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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. y errata id to nt ie pelure, 9on d n 1. *• » 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 I M TUB FUTURE GOVERNMENT P CANADA: *A BEING AJRO^TJ^^IBJ^TQ IN- TA-VOH OF A. eRITISHMERICAII INDEPENDENT REPUBLIC. COMPRISIKG A REFUTATION OF THE POSITION TAKEN BY THE HON. T. D»AROY MoGEE, Id the British American Magazioe, FOR A MONARCHICAL FORM OF GOVERNMENT. ■♦•■» BT T. PHILLIPS THOMPSON, OF ST. CATHARINES. C. W. ST. G.A.TiaAJJRXl^JBQz H. F. LEAVENWORTH'S "HERALD*' POWER PRESa 1864. ",. f-. , 1 i V -•> /..■. •u» <■•.. , •> r ^ :■•-:■ r.':.3:: .\ J. ;■!"':*>;.: ;s,:i.:o Z . /^.J.U^i . r ,...■* 4 J..!,» i I. ill '. .' »• , - ) A I ^' J 1/1 fT 'T r'-^ ,-. -V " -'•" '-A •T •• • r' rp »(.»_. ..4 1 ... < ..JJL,'.\ . , i. .■»!i S^'^'^ '4 i^n' I i;>'r!;. •. 'T .:} ri' A )!'.-^ J ^ lit ^..'J.Ji M;r) ': ',/ If^Li.*': ;;/•. » 1 U J H A /i Ifi ,i^o;;^*iMOET a^iJjiBi: .t itii ■y? <-> ••)"rr.- I r^ I ITTT. , r-. . '- i. '"\ ("■* f PREFACE. The recent change in the aspect of political affairs, almost if not quite unparalleled in the history of Canada, occurring as it did when this work was in the hands of the printer, has of course not been considered in the following pages, or influ- enced the writer's opinions as there laid down. Any conclbr- sions drawn, or arguments brought forward from the situation^ of political parlies are consequently based upon the positions occupied by them previous to late developments. We may also add, that taking into account the concessions promised to. be made to the Reform sentiment of the country, ojr views on some of the matters of detail, treated on towards the latter part of the work, have been perhaps somewhat modified. However,, the main question entered into — that of the adaptability of Re- publicanism to Canada — is of course unafTected by the new order of things, never having been in any way a party issue.. ,r.4 '■\ 'A V -i ; ',u; 1 ■: > i .,'.i)j:!:i, » !>> /■!■!!. ii/ ; , , ; i I ; 1,1 :; ■:! .• :'.;.■;■ ' . ( I : < f . ■'/•^ .i I. i .'( I, // ,-. (') ,-■'• -.," Ill , .'/ i,.\ ' i: :< •■•:^; (. rfMf! \ rU-V : ■ ' ; . i i ■■.'.. ;■'.'• ''11.' ■i;f' :. • ' 1 V ' ? ; i ' I 1 .'1 '.. i 1 - •■' i '1-- 1- I . . I 1 . , • 1 . 1 1 ; 'i/, ..■.,, I \\a\ ■> ' i; J ,/!•- iv -Ml! ; ■ I tn •0 th de OV ' (o Ol • AC L [ . . . '"-•■ ■) T3=3:B Jfutore dSnkntntent 0f Canak. » ■ ^ ■ » !.. ). , <'/ i.,l: ! 1 ^ 1 1 ( 1 .. . ••■ t i ) 1 b-io • ■ It is obvious that sooner or later the time must come for Canada to cease her present connexion with the British Empire. As with individuals, so with nations. The child, long protected by the care of a parent, must at length assume the dignity and responsibilities of manhood. When such time does arrive, it will be for the Canadian people, as a matter of course, to choose their future form of government. To throw out a few sugges- tions, not so much to influence such a choice as to bring the subject before the people, and to induce reflection on this im- portant question, is the object of the present effort. ' We have been in some measure led to this undertaking by the perusal of several articles on this subject, published a few months since, in the British American Magazine, from the pen of the Hon. T. D'Arcy McGee. We shall endeavor to combat the views presented by him, and, in addition to answering his arguments, present some cor iterations which have presented themselves in favor of the other side of the question. Before entering upon our subject we would premise, that the conclusions to be drawn from our remarks are intended •olely to apply to British America. Without this limitation they might be considered somewhat revolutionary in their ten- dency, but the term is hardly applicable to efforts, not for the overturning and remodelling of existing institutions, but for the formation of new ones. This work is undertaken solely upon our own responsibility, unconnected with any party or clique ; «ad on ibis acoottut the prcgent formof publication was choseni O THE FUTURE GOVERNMENT OF CANADA. rather than the more usual one thrnuf,'h tlic columns of the journals. This h.avcs us in a position to statu our opinions with somewhat more freedom. In the first of these articles to which allusion has been made, which is entitled "A Pica for British American Nationality," and appears in the last August number of the British Atnerican Magazine, we read : — '•It cannot be denied bv anv Canadian, that, since the era of Responsible Government, we have advanced constantly towards the American and receded from the British standard of government. The power and patronage of the Crown has been reduced to tlie lowest point ; the Upper House has been made elective ; the iVanchise has been extended ; the period required by law for the naturalization of aliens has been reduced to three years ; th i public lands have ceased to be Crown lands ; the public Departments have been transferred from Im- perial to Provincial control. Many of these reforms, or all of them, are or may be real improvements ; they are only here referred to in evidence of the assertion, that year by year, and step by step, we are advancing towards an unrecognized Ameri- canism, which must have its perils and risks as well as its attractions.'* . , , , . . a. . . ; What other inference could be drawn from the above para- graph than that the changes there mentioned, which even Mr. McGee must admit " are or may be real improvements," are undesirable solely on account of their tendency towards *' an unrecognised Americanism," which the author sagely concludes *' must have its perils and risks." The writer asserts that, in making these changes — *' real improvements" — be it observed^ we have *' advanced towards the American standard of govern- ment." In his opinion, this state of things must be remedied* No more such ''improvements" in the future. When any new. measure is proposed, the first question must be, not whether it will be for the good of the country, and if its effects will be beneficial, but, does it tend towards Americanism \ Does \\ ,*' recede from the British standard of government 1" In fact, the government is not, a.