. I do think that gentlemen who claim it as a party or sectional question, forfeit much of their character for that patriotism, the want of which they charge upon others. Ifwc cannot be united upon ques- tions concerning our foreign relations, upon what question shall we be ? It has also been charged here, and perhaps in the other end of the Capitol, that there was an ob- ligation upon the southern portion of the Demo- cratic party to vote for all measures in relation to Oregon, without examining further, because those composing the same party from other sections, particularly from the West, had presented an un- divided front, or very nearly so, upon another question, which they are pleased to call a eoutherit 2 I question — ih« Rnnpxation of Texas. Tliev say ihtre wa.H an aijri'enif'iu of that son — iinpliPil, at i leiiHl — the Bubstance of which thev foiitciKl was ! Rlipulated in the resolutions of the Baltimore Con- I venlion in favor of the reannexation of Texan, and ; the reoccupation of Orego7i — licin sisters in the Demo- cratic creed. Mr. Chairman, for one individual, I } did not admit any such obligation; I deny any ^ Buch agreement. Not having the fear of the lial- ' timore resolutions before my eyes, l)ut having a . fear — a well-grounded fear — of the evils oontained '. in the bill on this .subject at the la.st sttision of Con- {jress, and the mischief that would certainly have followed its passage, I took upon myself the re- sponsibility of voting against it, and in so lean a minority. Subsequent reflection and examination have convinced me that I did right. In this opin- ion I am fully sustained by the President in his Message; for, instead of recommending such a bill as that was, he very plainly adrntniishes you that it contained provisions inconsistent with the obligations of the treaty of 1827. I say it has been charged that there was an ob- ligation incurred, bv the course of wcRleni gentle- men in relation to Texas, that Eouthern members must "go it blind for Oregon." Why, do iu)t gentlemen see that there are two sides to this ques- tion- that if any obligation of that sort was in- curred, it was not such an obligation as, according to the laws regulating good morals, and the course of free and unbiased representation, could be en- forced; and that while they convict others of bad faith for following the dictates of their own judg- ment and sense of duty, they convict tliemsehes of worse motives? Because, if they make out a case of bad faith against southern gentlemen for not voting for Oregon in consideration of their hav- ing voted for Texas, they say at once that they voted for Texas, not for any merits in the ques- tion, but becaii.se of the bargain. We heard noth- ing of tliis charge last year, when the Itargain, if any such ever was made, was more easily estab- lished than now; perhaps it was not necessary to iirce it then, as there wero. oidy three Democrats who at that time opposed the Oregon bill. But the. annexation of Texas was not urged as a southern or as a party measure by its friends: it was pressed ns a national measure, the success of which was to advance the interests and prosiierity of every portion of the Union. In its final accomplishment, jio treaty stipulations were violated; no injustice done to any third Power. The subject was one that concerned alone the United ^States and Texas. The people of both countries desired the annex- ation, and it was passed — passed, tt)o, under reso- lutions drawn up by a Whig; and no one objected on that account. So it was not made a party measure, after all. The interest and prosperity of the Union — the whole Union, including Texas — liave been advanced by the annexation; and if any part of the Union has been more benetiled by the measure than another, it is the western States; because n new and extensive market has been opened to them for the vast productions of their fertile country. I trust, then, we shall hear no more charges on account of Texas obligations from western gen- tlemen. 1 have said that this is a question of much mo- ment — the great meiusure of this Administration, and the most important now before the public. The history of it is (juite peculiar. Until within a few years past, it had been but little figitaied among the people, although it has for nearly half a cen- tury been a sul)jecl most eml)arrassing with our Executive, and our nei^otiator.s at London. Be- cause of the difficullies of the conflicting claims of the United States and Great Britain, which could not be amicalily nd justed, the two Powers agreed, from time to time, to hold the territory, .so far as its occupation was concerned, in common, leaving the title in abeyance. This arrangement, when made, was deemed advantageou.s to both Govern- ments; and, until within the lasteight or ten years, no inconvenience resulted from it, because we had very few citizens in the terrriU)ry to claim the pro- tection of our Goverinnent; the subjects of Great Britain who were there had, under thei; chaiter from the Crown, amj>le authority to govern then- selves, and protect themselves from th" attacks of the Indians while carrying on their business as traders with them. About ei;rht years ago onr citizens commenced settling in Oregon, and they now far outnumber the British; they have increased tt some eight o: ten thousand, and claim the protection of our laws Thus the necessity for a settlement of the question of title has become more and more urgent. The suiiject was several times brought before Congres.