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 |{ef 
 
 I, 
 
 MONTIiEAL. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 BY 
 
 HOI. L, S. HUilGTON. M,P 
 
 I! 
 
 ON 
 
 ■--^ 99 
 
 "IIEFOUM PRINCIPLES, 
 
 (i'.sCi-. I /: )•' 
 
 Monday, 25th April, ISSl 
 
 ciP 
 
BISHOP'S 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 HON. C. GORDON MacKlNNON 
 COLLECTION 
 
 OF 
 CANADIANA 
 
 BISHOP'S 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 Presented to the Library 
 by 
 
 P.H. Scowen 
 
 ilBRARV 
 
 
/j: 
 
 REFORM .PRINCIPLES. 
 
 The above was the suhject of an address 
 delivered before the members of the Young 
 Men's Reform Club of Montreal, on Monday 
 Evening, April 25th, 1881, in the Ladies' 
 (Ordinary of the Windsor Hotel, by the Hon. 
 L. S. Huntington, M.P. There was a very 
 large attendance of members of the Club, 
 besides many veteran members of the 
 Liberal Party j the fair sex also turned out 
 in force. Mr. J. J. Maolaugn, Q.C, was in 
 the Chair, and on the plattorm with the 
 Hon. Mr. Huntington was the Hon. Mr. 
 Mercier. The Chairman, shortly after eight 
 o'clock, called the meeting to order, and in 
 a few brief words introduced the Hon. Mj. 
 Huntington, who, on coming torward, was 
 received with loud cheers. He spoke as 
 follows :r- 
 
 I have seldom prized anything more 
 highly than 1 prize the Honour uf addressing 
 the Yoang Men's Beform Club to-night ; anu 
 though my task may be above my powers, 
 1 will not salute you with deprecation or 
 apology. The old astrologers studied the 
 horoscope in vain, if good fortune does not 
 follow those who are born under the in- 
 fluence •{ favouring stars. Now, I regard 
 this Club as the offspring of a rehabilitating 
 public opinion whose cynosure is that 
 constellation of Beform principles, mt^mor- 
 able in all history and tradition as fruitful 
 of good works. It is net the bantling of 
 fashionable politics, nor does it bask in the 
 sunshine of patronage and power. The 
 ship is not rigged to catch the favouring 
 breezes, but it undertakes to navigate 
 perilous seas, and at a time which tries 
 men's souls. It has rough work to do 
 amidst the medieval darkness which had 
 re-enveloped us. But you are sure of a safe 
 and prosperous voyage so long as you keep 
 a sharp eye upon that polar star of reform 
 under which you have been happily born, 
 and shape your course for the greatest 
 good to the greatest number of the people. 
 Dr. Channing counsels his hearers to take 
 part in the politics of their country. These 
 are the true discipline of a people and do 
 much for their educatio>>, and he urges his 
 bearers to labour for a clear understanding 
 of thu subjects which agitate the commu- 
 ^,i^y, to,iuak«L them their study instead uf 
 '^xyasting tnei;- 'leisure in vague, passionate 
 ;' talk about thhm.\ The time thrown away by 
 the masses of ()^people on the rumours of 
 |ky^^]^i|jfht, ii better spent, give them 
 kiDtance witl th« coastUution, laws, 
 
 Wtjii^iD 
 
 aad institutions of their country, and 
 he adds that, in proportion as men thus 
 improve themselves, they will cease to bv. 
 the tools of designing politicians. I do 
 not think you could hava a better motto, 
 or that you could undertake nobler work. 
 Your task is with those who study to ame- 
 liorate the condition of your fellow-men. 
 
 I do not now presume to define your 
 curriculum, but as yoti manifestly can- 
 not cover the whole ground, I suppose, 
 as a Club, you may devote yourselves to 
 politics, cliiefly. The popular idea of 
 
 politics has grown 
 course of unworthy 
 
 up, I fear, from the 
 politicians, and hence 
 the cartoonist's definition of it as ''a nasty 
 thing which defiles whomsoever it touches." 
 Human nature is apt to disclose kindred 
 characteristics in whatever walk of life it is 
 enlisted. It is full of weaknesses which 
 more or less bring discredit upon its 
 noblest trusts. It is equal to high and 
 holy aims, but is often tarnished by selfish- 
 ness, and upset by temptations. No doubt 
 men's relations to stale-craft often subject 
 them to cruel tests. The influence of 
 power, and patronage, the rivalries of uni- 
 versal competition, i|,'norance, prejudice, 
 intolerance are the diti:\;uUie8 of governing 
 men ; alas, even in countries when men 
 govern themselves, and it must be admit- 
 ted that in constitutional countries, which 
 are wholly or chiefly ruled by tiie popular 
 voice, these ditficulties are startling, if not 
 discouraging. If in free countries the 
 people are to rule through improper 
 motives, men often ask, would it not be 
 bettor if the people did not rule at all ? And 
 in countries where ignorauce or corrupiioa 
 dominates there is no doubt a barren field 
 for free institutions, and men may hav j w 
 choose between the comparative purity of 
 Imperial sway and the wide- spread demor- 
 alization of popular rule. But coming 
 to our own times, and especially to our 
 own country, we may safely expect better 
 things. There are quicksands, indeed, but 
 we must study to avoid them. In spite of the 
 jeers of the corrupt and tue skeptical, we 
 must maintain a high order ot political 
 morality. We must, under all discourage- 
 ments, teach the people that corrupt ad- 
 ministration is not u clever trick to be con- 
 doned or laughed over, but an unpardon- 
 able offence against the 8tate, whicu chiefly 
 injures theiuaelves and flows directly from 
 their own corrupt or careless exer use of 
 the franchise. 
 
 i^'TOX^V 
 
V 
 
 To inculcate siich lessons wi 11, 1 am sure, be 
 the favourite work of young men of this (Jlub. 
 Jt iKa cardinal doctrine ef the Keforniers in 
 thiscountr)' that,though the people may often 
 err, they never remain permanently in the 
 wrong, and that their mistakes of to-day will 
 be rectified by a more enlightened public 
 opinion later on. But the Leaders ot 
 thought and culture, such as this C'ub is to 
 become, must labour to enlighten that 
 opinion. Discussion, argument, informa- 
 tion, persuasion must be circulated in honest 
 and unstinted measure, so as to instruct the 
 maeses as to public topics. Politics, as lexi- 
 cographers tleline it, " signifies the science 
 •f Government, that point of ethics which 
 consists in the regulation and government 
 of a nation or State, for the preservation ot 
 its safety, peace and prosperity, compre- 
 hending the defence of its existence and 
 rights against foreign control or conquest, the 
 augmentation of its strength and resources 
 and the protection of its citizens in their 
 rights, with the preservation and improve- 
 ment of kheir morals." So you see it presents 
 a rather comprehensive and respectable 
 field of human efiort. Frequent infelicities 
 of administration have given the word 
 a very different popular and conventional 
 hignificance with which I do not propose to 
 quarrel, beyond observing that every scope 
 of human eifort is liable to abuses, and that I 
 have no patience with the men who persist- 
 ently lampoon a great evil which they make 
 no adequate eftort to remedy. And this leads 
 me to speak of an important and perhaps 
 growing class of competent men among us, 
 who refuse to enter publ'c life on the ground 
 that it is not what it should be. 
 
 Why do they not come forward and help 
 to make it better ? Who taught them that 
 the State, which shelters and protects 
 them, has not a right to claim their best 
 service ? Why should they shirk and leave 
 as good men as themselves, with no greater 
 responsibilities, to bear alone the heat and 
 burden of the day ? But you will be told 
 that all would be well if there were no 
 party politics in the State. Party maiigns 
 and Crashes its opponent, corrupts its 
 neighbour, turns Parliament into a bear 
 garden, and the country into a vast amphi- 
 theatre ot corruption, slander and filth. 
 There is a grain of truth in this ; but party 
 is vrha,t public opinion make? it or permits 
 it to be. It is, after all, a representative 
 machine. Its function is to obey the behests 
 of (be people. An unfaithful Minister, 
 a dishonest representative, a slanderous 
 official hanger-on, all depend upon the 
 people tor support, and cannot long veil 
 their tru i character. If these are corrupt, 
 the people will soon know it, and 
 can apply a ready remedy if they choose. 
 Jdeie, again, the field for public teachers is 
 
 open, and, if one may say it without blas- 
 phemy, the harvest is plenteous, but the 
 labourers are few. Teach the people that 
 they are the pillars of the State ; that the 
 efi'ects of maladministration reach them 
 first. They pay the money. Their coun- 
 try suffers the disgrace, which hovers like 
 a black cloud over their very homes, and 
 threatens the future peace of those who 
 cluster about their own hearthstones. Here 
 is earnest work for earnest men. It is 
 hopeful work. The people have understood, 
 and they will understand again. They are en- 
 grossed with their own affairs, and as to 
 public matters they need constant admoni- 
 tion — line upon line and precept upon pre- 
 Cbpt. Men require to be rallied as well to 
 their political as thei r religious duties. When 
 you succeed, the country is safe, and when yon 
 fail yon need not denounce religion because 
 its professors have sinned, nor politics 
 because its votaries have been unfaithful. 
 