« wo had in our ignorance supposed, TIIK rUTL'RK GOVERNMENT OP CANADA. of the MS will) 1 made, inlitv," jurican ho era )stantly tiard of wn has as bi;un period educed Crown om Im- r all of Iv here ar, and Ameri- 1 as its ■ ■ ■ ; ■ ■' e para- en Mr. ts," are is ** an ncludes that, in served, ^Qvern- nedied^ oy new. 3ther it will b§ Does it n fact, pposed, our mission on this continent is not to develop and extend onr civilization, as wa bjst cud, under whatever political institutions we find best suited to ourselves ; but to institute and sustain, at all cost, a system of constitutional monarchy, regardless of its ada[)tab.iity to the age and circumstances in which we find our- selves placed. ••Mr. JVIcGeo speaks of "the other two choices before us, annexation or closer connexion with the main body of the Em- pire." He never seems to have conceived that there was a possibility of British America existing as an Independent Re- public. In fact, we generally hear the subject treated of as if Republicanism necessarily implied annexation, and the subse- quent introduction of the worst features of the American sys- tem. We shall endeavor to show that there is, in reality, no necessary connexion between them. What is there, we would f^sk, to prevent the existence of a British American Independent Republic] It would afford a temptation to the cupidity of our An»erican neighbors, says one, and be unable to resist their persistent attacks, either by negotiation, or, failing in that, by armed force. Would not a Monarchy or Aristocracy be equally, or, if anything rather more liable to this objection? Surely, if Canada can exist as an independent nation, the fact of her pos- sessing a Republican government would render her less likely to incur the hostility of the neighboring Republic than if differ- ently rtiled. Not that we think this of itself any argument in favor of Republicanism. We do not Fay that in forming our government we should consult the opinions and interests of our neighbors ; on the contrary, we believe it to be our duty to establish just such a system as will best suit us, whether pleasing or displeasing to those around us, who are not as capable of judging of our requirements as ourselves. We only speak of it in answer to the possible argument of weakness and liability t6 American hostility — as shewing that a Republic is at least irt as good a position in this respect as a Monai-chy. Think you that the sentiment of nationality is less strong in a Republic than a motiarchy 1 Was Rome of the Consuls less intensely national than Rome of the Caesars 1 Has Switzerland less of the national feebngrthan Germany or France? On the contrary, if we look at continental £urope>i. we findi the Radifal or Ilcpublican part^! TIIK PUTURK GOVEKNMBNT OP CANADA. iUentificd with nalionul aapirntions, and cnijor for notionol unity. This it) the caso more cspociully with thu Ituhan and German Kndicals; while the Prussian and Austrian sovereigns, and the potty Princes and Nobles of Gerinariy, are endeavoring, to tho utmost of their power, to prevent tl>e fiuccetjs of the cflforls for German unity. There is nothing more common in monarchical governments than to find a foreigner occupying the throne — who, surrounded as ho usually la with foreign parasites and office-seekers — a stranger to tlie manners and often almost to the language of tho country, is naturally looked upon with distrust and suspicion. Under such circumstances, to which a hereditary monarchy is always liable, the stability and security which are the supposed attributes of Monarchical government alone, will be materially weakened ; and in such a case a foreign invader will always find a disafiected party at home ready to hail them as deliverers from what they may in some cases plausibly call a foreign yoke. It is the complaint of the ** Scandinavian" party in Denmark, that the present monarch of that unfortunate country is too German in his antecedents and proclivities, and on that account he is naturally regarded by them with some degree of distrust. "The late king," say they, "had his fault, but at any rate he was a Danfl." Of course we do not cite this instance in support of our immediately preceding proposition, but merely as a case where a monarchical nation, attacked by a foreign aggressor, does not present that united front which they might under a different form of government. Mexico under Maximillian, even were he sustained by a large majority of the people, would be an easier prey to the hostile attempts of a foreign power than were the old Mexican Republic. We think, then, that a Re- public would be as safe from aggression from abroad, and at strong in a pervading sentiment of nationality, as a Monarchy could possibly be. . ■ '■ A little further on in the article to which our attention has been directed, we find the following : — " Hitherto, American ideas of government have so troubled or dominated all the populations of the New World — especially those of us nearest their source — that Constitutional Monarchy ' h«i9. never as .yet had a fair audience from thia age/' Tlin Fl'lM'lir, r.OVKRNMENT OF OANAPA. il unity. German and the ^ to tho oris for rninents rounded kers — a e of the spicion. irchy is Jpposed iterially ays find liverers n yoke, mmark, / is too account listrust. rate he support I a case pressor, inder a n, even >uld be er than L a Re- and at narchy ion has oubled ecially larchy Is it, wo would onqniro, so very