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COLOMB (latb R.M.A.) Ii£ad before tJte Royal Colowul Institute, on 28 I * The area of the United Ivingdom is about one -thirtieth of the total area of the British Empire, and the population less than one-hfth. On Colonial Defence, ■ any army )comotion, command- the most >e that the )1 in a raid nerce, and I its flight ' because it sent poKcy rs to me to dngs cover 1 shores of men, guns, len bid her t the other, were based mgerous to :e scattered lited King- ute of any 1 on means sessions, to rity of the le of which ag words of . he showed ssault : " I IV. I hope aess of the es to take ! truth that Empire as itadel is no ih territory, yths of Her e total area of t In avoiding Scylla we have encountered Charybdis. Where, then, is the true channel through which the Empire may safely pass, defying attack ? Many may think, with the Government of the day, that this question may be solved by saying to our Colonies and possessions — Arm yourselves ; it is every man's duty to defend his hearth and home. Do as we have done in England, raise volunteers, create what military forces you please, do as we have done, and our Empire is safe ! Now, let us consider whether this be a true solution of the problem. In the first place, it is not possible to lay down a general rule of self-reliance and self-defence applicable to all Colonies and possessions ahke. The power of resistance of each fragment of the Empire can only be measured by a comparison between its population, its geographical position, and natural defensive advantages, and those of its possible enemy. It is simply ridiculous to tell any one of our West Indian islands to be self-reliant, and to trust to its citizens to resist the war power of the United States. If this general rule is the basis of our plan of Imperial defence, and is to be applied, it means in plain EngUsh that in the unhappy event of a rupture with America, we offer that nation peaceable and quiet possession of 100,000 square miles of territory, and make over the lives and properties of IJ millions of British subjects ! I fear it would not be difficult to find what are termed " advanced thinkers" in the country — nay, in Parliament, and seated on Government benches — who would not think this a very great national calamity. Possibly such persons might argue that the United States would allow the money value of these territories as a set-off in the final balance-sheet of American claims of indem- nity for expenses caused by war. It is therefore necessary to observe that the loss of the West Indies affects the safety of Canada. First, by increasing the resources of the United States ; secondly, by securing to that power the command of the Western Atlantic — thus rendering it impossible for Imperial forces to create a diversion in favour of Canada, in the hour of trial, by blockade and attack on the southern and eastern shores of America. It follows, therefore, that the general and indiscriminate appli- cation of the policy of fragmentary self-reliance and self-defence, though possible to Canada as a direct means of frontier defence — becides involving the loss of other possessions — is the most certain method of ensuring she shall be left in her struggle unaided and alone. Similar arguments apply with equal force to other Colonies and 8' On Colonial Defence. possessions elsewhere ; but as it is impossible to deal with this great question in a short paper, I think I have said enough to show that this general rule of " self-reliance " fails to solve the problem of Imperial defence. The question, therefore, remains— What are the general principles on which the defence of the Empire must be based ? Before we can give a reply worthy of the name, it is essential that we should understand what is the Empire, and what is vital to its existence. Speaking generally of its geographical position, it consists of ten groups of territory separated by long sea distances. The British Islands, British North America, the West Indies, the West Coast of Africa, the Cape, the Mauritius, Australasia, Hong Kong, the Straits' Settlements, and India. This is a. rough sketch of the ground to be defended. Now to quote from a work by Sir C. Pasley, written in 1808.== "The strength of an empire composed of several islands or possessions, divided from each other by the sea, will be further modified by the geographical position of its respective parts. The strength of an empire of any kind, whether insular or continental, will be greater or less, with equal resources, in proportion to the facility with which its several parts can afford each other mutual assistance when attacked, and to the difficulty which an enemy may find in supplying and supporting his invading force." This able exposition of a great military truth brings to light two great principles : — 1. That it is of vital importance that the safety of the Imperial communications be secured , 2. That it is essential to the military strength of the empire that forces created or existing for the defence of one portion be not so constituted as to preclude the possibility of using them in the defence of another. If the Imperial comraunications are not secured, our enemy can make it phi/sicaUy impossible for the several parts to afford " mutual assistance when attacked." On the other hand, although they may be tolerably safe, if the military forces of each part are by law so constituted as to preclude the power of moving them to another, we ourselves render it a moral impossibility for the several parts to afford " mutual assistance when attacked." In the one case the enemy cripples the necessary power of concentration ; in the other we save him the trouble by doing it ourselves. WhaL then becomes of the military value of forces constituted as our militia * " The Military Policy and Institutions of the British-Empire." t 'V il 4- iilH On Colonial Lefence. 