 Faith in the people of England was the 
 ground of the late Prince Consort's hope in t he 
 constitutional future of that country, thougli 
 it must have been due to a dread of their pos- 
 sible carelessness and cupidity that, as is said, 
 he declared in a moment of discouragement 
 that Parliamentary Government was only on 
 its trial there. 
 
 But Parliamentary Government means a 
 government by party. This is a political 
 corollary of the doctrine that the majority 
 shall rule. It is an heritage of Responsible 
 Government, bequeathed to us, after years 
 of struggle and conflict, and even bloodshed , 
 by our fathers, who achieved along with it 
 the imperishable glory of a noble success. 
 In this country they had suffered for years 
 as men worthy of freedom have never suf- 
 fered without a struggle. 
 
 Their voices, if not unheard, were per- 
 sistently unheeded in the councils of the 
 country. A little band of oflice-holders 
 and favourites held the Royal ear, which 
 was daaf to the people. Tuey ruled what 
 was called a free Province in the teeth of 
 the people, and with no higher rights than 
 those they left to their children and succes- 
 sors of our day, the rights of a self-styled 
 '> party of gentlemen." The noblest page 
 of Canadian history records how they were 
 finally, by an overpowering opinion, mould- 
 ed and inatructed by daring and patriotic 
 leaders, broken like a piece of glass. 
 Since that time we have enjoyed with vary- 
 ing fortunes and restricted to the necessi- 
 ties of our jurisdiction, the British system 
 of Parliament-Government. It involves 
 Government by party. Individuality is 
 checked and restrained by it. Theoretically 
 there are but two parties in the State. Each 
 consists of a body of men, who, though not 
 enjoying a defined constitutional status, 
 undertake, quoad the administration of pub- 
 
 
h 
 
 lie affairs, to think aod act together. The 
 raajority fjuetain the Government of tbe 
 clay, which must enjoy their confidence, 
 exercise the patronage and shoulder tlie 
 reRpoDsibilities of administration. Tbe 
 minority, Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition, 
 tins a scarcely less important function to 
 I'ullil. They must watch those at the helm, 
 eriticise their acts, and keep the country 
 alive to the>7 short- comings. 
 
 All this is elementary, and I only refer to 
 it io a passing allusion to the discussions 
 about Government by party, which attract 
 M(»me attention iu thece days. 
 
 If we can pass over what Sir Erskine May 
 calls its " minor details, the ambitious in- 
 trigues and jealousies of statesmen, the 
 greed of place-hunters and the sinister aims 
 of faction," we shall tind that party has 
 levelled many a blow at the wrong, 
 and in England and elsewhere has been 
 more rurrsrful than the King and his nobles. 
 Parliamentary parties habitually maintiiin 
 opposite principles of Government. 
 
 May tells us that the germs of party were 
 generated by the Reformation, and that the 
 early Puritans recognized tbe advantage of 
 such organization, and made their way into 
 parliament under its aegis iu their first 
 great struggle against the prerogative. As 
 liberty deveiopes it is easy to see why the 
 Court should denounce party as faction, and 
 why those who were more nearly allied to 
 the people should depend upon party or- 
 ganization and extend the franchise to 
 strengthen it. It is not strange, therefore, 
 that in a form of government like that of 
 England or Canada the history of party 
 should be the contemporaneous history of 
 the country, and that a machinery, by the 
 aid of which so much in the way of ameliora- 
 tion has been accomplished, should have 
 endeared itself to the people. While we 
 are compelled to admit that party has 
 wrought evil as well as good in history, we 
 must ask those who would destroy it to ex- 
 plainwhat weald they put in its place? It is 
 only anotlier name tor associated effort 
 directed to common aims, and maintaining 
 a common discipline. It works always un- 
 der the keen and competitive eye<^\rival, 
 and public opinion is speedily infoi^'ed if 
 it go^B, or is suspected to go, wrong. Thp 
 ballot becomes, perhaps, a new element in 
 calculating the influence of party. Ho far, 
 it has .displayed hostility to Governments. 
 While, therefore, a Parliament elected fdx 
 fivd years may^maintain its leaders in office 
 despite the ruction of opinion outside, yet 
 the ballot may be the easement of the party 
 conscience at the polls. As a rule, a worse 
 thing might happen the country than that 
 party changes should be more frequent than 
 they have sometimes been, and the ballot may 
 
 And they would have n further instal- 
 ment, an indeed both parties nud the public 
 would find relief if the petty patronage 
 which perplexes party leaders, and often 
 disgraces party administration, were rele- 
 gated to some competent distributing power. 
 Herein lies the chie' danger to tbe system 
 and to the State. Those camp-followers 
 corner the spoils Here flourish your party 
 tramps — the Jcum of your organization. 
 Search not among them for virtues nt»r 
 principles. They know only patronage and 
 follow the men who have it to bestow. 
 They practice the warfare of pilfering, of 
 slander, and of demoralization. They fol- 
 low the carcass ; their breath is foul, their 
 touch is a taint, and their support is a moral 
 weakness. But their influence for evil is 
 as vast as their appetite for plunder. It is 
 practical to eliminate the grosser influences 
 of this element, and thus protect both par- 
 ties from grievous torment and the State 
 from a constant menace. 
 
 But we have seen that party discipline 
 represses individualism among its mem- 
 bers. To a certain extent each man is sup- 
 posed to yield his opinions to the general 
 sentiment and for the general good. This 
 consequence flows more or less from the 
 very nature of voluntary association. Men 
 must accomplish common objects with a 
 common aim ; and if you seek only me- 
 chanical results your organization will be 
 the more efficient, the more it works like a 
 mere machine. There must, of course, 
 be intelligence to guide it. But 
 where all thought and volition is surren- 
 dered to the master mind, you demand 
 ooedience but not intelligence from the 
 rank and file. If the leaders can read and 
 write and think, it is a manifest convenience 
 when stolid acquiescence is yielded lower 
 down ; mechanical discipline is a strong 
 point and has contributed greatly to suc- 
 cess with one of the great parties of this 
 country. Its Parliamentary troops are 
 thorough regulars. Those wno think at all, 
 think only in such grooves as are carefHlly 
 and judiciously prepared for tbem. Among 
 them, so far as the world sees them, th^.te 
 is no independent thought ; they learn the 
 tactics and obey the discipline ; they are 
 elected to support Sir John, and they do it, 
 P^irhaps honestly, but stupidly, and without 
 wavering. Such soldiers made an Emperor 
 of Naooleon, and they have accomplished 
 !esser success among us. Perhaps inter- 
 change of thought, diversities of opinion, 
 freedom of discussion would best have 
 JBuited an intelligent political life, but 
 these might have weakened their bat« 
 talions and estranged theiu, so they have 
 chosen the better and safer course of 
 displaying a stolid, stubborn and meclianicai 
 
 lUford the relief which ft^ti^putisans dQsire. < attachment. It might be more noble if the 
 
 il 
 
 ■■•^ 
 
isoldier'B arm wen* nerved by tlie soldier's 
 conviction, and it may yet he fonnd that 
 the new PruHHian system hiiH ttiiiKht iih the 
 iiHe of thone greater and better iiualities of 
 tlie HuUlier, who strikes not merely in obe- 
 dieuuti to command, bat under the inspi ra- 
 tion of au huuest love for fatiierland and 
 individual devotion to patriotic; sentimeutH. 
 When that day comes there will be new { 
 men at the helm, and i^ir John and his co- I 
 borts will have been superseded. 
 