rnmarkal)l(», that in Amerloa — Hrlti.sh America 'ti.s true, but still Atuciica — Artu-ricnn idt-ns ns vv(!il on t^ovcrutiRMit ns on other sul)jccts, should prevail \ VVc 8U[)pos() by the ''source" alluded to, the Unit(^d States is me.int. Jf so, wo are nt a loss with respect to the meaning of the e^^pression, " especially those ncju'est their source." We, in (lanutla, livcj about as near the source of these American ideas a>( any other nation, and yet we doubt if wc arc "'ronbicd" with them us nuu.'h as Central and South America, much further from the source of llepublicanism. An excef)lion. it is true, exists — Brazil. There the system of Monarchy "has been iairiy tried," and "for half a century lirazil has known no serious domestic disturbances." It strikes us that Mr. McGee has been rather unfortunate in the solitary instance he has brought ibrward of an American Monarchy, when we remember that Brazil, the only American State where the monarchical {)rinei;;le obtains, is likewise the only slavehold- in<; nation in South America. Mexico and Central America also, in addition to the other Spanish American Republics, have deemed national liberty inconsistent with personal slavery, and have accordinyir abolished the system within their dominions. Still, in Brazil, "no serious disturbances" have occurred. "Or- der," we all know, once "reigned in Warsaw." The abomi- nations and cruelties of slavery exist, but then they take place quiethj. A slave may be whipped or burned to death oc«asion' ally, but nobody makes any noise about it — no "serious distur- bance" ever occurs in consequence. Happy state of quiescence ! Again, speaking of the American civil war: — "The demon- stration it is to furnish is as yet incomplete, and prudence warns us against drawing too hasty conclusions ; but in whatever else the present contest may issue, it cannot issue as all civilized monarchies have at one time or other done, in a voluntary res- toration, giving a new lease to the old government." Does Mr. McGee contend that the old French Monarchy "issued in a voluntary restoration, giving a new lease to the old government." A little further on, he "concludes the experiment (Republi- can government) to have failed." This conclusion strikes us as rather strange, after his admission that " the demonstration it ia B la THE FUTUHB OOVETRNMBNT QFCANAtfJt. to furnish is as yet incomplote." If American RepublioaniMw is to be deemed a failure on account of the present situation of the nation, and the seemingly insurmountable diflioulties with which it was beset on every side, what an irretrievable and com.- plete failure was English Monarchy during the Parliamient.'t'*y civil war, and the subsequent military dictatorship of Cromwell ? We now corr>e to the second of these articles, which appears, in the October number of the Magazmc, and is (rntitlod *' A further Plea for British American Nationality." The subject ©f Monarchy is hardly touched upon in this article, which treats principally of the necessity of a strong union between the Pro- vinces, and a closer comiexion with Britain. Now, V. ith regard to the latter point, it seems to us that by the writer's own admission, the fact of our possessing a Repub- lican form of government would not necessarily preclude this closer connexion with Great Britain, which the writer seems 80 ardently to desire. Speaking of the Provinces, towards the conclusion of the piece, the writer observes, **^That they should advance to sove- reignty is as natural as that youth should grow to manhood ; but there is not inevitable inference to be drawn that sovereignty should include separation." '* A very limited acquaintance with the varieties of Imperial constitutions which have existed, and do even still exist in the world, will leave sovereignty in the members of an Empire to be entirely compatible with the unity of the whole body." And this not without regard to their form of government, or even different forms united in the same Empire, as the author Um previously shown. "The German Empire, from the Peace of Westphalia (1648) to the substitution of the title of Emperor of Austria for Em- peror of Germany, by Francis II., in 1806, was a Federal Em- pire. At one time it contained not less than three hundred and fifty-five sovereign states or cities, royal, ddcaj, hereditary, electoral, ecclesiastical and repuhlicaiiy So that our form of government need be no bar to the form- ation of that closer union with England, so warmly advocated by Mr. McGee, in case such Federal union was considered df^sirable by the people. Undoubtedly great and important ITTE FTTURK GOVERNMTLNT OP CANADA. Hi licanifiT) lation of ies witli ind corwr- omwell ? appears- tied **A I subject zh treats tlie Pro- i that bv i Rjpub- lude this jr seems. >n of the I to sove- anhood ; ereignty Imperial ist in the mpire to ly." iment, or e author ia (1648) for Em- Eral Em- dred and reditary, he form- Ivocated nsidered nportant advantages would accrue to Canada from the development of this scheme, of substituting nearer and more defined relations between England and British America, instead of tiie present ioose and anomalouB arran":einont. Bv it we should be enabled to rise to our proper position among the nations — an ally, in- stead of XI dcpe«de>nt upon England — united witJi, rather than •absorbed by^ the Empire. But it shouJd be remembered that two parties are required to every agreement,; and we have no reason to suppose that there i« any intention on the part of Great Britain of introducing the Federal relation between the Mother Country and the Colonies ; and, lished in the British American Magazhie for December last, ■under the heading of " A Monarchy or a Republic — which V* Although it does not bear the name oi' the author of the previ- ^ous articles, it is probably from the same pen. Be this