9 t 111) and volunteers are, at homo or in the Colonies, when weighed in the Imperial scales ? If the empire is to bo defended at all we must apply, on a large scale, the ordinary and common military principle apphcable to the defence of all territory, large or small. The fundamental principle is briefly this : The success of all operations of war, whether defensive or offensive, depends upon the disposition of force in such a manner as will best secure the base of operations, and ensure safety and freedom of communication. It is useless to do one without the other, for in the one case neglect of the rulo must lead to a "lock-out," in the other the "lock-up" of military force. Our former disposition of our force risked the "lock- out " of military force by rendering the capture of the base possible : oiir present plan endangers, nay courts, the " lock-up" of military force at the base by leaving our communications exposed, and our outposts undefended. In the late war we saw first of all an attack upon the advanced positions on the Hues of communication ; next the cutting of the lines of communication ; and lastly, as an inevitable consequence, Paris fell. The United Kingdom is our Imperial base. The Imperial main lines of communication are : — 1. To British North America across the North Atlantic. 2. To the West Indies. 3. To India, China, and Australasia by the Mediterranean. 4. To India, China, and Australasia re - d the Cape. 5. From Australasia and the Pacific ro^^i Cape Horn. The Imperial base can be reduced in two ways : — 1. By direct assault : invasion. 2. By indirect means : investment. It is curious — I trust I may be forgiven for saying it — that while the possibihty of invasion is not generally disputed, I believe I happen to be the only individual who believes in investment ; at least I know of no other who has for eight years tried to force onpubhc attention the fact that the certainty of investment, partial or complete, follows the possibility of invasion as surely as night follows day. Consider for one moment on what the presumption of possible invasion rests. It rests on this— the loss, temporary or permanent, of the command of the waters surrounding the British Islands. But remembf^' that the imes of communication all radiate from these waters ; the loss, therefore, of our command here cuts every one of the imperial Unes ; and what is this but investment ? 10 On Colonial Defence. i The Btatesman who conld, in a magazine, upeak complaceutly of an oppoiiing force "sconring our coaists at twelve, fifteen, or Bix- teen miles an hour," must surely ha\e forgotten that the heart of the Empire thus cut off from its sources of supply must oease to beat. Hardly a mile could he so traversed in triumphant defiance without injury, in a greater or less degree, to some artery or nerve, producing in some far-off memher of the hody politic of Empire results more or less disastrous. It might be but a nervous tremor produced by a temporary disarrangement of the free course ol trade, or it might be paralysis caused by a prolonged interruption of the vital power of communication. The question of results is but a question of time. As regards the safety of communications, it must be borne in mind that the greatest danger to which they can be exposed is that which threatens the great«3st number at one and the same time. Geographically speaking, this can only happen at the point of con- vergence or radiation, which in our case is the Channel. The Royal Commission of 1859 discarded the Channel Fleet as a first line of defence against invasion, because " Were an undue proportion of our fleet tied to the Channel," our enemy's " would be proportionably set free, to the great danger of our colonies and to the injury of a commerce which becomes of more vital im- portance with every step of national progress." But I desire to observe that, though it may not be our first line of defence against invasion, it is our first line of defence against investment, and, further, the front of our first line of colonial defence. Of what avail is it if our Colonies, though protected in their own immediate neighbourhood, are " locked out " from the mother country by a force in the Channel, against which we are unable to contend? Of what use is it protecting our commerce on distant seas if it is to be destroyed within sight of the shores of England ? Surely, in reckoning up our means of defence, we should not forget that if our enemy confines his operations to an attack on our communications, and we are unprepared to resist it, the forces we have created for the special purpose of repelling invasion will be after all but a harmless host of spectators of a ruin they are powerless to avert. I do not for a moment underrate the immense importance and absolute necessity of being prepared to render iiivasion impossible by purely military forces. If we are not so prepared we stake the fate of the Empire on, perhaps, a single naval engagement, A temporary reverse at sea might (by the enemy following up his advantage) be converted into final defeat on land, resulting in a total overthrow of all further power of resistance. It is necessary t I i| 1! i On Colonial Defence. 11 T for the suft'tij of the Channel that invasion be efficiently guarded against, so that sl-ould our h«mo Hoot be temporarily disabled we may, under cover of our army, prepare and strengthen it to regain lost ground, and renew the strug^'le for that which is essential to cur life an a nation, and our existence as an empire — the command of the waters of the United Kingdom. We are all so keenly aUve to the necessity of rendering invasion impossible, that this part of the subject may now be dismissed. I may also pass from tlio front of the first line of colonial defence with the remark, that the Hcsot required to maintain it must not be confused nor mixed up with the cruising force necessary for the safety of the distant lines of communication. To hold our supremacy of the Channel we require a force corapr ,ed of vessels adapted to the combined action of fleets and of a streugth equal to that which may possibly be brought against it. This remark also appHes to the protection of the hne of communication passing through the Mediterranean. But on more distant seas, for the protection of such lines, a special class of cruisers, capable of keeping at sea for long periods of time, is required ; the strength of this patrolling force on each line being in proportion to the value of the hne, and to the force against which it may have to contend. The fleets necessary for the safety of the Channel and Mediterranean are not adapted to the protection of distant Unes, nor arc the vessels suited to the defence of those lines of any value as a reserve force to be called in to aid in the defence of the Channel and Mediterranean. But the defence of our communications is not secured by the mere presence of sufficient naval force at home or in the Mediter- ranean ; for as there are two modes of attack on the United Kin^;- dom, so there are two ways in which our Unos of communication ma- be destroyed— Ist. By direct attack on the point of convergence. 