 In defining the cardinal principles of the 
 two parties iu Kngland, May puts on the one 
 side authority, and popular rights and priv- 
 ileges on the other. Authority, of course, 
 primarily thinks only of maintaining itself; 
 while poiiular rights suggest an iniinity of 
 discussions an«l divergencies which neces. 
 siirily throw cast-iron rules of thought and 
 action to the winds. To the Tory parly, 
 sheltered by authority, and struggling to 
 maintain things as they are, well-regulated 
 discipline has been as easy and 
 natural as that streams should flow 
 down the hill-sides ; but for Keformers, 
 who have changes and ameliorations to 
 win, there is a public opinion to be formed 
 and educated by all those intiiiiries, lo- 
 seurcnes and discussions which engender 
 diversities and render uniform thought, and 
 consequently party discipline, always diffi- 
 cult and sometimes impossible. 
 
 Yet I would not envy the Tories, if they 
 banish free thought and discussion in poli- 
 tics. Better to cultivate the greater intelli- 
 gence, even though we tread the more 
 difficult path. Our labour is always to en- 
 large the area of popular rights and liber- 
 ties Often the people who profit by our 
 work, rally against us, who have accom- 
 plished it. Our duty lies in our patient 
 efforts to see that they are better informed. 
 In this way, even as a party, we may ha^'e 
 individual fields of labour. Ou. ■irty is not 
 responsible for our independenb opinions 
 till it has considered and espoused them. 
 Kay, even our colleagues may combat 
 aud oppose us till we have seen our 
 error, if we are wrong, or till we 
 prevail, if our position be well taken. 
 But the activity of thought, the discus- 
 sion of principles, the public education 
 goes on neither repressed nor discouraged 
 by the tyranny of party. If the Liberal 
 party undertakes the administration of 
 aifaira its programme, and not the isolated 
 dictum ot this or that man, indicates the 
 policy for which it is responsible to the 
 people. But it cannot restrain thought or 
 speech exercised within prudent limits. 
 Our adversaries, unuccustomed to such 
 freedom themselves, are slow to understand 
 it, and even our friends have sometimes re- 
 volted agsins' the disturbing agencies 
 which it often f/volves. But the fact re- 
 
 mains, that an intelligent appr«^(iation ot 
 public questions involves a broad and free 
 dis(;nKsi(m of (hem, and explains why 
 stolid discipline is more poHsihle to the 
 party of authority than for that party wliidi 
 seek to win privileues for the people, and 
 studies t<i elevate them to the level of the 
 reforms tliev have achieved. 
 
 And so 1 conclude that there is, on the 
 (me hand, no cause for young Reformers to 
 fear that party discipline will restrain their 
 zeal or (heir inquiries; or, on the other, 
 that they will be made responsible for the 
 vagaries of their brethren of like general 
 faith. Moreover, it is only fair toiulmit that 
 even our adversaries seem to tolerate withiti 
 their ranks some prelindnary divergence, it 
 we may .judge by some of the 
 men who to-day sit cheek by 
 jowl among them in high places, 
 but who sit there only as chieftains of 
 <;ertain schools of thought, which, in the 
 rough, are no strangers to intolerance, and 
 exist chicHy in virtue of the antagonisms 
 with which from time to time tlie country 
 has been embroiled and lormented. 
 I How inscrutable, after all, are the ways of 
 Providence as to what it permits and what 
 it withholds in relation to human affairs ! 
 One day we see the patient, weary worker, af- 
 ter a life devoted to the single purpose of 
 earning blessings for his country and his 
 kind, falling by the wayside, neglected and 
 forgotten ! 
 
 What needs he the praise of a love-written 
 
 record ? 
 The name and epitaph graved on the stone? 
 The things ho has done, let them tell the 
 
 story. 
 Let each be remembered by what be has done. 
 
 And the next day the ranter, the self-seeker, 
 the preacher of intolerance, after a few years 
 of mischievous disturbance of the public 
 tranquillity, soars high to undeserved public 
 caresses and honours. 
 
 But more or less, whether as political or 
 social Reformers, we have to consider the 
 means of reaching the popular understand- 
 ing. I cannot close these allusions to poli- 
 tical parties without touching briefly the 
 party press. It furnishes the political 
 literature of the masses. .It speaks with 
 the authority of a daily or weekly visitor. 
 The press is the vade mecum alike of the 
 rich and the poor. It is the preacher of 
 the family hearthstone — powerful for good 
 when its influence is regulated, but an' evil 
 genius if it goes astray. Ii should be con- 
 trolled and written by fair men, of great 
 gifts and high culture. It is one of the 
 most powerful, and should be among the 
 most respectable of the public teachers. 
 The party press does not always reach this 
 high standard. iSometimes it is malevolent 
 and false, and panders to the lowest tastes 
 and passions. You see an untruthful pHrH<. 
 
 A 
 
\> 
 
 prBph anrl detect it, perhaps from its tone, 
 perhaps from your own knowledge. But its 
 political slitne may be like mnnna from 
 Heaven to multitudes who, from long habit, 
 hav learned to cherish its teaching as their 
 gospel. One-half your public men are traduced 
 and maligned by it, and one-half your pco- 
 pie believ* them to be villains or thieves. 
 Sometimes it is the organ of public men, 
 and speaks only to exalt them, or it is the 
 enemy of public men, and speaks of them 
 only to accomplish their ruin, yometimcs, 
 aerain, it takes higher gronnd. and aims at a 
 noble career. The higher aims of party arc 
 greatly aided or hindered by the press. It 
 may embitter party strife and create wide- 
 sprejid demoralization ; or, it may ro<iKe 
 men to an exalted sense of dutv, and lead 
 them to works which rank but little lower 
 than the angels. 
 
 Here, as elsewhere, the wheat and the 
 lares grow togetheil; and men should under- 
 stand of the press how beniflcent it may be 
 in usefulness, and how dangerous when 
 dishonestly moved. It is a part of the 
 machinery of party which a healthy and 
 welUingtructed opinion might con- 
 trol as an agency, almost moro than 
 human in the common cause of mankind. 
 There is another agencj' of political propo- 
 gandism, and I suppose you will uceall 
 means to disseminate your views — too little 
 cultivated among us — but a power of per- 
 suasion and instruction — I mean the power 
 of utterance. On the platform and on the 
 stump, facility of public utterance is not 
 less usefully called into requisition than 
 even in Parliament itself. I am not about 
 to lecture you on public speaking, but it is 
 a gift which, as young men, you nhotild 
 practice and cultivate. The people like it ; 
 it pleases, while it instructs them, and 
 nitignetises them as well, and opens tiio 
 heart and quickens the brain of the hearer, 
 till he is prepared to receive from your store- 
 house of information and learning all the 
 rich truths and theories you desire to dis- 
 close and imp-^rt. But you ought to culti- 
 vate a high order of eloquence, not in tone, 
 and gesture, and rhetoric, though these are 
 all good in their way, but in courtesy, and 
 facts, and candour. Your story will be none 
 the worse told if you give your adversaries 
 the fullest ol fair play. 
 
 Your cause will not suflFer if you admit 
 the candour and even usefulness of the men 
 you oppose in politics ; for on one side they 
 have duties to fulfil an sacred and as bind- 
 ing as your own. Tho State plants two 
 parties in the field of politics, whose duties 
 are adverse and whose principles are theo- 
 retically irreconcileable, but their struggles 
 ought not to be personal nor to generate 
 private enmities. It is a shame to see good 
 men, perhaps both to blame, discourteous 
 
 I and inimical, because their public duties 
 i have kept them asunder. Perhaps your 
 I birth may herald the dawn of a wiser and 
 I better era within which politics shall bi^ 
 i shorn of its grosser acerbities, and sociiii 
 : life shall bo independent of political rau- 
 I cour. Model your speeches after these 
 views, and you will be hailed by 
 wise, candid folk, as public benefac- 
 tors, and you will meet your own 
 reward in a hi^'^hcr self-respect and a 
 pleasing consciousness of duty wt-ll p»;i- 
 formed. If you would pardon the school- 
 master, I should say a word to those youiii; 
 men who fear the ordeal of public speak- 
 ing. You say you can't, but have you evci 
 tried ? You lack ctmfidence, but hav<^ yon 
 ever tried to gain it? You can think, but 
 you cannot express your thoughts — how dr» 
 you know ? If you met a stranger at the 
 cross- 1 o ids asking the way, would you not 
 tell him? Would you say, "I know W(|| 
 enough, but I can't explain myself " '.' No 
 you would tell him readily enough, just a.> 
 you can learn to tell anything you may 
 have to say, with a little confidence and 
 practice. Speech is a noble gift, and you 
 may find it a great power when you can unc 
 it. Never speak when you have nothing to 
 say, but never fail to speak when the occa. 
 sion calls you, when you have aught to say 
 which will benefit others, and which they 
 would be glad to hear. True eloquence is 
 a rare gift, and the orator, like the poet, is, 
 despite the authorities, born and not made. 
 But we do not eschew the divim? 
 melodies, because we cannot rival tiit- 
 great musicians, and you and I 
 may consecrate the gift of speech to good 
 works, though we cannot imitate thw 
 Burkes, the Websters, the Gladstones and 
 the Brigkts of the great oratorical arena. 
 