^ prior to tiie last session, but no proposition was ever seriously urged, 1 believe, until then, to dis- .solve the convention with Great Britain. At that session we were officially informed that negotia- tions, with a view to the settlement of the ([iiestion of title, was going on, and we had every a.ssurance that there was a lair prospect of a favorableresuh. Nevertheless, a bill was introduced and passed this House, establishing a .separate territorial govern- ment in that territory up to the utmost claim we have — 54^ 40' — with ])rovisions even stronger than the bill now before us contains, and containing a section requiring tlie President to give notice of the abiogation of the convention; so that at the end of twelve months British sulijects there were to come immediately under our laws, and liable to be ex- pelled the country. . Against that bill I voted; and against such a bill I presume there are scarcely any members nowhere who would not vote, ai- thoueh the circumstances now would much better justify such a measure than as they then existed. The objection to that bill did not consist alone in the amendment offered and adopted just bet'ore th<: vote was taken, providing for giving the notice of the termination of the joint occupancy, against which almost the entire Democratic fiarty voted. There were other objections — ail that are. to be found in this bill, and more than my time will al- low me to point out. That bill failed in the Senate, and the negotiation went on here, between the Briti.<-'h Minister and this Government. The dis- closures made by the President, in his Message to the present Congress on this subject, opened a new and most important chapter to us. Instead of a favorable jn'ospect of an amicable settlement of the vexed question by negotiation, he told us that, after repeated efTorts, all prospect of termi- nating the controversy in that way had failed, and that " no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be elTected." He disclosed to us another very important fact, that in the course I re the puMic. I'ntil witiiin .-i i£;iuiltd anion:; ily luilf a cen- .•siiif; v/ith our Loiidnn. Be- mint!; claims of whi(;h could 'owers ajrreed, lory, so far as mmon, leaving jj;eni«;nt, when ijolli Govein- it or t<;n ynars, ecausc we liad claim ilie pro- )jeciH of Great tlieii chaiter govern tiieii- lli'> attarks of r buaincHs as IS coinniencefi ;ir outnumber some eight o ■ m of oiir laws )f the question urgent. The ;fore Congres.^ •oposition was 1 then, to diii- tain. At that that ntgotic\- >f the (|i'ieslion ery n.ssuranot' vorabh; result, .ndpawsed ihi.s toriiil govern- [iiost claim we I s'tronger tliaii I containing a e notice of tlic t at the end nC were to come able to be ex- II I voted; anil ? are, scarcely not vote, ai- i much bettor then existed, onaist alone in just before the ; the notice of :iiicy, against • fiarty voted, hat ar(! to bu / time will a!- in the Senate, between the nt. The di^'- lu's Message ject, opened a I us. Instead Ac settlement n, he told us )ect of termi- ad failed, and [Jnited States e disclosed to in the course r^♦■ the negotiation ," in deference nlone to what ♦ had been done by his predecessors, and the im- ' plied obligation which tiieir acts seemed to im- ' pose," he had proposed to the British Miii'ster ii settle the question in dispute by dividing the territory at flie 4!)lh jiarallel of lalitude. This most liberal o(Terv^•as, however, refused byGreat Briuiin, and afterwards withdrawn by our Go\ernment. Thus the negotiation was found by us at the meet- ing of Congress. The impropriety of going into an investigation of the tUle to this territory, when that is the sub- ject of dispute between the two countries, (and I nope still of ncgotiaUon also,) must, be obvious to iiiy one, unless confined to our side of the ques- tion, and then it ceases to be free discussion. Nearly every one who has spoken on this ques- tion atlmits the impolicy of debating the title, and still I have scarcely observed one who has not (•ommitted himself upon it. This has been the cnnse of a great deal of feelinij here, and has pre- judiced negotiation. Our speeches, especially if they favor the British claim, are freely published and circulated on the other side of the water, where the defects in our title and our divisions at home are thus exposed. It is said, however, that it is necessary to expose the weakness of our claim vif it is weak) to the extent contended for