2nd. 3y a variety of attacks on one or more lines at points far re- moved fro^ the place where they all meet. Assuming provision for meeting the lirst to have been made, I will now deal with the means to be adopted to meet thi3 other mode of attack ; and this is the most interesting portion of my subject. Communications, whether sea or land, whether long or short, can only be secured by a Jinn grasp of the points which command them. The greater the extent of the line, the greater is the number of defended points necessary for its safety. In order to cut a line of communication, the first thing to be done is to seize the point which commands it, and in defending a line the point which commands it is the last to surrender. Such points are the minor bases of operation of forces acting in defence of the line. The relative im- I 12 On Colonial Defence. portance of such points to the lino, and to each other, can only be estimated by the circumstances of their geographical position and their distance from the main base from w'lich the line springs. There is this difference, however, between the defence of sea as compared with land communications. Naturally in the second, a purely miUtary force only is required, but in the case of sea Hues tae employment of a purely military as well as a purely naval force is necessary. The navy furnishes the patrolHng or skirmishing force, while the army secures to it its bases or arsenals. To leave the naval force responsible for the protection of its base would be to tie its hands. It would be " UBing the fleet to maintain its arsenals, instead of the arsenals to maintain the fleet."* Some years ago a governor of an eastern Colony proposed to leave such places almost exclusively to naval protection, and the late Sir John Burgoyne thus speaks of the value of the proposition : "Under the system proposed, a small squadron, with 8,000 or 4,000 troops in eastern seas in time of war, would take the Mauritius and Hong Kong, and destroy the naval arsenal and means at Trincomalee, if it did not capture the whole island of Ceylon. "t The force thus alluded to might be Russian or that of some other power. In any case, how would the loss of Ceylon affect our military position in India ? Is it likely that aggression would stop there ? Might it not gather strength, and might not Ceylon be a convenient base of operation for an attack on Australasia ? If, therefore, we trust the protection of our lines exclusively to a purely naval force, by imposing on our fleets the defence of the points which command them, we risk, nay we court a general attack, not on England, not on the Channel, but on " our vast Colonial empire, our extended commerce, and interest in every quarter of the globe." It is now tin»3 to ask what are these points ? and, in an attempt to reply, I will take each line separately : — 1. The hne to Canada. The only point hore is a terminal one — it is Halifax, 2. To the West Indies. Here we have Bermuda, the Bahamas, Jamaica and Antigua. The strategic value of Bermuda is in some degree understood. The military value of the Bahamas was fixed by Sir John Burgoyne. | Jamaica, from its central position and capacious harbour, is of considerable importance. I add Antigua for two reasons — fl) because Jamaica is far too leeward to be of * Vide Defence Commission Report, 1859. t See Appendix to " Life of Field Marshal Sir J. Burgojrae." On Colonial Defence, la value aa a coaling station or arsenal for cruisers acting in the defence of communications to the Eastern Islands ; such vebsels would burn a great quantity of fuel in steaming up to their station from Jamaica against the trades ; (2) vessels bound for the greater Antilles and Gulf of Mexico generally pass between Antigua and Guadaloupe. 3. To India, the East, and Australasia, by the Mediterranean. The points here are Gibraltar, Malta, Aden, Bombay, Cape Comorin," and King George's Sound on the main line, with Trin- comalee, Singapore, and Hong Kong on its northern branch. Of all the Imperial roads this is the most difficult to defend, owing to its want of continuity. The most commanding position —the Isthmus of Suez— is not in our possession. Here our line can be most easily cut, and here we have least power to prevent the contingency. So long as the canal is neatral or in the hands of a neutral power, so long is it at the disposal of friend and foe alike. Were it in the hands of our enemies, it is only open to them and not to us. To make this line safe, the occupation by military force of the Isthmus might, under certain conditions, be a necessity. Are we prepared for that ? Supposing it to be neutral, it must be remembered that if purely naval power cannot be entirely relied on for the local protection of our outposts, neither can it be relied on to prevent the entry into the Nile of vessels of our enemy, and once there they would have the whole of our Eastern possessions at their mercy, unless we have a force suuicient to blockade the Red Sea. But as the necessity for the existence of such a force reots on the possibility of our direct communications being cut somewhere between the Red Sea and the EngUsh Channel, it is important to consider how our fleets in the East could exist, without adequate means of supply and repair, independent of our home resources. S'lch considerations as these point to the absolute necessity of having a commanding and strongly-defended great naval arsenal in the Eastern hemisphere. Here we might have ships and stores in reserve ; here should be the great base of naval operations in peace and war for ell our Eastern fleets. Is it safe to assume that the resources of Portsmouth, Chatham, and Plymouth would be equal to the task of supplying ( t war fleets throughout the world * Althoug'h there is not now any harbour of importance at Cape Comorin, those who have read the paper on "Indian Harbours" by General Sir A, Cotton, will underatdud tlie strategic importance of the position, and the possibility of creating a harbour at "Colachul" in its vicinity. 