 Democracy was a terrible word in thi^ 
 past, and to multitudes meant only dis- 
 order and license. But it need not alarm n^ 
 in countries y^hose citizens are patrioti-; 
 and intelligent. In modern times it b'. 
 on the whole justified itself where it has 
 been fairly trii d. Political reforms always, 
 tend in its direction, since it only meaur; 
 government by the people. The disciple^ 
 of authority have denounced ita«jRepul>- 
 licanism, but it has practically worked in 
 harmony with monarchial checks and 
 balances. In our day, thanks to the 
 example of free institutions, even Republi- 
 canism is making its way. Of the thre « 
 greatest nations on earth, two are Republich, 
 and a third constitutional monarchy is 
 more democratically governed than even 
 tha other two. Some of our grandfatherh 
 would turn in their graves if they could 
 know this, but the developments of 
 freedom are upsetting many old-time 
 theories. They predicted that Reformeib, 
 
6 
 
 if not restrained, would piecipitHte such 
 rcHtiltK ; but they littif dreamed of the 
 liloHRingK to flow from tlic eveiitn which 
 tnitill theke prcdictiotiM. But we cannot 
 rcKt on our oarH. Wc inuHt advance or 
 rer;cdc. The rightu of the people and the 
 independence of the State are uk eHSRential to 
 liberty now aa they were in the by-gone 
 ycarH, when the ancient enemieH of free 
 government aHHailed them, and the re- 
 actionary forceH are an dangerous among uh 
 to-day, and pant for the mediaeval repreti- 
 sions. When brave men in perilouN time8 
 contend for their libertieK, no labour ih too 
 great, and they are wont to display a 
 raartyr'H love of BuHoring and sacrifice ; 
 but it has happened that their children, 
 while enjoying the anielioratiouH they have 
 won, are indifl'ercnt aH to the means of 
 maintaining them. Our duty is plain, — to 
 emulate their examples and push on their 
 good work — fellow-travellers with them in 
 the great high-way of freedom which 
 Rtretches down the long corridors of 
 history, blending the patiiotism of our 
 own age with the early apostles of the civil 
 liberties we enjoy. 
 
 The history of Democracy, its peril and 
 triumphs, is full of encouragement and 
 instruction. A great writer has said 
 that the popular influence and the corol- 
 lary of intellectual and material progress 
 must be accepted as a natural law ; 
 and not long ago, at Aberdeen, so high an 
 authority as the Right Honorable W. E. 
 Forster, said : — "There is no use mincing 
 the matter ; unless the world goes back, 
 Democracy must go forward. The will ot 
 tiio people muat more and more prevail. 
 We cannot prevent numbers ruling." And 
 he added — "We must only persuade them to 
 rule well." It may be said that in our 
 times and country there is little to fear for 
 popular influence, which may be easily in- 
 structed by the agency of the press and 
 other means of public discussion. True, the 
 franchise is extended, thanks to the great 
 work our reform fathers have done ; but the 
 Hgoncies abound for superseding and 
 misleading it. Demagogues roam up and 
 d(«wn the land to deceive the ignorant, and 
 rich and powerful influences will buy 
 the mercenary and bully the timid voter if 
 the enactments which, after long struggles, 
 the Reformers have secured, be not strictly 
 and rigidly enforced ; and, to a great 
 extent, these growing forces are a 
 new and startling danger. They are the 
 • itTspiing of triide and commerce in a 
 hundred fields, where monopoly controls the 
 masses. If these men were all corrupt, and 
 combined, our case might indeed be hopeless. 
 Buecher says there are four railroads in the 
 United States which, if they acted together, 
 Tvuuld elect the President. In times past in 
 
 our own land we hav« feen a railroad 
 essay to make and unmake QoTcrnments 
 In the States the manufacturers are sup- 
 posed to have contributed for the regulation 
 of the tariff, such vast sums as were difli 
 cult to resist, though it may have been a 
 public duty to resist them. But we may 
 look for better things, and herein lies the 
 safety of our people ; but ihey may be 
 watchful all the same and remember that 
 eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. 
 Teach them to believe that every attempt 
 uniuly to restrain their views is an inter- 
 ference with their personal rights, that 
 their responsibilities of citizenship should 
 elevate them to the level of the high 
 privileges the 8tate bus conferred u|ton 
 them. 
 
 The election laws passed by the Lib- 
 orals are our safeguards, and the cor- 
 rupt subscriber to election funds will have 
 hereafter to disclose the amounts and the 
 motives before the Courts. But a man's 
 heart is half won when you have 
 trusted him, and your conquest should 
 be completed when you have con- 
 vinced him that, in serving the State, he is 
 but serving himself and his household. 
 No doubt there are exceptional natures. 
 Humanity is weak, and Judas was among 
 the Apostles; but in dealing with the 
 people it is politic to exercise faith in them, 
 and there is less necessity to provide for 
 exceptional cases tnan to proclaim 
 general principles which plead for recogni- 
 tion because they are just and fair. Never- 
 theless the air is full of warning that, as 
 the power of Democracy increases, the 
 statesmen of constitutional countries should 
 extend the machinery ot culture and 
 intelligence, to the end that citisens may 
 become widely imbued with devotion to 
 national liberty, ennobled by the loveofGtjd 
 as the great fountain of good, and united 
 by a love of country. We are for weal or 
 woe making history every day, and you and 
 I may bear a humble band in tracing its 
 outlines. We cannot all be Pyms and 
 Elliots, but their successes were due to 
 thousands who followed and sustained 
 them. We, too, may follow if we do not 
 lead, and it will be a crowning glory for our 
 generation if we shall have so laid, broad 
 and deep, the foundation of civil liberty, 
 that our countrymen in all time to come 
 may date the safeguards they enjoy by our 
 teachings. 
 
 I wish we had time to trace the history ot 
 Reform through the weary years of Eu- 
 ropean struggle. In Switzerland, the Nether- 
 lands, in France, in England, everywhere 
 were the same conflicting currents of 
 opinion which, under different names 
 and forms, arouse the controversies of our 
 own age. The happiest illustration ol 
 