by jome, lest an erroneous state of pu 'ic opinion may be created. This evil may be ii >ided, however, by other modes, without runnii into the other extreme of making such congressional speeches. This objection may be obviated by addresses to the people dircctltj, giving our views on the subject of the title, without, adopting the usual course of ma- king Congress the vehicle for conveying our opin- ions on the subject to the country. Congressional debates, however obscure the speakert. are here, are all read in such foreign countries as feel an interest in the subject. They are read there as authorities against us, as 've read here speeches made in Par- liament, as evidence against the Britisli claim. I have thought, and so must all whu will examine the able arguments of our present and late Secreta- ries of State in favor of our title, thai we may safely rest our case in such hands. I have considered it a great misfortune that circumstances rendered it necessary to bring this question before Congress, because of the imj iroprietica that have been alluded to. Cluestions touching our foreign relations ought always to be cautiously handled; they are much fsafer with the Executive branch of the Govern- ment than with Congress. For one, while I am as far as any one here from such influences, I be- lieve it to be my duty to sustain the President in c^irrying out his views upon such questions, when I can do so without a violation of my principles. On the present occasion, I am free to say, without intending to commit the error I have deprecated in others by examining the title, that 1 heartily ap- prove of the President's course in offering the com- f)romise he did. He has been, as I sincerely be- ieve, most unjustly censured for not making known upon what terms, or at what line he would or would not settle this question. If gentlemen will reflect upon the duties of the President, they may rack their brains in speculating as to what he will do — they may work themselves into a desperate ]>a8sion, because this or that is likely to be adopt- ed ; but they can never blame him for refusing to publish his views. If, as I have shown, the wordy, and of\en ill-considered, speeches in Conjrress are. capable of making mischief in our negotiation.-*, how much more would the indisci-eet expressions of opinion by the President, on propossitions that may never be made, produce .' The President rei.'oiiinnMided notice to be given under the provisions of the treaty for the ttirmina- tion of the joint occnpuncy. This, after a protract- ed debate, was passed m this House, and has, after still more delay, passed the Senate with an amend- ment. Uf)on that measure 1 desired to express my sentiments when it was tinder consideration here; and tnade repeated ellorts to obtain the tioor, Imt without success. 1 did not desire then, as I do not t;o\v, to discuss the title, but to assiirn my reasons for voting at this session lor giving tlie notice, hav- ing voted at the last session against it. I desired to say, that as we were intornied at the last session that negotiation was progressing under favorai)|e, prospects, to have ^iven th(! notice (without the, very objectionable bill of whicii it formed a part) would have been improper and uimecessary. But since that time negotiation has been tried and failed, thus far, at least, to settle the difficulty, cilice that time, the people ha\e taken up the subject, and de- mand its speedy termination in some way. What- ever may have been the advantage of the joint occupancy treaty to us, as a means of avoiding the, consequences that naturally would have resulted from the repeated failures to .settle this question by amicable means, until we could settle the disputed country with our citizens and prepare to meet the consequences; after the question had taken sucli hold upon the public mind — after certain politicians had seii.ed upon it as a political machi. f; to pull down some men and elevate others — it was time to bring it to a clos'?, to take it from before the public and out of the hands of partisans. It is not strange that the people do no.v de- mand a settlement of this question. They natu- rally conclude that if the country, or any part of it, belongs to us, we ought to have it exclusively in our possession: they dislike any partnership between this country and another, especially with Great Britain. The title, and the evidences to sustain it, are too difficult and tedious for the mass of the people to examine; and whatever may be the true line of division — whatever obligation.