as it m-dy, it treats on the same question, and is principally devoted to the advocacy of Aristocracy — showing its necessity in every Monarchical form of government. ** A Constitutional Monarchy" says our author, " must have more than the two orders of king and people." "And therd must be at least three broadly distinguished orders of estates — the Crown, the nobility, and the mass of the people." "The Monarchy can exist only on condition of its possess- .ipg. an Order of nobility." — .' .,.,;,> 12 THE FUTURE GOVERNMENT OP CANADA, Now, it is chiefly on this very ground — the necessity of an aristocracy — that our opposition to a Monarchy is based ; and all through the present work, we shall rather direct our etTorts against aristocracy than Monarchy. And we are therefore the better satisfied that this plain and direct avowal of their insepa- rability has been made ; as, had it not been so clearly demon- strated in the work before us, it certainly would have been our endeavor to do so. Now we contend that a Canadian order of nobilitv is as im- practicable as it is undesirable. A Canadian aristocracy is im- practicable for want of the necessary raaienaU. An aristocracy must have something besides the mere title to separate them from the mass of the people. Either it must be distinguished by birth, wealth, or education, or it will simply render itself contemptible, by assuming a superiority which it does not pos- sess, and a position to which it is not entitled. Now, where in Canada shall we find this separate class, so distinguished — the materials out of which our future order of nobility is to be formed 1 The fact is, such a class does not exist. True, we could possibly import our nobles with our monarchs, and estab- lish our aristocracy with the scions of the English nobility. But few Canadians, we think, would be willing to place power in the hands of a class ignorant of the country and its requirements, and most likely having interests and opinions at variance with our own. It would be a palpable admission of our incapacity for self-government, and an acknowledgment that our aflairs and interests were better understood by strangers from abroad than by ourselves. And we may conceive the estimate which the "imported" aristocracy would form of the Canadian charac- ter, and the opinion which they would hold of us in conse- quence. . /;..i'';- ■! " •■ ill.' :;,!'■)' ■. :;,;:•;; ", ■ ■ ■, f !i . /;.' ■ Again— how is a hereditary aristocracy to be maintained in that position which they must necessarily assume — to use the words of the author — "" to be independent in its fortunes both of the crown and of the people"] Further on, we are told that "It (an aristocracy) needs no feudal privileges to make it use- ful for the end for which it is founded." In what manner, then, is it to be supported] Wealth, we all know, is proverbially insecure and uncertain in Canada — always changing hands, and V of an d ; and efforts ore the insepa- dcmon- een our 8 as im- y is im- tocracv » e them guished ;r itself not pos- /hore in ed — the s to be rue, we d estab- y. But ir in the ements, ne with japacity aflairs abroad J which charac- 1 conse- 1 \i .<■■' ■ ained in use the J both of old that e it use- jr, then, rerbially nds, and TUB FUTURE GOVERNMENT OP CANADA rs shifting from one to another. The millionaire of yesterday is perhaps worth little or nothing to-day. If we are to have an Order of nobility here, with sufficient wealth to render them independent of king and people, it is plain we must introduce l)rimogeniture as a means of *• keeping up the families" of the aristocrats, spite of Mr. McGee's declaration to the contrary, that no " feudal privileges" were needed for them. An aris- tocracy without " feudal privileges" would be an anomaly in any case. But even if, by any means, it were found to be possible to maintain an aristocracv, would it be deHiahhi Would it be well to place power in the hands of a class, who, dazzled by their sudden elevation, would be disposed to regard with con- tempt those beneath them in the social scale. Already we have too much of the aristocratic feeling. Already there are those amongst us who siftect to despise the farmer and the mechanic, — the " bone and sinew" of our country ; and it should be our aim to repress rather than encourage this feeling, which the establishment of an aristocracy would assuredly tend to strengthen and develop. The subject of immigration is one which has justly attracted a considerable degree of attention on the part of our Legisla- tors. Every means has been tried to increase the flow of immigration from Europe to this country, and it would well become us to consider the effect our published opinions on the subject of government — as in some measure indicating our future system — might have on intending settlers in America. Now, one reason, perhaps the chief, why the United States are at present so generally preferred to Canada, is on account of their political institutions. Ours are generally, we allow, misrepre- sented and not understood ; but still, if even the name of monarchy deters the European emigrant from seeking our shores, we may judge how its actual existence, together with a hereditary aristocracy, would operate. You may deem them unreasonable and prejudiced, but the fact of their predilections and prejudices remains ; and it is doubtful if all our natural advantages will compensate, in the eyes of many, for the absence of Republican institutions, or off-set the presence of the aristo- cratic Monarchy. •, ;ii ."!; •• M. •■•'■■ i v:'i; .••'.•;.•,{. :.'>rw .