the growth and cxcrciHe ot (jonstitutionul 
 liberty ia furnished In the history of En^- 
 hmd. It was not a plant of rapid growth, 
 and at first did not ongafre the attention of 
 the inasHes. How their interest developed 
 and strengthened is a matter of tiistory, 
 which is too long to recite here, but I can- 
 not allude, uvea so cursorily, to such a 
 topic without a reference to the teachings 
 of the great men who in the reign of James, 
 of Charles, and in the time of the Common- 
 weaIth,fought for free rarliamcntaryOovcrn- 
 nient and civil and religious liberty. We 
 need neither justify nor cordemn the actsjof 
 the Kings, or their great Parliamentary 
 antagonists. They represented coiitlicting 
 principles, and, according to the manners of 
 their times, they waged the terrible contest ; 
 but the influence of Parliament, whatever 
 its e.\ce»8cs, was exercised in the aiain for 
 Die defence of public liberty. The great 
 leaders maintained old constitutional 
 doctrines or defined new ones, which have 
 withstood the shocks of time, and are 
 preserved and established as the bulwarks 
 of British freedom. The names of Pym, 
 Hampden, Vane, and their associates, shine 
 resplendent among the statesmen and the 
 patriots of any age or country. They were 
 equal to their great duties in the most 
 trying times of English history, and it was 
 well said by the first of Americau orators 
 that the finest bursts of Parliamentary 
 eloquence were to Ipe found in the discus- 
 sions of those days, even imperfectly as 
 they have been handed down to us What 
 gems even now are preserved ! One might 
 ( uU from these speeches words of wisdom 
 for a book "^of constitutional proverbs such 
 as the world has never seen. "I had rather," 
 said Pym, while imprisoned, "sutler for 
 speaking the truth, than that the truth 
 should suffer for want of my speaking it." 
 Sir John Eliot, while awaiting ttiat long 
 imprisonment which asted bis precious 
 life, was summoned o^fore the Council 
 t-ible to explain a speech he had made in 
 Parliament, and he preached the true 
 doctrine of liberty, in memorable words : — 
 '■Whatsoever was said by him, and in that 
 place, and at that time, was said by h'ni as 
 •A public man, as a member of that House, 
 and that he was and always will be ready 
 to give an account of his sayings and doingK 
 in that place whensoever he shall be called 
 into it by that Hoase where, as he taketh it, 
 it is only to be questioned; and in the 
 meantime being now but a private man, ho 
 would not trouble himself to remember 
 what he had «ither spoken or done in that 
 place as a public man." And, again, as if 
 these men could actunlly forsee some of our 
 public investigations, and the form and 
 manner of them, Pym said at the trial of 
 Strafford, " My Lords, if he cculd be his own 
 
 witness and \m own Judge, i doubt not he 
 would be acquitted.'' Thes ')rief sayings 
 suggest principles which bad been held 
 sacred in British law and Parliamentary 
 usage, until they were questioned and 
 violated by a versatile authority, in thiH 
 country, in a memorable case which, 1 
 presume, has l>een only temporarily forgot- 
 ten. 
 
 The progress of Ueforui has pursued tlin 
 same general lines in all constitutional 
 countries, and, in proportion as it hiis 
 prospered, the people 'ave grown intelli- 
 gent and fro(\ The history of our own 
 Lower Canada, though newer, and reoordinK 
 perhaps less ot the tragic and heroic than 
 that of older Stat';K, is yet fraught with 
 useful lessons and illustrations. 1 can only 
 touch a puinl here and there, though it ha^ 
 been well enacted by the people and well 
 written by various authors. The first. 
 Imperial legislation relating to Lowei 
 Carada, was the Quebec Act of IV 74. It 
 defined the boundaries of the newly acquir- 
 ed jurisdiction, continued the old civil laws, 
 ami proclaimed the English criminal code , 
 granted free exercise of the Roman 
 Catholic religion, and continued to the 
 clergy their accustomed benefices. Prior 
 to this time there had been soraM 
 uneasiness as to which system of laws 
 prevailed — the English claiming that their 
 own laws had been granted them by the 
 King, and the French claiming the domi- 
 nance of their ancient customs and usageti 
 under the authority of capitulations and 
 treaties. This Act was unpopular in Eng- 
 land, and the Corporation of London remon- 
 strated against the Royal assent to the BiP. 
 They complained, if imposed on all the in- 
 habitants, it renderod the persons and pro- 
 perties of loyal subjects insecure and pre- 
 carious. They claimed that the Bill estal>- 
 lishcd the Roman Catholic religion, while, 
 n.n legal provision was made for the free 
 exercise ot the reformed faith ; and that tli«; 
 whole legislative power of the Provinci: 
 ought not to be vested in persons appoirittid 
 by the Crown. 
 
 Even in this early day the desiguation 
 " Dominion " was employed, and writers 
 spoke of poor Canada as a vast wilderness 
 skirting the north side of the St. Lawrenc<^ 
 and the shores of the great lakes. As an 
 incident of the controversies of the day, the 
 Congress of the United States addressed an 
 elaborate appeal to the inhabitants of the 
 Province of Quebec, justifying their appeal 
 to arms against the mother country, and 
 asking for sympathy. They deprecated the 
 thought that ditfcrences of religion could 
 prejudice the Canadian people against them, 
 and they instanced the example of the Swiss 
 Cantons to prove that union might ezibl 
 between Catholic and Protestant 
 
8 
 
 states. The appeal concluded with 
 the prayer that the Almighty 
 might dlBpose these people io joiTi 
 them to put their fate, whenever tliey suf- 
 fered injuries, not on the feeble resistance 
 of a single Province, but on the consoli- 
 dHted pov*?r8 of North America. These 
 were brave words, but it does not appeal 
 that one habitant in a thouswd ever 
 heard of thd address. About this 
 time Wedderbum, the King's Solicitor- 
 General, by His Majesty's order, prepared a 
 report upon the affairs of Lower Canada. 
 The document i^ interesting as indicating 
 the policy of the times. It suggested free 
 institutions, pointed out how an * ssembly 
 chosen by the people was the only repre- 
 sentative body possible. It referred to the 
 4th Article of the Treaty of Paris, which 
 grants the liber*y of the C-\tholic religior 
 to Canada, and provides that the Catholic 
 subject may practice his religion according 
 to the rights ot his church, so far as the law 
 of England would permit, and it agrees 
 that this qualification renders the article it- 
 self of little effect. 
 
 It deals with the Jesuits and maintains 
 tiiat should they be toleiated, they would 
 Koon take ascendancy over the priests ; 
 that the education of the people would fall 
 into their hands, and declares that no meas- 
 lire of credulity could lead one to suppose 
 that they would ever be faithful subjects of 
 England. In 1791, Parliament passed the 
 Constitutional Act. dividing the Provinces 
 of Upper and Lower Canada. Ilr. Pitt iu- 
 troduced the Bill, and expressed the hope 
 that it would settle the competition bt*- 
 tween French and English settlers in the 
 colony : and he expected to accomplish the 
 result by establishing a Local Legislature 
 in each Province. 
 
 Mr. Fox denounced the idea of dividing 
 the English and French inhabitants, and de- 
 clared it most desirable that tbo>y should 
 (coalesce into one body, and that distinc- 
 tion of people should be extineuished for- 
 ever. It is noticeable that in Mr. Pitt's re- 
 ply he fixed the population of Up- 
 per Canada at 10,000, and that 
 of this Province at not more than 100,000, 
 though other authorities doubie the num- 
 i»er. Great exertions were made to pre- 
 vent the passage of this Bill ; and a delegate 
 from the people of Quebec, addressing the 
 House of Commons at the Bar, showed hiN 
 faith in the future of Upper Canada as fol- 
 lows : — " What kind of a government must 
 t lat upper part of be country form ? It 
 will be the very mockery of a P.ionnce. 
 Three or four thousand families scattered 
 over a country some hundred miles in 
 length, not having a single town, with 
 scarcely a village in the whole extent ! Is 
 it Dot making weakness more feeble ?" 
 
 But the resistance was unavailing ; the 
 Provinces were disunited from that time 
 until the Union of 1841, when they became 
 what is now known au Old Canada. 
 
 The first Provincial Parliament met at 
 Quebec on the 17th of September, 1792, 
 ^nd Mr. Panet was choieti Speaker of the 
 Assembly His brother, expressing himself 
 during the debate as to the choice of 
 Speaker, made use of these tolerant 
 words ; — " I will explain my mind on the 
 necessity that the Speaker we a^-e about to 
 choose should speak equally well the two 
 languages. In r^'.ch ought he to address 
 the Governor? Is this an English or a 
 French colony ? What is the language of 
 the Sovereign and the Legislature from 
 whom we hold a Constitution which assem- 
 bles us to-day ? What is the general 
 language of the Empire ? What will that 
 of this whole Province be at a certain 
 epoch ? I am a Canadian, the son of a 
 Frenchman ; my natural tongue is French ; 
 but thanks to this ever-subsisting division 
 since the cession of the country, I have 
 only been able to obtain a little knowledge 
 of English. My testimony will not, there- 
 fore, be questioned : and it is my opinion 
 there is an absolute necessity that the 
 Canadians, in the course of time, should 
 adopt the English language as the only 
 means of dissipating the repugnance and 
 suspicion which difference of language 
 would keep up between two peopie united 
 by circumstances and necessitated to live 
 together." 
 