14 On Colonial Defence. at such time with ships, stores, and means of repair ? Can we dream of private firms during maritime war. taking contracts to maintain, in a state of efficiency, war fleets 6,000 and 10,000 miles off ? With the development of the resources of India, Austraha, New Zealand, and a host of smaller possessions, the necessity for secur- ing their roads increases ; so also increase the power of providing and supporting adequate means of defence.* With a Russian sea- board on ihe one hand, and an American sea-board on the other, it cannot be said that by their remoteness from us they are removed from danger of attack : nor must it be forgotten that the very fact of their distance from us adds to our difficulties in defending them, unless by a judicious combination of Imperial resources — to which India should contribute a large proportion — -we render the fleets for their defence independent to a large extent of home support. If naval protection without military protection be productive of danger to the Empire, great disaster may also be expected to result from attempting to hold distant possessions by military force, if that force might be completely isolated and locked out from its sources of supply and reserves for want of the naval protection of its communication with the Imperial base. If it be asked what we have done to guard against tha possible isolation of our army in India ? the reply is, we have abolished the Indian navy and sub- stituted nothing in its place I Though India supports the army necessary for its safety, it contributes nothing f towards a fleet for the protection and security of the communications of the army, without which it cannot exist. Two circumstances have lately occurred to threaten our command of this direct route — the opening of the Suez Canal, and the removal of the restrictions placed upon Russian power in the Euxine. We agreed to the latter on moral grouds. But if on moral grounds we have practically shown our sympathy with the desire of Russia to accumulate physical force in the Black Sea, we should extend our sympathy to India and our Eastern Colonies, and be careful that it takes an equally practical form, by the creation of a naval arsenal adapted to the probable requirement of the defence of their com- munications : thus balancing the power of resistance with the in- creased power of aggression which our "moral sympathy" has so generously provided. • The total value of exports and imports of India, Ceylon, and Australasia is about four-fifths of the total value of exports and imports of the United States. t The contribution of £31,627 per annum from the Indian Government, on account of the expense of a fleet on Indian stations, is practically nothing. I T . On Colonial Defence. 16 I T, 1 To attempt to determine the exact site for such a reserve naval arsenal for the Eastern portion of the Empire would be beyond the scope of this paper, but considerations respecting climate, and its effects on stores, &c., point to some port of Australia as best adapted for the purpose. The strategic importance of Bombay, however, cannot be overlooked. It must be borne in mind that the appliances, such as docks and machinery for repairs, &c., would be available for our commercial fleets in peace ; and hence that Imperial resources expended to provide for the contingency of war, could not be regarded as money thrown away in peace. 4th line : To India and the East, and Australasia, round the Cape. Here the points are Sierra Leone, Ascension, St. Helena, Simon's Bay, the Mauritius, and King George's Sound, 5th line : From Australasia and Vancouver's Island, round Cape Horn. Here we have Sierra Leone, Ascension, the Falkland Islands, and Sydney. These points are, however, valueless for the defence of the line between Vancouver's Island and Australia, but a commanding position for this part of the line has been offered to the Government — the Fiji Islands. It remains to be seen whether the Government accepts the offer. It is a position of great im- portance from an Imperial strategic point of view. The Hydro- grapher of the Admiralty thus speaks of it : " The Fijis lie nearly in the direct track from Panama to Sydney, and if a steamer touched at one of them for coal she would only lengthen her voyage about 320 miles, or one day's run, in a distance of 8,000 miles. In like manner, in the voyage from Vancouver's Island to Sydney, the touching at Fiji would lengthen the distance 420 miles in a voyage of 7,000. An intermediate station between Panama and Sydney will be most desirable — indeed, if the proposed mail route be carried out it is indispensable. In the above statement I have confined myself to answering questions referred to me by the Colonial Office ; but, on looking into the subject, I have been much struck by the entire want of Great Britain of any advanced position in the Pacific Ocean. We have valuable possessions on either side, as at Vancouver's Island and Sydney, but not an islet or a rock in the 7,000 miles that separate them. We have no island on which to place a coaling station, and where we could ensure fresh supplies." A comparison between the value of our property passing and rCUclljuiliy lit Wlu Vi'OlillLJ Ui tilcac iaiailu.a ttiL-li tiioiu vrj. vrluci iitcuivrlio, will show that we have a vastly grc'iier interest in maintaining freedom of communications in that dit irict than any other power. It therefore follows that the military value of the position to any 16 On Colonial Dtifence. other maritime power is greater when regarded as a means of aggression than as necessary for purposes of defence. But to us its possession is vital as a rallying-point of defence, though of Bmall value as a base for offensive operation. On the principle, therefore, of " defence not defiance " the mihtary arguments for the annexation of the Fijis should meet with the approval of the Government, This very hasty sketch of the ground to be defended must necessarily be subject to modification and alteration on more accurate and minute survey. It must be regarded only at present as an attempt to apply general principles to the Empire as a whole. In the selection of the points the following conditions should be fulfi^'od— 1. They must be in our possession, and on or near a line of communication. 