^ may have been incurred by the former offers by our Government to take less than the whole — the natural, the patriotic sentiment among our people is, when a conflict arises between this country and another on a claim to territory, as well as any other question, to " go for our country, right or wrong" — a sentiment so patriotic, that however we may regret it when it sustains the wrong, we must admire the heart from which it flows. The importance of this question, consists not so much in the real value of the territory in dispute, (which has no doubt been much exaggerated,) as in the consequences that must ensue if the diffi- culty cannot be settled amicably. In that case, the last alternative of nations must follow — an al- ternative that none of us ought to desire. In this enlightened age of the world, war between two of the most enlightened nations cannot ensue, especially about a piece of property not worth the cost of the war to either (saying riothing of the expense of preparation and the loss of life) for three months, 1 witlioul prosfl mifltnnnnf^cment pomewlifire. I Imvc confidence, therefore, that it will be avoided; but, to avoid it, the question miisl nmp be settled. The tendency of delay is to change the nature of the present dispute from one about a claim to prop- erty, to one nfnationul honor . By keeping up the controversy, the feelirig of tjje people on both sides will become irritated, until the cry fnr justice will V)e overcome by the louder cry ofrevtrte:e. 1 have said that I approve, heartily approve, of the Pres- ident's effort to compromise this question : the whole country has approved it, anil will sustain him in any just s' ttlemeiit he may hereafter make; but I will say, iliat the voice of the people in favor of taking possession of the whole country iS get- ting stronger and stronger every day; and I fear it will continue in that direction until the question is settled, as 1 have an abiding confidence it soon will be. I have said, Mr. Chairman, that the President, by the course he has pursued hitherto, hns given lis plainly to understand what he will do hereafter. That he sincerely desires to preserve the peace of the country, if he can without a uacrifice of our national honor, no one can doubt. That he may be enabled to do this, let us not, by hasty and in- considerate legislation, embarrass him. And this brings me to the consideration of the bill now be- fore us — a bill, in my humble judgment, pregnant with mischief in the present state of the question. I say, in the present state of the question, Mr. Chair- man; because, whatever acts Great Britain may have passed in relation to her citizens, (the char- acter of which are greatly misunderstood,) we have subsequently entered into the joint-occupancy treaty with her, and so assented to them. Besides, Great Britain had not, at the tii..e of passing her acts, given us notice, as we have now provided to give her; so that our legislation must be consid- ered in connexion with the notice of the abroga- tion of the treaty. The President informs us that the people of Ore- gon " are anxious that our laws should be ex- tended over them;" and he says: "I recommend * that this be done by Congress, with as little delay * as possible, in the full extent to which the British * Parliament have provided in regard to British * subjects in that territory by their act of July 2, * 1821. By this act. Great Britain extended her * laws and jurisdiction, civil and criminal, over her ' subjects engaged in the fur trade in that territory." The President ftirther says, that *' subsequent to ' the date of this act of Parliament, a grant was * made from the British Crown to the Hudson Bay * Company, of the exclusive trade with the Indian ' tribes in the Oregon territory, subject to a reser- * vation that it shall not operate to the exclusion * of the subject of any foreign State, who, under * or by force of any convention for the time being * between us and such foreign State, respectfully, * may be entitled to> and shall be engaged in the * said trade." Here is a recommendation that we extend our Imos over our own citizens in Oregon, as GreatlBrit- aiti has extended her laws over her citizens. Thus far, I am more than willing to go; but the bill does not stop here. It proposes to extend our laws, after twelve months, over all citizens in any part of the territory, up to 54° 40'. Does not every one tee that this mubt necessarily bring the two coun- tries into a«tafr of hostilities? The President .taw it would not only y i tliorcnf: »' ' Until R «»airt not,ic« • mentioned " Mr. G. 1 had prnposf legislated u] in niWance. The ob could not it is in thi was to lir Subjects 1 -pancy. Mr. H sired to tinderstar 1 B President saw lid nit oir nil irnhly, within hr, is anxious itish siibjerts lied from ilio 1 to do while >'■ cilizj'n.s of y; and whiln n for nn ami- )o not »ontle- ly the least of we ralculntc t interruptins: Relate the irri- ill woui J pro- it 119 snpposa she had the al)rot,-ation of lent had pass- r citizens were )ry: is there a erican citizen an American fs as eqniva- one, I would th her under once to meet IS. I do not r, whether he >f, under such tiation. : the measures mitted to the lether, at their expiration of nires may be ntion of 1827, c government regon. That )per to make is there, I am recommenda- y Kiiikuig out the following words from the end tlicrcof: " 'ITntll said treaty Btipulntions