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 FAYMKNT OF THP: DPJBT 
 
 H Jr> } 1 2. • 
 • Ms 
 
 A REVIEW 
 
 I' 
 
 OF THB 
 
 Ohio Democratic Financial 
 
 New Departure. 
 
 
 •'/■ 
 
 ^Y Hon. Joseph Medill, 
 
 HKFUKR TIIK 
 
 AT 
 
 COLUMBUS, OEirO, AUGUST 81,^1871. "^^■ 
 
 \ 
 
 CHICAGO: 
 
 Rand, McNali.v « Co., Printers, 51 Ci.ahk Stkekt. 
 
 1871. 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 K.. 
 
~dM« 
 
 •f 
 
 F^J 
 
 Pj!\.yment op the debt. 
 
 A REVIEW 
 
 or TUB 
 
 OHIO DEMOCRATIC FINANCIAL NEW DEPARTURE. 
 
 «\»y^ BY HON. JOSEPH MEDILL, 
 
 Before the YOUNG MEN'8 REPUBLICAN CLUB, at COLUMBUS, OHIO, Ang. 81, 18T1. 
 
 "*• 
 
 ,1-f 
 
 The Democracy of Ohio have taken what they call a " Financial New 
 Departure." It is set forth in the twelfth plank of their State pUittbrm, 
 ana has found an expounder and defender in General Thomas Ewing, 
 the salt boiler's illustrious son, who stands so high in his party that 
 in less than two years he was a candidate for District Attorney of 
 Washington, Senator from Kansas, and Governor of Ohio. Of the 
 other parts of his speech it may be said, that " the good things 
 were not new, and the new things were not good." I will, 
 therefore, proceed to examine this new financial departure and the 
 arguments adduced in its behalf. 
 
 With the political New Departure, proposed at Dayton, and adopted 
 at Columbus, the public is tolerably conversant But I discover an 
 astonishing difference in the fiscal plank devised by Vallandigham und 
 that incorporated into the Columbus platform. For easy comparison I 
 place them in juxtaposition : 
 
 VALLANDiaHAM'S PLA.NE. 
 
 That we are in favor of the payment of 
 the public debt at the earliest practical 
 momdiit consistent with mudernte tnxiition, 
 and, more eflfeccually to socure and hasten 
 its payment, we demand the strictest honesty 
 and economy in every pitrt of the adminis- 
 tration of the government. 
 
 That specie is the basis of all sound cur- 
 rency, and that the true policy requires as 
 speedy a return to that basiii as is praciioal>le 
 without distress to the debtor class of the 
 people. 
 
 COLUMBUS PLANK. 
 
 « • * * « * 
 
 That the creditor is entitled to be paid in 
 the same currency he loaned to the govern- 
 ment ; that when he loaned greenbacks he 
 siiould be paid in g'eenbacks, unless the 
 contract otherwise provides ; and when he 
 loaned gold he should be paid in gold. That 
 to guard against too gre.it an expansion, 
 greenbacks should be made conver'.ible into 
 3 per cent, bonds at the option of the note 
 holder, said bomls to be rede^ed in green- 
 backs on demand, cu-itom duties to be paid 
 in greenbacks. This policy would secure a 
 uniform currency, stop gambling in gold(?) 
 and thereby elevate the credit of the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The one has the ring of the genuine metal ; the otheljijjs not even 
 pewter — it is putty. The first is a return to the ancient faith of the 
 Democracy ; the other is wildcat, of the most vicious breed. The for- 
 mer is in accordance with the principles of the constitution, and the 
 sentiments of sensible and patriotic men ; the latter is in flagrant viola- 
 tion of the Fourteenth Amendment, inasmuch as the intention and 
 effect are to defraud the public creditors of their just claims. Vallan- 
 digham's plank means honest payment of the national debt; the 
 Columbus plank means repudiation. 
 
<mmt 
 
 2 H J? 112- 
 
 Not the least remarkable thing connected with this now financial 
 departure is the fact thai only the Ohio Democracy have taken it. The 
 Democratic organization in no other State, West or East, Soutli or North, 
 are advocating in their platform the payment of the debt in irredcemji- 
 ble notes, or a material expansion of the existing currency. The Ohio 
 Democracy must think they hold a "mighty good hand" to play this 
 greenback game alone. At all events, the scheme, like the old wild-cat 
 bank notes, has no credit, and does not pass in any State beyond the 
 one in which it was started, 
 
 WHO INVENTED THE SCHEME. 
 
 This Columbus twelfth plank, which General Ewing calls the " Dem- 
 ocratic Financial New Departure," has not even the merit of originality. 
 The inflation part of it is copied from Pendloton's scheme, developed m 
 1868; and the device for converting greenbacks into 3 per cent, cur- 
 rency bonds, and the bonds back into greenbacks, was invented by 
 Ben. F. Butler in 1866, and since discarded by him as a humbug. He 
 was sharp enough to perceive that an irredeemable promissory note, 
 convertible into a non-pav-.blo bond, was a piece of linancial machinery 
 that, like all other per;)Otual motion contrivances, would not go. So he 
 dropped it. But the Ohio Democracy have taken it up, and made it 
 the cliief plank in their platform. Take a serious look at this precious 
 scheme for enriching everybody and paying off the debt, without giv- 
 ing a cent of actual value. /■ r, c oa 
 
 Greenback notes are to be manufactured to the amount of the 5-20 
 bonds, which General Ewing says is $1,600,000,000 (though in fact but 
 $1,200,000,000), and these notes are to be tendered to the holders of 
 those bonds. 
 
 WHAT WILL THE HOLDERS DO WITH THEM? 
 
 If they i-efuse acceptance— what then ? Why, stop the interest and 
 " let them sweat." Yes, that's the little game. But if they should 
 conclude to accept this " watered " wildcat, what will they do with it? 
 It is not to be redeemed in gold, or made convertible into any tangible 
 property. As the Democratic platform sarcastically observes, there 
 will be no gold gambling in those nqtes. No broker in the world would 
 give an ounce of gold for a ton of them- There will be no speculation m 
 any gold-dealer's eye when shown those picture promises. Whoever 
 goes into Wall street with a wallet full of them will hear the pbserva- 
 tion of the policeman addressed to the vagrant, " Move on, sir." 
 
 But the holder, we are told, can change them into 3 per cent, bonds. 
 And then he can convert the bonds, when he gets tired of looking at 
 them, into what? Gold? No. Wheat or cattle? No. Values of 
 any kind? No; but back into the original wildcats. Thus they 
 shuttle-cock backward and forward forever, and the national debt is to 
 be deemed paid. It may be said of this scheme as David said of the 
 structure ot man : It is " fearfully and wonderfully mad&" 
 
 AN ELASTIC AND STABLE CURRENCY. 
 