2, They should possess natural advantages, such as safe and commodious shelter for the war and commercial fleets, easy of access, and capable of defence. 8. They should be as far as possible the natural rendezvous at all times of vessels passing and repassing along the line, and the chief, if not the only, coaling station of the district they command. Too much attention cannot bo paid to the selection of the coaling stations of the Empire. They should be under our control. Take for example the West Indies. The great coahng station in that district— St. Thomas— is not in our possession. The consequence is, that were we engaged in hostilities in that quarter, a large portion of our forcf < ould be necessarily employed in the blockade — so far as our enouiy is concerned— of this point, and would be BO much deducted from the force available and required for other purposes. It is possible at first sight Sierra Leone and Ascension may not appear to be of Imperial value, or to fulfil these conditions. It is therefore necessary to draw attention to the fact that the Imperial roads round the Cape and round Cape Horn cross each other at a point on the Equator about 23 deg. W. If a comparatively small circle with that centre be described on a mercantile chart, it will be found to include the path of nearly all vessels passing along those roads. It therefore follows that the defence of the sea area HO included is of the greatest importance to Australasia and Eastern and Pacific possessions, and that it would be useless to distribute force for the protection elsewhere of the commerce of those places unless we can command that small area. But we cannot maintain a patrol at those Imperial cross roads without bases of operation from which that force can draw supplies ; we i On Colonial Defence. 17 have no choice, therefore, but to adapt Sierra Leone and Ascension to the purpose of fulfilling this Imperial requirement. It is further essentially necessary for the safety of Australia and the East, that these points sliould not fall into othe" hands, and if we do not adopt measures for their defence, there is nothing to prevent such a contingency. j Now, though the Imperial strategic points I have named are numerous, I think it will be found difficult, even on close inspection, to reduce the number without risk to the safety of the Imperial lines. It must be remombered that a point near a line of com- munication, if not seciu'ed to our own use by means of defence, 4 is placed more or less at the disposal of our enemy. The position we abandon, because we have others in its neighbourhood, may be of vast strategic importance to the power having none. The im- mense and Imperial importance of the great majority of strategic points named cannot, I think, be much doubted, and therefore for purposes of illustrating general principles require no further remark. We have seen that military garrisons are required to prevent their capture by assault. Where are they to come from ? What provision has the Empire made for the safety of positions which command her roads ? It is our boast that we are at last secured from invasion, because wo have 100,000 regular troops at home. But when we are threatened with invasion, we are in imminent peril of investment. As the regular army is the only military force wo can move, it clearly follows that, if 100,000 or any large proportion of that number of regular troops are necessary to guard against invasion, no force is available for garrisons of places on which the safety of our communications depends. We should have to choose, at such a time, between risking invasion or courting investment, partial or complete. When this argument is used, it is generally met by the assertion that we have, or shall have, a powerful fleet, and there- fore shall command the sea. Now the " command of the sea " is a vague term, conveying no precise meaning to the mind. It is, from its vagueness, most valuable to mystify constituencies, or to confuse the conception of our true mUit. i/ requirements, both in times of "panic " and intervening periods of " parsimony." By war ministers it is used alternately to luU the awakened conscious- ness of military weakness, or as an argument for the reduction of military force. To most people it means something purely naval. To some it conveys the idea of covering the seas with numerous fleets ; to others, the possession of a few ships more powerful than those of our neighbours. Few realise that the command of the 18 0)i Culuiiial Defence. sea cau only be inaiutaiuotl by a scieutilic combination of three things — strategy, purely mihtary force, and purely naval power. The commancT of the sea is nothing more nor less than the com- mand of the Imperial roads, the securing of the first lines of Colonial defences. It is important to bear in mind that the more war fleets rely on machinery and artificial motive power, the more necessary are fixed bases of operation to their action, and the greater must be the resources of those bases. Hence it is that, a;i the science of naval warfare advances, the necessity for developing these resources at the great strategic points, and for efficiently protecting them, will probably increase. But " an ounce of fact is worth a pound of theory ; " and while others dwell on the political results of the exploits of the Sumtrr and Alabama, it is desirable not to lose sight of the lesson in Imperial defence the cruise of these vessels teaches. Captain Semmes, writing on board the Sumter, in the West Indies, re- marks : •' The enemy has done us the honour to send in pursuit of us the Poichattan, the Xianara, the Iroquois, the Kcijstonc, and the San Jacinto." Not one of these vessels ever cauglit her, and if we read on we shall see the reason. " The Mona Passage being the regular track of U.S. commerce, it was looked upon as almost a certainty that at least one cruiser would be stationed for its pro- tection." The supposed certainty, however, was a delusion. Months afterwards we find Captain Semmes exclaiming, " Where can all the enemy's cruisers be, that the important passages we have lately passed through are all left unguarded?" And then he sarcastically adds, " They are off, I suppose, in chase of the Alabama." Again ho said : " The sea has its highways and byways, as well as the land If Mr. Welles had stationed a heavier and faster ship — and he had a number of both heavier and faster ships — at the crossing of the thirtieth parallel, another at or near the equator, a little to the eastward of Fernando dc Norouha, and a third off Bahia, he must have driven me off, or greatly crippled me in my movements, A few ships in the other chief highways, and his commerce would have been pretty well protected. But the old gentleman docs not seem to have thought of stationing a ship anywhere."