shall cPdRp byvirtnc of the • said notice provided for in the second articlt; in said last- ' mentioned treaty.' " Mr. G. S. Houston advocated the amendment which he had proposed. At the end of the year the r-nhject could he legislated upon. It was tmnecessary to make any pr'^vision in advance." The object of the amendment, Mr. Ohaiiman, could not have been more clearly expressed than it is in this report of my colleague's remyrks. It was to limit the operation of the bill to our own ■ubjects in Oregon and to the time of joint occu- ■pancy. Mr. Houston again interposed, and said he de- sired to understand his colleague. He did not understand him when he says he will not repeat the conversation which I had with him or with others of niy colleagues. Now, he certainly know.t that a remark of that sort is calculated to create improper impressions, much more no tJinn if he were to re])eat any conversations I may have hail with him. I do not now renieinl)er what I may have said to him; but 1 stale to my collinijue and to the committee, that I said nothing to him i:i pri- vate or to any of my colleat;ues which is incon- sistent with the position 1 iiave assumed now and previously. Mr. Chapman. I understood mycolleaguc, then, as he was reported — that is, that he wanted to limit the bill to the joint occupancy. So did others uii- dersUmd him. Mr. HofSToN said he had mt read his remarks as reported, nor did he generall}' read the reports- Buthefound tli t his remarks weiecorrectly report- ed; that when liie time came for the expiration of the treaty, they all contemplated further legisla- tion, and knew it to be neces.sary. He did not mean to say that this hill would absolutely expire then, but simply that it would be suspeiided by further legislation. Mr. Chapman. I take t'le gentleman by what he says himself as reported; he admits that he is correclhj reported, and it is not likely that he is misreported, as he sits within a few feet of the reporters. I have said that I was gratified when my colleague moved his amendment with the avow- ed purpose of limiting the operation of the bill to our own citizens — to the time of the joint occupan- cy — to conform the bill to its title. I regret now to learn from him that his object was not as I sup- Eosed, not as declared by him at the time to rne to e his object. Then, what object had he in offer- ing the amendment .' I have shown that it would not change the bill in any way — that its operation would be the .same icith the amendment as wUhoiit it. The amendment would render the bill more objectionable in this: that it serves to conceal, what without it is avowed. The title of the bill is cal- culated, as I have shown, to mislead us as to its object ; the first section goes beyond the title. My colleague '.? amendment only serves still to keep up the deception, although I am sure he would not intentionally practice such a deception, I will not believe for a moment that the committee who reported this bill intended to practice any de- ception upon the House by giving it a false title; much loss will I suppose that, in adf'ing the tail which my colleague proposes to cut off, they acted as a liorse jockey who puts on the price of his horse ten dollai-s in addition, to fall, if it becomes neces- sary, in order to effect a sale. But I will say, that the bill ought to conform to its title, especially in so important a particular. Bills are often read here by their titles, and sometimes passed by their titles, without ftirther examination. The first sec- tion of the bill, then, is highly object'.)nable: first, because it extends our laws over British subjects, after the twelve months' notice, in violation of our treaty stipulations; because it holds out a threat to Great Britain that we shall take possession of the whole territory, when we have, for nearly half a century, recognised her joint righi to occupy it. Such a measure at this time, following the notice we have authorized, will, in my judgment, seri- ously embarrass the President in his eft'orts to set- tle the difficulty by negotiation, if it does not bring 6 Wftr. Sprnndly, I object to thai section, Mr. Chnir- man, becnuHc ir proposes to extend llie jiirisdif- tion and laws of the Tf-rritory of Iowa, not only AH I hey now exist, but also Miicfi as may be pasncd by lliR niithoritit'M in Iowa itfrf-nfler, over tho whole territory of Oresron up to the Rusmian line; thuM trnnsterrin;; I'rotii (^onjrresH to that Territory the delienic power of Icjjishitinp; for a territory over which II forei;;ii (.Tovernnient claims erpial riirhtM of occupancy. Tliis power is too important to ix- transterreron ovci Vc\ei| < eitchteen yars of ag(!, ihrec hundred and tweniv Wliyl anil lo iill under thai a:re, one hundred and sixty tipon ti acres of land. Now, all who know me, and my virions uniforin course hire, can testify to my zeal in In ■ ocrutic half of the seiilcrs on the public lands — the adveii- next se turous and worthy pioneers in a new country — in