 General Ewing says that those wildcat notes " will furnish the coun- 
 try with a very elastic currency." No doubt they will be as elastic as 
 air or any other gas, and as unsubstantial as the stuff of which sick 
 
 f 
 
w financial 
 en it. Tlio 
 li or North, 
 irredeeniii- 
 The Ohio 
 ) play this 
 lid wild-cat 
 jeyond the 
 
 the " Dem- 
 originality. 
 Bveloped m 
 r cent, cur- 
 n vented by 
 nibug. He 
 ssory note, 
 machinery 
 go. So he 
 ,nd made it 
 lis precious 
 vithout giv- 
 
 of the 5-20 
 I in tact but 
 5 holders of 
 
 interest and 
 they should 
 
 do with it? 
 my tangible 
 erves, there 
 vorld would 
 •eculation in 
 Whoever 
 the observa- 
 , sir.'' 
 
 cent, bonds. 
 f looking at 
 Values of 
 
 Thus they 
 ftl debt is to 
 1 said of the 
 
 sh the coun- 
 I as elastic as 
 I which sick 
 
 i 
 
 men'H dreams arc made. But it will make a .<»table (Mirrcncy, ho says — 
 whicli is probably true, as the gold value of those notes will bo zero, 
 and tlicirpurijliusingpowerthe same. Tlicir correlative Ibnn into bonds 
 will be no more. 
 
 WHAT A NOTE OU nONI) IS WORTH. 
 
 A note or bond is worth to the holder that in which it is to be paid, 
 provided the maker is known to be solvent and i)unctual. If it 
 calls for gold, wheat, cattle, or iron, it is wortli what they are worth. 
 If it calls for chips or chaff, it is worth so much, and no more. If it 
 is to be paid in another promise and that promise is redeemable 
 only in the first promise, then it is worth nolhing, because it i.i merely 
 wind, redeemable in wind. The interest on such a bubble-bond might 
 as well be 30 or 300 per cent, as 8 per cent, as it will cost the make "no 
 more to pay one rate of bubble-interest than another. 
 
 It is obvious that the authors of the Democratic financial plank have 
 discarded the science of political economy, and treat the exp'Tience of 
 mankind with contempt. They coolly anil conceitedly brush away and 
 reject the universal conception of the difference between capital and 
 credit, value and promise, money and notes, the nature and functions of 
 gold, and that which gives value to a promise to pay. They leave 
 entirely out of sxghi payment awX rede7n/)tion, and teach that the Federal 
 Government has the power to stamp actual value on that which in itself 
 has none; that it can put forth an almighty fiat that will transform an 
 airy nothing into -an equivalent of all values, and give that which is 
 worthless the purchasing power of sdlid coin. 
 
 MAKING A FALSEHOOD EQUAL TO THE TRUTH. 
 
 It recjuires a full exercise 'of Christian faith to believe that the Deity 
 himself can create something out of nolhing, and it has proven a sore, 
 stumbling-block to many a poor sinner to give the statement full and 
 unqualified credence But the Democratic Convention of Ohio deem it 
 an easy thing for the Federal Government, with " limited powers to be 
 strictly construed," to perform a more difficult miracle, viz.: To make a 
 falsehood, known to be such, equal to the truth. The proposed green- 
 backs will read something like this. -'The United States promise to 
 pay the bearer ten dollars, payable ai ir. i Treasury of the United States, 
 at Washington ; but this promise is m. de in a Pickwickian sense, and 
 is never to be redeemed in any tangible substance — especially not in gold 
 or silver." This is the idea, whatever the form of words may be. Is 
 it possible to conceive any scheme more preposterous ? 
 
 AXIOMS OP POLITICAL ECONOMY. 
 
 Let us devote a few moments to the consideration of some funda- 
 mental axioms and facts in regard to wealth, credit, debt, money. In 
 science the term " wealth " includes all objects of vah:e, and no other. 
 What is value ? It is an object of man's desires that can be obtained 
 only by labor. 
 
 Value is the exchange power which one commodity or service has 
 in relation to another. The degree of value a thing possesses is meas- 
 ured by its purchasing power. Value is the market relation of two 
 servicea It is what a man gets for what he gives that determines value. 
 
In common nhrnse a thing ia worth' what it will fetch ; that is, whftt 
 BOJne one will volunUirily give for it. 
 
 Cai'ITAl ia the j)oitioii of wealtli employed in renrodnclinn. Mono'r 
 is one form of capihil. It is that })ortion of oiipital which is employed 
 in reproduction for the speciiil purpose of elfocting easy oxchaiigo of 
 values, comnKxlities, and services. 
 
 Lahok is the voluntary elVort of human beings to produce objects of 
 desire, or objects to be exchanged for articles of desire. 
 
 Money, by the usage of nations, ancient and modern, consists of 
 stamped and assayed pieces of gold and silver nietul ; and, aLso, some 
 baser metals for trifling transactions. The "dollar" of the United 
 States means 23i grains of gold, or 417 of silver. 
 
 ClTKHENCY, in mercantile meaning, consists of notes issued by gov- 
 ernment or private corporations, promising to pay the holder " money," 
 i ft, gold and silver. 
 
 A NoTK ia a written or printed piece of paper acknowledging a 
 debt, and promising payment on demand, or on a day named, with or 
 witliout interest, according to agreement or law. This is the character 
 of a note, whether called a " greenback," bank note, promissory note, 
 or due bill. 
 
 A Debt is that which is due from one person to another, whether 
 goods, services or money. A debt means that A has some of B's prop- 
 erty, for which he has given in return no equivalent, or satisfaction to 
 B, except a note, which is B's evidence of the claim, and A's jm)mi8e 
 to pay It ; that is, to return to B, on demand, or at a time stated, capi- 
 tal to the amount agreed upon, in exchange for the property placed in 
 A's handa And the negotiable and exchangeable value of the note 
 depends entirely upon the faith of the holder and purchaser that the 
 promise ivill be performed. If it were believed that B would never 
 pay the note, its value would be nil. A greenback is no exception to 
 the rule. When it beconfes known that greenbacks are never to be 
 redeemed, their purchasing power will sink into nothingness. A prom- 
 ise not to be perlormed has the value of a falsehood, whether maue by 
 a nation or an individual. 
 
 GOLD AND SILVER AS STANDARDS OF VALUE. 
 
 To render the discharge of debts convenient, and the exchange of 
 commodities easy, mankind have agreed to exchange all values and 
 accept payment of all notes in the metals gold and silver. The ques- 
 tion of amount is fixed by the bargain or contract, and what is culled 
 market pric& There is no other recognized standard of value but gold 
 and silver. The value of a note — that is, its purchasing power — is 
 exactly equal to the weight of gold that some broker or banker will 
 give tor it Ascertain its market value in gold, and then you will 
 know how much of commodities or services it will purchase. The 
 gold brokers have fixed the exchangeable value of every United States 
 note since the first one was issued. The government being unable or 
 unready to redeem its notes as promised, but allowing them in effect to 
 go to protest, the gold brokers stepped forward and redeemed them at 
 a discount The greenbacks and all other forma of Federal notes have 
 been redeemed in gold by the brokers every day since they were issued, 
 but not at par; they have been purchased at a variable and fluctuating 
 discount, just as any other overdue and protested paper would be. 
 
at i», wlint 
 
 Monov 
 employed 
 xuliiiiigo of 
 
 objects of 
 
 consista of 
 also, some 
 the tlnited 
 
 led by gov- 
 " money," 
 
 wledging a 
 ed, witli or 
 e eharaeter 
 iasory note, 
 
 ler, whether 
 of B's prop- 
 tirtfuction to 
 A 'a jiromise 
 stated, capi- 
 by placed in 
 of the note 
 ser that the 
 A'ould never 
 jxception to 
 never to be 
 3. A prem- 
 ier made by 
 
 exchange of 
 1 valuea and 
 The quea- 
 hat ia called 
 lue bat gold 
 ig power — is 
 
 banker will 
 hen you will 
 •chase. The 
 Fnited States 
 )g unable or 
 ft in effect to 
 med them at 
 il notes have 
 
 were issued, 
 d fluctuating 
 ould be. 
 