•,. Ik THE FUTURE GOVEItNMENl' OV CANADA. "Hanks of nobiiity, to command respect, must be made iionorable by the lives of their possessors." ' But suppose they are not "made hoBorable by the lives of possessors," and consequently do 7iot "'command respect;" would it not be infinitely better to be entirely without social distinction than to see them turned into objects of ridicule, by the possible evil conduct of their possessors? And after all, it seems it is not the mere privileges and titles that *' command respect," but the honorable lives of those who enjoy them. May we not, therefore, conclude that the same honor would be |)aid to the honorable lives without the titles ( , A littie further on we read, "It is, and always will be tr«c, " III everv soil, Thut those wlio tliink imiat govern tliiKxe who toil." Now, this is our idea exactly. We quite agree that those who think should be rulers. But is it regarded as an impossi- bility that those who toil should also think] Let the toilers be «nade thinkers, and self-government will'be the result. Of a piece with the last quoted paragraph, is an expression which occurs more than once, characterizing those who, if the aiew order of things were established, would be the -'lower "Orders," as an " ignorant mob." Why ignorant, in a land of ifree schoods and cheap literature? Why mob, in a land of law :and ordor .^ Again, we iread — " Though in a Republic, men may prattle :about their equality, yet even there, inequality reigns every- where ; inequality «f wealth, inequality of social position, in- ^equality q4' iniluei>oe, inequality of office and power, to say nothing of that ine^juality which God stanaps upon men ; making one strong and another weak, one brave aud another timid, one prompt and another vacillating— in every way unequal. In a Monarchy, this inequality is recognised. Jn a Republic it is ^disowned and disguised.^' , , How recognised? By the creation of diiferem rawks an4 grades of sociality, we shall be told. We deny it entirely* Now, even admitting that, in the formation of an order of aiobility, those best entitled to the position were advanced to 'bear its dignities, still it must be remembered that this con- itemplated aristocracy is hereditary, and in the oewarse of a few THE FUTUUK GOVERNMENT OF CANADA. 15 ! made lives of ipect ;" t social 1)1(3, l)V r all, it nimand them. ould he )c true, it those m[)Ossi- ilers be iressioa ), if the * lower land of 1 of law prattie every- lon, in- to say making nid, one In a lie it is )ks an4 ntirely.. irder of need t© lis con- f a few years the occupants of high positions and of noble names may be in every way unfitted to succeed their predecessors. There are wealthy and aristocratic crin^inals and idiots, and poor and low born men of genius and virtue ; and what could be more ridiculous than to bestow class privileges on the former, because of the achievement of some remote ancestor I No, no ! remove all distinction and restrictive barriers, and bestow on all the same advantages, regardless of race, creed, color or condition. Give ail, as far as practicable, a fair start in the race of life, and each will find his place as naturally as water sinks or rises to its own level. Not that we believe the Jeirersonian doctrine, that " all men are born free and equal." By no means. We doubt very much whether anv sane man ever reallv believed in the actual, jws^itivo equality of all men. When we see no two men formed with precisely similar powers or intellects, we do not see how there can be any such thing as absolute equality. "Inequality everywhere," as we have a short time since quoted. The reason why, "in a Republic, this inequality is disowned and disguised," is the utter impossibility of establishing any rule or test to guide us in giving each man his due share of weight in the government. Of course it would be a very admirable plan if we could assign to every one exactly his proper place, taking into account not merely his wealth, but in addition, his physical and moral qualities, education, Ate. But the difficulty would be in perfectly estimating these. How much "educa- tion," for instance, would be considered equal to $1,000 \ What amount of courage and integrity would counterbalance a know- ledge of the Latin language ! Should a descent from the ancient kings of Ireland, combined with practical experience in the dry goods business, entitle the " holder" to a vote 1 These questions might be multiplied indefinitely, and he who discovers the correct method of solving them will rank among the great benefactors of his race. Until such time, however, as this dis- covery shall be made, the true plan seems to be, to let each individual, unimpeded by artificial distinctions, stand or fall on his own merits. -. • - i vc w . ; 7 , > "Hereditary distinctions," says our author, "are forbidden in Democratic countries only, because, while all desire them, few can obtain them ; and it is for this reason, and this alone, 16 THK PUTUnR GOVERNMENT OF CANADA. that llio bulk of the people, moved by the most contemptible of all tlic passions, deny to others thos(} outward signs of superiority they clearly covet, but are inca|)ablo of winning for themselves." Might not the charge of selfishness be, with ecpial justice and propriety, brought against those in favor of aristocracy, who so coolly assume their superiority, and consequent future elevation into the ranks of the proposed Peerage! The remark that '*f«)W woidd object to an aristocracy, if they only had the most meagre expectation of attaining its honors," i. e., whether they thought the system beneficial or otherwise, shows plainly the low estimate the writer has formed of public virtue. And is it, we ask, £fn aristocracy composed of fluch materials — of men who can be bought over with a title, to maintain systems of which they do not approve — of men who prefer private advancement to the public welfare — that we are to look for our national elevation? We are insensibly reminded of an article in the *' Editor's Creed" of Hosea Biglow : — I ' I ')• •|! 1 .