nieiitot enabling them to oijtain their lands even tci//»oii.' *>ft lire; prirv. I5ul I cannot see how iirants can be madi ^e slii ill Or.'iroii consistently with our treaty, so long as months the joint occiiiiation continues, anil until the Indian treaty n title is extinu'iiished. The President very justly Hot be says, that<(^/(r these dlilicuUics are removed, it will then lie be pro{ier to make liberal grants of land to the sei- exists, tiers. He does not reconiincnd il to be done noir, of." i« i becau.se it is a violation of the tri'aiy. In fact, by be disrc expressing his opinion that it will be proper to dn treiiy 'H it fl/'/cc the ditKculties referred to are removed. In necessit expresses the belief, that without a violation of tin niui h as treaty it cannot he done lief'nre. Hut it is saiil thiH the bill iloes not grant, but promi.ies hereafter thn- land .'ihall be granted. Is there not an obligation in curred by thcGovernment .' If so, it is as binding aj an absolute grant. I heard iny friend from Georgia, [Mr.JoNKs,] on yesterday, laboring to pointoutthe, disiinttion between a promise to grant land hcreat'- tcr, which he says is no violation of the terms ol' ties cam the treaty, and an abHolute grant, which he admii.s lerved o would be. I know that gentleman has a very high complna reputation as a lawyer — no higher, however, than ernmeni.' he deserves — but he failed to convince me thai or, the t' there was any difference in the obligation created the I'g in the two ca.ses. If no obligation is created, why ^V' '^""^ " make the provision.' and if it is created, a gram fif^ht, su< can do no more. If (as my friend from Georgiii Beniience admits) our treaty engagements prohibit us from leuislatio making alisolxUe grants in Oregon, the public faith umbr tli will be violated ij'we do. And if we promise here- to claim after to make grants there, and do not, the public, t^' attemi faith is also violated. Then, how can we pledge hers-. ^ the faith of the nation not to do and to do the same g'ver act at the same time .' [Here Mr. Jones asked leave to explain; but Mr. C. declined to yield the floor, as his hour wa.s running out.] Mr. C. said: I heard the gentleman's rensoninj: yesterday. 1 cannot have my remaining time taken up in an effort to convince me of a distinction be- tween the moral obligation to comply with a prom- ise to grant land, and an actual grant. There are some propositions so plain that they do not admit of reasoning — others so absurd that reasoning upon them ought not to be permitted; of the latter class I consider the distinctions thai my friends from Geor- gia [Messrs. Jones and Cobb] have attempted to prove. Mr. Chairman, I have endeavored thus briefly to point out the objections to the bill now under consideration; objections that may very easily and ought to be removed, without changing its charac- ter as " a bill to protect the rights of American set- tlers in the territory of Oregon until the termination of the joint occupation of the same." The amend- ment proposed oy the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Vinton] I hope will be adopted, so as to confine tlie operation of the bill to our own citizens, and if we are r Presider Oregon , for Mcti( asserted. tending of nfi'ori tiiiL' the: forded V for any Kens th' the eon union a ask, the been nr may wt tlie nex except I fer upoi until it there m avoid a Viiite u Blate of Mr. ' f y of which 1 doubt, ly- section of this hil Ihnl lirrrnfler thf r< r in Orciioii ovn iidipd and twrni\ mndred and sixty now mc, and my ' to niy 7,(;;il in l)i landft — ihf! ndvcti- L n»'W coniitiy — in and.s even without ant.s can he. niadi treaty, so Ion;;; as lid until llie Indian iiiient very justiv re rimortd, it will i)f land to the sei- it to be done noir, I'aty. In fact, liv II he proper to do • are removed, li< a violation of tin I'm it is said thm ises hereafter thir t an oblii^ation in it is as binding a 1 ;nd from Georgia, ng to pointoutthfi ;;rant land licreat"- n of the terms oi which he admits 11 has a very high r, iiowever, than Dnvince me thai Ibligation created is created, why created, a gram from Georgia irohibit us from the public faith ve promise here- not, the public can we pledge to do the same to explain; but or, as his hour nan's rensoninc ining time taken a distinction be- !y with a proni- y.