 I I IIM M Wl .J I 
 
 NKCKHSITY OF UEDKMrTION IN COIN. 
 
 If the gold brokers should lose faith in their ultimate redemption 
 by the f»overnmetit, and refii.so to purchase thcin in gold at. anj? 
 price, they would quickly sink out oi sight as a circulating medium. 
 The bottom would fjiU out, as it did out of the Continental currency, 
 the French assignate, and Confederate notes. Their legal-tender 
 pro])crticH might keep them afloat at a few cents on the dollar until 
 debtors had discharged their debts and swindled their creditors; but 
 after that they would be worth what the rag-man would pay for them 
 by the pound. They would sell by weight, and a .$1,000 greeni)ack 
 would fetch no more than a $1 greenback. The government, by an 
 arbitary act of power, may compfd a creditor to accept a greenback in 
 discharge of a debt, just as it might conliacate u man's property. But, 
 with all its strength, it has not the power to force the people to give 
 their property in exchange for greenbacks, or to lix any purchasing 
 power to such notes. No government, however despotic or desncrate, 
 powerful or persuasive, was ever able to stamp exchangeable value on 
 notes that had no redemption behind them, or to fix their purchasing 
 power, or gold value, one iota above what the gold brokers would vol- 
 untarily pay for such notes. Either the principal or interest of a bond 
 must be payable in coin to give it any value whatever, and a note 
 must be convertible into coin or its equivalent, at some time, to render 
 it worth anything. There must be an umbilical cord, so to 8i)eak, 
 leading from the promise in the eye of faith to a golden redemption, 
 or the note can have no market value. 
 
 WHAT GIVES GOLD AND SILVER THEIR VALUE. 
 
 But why do mankind universally, and from time immemorial, receive 
 gold and silver coin in exchange for all commodities and services, and 
 in payment of all debts? The fact cannot be disputed. From the days 
 of Abraham, who paid " 400 shekels of current money with merchants 
 for the field of Epiiron," to the present day, the money of commerce 
 has been gold and silver. 
 
 Why is this? 
 
 Because, Firet. They cost labor, and are objects of human desire. 
 Every coin dollar in existence averaged a day's toil to extract it from 
 the earth. Second. They represent much labor in a very small bulk, 
 and are therefore exceedingly portable, and require but little eft'ort to 
 handle or export A pound of gold will exchange for a year's labor 
 in most countries. It will buy a good span of hf)r.ses and wagon in 
 Ohio, or 600 bushels of corn in Illinois, or a ton of cotton in the South, 
 for the simple reason that it costs as much labor to extract a pound of 
 it from the earth as to produce or obtain the other named thinga Third. 
 Gold does not corrode or oxydize. It is indestructible by fire, and 
 nearly inconsumable by use. It is malleable to a wonderful degree, and 
 can be wrought into any shape, and will receive and retain any impres- 
 sion. It may be alloyed or refined, and thus softened or hardened ; and 
 silver possesses all those qualities in nearly equal degree and perfection. 
 Fourth. These metals can be put to a multitude of uses ; they are in- 
 dispensable in the arts for thousands of mechanical purposes. Fifth. 
 They are the most beautiful of all metals, and ever nave exercised a 
 
captiviitiiiR nttrnction for the frmnin ns well as timlo mind for pn'soiml 
 ormuiKMitH ai)(l \isoh. Th'-y aio almost ohjccts of worsliip aiiion^' mill- 
 io!is of tilt! Inimaii family. In poct'iy ami propliody tlioy furnish tho 
 llnost comparisons and (ij^nrcs of spci'di. Amonf? IiouUkmi nations 
 tlioy art! sliapi-d to represent goils and deities : and tho sacred images, 
 crucifixes, and sacramental vessels of all Christian sects arc moulded 
 from them, as they represent licanty, purity, durahility and worth. The 
 groat deeds of heroes and statesmen are acknowledged and rewarded, 
 in silver and f^f)ltlen nuidals, by grateful governments and people, 
 Ijastly. The quantilies of those metals arc comparatively limited, and 
 the increase or deenNiso of the whole amount in possession of tho world 
 is hardly perceptihle in years of time. Their exehnngeahle value re- 
 mains nearly uniform the earth over, taking all commoditi(>s into 
 account. In the hust thirty years there lia.s been some increa.so in the 
 stock of gold, but a dccreaso in silver; taken together, tho ptr capita 
 increase of cash coin has boon comparatively small in tho world. Tho 
 wisdom an(l purpose of tho Almighty aro clearly diaocrniblo in tho 
 creation of gold and silver. Tluit lie designed them as a money inoili- 
 urn of exeliange for mankind cannot bo called in question, the Demo- 
 cratic Now Departure to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 GKKKNBACKS AND GOLD COMPARED. 
 
 Compare a greenback with a gold eagle. Tho one is a piece of tissue 
 paper, the other is precious metal. On the greenback is the picture of a 
 President's head and a Goddess of Liberty. Inscribed on it are the 
 words: "Washington, D. C, March —, 1863. Tho United States 
 "will pay the bearer ten dollars (232^ grains of gold) payable a,t 
 " the Treasury of tho United States, at New York. (Signed) L. E. 
 "Chittenden, Register; F. E. Spinner, Treasurer of United States." 
 
 Now look at the gold eagle. There is no promise to pay stamped on 
 it; nothing but tho simple declaration "Ten Dollars," a medallion fig- 
 ure, and a coinage date. That is all. The "ten dollars" means that 
 it contains 232^ standard grains of gold. There is no promise to pay 
 about it It is payment itself; it is capital, property, the product of 
 hard labor, and is valuable for its uses independent of its employment 
 as money. But the greenback note is merely a promise to pay money. 
 That is, it promises to pay gold or silver, for the constitution recog- 
 nizes no other substances as actual dollars, or money, than gold and 
 silver. It is the promise to pay coin dollars that gives the greenback 
 notes whatever value they possess. A note that is convertible into a 
 bond which itself is controvertible back into the note, and neither con- 
 vertible into gold, are both utterly devoid of purchasing power. A 
 cart-load of them would not purchase a breakfast. Redemption in coin 
 or its equivalent is the touchstone of the value of a note or bond. If 
 a British consol is alleged to be an exception, I reply that the interest it 
 bears is paid in standard gold, and when the government purchases any 
 of the consols they are paid for in gold. The only value the bonds of 
 this government have ever possessed has always been determir to 
 the fraction of a cent, by the amount of gold they would sell for in the 
 money markets of the United States and Europe. The greenback 
 notes have been worth each day since they were emitted just what the 
 brokers would give for them in gold, and no more. The government 
 
ir personal 
 iiiKii^' iiiill- 
 t'liriiidli tho 
 lott iiatiiiiiH 
 \vA iiiiitm'H, 
 ro inoiilfliui 
 worth. The 
 I nnvardcil, 
 and iH!()|)lo, 
 liiiiiU'd, and 
 A' tlio world 
 () value rO" 
 oditi(>s into 
 roarto ill the 
 ) prr capita 
 irorld. The 
 nililo in the 
 lonoy nieili- 
 the Demo- 
 
 cce of tissue 
 picture of a 
 1 it are the 
 »ited States 
 
 payable at 
 igned) L. B. 
 