■\ ,('■»!. r " I do bellevn 'tis wise and good To send out forrin missions, Tliut is, on yartiiiu understood .( > An' orthodox conditions. , , I mean nine thousand doll's per ann., Nine thousand more for out-fit ; An' me to rkcommkxu a man ThK PLACK WOUtU JEsiT AnOlIT FIT." '!/■■ t ar. •in ill We shouldn't wonder if Mr. McGee could " recommend a man" with a head just about narrow enough to fit a Ducal Coronet. Now, we do most heartily agree with the positions laid down by the author, in the first part of the article under con- sideration. To give his own words:— - ■■ • •* To be a Canadian, a Nova Scotian, a New Brunswickdr, a Prince Edward Islander (ronfers no distinction, and gives no title to respect, because, for want of a distinct nationality, the people of these Provinces hold no recognised position in the world — they are only Colonists."' ' , . » > • .■ il il^. ••.•... Again: "Canada — British America — cannot be content to be ever an out-lying dependency, either of England or the States. They must, or their people are not ruled, aspire to the rank and dignity of a free people, the independence of a nation." "As separate States, they would be too weak to maintain their i THE FUTVRE GOVERNMENT OF CANADA. 17 mptiblc isns of ,vinning icss be, )ose in srioritv, roposed ocracv, [ling its icial or formed [)osed of title, to »en who , we are 3minded iM.ii; I ■• '•.1 >J a man ►ronet. ons laid der con- 3wick6r, rives no litv, the 1 in the r.y; < , \ ntent to or the e to the nation." ain their independertce. They must, therefore, unite among them- selves." These sentiments we endorse — these principles commend themselves to us, and therefore the only point at iss«e between the writer of this article and ourselves, is the form of govern- ment under which the Independent Union of these Provinces is to exist. But we shall endeavor to show, by Qnalojjy, that the aristocratic or Conservative party is not the party of Union— that their principles, as a party, tend to political disintegration iind division. It must, doubtless, have been observed by many, that the political affairs of this country, (we allude more particularly to the situation of parties,) bear a striking resemblance to those of the United States. We shall, as clearly as possible, define the nature and extent of this resemblance. In the first place, each country is divided into two principal sections, of different nianners, habits and opinions, cherishing diverse institutions, and having conflicting interests. It is almost unnecessary to add, that in the one case we refer to North and South, and in the other to Upper and Lower Canada. Next, we would observe, that in each instance, the smaller and less influential and wealthy community has, through politi* cal trickery, held the balance of power ; and, in fact, by the assistance of a minorilv of the other section, ruled the whole country. Each has its " peculiar institution" to maintain — its particular relic of feudalism to preserve from the inroads of civilization. Each, under pretence of protecting its *' laws and institutions," has bullied and tyrannized where it had the power. Need we add, that the Canadian counterpart of Southern slavery, considered in its political rather than in its domestic relations, may be found in the present iniquitous system of representation, and the corruption which has so long enriched the habUans of the Lower Province and their Upper Canadian tools at the expense of the Western Province. But the parallel does not end here. In Upper Canada, as in the Northern States, a vile and venal party have sold them- selves for office, and received their share of the spoils, as the price of those whose rights they were bound to protect. The 8outh, deprived of the aid of the Northern Democrats, would c »^ THE FUTUHB GOVERNMENT OF GANADilv have been reduced to political insignilicance. The Lower Ca- nadians, without the votes of inombers from the U|)|)cr Province,, would not have been able to force Separate Schools upon the unwilling people. Again, both in the States aiul Provinces^ a small but united Reform party — con>ing forward as the opponents of tyranny and corruption, and the friends of liberty and good government — have rapidly multiplied in number, and increased in intluence,. in the United States. Alarmed at this increase, and at the spread of their principles, the South withdrew from the Union, and inaugurated the present conflict. Here the parallel terminates. God grant it may never go further. But it is possible, unless we take warning in time — that the Canadian, in studying the present war, may be dady- in(j the future destiny of his own country ! Now, if there ever can be any inferences drawn from the history of the past — if we are to place any confidence in the analogical deductions — in such event, what would be the posi- tion of the aristocratic. Conservative, nay, rather Retrogression" ist party] Will they not either be ranged in open hostility to the flag, they have sworn to defend, or yield it at most a timid and hesitating support 1 In a word, their position in a war be- tween the sections would be that of the Secession and Copper- head Democracy in the States. The aristocratic party, then, are not the party of national unity ; and in forming the union of the British American Pro- vinces, their policy should not guide us, nor ought their ideas to form the national sentiment, and shape our course. The framers of the new national constitution should be men of libe- ral, enlarged and progressive views, uninfluenced by the preju- dices which are so apparent in the writings and speeches of the constitutional monarchists. We would brieflv notice here, aS one manifestation of this spirit, the extreme hatred of everything American, which appears in the articles before us. In speaking of the annexation policy of the United States, the