 It is not clear that the best would have 
 been accomplished, even if time had verified 
 this prophecy. A great deal of discussion 
 ensued as to the language to be employed in 
 the House, and it was resolved to keep the 
 journals in two languages — the one Eng- 
 lish, and the other French ; with a transla- 
 tion of the motions originally made in 
 either language. 
 
 The Public Accounts were first sent down 
 by the Governor to the Assembly in '94. 
 Various matters of discussion and irritation 
 occupied the attention of the Executive 
 and Legislative authorities from time to 
 time. But, finally, in 1810, the Assembly 
 pasiicd a resolution in defence of its own 
 privileges, to the effect that every attempt 
 of the Executive Government and the other 
 branches of the Legislature against that 
 House, whether in dictating or ^ensurinv itK 
 proceedings, or in approving the conduct of 
 one part o.' its members and disapproving 
 the part of others, was a violation of the 
 Constitution, a breach of the privileges of 
 the House, and an attack upon the rights 
 and liberties of the people. This was in 
 1810. The American war nhortly foU 
 lowed, whose influence united all parties 
 in the bond-s of patriotism and defence ; 
 
 t 
 
\. 
 
 i'f 
 
 and for some tiirc Conhtitntional questions 
 were in abeyance. But both parties bejian 
 to comprehend the content which, however 
 honestly, was waged in a ?pirit of restraint 
 and aggression on one side, aad loud 
 demands of wider liberty on the other ; 
 until at length the government of the 
 country seemed impossible, the constitution 
 was suspended, and England, thoroughly 
 aroused to the dangers of the position, sent 
 Lord Durham to inquire into the political 
 diihculties. 
 
 I do not allude tu the unhappy outbreaks 
 of '37 and '38, except to mention them as a 
 consequence of violent constitutional con- 
 troversies, and to admit that, mistakf^n and 
 unpremeditated, as they probably were, on 
 the part of the best men who were learlers 
 i n them, they cleared the air and paved tlie 
 way for the remarkable concessions which 
 followed. ITew indeed of the reforms which 
 tliese men demanded have been refused 
 under the constitution which they won and 
 which we enjoy, and for the moment 
 shutting our eyes to the faults of both sides, 
 we may give them a high place in history 
 HS the fair representative men of conflicting 
 shades of thcght which have more or less 
 made war upon each other in all constitu- 
 tional history. 
 
 "The one has resistca ohange and distrust- 
 ed the people, while the other has indulged 
 a sanguine faith in the possibilities of po- 
 pular rule. The one clings to traditions, 
 and trusts nothing to change but in 
 compromise ; the other is restless and ambi- 
 tious to achieve liberty and maintain it. 
 Each, in its proper bounds, may fulfil a use- 
 ful part in government. But it may be 
 permitted young Liboials to ask, with just 
 pride in the cause they have espoused, if the 
 policy of the reactionists had prevailed, 
 where would have been the blessings 
 we now enjoy under the beneficent iuflu- 
 tirico of progressive and popular views ? 
 The battle thus fought and won by a past 
 generation rang with thrilling incidents 
 and conflicts akin to those of older times 
 and countries. The principle of popular 
 g6vernment once established, war was 
 waged upon undue monopoly and privilege 
 all along the line. It was still the old bat- 
 tle — the Reformers striving to extend the 
 domain of popular rights, and the Tories to 
 maintain the statu quo. Decentralization of 
 influence was demanded on the one hand) 
 and centralization of authority on the 
 other. Nobody now denies that the rule of 
 the majority has multiplied wealth and 
 intelligent self-reliance among the people, 
 and generally has realized the hopes of the 
 Reform pioneers ; and here, as elsewhere, 
 you will And, in estimating the claims of 
 parties, that the Tories have not initiated 
 (igitations calculated to enlarge the scope of 
 
 popular rights or c< nt ol the exercise of un- 
 restricted authority ; while to the Reform- 
 ers is due, so far as I remember, the credit 
 either in initiation or execution of all the 
 great measures for these ends. 
 
 The Confederation of the Provinces mny 
 be cited in dissent, because Doth "parties 
 coalesced at that time, but it is doubtful 
 whether its eager promoters studied all con- 
 ditions which might have wade the union 
 more satisfactory, and, perhaps, even more 
 permanent. They did not consult tin; 
 wishes ot the people by my means known 
 to the Constitution ; they restored the old 
 nominative system to the Se?;ond Chamber, 
 against which at least old Canada burl 
 formerly declared ; they did not so proviHf 
 for such a union as would diminish Hk; 
 general expenses of Government, and th.i 
 scheme" has led to ditticulty and extravH- 
 gance. which I thought then, as I still believe, 
 more careful consideration at the outset 
 might have avoided. I pass over, 
 without comment, the facts thni 
 the scheme was pressed upon our 
 noliticians by the Imperial authorities iu 
 troublous times as part of a grand plan 
 of national defence, towards the expenses (>{ 
 which, however, they did not materially con- 
 tribute ; tba^, in this sense, it was the off- 
 spring of Imperial difliculties which had 
 grown out of the Amerir<in war, and was ad- 
 vocated in Ent;land on far different grounds 
 from those which were put before the people 
 of this country ; and, iinally, that it was 
 made the occasion of disturbing a proposed 
 union, not tederatior, of the Lower Pro- 
 vinces, which, if it had been consumrnatod, 
 would have brought them into the 
 general confederation later as a 
 single province with a saving of vast ex- 
 pense and sectionalism which the actual 
 system entails. 
 
 It is startling to contemplate the real 
 paternity of this great scheme. A con- 
 ference was called by the Governor-General 
 of Canada, at Quebec, consisting, so far as 
 Canada was concerned, wholly of Ministers 
 of the Crown, and, from other provinces, of 
 men named by the respective Governments, 
 and those men, to use the caustic words of 
 au able pamphleteer of the time, in about 
 fourteen days of actual work, turned out a 
 constitution which was for all time to 
 govern the free people of half our continent. 
 Moreover, the deliberations were secret , 
 and the adoption of this s<'heme involvttd 
 the startling condition that the Legislatnn- 
 should commit suicide by destroying its 
 own powers and that its constituents siiould 
 have no voice in the matter! Wautinii 
 sympathy, common interests, and a know- 
 ledge of each other, the Proviivn.s w<m»', 
 yoked together by superior force to work 
 out a great destiny, which they neither ( oru- 
 
10 
 
 prebended nor cared for. As the result of 
 such a policy embairassments were 8i<re to 
 follow, and only a miracle guch as gave the 
 Israelites dry land across the sea could 
 have prevented them. The Reformers who 
 contributed to it have cause to regret the 
 manner of its adoption when, to this day, 
 powerful majorities push through objection- 
 able schemes which should be submitted 
 to the people, but whose provisions have, 
 up to the last moment, been carefully con- 
 cealed from them — relying for a pre- 
 cedent upon the action of the 
 Confederation coalition. There was 
 hiithing new in the general featuies of the 
 si'hemo. A confederation of the Provinces, 
 federal or legislative, had been advocated 
 before by theorists, but were never submit- 
 ted to the people, and had been condemned 
 down tc the moment of its adoption- by its 
 leading promoters. Amidst some dangers it 
 now bids fair ; and it is the interests of all the 
 Provinces to maintain it ; but, beyond the 
 party convenience of its sponsors, there was 
 no necessity for indecent haste, and time 
 and consideration might have provided 
 against dangerous elements of discord 
 wiitch have worked, and may do so here- 
 after, many embarassments. As a matter of 
 history I believe that when the Confedera- 
 tion Act was before the British Parliament, 
 our delegates who swaimed there, were told 
 frankly by British statesmen that the 
 scheme was the beginning of an end — the 
 complete independence of the then proposed 
 Dominion. Of course the communication 
 was confidential, but it leaked out 
 indirectly. I made this statement in Par- 
 liament years ago, in the presence of nearly 
 all who had been delegates. '6o\ne of them 
 greeted me with assenting "hear, hears," 
 iitid others remained significantly silent. 
 