 States." 
 
 stamped on 
 edallion fig- 
 
 means that 
 rnise to pay 
 I product of 
 emplo}inent 
 ) pay money, 
 ution rccog- 
 in gold and 
 e greenback 
 rtible into a 
 
 neither con- 
 l power. A 
 ptionincoin 
 )r bond. If 
 he interest it 
 urchases any 
 he bonds of 
 jtermif; to 
 ell for in the 
 e greenback 
 LSt what the 
 
 government 
 
 havinji; nogleotod to nvloorn thorn at par, the brokers liavo done it at a 
 di.'«'ounf. As tho (iriidit, of tlin goverriiiu^nt iiriprovcH, tlicy pay umre 
 gold for tlu'iii, bocauso tlio irnj)rov(>m(!nt of cnulit .signKicsan incrensing 
 probability that ere long it will make good its promise to rcdcein thoin 
 at par in gold. 
 
 VAM'K UKALIZKI) KOK THE KIVE-TWKNTY HONDH. 
 
 Tho Democratic financial plank sets forth this reason for paying the 
 bonded diibt in now issues of irredeemable, ami, as T have shown, 
 worthless notes, viz: "That tho public; creditor is eiititlc<l to bo paid in 
 tho samo currency he loaned to tho government; that wIkmi ho 
 loaneil greonbiuiks ho should bo paid in greenl)aeks, unless tho contract 
 otherwi.se provides, and when he loaned gold he should bo paid in 
 gold." 
 
 General Kwing, who heartily endorses this proposition, seeks to cre- 
 ate tho impression on tho public mind that tho govornmoiit only realized 
 40 per cent, of gold value for its bonds; thorotbro, the |)rcsent holders, 
 regardless of what they paid, should be forced to yield them back upon 
 receiving 40 per cent, of what they call for. 
 
 It is dishonest to underrate and misrepresent the amount which the 
 government realized from its notes and bonds. Lot mo correct these 
 assertions by the facts derived from the official reports to Congress. 
 
 During i8Gl the currency was at par and the first $150,000,000 of 
 greenbacks, issued under tho act of February 25, 1862, realized the 
 government almost par. The first issue of bonds, the "Sixes of '81," 
 so called, realized nearly gold value to the government; amount sold, 
 $283,000,000. 
 
 The average value realized in 1862, for the 5-20 bonds and the 7-30s 
 convertible into them, was 91^ per cent. The average price of 5-20s 
 and 7-30s, sold in 1863, was 73i per cent. The average price of the 
 same securities, sold in 1864, was 55^ percent Tho average price of 
 the same securities in 1865, was 67J percent And the average realized 
 during the four years, was 72 1-5 per cent 
 
 In the dark and gloomy year of 1864, that tried the souls of patri- 
 otic men, the average; value realized in each quarter for the bonds sold 
 was as Idllows; First quarter, 68 3-5 per cent; second quarter, 67 ; 
 third quarter, 45, and fourth quarter, 61 per cent There were days in 
 the third quarter of that black year when but 40 per cent of gold value 
 was realized. And on these exceptional dark days General Ewing 
 seizes, and unfairly endeavors to convey the impression that 40 per 
 cent was the aveiage amount realized for the 6-20 bonds, when, iu fact, 
 it was more than 72 per cent 
 
 WHY THE BONDS SOLD 80 CHEAP. 
 
 But why was it that our bonds only averaged 55J per cent in the 
 year 1864, and at times sank to 40 per cent? That was the year, fellow- 
 citizeiis, when the Democratic party of the North proclaimed the war 
 for the suppression of the slaveholders' rebellion to be a failure, and 
 endeavored by every means in their power to make it a failure. The 
 patriotic people of the North were between two lires. Fourteen Demo- 
 cratic States were in rebellion and fighting desperately for the dismem- 
 berment of the Union, and the solid Democratic party of twenty-three 
 
iTftftri.. 'l..A^.^s.vJ-fc^s^'«^!l■« 
 
 iiim i nn i n ii imw i ^ . 
 
 Ji 
 
 : 8 
 
 Republican States were doing everything they dare to help their 
 Southern brethren. It was tliis treacherous defection in the North that 
 so impaired the financial credit of the government that greenbacks for a 
 time were quoted at 250, and bonds realized but 40 per cent Does it 
 become the mouths of Democratic orators to prate about the depreciation 
 of the bonds of the government when they themselves were the chief 
 cause of that depreciation ? Has a man in law or morals a right to take 
 advantage of his own wrong-doing, and charge his innocent adversary 
 with the mischief himself has willtuUy and maliciously caused? 
 
 HOW DEPRECIATION MIGHT HAVE BEEN PREVENTED. 
 
 Had the Democratic party stood shoulder to shoulder with the Re- 
 publicans from the outbreak to the close of the war ; had they pro- 
 claimed to the rebel South that there could be neither truce nor compro- 
 mise while a rebel remained in arms ; had their orators and newspapers 
 called on their party to uphold the public credit with money and arms; 
 had they frowned down all opposition to the draft, and urged all able- 
 bodied men to the front, ana volunteered to load them; I say, if the 
 Democracy had acted in this patriotic way, instead of the quasi-treason- 
 able manner in which they did act, not a bond would ever have sold 
 below 90 ; not a quotation of greenbacks would have been made 
 higher than now. The war itself would have ended in 1863 at the 
 farthest Half the loss of precious life, and half the waste of treasure 
 would have been spared. Our debt to-day would be reduced to a few 
 score millions, our currency would be at par, and 300,000 brave young 
 men. North and South, now mouldering in the dust, would bless and 
 cheer us with their presence, strength and manliness. The North fought 
 the rebellion with one hand. The right hand struck ; the left hand 
 hung nerveless. 
 
 THE BONDS HAVE CHANGED HANDS. 
 
 But to return to the question of the payment of the bonds. The 
 Democratic platform says that " the public creditor is entitled to be 
 paid in the same currency he loaned : that when he loaned greenbacks 
 he should be paid in greenbacks." 
 
 One might suppose that even stupidity itself should know that the 
 ^outstanding bonds are no longer in the possession of the original sub- 
 scribers, but have changed hands many times. The great mass ot 
 those who first bought them have sold out and now hold no bonds. 
 Some of the bonds have changed hands scores of times. Two-thirds 
 of all the 5-20 bonds outstanding are in Europe — chiefly in Germany. 
 More than five hundred millions have been bought since the war, by 
 the Germans, English, and French, at prices ranging from 75 to 100 
 per cent in gold. More than $900,000,000 of our bonds, chiefly 5-203, 
 are held in Europe, and the proceeds of their sale have passed into tho 
 channels of commerce, and are taxed the same as all other property. • 
 
 OP WHAT VALUE SHOULD THE GREENBACKS BE? 
 