* It is impossible that anyone carefully studying the cruise of the Sumter and Alabama , can avoid the conclusion that we have had to pay £3,200,000, not so much for letting the Alabama escape, but as compel from t respecti a sea-s powerle was ap] the dist: It is the fore pared ^ cripple 1 one who quired a cations, in their fixed, so of that ( There of the A our Em] operatioi tion and of the Su " even tl: pally our we protec by assaul depots al( defended ; at places. be avoide( The clc more iusi heart, T English ^ know wha we must c far east a^ will have i I nearly dei overhaulec And so to quate mea Again On Cohn'ud Defence. jp compensation to the United States for .lamage directly resulting from the vague notion the head of their naval depai'tment had respecting the " command of the sea," and his utter incapacity as a sea-strategist. All the naval force of the United States was powerless to axvrest a single ship in her progress, simply because it was applied without reference to general principles which guide the distribution of force for the protection of communications th.fir'°i V'^'"''"'^' "^"* ^^''''' "« P^-oportion between he force used in the interruption of sea communications, as com- pared with the amount of force required to secure them. To cripple the action of a single steamer we find it acknowledged, by one who ought to know best, that several cruisers would be re- quired a certain points. A regular attack upon sea communica- cations, therefore, involves the employment of an enormous force m their defence ; and as the stations and positions are necessarily o^trdSiil: w '''''^'' '' ^' '--' '^ -^^^^'y '^^ --t^ There is however another lesson we may learn from tue cruise of the Alubcnna which, if we profit by, is well worth £8,000,000 to our Empire It is tlie value of coal to offensive and defensive operations at sea We find considerations regarding the consump- tion and supply of coal constantly regulating and hmiting the action of the Sunurr t^ndAhdnnna. While we congratulate om-selves that even the stores of coal needed for marine locomotion are princi- pally ours we must remember that they are only ours so long as we protect them from destruction by bombardment or from capture by assault. I is therefore of paramount importance that our coal depots along the Imperial lines should be efficiently and thoroughly defended ; that they should not be selected at haphazard, or situated be avoided" ^'°'''''^°" °^ ^"^ ^^^'^^S^ P^^er when it can possibly The closing scene of the career of the Alabama is, however, yet more instructive to those who have the defence of the empire at heart,, True, she was sunk near to our own coast, almost in English waters, by the guns of the Kearsa^e, but if we would know what It was that forced her within the range of those guns we must carry our thoughts far away to the Indian Ocean. In the tar east we find Captain Semmes writing as follows: "My ship neai ly de troyed by constant cruising, and to have her boilers ove hau ed and repaired, and this can only be done in Europe." And so to Europe the AMnuna came. Defective and without ade- quate means of repair, she was no longer able to efficiently fulfil On Colonial Defence. 20 her mission, nor quite free to choose the fields of her action, so, dragging her damaged boilers and dilapidated hull down the Indian Ocean, round the Cape and up the broad Atlantic,=;^ she sought refuge and repair in a French port. The rest of her story is soon told. Denied the means necessary to restore her to her original efficiency as a ship of war, and with defective ammunition, she was compelled to engage an antagonist, whose challenge she was from her condition neither fit to accept nor able to avoid. In seventy minutes she was sunk. For want of means of repair in the Eastern hemisphere she hes beneath the waters of the English Channel, silently warning us to profit by the lessons she has taught. There is one other popular view respecting the command of the sea to which it is necessary to refer. It is that the command of the sea can be secured by the blockade of our enemy's coast. The experiences of the American war throw some light upon this argu- ment. In the Simjapun' Tbnca of December 9, 1863, we read : "From our shipping Hstitwill bo seen that there are no fewer than seventeen American merchantmen at present in our har- bours. Their gross tmnage may be roughly set down at 12,000 tons. Some of them have been lying here now upwards of three months, and all thi,- at a time when there is no dulness in the freight market; but, on the contrary, an active demand for tonnage to all parts of the world. It is indeed to us a home picture— the only one we trust to have for many years to come— of the wide- spread evils of Avar in modern days. But it is a picture qiiite unique in its nature, for the nation to which these seventeen fine ships belong has a navy perhaps second only to Great Britain, and the enemy with which she has to cope is but a schism from her- self, possessed of no port that is not blockaded, and owning not more than five or six vessels on the high seas. The tactics with ^hich the Federals have to combat are without precedent, and the means to enable them successfully to do so have not yet been devised." It is as well to remark, that at the time tins was written the naval force of the Federals consisted of about 700 ships and some 40,000 men ! Yet it was not equal to preventing the interruption of American commerce in distant seas, although it maintained a * On May 2, wo recrosscd tho Equator into tlio northern honjisphorr- and ran np to our old toUgato, where, as the reader will recollect, we halted on °iT aVt"^ passage and i-hM the passports of so many travellers. The poor old Alabama was not now what she had been then. She was like the wearied tox-hound, limping back after a long chase, footsore and longing for quiet and repose."