Monroe doc- trine, and the probable attempts to prevent union between the Provinces, they forget that the Democratic party, which has always been so strenuously opposed to British power on this continent — the believers in the Monroe and Manifest Destiny \ I 4 « THIS FllTl^nE OOVKKNMENT OP CANADA 19 ^er Ca- •oviiicc, poll the t united tyranny ;rntnent tlucnce,. e spread ion, and ever go 1 time — le siudy- from the 3e in the the posi- gression- islility to t a timid war be- Copper- national can Pro- ideas ta The a of libe- le preju- es of the here, aS erything speaking iroe doc- iveen the hich has • on this Destiny «<3ootrincs — are now no longer in power ; and that the policy •of the present government has hecn to maintain friendly rela- tions with England, and that in doing so ihoy Jaavc incurred the opprobrium of their opponents, who, in particular, blame them for the surrender of Mason and Slidell. Either the *' British" (Constitutional party arc not so confident as they would lead us to believe, in the failure of Republicanism in the States, or they have forgotten a peculiarly " British" maxim, viz: — Never to triumph over a fallen foe. The opponents of the introduction of the aristocratic element into our form of government, are, as we have seen, charged with motives of -envy towards those who would be the recipients of the distinctions conferred by such a system. The writer mentions *' the eagerness Avith which titles of nobility are saught after in Democratic France," in su{>port of this charge. How can a country be called " Democratic" where titles of honor exist, and which is under the rule of an Emperor 1 All through these articles we find the idea of" law," "order," and "authority," continually brought forward as the great ne- cessity of the country. Now, we think Canada will compare favorably with any country, in this respect. Notwithstanding all our leanirlgs to Democracy, of late, it does not appear that insubordination and lawlessness have increased in a correspond- ing ratio. And even in the much-abused Northern States, if we except the low foreign-born population of the cities, and the comparatively new and unorganized Western settlements, we think the same remark will substantiallv hold G;ood. Unfortu- nately, there are people who think the chief end of our exist- ence is to be governed. They remind us of the New York fireman who opposed the introduction of a new machine, on the ground that if it was so perfect as it was represented, there would be no more fires. "And if there ain't no fires, what 'ud be the good of livin', say 1" To judge from appearances, did the time by any possibility arrive, when men attained to such perfection, as to be able absolutely to live without any govern- ment, the loss of their adored idol, "a British Constitutional Monarchy," would be looked upon by them as a terrible calamity, and they would exclaim, with the fireman, "What's •the use of living any longer." " ' 20 THE FUTURE OOVERIVMENT OF CAIVADA. ii- ii Tlw; failure of the ancient Republics, is often brought for- ward as an argument against Democracy. Greece and Home have perished, it is true, but liave not the ancient Monarchies shared their fate ] Egypt, Assyria, Persia, and many others, leaving little beside their names. And it is observable, that, of all the ancient nations, the two that have left their impress most perceptibly on modern civilization, and have moulded and formed the literature and language of nwdern peoples, are lhe5>e two Republics. And if we take into account national position, power and stability, we shall find the Grecian and Roman Re- publics far in advance of contemporary kingdoms and empires. France also, among modern countries, is often instanced as a warning example of the tendency of Republican institutions to end in a worse Despotism than that which they have suc- ceeded. " Equality in France," says the writer whom we have followed, *• has strangled Freedom." When, we would enquire, did France possess any freedom ! Certainly not under the rule of the Bourbon dynasty. If ever, it must have been during the earlier part of the shorl-lived, because premature. Republic. But the example of France is not one which should influence OS against Democracy. Throwing off the kingly authority, the French people cast aside all restraint, and plunged into the wildest excess, even renouncing their religion, and all they had hitherto heM sacred^ What could be expect-ed from a govern- ment founded under such circun>stances, but that ruin and dis- organization which so^q^uickly followed. But our government will not be the result of a sudden spasmodic elFort, to be fol- lowed by a reaction almost as^ vigorous and unlooked-for, but will be simply the development and consummation of principles and elements already incorporated with our present order of things. We shall need no Revolution, no violent convulsion, disarranging our w^hole social and political structure, and arous- ing discordant elements-. Merely the carrying out of principles already laid down — the extension of rigbts akeady admitted — the following out of a line of policy already entered upon, and the arrangement of a few matters of detail in relation to the working of its machinery, and the British American Republic is a fixed fact! And the sooner we recognise it as such, the better* The aristocratic party, at any rate know this pepfectly.' THE FUTniK 0OVi:RN.MF.i«T oftanada. 21 if'lit for- 07' d Iloino imrcliics others, that, of CSS most led and re ihcfKJ position, Dan Re- empires, anccd as stitutions avc suc- we have enquire, ider the m during lepublic. influence )rity, the into the ihev had govern- and dis- cernment o be I'ol- for, but )rinciples order of nvulsion, id arous- )rinciples mitted — pon, and n to the Republic uch, the pepfectly.' well ; and they are accordingly trying to produce a re-action of fx'ling, and to inaugurate a retrograde movement, instead of the healthy and natural progress we have so long enjoyed. 