 If the "bloated bondholdera " should be paid in greenbacks, of what 
 value should the greenbacks be? Several hundred millions of the bonds 
 first sold realized the government between 90 and 100 per cent; how 
 much are the holders of these be nd? to be paid ? Others brought dif- 
 
 \1 
 
mfrm'xmm'mmm 
 
 to help their 
 ;he North that 
 jenbacks for a 
 sent Does it 
 e depreciation 
 ere the chief 
 i right to take 
 ent adversary 
 used ? 
 
 ^TED. 
 
 with the Re- 
 lad they pro- 
 je nor compro- 
 ad newspapers 
 ney and arms; 
 jrged all able- 
 ; I say, if the 
 quasi-treason- 
 rer have sold 
 B been made 
 in 1863 at the 
 ste of treasure 
 uced to a few 
 ) brave young 
 )uld bless and 
 e North fought 
 ; the left hand 
 
 } bonds. The 
 entitled to be 
 led greenbacks 
 
 know that the 
 3 original sub- 
 great mass of 
 lold no bonds. 
 8. Two-thirds 
 y in Germany, 
 ce the war, by 
 rom 75 to 100 
 I, chieny 5-20s, 
 passed into the 
 er property. • 
 
 BE? 
 
 ibacks, of what 
 ns of the bonds 
 per cent; how 
 srs brought dif- 
 
 
 X 
 
 w 
 
 9 
 
 ferent prices, below 90 and above 70 percent; others below 70 and 
 above 50 per cent, and a few sold down to 40 per cent when tiie capi- 
 talist at home and abroad felt apprehensions that the bottom was falling 
 out of the whole thing, and that the Union was going where the wood- 
 bine twinelb. 
 
 SEVERAL QUESTIONS. 
 
 As it is no longer possible to deal with the original purchasers of 
 the bonds, and as most of the present holders have paid between 90 
 cents and par for them, I desire General Ewing, or some one, to "rise 
 and explain " what they mean by the expression, " paying the bond- 
 holders in greenbacks.'^ Are greenbacks worth 40) per cent to be 
 tendered to the holders of bonds that originally realized the govern- 
 ment 99 per cent, or 85, or 70, or any other sum above 40 per cent. ? 
 How is the present holder of a bond, who paid par for it, to be forced to 
 receive a note worth but 40 or 50 cents, on the ground that it was sold 
 in 1864 for that amount? Then another man gave the government 98 
 or 97 cents for greenbacks, and kept them in his possession until the 
 Democratic opposition to the Union cause depressed their value to 45 
 cents, when he gave them back to the government and received a 5-20 
 bond in lieu of them, which he still has. How is he to be paid ? 
 Shall he receive the original value he gave the government for the 
 notes, or only what they were worth when he parted with them ? If 
 every present holder of a 5-20 bond is to be paid in greenbacks of the 
 exact gold value of those the original purchaser gave for the bond, 
 how are such greenbacks to be manufactured ? By what process can 
 the government impart to one irredeemable note the commercial value 
 or purchasing power of 40 per cent, and to another 50, 70, 80, 90, or 
 100 per cent? For unless this can be done, the whole proposition to 
 repay the value originally loaned falls to the ground. Is a greenback 
 worth ten cents on the dollar to be considered as payment for a bond 
 costing the holder 98 per cent? 
 
 WHAT FOREIGN POWERS WOULD SAY AND DO. 
 
 Suppose our government should adopt the Ohio Democratic financial 
 plank, and pass a law notifying all holders of 5-20 bonds to send them 
 in for exchange for non-interest irredeemable notes, worth anywhere 
 from 10 per cent to 20, or, say 40 per cent, what answer would the 
 Governments of Germany, England, and France return to us? They 
 would say : " Mr. Yankee, you may cheat and defraud your own citizens 
 to your heart's content, but we shall submit to no such swindle. We 
 hold your bonds to the amount of 900 millions of dollars, not payable 
 in shinplasters, but in gold and silver dollars, as defined in your own 
 constitution. Our people paid the highest market price for your secu- 
 rities ; some of them were purchased when your credit was nearly 
 destroyed by one of your own parties. They took the chance of your 
 bankruptcy. They loaned you the capital which enabled you to pull 
 through and save your government from ruin, and you were very glad 
 to sell your bonds for what our people were willing to pay at the time. 
 We knaw nothing of your stuff you call greenbacks, but we are 
 not verdant enough to be imposed upon with such green stuff. We 
 paid you for your bonds solid coin, and materials of war. We sent 
 
 i i i!a i iiM,a i i'» i !tiia! ',i M»M ) »Mi.W ' ' " " ' 
 
jfcl |i |ii lji M i rSi( l Tp il l |( |l l gTT i V ! ii|--ir | - i n' i aiirilS; i |VL li 
 
 10 
 
 you clothing, arms, aild ammunition in p!irt payment, and the residue in 
 hard cash. You are now solvent, rich, and abundantly able to pay 
 your just debts, and if you undertake to defraud our people out of 
 their money, we shall make common cause, and proceed to collect their 
 claims for them, with costs of suit Do you understand that? " This is 
 what those powers would say to our government, and the whole world 
 would applaud them for it. In such a contest we should have not a 
 friend upon earth. All the nations would point the finger of scorn at 
 the great and boastful republic, and cry shame on you for such base 
 rascality and dishonesty. 
 
 General Ewing went into an extended calculation to show the 
 amount the government would make by adopting his financial new 
 departure. He said there were 1,600 millions of 5-20 bonds wliich 
 could be wiped out by the Wilkins Micawber method of paying debts 
 by giving your creditor a note. But he avoided any computation of 
 the amount the people would lose by the scheme of watering the cur- 
 rency. 
 
 THK VALUE OP DEPOSITS AND CURRENCY. 
 
 Let me give you some statistical facts, which the Democracy would 
 do well to study. 
 
 We have now a currency consisting in round numbers of— 
 
 Greenbncks ^$^ul% 
 
 8 per cent, certificates !'.*,'** 40 
 
 Fractional currency '[ aq 
 
 National Bank notes '.."!!!!!!!!!!! 324 
 
 Total I 760 
 
 "Worth at 90 per cent, in gold value | ^34 
 
 According to the latest bank returns, the following amounts were 
 deposited with the banks, and subject to be checked out on sight : 
 
 National Bank deposits fi"To6 
 
 State and private bank deposits !.'.".'!.'!!!! 8 jO 
 
 Savings bank deposits '.....!!!*.!!!".!!!'.. TOO 
 
 Total deposits ^^ 
 
 Add currency m individual hands 45Q 
 
 Currency reserves in all banks !!'.!!!'.!!!!! 300 
 
 Total deposits and cash *2 406 
 
 The present gold value of these deposits and of the currency in the 
 hands of the people, and of all the banks, is 2,165 millions— estimated 
 at 90 per cent The amount of deposits in all the banks placed to the 
 credit of individuals, is greater by 48 millions than were the 5-20s at 
 their maximum amount in 1868, which was 1,602 milliona On the 
 first of AugL\st, 1871, the 5-20s outstanding were 1,327 millions. 
 Since then they have been reduced by payment and exchange into the 
 new five per cents, to something like 1,190 milliona 
 
 If the holders of the 5-20 bonds could be cheated out of every dol- 
 
11 
 
 the residue ia 
 able to pay 
 )eople out of 
 ) collect their 
 at?" Thiais 
 whole world 
 1 have not a 
 3r of scorn at 
 for such base 
 
 to show the 
 financial new 
 bonds wliich 
 paying debts 
 )mputation of 
 ring the cur- 
 
 Dcracy would 
 .f— 
 
 Hillions. 
 