- V,de " My Adventures Afloat," by Admiral Semmel ^ On Colonial Defence. 21 strict blockade of the enemy's ports. Now Singapore was a neutral jport, and therefore afforded protection to the Federal vessels : but where are the available ports likely to be neutral, along our lines, to afford protection to our commercial fleets under similar circum- Btanoes ? The natural rendezvous of commercial fleets are in our possession, and could only afford protection in proportion to their means of defence. By securing bases of operation for our war fleets, we also provide safe refuge for our traders at places where it is most required. If ever we arc in real danger of invasion, we shall be actually engaged in a naval war ; we shall not have the excuse that the tactics we have then to combat " are without precedent; " but we may bit- terly regret that the means "to enable us successfully to do so have not been devised," not from lack of power, but ^om want of will. While it is essential to guard the strategic points from capture by military force, it is equally necessary to secure their resources from destruction by bombardment from the sea ; and in many instances mihtary force would be — from natural circumstances and situation — powerless to prevent such a contingency. The destruc- tion of certain coal depots might be accomplished in a few hours by a single ship with very few guns ; and heavy requisitions, on pain of instant bombardment, might be hastily levied on a fleet of merchantmen in harbour by "an intelUgent maritime Uhlan " in the shape of an insignificant cruiser, even in the presence of mili- tary force. This danger can in several instances only be met by port defence vessels, and torpedoes. A very small local force, if trained and provided with these weapons, would meet the require- ment. But where are the weapons ? Where is the force ? It will be too late to await the outbreak of war to provide the weapons and to train the force, for an attack on our coal depots at the strategic points will not be the last, but the first act in the drama of future war. The means for their destruction are always at the disposal of any maritime power, but the measures for their ade- quate defence take much time to develop. A single cruiser bring- ing her guns to bear on one of our coal depots, would in a few hours paralyse the action of our fleet for months. It is not possible here to enter more fully into details respect- ing the defence of the Imperial roads, which is the first, and can be made the strongest line, of Colonial defences. In no way can our Colonies and possessions be so efficiently fcected as by a firm command of their communications, for with the exception of Canada and India they would thus be exempted from the possi- b2 22 On Colonial Defence. bility of attack, a ad unless Canada and India are to be cut off from succour and support, their oommunications must be held, come what may The lines of Colonial defences may be thus summarised : — 1. The defence of their communicatious, which involves fortify- ing the Imperial stratej^io points, and the existence of a purely naval and a purely military i'orce ; the one equal to the task of keeping open the roads between he points, the other sufficient to secure those points from capture in the necessary absence of the fleet. 2. The interior line .'f sea-defence, which must provide against the destruction, by bonil-i^dmcnt from the sea, of naval resourcea at the strategic points in cases where that object cannot be secured by land batteries and mihtary force. It also includes similar pro- vision for the protection of Colonial mercantile ports to prevent their commercial reduction bv enormous requisitions. 8. The defence of the soil of all Colonics and places not neces- sary to the Empire as military and strategic positions. Having thus briefly viewed fhe nature of our requirements, it is desirable to draw some practical conclusions as to how they can best be met. The communications of the Empire being the common property of all its component parts, each portion, according to the use it makes of them, has a direct interest in their defence, and should contribute to that object. The forces intended for the defence of the communications must be Imperial, and not Colonial They must be prepared to act at any point on the Imperial lines where they may happen to be required. Naval Colonial forces created under the Naval Defence Act of 1865 are only of value, and that to a very limited extent, to meet the necessHies of the second or interior line of Colonial defence. The forces necessary for the defence of the Imperial commu- nications should be under the control of one directing head. As mihtary force is necessary to the support of naval power, and as in our case military force is in its turn dependent upon naval power, the distribution of the one must have reference to that of the other. If, therefore, the military force is under the control of one depart- ment, and the naval force under that of another, the defence of our communications is, to use a homely phrase, " between two stools." In vain might our " Admiralty " despatch fleets to dis- tant seas, if the bases cf their operation are not secured by the " War Office ; " equally valueless would be the distribution of mili- tary force for the protection of those places by the War Office, if the i On Colonial Defence, 28 i \ Admiralty do not keep the communications between them open. Unless there be a war minister responsible for, and controlling the general principles which should govern the action of each department, nothing but confusion can result when the Imperial communications are in danger. If the Colonies are really in earnest in matters relating to their defence, it is time they should combine to force on the attention of the Imperial Tarliament the neglected state of the Imperial roads, and the neconsity for devising adequate means for their security. They must, however, be prepared to bear their fair share of the burden. If the mind of the mother-country is morbid, and, from dwelling continually on the terrors of invasion, has lost the power of com- prehending the consequences of investment, it is time her young and vigorous offspring should awaken her to a true sense of her position. A Royal Commission to inquire into the defence of the Imperial communications, if properly constituted on an Imperial