 There has been, doubtless, reaijtion in 
 England. The American questions have been 
 settled by the Washington Treaty. A de- 
 cade of tranquility, for the present, at least, 
 has removed all sucb pressure. But it was 
 a strange position for loyal men, profes- 
 sedly representing the people of the country, 
 to tamper with questions which might thus 
 alTeot even their allegiance. I opposed 
 Confederation for reasons which may have 
 been right or wrong, but which convinced 
 many better men than myself; but I was 
 loyal to it as any man when it was accom- 
 plished. I have seen some of my fears dis- 
 pelled, and have to hope that others may, 
 ib<'Ough wise administration, not be real- 
 ized i but there seems no barm, in discuss- 
 i ug the quesuioD, to take a peep behind the 
 scenes at the forces that move us. 
 
 It promised, however, many blessings to 
 many people, which it hM not conferred. 
 To England, to the Lower Provinces, to ail 
 the world, it promised reduction uf tariffs, and 
 
 assimilation towards Free-Trade. It sent out 
 in the early days to Brazil and the British 
 and Spanish West Indies, a commission 
 which was to pave the way for the culti v^h- 
 tion of commercial relations between us 
 and those countries. Brazil is a country 
 larger than the United States, larger than 
 Europe, with a revenue and expenditure 
 mu'^h larger than ours, having an impor- 
 tant trade, and whose '^eople were to con- 
 sume our products and send us their own in 
 excb&nge. But when the Commissioners 
 returned and reported these good tbingS; 
 the Government, by their very first tariff, 
 upsAt their labours and slammed the door 
 in the face of all arrangements. Then to 
 be fuivuer inconsistent with their profes- 
 sions, then and now, they sent Sir 
 John Kose to Washington to negotiate a 
 Reciprocity Treaty, which he did sucoess- 
 fuily enough with the Washington Govern- 
 ment as to the preliminary draft. General 
 Grant and Mr. Fish were anxious to aid 
 hira, but Congress refused concurrence. 
 But in these days you will be surprised to 
 hear that these soi-disant friends of the man- 
 ufacturers had agreed to a treaty 
 which admitted reciprocity in man- 
 ufactured goods. I charged them 
 with this in the House at the time, 
 tr show the insincerity of their professions 
 that they were indisposed to discriminate 
 against British goods. There was 
 a faint attempt at denial, but I knew 
 whereof I affirm ^d, for I had read the pro- 
 posed Treaty. And these gentlemen, alter a 
 few years' expulsion from office, returned to 
 power, premising a tariff in the interest of 
 Canadian Protectionists which should dis- 
 criminate against England, and the special 
 organ of the Prime Minister told us, if 
 England does not like it, so much the worse 
 for England ! 
 
 There is no doubt that countries bound 
 by a common allegiance should have 
 common interests, and it seems unnatural 
 that wc should expect the benefits of 
 protection from the Empire while we 
 engage in conimcroiul alliances hostile to 
 her interestu, and our necessities point in 
 the direction of commereial hostilitieh. 
 The time-worn phrase, " Ships, colonies 
 and commerce," is losing its force. Men 
 may be loyal in a political sense, even to 
 the extent of shining by reflected light ; 
 but * commerce has no sentiment ; sbfi 
 buys in the cheapest and sells in the 
 dearest market. We should all resist a 
 British policy which compelled us to buy 
 British goods. We might admit the 
 plausibility, but should resist its applica- 
 tion. The English people may be rentive, 
 but the position is critical, and the English 
 Government understand it. The Recipro- 
 city Treaty discriminated a^^aiust British 
 
11 
 
 goou<< in a sense, and in favour of 
 foreigL producers. Our (JommiKsioners 
 went ont to Brazil accredited by 
 liie British Government ; not limited 
 in their instructions beyond a bint 
 nut to violate the favoured nation 
 clause of foreign treaties. In Sir John 
 Hose's time, Sir John Macdonald proposed to 
 discriminate against British goods by cou- 
 ijentiug to reciprocity in manufactures. In 
 lute past years, when Colonial subjects were 
 more discussed in England than they are 
 now-a-days, the Times declared that Eng- 
 land would not interpose objections to any 
 trade intercourse Canada might undertake ; 
 and there is, on the whole, reason to think 
 that, delicate as the question is, a satisfac- 
 tory solution is not impossible. The 
 House of Commons discussed it at great 
 length ten years ago, and a large number uf 
 members would have voted then for <i 
 CuMtoms'Union with the United States. 
 
 On a division, i»fter the same debate, the 
 entire Opposition voted for, and tlie 
 Conservatives •ppoped, a proposition to ask 
 from the Imperial Government for a con- 
 cession of the right to Canada of entering, 
 through her own agents, into negotiations 
 with foreign powers as to commercial trea- 
 ties. The GonsMvatives opposed it bit- 
 terly at the time. The Imperial authorities 
 have since conceded something in that 
 direction. Sir John Macdonald, as 
 representing Canada, was a Joint High 
 Commissioner at the time of the 
 framing of the Washington Treaty, 
 and the late lamented George Brown occu- 
 pied a corresponding position in the late 
 fruitless negotiations for a Reciprocity 
 Treaty. Circumstances have changed since 
 that debate, and a Customs' Union is 
 not a practical but a theoretical 
 question. Neither country is yet 
 prepared to accept it. But, as will be seen, 
 the arguments against it, on the ground 
 of British objections, are weakening year by 
 year. A popular fear that it would result 
 ia oolitical absorption will likely be dis- 
 pelled by time. The laws of gravitation do 
 not apply to nations. We may trade with- 
 out selling ourselves. The flourishing ten 
 yer.rs of the Reciprocity Treaty did nothing 
 to Americanize our people. A Governor of 
 Canada once refused a grant to build a road 
 to the frontier, lest American influence 
 Khonld travel over it. Times change. Many 
 peoplo thought him wise then, but nobody 
 thinks so now. Our people, are iu constant 
 communication with the Americans by 
 railroads and general commerce, and they 
 would be better satisfied if they traded 
 more. We never refuse intercourse with a 
 man because we are not big enough to 
 ihrash him, especially if he is of our 
 kindred — our flesh andonr blood. We may 
 
 feel profound good>will towards men whom 
 we would not entertain as partners. 
 
 The speaker said that this fear of absorp. 
 tion by our Southern neighb9urs had, in 
 some quarters, been a kind of intermittent 
 epidemic since the days of the Conquest. 
 If anybody proposed a policy to which 
 these people demurred, they argued that it 
 meant annexation, and that its promoters 
 were disloyal. This stereotyped bid tor 
 popular dissent was based upon a knowl- 
 edge that general public opinion was an- 
 tagonistic to any such change. In 
 this way the speaker himself lia<i 
 been often falsely denounced as an annex- 
 ationist. The people of this country wein 
 right in desiring to maintain their libertiis 
 and their autonomy. Apart from commeiciHl 
 questions, they had nothing to gain by a 
 union with the United States. Tliey wnc 
 younger, indeed, but the road to prosperity 
 was as open to them as it had been to 
 their neighbours. It was wiser for 
 both parties to work out, each in 
 its own sphere, the constitutional problem. 
 Canada, indeed, had her own burdens, but 
 she was exempt from many disturbing agita- 
 tions, in which union with her elder sister 
 would involve her. While, as for tlie 
 States, greed of t«rritory was understood by 
 her best men to be vicious and dangerous. 
 To absorb Canada would be to whet her appe- 
 tite for further aggregations. Mexico would 
 follow next, and all the mongrel Spanish- 
 American States. The already over-weight- 
 ed spirit of the Thirteen Colonies which 
 achieved her independence would be en- 
 dangered in the maelstrom of ignorance, 
 passion and prejudice thus imposed upon 
 her administration. 
 
 Providence had given the two peopleit 
 verge and scope enough for the most lolly 
 political ambitions. As to prosperity and 
 power, we, of course, fell far behind fifty 
 millions of people who were a huuUred 
 years our seniors. 
 
 But we were far ahead of tbc union of a 
 century ago, and were stridiug towards 
 wealth and greatness. Our dangcri* 
 were chiefly those of administratiun, 
 and even if our growth was slower, 
 it might be more secure. We often 
 lamented that the great stream of 
 European immigration should be bu largely 
 diverted from our shores. But nations were 
 nut born in a day ; and history might yut 
 record of us, that the reason we hiid bet- n 
 able longer than our neighbours to preserve 
 our liberties, was to be found in the fact 
 that our populations had not been ovei- 
 whulmed by avalanches from foreign shores ; 
 but had been able by their superior num- 
 bers and opportunities to absorb the new 
 comers and mould them into our citiKcnshio 
 and an intelligent adl)crcmce to our vievv« 
 
12 
 
 No douht, as tlie country prowg, tho present 
 Colonial state would be found too restrict- 
 ed for convenience. The great problem 
 which would, sooner or later, demand solu- 
 tion was simple enough to state and diffi- 
 cult enough to solve. Full ot pride in the 
 traditions and the glories of the Empire, 
 we yet are not participators on equal terms 
 with the English pssople ; and some day our 
 Htatesmen will have to answer, How they 
 are to secure for the people of this Dominion 
 M relation to the Empire which shall make 
 them in all things the equals of the Im- 
 perial Islanders themselves ? 
 