 $ »66 
 
 40 
 
 40 
 
 324 
 
 $ 760 
 
 I 684 
 
 no ants were 
 n. sight : 
 
 MilliODg. 
 
 $ 606 
 
 SoO 
 
 loo 
 
 $1,666 
 
 460 
 
 300 
 
 $2,406 
 
 •rency in the 
 s — estimated 
 placed to the 
 the 5-203 at 
 ns. On the 
 27 millions, 
 nge into the 
 
 f every dol- 
 
 lat by the Democratic platform scheme, the tax-payers would seemingly 
 gain by the transaction 1,190 millions; bnt if their present currencd 
 should be destroyed in the act, they would lose 2,165 millions in goly 
 value. 
 
 Let us suppose that by proposed inflation the debasement only 
 depreciated the currency to 40 per cent. — a point it once reached 
 during the war — the effect would be to wipe out 1,203 millions of gold 
 value"of the deposits in banks to the credit of the people and of the 
 currency in their hands. For the purpose of cheating the bondliolders 
 out of iiO per cent of their rightful claims, amounting to 717 millions 
 of dollars, it would be necessary to destroy 1,203 millions of credits 
 and cash belonging to the people, for that would be the necessary and 
 inevitable effect of reducing the value of the existing currency to 40 
 cents on the dollar. 
 
 The $700,000,000 deposited in the savings banks of the United 
 States constitute the little hoards of three millions of poor, honest labor- 
 ing people. These deposits represent the pinchings of poverty, the 
 self denials of poor men and women, mechanics, laborers, apprentices, 
 hod-carriers, coal-heavers, washerwomen and servants, miners who peril 
 their lives in the bowels of the earth, and sailors who dare the dangers 
 of the deep. The 956 millions of all other deposits belong to the busi- 
 ness classes, the merchants, traders, shopkeepers, drovers, manufacturers, 
 professional men, and largely to farmers and planters. Any deprecia- 
 tion of the currency strikes down the value of those credits as well aH 
 of the money of account, A depreciation of even ten per cent, amounts 
 in the aggregate to a loss of $240,000,000. What kind of statesmanship 
 is that which would debase the currency and destroy the value of 
 credits amounting in the aggregate to more than the national debt in 
 order to swindle t^e bondholders out of their claims? Does the pro- 
 posal spring from intellectual darkness or from a moral nature in decay? 
 
 GREENBACKS IN REPAYMENT OF GREENBACKS, 
 
 But the public creditors loaned greenbacks to the government ; there- 
 fore they should be paid only in greenbacks, says the Democratic plat- 
 form. There is no hint given that any regard is to be had to the value 
 of the greenbacks. 
 
 A greenback note is not a thing of steady and determinate value, 
 but it is as unstable as water, as fluctuating as air. For nine years this 
 currency hac been in circulation, and hardly for a day, in all that period, 
 has its value remained fixed, but, like the mercury in a tube, it has been 
 forever rising and falling, and often these changes have been very sud- 
 den and great. But who is responsible for these continual oscillations 
 of value — these everlasting, never-ceasing, up-and-down movements ? It 
 is not the public creditors ; the bondholders have nothing to do with 
 it ; the people who use those notes are not answerable for it. The 
 bondholders and the noteholders rejoice when the value of the green- 
 backs improve, and grieve when they decline. 
 
 WHO IS RESPOKSIBLE FOR FLUCTUATIONS? 
 
 It is the government that is responsible for the fluctuations and depre- 
 ciation of its notes ; first, in repealing the original act making green- 
 backs convertible into 5-20 bonds, at the option of the hdlder. This 
 
liiii i'jlMi'n ii 
 
 12 
 
 act of bad faith was committed March 3, 1863, and took effect July 1, 
 1863, when 300 millions of greenbacks had already been issued and 
 were in the hands of the people. It is said that it was done at the 
 instance of Secretary Chase, but the motive for so doing has never been 
 satisfactorily explained. Secondly, the government is responsible for 
 the depreciation, in not redeeming its notes in coin as it promised to 
 do. As I have already stated, a " greenback " is simply a due bill of 
 the government, payable to bearer, in coin, on presentation to the 
 National Treasury. Each dollar named on the face of the greenback 
 calls for 23i grains of standard gold. When the government is ready 
 and willing to redeem its due-bills on demand, the bondholders will 
 cheerfully receive them in exchange for the 5-20 bonds. Is that not 
 fair ? They never agreed to receive them at par, unless the government/ 
 first made good its own promise to pay them at par. The whole trouble 
 grows out of the failure of the government to perform its part of the 
 contract with the public creditors— with the noteholders as well as the 
 bond-holders ; and they were the same persons, to a great extent It 
 was the duty of the government to keep its notes at par. If it had, 
 par value would have been realized for its bonds. But failing to do 
 this, the public creditora are not to blame for the consequent deprecia- 
 tion, but the government itself They paid for the bonds in the gov- 
 ernment's own currency, and gave it for the bonds exactly the amount 
 of this currency it asked for them. 
 
 What right has the government first to refuse to redeem its notes, 
 thereby willfully causing their depreciation, and then to force them at 
 par on its creditors ? What right has it to manufacture new batches of 
 notes in violation of its pledge in the act of June 30, 1864, that "the 
 total amount of U. S. notes issued, and to be issued, shall never exceed 
 400 millions," and, making no provision for the payment of these " wild- 
 cats," to foist them on the holders of bonds purchased ten or seven 
 years ago ? Yet this is what the Democratic platform pledges that 
 party to do if they get into power. They call this a " financial new 
 departure." It certainly is from the paths of common honesty and 
 national good faith. 
 
 THE MORAL LAW OP PROMISES. 
 
 Men act from expectation. Did the people in the United States and 
 Europe expect or believe when th^ government borrowed their capital 
 that it had reserved the right or privilege never to redeem its own notes, 
 but let them depreciate to any extent that might happen, and that it 
 had also reserved the right to manufacture hundreds of millions of new 
 and irredeemable notes at the time the bonds would become payable, 
 and tender these notes in full payment and satisfaction of the bonds? 
 Certainly not 
 
 The great Dr. Paley, the standard authority on moral science, speak- 
 ing of the sense in which promises are to be interpreted, says : '* Where 
 the terms of a promise admit of more senses than one, the promise is 
 to be performed in that sense in which the promiser apprehended at 
 the time the promisee received it" Apply this rule ot moral law : 
 Did the government apprehend at the time it sold its bonds that the 
 purchasers understood they were to be repaid in irredeemable notes of 
 chance value? No man believed any such nonsense. No man 
 
effect July 1, 
 3en issued and 
 as done at the 
 has never been 
 responsible for 
 it promised to 
 y a due bill of 
 ntation to the 
 
 the greenback 
 iinent is ready 
 ndholders will 
 s. Is that not 
 he government/ 
 ! whole trouble 
 its part of the 
 i as well as the 
 eat extent It 
 )ar. If it had, 
 t failing to do 
 juent deprecia- 
 ids in the gov- 
 tly the amount 
 
 deem its notes, 
 force them at 
 new batches of 
 864, that " the 
 I never exceed 
 )f these " wild- 
 d ten or seven 
 1 pledges that 
 'financial new 
 a honesty and 
 
 ited States and 
 id their capital 
 its own notes, 
 ;n, and that it 
 nillions of new 
 3ome payable, 
 of the bonds? 
 