basis, would lead to most important results. It may be taken as a certainty that such a Commission would recommend the permanent strength- ening of the great strategic points, which it would be in a position accurately to define. It might possibly determine the just limits of Imperial and Colonial responsibilities in the question of defence. With the creation of Imperial fortresses commanding the Impe- rial roads would grow up a feeling of common security, 'i'hey would be links in the chain which binds together the military forces of our Empire : stepping-stones by which those forces can cross to aflford mutual assistance and support. Such a Commission, and such measures, might pr. pare tiie way for a Federation of the war forces of ilie Empire, which is essen- tial to its safety. It would be easier in a given time to collect forces from all parts of the Empire at a given point now, than it was to concentrate the military forces in the United Kingdom on any particular place on the coast line sixty years ago. ' is sin- gular that when science has done, and is doing, so much to increase our power of concentration, Imperial policy should be undoing her work by persisting in the creation of local forces which it is impos- sible to move, and all this at a time when concentration is the great principle of attack, and the power of concentration is the great principle of defence. Though by nature and by science we possess all the physical means necessary for the concentration of mihtary forces, we have neglected to turn them to account, and further, by limiting the action of military forces to the particular 24 On Colonial Defence. I portions of the Empire where they are raised, wo wilfully destroy the necessary power of resisting concentrated attack by a combina- tion of Imperial resources, which is in these days the true source of strength. It is only in maintaining the second line of Colonial defences that local forces are of real value, but it is the duty of the Empire to see that they are provided with the means and weapons to enable them to act. For the first and third lines they are of no avail, so long as the necessary power of concentration at the weakest point is absent. It is military necesbity, and not consti- tutional law, which deterniines where the greatest power of resist- ance is to be applied "While wo acknowledge and applaud the principle, that it is every man's duty to defend his home, it is to be regretted that our ideas of its practical application are lamentably indistinct. The mother country has put her own construction on the word " home," in applying the principle of calling into existence military forces which can only be used to put up her shop shutters and to bar her doors. She calls on her children to adopt lier definition of its meaning and to follow her example, and some have done so. But who among the armies thus organised, for what she is pleased to call "home defence," can determine the exact distance from a man's home at which the obligation ends ? Who can draw the magic circle which is to include the territorial area of his duty to die for hih country ? Home is something more than an abstract idea having reference only to locality ; its foundations are laid in common interests, sympathy, and affection. A " silver streak of sea " cannot divide these interests, nor can miles of ocean sever the strong ties of affection and of sympathy. Hence it is that, from whatever quarter of the Empire a cry for help comes — wherever the British flag waves over Englishmen struggling on their own ground for all they hold dear — it is there our home is in danger, there is the rallying-point of forces created for its defence. While we boast of armed hosts here and in the Colonies, whose proud motto is " home (defence, " they must " survey the Empire " to ♦' behold our home.'" At the conclusion of t/fc n.,',iting, the President said he had to express the thanks of the society to Captain Colomb for his able and patriotic Paper. Ho only regretted that there had not been more Fellows present to hear it read. They would, however, have the advantage of circulating the Paper in the European Mail ■ T UAf On Colonial Defence. 25 ■ i to all iho Colonics. Ho confessea that as to llic policy the P--pev indicated, and tho measures sugRcstc , he strongly agreed with Captain Colomb, but thoy must look for tho execution of these mea- sures to bo carried out by tho action of tho Colonics themselves. Ho feared that tho House of Commons was too restricted in its policy and measures to look o.t such a wide question as this. Ho thought they mu^t look (,'.• tho C^ iOnics to get this poUcy adopted and cnf' rood. Ho hoped that as tho Colonies grew in wealth and strength they would see in what their true interests lay. T^'.ey should not rest Hatisfiod until federation had been achieved, and thfcu tiio Colonies should insist upon their right in mutually con- tributing to tho defence of tlio empire, and after this was done, in controlling tho disposition of the forces they had helped to maintain. He meant shortly to visit Canada, and was glad that on this the last meeting of the year so patriotic and able a Paper had been road, which would no doubt bo circulated in Cauad'\ before he arrived there. Tho voto of thanks to Captain Colomb was then unani- mously carried. Mr. Frederick Youno regretted that tho extremely valuable Paper just read had been presented iinder circumstances which rendered it impossible for them to do it justice by discussion. It would not do to let the Paper go forth to the world without its l^eing quite understood that, though no doubt acceptable in many points to the meeting, it would have been fully discussed if time had admitted. Colonel Alcocic, referring to the x scent events on the Gold Coast, deprecated the Governmental ac, a which had deprived thcnaiivc population of obtaining means of defence, and now, consequetit on this, famine and serious after wars were imminent. He might add that tho reason wo lost the Ionian Islands was simply because the "I vcuks, not being encouraged to take part in their own defence, had no means of entering into military affairs, and sent their young men to prepare for the Civil Service in Italy. They all came back Carbonari, and thus it was that these beautiful islands had been lo,it. T UNWIN BROTHERS, PRINTERS, LONDON AND CHILWORTO.