\l. There are y do not admit reasonitigupoii the latter class I nds from Geor- ve attempted to d thus briefly jill now under k'ery easily and ?ing its charac- r American set- the termination ' The amend- om Ohio [iVIr. as to confine 11 citizens, and u limit il to ilip joint occupain'in. Without ilint, or ■OHIO siniilar nniendiiient, it will, in my judgment, not only vmlaie the terms of the treaty, but will •mbarniMS tin; I-'xecnlive in his ell'orts to settle this Vexed iil cenliniiig its operation to our own citi- zens there. This we have the riirhl to do under the i-oiuention. For the sake of harmony and Union among the friends of the Administration, I ask, then, why not avoid the objectituis that have been urged against this measure; or at least, why may we not delay the obnoxious yirovisions until tlie next session, as they cannot (uierate before, except to embarrass negotiation? If we must dif- fer upon principles, let us put of!" the disagreement until it becomes necessary. For in the mean time there may be such a change of circumstances as to avoid any disagreement. By that time we may all »inite upon a measure suited to the then existing stale of things. Mr. Chairman, I confess that I have felt morti- fied to observe, during all this Oregon debnte, so little di.qposition mnnil'estfd l>y those who elnini to be the peculiar friends of Oregon, but who are, in my eBtiniation, ultra in their course on all meas- ures relating to the. (luestion, to secure union in our action. On this subject — so delicate, because it intimalely concerns our foreign relations — it doca appear to me that union and harmony are of more, imporlanc'e than ujion any other. The moral force of (hat united public sentiment, which is altogether within our power, if we will mutually yield some- thing for tlie sake of securing it, is w.)rth nior« than any difference in tht^ various plans proposed for our actiim. Give the Executive die l)enefit of such a moral force, and my word for it, the diHi- ciilty will be arljusted in such a way as to satisfy nil who have not resolved already not to be satis- ried. Instead of securing such a moral force., wo have been delivering moral lectures lo Englf.nd, The legitimate business in hand, of so conducting our affairs as to ensure an advantageous and ami- cable settlement of ihe i>reseiit dispute, or of ma- king timely preparations lo meet the consequences if it comes to that, have all been overlooked, and a Ions list of other injuries, committed by Great Britain upon other nations, as well as ujion our- selves, have been hauled np for examination. Tlii.s is indeed a new plan of settling a dispute — by re- curring to old ones long .since settled; or it not settled, " not now befm-f; the court." Let us remember, and jirofit by that old sayintr, that " a certain man oiii^e made a fortune by at- tending to his own business." After we have secured an advantageous settlement of our present difficulties with Great Britain, amicably if we can, forcibly if we must, if we have nothing of more importance to engasre our allenlion, we can look into tlie conduct of that proud and overbearing na- tion towards others. But first let us settle our own affairs. Mr. Chairman, I have said that it is not my pur- pose, on this occasion, to examine into the respec- tive claims of the United States and Great Britain to this territory. That question is not necessarily involved in legislating on the unea.sures ns far us recommended by the President. This bill, how- ever, goes beyond his recommendations, by ex- tending to British subjects, and jbeyond the joint occupancy. To those who advocate the bill ex tending to British subjects and proposing to drive them t'rom the whole territory, belongs the respon- sibility of making out our perf(2ct title to the whole up to ttie Russian line. 1 do not propose such le'^islation now, consequertly that task is not mine. I will s.tv» however, Mr. Ciiairnian, that I do not decline the examination of the title with any \iew of shielding tuysclf from responsibility. When it becomes necessary lor me to do so, I shall ex- press my views fi-eely and clearly; at present it is neither necessary nor prudent. We have heard much upon this subject. By some our c'aim has been traced to "Adam's will;^' by another, to a still elder authority — " the Book of Genesis." Sacred as these authorities are, they have been disputed. Great Britain claims also to be m legatee under the will of Adam; and the au- thority of the Old Testament, so triumphantly brought up by the gentleman from Mas.sachusetts, [MiC Adams,] may likewise be controverted. We both heard, in a seuaon preached in this Hall last # 8 Sablmth, anolhrr fart xlaloil m ilint Hiime booK- of CJntuwin ili.spntt' s'tj: (InifS, miMiy llnm.Miiid ytarN wxrc ifnuirtd lor tiie crfaiioii of ih.i world. 1 will not nay, liowever, that I Ijclievi! in iliii' luw and straiitjd tliuory. Mr. ('hairrnan, I ask lh<; ^''ntltniaii iVom iVIiu^ michuselts, [Mr. Ai>ams,| imw it lia|)|M:ii.H that V tlid not find tiif.s*; concliiHivc proolH of imr prrfri-t title to the wiioln territory up to 54° lit' sooner r Why did li(>,a^!;ie'retary ofStatfumd as JVe.sideiit, a(;ree that (Jruat iSriiaiii hIiouUI,, liiitly oi'cupy tliu . territory with us, if our exclusive claim was mo ilear and so ea.sy of proof ? AV'hy did he leji im j at the last session, in IiIm .speech on this sulileitt, . that tlip reason the eoiiveiitioiis of Juiiii occupancy i of 181b and I6il were ajjreed to wa.s, *' bemiUHO^ • we did think there was some substance in the 'claim of the DritiHli Government, and ihat it was 'a fair and iionorable proposition to them to coni- ' promise — to jijivo uii our the territory without a struggle ; are greatly deceived. ! For these reasons, Mr. Chairman, I have ap- | proved of the course of the President in oflering | the cojvipromise at 49°, and for one I shall sustain ! liini in any settlement ot' the question he may mal^e ! upon that basis. I believe the whole country will '■ sustain him except those who go for war — or for all of Oregon or war, which is the same thing. That he may be enabled to settle this question upon ad- vantageous and honorable terms, if possil)lc, I shall oppose all measures that may fetter him, en- embarrass the negotiations; and 1 shall vole for all such meaaures that he, with a full knowledge of the whole ca.se, and in view of the consequences, has recommended. Mr. Chairman, the same considerations that in- duce me to deprecate the war .speeches we have heard here, calculated to excite angry feelings abroad and irritation at home, cause me also to disapprove of such us have been made on the other nidp of the qu<*Kiion; showing to our Adv^rMArl^ the weakiieHrt of our tide to liie territory, ami uu^ want of mihlary and naval prepaialion to deferii our claim, if, unforiunalely, the ultiiimtt; rbsurl i nations should Ix coine iii':vitable. Mr. Chairinan, all suih speichcN have, in ni'.; jndu'iuent, had a most unfavorable iiilhiencc upt): tliis question. Much better would it have beei for the country, boili lor ourcharacur as a nation .iiid our snc(!esH in the pr< sent dilficulty, if suci speeches had never been made. I hate III ard it boldly avowed by a distinguishci statesman, during this debate, that " tlie hearts n the peojile must be prepared for war." Whai Mr. ('hairinan, prepare the jiearts of the Amen can people for war! Is it meant by t'lis senlinieii to say, that the American |ieople art indisposed t< war, when the honor of the country demands ii If HO, tlie sen ::nent is a slander upon the charactt; of Americans. t)r is it intended that the hearts « ^- people shall be prepared ftu" war, when on national lioiMir dot s not require that horrid alteriui live.' If so, the sontiinent is wicked in the t!N Irenie — it would have been culled savage in am age of the world. In this age tif enlighteneil iim- son and of civili/.niion, no sentiment could be iiion detestidilc. If any corrective is needed among th' people n: this coimtrv, it iff the reverse — they are too eagd for war. The statesman who will use his inllii enc(! to all.iy the war feeling among the peojilc unless the honor or the right.s of the country n quire war, evinces a thousand times more mora courage and true, patriotism, than he who urgi on the coiillict, when it can, .vithout a sacrifict: t; national honor, hi; avoided. J\1r. Chairman, there i,s, in this Democratic land, so much national pride, so much love of country, and sincere devotion to our free institutions, thii: the tendency of i)ublic sentiment is too often wiii, those who raise the cry for war. Kach individua in this country is himself a i)art of the sovereignly of the nation, and bears his share of the iialiomil character: he feels this responsibility, and is jeal ous of national honor. Our history thus far is ai; illustration of this tendency in the public mind. We all know that tho.so who opposetl the la.st wai became so odious thereby, that a generation wa- not suffK'.ient to atone for the crime; and tt) this day, we htiir "that sin of the father thrown ii. the teeth of the son." With such examples be fore us, but few are bold and daring enough to pause for an examination into the cause, when the , cry of war has been sounded, lest they may sharu the fate of others. If, unfortunately, tliis controversy shall result in war, the hearts of the people will be |)repared for the event; they will no longer inquire how or when the cau.sc originated, but they will pour out their means and their blood to defend tlie rights of their country, whether tht;y are in Oi-egon or elsewhere. But I trust in God that no such tilteruative may become necessary. iiir Rdvfnnricl ritory, aiul on] iiioii to (Ji'I't'ni liiiiute rcHurt m H lll\V<\ ill tl)'. iiiliucncc upo; d it httvc beti u T HN a niitinii ilcully, if unci a diNtiii{;ui8lici " llif lieurts war." Wlmi (if tlie Allien y iMh MCiitiiiit'ii '( iiidispDKcd li .ry diiiimiuls it III tlie clittracti'i at tlie hcartN o war, wliPii (Mil L liorrid altiTiui kt'd in tlie o\ savage in Hiiy; iiilis^hteiied vvn. t cuuid be moil ? th' people (i| f are too wiget I UNC hJH inilu- i lip; the peo}ilc, llie country n- es niore iiionii lie wlio iirgts ut a sttcrilictt ti emocratic land, ive of country, iHtitutions, thai < too often with i'^ach iiidividuiil tiie sovereisciiiy of the national ity, and is jcal- \f tliiis far IS ai e ijublic mind, icd liie last war generation wa.< le; and to this| iher thrown in 1 examples be- ing enough tn ause, when the J hey may share < 13 y shall result in 1 be prepared for | re how or when f pour out their 3 rights of their n or elsewhere. Uleruative may \