 science, speak- 
 says : '* Where 
 the promise is 
 pprehended at 
 3t moral law: 
 bonds that the 
 Tiable notes of 
 se. No man 
 
 13 
 
 would have given a dollar a' cord for 5-20 bopds issued with 
 such an understanding. The government never hinted at any- 
 thing of the sort. It was never dreamed of until disunion dema- 
 gogues begun to cast a', lut for some scheme of defalcation that would 
 appear les° glaring and indefensible on its face than a proposition of 
 naked and hideous repudiation. Yet every man who supports the 12tb 
 plunk in the Ohio Democratic platform knows that it means repudia- 
 tion ; that its practical effect would be to swindle the holders of the 
 5-20 bonds out of every dollar of their valua 
 
 Need I add another word to prove the preposterous and destructive 
 character of the Democratic financial scheme ? If Vallaudigham could 
 be called back to life and was shown General Ewing's speech on the 
 New Departure, what do you think he would say? He would say, in 
 the language of the amazed Irishman, tJiat he was glad he was dead. 
 
 EXPANSION MAKES DEAR INTEREST. 
 
 General Ewing gives it as his opinion that his new wildcat currency 
 will reduce the rates of interest. His language is : 
 
 •'(4.) It will establish a moderate and nearly uniform rate of inter- 
 est As much will be issued at once as will command investments 
 preferable on the whole to government 3 per cents. It will thus 
 estiblish the average rates' paid by business men at about 5 per cent 
 instead of 9, as now. Once established, these rates will be compara- 
 tively uniform, because as they tend to rise more currency^ will be 
 issued, as they tend to fall more will be exchanged for bonds.' 
 
 A greater financial fallacy never was uttered by any man entitled to a 
 respectful hearing. The proposed bonds not being payable in gold 
 or other valuable thing, will be nothing more than one form of irre- 
 deemable notea Their issue will inflate the currency just the same as 
 the issue of the notes. luflutioa always increases the rates of 
 interest, as all experience has demonstrated. Before the war the 
 ruling rates of interest were far lower than after inflation, and 
 consequent depreciation, set in. Inflation causes expansion of prices, 
 and while the watering process goes on dealers seem to gain large 
 profits. This stimulates speculation, and there is a reckless rush to 
 borrow money ; the lenders advance their rates on account of the extra 
 demand, and the probability that the principal will be repaid in a less 
 valuable currency. Thus inflation always results in higher rates of 
 interest Cheap dollars means dear interest The more abundant the 
 currency the less purchasing power it possesses, and the higher are 
 the rates charged for its use. 
 
 Contraction, on the contrary, if not too sudden, produces a reduction 
 of interest rates, because as the dollar becomes more uluable fewer 
 dollars will transact the exchanges of the country, and the chances of 
 being repaid in a better currency make capitalists anxious to loan 
 money on the best attainable terms. Contraction also checks wild 
 speculation, because, in reducing previous prices, the speculator is 
 obliged to sell on a falling market. The borrowing demand thus falls 
 off, and, with it, the high rates of interest Men do less risky business, 
 carry lighter stocks of goods, go less into debt, trade for cash, and do 
 
 not spread so much sail for their ballast 
 
■■~~~~^""*Si*#fl!f**#f""flW" 
 
 ii u- ii.g BSi B 
 
 14 
 
 a; 
 
 THREE INFLATIONS, ^ITH HIGH INTEREST. 
 
 "Within the personal recollection of middle aged men there have been 
 three periods of cucrenoy inflation, attended with high rates of interest 
 and reckless speculation, and followed in two of tlio cases with sudden 
 contraction and commercial distress, but, utter recuperation commenced, 
 with greatly reduced rates of interest. The third and last inflation 
 was followed by gradual contraction of currency and gradual reduction 
 of interest. During the inflation culminating in 1837, interest rose as 
 high as 24 per cent., while a lew years afterwards, when business and 
 values had touched the " liard-pan," interest went down to 6 per 
 cent in the East, and 6 per cent, in Ohio— say, between 1842 and 
 1850. 
 
 The second inflation, which collapsed in 1857, drove the rates of 
 interest up to 12 percent, in Ohio, and ,15 to 18 in the further Western 
 btates. Ihe contraction that followed materially reduced it in all 
 parts of the Union. In Illinois it fell otf to 8 or 10 per cent, and in the 
 East 6 to 7. 
 
 Toward the close of the rebellion we had 1,000 millions of currency, 
 worth 60 to 60 cents on the dollar. We have now 760 milliors of 
 currency worth 90 per cent Wliite the currency has been contracted 
 25 per cent in volume, it has gained 60 per cent in exchangeable value, 
 and the rates of interest iiave liillen throughout the United States Irom 
 one-quarter to one-third since 1865. There is now a plethora of money 
 and low rates of interest at all the money centres. Contract the 
 currency a little more, and it will rise to par value of gold ; interest 
 will tall still lower and money be still more abundant. When the 
 paper currency rises to par with gold, the money of exchange will 
 be instantly reinforced by all the idle gold and stiver in the country. 
 Coin will then come into circulation, and clean silver change will take 
 the place of greasy, torn fractional sbinplasters. In all countries 
 where the paper dollar is kept at par value with gold, the rates of 
 Ujterest are low and loanable money is abundant, as in Great Britain, 
 France, and Germany, whereas in Austria, Italy, Spain, and Russia, ~ 
 where the paper currency is depreciated, the rates of interest are high, 
 money hard to borrow and extortionate usury prevails. 
 
 DEPOSITS AND CHECKS. 
 
 Not only does contraction give greater purchasing power to currency 
 and restrain wild speculation, and thereby make money easier to get 
 by legitimate borrowers; but the practice becoming universal in the 
 cities and towns, of depositing surplus money with banks and paying 
 debts and balances with checks and drafts drawn against deposits, h^ 
 the effect to double or treble the loanable funds of these institutions, 
 and to dispense in large measure with carrying currency about on the 
 person, or keeping it in actual possession, lying idle. Whereas the 
 loanable capital belonging to all classes of banks does not exceed 600 
 millions, the discounts of those banks surpass 2,0i00 millions This 
 results from the individual deposits made with the banks, which 
 average over 1,600 millions— more than three-fourths of which the 
 banks keep loaned out 
 
 II WHI I I I JIII I MJI WMSWMBHIWBigl 
 
■ ij a i ii Si ' B 
 
 15 
 
 ;here have been 
 ates of int^erest 
 les with sudden 
 on commenced, 
 1 hist inflation 
 .dual reduction 
 interest rose as 
 1 business and 
 own to 6 per 
 veen 1842 and 
 
 •ve the rates of 
 urther Western 
 uced it in all 
 :ent. and in the 
 
 is of currency, 
 '60 milliors of 
 jen contracted 
 mgeable value, 
 ted States from 
 hora of money 
 
 Contract the 
 gold; interest 
 It. When the 
 exchange will 
 1 the country, 
 lange will take 
 
 all countries 
 I, the rates of 
 Great Britain, 
 a, and Russia, 
 erest are high, 
 
 er to currency, 
 
 easier to get 
 
 iversal in the 
 
 ks and paying 
 
 deposits, has 
 
 e institutions, 
 
 about on the 
 
 Whereas the 
 
 ot exceed 600 
 
 lillions. This 
 
 banks, which 
 
 of which the 
 
 ' 
 
 Good times and an easy money market'depend on general industry, 
 surplus capital seeking investment, improved credit of the government, 
 a secured and redeemable currency, and reduced taxation ; and, not at 
 all on the quantity of depreciated notes that may be issued to circulate 
 as money, for the greater the inflation the worse it is for the general 
 prosperity. 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT IS NOT A BANK. 
 