'f/wy talk of Revolution, indeed ! It is tiny who are the Revo- lutionists. Greater, infinitely greater, would be the Revolution we should experience by the establishment of a government to suit the aristocratic party, than by the introduction of the Re-- publican system, which would bo but the development and com- pletion of our partially formed and as yet imperiect system, and into which we should glide so naturally and easily as barely to })erceive the transition ; while the founding of an ariaiocratic form :;f Government would give a sudden check to our progres- sive tendencies, and tiie shock would be such as to create a commotion through the length and breadth of the land. We cannot but regard vole by ballot, an elective judiciary, and other features of Republicanism as developed in the United States, justly objectionable as they may bo considered, rather as incidental to, than inseparable from the system ; and being mere matters of detail, which can be sustained or abolished at the pleasure of the people, they should not be taken into con- sideration in discussing the 'prindfU. More especially as, per- haps, the most obnoxious of these — the election of judges — does- not prevail universally even in the States. The union of the Provinces must be real and actual instead^ of nominal. The present war in the States should warn us- against a mere Federation, with its conflicting jurisdictions and; doubtful prerogatives, and the debaleablc ground between Fede- ral and State authorities which necessarily result from its adop- tion. A firm and compact union, recognizing no boundary lines between the Provinces ; having the population as its basis for Parliamentary representation, and one set of legislative enact- ments for the whole country, is the only union possible for us. Any other must fail from its inherent weakness and want of internal cohesion. Such a union will end at once, forever, the vexed questions which perplex Canadians under the present union. The admission of the maritime Provinces into the union, and the principle of Representation by Population, will give such a preponderance to the British element in the Parlia- ment of the new nation, as completely to crush out and over- 32 TIIB FUTURE GOVEIINMKNT OP CANADA. whelm tlio French sentiment and inniicncc. And here lei us state our (;onvi(;tions, tiiat the French Canadian *' laws, Ian* guage and institutions" are doomed in any event. Tlie French- man must at length succumb to the Anglo-Saxon. They must no longer be permitted to clog the wheels of our progress, and to hinder the working out of* our glorious destiny. I'olilicians may talk as loudly as they please ai)Out respecting the " laws, language and institutions" of the I^wer Canadians, in the event of our obtaining Representation by Pojjulation ; but once having got the power, it needs little knowledge of history and human nature to teach us that we would [)roscribe their language, repeal their laws, and modify their institutions. The question is just this : Shall one-fourth part of the people of British North America, oiforeUjn descent, s[)eaking i\forei(j)i language, hav- ing laws and institutions of the sixteenth rather than the nine- 'teenth century, be suffered to bar the progress and prevent the advancement to national greatness of the British portion of the community — or, in case they sec fit to separate from them, to ^block their pathway to the ocean, and interpose a barrier to their free communication, in a British colony, won by Bintons •at the mouth of the cannon and point of the bayonet? Justice to ourselves and our posterity demands, that we shall transmit to them unimpaired the whole territory now comprised in British North America. Lower Canada cannot be permitted to with- draw from the Union ; neither remaining in it, must she have an undue share of weight in its councils. She will, by degrees — slowly perhaps, at first — become Anglicized. Her wealth and prosperity will be increased, her resources developed, and her people educated. Fifty years hence, the French language will be as much out of place in our Parliament as the Iilrse or Gaelic in that of Great Britain. We shall be told by those claiming to be par excellence the British party, that this would be a gross injustice, and an out- rage upon the rights of the Lower Canadians ; but we would enquire which is the greater injustice, that three-quarters of a million of people should prevent the remaining two and a half ;millions, or thereabouts, from forming a homogeneous, compact and substantial Union, or that they should be required for the furtherance of so desirable an end, to give up their peculiar laws, I TIIE rUTUKE OOVEKNMF.NT OF CANADA. sa re lei us ivvs, Ian- ) Krench- lu!V must rcss, und 'oliticians le " laws, the event c'.e having id human language, I question ish North lage, hav- the nine- event the ion of the I them, to barrier to Biitona Justice 1 transmit in British d to witli- she have V de,<'rees er wealth oped, and language e Purse or llenoe the nd an out- we would irters of a and a half 3, compact ed for the juliar laws. I and customs, and tiie privilege of usit)g tlioir language on public urul legal occasions, on receiving, in return, ail the benelits result- ing from becorjung a part of a powerful and indep(Mident nation ( IJcsides, the Jirit'hsh Jinidltut tonal ids entirely ignore the exist- ence of the British [iower (Canadians. It is, indeed, according to their ideas, an intolerable injustice to force our institutions upon the I' rench Canadians ; but they are disposed to view (]uite com- j)lacenlly ti»u Fi'cMch Canadians imposing /At?'/* institutions upon* the British ](;sidcnls i/i the Lower l*rovince. We