 Some speak of independence, but that 
 severs the connection, and the question is 
 not pressed now, since the settlement of 
 the Imperial troubles with America by the 
 embarrassment of ten years ago. Others 
 recommend us a federation of the Empire, 
 which was at least full of patriotic plausibili- 
 ties. It meant representation for the colo- 
 nies in the Imperial Parliament, and perhaps 
 it meant, for the Irish, the restoration of ^ 
 Parliament on College Green. It might 
 settle old difficulties and it might create 
 new ones. It embraced questions of 
 geography, homogeneity, representation, 
 defence more vast and diversified than 
 have ever yet engaged the human 
 understanding. It was a great ques- 
 tion to be discussed, for which there 
 was no time then, but the speaker com- 
 mended it to the study of his hearers. He 
 hoped it would never come upon 
 us as our own Confederation 
 had done, cut and dried to meet temporpry 
 party exigencies. Public opinion should be 
 thorotiehly instructed about the whole sub- 
 ject before action was proposed, and he com- 
 mended all those topics to the careful study 
 of his young hearers. In recent years, in 
 Lower Canada, the question of religion had 
 o( cupied a good deal too much attention in 
 political discussions. Speaking from mem- 
 mory, he might quote an incident in tho 
 life of Daniel O'Connell. A Catholic peer, he 
 IhoTight Lord Norfolk, had been con- 
 stantly aunoying O'Connell by letters 
 nnd speeches intended to affect the 
 Irish Cathol'c people. The Tory peer found 
 O'Connell's teachings dangerous to the 
 Cathblic faith, and was very garrulous in 
 saving go. O'Connell, replying, said in 
 effect: " My Lord, I love the Jesuits ; I re- 
 gard them as the standard bearers of edti- 
 cation and civilization. One of 
 these holy fathers once wrote : ' The 
 mwo who crowds religion into political vlis- 
 pussion is a fool, or woioe.' The Jesuit who 
 panned this reni'ik, my Lord, meant 
 ni»tliing personal, neither do I." 
 
 Th J doctrine of the Liberal Party was 
 thai all religious denominations were equal : 
 Ijefore the law. This principle secured j 
 
 Catholic emancipatien and ample protec- 
 tion to all relitriois creeds. It had been 
 popular here to represent thnt Liberals 
 should be opposed as irreligious by men 
 who enjoyed the fruits ot Liberal labours. 
 So far as the speaker might represent 
 the views of the I^iberal Party, 
 it maintained religious liberty for all. 
 But it also maintained that like all 
 countries — Catholic or Protestant — even 
 Spain and Portugal — every country with a 
 pretence to civilization, the State ' must 
 protect, and have the means ofguardint; 
 itself against any invasions of the consti- 
 tutional rights of the people. The 
 Liberals have been in power here, and 
 have shown no disposition to restrain the 
 widest religious liberty, and they would 
 never, while the speaker supported them, 
 diverge from their tradition, nor truckle to 
 one creed at the expense of any other. 
 These doctrines had lately been af- 
 firmed by all the Courts and the highest ec- 
 clesiastical authorities. 
 
 Alluding to the curient local contro- 
 versies of party, which the speaker c'e- 
 rlared it had been his intention to 
 avoid, he desired his young hearers to 
 study them carefully. The tarff, whicti 
 was a great question ot commer- 
 cial and political economy — the Pacific 
 Railway which involved vast interests, and 
 was testing the engineering, financial and 
 administrative skill of the country — had 
 been abundantly discussed in Parliament, 
 whose debates were easily accessible to all. 
 A study of these, he did not doubt, would 
 lead his hearers to conclusions favourable 
 to his party. It was difficult now to tell 
 what would be the full fruition of 
 the zeal, the learning and the ability 
 of the Reform lenders as displayed 
 in those debates, but it was not too much 
 to believe that the great. Western Conner - 
 tion which the Government had abandoned, 
 and which the Syndicate, with a commend- 
 able liberality and foresight, had detei- 
 mined lately to build nevertheless — the 
 Sanlt St. Marie road — had been saved or 
 secured to us by the untiring efforts of Her 
 Majesty's Loyal Opposition at the last ses- 
 sion. 
 
 Mr. Hu.NTiNCrTON, continuing, said : — My 
 address has been too long, too cur- 
 sory, and too superficial. It might fill a 
 book instead of a lecture. I have aped 
 neither the philosopher, the historian nor 
 the politician ; but I have sought to delve 
 among the treasures, plucking here a 
 flower, and there a tossil or a 
 gem, as the mood seized mp, 
 or as my theme suggested; and I shall 
 not have spoken in vain if I have quickened 
 in a single heart a love of rational liberty. 
 I see before me men of all creeds and na-. 
 
13 
 
 tionalities. I have sought to show yon how 
 to merge your diflerences into a common 
 • itizenship at once tolerant towards others, 
 iind intelligent as to your own views. 
 
 Liberty knows no barriers, and is the 
 common heritage of freemen. Under 
 )ier aegis religion walks hand in hand 
 with popular rights. She demands our 
 fi^alty. We are as responsible to- 
 night in our duties to her, as were the 
 people of by-gone times in their historical 
 trials. We are citizens of a young, free 
 State, with some achievements and vast pos- 
 sibilities ; but freedom has scarcely experi- 
 enced a vicissitude in history which might 
 not befall her here. As to our internal life, 
 we are, perhaps, the freest people in the 
 world to-day, but we have the ele- 
 ments which have destroyed older countries 
 by creating experiences and arousing con- 
 troversies which might be pushed to danger- 
 ous limits among us. We have enough ot 
 demagogues, if the field were open, to set 
 the world by the ears ; and our only safety 
 lies in the prudence, the tolerance, and the 
 patriotism of our people. We have entered 
 upon a grand national experiment, and 
 the result, under God, depends on ourselves. 
 We claim to be owners of half a continent, 
 and we administer the best parliamentary 
 system the.world has ever seen. Canada 
 is a favourite Dominion and ally of the 
 greatest and tne freest of people. But 
 we are only safe if we appreciate freedom 
 and resist its enemies Now sectional jeal- 
 ousies, and anon national and religious dif- 
 
 ferences disturb our mixedjJpopulutionB and 
 multiply dangers to the State. 
 
 We are descended from the nations fore- 
 most in the graces of culture, the ecioiice 
 of government and the spread of 
 liberty throughout the wodd. Lt^t 
 us be worthy of our traditions. 
 So may we divide with constitutiouiil 
 countries the honours which belong to the 
 historical apostles of liberty^ and better still, 
 may attach to Canada the lustre of noltlt^ 
 service to the cause ; and ensure for her 
 the blessings of a permanent and constitii- 
 tional life, at once the mission and triuin|»h 
 of popular governm«nt. 
 
 At the conci usion of the able address,w hicii 
 was loudly applauded, and listened to with 
 the deepest attention throughout, Mr. Ed. 
 Holton, M.P., roseand moved a vote of thanks 
 to the hon. gentleman. This war. seconded lt\' 
 Hon. Mr. Mercier,who remarked that he felt 
 it an honour and a pleasure to be again with 
 the young men of the Reform Club, and 
 to be able to listen with them to the elo- 
 quent words of wisdom and advice whioli 
 had fallen from the lips of the Hon. Mr. 
 Huntingtoii. He was with them in every- 
 thing for the good of the people, and he 
 trusted they would work hard and incul- 
 cate the grand principle of being Canadians 
 above everything. He had much pleasure 
 in seconding the vote of thanks. This ha v. 
 ing been conveyed to Hon. Mr. Hunting- 
 ton amidst great cheering, the meeting im- 
 mediately afterwards broke up. 
 
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