 General Ewing talks about the government furnishing the people 
 With a currency, which is another shallow sophistry. The government 
 can never furnish a stable, steady, reliable currency unless it redeems 
 it in coin, or makes it convertible into the exchangeable equivalent of 
 coin. It has no means of redemption except from surplus taxation, 
 and the only lawful and legitimate use to which a surplus can be put is 
 to redeem its promissory notes rtnd liquidate national debts, and when 
 tliere are none to pay, the taxes should be reduced, in order that no 
 more money shall be extracted from the earnings of the people than is 
 needed for the support of the government 
 
 The government is not a bank of loan and discount, or a credit 
 mobilier. It has no money to give or lend to anybody. It makes 
 no advances on grain, cotton, cattle, goods, or on bonds, mortgages, 
 collaterals, or judgment notes. Its greenbacks constitute part of its 
 debts, which it has promised to redeem, but don't, and hence their 
 fluctuations in value. Any increase of tliis sort of indebtedness adds 
 to the difficulty of redemption and puts off the time of their payment, 
 and consequently depreciates tlieir value. The more there are of 
 
 freenbacks outstanding the less each will be worth in hands of the 
 older. Let the government inflate the greenbacks by one hundred 
 millions, and the brokers will not give by 15 or 20 per cent as much 
 for them as they now pay. From 90 percent their value will drop 
 certainly to 75 per cent Let the government double the existing 
 amount of notes without making some adequate provision for their 
 redemption, ' and their gold value will fall as low as the lowest point 
 they touched during the war. And let the government issue the 
 amount contemplated by the Democratic platform, and it will take a 
 wheel-barrow load of them to purchase a barrel of flour. The finan- 
 cial New Departure leads to financial perdition. The worst and most 
 dangerous demagogues in organized society are financial quacks, 
 because their nostrums, if taken, unsettle all values, impair all 
 business relations, cause fever, chills, and cramps, and end always in 
 bankruptcy and wide-spread ruin. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 When the rebellion ended, and the cost of the fearful struggle was 
 footed up, it was found to be 3,000 millions of dollars. On the 1st of 
 August, 1865, the recognized indebtedness of the nation was 2,757 mill- 
 ions. In addition thereto. State war claims were presented and paid to 
 the amount of 50 millions ; extra pay to equalize bounties to volunteers 
 consumed 50 millions more. Then came tens of thousands of unsettled 
 claims to contractors, to railroads for transportation, to vessel-owners 
 for sea and river services ; for damages for property seized or destroyed 
 
 I 
 
' iMP^iiaMfiff-jp^i 
 
 16 
 
 'a 
 
 I :! 
 
 J 
 
 -A 
 
 by the nrmy and navy, for back pensions unpaid, etc., etc. — tlie wlinle 
 aggregating tnoro than 2nO niillionH, all of wliicii have since been liqui- 
 dated, making the total debt, as before stated, at least 3,000 millions of 
 dollars. 
 
 This immense debt, which represents the price paid for saving the 
 Union, has been reduced below 2,280 millions; 700 millions have been 
 extinguished in the brief period of six years. Nearly one-fourth of the 
 total coat of the war has been paid off. Six years ago the interest 
 charge was 146 millions. It is now down to 108 millions, being a re- 
 ducticm of 88 milliona 
 
 When the war ended we numbered 84 millions of exhausted inhabi- 
 tants, in debt ninety dollars per man, woman and child. We are now 
 a nation of 40 millions of recuperated people, in debt only fifty-eight 
 dollars per capita. We have six millions more population and 700 
 millions less debt than in 1865. The burden has already been reduced 
 more than onc-//«Vrf per head, and more 'than one-half as regards our 
 ability to bear it The credit of the government has wonderfully im- 
 proved. When the war terminated our 6 per cent bonds were only 
 worth 65 per cent in gold. The government is now able to sell 5 per 
 cent bonds for par in gold, both in Europe and the United States, and 
 with the proceeds retire 6 per cents. Let the policy of building up the 
 national credit and preserving the faith of the Republic pure and un- 
 blemished before all the world, be persevered in, and ere long our 6 per 
 cent bonds can be funded intoij or 4 per cents, and the interest charge 
 on the debt will be reduced to eighty millions per annum, and rapidly 
 melt away with the payment of the debt itselK 
 
 In proportion as the credit of the nation improves by living up to the 
 wise maxim that honesty is the best policy, the rates of interest paid 
 by borrowers to money-lenders will decline, and business prosper. The 
 States, cities, and municipal governments that are in debt will be able 
 to refund their bonds at lower rates of interest ; mortgages will be re- 
 newed, and others made on better conditions. Fanners, merchants and 
 manufacturer will obtain loans on easier terms, and an easy money 
 market, with cheap interest, and currency at par with gold, will affora 
 a better and more useful protection to American industry than all the 
 protective tariffs ever invented by the wits and wisdom of Congressmen. 
 
 As the whole embraces all its parts, so the improved credit of the 
 nation will improve the credit of every State and municipality. An 
 impairment of national credit casts a shadow and a taint on the finan- 
 cial reputation of every person and corporation in the land. Next to 
 the personal liberty of the citiz-en nothing in organized society should 
 be so sedulously guarded and preserved as the credit and good faith of 
 the government, the loss of which would be the signal for the commence- 
 ment of national dissolution and anarchy. 
 
 In conclusion, I submit a question for your serious consideration, 
 whether, for the sake of punishmg the public creditors for advancing 
 the capital with which the rebellion was crushed and the Union pre- 
 served, it is wise or prudent to set out on the Ohio Democratic Financial 
 NeW'Departure and march to infamy and destruction. 
 
 ■J Wifl 
 
 B T — 
 
3. — tlie whole 
 ice been liqui- 
 )0 millions of 
 
 or saving the 
 ona have been 
 •fourth of the 
 ) the interest 
 3, being a re- 
 
 usted inhabi- 
 We are now 
 nly fifty-eight 
 ition and 700 
 been reduced 
 regards our 
 nderfully ira- 
 ids were only 
 ; to sell 6 per 
 d States, and 
 ilding up the 
 pure and un- 
 jngour 6 per 
 iterest charge 
 , and rapidly 
 
 ingup to the 
 interest paid 
 prosper. The 
 ; will be able 
 8 will be re- 
 lerchants and 
 easy money 
 d, will afford 
 than all the 
 congressmen, 
 credit of the 
 ipality. An 
 un the finan- 
 id. Next to 
 >ciety should 
 ;ood faith of 
 e commence- 
 
 ansideration, 
 
 T advancing 
 
 Union pre- 
 
 tio Financial 
 
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